Skip to main content

Full text of "Shakespeare's Europe; unpublished chapters of Fynes Moryson's Itinerary, being a survey of the condition of Europe at the end of the 16th century; with an introd. and an account of Fynes Moryson's career by Charles Hughes"

See other formats


$>ar-millHn 3 Jfrnniw. 



Printed by permission of the President and Fellows 

of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, owners 

of the MS. 






Being a Survey of the Condition of Europe at 
the end of the i6th Century 

With an Introduction and an Account of 
Fynes Moryson's Career 



B.A. (London). 






ttbese Writings of 


Row for tbe first time printeo 

ano completing bis Jttnerars publtsbeb in 1617 

are oebtcateo by 


H>arn Hgent, of flDancbester 

bis olo frienb ano teacber 


dDaster of peterbouse, Cambribge 
[of wbicb College tbe 0at> fvnee /borsson wae a fellow] 

anB fotmerlB 
principal of wens College, flDancbester 

[of wbicb College tbe said Charles tmgbes is an associate] 

jfebruar}?, 1903 

Facsimile somewhat reduced of a page of the MS. from 
which this volume is printed No. 94, C.C.C., Oxford The 
Italian quotations are in Moryson's Roman hand. See 
pages 401-402. 

'$+*+' x \*~J&&- V*^e- ' *it. 3b ' c ? X>* 

1 /|B -* , .*' if' '& 

-A ' _ rT 1 * ..jk-i ^ f . ^ fc^. ^<in J ^L^A. " i ftar^_. 

. i.' *>* <SMMK^UM f 


* * ~ ? *.<" x^r 


X J l-^^U /. ^'-^9 jj&t>-rf&~* *' W " 
it.,^ Ctar, jyai^ jtvtf^r /Jr~*j <*! 

,. . 

^ **(#--, 04~7 



i yS *. . 


^*** '^/^ 

xT/ > 

fiKr*y ^v>f- 




y&^&fyk fk+***~ ^> 

a. Vn^&**^ *"^ ***^ 



f ^'t*-* ->Zz <*yt*t4 ,^f*6 /<>*' "*-, ami t^^^TA^j 
t &*. i^vruW/, ^uc't'tf-. ^uon' *<M'***^ -4- &*> 

^r ^>.^^ * ? '^ J;> ^-^^1^"' 

v^oSsS^ib^^^^^- *^**-,T^, ^.w.^yjf^ /2t_ 
fo W^ la^^^-y &, gf A 1, <Sr^ V vW^ 6f'H^< //- ^ &*&. 

\* l^^&i/^^a^^Jy v^J*^ vu -Pg*^^. ltuA ^ 


FYKES MOHYSON was born in 1566, two years after the birth of 
Shakespeare. He was the third son of Thomas Moryson, of 
Cadeby, Lincolnshire, who held the lucrative office of Clerk of 
the Pipe, 1 and was M.P. for Great Grimsby in the Parliaments of 
1572, 1584, 1586, 1588-9. Thomas Moryson's father was George 
Moryson, of Waltham, Lincolnshire, who is said, in the 
Visitation of Lincolnshire, 1592, 2 to be "descended out 
of Northumberland." The Morysons 3 were not therefore an 
old Lincolnshire family, but Thomas Moryson's marriage 
connected them with the oldest and best families of the county. 
Fynes Moryson's mother was the daughter and one of the 
co-heirs of Thomas Moyne (or Moigne) by Bridget, daughter 
of Sir William Hansard, of North Kelsey. This Thomas 
Moigne, whose family had been among the gentry of Lincoln- 
shire from the 13th century, took an important part in the 
rising at the time of the Pilgrimage of Grace. He was tried 
by Sir William Parr, at Lincoln, in 1537, with the Abbot of 
Kirksted and others, and the Lincoln jury sympathised with 
the prisoners. Moigne spoke in his own defence for three 
hours so skilfully that " but for the diligence of the King's 
serjeant" he and all the rest would have been acquitted. 
" Ultimately the Crown secured their verdict. The Abbot, 
Moigne, and another were hanged on the following day at 

1. The Pipe Hull was the register of the ancient revenues of the Crown, 
so that Thomas Moryson's office was probably equivalent to Chief Registrar of 
the Land Tax. The persons connected with this office must have hail ample 
opportunities, mote or less legitimate, of enriching themselves, and Thomas 
Moryson became very wealthy. 

2. The Visitation of Lincolnshire, 1592, edited by W. C. Metcalfe. London : 
Geo. Bell & Son, 1882. Taken from Had. MS., 1550. 

3. I have not found any connection of this family with Sir Richard 
Moryson (or Morisson) the Ambassador of Henry VIII. He commenced the 
building of Cassiobury House, near Watford, which has descended (by the 
marriage of a Moryson heiress to Arthur, Lord Capel) to the present Earl of 


Lincoln, and four others a day or two later at Louth and 
Horncastle." l The Moigne family seems never to have quite 
recovered from this blow. 

Thomas Moryson's eldest son, Edward, married Elizabeth, 
daughter of Robert Wingfield, of Upton, co. Northampton, 
Esquire. The second son, Thomas, seems to have married 
well, as he is described in the Visitation of 1592 as 
" of Sandon, co. Herts, married Ellen, daughter of Edward 
Powlter, of Hertford." The third and fourth sons, 
Fynes 2 and Henry, were sent to Cambridge; and the 
youngest son, Richard, went into the army. Fynes Moryson, 
being a student of Peterhouse, took his Bachelor's Degree at the 
age of 18 about the time when Shakespeare first arrived 
in London and afterwards was chosen Fellow of that 
College. 3 The actual entry in the books of Peterhouse shows 
that he took the usual oath on March 13th, 1586, or, as we 
should say 1587, for in England at that time the new year 
commenced on March 25th. 4 He was expecting to be made 
Master of Arts, when he had a dream of his mother's death. 
" My brother Henry lying with me early in the morning, I 
dreamed that my mother passed by with a sad countenance, and 

1. Fronde's History with reference to Sir William Parr's letters to the King 
and Council. Thomas Moigne's widow married Vincent Grantham. 

2. Otherwise Fines, Fiennes, and (Latinized) Fyneus. He was, no doubt, 
called after Edward Fiennes de Clinton, Lord Clinton and Saye, who was 
Lord Lieutenant of Lincolnshire at the time of Moryson's birth. This noble- 
man was created Earl of Lincoln in 1572, and was Lord High Admiral of 
England. He is said to have been a great tyrant among the gentlemen of 
Lincolnshire, but the Dymokes of Scrivelsby disputed his pre-eminence. 

3. Itinerary, Pt. I., Page 1. The references to the Itinerary are to the 
Folio of 1617. 

4. The entry is as follows as supplied by Dr. T. A. Walker through the 
Master of Peterhouse : Anno Domini millesimo quingentessimo octuagessimo 
sexto decimo tertio Marti, Fyneus Moryson loco Thomae Dixy a venerabilibus 
viris Johano Bell in theologia et Ricliu Bridgwater in jure civili Doctoribus et 
spiritualitatis Eliens' sede vacante custod' delegat' in perpetuum socius hujus 
Collegii sancti Petri admissus fuit ; et eodem die ejusdem anni coram sociis 
dicti Collegii personaliter constitutus juramentum corporaliter pnestitit quod 
singulis ordination libus et statutis dicti Collegii quantum in ipso est reverenter 
obediret et specialiter praeter hoc de 11011 appellando contra amotionem suam 
secundum modum et formam statutorum pnedictorum, et de salvando cistam 
magistrorum Thomae de Castro Bernard! et Johannis Holbroke quantum in 
ipso est indemnem. 

per me Fyneu M orison Lincoln iensem. 


told me that shee could not come to my commencement ; I being 
within five months to proceed Master of Arts and shee having 
promised at that time to come to Cambridge : And when I 
related this dreame to my brother, both of us awaking together 
in a sweat, he protested to me that he had dreamed the very 
same, and when we had not the least knowledge of our mother's 
sickenesse neither in our youthfull affections were any whit 
affected with the strangenesse of this dreame, yet the next Carrier 
brought us word of our mothers death." 1 Morysonhad for some 
years had an ambition to be a traveller, and the statutes of Peter- 
house permitted two of the Fellows to travel. 2 His parents had 
given their consent, and he deliberately prepared himself for the 
task of surveying the different countries of Europe. Many 
young Englishmen of good family had a craving for travel, and 
it was especially their custom to visit the Italian Universities. 3 
Moryson, however, seems from the first to have had special aims, 
and to have resolved to write an account of Europe, to make, in 
fact, a sociological survey of the civilised world of his time. 
Before he went abroad he was admitted to an ad eundem M.A. 
degree at Oxford. 4 This was an honour frequently given to 
graduates of Cambridge, Leyden, and other Universities. 
There is little doubt that his reason for desiring an 

1. Itinerary, Pt. I. , Page 19. 

2. The Peterhouse records have a memorandum of a grant on August 3rd, 
1590, to Fynes Moryson of " leave to discontinue," by request of Ins Grace 
of Canterbury, (Queen Elizabeth'*) "little black husband," Whitgift, a 
Lincolnshire man, born at Grimsby) ; the term was for live years from the 
Feast of All Saints' next ensuing. The records also shew entries on August 
3rd, 1590, June 17, 1594, and Oct. 27, 1595, giving Fynes Moryson extra leave 
to travel beyond the seas. 

3. For example, George Cranmer and Edwin Sandys, the friends and pupils 
of Richard Hooker, spent three years travelling and studying in France, 
Germany, and Italy. 

4. According to Wood's Athenae, Moryson was "incorporated" M.A. on 
March 22, 1590 (this is probably a mistake for 1591). In the same year five 
other Cambridge men were incorporated M.A., and Saravia (afterwards the dear 
friend of Richard Hooker, and a graduate of Leyden) was "incorporated" as 
D.D. In no case is there mention of any of these persons being attached 
to an Oxford College the conferring of ad eundem degrees being apparently a 
purely University function. I have consulted the volumes of the Oxford 
Historical Society, which contain, as Mr. Madan of the Bodleian informs me, 
all that is known on this subject. The Peterhouse records, however, mention a 
special allowance made to Fynes Moryson so long as he was on the buttery- 
books of an Oxford College. 


Oxford degree was that the fame of Oxford in other countries 
was greater than that of Cambridge. 

During his absence abroad he left a power of attorney 
with his relative Thomas Moigue, also a Fellow of Peterhouse, 
to receive all money due to him from that college. Thomas 
Moigne was the son of Moryson's mother's cousin, Francis 
Moigne, who left his children under the guardianship of Mory- 
son's father. 

I have prepared the following Abstract of Moryson's journeys 

abroad, and have printed in small capitals the places where he 
made a long stay. 


1591. May 1st, Sailed from mouth of Thames, passing 
Heligoland to Stode (Stade), then by land to Hamburg, 
Liibeck, Luneburg, back to Hamburg, and thence by Magde- 
burg to Leipzig. 

WITTEBERG (Wittenberg). " Lived there the rest of the 
summer," to Friburg (Freiburg), Misen (Meissen), Dresden, 
back to 

LEIPZIG. " Stayed all winter." 

1592. Early spring, by Dresden to Prage (Prague). 
PRAGUE. Stayed two months; 6 days' journey to 

Niirnberg, then by Augsburg, Ulm, Lindau, Schaft'hausen, 
Zurich, Baden, to Bazill (Bale), Strassburg and Heidelberg. 

HEIDELBERG. " Lived there the rest of the summer." 
While there visited Spires and Worms. On leaving went by 
Frankfurt, Cassel, Brunswick, Luneburg, Hamburg to Stade, 
Oct. 1st., and travelling in disguise of a servant 1 arrived, 
Oct. 21st, at Emden, thence to Dockam (Dokkum), Lewerdan 
(Leeuwarden), Froniken, Harlingen, and over the Zuider Zee 
to Amsterdam. After visiting Haarlem settled in 

LEYDEN for the winter. 

1. He was passing through a country infested by Spanish troops of the 
worst type. 


[The year of the publication of Shakespeare's 
" Venus and Adonis "]. In the spring made a tour through 
the States ; " Delph," " Sluse," Brill (in English occupation), 
" Roterodam," Dort, to " Count Maurice his camp," besieg- 
ing Gertruydenberg. Then to Middleberg, Bergen-op-Zoom, 
Vlishing (Flushing), and by Rotterdam, Delft, and the Hague 
back to Leyden. 

JTTNE. To Utrecht and Amsterdam. 

JULY. By land to Emden, then to Stade, Hamburg and 
Liibeck. Sailed to Denmark, " Coppenhagen," " Roschild," 
and Elsinore. 

Aug. 26th. Sailed from Elsinore to " Dantzk," landing at 
Melvin (Elbing). 

Sept. 9th. (old style). Coach to Cracow. From here on 
horseback through Vienna into Italy, and arrived end of 

PADUA. Stayed the winter in Padua and VENICE. 
1594- [The year of the publication of Shakespeare's 
" Lucrece "]. Feb. 3rd (new style). Ferrara, Bologna, Imola, 
Ravenna, Rimini, Pesaro, Ancona, Loreto, Spoleto. 

March 12th. Rome, whence he immediately set out for 
Naples by Velletri, Ferrocina, Nola, and Capua. Travelled 
about Naples and Baiae for a few days, returned to Rome. 
" Did " the sights of Rome in four days, and departed the 
Tuesday before Easter, reaching Sienna on Friday. 1 

Spent the summer " in the state of FLORENCE, chiefly at 
San Casciano, visiting Pisa and Leghorn, and again Sienna. 

Nov. 18th. Sienna to Lucca and Pisa, Carrara, Lirigi, 
sailed to Genoa, then to Pavia and Milan, Cremona, Mantua. 2 

PADUA. Arrived Dec. 14th (new style) ; visits to Arqua, etc. 

*59S Left 3rd March (new style). Vicenza, Verona, 
Peschiera, Brescia, Bergamo, and over to Chur, Zurich, Solo- 

1. On looking up Easter, 1594, in "L'Art de verifier les dates," I find it 
quite impossible to make all the dates given by Moryson harmonize with one 

2. Here Moryson saw the Duke of Mantua who, in his youth, had murdered 
his tutor, the admirable Crichton. 


thurn, Losanna (Lausanne), Geneva, Berne, Strassburg, 
Saverne, Nanzi (Nancy), Metz, Chalons, Paris, Fontainebleau. 
Then by Roanne (Rouen) and Dieppe to Dover and London. 
Arrived May 13th (old style). 


November 29th (old style). Moryson and his brother 
Henry left London to take ship at Gravesend, and after wait- 
ing for a wind at Margate till Dec. 7th, arrived Dec. 9th at 
Vlishing; arrived Dec. 16th at the Hague and then to 
Amsterdam, and after a hard journey through West Friesland 
came to 

1596. Emden and by Oldenburg and "Breme" to "Stoade." 
Then by Oldenburg and Brunswick, Mansfeld, Erfurt, 
Coburg to Nurnberg and Augsburg. Then by carrier through 
Innspruck, Bolzena (Bozen), Trent to Venice. 

April 21st. Left Venice and sailed down the Adriatic and 
through the Ionian Islands to Cyprus, where landed at 
Larnaca. Hired a ship to take seven passengers to Joppa, wait 
15 days for them to go to Jerusalem, and then take them to 

June 14th (new style) went up to Jerusalem; sailed to 
Tripoli and went by land to " Haleppo." June 30th (old style) 
left Aleppo and came to Antioch, near which Henry died. 
July 4th (old style), after severe illness sailed from Scan- 
deroon (Alexandretta) to Crete, Oct. 10th (new style). Landed 
on the south shore of Crete and passed right across to Candia. 
Sailed Dec. 20th, calling at Naxos, landed on Christmas eve at 
Gallipoli, and thence to Constantinople. 

1597- [In this year were published the quarto editions 
of "Richard II." and "Richard III."] CONSTANTINOPLE. 
Left on the last day of February. 

April 30th (new style), Venice. Rode on horseback direct 
to Stade, July 4th (old style). Landed at Gravesend (July 


9th) and arrived at 4 o'clock in the morning, July 10th, at the 
Cock, Aldersgate Street. 

It must be remembered that the reason the dates are given 
sometimes " old style " and sometimes " new style " is that, 
speaking generally, the Gregorian Calendar of 1582 was only 
adopted in Roman Catholic countries. Protestant Europe was 
ten days behind i.e., October 4th in England was October 
14th in Rome or Venice. I call attention to the places 
where Moryson settled down, and took up his residence 
because his descriptions of their social life are much 
more valuable than his discourses of countries where he merely 
passed through as an intelligent tourist and note-taker. It is 
true that a traveller on horseback or in posting-wagons sees 
much more of the country and people than a man who is 
whisked through on a railway; but the personal touch shows 
very differently after a long residence. Thus Moryson writes 
of Germany and its people with much more life and interest 
than about France and the French, and his words are more 
valuable about Venice and Florence than about Rome and 

Moryson's plans were changed on his first journey by the 
death of his father. "Whilst I lived at Prage and one night 
had set up very late drinking at a feast, early in the morning 
the Sunne beames glancing on my face, as I lay in bed, I 
dreamed that a shadow passing by told me that my father was 
dead; at which awaking all in a sweat and affected with this 
dreame, I rose and wrote the day and houre and all circum- 
stances thereof in a paper booke, which Booke, with many other 
things I put into a barrel and sent it from Prage to Stode thence 
to be conveied into England. And now being at Nurnberg, a 
Merchant of a noble family, well acquainted with me and my 
friends arrived there, who told me that my father died some two 
months past. I list not write any lies but that which I write 
is as true as strange. When I returned into England some four 
yeeres after, I would not open the barrell I sent from Prage nor 


looke on the paper Booke in which I had written this dreame, 
till I had called my sisters and some friends to be witnesses, 
where myself and they were astonished to see my written 
dreame answere the very day of my father's death." * Moryson 
arranged, while in the Low Countries, to realise his small 
patrimony (" for in England gentlemen give their younger sons 
lesse, than in forraine parts they give to their bastards "), and 
this must have required much correspondence with his father's 
executors in England. 

I have been able to obtain a copy of Thomas Morysoii's will 
which was registered in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury 
and is preserved in Somerset House. 2 It is a formal and care- 
fully drawn document, the will of an energetic man who had 
been successful in his life and desired to order things, so far as 
might be, after his death. The following passages relate to his 
third son. " Item I give and bequeath to my sonn ffines Morison 
three hundred pounds of good and lawfull money of Englande, 
To be paide unto him when he shall come and be of the age of 
twentie eighte yeeres. And in the meane time I will that my 
Exequutors shall paie unto him Tenn poundes yeerelie unto 
suche time as he shall come and be of the age of twenty eighte 
yeeres. Item I giue unto my said son ffines Morison the 
advouson of the nexte gifte of the prebende or rectorie of Louthe 
in the said countie. The which I and my son 3 George Alington 
have of the gifte and graunte of Mr. Devereux and Mr. Cave 

esquiere Item I giue and bequeathe to my sonns ffynes 

Morison, Henrie Morison, Richarde Morison And to my 
daughters Jane Allington and ffaithe Massenden all my plate 
nowe in my house in London, not bequeathed in this my laste 
will and testamente, to be divided amongste them by the dis- 
crecion of my Exequutors or anie two of them." It does not 
seem too fanciful to read into these bequests that Thomas 

1. Itinerary, Pt. I., Page 19. 

2. The reference to this will was found in Vol. IV. of the Prerogative 
Court of Canterbury Wills, 15S4 1604, issued by the British Record 
Society, Ltd. 

3. Son-in-law. 


Horyson had intended his son Fynes for the Church. Probably 
he had sent him to Cambridge with that intent, and had secured 
the next presentation to Louth Church for a very definite pur- 
pose. The son's yearning to see the world had spoiled his 
father's plans, and the bequest of the advowson may have been 
intended as a hint to the wanderer that he might yet reconsider 
his career. Louth Church is an exceptionally imposing and 
beautiful building even for Lincolnshire, than which, according 
to Thomas Fuller, no county affords worse houses or better 
churches. So Fynes Moryson may be considered to have sacri- 
ficed a comfortable and dignified position in the Church to his 
passion for travel. No doubt he got a fair price for his advow- 
son, and probably realised altogether about 500 from his 
father's bequests. 

It must be noted that the starting point of Moryson's 
Continental journey was Stade, 1 near the mouth of the Elbe, 
the reason being that the English merchants had recently 
removed their traffic from Hamburg to Stade, and thus infused 
fresh life into this once important town. From Stade ships 
were constantly sailing between the Elbe and the Thames, and 
therefore when Moryson hastened home from his second journey 
he rode on horseback from the mainland near Venice to Stade, 
as along the great trade route, to a place where he was sure of 
a speedy crossing to London. In this case Moryson bought two 
horses for himself and his servant, and sold them without 
loss at Stade. In his early journey he bought a horse at 
Cracow, and rode it to Padua, and this method seems to have 
been the swiftest and safest for long journeys. Often travellers 
joined at a carriage, and often the carriers' carts offered a 
convenient, though leisurely, conveyance. In Italy the 
vetturino system was in force that is, a personally conducted 
tour, the traveller being relieved from all haggling with natives. 
By this predecessor of the Cook system Moryson travelled from 
Rome to Naples and back. In Italy he sometime^ tried 

1. Moryson spells it Stode or Stoade. 



walking, and seems to have enjoyed it, 1 but does not recommend 

it for Germany or other countries. It must be remembered 

that Moryson took great trouble to learn the German, 2 Italian 

and French languages, that he could not only speak but write 

them, and that he also spoke and wrote Latin with facility. 

Indeed, all the accounts of his travels were written in Latin as 

he records on the title-page of his printed volume, and he 

evidently hoped to publish his book in the universal language. 

He is very reticent as to the names of the Englishmen 

whom he met when abroad ; 3 for example, in Holland he notes 

that Brill was in English occupation, Bergen-op-Zoom held by 

English in States' pay, and Flushing garrisoned by ten 

companies of English, under Sir Robert Sidney; yet he makes 

no mention of any conversation with individual Englishmen. 

In Rome he called on Cardinal Allen to ask his "protection," 

but carefully avoided association with English Papists, lest he 

should be drawn into religious discussions. Before his 

departure from Rome he " interviewed " Cardinal Bellarmine, 

waiting for him at the Jesuits' College. " I followed him into the 

Colledge (being attired like an Italian and carefull not to use 

any strange gestures ; yea, forbearing to view the Colledge or to 

looke upon any man fully, lest I should draw his eyes upon me). 

Thus I came to Bellarmine's chamber, that I might see this man 

so famous for his learning and so great a Champion of the 

Popes : who seemed to me not above forty yeeres old, being 

leane of body, and something low of stature with a long visage 

and a little sharpe beard upon the chin, of a broune colour, 

1. He walked three days from Genoa into Milanese territory, and after- 
wards from Pavia to Milan. 

2. He frequently passed himself as a German (Dutchman) in Italy. He 
commonly speaks of the Germans as Dutchmen, and of the Dutch as Nether- 
landers. The descendants of those fellow-countrymen of Moryson and Shake- 
speare, who emigrated to New England and to Virginia, have continued to 
speak of Germans as Dutchmen untfl the last few years. 

3. Exception must be made of Francis Markham, "an English gentleman 
whom I left at Heidelberg," and the Davers or Danvers brothers hereafter 
mentioned. Francis Markham was brother to Gervase Markham. He was 
studying law at Heidelberg, after a period of soldiering in the Low Countries. 
He afterwards served as a Captain under Essex, in France and Ireland. In 
later life he became muster-master at Nottingham, where he wrote "The 
Booke of Honour," published in 1625. 


and a countenance not very graue, and for his middle age. 
wanting the authority of grey heires. Being come into his 
chamber and having made profession of my great respect to 
him, I told him that I was a Frenchman and came to Rome for 
performance of some religious vowes, and to see the monuments, 
especially those which were living, and among them himselfe 
most especially, earnestly intreating, to the end I might from 
his side returne better instructed into my Countrey, that he 
would admit me at vacant houres to enjoy his graue conversa- 
tion. He gently answering, and with grauity not so much 
swallowing the praises I gaue him, as shewing that my company 
should be most pleasing to him, commanded his Novice, that he 
should presently bring me in when I should come to visit him, 
and so after some speeches of curtesie, he dismissed me who 
meant nothing less than to come again to him." 1 It must not 
be supposed that he indulged in these mystifications without 
very good reason. He was willing to take a little risk for 
the pleasure of coming into personal contact with a great 
man, but as an English Protestant he was in constant peril of 
the clutches of the Inquisition. The protection of Cardinal 
Allen might have been of small avail, and he informs us that 
it was only since the defeat of the Spanish Armada that Allen 
himself had ceased to persecute Protestants. As an antidote 
against his conversation with Bellarmine, Moryson took the 
opportunity, when he reached Geneva on his way home, to visit 
Beza, the head of the Calvinist Church. "Here I had great 
contentement to speake and converse with the reuerent Father 
Theodore Beza who was of stature something tall, and corpulent, 
or big boned and had a long thicke beard as white as snow. 
He had a graue Senatours countenance and was broad-faced but 
not fat, and in generall by his comely person, sweet affabilitie, 
and gravitie he would have extorted reuerence from those that 
least loued him. I walked with him to the Church, and giving 
attention to his speech, it happened that in the Church porch 
I touched the poore man's box with my fingers and this reuerend 
1. Itin., Part I., Page 142. 


man soone perceived my crrour, who hailing used in Italy to dip 
my fingers towards the holy water (according to the manner 
of the Papists, lest the omitting of so small a matter generally 
used, might make me suspected of my Religion and bring me 
into dangers of greater consequence) did now in like sort touch 
this poore man's box mistaking it for the Font of holy water. 
I say, hee did soone perceiue my errour, and taking me by the 
hand, advised me hereafter to eschew these ill customes, which 
were so hardly forgotten." 1 In Moryson's accounts of Rome 
and other Italian cities he shows little or no knowledge of 
architecture or appreciation of art. Of St. Peter's Church he 
remarks " They say it was built by Constantine the Great." He 
gives absolutely no indication that what he saw was partly the 
present St. Peter's and partly the old basilica of Constantine, 
the eastern portion of which was not pulled down till 1606. 2 
This certainly seems to show a want of intelligent observation, 
though we have no right to expect much accuracy of detail from 
a traveller who saw all the sights of Rome in four days. His 
account of this four days' sight-seeing fills twenty large folio 
pages containing as much matter as fifty pages of this volume. 3 
In passing through France on his way to England Moryson in- 
curred much danger, as the country was full of disbanded soldiers 
returning to their homes, the Civil War between Henri IV. and 
the League having come to an end. Though he sold his horse 
and went on foot with an appearance of poverty, this did not 
save him, for he was robbed of his " inward doublet wherein I 
had quilted the gold," and of his "sword, cloake and shirtes." 
The soldiers left him the rest of his " apparell, wherein I doe 
acknowledge their courtesie since theeues give all they doe not 
take." His elaborate precautions, however, saved him from 
absolute destitution. " One thing in this miserie made me glad. 

1. Itinerary, Fart I., Page 181. 

2. Lanciani, The Destruction of Rome, Page 253. 

i ?' ! T W S? P robab 'y Jargely based on the guide-book printed in Venice en- 

Le Cose Maravighose della Cittk di Roma." A copy of the appendix 

to this book, called " La Guida Romana," printed in Rome in 1562, has recently 

been discovered by Mr. W. M. Voynich, with a preface shewing that the author 

was an Englishman named Shakerley. 

IN FRANCE. xiii. 

I formerly said that I sold my horse for 16 French Crownes at 
Metz, which Crowiies I put in the bottome of a wooden box and 
covered them with a stinking ointment for scabs. Sixe other 
French Crownes for the worst event I lapped in cloth, and 
thereupon did wind divers colored threads, wherein I sticked 
needles, as if I had been so good a husband as to mend my own 
clothes. This box, and this ball of thread I had put in my hose 
as things of no worth; and when in spoiling me they had 
searched my pockets they first tooke the boxe and smelling the 
stinke of the ointment they cast it away on the ground ; neither 
were they so frugall to take my bal of thread to mend their hose, 
but did tread it likewise under their feet. Then they rode 
swiftly to their companions, and I with some sparke of joy in 
my greater losse tooke up the box and ball of thread, thinking 
myself lesse miserable, that by the Grace of God I had some 
money left to keepe me from begging in a strange Countrey." 
In Paris he had some difficulty in raising money, but was 
assisted by two English brethren, 1 " namely Sir Charles and Sir 
Henry Davers who for an ill accident 2 liued there as banished 
men," and whose remittances had been confiscated by Queen 
Elizabeth. " Yet did they not cast off all care to provide for 
me but with great importunitie perswaded a starueling 
Merchant to furnish me with ten French Crownes." Before 
leaving for England Moryson journeyed to Fontainebleau to see 
Henri IV., a sight well worth seeing, no doubt, and very sugges- 
tive to such a sturdy Protestant as Moryson. Though he had 

1. Itinerary, Part I., Page 186. 

2. They had killed in a quarrel a Wiltshire gentleman named*Long, of 
the same family as the present President of the Local Government Board. 
They were not pardoned till 1598. Charles Davers (or Danvers) was indebted 
for his escape from England to Shakespeare's patron the Earl of Southampton, 
through whom he was afterwards involved in the Essex conspiracy. He was 
executed on Tower Hill, March 18, 1600 1601. His estates were confiscated, 
but after the accession of James I. were restored to his brother Henry Danvers, 
who afterwards became Earl of Danby and lived till 1644. Another brother, 
John Danvers, when a youth of twenty, married Magdalen Herbert, the 
widowed mother of Lord Herbert of Cheroury, and of George Herbert. This 
lady was twice as old as her husband and had been the mother of ten children, 

Jet, according to their friend Dr. John Donne, they were a happy couple, 
ohn Danvers lived to sign the death warrant of Charles I. 


taken some trouble to see the King he says absolutely nothing 
about him. Probably he thought the more. 

So Moryson returned home from his first journey after four 
years' absence, and came to the London house of his sister Jane, 
wife of George Alington. 1 " It happened that (in regard of my 
robbing in France) when I entered my sister's house in poore 
habit, a servant of the house upon my demand answered that my 
sister was at home ; but when he did see me goe up the staires 
too boldly (as he thought) without a guide, hee not knowing 
me in respect of my long absence did furiously and with 
threatning words call me backe, and surely would have been 
rude with me had I not gone up faster than he could follow me, 
and just as I entred my sisters chamber he had taken hold on 
my old cloake which I willingly flung of, to be rid of him. 
Then by my sisters imbraces he perceived who I was, and stole 
backe as if he had trodden upon a Snake." 2 

Before the end of the year Moryson started again, taking 
with him his younger brother Henry, who also had a longing 
for foreign travel. Moryson felt that he had seen most of 
Europe, for Spain was practically sealed to him owing to the 
continued war, "Yet I had an itching desire to see Jerusalem 
the fountaine of Religion and Constantinople of old the seate of 
Christian Emperors, and now the seate of the Turkish Ottoman." 
Henry Moryson " put out some four hundred pounds, to be 
repaied twelve hundred pounds upon his returne from those two 
Cities, and to lose it if he died in the journey." 3 This method 
of insuring the costs of a journey in the event of a safe return 
was not uncommon, and is mentioned in Shakespeare's 

1. George Alington, of Swinhope, of whom some account is given on Page xxii. 

2. Itinerary, Part I., Page 197. 

3. Moryson takes another opportunity of reprehending " the English Law 
most immeasurably favouring elder brothers," and " the ignorant pride of 
fathers," by which younger sons " rush into all vices," and makes the singularly 
false statement "all wise men confesse that nothing is more contrary to gooif- 
nesse than poverty." 


" Tempest." l Moryson followed his brother's example, " Onely 
I gave out one hundred pound to receiue three hundred at my 
return among my brethren and some few kinsmen and dearest 
friends of whom I would not shame to confesse that I had 
received so much of gift. And lest by spending upon 2 the stocke 
my patrimony should be wasted, I moreover gave to fiue friends 
one hundred pounds with condition they should have it if I 
died, or after three yeeres should repay it with one hundred and 
fifty pound gaine if I returned ; which I hold a disadvantageous 
adventure to the giver of the money. Neither did I exact this 
money of any man by sute of Law after my returne which they 
willingly and presently paid me only some few excepted, who 
retaining the very money I gave them, dealt not therein so 
gentleman-like with me as I did with them. And by the great 
expences of my journey much increased by the ill accidents of 
my brother's death, and my owne sicknesse, the three hundred 
fifty pounds I was to receive of gain after my return and the one 
hundred pounds which my brother and I carried in our purses, 
would not satisfie the five hundred pounds we had spent, 
(though my brother died within the compasse of the first yeare) 
but I was forced to pay the rest out of my owne patrimony." 3 
It is clear that Moryson adopts a tone of apology in speaking 
of their financial methods, and he explains this by showing that 
times had changed and that customs once favoured by gentlemen 
of good position were no longer considered creditable. They 
had been adopted by a lower class of society. 4 " Now in this 

1. Actus Tertius, Scena Tertia 

Gonzalo. Faith Sir you neede not feare : when wee were Boyes 
Who would beleeve that there were Mountayneers, 
Dew-lapt, like Buls, whose throats had hanging at 'em 
Wallets of flesh ? or that there were such men 
Whose heads stood in their brests? which now we finde 
Each putter-out of five for one, will bring us 
Good warrant of. 
I quote from the First Folio as the spelling is similar to Mory son's. 

2. That is "out of" 

3. Itin., Parti., Page 199. 

4. William Kemp in the curious account of his Morrice-dancing from 

_ j t_ ^T : _i_ * i * _i i _i_j; j 1 i _ *T'I ._ A i ' . . . 1 ri_i:-1 I 

London to Norwich, whioh he dedicated to Mistress Anne Fitton, and published 

5 daies wonder," says, " I put out some 
money to have three-fold gaine at my returne." We should now speak of this 

in 1600, under the title "Kemp's nine daies wonder," says, " I put out i 
money to have three-fold gaine at m 
financial method simply as betting. 


age, if bankerouts, Stage-players, and men of base condition 
have drawne this custome into contempt : I grant that Courtiers 
and Gentlemen have reason to forbeare it; yet know not why 
they should be blamed who have thus put out their mony in 
another age, 1 when this custom was approved." 

So Fynes and Henry Moryson arrived at Venice and 
prepared for their journey to the Turkish Empire ; " Our swords, 
daggers and European garments we left in our chests with a 
Flemmish Merchant lying at Venice, to be kept against our 
returne; and howsoever he, falling banckerout, left the City 
before that time, yet our goods were by the publike officer laid 
apart and readily deliuered to us at our 2 returne." Travel in 
Turkish territory was humiliating to Elizabethan Englishmen. 
Not only could they carry no arms, but they dared not look a 
Turk straight in the face, and, unless they hired a Janizary to 
protect them, were obliged to submit patiently to all insults and 
injuries. To draw a sword or a knife upon a Turk would 
involve " an ill death by public justice," and the travellers bore 
with outward meekness a treatment " which notwithstanding I 
know not how any man carrying Armes could have the patience 
to endure." When they landed at Joppa, Henry, who had been 
noted on shipboard for his " fast walking and melancholy 
humour," leaped upon land " and, according to the manner, bent 
down to kisse it; by chance he fell, and voided much blood at 
the nose : and howsoever this be a superstitious sign of ill, 
yet the event was to us tragicall, by his death shortly after 
happening." Moryson's description of Jerusalem is very full 
and interesting, but as he reports much which was told him 
by the Italian Friars at the Latin Monastery he is careful to 
say : " Yet doe I not myselfe beleeue all the particulars I write 
upon their report, neither do I perswade any man to beleeue 
them." He was himself deeply impressed, and confesses " that 
(through the grace of God) the very places struck me with a 

1. When Moryson published his book in 1617 it must indeed have seemed 
'another age' compared with the times when his continental journeys were 
made, with great Elizabeth in all her glory. 

2. He means " my " returne, for Henry had died in Asia Minor. 


religious horrour, and filled my mind prepared to devotion with 
holy motions." Moryson confesses that they incurred much 
needless danger in the Holy Land through want of experience. 
If they had gone first to Constantinople and there hired a Janizary 
through the medium of the English Ambassador, they woiild 
have been quite safe at Jerusalem and independent of the help 
of the Italian priests, at whose convent they stayed. Towards 
these Friars he conducted himself with great carefulness and 
dissimulation, disguising the fact that he was a " heretic." In 
the previous year two Englishmen, Henry Bacon and Andrew 
Verseline, had died under suspicious circumstances. Their 
names were written on the walls of the chambers where the 
Moryson brothers lodged, and our author thinks the friars quite 
capable of having poisoned them. Moryson believed that a 
friendly French friar who was travelling with them detected 
their heretical characters, and making a pun on Moryson's 
Christian name, said to him : " En verite vous estes fin." The 
pretence of being " Catholiques " was, however, kept up to the 
end, and the Franciscan Friars gave them " freely and unasked 
as it seems of custome a testimony under the scale of the 
Monastery, that we had beene at Jerusalem, and for better 
credit, they expressed therein some markable signes of our faces 
and bodies." After this " there remained nothing but the 
Epilogue of the Comedy, that we should make some fit present 
to the Guardian of the Monastery." l 

On returning to Joppa the Morysons sailed in their Cyprus 
ship 2 to " Tripoli of Syria so-called for difference from Tripoli 
in Africke." "A Christian who useth to entertaine the French 
did very well entreat us here : and when I did see a bed made 
for me and my brother, with cleane sheetes, I could scarcely 
containe myself from going to bed before supper, because I had 
never lien in naked bed since I came from Venice to this day, 
having alwaies slept by sea and lande in my doublet, with 

1. Page 235, Parti. 

2. The Captain was not to be paid till he returned to Cyprus with a letter 
from Morygon tliat he had been landed at Tripoli the money being left for 
him with merchants at Laruaca. 


linnen breeches and stockings, upon a mattrasse, and between 
couerlets or quilts, with my breeches under my head. But 
after supper all this joy vanished by an euent least expected. 
For in this part of Asia great store of Gotten growes (as it were) 
upon stalkes like Cabbage ; and these sheetes being made thereof, 
did so increase the perpetuall heat of this countrey, now most 
unsupportable in the summer time, as I was forced to leape out 
of my bed, and sleepe as I had formerly done." l From Tripoli 
the travellers proceeded by land to " Haleppo," where the English 
merchants, living in three houses " as it were in Colledges," 
entertained them very courteously, and they were especially 
indebted to the English Consul, George Dorington, for much 
kindness. They departed thence with a merchant's caravan, 
but soon after passing Antioch, Henry Moryson was taken ill 
of a flux. 2 He was much shaken on the back of a Camel and 
died in his brother's arms " after many loving speeches, and the 
expressing of great comfort in his Divine meditations." It is 
clear that Moryson was deeply attached to his younger brother 
thus cut off in the twenty-seventh year of his age. The cir- 
cumstances were such as to drive him nearly distracted. "While 
myself and my brother were in our last imbraces, and mourne- 
full speeches, the rascall multitude of Turkes and Moores ceased 
not to girde and laugh at our sighes and teares; neither know 
I why my heart-strings brake not in these desperate afflictions ; 
but I am sure from that day to this I neuer enjoied my former 
health, and that this houre was the first of my old age." 3 
Moryson returned from Scanderoon to protect his brother's 
grave by a large pile of stones from the jackals, 4 who had nearly 
uncovered it. On returning he tells us that " the greefe of my 
mind cast me into a great sicknesse, so as I, who in perfect 
health had passed so many kingdoms of Europe, at this time 

1. Part I., Page 242. That Moryson should l>e unacquainted with cotton 
sheets seems at first sight rather strange, since Manchester "Cottons" had 
been renowned for a hundred years. These were all, however, made of wool. 

2. Dysentery. 

3. Part I., Page 249. He was in his thirty-first year. 

4. "A kind of beast a little bigger than a Foxe and ingendered between 
Foxes and Wolues, vulgarly called Jagale." 


in the very flower of my age, first began to wax old. This 
sicknesse brought the first weaknesse to my body, and the 
second, proceeding of another greife after my returne into 
England, 1 tooke from me all thoughts of youthful pleasures, 
and demonstratively taught me that the Poet most truly said 
Cura facit canos, that is, Care maketh gray-headed." His weak 
state of health made his journey across Crete 2 (then under the 
rule of the Venetians) very arduous to him. Of his visit to 
Constantinople 3 the fruits are seen in the brilliant and vivid 
account of the Turkish empire now first printed in this volume. 
He came home as swiftly as possible, and on his arrival at the 
Cock in Aldersgate Street, in July, 1597, closed his long course 
of Continental travel. 

The following year, in April, he " tooke a journey " to 
I3erwick-on-Tweed upon " occasion of businesse " as to the 
nature of which he leaves us in the dark. He found Berwick 
" abounding with all things necessary for food, yea with many 
dainties as Salmons and all kinds of shell fish, soe plentifully as 
they were sold for very small prices. And here I found that for 
the lending of sixtie pounds there wanted not good Citizens who 
would give the lender a faire Chamber and good dyet as long as 
he would lend them the money." He seems to have remained at 
Berwick till September, and before returning made a journey 
to see the King of Scots' Court. " So from hence I rode in one 
day fortie miles to Edenborrow the chiefe Citie of that 
Kingdom." This was a good day's ride, for the distance by 
Moryson's route, through Dunbar, Haddington and Mussel- 
burgh, is 58 English miles. 4 Moryson does not treat the 

1. As Moryson makes no reference to the death of any near relative soon 
after his return to England, he possibly refers to a disappointment in love. 

2. He speaks of passing near to the " Laberinth " and the cave of Minos 
" which the Candians call the sepulcher of Jupiter." 

3. Here he saw a Giraffe "newly brought out of Affricke (the mother of 
monsters), which beast is altogether unknowne in our parts . . . the picture 
whereof I remember to have seen in the Mappes of Mercator." 

4. Staying in Northumberland last summer, I had the curiosity to 
follow this ride of Moryson's from Berwick to Edinburgh on my bicycle, only 
diverging from his route to pass through the demesne of Whittinghame, the seat 
of our present Prime Minister, who is a descendant of Lord Burleigh and Robert 
Cecil. The fortifications of Berwick, erected in the time of Queen Elizabeth, 
are still almost intact. 


" mile " as a fixed measure of length, but says : " A common 
English Mile makes one and a halfe Italian but towards the 
North and in some particular places of England the miles are 
longer among which the Kentish mile (being a Southerne 
county) is proverbially held to be extrordinarily long." King 
James was hunting at Falkland, and Moryson crossed the Firth 
of Forth from " Lethe " to Kinghorn and rode ten very long 
miles to this " Pallace of old building and almost ready to fall." 
He had intended to go to Stirling and St. Andrews, but " some 
occasions of unexpected businesse recalled me speedily into 
England." It seems highly probable that Moryson was at 
Berwick as a channel of communication with the future King 
of England from some of the many English noblemen and 
statesmen who were preparing for what must follow on 
Elizabeth's death. 1 It is extremely likely, as will be seen from 
what follows, that he was employed by the Essex faction, and 
his sudden journey and rapid return to England probably meant 
that he was entrusted with verbal communications too 
dangerous to be put in writing. At this time negotiations were 
going on for sending Essex to Ireland to put down Tyrone's 
rebellion, then in the height of its success, and to restore order. 
The Queen's warrant for the " establishment " of the Earl of 
Essex in Ireland was signed on the 24th of March, 1599 (or on 
the last day of 1598 according to the English reckoning at that 
time), and comprised provision for an army of 16,000 foot and 
1,300 horse. Included in this army were two fine regiments of 
tried soldiers from the Low Countries, in one of which Richard 
Moryson, the younger brother of Fynes, was a captain. Fynes 
Moryson himself, however, had a period of rest and quiet in his 
native Lincolnshire. He did not reside with his elder brother 

I. There is ample evidence of the general uneasiness that was felt as to what 
would happen on the death of Elizabeth. The fear of a Civil War about the 
succession to the throne had never entirely disappeared, from the time when 
Henry VIII. had his difficulties about getting a male heir. It had commenced 
when old people could remember the Wars of the Roses, and in Elizabeth's old 
age the uncertainty was beginning to get on people's nerves. The peaceful 
accession of James in 1603 does not prove that Englishmen's fears were ground- 
less. There was no precedent to guide them as to what might happen. 


at Cadeby, but with his married sisters, Jane, the wife of George 
Alington, of Swinhope, and Faith, the wife of Francis 
Mussenden (or Massendeene, or Missenden), 1 of Healing. Each 
of these places is within a few miles of Cadeby, and it seems 
reasonable to suppose that Fynes had no great affection for his 
brother Edward, as he never mentions him (while speaking of 
his "deare" sisters), and often makes bitter remarks about 
eldest sons. The old Roman road, called Barton Street, passes 
near Cadeby, which is almost midway between Louth and Great 
Grimsby, and it also passes near Healing, which is not far from 
the south bank of the Humber. At Healing " whilest I passed 
an idle yeere I had a pleasing opportunitie to gather into some 
order out of confused and torne writings the particular observa- 
tions of my former travels to be after more deliberately 
digested at leisure." As a matter of fact, he had nearly two 
years of this restful time before he departed for active service 
in Ireland. I have visited all these places, Cadeby, Healing 
and Swinhope, riding a bicycle, where Fynes Moryson used to 
ride on horseback. 2 Cadeby is in a very secluded situation under a 
small range of wolds. The present house is comparatively new, 
probably built after the Civil Wars, when the Moryson family had 

1. The Mussendens came to Lincolnshire in the fourteenth century, bringing 
the name from the Buckinghamshire village of Missenden, known in connection 
with John Hampden. The main branch of this family became extinct on the 
death of Fynes Moryson's brother-in-law. The Rector of Healing sends me the 
following extract from the Parish Register of 1612, " Francis Massenden, Esq., 
was buried the 13th day of November." 

2. Moryson's elder brother, however, was probably able to go to 
London in his own coach, for about this time the gentlemen of 
Lincolnshire began to keep carriages or coaches, not merely in and 
about Lincoln, but also in the manor-houses situated near small villages. 
This shows not only an increase of wealth and luxury, but also an 
improvement in the roads. For example, Sir John Langton, of Langton, 
near Spilsby, who died in 1616, left to his wife "my Charoch, three Coche 
horses, with all furniture to eche of them belonging." Readers of Boswell 
may be interested to hear that the Langtons are the oldest family in Lincoln- 
shire. The present Langton of Langton has a continuous descent in the male 
line from the 13th Century in occupation of the land from which the family 
takes its name, and one of the links in this chain of long descent is Johnson i 
friend, Bennet Langton. I take this opportunity of expressing my great in- 
debtedness to the two admirable volumes of " Lincolnshire Wills" published by 
theRevd. A. R. Maddison, F.S.A., Priest- Vicar of Lincoln Cathedral. (Lincoln, 
1888, 1891). 


disappeared from Lincolnshire. 1 The situation is just such as 
would have been chosen for a religious house. There is also an 
underground passage leading to two vaulted larders that have 
no connection with the present building, and a fine system of 
brick drainage belonging to an older period. Moreover the 
fish-ponds are said by local tradition to have belonged to the 
monks. One of them is, curiously enough, called the Monk's 
bath. When we remember that Fynes Moryson's grandfather 
came from Northumberland about 1540, it seems very likely 
that he obtained the property of some religious house. 2 

Swinhope is about four miles west of Cadeby on the other 
side of the small range of wolds which extend southward, in- 
creasing in height. It lies rather low, and is a little village 
with an exceedingly small church, 3 the chancel perhaps of a 
larger fabric. The Swinhope estate, 4 comprising nearly the 
whole parish of Swinhope, was bought about the year 1580 by 
George Alington or Allington, who married Jane Moryson. 
This George Alington became a very wealthy man. He was 
born in 1550, being the second son of Giles Alington, of Rus- 
ford, Norfolk, who married the sister of Sir John Cheke. He 
obtained, quite early in life the office of Master of Escheats for 
Lincolnshire, 6 and accumulated a very large fortune. Swinhope 
was only a small part of the land which he bought in the 
county. He also had estates in Kent, and property in London. 
This large fortune was evidently the result of his offices which 

1. What the Wars of the Roses were to the mediaeval Nobility, the Great 
Rebellion was to the Gentry of Lincolnshire. The majority were on the King's 
side ; and fines for ' malignancy ' completed the niin of those whose ancestral acres 
were already heavily mortgaged. Madditon. 

2. This is of course a matter of conjecture. The local traditions cannot 
be absolutely trusted, and Dugdale's Monasticon has no mention of a religious 
house at Cadeby. 

3. Only in a few out-of-the-way villages of Cumberland have I seen smaller 

4. The Alingtons' house at Swinhope was burnt by the Roundheads in the 
Civil War. 

5. Probably also for other counties, as these offices were in the gift of the 
Lord Treasurer. George Alington seems also to have had some position in the 
Pipe Office. See Add. MS. 32472, f. 196 v. British Museum. My friend, 
Mr. Joseph Hall, the editor of " King Horn," has searched on my behalf the 
collections of papers relating to Lincolnshire in the British Museum for references 
to the Morysons and Alingtons. 


gave him opportunities of buying land when sales were forced. 
There is not much mystery as to how he obtained these posts 
when we remember that the first wife of William Cecil, Lord 
Burleigh, was a sister of Sir John Cheke, and therefore aunt to 
George Alington. Sir John Cheke himself, who was tutor to 
Edward VI. obtained priory lands at Spalding in Lincolnshire, 
and Burleigh's connection with that county was very close. 
His mother was daughter and heiress of a Lincolnshire man, 
and he received part of his education at Grantham grammar- 
school. When we remember how the Lincolnshire gentry were 
intermarried, 1 and how people from all parts of the county 
would meet at Lincoln, it is not very far-fetched to suppose that 
Fynes Moryson's father may have owed his office of Clerk of the 
Pipe to the connection of Cecil and Cheke with his native 
county. George Alington lived to be 82 and his son and grand- 
son died before him. His lands, therefore, went to his great- 
nephew, from whom the present owner of Swinhope, Admiral 
Alington, is descended. I am indebted to Admiral Alington 2 
for a sight of the family pedigree, drawn out by W. Darel 
in 1639, and showing after the fashion of those times, 
the descent of the family from a follower of William 
the Conquerer. I looked, of course, for the connection 
with the Morysons, and found it duly recorded. He 
also showed me a contemporary and well painted portrait of 
Fynes Moryson's brother-in-law, and his will, drawn up 
by himself in his 82nd year. George Alington left 50 to the 
poor of St. Botolph's, 3 Aldersgate Street, and a similar sum to the 
poor of Clerkenwell. He mentions by name all his relatives and 

1. A network of relationships was spread throughout the county. It is not 
too much to say that every gentleman of good descent and estate was related, 
either more or less nearly, to his neighbours of the same degree. Exclusiveness 
in the modern sense of the term did not exist and the Civil War had not yet 
come to sever friendship. Maddison's Lincolnshire Wills. 

2. Admiral Alington commanded the gunboats on the Canadian lakes at 
the time of the Fenian raids into Canada. 

3. St. Botolph lived in the fens of Lincolnshire. According to Thomas Fuller 
the town of Boston derived its name from this seventh century saint. As, however, 
there were other churches of St. Botolph in London, we mast not assume that the 
Lincolnshire Saint attracted Lincolnshire people to this parish. 


connexions, including several of the Morysons, and leaves them 
each a ring of Angell Gold, value two pounds, with the in- 
scription G.A., and a death's head, with the motto : " Sum Quod 
eris." From one of his dispositions we learn that he expected 
an investment of 1,600 in land to bring in 100 per annum. 
These facts about George Alington l will serve to show that 
Fynes Moryson had the advantage of a very rich brother-in-law, 
to whose house in Aldersgate Street he could go when he pleased, 
and who had the inestimable advantage of a connexion with the 

After resting with his relatives in Lincolnshire and putting 
his papers into order, Fynes Moryson prepared for a new 
career in the public service, to which he was called by the 
presence of his younger brother with the English army in 
Ireland. 2 Essex had failed deplorably to understand the situa- 
tion, and returned to England without permission, leaving 
affairs in a most critical condition. Charles Blount, Lord 
Mount joy, was appointed to succeed him. Moryson applied to 
be one of his Secretaries. Mountjoy was already provided, but 
wrote that if Moryson would come out, he would find him some 
fit and good employment. Before setting out for Ireland, he 
visited Cambridge, to bring his long and pleasant association 
with Peterhouse to a close. " The Master and Fellowes by 
speciall indulgence had continued unto mee my place with 
leaue to trauell from the yeere 1589 to this present July in the 
yeare 1600. At which time being modest further to importune 
so loving friends, and having the foresaid assurance of pre- 
ferment in Ireland, I yeelded up my Fellowship which in my 
former absence had yeelded me some twenty pounds yeerely. 
And the society (to knit up their loving course towards me) gave 
me aforehand the profit of my place for two yeeres to come. 
For which curtesie and for my education there, I must euer 

1. The present Lord Alington (Sturt) is descended from the Alingtons of 
Swinhope in the female line through the Napiers. 

2. Moryson's brother was knighted by Essex, in Dublin, in August, 1599, 
and is henceforth called Sir Kichard Moryson. 


acknowledge a strict bond of loue and seruice to each of them 
in particular and to the whole body jointly." l 

Fynes Moryson was now about to enter the service of Lord 
Mountjoy, one of the greatest Englishmen of his time, whom 
Camden describes as " so eminent for virtue and learning that 
in those respects he hath no superior and but few equals." He 
was born in 1563 and shewed the combination of studiousness 
with military adventure that characterised so many of the 
Elizabethans. When a young man he had a duel with Essex, 
who afterwards became his friend and ally. While serving -'n 
the Low Countries he was present at the Zutphen skirmish, 
in which Sir Philip Sidney met his death. Sidney had been the 
lover of Penelope, wife of Lord llich, and sister of Essex. She 
was the Stella of his poems, and had been married to Lord Rich 
against her inclination, as she had been promised to Sidney. 
She never professed any affection for her husband, though she 
bore him a large family, and some years after the death of 
Sidney, Mountjoy succeeded him in her affections. It 
was one of those liaisons which, from the celebrity and high 
rank of the persons concerned and its long duration, became 
recognised by Society and by the Court. Lord Eich shewed no 
resentment during the lifetime of his wife's brother the Earl 
of Essex. Mountjoy had been with Essex to the Azores in 1597, 
and was certainly involved in that nobleman's correspondence 
with King James of Scotland. 

While Fynes Moryson was waiting at Chester which he 
calls Westchester for a passage to Ireland, he received a letter 
from Mountjoy, " by which I did gather that his Lordship pur- 
posed to imploy me in the writing of the History or Journall of 
Irish affairs. But it pleased God in his gracious providence 
(which I may never leave unmentioned) to dispose better of me. 
For staying for a wind till the end of September, one of his 
Lordships three Secretaries (either to avoid the trouble and 
danger of the warres, or for other reasons best knowne to him) 

1. The Peterhouse records say that it was on August 7th, 1600, that he 
relinquished his fellowship and was pronounced non-socius. 



came over, and told me that he had left his Lordships service. 
Thus with better hopes of preferment I crossed the seas in very 
tempestuous weather. After a few days spent in Dublin I tooke 
my journey to Dundalke on the Northerne borders, where my 
brother Sir Richard Moryson was then Governour, and there I 
lodged till the Lord Deputies returne with the Army. And the 
thirteenth of November being the day of Carlingford fight, 
whilest I walked in my brothers garden, I sensibly heard by 
reverberation of the wall, the sound of the vollies of shot in 
that skirmish, though the place were at least six miles distant. 
In this fight the Lord Deputy his chiefe Secretary George 
Cranmer was killed, and his Lordship having now only one 
Secretary did receive me the next day at Dundalke into Cranmers 

This George Cranmer whose career was cut short so 
opportunely for Fynes Moryson was the grand-nephew of 
Archbishop Cranmer, and the pupil and intimate friend of 
Richard Hooker. The account in Izaak Walton's " Life of 
Hooker," of the visit of George Cranmer and Edwin Sandys to 
their old tutor's country parsonage at Drayton-Beauchamp, in 
Buckinghamshire, is one of the most charming passages of a 
charming writer. 1 As Moryson now became a " servant " of 
Mountjoy, and until the death of that nobleman remained in his 
service, it may be well to quote here a portion of the elaborate 
description by our author of his patron : " He was of stature 
tall, and of very comely proportion, his skin faire with little 
haire on his body, which haire was of colour blackish (or 
inclining to blacke), and thin on his head where he wore it 
short, except a locke under his left eare, which he nourished 
the time of this warre, and being woven up, hid it in his necke 
under his ruffe. The crown of his head was in latter days 
somthing bald as the forepart naturally curled; he onely used 

1. Walton says of Cranmer, in his Life of Hooker, " I shall refer my 
Reader to the printed testimonials of our learned Mr. Caniden, Fynes Morysou, 
and others." A long letter of George Cranmer to Hooker is printed in the 
Appendix to the Life. It may be noted that Izaak Walton's first wife was 
George Cranmer's niece. 


the Barber for his head, for the haire on his chin (growing 
slowly) and that on his cheekes and throat he used almost daily 
to cut it with his sizers, keeping it so low with his owne hand, 
that it could scarce be discerned as likewise himselfe kept the 
haire of his upper lippe somewhat short, only suffering that 
under his nether lip to grow at length and full ; yet some two or 
three yeeres before his death, he nourished a sharpe and short 
pikedevant on his chin. His forehead was broad and high ; his 
eyes great, blacke, and lovely ; his nose somethink low and short 
and a little blunt in the end ; his cheekes full, sound, and ruddy, 
his countenance cheerefull, and as amiable as ever I beheld of 
any man, onely some two yeeres before his death upon discon- 
tentement his face grew thinne, his ruddy colour failed, growing 
somewhat swarthy, and his countenance was sad and dejected. 
His armes were long and of proportionable bignes, his hands 
long and white, his fingers great in the ende and his leggs 
somewhat little which he gartered ever above the knee, wearing 
the Garter of Saint Georges order under the left knee, except 
when he was booted and so wore not that Garter, but a blew 
ribbon instead thereof aboue his knee, and hanging over his 
boote. 1 . . . For his diet he used to fare plentifully and of 
the best, and as his meanes increased so his Table was better 
served, so that in his latter time no Lord in England might 
compare with him in that kind of bountie. Before these warres, 
he used to have nourishing brackef asts, as panadoes, and broths ; 
but in the time of the warre, he used commonly to breake his 
fast with a drie crust of bread and in the Spring time with 
butter and sage with a cup of stale beer wherewith sometimes 
in Winter he would have suger and Nutmeg mixed. He fed 
plentifully both at dinner, and supper, having the choicest and 

1. Moryson apologises for the elaborate particulars which he gives of 
Mountjpy's dress (I omit these from considerations of space) but remarks that 
"the wise man bath taught us that the apparell in some sort shewes the man." 
Moryson was not quoting from Polonius in Hamlet, 

" For the apparell oft proclaimes the man," 

for he would never have mentioned Shakespeare as the " Wise Man," and indeed 
he might have quoted from "Measure for Measure," 

" Everie true man's apparell tits your Theefe " 
to the very opposite effect. 


most nourishing meates, with the best wines which he drunk 
plentifully but never in great excesse; and in his latter yeeres 
(especially in the time of the warre, aswell when his night 
sleepes were broken, as at other time upon full diet) he used to 
sleepe in the afternoones and that long, and upon his bed. He 
tooke Tobacco abundantly, and of the best, which I think 
preserved him from sicknes (especially in Ireland where the 
Foggy aire of the bogs, and waterish foule, plentie of fish, 
generally all meates with the common sort alwaies unsalted and 
greene rosted doe most prejudice the health), for he was very 
seldom sicke, onely he was troubled with the head-ach which 
duly and constantly like an ague for many yeeres till his 
death, tooke him once every three months, and vehemently held 
him some three daies, and himselfe in good part attributed, 
as well the reducing of this paine to these certaine and distant 
times, as the ease he therein found to the virtues of this 
herbe. 1 . . . Touching his affecting honour and glorie, I may 
not omit that his most familiar friends must needes obserue, the 
discourses of his Irish actions to have been extraordinarily 
pleasing to him : so that, howsoever hee was not prone to hold 
discourses with Ladies, yet I have observed him more willingly 
drawne to those of this nature with the Irish Ladies entertaining 
him, then into any other. . . . Touching his studies or Bookish- 
nesse (by some imputed to him in detraction of his fitnes to 
imbrace an active imployment) he came young and not well 
grounded from Oxford University; but in his youth at London 
he so spent his vacant houres with schollers best able to direct 
him, as besides his reading in Histories, skill in tongues (so 
farre as he could read and understand the Italian and French 
though he durst not adventure to speak them), and so much 
knowledge (at least in Cosmography and the Mathematics) as 
might serue his owne ends, he had taken such paines in the 
search of naturall Phylosophy, as in divers arguments of that 

1. Sir Walter Raleigh with whose name tobacco is inseparably connected 
as also potatoes was at this time Captain of the Queen's Guard and Lord 
Warden of the Stanneries. He was, however, distrusted and disliked as being 
hostile to the King of Scots, Elizabeth's probable successor. 


nature held by him with schollers, I have often heard him (not 
without marvelling at his memory and judgement) to re- 
member of himselfe the most materiall points, the subtilest 
objections, and the soundest answers. But his chiefe delight 
was in the study of Divinity, and more especially in reading of 
the Fathers and Schoolemen ; for I have heard himselfe prof esse 
that being in his youth addicted to Popery, so much as through 
prejudicate opinion no Writer of our time could have conuerted 
him from it, yet by observing the Fathers consent, and the 
Schoolemens idle and absurd distinctions he began first to 
distaste many of their opinions, and then by reading our 
Authours to be confirmed in the reformed doctrine which I am 
confident he professed and beleeued from the heart, though in 
his innated temper he was not factious against the Papists but 
was gentle towards them, both in conversation and in all 
occasions of disputation. And I will be bold to say, that of a 
Lay-man he was (in my judgement) the best Divine I ever 
heard argue, especially for disputing against all the Papists, 
out of the Fathers, Schoolemen, and aboue all out of the written 
Word whereof some Chapters were each night read to him, 
besides his never intermitted prayers at morning and night." 1 
This was the man who subdued Ireland, which he found at 
the height of its greatest revolt against England, and brought 
to absolute submission and subjection. By constant activity 
summer and winter, by keeping his plans secret, and by the 
establishment of strong posts, 2 he was able to crush the Irish 
chieftains, sweep off the cattle and starve out the people. Nor 
were the Irish the only enemy. A large Spanish force landed 
in Ireland to assist the rebels. Mountjoy besieged them in 
Kinsale, routed with enormous loss the Irish army which tried 
to relieve them, and forced them to an honourable capitulation. 

1. These portions of the character of Mountjoy are taken from pages 45 47 
of Part II. the Irish portion of the 1617 Itinerary. The "character" is 
evidently modelled on those of Plutarch. 

2. Roughly speaking Mountjoy instituted a block-house system without 
any concentration camps, the country being swept of food. The destitution 
caused revolting cases of cannibalism. In those days nobody dreamed of 
housing and feeding a hostile population. 


During the war Fynes Moryson was slightly wounded while 
the Lord Deputy was attacking Brian MacGahagan's castle in 
West Meath. As they approached the castle which was " com- 
passed with bogges," the horsemen being within shot moved 
about continually, " but myself being a raw soldier, stood still, 
and because I had a white horse I gaue the Rebels a faire 
marke, so as the first shot flew close by my head, and when 1, 
apprehending my danger, turned my horse, the second flew 
through my cloake, and light in my padde saddle (which saued 
my life) and brused my thigh." Moryson was also affected by 
what he very properly calls the Essex tragedy. The arrest of 
Essex for an attempt at armed insurrection in London caused the 
utmost danger and confusion to all friends of that rash and reck- 
less nobleman. Mountjoy himself had been so closely allied with 
Essex that he was stricken with uneasiness and distrust. He 
could not be sure how much of his correspondence was in the 
hands of " Master Secretary " the vigilant Robert Cecil. His 
real security lay in the fact that his services were absolutely 
indispensable; but he could not be sure how far even these 
great services would protect him at this time of suspicion. 
According to Moryson he had made all preparations, in case 
of a recall to England, to fly to France. Mountjoy adopted the 
policy of subserviency to Cecil for his own protection. " Where- 
as before he stood upon terms of honour with the Secretary, 
now he fell flat to the ground, and insinuated himselfe into 
inward love, and to an absolute dependancy with the Secretary." 
He could not in this crisis overlook the fact that his secretary 
had been introduced to him by a protege of Essex, Sir Richard 
Moryson. 1 " It is not credible that the influence of the Earles 
malignant star should work upon so poor a snake as myselfe, 
being almost a stranger to him yet my neerenesse in bloud to 
one of his Lordship's above named friends, made it perhaps 
seeme to his Lordship improper, to use my service in such 

1. One of the accusations against Essex at his trial was that he had made 
so many knights. Essex said in his speech that "he made but two of his 
servants, and those men of special desert and good ability." One of these was 
Sir Richard Moryson. 


neerenesse as his Lordship had promised and begun to doe. So 
as the next day he tooke his most secret papers out of my hand 
yet giving them to no other, but keeping them in his own 
cabinet ; and this blow I never fully recovered while I staied in 
Ireland." l 

Mountjoy had the proud satisfaction of receiving Tyrone's 
complete submission to Queen Elizabeth before that arch-rebel 
had received news of the great Queen's death. Fynes Moryson 
is not a little proud of his own share in this transaction. 
Elizabeth died on March 24th, 1603. 2 The Lord Deputy, with 
his staff, was occupying Sir Garret Moore's 3 house at Mellif ant. 
A gentleman, who was very ambitious to be knighted by the 
Lord Deputy, 4 received the news from London on the evening 
of March 27th, (" a servant of his posting from London and 
getting a happy passage by sea "), and took the all-important 
news to Moryson. " Whereupon I required his servant not to 
speak a word thereof to any man, threatening him with the Lord 
Deputies displeasure and severe punishment if any such rumour 
were spread by him. Then I was bold to giue his Master 
confidence of receiuing the honour he desired, if he would follow 
my advise which was this; that he should goe to the Lord 
Deputy and tell him this report of the Queenes death, brought 
by his servant, and the strict charge he had giuen unto him for 
the concealing thereof, till his Lordship should think fit to 
make it known and withall to make tender of himselfe and all 
his meanes to followe his Lordships fortune in this doubtful 
time (for such it was in expectation, though most happy ineuent). 
This Gentleman did as I aduised him." 5 Mountjoy hurried on 

1. When they came to England James I. was on the throne, and it was no 
disadvantage to have been a friend of Essex, but quite the contrary. Many 
readers will remember the case of Sir Henry Wotton, who was in Ireland with 
Essex, and on that nobleman's recall had the discretion to proceed to the 

2. Or on the last day of 1602, according to the English reckoning of that 

3. Sir Garret Moore was ancestor of the present Earl of Drogheda. 

4. Even in those days private secretaries were the channels for receiving 
confidences as to hopes of preferment and titles of honour. 

5. Itinerary, Part II,, Page 277. 


the submission of Tyrone, and on March 30th the Irish leader 
" kneeled at the doore humbly on his knees for a long space 
making his penitent submission to her Majesty and after being 
required to come neerer to the Lord Deputie, performed the 
ceremony in all humblenesse, the space of one houre or there- 
abouts." The next day he presented his submission in writing 
drawn up doubtless by the hand of Fynes Moryson 
" kneeling on his knees before the Lord Deputy and Counsell 
and in the presence of a great assembly." Then Mountjoy 
brought Tyrone 1 with him to Dublin, where an English ship 
brought " Sir Henrie Davers " 2 with the official announcement 
from London of the proclamation of James I., and also " Master 
Liegh, kinsman to the Lord Deputy, who brought his Lordship 
a favourable letter from the King out of Scotland." So " cozen 
Leigh " was knighted, and also the gentleman whose servant 
brought the early tidings of the Queen's death. Moryson 
does not mention his name, nor does he state whether the new 
knight gave him a handsome present for his sage advice. 

After settling some further troubles in Ireland, Mountjoy 
'' was chosen to be one of his Majesties Priuie Counsell in 
England, and being made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland with 
two-thirds part of the Deputies allowance assigned to him was 
licensed to come over into England." 3 So bringing with him 
his prisoner Tyrone and his secretary Fynes Moryson, the man 
who had reconquered Ireland set sail for home, and after 
narrowly escaping shipwreck on the Skerries, landed in 
Beaumaris Bay. On the road to London there was some 
difficulty in protecting Tyrone from the attacks of women " who 
had lost Husbands and Children in the Irish Warres." 

1. When Tyrone heard of Elizabeth's death he shed tears " in such quantity 
as it could not well be concealed." It was a bitter reflection that, if he had 
only held out a few days longer, he might have curried favour with James by 
" freely submitting to his mercy." Tyrone might well weep. Irish leaders are 
always beaten but seldom outwitted. See Itinerary, Pare II., Page 281. 

2. Moryson's old acquaintance, who had helped him in Paris. 

3. Itinerary, Part II., Page 296. 

LADY RICH. xxxiii. 

Mountj oy was received with the utmost honour by King James, 
and was created Earl of Devonshire. 

Moryson is very properly reticent as to Mountjoy's private 
life. He never mentions Lady Rich, and needed not to do so for 
the readers of his own time, because the affair was only too 
notorious. After the death of Essex, in 1601, Lord Rich and his 
lady separated, probably by mutual consent, though, according 
to her statement, her husband abandoned her. It is significant, 
however, to learn that negotiations were taking place in Ireland 
for the marriage of Mountjoy with the only daughter of the Earl 
of Ormonde. It is easy to imagine the rage of Lady Rich when 
she heard the rumour of this marriage. 1 She let it be openly 
known that Mountjoy was the father of her five youngest 
children. 2 Mountjoy's marriage with the heiress of the Butlers 3 
did not take place. Moryson makes the extremely significant 
remark, " Grief e of unsuccessful love brought him to his last 
end." What is certain is that the Earl of Devonshire and Lady 
Rich lived together openly, and that they were received with 
the highest favour at Court the lady being granted a special 
precedence, and taking her part as one of the most prominent 
figures in Court festivities. All the Irish business passed 
through Devonshire's hands and those of his secretary, Fynes 
Moryson, who remained in his office until the Earl's death. 
It must have been a pleasant and profitable service, the Earl 
and his brilliant lady receiving the best society of the time, 4 both 
in London and at the Wanstead mansion, which Mountjoy had 
bought from Essex before he went to Ireland. The young Earl 

1. One naturally thinks of the great scene when Cleopatra hears of Antony's 
marriage to Octavia. 

2. Dr. Gardiner says that this declaration was made on Mountjoy's return 
to England, but it seems probable that the separation occurred earlier, and had 
some connection with the failure of the Irish marriage. 

3. She inherited ultimately a large part of her father's land, as many of her 
male relatives were attainted. 

4. The Earl of Southampton, Shakespeare's friend and patron (released by 
James from the long imprisonment he had incurred for his share in the Essex 
rising), was doubtless on specially friendly terms with Devonshire, as they were 
joint Lords Lieutenant of Hampshire. One of the first Acts of Southampton's 
freedom was to produce Shakespeare's " Love's Labour's Lost" for the Court. 


of Pembroke ' was a frequent visitor, as we learn from Moryson's 
dedication to him of his 1617 volume: " I had the happiness to 
stand sometimes before you, an eye and eare witness of your 
Noble conversation with the worthy Earle of Devonshire." The 
chaplain was no less a person than William Laud afterwards 
Archbishop of Canterbury- persecutor and martyr. A fool 
that is, a Shakespearian fool was also an inmate of this great 
household. " My honored lord the late Earle of Devonshire till 
his dyeing day kept an Irishman in foole's Apparell and 
commonly called his lordships foole, but wee found him to have 
craft of humoring every man to attain his owne endes, and to 
have nothing of a naturall foole/' 2 We can imagine that an 
Irishman playing such a congenial part would break many jests 
on the private secretary, and especially upon his fashion of 
walking with downcast eyes looking upon the ground. Moryson 
had acquired this habit in Turkey and the Holy Land when it 
was dangerous to look a Turk in the face, and he could never 
entirely break himself of it. The secretary was not forgotten 
in Mountjoy's prosperity, but received a pension sufficient to 
keep a bachelor of studious habits in comfort. 3 

At the production of Ben Jonson's " Masque of Blackness," 
by the Queen at Whitehall, on Twelfth Night, 16046, which 

1. The lover of Mifttre** Fitton, arid many other gay ladie*. Hi* 
ttatue tand in the picture gallery of the Bodleian, and bin numerous other 
honours are dwarfed by hi* receiving (with hiit brother Montgomery) the 
dedication of the Fir*t Folio Shakespeare. He wa* the nephew of Sir Philip 

Thoo art thy mother* glawte and he in thee 
CalU backe the lonely A prill of her prime. 

Hh'jJcetpeart>i Sonnet, No. III. 

2. Twelfth Night Acttu Tertin* Scsena priina. 

ThU fellow in wixe enough to play the foole 
And to do that well crane* a kind of wit, 
He rnuxt observe their mood on whom he je*U 
The quality of penon* and the time. 

3. Calendar State Paper*, Dom. Add. 15*01825. Page 445. Warrant of 
Jane 19th, 1604. the King to Lord TreaHurer liuckhant. In consideration of 
the Hurrender 01 a penxion of 4*. a day granted by n* to Sir John Skinner, and 
of another pension of 2*. per day to Clement Turner, we grant to Frao 
Morinon, at nuit of Sir John Skinner and Clement Turner, a peiuiion of 6*. a 
day, provided Fran Moruton bring a certificate from time to time from the 
paymaster of Berwick that neither of the said pension* of 4*. and 2s. granted 
to Skinner and Tamer have been paid [1$ page* draft. The docqoet of this 
grant give* the name a* Fyne* Morison]. 


cost 3,000, the twelve nymphs were impersonated by the Queen 
herself and the noblest ladies in the land, including the Countesses 
of Suffolk, Derby and Bedford, and Lady Rich. Lord Rich, 
however, grew tired of his false position, and in 1605 obtained 
a divorce, a mensa et thoro, and immediately married again. 
On December 20th, 1605, William Laud celebrated a private 
marriage at Wanstead between the Earl of Devonshire and 
Lady Rich. This created an enormous scandal. The Earl and 
Countess were forbidden to appear at Court, and were practically 
disgraced. It was one thing to condone and recognise a liaison 
sanctified by time, but the line had to be drawn somewhere. 
The marriage was opposed to the canon law, and Laud bitterly 
repented of his share in it, which delayed his promotion in the 
church. Probably Lady Rich insisted on the marriage, know- 
ing that she had lost Devonshire's heart, and determined to 
prevent the possibility of his marrying elsewhere. Neither of 
them can possibly have expected that such a storm of indigna- 
tion would be aroused by the legitimation of their ties. Devon- 
shire did not long survive his disgrace. He died at Savoy 
House in the Strand on April 3rd, 1606. '' He was surprised 
with a burning fever, whereof the first fit being very violent 
he collected to him his most familiar friends, and telling them 
that he had ever by experience and by presaging mind been 
taught to repute a burning Feuer his fatall enemy desired them 
(upon instructions then given them) to make his will and then 
he said, Let death look never so ugly he would meet him 
smiling, which he nobly performed for I neuer saw a braue 
spirit part more mildly from the old mansion, then his did, 
departing most peaceably after nine daies sickenesse." * His 
Countess, stricken by his loss and the feeling that she had ruined 
the man whom she loved, did not survive him many months. 
His title became extinct. 2 He had attained wealth, honour and 

1. Itinerary, Part II., Page 29ti. 

2. In 1618 Lord Cavendish paid 10,UUU for the title of Earl of Devonshire, 
and from him the present Lord President of the Council derives his title. At 
the same time Lord Rich, Lady Penelope's ex-husband, paid 10,000 to be made 
Earl of Warwick. These large sums of money were not bribes to James I. but 
honest payments into the Exchequer for value received. 


glory, but his youthful ambition to refound his ancient house 
" ad re-aedificandam antiquam domum " was foiled when 
success was within his grasp. He was only 43 years of age. 

And now Fynes Horyson settled down to the fulfilment of 
his original ambition the writing of a magnum opus giving 
a survey of Europe and of the peoples of Europe. He com- 
menced by wasting three years labour. " I abstracted the 
Histories of these 12 Dominions thorow which I passed with 
purpose to joyne them to the Discourses of the seuerall 
Commonwealths for illustration and ornament, but when the 
worke was done and I found the bulke thereof to swel, then I 
chose rather to suppresse them than to make my gate bigger 
than my Citie." Judging by the historical introductions which 
Moryson has given to the Chapters in this volume 1 we may 
thank him for this heroic suppression. He was a painstaking 
but uncritical historian, and in compiling from books he loses 
his Elizabethan freedom and force of style. These three lost 
years bring him to 1609, the year of the first edition of Shakes- 
peare's Sonnets. Then he settles down to his final scheme 
which is as follows : 

PART I. Containeth a Journall through all the said twelve 
Dominions i.e., Germany, Bohmerland, Sweitzerland, 
Netherland, Denmarke, Poland, Italy, Turky, France, 
England, Scotland, and Ireland Shewing particularly the 
number of miles, the soyle of the Country, the situation of 
Cities, the descriptions of them with all Monuments in each 
place worth the seeing, as also the rates of hiring Coaches or 
Horses from place to place, with each daies expences for diet, 
horse-meate and the like. 

PART II. Containeth the Rebellion of Hugh, Earle of Tyrone, 
and the appeasing thereof : written also in forme of a 

1. The first few pages of the Chapter on the Commonwealth of Poland will 
serve as a specimen. I did not suppress them as we need to be reminded 
to-day of the nationality of Poland. 


PART III. Containeth a Discourse upon severall Heads through 
all the said seuerall Dominions. 

It will be gathered from this that Part I. contains a straight- 
forward and minute account of his European travels, arranged 
with but little art. He follows his notes and diaries and gives 
at full length letters which he had written to foreigners, and of 
which he had kept copies. His details of expenses leave no 
obscurity whatever as to the methods of travel, and he also goes 
fully into the questions of letters of credit, and the transmission 
of money from place to place. It is probably more interesting 
now than it was to Moryson's contemporaries, but they must 
have found parts of it useful when preparing for a Continental 
journey. Thomas Fuller says that he " printed his observations 
in a large book which for the truth thereof is in good reputation. 
For if so great a Traveller he had nothing of a Traveller in him 
as to stretch in his reports." 

Part II. is practically an independent work. It is an 
important chapter in the history of Ireland, told in great detail 
by an official who was behind the scenes, and who is able to 
quote at length confidential letters and official documents. It 
is as long as Part I., and to sandwich it between Part I. and 
Part III., as Moryson does, is thoroughly inartistic. 1 

Part III. opens with an elaborate discourse on travel 
in general, with precepts for travellers and a collection of 
proverbs "which I observed in forraigne parts by reading or 
discourse to be used either of Travellers themselves or of divers 
Nations and Provinces." Moryson then commences the most 
interesting and valuable portion of his work viz., a series of 
discourses about the different countries under the following 
heads : 

1. Geographical description, situation, fertility, trafficke and 

1. It was republished separately at Dublin in 1735, with the description of 
Ireland from Part III. The latter was printed in Mr. Henry Morley's Caris- 
brooke Library. These are the only portions of Moryson's work that have ever 
been reprinted. Spedding frequently quotes from Part II. in his Life of Bacon. 
There is a good summary of facts about the Itinerary in Notes and Queries, 
2nd Series, Vol. XL, page 321. 


2. Apparell. 

3. The Commonwealth, " under which title I containe an 
historical introduction, the Princes Pedegrees and Courts, the 
present state of things, the Tributes and Eevenewes, the military 
state for Horse, Foot, and Navy, the Courts of Justice, rare 
Lawes, more specially the Lawes of Inheritance and of womens 
Dowries, the Capitall Judgements, and the diversitie of degrees 
in Families, and in the Commonwealth." 

This proceeded as far as Germany, Switzerland and the 
Netherlands. . . . Here the printed portion of Fynes Moryson's 
Itinerary, published in 1617, the year after Shakespeare's death, 
comes to an abrupt end, and we read in the Table of Contents : 
" The Rest of this Worke, not as yet fully finished treateth of 
the following heads," and the matter of the " Rest of this 
Worke " may be read in the present volume, and is summarised 
in its Table of Contents. Technically, this is the completion of 
Part III., but in preparing it for the press, for which it has had 
to wait nearly 300 years, Moryson called it Part IV. 1 

From 1609 to 1617, when the Itinerary appeared, Moryson 
tells us : "I wrote at leasure giving (like a free and unhired 
workman) much time to pleasure, to necessary aifaires, and to 
diuers and long distractions. If you consider this, and withall 
remember that the work is first written in Latine, then 
translated into English, and that in diuers Copies, no man being 
able by the first Copie to put so large a worke in good fashion. 
And if you will please also take knowledge from me that to 
saue expences, I wrote the greatest part with my owne hand, 
and almost all the rest with the slowe pen of my servant : then 
I hope the loss of time shall not be imputed to me." 2 

1. I found the reference to the MS. continuation in the Dictionary of 
National Biography, to which great work I have to acknowledge many 
obligations. The MS. was not permitted by the authorities of C.C.C. to leave 
Oxford, and it was copied for me by Miss E. G. Parker in the Bodleian library. 
I am indebted to the Rev. C. 1'lummer, M.A., Librarian of C.C.C., for 
obtaining for me the permission of the President and Fellows to publish 
their MS. Nothing is known as to how the MS. came to C.C.C., but it was 
catalogued there under the same number in 1697. 

2. In the Hist. Man. Commission Reports there is catalogued among the 
Crowcombe Court MSS. a letter from Fynes Moryson to Pembroke, asking him 
to accept the dedication of the work. After many efforts to obtain a sight of it 
I learn through a friend of the present owner that this interesting document has 
been lost. 


On the 26th of February, 1 161112, Fynes Moryson attended 
the funeral of his dear sister Jane Alington at St. Botolph's 
Church, Aldersgate Street. A full account of the order of this 
funeral has been preserved. It was drawn up by the " Wyndsor 
Herald for Henry St. George, Blewmantel." Thirty-six poor 
women walked two and two. The male relations wore black 
cloaks. The chief mourner was Lady Guevara (wife of Sir 
John Guevara 2 ) a connection of the Moryson brothers through 
the second marriage of their grandmother, the widow of Thomas 
Moigne. Lady Guevara was no doubt a close personal friend 
of the deceased. Behind the clergyman, walked Fynes Moryson, 
carrying a pennon. 3 

In the year 1613 he had a rather long " distraction." 
" By the entreaty of my brother, Sir Richard Moryson (Vice- 
President of Munster), and out of my desire to see his children 
God had giuen him in Ireland (besides some occasions of my 
private estate), I was drawne over again into Ireland, where we 
landed the ninth of September miraculously preserved from 
shipwreck." 4 Moryson was not favourably impressed by the 
prospects of Ireland, for he thought that much stronger measures 
should be taken for the suppression of " Poperie " and the 
Popish priests. Sir Richard Moryson, whose stay in Ireland 
had been so long and honourable, returned to England in 1615 
and settled at Tooley Park, Leicestershire. He was appointed 
Lieutenant General of Ordnance, and in 1620 became M.P. for 
Leicester. He died in 1628. His son Henry, a young man of 
great promise, became the intimate friend of Sir Lucius Gary, 
afterwards Viscount Falkland. Ben Jonson addressed his 

1. A few months after Shakespeare's retirement to Stratford. 

2. The Guevaras, Spaniards from the Basque Provinces, settled in 
Lincolnshire in the early part of the reign of Henry VIII. They probably 
belonged to the same family as Anton de Guevara, Bishop of "Guadix" and 
counsellor of Charles V., whose " Diall of Princes" was translated into English 
by Thomas North, and published in the last year of Queen Mary. The last of 
the Lincolnshire Guevaras was a barber at Market Rasen, whose will was 
proved in 1697. 

3. " Collectanea Topographica et Genealogica," Vol. IV., London, 1837. 

4. In Youghall harbour. 


Pindaric Ode on the death of Sir H. Moryson 1 to his sorrowing 
friend. It was a surprise to me to find that the well-known 
Strophe, commencing 

" It is not growing like a tree 
In bulk, doth make man better be " 

commemorates the untimely death of Fynes Moryson's nephew. 
I quote a less known antistrophe : 

" Alas ! but Morison fell young ; 

He never fell thou fall'st my tongue. 
He stood a soldier to the last right end, 
A perfect patriot, and a noble friend; 
But most a virtuous son. 
All offices were done 
By him, so ample, full, and round, 
In weight, in measure, number, sound 
As, though his age imperfect might appear, 
His life was of humanity the sphere." 

The year after young Moryson's death his sister Lettice married 
Sir Lucius Gary. It" was purely a love match, and he was much 
blamed by judicious friends, for she had no fortune. Lord 
Clarendon says of her : " She was a lady of a most extraordinary 
wit and judgment, and of the most signal virtue, and exemplary 
life, that the age produced, and who brought him many hopeful 
children, in whom he took great delight." 

I give these facts about Fynes Moryson's nephew and niece 
to cover up to a certain extent my ignorance as to the later 
portion of my author's life. There can be no doubt that after 
the publication of his 1617 2 folio he prepared the MS. from 

1. He died in 1629, at the age of twenty. We know that his mother Lady 
Moryson was still living in 1632, as George Alington left her a gold ring in his 
will one of the " Sum quoderis" rings. 

2. Extract from the Register of the Stationers Co. , Arber's Edition HI. , 606, 
under date 4 April, 1617. "John Beale Entred for his Copie under the handes 
of Master Docter Westfield and both Wardens. An Itinerary written by 
Fines Morison Gent, contayning his Travailes through divers dominions, vizi 
Germany Bohmerland &c. vjd- In the previous year Shakespeare died. In 
the following year Raleigh was executed. 


which the present volume is printed, ami that a portion of it ia 
in his own hand-writing. At the end of the MS. is written : 
" 14 Junii, 1626. 

Imprimatur. THO. WILSON. 

Internal evidence shows that it was finished by 1619 or 1G20 at 
the latest, and much of it was probably already sketched out in 

We may therefore conclude that after keeping the MS. by him 
until 1626 (three years after the publication of the First Folio 
of Shakespeare), Moryson got his book licensed for publica- 
tion by the head of the State Paper Office, Sir Thos. Wilson. 1 
After obtaining the license, however, there must have been 
difficulty with the publisher. Probably the 1617 folio had not 
been a great pecuniary success, and possibly Mr. John Beale, 
or any other expert who was consulted in the matter suggested 
that large omissions or excisions were desirable. Moryson 
was in his sixtieth year and belonged to a past age. Perhaps 
he felt that the Germany, which he had so sympathetically 
described, was passing away in the welter of frightful wars from 
which it has only really recovered in our own times. At all 
events, the MS. has waited till now. 

During the later years of his life Moryson no doubt employed 
himself by working upon the treatise " Of the Commonwealth 
of England," which he had planned as an addendum to his 
survey of Europe. Of this work nothing is known. Probably 
it was never finished. Possibly he realised that under the 
Stuart Kings there was no fixity in the state of England. 
Certainly he could not have foreseen that the word Common- 
wealth would soon acquire a new significance in the History of 

1. Acting under the Archbishop of Canterbury, who had a general power of 
licensing books. Sir Thos. Wilson had teen at Cambridge with Fynes Moryson, 
and also was in Italy in 1596, when he translated from the Spanish (and 
dedicated to Southampton) the play "Diana," the plot of which is considered 
to be the source of "The Two Gentlemen of Verona." Wilson was one of 
Cecil's most trusted foreign agents, and, as Keeper of the Records he rendered 
great public services. He was knighted in 1618 and died in 1629. 


I am now able to publish Fynes Moryson's will as recorded 
in the Probate Act Books. 1 

Mr. Fines Morison his last will and testament 

bearinge date 15 Sept. 1629. 

To Mrs. Elizabeth Dynne his pictures. To George Allington 
Esqr. his best night Capp and hand kercheife. To Mr. ffrancis 
Dynne his bookes and Cabonett. To Mr. William Ireland his 
guilded halberd. To Mris Susan Ireland his wife all his lynnen 
and the trunck wherein it lyeth. To Sarah Ireland two redd 
chaires and two redd stooles both of cloth. To Mr. Edward 
Waterhouse twentie shillings. To his servant Isaack Pywall 
all his wearinge apparell except his best cloke alsoe his bed 
wherein he lay with all the furniture belonginge to it and the 
bedd wherein his servant Isaack Pywall lay with the furniture 
belonging thereunto. As alsoe the hanginge of his Chamber. 
And of this his last will he makes Mr. ffrancis Dynne Executor. 
This is the effect of the will of Mr ffynes Moryson who died the 
twelveth of ffebr last. 

Witnes ffra Dynne Isaak Pywall, Susan Ireland Probatum 
fuit Testamentum suprascript, apud London. . . . 
decimo octavo die mensis Martii Anno Domini Millimo sexcen- 
tesimo vicesimo nono Juramento ffrancisei Dynne Executoris. 

This document fixes the date of Moryson's death as Feb. 12th, 
1630, 2 or as it is usually printed 1629 30. He was in his 
sixty-fourth year. His old friend and brother-in-law, George 
Allington, to whom he leaves his best night-cap, was then in his 

1. Year Books of Probate from 1630, Vol. I., Part I., 1630-1634. Edited 
by John Mathews and George F. Mathews, B.A., 93, Chancery Lane, London, 
W.C. Page 38 Morison Fines of p. St. Botolph, London (27 Scroope). This 
list was only printed in March, 1902. I am indebted for the reference to 
Mr. W. R. Creoland, of the Manchester Free Reference Library. 

2. Some of the old Biographical Dictionaries give the date of Moryson's 
death as 1614. This is repeated in one of the latest publications of the Harleian 
Society, " Musgrave's Fragmenta Genealogiea," 1900. It originated from 
Thomas Fuller in his Worthies of England. Mr. Sidney Lee, in the Dictionary 
of National Biography, supposes, in the absence of information, that Moryson 
died soon after tne publication of his 1617 volume. I take this opportunity of 
acknowledging the kind assistance given to me by the officials of the Rylands 
Library and the Manchester Free Reference Library, and also for references given 
by Mr. Colliding, librarian to the Duke of Portland, and by Mr. J. S. Bogg, of 

HIS DEATH. xliii. 

eightieth year. It is clear that Fynes Moryson lived the later 
years of his life with every reasonable comfort that a studious 
gentleman of his age would require. If he left no money it was 
probably because he had sunk his small patrimony in an annuity 
which, added to his pension, enabled him to support a servant 
and rent suitable rooms. We may assume that the Irelands 
were the people in whose house he made his home, and that 
Francis Dynne was a congenial friend who would appreciate his 
library. Sir Richard Moryson and his promising son were both 
dead. William Laud had arrived at the bishopric of London 
on his road to Canterbury and the block. Charles I. had been 
five years on the throne. Buckingham had been assassinated, 
the Petition of Bight had been passed. The prologue of the 
great Civil War tragedy was being played, and Wentworth, 
Pym and Eliot were the chief performers on the political stage. 
It was time for a man who had been elected a Fellow of 
Peterhouse before the defeat of the Spanish Armada to leave 
the world. Fynes Moryson's body was buried, we may be sure, 
enfolded in the " beste cloke " which he had excepted in his 
bequest to Isaac Pywall. 

As for the MS. of the present work, no information is obtain- 
able as to how it came into the Library of Corpus Christi College, 
Oxford. It contains three handwritings, which are no doubt 
those of (1) Moryson himself, (2) his regular assistant, who 
wrote from dictation, and (3) a less skilful assistant, whose 
spelling is much more free and easy than his employer's, and who 
sometimes indicates, by spelling a difficult word correctly, that 
he has asked how to spell it. Occasionally this third writer 
makes faults in dictation which show that Moryson has not 
given extreme care to the revision of the MS., as when for " a 
Navy " he writes " an Avay." l The first paragraph of the 

1. There are also a few lines in a fourth handwriting. These four hand- 
writings are in the old English script used hy Shakespeare. The Latin and 
Italian quotations are in the Roman hand in which Moryson wrote his 
original Latin work (see facsimile). As Malvolio says : " I think we do know 
that fine Roman hand." I may here thank Miss A. Montgomerie Martin 
for her careful work in the correction of proofs. 


Chapter on Turkey shows that the author has listened to critic- 
isms, not in all respects laudatory of his 1617 volume. 1 

With regard to the merit of Moryson's work in the present 
volume, its readers can judge for themselves. In undertaking 
its publication I was fortified by the favourable opinions of 
Dr. Ward and Mr. Sidney Lee, to whom I forwarded a portion 
of my copy of the MS. At the same time, I must accept the 
entire responsibility as being, like Mr. W. H. in Mr. Lee's inter- 
pretation of the dedication of Shakespeare's Sonnets, " the 
onlie begetter of these insuing " chapters, and also for the 
omissions. My intention at first was to publish the whole MS., 
but I came to recognise that it was not of equal value through- 
out, and that a selection must be made. The following passage 
from the prospectus of this book will explain my course of 
action : 

" Unfortunately Moryson, the historical compiler, is a 
much inferior person to Moryson the social historian; he is 
laborious and widely read but quite uncritical. Moreover his 
style, which is vivacious and masculine when he is writing from 
his own knowledge, often becomes flat and commonplace when 
he is working from other men's books. To have printed the 
whole of the MS. would have needed 1,200 pages, and would 
have weighted down the valuable cargo with useless ballast. 
Perhaps those who would have blamed me for publishing useless 

matter may now complain that the work is incomplete 

In printing this book, the aim will be to reproduce the author's 
MS., only correcting obvious slips of the pen. In cases of doubt, 
as to whether there is a slip of the pen or a blunder of the author, 
the MS. will be followed. Nor will there be any expurgations. 

1. Mr. E. Gordon Duff lias sent me an account of an interesting copy of the 
1617 Itinerary in the Cambridge University Library. It is in handsome 
contemporary binding, having on both backs Fynes Morysou's arms. " Or, on 
a cross sable, five flours ile hs of the field. Crest : Out of a coronet Or an 
eagle's head between two wings Argent," and the inscription "THE GIFTE 
OF THE AUCHTER FYNES MORISON." Mr. Sayle, of the C.U. Library, 
informs me that there is no writing whatever on the volume to indicate its past 
ownership. Probably it was a present to the Earl of Pembroke. I owe 
to Mr. Gordon Duff who was formerly librarian of the Rylands Library 
my first introduction to Fynes Moryson. 


Moryson is very plain-spoken, and in discussing social questions 
is sometimes more free in his language than is usual to-day in 
books intended for the general reader, and sometimes he himself 
apologises for using a coarse word. This book, now published 
nearly 300 years after its due date, will have the same varied 
spelling as 'The Itinerary' published in 1617." 

I cannot admit that it is any reflection upon Moryson to omit 
those portions of his work which are not of permanent interest. 
The fondest lovers of a great writer are readiest to admit that 
their hero is not always at his best, and would often be glad to 
throw away the worser part of him. While I would not speak of 
Fynes Moryson as my " hero," yet he has been my companion 
for two years, and a very pleasant and profitable companion I 
have found him. He ha<l seen the world and mixed with all 
sorts and conditions of men. He was enterprising, studious, 
and discreet. He had a sturdy hatred of " Poperie ;" but, as 
Rosalind says, " I'll pardon him for that." He was intensely 
proud of his own country and his own countrymen, yet he 
judged the people of the countries where he sojourned with 
appreciative commonsense. He had a sane charity for all men, 
except Turks and Irish priests. He thought English stage- 
players the best in the world, but despised them personally. He 
shows no sign whatever that he recognised the greatness of the 
pieces these stage-players performed. Not a word of Shake- 
speare, Spenser, Marlowe, or Jonson in all his records of the 
time which, taken together would occupy about 3,000 pages 
like these. In modern phrase we must say that Fynes 
Moryson was lacking in poetic and artistic sensibility. But his 
own prose style, when he is writing from personal knowledge 
and observation, has the freedom and picturesqueness of North 
or Philemon Holland, as unconfined as his spelling, and as 
refreshing. It seems to me that few can fail to find in this 
volume some new impressions of Europe as it was before the 
Thirty Years' War desolated Germany, of the time between the 
defeat of the Spanish Armada and the sailing of the Mayflower, 
in fact, of " Shakespeare's Europe." 


It is unfortunate that no portrait of Fynes Moryson is 
known, as it would have been a great satisfaction to the editor 
to prefix his likeness to this volume. 

" But, since he cannot, Reader, looke 
Not on his picture, but his booke." 

Kersal, Manchester, February 1903. 

Fynes Moryson 

A 1 TITH King James his Majesties full and sole Priuiledge to the 
Author Fynes Morison gent, his Executors Administratours 
Assignes and deputyes for xxj yeares next ensuing from the graunt 
thereof, to cause to be imprinted, and to sell assigne or dispose to his 
or their best benefitts, the former parts and this fourth Part of this 
booke entitled An Itinerary &c. as well in the English as in the latine 
tongue; straitly forbidding any other during the said yeares to 
imprint or cause to be imprinted to import vtter or sell or cause to 
be imported vttered or sold, the said Booke or Bookes or any part 
thereof within any of his Maiesties dominions, vppon payne of his 
Maiesties high displeasure, and to forfeit Three pounds lawfull 
English money for euery such Booke printed imported vttered or 
sold contrary to the meaning of this Priuiledge, besides the forfeyture 
of the said Bookes &c. As appeareth by his Maiesties lettres Pattents 
dated the xxvth of Aprill, the Fifteenth yeare of his Maiesties Raigue 
of England Fraunce and Ireland. And of Scotland the Fiftieth. 


first JBoofte. 

CHAPTER i. Of the Turkes Commonwealth vnder which tytle, I 
contayne the historicall introduction, the kings Pedegrees and Courts, 
the present State of publike affayres, The Tributes and Reuenues, 
the military power for Horse, Foote, and Navye, the Courts of 
Justice, rare lawes, more spetially those of Inheritance, and Contracts 
of manage, the Criminall Judgments, and the diuersity of degrees 
in Family and Commonwealth. 

CHAPTER ii. Of the Commonwealth of Poland according to the 
seuerall heads contayned in the title of the first Chapter. 

CHAPTER iii. Of the Commonwealth of Italy according to the 
seuerall heads contayned in the tytle of the first Chapter. And of the 
seuerall absolute Princes thereof. But in this Chapter only of the 
historicall Introduction in generall for all the dominions. 

CHAPTER iiii. Of the Comonwealth of Italy namely the 
Pedegrees of the Princes, the Papall dominion, and the New power of 
the kings of Spayne in Italy. Of these I say, touching some of the 
heads conteyned in the title of the first Chapter. 

CHAPTER v. Of the Commonwealth of Venice in particuler, 
touching some of the heads conteyned in the tytle of the first Chapter. 

CHAPTER vj. Of the Commonwealth of the dukedome of Florence, 
intermixed with that of the free Citty Lucca. Of both touching some 
of the heads contayned in the tytle of the first Chapter. 

CHAPTER vii. Of the free Citty Genoa, and of the dukes of 
Mantua and of Vrbine touching some of the heads contayned in the 
tytle of the first Chapter. 

CHAPTER viij. Of the Commonwealth of Italy in Generall, and 
of some of the greater States thereof in particuler, touching the 
remayuing heads contayned in the tytle of the first Chapter. 

seconb JBoofce. 

CHAPTER i. Of the Commonwealth of Fraunce according to the 
seuerall heads contayned in the tytle of the first Chapter of the 
former Booke. 

CHAPTER ii. Of the Commonwealth of Denmarke according to 
the seuerall heads contayned in the tytle of the first Chapter of the 
former Booke. 

CHAPTER iii. Of the Commonwealth of England according to the 
seuerall heads contayned in the tytle of the first Chapter of the 
former Booke. 

CHAPTER iiii. Of the Commonwealth of Scotland according to 
the seuerall heads contayned in the title of the first Chapter of the 
former Booke. 

CHAPTER v. Of the Commonwealth of Ireland according to the 
seuerall heads contayned in the tytle of the first Chapter of the 
former Booke. 

tbtrfc 3Boofte. 

CHAPTER i. Of Germany touching Religion. 
CHAPTER ii. Of Bohemia touching Religion. 

CHAPTER iii. Of the Sweitzers, the Netherlanders, the Danes, and 
the Polonians touching Religion. 

CHAPTER iiii. Of the Turkes Religion. 

CHAPTER v. Of the Italians or rather Romans touching Religion. 

CHAPTER vj. Of Fraunce, England, Scotland, and Ireland 
touching Religion. 

Ube fourtb JBoofce. 

CHAPTER i. Of the Germans nature, and Manners, strength of 
Body, and Witt, Manuall Arts, Sciences, Vniuersityes, Language, 
Pompe of Ceremonyes, especially in manages, Childbearings, 

Christnings and Funeralls as also of their diuerse Customes, Sports, 
exercises, and particularly of hunting, hawking, Fowling, Birding, 
and Fishing. 

CHAPTER ii. Of Sweitzerland touching the heads of the first 

CHAPTER iii. Of the Vnited Prouinces of Netherland touching 
the heads of the first Chapter. 

CHAPTER iiii. Of Denmarke touching the heads of the first 

CHAPTER v. Of Bohemia touching the heads of the first Chapter. 
CHAPTER vj. Of Poland touching the heads of the first Chapter. 
CHAPTER vii. Of Turky touching the heads of the first Chapter. 

Ube ffftb JBoofee. 

CHAPTER i. Of the Italians nature and manners, Bodyes, and 
Witts, manuall Arts, Sciences, Vniuersityes, Language Ceremonyes, 
particulerly in marriages, Childbearings, Christnings and funeralls, 
as also of their diuerse Customee, Pastimes, exercises, particulerly 
hunting, hawking, fouling, Birding, and Fishing. 

CHAPTER ii. Of the Frenchmen touching the heads of the first 

CHAPTER iii. Of England touching the heads of the first Chapter. 
CHAPTER iiii. Of Scotland touching the heads of the first Chapter. 
CHAPTER v. Of Ireland touching the heads of the first Chapter. 

CHAPTER vj. A generall and breife discourse of the Jewes, and of 
the Greekes. 

Facsimile of a page of Moryson's original Latin version of 
his Itinerary from No. 5133 of the Harleian MSS., British 
Museum. The English version of this page is on Page 4, 
Part I., of the 1617 Folio Itinerary. 


The first Booke. 

CHAP: i. 

Of the Turkes Comonwealth, vnder which tytle I contayne 
the historicall Introduction, the kings Pedegrees, and 
Courts, the present State of publique affayres, the 
Tributes, and Revenues, the military power for Horse, 
Foote, and Navye, the Courts of Justice, rare lawes, 
more specially those of Inheritance, and contracts of 
manage, the Criminal! Judgments, and the diuersitye 
of degrees in Family and Comonwealth. 

NOE man can iustly expect from me a full, and exact discourse 
vppon the heads aboue written, which few men, (and that with 
extraordinary Labour and practice) can write of their owne 
Country that should be best knowne to euery man, But it ought 
to suffice, that I make such obseruations as a Passenger can 
make in a Cursory Journey of a straunge Country, by reading 
Conference, and like obiects of the sence. And because as many 
hearers of sermons come from Church well satisfyed, if they 
haue obserued two, or three witty exceptions against the 
Preacher; so in our age (as experience hath taught me) there 
be some Readers of the same Condition, with whome (among 
some other exceptions) my large Writing in the former parts, 
hath turned to my reproofe, I will in this part write breifely, 
collecting myselfe from all excursions, as being drawne to the 
writing hereof, rather out of a naturall affection to giue all the 
members to this my vnlicked whelpe, then out of any desyre or 
hope fully to satisfy the curious readers of our Crittick age. 

The Historical Introduction. 

Thus I fall to the purpose, beginning with the historicall 
introduction of Turkye. Wicked Mahomett, were he an 
Arabian or Persian, was borne in the yeare of our lord 597, and 


wrote the Alcoran of his new religion about the yeare 622, 
whome his followers saluted king, and the Saracens (more truely 
called Agarines) leaving the pay of the Christian Emperor of 
the East, ioyned their armes to his forces, against whome the 
Persian king drew to his ayde the Turquestans inhabiting 
Turquemania or Turkye lying vppon the Confines of Parthia. 
The said Persian king being ouercome in the yeare 640, by the 
Mahometan Saracens, the Turquestans (vulgerly called Turkes) 
yeilded themselues tributory to these Saracens, and withall 
tooke their Mahometan Keligion which to this day they hold ; 
But a difference of this religion falling among the Saracens, 
deuided their Empire, part following the Caliph of Persia and 
part the Sultan of Egipt. The Turkes about the yeare 1040 
casting of the yoke of the Saracens, made themselues a king, 
and increased their kingdome with the fall of the Saracen 
Empire about the yeare 1080. The Tartars about the yeare 
1258 cast the Turkes out of Persia where they planted Christian 
Eeligion and after subdued Syria, but the Sultan of Egipt droue 
them out of Syria about the year 1268. At last the Turquemans or 
Turkes seated in Asia the lesser, swallowed the Saracens Empire 
in the East. These Turkes had then fower Familyes, which 
like the Cantons of Sweitzerland gouerned their Commonwealth 
till Ottaman of the Ogusian family, suppressing the other three, 
and getting the whole Empire of the Turkes about the yeare 
1300, left the name of Ottoman hereditary to the kings of the 
Turkes, as that of Cajsar, was left to the Bomane Emperors. 
Orcanes the sonne of Ottoman seated himselfe at Prusa or Bursia 
in the lesser Asia. The Christian Emperor of the East required 
ayde against the Bulgarians of Amurath sonne to Orcanes, who 
inticed by the pleasant fertilitye of Greece passed the Hellespont 
with an huge army, and openly affecting the Empire of the 
East, in the yeare 1363, stayed in Thrace with his army. 
Cyrisceobes (or as others write Calapin) being king of the Turkes 
in the yeare 1397, left his sonnes to be his heyres, but his 
brother Moses caused them all to be killed, whome his third 
brother Mahomett slewe with like trecherie, and became the 


first king of that name, from which tyme the manner of the 
Tuikish kings to beginn their Tyraimicall gouernment with the 
cruell strangling of all their brothers first grew into Custome, 
and after was established for a lawe. This Mahomett the first, 
seated himselfe at Adrianopolis in Thrace, and subdued 
Macedonia. Amurath called vulgarly Morat-Beg in the yeare 
1419. subdued Seruia, and gaue the Hungarians a wofull ouer- 
throw at Varna, and first instituted the famous military footmen 
called Janizares. Mahomett the second vtterly extinguished 
the Christian Empire of the East, taking the head Citty thereof 
Constantinople in the yeare of our lord 1453. so first deseruing 
to be stiled the Emperor of the Turkes. In the meane tyme 
the Mahometan Parthians about the yeare 1350, had driuen the 
Christian Tartars out of the kingdome of Persia, and the 
Scithian Tamberlane in the yeare 1400, driuing out them, had 
possessed himselfe of that kingdome. After Constantinople 
was taken by the Turkes, Assimbeius discending of the Turkes 
did againe driue the Scithians out of the Persian kingdome in 
the yeare 1470. Baiazet the second possessed the Turkish 
Empire at Constantinople in the yeare 1481. and in the tyme of 
his Empire, Ismael Sophus king of Persia, reputed by his [.n'c] 
for a Prophet, became the Author of a new Mahometan sect, 
differing from that of the Turkes, as pretending a more pure 
reformacion thereof, and thereby sowed a successiue and deadly 
hatred, rising from the said difference of religion, and to this 
day remayning betweene the Persian sect of the Persians, and 
the Arabian sect of the Turkes. Selimus Emperor of the Turkes 
subdued the Empire of the Saracen Sultan of Egipt, with his 
order of knights called Mamalukes vtterly extinguishing them 
both in the yeare 1517, Amurath (vulgarly Moratt) the sonne of 
Selime succeeded Emperor in the yeare 1574. and was living in 
the yeare, when I began my iourney towards Turky. He was 
said to have liued with his Sultana (or Empresse) 32 yeares, 
and to have had no Concubine for the first 20 yeares, but the 
people murmuring, that contrary to the Custome of his 
Ancestors, he suffered the succession of his Empire to depend 


vppon one sonne, therevppon to haue taken some Concubines, 
and his obseruance of Chastity once broken, to haue had so 
many as they could hardly be numbred. He was of a nieane 
stature, of a cleare complexion white and ruddy, a chearefull 
Countenance, and corpulent or fatt in the body. He greatly 
delighted in Jewells which he bought at high rates, and wore 
rich apparrell. He was of a merry disposition and hated 
crueltie, which his dying mother as it were by her last Testa- 
ment (nothing being more religiously obserued by the Turkes 
then their parents last Will) charged him to avoyd. He loued 
peace, yet with good successe made warr against the Persians, 
not in person, but by his Greneralls, which kinde of making warr 
is more commodious for these Emperors, then if in person they 
should lead their Armyes, since their Confines are farr distant 
from Constantinople where they alwayes winter, so as great part 
of the sommer is spent in leading forth and bringing back their 
Army. Howsoeuer he was of a soft nature, and giuen to 
pleasure, yet in Aifrick he subdued the kingdome of Tunis and 
razed Goleta to the ground, and in Hungarie he tooke Chiauerin 
and left the Hungarian warr hereditary to his sonne, who 
pursued the same with great earnestnes. He did willingly read 
histories, causing some to be translated into the vulgar tongue, 
and was said to be an excellent Poett, inviting his Courtiers by 
rewards to that study. He greedily affected Noueltie, and built 
the greatest part of his Imperiall Serraglio or Pallace. He 
loued Musick, but had not the patience to attend the tuning of 
instruments, so as the Venetians sending him a Consort which 
he desyred to heare, they could not be so ready after they had 
long expected him, but that vppon his sodeine Coming they 
were forced to spend a little tyme in tuning their instruments, 
whereat he grew so impatient, as he went away in anger, and 
would neuer come againe to heare them. Indeed I could neuer 
obserue that the Turkes haue any skill in nnisick, only I haue 
heard them play with a strong hand vppon a poore litle fidle 
nothing lesse then delightfully to the eare. 

He was by nature carryed to extremes, seldome holding the 


meane, and easily beleeued the first information without due 
examination thereof, but he was said to be more courteous and 
mercifull, and to haue gathered more treasure than any of his 
Ancestors. He admitted his sonne Mahomet to Circumcision 
the fifteenth yeare of his age in the yeare 1580. which was 
performed in great Pompe with the presence of many Princes 
Ambassadors. To his Sultana, namely the mother of his eldest 
sonne, he would neuer giue a letter of dowry vulgarly called 
Chebin, which only makes her his wife, and without which she 
is esteemed a Concubine and slaue, and cannot be buryed by the 
syde of the Emperor. And this he refused by the example of 
his father, and some of his late Ancestors, thincking he should 
not long liue after he had done it, which suspition was not 
without iust cause, since the mother of the eldest sonne while 
the father liueth, is in seruile subiection to him, but when her 
sonne raigneth, out of his religious duty to her, vseth to haue 
great authority and liberty to liue at her pleasure. He raigned 
19 yeares 26 dayes and liued 51 yeares, and dyed the second 
bower of the night vppon the 6 day of January after the old 
style in the yeare 1595, while I was yet in my Journey to 
Constantinople. He left two daughters maryed, one to Ibrahim 
cheife Bashawe (or Visere) the other to Halil Basha, and besides 
25 daughters kept in the old Serraglio to be marryed to like 
great Subiects by the Emperor their brother, and also he left 
19 male children, besides the eldest succeeding him and three of 
his Concubines great with Childe. 

The Emperor then liuing. 

Amurath being dead the Admirall presently sailed to Bursia 
in Magnesia that he might bring from thence to Constantinople 
Mahomet the third heyre of the Empire who publiquely and by 
day entred the Citty contrary to the Custome of his Ancestors 
who vsed to come by night, and to conceale the death of their 
fathers for feare lest the Citty might be sacked, by some mutiny 
of the Janizaries. Yea he spent eleuen dayes in this iourney 


of his retorne and at last arriued at Constantinople the 27th of 
January in the morning at the stayres of his Serraglio, after he 
had bene 12 yeares absent, wherein (according to their Custome) 
he had neither scene father nor mother. Then (according to 
the Custome) he gaue a boone or guift to the Admirall vppon his 
petition, and comaunded his fathers dead body to be carryed to 
the graue with great pompe vppon the palmes of Eunuches who 
were clothed in black, yet wore their white heads, or Turbents 
ouer a black rap. The same evening his 19 brothers were 
brought to kisse his hands, at which tyme, he was said to have 
wept, and in detestation of the horrible lawe to beginn their 
raigne with the cruell murther of their brothers, was said to 
haue sworne neuer to take any Concubine, nor to know any 
other woman then his owne Sultana, yet after few dayes he 
receiued 50 virgins presented to him, and within few moneths, 
by that tyme I came to Constantinople, had 500. Concubines 
for his owne saddle, whereof that somer going to the warr in 
Hungary, he was said to leaue 40 great with childe. His said 
brothers having done reuerence vnto him, vnder pretence to be 
circumcised were led into the next chamber, where that 
Ceremony being performed to them, (whereby a Turke is called 
Musulman that is admitted into their Church), they were 
presently strangled by dumbmen, and so laid in Coffins of 
Cypres, with their faces open, that the Emperor (after the 
Custome) passing through that chamber to visitt his mother, 
might see their faces, and with his eyes behold them both living 
and dead, lest any one should be preserued. The same brothers 
were thence carryed, and presently laid by their father in the 
same Coffines and in a stately Sepulcher built by Amurath of 
purpose for himselfe and them. Then the Emperour went to 
doe reuerence to his mother in her lodgings; for as I formerly 
said, the Emperors make great religion to obserue their dead 
parents last Testament, and to giue their liuing mother great 
respect and power in state matters, wherevppon I said the late 
Emperors were afraid to giue the mother of their eldest sonne 
(though neuer so deare to them) a letter of dowry lest she being 


thereby made Sultana, for hope of power in her sonnes tyme, 
should practice their death. And so great is this power of the 
mother in state matters, as the king of Persia not long before 
sent a woman to this Court for his Ambassador, as most fitt to 
treat with the Sultana and her women. 

When the Emperor had done reuerence to his mother, he 
presently putt out of his Pallace his fathers cheife Concubines, 
and sent them to the old Pallace or Serraglio, to be kept their 
by Eunuches apart with the rest of his fathers Concubines, and 
thence to be giuen in mariage by the Emperor to his greatest 
Subjects. Likewise he sent out his fathers Sodomieticall boyes. 
But the three Concubines left with childe by his father were left 
to the speciall charge of trusty Eunuches that the Children at 
the birth might be strangled if they proued male Children. 
Also he sent out of his Pallace the dumbmen and dwarfes, in 
whome he tooke noe such delight as his father did. The said 
Concubines while the Emperor liueth, are for the most part kept 
in the old Serraglio with his sonnes and daughters, but in 
seuerall parts of the house onely the eldest sonne with his 
mother and some few Concubines in whose more frequent 
Conversation the Emperor is delighted, vse to be kept in the 
Emperors owne Serraglio. Ordinarily each hath 15 Aspers a 
day for mantenance and is apparrelled twice euery yeare at the 
end of their two lents. Certaine old women are sett ouer them, 
but the whole Serraglio is gouerned by an Agha with Porters, 
and other officers being all gelded men. When it pleaseth the 
Emperor to take viewe of them they are all sett in order, and as 
he passeth by he casts his handkercher to her whome he will 
haue brought to his bed, and she is presently carryed to the 
Bath, where she is anoynted with balme and precious oyntments, 
and washed, and then richly apparrelled, is brought to the 
Emperors bed who giues her presently tenn thousand Aspers, 
and besides if she please him, vseth to graunt her a boone, 01 
request for some brother, kinsman, or freind of hers to be 
preferred to some gouernment, and from that tyme she is 
separated from the other virgins, having a greater stipend for 


mantenance, and living with greater respect then formerly she 
did, especially if she proue with Childe. When any of them 
become 25 yeares old (at which age the Turks repute women 
past the best) they are maryed to officers in the Court, or 
Commaunders in the Army, except they haue either borne 
children, or otherwise gotten fauour with the Emperor by 
wanton daliance, and young virgins are placed in their roomes. 
This Emperor Mahomett the third living at the tyme I came 
to Constantinople, was borne in the yeare 1564. the moneth of 
August and began to raigne in the yeare 1595. being about 31 
yeares of age. His eldest sonne was called Selim being about 
14 yeares of age but vncircumcised, and it was expected, that 
with great pompe and Concurse of Princes Ambassadors, he 
should be circumcised in the moneth of August following at the 
end of Lent, and the Feast of Beyram (as our Easter) which 
they keepe twice each yeare. And after that he was presently 
to be sent (according to the old Custome) to Bursia, of old called 
Prusa the ancient seat of the kings of Bithinia and after they 
were conquered made the seat of the Turkish Sultanes till they 
tooke Constantinople. And that Citty and Prouince he was to 
governe, and neuer more to see the face of his living father, 
nor of his mother, till his father should dye, in regard of the 
great ielousye attending the throne of kings, which among the 
Turkes is so excessiue, as it takes away all naturall loue 
betweene fathers children and brethren. The Emperors second 
sonne was called Solyman. This Mahomett began his Empire 
with a guift to the Army of three millions of gold Sultanons, 
for the number of the soldiers was greatly increased, so as 
besides other orders, there were then at Constantinople more 
then 24000 Janizaries. Then he caused his fathers debts and 
all mony due for any soldiers stipends to be fully paid. 
Having a Janizarie for my guide in spite of a great Chiaass 
offering by force to repell me (as I shall shew in the following 
discourse of the Janizaries power) I did see this Emperor when 
he came riding to St. Sophy the chiefe Mosche or church 
ioyning close to his Pallace, at which tyme all the Commaunders 


and officers on horseback, or on foote according to their place, 
came in the morning to the Emperors Serraglio and sett them- 
selues in rancks, from the dore of his Chamber in the third 
inner Court to the very dore of the Church on both sydes the 
way to guarde his person, who at last came riding on horseback 
with diuers horses richly furnished, and led empty by him, 
having many great men walking before him, and many footemen 
running by, vulgarly called Pykes, carrying short bowes and 
arrowes, and wearing a Cap of mingled Coulors in the forme 
of a suger loafe with white shirts hanging out ouer their 
breeches, and when the people cryed Alia Hough (as we say 
long liue the king) the Emperor bowed downe his body. He 
had a round face which was faire and ruddy, but somewhat 
frowning, or austere, and he nourished a broad and long black 
beard, but was very Corpulent or fatt, and seemed on horseback 
to be of somewhat a low stature. He was said to delight in the 
exercise of shooting, and to haue skill in the trade of a Fletcher, 
vsing to make many arrowes with his owne hand, and to giue 
them to his great Subiects for a present of no small importance, 
(as indeed all the Turkish Emperors vse to haue, and professe 
skill in one manuall trade or other). For his exercise of 
shooting, he had a paire of Butts in a priuate Chamber, and the 
first sommer within few monethes after his coming to the 
Empire, being to lead his Army into Hungary, for prosecution 
of that warr which his father left him with the Emperor of 
Germany, and his great Commaunders being loth he should 
take that iourney, yet not daring to disswade him themselues, 
and so inticing a Concubine in greatest grace with him to goe 
into him while he was shooting, and by her best skill to diuert 
him from that enterprise, he scorning that boldnes in a woman, 
did in a rage putt her from him, and while she trembling euery 
ioynt hasted out of his Chamber, shott her in the back with 
an arrow, and so basely killed her, for whose death he did after 
more basely lament. He was reputed obstinate in his purposes, 
and of a great Courage, and surely he gaue good testimony of 
his Courage in the said expedition into Hungary, when all his 


men flying, he alone catching the gowne of his Prophett 
Mahomett in his hand as a holy Relick, stood boldly at his tent 
dore, except you will rather call it pride then Courage, he being 
taught to thinck himselfe deare to God and greater, then whome 
fortune could hurt. Of this Emperors death hapning within 
few yeares and of his young sonne succeeding him, and of some 
great Commaunders therevppon raising Ciuill warr, together 
with the Janizaries insolent mutiny and other passages of that 
State falling out since my being there, the French history 
compendiously treateth. 

I shall not need to add any Geneologye of the Emperors, 
since they vsing to strangle all their brothers, and not only the 
daughters but the male children borne of them, being excluded 
from succession in the Empire, that Family of the Ottoman hath 
noe collaterall lynes, neither can any man be said to be of the 
bloud Royall, but only the Emperors sonnes, kept for the like 
butcherie of their elder brother. Only the common voyce was, 
That the Emperor of Turky and the king of the Tartars were 
to succeed one another vppon defect of heyres males on either 


The Turkish state. 

The Turkish Empire in our tyme is more vast and ample 
then euer it was formerly contayning most large prouinces. In 
Africk it beginnes from the straight of Gibralter and so con- 
taines Mauritania, Barbaria, Egipt, and all the Coasts of the 
Mediterranean sea. The cheife Citty of Egipt Al = caiero hath 
rich traifick, and yeildes exceeding great Revenues to the 
Emperor though no doubt much lesse since the Portugalls 
sailing by the South coast of Affrick and planting themselves 
in the East, brought all the Commodityes thereof into Portugall, 
from thence distributing them through Europe, which voyage 
in our dayes, is yearely made by the English and Flemings. 
From Egipt it contaynes in Asia the three Prouinces of Arabia, 
all Palestina, Syria, Mesopotamia, the many and large 


Prouinces of Natolia or Asia the lesser, and both the Prouinces 
of Armenia to the very confines of Persia (in these tymes much 
more straightned then in former ages) herein the famous Citty 
of Haleppo, whether all the precious wares of the East are 
brought by great Riuers and vppon the backs of Camells, 
yeildeth huge Reuenues to the Emperor. In Europe it containes 
all Greece and the innumerable Hands of the Mediterranean sea, 
some few excepted, (as Malta fortifyed by an order of Christian 
knights, Sicilye and Sardinia subiect to the king of Spaine, and 
Corsica subiect to the Citty of Genoa, and the two Hands of 
Cephalonia, that of Corfu, of Zante and of Candia with some 
few other small Hands, subiect to the Venetians). Also it 
contaynes Thracia, Bulgaria, Valachia, almost all Hungary, 
Albania, Slauonia, part of Dalmatia and other large Prouinces 
to the Confines of the Germane Emperor, and king of Poland. 

The forme of the Ottoman Empire is meerely absolute, and 
in the highest degree Tyrannicall vsing all his Subiects as 

No man hath any free Inheritance from his father, but 
mangled if any at all, since all vnmouable goods belong to the 
Emperor, and for moueable goods, they either haue litle, or dare 
not freely vse them in life, or otherwise dispose them at death 
then by a secrett guift, as I shall shew in his place. Yea the 
Children of the very Bashawes and cheife Subiects, though 
equall to their fathers in military vertues (since there is no 
way to avoide contempt or Hue in estimation but the profession 
of Armes), yet seldome rise to any place of gouernment. For 
this Tyrant indeed vseth to preferr no borne Turke to any high 
place, but they who sitt at the Sterne of the State, or haue 
any great Commaund either in the Army, or in Ciuill gouern- 
ment are for the most part Christians of ripe yeares, either taken 
Captiues or voluntarily subiecting themselues, and so leaving 
the profession of Christianity to become Mahometans, or els 
they be the Tributory Children of Christian Subiects gathered 
euery fifth yeare or oftner if occasion requires, and carried 
farr from their parents while they are young to be brought vpp 


in the Turkish religion and military exercises ; So as when they 
come to age, they neither know their Country nor parents, nor 
kinsmen so much as by name. But of those after, I shall speake 
more in the due place. 

All that Hue vnder this Tyrant, are vsed like spunges to 
be squeased when they are full. All the Turkes, yea the basest 
sort, spoile and make a pray of the Frankes (so they call 
Christians that are straungers, vppon the old league they haue 
with the French) and in like sort they spoile Christian Subiects. 
The soldiers and officers seeking all occasions of oppression, 
spoile the Common Turkes, and all Christians. The Gouernors 
and greatest Commaunders make a pray of the very souldiers, 
and of the Common Turkes, and of all Christians, and the 
superiors among them vse like extortion vppon the Inferiors, 
and when these great men are growne rich, the Emperor 
strangles them to haue their treasure. So as the Turkes hide 
their riches and many tymes bury them vnder ground, and 
because nothing is so dangerous as to be reputed rich, they 
dare neither fare well, not build faire houses, nor haue any 
rich household stuffe. The Emperor seldome speakes or writes 
to any, no not to his cheife Visers but by the name of slaues, 
and so miserable is their seruitude, so base their obedience, as 
if he send a poore Chiaass or messenger to take the head of 
the greatest Subiect, he though riding in the head of his troopes, 
yet presently submitts himselfe to the execution. Neither 
indeed hath he any hope in resistance, since his equalls are his 
enemyes in hope to rise by his fall, his felow soldiers forsake him 
as invred to absolute obedience, and he not knowing his parents, 
kinsmen or any freindes, is left alone to stand or fall by him- 
selfe. Yea such is the pride of this tyrant, as the Emperor of 
Germany paying him some tribute for peace in Hungarie, he 
did not long before this tyme write letters to him with the style 
of his slaue, had not the Emperors Ambassador refused to 
receive the letters till the superscription thereof was altered. 
Like is his pride toward all Confederate Princes, neuer seeking 
the freindshipp of any by first sending Ambassadors to them, 


but only accepting such as he liketh, vppon their offer and 
desyre of amity, and league with him. If he admitt any 
Ambassadors to his presence, he giues them no answer, or at 
most in a word referres them to the cheife Visere, not thincking 
it for his dignity to haue any particuler conference with them, 
only he vouchsafeth to behold their presents or guiftes to the 
end they may become more large and rich, neither is any 
admitted to him without bringing a present. The Turkes in 
generall scorning all busines that brings not profitt, and makes 
not entrance with a present. This Tyrant seldome speakes to 
any of his subiects, but wil be vnderstood by his lookes, having 
many dumb men about his person, who will speake by signes 
among themselues as fast as we doe by wordes, and these men 
together with some boyes prostituted to his lust, and some of 
his dearest Concubines, are only admitted to be continually 
nere his person. The cheife Visere only receiues his Com- 
maundements and his mouth giues lawe to all vnder him, being 
of incredible power and authority by reason of this pride and 
retyrednes of the Tyrant, were not this high estate of his very 
slipperye, and subiect to sodaine destruction. They who are 
admitted to the Tyrants presence, must not looke him in the 
face, and having kist the hemm of his garment, when they rise 
from adoring him, must retorne with their eyes cast on the 
ground, and their faces towards him, not turning their backs 
till they be out of his sight. 

Captiues or Slaues. 

Nothing can be imagined more miserable then a Towne 
taken by the Turkes, for they demolish all monuments sacred 
and prophane, and spare not the life of any one whose age or 
lamenes makes him worthy litle mony to be sold for a slaue, 
and they who scape the sword, are yet more miserable, reserued 
as slaues for base seruice and filthy Lusts, yea the young men 
are most miserable who forsweare Christ and become Mahome- 
tans to avoyd slavery of men, so becoming slaues to the divell. 


The Marchants or bawcles following the Camp, to buy slaues, 
sell them againe to auy buyer whatsoever, at great prices, 
vsing no Compassion to noble, or aged persons, or to tender 
wemen, and children, neither doth nobility make any man 
worth a peny more then an other, nor learning, or wisdome, or 
witt, which the buyers value not, but only respect beuty in 
women, or strength in men, except they have skill in some 
manuall art, being Smiths or Sadlers (of whome they haue 
great vse for their horses) or Jewellers (whome they esteeme 
desyring to haue all their riches portable and easy to be hidden) 
or be skilfull in nauigation, for at this tyme they greatly wanted 
Saylors. And these kindes of Captiues, as they are better vsed 
then others, so are they more warily kept, and more hardly 
redeemed. Thus a Princesse or lady, if her maydseruant be 
fayrer then shee, and a Prince or lord if his manseruant be 
stronger then hee, shall in this Captiuity be forced to serue them 
in the most base offices can be imagined. The faire women 
and boyes suffer fowle prostitutions, the strong men are vsed 
to grinde in mills, to beare heauy burthens and to doe all base 
and laborious woorkes. And if these who promise gaine in the 
selling are thus vsed, what thinck you becomes of those, who 
are lesse esteemed. The Marchants or Bawdes buying these 
Captiues, lead them bound one to another in Chaynes, forcing 
the sick and weake with whips to march as fast as the rest, or 
els cutt their throates if they be not able to goe, and at night 
when they are brought into a stable, and might hope for rest, 
then they suffer hunger, the men are scourged with whips, the 
women and boyes are so prostituted to lust, as their miserable 
outcryes yeild a wofull sound to all that are neere them. While 
myselfe was at Constantinople, I wente to view the Besestein 
or Exchaunge, where I did see Captiues to be sold and the 
buyers had as much freedome to take the virgins aside to see 
and feele the parts of their body, as if they had bene to buy a 
beast. For a woman not very faire, I heard the Bawde demaund 
three thowsand Aspers and the buyer to offer eight hundred. 
The Janizary who conducted me by the Commaund of our 


Ambassador, told me at the same tyme, that the sommer past, 
when the Army was in Hungarie, himselfe bought a Captiue 
virgin, whome he had no sooner led to his Tent, but he found 
about her (hidden as priuily as can be imagined) more gold 
then he had paid for her. And while we walked together from 
the Besestein to the parts of the Citty farther remoued, an 
old woman meeting vs, and taking vs for Christian Captiues, 
asked our price of the Janizarie who telling me merrily thereof, 
I wished him to treat with her about buying vs, and for myselfe 
being leane and weake after a long sicknes, she could not be 
induced to giue any more then an hundred Aspers, that is some 
eight shillings fower pence English, but for one of our Ambassa- 
dors seruants that walked with me, being of a strong able body, 
she offered fower hundred Aspers at the first word, though I 
had better worldly ineanes to redeeme my head then he had, 
who was beside young having small experience or skill in arts, 
all which the Turkes despise in respect of their man slaues 
strength. The cheife slaiies of the greatest men Hue in some 
good fashion, and as all degrees in Turky are knowne by their 
heads, so they did weare redd veluett bonnetts raised in the 
Crowne of the head. The lord hath absolute power of the 
goods, yea body and life of his Captiue or slaue, whereof they \ 
geld many, that they may be fitt to attend their Concubines and 
daughters. Yet I haue heard, and read of great lords killed 
by their slaues, when they had foreknowledge that they should.^ 
be gelded by them. 

Touching the Emperors reuenues and Tributes, some say 
that the ordinary revenues amount yearely to eight some say to 
twelue millions of Sultanons, besides the pay of the Army; 
others affirme that they are fifteene millions yearely ordinary 
and extraordinary. Namely five brought in treasure, and tenn 
disbursed to pay the Army. But the stipends and payments for 
the Forces and the officers in that vast Empire being excessiue 
great, it seemes not probable to me, that so much treasure should 
remayne, and yet for that huge Empire these Reuenues seeme 
small, saue that in respect of the Soldiers Tyranny, all arts, 


traffique, and husbandry are generally neglected, besides that 
the subiects liues being prodigally wasted in warr, many large 
feildes and Countries lye wast without Inhabitants or tillage. 
But howsoeuer the ordinary reuenues are great, surely the 
extraordinary are much greater. Such are the Confiscations 
of goods where all manner of Subiects by many frauds and 
extortions, frequent in that Empire, haue meanes to gather 
much treasure, and as euery superiour spoyles his inferiour, so 
the great Tyrant wants not occasion at his pleasure to take the 
heads, and goods of the greatest when they are full of riches. 
Such are likewise the guilts and presents of vnspeakable number 
and value, since noe man hath any gouernment without buying 
it, the same being oft sold to diuers men at one tyme, besides 
that they are scarce warme in their seats before they are 
recalled by a Successor sent from Constantinople : So as they 
must vse great speed and cruell extortion to scrape together so 
much mony in short tyme, as will not only satisfy themselues 
but also afford them guiftes to be presented to the Emperor, 
and their cheife superiors, without which they can neuer make 
a good accompt of their imployment. Besides no Ambassador 
hath audience before he hath giuen his present ; neither can any 
Weaker Princes bordering vppon the Empire treat about their 
affayres without like presents, or haue peace, truce or im- 
munityes without buying them. Such also are the goods of 
straungers dying in his Empire, to whome the Emperor is 
heyre, vppon which accidents of Christians dying besides taking 
their owne goods, many fraudes are putt vppon the rich as if 
their goods belonged to the dying men. In which kinde my 
brother dying by the way betweene Haleppo and Constantinople 
the Turkes pretending the Tynne and Cloth of English 
marchants to belong to my brother, and vppon his death to be 
due to the Emperor, extorted much mony of the Marchants 
before the goods could be released. 

The Customes for marchandize are excessiue great at 
Haleppo (a famous Citty of traffique) of 80 Chests of Indico 
eleuen were giuen to the Emperor for Custome, and of all other 


goods he had for custome generally five in the hundred ; only 
the English nation had the fauor to pay three in the hundred; 
But these Customes are vncertaine, being increased or decreased 
at pleasure. 

For reuenues of Land, The Tymars giuen in farme only for 
life, (besides the horse and foote they are bound to finde, as a 
horse for each 60 Sultanons rent; whereof I shall speake in due 
place) pay tythes and other duties to the Emperor. Thus the 
tythes and Tributes of the playne of Tripoly alone (by which 
the rest may be coniectured) were said to passe 200th thousand 
French Crownes yearely : For the Turkes pay the Emperor the 
tenth part of all their fruites and Cattell. The Christianes not 
only pay the fourth part thereof, and of all gaine by manuall 
trades, but also being numbred by pole in their Familyes, each 
one payes yearely a Sultanon or more for his head, if he be 
aboue fifteene yeares old, and if he haue no meanes to pay it, 
he must begg it from dore to dore of other Christians, and if he 
cannot so gett it, shall for want thereof be made the Emperors 
slaue. Besides that the Christians Children are exacted for 
Tribute, whereof I shall speake in his place. 

Among many particulers wherein myselfe had experience of 
their extortion towards Christians, I remember that when wee 
sailed vppon the Coast in vnarmed Barques, wee were advised 
to avoyd putting into any harbour, as much as we could, and 
especially not to goe on land, because the Gouernors of such 
Townes vse to exact from Christians so driuen in, a Zechine by 
the pole. And a kinsman of myne driuen into Tripoli Port, 
about this tyme, hardly escaped the trecherie of a Janizarie who 
purposed to sell him for a slaue to the Turkes dwelling within 
land, to be imployed in seruice of husbandry, whence he should 
haue had small hope to be redeemed, since Christians traffique 
only in places neere the sea, and the Turkes within land 
carefully keepe their slaues vsing (besides many other meanes) 
the help of witchcraft, to bring them back when they runn away 
towards the sea. When we ariued in the Hauen of Joppa, any 
Turke would take from vs what he list, especially victualls, and 


when wee landed, having a safe Conduct to Hierusalem, from 
the Sobasha of Ramma, for which euery man paid six Zechines 
by the pole, yet wee were not free from the rapine of Mores, and 
Arabians all the way, flying vppon vs for vndue tributes or 
extortions by way of guift. These Arabians partly subiect to 
the Turkes, partly to the Persian, yet Hue as outlawes, spoiling 
all men that are not in pention to some great Family among 
them, in which case they will protect any Marchant, and reueng 
his wrongs against all other men, euen of their owne nation. 
Neither can they be pursued by any Army, because at such 
tymes, they withdraw themselues into such places where an 
Army cannot follow them for want of water, the trouble of 
passing mountaines, and the huge aboundance of sand, which 
is carried with the windes like the flouds of the Sea, and 
ouerwhelmeth all, who haue not the skill to void them by 
obseruing the windes. When we entred Hierusalem wee paid 
each man two Zechines for tribute, and when wee entred the 
church built ouer the Sepulcher of Christ, wee paid each man 
nine Zechines for tribute. So as the Emperors exactions vppon 
Turkes and Christians may appeare to be vnsupportable. 

Constantinople the seat of the Empire is by the Greekes 
called Stamboll and more commonly by the Turkes Capy, that 
is the Port gate or Hauen and the Emperors Court is called 
Saray, which the Italians call Serraglio. 

The court and cheife officers of the State. 

Touching the officers of the Court, first vnderstand that as 
well they as the officers of the State are military men, since 
only soldiers beare sway in this Empire and all the officers of 
Court follow the Emperor in the Army. Six young men or 
Pages, attend the Emperors person, two each day by course who 
pull of his Clothes at night, and putt them on in the morning, 
and watch all night at his Chamber dore, putting into his 
pockett each morning on the one syde a thousand Aspers, on 
the other syde twenty Sultanons, whereof what remaynes at 


night falls to them by course for their availes. The first of 
them called Odabassi hath thirty Aspers, the rest twenty, or 
twenty five each day for their fee. The Capabassi or Captaine 
of the Court, an Eunuch and the Casnadarbassi cheife of the 
Treasures, had each of them 60 Aspers by the day. The 
Chilergibassi cheefe of the dispensers or Pantlers, and the 
Sarandarbassi, or Saraybassi keeper of the Serraglio in the 
Emperors absence had each 50 Aspers by the day. And these 
fower officers of Court had 12 Eunuches vnder them. Of the 
tributary sonnes of Christians (hereafter to be discoursed of in 
due place) 500 are brought vpp in the Emperors Serraglio, from 
the age of 8 yeares to 20 being the choyse of those Children, 
whereof many are deare to the Emperor in a most sinfull kinde. 
These are instructed in reading, writing, the study of the lawe 
(so much as to be able to read it in the Arabian tongue wherein 
it is written), but they medle with no higher misteries, saue 
only horsmanshipp and vse of their Armes. In the first they 
are instructed by old Talismans called Cozza, as it were doctors 
of the law, and twice in the yeare at each Beyram (so they call 
the Feast succeeding lent) they are apparrelled in Cloth, neuer 
going out of the Serraglio till they be come to ripe age and 
are preferred to bee Spacoglans or Silichstars. In the meane 
tyme they Hue in Chambers as in our Hospitalls divided into 
tenns, an Eunuch being sett ouer each tenn, who is called 
Capoglan (oglan signifying a boy). The Serraglio or Pallace 
is some two myles in Circuit, having a spacious Garden kept by 
35 Gardiners vulgarly called Bostangi, being Janizarrotti or 
inferiour Janizaries, who haue for stipend 3 or 5 Aspers the day, 
and are yearely apparrelled in sky-coloured cloth whose hope 
of preferment is to become Janizaries, Solacchs or Capigies. 
The cheife ouer them is called Bostangibassi, and hath 50 Aspers 
the day for fee, with many availes belonging to his office, 
neither doth he goe out of the Serraglio, but only to looke to 
the Emperors gardens out of the Citty, in which they vse to take 
much pleasure, having alwayes two boates at the stayres of this 
garden, by which the Emperor may passe to other gardens, or 


rowe vppon the water for his pleasure, being rowed only by 
these gardeners, the cheife whereof is commonly in good 
reputacion with him by the often vse of his seruice. The cheife 
of the Cookes in Court, is called Assibassi, who hath 50 Cookes 
vnder him (Assi signifying a Cooke) and this cheife hath 40 or 50 
Aspers, whereas the rest haue only from 4 to 8 Aspers by the 
day each man. Among other ministers of the Court (who 
cannot without tediousnes be all named), one hundred Jani- 
zarotts bring wood by Cartloads, and haue each man three or 
five Aspers by the day, besides apparrell. The Casnegirbassi 
that is Sewer or cheife of them that bring vpp the Emperors 
meat, hath 80 Aspers by the day, and vnder him one hundred 
Casnegirs, haue some 40 some 60 Aspers by the day. The 
charge of diett for the Emperor and all his Court was then said 
to be some 5000 Aspers by the day, by which small expence the 
temperance of the Turkish diett may appeare. Three cheefe 
Porters called Capigibassi had each one hundred Aspers by the 
day, and one of them stands alwayes at the Emperors dore, 
having vnder them 250 Porters called Capigi, whereof each 
hath 5. or 7. Aspers by the day. Some write that each of these 
three cheife Porters hath 250 vnder them, surely there be many 
in number, and no Ambassador, or other having busines in 
Court, doth enter the gates without giuing them a large reward. 
They are often sent abroad with the Emperors Mandates for 
the strangling of great men, and to see the execution done. 
There be many Eunuches in the Court, aswell blackmoores, as 
other with white skinnes, but all with black harts, having 
forsaken the faith of Christ, to become Mahometans, and these 
haue the charge of keeping the treasure, and the women. 

The Musteraga is cheife of the Musteraes or Squiers of the 
body and these goe often to the tables of the great Turkish 
Commaunders, and of all Ambassadors, being then reputed as 
Spyes, making relation of their actions to the Emperor. Some 
30. or 40. Footemen called Peychs Hue in Court, who having (as 
they said) taken out their splene, or milt, were of wonderfull 
swiftnes in running, alwayes attending the Emperors stirropp. 


The Court Drogomau, or Interpreter of tongues, had some 500 
Aspers by the day, and asinuch more by Timar, besides great 
guiftes from Ambassadors, and other men vsing his seruice. 

The Visers or Viceroyes residing in Constantinople being 
4. of old, were 7 at this tyme. These together with the Mofty 
(that is the cheefe Interpreter of the law) may be said to be 
the Emperors Counsell of State. The cheefe of them is next 
to the Emperors person in dignity, by whome all his Commaunds 
are executed with absolute power, but a slippery estate to whome 
the rest are joyned for assistance, but farr inferiour to him in 
power, and one of these alwayes leades the Army when the 
Emperor goes not in person. The cheefe had 24,000 Sultanons 
each of the rest about 16000 yearely fee with thrice asmuch by 
Timar, besides their robes, and large guifts from Ambassadors, 
and all men preferred to any dignity yeilding an incredible 
reuenue. These reside in Constantinople, saue when they 
follow the Emperor in the Army, and keepe Royall Courts and 
traynes some one of them having some 600 slaues following them. 
They distribute all offices and gouernments, preferring none, 
nor yet speaking with any man, who hath not first giuen them 
a present, or bribe. And the dignityes of Yiseres are for life. 
Next to these out of the Citty are the two Beglerbegs (or lords 
of lords) the one of Greece, or liomagna lying at Sophia in 
Bulgaria, or more comonly at the Emperors Court commaund- 
ing in cheefe all the Prouinces of Europe : the other Natolia, 
or Asia the lesse, commaunding all the Provinces thereof yet 
vnder him of Romagna being present. These are next the 
Generall in commaunding the Army in sommer seruice, and 
comrnaund it absolutely at other tymes, and haue vnder them 
the inferior Bassaes not Visers and the Sangiachs or Sangiglens 
(Sangis signifying a Standard) and all inferior Gouernors of 
Prouinces, Townes, and Castles. He of Greece hath 10000 
Sultanons yearely by Timar and was said to haue then vnder 
him 37 Sangiacchi, 400 Sobbassi 50000 Spachi and Timaristi 
(who are not called Spachi, because they possesse a small Timar 
about the yearely value of 100 Sultanons) and 60,000 Achengi, 


or Adventurers who serue without stipend to be free of Tribute. 
And all these are horsemen not to speake of two or three other 
Bassaes or Beggs in Hungarie, and those Confines with the 
Zangiacchs and horsemen vnder them. The other of Natolia 
having 4000 Sultanons yearely by Timar, was said to Commaund 
12 Sangiacchi, and 30000 Spachi and Timariotts. The Bassa 
sett ouer Damascus, Syria, and Judea having 24000 Sultanons 
yearely by Timar was said to haue 2000 slaues, and to commaund 
12 Sangiacchi having 7000 Sultanons by Timar, and 20000 
Spachi, and Timariots, not to speake of some 30 Bassaes, or 
Begs in diuers Countries of Asia the greater, with the Zangiachs 
and horsemen vnder them. The Bassa of Cayro, Egipt, Africk 
and Arabia having 30000 Sultanons yearely by Timar was said 
to haue an infinite number of Slaues, and to commaund 16 
Sangiacchi, and 1GOOOO Spachi and Timariotts not to speake of 
two or three inferior Bassaes or Begs in Africk. Those Begler- 
begs commaund but for some yeares and the rest are often 
changed. In generall vnderstand that these reuenues of those 
great Commaunders by Timar, and stipend, are nothing to them 
in respect of the treasure they gett by extortion, for which they 
are neuer questioned, so they be able to bribe the Emperor, and 
Viseres by presents at their retorne. 

I retorne to the Commaunders that reside at Constantinople, 
or follow the Army, marching thence. The Bassa of the Sea 
or Admirall commaunds all the Gallies and of old, this place 
belonged to the Sangiacch of Gallipolis till the great Pyrat 
called Barbarossa some 100 yeares past, had that place giuen 
him, from which tyme also this officer hath the title and dignity 
of a Visere Bassa, and hath yearely 14000 Sultanons by Timar 
out of three Hands, being absolute Commaunder at Sea, but 
having the cheife Viseres Commission to direct and warrant 
his actions. He hath 14 Zangiachs or Gouernors of Citties 
vppon the Sea vnder him. The Janizar-Agar or cheife of the 
Janizaries is an office of great authority as shal be shewed, and 
he hath one 1000 Aspers stipend by the day, and 6000 Sultanons 
yearely by Timar. The Chiause-Aga or cheife of the Chiauses 


(400 horsemen in number) is of so great authority, as being 
sent to any great man to see him putt to death, he is obeyed by 
word of mouth, though he haue no mandate to that purpose. 
He and all vnder him, are like our Gentlemen Pentioners, and 
bearing a mace on horsback, ride before, and about the Emperors 
person, and are sent abroad vppon the foresaid or any other 
messages, and many of them attend at the Cheife Viseres 
Pallace to execute his Commaunds, and also in Courts of 
Justice, and some of them follow the Beglerbegs in the feild. 
Two Solachbassi commaund 150 of the strongest Janizaries 
chosen out for the Emperors guard, and called Solacchi, and the 
Commaunders ride on horsback neere the Emperors person, 
wearing long feathers, but they and their men are vnder the 
Commaund of the Janizar-Aga, whome I did see riding by 
the Emperors side (as he vseth to doe) wearing a great plume 
of feathers, and being a goodly tall man. The Spacchoglan- 
Aga is a great office, and he hath 10 Sultanons each day in mony, 
and by Timar. I passe ouer the Silichtar-Aga, two Olifagibassi 
cheefes of their orders, and the Hechterbassi who hath 40. 
Aspers by the day and Commaundes 60 if echteri, who have the 
charge to carry the Emperors Tents and Carpetts and to sett 
vpp and spread them : and the Sechmembassi having one 100 
Aspers by the day with charge of the hunting doggs and having 
vnder him some 2000 Janizaries. I passe ouer the Zagarzibassi 
having of a speciall kinde of hunting doggs and the Zachengi- 
bassi, having charge of some 100 Falcons : and the Imralem- 
Aga who caryes the Emperors Standard, having 200 Aspers by 
the day : with many other like officers. Certaine swift horsmen 
called Vlacchi alwayes attend the Pallaces of the Emperor, and 
cheife Visere to carry letters, and woe be to those who furnish 
them not presently with horses. 

Besides these officers in Court and Commaunders of the 
Army, they haue Judges who are skilfull in the Mahometan 
lawe, for they haue aswell humane as diuine lawes from 
Mahomett. The cheife Interpreters of these lawes called Mofty, 
is had in exceeding great honor, whose voice is held for an 


oracle, and the Emperor consults with him in the most difficult 
matters, and vseth him with great respect. Next to him, is the 
I losi, or Hogsi, who was schoolemaster to the Emperor in his 
youth. Two Cadilisquieri (others write Lischieri) are Talismani 
as it were doctors of the lawe, and they are the cheife Judges, 
one for Europe, the other for Asia, to whome all appeales are 
made, each having seuen 1000 Sultanons yearely by Timar, 
besides that the Emperor payes tenn Clarkes for each of them, 
and each of them hath some 200 or 300 slaues. At Constant- 
inople they assist the cheife Visere, who committs civill causes 
to them, reseruing Criminall to himselfe. They take place 
before the Visere, but are farr inferior to him in power; with 
his consent they place or displace all inferior Judges, as those 
called Cadi, who are Judges of Citties or Townes, and haue a 
kinde of Episcopall authority, and the Judges vnder them, 
aswell in Citties and Townes as in villages, called Percadi, and 
Nuipi, as also those that are called Sobassi. And vppon these 
depend the Muctari or Sergeants, who apprehend guilty men, 
and execute Judgments, rewarded out of the malefactors goods. 
All these exercise horrible extortions vppon all Turkes and 
vppon Christians, especially those that are Subiects. 

Among officers of State the Nisangibassi like the Chancelor 
of the Empire, keepes the Imperiall Scale taking place next the 
Beglerbegs, and having yearely by Timar 8000 Sultanons, and 
said to have some 300 slaues bought with his mony, who (as all 
other Judges) followes the beck of the cheife Visere. Of two 
Isnadicbassi or Defterdari (that is Treasorers) the one receiues 
the reuenue of Europe, having 6000 Sultanons yearely by Timar 
and when the Emperor goes out of Constantinople (as some- 
tymes he doth with the Army) he is left to gouerne the Citty 
in his absence : the other receiues the reuenues of Asia and 
Africk, having yearely 10000 Sultanons by Tymar, but the 
availes of these offices are of farr greater moment. They haue 
vnder them 50 Clerkes, and to each of them the Emperor giues 
30 or 40 Aspers by the day, besides many other helpers to cast 
vpp the accompts of the Casna or Treasure. They send their 


deputies into all Prouinces, Cittyes, and Townes, who committ 
vnspeakable extortions, especially vppon strangers, Widowes, 
Orphanes, Christians and the heyres of such as be dead. Two 
Rosunamegi, or cheife Clerkes, and 25 inferior Clerkes, receiue 
and disburse the mony, and each of the cheife hath 40 Aspers, 
each of the other hath 8 or 10 Aspers by the day. Two 
Desnedari waigh the Aspers each having 30 Aspers by the day. 
One Casnadarbassi or Thresorer out of the Citty of Constan- 
tinople had 50 Aspers by the day, and had vnder him 10 others 
having each 10 or 15 Aspers by the day. One Deftermine kept 
the Register of the Timars and had 40 Aspers by the day, and 
he had vnder him 10 Clerkes, each having 10 or 15 Aspers by 
the day. The cheife Visere is as the Secretary of State, and he 
had vnder him two Riscatapi or Secretaries, who presented all 
petitions to him, and gaue his answer in writing. 

Of the Cheife Visere then gouerning the State. 

When I was at Constantinople the cheife Visere was called 
Ibraym Bassa, who had maryed one of the sisters of the Emperor 
(for the sisters are neuer putt to death with the brothers, but 
are maried to the greatest Subiects the Emperor hath). He 
gouerned the Empire with absolute power, but was ruled and 
supported by the Sultana the Emperors mother. It was told me 
by men of Creditt, that he neuer lay with his wife without first 
asking her leaue, and when he came to her bed, he entred not 
at the side, but crept in at the feete, and if this be the Condition 
of them, that marry the sisters of the Emperor, they are more 
like their slaues then their husbands. And while I was yet at 
Constantinople one was apprehended, who attempted to kill this 
Visere with a knife, and he fayned himselfe madd and though 
he was cruelly tormented, yet would not confesse why he had 
attempted it, nor any one that was priuy to his purpose. But 
the ruine of this Visere shortly following, shewed how slippery 
these high dignityes are, euen in respect of the Envie among 
equalls, when the Emperor is not offended ; For in October last 


past, some three monethes before I came to this Citty, the 
Emperor, retorned from the Hungarian warr, and having bene 
offended with Ibraym for some thing had happened that Somer 
in the said warr, had taken from him the dignity of cheife 
Visere, while he was yet in Hungarie and giuen the same to 
Sigala Ogly an Italian Reneagate of Genoa, but receiuing 
letters from his mother at Adrianopolis on the behalfe of 
Ibraym, whome she supported, they preuailed somuch with 
him, as he had presently restored Ibraym to his former dignity, 
and before the Emperor came to Constantinople, his mother and 
Ibraym had so incensed him against Sigala, as he was forbidden 
to enter Constantinople, the cheife pretended cause of which 
offence was that Sigala had perswaded the Emperor in the 
choice of the king of the Tartarians to fauour a younger brother 
who then followed him in the Army, wherevppon the elder 
brother getting the victory and kingdome, was much alienated 
from the Emperor. This Sigala was preferred to the dignity of 
a Bassa by the Hogsi (others write Hogsialer) the schoolemaster 
of the Emperor in his youth, and lest he should vse meanes to 
restore him to the Emperors fauor, his mother and Ibraym, 
vnder pretence of honor, but indeed to send the Hogsi so farr 
of as by reason of his old age he should not be likely to retorne, 
procured the Emperor to make him Gouernor of Meccha, so 
as all men reputed Sigala for a dead man. But myselfe in the 
springtyme retorning into Italy, there heard by credible 
relation, that Sigala was receiued to the Emperors fauour. 
When I was at Constantinople, Halil Bassa, who had maryed 
another of the Emperors sisters, succeeded the Admirall Vccelli 
an Italian Renagate of Calabria, being dead, but he began the 
exercise of that office with ill fortune, For myselfe in my 
retorne before I came to the straight of the Castles, being driuen 
by a storme into the Hand Aloni, not far distant from 
Constantinople, there heard that seuen of the Emperors Gallies 
were lost in that storme. 


Princes Ambassadors. 

Touching Princes Ambassadors. The Persian and other 

like Potentates, vppon particuler occasions send Ambassadors to 

Constantinople, but I did not heare at my being there, of any 

such continually residing in the Citty. Among the Christian 

Princes, I may say the like of the king of Poland. Of the rest 

only three had leiger Ambassadors at my being there, Namely 

Elizabeth Queene of England, vppon amity contracted in her 

Raigne only for traffique of Marchants. And the French King 

vppon a league made by Francis the first extending further then 

traffique as may appeare by some events of his tyme, and from 

this league all the Christians of our parts are called Francks in 

Turky. The third from the State of Venice vppon the necessity 

of many differences happening betweene that State and the 

Turkes, but he hath only the title of Bailye giuen him from his 

owne Nation. These three had houses in the Citty of Persa, or 

Galata, being as it were a Subvrbe of Constantinople, seated on 

the north syde of a very narrow sea like a Riuer. And they 

Liued in great freedome having Janizaries allowed to guard 

their persons, and houses, which were as Sanctuaries, no officer 

daring to enter them in making any search, and they as freinds 

had liberty to weare the apparrell of their nations only when 

they went abroad, instead of Clokes, they wore a loose Turkish 

garment with sleeues to putt out their armes. The Emperor of 

Germany had his leiger Ambassador in tyme of peace, but he 

as Tributary wore Turkish apparrell, and had his house in 

Constantinople, that they might more narrowly obserue his 

actions. Myselfe being at Constantinople, lodged in the house 

of Mr. Edward Barton Ambassador for England, by his fauour, 

having also my diett at his Table, and one of his Janizaries 

allowed him by the Emperor, daily conducted and guarded me, 

when I went abroad. Of whome for his great Worth, and my 

loue towards him, I must add something to preserue his memory 

as much as I can. He was no more learned then the Grammer 

schoole and his priuate studyes in Turkye could make him, 

but he had good skill in languages, especially that of the Turkes. 


He was courteous and affable, of a good stature, corpulent, faire 
Complexion and a free chearefull Countenance, which last, made 
him acceptable to the Turkes, as likewise his person, (for they 
loue not a sadd Countenance, and much regard a comely 
person) but especially his skill in their language made him 
respected of them, so as I thinck no Christian euer had greater 
power with any Emperor of Turkye or the officers of his state, 
and Court, then he had in his tyme. When Amurath father to 
Mahomett the third began the Hungarian Warr, with the 
Emperor of Germanye, he cast his Ambassador into prison with 
sixteene seruants, and some Barons and gentlemen of Germany 
(who at that tyme had the ill hap to be lodged in his house) 
and after many yeares, when the Emperor resolued to sett them 
at liberty, and the French Ambassador made great means, and 
gaue large guifts to haue the honor to send them back, the 
Emperor of his free will said, he would giue them to the 
Lutheran Elshi (so they call the English Ambassador) and this 
shortly after he performed, deliuering all those prisoners to his 
hands, and Mr. Barton as freely sent them into Germany. But 
I haue heard him complaine with greife, that for his Courtesy, 
he neuer receiued so much as thancks from the Emperor, but 
rather heard that some imputations were laid vppon him in the 
Emperors Court, who therevppon incensed the Queen his 
mistres against him. The most proud Turkish Tyrant, as he 
disdaynes to speake to his owne Subiects, so when he admitts 
any Ambassador, he only adores his person, but seldome or 
neuer speakes with the Emperor, or at least neuer receiues any 
answer to his speach, whatsoeuer some may report to the 
Contrary. Yet hath this master Barton our Ambassador 
receiued many tokens of speciall fauour in this Court. He had 
the Emperors graunt that the Flemings and other Christians not 
being in league with him might enter his Havens vnder the 
Protection of the English flag. For which and some other 
causes, he was much envied by some Christians espetially by the 
French Ambassador who formerly had enioyed that priuiledge. 
Myselfe being at Constantinople, waited vppon Mr. Barton to 


the Serraglio, where he was told he should be admitted to speake 
with the Emperor. In which case all his attendants should 
haue kissed the hem of his garment, and each one should haue 
receiued a Cloth of gold gowne (for they according to the old 
fashion of the East, still giue rayments for rewards, and tokens 
of favour) but after long attendance, the Emperor sent him the 
graunt of his petition, and a gowne of cloth of gold for himselfe, 
and so we were dismissed. When this Emperor Mahomett the 
third led his Army to the seige of Agria, in Hungarie, among 
the Christian Ambassadors he chose Mr. Barton to goe with 
him, and when he retorned to Constantinople, Mr. Barton being 
to goe to his house, the Emperor stayd on horsback till he came 
to kisse the hem of his garment, and till he retorned to his horse, 
and was mounted, at which tyme he answered his wonted 
reuerence with bowing of his body, and so roade into the Citty, 
not without the wonder of all his Army, that he should doe 
such honor to a dog (for so they call and esteeme all Christians). 
But howsoeuer leiger Ambassadors vse not to refuse their 
attendance to the Princes with whome they reside, and howso- 
euer Mr. Barton followed his Camp without bearing Armes ; yet 
this his iourney into Hungary, made the Queene of England 
much offended with him, for that he had borne the English 
Armes vppon his Tent, whereof the French Ambassador accused 
him to the Emperor, and the French King, who expostulated 
with the Queene that her Armes should be borne in the Turkes 
Campe against Christians, though indeed in that iourney, he 
intended and might haue had many occasions to doe good vnto 
the Christians; but had neither will, nor meanes to doe them 
hurt. But the truth is, that howsoeuer Mr. Barton had strong 
parts of nature, and knew well how to manage great Affaires in 
the Turkes Court; yet he coming yong to seme our first 
Ambassador there, and being left to succeed him, could not 
know the English Court, nor the best wayes there to make good 
his actions. Besides that the English Marchants were ready to 
accuse rather then excuse his actions in Court, being displeased 
with him for medling in State matters, whereby their goods in 


Turky might vppon some ill accident be confiscated : for 
howsoeuer he bore the name of the Queenes Ambassador, yet he 
lay there only for matter of traffique, and had his stipend of 
some 1500 Zechines by the yeare paid from the Marchants. By 
the way giue me leaue to add that not only he, but all Christian 
Ambassadors, haue as great allowance as that before named 
from the Emperor of Turkye, though not in ready mony yet in 
mutton, Beefe, hay, oates, and like prouisions, saue that they 
spend halfe thereof in bribes or presents to the officers of whome 
they are receiued. Nothing is more hatefull to the Turkes then 
pouerty, who doe nothing without guifts, yet this our 
Ambassador notwithstanding he was poore, had power in his 
tyme both to treate and depose Princes vnder that State. The 
Emperor Amurath made a King of Bulgarie at his request, and 
vppon his word giuen for payment of his great tributes, 
which that king failing to pay, and falling to the Christians 
party in open Rebellion, yet the Emperor not only forgaue Mr. 
Barton that ingagement, but in his last testament (never 
disobeyed) commaunded Mahomett the third to remitt the same 
vnto him. And this Mahomett likewise did so much esteeme 
him, as he had power with him to preferr a freind of his to be 
Patriarke of the Greekes (a place of so high dignity with the 
Greekes as the Papall seate with the Papists). And when 
Mahometts Army was ready to march against the king of 
Poland, he had power to diuert him from that warr, and to make 
peace betweene them, for which good office the king of Poland 
retorned thankes to the Queene of England. Besides that in 
discourse with myselfe, I found him confident, that he should 
be the meanes to make peace betweene the Turke[s] and the 
Emperor of Germany, but his vntymely death preuented that 
his hope. By these and other his like actions, it may appeare 
that they did him wrong, who did attribute his greatnes in the 
Turkish Court, to his betraying the Counsells of Popish 
Christian Princes, especially such as were enemyes to the State 
of England. For as he was a man of good life and constant in 
the profession of the reformed religion, so he protested to abhorr 


from furthering the Turkes designes against any the greatest 
enemy of his profession and Country, further then to diuert 
them for the tyme from some malicious attempt. 

Forrayne Princes. The Queene of England. 

Touching forrayne Princes, England was so farr remoued 
from Turkye as from the forces thereof the Turkes could expect 
neither good nor ill, and when the Emperor heheld England in 
a Mapp, he wondred that the king of Spaine did not digg it 
with mattocks, and cast it into the Sea. But the heroick vertues 
of Queene Elizabeth, her great actions in Christendome, and 
especially her preuailing against the Pope and king of Spaine, 
her professed enemyes, made her much admired of the Emperor, 
of his mother, and of all the great men of that Court, which did 
appeare by the letters and guiftes sent to her Maiestie from 
thence, and by the consent of all strangers that liued in that 
tyme at Constantinople. 

The Persian King. 

For the Persian king; The Turkes hold their strength to 
be farr greater then his in the bands of foote, and aswell in 
the quantity as the vse of Artillery. But the power of the 
Persian is in his troopes of horse, to which he only trusts, and 
howsoeuer by the same he hath often giuen great ouerthrowes 
to the Turkes; yet at the same tyme they gott Prouinces from 
him, and held them by strength of their Foote, and plenty of 
Artillery both which the Persian wants. And by Sea the 
Persian then could doe him no hurt, being hindred from 
building Gallies, or attempting any thing at Sea, by the forces 
which the Portugalles held aswell in the Persian as in the redd 

Preste Jean or Gianni. Seriffus. 

In Africk Preianes commonly called Prester Gianni ruling 
the south parts towards the redd Sea is freed from the feare 


of the Turkes, not so much by Armes as by the high mountaynes 
of the moone and the mountaines of Sand carryed with the 
wyndes like the Wanes of the Sea, yet have they taken from him 
all his cheife places vppon the red-sea. The Seriffus his king- 
dome lyes from thence towards the West, not so large but more 
fertile then the other, and he doth no way acknowledge the 
Turkes, but is a free Prince, yet they are both kept from acts 
of hostility by their mutuall feare of the Spaniards lying vppon 

The King-dome of Poland. 

The Turkes doe not willingly prouoke but rather seeme to 
feare the Polonians, as very strong in braue troopes of horse, 
and no way yeilding to them in their body of Footemen. No 
doubt the Turkes haue for a long tyine passed ouer without any 
reuenge diuerse incursions and spoyles made by the Polonian 
Cosacchi, and of late haue for their owne purpose wincked at 
great iniuryes offered by them. In the yeare 1597 when 
Mahomett the third beseiged Agrea in Hungarie and great 
troopes of Tartarians coming to his ayde, were to passe the 
Confines of Poland, they were ouerthrowne with a great prey 
taken from them by the Polonian horsemen called Cosacchi, 
about which action two Polonian messengers came in one and 
the same day to the Turkes Campe, whereof the first advised 
the Turkish Emperor that the Tartarians might be ledd an 
other way, lest they falling vppon the Cosacchi guarding the 
Confines, and they being both furious and prone to Armes, it 
should not be in the power of the Captaines of either syde to 
keepe them from mutuall iniuryes, but was rather to be feared 
that they would ioyne in battell together. The second Messenger 
brought Newes, that they had fought, and the Tartarians were 
ouerthrowne; yet the Turkish Emperor with a chearefull 
Countenance was content to vnderstand this act as hapning by 
chaunce, not of purpose according to the messengers relation, 
tho he could not but thinck it as manifest an iniurye as any 


open enemy could have done him. Notwithstanding it cannot 
be denyed, that for the Common sloth of all Christians, or the 
priuate Want of mony, Artillery and all munitions, the 
Polonians have not only not bene able to free the Moldauians 
and the Walachians their Confederates from the slauery of the 
Turkes, but have themselves lost to the Turkes a Territory lying 
vppon the black or Euxine Sea. 

The State of Venice. 

On the Contrary the Turkes seemed of purpose to prouoke 
the Venetians with continuall iniuries, and they taught by 
experience to be ielous of the Spaniards ayde vppon any league, 
and themselues wanting Victualls and soldiers, and equall 
strength of any forces to make warr without ayde against the 
great power of the Turkes, were content to stopp their fury by 
strong fortes, till by peaceable arts and guiftes, they might have 
tyme to appease the Turkish Emperor, and make their peace 
with him, in which kinde they had vnfaithfull peace with him, 
troubled with many iniuries, and yet were said to pay him the 
yearely Tribute of 18000 duccatts, for enioying the Hands and 
Townes they possessed in the mediterranean sea, whereof not- 
withstanding he hath taken many from them at diuers breaches 
of peace. While myselfe was in Turkye, certaine Turkish 
Pyratts of the South West part of Morea or Greece, spoyling 
the Christians with a few small barques, had the Courage to 
assaile a Venetian Shipp of 700 Tonns burthen, and well fur- 
nished with brasse ordinance, which they tooke and loaded all 
their Barques with the most precious Commodityes thereof. 
Vppon Complaint of which hostile act made to the Emperor of 
Constantinople by the Balye of Venice for a shewe of Justice 
he obtayned that a Chiauss was sent thither to apprehend the 
Pyrats but they withdrawing themselues into other Havens, and 
vsing meanes by large presents to make the Chiauss their freind 
for the present, and after in like sort to make their peace with 
the Emperor, the cheife Visere and the Admirall they so 


handled the matter as first the Chiauss retorned back with 
answer, that they could not be found, and after the Venetians 
were so tyred with delayes of Justice, in that Court, as they 
were forced in the end to desist from following the cause, with- 
out having any restitution. 

The King of Spaine. 

The king of Spaine, being of the elder house of Austria had 
no league nor Ambassador with the Turkish Emperor, and how- 
soeuer about this tyme vppon a peace made, the king of Spaine 
had sent an Ambassador to Constantinople, yet Mr. Barton the 
English Ambassador professed, that he had caused him to be 
stayd by the way and forbidden to come to Court, with absolute 
denyall of his residence in that Citty. The Spaniards and 
Turkes at that tyme did some hostile acts one against the other 
at Sea, and on both sides the Captiues were made Gaily slaues, 
but they had no open Warr, because the Territoryes of the 
king of Spaine lay so farr of, as the Turkes could not assaile 
him without a strong Navy at Sea. In which Sea-fights, the 
Turkes had no confidence in their strength and much more 
feared to ingage themselves in such a kinde of warr since they 
receiued the great ouerthrow at Corsolari neare the Gulfe of 
Lepanto, by the Confederate forces of the king of Spaine the 
Pope and the Venetians vnder the generall Conduct of Don 
John of Austria. And the Turkes more feare the Spaniards 
at Sea, because they haue bene heretofore fouly defeated by 
the Portugalls, having Forts in the Red-sea; yet the king of 
Spaine in regard of his dispersed dominions and distracted 
forces, hath neuer alone attempted the Turkes. It is very 
probable especially in respect of the infinite number of 
Christians groning vnder the Turkish Tyrannye, that the king 
of Spaine might with lesse charge and efusion of blood, have 
conquered all Greece, and Palestine itselfe, then he [src] made 
warr in those dayes with Christians, and howsoeuer his iust 
anger, and good reason, might moue him rather to subdue his 



rebelling Subiects; yet all men would have iudged this a more 
honourable and religious Warr, then that he made with 
England and France, except the Pope, with his votaries, who 
as he thought it for his greatnes to suffer the Greeke church at 
first to be subdued by the Turkes : so in our tyme he had rather 
see all Christendome turned vpsyde downe, then himselfe to 
fall from his Antichristian tyranny to the iust dignity of a 
Christian Bishopp. 

The Emperor of Germanye. 

The Emperor of Germany being of the younger house of 
Austria, hath in our tyme continually borne an vnsupportable 
warr in Hungarye against the powerfull forces of the Turkish 
Emperor, and with losse of great part of that kingdome; which 
ill successe Botero the Romane attributes to a false cause, as 
the Germans had lost the glory of Warr together with the 
puritie of Eeligion. For not to dispute of the Eomane Religion 
to be nothing lesse then pure, no doubt the Warr of Hungarie 
hath bene made by those Germanes who still remayne Papists, 
Wherein the auxiliarye bands of the very Italians haue as litle 
preuailed against the Turkes, as any other. And if euer the 
Germanes resume their old Customes to visitt and reforme the 
Romane Church, I doubt not but the Italians shall finde them 
no lesse equall in the glory of warr, then they passe them in 
the truth of religion. But indeed the difference of religion 
betweene the Emperor and the Princes of Germany, and the 
advantage of the Turkes horse swift to pursue, or saue them- 
selues ouer the horse of Germany, howsoever able to endure 
assault, yet vppon any disaster vnfitt to escape by flight and 
other like advantages of warr, on the Turkes part many and 
easy to be named haue made the Germanes vnable to withstand 
the great power of the Turkes. And God graunt that the 
Princes of Germanye through their dissention, doe so not lay 
open that easy way to the Turkes inuasion as all Christian 
Prmces when they most would, shall hardly be able to stopp 
the same. 


The foundations of the State and Army. 

I haue formerly shewed that they which gouerne the Turkish 
tyranny, are not Turkes borne, but voluntary or Captiue 
Christians torning Mahometans, and the Children of Christian 
subiects exacted for tribute and trayned vpp in the Turkes 
Religion and discipline, in parts so farr remoued from their 
natiue Country and freinds, as they forgetting both become most 
deadly enemyes to all Christians. Each fifth yeare (or oftner as 
need requires), the Turkes Emperor sends officers into Greece 
and Natolia (the lesser Asia) and to his Prouinces in Asia the 
greater (excepting some priuiledged places) to exact the tribute 
Children choosing in each family the children they iudge most 
strong, and of best Capacity for witt, of which they bring away 
tenn or twelue thousand at one tyme, and howsoeuer by old 
custome, they should only take the third sonne of a Family, yet 
now they spare not to take a mans only childe. The poorest of 
these may rise to the highest places of that State, if they can 
make their way by valour and Wisdome. They are disposed by 
phisiognomy selecting the most Witty to learne the Lawe, the 
most beutifull to be brought vpp in the Emperors Serraglio, the 
strongest (according to their age and strength) to learne the vse 
of bowes and arrowes, whipping them so oft as they misse the 
marke, who are promoted to be Solacchi (which are choice 
Janizaries appointed for the Emperors guard) or els learne the 
vse of the sword and the peece, and then are made ordinary 
Janizaries. But many of them especially those which are to 
make Solacchi and Janizaries are first brought vpp for fower 
Yeares in Caramania and Bursia vnder husbandmen who for 
their labour during those yeares mantaine them without any 
charge to the Emperor, in which tyme they learne the Turkes 
Language and religion, and are invred to learne labour, hunger 
and thirst. After with the rest, they are distributed into 
Colledges, where they Hue together in large Chambers. Of 
these 500. chosen for beauty are brought vpp in like Chambers 
within the Walles of the Emperors Serraglio. The like number 


of a second sort is brought vpp in the Colledge of Pera or Galata 
(being as it were a Svbvrbe of Constantinople beyond the Water). 
Of a third sort 300. are brought vpp in a Colledge of 
Adrianopolis in Hungarie, out of these and some other 
Colledges, the troopes of horses are supplyed, namely the 
Spachi, the Silichtari, and the like. The rest of the tributary 
Children are called Azimoglani, and Janizarotti, that is rude 
Janizaries, and they are brought vpp in diuerse Colledges of 
Bursia (or Bithinia) of Constantinople, and of Adrianopolis out 
of which ye Janizaries come being the strength of the 
footebands, and therefore chosen of the strongest Children in 
Europe, not of those in Asia, who haue euer bene reputed 

The second foundation of the Army is the Timariotti : For 
when the Emperor takes any Prouince, he retaynes to himself 
the Inheritance of the land, dividing it into Timares or Farmes 
which he giues only for life to his great vassals with Condition, 
besides the tythes and tributes, to finde him a certaine number 
of horse after 60. Sultanons yearely Rent for a horse, whereby 
he not only supplyes his troopes of horse, but in some sort 
establisheth husbandry, which being neglected by other Subiects 
in regard of the soldiers tyranny (the people having a prouerbe, 
that no fruit will grow where the Emperors horse hath once 
sett his feete) by the giving Commodity of husbandry to the 
soldiers themselues, it is for their owne profitt in some sort 
mantayned by them. Europe hath of old had some lands 
possessed by like tenure in Fee for life only, namely to serue the 
Lord in his Warres, and howsoeuer Emperors and Kings haue 
made these Lands to be hereditary, yet still the owners are 
bound to some military duties, the difference only is, that these 
lands at the first and the Worst, had vnder Christian Princes 
light military duties imposed on them, whereas the Turkish 
Tyrant, according to his absolute Will and pleasure exacteth 
almost to the highest value of the Land. These Tymariotts are 
horsemen, and are of an vnspeakable number, being thought to 
be some 250 thousand in Europe and almost 500 thousand in 


Asia the lesser, and the greater, and in Africk. They keepe in 
awfull subiection all the Christian Subiects vnder the Yoke of 
extreme Tyranny, being sodenly ready, and sufficiently able to 
suppresse any the greatest sedition may be stirred vpp. Yet 
indeed the Christians, there borne and bred in slauery 
especially having neuer tasted the sweetnes of liberty, are of 
such abiect rnyndes, as with the Israelites, they seeme to preferr 
an Egiptian bondage with slotlifull ease, before most sweet 
Christian liberty, with some danger and hazard. Howsoeuer 
the number of these horsemen is so great, as two third parts 
being left at home for these and like ends; yet the Turkish 
Emperor can lead forth in his Army, for any sommers seruice 
some 200th thousand of them. 

These foundations of the Army being laid, the Turkish 
Emperors not without cause vse to vaunt, that they care not for 
the defeate, no nor yet the destruction of an Army, so their 
Christian mares (so they call the wemen their Subiects) Hue and 
be fruitfull, and so they leese no Prouince, for these preserued, 
they doubt not in short tyme to strengthen or renewe their 
Army. And this makes them so prodigall of their subiects 
bloud, filling ditches with their bodyes in warr, so they may 
gett a Towne and Territory, and many other wayes destroying 
them, as only fatted for slaughter. 

Warfare in generall. 

Certaine positions of religion and the due conferring of 
rewards and punishments make the Turkes bold adventure their 
persons and carefully performe all duties in Warr. By blinde 
religion they are taught, that they mount to heauen without any 
impediment, who dye fighting for their Country and the Law of 
Mahomet. And that a Stoicall Fate or destiny gouernes all 
humane affaires, so as if the tyme of death be not come, a man 
is no lesse safe in the Campe then in a Castle, if it be come, he 
can be preserued in neither of them, and this makes them like 
beasts to rush vppon all daungers euen without Armes to defend 


or offend, and to fill the ditches with their dead Carkases, 
thincking to ouercome by number alone, without military art. 
Againe all rewards as the highest dignityes, and the like giuen 
continually by the Emperor to the most valiant and best 
deseruing, make them apt to dare any thing. And in like sort 
seuere punishments neuer failing to be inflicted on all offenders, 
more specially on such as brawle and fight among themselues, 
who are punished according to the quality of the offence, 
sometymes with death, and also such as breake martiall 
discipline, sometymes punishing him with death that pulls but 
a bunch of grapes in a Vineyard. I say these punishments 
neuer failing to be inflicted vppon offenders, make the soldiers 
formerly incouraged by rewards no lesse to feare base 
Cowardise, brawling, fighting or any breach of discipline, and 
keepe them in awe, as they keepe all other Subiects and enemyes 
vnder feare of their sword hanging ouer them. And the forme 
of this State being absolute tyranny, since all things must be 
kept by the same meanes they are gotten, the State gotten and 
mantayned by the sword, must needs giue exorbitant Priuiledges 
or rather meanes of oppression to all the Soldiers who (as I 
formerly haue shewed) are not themselues free from the yoke 
of the same Tyranny which they exercise ouer others, while the 
superiors oppressing their inferiors are themselues grinded to 
dust by greater men, and the greatest of all hold life and goods 
at the Emperors pleasure, vppon an bowers warning, among 
whome happy are the leane, for the fatt are still drawne to the 
shambles. The poorest man may aspire to the highest 
dignityes, if his mynde and fortune will serue him, but vppon 
those high pinnacles, there is no firme abiding, and the same 
Vertue and Starr, that made him rise, cannot preserue him long 
from falling. The great men most rauenously gape for 
treasure, and by rapine gett aboundance, but when they haue it, 
all that cannot be made portable, must be hidden or buryed, 
for to build a fairer house, to haue rich household stuff, or to 
keepe a good table, doth but make the Puttock a prey to the 
Eagle. Thus the Emperor nourishing poore men to strangle 


them when they are rich, seemes not vnlike the Seriffo in 
Africk, whom Boterus the Romane writes gladly to giue large 
pentions and stipends to rich men, that he may gett their wealth 
by the Law that makes him heyre to all his Pensioners, so as for 
feare of this fraudulent bounty, the richest men liue as farr as 
possibly they can from his Courts. 

Our Ambassador told me, that the Turkish Emperor giues 
daily stipend to some Eighteene hundred thousand persons, and 
that as well in peace, as in Warr. The number seemed in- 
credible vnto me though great part thereof should be of Women 
and children having small stipends, except all that serue the 
Timariotts in tillage may iustly be said to liue of the Emperors 
purse. But no doubt his Army is mantayned as well in peace 
as warr, so as it seemes Warr is litle more chargable vnto him 
then peace, yea more profitable by the gayning of Townes and 
Territories, saue that it consumes his Subiects. The foresaid 
incredible number receiuing stipend from the Emperor, makes 
me lesse wonder at the French gentleman Villamount, who 
writes that all the Turkes Subiects haue some pay from him, 
tho it is most certaine that most Turkes borne, living as Pleibeans 
vppon manuall Arts, and tillage, not only haue no pay, but are 
much oppressed by the soldiers. Men of experience in Turkish 
affayres agree that the Emperor cannot gather all his forces 
into one Army, no Country being able to feed them, besides 
that the Christian Subiects living vnder great tyranny might 
haue meanes to rebell by such remote absence of the soldiers. 
But many of them thinck that the Emperor can make an Army 
of five or sixe hundred thousand, as he hath often led forth more 
than halfe the number Which I dare not attribute, with Boterus 
the Romane to the plenty of Victualls in the Easterne parts, 
since of old, the Hunns Gothes and Vandalls in diuerse 
Countries of Europe, and the dukes of Huscouy of late in the 
Northern parts, haue led forth like huge Armyes. But giue me 
leauc to say, besides vulgar opinion, that the invention of Gunns 
and Gunpowder was not diuelish and bloudy, but profitable to 
all marikinde, since histories Witnes, that when battells were 


fought by hand strokes, then huge Armies were Levyed, and 
the part defeated euer lost great numbers, Whereas since that 
invention, Armyes haue not bene greater then some 20000, and 
the part defeated seldome lost the fourth part, the rest retyring 
to safe Forts. As also experience teacheth that the invention of 
dangerous fights, as Rapiars, pistolls and the like, hath caused 
fewer quarrells and lesse bloodshedd, then the old vse of swords 
and bucklers. Therefore I thinck that the great Armyes of the 
Turkes may be attributed to their small skill, and rare vse of 
fighting with gunns, which only some part of the Janizaries 
vseth, tho they haue great store of Artillery, which in like 
sort they cannot generally so Well manage as the Christians. 
Or els lett these great Armyes of the Turke and Moscouite, be 
attributed to their tyrannicall gouernments making all Subiects 
ready to follow them, and all officers rather comitt any rapine, 
and not to spare their owne goodds, then the Army should be 
vnfurnished with victualls to the hazard of their owne heads. 
But especially the Turke may lead great Armyes, by reason of 
his subiects singuler temperance in diett. For they vse no 
wyne nor any kinde of drinck, but only water in the Campe, 
being also forbidden wine at home in peace by their lawe if they 
would obserue it. Euery man can carry his owne prouision of 
meat being only Rice and hony, except sometymes they gett 
mutton, and their Cariages are not great, having in Campe as 
at home only a small pott to seeth Rice or Mutton, and vsing 
no Corsletts or other Armor for defence. Only they vse not to 
ly in Townes or Villages but in the open feild, so as all sleeping 
vnder Tents, that Kinde of baggage is great. For offensiue 
Weapons, they carry store of Artillery, but for great part in 
rude matter to be cast in the feild. Of their Armes, I shall 
speake in due place, only I will say that all in generall are 
furnished with excellent short swords whereof they haue 
great store, those of Damascus being famous for the mettall, but 
they seeme not much to delight in musketts, nor to haue such 
ready vse of them as the Christians. Whereas our Christian 
Soldiers are in tyme of peace cast out of pay, and exposed to 


perish by want, The Turkes have asmuch pay in peace, as in 
Warr, and so are more ready and willing to spend their life 
for the Emperor, and againe the Emperor receiuing no lease 
Revenues in "Warr then in peace, Yea rather more by selling 
Captiues at high rates, by turning subdued places into Timars, 
and by making good vse of Victories in all parts, is thereby 
enabled at all tymes to make quarterly payment to his soldiers, 
wherein he neuer faileth. The Sangacchi going to or coming 
from their gouerments, ride in tyme of peace (as I thinck they 
march in the Armyes) with drumms and Hoboyes, or such lowde 
instruments as we in our Citties vse by night, but they haue two 
drums, one litle one to be beaten at one end, which they vse 
by the way, and a great one to be beaten at both ends, not 
wearing it about the neck when they beat it, but setting it 
downe vppon the ground, and with that they sett their Watches. 
All degrees among them are knowne by their heads ; For as all 
Turkes in generall weare white heads, (as the Persians weare 
greene) called by some Tsalma by others Tolopa, and vulgarly 
Tulbent; so all degrees are distinguished by the same either 
by feathers and Jewells, or by the forme, lesse or more rounde 
or Long. This Tulbent is made of twenty or more ells of most 
fine linnen, and very white, only the Christians wearing Shasses 
of mingled Coulors, and it is folded into a rounde or long forme, 
the Emperor, the Viseres and some cheife degrees putting out 
of the top, a peece of red-velvet, vppon which they fasten 
Jewells, and other things to distinguish their degrees. The 
Janizaries, being in the house weare such a Tulbent without 
any red velvett, but when they goe abroad in the Citty, and in 
the Campe, or before any Magistrate, they weare a Capp proper 
to their order, made of cloth standing vpp from the head, with 
very small briinmes and a guilded home of brasse standing vpp 
before, and a flapp like that of a French hood falling behinde, 
some having plumes of the Ostridge fastned to the guilded 
home, falling backward downe to the very leggs, which feathers 
they only weare who are of the guard to the Emperor, to the 
Viseires and some great persons. In like sort the Azimoglani 


weare Piramidall-capps Like our auger loaues made of a 
mingled coulored stuffe. The Turkes have no fortifyed Townes 
or Castles, in the hart of the Empire, excepting only the two 
Castlea of Hellespont, and the two Castles of the black-sea, 
guarding the passages by Sea to Constantinople, neither haue 
they any vppon the Persians, who make Warr after their owne 
manner, but vppon the Confines of Christians, they are forced to 
keepe the places, as they tooke them fortifyed from the 
Christians, namely Famogosta in the Hand of Cyprus, and 
another in the Hand of Rhodes, and diurse Townes in Hungarie, 
yet they keepe them rather with strong Garrisons, lying vppon 
the Frontiers ready to be drawne into the feild vppon all 
occasions, then with small numbers resolued to indure any long 
seige without present succour as Christians vse to keepe them. 

Their discipline of warr. 

For their discipline of warres. They haue small art in 
ranging battells, especially in small numbers fitting them to the 
advantages of the place, and howsoeuer they haue officers for 
each tenn men, Whome they readily obey, yet priuate menTunn 
after a tumultuarye fashion to fight, and they are often beaten 
out of their Tents to fight as in like sort Without discharge they 
leaue the place, and retorne from fighting. In which respect, 
and because they haue no Corsletts, or other Armor of defence, 
it is no Wonder that a small number of Christians in a strong 
Fort, or vppon advantage of straights, and skill to cause 
places to fight fitt for their number, hath bene able to resist, 
and sometymes to defeat their huge Armyes. But their 
discipline is singuler in duely giuing rewards, and punishments. 
Whosoeuer disobeyes his Commaunder or neglects his charge, 
may himselfe goe to the gallowes, for he shall neuer escape it, 
and he that fights or performes his charge bravely, may of a 
poore tribute childe become the cheife Visere of that Empire. 
They keepe Wonderfull silence in the Army, speaking with 
becks, and signes, so as they will rather lett a Captiue escape 


by flight, then they will make the least noyse to stopp him. 
In their huge Armyes there is not one woman to be found; 
The entring a Vineyard or an orchard to steale anything, is a 
Capitall offence. But aboue all things they are to be praysed 
aboue Christians, and to be imitated by them, that single fights 
are forbidden them by the law of Mahomett, and by military 
discipline, vppon paine of death, so as they neuer happen among 
them, as also that all brawles are seuerely punished as if such 
were vnworthy to eat the Emperors bread, who fall out with 
their Felowes, whome the lawe teacheth to ioyne in brotherly 
loue, and to vent all their anger and rage vppon the Common 
Enemyes of their Country and the law of Mahomett. 

Of the Seige of Agria. 

Some three monethes before my coming to Constantinople, 
Mahomet the third retorned thether from the seige of Agria in 
Hungary, and because our Ambassador and his gentlemen 
attended that Emperor in this Sommers Warr, I thinck it not 
amisse to relate some things which I vnderstood from them by 
discourse. The Army began to march at Midnight, and satt 
downe the next day about noone. The Emperor rode in the 
midst of the Army, with two Viseres, one on the right, the 
other on the left hand, and before him certaine Janizaries of his 
guard carryed torches lighted in the darke of the night, and 
likewise certaine horsmen called chiausslari bearing maces of 
yron in their hands kept the press from him. On both his sydes 
rode the horsemen called Spachi and Silichtari (of whome we 
haue spoken, and shall treat more particulerly) being chosen 
men for the guard of his person. . . . The Emperor had two 
suites of Tents, whereof one was pitched in the present Campe, 
the other carryed before him to the next quarter. And when 
his Tents were once pitched, then all the Army according to 
their place and order pitched their Tents or Tabernacles about 
him, in a huge Circuite of ground, few or none sleeping in 
the open ayre. The discipline is so rigorous and seuere against 


those that take any thing by force, as litle boyes brought all 
things to be sold in the Campe, and no soldier (as I have said) 
durst spoile meadow corne, Vineyard, or Orchard vppon paine 
of death. The Beglerbey of Greece, and the Sangiacchs vnder 
him did in their seuerall gouernments furnish the Armies with 
muttons, and necessary prouisions, which they might easely doe 
for that huge Army, their diett (as I haue said) being very 
simple, with small or no Variety or Change of meats, and did 
neuer faile in performance, such negligence neuer being passed 
ouer without seuere punishments euen to death. The Turkish 
Army thus marching forward, daily expected the coming of the 
auxiliary Troopes of the Tarters of Circassia, vsing continually 
to serue the Turke, when he leades forth his Army to any 
sominer seruice, Who within few dayes ariued and ioyned with 
the Turkes, but their troopes had bene broken by the way and in 
great part defeated by the Polonian horsemen called Cosacchi, 
Who lay to guard the Frontiers of Poland, for they both being 
feirce nations, could not be restrayned from incountring one an 
other by any Commaund of their Captaines tho the king of 
Poland, and the Turkish Emperor, were then in league of peace. 
These Tartars were said to eat the flesh of horses and Camells, 
not otherwise roasted then by putting it vnder their sadles, and 
riding vppon it. They serue altogether on horsback, and when 
they come to any great riuer, the horses swimm ouer, and great 
part of the men passe by holding fast by the tailes of the horses, 
but the best sort carry boates of leather for that purpose. And 
the Turke vseth them only to forrage for his Campe, which they 
doe each man having some five spare horses tyed one to the 
taile of the other, still changing his horses as they grow weary, 
so as they being swift and thus often changed, these Tartars 
in short tyme range ouer large Compass of ground. The Turkish 
Emperor ariued with his Army at Buda in Hungarie vppon the 
second of September, and part of the Army begann the seige 
of Agria the xxjth of the same moneth, and after six dayes the 
beseiged Christians burnt the Citty being a Bishopps seat, 
which the Turkes tooke at the first assault with losse of 800 men, 


but the Christians retyped into the Castle, and held out some 
20 dayes seige, and then yeilded vppon composition, which the 
Turkes kept not but killed them all. The Christian Army con- 
sisting of Thirty two Thousand horse, and Twenty eight 
thowsand foote, and having 120 peeces of Artillery, began to 
skirmish with the Turkes, vppon the 23th of October. Mahomett 
the Turkish Emperor himself e arriued not till the xxiiijth of 
October at night. Whose Army was thought to exceed three 
hundred Thowsand fighting men, besides halfe as many more 
Camell driuers, and like base people. The 25th both Armyes 
skirmished, and the next day both were ranged in battell, but 
they Were diuided by a Riuer and a marrish ground. The 
Turkish history writes at large, how the Christians passed ouer 
the Riuer, tooke the Turkes Artillerye, and defeated the Army, 
which with the Emperor Mahomett retyred to Agria for safety. 
Only Sigala a Eenegate of Genoa, and one of the Viseres retyred 
with some tenn thousand horse, and the troopes of Tartars vnto 
places of safety neere hand, whence beholding the Christians, 
not somuch as turning the Turkes Artillery for their owne 
defence, to fall negligently vppon the tents for pillage, he fell 
vppon them thus scattered, and vtterly defeated them, who had 
gotten the Victory, but could not vse it. The Prince of Tran- 
siluania made a good retrait of his men with litle or no losse, 
but the Hungarians greedy of spoile, and the slow horsmen of 
Germany, and most of the Christian Army vnder the Emperors 
brother were killed to the number of some Twenty Thowsand ; 
Yet was the Victory bloudy to the Turkes, who had some sixty 
Thousand men killed, and were putt in such feare, as for three 
dayes they durst not retorne to their Artillery and Tents, lest 
the Transjluanians should retorne and fall vppon them againe. 
Then abou 1 * the end of October, the Turkish Emperor left tenn 
Thousand iij Garrison of Agria, and distributed halfe his Army 
to Winter in\the Country of Belgrade, and with the rest retorned 
to Constantinople, and the last day of his iourney incamped a 
myle without tiie Citty, which he entred the next day with great 
triumph as I halie formerly shewed. 




Thus fair I haue digressed to make a breife relation of that 
I heard from our Ambassador and his gentlemen who followed 
the Turkes Army in that sommers seruice ; Now I retorne to 
follow the generall discourse of the Turkes forces and Common 

Of their great ordinance. 

The Turkes haue in former Victoryes taken great store of 
brass ordinance from the Christians, in Hungary, Cyprus and 
in Galetta, and it is manifest by all seiges and assaults made by 
them often, and with much fury, that either at home or brought 
by Marchants, they haue great plenty of Artillery, Bxilletts and 

Of their horse and horsmen. 

Their horse are very beautiful having their skinns shining 
which is caused by the horsedung, which they lay vnder them 
first dryed into powder, for I neuer saw any of them lye vppon 
any other litter, or soft thing vnder them, either in Asia subiect 
to heat, or the more cold parts about Constantinople. They are 
very swift, and vsed by their Riders either to galloping or a 
foote pace, but not taught to amble or putt to a trott or managed 
by Ryders as our great horses are, for indeed they are but of a 
midle stature the best of them, And thus vntaught they gener- 
ally hold vpp their nose with vncomelines. For this swiftnes 
rather then strength they are preferred before the heauy horse 
of Germany, the shock whereof they cannot beare, but they 
soone ouertake the horse of Germany flying, and easily scape 
from them being chased. They are not fitt for long Journeys, 
but soone tyred if they be putt to gallop, and no lesse tyre the 
Ryder, when they goe a foot pace. In warr they are only fitt 
for light horse, neither vse the Turkes any great horse armed, 
Nor themselues (either horsmen or Footmen) weare any defen- 
sive Armor, but only for offence carry Lances and sheilds and 


good short swords. They haue no Backs nor Mangers, but feed 
their horses on the ground. Their sadles are litle, and hard in 
the seate, for they vse no Warr sadles which their horses cannot 
beare, and the Crooper is comonly Wrought like a Caparison, 
and the stirrops are vnder the foot long, and sharpe beyond 
the heele of the Rider seruing them for spurrs, which I neuer 
saw vsed of any horsemen nor yet boots, all riding in their cloth 
stockings close to their breeches, and their bridles are like our 
snafles but commonly sett with Copper studds guilded, yea 
sometyme sett with glistering if not precious stones, For the 
Turkes are proud, as of their swords (in like sort adorned with 
stones) so no lesse of their horses, for which they will giue great 
prices. The horsemen for the most part are mantayned by the 
Timarrs as I have formerly shewed, which are called Timariotts, 
and I haue likewise spoken of their incredible number, and how 
they are distributed vnder the two cheefe Beglerbegs, and in- 
ferior Bassaes or Beggs. These liue all vppon Timars or 
Farmes, tilling their grounds by Christians, or Mores, or their 
owne bought slaues, and many of them mantaine more horses 
then one for themselues, and they are of a mingled sort of 
people. But the cheife strength of the Turkish horse is of them 
which were tributary Children or Captiues or Renegates and are 
paid partly in mony, partly by Timar, being in number aboue 
Thirty thousand generally called Spachi and out of them some 
troopes are chosen to guard the Emperors person. The first of 
them in dignity are the Spachoglani (Spachi signifying an 
horseman, and Oglan a Youth) who being tributary Children 
brought vpp in the Emperors Court, (except some Captiues and 
Renegates) attaine this degree while they are young, and from 
thence are promoted to the highest degrees as Sangiachs, 
Beglerbeges, Bassaes and Visiers. Of them 3000 guard the 
Emperors person riding on his right hand, and each hath some 
Twenty, some Forty Aspers by the day, and each mantaynes 
fower or five slaues and horses for them. Their Aga hath 500 
Aspers, or as others say tenn Sultanons by the day. His 
Checaya or lieuftenant hath a hundred Aspers by the day. But 


of the Cheife Officers stipends I haue formerly written, and 
will hereafter omitt them. The Silichtari are in the second 
ranck being of tributary Children, having the same stipends, 
and the same hopes of preferment to the highest places, only 
they differ in the Coulor of their pendants and in that they 
ride on the left hand of the Emperor, three thousand of them 
being likewise chosen to guarde his person. Next to them two 
thowsand Olefagi (that is Stipendiaries) guard the Emperors 
person on both hands, and eighty Muteferachi beare long lances 
before him, whereof the least hath tenn, the Cheife Eighty 
Aspers by the day. The Chiausalari, are horsemen, that beare 
sheilds and lances, and having broken their launces, they fight 
with their Simiters or short swords, holding it disgracefull to 
thrust and kill with the point of the sword, or to kill an Enemyes 
horse, and having no other Armes of defence. Of these hors- 
men I did meet diuerse Troopes in the way sent out by the 
Sangiachs to cleare the high way of Theeues, And they seemed 
to me so many Amades of Graule. The horsmen in generall are 
armed with a Simiter or short sword, a weake launce and a 
round buckler or sheild, and some of them also carry short 
bowes and arrowes. They haue an other sort of horsmen, 
which wee call Adventurers, (they call Vlacchi if I be not 
deceiued) having no stipend, but the hope of preferment and 
freedome of tribute, being said to be sixty Thousand, only when 
they are in the Army they are allowed victualls. Also I haue 
heard them called Achengi and by others Belli, but this last 
name I thinck to be giuen them in scorne as seeming madd; 
for so the Turkes call those that shew to be lightheaded by 
Countenance, apparrell or gestures, as if they were madd men. 
And indeed these are in those kindes ridiculous, wearing a 
Gippo or Jackett, and breeches of the skinns of lyons and beares, 
with the hayre outward, and Capps of the skinns of ownees, and 
leopards couered with an Eagles Wing, Which wings they also 
fasten to their bucklers and the hinder parts of their horses are 
couered with skinns of lyons and wilde beasts, affecting thereby 
to seeme terrible to their Enemyes. They are light horsmen 


and are armed with a Simiter or short sword, and a short weapon 
of yron hanging at their Saddles, bearing a long dart or short 
horsmans staffe in the right hand. I passe ouer the horsmen 
vppon the Confines, who make excursions into the Enemeyes 
Country, and haue no pay but the booty they can gett, as also 
those that haue pay only in the tyme of warr, and serue for the 
baser Imployments. Neither will I speake of the great auxiliary 
troopes of the Tartars, comonly some 50 or 60 thousand, nor 
those of Walachia and Moldauia. Only I will add that the 
Turkish Emperor having these great numbers of horsmen, yet 
placeth small trust in them, being excellent in nothing but in 
swiftnes to pursue and fly, For the Timariotts and Spachi are 
corrupted with rurall sloth, or by living in Citties waxing 
Couetous, and louers of peace. And the very Spachoglans and 
Silichters are in like sort corrupted by living in Court, and how- 
soeuer they rise to the highest dignityes, yet for the most part 
having bene prostitute to lust in their youth, this suffering like 
"Women must needs make them effeminate, and they being after 
vsed to Hue in the Court, cannot but loue ease and freedome 
from the labours and dangers of Warr. Yet no doubt the huge 
nomber of them keepes the great multitudes of Christian 
Subiects in awfull slauery, and were they not disioyned by 
imployment in vast Prouinces farr remoued one from the other, 
were they not of necessity to be best in great numbers to keepe 
the Christian subiects in awe, so as they cannot be gathered 
together, without great difficulty, long tyme, and apparent 
dangers of rebellion, their huge number might iustly seeme 
fearefull to all Christians that ly nere their Confines. 

Of the footemen. 

The cheife strength of the Army consists in the Footemen 
called Janizaries (as a new order of Soldiers), who like the 
Roman Triarij, come last to fighting, when others haue prepared 
the Way and filled the ditches with their bodyes, and they 
consist of Captiues and voluntary men of ripe yeares forsaking 


the Christian faith and of the Azimoglans, so called as boyes of 
tribute ; yet all tributary children are not so called as those who 
are brought up in the Emperors Serraglio and other Colledges, 
whence they are made horsmen, and preferred to the highest 
places of the State but only those Children which are seuerely 
brought vpp vnder husbandmen, and after in Colledges 
for this purpose, and are of the strongest children, and of 
the most Warlick nations, for the greatest part of Europe, those 
of Asia, being reiected as of more soft and peaceable natures at 
least by old Custome for of late, this and all the austere 
institutions are neglected and infringed. These are first 
circumcised then instructed in the Mahometan Law and that in 
places farr distant from their Parents and Country, so as they 
easily forgett both, only calling and reputing the Emperor their 
father, and they are taken so young as they cannot remember 
anything of Christian Religion, but are trayned vpp, and easily 
made deadly haters of all Christians. After they haue bene 
fower yeares vnder husbandmen, they are brought to 
Constantinople and there receiued by the Azimoglan-Aga who 
distributes them into Colledges there, and in other parts to be 
trayned as a Seminary of the Janizaries. These Janizaries were 
first instituted by Amurath the second in number sixteene 
thousand, and Amurath the third added two thousand to that 
number, Which since hath bene much increased, and cannot be 
lesse then Forty thousand. Howsoeuer Sansonime and Botero 
Italians writt them to be no more then 12 or at most 14 
thousand : For I haue formerly said that when Mahomet the 
third began his Eaigne, there were 24 thousand Janizaries at 
Constantinople which receiued his larges, and nothing was more . 
generally knowne at Constantinople then that 12 thousand of 
them lye continually there in tymes of peace and the Common 
Voice was that the Beglerbeg of Asia had 12 thousand vnder 
him, besides those in Egipt and them that lye vppon the 
Persians And a fair greater number in all proba[bi]lity lying 
vppon the Confines of Hungary, Where they haue strong 
enemyes bordering vppon them. Yet doe I not thinck them to 


be 60. thousand as our Ambassadors men at Constantinople 
affirmed to me. The Janizar-Aga or Captaine of them is one 
of the greatest dignities in that Empire, to whome the 
Emperor doth often giue a sister to wife, but no man 
is had in such ielousy, the loue of the Janizaries being 
Capitall to him, so as he seemes to walke vppon Thornes and 
bryers while he neither dares gaine their loue for feare of the 
Emperor, nor vse them roughly for feare of their insolencye. 
And such is this ielousy, as he may not (according to the 
Custome) appoint his owne Checaya or leiuftenant, but the 
Emperor names him and giues him 200 Aspers by the day, as 
each Odebassi sett ouer tenn hath 40 Aspers, and each Boluibassi 
or Bolichbassi that is Captaine of one hundred hath 60 Aspers 
by the day. These may ride, and these Commaunds, and to be 
Solacchi, are the highest preferments a Janizary can expect. 
For I haue formerly spoken of the Solachbassi having 300 
Aspers by the day, sett ouer the Solachters or Solacchi, Which 
are some of the strongest Janizaries chosen to guard the 
Emperors person, and armed with bowes and Arrowes, besides 
their swords wearing a Capp differing from the Janizaries and 
having a larger stipend each man 20 Aspers by the day. All 
the male Children of Janizaries (some say only the Eldest) as 
soone as they are borne, haue three or fower Aspers by the 
day, the yonger Janizaries haue noe more, but the rest haue 
eight Asp'ers by the day, and each new Emperor besides his 
largesse or donatiue adds an Asper by the day or some like 
increase to each mans pay. Three of them in the Campe haue 
a horse allowed to carry their baggage, and to each hundred a 
Tent is allowed. At the ends of two lents or tymes of fasting, 
the Emperor apparrells them, and all without difference weare 
large Trowses with stockings vndiuided from them, and a long 
gowne or vpper garment both of violett coulored cloth. Some 
of them have Wiues contrary to their old institution or 
Custome, and these Hue scattered through the Citty in litle 
houses, but the rest, by eights, by tenns and by twelues as it 
were in brotherhoods, Hue in Colledges or houses appointed for 


them, wherein they haue a Cooke, (tho lesse needfull since in 
their temperate diett each man may soone haue skill inough in 
that art) and Contributing their mony, they haue a Cater to buy 
their meat, and the younger having lesse stipend bring in their 
meat, which is soone done, they having but one dish of meat, 
and a Cruse of water betweene three or fower. When they are 
past seruice of Warr, they are putt to guard Castles, and keepe 
Watches by night, and their Captaines likewise being old, haue 
the gouernments of those Castles. Some of them are armed 
with Halberts, some with musketts, but their muskets are not 
very good ; neither are they actiue or skilfull in vsing them, 
and some only carry Semiters or swords. They who commend 
the Janizaries that warr being ended they willingly retorne to 
enioy peace, doe not consider that they haue the same stipend 
in peace as in warr, For if our men had the same, without 
doubt they would be no lesse glad of peace. In like sort they 
who praise them for laying downe Armes in tyme of peace, and 
not so much as wearing a sword, seeme not to haue obserued 
that they neuer haue any single fights, and very seldome any 
quarrells among themselues. Whereas our soldiers are forced 
in peace to weare swords for their owne defence. Besides that 
our men haue no such authority ouer men of peace as they 
haue, who are more feared bearing no weapons, then our men 
should be with swords and Pistolls. For as a Christian is most 
seuerely punished if he draw a knife against a Musulman, (that 
is a circumcised Turke) or strike him with the hand; so is it a 
greater offence for any Common Turke to resist a Soldier, 
who aboue all tremble for feare of the Janizaries, so as I haue 
seene one of them having no Armes but only bearing in his 
hand (as their manner is) a Cudgell of an hard reed, more then 
an Ell long, not only beat many Citizens in Townes and Cittyes, 
but also a whole Caravan in the high way, of two or three 
hundred men armed with musketts and swords till they obeyed 
all his Commaundements and kissed his feet for mercy. Of the 
last kinde myselfe did see a straunge example in my iourney 
from Tripoly to Haleppo. Aboue all Soldiers the Janizaryes are 


insolent aswell for priuiledges, as because they take part one 
with another in all tumults. When rnyselfe went to see the 
Emperor, and standing next to him, did fully behold him a 
Chiauss on horsback, bearing a mace, offered to thrust me back, 
and to strike me, but a Janizary that our Ambassador had sent 
to conduct me, putt him back, and when he would not admitt 
his excuse for me, but said it might not be indured that a 
Christian dogg should come so neare to the Emperor, presently 
other Janizaries whome I had neuer scene, ioyned with my 
guide, and threatned the Chiauss, so as in spite of his teeth, he 
was forced to lett me stand. No maruell then that these men 
willingly lay downe their Armes, being without them as terrible 
as feirce mastyes to all inferiors they meet, for they are knowne 
by the Caps peculiar to their order, and if they be offended so 
much as with a looke, vpp goes their long Cudgell (Which they 
call Mutcher) and they will giue him that offends them, 
according to their pleasure hundreths of blowes vppon the belly, 
or the back, or the soles of his feet, and that without any 
sentence or condemnation of a Judge, and not only for offences 
against themselues, but for mony giuen them by an enemy, 
so as being protectors of Christians, they will vppon their 
Complaints beate any other Christian or Plebean Turke, till 
they craue mercy of him for whose sake they are beaten, 
except they haue also a Janizarie to protect them, in which Case 
they vse not to fight, nor yet striue one with an other. And 
one Janizarye of the least, is sufficient to guard a man against 
a thousand Mores, or Arabians or Plebean Turkes in respect of 
his awfull authority ouer them, as also against all other Soldiers 
or Janizaries in respect of their brotherly agreement, and feare 
to breake their law by fighting or quarrelling among themselues. 
Therefore the Christian Ambassadors at Constantinople haue 
assigned to each of them, fower or six Janizaries, and the 
Consulls of Christian nations lying in other Citties and Townes, 
haue one or two of them to guard their houses and persons 
from all Wrongs, neither will any Christian having meanes to 
spend, goe abroad in Cittyes and Townes or take a iourney 


without a Janizarie to guard him. And it is wonderfull, how 
faithfull and affable, they wilbe to a Christian thus hyring them 
for hyring them for some viij Aspers by the day, yea how 
readily they will seme him, doing his busines, buying, and (if 
need be) dressing his meat, especially if they haue taken this 
charge from any Ambassador or Consul, to whome they must 
giue accompt of his safety, and bring back letters, without 
which charge out of meere rules of their law or nature, myselfe 
haue by experience found them faithfull, courteous and faire 
Companions. And by these seruices to Christians many of 
them gett Crownes, and lead faire Hues. Myself not well 
knowing the Turkish fashions, and taking iourneyes without any 
Janizarie to protect me, did often by the way meet spachies and 
Janizaries, who would take away my wine and prouisions of 
Victualls, as if they had bene their owne, and once being 
to take a Journey with some of them, our Muccaro (that is he 
who letts horses and Asses) hearing them inquire after our 
Condition, advised each of vs to giue them halfe a Piastre or 
siluer Crowne, wherevppon they vndertooke to protect vs, who 
otherwise were like to haue plotted some mischeife against vs as 
at Tripoli some Janizaries had almost betrayed about this tyme 
an English gentleman, by selling him to husbandmen, within 
land for a slaue. An other tyme having a Janizary to protect 
me, and landing in a Greeke Hand, the wemen hidd all their 
bedding, bread and meat, lest he should force them to intertaine 
vs for litle or nothing, since they vse to take any thing from 
them, and going iourneys in tymes of peace to extort victualls 
from them for litle or nothing, but when one of our Company 
being a Christian, and speaking the Greeke tongue, told them 
we would pay a iust and honest price for anything we tooke, 
they presently receiued vs into their houses, and furnished vs 
with all necessaries for meat and lodging. An other tyme 
landing at an Hand of Greece without any Janizarie to protect 
me, and walking abroad, a Plebean Turke mett me, and taking 
my hatt in his hand first desyred to borrow it for a base vse 
(for the forme not vnlike the pann of a Closestoole) and after 


flung it into the durt. For a Christian having no Janizarie 
With him cannot avoyde many such insolencyes, though 
myselfe had the happ to meet with very few like affronts, and 
neuer to receiue blow from Janizarie or other, which notwith- 
standing are no rare accidents vnto Christians. 

Of the Janizaries it is vulgarly sayd they haue all skill in 
one manuall trade or other (as the very Emperor hath), but as 
all Turkes are idle, and very slow woorkmen for gaine, which 
they cannot enioy further then from hand to mouth, so I did 
neuer see any Janizarie woorking at his manuall trade. To 
conclude the insolency of the Janizaries cannot well be imagined 
much lesse described, by whome the Ottoman Empire seemes to 
stand, and the Emperors first to enter. For the heyre of the 
Emperor assoone as he is circumcised, vnder pretence to gouerne 
a Prouince, is sent away to be hidden from the Janizaries lest 
they should cast their eyes vppon him, or he insinuated 
himselfe into their loue, and while in that Prouince he expects 
his fathers death, nothing is more dangerous for him, then to 
affect to be esteemed and renowned of them. The new Emperor 
thinkes not himselfe safe till he be saluted by them, beginning 
his Raigne with their ioyfull shouts, and a largesse or donatiue 
giuen to them, besides the foresaid small increase of each mans 
pay. So as they are and still grow more and more like the 
Pretorian bands in the State of Rome, who being at hand nere 
the Citty, at first strengthned the choice of the Emperors, but 
at last named and deposed them at pleasure. No doubt the 
Janizaries want little of their power, and pride, for in the life 
of Amurath father to Mahomett the third living at the tyme 
of my being at Constantinople, they made a tumult, requiring 
the head of the cheife Visere much esteemed of the Emperor, 
only because he had putt a Janizarie to death by due forme of 
Justice, and the Emperor was forced to giue them his head 
before they would be appeased. And because they will not be 
Judged but by their owne Agha, nor can without tumult indure 
any of their number to be putt to death, the Custome was then 
priuately to strangle such of them, as had deserued to dye. 


At my being there I remember that walking in the streets, I 
did see a dead Carkasse that had bene cast out, which being 
naked the person and quality of the dead man could not be 
knowne, but the vulgar opinion was, that he should be a 
Janizarie so strangled, because no man durst proceed against 
him by publick iustice. Many tumults like to the former haue 
bene raised by them, wherein they haue driuen the Emperors 
into great straights, but none more famous then that which 
hapned there shortly after my retorne vppon the death of the 
Emperor then being, which the French history relates at large, 
and to the same I referr the Reader. Finally howsoeuer the 
wicked practice of killing the Emperors brothers, takes away all 
likely good of any great Ciuill warr among them (by which 
Commonly all kingdomes and Empires haue bene ouerthrowne) 
yet Christians haue one probable hope, that as the Pretoriau 
bands of Rome at last vsurping the power to name, and depose 
Emperors, without any decree of the Senate, and often contrary 
to the same, did first wound and by degrees weaken the Haiesty 
thereof, till it was transplanted into Germany, whereat this day 
it languisheth so the Janizaries by like insolency, if not pre- 
sently, yet in short tyme, will breake the power of the Turkish 

The Army hath other footmen but of small reputations being 
neither tributary children, nor trayned vpp in that discipline. 
Such are the Azapli, Whome the Italians call Asappi, having 
no stipend in peace, but only in warr, being otherwise imployed 
about the Navye. And these are the sonnes of Turkes knowne 
from others by their fowre Cornered Capp of red cloth, vulgarly 
called Tachia. Also they haue an other kinde of Footemen like 
to the former called Voinichlar, raised out of Walachia, who 
have no stipend at all, but serue in the Campe only to be free 
from Tributes. And both these kindes of Footemen are only 
vsed as Pyoners and for all base seruices. They only are beaten 
to the first assault of beseiged Castles, and exposed by the 
Turkes like so many beasts to be murthered, and fill the ditches, 
that vppon their dead bodyes, the Janizaries may by the 
breaches enter the Castles and Townes. 


Of their nauall Power. 

Touching their Nauall power, I haue spoken of the Admirall 
among the cheife Comaunders. The Emperor cannot want 
matter to build Shipps, having most large Coasts of the Sea 
shadowed with vast Woods, but his cheife woodds most vast, 
and most fitt to make tymber for this purpose, are said to be in 
Albania, Carimania, Trapezuntium, and most aboundantly in 
Nicodemia, all Prouinces lying close vppon the Sea. At this 
tyme whereof I write they had of their owne few and vnskilful 
woorkmen to build shipps; only there wanted not Couetous 
Christians, who for large stipends wrought with them, and 
taught their art vnto them, so as after the Navall defeate of 
the Turkes at Corzolari (called the defeate of Lepanto) they 
could the next yeare bring forth a Navye, which seemed able 
and willing to fight with the Christians. But no doubt the 
Gallies of the Turkes are neither so well built, nor so swift in 
saile, nor so fitt to fight, nor so strong, nor built of so durable 
Timber, as those of the Spaniards, Venetians and other 
Christians their enemyes. And howsoeuer the Gallies, some 
Fifty in number, yearely wont to be sent out, to cleare the Sea 
of Pyrats, and diuerse lesse Gallies and small Barques armed 
by priuate Turkes to robb Christians (many times not sparing 
those that were in league with them) gaue some good meanes 
to furnish the Turkes Nauie with Marriners ; yet since the 
Jewes and Christians had all traffique in their hands, so as 
nothing was exported by Turkish Shipps, (excepting some 
twelve great Shipps each of seauen hundreth or a Thousand 
Tonns, built rather for burthen then Warr, which the Emperor 
had to bring necessaryes yearely from Egipt, to Constantinople), 
and since all Turkes and Christian subiects are by nature sloth- 
full, which kinde of men loue not the trouble and danger of 
the Sea, the Emperor was forced to vse Cow heards and Shep- 
heards to fitt the sailes, and row in the Gallies, and howsoeuer 
the Greekes had some practice at Sea, to sayle by the Coast 
rather then by Compasse ; yet they being slaues and Christians, 


the Turkes could promise theinselues no faithfull seruice from 
them especially in tymes of danger. So as I dare be bold to 
say the Turkish Mariners were partly vnskilfull in the art, 
partly vnfaithfull to them, and generally all dasterly in 
Courage. They consisted of Christians taken Captiues, most 
comonly in places farr distant from the Sea, and of condemned 
men, all chayned to the oares, except cases of necessity forced 
them to vse Christian Greekes and Country people, and this 
made them gently to vse all Captiues and to pref err all voluntary 
forsakers of the Christian faith, who were skilfull Seamen, or 
Carpenters to build shipps (as also Sadlers for their horses and 
Juellers to make their treasure portable) and much to esteeme 
the said Captiues, if they would torne Mahometans. Barbarossa 
the famous Pyratt of the mediterranean sea, in the tyme of 
Charles the fifth Emperor of Germany, forsaking the Christian 
faith and becoming Mahometan, was made Admirall of the 
Turkish Nauye, who subdued the kingdome of Tunis in Africk 
and made the Turkes somewhat better Seamen then they had 
formerly bene, but nothing equall to the Christians. Their 
Navall power in those days was scene at Goletta, at Cyprus, at 
Malta, and at their great defeat at the Corsalari, since which 
ouerthrowe to the tymes whereof I write, they neuer drew forth 
their full forces to fight at Sea. They had at this tyme a place 
in Pera or Galata beyond the water from Constantinople walled 
in for building and wintering of Gallies, Which the Christians 
call Arsenale, the Turkes Terferate, And without the Walles it 
had Thirty two vaults, but within, it was narrow, and of small 
Compasse. They said that two hundredth woorkemen did daily 
labour therein and two hundreth Masters or cheife Mariners, 
had each man tenn Aspers by the day, and that Fifty Carpenters, 
and Artificers had each man twelue Aspers by the day when 
they wrought, and sixe Aspers when they had no woorke. That 
they had a thousand Asappi (vsed also for footemen in the Army 
as I formerly shewed) which did woorke about the Gallies, and 
had each man fower Aspers by the day. That in this Arsenale 
at that tyme were two hundred Gallies, and twelue Gallions, but 


that the Emperor could in short space for his full force send 
three hundred Gallies to Sea, besides some of fewer oares and 
small Barques to victle and attend them. 

Within some sixteene yeares last past, the generall peace of 
Christendome made our soldiers, for want of meanes to liue, 
turne Pyratts, who having no safety in the Ports of Christian 
Princes, retyred themselues to Algier in Barbary, the people 
whereof and of the parts adioyning, are most daring of all the 
Turkes (except those perhapps vppon the Confines of Hungarie). 
They gladly intertayned these Pyratts, and were content at first 
to haue share of the spoyles and to goe with them to Sea, but of 
late they haue gotten some 60 or 80 good shipps of warr from 
the Christians by their meanes, and from them haue learned 
such skill to saile by the Compasse, as they haue bene able to 
man these Shipps with Turkes, and haue had the dareing to 
rob vppon the Ocean, which they neuer knew, nor durst behold 
in any former age. And of what consequence this may proue 
after ages shall finde (I feare me) by wofull experience. 

Of their ciuill iustice. 

I haue formerly spoken of Judges and Magistrates, and the 
stipends they haue from the Emperor. Now it remaynes to add 
something of Ciuill Justice. The strict obseruance of lawes 
among the Turkes is worthely called Tyranny, as I haue 
formerly shewed, since that which is iust must be done iustly. 
Whereof there is no practice in this Empire. I formerly said 
that there be two supreme Judges called Cadilischieri which 
reside at Constantinople, the one sett ouer the Causes of Asia, 
the other ouer those of Europe, both vnder the Mofti with 
absolute authority. These two appoint all inferior Judges of 
the Law, as those called Cadi, which are magistrates sett ouer 
Prouinces and Cittyes, with a mixed authority of our Bishopps, 
and lay Judges, for the Law of Mahomett is obserued aswell in 
administration of iustice, as in matters of religion. Each Citty 
and Towne hath military magistrates, as Sangiachi, who are like 


the of Garrisons, and Gouernors of Townes, and if 
there be any Castle or Fort, it hath also an Agha to commaund 
it. And as with vs in tyme of war the Ciuill Judges giue place 
to Marshalls having martiall law in their hands; so among the 
Turkes living with the same discipline at home as in the Campe, 
(the Common Wealth being as it were gouerned by the sword). 
These Cadies are vnder the authority of the Sangiachs in each 
Citty or Towne. And from them there is appeale graunted to 
the Diuan or Court of the Basha gouerning diuerse Prouinces 
and from those Courts to that of the Visyeres in the Emperors 
Serraglio at Constantinople as from it to the Mafti the oracle of 
the Mahometan Lawe, from whose sentence there is no appeale. 
One thing causeth great oppression to the Christian subiects 
that howsoeuer they are more in number then the Turkes; yet 
they haue no peculiar Judges, but haue their causes tryed vnder 
Turkish magistrates, where the witnes of a Turke is taken 
against a Christian, but not of a Christian against a Turke. 
What Justice can be expected where a Common soldier for 
mony without any triall at law, or priuate examination of the 
cause, will beat with Cudgells a Christian, or common Turke, 
euen accused by a Christian, till he craue mercy of his enemy. 
When wee being Christian straungers retorned from Hierusalem 
to Joppa, and there found an Arabian Turke, who had done vs 
wrong by the way, vppon our guides accusation, and three 
Meideines giuen to a Janizarie, he was beaten till he kissed our 
feete, And if they dare doe this to the Turkes, how may you 
thinck Christians are vsed. The false accusations and frauds, 
which daily they lay vppon Christians espetially vppon 
straungers (whome they call Francks of their league with 
Fraunce) are vulgarly called Vaines. Such was that which 
Villamont a french gentleman relates of the Sangiach of 
Hierusalem, who cast the Guardian of the latin monastery into 
prison, pretending that a Spanish old Woman coming with him, 
had brought the dead body of the King of Spaynes sonne to be 
buryed there, and howsoeuer the fraude was manifest; yet the 
Guardian vnderstanding that it was a mony matter, offered 


Thirty Crownes and the Sangiach clemaunding five hundred, at 
last he paid Fifty to haue his freedome. The like is that which 
he also relates of the Christians at Tripoli, who heing accused 
by the Turkes for killing a More, whose dead body was cast 
among their dwellings, were forced to pay one hundred Crownes 
to be acquitted. Like fraudes they continually practice against 
Christian societyes, and priuate men by casting a dead body 
before their dores of burying it nere them, and as it were casually 
finding it out, or by like fraudes drawing them into suspition of 
Crimes, from all which notwithstanding they are redeemed with 
mony except they be accused to haue done or spoken any thing 
against Mahometts Religion or be intangled in like netts, from 
which there is no redemption but death or turning Mahometans. 
When myselfe and my brother tooke our iourney from Haleppo 
towards Constantinople, an English Marchant Factor to Sir 
John Spencer Alderman of London sent diuers Camells loaded 
with his masters goods, as Kerseyes and Tinne, which were to 
passe in the same Carauan with vs, and howsoeuer the Camel- 
driuers, and many Turkes knew them to be his goods, and he 
not without a present or guift commended both vs and these his 
goods to the protection of a cheife Magistrate passing along 
with vs ; yet my brother dying by the Way, all these goods were 
seized vppon for the Emperor, only to putt a Vaina vppon the 
Marchant, who not without trouble and bribes long after 
recouered them againe. It cannot be expressed, what great 
iniuryes the Turkes will doe vnto Christians vppon the lightest 
causes. When we came neere vnto Hierusalem, a horseman of 
the Army crossing our way, rann a full course at one of our 
Company with his Launce, in rest, who only escaped killing, 
by the slipping of the Launce into the pannell of the Asse 
wherevppon he rode, and with like force he was ready to assaile 
each man of vs, and that only (as our Interpreter told vs) 
because wee did him no reuerence as he passed, so that we 
were glad to tumble off from our Asses, and bend our bodyes 
to him, which done, he rode away with a sterne proud looke. 
For a Turke will not abide any Christian to looke him fiill in 


the face without striking him, so as I then vsing to walke with 
my eyes cast on the ground, as going about some busines, tooke 
that ill custome which I could neuer leaue, though I haue often 
bene reproued by freinds for the same. Neither may a Christian 
carry Armes, yea Woe to him that drawes a knife against a 
Turke ; so as we hearing what Asses patience wee must haue, 
except we would perish in the iourney, by our freinds advice, 
left our Rapiers in a Chest at Venice trauelling through all 
Turky with our hands in our hose. At Hierusalem wee were 
forced to beare a thousand iniuries, hardly keeping the very 
boyes from leaping vppon our shoulders from the Shopps and 
higher parts of the way while their Parents looked on, and 
commended them for so doing, besides many wrongs done vs 
in the way by Mores and Arabians, who mixed with some other 
nations, inhabit that Country (the Jewes only living scattered 
vppon the Sea Coasts and in Citties of traffique) and a more 
wicked people cannot be imagined, so as the Duke of Normandie 
being carryed on some of their backs towards Hierusalem, and 
meeting a freind retorning into Fraunce, did pleasantly and 
in that part iustly desyre him to tell his freinds there, that he 
saw him carryed into heauen (meaning Hierusalem) vppon 
diuells backs, for litle better they were that carryed him. In 
our Journey from Tripoli to Haleppo, when our whole Carauan 
was in danger, for a fyre casually burning the Feilds howsoeuer 
my brother and myselfe were free from causing, yet we knowing 
how the magistrate would woorke vppon vs more than the rest, 
thought good to giue the Janizarie that droue vs a large bribe 
to dismisse vs, and not to bring vs before him. And howsoeuer 
we were not altogether vnskilfull in the fashions of Turky, and 
did warily obserue the Customes, so as we neuer came within 
iust danger, nor prouoked any Turke to strike vs (which kind of 
Wronge they are easily moued to offer any Christian) yet 
myselfe landing in the Hand Aloni had my hatt taken from my 
head (as I formerly said) and with Words of scorne cast into 
the durt by a plebean Turke which I was glad to take vpp 
without repining. And when I landed at Constantinople in a 


Greeke Shipp of Candia, assoone as our Anchor was cast, many 
plebean Turkes came aboard and the 8hipp being laded with 
Muskedines, they drunck as freely as if they had bene Owners, 
and the basest of them hardly held their hands from beating 
the best of the Greeke Mariners, whereof some were graue men, 
and well skilde in languages, though they neuer forbadd them 
to drinck. But within a short space, when a Janizarie came to 
protect the Shipp sent from the Balye of Venice, it was no lesse 
straunge to see him alone beat out all the Turkes like so many 
doggs. To conclude it may appeare what iustice Christians 
may expect in this Empire by one example of the Venetians, 
who were in league with the Emperor, yet having a very rich 
Shipp robbed by Turkish Pyratts withdrawing themselues, and 
bribing the cheife Visere, after long delayes, were forced to sett 
downe by the losse. 

In generall howsoeuer the Turkes are seuere in punishing 
offenders, seldome vsing mercy, yet the administration of iustice 
both towards Christians and Turkes, is made infamous by 
tyranny For first all Gouernors and Judges buy their offices and 
are often chaunged, so as they that buy being forced to sell, 
and hunger-starued flyes sucking more then those that are 
gorged, these Gouernors paying dearely for their places, and 
from the first entrance daily expecting a successor to recall 
them, are in rapine not vnlike the diuell, roaring like a lyon, 
because he knowes he hath but a short tyme. Againe no magis- 
trate, nor yet a priuate man, will doe anything for an other 
without a present or guift; yea the Courts of iustice are so 
corrupted with briberie, as the best cause is in danger to be 
lost, if mony be wanting, and where that is, an ill cause may 
pass and the woorst shalbe excused. The most Commendable 
thing is that generally causes, are summarily decided and soone 
ended (excepting such Cases as that of the Venetians foresaid 
shipp robbed, which they seeme to mingle with State matters). 
And this expedition is the greater, because they haue no multi- 
plicity of Lawes, or Pleaders, holding themselues to some morall 
rules left them by Mahomett. But especially because the 


Magistrate is loth to leaue any cause to his Successor, that will 
yeild mony. Yea such is the Corruption of bribery and so 
generall, as when the Emperors mother sent a present of a whole 
linnen attyre richly wrought, to Elizabeth Queene of England, 
many peeces thereof were detayned by her women, to the vtter 
disgrace of the present, till our Ambassador redeemed them with 
more mony then they were woorth. And as I formerly said the 
Emperors large allowance to the Christian Ambassadors, vsed 
to be more then halfe purloyned by the officers. Nether is the 
Emperors person free from this Corruption, no Ambassador or 
other great suiters being admitted to his presence without larg 
presents. So as the office of the Capagi or Porters, keeping the 
gates of the Emperor, and other magistrates, is most gainefull 
for they will thrust Homer himselfe out of dores if he bring 

Of the lawes of inheritance. 

Touching the lawes of inheritance. The Emperor is heyre 
to all strangers dying in the hideous Gulfe of this Vast Empire, 
be they neuer so rich Marchants; yet their goods are commonly 
by freinds sequestred before their death, as belonging to them 
and so kept for the heyres or owners according to euery mans 
faith and honesty, which in so remote parts is not alwayes 
sound. And often the goods are secretly purloyned and more 
commonly stollen by them that are present at the partyes death. 
But the goods that remayne, and cannot well be hidden, are 
swallowed by this Gulfe. When my brother dyed in Asia, the 
Turkes of our Carravan not only snatched his goods, but myne 
also, and the magistrate (as I formerly sayd) seased the rich 
goods of Sir John Spencer, Alderman of London, in the 
Emperors Right, as if they had belonged to my brother. In 
like sort while I was at Scanderoon, Mr. Saunders coming from 
Constantinople to be Consul of the English Marchants at 
Haleppo, and dying by the way in Natolia, the Turkes tooke not 
only all his goods, but those also that belonged to his poore 


seruants and followers. For this cause, myselfe being sick in 
Turkye, and fearing that my host hoped to haue my Crownes 
at my death, thought to publish what mony I had about me, 
and so taking away all hope of gaine by my death from my Host 
and those of his house, from that tyme I found myselfe better 
vsed and better attended by them. 

The Condition of Subiects in Turkey is not much better. 
For vnmoueable goods : The Emperors soldiers haue none, nor 
yet his great Officers, being all Captiues or tributarye Children. 
And howsoeuer the Emperor subduing any Prouince divided it 
into Timars or Farmes giuing them vppon the foresaid Condi- 
tions to the cheife men of his Army, yet they hold them only 
for life, or at his pleasure. In other parts, and perhaps in these 
subdued Prouinces, some say that priuate Turkes and Christians 
haue inheritance of houses and lands, but surely they are not 
great for I did neuer see any Subiect that was reputed to haue 
such inheritances, but all looked like poore slaues, nothing being 
more dangerous to any man then the reputation of rents or of 
mouable wealth. And the same men told me, that as the Turkes 
haue few lawes and short pleading, so for these Lands (whatso- 
euer they be) their euidences are not great nor many having 
only a small paper subscribed by the Cady to witnes the emption 
or the discent. 

For moueable goods. The great men of the Army gather 
huge treasure by extortion but the Emperor comonly strangles 
them, and takes all their goods, if they doe not convey them 
to some Childe or freind being most in Jewells and portable 
things. And for the rest of the great men he taketh their goods 
and giues their sonnes stipends for life. Some say that other 
Subiects make last Wills and Testaments to giue their goods, 
whereof a third part belongs to the Emperor, but I rather 
thinck these goods are priuately conveyed to the heyre. For I 
am sure they are not possessed without much feare and danger, 
nor can be transmitted by publique act to the heyres without 
vnavoydable oppressions. To conclude if any Turkes haue 
vnmouable inheritances, they for these causes care not to 


increase them, and all their riches comonly consisting in moue- 
able goods, they hide or bury them in life, and convey them 
secretly at death. 

Judgments corporall and capitall. 

Touching their Corporall and Capitall Judgments. For 
small offences they are beaten with Cudgles on the soles of the 
feete, the bellyes and backs, the strokes being many and payne- 
full according to the offence, or the anger of him that inflicts 
them. Myselfe did see some hanging and rotting in Chaynes 
vppon the Gallowes. 

Also I did see one that had bene impaled (vulgarly Casuckde) 
an horrible kinde of death. The malefactor carryes the 
woodden stake vppon which he is to dye, being eight foot long 
and sharpe towards one end, and when he comes into the place 
of execution, he is stripped into his shirt, and laid vppon the 
ground with his face downeward, then the sharpe end of the 
stake is thrust into his fundament, and beaten with beetles vpp 
into his body, till it come out, at or about his Wast, then the 
blunt end is fastened in the ground, and so he setts at litle ease, 
till he dye, which may be soone if the stake be driuen with 
fauour, otherwise, he may languish two or three dayes in payne 
and hunger; if torment will permitt him in that tyme to feele 
hunger, for no man dares giue him meat. 

They haue an other terrible kinde of death vulgarly called 
Gaucher. The malefactor hath a rope or Chaine fastned about 
his body, whereof the other end is made fast to the topp of a 
Tower or of a Gibbett made high of purpose, and so this rope 
or chaine being of fitt length, his body is cast downe to pitch 
vppon a hooke of Iron, where he hangs till he dyes, with horror 
of the hight of payne, and of hunger. For howsoeuer he may 
dye presently if any vitall part pitch vppon the hooke, yet 
hanging by the shoulder or thigh he may Hue long. And if 
any men giue these executed men, meat, or helpe to prolong 
their miserable life, he shall dye the same death; Mores and 


Christians and they that are not of the Army, are often putt 
to this death, yea the Beglerbegs sometymes putt Gouernors to 
this death for extortions or Cruelties committed by them, or 
rather to gett their wealth. They haue an other terrible kinde 
of death to flea the skinn of from the living body, and thus they 
cruelly putt to death Bragadiuo a Venetian Gouernor of 
Famagosta in Cyprus, after he had yeilded the Citty vppon 
Composition for life to him and his soldiers. 

A Turke forsaking his fayth and a Christian doing or 
speaking any thing against the law of Mahomett are burned 
with fyer. Traytors or those whome the Emperor so calles, are 
tortured vnder the nayles and with diuerse torments, but the 
great men of the Army are only strangled. 

A murtherer is putt to some of the former cruell deathes. A 
theefe is hanged, and I haue read of a soldier that had stollen 
milke and denyed the fact, who was hanged vpp by the heeles, 
till he vomitted the milke, and after was strangled. The 
Adulterer is imprisoned for some Moneths, and after redeemed 
with mony, but the Adultresse is sett naked vppon an Asse with 
the bowells of an oxe about her neck, and so she is whipped 
about the streetes having stones and durt cast at her. If a 
Christian man committ fornication with a Turkish woman both 
are putt to death, and this Common danger to both, makes them 
more wary of others, and more confident to trust one an other, 
but the sinne is Common, and at Constantinople the houses of 
Ambassadors being free from the search of magistrates very 
Turkes, yea the Janizaries guarding the persons and howses of 
these Ambassadors, will not stick to play the bawdes for a small 
reward. In case of this offence nothing frees a Christian from 
death, but his turning Mahometan. Yet I remember that I 
saw a Tower at Tripoli called the tower of Loue, built by a 
rich Christian to redeeme his life being condemned for this 
Crime. But if a Turke lye with a Christian woman, he is not 
putt to death, but sett vppon an Asse with his face towards the 
tayle, which he holds in his hand, and hath the bowells of an 
oxe cast about his neck, and so is ledd through the streetes in 


scorne. If a Christian lye with a Christian woman, the fault 
is punished with paying of mony. All harlotts write their 
names in the booke of the Cady or the Sobbassa, and not only 
the Turkes but euen the Janizaries are permitted to haue 
acquaintance with them so it be not in the two lents, wherein 
they yearely fast, For in that Case, while I was in Turkye many 
women were sewed in sacks, and so drowned in the Sea at 
Constantinople. Generally for greater Crymes, the Judge of 
the Turkes deuiseth and imposeth a death with greater torment 
especially for reproching their law or Prophett, which a 
Christian cannot redeeme, but by turning Turke. 

Of degrees in the common wealth and Family. 

Touching degrees in the Commonwealth, and Family, I haue 
spoken of the former particulerly in this Chapter, and haue 
shewed that they are all knowne by their heads, I will only 
add that there be not any noble Familyes in this Empire, 
excepting that of the Emperors, who are called Ottomans, of the 
first of that Family Founder of the Turkish Empire. There be 
no dukes, Earles, Barons, knights nor gentlemen, neither can 
any vertue bring a man to such dignityes, the greatest men 
being slaues howsoeuer with military titles and gouerments. 
Like players on a Stage they carry themselues like Princes for 
the short and slippery tearme of life. A man most basely borne 
may attaine the highest places vnder the Emperor, So he will 
turne Mahometan and be strong valiant and actiue of body and 
mynde. Neither doth the Valor or greatnes of the father 
anything profitt, but rather hurt the sonne, all authority in the 
Empire being putt in the hands of new men, that are Captiues 
or tributary Children or such as turne Mahometans at ripe 
Yeares. They haue no Gentry nor high nobility by discent, 
nor Armes belonging to seuerall Familyes. Only the Emperor 
to leade his Army, hath a Standard, and therein beares a new 
moone. For the Turkes when they first see a newe moone, fall 
to their prayers, and thanck God they haue liued to see it. 


Of the miserable state of Captiues whose buyers haue power 
ouer their goods, and ouer their bodyes to prostitute them to 
lust, to make them Eunuches; and to dispose of them at 
leasure, I haue formerly spoken, as likewise I haue shewed, that 
the Condition of borne Turkes, and of Christian Subiects, is in 
many thinges litle better then that of slaues. 

For the priuate Family each man may haue as many Wiues 
as he is able to feede so he take a letter of permission from the 
Cady, and some of them keepe their wives in diuerse Cittyes to 
auoyd the strife of women; yet if they liue both in one house 
with him, they seldome disagree, being not preferred one aboue 
another. The Turkes vse not to take a dowrye but as they buy 
captiue women, (whome they may sell againe or keepe for 
Concubines or for any other seruice) ; so they also buy Free 
women to be their wiues, so as the father is inriched by having 
many and fayre Daughters. Diuorce is permitted for peruerse 
manners, for barrennes or like faults allowed by the Cady. As 
they buy Captiue Women, so may they buy any other for 
Concubines so they write their names in the booke of the Cady. 
For as Christians are inaryed by Preists in the Church; so 
Turkes are maryed by taking a letter, or bill from the Cady 
(who is their spirituall Judge) and writing the mariage in his 
booke at his priuate house. But at the day of mariage, they 
also vse to bathe, and to pray in their Moschees. 

Lastly it is no disgrace to be borne of a Captiue Woman, or 
out of mariage, for that is the Condition, of the very Emperors, 
Whose mothers are Captiues, and before the birth of their first 
sonne, ueuer haue a letter of dowry to make them free women 
and wiues, which after they haue a sonne was of old wont to be 
graunted them, but the Emperors of late tymes seldome giue 
that letter to them, for ielousy lest they should practice their 
deathes to haue power in the raigne of their succeeding sonne. 

To conclude howsoeuer this power of the Turkish Empire 
may seeme dreadf ull to all Christendome ; yet the Emperors of 
late being giuen to pleasure and nothing Warlike, the whole 
force being not possibly to be vnited for feare of Christians, and 


other subiects rebelling, the greatest part of the Army 
consisting of baser kindes, of horsmeii and footemen, the best 
horsemen generally being corrupted with rurall sloth and 
dilicate liuing in Cittyes, the best footemen the Janizaries 
having lost the old seuerity of manners, and therewith the old 
valor of their Predecessors, many of them being now marryed, 
and all prone to insolent mutinyes, the soldiers generally 
wanting defensiue Armes, and for offence having few nrusketts 
or shott (great part of the Foote vsing bowes and Arrowes 
insteed thereof, as the horsmen haue no Carbines, but staues or 
speares), the particuler soldiers of Asia being more effeminate 
then the rest, the iustice of State being growne to the hight of 
extortion, and oppression, the zeale of their religion being 
generally in all degrees abated, and the great Commaunders 
having of late made strong rebellions against the Emperors, 
For these reasons, and because no Tyranny (especially so great 
as this) hath euer bene durable, and lastly because the Empire 
is so great, as by his owne weight it seemes to threaten ruine, 
Christians may well hope, that the power of this great enemy 
is declining, if not sodeinely falling, which Grod in his mercy 

[The silver crowne or Piastre worth fiue shillings English is given 
heere for 70 there for 80 or more Aspers an Asper is some three farthings 
English. Mory son. ] 


CHAP : ii. 

Of the commonwealth of Poland according to the seuerall 
heads conteyned in the title of the first Chapter. 

The historicall Introduction. 

FOR the Historicall Introduction, know that the Polakes or 
Polonians are discended of the old Sarmatians or Slauonians, of 
which nation Zechus a young Prince, to avoid factious sedition 
at home, ledd forth a Colony in the yeare of our lord 550, and 
planted himselfe in a Country full of thick woods, which since 
hath bene called Poland of the plaine ground. The Family of 
Zechus being extinguished, twelue Palatines gouerned the 
Common Wealth, called Vuoyuodes to this day, and next to 
the king in authority, not hereditary, but chosen by the king 
for life. But after twenty yeares these Palatines disagreeing, 
Cracus nephew to the king of Bohemia was chosen Prince about 
the yeare 700, who built the Cittye Crakaw, at this day the 
seate of the kings. His Family being extinguished, in the 
yeare 730, the Common wealth was againe gouerned by twelue 
Palatines to the yeare 750, at which tyme the people growing 
weary of many Gouernors, againe chose them a Prince. About 
the yeare 842 (others write 806), Piasti was chosen Prince, whose 
Family ruled to the yeare 1370, as it were by hereditary 
succession, but so as euery Prince was chosen to succeed the 
other. Myesco a Prince of that Family became Christian with 
all the nation in the yeare 965, whose sonne Boleslaus had the 
title of king and a Crowne giuen him in the yeare 1000, by the 
Germane Emperor, Otho the third with freedome from all 
tributes and homage to the Emperor. Cassimere a Prince of the 
said Family being a Monck the Polonians obtayned of Pope 
Benedict in the yeare 1041. to haue him freed of his vowe, and 
to be their king, vppon three Conditions, first that each man 
of that kingdome by the pole should yearely pay an halfpenny 
to the Bishopp of Rome (called St. Peters due) secondly that all 


the men should shaue the haire of the head vpward aboue the 
eares (which most of them vse to this day). Thirdly that vppon 
holydayes all the men should weare white linnen Cloth for 
girdles. About the yeare 1124 the Palatine of Crakawe 
forsaking the king in a battell for shame hanged himselfe, since 
which tyine the Castellan of Crakaw (contrary to the manner of 
Poland) is preferred before the Palatine in dignitye and 
authority. King Cassimere not long after dying, the kingdome 
was long divided betweene that kings sonnes till by their death 
it was againe vnited vnder one king. About the yeare 1370. 
king Cassimere in his life tyme appointed Lodwike his sisters 
sonne by the king of Hungary to succeed him, and so the 
kingdome of Poland came to a straunger, which had bene to this 
tyme gouerned by naturall Polonians. But Lodwick being dead 
the Polonians gaue a yonger daughter of the foresaid extinct 
Family (not respecting any right of the Eldest sister) to 
Jagellan duke of Lituania and ehose him king in the yeare 1386. 
Albrechl master of the Knights of the Teutonick order in 
Prussen did in the yeare 1521. make agreement with the king of 
Poland that the order being extinct, the king should presently 
haue part of Prussen and part should remayne to him and his 
heyres males with the title of duke, and for want of such heyres 
fall to the king of Poland. The foresaid Family of Jagellon 
beginning to raigne 1386. by continuall discent succeeded in 
that kingdome to the yeare 1572, as if it had bene by right of 
inheritance, yet not one of them being Crowned that was not 
first chosen in a solemne and free Assembly by the Palatines 
and gentlemen of Poland. At that tyme the heyres males of 
that Family failing, Henry of Valois brother to the French king 
was chosen king, and he within few yeares retorning to inherrit 
the kingdome of Fraunce the Polonians in the yeare 1575, chose 
for their king Stephen of the Family of Bathori, Prince of 
Transiluania, and howsoeuer part of the Polonians at the same 
tyme chose Maxmilian brother to the Emperor of Germany, yet 
he made no warr for that right, after Stephen was possessed of 
the kingdome. 


The king then Hiring. 

Stephen being dead some of the Polonians in the yeare 1587. 
chose Sigismund the third who liued and raigned at the tyme 
of my being there, and was sonne and heyre to the king of 
Suecia [Sweden] and by the mothers syde of the foresaid Family 
of Jagellon. But an other part did againe choose the said 
Maximilian who beseiging Crakawe was opposed, and putt to 
the worst by Zamoski the Archchancelor of Poland and so he 
retorning into Germany to reinforce his Army, Sigismund was 
crowned the same yeare at Crakawe. Zamosky followed 
Maximilian and defeating his forces tooke him prisoner in the 
moneth of January 1588. and kept him in Poland till the 
moneth of September in the yeare 1589, at which tyme he freed 
himselfe (as the Germans write) in the manner following. A 
place in Silesia was appointed for treaty of peace, whether the 
Polonians brought Maximilian, and the Silesians at the same 
tyme levying forces for Hungarie, Maximilian by that meanes 
finding his party strongest, the Polonians being farr inferior 
in number refused to retorne with them into Poland. At last 
Sigismund marrying the daughter of the Archduke of Gratz 
vncle to Maximilian, he yeilded his right to Sigismund. The 
Tartarians in the yeare 1589 prouoked by the Cosacchi Polonian 
horsmen vppon the borders, did invade Podolia with a great 
Army, but were defeated by the Polonians and lost 25000 men 
in that battell wherevppon they craued ayde of the Turkish 
Emperor, so as the Cosacchi also prouoking the Turkes by many 
skirmishes vppon the Confines of "Walachia and the Cheife 
Gouernor of the Turks demaunding of Zamoski to haue the 
breakers of peace deliuered to his hands to be punished and 
Zamoski referring the matter to the king, and the king referring 
it to the Generall Assembly of the Nobles, the Turkes in the 
yeare 1590 prepared for open Warr, and were ready to invade 
Poland, had not the English Ambassador at Constantinople 
made peace betweene them as the Common voyce was, and as 
himselfe avowed to me. 


The Common wealth. 

It appeared by the history of Poland that the kingdome is 
electiue and so limited as it rather seemes a Common Wealth 
then a kingdome, yet that the Polonians alwayes vsed such 
Constancye in publick Counsells, as not only they chuse the 
heyres males (except sometymes the affayres of the State being 
turbulent) but also reputed the kings widowes and daughters 
to pertaine to the Care of the State (as hath bene seene by many 
examples for many ages, while the two Familyes of Pyastus and 
Jagellon raigned) so as they often imposed vppon the newe 
Chosen king the Condition, to marry the widow or daughter of 
the deceased king, (whereof the historyes yeild many examples) 
and had great respect for want of heyres males to the Father to 
chuse the male childe on the mothers syde of the blood Royall 
if he were Capable of that dignity, (for which respect Sigismund 
the king then living was chosen by them). In the tymes 
betweeue the death of the king, and the Choyce of the new king, 
by an old lawe the Arch-Bishopp of Gesna hath the priuiledge 
to call the Asseinblyes, and to publish the choyce of the king, 
who is chosen by the Palatines, Bishopps, Castellanes, deputies 
of Townes and Cittyes, and by all the gentlemen. For euen 
those gentlemen haue voyces who are become so poore, as they 
are forced to attend on other gentlemen as likewise those who 
come from holding the plowgh, barefooted without hose or 
shooes, haue asmuch freedome in their voices as any other. 
At this election to auoid confusion, they chuse Certaine 
gentlemen who like Tribunes pronounce the voyces, and these 
in latter ages haue vsurped so great authority to the prejudice 
of the kings (whome they daily restraine within stricter limits) 
as therein they passe the Bishoppe of Leopolis and his 
Suffragane yea the very Palatines, and Castelanes. Their 
History sheweth that some Prouinces of Germany belonged of 
old to Poland, which in process of tyme by Contracts of mariage, 
by diuisions of Prouinces among brothers, and by warr 
especially Ciuill, became alienated from Poland which notwith- 


standing hath in the meane tyme vnited to itselfe many other 
Prouinces no lease then the former in greatnes, riches and 
power. The heyres males of the dukes of Masouia failing, that 
dukedome was vnited to Poland. The large dukedome of 
Lituania was vnited to the same by duke Jagello when he was 
Chosen king of Poland vppon his mariage to a daughter of the 
last kings bloud, and howsoeuer the Princes of Lituania being 
of the dukes Family long deferred the vniting of that Prouince 
to Poland, lest they should loose an hereditary Dukedome for 
an electiue kingdome, yet their heyres males failing, it was at 
last fully vnited to the same. The Prouince of Liuonia was 
wonn by Armes from the order of the Teutonick Knights and 
from the Dukes of Moscouy. After warr betweene the 
Polonians and the said order of knights, at last agreement was 
made, that the Polonians should presently possess great part of 
the dukedome of Prussen, and the said order being then 
extinguished, the rest should remayne to the master thereof with 
title of Duke, and to his heyres males, he being a Germane 
Prince of the Family of Brandeburge, yet so as for want of 
heyres Males that part also should be vnited to the kingdome of 
Poland. This Prouince is more ample and rich then almost 
any other of the Germans, whose language they speake. The 
Citizens and Marchants are most rich and magnificall, and the 
husbandmen are very rich and next to the English of any I 
haue seene in forayne parts. The Cittyes are many and stately 
as Konigsberg the seate of the duke, as Marieniburg a Fort and 
Cheife Citty of the Polonians part, as the free Citty Danzk, 
sumptuous in buildings and famous for Traffique, and the litle 
but most pleasant Citty Meluin, and more pleasant for the Ciuill 
Inhabitants, where the English Marchants had their Staple, 
which is of no small moment to inrich any Citty. The two 
Cittyes last named are free and gouerned by their owne 
Magistrates, yet acknowledge the king of Poland, who hath an 
officer in each of them to gather his tributes, but they will not 
receiue his forces, nor himselfe without a limitted trayne. And 
the king is content with this their subiection, lest they should 


refuse to pay his tributes, and they being Germans, and the 
Citties well fortifyed, and bordering vppon the Sea, should seeke 
meanes to vnite themselues to the Empire, and the free Cittyes 
thereof. King Sigismund at this tyme raigning, was also by 
Inheritance king of Suetia, but that Idngdome was not otherwise 
vnited to Poland. If a man consider the large Circuit of the 
vast Prouinces and the vnited power of the king, the Palatines 
and the gentlemen to resist Common enemyes, he will say this 
kingdome is most ample and powerf ull. But if withall he obserue 
the many and vast deserts and woods, the moderate riches of 
priuate men, rather seruing to Hue plentifully at home, then 
sufficient for the vndertaking of any great actions abroad, the 
former amplitude and power, will seeme much extenuated. And 
lastly if he consider the kings limitted power often subiect to the 
constraint of the Palatines in publique Counsells, and the 
Palatines, Castellanes and Gentlemens immunity from lawes 
and liberty in generall, and absolute Comaund with power of life 
and death in their owne Territories and lands, the said 
amplitude and power of the kingdome will appeare to be 
vanished into smoke; yet euery king hath more or lesse 
authority, and respect, as he is more or lesse Wise, and valiant. 
For in the age past Stephen Bathori Prince of Transiluania 
being Chosen king of Poland, was said vppon pretence of 
publick occasions to haue raised an Army, and still keeping 
himselfe armed and strengthned therewith to haue abated the 
pride of the Palatines & Gentlemen, and then ioyning himselfe 
with Zamosky Chauncellor of the kingdome, and his faction, to 
haue preuailed so farr against the Contrary faction as he 
banished, yea putt to death (a thing neuer heard of in Polonia) 
some of the Sborosky a cheefe Family on that part. It belongs 
to the king to appoint publick assemblyes and with consent of 
the same to make peace and warr, and to giue for terme of life, 
the places and dignityes of Counsellors, Bishopps, Palatines and 
Castellanes; For these dignityes are not hereditary, but only 
giuen for life by the king, who is also the head of these 
Assemblyes, and the supreme Judge of all Causes euen 


concerning gentlemen whose pride, and liberty is such as he 
cannot well moderate, and suppress, so [id est, howsoeuer] great 
is this authority and power of the king. Breifely I say that 
Poland is divided into the greater, whereof the cheife Citty and 
seat is Guesna, and the lesser Poland, whereof the Cheife Citty 
and seate of the kings is Crakawe, besides the vnited Prouinces, 
All which are gouerned by Palatines, Castellanes, Captaines, 
Judges, Senators or the kings Counsellors. 

The Palatines vulgarly wawoedes are in seuerall principali- 
tyes. The Castellanes their leiutenants, are leaders of the 
gentlemen. The Captaines are Gouernors of Forts, and Castles. 
The Judges or Burgraues determine Criminall, and Ciuill 
Causes. The Bibhopps of old 9. be many in number by annexed 
Prouinces, the Palatines of old Fifteene now 26. The Castel- 
lanes are about sixty five, and the number of the rest is farr 
greater. Besides they haue great Ciuill and martiall Officers, 
Ciuill, as two Chauncellors that haue the great Seale, and two 
Vicechancelors having a lesse Seale, two Secretaryes having no 
voyce in the Senate. Martiall, as two Marshalls, two Generalls 
of Armyes. 91. Colonells Chosen by the king. In generall 
obserue that only the Castellane of Crakawe hath place of the 
Palatine thereof, as I shewed in the History, and so of all other 
Palatines, vppon the Cause therein mentioned. The Historyes 
often make mention of two noble Familyes, the Zborowski 
seated neare the Confines of Prussen, and the Zamoisky of 
greater power seated vppon the Confines of Transiluania. 

The King and his Court. 

Myselfe did see Sigismund the third and his Queene at the 
Port of Dantzt, a free Citty of Prussen, where 30 shipps of 
Swecia, and one of Holland (in which shipp the king and 
Queene passed) were ready to conduct him into his hereditary 
kingdome of Suecia, expecting nothing but a faire Wynde. He 
made this voyage to take possession of his Fathers kingdome 
lately dead, which in the meane tyme was gouerned by his 


Vncle Charles, not without the suspected fauour of the people, 
he being of the reformed Religion as they were, but the king 
being brought vpp by his mother in the Roman Religion. The 
king was tall of stature, somewhat leane of body, with a long 
visage and browne Complexion, and the hayre of his head was 
black and short, with a thinn, short, and sharpe pointed beard 
of a Yelowish Coulor. He wore a litle black silck bonnett 
hanging downe about his neck, and plaine black garments, he 
then mourning for his father. The Queene of the Family of 
Austria and the house of Gratz, was of a low stature, a full face, 
and sanguine Complexion. When the Gentlemen brought vpp 
meat for the king, one went before with a short white staffe 
in his hand, and three gentlemen carryed vpp each of them 
three Couered dishes with a white Napkin betweene euery dish, 
and each of them had a Page to beare vpp the trayne of his 
gowne, for they did weare two long Garments, the Inner 
hanging to the knees, the other to the Anckles. They who kept 
the dore of the Chamber, wherein the king and the Queene did 
eat were base Groomes, and they admitted any man to enter, 
so as the roome was full with people of all Conditions, and those 
that stood somewhat distant from the Table, putt on their hatts, 
only when the king did drincke, the Queene herselfe, and they 
that satt at the Table rose vpp, and all that were in the Chamber 
putt of their hatts. They seemed not to know any such reuer- 
ence, as kneeling to the king, or putting of the hatt to the 
Chaire of estate. The king came to this Port, an english myle 
distant from Dantzt, Where there was only one house, and that 
very vnfitt to receiue a King with his trayne, because some few 
dayes before, a tumult had happened at Dantzt, betweene the 
Polonians and the Citizens which Credible men thus related to 
me. A Porter of the Citty being loded, and passing by a 
Polonian, first hurt him with his burthen, then bad him take 
heed, wherevppon he (as all Polonians are soone stirred vpp, and 
prone to quarrells) drew his short sword or Semiter, and there- 
with almost cutt of the poore Germans Anne, who running 
through the streets, bewayled his mayme, and so stirred vpp 


the Citizens, as they killed Fifteene Polonians, and among 
them, a boy that carryed meat to his master, these being all 
they could meet, For there were no other Polonians in the 
Towne, but only those of the kings Court. Of the Germans no 
more then fower were killed, but the king had fower hundred 
footemen of his Guarde called Haiducs, who were lodged in the 
Suburbs, and vppon this Tumult marched with banner dis- 
played towards the Citty, and had not the Gates bene shutt 
vppon them in fitt tyme, no doubt there had bene farr greater 
slaughter. The king was most offended at the shewting of a 
peece, the bullett whereof came in at his Chamber window. At 
last the Magistrates with great difficulty appeased the multi- 
tude, For the Germans having the advantage doe not willingly 
forbeare, neither can the Polonians though vppon disadvantage, 
easily sett downe by the losse. The tumult being appeased, the 
Magistrates made a Proclamation to haue him made knowne 
that shott into the kings Chamber, and (as it seemed for forme) 
promised an hundred Guldens to any man should bring him 
forth, but neither could he be found, nor were the Polonians 
herewith satisfyed. The king had come from Crakaw to Danzt 
in boates vppon the Bauer Vistula, vulgarly Wexel. Crakaw is 
the seat of his Court, and I vnderstood by some Polonian 
Gentlemen, that he there mantayned for his guard 60 horsmen 
called Hascheri, whereof each man had fowerteene Guldens by 
the moneth, and 400 Footemen called Haiducs, whereof each 
man had fower Guldens by the moneth. And that his Courtiers 
kept 2000 horses, some one officer keeping eight horses with the 
monethly stipend of Thirty Guldens. But that these stipends 
were slowly payd, the king being alwayes in their debt, and 
hardly making full payment once in fower yeares. Neither did 
these Courtiers or officers eat in the Court, there being no Table 
kept but the kings, the reuersion whereof serued the Queenes 
Women. So as howsoeuer the king might be well attended 
riding abroad, yet within dores his Court seemed to haue small 


The King's reuenues and tributes. 

Indeed the Kings Eeuenues are small, For the Mynes of 
siluer belonging to him are few, and yeild not great profitt, and 
the Citties of traffique being few, and the exactions not great, 
his Customes also are small. The mynes of salt also belong to 
the king, and yeild him greatest profitt, but the Gentlemen haue 
a portion thereof at a moderate price, whereof they sell, what 
they cannot spend themselues. And this salt is partly decocted 
of water, but most growes in pitts, and is digged vpp in black 
and great peeces like stones. The king hath also certaine 
Territories of land proper to himselfe, wherein he hath absolute 
power, the husbandmen being his slaues, as particuler 
Gentlemen haue in their owne Territories And all things being 
very cheape in Poland, excepting forayne Cloathes, Stuffes, 
wynes and spices, these Reuenues may well answer the kings 
expences, but for publike vses, I could neuer heare nor read that 
the kingdome had any great Treasure. Diuerse affirme, that 
the mynes of siluer and salt, yeild the king sixe hundred 
thousands Crownes yearely, yet vnderstand that part thereof 
was ingaged by Sigismund Augustus, and that almost halfe was 
alienated by Henry of Valois to diuerse gentlemen for gayning 
their loue. They said also that Lituania and other Prouinces 
giue the king all necessaries for food, while he keepes his Court 
among them. And that in publike Causes of Warr, and 
necessityes of State, Subsidies are imposed by consent of the 
generall assembly, aswell vppon lands, as beare, and all things 
to be sold. The dukes part of Prussen yeildes him yearely 
twenty thousand Crownes and the king of Polands part thereof 
being as great and as fruitfull, cannot but yeild him like profitt. 
It is most certaine that the king hath also many meanes of great 
moment to gratify his subiects as the appointing of his 
Cownsellors and great Officers, the keeping of Castles and 
Territories, which he giues to gentlemen for life, and if he would 
make profitt thereof, he might very much increase hii Eeuenues, 
but in that case he should offend the Gentlemen, whose loue the 


kings are so carefull to preserue, as they not only bestow these 
guiftes freely among them, but comonly graunt to the Palatines 
and Castellanes, such rights as belong to the king in their 
seuerall Territories. But it is a matter of no small moment, 
that vppon any inuasion of enemyes, or vppon offensiue warr 
decreed by common Consent in publique assemblyes, the 
Gentlemen are bound to assemble, and serue vppon their owne 
Cost and Charges, in whome is all the strength of the kingdome, 
so as no great Treasure is required for defending the same, or 
for making offensiue warr decreed by publike Consent. 

The horse and horsmen. 

The Polonians are a warlike nation, valiant, and actiue, but 
all their strength consists in their horse, whereof they haue so 
great number, as some affirme they can bring a hundred thou- 
sand horse into the feild, and one Prouince of Lituania, can 
bring 70 thousand, and king Stephen in the last age had 40. 
thousand in his Army. Of these horsmen, some are called 
Hussari, who are armed with long speares, a sheild, a Carbine 
or short gunn, and two short swords, one by the horsmans syde, 
the other fastned vnder the left syde of his sadle. The light 
horsmen called Cosachi are armed with short swords, Jauelin, 
bowes and arrowes, and a Coat of maile and the whole Country 
of Poland being playne, this great body of horsmen must needs 
be a powerfull strength to the kingdome. The horses axe of 
small stature, but of no lesse agility, then those of the Turkes 
and singuler in boldnes for any seruice of warr. Yet are they 
all made Gueldens; And the gentlemen are not prouder of any 
thing, then of their horses and horsmanshipp professing to 
weare long garments, as Commodious for horsmen, that they 
may cast their vpper garment vppon their horses when they 
are heated with running. And for this Cause many haue their 
bridles (Which are alwayes snafles by Which the horses are 
easily turned) sett with studds of gold or siluer, sometymes 
having gold Chaynes, and like ornaments at the cares of their 


horses, and Commonly paynting the mayne and taile yea the 
whole body, excepting the back of their horses with light 
Coulors, as Carnation and the like, therein seeming ridiculous, 
that whereas art imitates nature, these Coulors are such as are 
most vnnaturall for horses. They haue guilded stirropps as 
also spurrs which are some handfull long at the heele. Not 
only soldiers but Ambassadors and their gentlemen, haue the 
hinder part of their horse couered with the wings of an Eagle, 
or skinn of a Tyger, or leopard or some like ornament, either 
for beauty, or to seeme more terrible, as in generall all haue 
them couered, some lesse, some more richly. The Polonian 
horsmen restraine the incursions of the feirce Tartars, and 
seeme so bold to the Turkes, as they haue no hart to invade 
Poland; Neither can the Moscouites indure their assault, how- 
soeuer for feare of their Tyrant, they must be prodigall of their 
bloud. The Polonians haue no care to fortify Cittyes professing 
nothing more to be disgracefull then to fly from their enemyes, 
and vaunting to defend their Country with their owne brests, 
not with walled Townes which they lesse desyre to fortify lest 
their kings should vsurpe power ouer them by giving the 
keeping of such places to their deuoted seruants. 

The footemen. 

The Germans inhabiting strong Cityes haue no cause to feare 
the Polonians, having no strong body of Footemen to force 
them. For those that dwell in the Cittyes of Poland, are 
Marchants or Tradesmen, both enemyes to Warr, and the 
Country people are all slaues, a generation not capable of 
military glory. And of these should the bands of Foote consist ; 
For the gentlemen are all horsmen, and the strength of horse 
being only in the playne Feild, strong Townes need not feare 
them. Thus whiles the kings authority is limitted so as he 
cannot make warr of himselfe, nor force his subiects to take 
Armes with him, and while they want treasure the sinew of 
Warr, except the warr and the meanes to raise mony be decreed 


in the generall Assembly, it falles out, that as in the Comunion 
of Plato, what all men care for, each man neglects; so many 
tymes a Senate of many heads, is either diuerted from the best 
Counsells by Confusion of opinions, or letts the best occasion 
slipp by slow and too late resolutions. For which Causes, and 
for the foresaid want of Footmen, the Polonians, howsoeuer in a 
Common danger they readily concurr to stopp any inuasion ; yet 
seeme vnfitt to inlarge their kingdome by Conquering new 
Prouinces. The strength of their Warfare consisting in their 
horse, and their slaues seruing only for Pioners, or like oxen 
to draw Artillerie, and for like vses, whensoeuer they raise an 
Army the Footmen are mercenary straungers, commonly 
Germans, Hungarians, and Slauonians (whereof king Stephen 
had sixteene thousand in his Army). But the king mantaynes 
a certaine number of Hungarian and Slauonian Footmen, not 
sufficient to serue in the Army, but only to guard his owne 
person, and these being commonly taken for Polonians are called 
Haiducs, and are most bold in fighting and vndanted in 
receiuing vgly wounds, and maymes made by the Simeters or 
short swords they vse. 

Their nauall power. 

All parts of Poland lying within land excepting Prussen and 
part of Liuonia, which are subiect to the king vnder a free yoke, 
and haue few shipps of their owne, most commonly vsing those 
of strangers for trafficke, the Polonians may be sayd to be 
altogether ignorant in Nauigation. So as when king Stephen 
had beseiged Danzt, and the Citizens had hyrdd a Flemish 
shipp to cutt downe a Bridge of Wood, by which the Polonians 
passed ouer the Riuer, the Dantzkers at this day tell for a Jeast, 
that the Polonian Footmen stood vppon the bridge to defend it 
thincking with their Pikes to stopp the shipp vnder all sailes 
with a strong gaile of Winde, till the shipp cutting the bridge 
with an instrument in the Prowe, these ignorant men were all 
drowned in the Riuer. 


Warfare in generall. 

In generall the warfare of Poland hath three impediments 
one of wanting mony and power in the Kings to make peace 
and Warr, both these being raised and determined in 
Parliaments and againe the want of Footmen for which they vse 
strangers, but (as I formerly sayd) it hath more or lesse 
reputation and power according to the kings person. For the 
histories shew that some vnwarlike kings haue suffered Losses, 
and indignitye without reuenge or repayre of them, but their 
Successors being valiant, and of warlike myndes haue not only 
recouered and repayred those losses and wrongs, but haue at 
home kept the proude Gentlemen in awe, and haue abroad 
mantayned their owne and their kingdomes reputation against 
all their powerfull neighbors. The Polonians suffer the present 
vsurpation of the king of Suecia confining vppon Liuonia 
because they haue not power at Sea, and cannot lead an Army 
against him by land without great difficultyes, neither doth he 
offend them being restrayned by iust feare of the Danes and 
Moscouites, continuall enemyes to that kingdome, and bordering 
it on all sydes. The Duke of Moscouye, in the Warr for 
Liuonia, with Stephen king of Poland, did by his victorys finde 
him so powerfull, as he was content to haue peace with him. 
The Moscouite hath his subiects more at Commaund and more 
vnited vnder tiranicall obedience, but the Polonians are more 
valiant, more bold and apt to dare any thing in a iust warr 
decreed by publike Consent. The Moscouites are more fitt to 
defend fortifyed places, the Polonians invincible in the playne 
Feild. The Moscouites lesse feare hunger and want of 
necessaryes, the Polonians more despise the sword and death. 
The neighbor Germans feare not the power of the Polonians, 
wanting footmen (as I sayd) to force their strong Cittyes, and 
the Polonians doe nothing lesse then feare the Germans in the 
playne Feild since in such fights the Polonians, though farr 
inferior in number boast themselues to haue often prevailed 
against the Germans, as namely of late in the Warr of Prussen, 
and likewise when Maximilian the Emperors brother, was taken 


prisoner in the Feild. The Tartarians haue often made 
incursions into Poland, but rather as Bobbers then Invaders, 
wasting the Country for the tyme, but iieuer planting 
themselues therein, and this they haue done in tymes betweene 
the death and choyce of kings, when the Polonians wanted their 
head to lead them, yet euen then haue they often (of old and lately 
in the age past, and this present) bene beaten back with such 
ouerthrowes as they had litle cause to bragg of their booty. The 
Turkes haue subdued the Prouince of Walachia, the Prince 
whereof did homage to the king of Poland, and haue bene bold 
to prouoke the Polonians in tymes betweene the death and 
Choyce of Kings, or when they had vnwarlike kings. Againe 
the Polonians remembring the great defeat of king Ladislaus 
by the Turkes and being compassed on all sydes with the aboue 
named powerfull neighbors, and warily obseruiiig the disvnited 
niyndes of Christian Princes, are not willing to make any Warr 
against the Turkes. But no doubt the Turkes had rather make 
any warr then against the Polonians, in regard of their strength 
in horse, wherein the Turkes ouertopp all other enernyes fearing 
to be forced by them to fight a battell with all forces. And for 
this Cause they haue of late borne with the Polonians seruing 
against them in Valachia, and with many incursions made by 
their Cosacchi that is light horsmen into the Confines of Turkye. 
As also when the Tartarians passed the Confines of Poland to 
ayd the Turkish Emperor, at the seige of Agria in Hungary, and 
were vtterly ouerthrowne by the Polonian Cosacchi, the Turkish 
Emperor was Content to dissemble as if he thought this hostile 
act to haue happened by Casualty, though the same day the 
Polonian Ambassador came to the Turkish Court to excuse the 
king in Case they should fight, a messenger within few howers 
after arriued there, who related the defeat and ouerthrow of the 

Ciuill iustice. 

The Polonians owe their lawes aswell martiall as Ciuill, 
which at this day remayne in force to Cassimere the great 


Crowned in the yeare 1333. But besides these Prouinciall 
lawes or Statutes, the Ciuill Causes of debts of Inheritances, 
and the like as also cases belonging to our spirituall Courts, 
about dowries, divorces, last Testaments, and the like are 
determined by the Ciuill and Common lawes there in Common 
vse, the sonnes of Gentlemen and of Citizens studying those 
lawes in the vniversityes, and many of them taking the degree 
of doctors. In Cittyes they haue two Courts of Justice, the 
inferior of certaine Richters or Judges from whome the greiued 
party may appeale to the superior Court of the Senators. And 
from both these if the cause be of a certaine value, or aboue one 
hundred pounds, the greiued party may appeale to the kings 
Courts of Justice, which are likewise two, the one of Judges, 
called Assessors from whome appeale is likewise admitted to the 
highest Court where the king setts in person, attended by his 
Lords spirituall and temporall, not vnlike our Starr Chamber. 
And these Courts are in the place where the king resides for 
the present, be it at Crakawe, or at Warsawe, where he 
commonly abides, or otherwhere. The causes of dowrye and 
inheritance are determined by the Ciuill and Comon lawes. 
The daughters and sonnes have equall portions. If the 
husband outliue the wife, he hath halfe the goodds, and the 
other halfe is divided among the Children, as likewise if the 
wife outliue the husband, and when the longer living Parent 
dyes, that halfe also is divided among the Children. Among 
gentlemen the eldest sonne may haue the Cheife house, and 
lordshipp, but if the value exceed the portions of his brothers 
and sisters, he must pay them that proportion in mony. For 
our strange lawe of giving all the land to the eldest sonne, is 
not pratized among them. 

Capitall Judgments. 

Touching Capitall Judgments. The gentlemen, trusting to 
their exorbitant priuiledges, often comitt murthers against 
strangers or any other prouoking them to anger; For they 


cannot be iudged but in a generall assembly which is comonly 
called at Warsaw where also the Kings are chosen, and that 
but once in two yeares (except the Kings death, or some like 
great occasion of meeting happen) and then they are tryed by 
the most voyces of gentlemen, who are thought partiall Judges 
in a Common Cause, which may concerne any of them vppon 
the like euent; yet men of Creditt report that they proceed 
directly in this manner. The dead Corpes of the murthered is 
imbalmed and brought to that assembly, whether the murtherer 
is cited, and not appearing is banished, looseth his goods, his 
howses being pulled downe, and the very trees being turned 
vpp by the rootes, and his person made infamous, but 
appearing as commonly they doe, he must either purge 
himselfe by the law or sometymes by the fauour of great freinds 
by voyces finding him not guilty of murther, (but neuer by any 
pardon which the king neither doth nor can graunt) or els must 
dye, but in that case his goods goe to his Children or heyres. 
And the gentlemen for murther are beheaded, whereas others 
haue their bones broken vppon a wheele. Of late a slaue, that 
had killed his master (as I vnderstood by credible report) had 
first one hand and foot cut of in the place where he did the 
fact, and after in the place of execution had first the other hand 
and foote cutt of, then had a large thong of his skinne fleaed 
round about his body, and lastly being yet aliue, had his body 
cutt into fower quarters. Coyners of mony by the lawe are to 
be burned, but sometymes in mercy are only beheaded. They 
that sett houses on fyre are fastned to a Gibbett and smoked 
to death. He that deflowres a virgine of noble Parentage, must 
dye by the law, and generally he that Comitts a rape is burned. 
Adulterers by the law are beheaded, if they be accused; but I 
heard that gentlemen maryed, did many tymes keepe 
Concubines, seldome questioned, neuer condemned to death for 
it, being (as I haue formerly sayd) only to be tryed in cases of 
life by gentlemen in the said generall assemblyes. 


Degrees of Common wealth and Family. 

Touching the degrees in Common wealth and Family, the 
Archbishopp of Guesna is primate and legate to the Pope, 
and crowneth the kings. The Archbishopp of Lempurg and 
diurse Bishopps haue priuiledges as Princes. I did only heare 
of two Earles of Osterloch, but I neuer heard nor read of any 
more Earles nor any Barrens among them. The highest 
secular dignityes are these of the Palatines and Castellanes, 
Marshalls Chauncellors Vicechauncellors Generalls and 
Colonells, which are only for life. The next and cheife for 
number and power is that of the gentlemen who haue very great 
priuiledges aswell in the choyce of the kings as in all things 
iudged by the publike assembly (wherein as I sayd Cryrues 
Comitted by themselues are iudged by themselues) and also in 
the absolute Commaund of their owne Territories, wherein they 
haue power of life and death ouer their owne slaues, and all 
Confiscated goods and tributes, as the king hath in his 
territories. These priuiledges were first graunted them by 
Cassimere the great Crowned in the yeare 1333 and since by 
other kings haue bene increased, alwayes with so much 
diminution of the kings power. And the priuiledges of the 
nobility are comunicated to the nobles of Conquered, and vnited 
Prouinces. Euery king at the end of his Coronation doth with 
solemne Ceremony knight some Counsellors and gentlemen. 
And some two or three dayes after, coming into the markett 
place of Crakawe to take the oath of the Citizens and their 
guifts presented him, he doth againe draw the sword, and 
knight some men of best meritt. But they are not dubbed after 
the manner of our knights nor haue any adition to their names 
as Sir with vs, and if perhapps they add the title of knight to 
their written stile, yet are they not vulgarly named by it. All 
these haue moderate riches scarce sufficient to buy forayne 
Commodityes, farr brought and much vsed by them as Spanish 
wynes and spices and stuffes of silk and English Cloth, the 
greatest not having aboue 50001i. yearely Rent, excepting the 


Duke of Prussen, of Brandeburg house, and the duke of Curland 
of Denmark Family, nor were they subiect. 

The marchants and Artisans in Cittyes are not many in 
number, there being few Cittyes for so great a kingdome, 
neither are they rich dwelling farr from the Sea, so as 
straungers fetch their Commodityes, and they are subiect to the 
gentlemen in whose Territories they dwell as they are subiect to 
the king that liue in his Territoryes. The rest are meere slaues, 
(as in Bohemia) the Lord hauing power ouer their bodyes and 
goods, and ouer their Children to make them seruants in their 
houshold, and if they haue skill in any art to make them 
woorke for their Lordes profitt, for they cannot woorke for 
themselues, nor haue any proper goodds, all belonging to the 
lord; Yea the Germans affirme and write that in Lituania, the 
lord will cutt of his slaues foote, lest he should runn away. 
But their seruants attending their persons, are comonly poore 
Gentlemen : For many Gentlemen are so poore as they drinck 
water, and follow the plough bare-footed, yet loose they not 
their right to be gentlemen, nor their voyces in generall 
assemblyes, as in choyce of the King, and like occasions. These 
gentlemen seruants waite with their hatts on, and sett at their 
masters table, both at home and abroad where their masters are 
invited : For they account it a disgrace to haue slaues wait 
on them, yet some will apparrell their slaues as Gentlemen to 
attend on them to the Court, or to Cittyes, and when they 
retorne take this apparrell from them. The Polonians are 
Courteous and kinde hearted, and so vse their wiues with much 
loue and respect, as also these Gentlemen seruants with mildnes 
and affability. In generall a gentleman will not marry a 
marchants daughter, nor any ignoble woman, for any riches 
whatsoeuer, and if any should so mary, his Kinsmen would 
force him to be diuorced. For they are Carefull not to stayne 
their nobility, insomuch as a gentleman will not buy or sell 
anything, but his owne Corne and Catle. 


CHAP : iii. 

Of the Common wealth of Italy according to the several 
heads contayned in the title of the first Chapter and the 
severall absolute Princes thereof. But in this Chapter 
only of the Historical! Introduction in generall for all the 

CHAP : iiii. 

Of the Common wealth of Italy namely the Pedegrees of the 
Princes, and the Papall dominion, and the new power of 
the kings of Spaine in Italy ; Of these I say touching 
some of the heads contayned in the title of the first 

THE Popes of Eome and the Dukes of Venice haue no hereditary 
succession, but are chosen for life, so as I omit their private 


Of the Common wealth of Venice in particular touching some 
of the heads conteyned in the title of the first Chapter. 

[I have decided to omit the whole of these three Chapters 
which extend from Page 5G to Page 135 of the original MS. 
They are laborious compilations and are enlivened with very 
few personal Touches. The first sentence of Chapter III. has 
an unconscious humour of its own. " Italy was inhabited at 
first by the Ligurians and Hetrurians, then by the Galles who 
called the lower part thereof Gallia Cisalpina that is on this 
syde the Alps." C. H.] 


CHAP: vi. 

Of the Commonwealth of the Dukedome of Florence inter- 
mixed with that of the Free Citty Lucca; of both touching 
some of the Heads contayned in the tytle of the first 

FLORENCE is sayd to haue beene inhabited some yeares before 
the birth of Christ, and to haue bene destroyed by Totilus king 
of the Goathes, or as others write by the Frisolanes, a people of 
that Territory, at this day subiect to the Florentines, and that 
the Emperor Charles the great after that he had ouercome the 
Lombards, retorning from Rome that way tooke such delight in 
the pleasantnes of the Seate, as he caused the Citty to be built 
againe in the yeare 802 from which tyme it was vndei the 
Emperor, and other Princes, till the yeare 1287, when the 
Cittyzens bought their liberty for 6000 Crownes from 
Rodulphus Emperor of Germany, which liberty they enioyed 
many yeares, till the Family de Medicis growing great brought 
them in subiection, Which Familye beares fiue Pills, gules, 
and one Azure in a feilde ore, for their Coate of Armes. Cosmo 
de Medicis was the first of that Family, that grew eminent in 
the Citty, who had such power as he might easely haue disposed 
of that Common "Wealth, but for the publike good he attempted 
no change, and dyed in the yeare 1464. His sonne Peter the 
first kept his fathers authority, and the loue of the Citizens, 
wisely gouerning the Common Wealth, rather as a priuate 
Citizen then as a Prince. The Pedigree of this Family inserted 
in the beginning of the fourth Chapter of this booke, among 
other Princes of Italy, doth giue light to that I now write. 
The said Peter left two sonnes Lorenzo called the Great, and 
Juliano. By a Conspiracye of the Familyes de Paccij, and de 
Saluiati, the yonger Juliano was killed, but Lorenzo keeping 
his old authority, demeaned himselfe so modestly and so wisely, 
as he seemed not only to gouerne the Citty, but all Italy, the 


Princes thereof reuerencing him, and seeking Counsell of him 
as from an Oracle. But he dying in the yeare 1492, his sonne 
Peter the second, seeking to rule as absolute Prince, when 
Lewes the french King entred Italy, with an Army, was 
banished with his brothers Giouanni and Juliano. At which 
tyme Pope Alexander the sixth sought to bring that State 
subiect to his sonne Caesar Borgias, who to that end, Peter 
being dead, laboured to bring back his two brothers from 
banishment, but their reuocation was effected in the yeare 1512, 
by Ramnndo Generall of the Army of Ferdinand king of 
Naples, yet still the Cittizens had theire wonted Magistrate 
called Gonf aloniere, and theire Priour of Justice, and howsoeuer 
the Commonwealth was gouerned at the becke of the Pope Leo 
the tenth, and Pope Clement the seuenth, both of the Family 
De Medici, and by theyre fauorites, yet the sayde Magistrates 
were yearely chosen, till Pope Clement the seuenth being 
besidged by the Emporour Charles the fyfth, the Florintynes 
resolued in the yeare 1527 to take Armes for the recovery of 
theire liberty. Wherevpon the Pope after obtayned of the 
Emperour desirious to regaine his fauour, to send the Prince of 
Orange with his Army to Florence, who droue the Cittizens to 
such want of Vittles as they were forced to obey the Pope in 
receauing his kinsman Alexander sonne to Lawrence, and in 
electing him perpetuall Priour, whome shortely after in the 
yeare 1535. the sayd Emperour created Duke of Florence, 
giuing him his base Daughter to wife. Alexander was killed 
by one of his kinsmen in the yeare 1537. And Cosmo sonne 
to John succeeded him first stiled great Duke from which tyme 
to this day, that family by right of inheritance succeedes in that 
Dukedome, as absolute Princes. The sayd Pope Clement the 
seuenth was a bastard, and historyes record with what art he 
proued himselfe legitimate, for bastardes are not capable of 
the Papall seate. Now the family de Medici begann to be in 
great estimation, hauing had diuers Popes and Cardinalls, and 
the French King Henry the second hauing marryed one of that 
family namely Queene Catherine that so wonderfully in our 


age troubled Fraunco by factions, which she raysed, and so 
tempered, as the strongest still had neede of her helpe (but 
vnderstand that Henry the second was a younger brother when 
he maryed her and by the death of his elder brother came to 
that Crowne) yea Pope Leo the tenth Chusing 30 Cardinalls 
together of his owne faction, left the Papall Sea as it were 
intaled to his Family, for by them Julio dc Medici was likewise 
chosen Pope who wrote himselfe Clement the seuenth. 
Fraunces the last deceased Duke before my being at Florence, 
had to wife Joane of the house of Austria, and by her had a 
sonne who dyed yong, and two daughters Leonora then maryed 
to the Duke of Mantua, and Maria then a Virgin and a most 
fayre lady, of whose marryage I shall hereafter speake. His 
wife Joane being dead, he liued long vnmaryed, and it was 
vulgarly spoken aswell among his subiects as strangers, and a 
thing sowell knowne in Italy as I thincke it fitt for good vses 
to be here mentioned, that during the tyme of his single life a 
Floryntine marchant intangled in his loue a Venetian gentle- 
woman called la Signora Bianca di Capelli, so as shee stole from 
her frendes, and being his Concubyne came with him to 
Florence, where he hauing wasted his estate in shorte tyme, 
shee was thought a fitt pray for a better man. Wherevpon 
Duke Fraunces, after the manner of Italy, in the tyme of 
Carnovall or shrouetyde going masked through the streetes with 
a little basked of egges filled with Rose water, passed by her 
windowe and threwe vp an egge, which shee caught and 
retorned it broken into his bosome, and so modestly played the 
wanton with gracefullnes, as the Duke inamored brought her 
to his Palice, where shee being his Conctibyne, first brought 
him a sonne called Antonio, then seeming to make conscience 
to liue a Concubyne, at last shee had the power to make him 
to take her to wife, which donne shee bent all her witts to 
haue her sonne legitimate, and admitted to succeede in the 
Dukedome, and while Cardinall Ferdinand brother to Duke 
Fraunces opposed this her desseigne, it happened that he came 
to Florence to passe some dayes merrily with the Duke, and 


they being to goe out hunting earely in a morning, the 
Duchesse sent the Cardinall a March payne for his breakfast, 
which he retorned with due Ceremony saying that he did eate 
nothing but that was dressed by his owne Cooke, but the Duke 
by ill happ meeting the messenger, did eate a peece thereof, 
and when the Duchesse sawe it broken, shee smiled and spake 
some wordes of Joy, but the messenger telling her the 
Cardinalls Answer, and that the Duke had eaten that peece, 
shee with an vnchanged Countenance tooke another peece, and 
hauing eaten it, locked herselfe in a clossett, and herevpon the 
Duke and shee dyed in one hower, and the Cardinall Ferdinand 
succeeded in the Dukedome, who liued at the tyme when I 
was at Florence. Duke Fraunces (as I heard from Credible 
men) was of a meane stature, black hayre, nothing curious or 
sumptious in Apparell, not delighting in hunting or any 
laborious exercises, but giuen much to his studdyes, hauing 
invented the melting of Cristall of the mountayne, and 
delighting to make Porcellana d' India which wee call China 
dishes, and to Cutt Jewells, and sett the false to make them 
appeare true, to norish silke wormes, to distill many waters, 
for which he had many fornaces, to make bulletts to breake and 
murther. He was sayd to be of good and sounde Judgement, 
warye in speech, eloquent to discourse of the Mathematiques or 
such thinges wherein he was more Conversent, faythfull in his 
promises, a louer of peace, frugall, popular, and so confident as 
by night he would walke out alone. The noble Familyes of 
Pulci and Caponi are sayd to haue Conspired to kill him, and 
his two brothers Cardinall Ferdinand and Don Petro, but that 
one of the consperitours made knowne theire purpose, 
wherevpon they were all put to death, yet the Duke vsed such 
moderation therein, as he scarcely confiscated 3000 Crownes of 
their goods, and put the Judgement of them to the publike 
magistrates, who had not yet forgotten the loue of theire owne 
liberty, nether did he after the manner of the Italian factions 
punish any of theire Familyes that were Innocent, but still held 
in his seruice with good estimation the brother of a Cardinall 


one of the Consperitours. Don Petro yongest brother to Duke 
Frances marryed the daughter of Don Garzia di Toledo a 
Spaniard brother to his mother, so as his wife was his cosen 
germane, of whome he had a sonne, yet because he liued in 
Spayne, he was sayd to be lesse loved of Duke Frances, so as he 
perswaded Cardinall Ferdinand his brother not to be a Cardinall 
Priest, that he might succeede him hauing no sonnes, and 
might be free to marrye. This Ferdinand hauing giuen vp his 
Cardinalls hatt, possessed the Dukedome when I was in 
Florence, being of a meane stature, Corpulent and fatt with 
great leggs, one eye a litle squinting or some such way 
blemished, his visage broode and full with a great Chinn and 
a browne bearde, not thicke of hayre and kept short. He 
seemed to mee to haue nothinge in his apparell furniture or 
trayne to drawe mens eyes vpon him. His Cloke was of blacke 
Cloth with one silke lace, his breeches were rownd of black 
velvett without any the least ornament, he wore lether stockings 
and a lether sheath to his sworde, his Coach was lyned with 
greene velvett, but worne till it was thredbare, nether was it 
drawne with braue horses but such as seemed to come from the 
Plough, and those that went on foote by his coach spake to him 
with theire heades Covered, only the Bishop of Pisa satt in the 
Coach with him on the same syde, and on his right hand, who 
was his cheefe fauorite. He was sayde to be of good and sounde 
Judgment, affable, and mercifully disposed, and in matters of 
loue to desyre the first gathering of the Rose, but neuer after 
to care for the tree. At the same tyme when I did see him 
passing the streetes of Florence, his Duchesse was in his 
Company carryed in a litter vppon mens shoulders, for that she 
was great with Childe; she was daughter to the Duke of 
Loraine whome the Duke had wooed with rich Jewells and 
presents, and not long before at her entry into Florence 
intertayned her with great pompe and magnificence. I did see 
her apparrelled once in a Tuft taffety gowne and an other tyme 
in a purple Taffety gowne, then and alwayes attyred after the 
French fashion, her visage was long and pale with a short nose. 


The second tyme when she came from her Pallace to the 
Church, she had none in her trayne but a wayting mayde and 
two dwarffs, only the Princesse Maria, daughter to the late 
Duke Francis by his wife of the howse of Austria, went before 
the Dutchess, being a Lady of excellent beauty, and in all 
things of princely Port, tall in stature, her face gracefully 
mixed with white and redd, so as a straunger by her sanguine 
complexion might know her to be of the German bloud, the 
hayre of her head hunge downe Knotted in curious wreaths, 
Her gowne was of Cloth of siluer, loose yet not hanging only 
at the back, but like our ladyes night gownes with larg hanging 
sleeues, and buttoned close vpp from the brest to the Chinn, and 
she wore a thick short Ruffe altogether of the Italian fashion, 
and she was ledd by a man on each hand. 

This Dukedome contaynes three famous Common Wealthes, 
that of Florence, that of Pisa (first bought by the Florentines, 
and after in tyme of their liberty vppon a long rebellion 
reduced againe to subiection), and that of Sienna, added by 
Duke Cosmo to this dominion, and these with their territories 
contayne the greatest part of old Hetruria, being compassed on 
three sydes with the Mount Apennine, and open on the fourth 
syde in a playne towards the Sea, and to the Roman Confines 
being said to haue in length some two hundreth and in breadth 
one Hundred Italian myles. The State of Florence hath one 
Archbishopp, and xviij bishopps vnder him. The State of Pisa 
hath one Archbishopp, and two Bishopps vnder him, and the 
State of Sienna hath likewise one Archbishopp, and three 
bishopps vnder him. 

The Duke had no Counsell of State, but gouerned the 
Common Wealth by publique Magistrates, and his secrett 
affayres by the advice of some fauourites, among which the 
Arch-Bishopp of Pisa was sayd to be in greatest grace with him 
whome commonly he carryed with him in his Coache, and in his 
Company wheresoeuer he went. Formerly I haue shewed that 
this Dukedome was setled by Spanish forces vnder the Family 
of Medici, in fauour of some Popes of that Family, but at this 


tyme the Duke of Florence no lesse then all other Princes of 
Italy, suspected and maligned the greatnes of Spayne as ready 
to swallow vpp their Principalityes, and oppresse the liberty of 
all Italy, howsoeuer for the present they were not disturbed 
while the king of Spayne was busy about his ambitious 
dissignes of subduing Fraunce, Netherland and England. In 
which warrs, he had great vse of the Popes fauourable 
authority, which once ended Italy was so intangled on all sydes 
with his netts, as the Conquest thereof seemed not difficult. 
The Dukes at the first setling of their State by Spanish forces, 
either to shew their Confidence in Spayne, or because they had 
n'eede of forrayne succors to keepe their new Subiects in 
obedience, did receiue and pay Spanish Garrisons in two Forts 
of Florence and in three Ports vppon the Sea, called Telamone 
Pentevole, and Orbetello, but they soone groned vnder their 
suspected support, and ceased not till by petition, mony and all 
like meanes, they had freed themselues of that burthen, so as at 
this tyme Ferdinand the present Duke had only one Spanish 
Garrison in a Towne vppon the Seacoast called Porto d' Ercole. 
Francisco his brother and Predecessor, in the life of his father 
Cosmo, was brought vpp in the Court of Spaine, and being there 
when his Father dyed, did not without some difficulty gett the 
possession of his Dukedome ; For while he liued in Spayne, he 
had by diuerse accidents, alienated the Spaniards myndes from 
his affayres. And after he did more prouoke them against him, 
by releeuing the Citty of Genoa with victualls, and their 
fauourers abroad by all other meanes, when Don Jean base 
brother to the king of Spaine sought to bring that Citty vnder 
his subiection, whome thereby he also made his open Enemy, 
yet in the midst of these Jelousyes, he was strengthned by his 
mothers being of the Family of Toledo most powerfull in 
Spaine. As he was likewise strengthned by his Consanguinity 
with Catherine Queene of Fraunce, and by the fauour of the 
Pope, and the Colledge of the Cardinalls, by which meanes he 
kept his State in peace. No doubt while the kingdomes of 
Fraunce and Spaine were equally ballanced, the french were 


a strong support to preserue the Italian Princes from the yoke 
of Spaine, so as the Dukes of Florence had great strength by 
Catherine de Medici, then Queene of Fraunce. But this Queene 
had borrowed great sommes of mony of Duke Francisco her 
kinsman vppon her Jewells laid in pawne to him, and before 
a third part of the debt was paid, she desyred the vse of her 
Jewells, which the Duke to witnes his loue and Confidence 
easily restored to her, yet he after finding that not only the 
mony was kept from him, but that also the Queene pretended 
right to some of her Fathers goods that the Duke had in his 
possession, he did not only euer after forbeare like offices of 
Loue, but diuerse ielousyes therevppon grew betweene them. 

Touching Ferdinand the present Duke at this tyme whereof 
I write, he had none of his brothers Jealousyes with the Court 
of Spaine, he had the same mother of the Spanish Family of 
Toledo, and the same or greater grace with the Pope Clement 
the Eight, being a Florentine gentleman borne, and with the 
Colledge of the Cardinalls, whereof himselfe had bene a 
member, but he could haue no Confidence in any support from 
the kings of Fraunce, that kingdome being then rent and 
wasted with strong factions of the league, the Royalists and the 
party of the good Patriotts, as also the party of the Protestants 
betwene whome three Ciuill warrs had long continued. Only 
in this Dukes latter tyme, those Ciuill warrs being composed, 
the Duke much strengthned himselfe and his Successors, by 
giuing the Lady Mary his deceased brothers daughter in 
mariage to the famous french king Henry the fourth. And no 
doubt he did nothing lesse then fauour the growing power of 
Spayne. For howsoeuer that kings warrs with England and 
Fraunce for his mayne proiect of obtayning the Westerne 
Empire, kept him for the present from attempting anything in 
Italy, yet the greatnes of his power, could not but be fearefull 
to all the Princes thereof. And that this Duke feared the king 
of Spaine appeared by many infallible arguments, and not to 
insist vppon all, in particular, namely by his deliuering the 
miserable Captiue bearing himselfe for the king of Portugall 


into the hands of the Viceroy of Naples ; whome men feare, they 
also hate, and as all the people subiect to him manifestly 
shewed at this tyine great hatred of the Spanish nation, so no 
douht the Duke, howsoeuer he in policy obserued the king of 
Spaine by outward offices, yet he was farr from wishing well 
to the successe of his ambitious affayres, and earnestly laboured 
by all meanes to haue the foresaid Spanishe Garison in Port 
Ercole drawne out of his Country. For his mariage, he sought 
not a wife in Spaine, though his mother were a Spaniard; but 
as I formerly sayd, he maryed a french lady daughter to the 
Duke of Loraine, which Family then pretended to be of the 
Spanish faction, and the Giuill warrs being ended (as I sayd) 
gaue his neece to the french king, vppon whome himselfe and 
the other Princes of Italy then cast their eyes for protection 
against the power of Spaine. The last Duke his brother had 
much depended on the Emperor of Germany, in regard his first 
wife was of the house of Austria, and with the expence of mony 
mantayned freindshipp with him, and the Princes of Germany, 
more specially the Duke of Bauaria, aswell to gett a more full 
investiture of his Dukedome from the Emperor, as in hope to 
haue aydes from them in any tyme of danger. But this Duke 
Ferdinand litle inclined to the declining Empire, but rather 
nourished amity with the Protestant Princes especially after 
the appeasing of the Ciuill Warrs in Fraunce. He had long 
tyme kept the picture of Elizabeth Queene of England and 
expressed asmuch reuerence and loue towards her as he might 
well doe towards the Popes professed Enemy, and not only he 
but the State of Venice had for many yeares admitted the said 
Queenes priuate Agents, as they and the Duke of Sauoy haue 
since receiued the publike Ambassadors of our Soueraigne king 
James to be resident with them, and haue openly shewed much 
to depend vppon his Royall ayde and protection. 

For the Citty of Genoa I formerly shewed that Duke 
Francisco ayded them against Spaine, but this could not take 
away the hereditary quarrells betweene that Citty, and the 
Dukes of Florence, in regard that Genoa still keepeth the Forte 


of Sorezana of old belonging to the Citty of Florence and the 
Hand Corsica of old subiect to the Citty of Pisa. 

It is manifest that the Princes of Italy depend vppon the 
fauour of the Popes, and Cardinalls, aboue all others. And I 
haue shewed that this Duke and his deceased brother especially 
affected and euer had great power in the Court of Rome. For 
no State is more able to anoy them, then the Popes, Rome 
lying on the Eastsyde, and the Popes State of Bologna on the 
Westsyde of them. From which parts their State can only be 
entred, being otherwise compassed with the Sea, and vnpassable 
mountaynes. Besides that a great Army of Enemyes cannot 
finde victualls in the State of Florence, being all layd vpp in 
Cittyes, which only the Pope can supply having aboundance 
thereof. And this they haue found by wofull experience in 
that two Popes had the power to oppresse the liberty of that 
State, and bring it in subiection to the Family of Medici. 
Thus say the Florentines, but for my part I thinck aboue all 
they feare the Thunderbolts of his Ecclesiasticall Censures, 
which no mountaynes can resist, though our ages contemning 
them, and the frequencye thereof, hath much blunted and 
abated their force, and terror; Neither doe I reade that the 
Popes temporall power hath euer done great hurt to any State, 
and howsoeuer two Popes haue of late oppressed and subdued 
the liberty of Toscanye ; yet it was effected by the Army of the 
Emperor Charles the Fifth for their sakes, not by their owne 
forces. The Commodityes are of no lesse importance which this 
Duke findes in the freindshipp of the Popes and Cardinalls, as 
the reputation he thereby gayneth among all Princes of the 
Roman Religion, together with his safety from any their 
purposes against his State, and the true intelligence thereof 
from Rome, where by Confession and all other meanes they best 
know all such Princes most secrett Counsells, yea euen by their 
owne communicating of them to the Pope for his approbation 
thereof : As also by the benefitt the Duke reapes of 
Ecclesiasticall livings, which by the Popes fauor, he hath 
liberty oftentymes to bestow on his seruants and Followers. 


For howsoeuer the Popes for some 400th yeares past, haue made 
a new heresye and Simony for laymen to dispose of 
Ecclesiastical! Benefices, tho neuer so freely bestowed without 
any the least bribery, yet they approue laymens disposing of 
them with their Consent and indulgence first obteyned. Not to 
speake of the supply of Victualls from the States vnder the 
Pope, and many like Commodityes. To conclude howsoeuer 
the Popes are not in these dayes as of old, the Arbiters of all 
Christian affayres; Yet the Vnion of the Pope, the Slate of 
Venice, and the great Duke of Florence, is the cheife foundation 
and strength of the peace of all the small Principalityea of 
Italy. For the Venetians since their State was almost ruined 
by the french king Lewes the xijth seeme to haue cast of all 
ambition to invade their neighbors, and are not as before they 
were suspected in that kinde of the Italian Princes, but are 
honoured by them as defenders of the Common liberty. 

The commonwealth of Lucca. 

The Citizens of Lucca are afrayd of this great Duke as 
Partridges of an hawke, being compassed with his territories on 
all sydes, and furnished with Corne from the Marernine of 
Sienna, with flesh and oyle from the Territory of Florence, and 
with all kindes of victualls from other parts of his dominion, 
and if they haue any victualls from any other places; yet the 
same as all other goods of Marchants or Citizens whatsoeuer, 
can passe no other way to Lucca, then through some part of 
the Dukes dominion, and with his safe conduct, so as it is 
apparent the Duke might with ease subdue that Citty were it 
not that he forbeares to disturbe the peace of Italy, which warr 
would soone bring in confusion, Italy consisting of many petty 
principalityes gouerned by many heads. All which the 
beginner of any Warr should make his enemyes, and so the 
Duke in stead of gayning a Citty, might leese or disturbe his 
owne Dominion. And besides that Lucca in this Case is like to 
receiue strong aydes from Genoa which of old in like sort so 


supported Pisa rebelling against the Florentines, as also from 
other Cittyes, and States of Italy, who making the Case their 
owne, would in all probability assist any member in Italy 
invaded by an other, no doubt Lucca relyeth vppon forraine 
succours, which the Emperor Charles the fifth and after his 
soime Phillip in their tymes professed to haue in protection. 
Againe the Duke suffers Lucca to rest in peace, because the 
Citizens wealth consists litle of stable inheritance, and almost 
altogether of ready mony and moueable goods, who finding 
their liberty in danger, would no doubt remoue their estates and 
dwellings to some other free Citty, and so the Duke should haue 
lesse profitt in taking the Citty thus vninhabited, then now he 
hath by their respect and feare of him in regard whereof vppon 
his occasions he may commaund the loane of any mony he 
needeth, and all like offices from them, who seldome refuse him 
any request, being in name free, and yet in some 
manner subiect to him. Lucca is a small Citty lesse then two 
myles Compasse, and hath a small territorye, as I haue shewed 
in my Journall of Italy, but is Compassed on all sydes by 
States of farr greater power. It is gouerned in cheife by the 
great Counsell consisting of 150 Citizens, and the Citty is 
diuided into three parts, and of each part three Senators are 
chosen, and in course of each part the cheife magistrate called 
Gonfaloniere is chosen, which tenn men inioy this dignity for 
three yeares, and representing the Dominion, are vulgarly called 
La Seignoria. This Senate heares Petitions, giues all grauuts, 
administreth Justice, and to these ends alwayes remayneth in 
the publike Pallace, whence none of them may goe forth vppon 
payne of death, but they are there mantayned out of the 
publique Treasure. These tenn men chuse one among them 
who is called Commandator, and for three dayes comaundes all 
the rest, euen the Goufaloniere himselfe, and for those three 
dayes, he receiues all Petitions, which he must notwithstanding 
(howsoeuer contrary to his liking) comunicate to all the rest, 
and can doe nothing without their Consent, and whatsoeuer is 
agreed by them with seauen voyces, the Gonfaloniere propounds 


it in the great Counsell to be approued or reiected. This Senate 
of Tenne men hath absolute authority ouer strangers, but not 
so ouer Citizens, whose causes, and all other matters they 
cannot fully determine, but must propound them in the great 
Counsell. Three Secretaries are absolute Judges of Treasons, 
and therein are aboue the Gonfaloniere, yet he must necessarily 
be present at those Judgments, and howsoeuer they must 
comunicate such causes to the great Counsell, yet often it 
happens, that after the execution of the iudgment, they giue 
accompt thereof to the great Counsell, as in cases dangerous to 
be deferred till the Counsell can be assembled. They haue a 
second Counsell of 18 Citizens chosen by the great Counsell to 
determine doubtfull Causes. And a third Councell of six men, 
that hath care of the receipt and expence of the publique 
Treasure, chosen likewise by the great Counsell, as all other 
magistrates are. They haue a body of Judges called La Rota, 
namely three Doctors of the Ciuill Lawe, whose place of birth 
must be fiftye myles distant from Lucca, and one of them hath 
the title of Podesta, the other Judgeth Crymes, and the third 
Ciuill Causes, and these places by course they chaunge euery 
halfe yeare. If any Citizen be accused before the Podesta, he 
only formes the processe, and subscribeth his opinion, but the 
Judgment is referred to the great Counsell to be approued, 
reiected or moderated, only in the Causes of Straungers this 
Podesta hath absolute power. They haue a Court of nyne 
Marchants assisted with one Doctor of the Ciuill Lawe being 
a straunger borne, who iudge the Causes concerning Marchants, 
and in those Cases also may condemne to death. In like sort 
they haue nyne men sett ouer the office called Abundanza, 
namely three of each third part of the Citty, and the office hath 
that name, because their duty is to furnish the Citty with 
victualls in aboundance, and to see that the Citty neuer want 
three yeares prouision of Corne before hand. They haue a like 
Counsell of men sett ouer the Ordinance and munitions of 
Warr. Many Citizens inroll themselues soldiers, and six 
Commissaries are sett ouer them. Three Officers haue the Care 


of health, whose duty is to looke that no musty or rotten 
thing be sold, that no filthines be suffered in the Citty, and that 
no goods or persons be admitted into the Citty coming from 
places suspected to be infected with the plague. Besides they 
haue a Counsell called de Discoli, most woorthy of obseruation 
and imitation, and their duty is once in the yeare some fewe 
weekes before Easter to assemble together, at which meetings 
any one of them may putt into a Chest the names of such 
persons as with vs are called of the Damned crue or roaring 
boyes, and these names being after read in the great Counsell, 
if two or more of those Counsellors haue concurred in any one 
mans name, he is called in question by voyces in the great 
Counsell (the voyces being dumbe, not by mouth, but by litle 
balls putt into diuerse vessells) and if he be iudged such a 
person by the voyces of two third parts of that Councell, then 
he is banished for three yeares, so as he may not for that tyme 
dwell within 50 myles of the Citty, wherein if he fayleth, he 
is in absence condemned to death, and a reward of mony sett 
vppon his head is proclaymed to be giuen to any man who 
shall kill him, which is the highest prosecution in Italy against 
banished men; and after sentence is pronounced against him, 
he must goe out of the Citty before night, and after three 
yeares he may retorne agayne to dwell in Lucca, but shall euery 
yeare be subiect to this tryall, if he mend not his manners. 
Thus the Athenians banished their Citizens by Ostracisme, but 
they bannished for tenne yeares, and not Wicked persons as 
these of Lucca doe, but eminent persons in power or riches, 
being therby like to inuade their liberty. The Judges called 
vulgarly de La Loggia, inquire what buisinesse Strangers haue 
in the Citty, and finding suspicious persons, examine them by 
the Tortor of the Strappa di corda, which wee call Strappado, 
and all that keepe Inns must giue to these Judges the names 
of all strangers they receaue, and must aduertise what buisines 
they haue in the towne, and that dayly, so as it may appeare 
to them how long they stay. Thus doe they with great 
warines and feare watch to preserue theire Liberty, but for 


trayned soldiers, they haue only some hundreth in the Pallace, 
whose places of birth must be fifty myles distant from Lucca, 
and out of these are chosen Captaines to leade theire soldiers in 
tyme of warr, but they are punnished no lesse then with death, 
if in the night time any of them alone or accompanied goe to 
the walls of the Citty, for only the Artisans of the Citty (hauing 
good wiues and children there) watch vpon the walls in the 
night, and two Cittisens with a Commissary, keepe each Gate 
therof in the day time. And the sayd hundreth soldiers haue 
each of them three gold Crownes stipend by the moneth. 

The Court of the great Duke of Florence. 

After this excursion, I retourne to speake of the great Duke 
of Florence. The Italians write and speake of the Dukes Court, 
aa if it were magnificall, aboue the degree of a Duke yet 
somthing vnder that of a King, and that he hath a great 
number of Gentlemen attending him, whereof some only haue 
a stipend, others both dyett apparrell and stipend. But in my 
opinion strangers, be they English or French, will hardly say 
that they haue obserued any such magnificence therein. For 
howsoeuer wee may yeald the Italians some preheminence of 
glory in Fountaynes, Aqueducts, Gardens, Jewells, and some 
such permanent goods, yea somtimes likewise in theire Feasts, 
which being rare, and the people being as proud as rich, may 
often tymes exceede like Niggards Feasts. Yet no doubt they 
of all Nations can worst iudge what it is to keepe a plentifull 
house, or a Princes Court and trayne. The Duke was sayd to 
haue sixty young gentlemen for his Pages, whome he trayned 
vpp in exercises fitt for them. He had 100 Dutchmen for 
his guardd, for the Italians trust not their owne Countrymen 
for the guarding of their bodyes but commonly vse Dutchmen 
whome they esteeme most faithfull and each of them had fiue 
Guldens of Germany by the moneth, finding themselues 
apparrell and dyett. Perhapps formerly they had somewhat 
more allowed for apparrell or dyett, for themselues told me, that 


this Duke had abated their intertainment. Thirty of them by 
course each day and night attend at Court, be it held in the 
Citty or in the Dukes Pallaces, not farr distant, and that day 
they haue 14 loaues of bread and two Flagons of wyne allowed 
them by the Duke, but otherwise I haue seene them vppon high 
dayes haue homely fayre, as Cabages and Colewoorts, only they 
haue great releife by wayting on their owne Countrymen and 
other straungers that come to the Cittye. He had 30 Footmen 
which by course wayted and followed his Coaches; And they 
said that the Dutchess had not more then some 12. women in 
her seruice. For my part, I saw nothing in the trayne, or 
Tables of the Court, wherein many of our Earles and Barons 
doe not equall it, and I dare boldly say, that very few, and I 
dare boldly say, that very few, and I thinck not aboue 30 persons 
haue their diett allowed. The Italians that magnify this 
Court, say that the Duke spends some fiue hundreth thousand 
ducates yearely in his Court, his priuate delights, his pleasures 
and the keeping of his houses, Gardens, Aquaducts, in repay re. 
For his Stable they report, that he had 150 Coursers of Naples 
and Gianetts of Spayne, besydes choyce horses of his owne 
Races. For my part, I could only see in Florence two Stables, 
each having some 32 horses, which seemed to me of his owne 
Races, and not of any extraordinary woorth, and twice or thrice 
I saw his Coaches drawne with very ordinary horses, and I 
conceiue that the Italians reckon the expence of his Stable in 
the estimate of all his like expences formerly made. Of the 
Dukes forces, Tributes, Lawes, and Justice, I shall speake in the 
following Eight Chapter of this Booke. 

The Citty of Pisa. 

The Citty Pisa with the Territory is the second principall 
member of this Dukes State, first subdued by the Florentines, 
and after rebelling by the aydes of the french king Charles the 
Eight, when he entred Italy to conquer Naples, agaiue subdued 


by the Florentines while they yet enioyed their old liberty, and 
free Common Wealth, which the Family of Medici shortly after 
invaded. And for the manner of the second subduing of Pisa, 
Guicciardine in his history hath fully described it. 

It is a pleasant Citty, and an vniversity, and the Duke hath 
there an Arsenall, or Storehouse for his Gallyes, in which 
respect the knights of St. Stephen imployed to goe to Sea with 
them, haue their residence in that Citty where also the great 
Duke was wont to hold his Court, Some three nionethes in the 
yeare, aswell to shew his loue to the Citizens, as by his presence 
to incite them to more diligence in drying vpp the adioyning 
Fenns, not only for profitt, but also to make the ayre more pure 
and free from the wonted infection. 


Sienna is the third principall member of this Dukedomc, 
having a shadow but not altogether so true fruition of the old 
libertye as Florence itselfe hath in the Continuance of the 
wonted magistrates. For it was a free Common Wealth ; First 
subdued by Duke Cosmo, by whose institution they haue still 
their wonted Magistrates, and the wonted authority of the 
Pallace, where they Hue to iudge causes ; yet the Duke setts his 
Gouernor called Podesta to represent his person, without whose 
approbation the said Senate determines nothing of importance. 
The Senators office lasteth for two nionethes, and they are said 
vppon payne of death to be tyed not to goe out of the Pallace 
by day during that tyme, but with their faces couered, perhapps 
lest the people should be incited by them to mutinyes for 
recouery of their old liberty, and myselfe haue seene diuerse of 
them goe abroad thus masked; yet I thinck they are allowed 
some pompe vppon some festiuall dayes, for myselfe haue seene 
these Senators vppoii such occasion come in solemne pompe 
from the Church of St. Katherine cloathed in gownes of Kedd 
silke, and square Caps of redd veluett with two banners, and 


two maces before them. But howsoeuer these Senators Hue in 
the publique Pallace of the Citty and there assemble to iudge 
causes, no doubt the Dukes Gouernor hath absolute power in all 
affayres, and vseth their helpe rather to dispatch, then to 
determine them. Also the Duke hath a Fort in the Citty 
where he mantaynes Soldiers to keepe the Citizens in due 
obedience, and hath a Captayne ouer them chosen by himselfe 
as an officer of great trust. 


CHAP: vii. 

Of the free Citty Genoa and of the Dukes of Mantua, and 
of Vrbine touching some of the heads conteyned in the 
title of the first Chapter. 

The Citty of Genoa. 

GENOA is an ancient Citty whereof the Romans make mention 
some 300 yeares before Christs birth, and when the Empire of 
Rome declyned, it became a free State, and was of old powerful! 
at Sea, having vnder it all Liguria in Italy, and diuerse Hands 
adioyning, besides sondry dominions vppon the Sea Coasts of 
the Easterne Parts. And at this day it possesseth Liguria, a 
large and though mountanous and rocky, yet pleasant and 
fruitfull Prouince of Italy, and the Isle of Corsica not farr 
distant. But by the factions of the Citizens, betweene the 
Guelphs and Gibellines, one of the Popes, the other of the 
Emperors syde, and the Familyes Adorni and Fregosi, as also 
other noble and popular Familyes, the Common Wealth hath 
bene subiect to many hazards, and sometymes oppressed, and 
subjected to the french, sometymes to the Dukes of Milan. At 
last when it was subiect to the french, Andrea d' Auria a cheife 
Citizen of Genoa, being Admirall to the french king, and 
having by Sea gotten a victory against the Spaniards, refused 
to send his Captiues taken into Fraunce, desyrous to keepe their 
Ransomes to himselfe, and so combined with the Marquis of 
Vasto alluring him to the Spanish party, and not only opened 
the first advantage to the Spaniards of casting the french out 
of the kingdome of Naples, but practised by all meanes to free 
Genoa from subiection to the french from which party himselfe 
was fallen, and this he easily effected by the vnion of the 
factions newly made, whereof the frenche Gouernor had 
improuidently bene the cheife Author, whereas wise men 
thought he should rather haue nourished some dissention 
among them. This Prince d' Auria (after the manner of the 


Italian Princes and States often to chaunge their protecting 

Patrons to better their estate vnder others) thus falling from 

the Frenche to the Spaniards, animated the Genoesi to expell the 

french, and to institute that forme of gouernment, which they 

haue at this day. The said vnion of the factions was made in 

the yeare 1527, and the yeare following the said Prince d' Auria 

fell from the french to the Spanish party. And for the making 

of the said vnion twelue Reformers were chosen, who made a 

lawe to abolish all faction, and reduced all the nobles into 

28 cheife Familyes, all other inferior being inserted into them, 

so as to auoyde factions, no Nobleman might signe any other 

Sirname then one of them, and to the hands of these 28 

Familyes, the Stern of the Commonwealth was committed, all 

Plebeans being excluded from the same, yet so as by a lawe 

then made tenn of the richest, or best deseruing Citizens might 

euery yeare be receiued into the number of these noble 

Familyes. And thus all factions haue from that tyme ceased 

from any fact, but to this day they are iealous one of an other, 

and haue certaine fashions of attyre, of wearing Roses in their 

Capps, and sondry manners of drincking, and like signes 

whereby they are easily distinguished and knowne among 

themselues. The said Andrea d' Auria is much praysed of the 

Italians, that he not only freed his Country from all subiection, 

but also hauing that power yet forbore to invade the liberty 

thereof himselfe. But no doubt, if he had not had the 

protection of Spaine in such measure as he could not probably 

haue had in any action of his priuate ambition, he could not 

haue expelled the french or resisted their powerfull forces, 

neither would the Citizens haue bene so constant to him, but 

for the loue of Common liberty. The Genoesi are generally 

reputed to be of a wauering disposition, affecting chaunge. Wee 

reade that their estate hath bene much troubled with factions 

and innouations among themselues, and when for the miseryes 

thereof they haue bene forced to cast themselues into the 

subiection of forrayne Princes for present protection, wee finde 

that assoone as they could in any reasonable manner allay these 


troubles, their first endeuours were to practise for recouery of 
liberty, yea since their state setlecl by Andrea d' Auria in the 
forme of gouernment it now hath, Conte Gio : Luigi Fiesco 
wanted litle of oppressing their liberty, and making himselfe 
Lord of Genoa, by a tumult he raysed in the night, if in his 
first attempt to surprise the Gallies, while he leaped from one 
Gaily to another, he had not bene drowned by a casuall fall into 
the water. Touching the Kings of Spaine by whose aydes the 
french were cast out of Genoa, they haue searched all Counsells 
to finde the best course to subdue this Citty, and at first builded 
a Fort, kept it with a strong garison, and probably thought to 
keepe the Citizens in awe of them possessing great part of Italy 
and adioyning Lombardy, but in the end considering that they 
could not be subdued without disturbing the peace of Italy with 
Common preiudice of all, and as the affayres stood no lesse of 
Spayne in priuate, that the Citizens vsed to subiection of 
forayne Princes were dead, all now liuing having beene borne 
in the tyme of sweet liberty : That the cheife riches of the 
Citizens are in mouables and huge Treasures of ready mony : 
That they are like Froggs coming to Land for pleasure, but 
vppon the least feare ready to leape back into the water, and 
having bene of old antiquity a nation powerfull at Sea, 
are not only like to flye with their Wealth vppon danger to be 
subjected, but also to surprise the Spanish Gallies harbouring 
in their Port, and vse them for their defence, I say considering 
these and like reasons, they haue not thought good to hazard 
the certaine power they presently haue in the Citty for the 
vncertaine hope absolutely to subdue it. Spaine presently hath 
full vse of their Commodious Port for harbouring and building 
of Gallies and of the Citizens bodyes and Treasures aswell in 
warr as peace. The cheife Princes or Nobles of Genoa, haue 
Commaunds in the Spanish Army and Navye (as the aboue 
named Andrea d' Auria was Admirall of the Spanish Gallyes 
in Italy), and aswell the Noble as popular Familyes are great 
Marchants and sayd to be the richest in ready mony of any 
Citizens in the world, and this Treasure the Kings of Spayne 


may not only commaund at all occasions to their great 
advantage, but also they inthrall the priuate men and the 
publick liberty by having it in their hands : For as we reade 
that the french king Charles the viijth after the example of 
his Progenitors, had and held the Florentines in awe and 
dutifull respect to his Commaund by their couetousnes of gayne 
in the traffick of Lyons ; so the kings of Spayne by the same art 
but a stronger bayte haue the Genoesi at their Commaund. 
For they continually borrow great sommes of those marchants 
giuing them for assurance of repayment, the Tolls and 
Customes of Maritime Ports and Cittyes and diuerse Monopolies 
of traffique yeilding great gayne for the vse of those monyes, 
and the same being not halfe repayd still renewe the debt, 
and so having alwayes in their hands the Citizens Treasure, 
and the hart being where the Treasure is (as of all men so more 
specially of the Genoesi noted aboue others with the vice of 
vnsatiable Couetousnes) they haue the Citty more in their 
power, then if they had a Fort and strong Garison therein. 
Lett a Citty be neuer so strong, yet if the Enemy beseiging it, 
can cutt of the Conduicts of Water seruing it, he shall soone be 
master thereof, and in like sort if the King of Spayne not 
paying his debt to the Genoesi, or stopping the payments Course 
for a tyme, can make all them and their bancks breake and 
faile in Creditt, I may boldly say he hath them fast bound 
in Fetters of gold. And that Genoa hangeth in this sort vppon 
Spaine as a dore vpon the Hinges, experience sheweth 
plainely to the world at this tyme of my being in Italy, when 
the King of Spaine having besides his exhausted Gofers 
contracted great summes of debt, and so not being able for 
the present to giue his wonted Assignments of Customes, and 
the like for payment of his debt, the cheife Marchants and 
bancks of Genoa were forced to breake with their Creditors, and 
the Contagion of this mischeife soone had spread itselfe to 
Venice and Florence, and other Cittyes after a straunge 
manner. Yet howsoeuer this Comon Wealth is thus at the beck 
of the kings of Spaine, it hath the name and reputation of a 


Free State gouerned by the Nobles, that is gentlemen of 28 
Familyes. The magistrates are not chosen (as of old) so many 
of one faction, so many of another, neither (as of old) are the 
Gentlemen excluded from being Dukes, but these and like 
nourishments of factions are abolished, and at this day out of 
the body of the said 28 Familyes, 400 Senators are chosen, 
Which Senate is called the great Counsell, and chuseth the 
Duke and 8 Gouernors, which nine persons represent the 
Dominion, and are vulgarly called la Signoria. The Duke, the 
8 Gouernors, and the great Counsell, gouerne the affayres of 
State but they chuse by dumb voyces, that is with diuerse 
balls, out of the body of the great Counsell, 100 gentlemen 
called the lesser Counsell, which dispatcheth other things of 
lesse importance. The Duke being head of the Common 
Wealth is chosen for two yeares, during which tyme he lines 
in the publike Palace, and hath 300th Dutchmen for the guarde 
of his body ; when he enters this dignitye for the first two dayes 
he weares the Ducall habitt, but after vseth an other habitt, 
comonly a gowne of Veluett, or Satten of Crimson, or Peacocks 
blewe Coulor, and a Corner Capp of the same Coulor, as myselfe 
haue seene him attyred, and the 8 Gouernors weare black 
gownes and Capps. The Duke hath great authority, since no 
man besides himselfe can propound any thing in the great 
Counsell, so as nothing can be confirmed therein, which he doth 
not first allow. The two yeares ended, vppon the first day of 
January he becomes a priuate person, and goes to dwell in his 
owne house, but euer after he hath the dignitye of a Procurator 
during his life. Then (as he formerly was) a newe Duke is 
chosen after the manner following. The third day of January 
the lesser Counsell, and the Eight Gouernors chuse 28 
gentlemen, namely one of every Family and these chuse the like 
number who in like sort chuse 28 gentlemen, and these last 
chosen, with the Senators who for age or other cause 
are not capable of the Ducall dignity, choose 4 gentlemen 
whose names are propounded in the great Counsell, and he that 
hath most voyces is chosen Duke for the next two yeares. 


The foresaid Eight Gouernors (who with the Duke represent 
the Dominion, yet can determine nothing without the Consent 
of the great Counsell) are chosen in like manner for two yeares, 
yet not all at one tyme, but two each third moneth in manner 
following. The Duke, the Gouernors, and the lesser Counsell, 
chuse 28 gentlemen who chuse 12 gentlemen, and propound 
their names to the great Counsell, out of which number the 
Duke, the Gouernors and the great Counsell chuse one 
day one, and the next day an other to succeede in the 
place of two Gouernors whose tyme is ended. And of these 
Gouernors being like Counselors, two dwell for three monethes 
by course, with the Duke in the Pallace, and the other sixe 
dwell in theire owne howses. The Gouernors having ended 
that office, are chosen Procurators for two yeares. And these 
Procurators namely the old Dukes chosen for life, and the old 
Gouernors chosen for two yeares, haue Care of the Treasure, 
and other publique affayres, and are of great reputation. The 
magistrates of St. George are eminent in this Citty, instituted 
in the yeare 1407, who haue long preserued this Commonwealth. 
These officers first setled the meanes to raise mony sodenly for 
publique vses, in any doubtfull occasion of the Commonwealth, 
taking it vpp of priuate men, were they willing or vnwilling, 
yet so as the State, according to the variety of tymes, allowed 
sometymes 10. 9. or 8, sometymes but seauen in the hundreth, 
for vse of the mony, lest priuate men should suffer losse by 
promoting the publike good, besides that they gaue them 
security for repayment by ingaging to them some publike 
reuenewes, or by selling to them some Tolls or Customes of the 
Citty for a certayne tyme. By this institution Eight men were 
yearely chosen to be sett ouer this busines to prouide for the 
satisfaction of publike Creditors. The charge of this office 
daily increased, by many villages and Communityes subiected 
to the gouernment thereof, and many large Priuiledges were 
granted to this office in process of tyme, aswell by the State 
of Genoa, as by diuerse Popes and Emperors, and all men 
coming to any place of gouernment in the State, must take an 


oath not to infringe these Priuiledges of the office of St. George, 
which is not subiect to the power of any other magistrate. At 
this day more exact courses are taken in these affayres, and 
the Creditours haue not the same gayne at all tymes for vse of 
theire mony, but more or lesse according to the increasing or 
decreasing of the publike Rents, Tolls, and customes. And 
this office in tyme hath apropriated to itselfe diuers large 
revenuewes. So as this one Citty may be sayd to contayne two 
Commonwelths, the greater of the Pallace, administring Justice 
to all the Citty, which hath often bene oppressed with tyranny, 
and the lesser of St. George sett over publike Creditours, which 
hath allwayes beene free without suffering any such oppression, 
so as the same Citty within the same walls and at the same 
tyme might be sayde to haue lost liberty and to inioye it. The 
foure sayd eight Magistrates of this office, are called the 
protectors of St. George, and are chosen for a yeare in this 
manner. All the Creditors in the Citty of what condition 
soeuer, chuse by lott among themsellues 80. persons out of 
which nomber agayne 24 are by lott selected, who being shutt 
vp in a chamber, may not depart till by dumb voyces, that is by 
diuers litle balls, they haue chosen eight Protectours, and each 
one that is chosen must haue 16. voyces of the 24. Electors. 
This office increasing, so as the eight protectors in one yeare 
could not dispatch all the affayres thereof, the Creditors in the 
year 1444. instituted the choyse of 24 men, who should dispose 
the remayning Reuenewes (which is the sinewe of the publike 
Treasure) for the Common good of the Citty, and that most 
secretly, lest any Tyrant might take occasion to lay violent 
hands on the Treasure. The Hand Corsica, and other places of 
no small importance, are vnder the gouernment of this office, 
which is bound to preserue them aswell in warr as peace. 
Touching the forces of Genoa, the munitions for warr, the 
difference of degrees in the State, the iustice and Judgments, 
both Capitall and Ciuill, I shall speake in the following Eight 
Chapter of this Booke. 


The Duke of Mantua. 

Vincenzo Duke of Mantua, (at this tyme whereof I write) 
was a young man, having a redd bearde, a full visage, a 
chearefull ruddy Complexion like the Germans of whome he 
discends, and of somewhat a low stature, and mourning then 
for his dead mother, he was apparrelled in black Freesado. His 
Court was after the Italian manner, faire for building but 
solitarye for trayne of Courtiers; yet he was sayd to giue pay 
to Gentlemen for 200th horses after six Crownes the moneth for 
each horse, and when these gentlemen vppon occasion iourney 
with him, they also haue diett in Court, but not otherwise. In 
his Stable, neare his Pallace in the Citty, I numbred 114 horses 
(whereof many were Coursers of Naples, the rest of Italian 
races, and most of his owne races, which are accounted more 
generous then any other in Italy) and two Camells, beside a 
like number of horses, Which they said were kept in an other 
stable for Coaches and other seruices, and a stable without the 
Citty, wherein were some sixty faire Colts all bredd of 
Neapolitan horses and Mares with that Dutchye. The Duke 
had 50 Germans for his guarde, hauing each man 4 Crownes 
stipend by the moneth, without any diett, except each Eight 
day when it comes to euery mans Course to waite, vppon which 
day they haue diett in Court. I was credibly informed that the 
Duke gaue pay to 500th soldiers in tyme of peace, kept for 
defence of hia Dominion, and that his yearely reuenue 
amounted to some 350 thowsand Crownes by the yeare, yet that 
he was greatly in debt. Of tributes exacted by him is to be 
spoken in the following Eight Chapter of this Booke. This 
Dukes honor was much scandaled among the Italians, because 
in his youth while his father liued, he had in following manner 
killed a Scottish gentleman reported to haue bene indued with 
extraordinary vertues. This Prince one night walked the 
streets with his followers but vnknowne, and by ill adventure 
meeting the said Scottish gentleman well reputed in his fathers 
Court, took a fancye to trye his valor, and to that end 


commaunded one of his familiar freinds to assault him with his 
drawne sword, whome he taking for an enemy, in good earnest 
resisted valiantly, and at the first encounter hapned to giue him 
a deadly wounde, wherevppon the Prince much lamented, and 
the Scottish gentleman knowing him by his voyce, and so 
humbling hiinselfe at his feete, with tender of His Rapier the 
point towards himselfe, the Prince in rage killed him with his 
owne Weapon. 

Inferior Princes. 

For the Duke of Vrbine, I passed through some part of his 
Territory, but did not see his person, or Court, and of the 
tributes exacted by him I shall speake something in the 
following Eight Chapter of this Booke. 

Of the Neapolitan Princes subiect to the King of Spaine 
and others not having absolute power, I haue no purpose to 
write. Passing from Pisa to Lirigi, by chaunce at Masso lying 
vppon the Confines of Toscany, I did see the Prince of that 
Towne and small Territory, wherein he hath absolute power, 
and is of the Family Malaspina being a goodly gentleman of a 
good stature, comely person, and manly Countenance, with a 
black pointed bearde. Besides this small Territory, whereof he 
was absolute Prince, they said he had great Inheritance in the 
kingdome of Naples vnder the King of Spaine. Here I heard 
that the Count Stentafiori was absolute Prince of a Territory 
not farr distant, but I did neither see him nor his Court. 
These are petty Princes of small power to defend their States, 
only subsisting by the equall ballance of Italy, and protection 
from Spaine, or Fraunce, or other States of power, and more 
specially by the Common ayme of all States in Italy, to preserue 
it in peace; For as a Crased shipp may be safe in a calme Sea, 
but lyes open to the waues vppon any storme, so the small 
States of Italy haue safety in peace, but fewe of them may 
iustly haue confidence to stand vnshaken vppon troubles of 


CHAP: viii. 

Of the Common wealth of Italy in generall and of some of 
the greater States thereof in particular touching the 
remayning Heades conteyned in the tytle of the first 

Tributes in generall. 

The Princes of Italy aboue all others in the world impose not 
only vppon their Subiects but vppon all strangers passing 
through their Territories great and many Tolls, Customes, and 
like exactions. All gates of Cittyes and Townes swarme with 
searchers, who if the passengers haue any tiling that payes 
custome search narrowly to finde it, and if they haue nothing, 
yet will ransack the smallest things they haue, except they will 
giue them some reward. The Cittyes, and Townes and newe 
Territoryes of petty Princes, are very frequent, so as a Traueller 
passeth in any of them in one dayes iourney, and he cannot 
passe a Towne or a bridge, but he shall pay for his person, at 
euery bridge two or three Quatrines, at some Gates six at some 
Eight Solde of Venice, besides that he payes for his baggage. 
He that carryes Jewells or any thing of Gold or siluer or 
pretious thing of small weight easy to be hidden, if he conceale 
it, and pay not Custome for it till he haue passed a certaine 
stone or marke, then the same found by the searchers is 
confiscated to the Prince, and if he shewe them to paye 
Custome, he runnes no lesse danger of his life by being knowne 
to haue such things about him. For any thing almost that 
he carryes through Italy, he shall pay asmuch as the thing is 
worth. In some places it is villa wfull to carry a sword, in some 
to carry a dagger, and at these Gates men attend to offer their 
seruice to carry the Passengers sword to the Inn, whome he 
must pay, and these places being frequent, he shall pay the 
worth of his sword before he haue passed through Italy, paying 
for carrying of it in each Citty at the entriug and going out of 



the Towne, and many tymes in one dayes iourney. A poore 
woman that carryes tweluc Eggs to the markett, must giue one 
at the Gate for Custome, and if she buy a payre of shooes in the 
Towne, or spice, or any like thing, tribute must be paid going 
out of the Gate. If a poore body gett his living by a wheele, 
to spinn, by Carding or by a Weauers Loome, he must pay 
yearely tribute to his Prince for licence to vse that trade. And 
all Inkeepers and those that sell any thing to eat or drinck, pay 
so great yearely Tributes to the Prince (as likewise the Poast- 
masters and those that haue horses to hyre) as they must needs 
vse great extortion vppoii all Passengers, and vppon subiects 
that haue occasion to vse them, for such licences are sold to 
them as it were at the outcrye, to him that will giue most 
for them. 

The Tributes in the Popes State. 

The Pope is more mylde to his Subiects in this kinde then 
any other Prince in Italy. And no doubt the fame of this 
gentlenes auayled him more then his excommunications to 
gayne the Peoples harts, when he tooke into his possession the 
Dukedome of Ferrara, the Dukes whereof had formerly 
oppressed their Subiects with great exactions; so as all other 
Princes haue iust cause to feare this Foxes practises, lest he 
conuert this fame of his gentlenes to their preiudice by like 
vsurpations. Yet the Popes themselues lay vppon their 
Subiects many and heauy exactions, so farr as they make filthy 
yet great yearely gayne of the Harlotts in the Stewes, who haue 
for theire Judge the Marshall of the Court Sauella, and he 
also for himselfe makes no small yearely Rent of them. As also 
for gayne they allowe the Jewes a place in Eome for theire 
habitation, wherein they haue theire Synagoges, which 
priuiledge they would not permitt to any Christians differing 
from them in poynts of Religion, and (after the manner of 
Italyan Princes) suffer the Jewes to grynde the faces of theire 
subiectes, so they may extorte large tributes from them, 


and haue the commaund of theire treasure to vse vpon all 
occasions. Besydes the Popes governours and Magistrates sett 
ouer theire Provinces and townes, are more often changed then 
by any other Prince of Italy, and as hungry flyes sucke more 
greedily than those that are full, so these gouernors often 
changed must needes be a greater burthen to theire subiects 
then if they continued long in office. Of the Papall exactions 
by spirituall Power, as Indulgences Pardons and the like, I 
haue formerly spocken in the fourth chapter of this booke. I 
will only add in generall, that a learned historiographer of 
Germany, after theire manner of Computation of Treasure, 
writes the yearely Reuenewe of them to haue exceeded one 
hundreth Tunns of Gould Guldens, but in oure age to be much 
abated by the defection of many Dominions from the Popes 
obedience. In the same chapter I haue spocken of exactions by 
the Popes temporall power and State, and the yearely Reuenewe 
of all his tributes, I will only add that passengers going through 
the Papall State, in all his Portes, Frountyer townes, the 
Citty of Rome, and all passages where tribuites are frequently 
imposed, not only pay Customes for all Marchantdize, but for 
every litle Portmanteau to carry daly necessaryes pay one Julio, 
yet haue not the same ransacked as in other places. 

The tributes in the Dukedome of Florence. 

They who will learne the Art to spend treasure sparingly 
and to exact it cruelly from theire Subiects, lett them Imitate 
the Italian Princes, among whome the Dukes of Florence excell 
in both kyndes, of whose frugality I haue formerly spoken, and 
now will perticularly sett downe some exactions in that State. 
For each measure of land vulgarly called Stoara contayning 
60. Perches euery way, the owner payes yearely to the Duke 
(if the land be most barren) tenn Julij, if it be firtile thirty 
Julij yea more, not only according to the firtelity of the land, 
but also vpon any extraordinary increase of the yeare. For an 
asses loade vulgarly called Soma of wyne they pay 32. Quatrines, 


For a bottle of some three quartes of wyne two Quatrines, For 
the like measure of oyle three Quatrines, For an asses loade 
of oyle 4 Julij. For a Barrell of wyne one Julio. For the 
gryuding of a Sacke of Come 12. Quatrines, and for a note of 
license to grynde it 6. Creizers (very Monkes and Eeligious 
Fryers paying this trybuite for grynding of Corne). The 
Country people to the age of CO. yeares pay each man for his 
head a Crowne yearely : For euery beast or any head of Cattle 
20. Soldi, and asmuch for euery horse, Asse, or like Beast solde 
from man to man, how often soeuer the property is altered, but 
the worth of the beast allters the payment after the rate of one 
Julio in two Ducates. He that will keepe a shop to sell warres 
payes at the entrance 50. lire, and yearely one Crowne. The 
Duke sells all Salt as his owne, and the Country people are 
bound to carrye it, hauing in that respect the priuiledge to buye 
a measure theireof for foure Quatrines, which is soulde to others 
for 12. but they must buye no more then serues theire priuate 
vse, for if it be knowne they sell any, they are condemned for a 
tyme to serue in the Gallyes, or in like sorte punished. The 
Duke Commandes the very Snowe to be gathered and layde vp 
in the winter, which he sells in the Sommer to be mingled with 
wyne, and for like vses. Whosoeuer brings the least thing into 
the Citty to be solde, or Carryes out the least thing bought, 
payes tribuite at the gate. For Jewells or any thinge of gould 
or siluer according to the worth they pay a Gross for each 
Crowne : For a payre of new shooes foure Quatrines. An old 
woman that hath a Cerchio of eggs, that is 12. eggs to sell, 
payes two Quatrines, or giues one of the eggs to the officers at 
the gate. Flesh sold in the markett payes a quatrine the pound 
that is some iiid. [Piiijd.] of our English mony in the stone, 
For a liuing hogg solde, they pay to the Duke 4. Julij, one for 
each foote : And the like trybute the poore people pay for 
Cherryes, Bootes, and the least thinge they haue to sell, yea a 
dead body carryed in or out of the Citty to be buryed, payes 
a Piastre or Crowne to the Duke. And least any fraude should 
be vsed by those that are poore or crafty, the officers search not 


only the Carryage but the very Apparrell of the people, and 
sometymes the secrett parts of the body, and there is a place at 
each gate with a marke which if any haue passed without 
paying of tribuite, those goods are forfeited to the Duke. Yet 
they report of many that haue plesantly and coningly deceaved 
the Crafty and Crewell searchers. As of an old woman, that 
tooke a gold Chayne her master had bought, and foulding it 
vnder the Flax of her Distaffe, passed the gate without paying 
tribuite. And of an other old woman, who carryed a Gammon 
of Bacon to sell, and being demaunded at the gate if shee had 
any thinge that payed tribuite, scoffengly yet truely answered 
that shee had Vna coscia secca a dry thigh, and they thincking 
her to speake of her owne body, with laughter dismissed her 
free of tribuite. And of a Country Clowne, who hauing bought 
Cherries for which they demaunded tribute, at the Gate, did 
rather eat them vpp in their presence, then he would pay ought 
for them. And of an other that having bought a Crucifixe of 
siluer, for which like things being newe, and vnvsed, tribute 
is payd, hung it vpp at the gate, and falling vppon his knees, 
mumbled prayers to it, by that vse to saue the tribute ; And of a 
soldier who having bought a gold Chayne putt it into the hollow 
handle of his horsemans speare, so as the Searchers could not 
finde it, tho by spyes they knew he bought it. And of a 
pleasant Monke, who having bought spice, and sewing it in the 
hinder part of the Cusheon, which the Italians vse ouer their 
sadles, and being demaunded what he had to pay tribute, 
answered scofHngly yet truely, Ho del specie al culo, I haue 
spice at my backsyde, and so passed for a rude, or merry Felowe 
and paid no Tribute, without danger to forfeit the confessed 
spice, if they had after found it. But to omitt Jeasts, I retorne 
to the serious purpose. In the dowryes of women to be 
marryed, and all bargaynes, the Duke hath seauen (others say 
eight) Crownes in euery hundreth Crownes. In hyring of 
houses he hath the tenth part of the yearely Rent and a like 
Tribute out of the last Wills and Testaments of his subiects. 
And one tribute I wish all Princes would imitate and exact the 


like, that no man goes to Lawe, but he payes tribute, according 
to his cause before he can enter his suite. When the Duke 
foresees a dearth of Come, he makes search what Corne priuate 
men haue, and leaving them as much as will serue their owne 
Familyes, he buyes the rest at a reasonable price, and layes it 
vpp in the office of Aboundance, as they vulgarly call it, vsing 
equalitye towards all, in that he spares no man more then 
another, but when Corne growes scant, it is sold to the people 
with great gayne. In like sort to preuent famine, the Duke 
buyes sheepe, comonly each yeare three thousand, and more if 
need seeme to require, out of Lombardye the only Prouince of 
Italy yeilding plenty of grasse to feede Catle, and these sheepe 
he distributes amongst the Butchers of his Dominion at such 
rates, as howsoeuer he pretend the releife of the publique want, 
yet those Butchers thinck themselues most fauoured who haue 
fewest of his sheepe allotted to them. The State of Florence 
aboundeth with wyne and flesh for foode, and the Feuns of 
Sienna called la maremme yeild such plenty of Corne as from 
thence great quantity vseth to be transported for the releife of 
neighbors as Lucca, and Genoa, yet often it happens that when 
corne beares a good price in Italy, shipps fraught therewith 
ariue in the havens of this State, in which Cases priuate 
Marchants buy not this Corne according to the Custome with 
vs, but the Duke himselfe buyes it, and sells it by small 
measures in the markett with good gayne, and with such 
priuiledge, as the Dukes corne must be sold before any priuate 
man may expose his in the Markett. And if by any accident 
the foresaid Office of Aboundance (as they call it) suffer losse in 
buying any prouision, a taxe is allotted vppon euery Family for 
repayre of that losse, yea euen vppon those that were no way 
releiued by that prouision, In which case I haue seene my host 
a poore Inkeeper pay three lire at one taxe, and his brother a 
poore Artisan pay halfe asmuch, having had no whitt of the 
Corne for which it was imposed. If an extraordinary Death 
happen the Duke hath vsed to make an Edict, that all men shall 
haue a quantity of brann mixed with theire meale, and 


howsoeuer the very meanest Italians vse to feede of pure 
wheaten bread, wherewith and a poore rootte, or apple, they 
will make a good meale, so their bread be pure, and so greatly 
abhorr this mixture, yet for feare of spyes (neuer wanting) the 
richest dare no more breake this Edict then the poorest. 
Besides ordinary Tributes, many extraordinary taxes are 
imposed vppon diuerse accidents, as when the Duke is maryed, 
when his Children are baptised, when his daughters are maryed, 
when any bridges are broken by the ouerflowing of the Riuer 
Arno, or like accident, and vppon many such casuall events. 
Yea the Statua of Duke Cosmo, newly then sett vpp in the 
markett place, was erected at the charge of the people, by a 
generall taxation. And in generall, since in all publique 
Collections more is gathered comonly then laid out, the Prince 
himselfe gaynes by the very mischeifes, and burthens of the 
Common Wealth. The Ditches of Cittyes and Townes and 
Wast places of highwayes belong to the Duke, and in them he 
planted mulbery trees, whereof he sold the leaues for feeding of 
silke Woormes with great profitt, no man daring to breake a 
leafe from them. Myselfe in heat of Sommer breaking a small 
branche to carry for shade, a gentleman meeting me and 
obseruing me thereby to be a stranger, advised me nobly to cast 
the bough away before I passed by any house or village, for 
otherwise the breaking thereof would cost me many Crownes, 
besides imprisonment. Aboue all other things the Duke makes 
excessiue profitt by Innes and victualing howses, which 
sometymes he builds and letts the houses at high rates. Againe 
those that haue houses of their owne or hyred, that are fitt to 
be made Inns, yet pay excessiuely yearely tribute for license to 
keepe them, so as it makes litle difference, whether the house be 
publike or priuate, and since he that buyes must needs sell, 
the Florentines otherwise courteous to strangers by their 
Princes auarice, are forced to oppresse them. When any Inne 
(I meane not the house but the license to keepe an Inne) is to be 
lett (for the Custome is to lett them at first for one, and then 
for sixe yeares, and those ended againe for one and then for 


six yeares, and so euerlastingly in that order) I say when such 
Inns falling voyd are to be lett, it is done by the Outcrye, a 
Candle being lighted, where the people are called together, and 
he that offers most before the Candle is burnt out, shall keepe 
that Inn during the foresayd tyme, and many tymes Citizens of 
noble Familyes barken, and beare out poore men in taking these 
high rented Farmes, to the end themselues may vtter in those 
Inns more easily at an high rate, the increase of theire owne 
Wynes, oyle and fruites which they haue to sell. Myself e for 
learning of the Language did lodge for some moneths in two 
Inns, whereof the first was in the high way to Rome, yet in a 
village, about eight myle distant from Florence, and the 
Hostesse being an old widow, and paying 23 Crownes yearely to 
a gentleman for the Bent of her howse, did also pay to the 
Duke 56 Crownes yearely for license to keepe that Inn, wherein 
she sold no wyne but such as she fetched from an other man, 
that had license to sell it. The other was kept by a shooemaker 
out of the high way to Rome, in a village, whose house was his 
owne Worth six Crownes by the yeare to be lett, and he paid 
to the Duke yearely 20 Crownes for license to keepe this Inn 
and sell wyne, and a Julio and a halfe to exercise his poore 
trade. For the poorest old woman may not keepe a wheele to 
Npirm, without paying tribute and each weauer payes a Crowne 
or more yearely to the Duke for his Loome. Most Inns pay the 
Duke yearely one hundreth or a hundreth Fifty, some few pay 
fiue hundreth or six hundreth Crownes yearely, as I remember 
the Inn vppon the Confines of Toscany in the way to the 
Sea-syde of Liguria paid six hundreth Crownes yearely to the 
Duke. Whensoeuer the Duke wants mony, he takes a list of his 
Subjects able to lend it, and diuides the same among them 
according to their ability giuing them assurance for repayment 
by assignments out of his Customes, which payments are 
alwayes duly made to them. The Siennesi are rich in yearely 
Rents of Lands, but the Florentines having a more barren soyle 
are rich by arts & traffique. For Sattens they pay to the Duke 
50. in the hundreth and the very traffique of Sattens in the 


Citty of Florence amounted in one extraordinary yeare, to two 
millions of gold. The Reuenues of the Duke were said 
ordinarily to exceede a Million and a hundreth thousand 
ducates, others said one million and a halfe. The veiy Citty of 
Florence was said to yeild flue hundred thousand Ducates. The 
Port of Ligorno one hundreth thousand yearely. The other 
Fortes in generall one hundreth Fifty thousand. The Tribute 
of flesh one hundred forty thowsand. The mynes of salt and of 
yron, and the Tribute for siluer a like somme. The Toll of 
milstones (besyde the State of Sienna) was said to yeild yearely 
one hundreth sixty thousand Ducates, And the sole Tribute for 
Inns was said yearely to amount at least to two hundreth 
thousand Crownes. Besides that the Duke makes great gayne 
by the bankes of Exchaunge wherein he hath much mony 
espetially in Banco de Rizzi whereof himselfe is the Cheife. If 
we consider the Continuall peace of Italy wherein the Duke 
was thought to lay vpp yearely at least halfe a milion of gold, 
no doubt he must be powerfull in Treasure. And as I dare 
boldly say that no Christian Prince euer did or can exact more 
of his Subiects, so I reade in a late writer that this Duke 
Ferdinand left to his sonne and successor ten millions of gold 
in ready mony, and two millions in Jewells. 

No Prince of Italy exacts much lesse of his subiects, and for 
the Dukes of Ferrara of the Family of Este, before that 
Dukedome fell to the Pope as Lord of the Fee for want of 
heyres males, I did not obserue more exactions in any place 
then in the Citty of Ferrara. Each straunger paid a Gagetta 
to the Duke at the Gate for his head where the searchers rifeled 
all parts, Carriages, and the least Portmanteau, to finde out 
things for which Tribute was to be paid, and if they founde 
any such thing, as gold Chaynes spoones any thing of gold or 
siluer (which as I sayd in Italy can neither be hidd without 
danger, nor shewed without as great daunger of spoyling), nor 
any new apparrell, or any thing newe or not vsed, so as it may 
be fitt to be sold, all these things if they had not paid tribute 
for them, were confiscated to the Duke. The searcher followed 


vs to our Inn, there to search the small things we carryed with 
vs, and for this office of Respect that he did not stay vs and 
search vs at the gate, he extorted a reward from each one of vs, 
and those straungers who gaue them not rewards aswell as 
Dutyes, were sure to be molested by them many wayes, as by 
keeping their mayles or other Cariage at the gate with them, 
to be searched at their leysure, in which meane tyme they 
would not suffer him to take out a shirt to chaunge or any other 
necessarye for daily vse. The Dukes territory was small, yet 
this one Citty lying in the beaten way to Rome, by like 
exactions yeilded large yearely Reuenues. The very fishing of 
Eeles in the lakes of Comaccio where the Riuer Po enters the 
Sea, or rather ends in standing waters, was said to yeilde to the 
Duke 150 thousand Crownes Yearely. 

The tributes in the state of Venice. 

The State of Venice in imitation of the Pope, calling his 
Rents the Patrimony of St. Peter, doe also call their tributes 
the Reuenues of St. Marke the protecting Saint of the Citty. 
Of Stable Rents, not such as are Casuall and gotten by 
industry, each man payes tenn Crownes to St. Marke in the 
hundreth. Each measure of wyne called Botta vulgarly, payes 
fiue Ducates, and each Secchio of wyne payes tenn Soldi. Each 
measure of Corne called Staio vulgarly payes 48 Soldi. But 
the shopkeepers pay no such Tributes as are exacted in 
Florence, exercising their trade freely. The Magazines of 
Wyne only in the Citty of Venice, were said yearely to yeild 
three hundreth thousand Ducates, for those that sell wyne by 
small measures, paid each man some thousand Crownes for his 
License, after which rate the Inkeepers also paid for their 
licenses. Many houses kept Chambers to be lett, and suppose 
the house be hyred for some hundreth Crownes the yeare, or 
being theire owne be valued at so much, they pay halfe the 
Rent, namely Fifty Crownes to St. Marke. The very boyes and 
men wayting in the marketts, like our Porters with basketts to 


carry home things bought, and vulgarly called Cisterolli, doe 
pay each moneth Fiftye Soldi each one for his License. In 
diuerse written relations I finde the generall Reuenue of this 
State valued at two millions of gold yearely though Monsr. 
Villamont attributes so much to the Citty of Venice alone. 
And for seuerall tributes of the State, I finde them thus valued 
in generall. The wyne yearely at one hundreth sixteene 
thousand Ducates; The oyle at fower Thousand; Merchandize 
imported at Thirty thousand, and exported asmuch. Corne at 
fowerteene : Flesh at seauenteene thousand. The fatt 
vulgarly II Grasso, as butter, suett, and the like, 
Fourteene thousand. The Iron seauen thousand. The fruites 
foure thousand : The wood six thousand. And for particular 
Cittyes, these relations record, that Padoa brings yearely into 
the Treasure of Venice thirteene thousand Ducates. Vicenza 
thirtye two thousand : Verona nyntye thousand : Brescia 
(besydes many extraordinary Subsidyes) one hundreth thousand 
foure hundreth and fyfty : Bergamo fyfty thousand : Vdane 
twenty fyue thousand : Treuigi foureskore thousand. Not to 
speake of the Ilandes of Istria, and Dalmatia Cittyes, Cataro 
and Zara, and other places of small importance, this sufficing 
for probable coniecture of theire Reuenues, which may satisfye 
a stranger, who can hardly and needeth not for his owne vse 
search the perfect knowledge thereof. My selfe retorning from 
Padoa towardes England, and hauing the testimony of the 
vniuersity (vulgarly called Matricola) that I was Student 
thereof was thereby freed from many small payments in that 
State, as six Soldi demaunded at the Gate of Padoa, and eight 
Soldi at the gate of Verona, and some Quatrines for the passing 
of bridges, and the like, which I mention only to shewe that 
these payments were due to St. Marke only for my person, since 
I carryed nothing with me but some two or three shirts, and 
that the same payments being exacted of euery Passenger for 
his head, in such a beaten waye from Fraunce, Germany and 
many kingdomes to Rome, must needes amount to a great somm 
yearely. I haue omitted to speake of the Tribute raysed by 


Harlotts, called Cortisane, which must needs be great in that 
State, neither haue I spoken of extraordinary Tributes, as in 
tyme of warr, wherein the Tenths for Land, and in like sort the 
Customes are doubled or trebled, and priuate men not only with 
Chearefulnes lend, but also giue great sommes of mony and the 
women haue not spared to giue their Jewells, so as it may be 
sayd that the publique treasure is neuer poore, so long as 
priuate men be rich. Neither haue I spoken of the depost 
payd by gentlemen when they are admitted capable to beare 
office, nor of many like Reuenues. Giue me leaue to add that 
a late writer hath published in print, that the generall Reuenue 
of Venice amounts yearely to two millions of gold Crownes. 
That the Townes yeild yearely eight hundreth thousand 
Crownes, of which summ Bergamo and Brescia yeild three 
hundreth thousand; That the Imposts of Venice amount to 
700 thousand, wyne alone in the State to 130 thousand, and salt 
alone to 500 thousand Crownes. 

Tributes in the Dukedome of Mantuoa. 

The Duke of Mantua maketh no lesse exactions vppon his 
subiects and all straungers, then other Princes of Italy, but 
hath one thing singular, that to the preiudice of his subiects he 
intertaynes the Jewes with greater priuiledges then they haue 
in other parts of Italy, so as in Mantua they keepe the cheefe 
shops, and are not easily knowne from Cittizens, carying only 
a marke in obscure places, as vnder theire Clokes, whereas all 
Jewes in other parts of Italy ether weare yellow hatts, or haue 
other notorious markes by which they are very aparently 

Tributes in the Dukedom of Vrbin. 

The Reuenues of the Duke of Vrbin were sayd to amount 
yearely to one hundreth thousand crownes, yet his territory 
was small, and he thought to be a gentle exactor in comparison 
of others, wherevpon he was sayd to be much beloued of his 


subiects. Notwithstanding passing by Senogallia (which towne 
belongs to the Pope, but it seemed the Dukes territory came 
to the gate therof, for the Inn without the gate lodging all 
passengers belonged to the Duke) I say passing by Senogallia 
and lodging in the Inn without the gate, I vnderstood that the 
Innkeeper payd yearely 500th Crownes to the Duke of Vrbin, 
for keeping that Inn, and his being Postmaster, so as I nothing 
marueiled to be abused in our supper and the hyring of horses, 
but rather wondred at the auorice of the Italian Princes, who by 
these immoderate exactions not only oppresse theire subiects, 
but force them to grinde the Faces of all strangers passing 
through theire territories. 

Tributes in the kingdome of Naples. 

The tributes of the kingdome of Naples are no lesse rather 
more excessiue, for not only marchants pay them, but 
gentlemen buying silkestockings and like smale thinges, pay 
tribute, except they were them once, and so likewise for 
chaynes and Jewells of gold except they be openly worne about 
the neck or handwrests. And if any haue passed Naples gate 
without paying tribute and taking a testimony therof, his goods 
shalbe forfeyted when the Searchers at Sportelle vpon the 
Frontiers fynde them. Yet all these caterpillers will also 
extort somthing of guift. And great tributes are payd for 
horses which cannot goe out of the kingdome without license 
from Naples, searchers attending at Fondi and other places 
otherwise to forbid theire passage. Yea the Searchers will not 
only rifle a strangers portmanteau, but will see what mony he 
hath in his purse, and those who lett horses & Mules, must haue 
a pasport for passing of theire beasts. To conclude this point 
too perticularly handled already. I will only add that the 
Catholike king of Spayne imitates his holy Father the Pope 
in the tribute exacted for harlotts, wherof 60. thousand were 
sayd to be in the Citty of Naples, and of them the poorest payd 
two Carlini the month, but the proudest and fayrest not only 


payd much more to the kings treasure, but allso were subiect 
to many extortions of diuers magistrates sett ouer them. So as 
the Pope and these Papal Princes seeme to haue learned of the 
heathen Emperour of Rome, that the smell of gayne is sweete 
though it come of Dung, who exacting mony of vrine sold, and 
taxed by his owne sonne for the basenes of the gayne, putt to 
his nose a peece of mony of that tribute, and another of a sweete 
Commodity (as spice or the like) and asked him what difference 
there was betweene the smell of them. 

Of the power of Italy in warr generally. 

The Princes of Italy placing all the hope of preseruing 
theire States in the greatnes of theire treasure, not in the loue 
of theire subiectes, which they loose by the foresayd cruell 
exactions (vnder which they grone as vnder the bondage of 
Egipt) and so hold theire faythfulnes suspected, for that cause 
keepe them from any the least experience in military seruice, 
or somuch as the vse of the wearing of the sword desyring to 
haue them as base & fearefull as men may be. And for this 
Cause in their warrs, they vse auxiliary soldiers, and especially 
Generalls of other Nations. Yet I confesse that the State of 
Venice being a free State, vnder the which the people are not 
so much oppressed as vnder other Princes of Italy, raise part of 
their foote of their owne Peasants, but the strength thereof is 
in straungers, as likewise they imploy some gentlemen of the 
Cittyes subiect to the State to comaund some troopes of men at 
Armes or Armed horses. But howsoeuer they make gentlemen 
of Venice Gouernors and Generalls of their Navye, yet they 
neuer imploy them to commaund their Land forces, having 
alwayes a Straunger to their Generall. But this they doe, not 
that they suspect their faith, but lest any gentleman gayning 
great reputation in Armes, and the loue of the soldiers, should 
haue power at any tyme to vsurpe vppon the Freedome of their 
State. Againe I will boldly say that the Italians generally 
haue so litle Confidence in the hopes of the life to come, and 


finde such sweetnes in the possession of their earthly Paradice, 
as they care not to hazard Certayne things, for those that they 
hold vncertaine, and so howsoeuer they are more proude then 
valiant in reuenging priuate wrongs with base advantages, 
which pride may also make them braue in warr, when they are 
forced to that Course, yet I thinck they are not willingly bold 
adventurers of their persons in any action that presents death to 
their eyes. And for this Cause in the great warrs of Europe, in 
forrayne parts, and particularly in the long Warr of our tyme 
betweene England, Fraunce, Spayne, and Netherland, wee 
neither reade, nor heare of any great voluntary troopes or bands 
of Italians carryed to that seruice with Loue of that profession. 
For those few Italians which haue serued in Netherland, were 
for the most part Neapolitans, pressed by the king of Spayne, 
or banished men, or such whose fortunes permitted them not to 
Hue in Italy. For the Foote of Italy the Marchians subiect to 
the Popes of Rome, are most commended and I know not how 
good soldiers they are abroad but surely straungers finde them 
at home rude, and feirce towards them. But the woorthy 
Historiographer Guiccerdine, being himselfe an Italian 
confesseth in the warr of the French king Lewes the twelueth 
in Italy, that the Italian foote were base, and litle to be 
esteemed, and that the Italian horsemen could not sustayne or 
beare the strength and the force of the french horsemen 
charging them. And he that reades his Historye, shall finde 
in the warr at that tyme, aswell in the kingdome of Naples, as 
in the State of Pisa & Dukedome of Milan that the Italian 
Troopes and bands deserued small or no prayse, and sonietyine 
much blame. I will not dispute whether the old Romans 
conquered the world by their owne wisdome which they still 
retayne, or by the valour of forrayne Legions, made free of the 
Citty and so called Romans, or whether the old Romans were 
indeed braue soldiers while they beleeued that all men dying 
for their country went directly to the Elisian Feildes, rather then 
now, when they haue woorse Maximes of Religion, but Historyes 
warrant me to say, that after the declining of the Roman 


Empire, the barbarous people neuer made inuasion, nor the 
Emperors of Germany any expedition with Armyes into Italy, 
wherein the Italians did make any braue resistance for life 
liberty and goods, but rather did not basely yeilde themselues 
to the invading power. And that in the last age, when Fraunce 
and Spaine stroue for the dominion ouer Italy, the Italians euer 
subiected themselues to the invading Armye, yea that all the 
forces of the States and Princes of Italye combyned and assisted 
by the power of Ferdinande king of Arragon were all straungly 
beaten by the French alone. And for the ill successe of the 
french in the kingdome of Naples, Guiccardine himselfe 
attributes it in no part to the Italians, but altogether to the 
Valour of the Spaniards. About the tyme when I was in Italy, 
one of the brothers to the Duke of Florence ledd some Italian 
bands of Foote and troopes of horse to assist the Emperor in 
Hungarie against the Turkes, but after a yeare they retorned, 
having done no memorable seruice. For the horse of Italy, the 
race of the kingdome of Naples is much prised, being vulgarly 
called Corsers of their swiftnes, wherein notwithstanding the 
Giannetts of Spaine excell them. And that kingdome also 
yeildes strong and great mules. Otherwise in Lombardy they 
vse litle naggs, and comonly Mares for cariage & riding, and 
oxen to drawe euen in Coaches; sometymes as in Toscany and 
the mountanous vpper parts of Italy, they vse Asses and litle 
mules, neither haue any good races of horses, saue that 
some few Princes breede a small number of the Race of Naples. 
Yet some Princes and especially the State of Venice in tyme 
of peace mantayne some troopes of Armed horse, which I haue 
scene mustered in very braue equipage, the horses being 
well armed and beautifull, and the horsemen attyred in Coates 
of blewe Veluett or like Coulor, whereof I shall speake in the 
particular discourse following. The Foote Captaynes especially 
of the State of Venice, are to be commended that they liue not 
luxuriously and prodigally, but content with their pay of 
Twentye five Crownes the moneth, liue modestly both for diett 
and apparrell, as the Common Soldiers likewise liue of the pay 


of some three or lower Crownes the moneth, the Pioners 
having only 12 Soldi of Venice by the day. Nether doe the 
Captaynes make any extraordinary advantages by their 
Companyes, either in deficiency of numbers or in victualls or 
Apparrell for them, only Guiccardine writes that the Popes vse 
to be much cosened in those kindes. 

The nauall power in generall. 

For the Nauall power of Italy in generall. The Italians the 
old Conquerors of the world, are at this day so effeminate and so 
inamored of their Paradice of Italy, as nothinge but desperate 
fortune can make them vndertake any voyages by Sea, or Land 
(great part of them having neuer scene the villages and Townes 
within fine or tenn myles of their natiue soyle), or any warfare 
by Sea, or Land, or any hard Course of life. And as generally 
they are reputed not very confident in Gods protection by land, 
so they lease trust him at Sea, thincking that man to haue had 
a hart of Oake and brasse who first dared to make furrowes 
vppon the waues of the Sea, having nothing but a boarde 
betweene him and ougly death. To which purpose they haue a 
Prouerbe, Loda il mar', sta su la terra. That is, Praise the 
Sea-tyde, on Land abide. So as they seldome proue expert, 
neuer bold marriners. And howsoeuer some venture to sayle 
along the Coast at home, fewe, or none professe to be marriners 
at Sea, having their shipps for the most part (or altogether) 
furnished with Comaunders and Common Saylers of the 
Greekes, and Ilanders about them. These Greeke Marriners I 
haue found by experience to be very superstitious for ominous 
tokens of Shipwrack, and they sayling only in the narrow 
Mediterranean sea, if once they haue lost the sight of the Loued 
shore by any mist vppon the least ill weather, most of them 
soone leese the knowledge where they are, and if any storme 
arise, they make such a fearefull noyse, and by confusion shew 
such ignorance, and want of Courage, as would make a man 
afrayd where no feare is. In my Journall of my retorne 


from Constantinople & landing at Zante, I haue shewed that 
with great wonder I vnderstood a Venetian Shipp of five 
hundreth Tonnes well armed, to be taken by a fewe small 
Frigatts of Turkes, being themselues neither good Seamen, nor 
bold soldiers, but only Pyratts hartned to Rapine where they 
finde small resistance. Neither durst any Italian Shipp in that 
Port, for feare of these Pyrates goe forth to fetch Corne for 
the necessarye foode of the Hand, but were forced to compell an 
English Shipp to wast their Corne from if orea into the Port of 
Zante. Likewise I obserued English Shipps going forth from 
Venice with Italian Shipps to haue sayled into Syria and 
retorned to Venice twice, before the Italian Shipps made one 
retorne, whereof two reasons may be giuen, one that the Italians 
pay their Marriners by the day, how long soeuer the voyage 
lasteth, which makes them vppon the least storme, putt into 
harbors, whence only fewe wyndes can bring them out, whereas 
the English are payde by the voyage, and so beate out stormes 
at Sea, and are ready to take the first wynde any thing 
fauourable vnto them. The other that Italian Shipps are 
heauy in sayling, and great of burthen, and the Gouernors & 
Mariners not very expert, nor bold, and so are lesse fitt in 
that narrow Sea full of Hands, to beate out stormes at Sea, 
whereas the English Shipps are swift in sayling, and light of 
burthen, and the marriners excellent both in knowledge and 
Courage, and so more fitt to beat out all weathers at Sea. 
Insomuch as I haue obserued the Italians with astonishment 
and admiration stand vppon the shore beholding an English 
Shipp woorke into the harbor with a very slant, and boysterous 
gayle of wynde while their Shipps lay abroade and neither 
durst nor could come in. In generall the shipps of Italy 
trading in forrayne parts, are of great burthen From five 
hundreth to twelue hundreth Tonne, and howsoeuer they are 
well furnished with great peeces of brasse ordinance; yet in 
regard of this greatnes, being slowe to vse their sailes, 
and being built large in the Wast and Keele for Capacitye of 
Marchandize, they are vnfitt to fight at Sea, howsoeuer they 


may serue like Castles to defend a Port or the entrance of a 
Bluer lying at Anchor. The lesse Barques seruing to vnlade 
these shipps, and for passage vppon the Coasts, are altogether 
vnarmed. For in Warr vppon that Calme Sea, they altogether 
vse Gallyes, whereof the greatest are called Gallyons, the Midle 
Gallies and the least Galliasses and Frigotts. And only the 
king of Spaine, at Naples, and in the Hauens of that kingdome 
and in the Port of Genoa (as likewise that Citty in the same 
Port, and the Venetians in the Port of Venice) may be said able 
to arme a Navye of Gallyes : For otherwise the Ports of Italy 
are fewe, as Ligorno subiect to the Duke of Florence and Ciuita 
Vecchia on the one syde, and Ancona on the other syde vppon 
the Sea subiect to the Pope, which Ports also are not open 
and secure Bodes for great Shipps, but shutt and fortifyed for 
security of Gallyes, and that in no great number. And 
howsoeuer the Pope hath some fewe Gallyes, and the Duke of 
Florence, and the Knights of Malta, haue likewise some fewe 
Gallyes, whereof they arme some part yearely to spoyle the 
Turkes vppon that Sea, yet the number of them is so small as 
they deserue not to be called a Nauy. More miserable 
men cannot be found than those who are condemned to Bowe 
chayned in the Gallyes. Some of these for Capitall Crimes are 
condemned to this slauerye for life, others guilty of lesse Crimes 
are condemned to this seruice for certayne yeares, and some are 
so foolish as to sell their liberty for mony to vndergo this 
bondage, till the mony be repayd. As at Naples they haue a 
stone where vnthrifts play at dice, and the Commaunders of 
Gallies are alwayes ready there to lend them mony, who will 
take it vppon this slauish Condition, and if they haue ill luck 
to leese those fewe Crownes, they are presently carryed into the 
Gallyes, and they are chayned, whence they are seldome or 
neuer redeemed. For their allowance of victualls being scant, 
and the victualers in the Gaily giving them Creditt, their debt 
monethly increaseth, till it be so great as fewe or none can 
fynde freinds to pay it. And this their misery proues more 
intollerable by the extreme Cruelty of the Commaunders who 


beat them with Cudgells and whipps for slacknes in rowing, 
and when they fall downe for faintnes they lift them vpp with 
a Rope, and beat them still to their woorke, yea after the 
manner of Turkye when they committ any fault, they are 
terribly beaten with Cudgells vppon the back, the bellye, and 
the soles of the feete. 

The power of the State of Venice in warr. 

The State of Venice is more powerfull in warr then any 
other State, or Prince of Italy. And this power made them 
suspected in the last age to affect the subduing of all Italy, 
where vppon the Pope of that tyme, the Emperor Maximilian, 
the french King Lewes the twelueth, and Ferdinand the king 
of Arragon made a league at Cameracum to ioyne all their 
forces for suppressing the power of this State, which with great 
Courage defended itselfe against these strong vnited forces, and 
being beaten by the French alone, yet the wise Senators thereof 
applyed themselues first to appease the Pope by yeilding to his 
demaunds, who combined the rest of the league in that great 
action almost to the fatall ruine of this state. And the Pope 
being once satisfyed, by his inconstant leaving of his 
Confederates, and their mutuall ielousyes among themselues, 
the Venetians having lost all their dominion on firme land 
soone recouered the same, excepting the Townes yeilded to the 
Pope (from whose possession as from Hell there is no 
redemption) and the Townes of the kingdome of Naples which 
the King of Arragon had ingaged for mony to the State of 
Venice, and now during this league had by Armes extorted out 
of that States possession. From which tyme the Venetians 
haue only laboured to preserue their owne, and seeme to haue 
cast of all proiects to vsurping vppon their neighbors. The 
written relations of this State taxe the Nobles (so their 
gentlemen are called) with want of Courage, whereby they 
abhorr from any Warr, and more spetially against the Turkes 
daily prouoking them with many iniuryes, to whose Sultans (or 


Emperors) they not only pay yearely tribute for the peaceable 
possession of some Hands they hold in the Mediterranean Sea, 
but also vppon all occasions when the Sultanes are incensed 
against their State, spare not by large bribes, and like meanes 
to appease them. And indeed the Gentlemen of Venice are 
trayned vpp in pleasure and wantonnes, which must needes 
abase and effeminate their myndes. Besides that this State is 
not sufficiently furnished with men and more specially with 
natiue Commaunders and Generalls, nor yet with victualls, to 
vndertake (of their owne power without assistance) a warr 
against the Sultane of Turky. This want of Courage, & 
especially the feare lest any Citizen becoming a great and 
popular Commaunder in the Warrs, might thereby haue meanes 
to vsurpe vppon the liberty of their State, seeme to be the 
Causes that for their Land forces they seldome haue any natiue 
Comaunders, and alwayes vse a forrayne Generall. Yet we 
reade that Gentlemen of Venice haue brauely commaunded 
their Navye euen in cheefe. In tyme of peace, they vse to giue 
a great yearely stipend to some Prince or great Commaunder 
to be generall of their land forces in tyme of warr. 

The Fortes. 

This State hath many and strong Forts well furnished with 
Artillery, munition and victualls vppon all their Confines being 
many and dangerous as before I haue shewed. 

The horse. 

The written Relations of this tyme testifye that in tyme of 
peace they mantayned in pay 600th men at Armes, or Armed 
horse, of their owne Subiects being gentlemen of their 
Territoryes vppon firme Land, each one of these 600th 
mustering three horses with their Riders all armed, and each 
one having yearely 120 Ducates, And that they can rayse 1000 
or 1500 vppon necessity. They were diuided into twelue 


Companyes or Troopes, and made a generall Muster euery 
Sommer. Two of these Troopes were of the Citty of Paduoa, 
which myselfe did see mustered making a glorious shewe, the 
horse being beautifull and well armed, and the horsemen in like 
sort armed & Wearing Coates of blewe veluett, with great 
plumes aswell for the men as horse. Of old they also 
mantayned one thousand light horse, but of late had none such 
in pay vsing for that purpose the Stradiotti of Dalmatia, whence 
they say 3000 may be drawne vppon occasion to vse them. 

The foote. 

They doe not altogether distrust their owne subiects to 
whome they are (after the manner of Common Wealthes) 
more milde and gentle in exactions, then the Princes of Italy. 
So as according to the number of Fyers the Subiects are to 
mantayne soldiers aswell for land as Sea seruice, and the 
Captaynes haue the names of all Subiects written for the one, 
or the other seruice. 

They mustered 25 thousand Foote of their Peasants, 
seruing both in Gallyes and Land Armyes, at least for baser 
vses, but for foote they generally vse and haue the strength 
thereof of Grisons and Sweitzers, and to this end some 
Commaunders among them haue stipends euen in tyme of 
peace, but in warr each man hath 3 Crownes for 45 dayes while 
they were imployed, and in cases of necessity they haue giuen 
each man 5 Crownes the moneth. The Gentlemen of Venice 
serue freely without pay. 

The Nauye. 

For their Navall power, in the last preceding geuerall 
discourse, I haue sayd that the Italians or rather Greekes vsed 
by them, are neither expert nor bold Mariners, and that the 
great shipps are slowe in sayling, and vnfitt for fight at Sea, 
and that the lesser Barques are vnarmed, and that vppon the 
Calme Mediterranean Sea, all nauall fights vse to be made with 


Gallyes whereof the greatest are called Galeoni the midle 
sort Galee and the lesser Galeasses and Fregates. And therein 
I spoke of the miserable Gally-slaues. All this spoken in 
generall belongs to Venice as a principall part of Italy. The 
Venetians haue a lawe that each marchants shipp of 500 
Tonnes, must carry in the voyage it maketh, a young 
gentleman of Venice, giuing him sixe Crownes stipend by the 
moneth, and must bring vpp two boyes of Venice to breede 
them Mariners. But this wisdome of their Progenitors hath 
bene made vayne by the sluggish disposition of their posterity, 
for neither haue the gentlemen any skill thereby in nauigation 
or commaunding at Sea, since the young gentlemen chuse 
rather to stay at home, so they may haue the stipend and value 
of their diett for the voyage, neither are the shipps thereby 
furnished with natiue mariners, since (as I formerly sayd) the 
Italians in their nature abhorr from that or any like hard 
Course of life, tho otherwise they are so proude, as they will 
doe any seruice at home rather then basely to begg. They who 
serue in the Gallies of Venice, are partly Freemen, as the 
Gondelieri or watermen of Venice which for the Tragetto or 
passage where they haue priuiledge to plye, or transport, are 
bound vppon extraordinary occasions to serue in the Gallyes to 
rowe, as likewise the Soldiers are free, aswell the natiue 
Peasants aboue mentioned as straungers, and of them that are 
free some haue stipend and victualls from this or that Citty 
setting them forth, others haue the same from the Treasure of 
St. Marke (so they call the Exchequer) as the Pope calles all 
he hath St. Peters, and at Genoa the publique Treasure is called 
the treasure of St. George (their protecting Saint). Others 
that serue in the Gallyes are slaues, vppon Crimes condemned 
to the Gallyes for life or certaine yeares, and St. Marke giues 
them raggs to couer their shame, and victualls in scant 
measure, but the victualer giues them Creditt that are 
condemned for yeares, by which growing debt they are made 
perpetuall slaues, and both sorts of Condemned slaues are 
chayned by the legg to the place where they rowe, which their 


Gouernor vnlocks at one end when he sends them forth for fresh 
water or wood bearing still their Chaynes on their leggs. The 
Gallyes are commonly called after the names of their Cheefe 
Gouernor. Myselfe did enter one of the Gallyes, and the Castle 
in the Prowe was some twelue of my paces, and the bodye with 
the Poope some fifty of my paces long, and the master 
commaunded from the Castle to the great mast, as the Comito 
(or mate) commaunds the rest. In the poope satt the cheefe 
Gouernor, vnder hoopes couered with a fayre Cloath, and 
beyond the sterne was a litle Gallery, and vnder the deck his 
Cabbin, and aboue the poope h\ing the cheefe banner of St. 
Marke, the Gaily being grauen on all sydes with white lyons 
for the image of St. Marke. The Gaily bore fower great peices 
in the Castle (where the Trompetters sounde) and Thirty more 
on the sydes, and in the poope twelue whereof two great lay 
aboue directly layd out vppon the sterne, and two of like 
greatnes vnder them, and two of like greatnes some 22 spanns 
long were turned towards the Gallye to shoote sydewayes, the 
other were lesse, but all of brasse. 

The Gallye had 25 oares on each syde, and seauen men to 
rowe each oare, and when they are in Port two sleepe vppon 
the benche where they vse to sett, two in the place which is 
vnder their thighes, and two where they setle their feete, when 
they rowe, and the seauenth slept vppon the Oare, and vppon 
a litle boarde betweene each Oare three soldiers vsed to sleepe. 
So as their being in the Gallye is nothing commodious, but 
straight, vneasy, and subiect to contagion. The State or Citty 
of Venice continually vsed to arme Fifty Gallyes, whereof 25 
were called of the Schooles or Companyes of Arts, arming and 
paying them, and 25 Palatines, Armed and payd by St. Marke 
in which the foresaid Watermen are bound to serue when they 
goe forth. In each Gallye the Cheefe Commaunder is a 
gentleman of Venice, and the next Commaund is likewise 
committed to two gentlemen, and they are called Sopracomiti 
as aboue the mate, and they which commaund in the Palatine 
Gallies are of greater estimation then the other. And I finde 


in written Relations, that these Commaunders ha tie each of 
them 1600 Crownes yearely stipend, for which it is expected 
from them, they should giue some releife to the Soldiers, and 
specially to the slaues, having a slender diet allowed, and so 
being forced to runn in the Victualers debt. They write of 
twelue Gallies armed by subiect Cittyes of the firme land 
towards the Sea Coast. This Navye they are forced to arme 
against the Turkish Pyrates vsing to spoyle their Shipps in the 
tyme of peace, and in Winter tyme, it commonly lyes in the 
haven of Corfu having a strong Fort, and sometymes in the 
havens of Candia. And hereof some five Gallyes, and some 
small Barques armed, lye vppon the Gulfe of Venice to purge 
the same of Pyrates, more specially the Vscocchi, who liuing 
on the Coast of Dalmatia in Signi vppon the Confines of the 
Empire, Turkey, and the State of Venice, and being Christians, 
yet liue as outlawes, neither subiect to the Turkes nor to any 
Christian Prince, and robb all men especially the Italian 
Shipps at Sea. 

In the Citty of Venice, they haue a fayre and large 
Arcenal compassed with walls, wherein they keepe all munitions 
for Warr, and haue a secure Station for their Gallyes, where 
likewise they build their shipps and Gallyes, to which purpose 
they haue much timber on the Sea coast of their dominion. 
The walles are some three myles Compasse, and the officers 
shewe the same Courteously to straungers. The Maestranza 
consists of some 2,200 woorkemen, weekely paid by St. Marke, 
whereof 300 are expert men in building of Shipps and Gallyes. 
They shewed me fower vpper Chambers, wherein Sayles were 
made and layd vpp, and therein some 20 or 30 woorke continu- 
ally, and each of them hath a portion of wyne, Bisquitt and 
Soldi by the day. In fower low roomes are layd the Cordage 
and Cables sufficient to furnish more then 300 Gallyes, besides 
an infinite number of Oares, each woorth fiue ducates, and 
Costing the State more then fower Ducates. They shewed mee 
five Magasines vppon one syde. In the first were great peeces 
of Artillery, disposed in 24 Howes. In the second were peeces 


for 50 Gallyes, besides 150 peeces, some greater, some lesser. 
In the third were great peeces for five great Gallyes, Forty for 
each one, besides 250 other ordinary peeces. In the fourth 
vppon the right hand were 72 small peeces for the Feilde, and 
vppon the left hand 356 peeces of battery and some 100th 
Instruments called Trombi for fyre woorkes. In the fifth were 
laid vpp such peeces, as at diuerse tymes were taken from the 
Turkes, whereof many had bene and were daily melted and newe 
cast. They told me they had in all some 2000 great peeces, 
the bulletts whereof were some 70, some 100, some 200, some 
300 pounds weight, and myselfe did see one great peece of 
12400 poundes, and the Bullett 120 pounds. In diuerse other 
roomes they layed musketts and all Armes for Soldiers at Sea. 
They shewed me many Gallyes newe built, and some 100th old, 
but strong, lying at Anchor, and together with the Navye they 
haue alwayes abroad, this State can Arme 1200th, other say 
1300th Gallies, and of late in tenn dayes they had armed 30 
great Gallyes ready for a Seafight ; Besides that they haue many 
litle Barques and fregates. They shewed me a litle Gallye called 
Bucentoro because it beareth 200th men D. by corruption of 
speach being changed into B. and therein I had seene the Duke 
with the Senators goe forth in pompe especially at Whitsontyde 
when the Duke vseth to marry the Sea by casting a Ring into 
it. Vppon this Gaily is a Chamber some 38 of my paces long, 
which is all guilded and couered with a rich Cloath when the 
Duke and Senators goe forth in it, and vnder the Chamber sett 
150 mariners to Howe it, and it is then hung with many 
banners taken from the Turkes, and the image of Justice is 
grauen at the Prowe. 

The Duke of Mantuoa hath the like and so called, to rowe 
for pleasure, and for iourneys vppon the Biuer Po. The keele 
thereof is flatt bottomed, and the Prowe and sterne are voyde 
for mariners to rowe, only the sterne is couered as in Gallyes, 
ouer the rest of the Gaily is a litle house contayning fower 
Chambers belowe, the one of 15 paces the second of 8, the other 
two each 5 paces, and aboue them a gallery some 40 paces long, 


having stayres at each end to ascend it, and all furnished round 
about with seates. 

The Arcenall of Venice hath moreouer many roomes 
furnished with all munitions, Armes and necessaryes for an 
Armye at land, sxifficient for 70 thousand Foote, and 2000 horse, 
Besides many Armes now growne out of vse, and layd vpp apart 
from the rest at the gate of the Armorye. To conclude they 
haue aboundance of all necessaryes for warr by Land and Sea, 
so that howsoeuer this State wants victualls for an Army, and 
numbers of men answerable to the furniture, and haue the 
defect to vse straungers for Soldiers, and e\ien for their 
Greneralls by land ; yet since they want not Treasure the sinewe 
of Warr, and the Sea is open to bring victualls which is 
commaunded by their Navye, and they haue orderly Officers 
appointed in peace and warr, and euer carefull to prouide 
victualls, and since the straungers are so duely paid by them, 
as they haue no cause to mutinye or be discontented, no doubt 
this State were able to vndertake and preuaile in any great 
attempt in Italy and vppon their neighbors at Sea, had they 
not the vast power of the Turkish Empire lying heauy on their 

The power of the Duke of Florence in warr. 

The Duke of Florence vsed to giue large yearely stipends 
euen in tyme of peace, to forraine Princes and noblemen (I 
meane Italians but not borne vnder his Dominion) to some 
1500 to some 2000 or 3000 Crownes according to their quality, 
that he might ingage them to his seruice in tyme of Warr. 
They said the Duke had some 150 peeces of Artillery in the 
Castle of Florence with a due proportion of powder match and 
bulletts. And to the same Castle, as also into the strong 
Cittyes, they sayd the Duke vsed yearely to haue brought and 
layd vpp all the Come and victualls of his Territoryes, aswell 
ordinarily thereby to releiue and serue the necessityes of the 
Countrye and villages as in tyme of warr to mantayne soldiers. 


So as for that reason, and because his Territory is all 
compassed with high mountaynes except the part that lyeth 
towards the Sea, and towardes Rome, an Army of enemyes 
entring the same, can fynde no victualls in the open Country, 
if the number were great, and so would either be driuen out 
with ease, or doe litle harme, if the number were small. Only 
because the Popes Territories are plentifull in victualls 
whereby they are able, aswell to furnish the Dukes subiects 
therewith as to detayne it from them and releiue their enemyes, 
for this and many other reasons before alledged, the Dukes 
neuer faile by all meanes to keepe the Popes and Cardinalls 
fauour. Againe the Duke vsed to trayne his subiects of diuerse 
Townes and Territories (but not the Florentines, for suspition 
of Revolt), and of these he was sayd to haue inrolled some 
35 thousand Foote, some 100th men at Armes or horse armed 
(having seauen Crownes the moneth pay), and some 400th light 
horse, having each man three Crownes the moneth, besides that 
in tyme of Warr, the horsmen haue a proportion of Victualls 
allowed them. All these haue many immunityes and 
priuiledges, as to weare swords, not only abroad, but euen in the 
Citty of Florence, and to be free from imprisonment for debt 
(which doth not a litle increase the number of them), and 
diuerse like. And all these may be drawne to Florence in eight 
dayes, as they say, but the Territory is of so small Circuite, as 
me thinkes they might be drawne thether in much shorter 
tyme. In tyme of peace, the Duke sometymes vsed these men 
to keepe watche vppon the Sea Coast for feare of African 
Pyratts, whome the Duke yearely prouoked by the Gallyes he 
sett out to spoyle the Turkes. The Duke hath a Commodious 
hauen at Ligorno a Citty newly built and fortifyed, but the 
Florentines haue no Traffick at Sea, but haue their goods 
exported by forraine marchants, who likewise bring them 
victualls, and other necessaryes, and the Duke made much of 
the Captaynes and owners of these shipps espetially bringing 
victualls, whereof he made no small profitt. He had no league 
with the Turkes, but yearely sent out Gallies to spoyle them 


at Sea, and exien in their hauens, and by landing sometymes 
on their Coast. To which end there was an Arcenall in the 
Citty of Pisa for building and keeping of Gallyes, and 
munitions to furnish them, and tymber and hempe. 

They said that Duke Francis mantayned 12 gallies, but this 
Duke Ferdinand at this tyme whereof I write, had only seuen, 
whereof he vsed to arme euery somrner three or fower to ioyne 
with the knights of Malta, in spoyling the Turkes. But some 
write that now the present Duke hath two Gallions, twelue 
gallies, and five galliaces. And for the reputation of this 
Navall power, Duke Cosmo instituted an order of Knights of 
St. Stephen, who haue their residence in the Citty of Pisa, 
where I said the Duke hath his Arcenall, and that Duke 
obteyned priuiledges for this Order of Pope Pius the Fifth, 
namely to haue each man two hundreth Crownes yearly pention 
of ecclesiasticall benefices, yet so as none of them can haue 
a Commendum or beare any office in the Gallies, till he haue 
serued three yeares therein, and likewise priuiledge or freedome 
to haue wiues (as Relations tstifye, tho contrary to all other 
military orders that I remember). Of this Order Duke Cosmo 
was himselfe cheife master, in which title his sonne succeeded 
him, as other Dukes since that tyme. Lastly the Duke was 
serued for Marriners, by Greekes, Ilanders of Corsica, and 
french men. 

Of Genoa for warr. 

The State of Genoa is gouerned (as I sayd) by the gentlemen, 
and of that body of the Nobility (So they, the Germans and 
French call the Gentrye) forty Captaynes are yearely chosen 
and changed, who commaund each a Company of one hundreth 
Citizens, and these 4000 soldiers the Cittye vseth for defence in 
tymes of vprore, or other danger, to keepe, watch, and to guarde 
the State. And these 40 Captaynes, are attyred in veluett 
Coates, the honorable habitt of the Senators, and so attend the 
Duke, and the Gouernors, when they come out of the publike 


Pallace. Besides the rest of the Citizens, and the Inhabitants 
of the Territory, from 20 to 60 yeares of age, are inrolled vnder 
other Captaynes to serue vppon occasion for defence of the 
Country. Also the State in tyme of peace giues an honorable 
pay to a Generall of their Army, which place is giuen by 
them to some Citizen most eminent in military experience, as 
to the D'Aurise, Spinolse or the like. The Port of Genoa is a 
secure Station for Gallyes, and Commodious to build them, 
being large, and Compassed with a wall, and having a Mola or 
banck for defence, reaching into the Sea, most fayre, and some 
600th of my paces in length. And for this harbors sake the 
Dukes of Milan, and after them the Kings of Fraunce & Spaine 
contending for that Dukedome, haue much laboured to haue 
that Citty in subiection, or in some sort at their Comaund. 
This Citty of old, and till after the fall of the Christian Empire 
in Constantinople, was famous in Nauall power. At this day 
it hath good shipps for traffique and a number of armed Gallies 
sufficient to defend their liberty, at lest from any sodeine 
attempt. But the king of Spaine for the reasons aboue 
mentioned is much respected of the Senators, and hath free vse 
of the Port for his Gallies. Myself did enter one of the cheefe 
Gallies of Genoa called la Reale, fayre, and strongly built, 
being some 75 of my paces in length, and having 400 Mariners 
to rowe it. Their shipps beare St. George (the English Tutelar 
Saint) in their flaggs. 

Of inferior Princes for warr. 

For the Duke of Mantua I formerly sayd that he mantayned 
500 soldiers to defend his State, and keepe his Forts, and as I 
passed by Senogallia, I heard that the Duke of Vrbin then 
trayned some 1200 Foote of his owne subjects. But it were 
superfluous to speake particularly of the inferior Princes, since 
all the power of Italy is in the States of the Pope, the King of 
Spaine, the Venetians, and the Dukes of Florence, since the 
Dukedome of Ferrara is fallen into the Popes hands. 


The difference of degrees in generall for the Common wealth. 

In generall all Italians desyre to Hue of their owne and 
generously thinck nothing more abiect then to depend vppon 
others for meate or any mantenance. They which are not 
absolute Lordes are litle esteemed among them. Yet the 
Familyes of Colonna and Vrsini being Princes subiect to the 
Pope were reputed then to haue great Reuenues and power, and 
were much esteemed as braue Captaines, by the Princes and 
States of Italy. The Cardinall Colonna alone was said to haue 
300 Townes and villages in the Territory of Eome, besides great 
inheritance in the kingdome of Naples. And the Vrsini were 
sayd to haue some 100 Townes and villages vnder the Pope, 
besides some inheritance vnder the king of Spaine in the 
kingdome of Naples. Myselfe at Sienna did see a Countesse 
passe the streets attended with poore maydes not any one 
gentlewoman, litle or nothing respected by those that mett her, 
and as litle in the Church, where she could hardly gett a seate. 
I should first haue spoken of the Clergie, Cardinalls and 
Bishopps, whereof are no lesse proude in their degree then the 
Pope, and the Cardinalls haue great Reuenues, but the ordinary 
Bishopps, howsoeuer they be infinite number (the Popes for 
voyces in Councells having made many Italian Bishopps, so as 
euery small towne is a small Bishopprick) yet our Bishopps in 
England haue much greater reuenues yearely then most of 
them. In all Italy I neuer heard of any Barren, only in 
reproch they call Barrens such as begg and keepe dicing houses. 
They haue no such degree of Knights as we haue, nor any 
military orders of Knighthood in Italy except that of St. 
Stephen which I haue said to be instituted by Cosmo Duke of 
Florence to commaund his Gallyes armed to spoyle the Turkes. 
For the Nobility, whereas we call our Lords Noblemen, and 
the inferior Nobility Generosi, that is Gentlemen, the Germans 
and many forraine nations giue the title of Generosi to Princes 
and Lords, and call the gentlemen Nobles. In Italy the 
Gentlemen of Venice in singular pride wilbe called Nobles, 


whereas the rich ancient Familyes of Florence, and other 
Italians are called Gentilhuomini Gentlemen. In generall the 
Italian Gentrie vseth litle, or no pride in diett, or apparrell, 
and disdayne not to be Marchants, yea in Florence and other 
Cittyes to be weauers of silke, and since the riches of Italy lye 
therein, by this gayne and generall frugality the gentlemen 
haue much Treasure in Jewells, ready mony, and rich household 
stuffe, and haue all pleasant Gardens, with carued fountaynes 
of stone, and stately Pallaces, the Chymneis whereof are litle 
anoyed with smoke. The husbandmen and Country people liue 
poorely and basely, whome the Italians vse and hyre like oxen 
and Asses for their Woorke, and at the yeares end turne them 
out of dores, not giuing them Leases or accounting them 
seruants belonging to the Family, as we vse them. Thus 
oppressed and after haruesttyme commonly turned out of 
seruice, they neuer grow rich, nor study to advance their 
masters profitt further then themselues prouide for it, and hate 
their masters for exactions, so as whiles I was in the State of 
Florence, a gentlewoman being a Widowe was found killed by 
one of her husbandmen. The Landlords take no rent of them, 
but a proportion of Corne and all things they haue, euen of 
their very Chickens, and Eggs, in such hard measure, as they 
haue not to eate or Cloth themselues in any convenient sort. 

Degrees of Familyes in generall. 

Husbands take straunge liberty in the vse of Courtezans (so 
their Harlotts are called) who liue a merry life courted and 
Feasted at home by their Louers, and honoured by all men with 
respectfull salutations, when they pass the streets so long as 
they are yong, and sound. I say straunge liberty to all 
forreinors but so generally vsed in Italye as no man doth 
otherwise; neither doe the wiues marry with any hope to enioy 
their husbands alone, but are content if they may haue the 
tythe of their loue. They marrye vpon agreement of Parents 
without having seene one an other, and the husband takes a 


noble wife only with purpose to haue Children by her litle 
caring that her person may content him, since he is free with 
strange women to satisfy his desyres which are Comonly in high 
degrees of wantonnes, while the poore wife sitts alone at home, 
locked vpp and kept by old women, not having liberty to looke 
out of the windowe, especially if it be towards the streete. And 
if they goe to Church which liberty is rarely graunted, their 
faces are couered with a vaile and they are attended with the 
old women their keepers. Yea many are so cruell that they 
keepe them in awe with beating, and if the husband bring home 
a Courtezan (which he doe not generally having libertye inough 
abroad) the wife dares not in word or deede shewe dislike. Yet 
by corruption of the old wemen, and by any occasion of having 
Conuersation, though it be with meane men, this strict keeping 
makes them thinck it simplicitye not to take the reuenge their 
husbands most feare, euen with hazard of their honors and Hues. 
And mariage is reputed such a yoke as brothers living with 
goods in Common (whereof I shall speake in the lawes of 
inheritance) thinck themselues much bound to that brother who 
will marry for procreation and leaue them free, in which Case 
they will mantayue him and his wife with their goods in 
Common and much respect her and be as ielous of her honor 
as they would be of their owne wiues. In like sort they keepe 
the Chastity of their daughters and sisters at home, or for more 
safety putt them into Nunneries to be kept either till they may 
be perswaded to become Nunnes, or at ripe yeares may be taken 
out and maryed. To the sonnes and kinsmen vnder their charge 
they giue great liberty and good maintenance. And myselfe 
heard two gentlemen, who asked why they were so indulgent, 
the one to his sonne, the other to his Kinsman of ripe yeares 
and challenging right to the inheritance he enioyed, did answer 
playnely for their particular, that if they should doe otherwise, 
they feared practising of their Deathes, as themselues should 
doe in like Case. I haue not obserued Italians to keepe 
menseruants in their houses, but to be serued altogether by 
Women except in Courts of Princes, where they dyett and liue 


apart from the women. For as they are viciously frugall in 
housekeeping, so they dare not trust men seruants with their 
wiues and daughters. Neither haue I obserued that the 
Italians make it an ordinary Course of life to serue in other 
mens Familyes. 

Of Venice in particular. 

In my Journall describing Venice I haue sayd that they 
numbred 3000 Familyes of Gentlemen in that one Citty, and 
among the famous men of former ages, I haue named the 
Justiniani, Contarini, Grimani, Morosyni, Dandoli, Barbarigi 
and others. 

The Gentlemen of Venice in singularity wilbe called 
Nobles, and appropriate to thernselues the title of Clarissimo, 
for which and their generall insolencye, they are reproued and 
condemned, not only by strangers (who may as safely stumble 
vppon a Bull as vppon one of these gentlemen, so as when one 
of them passed by, I haue heard men say Guarda il toro, Looke, 
or take heed to the Bull, as they crye when a Bull is bayted 
in the streets) but also by other Italian gentlemen who by 
writings in the vulgar tongue taxe them of vusupportable pride 
insomuch as (to vse their owne words) they dreame themselues 
to be Dukes and Marquises, while they are indeed couetous, 
miserable, breakers of faith & hatefull to all men for their 
pride, vayne glory and ambition, yea in the very Citty they 
haue a Prouerb D'vna pietra bianca d'vn Nobile Venetiano, 
et d'vna Cortigiana ch' abbia madre Dio ci guarda, from a 
white stone (because it is slipperie) from a gentleman of Venice 
(for their pride) from a Cortisan that hath a mother (to teach 
her to spoile her louers), God deliuer vs. No doubt the 
Senators are most graue iust reverent and comely persons, and 
generally they are all rich, and many abound in Treasure. 
In Poduoa, II signer Pio obici, was sayd to haue 12000 Crownes 
yearely Kent, and I was credibly informed that in Brescia 


diuerse gentlemen Lad from tenn to thirty thousand Crownes 
yearely Eent. And the estates of the Gentlemen of Venice 
must in all probabilitye be much greater. 

Of Florence in Particular. 

The Courtesye of the Florentine Gentlemen was by all men 
highly praysed at my being in Italy. Of old in tyme of their 
freedome they had powerfull Familyes, then diuided into 
factions. We read of the Agli, Ariqui, Adimati, Grandonici, 
Ardinghelli, Bardi, Gualterosi, Importuni, Boun-del-monti, 
Hucardetti, Mozzicerchi, Caualcanti, Merli, Pulci, Donati, Fresco- 
baldi, Tebaldi, and other powerfull Familyes of the Guelphes 
faction, and the Ammidei Giuochi, Amirci Galli, Agolauri, 
Abbati, Tudi, Vberti Bruneldeschi, Vbriacchi, Capiardi, 
Lamberti, Capriarni, Castigliani, Malespini, Capon Sacchi, 
Palermini, Scolari, and others of the Gibelline faction. These 
deadly hated each other, yet at last agreed with singular vnity to 
defend the liberty of their free State against the house of Medici 
invading it, but Pope Clement the seauenth. of the house of 
Medici preuailed against them not without the slaughter of 
many and totall ruine of diuerse fainilyes before he could make 
his kinsmen absolute Dukes. So as at this day the number and 
riches of the gentry are much decreased, but they which now 
Hue being borne vnder absolute Dukes, with ease beare that 
yoke, hauing not theire Progenitors loue of lost liberty, nor 
theire feruent desyre to recover it. And as all gentlemen of 
Italy so those of old and to this day exercyse Marchandice and 
the trade of weaving silkes, though not laboring with theire 
owne haudes therein. 

Of the gentlemen of Genoa. 

The Genoesi haue euer beene much deuided in factions but 
howsoeuer one faction had the name of Nobles the other of 
popullar, yet no doubt the latter was so called because the people 
tooke parte with them, being otherwise as noble as the other. 
For among them some are called Marquises some Earles some 


Vice Royes, not that they are such indeede, but that vpon diuers 
occasions such names haue beene vulgarly giuen them. And in 
the most Factious Citty of Pistoia (now subiect to the Dukes of 
Florence who lately forbad vpon payne of death the wearing of 
Roses or like signes of Faction) wee reade that the sonne of the 
Chancelor and the sonne of Signer Petruccio being both kins- 
men of one Family, when contending together the sonne of 
the Chancelor gaue a blow on the eare to the other, the Chancelor 
sent his sonne to Petruccio to craue pardon on his knees, who 
cruelly cutt of his right hand, wherevppon all the Citty was 
diuided into a long lasting faction, and because the Chancelors 
wife was named Bianca that faction tooke the name of Bianchi 
that is the white, and the other tooke the name of Neri that is 
the Black. In Genoa they are Gentlemen who haue their names 
written in the booke of Ciuilta (Civilitye) and some of them 
are saluted with the titles of Marquis and others aboue-named 
and are stiled illustrious by the Genoesi howsoeuer they exercise 
marchandise and cannot challenge those titles abroad. No man 
of the highest degree in Genoa disdayneth to be a, marchant and 
to haue mony at vse vppon the bankes of Exchange. And many 
of them were sayd to haue at home and in Spaine Fifty thou- 
sand Crownes. The Marquis of Spinola was said to haue one 
hundredth thirty six thousand Crownes yearely Reuenue. How- 
soeuer the Fuggari of Augspurg in Germany are famous for 
their great Treasure, no doubt Genoa hath a f arr greater masse 
of ready mony then any other Citty of the world wherein many 
Citizens were sayd by expert men to haue 500 thousand ducates, 
and some one or two to haue a Milion in ready mony, and that 
it was common among them for Marchants to haue Cabbines of 
5 foote long, parted into diuerse boxes, all filled and piled vpp 
with diuerse Coynes of Gold. 

Of Italian lawes in generall. 

Sigonius shewes that when the Westerne Empire was 
reuiued, the Italians chose whether they would Hue after the 
Roman or Salique lawe. Now Italy is gouerned generally by 


the Ciuill lawe of the old Emperors, and the Cannon lawes of 
the Pope, and diuerse municipall lawes of seuerall States and 
Cittyes. Before I speake of the iuatice and iudgments, I will 
in a word sett downe some Common lawes of Inheritance. 

In the seuerall Common Wealths of Italy the father dying 
intestate, the brothers diuide his mouable and vnmouable 
goods, yet in the kingdome of Naples and in the Fees of 
absolute Princes the eldest brother succeeds and the Care to 
mantayne their sisters, and to dispose them in mariage lyes 
vppon the brothers Inheritance, the magistrate of Pupills inter- 
posing his authority, and forcing them to equity if need be. 
And Comonly these young virgins are putt into Nunneries for 
education, where they are by all Cunning intisements allured 
to become Nunns by vowe, in which Case the brothers saue 
their Dowrye, but if they will not take that profession vppon 
them, the brothers and the said Magistrates may take them out 
of the Cloisters when they will, or when they are to be disposed 
in mariage. Sonnes may not be disinherited but for iust and 
lawfull causes, as for striking their Parents, for not having 
releiued them in any distresse or like Crimes, I meane for lands 
discending from their Ancestors, yet euen for those it is in the 
fathers power to charge them with legacyes, and the bestowing 
of such goods as the father hath gotten is altogether in his 
power. A notary, and fower legall witnesses are required in a 
mans last Will, or els they must be sealed in a monasterye, in 
which Case the Fryers vppon payne of Excommunication must 
keepe the same secrett. The Sonne who in tyme of his fathers 
life wilbe emancipated (that is made free from the Fathers 
Family to Hue of himselfe) may challeng his portion of his 
Fathers goods, and after that tyme all that he getts by his owne 
industry is proper to himselfe, but while he remaynes in the 
Family vnder his Father all the chilldren and the Father haue 
equall share in all goods gotten by any of them, as all are lyable 
to the debts of any of them for theire goods. And for this 
cause many Fathers emancipate prodigall Children, that they 
may not be lyable to pay any debts they may after contract. 


Neuer did I obserue brothers to liue in such vnity as in Italy, 
so as the Father being dead, many of them ordinaryly liue in 
one house together, not deuiding theire patrimony, but hauing 
all goods in common or as they call it in brotherhood (vulgarly 
fratellanza) and perswading one to mary for procreation, the 
rest lining vnmarryed, and much respecting theire brothers 
wife and her honour as theire owne. And while they liue in 
this sorte, if any one spend wastfully, or giue his daughters in 
marryage, all is supplyed of the common charge, and if at any 
tyme after by consent, or by desyre of any one to leaue that 
course and liue of his owne, they will deuide theire patrimony, 
that brother shall not haue a penny lesse then any of the rest 
for hauing formerly spent more. And it is strange but most 
true, that the Italians in common practise make the inheritance 
of mony as firme and stable to the heyres as of land. As the 
sayd brothers by theire Fathers will or owne consent liuing in 
fratellanza, haue only in theire owne priuate power to dispose 
of the yearely increase of the mony (by what meanes soeuer), 
and the Creditours of any of the brothers growing in debt, haue 
right to recover that his part of increase, but the principall or 
stock is common to all, so as any one of them cannot deminish 
it, nether can any priuate Creditors sease therevpon, for any 
one brothers debt or bargayne, but only for the Common debt 
or contract of all the brothers ioyntly. If any mans wife dy 
without children, the husband keepes halfe her dowry, and 
restores the other halfe to her next kindred, but if shee haue 
children he retaynes all her portion for them. If a husband 
dye, his widowe leaues his Family, and taking her portion 
retornes to her owne kindred, whether her portion were in laud 
or mony and mouable goods, and if she marry agayne, the 
second husband hath that portion, saue that the Magistrate of 
the Pupills interposeth his authority for due respect to be had 
of her children by the first husband when shee marryeth 
agayne, as likewise when shee dyes a widow in the house of her 
next kinsman. 


Of Justice in generall. 

The Italyans in generall are most strict in the courses of 
Justice, without which care they could not possiblie keepe in 
due order and awe the exorbitant dispositions of that nation, 
and the discontented myndes of theire subiects. Yet because 
only the Sergiants and such ministers of Justice are bound to 
apprehend Malefactours, or at least will doe that office (which 
they repute a shame and reproch), and because the absolute 
Principalities are very many and of little circuite, the male- 
factors may easily flye out of the confines, where in respect of 
mutuall ielosies betweene the Princes, and of theire booty in 
parte giuen to those who should prosecute them, they finde safe 
retrayt. In the meane tyme where the Fact was donne, they are 
prescribed and by publike Proclamations made knowne to be 
banished men vulgarly called Banditi. And where the ruine 
is haynous besydes the bannishment rewardes are sett vpon 
theire heades to him that shall kill them or bring them in to 
the tryall of Justice, yea to theire fellow banished men not only 
those rewardes but releases of theire owne banishments arc 
promised by the word of the State vpon that condition, which 
proclamation vpon the head is vulgarly called Bando della 
Testa, These banished men are only found vpon confines hauing 
mountaynes and espetiall woods which are veiy rare in Italy. 
But because the confines of Naples kingdome vpon the State of 
Rome are both mountanous and also woody, they abound more 
spetially there, and (as in all places) committ robberies and 
murthers with strang examples of cruelty. For which cause 
Pope Sixtus Quintus first by the sayd Bando delle Teste : that 
is rewardes and impunityes and releases to like malefactors, 
sett vpon the heades of the most wicked outlawes, did free 
in great part those confines and all passengers from those 
great dangers, yet to this day the carriour of Rome or 
Naples dares not passe weekely from either Citty without 
a guarde of soldiers appointed for the guard of them, and all 
strangers and Passengers vsing to passe in their Company with 


their loaded mules. And the very weeke before I passed that 
way, I remember a gentleman banished by Pope Clement the 
eight (if I be not deceiued the Nephewe of the Cardinall of 
Caieta) hearing that one of the Popes minions passed that way, 
did assault the Carryer of Rome, his guarde and all his 
Company, with hope to take him prisoner, whereby he thought 
to make his owne peace vppon good Conditions, but vnderstand- 
ing vppon the first assault that the said minion was escaped 
to the next towne, he presently did withdrawe himselfe and his 
men, without offering any more violence to the Company. And 
perhapps these Outlawes fynde more safe being in those parts, 
by the wickednes of the people commonly incident to all 
borderers, and more spetially proper to the Inhabitants thereof. 
But these rewards, and impunityes promised to outlawes for 
bringing in the heads or persons of other outlawes hath broken 
their fraternity. So as hauing found that their owne Consorts 
haue sometymes betrayed others to capitall Judgment or them- 
selues killed them, they are so ielous one of an other, and so 
affrighted with the horror of their owne Consciences, as they 
both eat and sleep armed, and vppon the least noyse or shaking 
of a leafe, haue their hands vppon their Armes, ready to 
defend themselues from assault. They haue many other 
meanes also to redeeme themselues from banishment, as for 
murthers by intercession of freinds at home, vppon agreement 
made with the next freinds of the party murthered. And 
myselfe at Loretto did see some of these outlawes ready to passe 
to Sea towards Hungary, who looked like Cutthroats, and were 
armed (as the Italians prouerbially say) Dal capo fin' al buco 
del culo, from the head to the very backsyde, and these all had 
their pardons vppon Condition to serue the Emperor in 
Hungarie two yeares against the Turkes. But in Crimes 
extraordinarily haynous, the Princes and States are so seuere, 
as in their publique Edict of banishment, besides rewards sett 
vppon their heads, great punishments and Fynes according to 
the qualityes of offence and person are denounced against them 
who at home shall make petition or vse other meanes at any 


tyme to haue them restored to their Countries Lands and 

Of Judgments in generall. 

No doubt all Italy is more free from Bobberies and more 
happy in trades and Arts by the nature of that nation, abhorring 
from living vppon others, and from not having meanes to liue 
in some free sort, by their owne industry, as likewise by the 
Comendable Course to condemne vagrant, idle and wicked 
persons to rowe in their Gallies. They haue no single 
Combatts, which are forbidden by the Councell of Trent, to 
which the Italians yeild obedience, because it is consonant to 
their disposition; For indeed you shall seldome or neuer heare 
of any mans slaughter vppon heat of bloud, but if any man 
be killed, it is commonly premeditated murther, vppon all 
advantages of Armes and otherwise, as many armed sodenly 
assayling one vnarmed, whether it be by theeues in woods or 
by murtherers in Cittyes. Of which bloudy act some are 
knowne to make profession to be byred therevnto, and many 
are knowne to be likely men for that imployment, so that he who 
hath malice and mony, cannot want a man to doe the mischeife. 
These murthers are most common in places lying most open for 
escape, where banishment is the highest punishment, And are 
most committed in the tyme of the Bachinall Feasts of Shroue- 
tyde, lasting with them from after Christmasse to Lent, and 
vulgarly called, II Carnoual' that is the farewell to flesh. And 
they are most frequent in the lower parts of Italy, more 
spetially in Lombardy, where many carry long peeces (the short 
gunns being forbidden for feare of sodeine treasons) and goe 
daily armed from the head to the foote, so as myselfe haue 
scene young Gentlemen, for feare of those with whome they 
had some quarrells, weare continually an yron Coate of male of 
30 pounds weight, next aboue their shirts. The murtherers 
that cannot escape, but are taken by the officers, are putt to 
death by beheading. 


Adulteries (as all furyes of Jelousy, or signes of making 
loue, to wiues, daughters and sisters) are commonly prosecuted 
by priuate reuenge, and by murther, and the Princes and 
Judges, measuring their iust reuenge by their owne passions 
proper to that nation, make no great inquiry after such 
murthers besides that the reuenging party is wise inough to 
doe them secretly, or at least in disguised habitts. The frequent 
punishment for common breaches of the Lawe, is the Corde 
called Strappado, or strappa di corda, where the delinquent is 
cast downe with Cords fastned to his Armes running in a pully, 
so as at the fall the ioynts at the shoulder turne rounde about, 
except he haue agilitye to sane himselfe, which some practise, 
and haue, so as they dare take the Jerke of the Corde for a 
small reward. For vsury five in the hundreth is allowed in the 
mounts of piety, which are bankes of mony to be lent to the 
poore, but in Common Contracts it is not limitted, so as they 
may take as they can agree. The very name of the hangman, 
and of his seruants and officers belonging to him in Criminall 
Justice are odious, as in Germany. About this tyme whereof I 
write, a Foraine gentleman lying in Rome, and being in some 
grace with one of the Cheefe Cardinalls had license from him 
to weare his sworde, but it happened that he becoming Rivall 
to the Cardinalls Nephew (so their bastards are called) and by 
free spending of his mony getting the Cortizans grace, so much 
as she excluded the other, he for reuenge plotted with the 
Serieants to take the gentleman going thether by night with 
his sword when he had not his License about him to shewe, and 
to giue him a touche of the Strappado who did accordingly, 
and when they had apprehended him, and he avowed his 
License, and offered mony to send to the Cardinalls house, they 
suffered him to send a messenger, but in the meanetyme putt 
him to the Corde, and gaue him a little Jerke, when presently 
the same Nephewe of the Cardinall, and some of his other 
gentlemen came in, and freed him, after they had attayned 
their end, For in reguarde the officer of Criminall Justice had 
but giuen the gentleman that litle touche of their hands, the 


Cortisan would neuer after admitt his loue or Company, but 
gaue herselfe wholy to the sayd Cardinalls Nephewe. The like 
thing happened about that time in Vicenza a Citty vnder the 
Venetians ; where a yong Cortisan arriuing, and setting a very 
high price vppon herselfe, such as the gentlemen of the Citty, 
howsoeuer desyrous of new game, would not giue, after they 
had in vayne tryed all meanes to make her fall in the price, 
they called the hangman, and one gaue him a dublett, an other 
a hatt, and so for all gentleman like attyre, and all ioyntly 
furnishing him with the mony she demaunded, they sent him 
to her that night, and the next morning all coming to her 
Chamber, the one cast his dublett, the other his hatt, and so 
the rest of the attyre into the fyer, and then the hangmans man 
bringing him his apparrell, after their departure, the miserable 
Cortisan perceiuing how she was skorned, fledd secretly out of 
the Citty, and was neuer more seene there. 

The Justice, Lawes, and Judgments in the Popes State. 

At Borne, the Lawes are with much seuerity putt in 
exequution, and namely the Lawes of Pope Sixtus Quintus 
against outlawes, Cortisans, quarrells, and the like. And it is 
peculiar (as I was informed) to the State of the Church, that a 
murtherer escaped out of an other Princes Territory, where he 
committed the fact, shalbe executed for the same in the Popes 
State, if he be there apprehended and accused thereof. It is 
Capitall to challenge, or answer a Challenge of Combatt, and 
in quarrells he that first drawes his sword, shall dye or be 
condemned to the Gallies or in some such sort punished. And 
it is not only vnlawfull to weare swords in that State without 
license, but the wearing of daggers openly is forbidd, and the 
Carrying a pistoll secretly or like pockett weapons for feare 
of sodeine murthers, is capitally forbidden. And at Borne, 
more then in any other Citty of Italy, the Strappado is giuen 
for euery small offence. Monsieur Villamont writes of a 
principall gentleman of Bologna about this tyme executed by 


strangling in his Chamber at Rome, only for having receiued 
an outlawe into his house : And of an other who was hanged 
on the bridge of St. Angelo for having giuen a blowe to a 
Sweitzer of the Popes guard. If a man be cast into prison for 
debt, the Judges after the manner visitting frequently those 
prisons, finding him to be poore, will impose vppon the Creditor 
a mitigation of the debt, or tyme of forbearance, as they iudge 
the equitye of the Case to require, or if by good witnesses they 
finde the party so poore as really he hath not wherewith to pay 
the debt, they will accept a release or assignement of his goods 
to the Creditor, and whether he consent or no, will free the 
debters body out of prison. At Rome the least idle word of 
the Pope, the Church, or Religion, will drawe a man into the 
Inquisition, where he may lye long tyme close prisoner (not 
somuch as a keeper comming to him, but his meat being giuen 
out at an hole in the dore, and he making his owne bedd), 
before he shall know who hurt him, or why he is imprisoned, 
and if he be found of the reformed religion (whome they call 
heretiques) of old he was soone brought to the stake, but the 
constant death of some, having (as they found) done hurt, since 
they are kept in perpetuall prison, and a credible Convert 
deceiues vs, if by the Jesuits they be not many tymes strangly 
affrighted, and euen secretly putt to death in close prisons 
vnder the ground. Pope Sixtus Quintus made a lawe, that no 
Cortisan should ride in a Coache vnder paine to pay a 100 
Crownes, and the Coachman to haue the Strappado for the first 
tyme, and death for the second tyme, but they weare Clothe of 
gold, and liue in all excesse for meate, and all things, and haue 
incredible respect shewed them in salutations, only they are 
knowne by going on foote so richly attyred. Yet I am deceiued 
if knowne mistresses of great Clergymen, tho no professed 
Cortisans, passe not Rome in as great pompe and pride as any. 
Speaking of Justice in generall, I haue shewed the late Popes 
Justice against Outlawes, whereby their strong partyes vppon 
the Confines of Naples haue bene in tyme broken, and are now 
weake, and almost destroyed. 


The Justice, Lawes, and Judgments in the State of Venice. 

The Senate of Venice is most reuerent for the gray heads, 
grauity and Comelynes of their persons, and their stately habitts 
but for nothing more then their strict obseruing of Justice. 
They haue a lawe that in tyme of Carnauall or Shrouetyde, no 
man that is masked may weare a sword, because being 
vnknowne, he might thereby haue meanes to kill his enemy on 
the sodeine, and while I was in Italy a forayne gentleman 
vppon a fancy to mock the officers of Justice, being masked 
wore a woodden lathe like a sword. The officers apprehended 
him, and finding it to be a lath, yet carryed him to the 
magistrate, who with a graue Countenance said to him, Non 
burlar' con la Giustitia, Veh : Jeast not with the Justice, marke 
me. And he found that he had mocked himselfe more then the 
officers, for he payd not a few Crownes before he could be freed 
by mediation of great freinds. But since the Citty of Venice 
lyes open without any walls, so as malefactors may easily 
escape, and the Citty lyes vppon Lombardye where murthers 
are frequent, this Citty especially in the tyme of Carnouall is 
much subiect to murthers, and like outrages. And so is the 
next Citty Padoa, vppon priuiledges of the Vniuersity, whereby 
murther in schollers is punished only by banishment. And 
that the rather, because in the State of Venice (for the great 
Confluence of strangers) it is free for all men to weare Armes 
by the day, excepting Pistolls, which no man may haue without 
the Locks taken of, and also because they who haue ill purposes, 
will aduenture and vse to weare these Armes by night also, I say 
for these reasons, murthers (especially in the libertine tyme of 
Carnouall) are frequent in this Citty, from which also the lesser 
Cittyes of that State are not free. Murther was punished by 
hanging till death, till Duke JVIichaele Morosino created in the 
yeare 1381, made a law that murtherers should be beheaded. 
But most comonly they escape by flight, and so are banished 
till they can make peace with the freinds of the murthered, and 
so obtayne liberty to retorne into their Country. Adulterers 


are punished (as other like Crymes) according to the Ciuill 
and Cannon lawes, but the Italians impatient to bring their 
honor vnder publique tryalls dispatch the punishment of all 
Jelousyes by priuate reuenge, killing not only the men so 
prouoking them, bxit their wines sisters or daughters dishonour- 
ing themsehies in those kindes. Yea brothers knowing their 
sisters to be vnchast when they are maryed, and out of their 
owne house, yet will make this offence knowne to their 
husbands, that they may kill them. Whereof Examples are 
frequent, as namely of a Florentine gentleman, who vnder- 
standing from his wiues brother that she had dishonoured them 
by adulterye, tooke her forth in a Coache having only a Preist 
with them, and when they came to a fitt place gaue her a short 
tyme to confesse her sinnes to the Preist, and then killed her 
with his owne hands. And howsoeuer in this Case, it is like she 
Confessed the Cryme, yet in this and like Cases the Magistrate 
vseth not to inquire after these reuenges, which the Italians 
nature hath drawne into Custome, besides that many are done 
secretly without danger to be reuealed. 

Among other high Crymes it is not rare to heare 
blasphemous speeches in Italy, and the State of Venice is much 
to be praysed for the most seuere Justice they vse against such 
offenders, having a lawe to cutt out their tongues. Yea while 
I liued there, some roaring boyes one night went out vppon 
a Wager who should doe the greatest villany, and when they 
had done most wicked things, at last they came all to the 
windowe of the Popes Nuntio, where they song horrible 
blasphemyes against our Lord, his blessed mother, and the 
Apostle St. Peter. The next morning all these Eascalls (so I 
call them, whereof most notwithstanding were gentlemen) had 
escaped out of the Citty, only two were taken whome I did see 
executed in this manner, their hands were cutt of in fower 
places where they did the greatest villanyes, their tongues were 
cutt out vnder the windowe of the Popes Nuntio, and so they 
were brought into the markett place of St. Marke, where vppon 
a Scaffold they were beheaded with an axe falling by a Pully, 


which done the Scaffold and their bodyes were burnt, and the 
Ashes throwne into the Sea. 

Ciuill Judgments in the State of Venice. 

For Ciuill Judgments I remember a stone at Paduoa called 
lapis turpitudinis (that is the stone of filthines) because 
vppon markett dayes such were sett vppon it with naked 
backsydes, as had runn into debt having no meanes to repay it. 
The lawes of Venice in generall were reputed so iust by the 
Senate of Nurenberg in Germany as in the yeare 1508, by 
Ambassadors sent to this State they obteyned a Copy of them. 
Among other Ciuill Judgments they giue singular Justice in 
Cases of debt and haue particular Judges ouer Marchants 
banckrowting, who giue the Creditors security to keepe them 
from prison, and cite such banckrowtes as fly, selling their 
goods and dividing them equally among the Creditors and 
preuenting all fraudes may be vsed. So as if they finde other 
mens goods deposited in their hands they keepe them for the 
Owners. In which Case inyselfe when I passed from thence 
into Turkye, and also my brother leaning our Chests with our 
apparrell & bookes in the hands of a marchant, who shortly 
after proued banckrowte, the magistrate kept our goods safe, 
and when I retorned, did restore to me without any Charge, 
not only my owne goods, but also my brothers who dyed in 
the Journey. 

I haue formerly sayd that all the Venetian lawes are made 
in the Counsell called Pregadi, for when any Magistrate 
iudgeth it profitable for the Comonwealth to haue any new 
lawe made for any thing concerning his office and Charge, he 
propounds his reasons in the Colledge of the Sauij, and they 
being there approued, the lawe is propounded, enacted, and 
published by the Councell cli Pregadi. So the Magistrate of 
the Pomps (or Ceremonies) caused certaine sumptuary Lawes 
for diett and apparrell to be made in this Councell which are 
in force to this day. Yet sometymes the law is made in the 
Great Counsell, if the magistrate thinke that it will receiue 


more life and force by being confirmed therein. So the 
Censors in the last age past desyring a lawe should be made 
against making any Congratulations with any man that had 
obteyned an Office or magistracye, the same was first approued 
in the Counsell of Pregadi, and then with generall Consent 
confirmed in the great Counsell. 

Of the Justice in Genoa. 

I haue formerly spoken of the gouernment and magistrates 
in the free Citty of Genoa ; Now it remaynes in a word to speake 
of their Judges. A doctor of the Ciuill Lawe borne out of the 
State, hath a great yearely stipend, and is vulgarly called the 
Podesta. He dwells in a Pallace adioyning to the Dukes, and 
iudges all Criminall Causes, but no Capitall sentence is 
executed without the Consent of the Senate, neither can he 
otherwise commaund it. He hath two doctors to be his 
Assistants, and one is his Vicar, who also medles in some Ciuill 
Causes. Five Doctors of the Ciuill Lawe borne out of the 
State, are likewise hyred for two yeares to iudge Ciuill Causes, 
the body of which Doctors or Judges is vulgarly called La Rota. 
Also of the Citizens the Magistrates called the seuen men extra- 
ordinary, are chosen for six monethes to represent the Dukes 
person as busyed with higher affayres, in hearing of differences 
betweene men, and in appointing Tutors for Pupills. And 
because the lawe forbiddes a rich man to goe to lawe with a 
poore man, or one kinsman with an other (a lawe in my opinion 
most woorthy to be imitated), these seuen men in such cases 
appoint Judges, who as Arbiters end their differences. Fiue 
men called the supreme Sindici may and vse to call in question 
the Duke and the Gouernors after the tyme of their magistracye 
ended, and vppon iust causes to punish them, liberty being 
giuen by publique proclamation for eight dayes to all men, that 
they may accuse them, or any of them, for any fault done in 
their magistracye, after which eight dayes, these fiue men giue 
them letters Pattents to testifye their innocencye, without 


which letters they cannot be admitted to the dignity of 
Procurators belonging to their places, as I haue formerly 
shewed. These fiue also heare many appeales being men of 
great estimation, and they are chosen by the lesser Counsell. 
All arts haue their Censors, who sett the price of things sold, 
and prouide no deceite be vsed in weights or measures. Besides 
all seuerall Arts haue their owne Magistrates chosen by the 
Artisans themselues, and called Consulls, all which haue 
authority ouer those of their owne Art or trade. Among them 
the Consulls of the silke weauers haue the greatest authoritye, 
for they may putt any of that art to the Strapado, yea 
condemne them to banishment, or to be slaues in the Gallies, 
and to like high punishments. 

The Justice, Judgments and lawes, in the state of Florence. 

I haue formerly shewed that the Duke of Florence is an 
absolute Prince, and hath no priuy Counsell of State, but 
comunicateth his most secrett affayres to the aduise of his 
Fauorites, whereof the Archbishopp of Pisa was reputed cheefe, 
and gouerneth the Commonwealth by publique Magistrates. 
For the magistrates and Tribunalls of Justice remayne still the 
same they were in the tyme of the free State. Ciuill Causes (as 
in other Cittyes of Italy) are iudged by a certaine number of 
Doctors in the Ciuill Lawe (whose body is called La Eota), And 
criminall Causes are iudged by the magistrates of Florence, in 
nothing changed, but that the cheefe of old called Gonfaloniere 
is now called Lieuftenant. All other magistrates as the old 
Counsellors, eight men &c. and the Vicars and Gouernors of 
Townes and Jurisdictions (vulgarly called Podesta) are now 
chosen as in tyme of the free State, saue that the Gouernors of 
the cheefe Cittyes, as Sienna and Pisa and the keepers of Forts, 
are appointed sent and reuoked at the Dukes pleasure. The 
said Magistrates are in this sort chosen. The gentlemens 
names of the first Ranck, and so of the second and third are 
putt into three vessells and the cheefe magistrates are chosen 


out of the first, the inferior out of the second, and the lowest 
out of the third, by drawing out for each Magistrates place five 
names of whome he [who] hath most voyces in the Counsell is 
chosen. And the gentlemens names axe yearely altered in the 
vessells, & changed out of one into the other. These Elections are 
confirmed by the Duke, but otherwise he medles not with their 
choise or Judgments, only he hath his Secretary vulgarly called 
Del criminale who sees the Processes of Criminall Judgments, 
aswell in the Citty as in the Territory, and acquaintes the Duke 
with those of greatest moment, and no doubt from him directs 
the Judges proceedings, which makes them more vigilant in 
doing Justice. One thing I cannot omitt, which I wondred 
to see in the Citty of Florence, namely a Court of Justice, 
whose title is written vppon the gates, La corte de 1' honesta, 
the Court of honesty, and wherein Judges sett in Scarlett Eobes 
to doe right to Cortisans or Harlotts if any wrong them therein. 
For howsoeuer the Stews be restrayned to certaine streets, no 
Harlott being permitted to dwell among the houses of the 
Matrons, if she be but seene at a window; yet it hath such 
priuiledges, as if a mans wife flying from him can come into 
the Stewes before he lay hold on her, he cannot bring her back, 
nor haue her punished. The very Duke passing the streete will 
in honor putt of his hatt to some of them, and at publique 
Comedies Cortisans and Torchbearers enter freely, and pay 
nothing. The State of the Duke of Florence is to be praysed 
aboue all other parts of Italy for Justice, where strangers Hue 
more safely then any where els, so they bring not themselues 
in danger by foolish shewing of their mony, and may safely 
passe in the Citties and highwayes by day or night with their 
pocketts full of gold. Besides that Strangers haue more 
priuiledge then Natiues in wearing their swords, which is only 
granted to some gentlemen of Florence, but other Natiues 
hardly obtayne license to weare them which is easily graunted 
to all straungers. Nether doe any in this State (as in 
Lombardy) carry Gunns or goe armed from head to foote, For 
no man in Citty or Country may weare or haue in their howses 


other Arrues then Rapiers and daggers vppon great penalty. 
Yet cannot I commend the Citty Ligorno for this Ciuility, nor 
the Inhabitants for honest men. And no maruell for howsoeuer 
it hath of old bene a place of dwelling; yet Duke Cosmo first 
compassed the place with walls, Duke Francis caused many 
howses to be built there, and Duke Ferdinand (living when I 
was in Italy) first brought it into the forme of a Fayre and well 
fortifyed Citty. And these Dukes, with lesse charge to furnish 
it with buildings & inhabitants, as Rome at the first was made 
a Sanctuary to malefactors, so they imposed punishments on 
malefactors in lesser Crimes, according to the quality of their 
offence, to build one or more howses in this Citty, and to dwell 
there for yeares, or for life, so as the Inhabitants were not like 
to be of the most peaceable and best sort of men. 


Booke II. 


Of the commonwealth of Fraunce according to the seuerall 
heads conteyned in the title of the first Chapter of the 
former booke. 

[I was tempted to omit the whole of this long Chapter, for 
Moryson's work here is what critics sometimes call 
" conscientious." However, the passage on " The Tributes and 
Eevenues," commencing on Page 207 of the MS., is such an 
extremely favourable specimen of it, that I quote it in full. It 
has a special interest for the general reader from its bearing 
on later French history. The Chapter extends from Page 188 
of the MS. to Page 231. C.H.] 

The Tributes and Reuenues. 

THE Tribute and Reuenues of this large kingdome are manifold 
and great, and howsoeuer it be charged in high measure with 
a multitude of great Stipends, since the very Counsellors attend 
not the publike affayres without reward of large pensions, and 
the officers of the Exchequer so exceede in number as they must 
needs wast the same Treasure they gather (of whose multitude, 
reformation hath bene often intended and attempted, but by 
their art was euer frustrated). And howsoeuer it be charged 
with the maintenance of many Troopes of horse and bands of 
Foote continually in the kings pay, and of diuerse Fortes and 
Garrisons vppon the Confines for defence of the kingdome ; yet 
would it aboundantly suffice the priuate and publike vses, were 
it not that in the last Ciuill Warrs, not only many Customes, 
and Tributes were iugaged, but euen great part of the kings 
Domaine or land of Inheritance (which should not be ingaged 


vppon any other Cause then for the necessity of warr and of 
Apennages of kings yonger sonnes). But the king then 
raigning, Henry the fourth, no lesse famous for policye in 
peace, then for the military Art, began to drawe all expences 
to the wonted limitts, and not only something too much (as the 
french confesse) restrayning his hounty in guifts, but also 
gouerning all things with more then kingly frugality, gaue the 
french hope to restore the wonted plenty of publike Treasure. 
Of the Impositions in Fraunce, some were of old graunted, 
others haue bene lately extorted by the necessity of the 
kingdome, and long Ciuill Warrs to which the french haue in 
the last age bene easily drawne), and for other causes partly 
true, partly pretended. In which exactions not only the 
french, but most kings of the world make vayne the Maxime 
of Logick, that the Causes being taken away the effects cease, 
easily learning to raise Tributes but not knowing how to 
abate them. For in Fraunce the exactions raysed in the fury 
of warr, continued in the fayrest tyme of peace. Tributes 
willingly offered to avoyde the spoyle of Soldiers, still 
remayned, and that without restraint of their insolencyes, and 
tributes allowed in tymes of publike danger by consent of the 
three estates, were in peace as it were by prescribed Custome 
made the Kings annuall Bents. Yea exactions made by the 
Princes of the league taking Armes against the king were after 
in tyme of peace taken for the king, in iust punishment of those 
who supported Rebells by them. Popular seditions for like 
exactions haue no where bene more frequent then in Fraunce 
(tho Italy be farr more oppressed therewith) and that not only 
of old, but euen of late since the Ciuill Warrs appeased, and in 
all these tumults, as dogs bite the stone in steed of the Caster, 
so the fury of the people fell not vppon the Irnposers, but vppon 
the Exactors. The Nobility high and lowe, I meane lordes and 
gentlemen, are altogether free from Impositions or Tributes 
because they serue the king in his Warrs (aswell in person as 
with a certaine number of horsemen according to their quality) 
without taking any pay. And this Immunity litle diminisheth 


the kings profitt, because the Nobility scornes to be Harchants, 
thincking such traffique ignoble, according to the Heraults 
rules, howsoeuer the Italians even the very Princes disdayne not 
traffique by the great, leaving only the gayue of Retayling to 
the people, and wisely thinck it madnes to inrich the people 
with the cheife Commoditye of the land and to inable them 
to buy their lands, which idlenes must needs force them to 
wast and sell. As the Nobles are free from all exactions, so 
some fall only on the Common people, from which the Citties, 
and all the kings officers and ministers are exempted, but they 
are likewise charged with some, as with mantayning the 
ordinary troopes and bands of horse and foote, and for the 
Tenthes the very Clergie is not spared. It is a great mischeife 
in Fraunce that all offices vppon the necessity of the State, euen 
the iudiciall offices, have of old beene vsed to be sold by the 
king, which out of ill Custome continewes till this day, all 
offices being sold at high rates, and (which is more straunge) 
the sales thereof among priuate men being of force, as if they 
were graunted vnder the kings Scale, so the seller thereof Hue a 
moneth or two after the sealing to take away all suspition 
of open fraude. For howsoeuer this Custome may be profitable 
to the king, it makes vnwoorthy men come to high offices, and 
since he that buyes must needs sell, it makes the king for his 
iudiciall places author of selling Justice. All Writers obserue 
that Fraunce hath fowre loadstones to drawe Treasure, namely 
Corne, Wyne, Salt, and linnen Cloth, and no doubt the Tribute 
or Impost of wyne is great, and that of Salt greater, which in 
many places is proper to the king, and generally payes him 
Tribute especially baysalt whereof plenty is made in Fraunce 
especially in some Hands, and in many places the selling of 
white salt is forbidden, that the bay Salt may be sold for 
the kings better profitt, but this Reuenue of Salt was said 
to be then iugaged to priuate men. And since I heare from 
f rench men that the king vseth commonly to Farme out this and 
other Gabels (or Impositions), and that Salt alone at this tyme 
is farmed out to Marchants at some six hundreth thousand 


pounds sterling yearely, and that the king particularly for each 
mued of Salt receiueth fower pounds tenn shillings sterling to 
make vpp the foresaid Rent, and that twelue Lettiers make a 
Mued, and each Lettier is about a quarter of our measure, And 
the french Marchants say that each Mued of wheate yeildeth 
the King three pounds sterling for Gabell or Impost. And that 
each Mued of Wyne commonly yeildes the king Eighteene 
Shillings of our mony, three Mueds being about a Tonn. 
Considering the multitude of all exactions and the power the 
king assumeth to impose them at pleasure, that which Lewes 
the Eleuenth said merily wilbe found true, that Fraunce is a 
pleasant Meadowe of a rich soile which the King moweth as 
often as it pleaseth him. But he that clenseth the bodye too 
much shall at last fetche bloud. For the last kings of the 
house of Valois drew drye the brookes and Channells of this 
pleasant Meadowe, and that when the Sunne in the Lyon (I 
meane the Ciuill Warrs) most parched the same, and so 
dissipated the Mowen grasse thereof, as they left all in ruine to 
the succeeding hoxise of Bourbon. 



Of the Common wealth of Denmarke. 

[This chapter on Denmark extends from Page 231 of the 
M.S. to Page 243. My first quotation commences in Page 234 
and terminates Page 238, while the passage on " The Forces by 
Sea " concludes the chapter. C.H.] 

The Kinge. 

King Christiern or Christian the fourth then living, was yet 
vnder age, being the seuenth king of the Oldenburg Family, 
and in generall the hundreth seuenth king of the Danes, who 
was borne in the yeare 1577, and when his Father dyed was not 
fully aeleuen yeares old. The king of Swetia John the third, 
some twoe yeares before my passing this way, had vndertaken 
warr against the Moscovites, to recover Naroua and other Citties 
and teritoryes they had taken from him in Liuonia, in which 
warr he made his brother Charles the Generall of his Army, and 
this John the third about this tyme dying, the sayde Charles 
gouerned the kingdome in the right of his absent Nephewe 
Sigismund king of Polonia (whereof in the treaty of the 
Commonwealth of Poland, I haue written somethinge more at 
large). And in this warre the English marchants furnishing 
the Moscouites with Armes and Munitions, did there obtayne 
great priuiledges of traffique. But I retorne to speake of 
Christiene the fourth king of Denmarke, whome I did see at 
Eoschild, to which towne or Citty he came, attended with tenn 
Coaches, and a Courtier satt by the kings syde in his owne 
Coache, which was drawne with three horses, and these Coaches 
were like those are vsed in Germany, coxiered with black coarse 
Cloth lyned with Canves or Course Cloth, and borne vpp with 
litle rounde hoopes of wood fastned with hookes of yron, so as 
the Couer falles backward if they will ride in open ayre, or may 
be pulled ouer their heads at both ends and buckled in the 


midst, if the weather be rayny or cold. He was of a fayre Com- 
plexion and bigg sett, and about some fifteene yeares of age, 
and they said he could speake the Dutch, French, and Italian 
tongues, and was delighted with shooting in a muskett, with 
musick and with reading of historyes, and spent two howers in 
the morning and as many after dinner at his booke, and passed 
the rest of the day in diuerse exercises, attended by his 
Hoffmeister (that is master of his Court) then called Hockhol- 
gersen a gentleman who had beene generall of the Army in 
the last Warr with Suetia. When he vouchsafed to salute any 
man, he gaue them his hand, not to kisse but to take in his 
hand, neither doe any vse to kneele to him except they answer 
before him accused of Capitall Crimes, but the Courtiers stood 
bareheaded to him in great distance. His yongest brother 
John followed the Court at that tyme, but Vlricus the second 
brother was then Student at Wittenberge in Germany who 
besides his Inheritance in Holsatia, had the administration of 
a Bishopprick in the Dukedome of Mecleburg and of an other 
nere Lubeck and a Channons place in a Cathedrall Church. 
The king was then on his iourney to Flansburg, where an 
extraordinary Parliament was called, For his Subiects of 
Holsatia to sweare him homage, which they had refused to 
yeilde at Copenhagen in Denmarke, where an ordinary Par- 
liament is yearely held, the next day after Trinity Sonday. Of 
old 24 Counsellors or Senators did gouerne the Common Wealth 
vnder the king, but at this tyme twelue gentlemen chosen of 
the Kings Counsell for life, did gouerne the same, the generall 
States of the Church and nobility being assembled only for 
some greatest affayres. The yong kings Father by his last will 
and Testament appointed him six Tutors, the Threasorer, the 
Admirall, the Arch Marshall, the Chauncelor and two others, 
but some of them by the Assembly of the States were deposed, 
as namely the Treasorer for having beheaded one Hainson a 
Citizen, of which act the Danes said he should be called in 
question when the king should be Eighteene yeares of age, and 
by the same Assembly fower Tutors were confirmed, namely 


Nicholas (vulgarly Nelse) Case the Chancelor, George Rosen- 
krantz a grayheaded old Senator, Peter Munck Admirall, and 
Hackwolfstand, the two last being so aged, as they could not 
follow the Court. The young king is called Prince by the 
Danes while he is vnder age gouerned by Tutors. 

The Court. 

The king had 70 Trabantoes for guarde of his person, and 
each of them had for his diett monethly five Boilers, and for 
wages yearely 24 dollers, and twice in the yeare they were 
apparrelled. And he had tenn horsemen called Hascheri, 
whereof each man had 20 dollers monethly for keeping of two 
horses, and yearely wages 20 dollers, and apparrell twice in the 
yeare. Some thirty gentlemen following the Court at that 
tyme had each man Fifty dollers monethly to keepe five horses. 
The Cuppbearer had asmuch to keepe so many horses, and 
moreouer 300 dollers yearely for wages or pention. The like 
intertainment had the cheefe Cooke and the gentlemen Sewers 
who carryed vpp the meat, and one of them supplyed the place 
of Caruer, but no man tasted the meat, which Ceremonye I 
heard was not in vse with them. Of these some haue allowance 
in mony for diett, others eate in the Court, but they haue no 
tables for Counsellors or Cheefe Officers, and they which eat not 
in the Court, goe thether but once in three or fower dayes. 
Neither did any great traine follow the Court. The king did 
eat alone, with the dores open for any man to enter. When 
they haue a Queene she dwells in a seuerall syde of the Pallace, 
and hath her owne officers, and her table apart from the king. 

The Reuenues and Tributes. 

Touching the Reuenues and Tributes; Denmarke hath no 
Mynes of gold or siluer (for Suetia hauing some fewe or poore 
Mynes hath not in these last ages bene vnited to that king- 
dome). The fishing of Herrings Codd and like fishes to be 
dryed, and the exportation of masts for shipps, and of great 


quantity of deale boardes out of Norway, and of Brimstone from 
the Mountayne Hecla in Iseland and some like Commodityes 
yeilde a good reuenue to the Crowne. Giue me leaue to mention 
the fishing which the English haue in a place called Wardhouse 
to which they saile about the North syde of Norway once in the 
yeare for that purpose, the Inhabitants thereof are subiect to 
the King of Denmarke, and were said to liue vnder the earth, 
feeding altogether vppon dryed fishes, and for the continuall 
snow seldome or neuer coming out of their Caues, and there- 
vppon having a drye complection infected with a kinde of 
leprousy. And these English Harchants or Fishermen, though 
they neuer enter the Sounde, yet for secure passage and leaue 
to fish there, payd the king of Denmarke yearely one hundreth 
Eose Nobles of gold. But these Eeuenewes are of small moment 
compared with two Tributes wherein the Treasure of that king- 
dome consists. For the first an incredible tribute is raysed of 
the Shipps passing the Narrow Sea called the Sounde, dividing 
Denmarke and Norway, and so leading into the Baltick Sea, 
which shipps paid tribute aswell at the entrance as the retourne 
out of the Sounde. For the Danes had two strong Forts built 
in the narrowest mouthe of the Sounde (at the entrance into the 
Hauen of Elsenure, whence the passage lyes open into the 
Baltick Sea) and one of the Forts is called Chronoburg seated in 
the village of Elsenure and the Cheefe Hand of Denmarke called 
Sealand and the other Fort is called Elzburg seated in the 
kingdome of Norway, and these Forts are so neere one to the 
other, as no shipp can safely passe them without leaue, besides 
that if any shipps should passe either by force, or some other 
way by stealth which might easily be done, those shipps and 
goods should be confiscated whensoeuer they are forced againe 
to passe that sounde. So as this tribute must needes be exceed- 
ing great. For euery shipp entring vnladen (as the hollanders 
doe for the most part) payeth for the ship a Rosse noble of gold, 
and for beacon gelt a Doller. But those that are loden pay of 
old for last gelt the hundreth penny of the goods, and a Rosse 
noble of gold for the ship, yea two or three Rosse nobles if 


diuers partners were owners of the ship, and halfe a dollour for 
beacon gelt (or mony). Only those shipps whose burthen is not 
aboue forty last, pay nothinge for the shipp, as others doe (euen 
those that are vnladen, after the rate I formerly named, but 
only for the Marchandise they beare after the rate of theire 
burthen. An English shipp lately returning from Dantzke 
laden with wax (a light commodity) had payde 900th Dollers at 
the Sound for tribute. And while myselfe was at Elsenure, 
another English shipp of 140 Tunns burthen, being scarcely 
halfe laden, payd there 312 Dollers and an halfe for tribute. 
The kings of Denmarke by the Commaund of that narrowe sea, 
shutting vp the trade at Dantzke and those partes (whence all 
partes of Europe are furnished with precious marchandise, as 
Corne, wax, hony, hemp, Cables Masts, Deale boardes, sope 
ashes, and many like) may easily reveng any wrongs done to 
them by neighbor Princes, or at pleasure may doe wrong to 
them in theire subiectes. For Christian the second (whome I 
formerly sayd to haue bene hated of his Subiects and his neigh- 
bors, and cast out of his kingdome for his Tyrannye) having 
warr with Suetia did at his pleasure for supporting that waxr 
impose vppon Lubeck and the Neighbor Cittyes of Germany 
bordering within the Baltick Sea two guldens vppon euery last 
(twelue Tonnes making a Last) aboue the accustomed Tribute, 
and vppon all other straungers trading that way the last gelt 
was highly raysed, so as the English paid a dollor for eight 
Clothes and a dollor for each last of Flaxe, of Waxe, of wheate, 
and like Commodityes, and a quarter of a dollor for each Last 
of Pitche, of Tarr, of Rye Corne, and of like Commodityes, and 
if any entred Wheate for Rye, or vsed like fraude, the goods 
were confiscated. And howsoeuer Lubeck and the other Cittyes 
by grace obteyned or by Warr extorted freedome for great part 
of the Imposition thus layd vppon them, and likewise the 
Hollanders were sayd to be then freed of the said new Imposi- 
tion, yet at this very tyme whereof I write, the English and 
Scotts only (no other Nation that I heard) did still pay the new 
Imposition for all goods, wherewith they were laden aboue the 


old tribute. Yea the late deceased King (as I heard) being not 
long before offended with the States of the Vnited Prouinces, 
for having opened certaine letters directed to his Ambassador, 
did suffer their shipps to enter the Baltick-Sea (as they vse) 
vnladeu, but when they retorned laden in a great Fleete, he 
made stay of them all, till they had satisfyed him for that 
wrong. Besides, this tribute must needs be exceeding great, 
since often 100 and sometymes 500 shipps lye at one tyme in 
that harbour, (myselfe having numbred more then 100 Sayle 
going forth in one morning, and the like number coming in 
another day in one Fleete). But that which makes the tribute 
greatest is that these Shipps are comonly laden inward with 
Sacks, Suger, Spices, and Woollen Clothes, all sold deare in those 
North East parts, and are laden outward with honye, Waxe, 
rich Furres, and Come (wherewith all Europe is supplyed 
thence) being all rich and light Wares, whereof great value 
is carryed in small roome. So as I haue heard Danes of good 
sort esteeme this yearely tribute at six Tonns of gold or five at 
the least, reckoning one hundreth thousand dollors for a Tonne 
of gold. And the same Danes assured me that this Treasure 
was laid vpp for the extraordinary vses of the kingdome, the 
ordinary charge for the kings Court and all expences in tyme 
of peace being borne by a second great Tribute formerly men- 
tioned, namely the Tribute of horses oxen and Calues passing 
the Confines of Halsatia to be sold in the lower parts of 
Germany towards Netherland. Otherwise small Tributes are 
raysed of the Subiects from which the gentlemen are free, only 
in tyme of warr they contribute mony and serue in person, and 
the Citizens are poore not able to beare them, and the Country 
people are base, and slaues to the king or to priuate gentlemen, 
and so not to be taxed in that kinde. 

Therefore the Subiects pay no Tribute for flesh, bread or 
Danish beare (which is very small) but for beare brought out 
of Germany (which they drinck as largly as the Germans) ; for 
each Tonne whereof costing about sexien markes, they payd two 
markes to the king. 


Lawes and Judgments. 

Denmarke is gouerned by a peculiar lawe of the kingclome, 
but Holsatia of old inhabited by Saxons hath the Saxon lawe, 
whereof I haue spoken in the discourse of Germany. For Ciuill 
Causes my stay in that kingdome was so short, as I will only 
say that the tryalls are much agreeable to those in England. 

In Capitall Judgments they doe not as the Germans extort 
confessions by torment, but the accused are tryed and pro- 
nounced guilty or not guilty by a Quest of sixteene men, as in 
England they are tryed by twelve men. King Christiern the 
second of Condemned men in Suetia for treason beheaded some, 
broke others vppon the Wheele, hanged others, and drowned 
some. Christiern the third beseiging Copenhaggen beheaded 
Meierus for Treason, and after his fewer quarters were sett 
vppon a wheele to rott. But these things may seeme to tast 
more of Martiall lawe then the setled lawes of the kingdome. 
Therefore I will breifely add that by the lawe the Condemned, 
for Parracide, and for premeditated wilfull murther, haue their 
bones broken vppon the wheele, for manslaughter are beheaded, 
for theft or Bobberies are hanged in Chaynes till they rott, 
For witchcraft are burned, for coyning and clipping mony haue 
their bones broken on the wheele, and then quartered are layd 
vppon the wheele to rott, for defiling Noble Virgins are be- 
headed, For adultery are putt in perpetuall prison at Dracholme 
a Castle of Holsatia. The goods of all (excepting Gentlemen) 
condemned to death, are confiscated to the king. For gentle- 
men are not condemned to death, but only by the publique 
assembly of the States, and forfeite not their goods; and for 
mutuall wrongs and manslaughters among themselues, com- 
monly they pursue them by priuate reueng, in which quarrells 
notwithstanding they (as the Germans) are of a placable nature. 

In generall none but the Sargeants will apprehend mur- 
therers or Traytors (as all men are bound to doe in England) 
for that office is held to belong to the hangman and his 
Sergeants or seruants (for such they are), which office is ab- 


liorred as in Germany. The king neuer pardons any murther 
or Ca.pitall Crime. Bobbing by the high way is very rare, and 
only happens sometymes to Footemen, so as Trauellers passe 
safely for their bodyes, and for their goodes, so they take heede 
of Pilferers. 

Their forces by Sea. 

Touching their forces by Sea : The old Invasions of the 
Danes vppon our Coasts of England, serue nothing to proue 
their strength at Sea, since they preuailed not by Sea-fights 
but by landing in diuerse places, and flitting from one place to 
an other, but especially since Navall fights and strength at Sea 
cannot be measured by those tymes, being long before the In- 
vention of Artillery. From which tyme to this day, the Danes 
did no exployte by Sea saue in Warrs they haue had within the 
Baltick Sea in manner aforesayd. But to giue some guesse to 
their forces at Sea in our age. First I haue shewed in the 
former Chapter of their traffique, that their marchants vse not 
to export or fetch Commodityes by any long Navigation into 
forrayne parts, because the Shipps of all nations passing the 
sounde supply their wants, and export their dryed fish and like 
Commodityes they can spare. So as the Marchants haue no 
strength of well armed shipping. But I did see the Kings 
Navye wintering in the haven of Copenhagen, then consisting 
of some tenn great and well-armed Shipps, which for building 
or sayling of all other Shipps in Europe came neerest to the 
English, saue that they last not so long by tenne yeares at the 
least. For I vnderstood from good Seamen, that their Shipps 
built of the Oakes in Norway last not aboue twenty yeares. 
And it seemes they haue no very good Shipwrights, for the 
cheife Shipwright who then built the kings Shipps was an 
English man named Matson, to whome the king gaue one 
hundreth Fifty dollors yearely pention, besides a house, fuell, 
Corne, and other necessaryes of asmuch more value. The said 
English Shipwright, howsoeuer the Danes doe not without 


suspition shewe their Forts or Shipps to straungers, yet per- 
swaded me in his Companye to enter some of the kings Shipps. 
Among the rest I entred a great Shipp newly built, and at first 
called Dauid, but after Fortune, the burthen whereof was 1400 
Tonns, the very ballast being 700th Tonns, and to man and 
furnish the same, were required 400 Mariners, 300 Gunners, 
and 700 soldiers, as he told me, and the breadth was 25 Ells the 
length of the keele 67 and aboue the Hatches 108 Ells, the 
depth of the holde was Eleuen Ells and a halfe, and it bore in 
the lower Orlob 22 Cannons, in the midle 22 Culverins, and in 
the vpper Orlob 24 Sakers; the mast was 37 fadoms long, and 
36 Palmes thick, and it cast out seuen Ankers lying in the 
Haven. Yppon the Poope these great letters were written, 
H.H.Z.G.A.* (For the Danes as the Germans vse to expresse 
the Mott of an Embleme by great letters for wordes) and 
this sentence was likewise written, Regna Firmat Pietas, 
that is, Piety makes Kingdomes firme, and the yeare of our 
Lord 1592 was vnderwritten in which the Shipp was built, 
which the best Seamen iudged more fitt to serue as a Fort in a 
Eiuer then to fight at Sea where lesse and swifter Shipps would 
haue great advantage of it. Also I did enter other of the Kings 
Shipps in his Company, namely the Raphaell reputed very swift 
and said to haue runn with a fayre Wynde in 33 howers from 
Dantzke to Elsenure. And an other called the Gedeon, and 
a third called the Jehosaphatt which some few moneths before 
had bene admirall of three men of warr wafting the Danish 
Ambassador into England, Each whereof was of some 400 
Tonnes burthen, and all were strong, swift, and well armed. 
Besides I did see some old shipps, as the Sampson that could 
not last aboue nyne yeares, the Josuah built before the former, 
the Drake built 16 yeares past, and the Wolhiere, or rather the 
Carkas thereof, all being tall shipps of like burthen, and of the 

* I learn from Copenhagen, through Mr. C. Collman, German Consul in 
Manchester, that Frederick II., King of Denmark (1559-1588), had a favourite 
Motto " Mein Hoffnung zu Gott Allein "and that several of his portraits 
bear it. C.H. 


kings Xavye. In the same Haven were fower other men of 
warr not of halfe that burthen, whereof one was English lately 
taken by the Danes in the more northern parts beyond Norway 
for some offence in Fishing. And before my going out of Den- 
marke, I did heare that two other English Fishermen but well 
armed and furnished with Artillery were in the same parts 
seased by the Danes for the king vppon the occasion and in 
manner following. The Danes gaue freedome of fishing to 
straungers in all the Hauens and Coasts thereof, excepting one 
which they reserued for themselues, And these English Shipps 
fishing at the mouth of this forbidden Hauen, and driuen in 
by Tempest, presented the Gouernor with a Tonne of English 
beare for liberty to Anchor in that Hauen till the storme was 
ouer, who receiued the present, but while the master and Cheife 
Marriners were drincking with him, sent soldiers to seaze the 
Shipps and possess them for the king, and they said the Shipps 
with the masters and Maryners being in the way to be brought 
into Denmarke one of the English masters walking aboue the 
Hatches and lamenting his estate with his Countrymen, as 
having small hope to finde mercy in Denmarke, and doubting 
that the Queene of England having her hands full with warr 
on all sydes against the Spaniard, would not easely be induced 
to write earnestly to the king of Denmarke on their behalfe, 
did vppon the sodeine desperately cast himselfe ouer board, 
and so perished. 


CHAP : iii. 

Of the comonwealth of England according to all the 
particular Subiects mentioned in the Title of the first 
Chapter and first Booke of the Part. 

BEING to write more exactly of the Common Wealth of England, 
then of others, lest while I seeme to affect knowledge of other 
kingdomes, I should bewray my ignorance in the State of my 
owne Country, I haue thought good to referr the same to a 
Treatise to be written of purpose, and with deliberation vppon 
that nice Subiect; which Treatise I haue begunn, but it will 
require tyme and leysure to perfect it, And so for this tyme I 
passe it ouer vntouched. 

CHAP : iiii. 

Of the common wealth of Scotland according to all the 
particular Subiects mentioned in the Title of the first 
Chapter and first Booke of this Part. 

FOR the like reasons I haue thought good likewise to referr this 
discourse to the said intended Treatise to be Written more 
exactly and at large, And so for this tyme passe it ouer 


CHAP : v. 

Of the common wealth of Ireland according to all the 
particular Subiects mentioned in the Title of the first 
Chapter and first Booke of this Part. 

[I omit the historical introduction for which Moryson 
acknowledges his indebtedness to our " worthy antiquary 
Camden " (page 244 to 250). The history of the last few years 
of Queen Elizabeth's reign had been written by Moryson him- 
self with extreme completeness in Part II. of his 1617 
volume. C. H.] 

Now briefely I will write of the Irish commonwealth wherein 
it shall suffice with a finger to point at the fountaynes of past 

The lord Deputy and Counsell. 

It is gouerned by a lord deputy and Counsell of State 
resident at Dublin, and the Counsellors are made by the kings 
letters, and continue in that place during their life, yet at the 
kings pleasure to recall, or remoue them, whereof notwith- 
standing we haue few or none examples, and at the end of the 
Warr, they were not many, only consisting of the lord chancelor 
the lord high Treasorer, the master of the Rolls, the Marshall 
of Ireland, the master of the Ordinance, the Treasorer at Warrs, 
the Bishopp of Meath, the Secretary and some fewe Cheife 
Colonells of the Army, but since that tyme there haue bene 
two Secretaries of State, and the number hath bene much 
increased by the lord Cheife Baron and many other gentlemen 
both of the Army and otherwise. Besides that the lords Presi- 
dents of Prouinces are alwayes vnderstood to be of this Counsell 
when they come to Dublin or any place where the lord Deputy 
resides. As for the lord Deputy he is made by the kings letters 
Pattents during pleasure, and commonly hath continued some 


three yeares, but sometymes fewer, or many more yeares at the 
kings pleasure. Sometymes he hath the title of Lord Leifetenant 
for greater honor, as the Earle of Essex lately had, and some- 
tymes for diminution is stiled lord Justice, as more spetially 
when vppon the death of the lord Deputy one or more Lordes 
Justices are Chosen to gouerne till a new lord Deputy be 
appointed. Yet of old when our kings were stiled lords of 
Ireland, this cheife Gouernor vnder them, was commonly styled 
lord Justice. But howsoeuer the titles differ, the power is all 
one. Sometymes of old, kings brothers, and sonnes (as John 
sonne to Henry the second and Leonell Duke of Clarence son 
to Edward the third and George Duke of Clarence brother 
to Edward the fourth) haue gouerned this kingdome with title 
of Lord Leiuftenant, and with power to leaue their owne Deputy 
to gouerne it, when at any tyme themselues retorned into 
England, which Deputy gaue them at the Court an Accompt 
of the Irish affayres, where they gaue the like accompt thereof 
to the king and his Counsell of State. In our tyme Charles 
Blount Lord Mountioy for his great deserts in subduing Tyrones 
Rebellion was by our Soueraigne king James created Earle of 
Deuonshire, and besides rich rewards of Inheritance in England 
was made Lord Leiuftenant of Ireland, with two parts of the 
Lord Deputies intertainment, who had the other third part with 
his owne Commaunds in the Army and kingdome, and gaue 
like accompt of the Irish affayres to this noble Earle living at 
Court, only he was not the Earles, but the kings Deputy. And 
this Earle during his life, not only swayed all Irish suits at the 
Court, but all other cheife affayres in Ireland, his letters of 
direction being as Commaunds to the Deputy. But after his 
death the intertainement, and full power retorned to the lord 
Deputy, the Commaund of Lord Leiuftenant ceasing from that 
tyme to this day, which dignity indeed seems more fitt for the 
sonnes or brothers of kings then for any Subiect. It is enacted 
by Statute of Parliament in the 33th yeare of king Henry 
the Eight, that vppon the death of the lord Deputy or like 
vacancy of that gouernment the Lord Chancelor and Counsell 


there may chuse one or two to supply the place of lord Justice, 
till the king may be advertised of that vacancy, and appoint 
an other gouernment Prouided that they chuse no Churchman, 
nor any but an English man. The foresaid lord Leiuftenant 
deputy or Justice (be they one or more) haue ample power litle 
differing from Regall, yet alwayes limitted according to the 
kings letters Pattents, which doe very rarely inlarge or 
restrayne the same to one more then the other, and that power 
also is countermaunded many tymes by Instructions from the 
State, and by letters from the kings of England. The lord 
Deputy by his letters Pattents vnder the great Seale of Ireland, 
may graunt Pardon of life, lands and goods, to any guilty or 
condemned men, euen to Traitors, only spetiall treasons against 
the kings person are commonly excepted, as likewise wilfull 
murthers, which the kings themselues professe not to pardon. 
And to these men he may likewise giue the kings Protection 
for a tyme, when they Hue in the woodes as outlawes or Rebells. 
And in like sorte he may giue the landes and goods of Fellons 
and Traytors Convicted, to any of his servants or frends, or to 
whome he will ether English or Irish. The king commonly 
reserues to his owne guift some Eight cheefe places, as of the 
lords Presidents the lord high Treasurer, the lord Chancelor, 
the master of the Rowlles, the Secretary, the Cheefe Justice, 
and cheefe Barren, and likewise some cheefe places of the Army, 
as of the Marshall, the master of the Ordinance, and the master 
Treasurer at warrs. For all other places, the lord Deputy 
graunts them vnder the great Seale of Ireland (as the former 
also when he is first warrented by letters out of England) and 
these he disposeth, not only for his owne tyme, but for the life 
of the Possessors. The king reserues to himselfe the choyse of 
Bishopps, but all other Church liuings are in the lord Deputies 
guift. The king reserues to himselfe the Puples of Earles and 
Barrens, but the rest are in the lord Deputies guift, who likewise 
desposeth to his servants frendes and followers all intrusians, 
Allinations, Fynes, and like thinges of great moment. And 
howsoeuer by inferiour Commissions some of the Counsell are 


ioyned to assist the Deputy in disposall of these thinges, yet 
that was wont to be only for forme, these Counselors very rarely 
apposing themselues to his pleasure. Yea the guifts of the 
higher places in the State and Army, Of Bishoprickes, of Earles 
and Barrens Pupills, tho reserued to the king, were wont 
seldome to be granted in England but vpon the lord Deputies 
letters of recommendation sent out of Ireland. Fynally the 
lord Deputy may leiue Forces, and doe all thinges of Regall 
authority, saue Coyning of mony, which was allwayes Coyned 
at London, and sent into Ireland : True it is, that in those 
thinges which are putt in his meere power by his letters Pattens, 
he hath allwayes subiected himselfe to instructions and letters 
sent out of England, which notwithstanding seldome haue 
crossed his Free disposall of all thinges in his power, since he 
vsed to graunt them presently, before any can passe into 
England and retorne hauing obtayned them there, not- 
withstanding in thinges putt in his meere power, the most wise 
and moderate Deputyes, foreseeing the shorte tyme of theire 
gouernement, and knowing that the Counselors of State haue 
theire places for life, and obseruing that most Deputies retorned 
into England laden with Complayntes, aswell of Counselors as 
many priuate men, so as after good seruice they haue beene 
glad to receave the Pa[r]don of theire errors for theire deserued 
rewarde, for these causes haue beene so warye, as in many 
thinges of theire absolute power they vsed to referr the Con- 
sideration of them to one or two of the Counsell, by that art 
drawing theire Consent, and yet still hauing theire owne in- 
tentians, seldome or neuer apposed by those Counselors, who 
founde those referments gracefull and profitable to them, and 
so willingly seconded the lords Deputyes pleasure. 

In my opinion nothinge is so contrary to the affections of 
the Irish to which the kings personall presence might not 
easily leade or drawe them, more then his sworde in his Deputies 
hand can force them, but the dangerous passages of the Sea and 
the generall affayres of State giuing the Irish small hope of 
theire kings frequent presence, no doubt in his absence they 


more reverence a lord Deputy that is by degree a Duke Earle 
or Barron, then any knight though he be of any like great 
Family, and such a Deputy shall by the Authority of his degree, 
more easily suppresse theire rebellious spirittes against the 
State, and tyranny towardes theire tennants, then any Deputy 
of inferiour degree can doe, by greater vallour and wisdome. 
And since the Irish are most prone to tumults and Commotions, 
theire nature in generall rather requires a valiant Actiue 
Deputy, then one that is wise and politicke if withall he be slowe 
and fayntharted. 

But it may well be doubted whether the shorte gouernment 
Commonly allotted to the Deputies be profitable to our State or 
no : For Magistrates often changed like hungry flyes sucke 
more blood, and as the Deuill rageth more because his tyme is 
shorte, so these Magestrates feareing soone to be recalled, are 
not so much bent to reforme the Commonwelth, the fruite 
whereof should be reaped by the successor, as they are vigilent 
to inrich themselues and theire Followers. Nether indeede can 
that Crafty and subtile nation be well knowne to any governnour 
by fewe yeares experience, so as the Irish, hopeing the Magis- 
trate shalbe recalled before he be skillfull of theire affayres, 
and that another farr more vnskilfull shalbe sent ouer in his 
place, vse nothinge more then delatorye temporising in theire 
obedience to the kings Commaundes or lawes, hopeing that newe 
magistrates will giue newe lawes, and so if they can putt off 
any buisinesse for the present if it be but for a day, thincking 
with Crafty Davus that in the meane tyme some chance may 
happen to theire advantage, dayly gapeing for such changes 
and inquiring after nothinge more. Yea many tymes they are 
not deceaved in this hope, but flocking to the newe Deputy at 
his first arivall, with theire causes formerly determined though 
not to theire mynde and likeing, they many tymes extorte from 
these Deputies wanting experience newe determinations dis- 
agreeable and perhapps contrary to the former, with great hurt 
to the Commonwealth, and disgrace to the government. It may 
be obiected that it may proue dangerous to giue a great man 


the absolute Commaunde of a kingdome for many yeares. No 
doubt, as barbarous Nations, not knowing God whome they see 
not, worship his Creatures by which immediately he conferrs 
ill or good vpon them, so the Irish in the first place obey theire 
landlordes, as neerest benifactors or oppressors, and in the next 
place the lord Deputy, whose person they see and whose power 
they feele, yet so, as keeping Fayth promised to the present 
Deputy, they thincke themselues Free from keeping the same 
to his successours, and for the king, he as vnknowne and farthest 
from revenge, hath euer beene lesse feared by them. But the 
State may allwayes be confident of a lord Deputy, whose fayth- 
fullnes and endes free from ambition, are well knowne to them. 
And lett him be neuer so fitt to imbrace newe and dangerous 
Counsells, yet if he haue a good estate of landes in England 
there is no danger of his attempts For a wise man would not 
change that Certayne estate for any hopes of Ireland, which will 
allwayes be most vncertayne, as well because the kingdome can- 
not subsist without the support of some powerfull king, as 
because the myndes of the Irish are instable, and as the Common 
people euery where, so they in a Farr greater measure haue most 
inconstant affections. Besydes that such ambitious designes 
cannot by any man be resolued in Counsell, much lesse putt in 
execution, before the State of England may haue meanes to 
knowe and prevent them. Theire obiection is of greater force 
who thincke it fitt these governments be often changed that 
many of the English may knowe the affayres of that kingdome, 
which otherwise wilbe knowne to fewe. But what if three 
yeares will not suffice to vnderstand howe to governe that crafty 
nation, suerly at least after these yeares of Contemplation, me 
thinckes some tyme should be giuen to the gouernour to bring 
his Counsells and experience into actuall reformation. For as 
heretofore they haue beene often changed, so the Deputies haue 
labored more to compose tumults and disorders for the tyme, 
then to take away the causes, and to make the peace permanent, 
lest theire successor should enter vpon theire haruest imputing 
the troubles to them, and arrogating the appeasing thereof to 


himselfe. "Wherevpon sharpe emulation or rather bitter malice 
hath Commonly beene betweene the Deputyes neerest foregoing 
and succeeding. So as the newe Deputy affecting priuate fame 
rather then publike good, hath seldome or never troden the 
steps of his predicessor, but rather insisted vpon his owne 
maximes of government, espetially careing that his actions be 
not obscured by those of his predicesser, And this Babilonian 
confusion of distracted and contrary motians in the Cheefe 
governours, hath made the Irish, like wilde Coltes hauing 
vnskillfull Riders, to learne all theire Jadish trickes, whereas if 
the gouernment were continued till the magistrate might knowe 
the nature of the people, with the secrets of that State, and 
apply the remedyes proper therevnto : If after theire govern- 
ment, (according to the Custome of the State of Venice) each 
Deputy should giue in writing to the State in England a full 
relation of his gouernment and the State of that kingdome, so 
as his successour might weaue the same webb he had begunn, 
and not make a newe frame of his owne : If in reguard the 
kings presence in Ireland may rather be wished then hoped, 
some spetiall Commissioners, sworne to Faithfull relation, 
were chosen in England once in two or three yeares, and sent 
ouer to visitt the affayres of that kingdome, and to make like 
relation thereof at theire returne. No doubt that kingdome 
might in shorte tyme be reformed, and the kings Reuenues 
might be so increased, as Ireland might not only mantayne it 
selfe in peace, but restore parte of the Treasure it hath formerly 
exhausted in England, and lay vp meanes to supply future 
necessityes of that State, Since the sayde Deputies and com- 
missionours would euery one be ashamed not to add somthinge 
to the Publike good of theire owne, and much more to doe that 
was allready done, or rather to destroy it, by theire imployment. 
And the Irish would thereby be putt from theire shifting hopes 
gapeing for newe vnskillfull and diuersely affected Magestrates, 
which haue allwayes annimated them to delatorye obedience 
and Rebellious Courses. 

By the Complaynt of former ages rather then experience in 


our tyme, I liaue obserued, that the Lord Deputyes a[u]thority 
in Ireland hath beene much weakened, by the graimting of 
suites and rewardes in England to many of the Irish, without 
hauing any recommendations from theire Deputy, and much 
more because the Judiciall causes of the Irish haue beene 
determined in England without the lord Deputyes priuity, or 
hauing beene formerly determined in Ireland, were sent backe 
to be agayne examined and determined, according to letters of 
fauour obtayned by the Plantiues in England, which made the 
subiect prowde, and to triumphe vpon the ouerruled 
Magistrate, who no doubt is ether vnfitt to gouerne a kingdome, 
or ought best to knowe who deserue punishment, who reward, 
and the most fitt wayes to determine iudiciall causes. Wherein 
I dare boldly say the contrary proceedinges of our tyme, giuing 
that magistrate his due honour, hath much aduansed the 
publike good. 

Some doe not approue the residence of the lord Deputy at 
Dublin, and would haue it rather at Athlone, vppon the edge of 
Connaght and Vlster, where he should haue those seditious 
Prouinces before him, and might easily fall with his forces into 
Mounster, and so should be nearer hand to preuent Tumults 
with his presence and compose them with his power, and 
likewise should haue at his back the Pale (contayning five 
shires, and so called because they euer were most quiett and 
subiect to the English) and so might stopp all Rebells from 
disturbing the Pale which would not only yeild supplyes of 
necessaries to his Trayne and Soldiers, but also giue safe 
passage for transporting munition and victualls to Athlone from 
the Stoare houses at Dublin. And this Counsell was so much 
vrged to Queene Elizabeth as these reasons together with the 
saving of the Charge to mantayne a Gouernor in Connaght with 
Counsellors to assist him, and the like charge then intended 
for Vlster moued her to referr the determination thereof to the 
Lo: Mountioy then Deputy and the Counsell of State, who 
altered nothing because that course would haue ruined or 
decayed the Citty of Dublin, and espetially because the 


Eebellion was soone after appeased, and our State hath 
commonly vsed, like Marriners to be secure in faire weather, 
and neuer fly to the tacklings till a storme come. 

The Meere Irish. 

Touching the meere Irish before I speake of them, giue me 
leaue to remember fowre verses expressing fowre mischeifes 
afflicting them, as fruites of their idlenes, slouenlynes, and 

Quatuor hybernos vexant animalia, turpes 
Corpora vermiculi, sorices per tecta rapaces, 
Carniuori vastantque lupi crudeliter agros, 
Haec tria nequitia superas Bomane sacerdos. 

For foure vile beasts Ireland hath no fence, 
their bodyes lice, their houses Halts possesse. 
Most wicked Preists gouerne their conscience, 
and rauening Woollies do wast their feilds no lesse. 

That may well be said of the Irish which Caesar in his 
Commentaries writes of the old Germans; like beasts they doe 
all things by force and Armes, after a slauish manner. The 
Magistrate doth nothing publiquely or priuately without Armes. 
They reuenge iniuryes seldome by lawe, but rather by the sword 
and rapine, neither are they ashamed of stealth or taking prayes 
or spoyles. Formerly I haue shewed that the Englishmen who 
subdued Ireland, and long mantayned the Conquest thereof, 
did flock into England vppon the Ciuill warrs betweene the 
houses of Torke, and Lancaster aswell to beare vpp the factions 
as to inherritt their kinsmens Lands in England and so left wast 
their possessions in Ireland. At that tyme the meere Irish 
rushed into those vacant possessions, and the better to keepe 
them, from that tyme were ever prounce to rebelions, that the 
course of lawe might cease while they were in Armes, and from 
that tyme resumed olde barbarous lawes and Customes which 
had beene long abolished, and by withdrawing themselues from 


obedience to our lawes, became powerfull tyrants in all 
Countryes. From that tyme they did euer putt forth and 
secreetely mautayne vpon all fitt occations some outlawes to 
disturbe peace (like our Roben Hud and litle John in the 
tymes of Richard the First and John kings of England) 
growing to that Impudency, as these outlawes are not by them 
termed Rebles, but men in Action, liuing in the woodes and 
Boggy places. Among them (and many of the English Irish by 
theire example) those that became lords of Countryes were euer 
as many heades so many monstrous tyrants. These haue not 
their landes deuicled in many Countryes, as our noblemen in 
England (whereby they are lesse powerfiill to disturbe peace) 
but possesse whole Countryes together, whereof notwithstand- 
ing great partes lye wast, only for want of Tennants. And 
because they haue an ill Custome, that Tennants are reputed 
proper to those lands on which they dwell, without liberty to 
remoue theire dwelling vnder an other landlord, they still 
desyre more land, rather to haue the Tennants then the land, 
whereas if they could furnish theire old landes with Tennants 
(as perhapps they haue in some sorte donne since the last 
Rebellion, of which and former tymes I wryte) they would 
much exceede our greatest lords in yearely Reuenues. 

It is a great mischeefe, that among them, all of one name 
or Sept. and kindred, dwell not (as in England) dispersed in 
many shyres, but all liue together iu one village, Lordshipp, 
and County ready and apt to conspire together in any mischeife. 
And by an old lawe, which they call of themistry, vulgarly 
called Tanistry by many of our lawes abolished, yet still in force 
among themselues, euery Sept chuseth their cheife head or 
Captaine, not the eldest sonne of the eldest Family but the 
oldest or rather the most daring man, (whereby they alwayes 
vnderstand the most licentious swordsman) as most fitt to 
defend them. And this Cheefe they not only chuse among 
themselues, but of Corrupt Custome impudently challenged to 
be confirmed by the Lord Deputyes producing many like 
graunts of that dignity made of old by the Lord Deputyes vnder 


their hands and seales, then which nothing can be more fitt to 
mantayne Factions and tumults and to hinder the Course of 
the kings lawes. By the same lawe often abolished by vs but 
still retayned in vse among them, they will needs haue the 
choyse of him that shall inheritt the land of the last Cheefe of 
any Sept, or name, not respecting therein the eldest sonne, 
according to o\ir lawes but him that most pleaseth their 
turbulent humors, whence flowes a plentifull spring of Murthers 
Parracides and Conspiracyes against the kings and their lawes. 
For first hereby they professed to Hue after their owne lawes, 
and openly denyed obedience to the kings lawes, and againe 
to giue an instance of one mischeife, passing ouer many other of 
no lesse moment, when any of these Cheefes or Lords of 
Countryes vppon submission to the States hath surrendred his 
lands to the king, and taken a new graunt of them by the kings 
letters Pattents with Conditions fitt for publique good, they 
boldly say that he held his Lands by the tenure of Thanistrye 
only for his life, and so will not be tyed to any of his Acts. 
And it is no matter what they professe, why should we heare 
their words, when wee see their deeds. I doe not thinck but 
know that they will neuer be reformed in Religion, manners, 
and constant obedience, to our lawes, but by the awe of the 
sword, ?ind by a strong hand at least for a tyme bridling them. 
By these and like corrupt Customes, neglecting our lawes, 
they become disturbers of the peace, and after a barbarous 
manner, for terror or in pride, add to their names (noting the 
cheife or head) and Mac (noting the sonne of such a one), and 
thus they are called Oneales, Donnells, mac Mahownes with 
a rable of like names, some rather seeming the names of 
Devowring Giants then Christian Subiects, yea some of old 
English Familyes degenerating into this Barbarisme, haue 
changed their names after the Irish tongue, as the Vrslyes are 
called Mahownes taking the notation from the name of a 
Beare; yea some of the most licentious take to themselues 
Nicknames suitable to their wicked dispositions, as one of the 
Donnells was called Game that is a Cholerick strong (or 


lusty) Gallant, and such he was indeede. And some as if they 
were knights of Amadis of Gaule, and had the valor of those 
errant knights, were called the knight of the valley, the white 
knight, and the like. And withall they despise our titles of 
Earles and lords, which so weakens the great mens estimation 
among them, as they must cast them away, and assume their old 
barbarous names whensoeuer they will haue the power to lead 
the people, to any rebellious action. For in those barbarous 
names, and nick names, the Irish are proude to haue the 
rebellious acts of their forefathers sung by their Bards or 
Poetts, at their Feasts and publique meetings. Againe they 
haue a Corrupt Custome to increase their power by fostering 
their Children, with the most valiant rich and powerfull 
neighbors, since that people beares such straunge reuerence to 
this bond and pledge of loue, as they commonly loue their 
Foster Children more than their owne. The events of which 
Custome forced our Progenitors to make seuere lawes against 
the same, which notwithstanding, howsoeuer restrayned for the 
tyme, grew againe to be of force among them in our age. 

They haue likewise a ridiculous Custome, that maryed 
wemen giue Fathers to their Children when they are at the 
point of death. Insomuch as they haue a pleasant tale, that a 
younger sonne hearing his mother giue base Fathers to some 
of his brethren, besought her with teares to giue him a good 
father. But commonly they giue them fathers of the Oneales, 
O Donnells or such great men, or at least those that are most 
famous for licentious boldnes. And these bastard Children 
euer after follow these fathers, and thincking themselues to 
descend of them, wilbe called swordmen, and scorning 
husbandrye, and manuall Arts Hue only of rapine and spoyle. 

These foresaid meere Irish lords of Countryes gouerne the 
people vnder them with such tyranny, as they know no king in 
respect of them, who challenge all their goods and Cattell to be 
theirs saying, that their Progenitors did not only giue them 
lands to till, but also Cowes and other goods to possesse at the 
lords will and disposall. Neither take they any rent of them 


for their Lands, but at pleasure impose mony vppon them, vppon 
all occasions of spending, as Journeyes to Dublin, or into 
England, paying their debts, intertayning of the lord Deputy, 
or Judges, and like occasions, sometymes true, sometymes 
fayned, taking a great or small portion of their goods, according 
to the quality of the Cause, and these exactions they doe well 
call Cuttings, wherewith they doe not only cutt, but deuoure 
the people. And it litle auayleth these poore Tenants, though 
some of them can proue by Indentures that they are Free- 
holders, and not Tenants at will, for of old to the end of the 
last warr (of which tyme I write and desyre to be vnderstood) 
the lords by tyrannicall Custome still ouerswayed the peoples 
right in these Courses. And this Custome was the fountayne of 
many evills, more specially of one mischeife, that if the Tenant 
by any Cryme forfeited his goods, the lord denyed him to haue 
any proprierty therein and yet if the same goods were seazed 
by the Sheriffe for any Fynes for the king, or debts of the lord, 
to priuate men, the tenants forthwith exclaymed of injustice to 
punish them for the lords offences With this (as it were) 
Dilemna still deluding the execution of Justice. Yea these 
lords challenged right of Inheritance in* their Tenants persons, 
as if by old Couenants they were borne slaues to till their 
grounde, and doe them all like seruices, and howsoeuer they 
were oppressed might not leaue their land to dwell vnder any 
other landlord. And these suites betweene the lords for right 
in Tenants, were then most frequent. Thus I remember the 
son nc of Henry Oge to be killed in the Country of Mac Mahowne 
while he went thither to bring back by force a fugitiue Tenant 
(as they tenne them). Like suits for Tenants were frequent at 
this tyme betweene the new created Earle of Tirconnell, and 
Sr. Neale Game, and at first the magistrate commaunded the 
Earle to restore to Sir Neale his old Tenants, but when peace 
was more setled, the Itinerant Judges going into Vlster, added a 
generall Caution in this case, that the Tenants should not be 
forced to retorne, except they were willing, professing at 
publique meetings with great applause of the people, that it was 


most uniust the kings Subiects borne in a free Common wealth 
should be vsed like slaues. Againe these lordes challenging all 
their Tenants goods, thinck scorne to haue any Cowes or herdes 
of Cattell of their owne, tho sometymes they permitt their wiues 
to haue some like propriety. They distribute their lands among 
their Tenants to be tilled only for one, two, or three yeares, and 
so the people build no houses but like Nomades living in Cabins, 
remoue from one place to an other with their Cowes, and 
commonly retyre them within thick woods not to be entred 
without a guide delighting in this Rogish life, as more free 
from the hand of Justice, and more fitt to committ rapines. 
Thus the Country people living vnder the lordes absolute power 
as slaues, and howsoeuer they haue plenty of Corne, milke, and 
Cattell ; yet having no propriety in any thing, obey their lordes 
in right and wrong, and being all of the Roman church, and 
being taught that [it] is no sinn to breake faith with vs, and 
so litle regarding an oath taken before our Magistrates, the 
king was often defrauded of his right by the falsehood of Juryes, 
in his Inheritance, Wardes Attainders, Escheates intrusions, 
Alienations, and all Pleas of the Crowne. At the end of the 
warr among infinite examples, this was well scene in the Case 
of Meade the Recorder of Corke, who having committed open 
treason, was quitted by an Irish Jurye, himselfe craftily 
hastning his tryall for feare he should be tryed in England. 
The Court of the Starr chamber, shortly after established 
seuerely punished Juryes for abuses of this last kinde but with 
what effect, is besydes my purpose to write. These Irish lordes 
in the last warr, had a cunning trick, that howsoeuer the father 
possessing the land, bore himselfe outwardly as a Subiect, yet 
his sonnes having no lands in possession, should Hue with the 
Rebells, and keepe him in good tearmes with them, and his 
goods from present spoyling. The lords of Ireland, at this tyme 
whereof I write, nourished theeues, as we doe Hawkes, openly 
boasting among themselues, who had the best theeues. Neigh- 
bors intertayning these men into their Familyes, for mutuall 
prejudices, was a secrett fewell of the Ciuill warr, they being 


prone to rebellion, and in peace not forbearing to steale at home, 
and to spoyle all passengers neere their abode. 

The wilde or meere Irish haue a generation of Poets, or 
rather Rymers vulgarly called Bardes, who in their songs vsed 
to extoll the most bloudy licentious men, and no others, and to 
allure the hearers, not to the loue of religion and Ciuill manners, 
but to outrages Robberies living as outlawes, and Contempt of 
the Magistrates and the kings lawes. Alas how vnlike vnto 
Orpheus, who with his sweete harpe and wholesome precepts 
of Poetry laboured to reduce the rude and barbarous people from 
liuing in woods, to dwell Ciuilly in Townes and Cittyes, and 
from wilde ryott to morall Conuersation. All goodmen wished 
these knaues to be strictly curbed, and seuerely punished. For 
the meere Irish, howsoeuer they vnderstood not what was truely 
honourable, yet out of barbarous ignorance are so affected to 
vayne glory, as they nothing so much feared the lord Deputys 
anger, as the least song or Balladd these Rascalls might make 
against them, the singing whereof to their reproch, would more 
haue daunted them, then if a Judge had doomed them to the 

They had also an other Rabble of Jeasters which vsed to 
frequent the Tables of lordes and Gentlemen continuall tellers 
of newes which comonly they reduced to the preiudice of the 
publike good. 

Againe the Irish in generall more specially the meere Irish, 
being sloathfull and giuen to nothing more then base Idlenes, 
they nourished a third generation of vipers vulgarly called 
Carowes, professing (forsooth) the noble science of playing at 
Cards and dice, which so infected the publique meetings of the 
people, and the priuate houses of lordes, as no adventure was 
too hard in shifting for meanes to mantayne these sports. And 
indeed the wilde Irish doe madly affect them, so as they will 
not only play and leese their mony and mouable goods, but also 
ingage their lands, yea their owue persons to be ledd as 
Prisoners by the winner, till he be paid the mony, for which 
they are ingaged. It is a shame to speake, but I heard by 


credible relation, that some were found so impudent, as they 
had suffered themselues so to be ledd as Captiues tyed by the 
parts of their body which I will not name, till they had mony 
to redeeme themselues. Could a Prouost Marshall be better 
imployed then in hanging vpp such Raskalls and like vagabond 
persons. For howsoeuer none could better doe it then the 
Sheriffes; yet because the Irish frequently and in part iustly 
complayned of their extortions (as I shall after shewe), I dare 
not say that Marshall lawe might well be committed to them. 

The Irish thus giueu to Idlenes, naturally abhorr from 
Manuall Artes, and Ciuill trades to gaine their owne bread, and 
the basest of them wilbe reputed gentlemen aud sword men, for 
so they are termed who professe to liue by their swordes, and 
haue bene alwayes apt to raise Ciuill warrs, and euer most 
hardly drawue to lay dowue Armes, by which they had liberty 
to liue in riott. Many examples might be giuen in the highest 
kinde of mischeife produced by this idlenes, but that the vice 
is most naturall to the Irish; I will only giue one example 
which myselfe obserued of Fishermen in the Cittyes of 
Mounster, who being no swordmen, yet were generally so 
sloathfull, as in the Calmest weather, and the greatest 
Concourse of noblemen, when they had no feare of dauuger, 
and great hope of gayne, though the Seas abound with excellent 
fish and the Prouince with frequent Ports, and bayes most fitt 
for fishing ; yet so long as they had bread to eate, would not putt 
to sea, no not commaunded by the lord Deputy, till they were 
beaten by force out of their houses. And in my opinion this 
idlenes hath bene nourished by nothing more (as I haue 
formerly shewed vppon other occasions) then by the plenty of 
the land, and great housekeeping, drawing the people from 
trades, while they can be fedd by others without labour. This 
experience hath shewed of old, aswell in England, where the 
greatest Eobberies were coinonly done, by idle seruingmen 
swarming in great houses, as in the more northern parts, and in 
Ireland, where they multitude of loose Followers hath of old 
bene prone to fight their Lords quarrells, yea to rebell with 


them. Whereas no doubt the exercise of trades, and the 
Custome of industrye to liue euery man of his owne, are a 
strong establishment of any Comon Wealth. The mere Irish 
giuen to sloath are also most luxurious. And not to speake of 
the aboundance of all meates, they are excessiuely giuen to 
drunkennes. For howsoeuer, whyle they liued in woodes and 
in Cabbines with theire Catle, they could be content with water 
and milke, yet when they came to Townes nothing was more 
frequent then to tye theire Cowes at the dores, and neuer parte 
from the taverns till they had druncke them out in Sacke and 
strong water, which they call vsquebagh, and this did not only 
the lords, but the Common people, tho halfe naked for want of 
Cloathes to cover them. No man may iustly maruell, if among 
such people dissolut* hucksters apt to rayse seditions and liue 
like outlawes, be frequently founde. Therefore at the end of 
the last warr, it was wished and expected, that this luxury 
should be suppressed at least from generall excesse, that all 
vagabond persons should be seuerely punished, that the people 
should be allured and drawiie to loue manual! arts and trades, 
more spetially husbandry of tillage. For whereas all, yea the 
most strong and able bodyes, and men giuen to spoyles and 
Robberyes in all tymes gladly imployed themselues in feeding 
of Cowes, that Course of life was imbraced by them as suitable 
to theire innated slothe, and as most fitt to elude or protract all 
execution of Justice against them, while they commonly liued 
in thick woods abounding with grasse. But no doubt it were 
much better if Ireland should be reduced to lesse grasing and 
more tillage by the distribution of lands among Tenants in such 
sort, as euer after it should (as in England) be vnlawfull to 
chaunge any tillage into Pasture. 

The English Irish. 

Touching the English Irish namely such as discend of the 
first English conquering that Country, or since in diuerse ages, 
and tymes to this day transplanted out of England, into Ireland. 
It is wonderfull yet most true, that for some later ages they 


haue beene (some in high some in lease measure,) infected with 
the barbarous Customes of the meere Irish and with the Koman 
Religion so as they grewe not only as aduerse to the Reformation 
of Ciuill policye and religion, as the rneere Irish but euen 
combyned with them, and shewed such malice to the English 
nation, as if they were ashamed to haue any Community with 
it, of Country, bloud, religion, language apparrell, or any such 
generall bond of amity. And for this alienation, they did not 
shame in the last Ciuill warr to alledge reasons to Justify their 
so doing, namely that they whose Progenitours had conquered 
that kingdome, and were at First thought most worthy to 
gouerne the same vnder our kings, were by a new lawe excluded 
from being deputyes, and had otherwise small or no power in 
the State. Agayne that after they were broken, and worne out 
in the Ciuill warr of England, betweene the houses of Yorke and 
Lancaster, they were not strengthned with uewe Colonyes out of 
England, and so being weaker then the mere Irish, were forced 
to apply themselues to the stronger, by contracting affinity with 
them, and vsing their language and apparrell. These and like 
reasons they pretended, which I will first answer and then shewe 
the true causes thereof. It cannot be denyed but the English 
Irish After the first Conquest were by our Kings made cheefe 
Gouernors of that kingdome, yea and many ages after were 
sometymes lord deputyes, and were alwayes Capable of that 
place, till the tyme of king Henry the Eight, but neuer without 
detriment of the Common Wealth and danger from them that 
possessed it. To the first English Irish borne of noble Familyes 
in England, our kings gaue large patrimonyes and great 
priuiledges making them sometymes Gouernors of the State but 
in processe of tynie, some of them forgetting their Country, 
bloud and all pledges of loue towards the English, not only 
became Rebells but by degrees grewe like the meere Irish in 
all things euen in hating the English, and becoming cheefe 
leaders to all seditions growing at last to such pride in the last 
Ciuill warr, as if they had not rewards when they deserued 
punishments, or could not obtayne pentions to serue the State, 


they were more ready to rebell, then the meere Irish thern- 
selues. Among these some in hatred to the English changed 
their English names into Irish, yet retayning the old notation, 
as the Vrselyes called them selues Mac Mahownes, some in 
Vlster of the Family of Veres, called themselues Macrones, 
others of the Family of great Mortimer, called themselues 
Macmarrs. These and some others, as Breningham discended 
of old English Karons, and the lord Curcy whose Progenitors of 
the English Nobility were among the Gheife, and first 
Conquerors of the kingdome, grewc so degenerate, as in the la-st 
rebellion, they could not be distinguished from meere Irish. 
The rest retayning their old names, and in good measure the 
English manners, as Tyrrell, Lacey, many of the Bourkes, and 
Geraldines, and some of the Nugents, yet became cheefe leaders 
in the late rebellion. These men no man will iudge capable of 
the cheife gouemments in that kingdome. But lett them passe, 
and lett vs consider, if the English Irish that in the Rebellion 
remayned Subiects, and will not be stayned with the name of 
Rebells, haue any iust cause to complayne that they are 
excluded from the gouernment, because the lawe forbidds them 
to be deputyes. They are in England free Denizens, having 
equall right with the English to inherritt lands, and beare 
offices, and obtayne any dignity whereof their merritt, or the 
kings fauour may make them Capable. Lett them remember 
that the Earle of Strangbowe being the leader of the English, 
that first conquered Ireland, when the king would haue 
committed to him the gouernment thereof, did modestly refuse 
the same, except the king would ioyne some assistants with him, 
not ignorant what daunger that magistracye would bring to him 
more then to any other. Lett them remember, that among 
other noble Familyes of the Englishe Conquerors, first Lacy, 
then Curcy, had the cheife gouernment of that kingdome, but 
the first was recalled into England to giue accompt of his 
gouernment, not without danger, of leesing his head, the other 
was long cast into prison. Lett them remember that the lord 
Deputyes place did weaken and almost destroy the Family of 



the Geraldines, after which tynie king Henry the Eight by Act 
of Parliament first excluded the English Irish from being cheife 
Gouernors of that kingdome, as Common experience made all 
men finde, that gouernment not only dangerous to themselues 
aduanced to it, but also more displeasing to the people, who 
least like the Commaund of their owne Countrymen and were 
most ready to loade them with Complaynts in England, as also 
their owne Countrymen being Counsellors of State, whose 
oppressions they most felt, and greiued at. Yet many English 
Irish continued Counsellors of State all the tynie of Queene 
Elizabeth and the last Eebellion whereof I write. For my part 
if the English Irish had English affections, I would thinck no 
difference should be made betweene them and the English. 
But in the last Eebellion nothing was more euideut then that 
our secrett Counsells were continually made knowne to Tyrone 
and other Eebells, and lett men iudge vnpartially, who could 
more iustly be suspected of this falshood, then the Counsellors 
of State, borne in that kingdome. Many Counsells were 
propounded for reforming the State, for banishing Jesuites aud 
other troublers of the State, and lett themselues vnpartially 
speake, who did more frustrate those designes, then the 
Counsellors, of that tyme borne in that kingdome. Were not 
the cheife Justice and the Cheife Baron of that tyme both borne 
and bredd in Ireland? Lett them say truely for what good 
seruice of theirs, Queene Elizabeth appointed ouerseers to looke 
into their actions and make them knowne to her deputy. No 
doubt that wise Queene either thought the Counsells of Sir 
Eobert Dillon knight, and the said cheife Justice of Ireland 
contrary to the publique good, or vppon better aduise, she would 
neuer haue remoued him from that place, which her gracious 
fauour had first conferred vppon him. What neede we vse 
circumstances, the generall opinion of that tyme was, that the 
English Irish made Counsellors of State, and Judges of Courts 
did euidently hurt the publike good, and that their falseharted 
helpe, did more hinder reformation, then the open Acts of the 
Eebells. Generally before this tyme they were Papists, and 


if some of them, vppou hypocritical! dispensation went to 
Church Commonly their Parents, children kinsmen and 
seruants, were open and obstinate Papists in profession. Tell 
me any one of them who did according to the duty of their 
place, publikely commend or Commaund to the people the vse of 
the Common prayer booke, and the frequenting of our Churches. 
Why doe they glory of their gouerning the Common Wealth, 
if they cannot shewe one good act of Reformation perswaded, 
and perfected by them. 

In the Raigne of king Edward the third, when the king 
found the Pope obstinate for vsurping the hereditary right of 
him and his Subiects, in bestowing Church livings vnder their 
Patronage, and valiantly opposed himselfe to this and other 
oppressions of the Pope, obseruing that his Counsells were no 
way more crossed, then by Italians and French men, whome the 
Pope, had Cunningly preferred to Bishoppricks and Benefices, 
yea to be of the kings Councell of State, whereby they had 
meanes to betray the secretts of the State, he wisely made an 
Act of Parliament in the 25 yeare of his Raigne, whereby he 
prouided remidy against these vnfaithfull Counsellors and 
Churchmen. That which king Edward might doe in this Case, 
may not his Successors doe the same in Ireland vppon like 
danger, sequestring any suspected persons from places in 
Counsell and Judgment. When magistrates themselues vse 
only Connivencye in punishing disobedience to the lawes, and 
Sects in Religion, doth not their example confirme the people 
in disobedience to their king ? But you shall know the lyon by 
his Pawe (as the Proverb saith) lett vs further see, how the 
English Irish in those tymes caryed themselues in military 
commaunds committed to them. Queene Elizabeth finding 
that the lord Deputies from the first beginning of the last 
Rebellion, had made a great error, in levying Companyes of the 
English Irish, to suppresse the meere Irish, so having trayned 
them vpp as the very horseboyes of them following our Armye 
were proued good shott, was at last forced to intertaine of them 
many Companyes of Foote, and Troopes of horse in her pay, lest 


they should fall to the Rebells party. Of these some woorthy 
Commaunders did good seruice, and all in generall, so long as 
they were imployed in our Army, serued brauely, so as the lord 
Deputy was often bold to take the feilde when halfe his forces 
consisted of them. But when they were left in Garrison, 
especially in their owne Countryes, it was obserued that 
generally they did no seruice, but lying still, wasted the 
Queenes Treasure, and lest they should leese their pay, which 
they esteemed a Reuenewe, or religion should be reformed in 
tyme of peace, (which they most feared), they did make our 
Counsells knowne to the Rebells, did vnderhand releiue them, 
and vsed all meanes to nourish and strengthen the Rebellion. 
It is straunge but most true, that aswell to merritt the Rebells 
fauour, as to haue the goods of their Countrye safe from 
spoyling, the very Subiects gaue large Contributions to the 
Rebells, insomuch as one Country, (whereby an Estimate of 
the rest may be made,) did pay the Rebells three hundreth 
pounds yearely, vsing this art to auoide the danger of the lawe, 
that when they made a cutting vppon Cowes for this purpose, 
they pretended to make this exaction for the lords vse, vuder 
hand sending the Rebells word thereof that they might by 
force surprise those Cowes which indeede were leuyed for them. 
And besides all or most of them had Children, brothers or 
kinsmen ioyned with the Rebells, as hostages of their loue, and 
pledges of reconcilement vppon all events. Againe, I said 
formerly that the Septs or men of one name and blond, liued 
together in one Towne and Country, each Sept having a 
Captaine or cheife of that name. Now this point is a great 
mistery, that they could giue no more certaine pledge of faith 
to vs, then to drawe bloud of any of these Septs. But the lord 
Deputy making it a cheife proiect to make them drawe bloud in 
this kinde vppon their neighbors, founde it a most hard thing to 
effect with any of the English Irish, yea with those that were in 
the Queenes pay ; yet the English Irish being in the States pay, 
lest they should be held altogether vnprofitable, and to purchase 
reward of seruice, would sometymes kill a poore Rebell, or bring 


him aliue to the State, whose reuenge they feared not, yea 
perhapps a Eebell of note to whome the cheife Neighbor Eebells 
bore malice, and so cast him into their hands. And this done 
they vsed to triumphe as though they had done a masterpeece 
of seruice, and could hardly haue the patience to expect a 
Shipp to carry them into England that in Court they might 
importune extraordinary reward besides their ordinary pay. 
To be briefe, the Queenes letters shall beare me witnesse that 
the English Irish placed in Garrisons at theire owne home lyved 
idlie without doinge any seruice exhausted the publique 
Treasure and by all meanes nourished the Rebellioun, 
especiallie by plottes laid at priuate parlyes and at publique 
meetinges vppon hills (Called Bathes) where many treacherous 
Conspiraces weare made. Would any equall man blame a 
Prince for puttinge such Souldgers out of pay, for prohibittinge 
such partyes, and for Carefull wacchinge ouer such meetings? 
Great priuiledges weare worthely graunted at first to the great 
Lordes of English race for theire Conquest, and great power 
over the people was wisely giuen them at first both for Reward 
and for power to keepe the meere Irish in Subieccion : But if 
theise Lordes vse theire priuilidges and power to Contrary 
endes, spoilinge the subiectes and wastinge the Countrey by 
theire sword men when the Cause Ceased, shall not the effect 
cease? When theire vertue is Changed and theire endes 
Corrupted, may not a wise Prince abridge theire priuilidges and 
power? The same is the reason of the law forbiddinge any of 
the English Irish to be Lord deputy : The famous Queene 
Elizabeth findinge the ill Event of theise ill Causes became 
Jealous of the English Irish Counsellours of State and Judges 
and vsed the aforesaid Remedyes against a Cheeffe Justice and 
a Cheffe Barroun of that tyme. Formerly I acknowledge that 
the English Irish serued brauely in our Army, while they weare 
vnder the Lord deputyes eic, and some worthie Commaunders 
of them shewed great faithfullnes, and did speciall seruices, 
yet this most wise Queene found theire defectes, and that the 
strength of hir affaires Consisted in breedinge English 


Souldgiers, soe as shec commaunded the other Companyes to be 
no more supplied, but to be Cast by degrees, as they grew 
defectiue, and in the meane tyme to be ymploied out of theire 
owne Countryes, where they might not feare to draw blood of 
the borderinge Septes. The Earle of Clanricard serued the 
said Queene soe well, as he cannot be to much Commended for 
the same, and was also highly in hir Fauour; yet when the 
Earle of Essex had left him Gouernour of his owne Countrey, 
howsoeuer shee would not openly displace him, yet shee Ceased 
not till by hir direccions hee was induced to a voluntary 
Resignacioun therof into hir handes : For indeed the English 
Irish and meere Irish of that tyme weare generally soe 
humorous, as their fathers or brothers that dyed having any 
gouernment of the Country or commaund in the Army, they 
esteemed the same as due to them by Inheritance, or at least if 
they were not conferred on them, grew discontented and prone 
to any mischeuious Course. To conclude, the English Irish 
of that tyme (few or none excepted) were obstinate and most 
superstitious Papists, and what our State might haue hoped 
from such men in high places of gouernment lett wise men 

The second excuse of the English Irish for applying them- 
selues to the meere Irish in manners Lawes and Customes, and 
so growing strangers (if not Enemyes) to the English, hath some 
Coulor of truth, but can neuer iustify this action. Namely that 
the Colonyes of the first English conquering Ireland, being 
broken and wasted in the Ciuill warr of England betweene the 
houses of Yorke and Lancaster, were neuer supplyed, but left 
so weake as they were forced to apply themselues to the meere 
Irish as the stronger. Since the noble Familyes of England 
were much wasted in the same warr, no maruell if at the end 
thereof, our kings first intended the restoring of England to 
the former vigor, before they could cast their eyes vppon 
Ireland, and in this meane tyme the meere Irish had taken such 
roote, and so ouertopped the English Irish, as the sending of 
English Colonyes thether so long as the meere Irish remayned 


good Subiects, would rather haue disturbed then established 
peace. The first fayre occasion of planting newe English 
Colonyes there, was giuen in the Raigne of Queene Elizabeth 
by two Rebellions, the first of the English Irish Geraldines, who 
had the Earle of Desmond for their head, the second of the 
meere Irish, and many English Irish, having the Earle of 
Tyrone for their head. Touching the first, when the Earle of 
Desmond was subdued, and that Rebellion appeased, the said 
Queene (of happy memory) intended great Reformation by 
planting new English Familyes vppon the forfeited lands of the 
Earle of Desmond, in Mounster. But this good intention was 
made voyde by a great error of that tyme, in that those lands 
were graunted, partly to obstinate Papists, partly to Courtiers, 
who sold their shares to like obstinate Papists, as men that 
would giue most for them. Whereof two great mischeifes 
grewe. First that these Papists being more obstinate then 
others, and therevppon choosing to leaue their dwelling in 
England, where the seuerity of the lawes bridled them, and to 
remoue into Ireland, where they might be more remote, and so 
haue greater liberty, shewed the old prouerbe to be true, 

Cselum non animum mutant, qui trans mare currunt. 

Passing the sea with a swift wynde, doth change the aire but 
not the mynde. 

For they not only remayned Papists, but grew more and more 
obstinate with liberty, and by their example confirmed both the 
English Irish and meere Irish in that superstition. Secondly, 
these new planted English (commonly called vndertakers) being 
thus ill affected, did not performe the Couenants imposed in 
their graunts, for establishing peace in that Prouince ; For they 
nether built Castles, to strengthen them against tymes of 
Rebellion, neither did they plant their lands with well affected 
Tenants out of England, giuing them Freeholds, Coppy holds 
and leases, and tying them to serue on Foote, or horseback 
vppon all occasions of tumult or warr, which would much haue 


strengthned the English against the meere Irish and all 
Invasions. But they tooke a Contrary Course, not only planting 
their lands with meere Irish Tenants, (to whome they gaue no 
such tenor of Freehold Copyhold or lease, and who serued them 
vppon base abiect Conditions, whereby they made great profitt 
for the present) but also intertayning them for seruants in their 
Familyes, for the same reason of present profitt. And this 
made their great profitt of small continuance, and their 
dwellings of lesse strength and safety. For in the first troubles 
of the next Rebellion of Tyrone, themselues and the State 
founde by wofull experience, that they had no way strengthned 
the Prouince, but only dispeopled and wasted other lands to 
bring Tenants vppon their owne, so as the kings other Rents 
were thereby as much diminished as increased by their Rents, 
and the number of horse or foote to defend the Prouince, were 
nothing increased by them ; neither had they made any greater 
number of English to passe in Juryes betweene the king and the 
Subiects, so as the lord President had not power to suppresse the 
first Rebells, and the Judges in all tryalls were forced to vse the 
Irish, who made no conscience of doing wrong to the king, and 
the English Subiects. Againe theire Irish Tennants ether rann 
away, or turning Rebells spoyled them, and the Irish in theire 
houses were ready to betray them, and open theire dores to the 
Rebells. So as some of those vndertakers were in the first 
tumult killed, some taken prisoners were cruelly handled, and 
had theire wiues and daughters shamefully abused, great part 
rann out of the kingdome, and yet shamed not to clayme and 
proffesse in the ende of the Rebelion these landes, the defence 
whereof they had so basely forsaken. Some few kept theire old 
Reuenued Castles, but with great charg to the State in 
mantayning warders to defend them, which warders were so 
many, as they greatly deminished the force of our Army in the 
fielde. Thus were the good purposes of that first plantation 
made frustrate by ill disposed vndertakers. Touching the other 
Rebelion of Tyrone, the appeasing thereof concurred at one 
instant with the death of our sayd Queene, beyond which tyme 


my purpose is not to write, and therefore it should be imperti- 
nent for me, worthily to magnifye the Plantation in the North, 
established by king James our gracious Souerayne. Only I will 
say for the want of former Colonies planting, whereof the 
English Irish complayne, that as the Plantation after Desmonds 
Rebellion was made frustrate by ill disposed vndertakers, so 
from the foresayd Ciuill warrs betweene the houses of Torke 
and Lancaster to the end of Tyrones Rebellion, all the English 
in generall that voluntarily left England to plant themselues 
in Ireland, ether vnder the sayd Vndertakers of Mounster, or 
vpon the landes of any other English Irish throughout Ireland, 
or to Hue in Cittyes and townes, were generally obserued to haue 
beene ether Papists, men of disordered life, banckrots, or very 
poore (not speaking of those of the Army remayning there after 
the Rebellion, who are of another tyme succeeding that whereof 
I write, and well knowne to be of good condition). By which 
course Ireland as the heele of the body was made the sincke of 
England, the stench whereof had almost annoyed very Cheap- 
side the hart of the body in Tyrons pestilent Rebellion. To 
conclude, I deny not but the excuse of weaknes in the English 
Irish Colonies, forcing them to apply to the meere Irish as 
stronger, hath in part a true ground, though it cannot Justifye 
the act. And if I should perswade the planting of Ireland with 
newe Colonies, I should now speake out of tyme, when that 
profitable and necessary action is in great measure performed 
by the prouidence of our dread Souraigne. If I should commend 
and extoll the Act, I feare I should therein be reputed as foolish 
as the Sophister, who in a publike assembly made a long oration 
in prayse of Herculus, whome no man at that tyme or formerly 
euer dispraysed. But I will passe from theire alledged excuses 
to the true causes of theire Alienation from vs and application 
to the meere Irish. The grand cause is theire firme consent 
with them in the Roman Religion, whereof I shall speake at 
larg in the next Booke of this part. The second cause also 
predominant, though in a lower degree, is the profitt they haue 
long tyme found in the barbarous lawes and Customes of the 


Irish, by tyrannical! oppression of the poore people vnder them, 
of which point I haue formerly spoken in this Chapter. Tho 
third cause is theire Contracting affinity with them by marriage, 
and amitye by mutuall fostering of Chilldren. The fourth is 
community of apparrell. The fifth Community of language. 
Of which three last causes I will now speake breifly. 

The power of these three last causes to corrupt the manners 
and Fayth of any nation, being well knowne, the Progenitors of 
our kings with consent of the States of that kingdome in 
Parlament, did of old make many Actes against them, which 
sometymes wrought reformation, but without any during effect. 

For contrary to these lawes, the English Irish haue for many 
ages, almost from the first conquest, contracted Mariages with 
the meere Irish, whose children of mingled race could not but 
degenerate from theire English Parents, and allso mutually 
fostered each others Children, which bond of loue the Irish 
generally somuch esteeme, as they will giue theire Foster 
Children a parte of theire goods with theire owne Children, and 
the very Children fostered together loue one another as naturall 
brothers and sisters, yea theire Foster brothers or sisters better 
then theire owne. Only I must say for the English Irish 
Cittisens, espetially those of Corck, that they haue euer so much 
avoyded these Mariages with the meere Irish, as for want of 
others commonly marying among themselues, all the men and 
wemen of the Cittie had for many ages beene of kindred in neere 
degree one with the other. 

Agayne contrary to the sayd lawes, the English Irish for the 
most part haue for many ages had the same attyre and apparrell 
with the meere Irish, namely the nourishing of long hare 
(vulgarly called glibs) which hanges downe to the shoulders, 
hidinge the face, so as a malefactor may easily escape with his 
face covered theire with, or by collering his hayre, and much 
more by cutting it off, may so alter his countenance as those of 
his acquaintance shall not knowe him, and this hayre being 
exceeding long, they haue no vse of Capp or hatt. Also they 
weare strayte Breeches, called Trowses, uery close to the body 


and loose Coates like large waskotes, and mantells in steede of 
Clokes, which Mantells are as a Cabinn for an outlawe in the 
woods, a bedd for a Rebell, and a Cloke for a theefe, and being 
worne over the head and eares, and hanging downe to the heeles, 
a notorious Villane lapt in them may passe any towne or 
Company without being knowne. Yet I must likewise confesse 
that the best part of the Cittizens did not then vse this Irish 

Agayne Contrary to the sayd lawes, the Irish English al- 
together vsed the Irish tounge, forgetting or neuer learning the 
English. And this communion or difference of language, hath 
allwayes beene obserued, a spetiall motiue to vnite or allienate 
the myndes of all nations, so as the wise Romans as they 
inlarged theire Conquests, so they did spreade theire language, 
with theire lawes, and the diuine seruice all in the lattene 
tounge, and by rewardes and preferments inuited men to speake 
it, As also the Normans in England brought in the vse of the 
French tounge, in our Common lawe, and all wordes of art in 
hawking, hunting, and like pastymes. And in generall all 
nations haue thought nothing more powerfull to vnite myndes 
then the Community of language. But the lawe to spreade the 
English tounge in Ireland, was euer interrupted by Rebellions, 
and much more by ill affected subiectes, so as at this tyme 
whereof I write, the meere Irish disdayned to learne or speake 
the English tounge, yea the English Irish and the very Cittizens 
(excepting those of Dublin where the lord Deputy resides) 
though they could speake English as well as wee, yet Commonly 
speake Irish among themselues, and were hardly induced by our 
familiar Conversation to speake English with vs, yea Common 
experience shewed, and my selfe and others often obserued, the 
Cittizens of Watterford and Corcke hauing wyues that could 
speake English as well as wee, bitterly to chyde them when they 
speake English with vs, Insomuch as after the Rebellion ended, 
when the Itinerant Judges went theire Circutes through the 
kingdome each alfe yeare to keepe assises, fewe of the people 
no not the very Jurymen could speake English, and at like 


Sessions in Vlster, all the gentlemen and common people 
(excepting only the Judges trayne) and the very Jurimen putt 
vpon life and death and all tryalls in lawe, commonly spake 
Irish, many Spanish, and fewe or none could or would speake 
English. These outward signes being the tuchstones of the 
inward affection, manifestly showed that the English Irish helde 
it a reproch among themselues, to apply themselues any way to 
the English, or not to followe the Irish in all thinges. In 
somuch as I haue heard twenty absurd thinges practised by 
them, only because they would be contrary to vs, wherof I will 
only name some fewe for instances. Our wemen riding on 
horsebacke behynde men, sett with theire faces towardes the 
left Arme of the man, but the Irish weomeii sett on the Contrary 
syde, with theire faces to the right Arme. Our horses drawe 
Cartes and like thinges with traces of Ropes or leather, or with 
Iron Chaynes, but they fasten them by a wyth to the tayles of 
theire horsefe, and to the Rompts when the tayles be puld off, 
which had beene forbidden by lawes yet could neuer be altered. 
Wee liue in Clenly houses, they in Cabinns or smoaky Cottages. 
Our cheefe husbandry is in Tillage, they dispise the Plough, 
and where they are forced to vse it for necessity, doe all thinges 
about it cleane contrary to vs. To conclude they abhorr from 
all thinges that agree with English Ciuility. Would any man 
Judge these to be borne of English Parents : or will any man 
blame vs for not esteeming or imploying them as English, 
who scorne to be so reputed. The penall lawes against abuses 
had often bene putt in execution, but as the Popes by theire 
booke taxing all sinnes with a penaltye, did rather sett sinne 
at a price, then abolish it, so they who had letters Pattens to 
execute these penall lawes did not somuch seeke reformation, as 
by a moderate agreement for the penalltyes to rayse a yearely 
Rent to themselues, and so making the fault more Common, 
did eate the sinnes of the people. 

The Citties. 

The fayre Cittyes of Ireland require somethinge to be sayd 


of them. They were at first all peopled with English men, and 
had large priuiledges, but in tyme became wonderfully 
degenerate, and peruerted all these priuiledges to pernicious 
vses, As they were degenerated from the English to the Irish 
manners, Customes, Dyett, apparrell (in some measure) language 
and generally all affections, so besydes the vniversall in- 
clination of Marchants no swordmen more norished the last 
Rebellion, then they did by all meanes in theire power. First 
they did so for feare lest vpon peace established they might be 
inquired into for theire Religion, being all obstinate Papists, 
abhorring from entring a Church, as the beasts tremble to enter 
the Lyons denn, and where they were forced to goe to church 
(as the Maior and Aldermen of Dublin to attend the lord 
Deputy) there vsing to stopp theire eares with woll or some like 
matter, so as they could not heare a worde the Preacher spake 
(a strange obstinacy since fayth comes by heareing, to resolue 
not to heare the Charmer charme he neuer so wisely). Secondly 
for Covetousnes, since during the Rebellion great treasure was 
yearely sent out of England, whereof no small part came to 
theire handes from the Army for vittles, apparrell, and like 
necessaryes. Tea not content with this no small inriching of 
theire estate, to nourish the warr and thereby continue this 
inriching, as also for priuate gayne from the Rebells, they fur- 
nished them continually with all necessaries, neuer wanting 
crafty euasions from the Capitall daunger of the lawe in such 
cases, For among other subtileties, were obserued some of them 
to lade great quantity of English wollen cloth and like 
necessaries vpon Cartes and horses, as if they would send them 
to some of our neighbor garrisons, but wee founde manifest 
probabilities yea certayne proofes, that in the meane tyme 
they advertised some Rebells of this transportation, who 
meeting the goods intercepted the same as it were by force, and 
theire seruants retorned home with a great outcry of this 
surprisall, but nether wounded nor somuch as sadd in Counten- 
ance, as theire masters proued neuer the poorer, for no doubt 
those Rebells payd them largely for those goods, who without 


warme clothes should haue suffered a hard life in the woods. 
Nay more, they furnished them euen with swords with gunnes 
and with Gunpowder and all our armes, by which abhominable 
act they made excessiue profitt, the Rebells being sometymes in 
such want of munition, as they would giue whole heardes of 
Cowes for a small quantity of munition, for they could easily 
recouer Cowes againe by rapine, but most hardly gett supplyes 
of Armes and munition. And these Armes the Citizens vsed 
to buy of our Cast Captaines, as powder from our soldiers having 
a surplusage of that which was allowed them for exercise of 
their peeces, and also vnderhand of trayterous vnderministers in 
our office of the Ordinance residing in their Cittyes. And in 
like sort they furnished the Rebells with our best victualls. For 
the ministers of our victualers vnder pretence of leaue to sell 
victualls to the Citizens if they feared it would grow musty did 
often sell our best biskett and victualls to the Citizens who 
secretly sold it to the Rebells. These their abhominable 
practises were well seene and greatly Detested, but could not 
easily be remedyed, the delinquents euer having coulorable 
evasions, and especially because there was no forbidding the 
emption of munition to Marchants vppou payne of death (which 
was thought most necessarye), except our stores of munition had 
then beene, and had had sure hope to be fully supplyed, in 
regard that the wyndes are there so vncertaine, as the publique 
stores not being continually furnished, an Army might runn 
great hazard before new supplyes came, if the marchants could 
no way releiue it. And this necessity of supplying our stores, 
we found apparently at Kinsale, where assoone as our Shipps 
with men and munition were arriued, the wynde turned, and 
still continued contrary till we tooke the Towne by Composition, 
being more then six weekes. Againe for the great priuiledges 
graunted to the first English Ancestors of these Cittyes, more 
specially in all this discourse meaning Waterford, Cork and 
Lymbrick, For Dublin was in part ouerawed by the lord 
Deputies residencye, and Galloway gaue some good testimonyes 
of fidelity in those dangerous tymes I will shew by one or two 


instances, how the degenerate Citizens of that tyme peruerted 
the same to pernitious vses. Waterford had a Priuiledge by 
Charter from king John that they should not at any tyme be 
forced to receiue any of the kings forces into the Citty. And 
when vppon their manifest rebellion at the very end of the last 
Rebellion, the lord Mountioy then lord Deputy bringing to 
their Citty the forces of our Soueraigne king James, therewith 
to conforme them to his Majesties lawes, they alledging this 
Charter, refused to receiue any of the said forces into their 
Citty, his lordshipp vowed to cutt king Johns charter (as not 
grauntable to such prejudice of his Successors) with king James 
his sword, and to sowe salt vppon the soyle of their destroyed 
Citty, if they obeyed him not, and with much disputation and 
power hardly drewe them from the ridiculous Plea of the said 
Charter. Secondly all Fynes for violating penall Statutes of 
the Admiralty and all others, were by an old Charter graunted 
to the Citizens, And in these days whereof I write, the Citizens 
degenerated from English to Irish (or rather to Spanish) if our 
Magistrates imposed any Fynes vppon delinquents, especially 
in Cases for reformation of religion, and the like, would 
priuately remitt those mulcts falling to the treasure of the Citty, 
which impunity made them offend the lawe without feare, as 
this and like immunityes, made them without danger of the 
lawe, to transport prohibited wares, to parlye with Eebells, to 
export and import traiterous Jesuites in their Shipps, and to doe 
manifold insolencies, while it was in the hand of the Maior and 
his brethren freely to remitt all penalties imposed on delin- 
quents. These and like priuiledges were in those dayes iudged 
too great for any Marchants, and most vnfitt for marchants of 
suspected fidelity (to say no woorse). To conclude, these 
Citizens were for the most part in those dayes no lesse alienated 
from the English, then the very meere Irish, vppon the same 
forealledged causes, as in one particular Case of their Com- 
munity of language with the Irish I haue shewed, and could 
many wayes illustrate, if I tooke any pleasure to insist vppon 
that subiect. 


Errors imputed to the state by the English Irish. 

The English Irish tluis affected did generally in these tymes 
impute some errors to the State. First that when any dissolute 
swordman, for want, or for meanes to support his luxury, began 
to robb, and spoyle and so to liue in the woods for safety from 
the lawe, and there neuer wanted some like affected persons, 
ready vppon the first rumor thereof, to flye vnto the woods, and 
liue like outlawes with him, which small number the State 
might easily haue prosecuted to death, for example and terror 
to others, yet when these men had spoyled the Country, and 
all Passengers, experience taught that the State, for feare of a 
small expence in prosecuting them, vsed vppon their first 
submission to grauut them protections to come in, and then not 
only to pardon them, but to free them from restitution of that 
they had robbed, so as good and quiett Subiects might see their 
goods possessed by them, and yet could not recouer them. Yea 
nothing was more frequent then for the State to giue rewards 
and yearely pentions to like seditious knaues, in policy (for- 
sooth) lest they should trouble the peace, and putt the State 
to charge in prosecuting them. So as quiett and good Subiects 
being daily wronged without redresse, and seditious knaues 
being rewarded for not doing ill, and as it were hyred to liue 
as Subiects, they said it was no maruell that so many dissolute 
persons swarmed in all parts of that kingdome. Galba the 
Roman Emperor in his oration to his Soldiers expecting and 
murmuring for a largesse or free guift at his election, said 
brauely that he did inroll, and not hire his Subiects to serue in 
the warr, but this free speech to a dissolute Army, cost him his 
life and Empire; And such was then the miserable State of 
Ireland, as these Corruptions could not altogether be avoyded, 
though they sauoured rather of a precarium Imperium, that is, 
a ruling by intreaty and by rewards, then absolute commaund 
ouer Subiects. 

But they further vrged, that these abuses grew from the 
Corruption of the cheefe Magistrates, for as he said well, that 


no Citty was impregnable, that would open their gates to giue 
entrance to an Enemyes Asse laden with gold ; so Ireland could 
not haue firme peace, while no man was so wicked, who for a 
bribe of Cowes (such and no other are the bribes of the Irish) 
found not the lord Deputies followers, and seruants, yea Coun- 
sellors of State, and (I shame to speake it), the very wiues and 
children of the lord Deputy ready to begg his Pardon, who 
seldome or neuer missed to obtayne it. 

They further vrged, that not only armed Rebells were in 
this kinde pardoned, but also that those taken, and putt in our 
prisons, were comonly by like Corruption freely pardoned, or 
suffered vnder hand to breake Prison, and then pardoned vnder 
pretence of the publike good to saue charges in prosecuting 
them, whereof they gaue instances of Donell breaking prison 
in the beginning, and Cormoc mac Barons eldest sonne in the 
end of the Rebellion, and of many like Rebells of note. So as 
nothing was more vulgarly said among the Rebells themselues, 
then that they could haue pardon whensoeuer they listed, 
according to the Poett. 

Crede mihi res est ingeniosa, dare. 

Beleeue, T'is a most witty course, to giue and bribe with open 

And touching the Prisons, they said, that the Jailors of 
Prouinciall and other Prisons, seldome brought their Prisoners 
to be tryed before Judges, but some were executed by Marshall 
lawe, contrary to the dignity of Ciuill Justice, Others they 
would afBrme to be dead, vppon their bare word without testi- 
mony of the Crowner, or any like proceeding necessary in that 
case. Others they would affirme to have bene freed by the 
commaund of Prouinciall Gouernors auaileable rather by 
Custome then lawe. Yea they would not shame to confesse 
some to haue escaped by breaking prison, as if they were not to 
be punished for so grosse negligence, admitting no excuse. 

Touching the sacred power of Pardons and Protections they 


confessed that it was fitt to giue power of Protection to military 
Gouernors, that they might bring Rebells in to the state, but 
they alledged many corrupt abuses committed in that Case, 
whereby not only Armed Rebells, but many taken Prisoners, 
having once their Protection, had ineanes with safety of their 
persons to importune the State for obtayning their Pardon, in 
which kinde Mac Carthen notorious for many murthers, and 
many like notable villanyes, had lately beene freed from the 
hand of Justice. Againe, they confessed that the generall 
giving of Protection and Pardons by the lord Deputy, was 
necessary after the Rebellion was growne strong, and generall, 
when it behoued the State (as a mother) with open Armes to 
receiue her disobedient Children to mercy, lest they should be 
driuen to desperate Courses especially since the punishment of 
all was vnpossible in such a strong Combination, of the cheife 
was difficult for their strong factions, and of particuler and 
inferior offenders was somewhat vnequall, if not vniust. But 
they freely sayd that our State had greatly erred in not making 
strong and sharpe vpposition to the first eruption of that 
Rebellion before they were vnited, yea rather dallying with 
them till by mutuall Combinations they were growne to a strong 
body, and that for saving of Charges, without which it was 
hoped they might by fayre treatyes be reclaymed, which foolish 
frugality in the end caused an huge exhausting of the publique 
Treasure, and which vayne hope had no probable ground, since 
the Irish attributed our moderate Courses in reducing, rather 
then conquering them, to our feare, rather then our wisdome, 
waxing proude when they were fairely handled and gently 
perswaded to their dutyes, as no nation yeildes more abiect 
obedience when they are curbed with a churlish and seuere 
hand. How much better (said they) had our State done to 
haue giuen no protection or pardon in the beginning, but to 
haue seuerely putt to death all that fell into our hands (which 
examples of terror were as necessary in Ireland as they euer had 
bene rare) or if pitty and mercy had bene iudged fitt to be 
extended to any, surely not to those, who after malicious and 


bloudy Acts of hostilitye were at last broken, and vnable longer 
to subsist much, lease without some pecuniary Mulct or Fyne 
towards the publique charge, or with freedome from making 
restitituion to priuate men, and least of all with rewards and 
pentions bestowed on them for a vaine hope of future seruice. 
In all which kindes they gaue many instances, that our State 
had often erred. 

To conclude they said that sharpe, and speedy prosecution in 
the beginning had bene most easy (scattered troopes being soone 
suppressed with small forces) and no lesse advantagious and 
profitable to the State (aswell by the confiscation of their lands 
and goods, as by long and firme peace likely to follow such 
terrifying examples of Justice). 

Againe they bitterly imputed this error to our State, proued 
by many notable instances, that Irish and English Irish, who 
had forsaken their lordes in Rebellion, to serue in our Army, 
after when their lordes were receiued to mercy, with free pardon, 
and restoring of honor and lands, had beene quitted and left by 
vs to Hue againe vnder the same lords highly offended with 
them, and so neuer ceasing till they had brought them to 
beggery, if not to the gallowes, which proceeding of ours in 
their opinion argued, that so wee could keepe the great lords 
in good termes, we cared not to forsake the weaker, and leaue 
them to the tyranny of the other. Yea that to these great 
lordes that of Rebells were become Subiects, our State granted 
warrants to execute Marshall lawe against vagabond and 
seditious persons, who vppon the same pretences had often 
executed these men retorning to them from the seruice of the 
State, and more specially those who had faithfully serued vs 
in the warr for spyes, and for guides to conduct our forces 
through their boggs and woods and fortifyed places, or if they 
had not dared so to execute those men, yet by violent oppressions 
had brought them to beggery, and sometymes by secrett plotts 
had caused them to be killed. In this case if I may boldly 
speake my opinion, I should thinck it were impossible so to 
protect inferior persons of best desert in tyme of peace, from 


the tyranny of great lordes, as they should no way oppress or 
hurt them, either by their power, which is transcendent or by 
their Craft wherein no people may compare with them. And as 
formerly I haue spoken at large of oppressions done by their 
power; so I will giue one notable instance of their Tyranny by 
Craft. The famous Traytor Hugh late Earle of Tyrone vsed 
in his Cupps to bragg, that by one Trick he had destroyed many 
faithfull seruants to the State, namely by causing them vnder- 
hand to be brought in question for their life, and then earnestly 
intreating the lord deputy, and the Judges to pardon them, who 
neuer fayled to execute them whose pardon he craued. But 
why we should subiect the seruants of the State to the 
oppression of great lords that had bene Rebells, or why the State 
should vppon any pretence graunt them Marshall lawe (the 
examples of both which I confesse were frequent and pregnant), 
I thinck no coulorable reason can be giuen. 

To be short among many other errors, they did much insist 
vppon this. That our State contrary to our lawe of England, 
yearely made such men Sheriffs of the Countyes, as had not one 
foote of land in the Countyes, and that they bought those places 
of the lord Deputies seruants on whome he vsed yearely to 
bestow them, which made great Corruption, since they who 
buy. must sell. Yea that these Sheriffs were commonly litigious 
men of the County, who having many suits in lawe, bought 
those places to haue power in protracting or peruerting the 
Justice of their owne (as also their freinds) causes, especially by 
making Juryes serue their turne. And most of all that these 
Sheriffs, as having ill conscience of their owne oppressions, vsed 
yearely after the expiring of their offices, to sue out and obtayne 
the kings generall Pardon vnder the great Seale of Ireland, the 
bare seeking whereof implyed guiltines, so as the Ministers of 
the State aboue all other men should be excluded from being 
capable to haue these Pardons who ought to be free of all 
dangerous Crimes. Hereof my selfe can only say, that in 
England these Pardons are not obtayned without great 
difficulty : and that the Irish lordes in and before the last 


rebellion, complayned of nothing more then the extortions and 
oppressions of these Sheriffs, and their numerous traynes and 
dependants, yet pretended the same for a cheife Cause of their 
taking Armes. 

The generall Justice. 

Touching the generall Justice of Ireland howsoeuer it was 
in the last Rebellion tyed hand and foote, yet of the former 
establishment thereof and the hopefull beginning to flourish at 
the end of the Rebellion, something must be said, And first in 
generall the English haue alwayes gouerned Ireland, not as a 
conquered people by the sword and the Conquerers lawe, but as 
a Prouince vnited vppon mariage or like peaceable transactions, 
and by lawes established in their Parliaments with consent of 
the three estates. The supreame magistrate is the lord Deputy 
(of whose power I haue spoken) with the Counsell of State 
named and appoynted in England, and these haue theire 
residence at Dublin. The next is the lord Presedent of 
Mounster, with Counselors or Prouinciall assistants, named 
and apoynted by the lord Deputy, with a cheefe Justice and the 
kings attorney for the Prouince, not hauing any Courtes of 
Justice, but only assisting the lord Presedent at the Counsell 
table, where, and likewise at Dublin, causes are Judged by the 
lord Deputy and the lord President, as at the Counsell table in 
England, according to sequitie with respect to the right of the 
lawe. The Province of Connaght was in like sort governed by 
a governour (after styled lord President) with Counsellors to 
assist him, and among them a cheefe Justice and the kinges 
attornny, as in Mounster, both governing in cheefe aswell for 
millitary as Ciuill matters, according to theire instructions out 
of England, and the directions and commandes from the lord 
Deputy. The State purposed in like sort to establish the 
Province of Vlster, but at the ende of the Rebellion the 
Earle of Tyrone labored ernestly not to be subiect to any 
authority but that of the lord Deputy, so as there only some 
governours of Fortes and Countyes (as in other partes of 


Ireland) had authority to compose differences betweene 
iiiferiour Subiectes. The Cittyes and townes had their 
subordinate magistrates, as Maiors and Souranes, to governe 
them. But the Courtes for the Common lawe for all Ireland 
were only at Dublin, as the kings Bench, the Common pleas, and 
the Exchecquer, as likewise the Chancery for equity. And 
there the kings Eecords were kept by a master of the Eoulls. 
And all causes in these seuerall Courtes were pleaded in the 
English tounge, and after the manner of the Courtes in London, 
saue that Ireland of old tymes had made such frequent relapses 
to the sworde, as the practise of the lawe was often discontinued, 
and the Custonies of the Courtes by Intermission were many 
tymes forgotten, and the places being then of small profitt were 
often supplyed by vnlearned and vnpractised men. And there 
also at the ende of the warr was erected the Court of the Starr 
Chamber. And there resided the cheefe Judges of the whole 
kingdom, as the lord chauncelour, mr. Cheefe Justice, the cheefe 
Justice of the Common Pleas, and the cheefe Ban-on of the 
Exchecquer, who had not formerly the style of lords nor 
scarlett habitts, both which were graunted them after the 
Rebellion ended, to giue more dignity to the lawe. All the 
Countyes had sheriffes for execiition of Justice, yearely 
appoynted by the lord Deputy, only Vlster was not then deuided 
into Countyes, as now it is, and hath the same officers. 

The lawes. 

Touching the lawes. The meere Irish from old to the very 
ende of the warr, had certayne Judges among themselues, who 
determened theire causes by an vnwritten lawe, only retayned 
by tradition, which in some thinges had a smacke of right and 
equity, and in some others was contrary to all diuine and 
humane lawes. These Judges were called Brehownes, all- 
together vnlearned, and great swillers of Spanish sacke (which 
the Irish merily called the king of Spaynes Daughter). Before 
these Judges no probable or certayne Arguments were avayle- 


able to condemne the accused, but only manifest apprehensions 
in the fact. A murther being committed, these Judges tooke 
vpon them to be intercessours to reconcyle the murtherer with 
the frendes of the murthered, by a guift vulgarly called Iriesh. 
They did extorte vnreasonable rewardes for theire Judgment, 
as the eleuenth part of euery particular thinge brought in 
question before them. For the case of Incontinencye, they 
exacted a certayne number of Cowes (which are the Irish 
rewardes and bribes) from the maryed and vnmaryed, tho they 
liued chastely (which indeede was rare among them), yet more 
for the maryed and vnchast then from others. My selfe spake 
with a gentleman then liuing, who affirmed that he had payde 
seauen Cowes to these Judges, because he could not bring 
wittnesses of his maryage, when he had beene maryed fyfty 
yeares. Among other theire barbarous Lawes, or rather 
Customes and traditions, I haue formerly spoken of theire 
tennure of land, vulgarly called Themistry, or Tanistry, 
whereby not the eldest sonne but the elder vncle, or the most 
valliant (by which they vnderstand the most dissolute sword- 
man) of the Family, succeeded the disceased by the election of 
the people, whereof came many murthers and parricides and 
Rebelions, besydes great wronges done to the State, as in this 
perticular case. If the predecessor of free will or constrayned 
by armes had surrendred his inheritance to the king, and had 
taken it backe from the kings graunt by letters Pattents, vpon 
Rent and other conditions for the publike good, they at his 
death made this act voyde, because he had no right but for life. 
By these Judges and by these and like lawes were the meere 
Irish Judged to the ende of the last Rebellion, tho the English 
lawes had long before beene Receaued in Ireland by consent of 
the three States in Parlament. 

For in the tenth yeare of king Henry the seuenth, by the 
consent of the three States in Parlament, the barbarous Bre- 
howne Judges and lawes, and this perticuler lawe of Themistrey 
by name, were all obrogated, and the Common lawe and Statutes 
of Parlament made to that day in England, were all established 



in Ireland. And from the first Conquest to that tyme and long 
after, the States of Ireland were called to the Parlament by the 
kings writts and the lawes there made were sent into England, 
and there allowed or deaded in silence by the king, and so the 
approued were sent backe to the lord Deputy, who accordingly 
confirmed them for acts of that Parlament, and reiected the 
other by the kings authority, by which also the lord Deputy, 
according to his instructions from the king, proroged or dis- 
solued the Parlaments, But if the worthy Progenitors of our 
late kings should reuiue, and see the face of these Parlaments 
changed, and the very English Irish backward to make lawes 
of Reformation, they would no doubt repent their wonted lenity 
in making them lawgiuers to themselues, and freeing them 
from constraynt in that kynde. Att first this government was 
fatherly to subiects being as Children, but if they were now 
degenerated, should not the Course of government be made 
suitable to theire changed affections. No doubt if the king of 
Spayne (whome then they adored as preseruer of their liberty, 
and whose yoake then they seemed glad to vndergoe) had once 
had the power to make them his subiects, they should haue 
learned by woefull experience, that he would by the same power 
haue imposed such lawes on them as he thought fitt, without 
expecting any consent of theires in Parlament, and would 
quickly haue taught them what difference euer was betweene 
the Spanish and English yoke. But if this course might in vs 
seeme tyrannicall, the Statesmen of that tyme iudged it easy 
by a fayrer meanes to bring them to conformity in a Parlament. 
Namely by a newe plantation of English well affected in 
Religion, (who after the warr might be sent in great numbers, 
and fynde great quantities of land to inhabite) out of which men 
the lord Deputy by the Sheriffes and other assistance, might 
easily cause the greatest parte of the knights of the shire and 
Burgesses to be chosen for the swaying of the lower house. As 
likewise by sending ouer wise and graue Judges and Bishops, 
and T-neede were by creating or citing newe Barons by writts 
(in imitatiot of king Edward the third) being men well affected 
to Religion and the State, so to sway the vpper house. 


The generall peace after the Rebellion (when Ireland was 
left as a payre of cleane tables, wherein the State might write 
lawes at pleasure) gaue all men great hope, that the lawe should 
receaue newe life and vigor. Hetherto the barbarous lords at 
hand, had beene more feared and obeyed then the king afarr of, 
and though they had large teritoryes, yet nether themselues had 
raysed answerable profitt (at least by way of Rent) nor the kings 
Gofers had euer swelled with the fattnes of peace. But the end 
of the warr was the tyme (if euer) to stretch the kings power to 
the vttermost North, to bring the lordes to Ciuill obedience, to 
inrich them by orderly Rents, and to fill the kings Gofers out 
of theire aboundance. And indeede the Courtes of Justice at 
Dublin, began to be much frequented before our Comming from 
thence, and shortly after each halfe yeare Itenerant Judges 
began to ryde theire Circuites through all the partes of Ireland, 
and those who had passed through all Vlster to keepe assisses 
there, made hopefull relation of theire proceeding to the Earle 
of Deuonshyre lord leftenant of Ireland residing in the English 
Courte, advertising him, that in those sessions they had per- 
swaded the lords to graunt theire Tennants theire land, by free- 
hoolds, Coppihoolds, and leases, that they might builde houses, 
and cleare the paces of theire woods, to make free passage from 
towne to towne and likewise to giue the king a yearely Composi- 
tion of Rents and seruices, and themselues abolishing the old 
tyrannicall exactions called Cuttings, to establish theire yearely 
Reuenues by certayne Rents, which would be more profitable 
to them. That the lords seemed gladly to yealde to these per- 
swasions, and to establish certayne Rents to themselues, so they 
might be permitted after the old manner to make only one 
Cutting, vpon theire tenants for the payment of theire debts. 
That they the Judges had taught the inferiour gentlemen and all 
the Common people, that they were not slaues but free men, 
owing only Rents to theire lords, without other subiection, since 
theire lordes as themselues were subiect to a Just and powerfull 
king, whose sacred Majestic at his great charg mantayned them 
his Judges to giue equall Justice to them both, with equall 


respect to the lordes and to them for matters of right. That a 
great lord of Vlster named Cane, hauing imprisoned a tennant 
without legall course, they had not only rebuked him for 
vsvrping that power ouer the kings subiectes, but howsoeuer 
he confessed his errour publikely, and desyred pardon for it, 
yet for example they had allso imposed a fyne vpon him for the 
same. And that the inferiour Gentlemen and all the Common 
people, gladly imbraced this liberty from the yoke of the great 
lords, and much applauded this act of Justice vpon Cane, 
promising with ioyfull acclamations a large Composition of 
Rents and seruices to the king, so this Justice might be man- 
tayned to them, and they be freed from the tyranny of theire 
lords. So as it seemed to the Judges there remayned nothinge 
to content the people, but a constant administration of this 
Justice, with some patience vsed towardes the people at first, 
in beareing with theire humours, amonge which they more 
spetially noted these. That they not only expected easye accesse 
to the lord Deputy, the Judges, and the inferior magistrates, but 
were generally so litigious and so tedious in Complaynts, as they 
could not be contented without singular patience. And that 
from the lordes to the inferior sorte, they had a ridiculous 
fashion, neuer to be content without the magistrates hand 
vnder their Petitians, and therewith to be content were it neuer 
so delatorye yea flatt contrary to theire request, which hand 
they vsed to signe tho they knewe the ill and Crafty vses the 
Irish made of it, who comming home would shewe this hand to 
theire Tenaunts and adversaryes, without reading the wordes to 
which it was sett, and so pretending the magistrates Consent to 
theire request, many tymes obtayned from ignorant people 
theire owne vniust endes, Yet had not the lawe as yet that 
generall and full course in Ireland, which after it had, by con- 
tinuance of peace, and by that dignity which the kings Majes- 
tic gaue to the lawe, in graunting the title of lordes to the 
cheefe Judges, and scarlett Robes to them all. 

It remaynes to say somethinge of the handes whereby the 
lawe was to be putt in practise, namely the lawyers. They were 


ether English, sent or willingly comming out of England more 
spetially at the ende of the Rebellion, of whose concurring in 
the reformation of Ireland I make no doubt, or English Irish, 
who of old and nowe after the Rebellion in greater numbers 
pleaded most of the causes in the Courtes of Justice. These 
English Irish lawyers were allwayes wont to study the Common 
lawes of England in the Inns of Court at London, and being 
all of the Roman Religion (as the rest in Ireland), did so lurke 
in those Inns of Courte, as they neuer came to our Churches, nor 
any of them had beene obserued to be taught the points of our 
Religion there, but hauing gott a smacke of the grownds of our 
lawe, and retayning theire old superstition in Religion, they 
retorned to practise the lawe in Ireland, where they indeuored 
nothinge more, then to giue the subiects Counsell howe they 
might defraude the king of his rightes, and fynd euasians from 
penaltyes of the Lawe, more spetially in matters of Religion, the 
reformation whereof they no lesse feared then the rest, and 
therefore Contrary to theire profession norished all barbarous 
Customes and lawes, being the seedes of rebelion, and sought 
out all evasions to frustrate our Statutes abrogating them, and 
tending to the reformation of Ciuill pollicye and Religion. For 
preuention of which mischeefe, many thought in those tymes it 
were fitt to exclude them from practise at the barrs of Justice, 
but since experience hath taught vs how weake this remedy is, 
while the Priests swarme there, Combining the people, 
according to the rule of St. Paule not to goe to lawe vnder 
heathen magistrates, for such or no better they esteemed ours, 
and so reducing all suites of lawe, and the profitt thereby 
arisinge, to the hands of the same lawyers in priuate 
determinations, whome the State excluded from publike 
pleading at our barrs. So as there is no way better to remedye 
this mischeefe, then during theire education at our limes of 
Courte in England, to bring them to church, and teach them 
our Religion, and after to punish some particular men, that are 
of greatest practise and most ref ractary, by which examples and 
the strict eye and hand of our Magistrates scene to hang ouer 


them, this mischeife might in tyme either be taken away, or be 
made lesse generall. These lawyers taught the proude and 
barbarous Lordes of Ireland, how they might keepe the people 
of their Countryes in absolute subiection and make them not 
only obey for feare of their power daily hovering ouer their 
heads, but also to thinck that their lords by right of lawe or 
equivalent Custome, had absolute Coinmaund of their goods and 
bodyes. By which and like meanes they not only gaue strength 
to rebellious affections, but also made open resistance to all 
intended reformations to their vttermost power seeking to roote 
out the wise foundations to that end carefully layd by former 
ages, or at least to shake them and still keepe them from any 
firine establishment. In this kynde I will only giue one 
instance. When Rory Odonnell at the end of the Rebellion, 
was come ouer into England with the lord Mountioy (after 
created Earle of Deuonshire), there to obtayne the Confirmation 
from the kings Majestie, of that Pardon and graunt of his 
brothers land (the second Arch Rebell) which the said lord had 
promised him at his submission, while he was yet in England, 
and all that depended formerly on his brother, houered betweene 
hope and feare, how they and that Country should be 
established, one of these lawyers imployed there by the said 
Rory, perswaded mac Swyne, and Boyle, and other gentlemen 
of old Freeholders in Tirconnell vnder the Donnells, that they 
had no other right in their lands, but only the meere pleasure 
and will of Odonnell. This the said gentlemen, though rude, 
and in truth barbarous, and altogether ignorant in our lawes, 
not only denyed, but offered to produce old writings to proue 
the Contrary. When that Fox perceiued their Confidence, and 
after heard that the said Rory had his Pardon, and lands 
confirmed in England, and was moreover created Earle of 
Tirconnell he assayed these gentlemen another way, telling 
them that the king having graunted pardon, and all 
his brothers land to this new Earle of Tirconnell they 
having yet no pardon, had lost all their old right in 
their lands, were it Freehold or at the lordes pleasure, 


or what other right soeuer, and so could now haue no 
dependencye but on the Earles fauour. Herein he told 
a triple lye, First that he denyed their right of Freehold, which 
was held to be most certaine, though it had bene abolished by 
long tyranny of the cheife lord, and perhapps at first ought him 
some limitted seruices, as Tirlogh mac Henry for the Fewes, 
and Henry Oge for his Country, did both owe to the Earle of 
Tyrone, and all vnder lordes in England owe to the lord 
Paramount. Secondly that he affirmed the whole Prouince to 
be giuen to the Earle by the king, whereas it was graunted in 
these expresse words, to hold of his Majesties spetiall grace in as 
ample manner as his brother held it before the Rebellion, (in 
which he was as farr ingaged as his brother) which graunt tooke 
not away the former right of Freehold or other that any Subiect 
might pretend. Thirdly that he restrayned the kings gracious 
Pardon as if it extended only to the Earle, when it was 
generall to all the Inhabitants of Tirconnell, restoring them 
all to their former rights. Yet by this shamefull lye, he 
obtayned the vniust end he sought, to the great preiudice of 
the kings Majesties seruice, and of his Subiects in Tirconnell. 
For these gentlemen and the rest of the people in that Prouince 
being ignorant of the Lawe, and afrayd of euery rumor, vppon 
a guilty conscience of deserued punishment in their Rebellion, 
and the new chaunge of the State in England, were easily 
induced to renounce all their rights to the sayd Earle, (tho 
with great preiudice to themselues and ignominy to the Justice 
of the State) and to receiue their Lands by new graunts from 
the Earle, as of his meere grace and fauour. And howsoeuer 
the Itinerant Judges did after make knowne their error to them, 
and gaue them hope this act would be reuersed vppon their 
Complaint, Yet they chose rather to enioy their estates in this 
seruile kinde with the said Earles fauour, then to recouer their 
rights and freedomes by course of lawe with his displeasure. 
Againe these Lawyers in all parts of Ireland, taught the 
people artificiall practises to defraude the king of his rights, in 
seruices due to the lordes of their Fees, in his Court of Wardes, 


and liueryes, Intrusions Alienations, yea in very Confiscations 
of goods and Lands, the preseruation whereof to the heyres, will 
alwayes make the possessor more prone to treasons and all 
wickednes. For the truth whereof I appeale to all freinds and 
seruants of former lords Deputyes, who haue obtayned any such 
guifts of wardes, Intrusions Alienations and Confiscations, for 
they well know, what tsedious suites, crafty Circumventions, and 
small profitt they haue found thereby. And I appeale to the 
manifold Conveyances of landes by Feoffyes of trust, and all 
Crafty deuises, nowhere so much vsed as in Ireland. Insomuch 
as nothing was more frequent, then for Irishmen, in the tyme 
of our warr with Spayne, to Hue in Spayne, in Rome, and in 
their very Seminaryes, and yet by these and like Crafty 
Conveyances to preserue to them and their heyres, their goods, 
and lands in Ireland, yea very spirituall livings for life, not 
rarely graunted to children for their maintenance in that 
superstitious education, most dangerous to the State. 

Ciuill and capitall Judgments and lawes of Inheritance. 

I formerly shewed that king Henry the seuenth established 
the English lawes in Ireland, yet the Common law having not 
his due course in the tyme of the Rebellion, most ciuill Causes 
were iudged according to equity, at the Counsell tajbles, aswell 
at Dublin, as in the Prouinces of Mounster and Connaght and 
by military Gouernors in seuerall Countyes And for these lawes 
of England, the most remarkable of them shalbe explaned in 
the discourse before promised of the Commonwealth of England. 

In like sort these lawes of England were for Capitall matters 
established in Ireland, but during the Rebellion, and at the 
end thereof the Marshall lawe was generally vsed, hanging vpp 
Malefactors by withs insteed of Ropes vppon their first appre- 
hention. In cases of Treason, the great lords of the kingdome 
were of old iudged by the Assembly of the three States in 
Parliament, but since Henry the seauenths tyine, they are tryed 
aa in England, the lords being beheaded, and others hanged, 


drawne and quartered. As in England so there, not only 
Treasons but wilfull murthers and Felonyes are punished, by 
death and Confiscation of Lands, and goods. 

By the lawe in England, so in Ireland the Accessary cannot 
be tryed before the principall be apprehended and brought 
to his tryall, so as the principall escaping, the Receiuers cannot 
be iudged. And so for other Capitall Lawes of England, which 
shalbe at large set downe in the foresaid Treatise. 

The English Lawes of Inheritance are likewise of force in 
Ireland, the Elder brother having right to the lands of discent, 
and the fathers last will disposing purchased lands, and goods, 
among his wife and Children, and the wife being widow, besides 
her part that may be giuen her by her husbands last will, having 
the Joyncture giuen her before mariage, and if none such 
were giuen her, then having right to the third part of his Lands 
for her life. 

The degrees in the Commonwealth. 

Touching the degrees in the Common Wealth ; not to speake 
of the offices of the lord Chaiicelor, and the lord high Tresorer 
giuing place aboue all degrees of Nobility, the highest degree 
is that of Earles. And the Earle of Ormond in this tyme where- 
of I write, was lord high Tresorer of Ireland, and knight of the 
noble order of the Garter in England. 

The next degree is that of Barons. And in general!, as the 
degrees of the Irish Nobility in England giue place to all the 
English of the same degree, so doe the English to the Irish in 
Ireland. But howsoeuer the Irish Lordes to make their power 
greater in peace, are content to haue the titles of Earles and 
Barons, yet they most esteeme the titles of 0, and Mac, sett 
before their Sirnames, after their barbarous manner (importing 
the cheife of that Sept or name), as Oneale Dounell, mac 
Carthy, and the like. And these names they vsed to resume 
when they would leade the people into Rebellion. The title of 
knights Barronetts, was not then knowne in Ireland. They 


haue no order of knighthood like that of the order of the Garter 
in England, and the like in other kingdomes, but only as in 
England, such knights as are made by the sword of the king, 
or of the lord Deputy there, who alwayes had the power by his 
Commission from the king to make any man knight, whome he 
iudgeth worthy of that dignity. The poorest of any great Sept, 
or name, repute themselues gentlemen, and so wilbe swordmen 
despising all Arts and trades to mantayne them, yet such is the 
oppression of the great lordes towardes the inferior sorte, the 
gentlemen and freeholders, as I haue seene the cheefe of a Sept 
ryde, with a gentleman of his owne name (and so learned as he 
spake good lattin) running barefooted by his stirrop. The 
husbandmen were then as slaues, and most exercised grasing, 
as the most idle life, vsing tyllage only for necessitye. 

The degrees in the Family. 

Touching the degrees in the Family. The Cittisens of 
Munster, as in Waterford, Limricke, and more spetially in 
Corke, and they of Galloway in Connaght, vpon the lawe 
forbidding mariage with the meere Irish, and espetially to keepe 
the wealth of the Cittyes within the walles thereof, haue of old 
Custome vsed to marye with theire owne Cittisens, whereby 
most of the Familyes and priuate branches of them, were in 
neere degree of consanguinity one with another, frequently 
marying within the degrees forbidden by the lawe of God. And 
the maryed wemen of Ireland still retayne theire owne sirnames, 
whereas the English leesing them vtterly, doe all take the 
sirname of theire husbandes. The men hold it disgracefull to 
walke with theire owne wiues abroade, or to ryde with theire 
wiues behinde them. The meere Irish diuorced wiues and with 
theire consent tooke them agayne frequently, and for small yea 
ridiculous causes, allwayes paying a bribe of Cowes to the 
Brehowne Judges, and sending the wife away with some fewe 
Cowes more then shee brought. And I could name a great 
lord among them, who was credibly reported to haue putt away 


his wife of a good family and beautifull only for a fault as light 
as wynde (which the Irish in genrall abhorr) but I dare not 
name it, lest I offend the perfumed sences, of some whose 
censure I haiie incurred in that kynde. The more Ciuill sorte 
were not ashamed, and the meere Irish much lesse, to owne 
theire bastards, and to giue them legacies by that name. 
Insomuch as they haue pleasant fables, of a mother who vpon 
her death bedd (according to their aboue mentioned Custome) 
giuing true Fathers to her chilldren, and fynding her husband 
offended therewith, bad him hold his peace, or ells she would 
giue away all his Children. As also of a boy, who seeing his 
mother giue base Fathers to some of his bretheren, prayed her 
with teares to giue him a good father.* The Children of the 
English Irish, and much more of the meere Irish, are brought 
vp with small or no austerity, rather with great liberty yea 
licentiousnes. And when you reade of the foresayde frequent 
diuorces, and generally of the wemens immoderate drincking, 
you may well iudge that incontinency is not rare among them, 
yea euen in that licentiousnes they hold the generall ill affection 
to the English, sooner yealding those ill fruites of loue to an 
Irish horsboy, then to any English of better condition, but howe 
theire Priests triumph in this luxurious field, lett them tell who 
haue seene theire practise. 

Of their military affaires. 

It remaynes to speake something of their military affayres. 
Their horsemen are all gentlemen, I meane of great Septs or 
names, how base soeuer otherwise, and generally the Irish 
abhorr from vsing mares for their Sadie, and indeed they vse 
no sadles, but either long narrow pillions bumbasted, or bare 
boardes of that fashion. So as they may easily be cast of from 
their horses, yet being very nimble doe as easily mount them 
agaiiie, leaping vpp without any helpe of stirropps, which they 
neither vse nor haue, as likewise they vse no bootes nor spurres. 

This story must have impressed Moryson ; he tell it here for the second 
time. Ed. 


They carry waightye speares not with points vpward resting 
them on their sides or thighes, but holding them in their hands 
with the poynts downewards, and striking with them as with 
darts, which darts they also vse to carry, and to cast them after 
their enemyes when they wheele about. These speares they vse 
to shake ouer their heads, and by their sydes carry long swords, 
and haue no defensiue Armor, but only a Morion on their heads. 
They are more fitt to make a brauado, and to offer light 
skirmishes then for a sound incounter. Neither did I euer see 
them performe any thing with bold resolution. They assaile 
not in a ioynt body but scattered, and are cruell Executioners 
vppon flying enemyes, but otherwise, howsoeuer, they make a 
great noyse, and Clamor in the assault, yet when they come 
neere, they sodenly and ridiculously wheele about, neuer daring 
to abide the shock. So as howsoeuer the troopes of English 
horse by their strong second giue Courage and strength to their 
Foote Conipanyes, yet these Irish horsemen basely withdrawing 
themselues from daunger, are of small or no vse, and all the 
strength of the Irish consists of their Foote, since they dare not 
stand in a playne feilde, but alwayes fight vppou boggs, and 
paces or skirts of woods, where the Foote being very nimble, 
come of and on at pleasure, and if the Enemyes be fearefull 
vppon the deformity and strength of their bodyes, or barbarous 
Cryes they make in the assault, or vppon any ill accident shew 
feare and begin to flye, the Irish Foote without any helpe of 
horse are exceeding swift and terrible Executioners, in which 
Case only of flying or fearing, they haue at any tyme preuailed 
against the English. And how vnprofitable their horse are, and 
of what small moment to helpe their foote, that one battell at 
Kinsall did aboundantly shewe, where the Irish horse and Foote 
being incouraged by the Spaniards to stand in the Playne feild, 
the horse were so farr from giving the Foote any courage or 
second, as for feare they brake first through their ownc bodyes 
of Foote, and after withdrawing themselues to a hill distant 
from the Foote, as if they intended rather to behold the battell 
then to fight themselues, by this forsaking of their Foote, they 


might Justly be said to be the cheife Cause of their ouerthrowe. 
Their horses are of a small stature, excellent Amblers, but of 
litle or no boldnes, and small strength either for battell or long 
Marches, fitt and vsed only for short excursions in fighting, and 
short Journeyes and being fedd vppon boggs, and soft ground, 
are tender houed and soone grow lame, vsed vppon hard 
ground. So as our -English horsemen having deepe warr sadles 
and vsing pistolls aswell as Speares and swords, and many of 
them having Corsletts, and like defensiue Armes, and being 
bold and strong for incounters and long marches, and of greater 
stature then the Irish, our Troopes must needs haue great 
advantages ouer theirs. 

Touching their Foote, he that had seene them in the beginn- 
ing of the Rebellion so rude, as being to shoote off a muskett, 
one had it laid on his shoulders, an other aymed it at the marke, 
and a third gaue fyer, and that not without feare and trembling, 
would haue wondered in short tyme after to see them most bold 
and ready in the vse of their peeces, and would haue sayd that 
the Spartaynes, had great reason who made a lawe, iieuer to 
make long warr with any of their neighbors, but after they had 
giuen them one or two foyles for strengthning of their subiee- 
tion, to giue them peace, and lead their forces against some 
other, so keeping their men well trayned, and their neighbors 
rude in the Feates of Warr. But when the Earle of Tyrone first 
intended to rebell, he vsed two Crafty practises. The first to 
pretend a purpose of building a fayre house, (which we hold 
a sure argument of faithfull hartes to the State) and to couer 
it with leade, whereby he gott license to transport a great 
quantity of leade out of England, which after he converted to 
make bulletts. The second to pretend to ioyne his forces in 
Ayde of the Englishe against the first Rebells, which himselfe 
had putt forth, whereby he gott our Captaines with license of 
the State to trayne his men, who were after called Butter 
Captaines, because they and their men liued vppon Sesse in his 
Country, having only victualls for their reward. And surely 
howsoeuer some of the English State, lightly reguarded the 


frequent Rebellions of the Irish, thincking them rather profit- 
able to exercise the English in Armes, then dangerous to 
disturbe the State ; yet wofull experience taught vs that the last 
Rebellion wanted very litle of loosing that kingdome. The 
Irish foote in generall are such, as I thinck men of more actiue 
bodyes, more able to suffer Cold, heat hunger, and thirst, and 
whose myndes are more voyde of feare, can hardly be founde. 
It is true that they rather know not then despise the rules of 
honor, obserued by other nations, That they are desyrous of 
vayne glory, and fearefull of infany, appeares by their estima- 
tion of these Bards or Poetts, whome they gladly heare sing 
of their prayse, as they feare nothing more then Rymes made 
in their reproche. Yet because they are onely trayned to skir- 
mish vppon Boggs, and difficult paces or passages of woods, and 
not to stand and fight in a firme body vppon the playnes, they 
thinck it no shame to flye, or runn off from fighting, as they 
finde advantage, (and indeede at Kinsale, when they were 
drawne by the Spaniards to stand in firme bodyes, vppon the 
playne, they were easily defeated). And because they are not 
trayned to keepe or take strong places, they are easily beaten 
out of any Fortes or Trenches, and a weake house or Forte may 
easily be defended with a few shott against their rude multit\ide. 
Diuerse kyndes of Foote, vse diuerse kyndes of Armes. First 
the Galliglasses are armed with Moryons, and Halberts, 
Secondly the Kerne, and some of their Footemen, are armed 
with waighty Iron males, and Jacks, and assayle horsemen aloofe 
with casting darts and at hand with the sword. Thirdly their 
shott, which I said to be so rude in the beginning of the 
Rebellion, as three men were vsed to shoote off one peece not 
without feare, became in fewe yeares most actiue, bold, and 
expert in the vse of their peeces. All these Foote assayle the 
Enemy with rude barbarous Cryes, and hope to make them 
afrayd therewith, as also with their nakednes, and barbarous 
lookes, in which case they insist violently, being terrible Execu- 
tioners by their swiftnes of Foote vppon flying Enemyes, neuer 
sparing any that yeild to mercy, yea being most bloudy and 


eruell towards their Captiues vppon cold blood, contrary to the 
practise of all noble enemyes, and not only mangling the bodyes 
of their dead Enemyes, but neuer beleeuing them to be fully 
dead till they haue cutt of their heads. But after the English 
had learned to abide their first assault firmely, and without 
feare, notwithstanding their boldnes, and actiuity, they found 
them faintly to assayle, and easily to giue ground, when they 
were assayled, yet neuer could doe any great execution on them 
vppon the Boggs and in woods where they were nimble to flye, 
and skilfull in all passages, especially our horse there not being 
able to serue vppon them. To conclude, as they beginn to fight 
with barbarous Cryes, so it is ridiculous and most true, that 
when they beginn to retyre from the skirmish, some runn out 
to braule and scowlde like women with the next Enemyes, which 
signe of their skirmish ending and their retyring into the thick 
woods neuer fayled vs. 

Of their Shipping. 

Touching the Shipps in Ireland, they had then no men of 
warr, nor marchants Shipps armed, only some three or fower 
trading for Spaine, and Fraunce, carryed a fewe Iron peeces for 
defence against Pyratts in our Channell, that might assayle 
them in boates, and they were all vnder one hundreth Tonnes 
burthen. The rest of their Shipps were all of much lesse 
burthen seruing only to transport passengers to and fro, and 
horses and merchandize out of England litle or nothing being 
carryed out of Ireland in tyme of the Rebellion. And these 
were not many in number, the English shipps, most commonly 
seruing for those purposes. So as litle can be said of their 
Marriners for Navigation, only by the generall nature of the 
people, I suppose, that they being witty, bold and slouggish, 
if they had liberty to build great Shipps for trade, they were like 
to proue skilfull and bold in nauigation, but neuer industrious 
in traffique. It is true, that the Arch Traytor Tyrone vppon 
his good successes grewe at last so proude, as in a Treaty of 


peace he propounded an Article, that it might be lawfull for the 
Irish to builde great armed Shipps for trade, and men of warr 
for the defence of the Coast, but it was with skorne reiected by 
the Queeues Commissioners. Lastly I thinck I may boldly say, 
that no Hand in the world hath more large and Commodious 
Hauens for the greatest shipps and whole Fleetes of them, then 
Ireland hath on all sydes, excepting St. Georges Channel!, which 
hath many Flatts, and the havens there be fewe, small and 
barred or vnsafe to enter; For otherwise in one third part 
of Ireland from Galloway to Calebeg in the North, it hath 14 
large haueus, whereof some may receiue 200th, some 300th, 
some 400th great Shipps, and only two or three, are barred, and 
shallowe, besides diuerse large and Commodious Hauens in 

In generall of the Irish warrs. 

Having spoken particularly of their horse and Foote and 
shipping, I will add something in generall of the Irish Warrs. 
It hath beene obserued that euery Rebellion in Ireland, hath 
growne more dangerous then the former, and though Maryners 
are industrious, and vigilant in a Tempest; yet the English 
haue euer bene slowe in resisting the beginnings of sedition, 
but as Maryners sleepe securely in Calmes, so the English 
having appeased any Rebellion, euer became secure without 
taking any constant Course to preuent future dangers in that 
kinde. In this last Rebellion, I am afrayd to remember how 
litle that kingdome wanted of being lost and rent from the 
English gouernment for it was not a small disturbance of peace 
or a light trouble to the State, but the very foundations of the 
English power in that kingdome, were shaken and fearefully 
tottered, and were preserued from ruyne more by the prouidence 
of God out of his great mercye, (as may appeare by the par- 
ticular affayres at the seige of Kinsale) then by our Counsells 
and Remidyes (which were in the beginning full of negligence 
iu the Progresse distracted with strong factions, and to the 


end, slowe and sparing in all Supplyes), so as if the Irish 
Soldiers which were at first vnskilfull (and ought to haue bene 
so kept in true policye of State) as in short tyme they grew 
skilfull and ready in the vse of the peece, the sword and other 
Arraes, and very actiue and valiant in light skirmishes, had 
likewise attayned the discipline of warr to marche orderly, and 
fight vppon the playne to assault and keepe Fortes, and to 
manage great Ordinance, (which they neither had nor knew 
to vse). If the barbarous lordes, as they were full of pride, 
some vaunting themselues to bee descended from the old kings 
of Ireland so had not nourished factions among themselues, but 
had consented to chuse a king ouer them, after their many good 
successes, more specially after the defeate of Blackwater, (when 
it was truely said of the Earle of Tyrone, that the Romans said 
of Hannihall after the defeate of Cannas, thou knowest to ouer- 
come, but knowest not to make vse of thy victory). Not to 
speake of the prouidence of God euen miraculously protecting 
our Religion against the Papists. No doubt in humane 
wisdome, that Rebellion would haue had an other end then by 
the grace of God it had. And it was iustly feared, that if 
constant serious remedyes were not vsed to preuent future erup- 
tions, the next Rebellion might proue fatall to the English 

Now that I may not seeme forward to reproue others, but 
negligent in obseruing our owne errors, giue me leaue to say 
boldly, and to shewe particularly, that the following and no 
other causes brought vppon vs all the mischeifes to which the 
last rebellion, made vs subiect. When any Rebell troubled the 
State, our Custome was, for saving of Charges, not to suppresse 
him with our owne Armes, but to rayse vpp some of his 
Neighbors against him, supporting him with meanes to annoy 
him, and promoting him to greater dignityes and possessions 
of land, and if he were of his owne bloud, then making him 
cheefe of the name, (which dignity wee should constantly haue 
extinguished, since nothing could more disturbe peace then to 
haue all Septs combyned vnder one head). And these Neighbor 



lordes thus raysed ucucr fayled to prouo more pern it ions 
Rebells, then they against whomc they were supported by vs. 
One instance shall serue for proofe of the Earle of Tyrone raysed 
by our State from the lowest degree, against his kinsman 
Tirlogh Liimaghe, whome the Queene too long supported, euen 
till his men were expert in Armes, and too highly exalted, euen 
till he had all his opposites power in his hand, which he vsed 
farr woorse then the other, or any of the Oneales before him. 
In our State parcatur sumptui; lett cost be spared, were euer 
two most fatall wordes to our gouernment in Ireland, as by this 
and that which followes, shall playnely appeare. When the 
Rebellion first began we to saue charges not only vsed the Irish 
one against the other, but long forbore to levye English Soldiers 
vaynely thincking to reduce them by Treatyes. When the 
Rebellion was increased, wee to saue charge in transporting 
English Soldiers, raysed whole Companyes of the English Irish, 
and as our Captaynes had trayned Tyrones men while he 
pretended seruice to the State, so now wee trayned in our Army 
all the English Irish, giuing them free vse of Armes, which 
should be kept only in the hands of faithfull Subiects. This 
raysing of whole Companyes of Foote and Troopes of horse 
among them, was a great error, For they once having gotten 
the vse of Armes, wee durst not Cast them, lest they should fall 
to the Rebells party. Perhapps their sociall Armes might haue 
bene vsefull, if wee had mixed them in our companyes, and that 
in small limitted numbers, but wee not only raysed whole bands 
of them, and all of one Sept, or name, (easily conspiring in 
mischeife,) and vsed their seruice at home, (where they would 
not drawe bloud vppon any Neighbor Sept, and liued idly vppon 
their owne prouisions, putting all the Queenes pay into their 
purses, which might haue beene preuented by imploying them 
in remote places), but sometymes trusted them with keeping 
of Forts, for which seruice they are most vnfitt, though we 
doubted not of their faithfulnes, iustly then suspected, yea 
further weakned all our owne bands and troopes by intertayning 
them. For an English Troope of horse sent out of England 


commonly in a yea res space, was turned halfe into Irish (having 
woorse horses and Armes and no sadle, besides the losse of 
the English horsemen) only because the Irish would serue with 
their owne horses, and could make better shift with lesse pay. 
And in like sort our English bands of Foote were in short tyme 
filled with English Irish, because they could make better shift 
for Clothes and meate, with lesse pay from their Captaynes. 

In all the warr we only vsed the English Irish for 
horseboyes, who were slothfull in our seruice, and litle loued vs, 
but having learned our vse of Armes, and growing of ripe yeares 
often proued stout Rebells. To conclude these errors, I confesse 
that the English Irish serued valiantly and honestly in our 
Army, whereof many tymes a third part consisted of them, but 
many particular events taught vs, that these our Counsells were 
dangerous, and made vs wish they had beene preuented at first, 
though in the end for necessity we made the best vse we could 
of the woorst. 

Other great abuses though lesse concerning the Irish in 
particular, were committed in our Army. The munitions in 
great part was of sale wares, as namely the tooles for Pyoners, 
and Musketts slightly made to gayne by the emption which our 
Officers might haue shamed to see compared with those the 
Spaniards brought to Kinsale. Our Powder and all munitions 
were daily sold to the Rebells by diuerse practises, For sometymes 
the vnder officers of the Ordinance there would sell some 
proportions of diuerse kindes of munition to Citizens or ill 
affected Subiects, and sometymes the Cast Captaynes commonly 
vsing to appropriate to themselues the Armes of their Cast 
Soldiers, did sell them to the Citizens, and sometymes the 
Common soldier, having a proportion of Powder allowed him 
for exercise of his peece, sold to the Citizens whatsoeuer he 
could spare thereof, or of the powder left him after skirmishes, 
and all these munitions sold to the Citizens, were by them 
vnderhand conveyed to the Rebells, who would giue more for 
them then they were woorth. In like sort the Contractors 
seruing the Army with victualls, having obtayned from the 


Counsell in England liberty to sell to the Citizens and poore 
Subiects such victualls as were like to grow mowldye, their 
seruants in Ireland many tymes, whiles they serued the Army 
with mouldye biskett, and cheefe, did vnderhand sell the best 
to such Citizens and Subiects by whome it was conveyed to the 
Eebells. For reforming of which abuses, Commaund was giuen 
out of England, that some offenders should be detected, and 
seuerely punished for example, and that the Citizens should be 
forbidden vppon great penalty to buy any munition vppon 
pretence to sell it to Subiects, who should rather be serued out 
of the publike Stores, and that the victualers should be 
restrayned from selling any victualls, or because that could not 
be without great losse to the publike State in allowing great 
wast, that faithfull ouerseers at least might be appointed to 
veiwe what was mouldye, and to whome it was sold. But these 
abuses were not detected till towards the end of the Rebellion, 
so as the Remidyes too late prescribed, were neuer putt in 

Againe one great mischeife did great prejudice to vs, that 
our stores were not alwayes furnished aforehand, so as the 
mouing of our Army was often stayed till the munition and 
victualls ariued which is most dangerous especially in Ireland, 
where wyndes out of England, are very rare, and sometymes 
their musters, who should haue nothing to doe with Armes; 
blowe contrary halfe a yeare together, whereof we had 
experience at Kinsale, where assoone as our soldiers, munition 
and victualls, were happily ariued, the wynde turned presently 
to the West, and blew no more out of England till the Spaniards 
had yeilded vppon Composition. 

Agayne our Prouant masters for apparrelling the soldier, 
dealt as corruptly as the rest, not sending halfe the proportion 
of Apparrell due to the Soldier, but compounding for great part 
thereof with the Captaines in ready mony, they having many 
Irish soldiers, who were content to serue without any Clothes, 
so good, as the allowed price required. The Prouant Masters 
thus compounding with the Captaynes they contented the 


Soldiers, with a litle drinckiug inony which the Irish desyred 
rather then Clothes, not caring to goe halfe naked, by whose 
example, some of the English were drawne to like barbarous 
basenes. So as in a hard winter seige, as at Kinsale (and 
likewise at other tymes) they dyed for colde in great numbers, 
to the greife of all beholders. 

Agayne wee had no hospitalls to releiue the sick and hurt 
soldiers, so as they dyed vppou a small Colde taken, or a prick 
of the finger, for want of Convenient releife for fewe dayes till 
they might recouer. 

Thus howsoeuer they wanted not excellent Chirurgeons and 
carefull of them, yet particularly at the seige of Kinsale, they 
dyed by dozens on a heape, for want of litle cherishing with hott 
meat, and wurnie lodging, Notwithstanding the lord Deputyes 
care, who had imposed on his Chapleine the Taske to be as it 
were the sick Soldiers Steward to dispence a good proportion 
of victualls ready dressed for comfort of the sick, and hurt 
soldiers, at the Charitable Almes of the Captaines aboue the 
Soldiers pay. Where a king fights in the head of his Army, 
such braue Soldiers as ours were could not haue suffered want, 
but deputies and Generalls though honourable and Charitable 
persons, cannot goe much beyond their tedder. To conclude, 
nothing hath more presented the Army of the vnited 
Netherlander, then such publique houses, where great numbers 
haue bene recouered, that without them must needs haue 

Lastly Guicciardine writes that the Popes are more abused 
in their musters of Soldiers then any other Prince; which may 
be true compared with the frugall Venetians, and States of the 
lowe Countryes, and with Armyes where the Prince is in person. 
But I will boldly say that Queene Elizabeth of happy memory, 
fighting by her Generalls, was incredibly abused in the musters 
of her Army, both in the low Countryes and Fraunce, and 
especially in Ireland, where the strongest bands of one hundreth 
Fiftye by List, neuer exceeded 120 by Pole at the taking of the 
Feilde, vppon pretence of tenn dead payes allowed the Captayne 


for his seruants wayting on him, and for extraordinary payes, 
he might giue some gentlemen of liis Company, as also for sick 
soldiers left in his Garrison, besydes that many tymes the 
strongest bands were much weaker, by wanting of supplyes of 
English men to fill them. But they were fan- more weake at 
pretence of men dead in the sommer seruice, yet were the 
the Coming out of the Feilde and retyring to Garrisons vppon 
Checks nothing answerable to the deficient numbers, wherein 
the Queene was much wronged, paying more then she had, and 
her Generall serued with great disadvantages, being reputed to 
tight with greater numbers in List, when he had not two third 
parts of them by Pole, yet scarce halfe of them, considering the 
men taken out of the Army, for warders in Castles, and Fortes. 
It is pitty the Popes should not be much more abused in 
but temporall Princes, to whome the mistery of Arrnes properly 
belongeth, ought carefully to preuent this niischeife, to pay men 
in list, who are not to be found by Pole when they should fight. 
And more specially in Fortes, where the Couetous Captaines 
abating their numbers, and passing their false musters by 
bribery, lye open to the Enemyes surprisall, as besides many 
other examples, we founde by the destruction of our Garrison 
at the Derry in Odogherties Rebellion, where the Captaine 
wanted many of his number, and of those he had many were 
English Irish, seruing for small paye, to whome the keeping of 
Fortes should not be committed. The Queene to preuent this 
mischeife, increased her number of Commissaryes, but that was 
found only to increase the Captaynes bribes, not the number 
of his men. Therefore some thought the best reformation would 
be, if the pay formerly made to the Captayne for his whole 
band, were payd by a sworne Commissary to the soldiers by 
Pole, and those Commissaryes exemplarily punished vppon any 
deceite, whose punishment the Soldier would not only well 
besides that the apparrell prouided by them was nothing ueere 
induce, but ioyfully applaude. Others thought the Pay should 
still be made to the Captaynes as honourable persons, so their 
deceipt were punished by note of infamy, and Cashering out of 


imployment, in which Case their honor being deare to them, 
they would either not offend, or few examples of punishment 
would reduce all to good order in short tyme. 

Reformation intended at the end of the last Rebellion. 

Having largly written of all mischeifes growne in the 
gouernment of Ireland, I will add something of the Reformation 
intended at the end of the last Rebellion. The worthy lord 
Mountioy (as I haue mentioned in the end of the second part of 
this woorke) having reduced Ireland from the most desperate 
estate, in which it had euer beene since the Conquest, to the 
most absolute subiection, being made as a fayre payre of Tables 
wherein our State might write, what lawes best fitted it; yet 
knowing that he left that great woorke vnperfect, and subiect 
to relapse, except his Successors should finish the building, 
whereof he had layd the foundation, and should polish the 
stones, which he had only rough hewed. And fynding euery 
Rebellion in Ireland to haue beene more dangerous then the 
former, and the last to haue wanted litle of Casting the English 
out of that kingdome, was most carefull to preuent all future 
mischeefes. To which end (howsoeuer his diseignes were 
diuerted) I dare boldly say, both from his discourse with nearest 
frends, and from the papers he left, that he proiected many good 
poynts of Reformation, wherof these fewe that followe are 
worthy to be remembred. 

First to establish the mantenance of some necessary Forts 
planted within land remote from Seas and Riuers, the warders 
whereof might cleare all paces (or passages of Bogges and 
woodes) and might not only keepe the Irish in awe, but be to the 
State as it were spyes to advertise all mutinous and seditious 
inclinations. Also to plant like Ganysons vpon such hauens, 
as be easy and commodious for the disceut of forayne enemyes. 
And because the Cittyes (espetially of Mounster) hauing large 
priuiledges graunted to the first English inhabitants (as namely 
the Profitt of Fynes and penall Statutes) had many wayes 


abused them in the last Rebellion to the prejudice of the 
Commonwealth (as namely in remitting to the delinquents all 
Fynes and penaltyes imposed on them, for transporting and 
importing Jesuits and Priests and prohibeted wares) and also 
because these Cittyes in the Rebellion had nourished the same 
by secreet practises, and in the ende thereof, had by open 
sedition in the cause of Religion forfeited theire Charteres, his 
lordship purposed to procure the Cutting oft' many exorbitant 
priuiledges in the renewing of theire Charters, and likewise 
the establishing of Forts with strong garrysons vpon those 
Cittyes which had shewed themselues most false harted and 
Mutinus, more spetially Corke and Watterford, who had denyed 
entrance to the kings Forces, and were only reduced by a strong 
hand from theire obstinate sedition, without which Fortes he 
thought the Cittyes would nether be kept in obedience for 
the safetie of the Army, nor be brought to any due reformation 
in Religion. But howsoeuer Dublin was no lesse ill affected in 
the cause of Religion then the rest, yet he thought it sufficently 
restrayned by the residency of the Lord Deputy in the Castle, 
and great numbers of English that lodged in the Citty attending 
upon the State. For the Fortes within land, he hoped they 
would in shorte tyme become townes well inhabited, as was 
founde by experience in the old Fortes of Lease and Ophalia, 
and in some newe Fortes in Vlster, and that they would much 
strengthen the State, so great Caution were had that only 
English soldyers shoulde keepe them, and that by faythfull 
Musters they were kept strong, so as the covetousnes of 
Captaynes might not lay them open to surprisall, ether by 
taking Irish soldyers seruing for lesse pay, or by wanting theire 
full numbere of warders, and that, as the gairysons were to haue 
land allotted and many priuiledges graunted to them so constant 
care were taken to kepe them from spoyling the Countrye by 
seuere disciplyne. Agayne for the Fortes, because he feared 
the soldyers could not be kept from making affinity by maryage 
with the neighboring Irish, and for that the Captaynes and 
officers were likely to intertayne the Irish for Soldyers and 


seruants as content with small or 110 wages, whereby the Fortes 
could not but be subiect to betraying, as likewise for that the 
Captaynes were likely in tyme by letters Pattens from the State 
to apropriate to themselues the land allotted to each Forte for 
the publike vse of the garrysons, and for diuers like reasons, 
more spetially for that the Continuall sound of Bromines and 
Trumpitta was dissonant from a Commonwealth peaceably 
governed : His lordship thought these Fortes were not like to 
yeald such strength to the State as the planting of Faythfxill 
Colonyes. And so his lordshipp in the second place purposed to 
perswade the Reformation of the old Colonyes, and the leading 
of newe into that kingdome, both to be planted vpon the Sea 
Coasts, and vpon Riuers and Nauigable lakes lying vpon the 
Sea, Forsing the Irish to iuhabitt the Countryes within land, 
whereby these Colonyes might be free or more safe from theire 
assaultes, and not only be easely releeued out of England, but 
growe rich with forrayne traffique. And to this purpose to 
exchange inland possessions pertayning to the old Colonyes or 
belonging to the king, with such Irish as then had theire lands 
vpon the Sea Coasts, Hiuers, and lakes, giuing them greater 
proportions of ground, to make them better content with this 
exchange. Some aduised in this exchange, to giue the Irish 
also those spirituall liuings which they lielde by Custody as 
vacant at that tyme, but this course was thought to ouerthrowe 
the foundation of all good reformation, that must beginn with 
Religion, which could not be established without settling a 
learned and honest Cleargy, nor they be mantayned without 
these liuinges. But because the Irish and English Irish were 
obstinate in Popish superstition, great care was thought fitt to 
be taken, that these newe Colonyes should consist of such men, 
as were most vnlike to fall to the barbarous Customes of the 
Irish, or the Popish superstition of Irish and English Irish so 
as no lesse Cautions were to be obserued for vniting them and 
keeping them from mixing with the other, then if these newe 
Colonyes were to be ledd to inhabitt among the barbarous 
Indians. In which respect caution was thought fitt to be had, 


that these newe Colonyes, should not Consist of obstinate 
Papists, nor Criminall fugitiues, Cutt purses, and infamous 
weomen, or persons rather drawne out to Clense England of ill 
members, then to reduce Ireland to Ciuility and true Religion, 
but of honest gentlemen and husbandmen to inhabitt the 
Country, and honest Cittisens and marchants to inhabitt the 
Cittyes, with weomen of good fame, and espetially learned and 
honest Preachers and ministers for them both. That the 
Cittisens consisting of noble and Plebean Familyes, should 
builde and fortifye Cittyes, vpon the riuers and lakes, to be 
thorughfayres for the whole kingdome, all other by passages 
through woodes and desert places being shutt vp, so as theeues 
and malefactors might more easily be apprehended, and all 
Catle, being not otherwise to be solde or bough then in the 
publike marketts of Cittyes, All theftes and Rapines might 
easily be detected and the barbarous people seeing the 
Cittisens to Hue plentifully vnder good gouerninent, and to 
growe rich by trades and traffique, might in tyrne be allured to 
imbrace theire Ciuill manners and profitable industrye. That 
the gentlemen inhabiting the adioyuing Countryes, should dwell 
in Castles of stone, and not keepe there husbandmen vnder 
absolute Commaund as Tennants at will, but graunt them 
freeholds, Copieholdes, and leases, with obligation to mantayne 
horse and Foote, and to rise vp with them for defence of the 
Country from theftes and incursions. And in case England was 
not able to supply these Colonyes, or the English (as lesse 
industrous) were not thought so fitt for this purpose, without 
others ioyned with them, then his lordship Judged the 
Netherlander most fitt to be drawne to this worke, as a people 
most industrous, peaceable, and subiect to iust commaund, and 
abounding with inhabitants, but streaightend by not hauing 
large teritoryes. Many other cautions were projected for the 
quality of these Colonies, as that they should not dwell together 
in great numbers of one Sapt or name, nor should Consist of 
bordering people, vsed to line like outlawes vpon spoyle, and 
one Sept to haue deadly quarrells and hatred (as it were by 


inheritance) with an other. That they should be a Free people 
like the Flemings, and vsed to liue of themselues like them and 
the Italians, not vsed to the absolute Commandes of lordes after 
the seruile manner of Ireland, which dependancye makes them 
apt to followe theire lords into Rebellion and priuate quarells. 
That they should be such, as were not vsed to liue in smoaky 
Cotages and Cabines, or to goe naked and in ragged apparrell, 
but in Commodious houses and decently attyred, that so they 
might not be apt to fall to the Irish manners, but rather to bring 
them to ciuility. That they should be planted in remote places 
from theire Natiue home, lest in seditions they might easily 
drawe theire neighboring frendes and Countrymen to take part 
with them. Finally and espetially, that they should be soundly 
affected to the Reformed Religion. 

Thirdly because his lordship knewe all endeuours would be 
in vayne, if Ciuill Magistrates should thincke by fayre meanes 
without the sworde to reduce the Irish to due obedience (they 
hauing beene Conquered by the sword, and that Maxime being 
infallible, that all kingdomes must be preserued by the meanes 
by which they were first gayned, and the Irish espetially being 
by theire nature plyable to a harde hand, and Jadish when vpon 
the least pricking of prouender the bridle is lett loose vnto them) 
Therefore it was thought fitt that the Irish should not only 
beare no Armes in the pay of the State (which should euer be 
committed to the hands of most faithfull Subiects) but should 
also haue all priuate Armes taken from them till by Parliament 
it might be agreed, what vse of swordes or Peeces were fitt to be 
graunted some men by priuiledge for grace and ornament or 
for necessary vse, as for fowling and like vses. And howsoeuer 
this disarming of the Irish could not well be done during the 
Rebellion, when the Counsell of England commaunded it, because 
the submitted Irish should thereby haue beene left a pray to the 
spoyling of those that were still in Rebellion, yet nothing 
seemed more fitt and easy to be done when the Rebellion was 
fully appeased, and our Conquering Army houered like Falcons 
ouer the heads of any that should dare to resist. And likewise 


that lawes of Reformation should be enacted by Parliament, if 
either the Irish would consent or could be ouertopped by the 
voyces of the new Colonyes and Bishopps, or otherwise should 
be imposed by absolute power, as no doubt the king of Spaine 
would doe vppon any his Subjects in like case, to whose 
subiection the Irish seemed then strongly affected. Fourthly 
for the last alledged reason his lordshipp purposed to procure 
that the English Army should be continued in some strength, 
till Religion were reformed, whereof I shall treate in the last 
Chapter of the next Booke, and till the kings Reuenues 
Customes and Tributes were established, whereof something 
must here be added. 

Of old the Customes of exported or imported marchandize, 
were very small, the people hauing fewe Commodityes to export, 
and desyring not to haue more imported then wynes and such 
things for necessity, vppon which things the ancient kings 
imposed small or no Customes, in regard the Conquered Irish 
were basely poore, and content with any apparrell, yet with 
uakednes, and with ruilke and butter for foode, and for that it 
was fitt the English Irish, should haue immunity from such 
burthens, thereby to drawe more Inhabitants into that 
kingdome. For which reason also the Tolles within land, and 
the Rents of the kings lands of Inheritance were of small value, 
and both they and the Customes, yea the very Fynes of penall 
Statutes, were for rewardes of seruice giuen or lett vppon a 
small Rent to the English Irish Cittyes, and lordes of Countryes. 
In the last Rebellion the whole Revenues of the kingdome 
amounting to some thirty thousand pounds yearely, were so farr 
from defraying the Charge of the Army, as it cost the State of 
England one yeare with an other, all Reckonings cast vpp 
betweene 200 and 300th thousand pounds yearely aboue the 
Reuenue. And the Rebellion being appeased, when the Army 
was reduced to 1200 Foote, and some 400 horse, yet the Charge 
of these small forces, and the Stipends of Magistrates and 
Judges, exceeded the Reuenes some 45 thousand pounds yearely. 
But due Courses being taken in this tyme of peace, it was 


thought the Reuenues might be much increased, then which 
nothing was more necessary. The Irish Cowes are so stubborne, 
as many tymes they will not be milked but by some one woman, 
when, how, and by whonie they list. If their Calues be taken 
from them, or they otherwise grewe stubborne, the skinnes of 
the Calues stuffed with strawe must be sett by them to smell on, 
and many fooleries done to please them, or els they will yeilde 
no milke. And the Inhabitants of that tyrne were no lesse 
froward in their obedience to the State, then their beasts were 
to them. But I would gladly know from them by what right 
they challenge more priuiledge then England hath, why they 
should not beare the same tributes and Subsidyes that England 
beareth, and why so rich a kingdome should be so great a 
burthen to the State of England and not rather yeild profitt 
aboue the Charge thereof. One lord of the Countye of Carberie 
being in Rebellion mantayned one thousand Rebells against the 
State, who after becoming a Subiect, was hardly drawne to 
serue the State with thirty foote, at the invasion of the 
Spaniards, and yet thought he deserued thankes and reward for 
that poore Supply. I cannot wonder inough, how the lordes of 
Ireland can be so blinde in their owne affections as having 
mantayned some 15,000 men in Rebellion, they should thinck 
much in tyme of peace to pay the Stipends of Magistrates and 
Judges, and to mantayne the small Remnant of the English 
Army being some 1200 Foote, and vnder 500 horse. Of old 
after the first Conquest, when Vlster was obedient to the State, 
that Prouince alone paid 30000 markes yearely into the 
Exchequer, and besides, (as many Relations witnes) mantayned 
some thousands of Foote for the States seruice, yeilding also 
Tymber to build the kings Shipps, and other helpes of great 
importance to the state. No doubt Ireland after the Rebellion 
appeased, was in short tyme like to be more rich, and happy in 
all aboundance, then euer it had bene, if the Subiects would 
delight in the Arts of peace, and the fertility of Ireland yeildeth 
not to England, if it had as many, and as industrious 
Inhabitants. In Sommer it hath lesse heat then England, 


which proceeding from the reflection of the sunne vppoii the 
earth, is abated by the frequent Boggs and lakes, (which 
together with rawe or litle rested rneates, cause the Country 
diseases of Fluxes and Agues fatall to the English) but this 
defect might be helped by the industry of Husbandmen 
drayning the grounds, and may hinder the ripening of some 
fruites, but no way hurtes the Come, though perhapps it may 
cause a later Harvest then England hath. Againe in winter by 
the humiditye of Sea and land, Ireland is lesse subiect to Colde 
then England, so as the Pastures are greene, and the Gardens 
full of Rosemary, laurell and sweete hearbes, which the Colde 
of England often destroyeth. It passeth England in Riuers, 
and frequent lakes abounding with fish, whereof one lake called 
the Bande, yieldeth 500H yearely Rent by Fishing. The 
Hauens from Galloway to Calebeg a third part of the kingdome, 
are fowerteene in number, whereof some will receiue 200th, 
some 300th, some 400th great shipps, and only two or three of 
them are barred, and shallowe, and all these with the other 
Harbors, Creekes, and Seas, on all sydes of Ireland, abound with 
plenty of excellent fish, if the Inhabitants were industrious to 
gett them for foode and traffique. 

For the increasing of the kings Customes in tyme by 
vnsensible degrees, it was thought the Irish were not likely to 
repyne much thereat, since that burthen greiueth none that are 
content with natiue Commodityes, and affect not forayne 
luxuryes, but they haue bene litle vsed to taxes and Tributes 
vppon their land, and haue euer kicked at the least burthen in 
that kinde for the seruice of the State, only bearing it 
chearefully for their owne ends, as to support the Popish 
Religion, and to mantayne Agents in England, to pleade for 
that, and other Clamorous greiuances. Howsoeuer the question 
is not how willingly they will yeilde profitt to the king, but how 
it may be most commodiously raysed. To which purpose in 
regard the Wealth of Ireland consists especially in Cattell and 
victualls, and wanted nothing more then mony, the best 
Relations of the Irish estate in those tymes of the Rebellion 


appeased, thought not so fitt to rayse it by new Compositions 
of all Countryes, and increasing the old, as by making Ireland 
only to beare the Charge of the Magistrates, and Judges 
Stipends, and moreouer, to be (as it were) a nursery for some 
Competent English forces, extracting old Soldiers from thence 
vppon occasion of seruice, and sending new men to be trayned 
vpp in their place. This done whereas forayne Enemyes 
heretofore thought Ireland the weakest place wherein England 
might be annoyed, henceforward, they would rather dare to 
invade England, then Ireland thus armed. And the Rents by 
Compositions would be a trifle in respect of this profitt of 
Sessing soldiers. By sessing I meane, the allotting of Certayne 
numbers to each Citty and shire to be mantayned by them, who 
would be as so many Spyes to obserue their Parleyes and 
Conspiracyes, and as Garisons in Townes to keepe them in awe, 
whether they might be sent in greater or lesse numbers as the 
publike seruice required. Prouided alwayes, that this Sessing 
should be to the kings profitt only, not (as it was in the last 
Rebellion) for the Captaynes profitt, who tooke all the profitt 
thereof without taking a penny lesse pay from the State, or 
making any satisfaction to the Subjects, though they had their 
hands to charge them. As this Sessing was thought to be most 
profitable to the State, (easing it of the Armyes charge, 
espetially for victualls, whereof the publike stores could neuer 
be replenished but with farr greater expence then any 
Compositions were like to yeilde), so was this kinde of Charge 
most easy for the Irish abounding in victualls. Prouided that 
the Soldiers were restrayned from extorting by violence more 
then should be due to them, and the due prouision were gathered 
by orderly course. For preuention whereof, and for the Soldiers 
safety, they should not lye scattered in the Country, but 
together in Garisons, yet not leaving it in the power of the 
Irish to starue them, but they fetching in victualls aforehand, 
if according to order it were not brought to them. Prouided 
also, that the Soldiers trauelling for any seruice, should in like 
sort be restrayned from extortions. When the Rebellion was 


ended, and the English Army in strength, this course was 
thought easy to be settled, and if at any tynie after, the State 
should thinck fitter to receiue yearely Rents, it was not doubted 
but this Course for a tyme would after make the people glad 
to raise their Compositions, so as the Sessing might be taken 
away. And by this practise we see that Fraunce hath of late 
raysed great Tributes, increasing them vppon new burthens of 
warr, and so making the most seditious to abhorr troubles, and 
loue peace. 

Then it was projected that Commissioners should be sent 
ouer out of England, To veiwe such lands, for which small or no 
rent had long bene payd to the king, vppon false pretence that 
they lay waste. To rayse the Rents of those vndertakers in 
Mounster, to whome the Queene having graunted to some 3000, 
to some more Acres of good land for small Rent, or they having 
bought it at second hand at so easy a price, as some of them 
raysed as much profitt in one yeare as payd the Purchase, and 
they hauing broken all their Couenants with the Queene, not 
peopling the land with English Tenants, nor having English 
seruants, but vsing the Irish for both, as seruing vppon base 
Conditions, and not building their Castles, but suifering the old 
Castles to goe to ruine, and so in the Rebellion being betrayde 
by their owne Irish men, and having no English to seme the 
State, or keepe their owne possessions, were forced vppon the 
first tumults to quitt their lands, or charge the Queene with 
warders to keepe their Castles, for which causes, if their estates 
were not taken from them vppon breach of Couenants, yet at 
least they deserued to be charged with greater rents. To tye 
them strictly to the obseruing hereafter of all Couenants for the 
publike good, vppon payne to forfeite their graunts. To dispose 
for the kings best profitt all concealed lands giuen to 
superstitious vses, which were thought of great value. To 
dispose of spirituall lands and livings by custody to the kings 
profitt, for a tyme till a learned Clergie might be setled. To 
rate the Sessing of Soldiers in Vlster where it was thought the 
people would willingly beare any reasonable burthen, so they 


might be freed from the great lords Tyranny. To doe the like 
in other parts of the kingdome, at least for a tyme, since if 
after yearely Rents were thought more commodious the people 
would more willingly rayse the Compositions to be freed from 
this Sessing, and mantayning of Garisons. Lastly to rayse the 
Customes by degrees, and to consider what priuiledges of 
Cittyes, or of priuatemen, for that present deseruing litle of the 
State, were fitt to be cutt of, or restrayned. 

By these meanes it was thought no difficult thing in fewe 
yeares, highly to rayse the kings Reuenues, and to reforme in 
some good measure the Ciuill and Ecclesiasticall policy. 
Prouided that these Commissioners being of the best sort, for 
Nobility, and experience, were after the first Reformation 
continued still in that imployment, and sent ouer once in fiue 
yeares, or like space of tyme, to visitt that kingdome especially 
for administration of Justice, yet by the way (with Arts of 
peace, and by degrees) for setling and increasing the kings 
Reuenues, which wee see daily and wisely to haue beene done 
in England. Thus the Irish bearing Common and equall 
burthen with the English, should haue no iust cause to 
complayne and finding Rebellions to increase their burthens, 
would be taught to loue peace, the English should be eased from 
bearing the wonted burthen of their seditions ; the king should 
haue meanes in Ireland to reward his magistrates, and seruants 
in that kingdome. And it was hoped such treasure might in 
tyme be drawne out of Ireland, as might in some measure repay 
the great expences, England hath heretofore disbursed to keepe 
Ireland in peace, without raysing any least profitt from a 
Conquered kingdome. 

The Conclusion. 

To conclude as I haue taken the boldnes playnely and truely 
to giue some light of the doubtfull State of Ireland about the 
tyme of the last Rebellioun, soe me thinkes noe Irish or 
English Irish of theise tymes should take offence at any thinge 


I haue written if they be Cleere from the yll aifeccions 
wherewith those tymes weare polluted (I meane in generall, 
since I haue not Concealed that some of them deserued well in 
those worst tymes), And for all other men I trust that in theire 
loue to truth and for the vse may be made of this plaine 
narracion in future tymes they will pardon any rudenes of stile 
or Errours of Judgment which I may haue incurred : God is 
my witnes that I envye not to the English Irish any wealth 
liberty or prerogatiue they may Justly Challenge, nor yet to the 
meere Irish a gentle and moderatt gouernment, soe the English 
Irish had the noble and faithfull hartes of theire progenitors 
towardes the Kinges of England or that lenitye wold make the 
Irish more obedient which heretofore hath rather puffed them 
with pride and wanton frowardnes : But as they weare both in 
those tymes very dissobedient (if not malitious) to the State of 
England I haue byn bould to say that thinges soe standinge 
England ought to vse power where reason availeth not, nothinge 
is soe proper as to rule by force, whome force hath subiected. 
To keepe the Irish in obedience by Armes who were first 
conquered by Armes, and to vse the like bridle towards the 
English Irish who degenerating became Partners in their 
Rebellions. To impose lawes on them by authority for the 
publike good, whome reason cannot perswade, to make them by 
consent for their owne good. To reforme the old Colonyes 
deformed by their owne faults, and to establish them by 
planting newe. And to take the sword out of maddmens hands, 
for such are they that vse Armes against those that armed them. 
All Subiects must be kept in duty by loue or feare ; Loue were 
better towards both, and especially the English Irish, but the 
meere Irish are more plyable to feare, and such of the other as 
by habitt haue gotten their barbarous affections, must be 
manacled in the same Chayne with them. Eeformation is 
necessary; neither of them admitts any. Wee must reforme, 
and that will gall them, and their pride in those tymes was 
likely to make them kick. It remayned that by Constant 
Counsell and all honest meanes, we should take from such 


Subiects all power to wreake their malice. For to vse reinidyes 
sufficient to prouoke them to anger, and to withhold those that 
might suppresse their furye, were great folly. In a word 
nothing is more dangerous then midle Counsells, which England 
of old too much practised in Ireland. To what purpose are good 
lawes made, if the people cannot be ledd, or forced to obedience. 
A man in those dayes might more easily leade Beares and 
lyons, then the Irish. If Orpheus himselfe could not make 
those stones and trees daunce after his Harpe, then Hercules 
and Theseus must make them follow their Clubbs. The 
Marshalls must make them feele punishment, whome 
Philosophers, and Lawgiuers finde without all feeling of their 
publike good. Lett any man who hath beene serued with Irish 
Footemen in sober sadnes tell me the truth, if he haue not 
alwayes founde them most obedient (by generall experience) 
vnder a hard hand, but stubborne and froward towards their 
Masters, as soone as they are well cloathed, and sett on 
horseback, for they are all in their opinion, and they all wilbe 
gentlemen, which pouerty made them forgett. This properly 
belongs to the meere Irish, but such of the English Irish as are 
become of that nature, must be content to be ioyned with them, 
till they retorne to English manners and affections. Some of our 
old Gouernors wisely obserued this nature of the Irish, and 
practised the right Course to bridle it, proclayming their 
Comaundes at the point of the sword. Such was the lord Gray 
in the late Queenes Raigne lord Deputy of Ireland, who knew 
best of all his Predecessors to bridle this feirce and Clamorous 
Nation. Such was Sir Richard Bingham, though only a 
subordinate Gouernor of the Prouince of Connaght, who with a 
handfull of Soldiers, and a heauy hand of Justice, taught vs 
what Reformation might be wrought this way if it were 
constantly and sincerely followed. But I know not vppon what 
grounds of policye the Counsellors of our State in those dayes, 
did not approue their actions. For the Complaynts of the 
subdued Irish (which no nation can more skilfully frame to 
gayne, or at least tye their Judges, they being alwayes 


Clamorous, but in aduersity as abiect Suppliants, as pronde 
enemyes in prosperity) I say their Complaynts founde such 
pittye in the Royall (may I with leaue say womanly) breast of 
the late famous Queene, and such fauour with the lordes of her 
Counsell, (perhapps desyring the present, rather then durable 
peace of that kingdome) as these late Eebells were sent back 
comforted for their losses with fayre promises, and the 
Magistrates recalled into England, reaped heauy reproofe for 
their merited reward. So as their Successors either terrifyed 
by that ill successe, or ambitious to gayne the hartes of the 
Irish, (at which the Counsells of the next lord Deputy seemed to 
ayme) or vppon vayne hope to reduce that nation to obedience 
by lenity, did in all iudiciall causes somuch respect the Irish, 
as to that end they spared not to lay vnequall burthens 
sometymes on the English : Thus new Magistrates bringing 
newe lawes and Counsells wrought that Confusion which they 
sought to avoyde. For one Deputy was sharpe and seuere, 
another affable and gentle, whereas in all good gouernments 
howsoeuer the magistrates are changed, the face of Justice 
should constantly remayne one and the same. And what 
preiudice to the Commonwealth this Course hath of old wrought 
in Ireland particularly, experience hath made mainifest. God 
graunt that hereafter wee may at least (according to the lattin 
Prouverb) growe wise with the wounded fisherman, and as in the 
last rebellion wee were good Epimethei, to discerne (by the 
sence of ill accidents) the true Causes thereof so heareafter we 
may become prouident Promethei, in diuerting foreknowne 
dangers, before they fall heauily vpon vs. 


Book III. 

[This Book on Religion occupies pages 300 460 of the MS. 
I have omitted the Chapters on Turkey and Italy entirely, and 
have given the longest extracts from the Chapter on Religion 
in Germany, about which Moryson writes with much knowledge 
and sympathy. The long Chapter on Italy has less interest for 
us to-day than most of Moryson's writings. He was a convinced 
and earnest Protestant, and cannot miss a chance of making 
a point against Rome. There is, however, nothing unfamiliar 
in the attitude of an Elizabethan Englishman towards the 
Papacy. I had more hesitation in omitting his suggestion for 
the stamping out of Romanism in Ireland, but his views about 
that country have, I think, been made sufficiently clear in the 
first part of this volume. C. H.] 

CHAP: i. 

Of Germany touching religion. 

Page 300 to page 325 of the MS. 

[The following account of the differences between the 
Lutherans and Calvinists in Saxony (Misnia, Meissen), which 
" on Luther's first preaching of Reformation with full consent 
imbraced his doctrine," commences on Page 307 of the MS.] 

AT the tyme of niy being there the Elector Christian imbracing 
Caluines Reformation, had for many yeares labored to establish 
the same, yet not somuch by authority and force, as by Arte, 
appointing Caluinists Preachers, to perswade and teach the 
people, and hopeing that they being instructed would them- 
selues desyre that Reformation, which he thought not safe to 
impose vpon them by his command. While I liued at Leipzig, 
a preacher was cast into prison, and for a Mounth fedd with 


bread and water, and after banished, for hauing preached that 
the Elector was forsworne in seeking to change that Religion 
which at his entrance he was bound by oath to mantayne. The 
Elector appointed a disputation at Leipzig, but the Lutherans 
broke it off by Immodest hissing at the Caluinists. At 
Wittenburg a Decon Baptising a Chylde without the Crosse or 
exorcisme, the Godfathers and other invited strangers, made a 
tuinolt, so as some chosen students were Armed, to keepe peace 
and appease the vprore. And continually by night lybells were 
cast forth by both parties, provoking one another to disputation. 
About this tyme the neighbour Princes confederate in the Cause 
of Religion, did rneete together, and after long conference about 
Religion, in the ende decreed that Caluines doctryne might for 
the tyme be tolerated, but that no change shoiild be established 
without Common consent, and secondly they decreed that ayde 
should be sent to the king of Nauarr in France, yet as voluntary 
men, leuyed at the kings charge, the Princes being bound to the 
Emperour not to make any warr, vpon payne of leesing theire 
Fees. Att this meeting the Marquis of Brandeburg Elector, 
whose daughter Christian the Elector of Saxony had marryed, 
stoode stiftly for the Lutheran Religion, and was said to haue 
obtayned promise of his sonne in lawe, that no alteration should 
be made, yet fewe weeckes after the Elector Christian put 
Doctor Nicholaus Crellius a Caluinist in the place of his 
Lutheran Chancelor resigning it because he sawe his Prince did 
not fauor him. And in like sorte he dismissed out of his 
intertaynment Melius Superintendaut of Witteberg and 
Policarpus both Professors of Diuinity and arch-Lutherans, and 
putt Pierius a Caluinist Superintendant and Professor in the 
place of Melius (who was intertayned by the Duke of Wyneberg 
the Electors kinsman, as Policarpus was intertayned by the 
Senate of Brunswick and there made Superintendent). But 
now when very many Students and Cittisens of Leipzig and 
Wittenberg, and many in other Cittyes, seemed well affected to 
the Doctryne of Caluin, sodenly the Elector Christian fell sick, 
and in the tyme of his sicknes (while I yet liued at Leipzig) 


these two verses were by night sett on the dore of the cheife 
Church in Dresden (where the Electors resyde). 

Calua cohors cessa, funes laqueosque paratos, 
Seu Princeps viuat seu moriatur, habes. 

Bald Caluenists cease, halters you shall haue, 
What ere betyde the Prince, life or the graue. 

Shortly after, the Reformation after Caluins Rule being rather 
prepared then begunn, the Elector dyed, and then my eyes, and 
eares were witnesses, what threatnings, what reproches, what 
violent abuses the Lutherans cast vppon the Caluenists, 
preferring the Papists yea Turkes before them, as their owne 
printed bookes testify, fuller of reproches then arguments 
against them. And because the duke of Wyneberg one of the 
sonnes to the deposed Elector, as next kinsman to the young 
Elector, was by the Imperiall Lawes to be his Tutor, it seemed 
the people knowing him to be a Lutheran, thought he would 
beare with wrongs done to the Caluenists, for they hardly 
refrayned from laying hands on their bodyes and goods, yea 
they did not altogether refrayne from that violence. For at 
Leipzig some houses were spoyled, and Gunderman the superin- 
tendant or cheife Minister of the Caluenists, was cast into prison 
(whome it was thought inough to haue banished) and the 
Students walking in troopes by night, assembled before his dore, 
and with ridiculous solemnity, there araigned one in his person, 
and condemned him of many Capitall Crimes with many fowle 
reproches, and then like Cryers proclaymed in the streets. 

Lieben heren lasset euch sagen 
der Teuft'el hatt rote bart weg getragen. 
Louing Gentlemen to you the truth to say, 
the Diuell hath taken redd beard away. 

And within few weekes when they continued to vse such, cruelty 
towards him, as no body was admitted to come to him, no not 
his wife, his Barber, his Cooke, or any that might doe him 


seruice, so that his poore wife having many Children whereof 
some were Infants, fell into such despayre as she hanged 
herselfe, it was credibly spoken that this poore minister knowing 
nothing of his wifes death, did the night following desyie his 
keeper to lett in his wife, knocking at the doore, and well 
knowne to him by her voyce. The like Cruelty they vsed at 
Dresden towards Crellius the late Chancelor for, having restored 
to that dignity Hawboldus ab Einsiedeln the Lutheran chancelor 
of Seauenty yeares old, whome I said formerly to haue resigned 
that place, they cast Crellius into Prison, and when he requested 
to haue the windowe of his prison inlarged, the magistrate 
commaunded the litle windowe he had to be stopped vpp, 
denying him the benefitt of light and ayre. The Prince of 
Anhalt, whose Territory borders vppon Misen, then being a 
Caluinist was not invited to the Electors Funeralls. And to 
stirr vpp more hatred against the Caluinists many rumors were 
diuulged of Gentlemen and Citizens that had bene secretly putt 
to death, and of others that were appointed to dye for professing 
the Lutheran Religion, and of straunge persecutions intended 
against the Lutherans, whereof nothing was manifest, nor 
credible to be done by a Prince of Germany, yet all was beleeued 
by the Credulous people. Among these tumults a ridiculous 
strife fell at Leipzig betweene two Lutheran Ministers suing 
for Gundermans place for one of them perceiuing that the other 
should be preferred before him, and seeing the people to flock 
to him for auricular confession fell first to brawling wordes, 
and after both going out of the gates fought at Cuffes till they 
were parted by the Students. It is incredible what hatred the 
Lutherans shewed against the Caluinists openly professing that 
they would rather turne Papists then agree with them. When 
any men kill themselues, the manner is not to bury them in 
the Church yard (except they liued after the fact so long as to 
giue signes of Repentance), but that the infamous hangman 
putting their bodyes on a sledge, should bury them in the 
ditches of the high way. Thus not many yeares past a Student 
of Witteberg deiiyed his degree, for shame hanged himselfe, 


and was in like sort buryed. And at Dresden the Dukes 
Steward hanging himselfe, his body was cast out of the windowe 
with the face turned from heauen to the infamous hangman 
(not permitted to enter into the Dukes Court to take the bodye) 
and by him was buryed vnder the Gallowes. But howsoeuer 
this Custome is not to be reproued, yet in a Case so lamentable, 
so deseruing pitty and Compassion, as that before mentioned 
of Gunderinans wife, my mynde abhorrs to remember, that they 
not only denyed her the buriall of a Christian, but that the 
young men and Children cast durt and stones at the dead body, 
following it with scoffes and reproches, yea that the very 
magistrates beheld this sadd spectacle with laughter. At 
which, while I seemed to wonder, a Student of that vniuersity, 
and borne in that Prouince credibly informed me, that the 
Elector Augustus not many yeares before having cast a 
Caluinist Preacher into Prison, whome after hard vsage he sett 
at liberty, and banished, and he hapning to dye within fewe 
dayes, while he prepared to goe into exile, his body lay fower 
dayes vnburyed, no Lutheran being founde that would cany his 
dead body, which at last was drawne out of the Citty by fower 
horses all the boyes, in the sight of the Magistrates, vsing like 
behauiour towards the dead Corps. 

[The Chapter opens with minute defining of the geographical 
limits of the Roman Catholic and Protestant territories, which 
may be summed up in the statement that all the secular princes 
were Protestants excepting the two most powerful, those of 
Bavaria and of the house of Austria, while these and the 
dominions of the ecclesiastical princes were Catholic. The 
following extracts give Moryson's general observations and 
conclusions. C. H.] 

Hence it may appeare how far the vulgar saying is true or 
false, that the Empire permitts Freedome to all Religions. For 
the Iniperiall lawes only permitt the Lutheran confession of 
Augsburg. And the Emperour, the Arch Dukes of Austria, and 
the Cheife Bishopps remayning Papists, because most of their 


Subiects are Lutherans, arc forced only to permitt that religion 
and no other. It is true that I shall in the next Chapter shewe 
great Confusion of religions to be in the Kingdonie of Bohemia, 
as I haue already shewed the like Confusion to be at Emden the 
Cheife Citty of East Friseland part of the Empire. But the 
Duke of Bauaria a Papist permitts no Hubiect of any other 
religion. And the Princes of the reformed religion neither 
permitt Papists, nor the Lutherans and Caluinists permitt one 
an other in their Territoryes, but the Prince and people are of 
one Religion. 

Thus I retorne to my purpose. The Germans aboue all 
nations respect their owne Doctors in the Chayre, and their 
owne Captaines in the Warr, for they despise straungers, by 
whome they will nether be ledd nor drawne. And indeed they 
only are the men with whome a Prophett is esteemed in his 
owne Country. For in their Vniuersityes I haue obserued the 
Students more willingly to reade the printed bookes of their 
owne Countrymen and their owne professors, then any other 
forraine booke whatsoeuer, and so great was the estimation of 
Luther, as his word was insteede of a thousand witnesses, and 
like awoy t^ij (he said it) to the disciples of Pithagoras. In 
all Germany, but especially in the lower his owne natiue 
Countiy, all professed his doctrine with obstinacy, yea seemed to 
woorshipp or vnfitly to reuerence the memory of him, and of 
Phillipp Melancton, being both dead, for they did putt of their 
hatts, if either of them were named, and were bold to say in 
Common speach that Luther was the third Elias. While he yet 
liued the Students attending him wrote all his wordes, and 
many of his actions, which after his death they published in 
print by a booke called his Tishrede (that is tabletalke) which 
after was corrected, yet men best reputed for piety and learning, 
and being of his religion both in Saxony and other parts, did 
not approue the same, as contayniug many ridiculous things, 
namely that Luther had such power ouer the diuell, as he was 


obedient to him like a Page. That Phillipp Melauctou 
desyring to see the Diuell, Luther sent him in the habitt of a 
seruant to call him to his Chamber, at whose first sight Phillipp 
Melancton fell into a Swounde, as one no lesse inferior to Luther 
in Courage then holines. And againe that Luther by chance 
casting oner his sandbox, commaunded the diuell to gather vpp 
euery moate thereof. To omitt many follyes of this kinde, it is 
certaiue that the Students did so much reuerence Luther in his 
life tyme, as nothing fell from his mouthe in ieast or earnest, 
which some curious yong men did not write, as the sentences of 
Seneca, or rather the Precepts of St. Paul. And howsoeuer this 
did much further the reformation, yet I haue heard graue and 
learned Lutherans confesse, that it much displeased Luther. 
Insomuch as they haue a vulgar speach to this day, that Luther 
seeing his familiar speeches and actions to be made by others, 
as rules of their speech and action, and obseruing a young 
scholler at his table to write his wordes (wyth reuerence may I 
relate it) he broake winde backward, and bad him add that 
braue act to his notes, with that significant (though slouenly) 
simboll taxing his foolish Curiosity. Moreouer the Germans 
not only of the Comon sort, but of them that are not vnlearned, 
giue too much Creditt to predictions (which they call 
Prophesyes) of their owne Countrymen. They told me that one 
Paul Grobner of Schneburg in lower Germany, not many yeares 
dead, left a Prophesye, that as Rodulphus was the first Emperor 
of the house of Austria, so Rodulphus then Emperor should be 
the last, and then Augustus the peaceable should be chosen 
Emperor, in whose tyme he named many Cittyes that should be 
destroyed, some by Earthquakes, others by warr. Againe that 
one Charles Hartman borne in Germany, did (in the tyme of 
the Emperor Charles the fifth) foretell all the actions of the 
following Emperors, to that day, which the euent had proued 
most true. In generall the Germans seeme to haue singular 
credulity towards forraine Prophetts, and Astronomers, but 
espetially to their owne. And I remember that while I liued 
in Leipzig, one Scotus an Italian, calling himselfe an Astrologer 


and doing straunge iugling tricks, but by others reputed a 
Negromant, roade in a Coaclie with six horses, and was inter- 
tayiied and rewarded by great Princes, to cast the Natiuityes of 
their Children. 

The Germans in Lower Germany frequently take iourneyes 
on the Sabaoth day especially in the tymes of great Marts and 
Fayres, and make no conscience of keeping the Sabaoth day, 
further then by presence at the Church seruice, so as in many 
Lutheran Cittyes, I haue obserued Shopps to be open & wares 
shewed and sold vppon Sondayes, which they excused as done 
for the Country peoples sake, who that day of purpose came 
to the Citty, but neither the act, nor the excuse is approuable. 

When they take an oath before the Magistrate, they lay not 
the hand vppon the Bible, as we doe, but as the Sweitzers lift 
vpp three fingers, so the Germans lift vp two fingers to heaven. 
Lett me haue fauour freely to deliuer my opinion, that not only 
the men, but the women and young people of both kindes, more 
frequently sweare and Curse in Common speech, then any 
Nation, except the Italians, who in vices and vertues wilbe 
singuler aboue others, and if any man thinck this rashly spoken, 
I pray him to remember, how frequent these wordes are in very 
boyes and virgins mouthes, bey gott den herrn (by God the 
Lord), Gotts kranckheit (Gods sicknes), der Tiuel hole dich (the 
diuell take thee), meiner seale (by my soule) and the like. But 
the Nationall vice, wherein all sorts offend without any measure, 
yet daily and hourely is drunckennes, yet myselfe for the space 
of one yeare and a halfe frequenting their Churches, neuei 
heard any Preacher speake one worde against it, and no niaruel : 

Turpe est Doctori cum culpa redarguat ipsum. 
The teacher needs must be ashamed 
Who for that fault himselfe is blamed. 

Yea when men condemned to be broken vppon the Wheele, goe 
to execution, because the torment is greate, the Preachers 
having rectifyed their Consciences, then suffer their freinds to 
drinck with them till they be so druncken, as they seeme to 


haui- no sence of payne, and for so doing, they alledged the text 
of the Prouerbs, advising, to giue strong drink to them that are 
to dye; but me thincks it were better to mitigate the torment, 
then to permitt that excesse. 

To be short the Germans in religion axe rather good and 
honest then zealous or superstitious. The Churches are in many 
places curiously carued on the outsyde, especially the Cathedrall 
Churches, being all of free stone, but they are commonly 
Couered with tyles, some fewe with brasse, and Copper, growing 
in Germany, but nexier or very rarely with leade being a 
forraine commodity. 

And among the Lutherans their Churches on the insyde were 
curiously painted with Images (not defaced at the Reformation) 
and fayre Alters standing as they were of old ; yet to no vse of 
religion. For Luther thought it inough to take the woorshipping 
of Images out of their harts, though the beauty of them were 
not defaced in the Churches. And in some places, as at Lubeck, 
I haue seene all the seates, being faire of Carued Wainscott 
to be hung weekely in sommer tyme with boughes of Oake, 
seeming rather a pleasant Groue, then a Church. But in 
generall they frequented the Churches with great modesty and 
piety, and it was reputed a great offence to come late, or to 
goe out before the end of diuine seruice. In particular I 
commend the Mariners of Germany, who putting to Sea, 
continually sing Psalmes, and impose penalties vppon swearing 
and Cursing, or so much as naming the diuell, but I cannot 
commend them when they are out of danger in the hauen, and 
vppon land. 

Among the great varietyes of opinions about Eeligion in 
Germany, where not only diuerse sects of Christians liue 
together, but the very Jewes are permitted to liue (as at 
Franckford vppon the Moane in Germany, where they haue a 
streete to dwell in, not to speake in this place of their scattering 
through the kingdome of Bohemia, and a Citty allowed them 
to dwell in at Prage) I say in this great variety of religions, the 
Germans converse peaceably and freindly together, only the 


Jewes howsoeuer they liue in safety, yet are subiect there to all 
indignityes and reproches, being reuiled by all that meete them 
in the Streets. Yet in this poynt I speake only of vpper 
Germany, and the Emperors Court at Prage, where this 
Confusion is only found, and where the Subiects of the Emperor, 
of the other Arch Dukes of Austria, and of the Popish Bishopps, 
are forced to this patience in regard the greater number are 
Lutherans, and where the Subiects of diuerse Princes meete 
together at Marts, and like publike asseinblyes, whome I neuer 
obserued to dispute seriously about religion, but only sometymes 
to passe many quipps, and Jeasts one against the other. For in 
other parts, especially in lower Germany where each absolute 
Prince allowes but one Religion in his dominion, they will not 
heare other doctrine preached without tumult. And as I hauo 
shewed in the particular Electorshipp of Saxony so generally in 
vpper Germany, and especially in the lower, it is incredible, 
with what bitter frowardnes yea malicious hatred the Lutherans 
prosecute the Caluinists, often professing that they would rather 
torne Papists yea Turkes, then admitt the doctrine of Caluin, 
whereof no sufficient reason can be yeilded. Only some 
Philosopher or Statesman rather then diuine, may alledge this 
reason, that the next degrees of religion are most dangerous 
to seduce, since no Christian will easily be converted to 
Judaisme or Turcisme, but mans nature being subiect to 
variety of disputable opinions not apparently wicked, one sect 
of Christians may easily be drawne to an other, and most easily 
to the nearest, in which kinde wee daily see that dissentions 
are more frequent and bitter among neighbous (aswell in 
Fainilyes as Commonwealths), then among those that dwell 
further of. And that I deseruedly blame the Lutherans for this 
frowardnes may well appeare, not only by continuall experience, 
but by their printed bookes, wherein the Lutherans vse 
vnseemely reproches, and reuilings against the Caluinists. 

Among the Lutherans any man may preach with the leaue 
of the Superintendent (so they call the Cheife Minister in each 
Citty and Prouince placed as Bishopp ouer the rest) I say any 


man with his leaue may preach though he haue not token 
the orders of a Minister or of a Deacon, which orders they giue 
to none, but to such as haue a lawfull calling (as they terme 
it) namely such as are chosen by some Parish or Congregation to 
be their Pastor, and who bring their letters of Commendation 
to that end. The ordayning of ministers is done by the hands 
of all that haue orders, and (as they say) in place, and after 
the manner appointed by Christ and his Apostles, and practised 
in the Primitiue Church. He that is to be ordeyned, is first 
examined, then he preacheth publiquely at which tyme before 
all the Congregation prayers are made for him, then handes are 
layd vpon his head and power is giuen him to preach the 
Gospell, and to administer the Sacraments. At Wittenberg I 
did see Bohemian ministers ordayned, (because they had no 
Bishopp in Bohemia), who could nether speake Dutch nor latin, 
yet were admitted vppon good testimony of their sufficiency for 
that charge by letters from the Congregations which had chosen 
them to be their Pastors. The Electorshipp of Saxony had 
three Superintendants, whereof he that was resident in the place 
did examine the Ministers to be ordayned before all the Clergy 
of that place, and not only he but all the rest of the ministers 
and Deacons laid their hands on his head at the ordination. 
These Deacons vsed to preach, which liberty by leaue was also 
giuen to them that had no orders, but theire peculiar charge is 
for ease of the ministers to Celebrate mariages, to visite the 
sicke, to buyrie the dead, and to heare Confessions before the 
receauing of the Sacrament. For the Lutherans retayne 
Confession, but not alltogether Popish, not auricular but only 
generall not of all particular sinnes, according to the forme, 
which followeth in shewing the forme of receaving our lords 

The place of a Superintendant is like to that of a Bishop, 
and howsoeuer they haue not the trayne nor habitt of Bishopps, 
yet they were much esteemed and in great Authority. In free 
Cittyes I haue seene them take place next to the Consull or 
Burgomaster, aboue all the other Senators, and in all places 


they had great Authority with the Princes or Senates, espetially 
in matters concerning the Care of the Church committed to 
theire charge, Nether they nor any minister had any tythes nor 
Arable or pasture growndes, lest they should thereby be diverted 
from theire bookes, but aswell in the teritoryes of Princes as in 
free Cittyes, they had a Competent stipend of mony, for small 
actes, apparrell, and bookes, and a like proportion of greater 
prouisions necessary to mantayne theire Family. In some 
places the Superintendants had not much aboue 150. guldens 
yearely in mony, besydes convenient prouisions of Corne, beefe 
and wood for theire Familyes, and such yearely guiftes as theire 
Parishioners volentarily and freely bestooed on them. Yet in 
the Free Citty Lubeck (as I was informed) the Superintendent 
had 15001i. yearely in mony, besydes good proportions of Corne, 
Beefe and wood, and large guifts of the Cittisens freely bestowed 
on him, and I thincke no other in Germany had greater 
Reuennues, though some had more some lesse according to the 
riches and dignity of the place, and qaulity of the person. At 
Lubeck he did reade a lecture twise a weeke to all the Clargy, 
and the Cathedriall Church had fyue ministers, who in Course 
made three sermons on the Sabboth day, and one each day 
of the weeke earely in the morning, excepting Wensdaye. In 
like sort throughout all Germany euery Church had two, three 
or more Ministers, who distributed the Charge betweene theni- 
selues. And in most places they had a laudable Custome, that 
on the Sabboth day they had prayers at six of the Clocke in 
the morning and a shorte Catechising sermon, for Cookes and 
such seruants as were to attend houshoulde buisinesse. Then 
from eight of the Clooke forward they had prayers and a Sermon 
for the Cittisens theire Children and the other seruants that 
had no buisinesse at home, and it was a shame to come late or 
goe forth before the end. At one in the afternoone they had 
prayers and Catechising for the Children and servants, and at 
three of the Clooke one expounded the Epistle read that day. 
Yea each morning at six of the Clooke (excepting Wensdayes) 
they had a Sermon, wherein the Preachers seuerally Continued 


to expounde such scripture as they had chosen. In all Churches 
at euery Filler they had Alters, to which from old tyme great 
Reuenues belonged. In most Cittyes they did not buyrie the 
dead in Churchyeardes, but in a walled fielde without the Citty, 
which fielde at Leipzig was called gotts aker (the Aker of God), 
and there a Cittisen might buy a place of buyriall vnder the 
Covered Cloysters for himselfe for forty shillings, and for 
himselfe and his Family for twenty pounde, the Common sorte 
being freely buyred in the open fielde so inclosed. The sayd 
Reuenues of Alters and the old Tythes, gathered by the 
magistrates, did serue to pay the Stipends of the Clargy, and 
for one idle ignorant Priest of old, each Church had now many 
learned and industrious teachers, and by the same Reuenues the 
reperations and all necessityes of the Church were most Care- 
fully supplyed. 

Touching the lithurgy or forme of Diuine seruice vsed. The 
Ministers Lutherans wore Surplices and somtymes Coapes (as 
when the Sacrament was administred) only in the tyme of 
prayer and singing, not in the pulpitt. First in the morning 
on the Sabboth day the poore Children of the Schooles came 
through the streetes to the Church singing a latine song (as in 
like sorte they goe singing about the streetes at Dinner tyme the 
same day, receaving Almes at every doore). These singing 
boyes serued all the Churches, hauing diuine seruice at diuers 
howers, and by the way lett mee note, that all or most of the 
Cittisens Children had the Arte of singing. Before diuine 
service they had Musicke in a gallery of the Church, of wynde 
Instruments, namely Organs, Cornetts, Sagbuttes and the like. 
And by the way note that these musitians, together with 
trumpeters mantayned in most Cittyes of Germany, vsed to 
sounde in the Steeples of the Cheefe Churches at Noonne on 
the Sabboth day, and such dayes of the weecke as the Senators 
did meete in Counsell. After the sayd Musicke the ministers 
and singing boyes song a Psalme and some shorte prayers in the 
lattin tounge. Then the minister in the midest of the Church 
did reade the Epistle for that day in the vulgar tounge. Then 


agayne they sunge the song of Zacharias called Benedictus, and 
short prayers in the lattine Tounge, Then the minister did reade 
the Gospell in the vulgar tounge, and after in the midest of the 
Church begane a song in lattin. These and all theire songes 
were printed together in a booke vulgarly called Geistlich 
Leyder, that is spirituall songes whereof only some fewe are 
Dauids Psalines translated into Dutch verse by Luther, but 
most of them are songes which wee reade in the Gospell (as 
that of the blessed virgin and of Zachary or others taken out 
of the Gospell, about Christs birth, his Passion, & his Resurrec- 
tion and the like subiectes, all composed by Luther in verse and 
the Dutch language. At Leipzig, these songes were songe one 
weeke in the latten another in Dutch tounge, all the people did 
sing with their hatts on, as also the ministers Preached with 
theire heads Covered. All did stand on theire feete when the 
Preacher did reade his Text, and I obserued that in many 
Churches, as well Lutherans as Caluinests Continually prayed 
standing not kneeling. After they had songe the Creede, the 
preacher begines, and in the tyme of the Sermon, all the people 
turned theire faces towardes the preacher in the body of the 
Church, but in the tyme of prayer all turned theire faces 
towards the high Alter in the Chauncell. During the Sermon 
two officers went about the Church to gather Almes, each hauing 
an open pursse at the end of a sticke, and a litle bell at the 
bottome of the purse, which being gently sounded they that 
were next prepared mony to giue, and if any man did sleepe 
they vsed gently to passe the bell by his eares, that he might 
awake to heare the Sermon. 

By the way giue mee leaue to note, that the Germans being 
very industrious, haue fewe beggers in the streets or in the high 
wayes, excepting lepers, which espetially in vpper Germany, 
frequently begg by the highwayes with Clappers standing farr 
off, as also at the Doores of theire hospitalls, hauing a box sett 
vp into which the passengers cast theire Almes. And in 
generall the Germans euen of the poorest sorte neuer refused to 
giue Almes to beggers, hauing small brasse monnyes of litle 
value which the poorest may giue. 


Of Bohemia touching Religion. 

[I quote the following as showing the religious freedom 
which disappeared during the horrors of the Thirty Years' War.] 

GENERALLY in all the kingdome there was great confusion of 
Eeligions, so as in the same Citty some were Caluinists, some 
Lutherans, some Hussites, some Anabaptists, some Picards, 
some Papists, not only in the Cheefe Citty Prage, and the other 
Cittyes of Bohemia, as Bodly and Spill, but in Sperona and 
Graniza Cittyes of Morauia. And as the Jewes haue a peculyar 
Citty at Prage, so they had freedome throughout all the 
kingdome. Yea the same confusion was in all villages, and 
euen in most of the priuate Familyes, among those who liued 
at one table, and rested in one bed together. For I haue often 
seene seruants wayte vpon theire masters to the Church dore, 
and there leaue them to goe to another Church. Yea I haue 
seene some of the Emperours Guarde stand before his face 
laughing to see him creepe on his knees to kisse the Crucifix and 
other Reliques. For the Emperours Trabantoes (or Guarde of 
Foote) were for the most part of his German Subiectes, whereof 
I formerly sayd the greatest part to be Lutherans, yet hauing 
generall freedome of Conscience, so as not long before my 
being in those partes, the Emperour Rodulphus publishing an 
edict against Caluinists and all other Religions but only the 
Papists and Lutherans of the Confession of Augsburg his sub- 
iectes in Austria raysed a tumult, which he was forced to represse 
by restoring freedome of Conscience, they boldly denying to doe 
homage without that Caution, and protesting they would rather 
be subiect to the Turke permitting that freedome, then be vexed 
by a Christian Prince for theire Conscience. In which respect, 
as I sayd of the Emperours subiectes in Germany, so I founde 
his subiectes in Bohemia more differing in opinions of Religion, 
yet to converse in strang amity and peace together, without 


which patience a turbulent spiritt could not liue in those partes. 
As the buyldings of Germany generally, so the Churches and 
Mounasteryes particularly are much fayrer and more sumptously 
built then those of Bohemia, wherein I obserued litle Carued 
worke, excepting that of the Emperours Courte, and the insydes 
to haue litle beauty, and for the most parte to be vnclenly kept. 
The Eeuennues of the Clargy in Bohemia were large inough. 
At Prage I was accquainted with a minister of a neighbour 
towne, who tolde me he had weekly three Dollers in mony, a 
mutton, a proportion of beare, linnen for his house, and some 
like necessaryes out of the publike Treasure, besydes his owne 
oblations and profitts, by Funeralls, mariages, and Christnings, 
together with a house, an Orcharde, a garden, and two Vin- 
yardes. The yearely Reuennewes of the Archbishop of Prage 
were sayde to be twelue thousand Gold Guldens out of the 
publike treasure of the Citty, and twenty foure thousand from 
his owne landes. Bohemia hath only this one Archbishop, 
whose Seate from the tyme of Hus was long voyde, then three 
Archbishopps succeeded, and from the death of the third it was 
agayne voyde, and so remayned at my being there. Likewise 
Bohemia had one Bishop, but his Seate was voyde from the tyme 
of Hus to that day. Also Prage had an Vniversity, but in the 
Hussites warre it was translated to Leipzig in Misen. Touching 
the Hussites, the Reformation was not generall, for to this day 
they consent with the Papists in many thinges, and for 
Ceremonyes, if the Papist be superstitious, surely the Hussites 
(according to theire ignorant zeale) are rediculous. Since the 
tyme of Hus, the Bohemians ha u ing nether Bishop nor 
Vniversity, the Pastors cannot take orders at home, biit the 
Papists seeke them of neighbour Bishops, the reformed from 
Superintendants and Vniversityes in Germany neerest to them. 

The excesse of the Bohemians in drincking is no lesse then 
of the Germans, yea greater in respect of the weomen, who 
drincke almost in as great excesse as the men, wherein the 
wemen of Germany are most temperate. The Hussites Pristes 
may not marry. Vpon the outsyde of the dore of the Cathedrall 


Church in the cheefe Citty of Prague (for it hath a newe, and an 
olde Citty, besydes a thirde of the Jewes) they haue ingrauen a 
sworde and a Challice, in memory that by the sworde they 
extorted from the Pope liberty to Communicate as well the 
Cupp or blood as the body of our lord in the holy Eucharist. 
For whereas the Papists giue not the Cupp to the layety, but 
only the bread, which they say contaynes the blood in the body, 
the Hussites giue both kyndes, not only to lay men, but to 
very Infants, because Christ sayth, suffer litle ones to come 
vnto mee. But still they beleeue with the Papists the Corporall 
eateing of the body and blood of our lord with the mouth by 
transubstantiation. But they deny that prayers may be made to 
Sayntes or before Images. They sing the Masse in lattin, but 
they reade the Epistle, the Gospell, the forme of Baptisnie and 
buyriall, in the Bohemian Tounge. They signe the Baptised 
Infants with the crosse, and anoynte them on the forehead and 
on the neck with oyle, and vse exorcisme at the dore of the 
Church before they admitt the Infant into the Church to be 
Baptised. They had no holy water, wherewith the Papists vse 
to sprinckle men in the Church, and leaue it in a kynde of Funt, 
at the dore, that they which enter may sprinckle themselues 
therewith. The townes and villages were some more Reformed 
then other, hauing absolute freedome in Religion. They 
yealded no power to the Pope to rernitt sinnes, nether beleeued 
they or accknowledged the fyer of Purgatory. They agreed 
with the Papists for the number of Sacraments, and the 
doctryne of Predestination. They sunge no masses for the dead, 
but vsed rediculous Ceremonyes in buyriall, as shalbe shewed in 
the next booke. They obserued the lawdable Custonie of 
Germany to haue extraordinary prayers and Sermons earely 
in the morning for Cookes and such seruants as for housholde 
Dutyes could not come to Church at the ordinary tyme of 
Diuine seruice. 

Touching the Picards and Anabaptists frequent in those 
partes. Theire profession is not so austere as humble, abiect, 
and industrious. They liued like bretheren in Colledges with 


theire wyues and Chilldren, hauing one common purse, to which 
all that entred gaue theire goods. Each Family had lodgings 
aparte, and each morning earely all went to theire superiors & 
tooke theire meate and taske of worke for that day. For they 
exercised all raanuary Artes, except the making of iwordes and 
Instruments to hurte other men. And I haue seene some of 
these men in theire. Jornyes apparreled with a long Coate of 
Course home spunne Cloth, (which all vse without difference) 
hauing a staft'e in theire handes without any other Armes. If 
any be expelled the Colledge for vnchastity or blasphemy (as 
swearing and vngodly speeches) or for like offences, they loose 
the goods they brought, and they vsed severe disciplyne without 
any respect of persons. They kept the Feasts of the Annuntia- 
tion and of Easter, but they did not obserue the Feast of the 
Natiuity of our lord. 

I was at Prage in lent, where I obserued that the Papists 
and Hussites did fast and eate fish, but the Lutherans and 
Caluinists did eate flesh without keepeing any fasts. 


CHAPT. iii. 

Of the Sweitzers, the Netherlander, the Danes and the 
Polonians, touching Religion. 

Page 339 MS. 
Of the Sweitzers. 

ABOVT the tyme of my being in those partes, the Cantons of 
Sweitzerland, though differing in religion yet by great 
vuanimity, by mutuall loue, and by inviolable observation of 
theire leagues, constantly governed theire Commonwealth in the 
old viger, and it seemed to me a wonderfull effect, ether of 
theire wise government or theire natural! disposition, or both 
Concurring, that the men of diuers Religions vsed such patience 
and Charity one towardes the other, as in many places one 
Church serued both the Caluiniats (as they are termed) and the 
Papists for the exercise of theire Religion, one staying till the 
other had finnished theire seruice, and so left the Church to 
theire vse : and that they were neuer seene to haue any priuate 
quarrells, much lesse could be drawne to Ciuill warrs for the 
cause of Religion. 

Page 341 MS. 

At Zurech they had a Treasurer for the Reueneues of the 
Church, more spetially of the Monnasteryes, who yearely payed 
the ministers stipendes, repayred the Churches, and distributed 
large releefe to the poore, and layd vp the rest for publike 
necessityes, whereby in tymes of famyne the poore haue often 
beene releeued with Corne, bought beforehand and layd vp by 
the Treasurer for that purpose. And indeede the Sweitzers in 
generall, haue spetiall care for the wellordering of Almes, of 
Schooles, of Monasteryes Rents, and of Hospitalls, chusing 
Magistrates yearely to governe these Reueneues, and to haue 
spetiall care of the poore, so as they bauing great Reuenues by 


the Monasteryes, converted from the releefe of Monkes to better 
v-ses, and many large hospitalls, giue to the poore such large 
Almes, aswell in the Cittyes as in the territoryes, as they should 
not be forced to begg from dore to dore, or from village to 

Page 342 MS. 

Adultryes are punished by the Senate at home, and some- 
tymes Matrimoniall Causes are determined in the publike 
assembly of the whole Countrye, wherein of late, since the 
difference of Religion grewe among them, they haue made a 
publike decree, that spirituall kindred, which the Cannonists say 
is contracted in baptisme, shalbe no Impediment to marryage. 
For a Controversy in this point arising among them, the people 
vnderstanding that the Pope for mony vsed to giue such persons 
lycences to marry, made a decree, that if it were lawefull to 
rich men for mony, it should also be lawfull to the poore without 
mony. Whereby appeares that the Cantons being Papists, yet 
obey the Pope no further then they thincke reasonable. In 
generall all the Cantons, aswell Papists as reformed Joyue 
together in keepeiug festiuall dayes, and walking with soleme 
Procession ouer the places, wherein theire Ancestors haue 
fought battayles, wherein the Papists Priests goe first singing 
after theire manner, followed by the reformed ministers, then 
by the people in ordor, the cheefe men each leading some honor- 
able straunger with him, and lastly by the flocke of weomen, 
and when they come to the place of battayle, the Ensignes 
stand still at each stone erected for memorye, where all pray 
vpon theire knees, and at the sixth the history of the fight is 
recited, the Papists giuing thanckes aswell to the Virgin Mary 
and to theire tutelar Saynts Fredoline and Hillary, as to God, 
but the Reformed only to God. In the same place a sermon 
is made one yeare by a Papist Priest, the next yeare by the 
reformed minister of Glarona, and so yearely in Course. The 
sermon ended, they goe forwarde to the eleuenth stone, where 


they of the reformed Religion goe home, but the Papists goe to 
the Church, and hauing sung a masse for those that dyed in that 
fyght, they feast the clargy and strangers at the publicke charge, 
and after dinner retorne home following theire Priests singing, 
and theire banner with the Images of the Crucifix. 

Page 345 MS. 
Of Netherland. 

They had fayre larg clmrches, built of bricke, without any 
beauty on the insyde, or so much as fayre seates, the weomeu 
bringing stooles, and formes being sett about the Pulpitt in the 
naked body of the Church. Midleburg a great Citty had but 
two churches, and other great Cittyes had but one or two 
Churches, which of old perhaps might suffice, but now since 
the decay of Antwerp the people are infinitely increased by 
straungers and the banished men of Flaunders and Brabant, 
dwelling there for traffique and liberty of Conscience. Yet 
were these Churches seldome full, for very many Sectaryes, and 
more marchants prceferring gayne to the dutyes of Religion, 
seldome came to Church, so as in Leyden a populous Citty, I 
often obserued at tyrues of diuine seruice, much more people 
to be in the markett place then in the Church. 

Page 340 MS. 

Assoone as the Preaching minister entred into the Church, I 
obserued him that did reade prayers to finish them abruptly, as 
if he brought better thinges, or it were vnseemely that he should 
attend and ioyne with the rest in the Common Prayers. And 
after that tyme I obserued in England the same superstitious 
neglect of Common prayer, and excessiue valuation of Preach- 
ing, to haue infected some places among vs. 


Pages 348-349 MS. 

Of Poland. 

Touching the kingdome of Poland, it was first converted to 
Christianity in the yeare 965. (others write 975.) and when 
Luther first preached the reformation of Religion some of the 
great men in Poland (for the Palatines and gentlemen though 
subiect to a king yet are absolute lordes hauing power of life 
and death within theire territoryes) did ioyne with the Princes 
of Germany in theire protestations for reformation of Religion, 
but it was more fully reformed in Poland the yeare of our 
lord 1567. The nation is reputed very superstitious in theire 
devotions, and I haue seene the Papists among them adore the 
Crucifix with theire bodyes prostrate on the earth, and when 
they rose vp not only to signe theire faces and brests but theire 
very hinder partes with the signe of the Crosse. At Cracovia 
(vulgarly Crakaw) the cheefe Citty of Poland, they permitted 
the Stewes as it is permitted in the Cittyes of Italy, and each 
hore payde weekely eight Grosh to the high marshall of the 
kingdome. They are great drinckers, and verye quarrellsome 
in drincke, often breaking into shedding of blood, yea into 
murthers. No people in the world are so much infected with 
variety of opinions in Religion. Insomuch as it is proverbially 
sayd that if any man haue lost his Religion, he may fynde it in 
Poland, if it be not vanished out of the world. Generally the 
Jewes swarme in all partes of the kingdome, every great man 
vsing one or more of them to rayse his rents and profitts, in 
which kynde they are notable extortioners, and many of the 
people were thought not to be free from the opinions of theire 
Religion. The King, the Queene, the great Chancelour Zamosky 
vpon the confynes of Hungary and the greatest parte generally 
of the nobility, and of the people retayned the Roman Religion. 
Among them the Jesuites swarmed, and had many Colledges 
wherein they brought vp the Children of the nobilitie, no 
kingdome having more of that order, then Poland had. In the 
harte of the kingdome many of the nobility were reformed after 
the doctryne of Caluiu, whereof the Palatine of Rava one of the 


12 Palatines of the kingdome, was cheefe in name and power. 
Yea though all Religions had liberty of Conscience, yet that 
profession only had a Church allowed in the Cheefe Citty of 
Crakow, which Church notwithstanding some six monthes 
before my passing that way, was burned and pulled downe by 
the Papists in the drunken tyme of Shroftide, and then did lye 
wast, but they were confident to haue the Church and all 
Domages restored at the next generall assembly of the States. 
In Prussen, the free Citties Dantzke and Melvin with theire 
territories were parte Lutherans, part Caluinists, and the 
Dukdom of Konigsperg (being, as the sayd Citties, tributarye to 
the kingdome of Poland) was wholy reformed after the doctryne 
of Luther, but in the part of the Province then subiect to 
Poland, the Roman Religion and the Reformation of Luther 
and of Calvin were professed with free libertie, but most of 
them were Lutherans, as likewise in the Province of Massouia 
next adioyning and in those partes the Cloysters of monkes and 
Nonnes still remayned. At my being in those partes, the king 
and Queene of Poland lying at Dantzke to expect a passage by 
sea into theire kingdome of Suetia, and there seeing some fayre 
Images broken downe and cast asyde, requested the guift of 
them from the Cittisens, and hauing obtayned them, did 
presently sett them vp and worshipped them in theire sight 
vpon theire knees. Vpon the confines of Moscovy towardes the 
North, besydes all the forenamed Religions, many imbraced 
theire doctryne of the Greeke Church, as vpon the Confines of 
Tartarye towardes the East, many were infected with diuers 
superstitious of theire neighbors. 

CHAPTER iiii. 
Of the Turkes Religion. 

Pages 349368 MS. 

CAP. v. 

Of the Italians or rather the Romans touching Religion. 
Pages 368444 MS. 



Of Fraunce, England, Scotland and Ireland touching 


Page 449 MS. 
Of Fraunce. 

THE Reformed Churches followe the rule of Caluins doctryne, 
of which I haue spoken in the discourse of Germany, Sweitzer- 
land, and Netherland, shewing how it differs from the doctryne 
of Luther, about the presence of our lord in the Sacrament, and 
other pointes. I will only add, that it reiects all, euen the most 
allowable Ceremonyes of the Eoman Church, and all kynde of 
Pictures and Images in the Church. It alloweth not the name 
or dignity of lords Bishopps, but in place of them hath 
superintendants, to whome they giue moderate yearely Pensians, 
and the Causes of the Bishopps Concistoryes are determined by 
the Elders, Consisting of some cheefe ministers and lay men. 
And as the Roman Church blynded the world by the ignorance 
of the Clargy, so this Reformed Church aA'ectes nothinge more, 
then to haue a learned & honest Preacher in euery Parish, which 
is hindred by nothing more then by old Alienations of benefices 
apropriated by the Roman Church, to Colleges, and Cathedriall 
Churches. Lastly the reformed are very strict in the Censure 
of manners, forbidding daunces and restrayning the peoples 
liberty in sports and conversation. To conclude, great and 
wise men of that Reformed Church haue freely sayd, that this 
stricktnes in manners, the taking away all Ceremonyes, and the 
disallowing of Bishopps, haue greatly hindred the increase of 
the Reformed Church, which was like ere this tyme to haue 
prevayled throughout all Fraunce, if in these thinges they had 
followed in some good measure the Reformation established in 


Page 450 MS. 
Of England. 

I will only add in generall, that the English were allwayes 
Eeligiously affected, and while they were obedient to the Pope, 
yealded him in proportion more profitt then any other 
kingdome. That they haue built and founded more Stately and 
rich Monasteries, Colleges, Vniversities and Cathedriall 
Churches, then any other nation, yea that the building of many 
Common Churches (perticularly in Lincolnshyre) cost more 
then all the houses of the towne. And I may boldly say that 
England hath more Bells, and of greater price, then any three 
kingdomes, if not then all the worlde besydes. To which giue 
me leaue to add the old and laudable Custome of England, to 
toll a Bell when any one lyeth at the pointe of death, to 
remember all men to pray for him, as the proper tyme when 
prayers may avayle him, namely while he yet liueth. To 
conclude these generall Remembrances, I thincke that nothinge 
in our age hath more pinched the Papists then our gracious 
Soueraignes wise invencion of the Oath of Aleagiance, For when 
they suffered for the Oath of supremacy, they had pretence 
thereby, as for a point of Religion, to be made Martyrs. But 
howsoeuer the Pope hath made it an Article of Fayth, that he 
may depose kings and absolue subiectes from the Oath of 
Alleagence, yet I thinck fewe learned and godly Papists would 
be content to suffer for that new and strange Article of Fayth. 

Pages 453456 MS. 
Of Ireland. 

It is most Certayne, that generally all the Papists in Ireland 
(as allso in England) came ordinarily to the Church seruice of 
the Protestants, till about the yeare 1572. For about that tyme 
the Pope first resolued to sett the marke of the Beast vpon the 
foreheades of his followers, forbidding them to come to our 
Churches, to ioyne with vs in priuate prayer, or somuch as to 


say Amen to our graces at table. From which tyme, though 
most of them knewe our Church seruice, and I haue heard many 
of them freely confesse that they could except against nothinge 
therein, the same being all taken out of the old Eoman lythurgy, 
only omitting prayers to Saynts, and like superstitions, Which 
they that listed might performe at home, yet it was more easy, 
for the foresayd reasons, to bring a Beare to the stake, then any 
one of them to our Churches. I haue heard some of the most 
learned among them alledge other reasons of this generall 
obstinacy, namely that after the foresayd tyme, the high 
Commissionours calleing many into question, released them 
after for mony, and after fewe monthes questioned them 
agayne, and in like sort released them, vsing that power 
rather to impourish then to reforme them, which first wrought 
in theire heartes an hatred of the gouernment, and in tyme a 
detestation of our Religion, which they called Vendible. But 
wee by experience found many other true reasons of this 
obstinacy. As first vicious shamefastnes whereby many that 
could not deny the truth of our Religion, yet shamed to leaue 
the Roman, which all their frends and kinsmen professed, who 
would ever after hate theire persons, and avoyde theire Company. 
Agayne the respect of profitt, and meanes to Hue Comfortably, 
since tradesmen becomming of the Reformed Church, lost the 
Custome of all Papists, who would neuer after buye any thinge 
of them, and men of other Conditions were not only depriued of 
any meanes or releefe they might expect from their frendes, but 
were most hated and Molested by them. Yea the Papists 
generally were so malitious against theire Countrymen turning 
Protestants, as they not only in life maligned them, but vpon 
their death bedds and in the hower of death, denyed them 
releefe or rest, keeping meate and all thinges they desyred from 
them, and the wemen and Children continually pinching and 
disquieting them when they would take rest, that they might 
thereby force them to turne Papists agayne. So as I haue 
knowne a Governour forced to appointe men to keepe a sicke 
Protestant from these tormentours, and Priests, and to see all 


necessaryes ministred to him. To which I may add, that the 
Irish could alledge many examples, of men of good Condition 
and estate, who hauing turned Protestants, were not cherished 
and incorraged by our cheefe Gouernours, but rather left by 
them to perish by the former & like meanes. Besydes these 
thinges swaying the myndes of particular men from vs, many 
generall abuses corrupted the generall State of the Church in 
those tymes. First the meere Irish lords kept most of the 
Ecclessiasticall Benefices in theire handes, leaning nothing to 
inantayne any Protestant Incumbent sent thither by the State, 
but rather mantayning with them theire owne Popish ignorant 
and base Priests. For such were both sortes liuing vnder them, 
whome they, out of a wicked Custome or tyrannicall rule of 
their barbarous Brehowne lawe, and Contrary to the receaved 
lawe of England, continually oppressed, no lesse then their laye 
vassals, with Impositions at theire pleasure (vulgarly called 
Cuttings) & like extortions, thincking it no fault but rather 
a meritorious act to defraude and allso oppresse the Protestant 
ministers sent among them. Indeede the lawes of England, had 
in those dayes so litle swaye in theire Countryes, as our 
Ministers could not safely Hue there, where a valiant English 
Captayne with his Armed Company of Foote could not safely 
Hue without some temporising and applying himselfe to theire 
humours. So as it was no maruayle they oppressed the clergy 
vnder them by Cuttinges and extortians no lesse then theire lay 
vassalls, and kept spirituall liuings in theire handes without 
mantayning any minister, or doing any Religious duty, as 
Almes, hospitality and the like. Yea the Court of Faculties in 
those dayes vsed to dispence with lay persons tho vnqualifyed, 
to possesse Benefices for the vse of Childrens education, who 
notwithstanding were trayned vp in Spayne and Flaunders, not 
in our schooles or vniversities, nether in those dayes was there 
any Booke of Eates for benefices to the great preiudice of the 
State and subiectes. Many gentlemen of the English Irish held 
by inheritaunce Impropriations not indowed with any vicarages. 
Many held Benefices graunted to them vnder the great Seale 


for life or Tearme of yeares (wherof I haue knowne one man 
to haue sixteene in one graunt by letters Patients) ; Others by 
right of Patronage to bestow spirituall linings, held them in 
theire owne handes. And none of these had any the least care 
to prouide Preachers or Readers for these benefices, nether were 
they bounde by theire graimts and tenours so to doe. Yea in the 
latter tyines wherof I write, some founde a newe tytle (as newe 
vices gett newe names) whereby to hold spirituall liuings, 
vsing them no better then the former, namely by Custodium or 
keeping dureing pleasure. It is incredible, but most true, that 
the Clergy of those tymes was not wanting to sett forward the 
generall corruption of the Irish Church. Ministers were hardly 
founde, so as many great congregations euen among the English 
wanted Pastors, and the Bishopps were forced for the most part 
to tolerate ignorante persons, men of scandalous life, yea very 
Popish readers, rather then Parishes should want not only 
diuine seruice but the vse of baptisme, Buiriall, Mariage and 
the lords Super. Which the Papists did often cast in our teeth, 
saying it was better to haue the Roman Masse, then no seruice 
at all, as in many of our Churches. Many who came ouer out of 
England, if they taught well in pulpitt, gaue ill example in life. 
The ministers which Ireland had, were blamed for not caring 
how many benefices they had, nor how remote they were one 
from the other. Yea the Bishops were no lesse worthy of blame 
in this kynde. For my selfe knewe one not very learned, nor 
much approved for his life, who hauing beene a Fryer, and 
turning Protestant had three Bishoprickes, besydes many 
benefices of the best. Both Ministers and Bishops non resident 
sent to theire remote liuings only Procters to gather theire 
tythes and profitts. And as the Bishopes abused theire Juris- 
diction, accounting it a yearely Rent, so theire Proctors, 
espetially in the remote partes of the North, abused it much 
more, not shaming to imitate the Priests of the barbarous Irish, 
who vsed to take a Cowe of maryed people, and two Cowes of 
the vnmaryed yearely, as a penalty of incontinency though no 
such fault could be proued against them, and more, (according 


to theire pleasure), of those who were indeede guilty, and that 
without Citation or Conviction by course of lawe. It is strange 
but most true, that our Bishopps, in places where themselues 
were residend, did followe the meere Irish lords in extorting 
vpon the Clergy vnder them. To which purpose my selfe did 
heare a Bishop say, that he desyred not to haue learned 
ministers or men of quality in his diocesse because he Could not 
make so much profitt of them, as he might of others. Both 
Bishopes and ministers did lett long leases of theire landes and 
benefices (wherin they were not then restrayned by any lawe) 
and so all spirituall liuings were made vncompetent to 
mantayne worthy Incumbents. The Churches throughout the 
kingdome did threaten ruine, yea in most places not only the 
Common but those of fayrest building were fallen to the 
grounde. The very Church of Armach famous in old tymes for 
the seate of that Archbishopp, Primate of that kingdome, was in 
those tymes ruined, and lay more like a stable then a Clvurch. 
To which filthynes also all Churches in generall were subiect, 
except some fewe kept in cheefe Cittyes for the vse of the 
English. The Jesuites and Roman Priests swarmed in all 
places, filling the houses of lordes, gentlemen, and espetially 
Cittisens, and dominering in them, as they might well doe, for 
howsoeuer the men grewe weary of them, they had the wemen 
on theire sydes. And these men were the bane not only of the 
Commonwealth (as I haue formerly shewed) but more spetially 
of the Church, obdurating all the subiects in disobedience to the 
English Magistrates, confirming them in superstition and 
blynde obedience to the Pope, reducing those that were ready 
to fall from them, perverting those that were wavering, and 
Cementing the disvnited affections of Rebells. The Children 
of lords gentlemen and cheefe Cittisens were for the most part 
brought vp in Spayne or Flaunders, for nether Ireland had 
Scholemasters of the Reformed Religion, nor would the Irish 
then haue sent theire Children to any such. 


Booke IIII. 


Of the Germans Nature and Manners, strength of body 
and witt, manuall Artes Sciences Universities language 
pompe of Ceremonyes, espetialy in Maryages, Child- 
bearings, Christenings, and Funeralls : as also of theire 
divers Customes, Sports Exercises, and perticulerly of 
Hunting Hawking Fouling birding and Fishing. 

Nature and Manners. 

ALL writers commend the Germans or high Dutch, for Modesty, 
Integrity, Constancy, Placability, Equity, and for grauity, but 
somewhat inclyning to the vice of Dullnes. The Conversation 
of gentlemen is very Austere, full of scowling grauity rather 
then of disdaynfull pryde, Cittizens are more Courteous, both 
rude inough in lower Germany, and generally haters of French 
Complement. Generally they dispise humility in strangers, to 
whome a bigg looke and good suite of Apparrell add no small 
respect, For all men eating at one Common table, every Coach 
man will sett downe before him that putts not the best legg 
forward, and when I was forced in my Jorney from Stoade to 
Emden, to disguise myselfe in a poore habitt, I obserued that 
I spent not a penny lesse for my humility, the poorest paying 
for his meate at the Common table asmuch as the best, only 
I saued the guift of drincking mony, which the seruants scorned 
to demande of me (as I haue shewed in the first booke of the 
third Parte, and the third Chapter, in the xxth Precept of 
humility). All the Germans haue one Nationall vice of 
drunckennes in such excesse (espetially the Saxons), as it 
staynes all theire nationall vertues, and makes them often 
offensiue to frends and much more to strangers. But it is a 
great reproach for any woman to be druncken or to drincke in 


any the least excesse (as I hauo shewed at large in the third 
Parte in the Chapter of the Germans dyett). They are by 
nature placable, and farr from malice or treason to theire 
enemyes. When they dispute they nether haue nor neede any 
moderator, but coldly vrge theire Arguments, and are soone 
satisfyed with the Answer. And when they fyght they 
nether haue nor neede any to parte them, but themselues will 
gently take vp the quarrell. They Chyde rudely more than 
they fight, for generall all, but espetially the Saxons, and aboue 
all the Coachmen and Common people, are rude in behauiour 
and wordes, they will not stay a minute in the Inne nor by the 
way, vpon any occasion for a Companion in the Coach, and 
when they are heated with drincke, they are apt to giue rude 
yea reprochfull wordes, espetially to strangers (whose best 
course is to passe them ouer, as not vnderstood). But euen 
among themselues this rude speech and drunckennes, and 
espetially the small daunger in fighting (where it is a villanny 
to thrust, and a small Cutt or slash is the worst can befall them) 
Cause many quarrells (as I haue shewed at large in the 23. 
Precept of Patience, the third Chapter of the third Parte). The 
modesty of the wemen in singular, and the like rarely or no 
where founde, and the Modesty of men great. Honest wemen 
hold it obscenity onlie to name theire Duggs, muchlesse will 
they expose them to sight, and least of all permitt them to be 
touched. At Nurenburg in the Common Hosiery a bell hanges 
vnder the table, which they vse in sport to ring, when any man 
comes late to dinner, and when any speake vnfitt speeches, 
espetially obscene wordes, wherein theire eares are so nice, as 
when a French man setting in theire Company, did reade in a 
Duch booke the Answer of the Paynter, that his Pictures were 
fayre because he drewe them by day, and his Children foule 
because they were gotten in the darke, I obserued the wemen 
to blush, and the men also to looke one vpon another, as if 
those wordes were flatt Baudery. When the wemen goe out 
of dores, they lett theire Coates dagle [sic] in the durt, lest they 
may seeme vnmodest in shewing any parte of theire feete or 


leggs. And when they goe out of dores, they are reputed 
harlotts, if they couer not theire faces and theire heades with 
lynnen Cloth, and theire apparell with a Cloke, and if they 
carry not in theire handes a litle baskett, as if they went abroade 
to buy somethinge, tho perhapps they goe only to visite a frend. 
They kisse none but theire husbands, nor them openly, yea they 
take it for a great wrong, if a stranger ignorant of their 
Customes, when he takes his leaue for a great Jorney, should 
offer to kisse or so much as to touch their handes. Yet I will 
freely say, that in Oldenburg, Westphalia, and those parts, I 
obserued wemen of the better sorte more barbarous and prone 
to vse wanton and filthy speeches. Otherwise, the men (as the 
wemen) are modest in speeches, and hold it great immodesty 
to make water in the streetes, and in some places the magistrate 
will punish any vnshamefastnes in that kynde. The Parcimony 
of the Germans is singuler, spending sparingly if not basely, in 
theire apparrell, which is Commonly of Cloth, and playne 
stuffes, with litle or no lace, neuer imbrodered, and worne by 
them to the vttermost proofe, euen when it is greasy. So are 
they in theire feasts ; which exceed not foure or fyue dishes, and 
in theire games or sportes, which they seldome vse and neuer 
for great wagers. Only they spend prodigally in drincke, 
wherein sometymes I haue seene one gentleman at one nights 
lodging in his Inne spend tenn or twenty Dollors. Yet 
howsoeuer poore men will drincke theire apparell from theire 
backes, I should thincke it a labour of Hercules, for men of the 
better sorte to consume any reasonable patrimony therein. 
Procopius imputes Covetousnes to the Germans, because for gold 
they expose theire Hues to danger, but I thincke not Covetousnes 
but rather want of meanes to ryott in drincke, makes them 
Mercenary soldyers. They are aboue all nations constant, in 
Apparrell, dyett and all thinges. For howsoeuer they changed 
for the Reformed Religion, when they sawe they had beene 
deceaved, and came to knowe the truth, yet that is to be 
attributed rather to theire goodnes, then to Inconstantly. They 
are of great integrity, trusty and faythfull in worde and deede. 


For they demaund no more of the buyer then the iust price 
that he must pay. And if you leaue niony or goods in theire 
Stoxies (or Common eating places of theire howses) they are as 
safe as if they were locked in your chest. Yea wheras the 
Common proverbe is, that the Masters eye makes the horse fatt, 
and in all Countryes men vse to see theire horses meated, there 
you may safely trust, and they continually doe trust, the 
seruante of the Inns to meate theire horses, who will neuer 
deceave a Dumb beast. I never obserued any Nation more 
prone to suspition, not for any guiltines of wickednes in 
themselues (no nation more hating treason, fraude, and all 
dissimulation) but rather out of a Conscience of theire 
simplicity, whereby they thincke themselues fitt to be betrayed, 
howsoeuer they drincke stoutly, and though they eate slowly yet 
by setting long at table Commonly eate to satiety, which two 
thinges vse to preuoke venerye, yet no doubt theire Chastitye is 
admirable. Perhapps this fullnes chookes their spirittes, and 
makes them dull, and so lesse inclyned to venerye. But no 
doubt the men are very chast, and the wemen not only 
exceeding modest, as I formerly sayd, but in my opinion most 
chast in the worlde, I knowe not whether out of naturall 
inclynation, or out of the seuerity of the lawe, restrayning 
nature. For Adultry is punished with death, and the offenders 
in that kynde be rare and seldome or never founde. Fornication 
is punished with mulcts of mony, and with exceeding shame, 
and howsoeuer some virgins among them of the baser sorte haue 
sometymes bastards, and some of the better sort are content to 
vse theire seruice for dry norses, yet they are fewe and dispised. 
Tacitus writes that of all barbarous nations (as then the Romans 
reputed them) only the Germans had eurey man one wife. 
Towardes the German Sea, namely at Hamburg, the Citty 
aboundes with harlotts, which vsed to allure strangers, and then 
giue Notice to the sergants to apprehend them, and bring them 
to the magistrate, who imposed great mulcts of mony vpon 
them, with small Creditt to the Magistrate, because those 
Mulcts were diuided, betweene the Magistrates imposing 


them, the harlotts accusing, and the sargants apprehending the 
betrayed malefactors. But if the man offending were inarryed, 
he was punished with death, to which only the breakers of 
wedlocke were subiect, the party vumaryed being through out 
Germany only punished with raony. Also at Augsburg vpon 
the Confynes of Italy, infected with the Nationall vice of the 
Italyans being most vnchast, I obserued great impunity if not 
open liberty of fornication. Munster writes that of old the 
Germans were reputed vnfruitfull in generation. Bodine on 
the Contrary writes all Northerne men to be most fruitefull, and 
calls Germany the shopp of Nations from whence the Armyes 
of the Gothes, the Uunns^ the Cymbrians, the longebardes, and 
Normans, infinite in number, swarmed ouer all Europe. For 
howsoeuer they were not all Germans, yet those Armyes were 
much increased in theire passage through Germany. But since 
drunckennes is a great enemy to generation, and Tacitus writeth 
that the Germans had but one wife for one man, when other 
barbarous nations had euery man many wiues (which is the 
most powerfull meanes of fruitefull Procreation) I knowe no 
better reason why the Germans should be fruitfull in generation 
aboue other Northerne people, then the singular Chastity of 
the men and espetially of the wemen. For naturall reason and 
experience teacheth, that wemen Prostituted to the lust of 
many, neuer haue Children, at least so long as they remayne 
Common. No doubt Germany is very populous, and the wemen 
there be very fruitefull, as may appeare, not only by the 
foresayd invndation of Armyes, but by daly experience. Botero 
a Roman omitting Sweizerland, Netherland, Prussia, and 
Liuonia, all which speake the German language, writes that 
in the Empire tenne millions of persons were Numbred in his 
tyme, and that among the very many Cittyes and fayre townes 
of Germany, in one Citty of Augsburg 1705 were Baptised and 
1227 were Buryed, in a yeare free from the plague or any 
mortality by strange diseases. While my selfe soiourned at 
Leipzige a woman had three Chilldren at a birth, and the 
hauing of more then one was not thought rare or strange, Yea 


they haue a Common saying, which may seeme fabulous, but 
in Hkelyhood came at first from some rare accident in that kynd, 
namely that a woman reproching another for hailing many 
Children at one birth, and being Cursed by her, had herselfe the 
next yeare so many Children, as for shame shee went to drowne 
some of them in a Ponde, but being apprehended and punished, 
the Children that were saued were commonly called Hunds- 
kindren that is Dog whelps, because they so hardly scaped the 
fortune of whelpes to be drowned. Whatsoeuer hath beene sayd 
or may be sayd of the Germans Nature and manners, it must 
allwayes be vnderstood, that vpon the Confynes on all sydes, 
theire old naturall goodnes is somewhat infected and altered by 
the vices of the bordering Nations. For howsoeuer the inland 
Germans are at a worde for all thinges they buy and sell, and 
no man will offer lesse then is asked, Yet on the borders of 
Fraunce they apply themselues to vse some Art to deceave. 
In like sorte within land they are most chast, but vpon the 
Confynes of Italy, it is no great Cryme to be acquainted with an 
harlott. And indeede generally the borderers of all Nations are 
Commonly the worst people, and vse more then others to apply 
themselues to the manners of theire neighbours. 

Bodies and Witts. 

Touching the bodies and witts of the Germans, old writers 
say that they cannot beare thirst, nor heate, but are most patient 
to endure colde. And Tacitus writes that theire bodyes are 
great and strong to resist assaults, but not able to endure labour, 
thirst, nor heate : and Pomponius Maela sayth, theire bodyes are 
most patient to endure Colde out of Custome to runne vp and 
downe naked in theire shirtes, from Childhood to ripenes of 
yeares. For my part I thincke thire disability to beare thirst, is 
rather Contracted by Custome then by nature, since theire 
bodyes are commonly moyst and Phlegmatick, and only 
Custome hath taught them to drincke immoderately. Nether 
thincke I them able to endure extreame Colde. For howsoeuer 


I hauc scene theire Children goe naked in the Stoues, and the 
seruants carry them into colde roomes and sett them downe 
naked vpon cold plastered floores, till they had made a bedd 
or done like buisinesse, and bigger Children often runne out 
naked to play in the snowe, yet these Children soone retyre 
into hott stoues, wherein the men also and espetially the wemen 
Continually sett, till they goe to bedd, or vpon necessity of 
buisinesse goe abroade. Also the heades and faces of the 
wemen are muffled with linnen Cloth, and they weare Peticoates 
and Clokes lyned with furr, and the men also weare Capps and 
Cassockes Commonly lyned with furr, yea most of them weare 
great stomachers of wooll or furrs, as large as Artizans Aprons, 
either because they cannot beare colde, or because they so 
weaken theire stomackes by drincking, as they are forced thus 
to cherish them. Bodin writes that Gallen was wont to wonder 
that some nations vsed to putt theire Children in colde water 
assoone as they were borne, and the Emperour Julian writes 
in his Epistle to Antiochus, that the Germans vsed to putt theire 
newe borne Chilldren into the Riuer Rhene, beleeuing that the 
Bastards would sincke and perish, but those that were 
Legitimate would floate aboue the water. I knowe not vpon 
what superstition they vsed then this barbarous and foolish 
Custome, but at this day I am sure the water is made luke 
warme in which they Baptise theire Children, whose whole 
bodyes they sprinckle with the same. Munster writes that the 
old Germans brought vp theire Children in great liberty, 
without tying them to labour, of learning of Artes, and that the 
Germans layd them downe to sleepe where night ouertooke them, 
and theire Children were left free to doe what they listed. And 
Csesar in his Commentaryes, attributes the Germans bigg 
stature and strength to this free education, which Bodiu 
attributes to theire aboundauce of moysture and heate. For my 
part I thincke it rather proceedes from a third cause, namely 
that wemen are seldome marryed till they be twenty fyue yeares 
old, which maturity of age cannot but bring strong and large 
Children. If any marye younger, they repute them more fitt 


for bedd and boarde, then to goucrne the huswyfery of the 
Family, and my selfe at leipzig obserued, the best sorte of the 
Cittizens to thincke it strange, when a virgin of seuentene yeares 
age was maryed . No doubt the bodies and all the parts of the 
Germans are larg and strong. Among other thinges it would 
seeme wonderfull to any of our nation, if they should see what 
huge tubbes of water the wemen commonly carry vpon theire 
heades (insteede of which tubbs in some places they carry two 
pales hanging vpon a wodden yoke putt about theire neckes, 
which somewhat easeth the Carryage). They may guesse the 
ordinary bignes of the Germans bodies to exceede other nations, 
who haue scene the two Monsters of men brought from thence 
in our tyme to be shewed in forayne parts (as Monsters) for 
mony, wherof one had a Sister in Saxony credibly reported to 
be much higher, though otherwise not so great as himselfe. 
In England we had experience that these two foresayd Gyants 
(as I may call them) would not wrestle or doe like exercises with 
our men, for the Germans in generall eating and drincking most 
part of the day, and sitting continually, and that in hott stoves, 
besydes the naturall bignes of stature, become fatt and puffed 
up, but seldome or neuer haue actiue bodyes. Yea theire witts, 
not very sharpe or quicke by nature, are by the same 
intemperance, and by the hott stoues admitting no ayre, and 
stuffing the brayne with grosse vapours, made very dull and 
heauy. The greatest wemen are Commonly in Saxony, Olden- 
burg and West Phallia, but the fayrest, and indeede of excellent 
beauty, are those of Hamburg, Lubect, Dantzke, and Melvin 
vpon the Sea syde. At Hamburg they haue all yellow heyre, 
by washing it weekly with one kynd of lee and drying it in 
the sunne. The fayrest within land are those of Suevia and 
espetially of Augsburg. Both men and wemen in Styria and 
Carinthia vpon the Alpps, haue many of them great wenns in 
theire throtes, bigger then theire cheekes, ether by drincking 
water running through Myneralls, or snowe falling into the 
waters, for snowe lyes most part of the yeare vpon those 
Mountaynes. In Feasts they haue no complement intertayne- 


ments, discourse, or mirth, but graue and long orations one after 
another, theire short speeches are only ' you are welcome,' 
' drincke out all,' ' I drincke to your mastership,' and ' I pledge 
your mastership,' and the like : theire Actions of mirth are only 
daunsing after theire rude manner, or griping of handes. If 
they have Fooles to make them merrye, they wring laughter 
from others by obsurdity of acction, as falling and breaking 
theire shinnes, and by telling written tales, not by sharpenes 
of any witty talke. Indeede they knowe not what a pleasant 
Jest is, but will iuterprett literally after the playne wordes, such 
speeches, as by strangers are spoken with sauorye and witty 
conceyte, if they were taken in the sence they meane them. 

Artes and Sciences. 

If any obiect that the Germans are exelent in manuall Artes, 
and the liberall Sciences, I think that to be attributed not to 
theire sharpenes of witt, but to theire industry, for they vse to 
plodd with great diligence vpon their professions, not careing to 
be ignorant in all other thinges, contrary to the manner of other 
nations, who besydes their profession, affect to haue some 
superficiall knowledg in all thinges, for discourse and ostenta- 
tion of learning. Indeede the Germans are excelent in Manuall 
Artes, by that plodding industrye, and famous for the same 
among all nations, by which also they bring from them much 
mony into Germany. In the tyme of Venceslaus the Emperour 
Crowned in the yeare 1376. Bertholdus Niger a German Monke 
and a great Chymist, is sayd first to haue invented Gunns and 
Gunnpowder. And in the tyme of the Emperour Fredericke the 
third, Crowned in the yeare 1440, John Gutenberg a German, 
borne at Strasburg, did first invent Printing, which was alter 
perfected at Mentz. At least these men first made these 
inventians knowne to the people of Europe. For the historyes 
of China are sayd to wittues, that of old in the tyme of theire 
first king, he was taught the vse of Gunus by a Deuill, and 
that of old they had the vse of Printing. The Germans also 


make exquisite Clockes, such as that of Strasburg, that of Bazill, 
and that of Lubecke, described in the first part of this worke, 
excellent for knowledg of Astronomy, and for manuall Art, 
which are commonly whole Clockes, that is stricking foure and 
twenty howres, and beginiug at night, wherevpon they were 
called of old the Sonnes of Dis, and were sayd of olde to reken 
tyme by nights not by dayes, as now to this day takeing theire 
leaue of frendes, they wish them a thousand good nights. 
Likewise they haue Artificiall mills, to be driuen with a small 
quantity of water, conveyed in troughes, and falling directly 
vpon the wheeles, which they vse in theire Mines, as also for 
other vses, namely for sawing of boardes, with litle helpe of one 
workeman to fasten the tree to the Mill, which done it draweth 
the tree to it being never so great, till it haue sawed out the 
same, so as for euery boarde they doe but once fasten the tree to 
the Mill, and neede no more attend it. And they haue Mills 
vpon the Riuers founded vpon a boate, in which they remoue 
the Mill at pleasure from one towne and village to another. By 
Manuall Art they make all labours easy, to be donne with litle 
helpe and attendance, sauing the charge of workmen and 
seruants. Wemen in Childebed and sicke persons not able to 
move for weaknes, haue towells fastened vpon wheeles to the 
toppes of theire bedds, by which without other helpe they can 
remoue and turne themselues with ease. They haue Cradles for 
Children, wherein they shutt them, and support them that they 
cannot fall, and these moue with wheeles which way soeuer the 
chyld moues them, so as he learnes to goe of himselfe, while the 
mother, nurse, and maydes, are free to attend housholde 
buisinesse. For the Germans so abhorr Idlenesse, as I haue 
scene young men, rather then they would stand Idle, seriously 
fall to spiniug of flax. Theire veiy Plowghs are driuen upon 
wheeles with great ease and small number of Plowmen. All 
seuerall trades of Artizans, haue theire solem feasts yearely, in 
publike howses for that purpose, whether they all goe together 
in the morning, marching through the streetes with affected 
grauity, and there hauing largly dyned, they spend most part 


of the aftcrnoone, sometymes in daunsing after musicke, 
sometymes at the table singing and drincking, and then retorne 
to theire owne bowses, marching through the streetes in like 
manner as they came thether. The Artizans worke not, as our 
English, in open shopps, but in close Parlers or chambers, 
hauing Stoues or Ovens, which are heated in the winter, so 
as they are troubled with no cold. They receave youthes bound 
prentises for six yeares, to be taught theire trades, during which 
tyrne, they vse them with much lesse severity then our Artizans 
doe in England. For they worke with their hatts on, and haue 
many hollidays, wherein they challeng of Custome to be free 
from labour, in so much as euery Monday (which they call 
Sondayes brother) they worke not at all, or very litle at their 
owne pleasure. If any man come to buy thinges in theire shops 
namely shooes and bootes, they neuer rise from theire worke, 
but the buyer chuseth his owne shooes and Bootes, and putts 
them on himselfe, and then payes the price they aske at a worde 
and (as of duty) giues some drincking mony to the workemen. 
The prentises hauing serued theire yeares, and being 
Jorneymen, that is working for dayes wages, vse to trauell 
through the great Cittyes of Germany Fraunce and Italy, 
mantayning theire expences by theire owne labour, and when 
they haue gotten inony to beare theire charges by the way, they 
go to another Citty, and before they retorne home, with singular 
industry become expert in theire trades. This custome is more 
spetially vsed by Taylors, and Barbars (who withall professe 
surgery) and also by Shooemakers. And in tyme this custome 
hath gotten such power, as in the great Cittyes of Germany, 
these wanderers, with great Confidence enter the houses of the 
best workmen of theire trade, calling for worke, as if they were 
in theire masters houses, and lining there vpon theire labour, 
till they haue gott mony to trauell further, as or long as they 

For Sciences : There is not a man among the Common sorte 
who cannot speake lattin, and hath not some skill in 
Arithmaticke, and Musicke, The very wemen carry chalke in 


theire purses wherewith they will truely and speedily cast any 
ordinary reckning. If any aske Almes, they Commonly begg 
singing, and the poore schollers vpon hollydayes goe singing 
about the streetes, and receaue some Almes at euery house of 
the better sorte, Each Cittye and good towne hath Trumpeters, 
who commonly dwell in the steeples of the Churches, with theire 
whole Familyes, where they haue a convenient Stoue, and a 
lodging Chamber, with a voyd Rome or two, for Pullen and like 
necessaryes, on the highest topps of the steeples, where daly at 
Noone they sounde Trumpitts, and allwayes serue in steede of 
watchmen, hanging out flaggs and diuerse signes, whereby the 
Cittizens may knowe what horsemen Footemen, or Coaches 
approach to the towne, and more spetially thereby the Innkeeper 
hath warning to provide for them and expect theire comming, 
whether they also come at dinner tyme to receaue some guift of 
the Passengers. In like sorte many Cittyes mantayne at 
publike charge Musitians, vsing Sagbutts, Hoboyes, and such 
loude Instruments, which wee call the waytes of Cyttyes, and 
these play at the publicke house of the Citty each day at Noone, 
when the Senatours goe to dinner, and at all publike Feasts. 
And howsoeuer they be of the Reformed Religion after the rule 
of Luther, yet in theire Churches, after the manner of the 
Roman Church, they vse to sing laten Hymmnes artificially, 
and haue not only Organs, but Cornetts and a Consort of like 
loude Instruments, sounding whyle the Queristers sing, and 
while the whole Congregation singes Psalmes in the vulgar 
tounge, the most part (as I sayd) hauing skill in musicke. In 
all theire Meetinges to drincke, they greately delight in 
daunsing, and Musicke, as norishing the present humour of 
mirth, and cheering them to drincke more largely. But as they 
delight most in loude musicke, so in still Musicke of Lutes and 
like Instruments, they like them better who strike hard vpon 
the strings, then those who with a gentile touch make sweeter 
Melody, which they thincke fitter for Chambers to invite sleepe, 
then for feasts to invite mirth and drincking. Also they are 
much delighted in singing birdes, so as not only those of the 


better sort, but the common Artizans haue them in theire 
Stoues, ether nying loose, and resting vpon branches of Laurell, 
greene in Winter, and hung vp of purpose, or ells many birdes 
in a large windowe inclosed within the glasse and a windowe of 
wyer. And my selfe obserued at Leipzig, that in the fayrest 
streetes, each house of the better sort had nightingales, which 
ioyntly made sweete musicke to the passengers. 

For the Military Science, they willingly followe Captaynes 
of theire owne Nation, and would not easily obey strangers. 
They haue that vertue common with the Sweitzers, that when 
the warr is donne, they willingly and readily laye downe theire 
Armes, and fall to the workes of theire former vocations. The 
same selfe loue makes them preferr theire owne writers, in 
Philosophy, diuinity, and all Sciences, before any forayne 
Authors, so as I may say, that if in any nation, surely in 
Germany, a Prophett is most esteemed in his owne Country. 
The Phisitians in Germany (as my selfe found by experience 
being sicke at Leiptzig, and by discourse in other places) are 
very honest and learned, Contrary to the old rule to take when 
the disease payneth, because after ease Phisitians are litle 
regarded, they neuer take any mony till they haue donne the 
Cure, and if the sicke man dye in theire handes, they expect 
no rewarde of theire vnsuccessfull labours. Yea when he is 
recovered, they expect no greater reward then after the rate of 
Eightene pence the day in English mony, and I haue seene them 
being offered more, to ref\ise it and turne it backe to the giuer. 
Yet doe they visitt the sicke twise each day, with much 
diligence and compassionate Curtesye, not scorning to handle 
any sore parte, or to looke vpon any Ordure, to discouer the 
disease. In like sorte the Apothecaryes, are fewe in Number, 
and only such as are allowed by the Prince, and they indorse 
the Phisicke they giue vpon the Phisitians bills, and sell theire 
druggs at a reasonable rate. And howsoeuer the Germans are 
naturally more honest, then to sell rotten ware, espetially in this 
case, where it concerns life, yet to prevent any such fraude, the 
Phisitians, by an Imperial! lawe and by the decrees of severall 


Princes, are required and vse yearely to visitt theire shops, 
where they fayle not to burne all druggs that are not fitt to 
be rsed. As in Italy, so in Germany, they haue Emperickes, 
which professe to haue some spetiall receipts, salues, Oyles, and 
oyntments, approued for some cures, who beare with them 
testimonialls vnder the great Scales of Princes and free Cittyes, 
for the Cures they haue donne, and mounting vpon stalls, or litle 
skaffolds, in markett places, publish these testimonialls, and 
preach theire owne skill, shewing pictures of Cures they haue 
donne, and stonnes they haue cutt out, and Teeth they haue 
drawne. In Italy I haue knowne some of theme to haue good 
secretes in this kynde, but there they be many in number, here 
more ignorant, and much fewer, there they haue a zani or foole, 
to drawe Company by mirth, that they may better vent theire 
wares, here they sell with playne bragging. Generally they are 
no Schollers, but flatt Cheaters, yet will vndertake any Cure 
whatsoeuer. And as in Italy they are called Monti - banchi, 
that is Mounters vpon Bankes, so here they are called, Tyriaks- 
kremer, that is marchants or sellers of Treakle. In Germany 
they haue Masters of Fence, more singlar in formality of taking 
vp and laying downe wepons, then in skill of defence and 
offence, and these are made only in Frankford in the two yearely 
Marts or Fayres. The doctors of Ciuill lawe in Germany Hue in 
great estimation, the Empire being for the most part gouerned 
by the Imperiall or Ciuill lawe, though in some partes 
Prouinciall lawes and Customes are mingled with it. They are 
Chanecellours to the Emperour, and the Princes, which office is 
the cheefe in dignity and power vnder them, so as no profession 
is more studied and followed by young gentlemen and those of 
the better sort. For those who cannot attayne this highest 
dignity, yet become Governours in Cittyes and Prouinces, 
besydes that all the Vniversityes labour and giue large stipends 
to drawe those of greatest fame to be Professors and Readers 
of the lawe in their Schooles, so as Germany must needes 
abound with learned men of a profession so well rewarded. Yea 
the very wiues of these Docters, aswell as themselues, haue large 


Priuiledges for weareing of Apparrell and many ornaments, by 
the Iinperiall lawes, first compiled and still expounded by men 
of that profession. Germany hath some fewe wandring 
Comeydians, more deserviing pitty then prayse, for the serious 
parts are dully penned, and worse acted, and the mirth they 
make is ridiculous, and nothing lesse then witty (as I formerly 
haue shewed). So as I remember that when some of our cast 
dispiaed Stage players came out of England into Germany, and 
played at Franckford in the tyme of the Mart, hauing nether a 
Complete number of Actours, nor any good Apparell, nor any 
ornament of the Stage, yet the Germans, not vnderstanding a 
worde they sayde, both men and wemen, flocked wonderfully to 
see theire gesture and Action, rather then heare them, speaking 
English which they vnderstoode not, and pronowncing peeces 
and Patches of English playes, which my selfe and some 
English men there present could not heare without great 
wearysomenes. Yea my selfe Comming from Franckford in the 
Company of some cheefe marchants Dutch and Flemish, heard 
them often bragg of the good markett they had made, only 
Condoling that they had not the leasure to heare the English 
players. Touching the Germans education in Schooles : vpon 
the day of St. Gregorye and no other day of the yeare, the 
Schoolemaster and Schoolers of the publike Schoole in some 
Cittyes, march about the streetes in theire best apparrell and 
Festiuall Pompe, to receave new Schoolers, whome the parents 
make ready against that day, to present them as they passe, and 
enter them into the Schoole. And most rich men keepe also a 
priuate Schoolemaster in theire howses, for theire Children, only 
to leade them daly to the publike Schoole, and bring them backe 
from thence, and to teach them at home such lessons as are 
giuen them in the publike Schoole, and to teach them good 
behauiour at home. One thinge I cannot commend in the 
Germans, that for desyre of vayneglory, being yet without 
Beardes and of smale knowledge, they make themselues knowne 
more than praysed, by vntimely Printing of bookes, and very 
toyes, published in theire names. Young Students who haue 


scarce layd theire lipps to taste the sweete fountaynes of the 
Sciences, if they can wrest an Elegy out of theire empty brayne, 
it must presently be Printed, yea if they can but make a 
wrangling disputation in the Vniversity, the questions they 
dispute vpon, with the Disputers names, must also be Printed. 
Yea very graue men and Docters of the liberall Professions, are 
so forward to rush into these Olimpick games, for gayning the 
prise from others, as they seeme rather to affect the writing 
of many and great, then iudicious and succinct bookes, so as 
theire riper yeares and second Counsells (allwayes best) hardly 
suffice to correct the errours therof, and change (as the Proverbe 
is) quadrangles to round formes, wheras the French and other 
Authours, feareing the diuersity of diuers mens Judgments, and 
the biting detractions of emulous and envious readers, vse to 
polish, and often peruse theire owne writinges, before they dare 
committ them to the Presse. And herein the bookes of Caluin 
litle or nothing Corrected, haue had great advantage ouer the 
bookes of Luther often purged and much altered from theire 
first Copies. For it may well be sayd of books corrected 
after Printing, that was sayd of the Roman Sensures of 
manners : The note may be blotted out, but the spott cannot : 
since howsoeuer the Corrected bookes are good and profitable (as 
many of the Germans are, being purged of theire drosse), yet 
envious readers more obserue the spotts of errours blotted out, 
then Socraticall sentences newely added. And no doubt, no 
bookes haue more felt the sting of this envie, then those of most 
learned and holy Luther. From hence it commeth, that the 
Printers of Germany, are so farr from giuing the Authors mony 
for theire Copies (which they doe in other Countryes) as feareing 
not to vent them with gayne, they dare not adventure to Print 
them at theire charge. So as the German Authors vse, ether to 
pay a great part of the charge leauing the bookes to the Printer, 
or to pay a Crowne for the Printing of each leafe, keeping 
the bookes to themselues, which they commonly giue freely to 
frendes and strangers, as it were hyring them to vouchsafe the 
reading thereof. 



Germany hath very many vniversityes, for after the decay of 
the Imperial! and Papull power, besydes those of olde founded 
vpon priuiledges graunted by them, each absolute Prince, and 
some free Cittyes (which are very many in Germany) haue 
founded an vniversity in some cheefe Citty of theire Provinces. 
It were infinite to discribe them all, therefore I will only 
discribe at large that of Witteberg, where by the quallity of the 
rest may be gathered. It was founded in the yeare 1502, some 
fifteene yeares before Martin Luther and Phillip Melancton 
began there to teach the Reformation of Religion, and in fewe 
yeares it became famous, by great Concurse of Students from all 
parts of Germany. If a Professors place be voyde, the 
Professor Professors chuse another, who must be approued by 
the Elector of Saxony theire Prince. The Professors chuse the 
Deanes of the seuerall facultyes, who haue Authority, each in 
theire owne faculty, ouer promotions to degrees, allowing of 
bookes to be Printed, and like things. The Professors and 
Deanes chuse some twelue Assistants, who haue power to allowe 
priuate meetings, for lectures and Disputations. All these 
chosen for life, doe out of their owne number yearely chuse the 
Rector of the vniversity, and commonly in order, one after the 
other. But if it happen that any Baron or Prince be Student 
in the Vniversity, they vse to chuse him Rector for the yeare, 
and he vseth to chuse for his Prorector or Substitute, him who 
by order and course should haue otherwise beene Rector that 
yeare, so as the Baron or Prince hath the honour, and his 
Substitute the Profitt and administration of the office, to whome 
also at the yeares end, the Baron or Prince vseth to giue a 
Present (as a peece of plate) for his paynes in that Substitution. 
In the Rectors election, the publike Notary of the vniversity 
takes the Voyces, and himselfe giues his voyce, and then 
pronounceth him to be chosen. This Rector takes place of the 
Princes Ambassadors if they passe through the towne, and when 
he goes abroade he weares a redd veluit hoode vpon his Cloke 


(for the Doctors and Students in Germany weare not gownes, 
but Clokes, and hatts insteedc of Cornard Capps vsed with vs). 
The foresayde Senate, of Rector, Professors, Deanes, Assistants 
and publike Notary, governe the vniversity, and punish the 
Students, in Common faults with pecuniary mulcts, and in 
greatest offences with Banishment, who by theire oath are 
bounde to obedience vnder payne of periury. This oath my 
selfe tooke, contayning these heades : First that I should obey 
the Rector, secondly that I should reade and obserue the 
Statutes, thirdly that I should obey any lawfull Arest, fourthly 
that I should submitt my selfe to banishment if it were imposed 
vpon me, fifthly that I should not reveng any wrong by violence. 
For my admission I payd the third part of a doller. Only the 
Students of Hungary, by the fauour of Phillip Melancton had a 
priuiledge not to be called before the Rector, but to haue all 
theire causes iudged by an Elder chosen of theire owne nation, 
which priuiledge at the tyme of my being theire was suspended, 
for a tyme, because they did not duely pay theire Credits and 
Hosts. They haue foure Professors of diuinity, wherof some 
had foure hundreth, others three hundreth fyfty Guldens of 
siluer (each valued at three shillings foure pence English mony) 
for theire yearely Stipend. Three Doctors and Professors of 
Phisicke, had each three hundreth Guldens yearely. Fiue 
Doctors and Professors of the Ciuill lawe, had each 250. Guldens 
yearely, One Professor of Logicke, and one Professor of the 
Mathematicks, one of Historyes, one of Rhetorick, one of the 
Hebrewe toung, one of the Sphere, one of Poetry, and one of 
Naturall Philosophy, had each of them 250 Guldens yearely 
Stipend. And howsoeuer these Stipends are sometymes 
increased or deminished, according to the worthines of the 
Professor, yet the greatest is neuer aboue six hundreth, the least 
not vnder a hundreth Guldens yearely. These Professors reade 
continually through out the yeare, without any vacations, as wee 
haue in our vniversities, for they reade in the very Dogdayes. 
In theire Lectures they doe not insist vpon a worde for 
ostentation of learning and elequence, but in a Convenient tyme 


soundly and grauely absolue the booke they vndertake to 
expounde, that the Students may daly goe forwarde to finish 
theire Studies. This worke they performe exactly and with 
great diligence, aswell because theire Stipends are sufficient to 
mantayne them, as because the Prince, hauing a small Teritory 
to distract him, vseth many tymes to take knowledge of theire 
diligence, and to punish the negligent, but espetially to satisfye 
theire Auditors. For the Students of Germany haue litle 
learning from priuate reading, but take the most part therof 
vpon trust (or hearesay) from the lectures of these graue 
Professors who dictate theire Lectures with a slowe and tretable 
voyce, which they write out word by word, their many penns 
sounding like a great shower of rayne, and if the Professor vtter 
any thing so hastily that the Students cannot write it, they 
knocke vpon the Deskes till he repeate it agayne more tretably. 
This vniversity had of old 4000 Guldens yearely Reuenue, which 
the Dukes Electours haue since increased to 20000 Guldens 
yearely rent, vpon the suppression of Bishoprickes and 
Monasteryes. Out of this Reuenewe the Professors Stipends are 
payd, and Certayne poore Schoolers are norishied, which sing in 
the Electors Chappell, though he be seldome resident there. It 
hath only two Colleges, the Augustine, and the Bernardine, both 
formerly Monasteryes, as apeares by the names. They are 
nether farely built, nor of large extent, nor endowed with any 
yearely Reuenewe, and such and so fewe are the Colleges of all 
the vniversities in Germany, where generally only poore Schollers 
Hue in the Colleges, all the other Students lodging and boarding 
in Cittisens bowses. Here in the Augustine College, the 
foresayde Schollers singing in the Electours Chappell are lodged 
freely and haue a diett, at the rate of foure siluer Grosh and a 
halfe for each man by the weeke, and to that table all poore 
Schollers what soeuer may be admitted, if they will pay that 
rate weekly, and whatsoeuer is spent aboue that rate is payde 
out of the publike Reuenew of the vniversity. For howsoeuer 
the Dyett be simple and sparing, yet that rate will not mantayne 
it. But fewe and only those that are very poore take the 


benifitt of this table, because they cannot be lodged in the 
College. The Duke Electour of Saxony giues in the same 
College Chambers freely, and the same dyett at his owne charge, 
to 70 poore Schollers of his owne subiectes, not perpetually so 
long as they list to stay, but only for so many yeares as are 
sufficient to absolue theire Studies, and make them fitt to be 
imployed in the Church and commonwealth which course makes 
them diligent, lest the time should prevent them before they 
had finished theire studyes, and the rather because theire 
mantenance for that tyme is poore and sparing, whereas no 
doubt the inioying of Fellowships (being a Competent 
mantenance, and a pleasant easye life) perpetually or during 
theire owne pleasures in our vniversities, causetb. much losse of 
tyme idle and carelessly spent. Likewise in the foresayd 
Bernardine College only the Children of the poore Cittizens of 
Witteberg are mantayned, hauing chambers freely, and like 
dyett allowed out of the old revenues of that monasterye, 
Converted to that and like vses of piety. Wee reade not of any 
degrees in vniversities, before the decree of Gratian published 
in the yeare 1151 when the Bishops of Borne, desyring to haue 
theire decretalls and scholasticall diuinity practised in Courts of 
Justice and in the Church, first began, by the sayd tytles and 
degrees to allure young men to Study those Professions. After 
in the Councell of Vienna in the yeare 1311 these degrees were 
approved, and a lawe made to limitt the Expence in takeing 
them. Bachilers of Arts, had the name giuen them of Baculus, 
or Bacillus, that is a staff, deliuered them as an ensigne of 
freedome. Licentiates of the lawe were so called, of license 
giuen them to practise, and then to take the highest degree. 
Docters were so called of teaching. At Paris in Fraunce, the 
diuines who did reade vpon the sentences of Lombard, were 
called Doctours, and at Bologna in Italy likewise those who 
did reade the Ciuill lawe, and when the number of Docters 
increased, lawes were published for the number of yeares 
making capeable of that degree, with many like constitutions. 
A master of Art is so called of the Magi or wise men of Persia, 


and this title is proper to Philosophers, but at Paris and at 
Louan the Doctors of diuinity who take vpon them the Censure 
of Doctrynes, and would be preferred before all other Doctors, 
are styled Magistri Nostri, that is our Masters. The gentlemen 
of Germany study the Ciuill lawe, richly rewarded among them, 
and some become docters thereof, but they dispise all other 
degrees, and esteme a Master of Art no better then a Pedant. 
This my selfe founde in Austria, when speaking with a 
gentleman, and vpon his wonder that I spake the latten toung 
readily, telling him I was a Master of Arts, I perceaved that 
after he esteemed me no better then a Scholemaster, or man of 
like quality, wherevpon I neuer after in Germany confessed 
my selfe to haue that degree. Att Witteberg the Bachilors and 
masters of Arts keepe no disputations for those degrees, being 
only examined by the Professors. But the doctors, besydes 
examination, dispute once from seuen in the morning to foure in 
the after noone. The Phisitians and Ciuill lawyers should 
dispute once in the month, and the Diuines euery third Month 
publikely, which charge falls vppon the Professors, and the 
Diuines orderly kepte this Course, but the other hardly disputed 
once in the yeare. In these disputations helde in the publike 
Schooles, only Docters and masters answer, biit from the Docters 
to the youngest Students, all in Course vse to appose, and in the 
end of the disputation they vse a Ceremony to invite all those 
who are not satisfyed, to propound and vrge theire Arguments 
agayne. They vse to dispute hauing theire heades covered with 
their hatts, and haue no Moderator, as wee haue in our 
Vniversities, but vrging theire Arguments coldly, leaue them in 
the first or second Motion, as satisfyed with any slight answer. 
And indeede the Number of the Opponents is so great, as the 
tyme will not permitt any one man to propound many 
arguments, or to urge one to the full. Students haue a Custome 
that some fewe of them, of theire owne free will, with the 
leaue of the deane of theire faculty, will agree to hold publike 
declamations and disputations for seuerall dayes, which they 
make knowne to the rest by Printing the Theses or Questions 


vpon which they dispute and declame. Philip Melancton was 
authour of making a Statute, that whosoeuer asked a degree 
should not be denyed it, which he did vpon a sadd event, of a 
Scholler in his tyme hanging himselfe for shame, that hauing 
asked his degree he was refused as vnworthy thereof, whose 
Sepulcher they shewed niee in the feildes without the Citty, for 
he that kills himselfe, may not be buyried in any churchyard 
or place of Christian buyriall. Yet when they take degrees, 
all are examined for fashion sake, and those that are found lesse 
worthy, are noted of impudent boldnes, and are only admonished 
that howsoeuer theire degree in fauour is not denyed them, yet 
they must after ply theire Studies with more diligence, to 
repayre theire present unworthines. In giuing degrees, they 
nether respect the tyme how long, nor the place where the 
partie Studied, if he be founde worthey for learning. For the 
examination whereof, two Professors and two Assistants are 
chosen, but any other that will may allso examine them, and 
this examination should last three dayes, but the Rector vseth in 
fauour to craue remission of the third day, and for the other two 
dayes commonly some priuate frendes, making shewe to 
examine them, passe the tyme in familliar talke. And one 
Custome is strange, were it not in Germany, that the Examiner 
and the Examined, very often, if not at euery question and 
answer, drincke one to the other, hauing potts sett by them 
of purpose, which Custome they say once produced a pleasant 
accident, the Professor and the Student after much drincking 
falling both asleepe, and the professor first awaked, asked the 
Student, what is sleepe, who answered with the old verse 

Stulte, quid est somnus, gelidae nisi Mortis Imago. 
Thou Foole, what may sleepe seeme to thee? 
It cold deaths Image seemes to mee. 

Masters and Docters are promoted together, twise euery yeare, 
namely some fewe dayes before Easter, and a litle after the 
feast of St. Michael. A Deane Gouerns (or his President) at 
the Promotion or commencement of Bachilors, but the Vice- 


Chancelor is President ouer that of Masters and Doeters. But 
this Vice-Chancelour is not (as with vs in England) cheefe 
Goueruour of the Vniversity (who is here stylled Rector) but 
is a peculiar officer, for the tyme of Promotions, chosen and 
confirmed by the Bishop of Merzburg, and hauing authority 
from him to Conferr those degrees. And since the suppression 
of Bishoprickes in those teritoryes of the Saxon Elector, and the 
Administration of them vsed to be giuen by the Elector to some 
cheefe gentlemen of the Country, this office of vice-chancelor 
is Chosen and confirmed by the gentleman on whome the Elector 
hath bestowed the administration of the Bishoprit-k of 
Merzburg, and the office ceaseth when the tyme of each seuerall 
Promotion is expired. Before which Promotion this Vice- 
Chancelour takes the names of all that desyre to take those 
degrees, who must bring to him a Testimoniall from the 
Professor whose lectures they haue heard for two yeares past, 
and he that cannot bring that testimonial! must pay aboute 
seuen Dollors for Completion (as they call it). In like sort the 
Bachelors must bring this testimonial! to the Deane from a 
Professor whose Auditors they haue beene for one yeare or in 
default pay a like some of mony. And this mony for Completion 
is deuided betweene the Vice-chancelour (for the masters and 
Doctors) or the Deane (for the Bachilors), and betweeue the 
Rector, the Examiners, and the Bedells. Also they must bring 
to the Vice-chancelor or Deane, each one his priuate 
Schoolemaster, to testifye the Course of his life for his studie 
and manners, from his childhoode to that day. For I haue 
former sayd, that in Germany the richer sort, sending theire 
Children to Schoole, keepe a priuate Schoolemaster to attende 
them to Schoole, and to instruct them at home, which 
Schoolemaster they send also with them to the vniversities, 
Commonly giuing him his dyett and some fyfty French Crownes 
yearely Stipend. If our rich men in England would take this 
care, and be at this Charge with a priuate Schoolemaster well 
chosen, theire Children would not leese so much tyme as they 
doe, eepetially in the Vniversities, where our English Parents 


seldome enquire after the diligence of Tutors, to whome they 
committ their Chilldren and much lesse giue them such 
Competent reward for theire paynes. The sayd Vice-chancelour, 
before the Promotion, reades a publike lecture for six weekes to 
those who are to take degree. And at the begining of the 
Promotion or commencement, they giue a publike supper, and 
call it the supper of the Calendes, and at the end they giue a 
dinner, and call it the Aristotelian Dinner. The Ceremonyes of 
taking Degrees are donne with great Pompe of grauity, the 
takers of them marching to the publike Schooles with torches 
lighted by day, and many Musitians playing before them, most 
Commonly with loude instruments. But when I was at 
Witteburg, they had no Musicke, because the Elector was newly 
dead. When they come to the Schooles, they fall on their 
knees, and a Chosen Professor makes an Oration, to the Vice- 
chancelor for Masters and Docters, or to the Deane for Bachilors, 
Crauing his fauour to admitt them, and he graunting this 
request, they are brought vp to him, where a Bedell takes 
theire Oath, first to be obseruant to theire superiores, secondly 
to shewe fauour towards the Vniversity, thirdly to promote pure 
profession of Eeligion, fourthly to be thanckfull towardes the 
College of their owne Faculty. The Phisitions giue a peculiar 
Oath to practise upon knowledg, not with old wiues Receipts, 
not to destroy any Children in the mothers wombe, nether to 
giue any deadly poyson or hurtfull medicine to any sicke person. 
Then they reade the names of the Promoted, and of the Citty 
where each of them was borne, and they vse to giue Seniority 
according to theire learning. Yet (by the waye be it sayd) lest 
it should be disgracefull to be named in the last rancke, they 
vse in some forrayne Vniversities (namely at Lovan) to reade 
many conterfeit names in the end, so as the latter true names 
cannot be publikely knowne. Then the vice chancelor makes 
an Oration in Prose, or sometymes in Verse, then they who are 
to commence, or to be promoted, masters and Docters, are 
willed to ascend into the vper seates, where for the first 
Ceremony, each of them is placed in a Chayre, as hauiiig power 


giuen them to teach out of a Pulpitt, or eleuated seate. 
Secondly, each one hath a purple capp giuen him as 
distinguishing him from the vulgar sort, and giuing him more 
open viewe of the heauens. Thirdly each hath a ring putt on 
his finger, as marryed to Philosophy, Fourthly each hath an 
open booke giuen him, as inviting him to reade, and a closed 
booke, as remembring him to ioyne Contemplation with reading. 
To the Docters the Vice Chancelor vseth a fifth Ceremony of 
imbracing them, as receaved into his order. And sixtly each 
of them, askes some Doctor a question, which he answers 
presently, which answer is vnderstoode to be vnpremeditated 
yet Commonly they reade it out of writen hand, by which it 
appeares that the question was made knowne to them. For 
indeede the Germans seldome or neuer pronounce any thinge 
by heart, Justly (as it seemes) distrusting theire memoryes, 
weakned with Continuall drincking. Lastly the Doctors of the 
Ciuill lawe in some Vniversities are girded with a Military Belt, 
as bound to defend the lawe. In Conclusion, one of the 
Promoted makes an Oration giuing thanckes for himselfe and 
all his Fellowes, and so the cheefe Professor of diuinity and the 
Vice chancelor going before all the Promoted Graduates followe 
in order, up to the high Alter, where they pray vpon theire 
knees. For the place of these Ceremonyes is the Church 
wherein for the tyme a place is compassed in with barrs of wood, 
into which they only are receaved, who are spetially invited by 
the promoted Graduates and each of them hath a payre of 
Gloues giueu him, besydes many gloues Cast out of the Circle 
into the presse of the Studentes, to be snatched by those can 
gett them. The licentiates of the Ciuill lawe, are only 
Pronounsed in bare wordes, without any Ceremonyes vsed, yet 
in Fraunce they are no lease esteemed then Doctors. All 
Ceremonyes thus ended, the Promoted Graduates and the 
Professors, two in a rancke, and bareheaded, retourne from the 
Church with the same Pompe as they came thether, to the 
publike house of the Citty, where this and all publike Feasts are 
kept. At Wettebirg the charge of a Doctors Promotion was 


37 golde Guldens, and of a master of Arts eight silluer guldens, 
and halfe of this mony was deuided, betweene the Rector, the 
Deane, the Notery, the Examiners, and the Beedells, the other 
halfe was putt into the Publike Treasure of the Promotions 
(distinguished from the publike Treasury of the Vniversity) and 
was Commonly imployed, for Almes, for publike guifts, and for 
repareing of publike buildings. The Germans despise those 
who take degrees in Italy, and not without cause, the Italyans 
themselues proverbially saying : wee take mony, and send an 
asse in a Doctors habitt into Germany. For In Italy many 
cheefe Doctors, out of old Custome, and for preheminence aboue 
ordinary Doctors, obtayne of the Popes to be called and created 
Counts Palatines, who (among other priuiledges) haue power to 
create Doctors, giuing them theire Bulla (that is Sealed letters 
Pattents) to witnesse that they haue this degree, which often in 
base Couetousnes, they conferr for mony vpon most vnworthy 
men. And many strangers take this degree from them, not 
only for want of learning, but for other causes, as namely to 
escape the oath of Religion which they should take in theire 
Vniversities at home. In like sort by the Imperiall olde lawe 
the Notaryes of Germany haue the power (and at this time 
whereof I write, one Doctor Melissus a German, by the 
Emperours spetiall graunt had this power) to create Doctors, 
vnder theire Seales, wherevpon these (as the former) are in 
reproch called Doctors of the Bulla or scale, and both are 
dispised in Germany, by the Graduates of the Vniversityes. 
The vniversityes of Germany, haue no Taxers (or Clarkes of the 
Markett) for the price of vittles (as our vniversityes haue) 
because the Students Hue in Cittizens houses, and so leaue the 
care of the Markett to them. Nether haue they any Proctors, 
who with vs in England (besydes theire superintendancy ouer 
the Commencements or Promotions, and charg of other things) 
keepe the night watches, and punish all disorders donne in the 
night. So as nothinge was more frequent at Witteberg, then 
for Students to goe by night to Harlotts, and being druncke, to 
walke in the streets with naked swordes, slashing them against 


the stones, and making noyse with Clamours. And howsoeuer 
the Duke Elector, at my beeing there strictly forbadd these 
disorders (as the Princes of Germany haue leasure to obserue 
the government of their vniversityes) yet after a small forbear- 
ance thereof they retourned to theire former liberty, Notwith- 
standing the Students at Weiteberg weare no swordes by day, 
and though at Leipzig, (an Vniversitye not farr distant vnder 
the same Elector) the Doctors of lawe and Phisicke, and young 
gentlemen Students there, had the priuiledge to weare swordes 
by day, yet the Cittizens and theire seruants in both those 
Vniversityes %vere not permitted to weare them. When any 
Maryage is Celebrated at Weiteberg, the Bridegrome, the bryde, 
and the invited guests, aswell men as wemen, Cittizens as 
strangers, hauing feasted at home, march in graue pompe to the 
publike Senate house, with their Musitians, to spend the 
after-noone there in drincking and dansing, and all Students, 
though they be not invited and likewise Cittizens, vse to come 
thether, to beholde their dauncing, and the best sort are 
commonly invited to Daunce and drincke with them. And the 
Students are by a spetiall lawe restrayned from any immodesty 
in those meetings, though generally by nature the Germans are 
not inclyned to vse any publike insolency towardes weomen. 
Most of the Students weare litle feathers in theire hatts, and 
commonly blacke, but the Doctors of the Ciuill lawe through all 
Germany weare white fethers, euen in the Chambers of 
Judgment. The Students are gouerned by the Eector, the 
Cittizens by theire Senate, and the Villages or Country people 
by the Dukes officer residing there, and if any man be wronged, 
the accused drawes the Cause to his owne Court, where the 
accused being founde guilty is punished, but if he be not founde 
guilty, the Accuser renounceth his Action, and is sent backe 
to be punished by his owne Magistrate. Thus if a Student be 
wronged by any Cittizen, or any of the Country, the Eector 
sendes two or three Professors, to the Senate of the Citty, or 
to the Dukes officer, to deinaund Justice in his name, and the 
other wronged by any Student, their Magistrate sendes to the 


Rector to demaunde Justice in theire names. But all Cappitell 
offences are determyned by the Senate of the Citty. Yet of old 
the Vniversyties had such preuileges, as only the Rector iudged 
Capitall offences Committed by Students, and commonly theire 
greatest punishment for Murther was banishment, or perpetuall 
imprisonment. And howsoeuer these preuileges haue beene 
since lesse regarded, or taken away, yet of late in the vniversity 
of Konigsberg, a Student hauing killed one of the watch, was 
only punished with perpetuall imprisonment. But in the 
publike schoole of Strasburg (being no allowed Vniversity) only 
the Senate of the Citty iudgeth Students in all Causes. At 
Witteburg they still retayne the old custome of Salting 
freshmen, or admitting young Students with ridiculous 
Ceremonyes, and as wee call them freshmen, so they call them 
Beiani, and the Ceremony is by them called the deposition of 
homes. And for this purpose, they haue a peculiar officer 
called Depositor, and a Chamber peculiar for those Ceremonyes, 
where each student salted or admitted, payee six Siluer Guldens. 
And many in those parts, send theire Chilldren very young, 
from the Gramer Schooles, to the Vniversity, only to be thus 
salted or admitted, carrying them backe to the Gramer Schooles 
agayne, till they be made fitt to Studdy in the vniversity, or 
perhaps by priuate teaching inabled, to come thether only to 
take degrees. Some may perhapps be content to knowe the 
ridiculous Ceremonyes of this office, wherof I will relate a fewe 
for theire satisfaction. The depositor first comes with a payre 
of Pinsers, making as if he would pull the home from theire 
foreheades. Then he makes them all lye flatt vpon the grownd, 
with theire faces vpward, stretching those out that are shorter, 
and making as if he would cutt those that are longer then theire 
fellowes, hauing first compassed them with a rownde Magicall 
Circle, and so cast water vpon them till they rise vp, all which 
tyme a litle bell is rung, and a great noyse made by the 
beholders. Then he Poseth them in all the sciences, asking 
them many pleasant questians, As this for one : Canis, ouis, 
Capra, Milloe Boues. howe many feete. If they answer 4012, 


hi' sayth there be but three foote and a halfe in a verse. 
Agayne, why is there no Vacuity in the worlde, and whatsoeuer 
they answer, lie replyes with his reason, because all things are 
full of fooles. Then he giues them many precepts no lesse 
ridiculous, as this, when you sett downe to meate, be sure to 
haue your hand first in the dish. Then he makes a long 
Oration to commend this Custome, which he sayth Nazianzen 
and Bazill testifye to haue beene vsed of old in the Vniversity of 
Athens, where they vsed, before the Admission of young 
Students to aske them many Captious and sophisticall questions 
and to leade them to a Bath with tumultious Clamors and wylde 
gestures, and to try theire witt and Constancy of mynde with 
other like inventions, and so at last to receave them for members 
of the Vniversitye. And this Custome he proues to be very 
profitable, trying theire witts and manners, abating pryde in 
them, and shewing theire modesty or impudencye, and like 
vertues or vices. In Conclusion he bids them putt off theire 
filthy garments, which they had putt on of purpose, and putting 
a litle Salt in theire mouthes, and powring a litle wyne on theire 
heades, he remembers them, that they are now Ciuill in 
Apparrell and manners, and haue theire witts sharpened, and 
theire loue of Knowledge inflamed, and so admitts them 
Students of the Arts. At the tyme of my liuing at Witteburg 
800 Students were numbred there, but many of them liued, who 
remembred the number to haue exceeded 4000. All other 
Vniversityes of Germany may be knowne in all points by this 
discription of Witteberg, but I liued in some other Vniversityes, 
where I obserued some small differences from it, which I will 
relate in a word. At Leipzig, not farr distant, and vnder the 
same Elector of Saxony, one of the Professors of the lawe had 
700, and another 500 syluer Guldens for yearely stipend, the 
Professor of Phisicke 300, the Professor of Diuinity, being also 
Superintendent in the Church, had as Professor 300 Guldens 
from the Treasure of the Vniversity, and as Superintendent 
700 Guldens from the Treasure of the Citty for yearely Stipend, 
besydes many Prouisions to helpe him. The Bedell had 300 


Guldens yearely stipend. In the Dogdayes the Professors cease 
to reade, and those who stand to be Masters of Artes reade for 
them, and therevpon are in way of .least vulgarly called the 
Canicular Professors. Agayne the masters of Arts and the 
Bachelors of the Promotion last past, dispute weekely halfe the 
yeare following in order as often as it falls to theire course, the 
Masters on Satterdayes the Bachelors on Sondayes in the after 
noone. Agayne those who desyre to take the degrees of Master 
and Bachelors of Artes, are strictly examined for tenne dayes 
space, by the Deane of theire faculty and six Professors chosen 
of purpose, and the masters are Promoted once yearely in the 
month of January, but the bachelors thrise in the yeare. Also 
the charge of taking degrees at Leipzig was farr greater then at 
Witteberg, the Masters spending about 32 gold guldens, the 
licentiates 200 and the Doctors aboue three hundreth. For each 
master giues two gold Guldens to each Professor of Philosophy, 
and each licentiate and Doctor giues foure gold Guldens to each 
Professor of his faculty, and likewise a perticular present of 
some ells of Satten or Veluitt, with a quantity of Suger, and 
some payres of gloues, besydes the expences of the publike 

The publike Schoole at Strasburg was not reputed an 
vniversity, yet gaue the degrees of Bachelors and masters of 
Artes, hauing a publike house for that purpose, and publike 
Schooles where learned Professors did reade, namely foure 
for diuinity, four for Phisicke, one for Rhetoricke, one for 
historyes, one for Astrology, one for Arithmeticke, one for 
Politickes, and one for Ethickes, besydes many allowed by the 
Professors to reade priuate lectures. And at my being there, 
the Students were numbered 1000, wherof 30 were Barrens 
and Earles, Students nocking thether from all partes, aswell for 
the beauty and strength of the Citty, aswell for the purity of 
their language. The vniversity of Heydelberg was founded in 
the yeare 1346 by the Palatine Rupertua the second. At my 
being there the Students were about 500 in number, and the 
Earle of Hanow for honours sake was the Rector, but his Deputy 


Rector (after the Custome of Germany aboue mentioned) was 

doctor Pacius an Italian and famous Doctour of the Ciuill lawe, 

who had there a large Stipend to be Professor thereof. It had 

three Colleges which were ruinned monasteryes. In that Colledge 

called Sapientia, 70 poore Schollers were mantayned, each 

hauing some 80 Guldens yearely, and they might not goe out 

of the Collage without leaue, in that called Bursa, 12 poore 

Schollers were mantayned, each hauing 60 Guldens yearely, 

and they being of riper yeares, had liberty to goe forth and 

retorne at pleasure, and many Students of the poorer sort had 

theire Chambers and dyett there, at theire owne charge. In 

that of Casimire (so called of the late Palatyne Casimire founder 

therof) 50 poore Schollers were mantayned, partly by the 

founders guift partly by the publike treasure of the vniversity. 

The Best of the Students liued at theire owne charge in the 

houses of Professors and Cittisens, as they doe in other Vniser- 

sityes of Germany. 


Touching the language, the latten Toung (liuing only in 
writing, not in practise) and the Sclavonian and the German 
tounges, are reputed the fountaynes of all the most part of the 
languages in Europe. The Germans (as I formerly sayd) spake 
the latten readily in discourse, hauing practised the same from 
their Childhood, but in the vniversityes of England wee write 
it much more eligantly, and howsoeuer for want of practise, wee 
never vsing it but in disputations, speake it not so readily, 
when wee first goe into forayne parts, yet after small practise, 
we speake it also more readily and eligantly. For I dare 
boldly say by experience, aswell for the latten as for other 
languages, that they who learne them, if in the begining they 
rashly speake them, without long vse of the Grammer and 
reading of Authours, they take by habitt ill Phrases of speak- 
ing, and howsoeuer for the tyme they may speake readily, yet 
nether knowing truely to write or to reade or to pronounce, 


they soone forgett what they haue learned. On the Contrary, 
that they who first learne well to reade and write the tounge, 
and after beginn to practise it, doe retayne the same for euer, 
and in processe of tyme, speake and reade it exquisitely. Yet 
since travelours, who will not spend more tyme in fitting 
themsellues to serue in the Commonwealth, then in the seruice 
it selfe, cannot stay so many yeares in forayne partes, as to 
learne perfectly many languages (which growing from one 
roote, are in my opinion imposible to be so learned, by any 
one man, without mingling and mistaking of wordes, as I haue 
shewed in the third part and in the Chapter of Precepts) I 
would aduise them, who to make themselues fitt to be imployed 
as Ambasadours, or in like seruices of the Commonwealth, 
desyre perfectly to learne one or two languages of most vse, 
growing from diueres rootes, that they followe the second course 
abouenamed of learning them, being slowe but of more firme 
Retention. Likewise I would aduise them who in speedy and 
short trauell visite many nations, and desyre rather to haue a 
smak of many tounges, then perfection in anyone, that they 
mingle both the former courses of learning them, namely to 
reade the grainmer, that they may knowe to vse the right 
moodes, Tenses, numbers and persons, and to reade some of the 
purest Authours, that they may learne to write the toung with 
true Orthography, and espetially bookes of Epistles, being of 
spetiall vse, and to learne the proper handwriting of the 
language (if they haue leasure) being no small ornament in 
the skill of languages, lest they be like Marchants, who desyre 
no more skill in toungs, then to be vnderstood for traffique, and 
learning them by roate (I meane by practise without reading) 
soone forgett them, when they cease to traffique in those parts 
or be like to wemen and Children, who learning only by roate 
soone forgett what they haue learned. And secondly I aduise 
them, when they first beginn to reade, to ioyne therewith the 
practise of speaking, lest in theire swift passage, by soden 
leaning of the Country, they should be preuented of hauing 
tyme of learning to speake the toung, with naturall pronountia- 


tion, true accents, ami proper Phrases therof, Particularly the 
language of the Germans hath of old borrowed many wordes of 
the Greekes (from whome also they tooke the Custome of large 
drincking and long feasts). Also from the lattin toung of old 
and to this day they borowe many wordes, but ill dissemble the 
borowing of them, not otherwise disguising the worde then by 
adding some leter to the end, as for example, for the latin worde 
Transferre, they vse Transferirn, and these wordes and the like 
are only vsed by the learned. The Germans likewise at this 
day traueling into Fraunoe and Italy, bring some wordes from 
thence, but the Common people very hardly admitt the vse of 
them. The German language is not fitt for Courtship, but in 
very love more fitt rudely to commande then sweetly to per- 
swade, it being an Imperious short and rude kynde of speech, 
and such as would make our Children affrayd to heare it, the 
very familyer speeches and pronuntiations sounding better in 
the mouth of Tamberlin, then of a Ciuill man. When the 
Children come into the house, they salute the mother, ' Grusse 
dich Fraw,' ' woman health to thee,' when they goe forth, 
'Hette dich Mutter,' 'Mother keepe thee well.' They haue 
many abuses in pronuntiation, as F. for V. so for the worde 
Venus (the Goddesse of loue), they pronounce Fenus that is 
usurye. And thus a German in Italy, when he would haue 
sayd lo ho Veduto sayd (lo ho fututo) il Papa con tutti i Car- 
dinali, insteade of I haue scene, sayd I haue (with leaue be it 
spoken) buggered, the Pope, with all the Cardinalls. So they 
pronounce the letter R lightly, or not at all, which in Italy 
made a foule mistaking betweene a Curtezan and a German, 
who saying to her Non importa, was vnderstoode as if he had 
changed the B, into T wherevpon shee offered him an Italian 
Cortesy, abhorred by all the nations on this syde the Alpes, 
and more spetially by the modest Germans. Likewise the 
Italians obserue them to pronounce B insteede of P, remem- 
bring a like mistaking of a German at Padoa who telling some 
Italians that he came from the Portello (that is the gate house) 
was vnderstood by them as if he had sayd he caone from the 


Bordello (that is the Stewes). The English worde mayde, comes 
from the Dutch worde Magde, but signifyes with TS an hired 
woman seruant, or a Virgin, and with them a woman borne 
a slaue. For the Germans call not those seruants, who attend 
them for wages, as wee doe, hut the man diener, the woman 
dienerin, of theire attendants. Among other wordes, the 
English borowe from the Saxon Germans, and vse in a differing 
sence, the German worde kranck, which with them signifyes 
sicke or ill disposed, but with vs signifyes healthfull or liuely. 
In England the Barrens or lordes are called Noblemen vulgarly, 
and in latin Nobiles, and those of the inferiour nobility are 
vulgarly called gentlemen, and in latten Generosi, but in 
Germany the Barrens haue in laten the title of Generosi, and 
the inferiour sort are in laten called Nobiles, master is the 
title of English gentlemen, which the Germans and Nether- 
landers only giue to Artizans. And the title master giuen to 
the second degree in the vniversityes, is honorable in England, 
where many gentlemen receave that degree, but the German 
gentlemen scorne the degree and title, and are called vulgarly 
Die Herrn (that is the lords) and in latten Domini which wee 
translate masters and lordes, but they (as I sayd) take in the 
last sence. Agayne the Germans contrary to the English 
preferr the tytle of worshipfull (as belonging in the highest 
degree of Diuine worship only to God), before the title of honor- 
able. The Germans in the latten tounge speake to men in the 
third person, as Dominatio vestra intelligat (or Intelligant) that 
is lett your worshipp (or worshipps) vnderstand, and likewise 
the Germans speake to one man in the plurall number, as your 
worships and you, Contrary to the latten tounge, which to God 
and to Ceasar sayth thy Maiesty, and thou. To conclude the 
purest language in Germany is that of Leipzig, and all the 
Prouince of Misen vnder the Electour of Saxony, the next is 
that of the Palatinate, but espetially the cheefe Citty Heidell- 
berg, and the language of Strasburg is reputed pure in this 
second degree. In some parts of Garmany the old language of 
the Vandalls liueth in the mouthes of men at this day, howso- 


euer that nation hath long beene scattered, and as it were 
extinct. For in the villages noere Witteburg, and in the 
Dukedomes of Pomerarnia, and Meekelburg, and those parts 
vpon the Baltick Sea, men so commonly speake that Language 
in the villages, as it is probable that nation of old inhabited 
those parts, but I haue allso heard the same vsed in villages 
neere Augsburg, which Citty for distinction from another of the 
same name, is to this day called Augsburg of the Vandalls. 

The Ceremonyes. 

Touching Ceremonyes, the Germans performe them with 
great ostentation of pompe, I meane not for any Magnificence 
or sumptuousness, for the Germans haue no such thing, the 
very Princes wearing ordinary apparell, hauing no rich furni- 
ture in there houses, and requiring litle reverence in the seruice 
of theire persons. So as at Prage I sawe the Emperour 
apparreled all in cloth, if not without welts, surely without 
gardes, or imbrodering, his Rapier hauing ordinarye hilts and 
a sheath of lether, and when himselfe was in the next Chamber 
with the dores open, his seruants without any reverence walked 
by the poore chayre of estate with theire heades couered, yea 
sometymes leaning vpon it. And I sawe the Archdukes his 
bretheren serued by a Caruer and Taster, but not vpon the knee, 
and they allso in the Princes presence layde theire hatts vpon 
the Chayre of Estate. But I meane for the very great grauity 
the Germans vse in very small matters, as by the following 
Ceremonyes shall appeare. First when they visitt one another, 
they doe not exchang short speeches, but first the visited enter- 
taynes his frend with a long Oration, and ends it with a harty 
draught of beare or wyne to his welcome, then the visiter 
answers him with a long Oration and a like Salutation of the 
Cupp, and so by Course declaming and drincking they passe 
the tyme till they take theire leaues. When they meete one 
another in the markett place or streetes, they doe not walke, 
but stand in a Circle without moving a foote, so long as they 


talke together. They giue one another not only high titles 
among meane persons, but many of them, as it were by dossens 
or wholesale, so as the preface of tytiles is longer then the name 
of the bragging Soldyer in Plautus which filled foure whole 
sheetes of paper. In all invitations to Feasts, of maryage or 
the like, or to attend vpon a Funerall, and in Conference at 
these Meetinges they vse long Orations which with much 
teadiousnes they adorne with many old Apothegms of great 
and learned men. Allwayes they begin with these titles, as 
for example in the vniversityes, I haue heard Doctours thus 
invited, ' most Courteous, most learned, most worthy, and also 
most regardable herr Doctour the Magnificall Colledge of the 
Ciuill lawyers, in the name of the most adorned Graduates now 
premoted, invites your worthynes, to the most Ample Auditory 
&c.' A gentleman in Germany scornes the title of master, as 
he doth that degree of Arts, and must be saluted vulgarly Herr, 
in latten Domine, and not without great Epithites ioyned to 
that title, and contrary to the Custome of England the title of 
gentleman, in latten generosus, is preferred before that of 
Noble, and likewise that of worshipfull before that of honorable. 
In the Feasts of maryage and the like, theire pompe is tedious 
and two serious, the men walking with a slowe Senatours pace, 
like so many Images, moved rather by art then nature, and the 
wemen seeming rather to swimm or slyde away, then to goe a 
naturall pace. And in taking place at the Feasts, they are 
Curious not to yeald theire right to another. If two walke to- 
gether, the best man, not regarding the wall, goes on the right 
hand of the other, three walking together, the best man goes in 
the midest, the next on the right hand of both, foure walking 
together, the best man goes on the right hand the next on 
the left in the midest, and the third vppermost on the right 

Of Maryage. 

In many Cittyes and townes of Saxony, they appoint 
Tuesday or some other of the working dayes for the Celebration 


of maryages, thincking Sonday most vnfitt in regard of the 
nationall vice of drincking, never more vsed then at these 
Feasts. Before the feast a young man well apparrelled and sett 
forth with scarffes and Plumes, rides on horsebacke through the 
streetes, to invite the Guests, for which purpose he hath a foote 
boy Eunning by him, to lett him knowe that the partyes arc 
at home, before he light from his horse, who vseth premeditated 
speeches, or one speech for all, in the foresayd forme, when he 
invites them. And this young Youth with two Brideboyes (or 
as I may say brideyouths) attende the Bryde on the maryage 
day, Carrying torches before her whersoeuer shee goeth, as like- 
wise two other Bryde youthes, each with a torch in his hand, 
solemly leade the Daunces. For assoone as dinner is ended, in 
most places they Daunce at the house of the Feast, but in 
other places (as at Witteburg and where the house hath no larg 
Eomes) after dinner is ended the Bridegroome, Bride, and all 
the guests march from the house of the Feast to the publike 
house of the Senate, with soleme Pompe, and there spende the 
afternoone in dauncing and drincking, marching from thence to 
supper with like pompe, but without Clockes, which they send 
home when they beginn to daunce. To this publike house any 
Cittizens men or wemen, or any Students being not invited, may 
come to daunce with them, where the men stand in order on one 
syde, and the wemen on the other syde of the roome, and the 
Brideyouths bring and present the wemen, to the men who are 
to daunce with them. But in these Daunces they vse no kynd 
of Art, for all that are present, or so many as the Circle of the 
Chamber will Contayne, and of all sortes, Doctours, Senatours, 
Young men, boyes, and old wernen, young wemen, virgins, and 
girles, Daunce all together in a large Circle rounde about the 
Chamber. And in the slowe Daunces, which wee call measures, 
they doe not followe the musicke, with artificiall motion of the 
feete, sometymes forward, sometymes backward, sometymes 
sydewayes, as wee doe, but playnly walke about the roome with ' 
grauity inough and to spare, which kynde of dauncing they 
iustly call Gang, that is going, likewise in the daunces which 


wee call Gallyardea, of the lusty motion, and they call Lauff 
that is a leape, they doe not Daunce with measure of paces, and 
trickes lowe or lofty, as wee doe, but pleaynly first lift vp on 
legg then the other, so leaping about the Roome, with such 
force as makes the strongest chambers shake and threaten 
falling. And for other kyndes of daunces they haue none. 
Once at a Maryage, where my selfe was invited, I remember the 
Bride in dauncing lost her maryage Ring, and a litle after 
stumbled and fell, which chances made her frendes very sadd, 
or portending some ominous euent. Sometymes when they 
daunce in theire priuate houses, some fewe men and wemen 
daunce by course, whyle the other drincke at the Tables, for all 
must drincke, or daunce, or leaue the Company. And for my 
selfe sometymes Invited to these Feasts, I confesse, to escape 
drincking I was gladd to make one in theire Daunces, which 
any stranger might performe without any great teaching. 
When a man takes out a woman to daunce, he gently putts her 
Arme vnder one of his, and his other vnder her other Arme, and 
modestly imbraceth her, and sometymes in lesse solemne 
meetinges of more liberty the men in iolity with inarticulate 
voyces of Joye will catch the wemen by the middle, and lift 
them vp sometymes so high as they shewe more then modesty 
allowes, when they daunce the foresayd lauff. If a woman 
refuse to daunce with any man, it beares an action of Iniury, 
in so much as a young man giuing a box on the eare to a virgin 
that refused to daunce with him, and being accused for the same 
before a Judge in the vpper parts of Saxony, the young man 
was dismissed, as hauing doune her no wrong, because shee 
disgraced him, as a person infamous, and vnworthy to daunce 
with her. The virgins many tymes will intreate the men that 
daunce with them, that when they are weary of dauncing, they 
will giue them to the handes of some others whome they affect. 
For the men being often weary, and the wemen never satisfyed 
with motion, the men of Custome present theire wemen to some 
others, as a fauour and grace to them. It seemed to me veiy 
straung, that at the maryage of the richest Cittizens, aswell as of 


the poorer, they haue a gathering or presenting of mony by 
guift to the maryed Couple (which only is vsed by the pourer 
sorte with vs), and the richer they are the more they haue 
giuen them, for they invite theire equalls who are able to giue 
largely, whereas the poore inviting guests of like Condition, 
many tymes spend almost so much in the Feast, as they receave 
by guifts. Myselfe invited to a maryage feast of a Cittisens 
daughter in Leipzig, thought to be worth more than forty 
thousand gold guldens, did obserue that the men first in order, 
and after them the wemen, marched to the Church, whence after 
the maryage they retourned home in like order, where at the 
inner gate, the bridegrome stayed to welcome the men, and 
the bryde to intertayne the wemen. And after Supper all (not 
one excepted) came to offer their guifts in orderly course, to the 
Bridegrome sitting at the table accompanyed with some cheefe 
guests and frendes, whyle the Bryde with the young men and 
wemen Daxmced in another Roome, till it came to theire Course 
to offer, in which offering I obserued no man to giue lesse then 
a Doller, which came to a great summe of mony. Yet may not 
every one that will giue mony, come to these feasts, but only 
they who are invited. Nether doe these guifts much inrich 
them, for they invite not only kindred and frends at home and 
of other Cittyes and townes, but most parte of the Cittizens of 
theire owne quallity, so as these marriages being frequent, the 
Continuall charge of them in shorte tyme equalls the guifts 
themselues Receaved. In some places (as at Heydeberg [MC]) 
they keepe these Feasts not only in priuate houses but more 
Commonly in publike Inns, and the lawe restraynes aswell the 
Number of the guifts, as of the dishes in the Feast (which in 
other partes by custome is allwayes moderate), so as in publike 
Inns they invited not more then forty guests, where every man 
payd tenn Batzen for his dinner (vulgarly Malzeit) and for 
extraordinary drincking after the meale (vulgarly Zeick) each 
man his part ratably, and besydes offered guifts to the Bride- 
grome and Bride Commonly in mony, for I never obserued any 
plate to be giuen. And they who keepe these feasts in theire 


owne houses, might not provide more then two tables (which 
are Commonly square, and not very large) where they payed 
nothing for meate or drincke, but only offered guifts of mony. 
And in most places they seldome haue aboue six or seuen dishes, 
with wyne in aboundance, the meates also being such for the 
most parte as invite drincking. Also in many places I haue 
scene Cittizens of good quality gather mony of the guests to pay 
the Musitions. When the Bride is of another Citty, the 
Bridegrome vseth to nieete her on the way, well accompanyed 
with horsemen, and the bridegrome riding betweene two cheefe 
men, whereof the cheefe intertaynes the bride and her company 
with a long oration, to which the cheefe of her Company makes 
Answer. And being Cittizens, not gentlemen, yet both 
Companyes haue trompitts sounding before them. At Leipzig 
I obserued a Cittizen Bridegrome, to haue 17. horsemen before 
him, followed by himselfe and cheefe frendes in theire Coaches, 
with 17 horsemen likewise behinde him. At Witteberg vpon 
like occasion, the Dukes cheefe officer, with some horsemen, all 
wearing skarffes did ryde before, then followed the bridegrome 
being a Doctour, riding betweene two young Barrens then 
Students of that vniversity, with 9 horsemen following, and 
after fewe myles ryding they mett the Bryde, attended with 
9. Coaches and six horsemen whome the eldest Barren 
intertayned with a long Oration, answered by the cheefe man in 
her Company. Shee had Trumpitts before her, but they 
sounded not, because the Duke Elector of Saxony being then 
sicke (of which sicknes within fewe dayes after he dyed), the 
bridegrome forbore to bring any trumpitts with him. When 
the Parents haue agreed vpon the brides portion, and like 
transactions, I haue scene them in some places goe to the 
Church, there to betroath them, and the bride there to receave 
a Ring from the bridegrome, which shee kept till the maryage 
day, when shee gaue it back to him to be marryed therewith, 
when they goe to church to be marryed, in many places they 
vse torches lighted at noone day, among the Lutherans. The 
trompitters goe first, then the bridegrome, ledd betweene two 


frendes or cheefe men, then he that invited the guests followes 
alone, then the kinsmen, neighbours and invited strangers 
Followe in order, two in a rancke the meanest first, and the 
best last, then followe the wemen, the litle girles and virgins, 
and of them the youngest and meanest first, then followes the 
Bride ledd betweene two young men, whome wee call Brideboyes, 
only touching her elbowe lightly. But at Witteberg the bride 
being of suspected Chastity, I haue scene her led by a Doctor, 
that in reverence to him, the Students might forbeare hissing 
and laughing at her, and this Doctor did not lay his hand vpon 
her elbowe, as the other, but lightly vpon her backe aboue the 
wast. Two young men bareheaded, each hauing a garter about 
his Arme tyed in true loue knotts, followed the Bride, whome 
the maryed wemen did followe in order, the meanest first, and 
the best last, but betweene each rancke of the maryed wemen, 
the maydes seruants followed, being like poore kichen mades, 
and sonietymes ill appareled. Assoone as they entred the 
Church, the minister mett them neere the dore, and there ioyned 
the hands of the betroathed, and putting a ring on the brides 
finger, sayd these wordes, That which God hath ioyned lett no 
man seperate. Then the Common sort going to theire seates, 
only some of the cheefe led the Bridegrome and Bride to the 
high Alter, where hauing sayd short prayers, they discended 
also to theire seates. And then at Witteburg I haue seene the 
invited guests offer theire guifts in the Church to the 
bridegrome and bryde, not only of gold and siluer putt into a 
Silver Bason, but also Potts and kettles of Brasse, and dishes of 
Puter, which were carryed home by their mayde seruants. Then 
the Bridegrome and the cheefe men ascended agayne to the 
Alter, and going about it, gaue an offering to the Priests or 
ministers of the Church. After them the Bride and cheefe 
weemen and virgins in like sorte, the best going first, as strangers 
in the first place, then the wyues of Doctours, then of Senatours, 
then of Cittisens, then the virgins, in like order ascended to the 
high Alter, and made the like offering. In the nieane tyme all 
the Common sort did sett on theire seates, and musicke 


Continually sounded aswell of Organs and loude Instruments, 
as of lutes, and mens voyces. They retourned from the 
Church with a greater trayne. For the bridegrome was ledd 
backe by two cheefe men, as a Doctor and a Senatour, followed 
by the Professors, Senatours, and Cittizens, and many young 
men who had expected theire Comming in the Church, nowe 
ioyned to the trayne attending them backe. In like sort the 
Bride was led by her Father, and besydes the foresayd trayne 
following in like order, was attended by many virgins, who had 
attended her comming at Church. When they came home, and 
in the midest of dinner, and many tymes vpon occation of 
drincking healths, the bridegrome Bride and guests exchanged 
many long Orations of Congratulation. At the begining of 
the feast, the young men and virgins did sett apart at the table, 
but entrance being once made to Dancing and drincking, they 
satt mingled each man setting by the woman with whome he 
daunced. The young men on theire bare heades weare krantzes 
that is Garlands of Eoses, both in winter and Sommer, presented 
them for a fauour by the bryde at the dore of her house, as wee 
present gloues, the wemen likewise weare garlandes of Roses, on 
theire heades, and Chayns about their neckes. And during the 
Feast, the young men and virgins for tokens of loue exchanged 
garlandes, and the young men sometymes wore the virgins 
Chaynes, as also the Bridegrome on the first day of the Feast 
did weare the Brides Coronet of gold and Pearle on his bare 
head. The men and wemen, in all ineales, but the first, and at 
the drinckings betweene meales, sett mingled, a man and a 
woman, but the men only drinck healths, the wemen only in 
fauour sipping of the Cupp, as it were to helpe the men. 
Besydes they haue many loue tokens betweene them, as a 
young man and a virgin take a Comfitt and together bite it in 
peeces, and the party biting the greater peece is merily 
punished, Agayne the virgins putt some morsells of bread in 
some dilicate sawce, which the young men take out, as 
deliuering theire mistresses out of danger. Agayne sometymes 
they shewe theire Purses, hauing an obcene meaning in the 


longest and largest Purse. In some places the tables are made 
so, as they may turne rounde about both the meate and the 
Guests, which they doe somtymes for a frolike. Whole barrells 
of beare and wyne are sett forth, and drawne out in the very 
roome where they eate, as the Bridegroome intertaynes the men, 
so the Bride hath two wemen of her neerest kindred to cheere 
vp the wemen. And as wee giue Marchpanes, so these wemen 
present them with Rowles baked like dry Fritters, and sett forth 
with Penons of Cutt paper, in the forme of Apes, Birdes, and 
like thinges. The Dishes are Commonly fewe and the nieates 
not costly, but they haue allwayes fumed herrings, rawe Beanes, 
Water Nuttes (as they call them) and breade slised salted and 
pepered, to prouoke drincking. The Bridegrome and the Bride 
supp not with the guests, but after supper the Bride Youthes 
with torches lighted bring them into the Dauncing Roome, 
where they daunce the first Daunce alone, which doune, the 
Bridegrome giues the Bride into the handes of some cheefe man 
to daunce with her, and so goes himselfe to sett with some cheefe 
men at the Brides table, where the guests in order present theire 
guifts to him. In the Prouince of Thuringia the bridegrome 
and Bryde vse to be maryed on Sondyes, but they goe allso to 
church agayne on Mondayes, marching in the foresayd ponipe, 
but not with the same trayne, being on Monday accompanyed 
with those who were not invited or could not come the day before. 
And all the tyme betweene the publike betroathing and the day 
of the maryage, they Hue together both at bed and boarde. In 
the Province of Marchia vnder the Elector of Brandeburg the 
rnaryed Couple, as likewise Children to be Christened, and 
wemen to be Churched, must haue the blessing of the minister 
at the dore, before they may enter into the Church. And the 
maryed, the Christened, and the Churched, must enter at three 
seuerall dores, appointed for those purposes, And besydes they 
vse many of the old and superstitious Ceremonyes to this day, 
though they be of the Reformed Religion according to the rule 
of Luther. 



Touching Funeralls. They invite Company to attend them, 
as to Maryages, by a horseman with a laquay runing by him, 
but the invited haue no feast, only strangers of other Cittyes 
invited are intertayned by them in theire howses, more spetially 
at the solemne Funeralls of Princes. They nether toule bells 
for them when they are dying, nor ringe them when they are 
dead, so as the dead persons are only made knowne to be dead 
by the foresayd inviting of Company, and by the Beere vpon 
which they are to be caryed, being sett at theire dores in the 
streete the day before they are buryed, and by notice thereof 
giuen by the Preacher in the Pulpitt, for most dayes of the 
weeke they haue Sermons and prayers earely in the morning. 
They are Commonly buryed in Coffinnes, hauing windowes 
ouer the fa.ce of the dead body, to be drawne and shutt agayne, 
and at Leipzig I obserued the frendes to open this windowe, and 
cast earth vpon the face of the dead body, and the Saxston 
after to cast in a greater quantity of earth (as they say) to 
make the body soonner rott, and then putt the Coffinne in the 
ground. At Leipzig, as in most places, they are not buryed 
in Church-yeardes, but they haue for that purpose without the 
Citty a peece of ground, compassed with a wall, and a litle 
chappell lying open on the sydes, and a Couered Cloyster round 
about the wall, which feilde is called vulgarly Gottsacker that 
is the Aker of God, where the richer sorte purchase a place of 
buryall for them and theire Family vnder the Couered Cloyster, 
and the Common sorte are buryed in the open parte of the 
feilde. They are Lutherans, Yet the crosse is carryed vpon the 
Coffinne, and all the Monuments haue paynted or grauen 
crosses. The body was committed to the grounde with silence, 
but in many other places the singing boyes of the publike 
Schooles followe the dead body to the graue, where most 
Commonly the preacher makes a short Sermon, or rather 
Oration principally to Commende the life and ende of the dead 
person, and then the people sing a Psalme while the body is 


buryed. The men that are cheefe Mouruours haue their faces 
Covered with blacke Sipres hanging downe behynde the neck, 
and so are ledd and supported by a servant, as likewise the 
wemen that are cheefe Mournours haue theire faces muffled 
with white linnen Cloth, being narrowe and hanging downe all 
the right syde, vulgarly called Schleres. The other men that 
followe the Herse haue no mourning Clokes nor gownes, vsed 
by vs in England, but only hattbandes of black Sipres hanging 
downe behynde, Called Trawerbandes that is mourning bandes, 
which they were long after the Funerall. In the Pompe the 
wemen goe first and of them the best and the neerest frendes 
next to the herse then the cheefe mournours are ledd, then the 
herse followes, then goe the men, and of them the best and the 
neerest frendes next to the hearse. In some places I haue seene 
the husband followe next to the Hearse of his wife, and so the 
wife to followe the husbands hearse, hauing a poore mayde 
seruant to carry the trayne of her gowne. When the body is 
burryed, the wemen stay at the graue, till the men goe into the 
Church and Compassing the high Alter offer mony to the vse 
of the ministers, and when they come forth the wemen likewise 
enter to make the offering, for they hauing small brasse monyes, 
no body is so poore that offer not somethinge, besydes that they 
pay aboue a dollour to the Minister for his paynes, and these 
Ceremonyes being frequent, no doubt the ministers haue great 
profitt thereby. At the burying of a Student in Witteberg, 
the Cheefe men of the Vniversity were invited by his frendes 
with long and graue Orations, as they vse to invite at feasts. 
And when they carryed the body to the graue, only the singing 
boyes of the Schoole went singing before the Hearse, which 
was followed by the Rectour, the Professors, and the Students, 
in order. For the wemen and virgins came not in Company 
with the men, but after them in seuerall Companyes, and stood 
in order a good distance from the graue. In tyme of the buryall 
the Scholers did sing, and in the end the Deacon did sing out 
of a booke about some six lynes written in Prose. The invited 
straungers of other Cittyes, were (as I sayd) intertayned in 


theire howses, but those of the Citty vse not to haue ether 
drinckings, or dinners. 

Old writers wittnes that the Germans of old vsed no ambition 
or pride in Fuueralls. That they vsed not to cast Odours or 
garments, but only the Armes of the dead man, into the 
Funerall fyer, the heathen then vseing to burne the dead 
bodyes. That for a monument they only raysed a turffe or 
greene Sodd of the earth. That the wemen only lamented, and 
the men only with sadnes remembred theire dead frendes, so 
as they soone forgott to weepe, but long retayned sadnes. But 
at this day I am sure in the Funeralls of Princes, they burye 
precioiis Jewells with them, laying the dead body with the 
face vncovered some three dayes in the Chappell, to be seene 
by any who will come to see it, and then inclosing it in Copper 
to be so layd in the monument. For Germany hath litle leade, 
and aboundes with Copper, wherewith many Cittyes haue 
Terretts steeples and whole Churches Covered. Besydes at the 
Funeralls of Princes they cast among the Multitude great 
peeces of siluer, Coyned of purpose with inscriptions fitting the 
dead person and the tyme, myselfe at Fryburg did see the 
Funerall of Christian Duke and Elector of Saxony, and like 
wise the Ceremonyes vsed at Dresden where he dyed. First at 
Dresden the dead body was layde in the Chappell of the Court, 
with the face open, for two dayes, to be seene of all that would, 
the body had a velvitt Capp (vulgarly Mitz) on the head with a 
Costly Jeuell on it and was lapped in a quilted veluitt mantle, 
things lying by, which should be buryed with him, or hung 
vp for ornament ouer his Monument, as first to be buryed with 
him, a golden Chayne about his necke, with a tablett the badge 
of die gulden Geselshaft, that is the golden fellowship, betweene 
the Protestant Princes of the Vnion, allso three Binges on his 
fingers, a Dyamond, a Turky, and a Ruby, giuen him by his 
Dutches, also two braceletts of gold about his Amies, a guilded 
hammer in his right handd, and at his left hand lay diuers 
things to be hung vp, as his Coate Armour, his Rapier, his 
Spurrs, and diuers banners. After two dayes the body was 


Closed in Copper, with his Armes graven vpon it. And a 
learned German perceaviug me to thincke it strange, that those 
Jewells should be buryed with him, to satisfye me therein, 
;i Hedged many Texts of scripture to proue that dead bodyes 
should be adorned, as Isaiah Chapter 61. Zachary 3. Ecclesias- 
ticus 18. Ephesians 6. saying that these ornaments of the dead 
did signify Spiritual! garments, and the Armes hung vp did 
signify knighthood in the spirituall war, adding that the Jewells 
were as safe from leesing or stealing in the vault of the monu- 
ment, as if they were layd vp in a strong Castle. After fewe dayes 
the Corpes was attended by the Courtyers, and carryed from 
Dresden to Fryburg, being a dayes Jorney, and by the way in 
all villages the Bells were rung, and the ministers with the 
people came forth to meete it, with Copes, lighted torches, 
Crosses of wood, and like superstitious Ceremonyes. And at the 
Castle of Fryburg, the gentlemen of the Bed Chamber tooke the 
body out of the Coach, and carryed it into the Schloss kirke, 
that is the Church of the Castle, and there it lay till the day 
of the Funerall, when it was Carryed tEence, and putt into his 
Monument in the cheefe Church of the Citty after this manner. 
First a Grafe, that is Earle, carryed the Blutfahne that is 
bloody Banner, then followed fyfteene great horses, richly 
harnessed, and ledd by ordinarye Querryes, or groomes, and 
by each horse was carryed a banner with the Armes of a Family 
of which the Duke discended, the tenn first being carryed by 
gentlemen, the fyue last by Earles. Then followed the sixteenth 
horse richly harnessed, mounted by a gentleman of the Bedd 
Chamber, all Armed, and representing the Dukes person, and 
by him an Earle, on foote (as the former) carryed the Haupt- 
fahne that is the head and cheefe Banner, of all the Dukes 
Armes vnited, and the sayd gentleman mounted had in his right 
hand a shorte Cudgel, which the Churfirst (that is Prince 
Electour) of Saxony vseth to carry at the Feast of an Emperours 
Coronation. After him was carryed first the sworde, and then 
the Seale of the Electorship. And then, came the Corpes drawne 
by six horses in an open Charyott all covered with blacks. And 


vpon the Charyott hung a table vpon which was written, in 
golden letters, and in the lattin toung, to this effect. 

1 The Most &c. Pr : Chr : D.S. 
S.B.I vij. Vir : (that is one of 
the seuen Electours) 

Hath here deposed what soeuer was mortal!, his Soule immortall 
inioyes eternal! happines with God. Thou passenger myndefull 
of humayne fraylty, prepare thy selfe soone to followe him 
(when thou art called) in the same stepps of true piety, and 
Fayth to God, in which he hath gone before thee.' 

This table was to be hung vpon his monument. After the 
Corpes followed on foote the Princes invited to the Funeral!, 
and then the Courtyers, strangers, and Cittizens, in order. All 
the way as the Corpes passed, certayne officers scattered among 
the multitude, whole, halfe, and quarters of Boilers, Quoyned 
of purpose, with many wordes grauen in the midest, and rounde 
about this sentence in lattin, Jacturam ostendet Dies (that is 
Tyme will shewe the losse). Generally the Princes of Germany 
doe in like sorte vse to Coyne monyes expressly for Remem- 
brance of any great Act, done by them, or Concerning the 
Commonwealth. As when the Emperor had proscribed the 
Duke of Coburg, elldest sonne to John Fredericke late Electour 
of Saxony and had giuen authority to Augustus, present Electour 
of Saxony by the guift of the Emperour and father to the 
Electour Christiamis nowe buryed, that he as marshall of the 
Empire (indeede as his cheefe enemy for the emullation of the 
Electorship which he had gotten from his Father) should make 
warr vpon the sayd Duke of Coburg, and when he vpon the sayd 
authority, but with his owne forces, and at his owne charge, 
had taken and dismanteled Gotha the sayd Dukes strongest 
Forte, he at his retorne to Dresden in triumph, did cast like 
monyes amonge the people, Coyned of purpose for memory of 
that act, whereof my selfe did see many peeces kept by diuers 




Childe bearinges and Christininges. 

When a woman is brought to bedd, for the tyme shee lyes in, 
whosoeuer enters the house, vseth to giue the woman some snxrtt 
guift towardes her paying of the midwife, and the nurse, and 
for like occasions. The wemen lye in or keepe house some six 
weekes according to the distance from our lords birth day, to the 
purification of our lady vpon Candlemas day. They keepe a 
Feast at the Christning, but none at the Churching, which is 
donne without Ceremony, only with some wemen her frendes, 
whome she desyres to accompany her to the Church. When the 
Childe is to be Baptised, the pompe of going to Church and 
retorning, is no lesse then that of maryages, formerly 
discribed. When they come to Church the Chylde with the 
Godfathers and Godmothers stand before the Deacon or minister 
attended by the Clarke, at the dore of the Church where the 
Deacon reades an exorcisme, that is a kynd of Coniuration to 
driue away the ill Spiritt, which by reason of originall sinne 
they Imagin to possesse the Chylde till it be baptised. Then 
they all together enter the inclosure made about the Funt, 
where the Clarke powres a Cann of hott water into the Funt : 
Then the midwife layes the chylde starke naked, and the face 
downewarde, with the navell of the belly vpon the Palme of the 
Deacons hand, (which by reason the legs and shoulders of the 
Chylde were of bloody coller, seemed to me no comely thinge to 
beholde). Then the Godfathers and Godmothers hauing named 
the Chylde, and promised for it, the Deacon baptising it, powers 
with his other hand much hott water all ouer the backe of the 
Chylde presently restored to the handes of the norse, or midwife, 
who lappes it warme, and so they depart. The Godfather is 
vulgarly called Geuater, and the Godmother Geuaterine, but 
they haue no certayne number of them, some hauing more some 
fewer, and the greatest men haue Commonly most in number so 
as the Elector Duke of Saxony lately invited a whole Citty to 
Christen one of his Children, and every Cittisen presented a 
guift to the Chylde. But commonly these guifts to the 
Chylde, the midwife or nurses are small, as about an halfe 


or a whole Doller to a nurse. One thinge is remarkable, that as 
the Mothers if they be able, Commonly giue sucke to theire 
Children, so they euer take a Nurse into the house not only for 
a dry Nurse but euen to giue it sucke, and not one of them will 
send the Chylde abroade to be nursed out of theire owne houses, 
yea these theire nurses are not maryed wemen, but commonly 
harlotts gotten with Childe before they marry, which wee would 
abhorr, fearing to take an harlott or drunken women to nurse 
our Chilldren, who might perhaps thereby proxie infected with 
the nurses vices. 


When the Germans take an Oath before a magistrate, they 
lay no hand on the booke, as wee doe, but lift two fore fingers 
vp to heauen, (as the Sweitzers lift vp three fingers, and French 
men the whole hand). 

In the Chapter of the Germans diett, I haue written of 
many Customes, in publike Inns, and Feastings, wherof I will 
now remember some fewe. The Innkeepers luuige not out any 
signes or luye bushes, but the best Inns are knowne by the 
Multitude of the Armes, fastned vpon the gate and in the 
dyning Home. For the guests, ether at the hosts intreaty, or 
by theire owne free offer, for Curtesey or for glory, vse to pay 
for the tricking of theire Armes, and to giue them to the hosts, 
to be hung vp, as our Ambassadours doe in their Jornyes. So 
as I haue at one Inn numbred 124. Armes, partly of Princes, 
Earles, Barrens, and gentlemen, partly of Cittizens (for they 
also giue Armes after their owne fancyes, but with a Close 
helmett). The guests eate not in priuate Chambers, but all 
together in a publike Stoue, at Diuers square tables, where they 
sett as they come, with smale or no respect of persons. In 
drincking, for token of loue, they often ioyne handes, wjth such 
force as if they would splitt one anothers thumbs from the 
fingers. And because they eate in Stoues heated in winter 
tyme, at eateing and spetially at drincking they sett bare 


headed, and sometymes open theire dubletts to the naked breast. 
In the InnB of Witteberg, in sommer tyme, I obserued the pages 
of some gentlemen to stand by them at table with a Fann of 
Peacokes feathers, to Coole them and to dryue flyes from 
them : and that the gentlemen often whispered together (which 
we repute ill manners), and asked the other guests many strang 
questions, as me in particular, whether I were a gentleman or 
no, and who was next heyre to the Crowne of England (whereof 
the English were then by Statute forbidden to speake). And 
being men neuer before seene of me, it was strang with what 
what confidence and (as it were) familiarity, they inquired after 
such secreets of State, and Actions of great persons, as a man 
would hardly impart, or speake freely of them, to any but 
inward frendes. If they sett at table farr from the bread, 
they thincke it ill manners to reach it vpon the poynt of a knife, 
and call to haue it reached by hand, nether doth any man dipp 
his meate but only his bread into any sawce, and that not with 
his fingers, but vpon the poynt of his knife. They Carue no 
meate to any man, but the very best men will lay or take vpon 
their trenchers a whole shoulder of mutton, or like Joynt of 
meate, to Carue theraselues, in the meane tyme leaving the dish 
empty. And they hold it a point of Ciuility and Curtesey to 
take away the foule treancher of theire guest or frend setting 
neere them, and to giue him a cleane one, or to lay it in the 
Charge when they take away. Indeede they haue reason to 
be Curyous of dipping into sawces, since gentlemen Plebeans 
and very Coachmen sett at the same table, and vse the same 
liberty in all thinges. When they are halfe druncke, they will 
kisse theire next neighbours, sometymes with foming mouthes, 
allwayes with small sweetnes, and in theire Potts will promise 
any thinge, and make all bargaynes, but the consent of the 
sobber wife at home, must be had before any thing be per- 
formed. Theire heighest cheereings vp at table, are these. 
' Seyt frolich,' be mery : ' Drinckt Auss," drincke all out, with 
some like Courtships, and except a man whope or hallowe, 
vulgarly called Jouxsen, he is neuer thought to be merye. 


Assoone as they haue drunck to any man, they importune to be 
pledged, which they require also of wemen for fashion sake to 
kisse the Cupp : But wemen never enter the publike houses 
where wyne and beare is soulde, and in Feasts at home men 
seldome or neuer drincke to wemen, only they are permitted to 
helpe theire husbandes and frendes, in token of loue, by sipping 
of the Cupp they are to drincke, which also they doe very 
sparingly. In Saxony they commonly drincke rounde, that 
euery man may haue his share, and where they drincke to what 
frende they please, so many glasses are filled and placed about 
his trencher who is to pledge them, and if he be slowe in that 
duty, he shall not want calling upon, neither is there any 
meanes to avoyde this taske, but by taking some occasion to goe 
out of the Stoue, as to make water, which the most mannerly 
often doe, (for many sicke not to doe it vnder the table), and to 
pray the seruant in your absence to take away some of the 
glasses, or your selfe dexterly to remoue some of them to your 
next neighbours trenchers. They doe not gulpe downe theire 
drincke hastely, nether drincke they healthes in great glasses, 
but only sipp to haue longer pleasure in drincking, and that 
in small glasses. So as a stranger hath no better defence, then 
when any man drinckes to him, to beginn another health to 
him, espetially if he haue a great glasse before him, which 
euery man feares to drawe vpon himselfe. Generally when 
they drincke to any man, they rayse theire bodyes from theire 
seates, in honour to him, Commonly gentlemen when they be- 
ginne to be merrye, for sporte make theire Pages swell theire 
Cheekes with winde, which they strike with the Palme of theire 
hands, to breake the wynde with a noyse, and if they present 
them a fayre blowe, they giue them Drinckgelt, that is drinck- 
ing mony, (for so they call all guifts, as if they had no other vse 
but for drincking). In like sorte they punish there Pages, if 
they seeme weary in holding the Candle vp aloft, whyle theire 
masters are on foote to goe to bedd, and are tedious with inter- 
mixed healths, to take there leaues of the Cupp and one of 
another. Young men, vpon the day of the yeare bearing theire 


own* name, if any such be in the Calender or on the day of 
theire birth pay some banckquet or at least the wyne, to the 
young wemen in the house where they Hue, or ells they vse to 
bynde them hand and foote till they performs it. lu 
Misen vpon the twelfth clay after candle light, men disguised 
in apparrell like the wise men of the East that came to Christ, 
whome they call three kinges, vse to goe about the towne to 
theire frendes houses, vpon the day of St. Nicholas ; they vse to 
hide mony, Hinges, Garters Poynts, or like things in places 
most frequented by theire kinsfolke, frends, sonnes and 
daughters, that they might fynde them (as wee in England pre- 
sent neweyeares guifts) which they call gods guifts vsing also a 
proverb vpon the Popes extortions, what God giues that St. 
Pether takes away. Vpon Easter Monday, the young men vse 
to beat the virginnes with knotted wandes, till they giue them 
egges, and the next day the virgins vse them in like sorte, till 
they giue them Oranges. In the publike drincking Stoues, of 
Inns and priuate houses, they commonly haue a narrowe bed, 
with a long Cushion, and a short pillowe, Covered with leather, 
in all things but the narrownes like to a standing bed of wood, 
only for one to lye vpon, which they call the faulebett, that is 
the Idle bed. Wherevpoii they lay any man that hath druncke 
so much till he falls asleepe. For with them it is no shame 
espetially in the lower partes of Germany from Nuremberg to 
the Northerne Sea, if they drincke till they vomitt, and make 
water vnder the table, and till they sleepe. But some who are 
more temporate, and shame not to be overcome in this mastery, 
vse to dissemble drunckeimes by sleepe to avoyde drunckennes 
indeede, or ells to that purpose finde some occasion to withdrawe 
themselues out of the Stoue, or steale away, neuer taking leaue 
of theire Companyes. For they who meane to sett out till the 
last, neuer suffer any to departe so sober, as to take his leaue, 
and espetially when they invite guests, they thincke they haue 
not performed theire duty towardes them, except they leaue 
them sleeping vpon the bedd, Benches, or vnder the Table, or 
ells leade them home reeling, stumbling, and scarce able to 


x , i 

stand. Thus they drincke healths tilP"*hey leese theire owne 

health. Yet in the midest of this Common excesse of drinck- 
ing, my selfe haue bene familiar with some gentlemen (namely 
of the Palatinate) generally temperate, and whereof two were 
abstemious, neuer driiicking wyne, but only water, whose Com- 
plexions notwithstanding were as pure sanguen, as can be 
imagined. In the great free Cittyes of Germany, they haue 
a laudable Custome, when any famous learned men, gentlemen 
uor lords (be they Germans or strangers) come to the towne, to 
present them with some flaggons of wyne from the Senate, if 
ether they be of that quallity as the Senatours haue know- 
ledge of theire arryuall, or be made knowne to any Cittizeu 
that he may giue notice thereof to the officers of the Senate 
house. But the honour of this Custome is abated by the abuse. 
For as many Flaggons as are sent, so many officers beare them, 
who not only expect a rewarde, of a Dollour more or lesse, 
according to the quality of the person honored with the present, 
but allso to be invited to supper, which in a publike Inn costs 
much more then the value of the wyne. Besydes that they 
make the present with long tedious orations, and looke to be 
answered in the same forme, which is troubelsome espetially to 
strangers. In most Cittyes vsing beere for Common drincke, 
they haue no Taverns for wyne, but it is solde only at the Senate 
house, and the gayne imployed for publike vses. And the 
cheefe Senatours and Cittisens only, brewe beere, and that by 
course, one after the other, selling it by retayle. At Leipzig 
when this brewing came to the course of my host, with whome 
I boarded, being a man worth tenn thousand powndes at least, 
I obserued that, assoone as he had sett vp a wispe at the doore 
(according to the Custome) not only all Cittizens sent thether 
for beare, but also great multitudes continually flocked thether 
to drincke, at many tables sett vp of purpose, in the lower 
roomes, the yearde, and the very Cellers. And I obserued that 
they payed for theire drincke before they had it, that theire 
purses might teach them moderation, who otherwise knowe 
none, espetially the Common sorte. In so much as most of 


them being poore, I did see my hosts seruants take theire 
Cloathes for pawne, when theire moiiy wan spent, and some of 
them to drincke till they had nothing but a shirte to cover 
nakednes. In some Cittyes of lowe Germany, I haue seene 
Cittizens bidd frendes to dinner, and yet make them pay for it, 
as at Luneburg in particular a Senatour invited some of our 
Consorts in Coach to dyniier, and when they came to goe on our 
Jorney after dinner, by there relation they had spent more 
(perhaps in large drincking of wyne) then wee had spent in the 
publike Inn. Of old the Cittyes lying neere the German Ocian 
and Balticke Sea, and hauing large preuiledges of traffique 
among themselues and in forayne Countryes, haue beene there 
vpon called Hans Stetin, that is free Cittyes. And these haue 
an old Custome in euery Citty at the first comming thether of 
any marchant stranger, to make him free of the place, which 
Ceremony they performe in the publike Inns after this manner. 
The eldest marchants take a trencher with, salt vpon it, sending 
it rounde about the table, that they who are strangers may, by 
touching the Salt in manner of an Oath, professe whether they 
be hansed that is made free or no, and when anyone Confesseth 
that to be his first comming to the Citty, then the oldest 
marchant taking vpon him to be his Godfather (as they call it) 
askes him whether he will haue grace or Justice, and if he 
desyre grace, (as most doe to avoyde the seuerity of Justice), 
then he imposeth vpon Kim halfe or a whole Dollor or more 
(according to the quallity of the person) to bestowe on the 
Company in wyne, which donne he admitts him free, hauing 
first giuen him some aduise or precepts, whereby he may in 
shorte tyme recouer more then he hath spent. As namely that 
hauing written a letter, he neuer send it away, till he reade it 
over agayne, or that when he goes from any Inn, the last thinge 
he doth be to looke about the Chamber and the dyuing Stoue, 
that he leaue uothinge behynd him, Or in Jeast that he preserue 
the sweate of the virgins with whome he shall daunce, for each 
ounce or pounde wherof he promiseth to pay him a great price. 
And it seemes that of old Princes, gentlemen and other 


passengers to accomodate themselues to the Company, did 
voluntarily submitt to this Custome, for at this day they 
chalenge it of them aswell as of marchants, and at extraordinary 
rates, so as a gentleman passing through these Cittyes (which 
are many) fyndes it no small charge. For besydes they haue 
diuers other Customes whereby to impose vpon strangers the 
paying of wyne to the Company. As namely if any man putt 
not off his hatt in reverence to the Salt as it passeth round 
about the table, or if any man keepe his napkin till the Cloth 
be taken away, with many other like obseruances. They haue 
another Common Custome, which being frequent, is no litle 
charge to the passengers, namely guifts which they call drinck- 
gelt, that is drincking mony (as if mony were for no vse but 
for drincking). And these being at first free guifts are nowe 
challenged of right. The seruants in Inns, though they doe a 
passenger no seruice, but only at table, not so much as pulling 
off his bootes, and be so rude, as if he call to haue any thiiige 
reached him, they will readily answer he hath as many handes 
and feete as they, and may reach it himselfe, and though they 
giue him foule sheetes to his bedd, yet they will challenge of 
him this drincking mouy as theire due. Yea if he goe away 
and forgett to giue it, they will followe him. to exact it, as if he 
had forgotten to pay for his dyett. Like is the practise of 
Artizans in shopps. If a man come to buy shooes or bootes, 
himselfe must chuse those that fitt him, and pull them on 
himselfe. Yet when he hath payde the master for them (which 
must be asniuch as he demaundes, without abating one peny) 
the Prentises must haue this drinckiug mony, and will refuse it 
with Scorne and reproches, if it be not ac much as they expect. 
Myselfe hauing my horse shodd, and payd the Smith, his 
gesellen (that is Prentises) demaunded this drincking mony, and 
when I gaue them two Grosh (which is more then foure pence 
English mony) they refused it, and extorted more from mee. 
In the partes of high Germany, they haue likewise this Custome, 
but after a more Ciuill fashion. For in the Inns the men 
seruants when you take Coach or horse, will bring you a Cupp 


of beare or wyne with reverence, and the mayde seruants (theire 
partnen of this rewarde) will present you a Nosegay of flowers 
with bending of the body, thereby crauing not exacting this 
driucking mony. The very Coachmen, who carry themselues 
very rudely to all passengers, who in the Inns will not stay a 
minute for any man that is not ready to goe with them, and by 
the way if any man haue necessary cause to light, will driue on, 
leauing him behinde if he cannot ouertake the Coach, yet at the 
end of the Jorney, besydes payment, will extort large drmcking 
mony, as due to them, not of Curtesey but of right. Trumpeters 
and Musitians, hauing publike stipends of Cittyes, yet because 
among other dutyes they giue warning to the host of passengers 
approaching the towne, they vse in those places to putt a 
trencher abut the table to receave this drincking mony. But 
trauelers fynde no Custome of Germany so costly as the 
Schlaffdrincke, that is sleeping drincke. For after supper the 
Cloth being taken away, if any passenger doe not presently rise 
from the table, and by ignorance of the Custome chance but 
once to sipp of the Cupp, he must pay equall portion with them 
who drincke all night, though himselfe goe presently to bedd 
without taking any quantity of this drincke to invite sleepe, 
which his other Companions take so largly, as often drincking 
till it be day they haue no tyme left to sleepe. So as a 
stranger ignorant of this Custome shall in the morning haue to 
pay, not only for his supper, but perhaps halfe or a whole Dollor, 
yea sometymes six or seuen Dollors for his companions 
intemperance, paying equall portion with them. In Saxony 
the Inns haue a litle bell hanging ouer the table, by ringing 
wherof they call the seruants to attend, and at Nurenberg in the 
Inn they haue a bell hanging vnder the table, which they ring 
in mirth, when any comes late to dinner or supper, and likewise 
for a Remembrance to any that sweare or speake immodest or 
vnfitt speeches. Of old the Germans were wonte to end more 
quarrells with bloodshed then with brawling, but nowe they are 
much changed in this point. For howsoeuer in Saxony man- 
slaughter is often committed betweene druncken men, yet in 


Saxony when they arc sober, and in all other parts generally, 
a man shall heare many scolde like oysterwyues, without 
drawing a sworde. And howsoeuer some gentlemen may goe 
into the feilde to fight, yet the professe never to fight with any 
purpose to kill, and to that end holde it a villainy to thrust, 
or stabbe, only striking with the edge of the sworde to Cutt and 
slash, ayming at opinion of valour by taking or giuing a small 
scare rather then by victory. So as when the first drop of blood 
is drawne, they presently vse to shake handes, and he that is 
wounded payes the wyne to all the rest who are partnors of the 
quarrell, or beholders of the fight, which is commonly performed 
so Coldly, as a stranger would thincke them not in ernest but 
in Jest : he that kills any man is beheaded without f ayle, if he be 
taken, but only sargants may apprehend malifactours, so as with 
fauor of slowe pursuite many escape by flying. As I formerly 
sayd in disputations they haue no moderator, but themselues 
will take easey satisfaction, so in these frayes no man vseth to 
parte them that fight, and you see that themselues will easily 
take vp the quarrell, being not very hott in either kynde. But 
of this point I haue spoken more at large in the first part, 
namely in the Chapter of Precepts, and perticularly in the 
precept of Patience : the Custome or lawe of Coaches meeting is 
strang, giuing the way one to the other of Duty, as they come 
from the vpper or lower parts of Germany. 

The Germans haue a peculiar Custome to that nation, that 
travelers and strangers liuing in vniversities, haue a writen 
booke called Stam-buch (that is a booke of Armes) in which they 
intreate theire frendes to trick theire Armes, and write a motto 
signed with theire handes. 

The vse of Bathes is frequent in Germany. For most 
Cittizens of any account haue in theire owne howses a priuate 
Stoue for bathing, which they vse to heate on Satterday for 
theire owne family, which euening in most Cittyes the wemen 
sett at theire dores spreading theyre hayre vpon the brimms of 
strawe hatts, to drye it in the Sunne, which also maketh the 
hayre of many very like in Colour, inclyning to yeallowe. They 


haue also publike Stoucs or hott houses in each Citty, which 
they who haue uot priuate Stoues, commonly vse on Satterdayes. 
And this frequent Sweating is vsed by the men to repayre theire 
health Crased by immoderate drincking as the wemen vse it for 
Clenlynes. These publike hott howses are in many Cittyes 
Common to men and wemen, only covering theire partes of 
shame, and they are attended by men and wemen seruants to 
wash and dry them, and sometymes to drawe blood from them 
by Cooping. But in some Cittyes the men are parted from the 
wemen with blancketts, where at maryages they vse to invite 
all the cheefe guests to bath together the day before the 
maryage, and in some places they vse such liberty that many 
men bringe harlotts as theire wiues to bathe with them in the 
same stoue and tubb. They haue also publike bathes of 
medecinall waters, to which they make great Concourse at the 
seasons of the yeare, and they vse such liberty as many come 
thether more for wantonnes and loue, then for Corporall 

They vse, espetially in the lower parts of Germany to giue 
one another potions to force loue, and the Apothecaryes haue 
some druggs, as Spanish flyes and like thinges, which they hold 
to haue great vertue in like witchcrafts, but I was informed they 
were vpoii great penualty forbidden to sell them, to any, without 
knowing the vse they would make of them. And these accidents 
I thincke to be more frequent, because myselfe haue seene some, 
as at Leipzig, where three virgins gaue three Aples to three 
young men, all infected by this art, wherof one vpon the eating 
of his Aple dyed the next day, and the second also eating his, 
fell the same day into a Phrensey, and was hardly recovered by 
the helpe of learned Phisitians, after long sicknes, and the third 
by good happ, forbearing that day to eate his Aple, was by his 
frendes mishapp warned to forbeare eating it, and to consume 
it with fyre that no other man might eate it. 

In the same parts of Germany I haue seene some men lay 
vp theire cleane linnen (as it were to be perfumed) among aples, 
the smell whereof wee hold unpleasant, yea among Quinces, the 


smell whcrof wee hold vnholsome, if not infectious. The 
Germans doe many tymes change theire names if they haue any 
base signification, as the Popes of Rome haue long done by 
Custome, arysing at first (as Authours write) from the same 
cause. Thus one Bawer (which name signifyeth a Clowne or 
tiller of earth) called himselfe Agricola, which in lattin hath 
like signification (whose booke wee haue printed vnder that 
name). Thus a learned man, and a great helper of Luther in 
Reformation of Religion, being called Schwartz Eard, that is 
black earth, tooke the name of Melancton hailing the same 
Notation in the Greeke toung. And thus in the Dukedome of 
Hoist (a Prouince of Germany, but now incorporated to the 
kingdome of Denmark) a learned gentleman well knowne by 
diners bookes he hath Printed, being called Toppfer, which 
signifyes a Potter, changed his name to Chitreus of the same 
signification in the greeke toung. 

The Germans Cherish Storkes, which builde theire nests 
vpon the tops of houses, yea themselues builde large nests of 
wood vpon the topes of theire Senate houses, and of ther publike 
and priuate houses, to invite them to breede there. These 
Birdes only abyde with them in Sommer (except some fewe 
which are tame, and haue theire winges Clipt) and when they 
goe away towardes winter, they say that they vse to leaue one 
of theire young ones, as for the Rent of theire nests, and kill 
another as for a sacrifice. The Stoarkes among the Egiptians in 
theire Hieroglyphicks, did signify Justice, And the Germans for 
opinion of Justice or like cause, thincke the place lucky, where 
they builde nests, and say that they neuer build in any 
kingdome, but only in Commonwealths, which they repute the 
most Just governments. And howsoeuer the Princes of 
Germany be absolute in theire owne Territoryes, they hold the 
whole Empire to be a Commonwealth. Yet in Italy being no 
kingdome, and Consisting as well of Commonwealths as 
Principalityes, I remember not to haue scene any Stoarkes, 
much less publikely cherished. But I obserued them to be no 
lesse cherished in Netherland. And likewise at Bazill among 


the Sweitzers, where a Stoarke changing her nest from the 
Senate house to the Gallows, it was taken for an ill presage. 

At the tyme of publike fayres or Marts, after the ringing of 
a Bell, all Banckrouts and condemned fugitiues may freely 
abide there, so they be carefull to be gonne before the second 
ringing of the Bell at the ende of the Martt, For at Leipzig 
my selfe did see an harlott beheaded because hailing formerly 
had a finger Cutt off, and beene banished for some Cryme, she 
was apprehended there after the ringing of the sayd Bell. 

In many Cittyes (espetially of Misen and all Saxony) I 
obserued the lawe to forbid the shooting of Gunnes within the 
walls of the Citty, And in the same partes as at Dresden, the 
gates of the Citty were shutt, and the streetes chayned at Dinner 
tyme, as if it were in tyme of warr, and in most Cittyes they 
haue Trumpeters, dwelling in the Steeple of the cheefe Church, 
who daily sounde theire Trumpetts at sett howers, and by 
hanging out of Flaggs giue notice of Coaches, horsemen, and 
Footemeii, approaching the Citty, and how many they are in 
number, as is vsed in tyme of warr. In most Cittyes they haue 
watchmen, which wee call Bellmen, going about to see that no 
mischance fall by Candle or fyer, and to Cry with a loude voyce 
the hower of the night, which they doe at Leipzig with wynding 
a great home and in these wordes. 

Lieben herrn lasset euch sagen, die Zieger hat elfe geschlagen, 

sehet zu das fewer vnd das light, 

auff das kein schade geschight. That is 

Louing Sirs (or Lords) lett me say to you, 

The Clock eleun hath strucken now, 

Looke to your fyer and your light, 

That no mischance befall this night. 

When a stranger will enter any Church, to see any monument 
therein, the Germans vse to take their reward before they open 
the Dore to shewe it, and in many places they wilbe payd for 
any seruice, before they doe it. At Dantzke I obserued that 
generally all the Cittisens and common people, vsed to putt off 


theire hatts (aa it seined in reverence to Justice), when they 
passed by the dore of the Senate house, being the publike Seate 
of Justice. In the States where Religion is Reformed, they all 
kept the old style of kalender, but in Austria, Bauaria and the 
States of Popish Bishops they followe the newe Style of Pope 
Gregory. The Clockes strike Commonly as ours doe but some 
few strike 24 howres, yet both beginn the day at six in the 
Euening (as I formerly shewed) and keepe the same course all 
the yeare long, not following the Sunne, and so changing the 
Noone and all bowers of the day, as the sunne changeth his 
rising and setting according to the manner of the Clocks in 

Pastymes and exercises. 

Touching Pastymes and exercises, Tacitus writes that the 
old Germans when they were most sober, playd at Dice as 
seriously as they did workes of calling, with such rash adventure 
of gayning and loosing, as for the last hazard they would 
adventure theire liberty at a Cast, And Munster himselfe a 
German, Confirmes that they vsed to play away theire liberty, 
so as they were bound and sold for slaues. But for my part, so 
long as I liued with them, I neuer sawe any in priuate or 
publike houses play at dyce, nor yet did I see any tables, or vse 
of them, hauing passed through most parts of Germany, though 
some sayd that these games were in some places knowne, but 
litle vsed. In ilisen and those parts, I haue seene some play 
at Gardes, but very seldome and only for wyne, neuer for 
mony or any great wager. And theire Gardes differ much from 
ours, being all paynted on the insyde, with a Fagott of short 
trunchons in the midest in steede of our Clubbs, and rounde 
Circles paynted insteede of our Dymons &c. and the outsyde 
drawne thicke with blacke lynes like our latices. Nether did I 
euer see them vsed in the Inns or publike houses, but only in 
some priuate houses. Indeede all theire delight and pastyme, 
in my obseruation, seemed to consist in daily drincking, aswell 
in priuate as in publike houses, and in long immoderate 


daunceings, at ptiblikc feasts and most commonly in publike 
houses. Att Shrostyde I haue seeiie them runne on horsebackc 
through the streetes and markett places with Coulestaffes in 
theire handes, and vsing many trickes to giue one another falls. 
Likewise in tyine of snowe and great Frosts, they haue sledges, 
made like a Chayre, on which the dryuer setts, and a lower 
seate vpon which betweene his legs he many tymes placeth his 
mistres, and the sledge is drawne with one horse firnished with 
many litle bells. And vpon these sledges I haue scene many 
take short Jorneyes ouer the Snowe and yce, but most commonly 
they ride thus as it were in triumph through the streetes of the 
Cittyes and townes, and comming to the markett places they 
vse to wheele often about, with swift and shorte turnings, and 
great daunger of taking falls, wherein the driuer is much 
disgraced if his mistres ryding with him should chaunce to fall 
from the sledge, or not to be carryed gently and with ease. 
For which sport (according to the vse of other Princes) I 
obserued the Electour of Saxony to haue a large rome ouer his 
famous stable hung with many furnitures for these horses, and 
allmost filled with many Sledges, some covered with veluitt, 
and like stuffes, layd with lace of gold and silver, some with 
Cloth of gold, some with guilded leather, and some Sledges made 
of vntryed siluer, as it was taken out of the Mynes of his owne 

The Germans haue a Commendable exercise of shooting at a 
butt with Crosbowes and Harquebuzes. For which sport the 
better sorte and their very Princes with them, (if they liued 
not in free Cittyes) vsed to meete vpon sett dayes once or twise 
in the weeke, in a publike house for that purpose, where they 
haue plenty of wyne and beere to sell, for they cannot endure 
thirst either in worke or sporte. Besydes priuate men make 
matches of shooting at this publike house, for mony, or more 
commonly for suppers and drinckings in the same house. The 
place where they shoote is an open Terras covered ouer the head, 
the Butt lying open vncovered. Also the cheefe Cittizens make 
many priuate meetings to this purpose of Feasting vpon 


Sondayes, and holy dayes, And howsoeuer the Butt at which 
they shoote be large, with much earth cast vp hehynde it, yet 
my selfe at Heydelberg [saw] diuers wounded with shaftes and 
Bulletts sometymes missing the Butt, and then by Casualty 
hitting them. Likewise there haue I seene the Prince Electour 
Pallatine, some tymes to vse this recreation with the Cittizens 
his Subiects vpon some sett matches made for wagers. And 
because drincking is euer intermixed by the Germans, aswell 
in theire sports as Serious actions, which hateth nothing more 
then sober beholders (as indeede generally, it is not safe in 
Germany for sober men to stay in the Company of drinckers, 
theire Custome being ether to take as many Cupps as the rest 
haue had before, and so to ioyne with the Company, or ells 
presently to withdrawe themselues from it), I say for this or 
some like cause of desyring to be priuate, I obserued that if 
any man entred the place, besydes the Cittizens shooting and 
the Courtyers attending the Prince, and strangers of 
quality .... the place was soon cleared of idle 
beholders. Likewise the Germans vse like exercise of shooting 
with Musketts and Crosbowes, out of the Cittyes, and in the open 
feildes at an Image of some birde sett on the topes of maypolles, 
where he that hitts the head hath the greatest prise, he that 
hitts the winge hath the next, and he that hitts the Foote hath 
the third, these being the parts of most vse, and the hitting of 
any other part hath a seuerall but lesse reward. But this kynde 
of shooting they generally vse only once or twise in the yeare, 
yet vpon priuate matches they vse it oftner in some places. 
And in some places the rewardes are the parts of an oxe diuided 
for that purpose, with different portions of mony which Custome 
(they say) was of old taken from the Greekes. And in these 
places of shooting they hang vp Banners for memory of 
Victoryes. For the rewardes being deuided and the number of 
shotts allowed to each man, they haue the most stately banner, 
who winne the cheefe prises and the greatest number of them. 

Touching Hunting and Hawking, Cesar in his Commen- 
taryes writes of many beasts in Germany, to the killers wherof 


that nation attributed great honour; namely a wylde oxe, 
hauing the bodye of an hart, with one only home, and the 
Alces, [Elks ?] hauing alike body with two short homes, and leges 
without any ioynt, so as they were taken by Cutting the trees 
against which they vsed to leane, for the tree falling with the 
waight of the beast, it lay without power to rise (as some write 
of the Elephants in like sort taken), and they are like to Bulls, 
and as big as Elephants, and the Bisontes in the woodes of the 
high Alpes towardes Italy, so great in body as the skinne of one 
would couer thirteene men. These beasts, as he reports, were 
then in the Alpes, and in the great wood called Hircinia Sylua 
dayes is in great part wasted, and these beasts so destroyed, as 
none of them are founde. But in the Alpes, the same wood and 
other wodes of Germany, they haue to this day Beares, wylde 
oxen, Bubuli, a deformed kynde of Oxen, Wolues, and wyld 
Boares, in the killing whereof they glory much. Only the 
Alpes yealde some fallowe Deare, which are not found in any 
other parte of Germany, but in all parts they haue great stoare 
of Hares. And through all Germany the Princes haue great 
heardes of Hartes or redd Deare, not in Parkes, but freely 
lodging by Heardes in theire woodes. In most parts of the 
Empire all Hunting is forbidden, to any but absolute Princes 
in theire owne teritoryes (except the Hunting of the foresayd 
hurtfull beasts). Only in some parts the Hunting of Hares is 
permitted to gentlemen, as in Saxony, where the Elector buying 
of the gentlemen the olde right they had in the hartes of the 
woodes, and the hunting of them, only left to them, and no 
other of inferiour sorte, the liberty of Hunting hares. Which 
notwithstanding they vse only with gray howndes, for I neuer 
sawe them followe that sporte with the sent of slowe houndes. 
And it is a great fauour for a gentleman to giue an hare to his 
host or any inferiour frend. My selfe knewe an English mar- 
chant of good quality, who hauing a grayhound and by chance 
fynding and killing a hare, betweene Stoade and Hamburg, was 
imprisoned by the gentleman lord of the Soyle, and was glad 
to pay his three hundreth Dollours to escape greater punish- 


ment. Christian the Electour of Saxony was without measure 
delighted in hunting, and was little beloued of his subiects, 
because with regall immunity he suffered his wylde beasts to 
spoyle theire groundes. For towards Harvest the Country 
people were forced to watch all night, that they might, with 
whistlings and Clamours, driue the Redd Deare out of theire 
Come and viniyardes, for which notwithstanding they moued 
not one foote, as hauing founde by experience that they 
durst not hurte them, who might not to that purpose keepe a 
dogg, except one of his feete were lamed. And indeede through 
all Germany it seemes the beasts knowe this theire preuiledge. 
For my selfe haue in Coaches passed by heaxdes of Redd Deare, 
which lying by our Wheeles, would not stirr, though wee made 
a noyse, and presented our peeces to them, as if they had 
knowne we durst not shoote or hurte them. In the Electorship 
of Saxony, and some other partes, if any man hunte and kill 
a Redd Deare, a wylde Boore or a Goate, yea when they spoyle 
his corne, he dyes for it by the lawe. In other partes the putting 
out of his eyes is helde a myld punishment, as likewise that 
punishment which I obserued in the Palatynate, where to 
mitigate the rigour of the lawe, he is bounde to weare the 
Homes about his necke, so long as he liueth, at least when he 
goeth out of his house, (whereof my selfe did see one example). 
Yea the subiects of Austria may not take very Sparrowes with- 
out leaue from the lord of the Soyle. All men may hunt other 
hurtfull beasts take and kill them, yea they are invited by 
rewardes to doe it. The woodes on all sydes abounde with 
wolues, which about the Natiuity of Christ, when the males and 
females vse to Coople, and the grounde is commonly Covered 
with snowe, keepe together in great multitudes, and passengers 
see many trackes of theire footing, and at this tyme the Country 
people tye theire Bitches to trees, that the wolues may ingender 
with them, which bring a kynde of Dogg not great bxit most 
fearce, and excelent to hunt the wolues. And whyle the wolues 
thus flocke together a passenger going alone and without Armes, 
espetially wemen venturing to passe the woodes, are sometymes 


deuowred by them, besydes theire frequent deuowring of Cattle, 
for which cause he that kills a wolfe hath in some places tenne 
Dollors, in others mor or lesse for his rewarde, as likewise they 
that kill a Puttock or kyte by shooting haue a Dollor for 
rewarde, but the wolues for most part of the yeare lye hid in 
the thickest vnaccessable places of the woodes, and are seldome 
scene neere the high way, or in open feilde. In the woodes of 
Thuringia and the vper partes of Germany many of the inhabi- 
tants haue the heades of wolues, and the heades and skinnes of 
Beares which themselues haue killed, fastened at theire gates, 
as a memory of that braue act. Yea the Princes and theire 
Courtyers, mounted vpon good horses, and armed with a shorte 
sworde, and a sharpe forked speare, doe many tymes hunt 
Beares, wounding them often and lightly with theire speares, 
and then flying, while others persue till at last they fall downe 
wounded and wearyed, and then the Courtyers keeping them 
downe with theire speares, the Prince hath the honour to pull 
out the Beares hart with his speare, forked for that purpose. 
But it seemes they number not wilde Boares among hurtfull 
beasts, for in many places, they are reserued for the Princes 
game. Of these they haue great stoare, lying in the thickest of 
the woodes, and seldome doeing hurt to passengers, if they 
meete them not when they haue young Pigs. And they are 
hunted by horsemen with speares, and with doggs brought out 
of Ireland and Denmarke, and when the horseman strikes 
them with his speare, he flyes, and they followe him, till 
another strikes them, to whome they presently turne, leaning 
the persuite of the former, and so they are wearyed, till at last 
the doggs fasten vpon them, and so they are killed by the 
huntsmen. The Princes Hunte Redd Deare and Harts seldome, 
and only at sett tymes of the yeare, and then they rather 
murther then hunte them. For the Clownes driue whole 
heardes of them into the Toyles, Compassing a great Circuite 
of grounde, wherein they shoote at them with gonnes and Cros- 
bowes, and when they are fallen, kill them with shorte swordes, 
by hundreths at a tyme, which doune the Prince sendes some 


fewe of them to be distributed among the gentlemen of the 
Country, and the Senatours of the Cittyes, and the rest he 
sendes to his Castles, to be powdred with salte (as they likewise 
vse the Boares they take) and here with he feedes his Family as 
wee doe with powdred Beefe, by which Continuall feeding vpon 
redd deaxe and wylde Boares, no meate growes so irksome to 
them as this venison. In all Germany I neuer sawe any man 
Carry a hawke vpon his fist, much lesse any company Hawking 
in the fielde, nor yet Hunting after houndes. For Fishing they 
haue great stoare of fresh fish in Biuers and Pondes, and in 
the mouth of the Eiuer Elbe neere Hamburg and Stoade, they 
catch so many Salmons and Sturgens, as they, transporte great 
quantity therof to forrayne parts, and feede theire seruants so 
plentifully with them, as they abhorr that meate, and condition 
with theire masters how many tymes in the weeke they should 
feede therewith. 



Of Sweitzland touching the heades of the first Chapter. 

Nature and Manners. 

THE Sweitzers are by nature, education, and much more by 
rewarde, giuen to the military life. For they are borne in the 
high mountaynes called the Alpes, and mountanous people arc 
Commonly Kobustius, apt to suffer labor, Colde, hunger, ami 
thirst, lovers of liberty, and naturally indued with rude boldnes, 
And for theire education, they are trayned vp from Childehoodc 
in exercises of Armes, theire Festiualls, solemnityes, sportes, and 
exercises, tending therevnto. But espetially, in the last ages, 
they haue beene allured to be mercenary Soldyers, by ample 
rewardes, and stipends both in peace and warr, from the kings 
of Fraunce and Spayne, and from the Bishop of Rome, and by 
the manner of theire warfare, wherein they neuer come to 
danger but in the day of a battayle, which Princes vse not to 
hazard without great aduantage or necessity, so as they long 
inioye theire pay and the spoyle of Countryes, and seldome come 
to fyght for it (as I haue shewed at larg in the former discourse 
of that Common welth). And they haue that property with the 
Germans, at the end of any warr to retorne to theire trades of 
peace, nothinge Corrupted with the license of theire former 
Military life. For nature, education, and poverty of theire 
private estates, make them hate Idlenes, so as the men will 
milke Cowes rather then be Idle, whervpon also the Germans 
in scorne call them Cowmilkers. Besydes that the Justice of 
the land is so severe, as they haue no theeues nor Robbers 
among them, so as those mountaynes are more safe to Carry 
plenty of gold, then any other Country I knowe, and riche 
marchants come and goe safely to and from the Marts, without 
any Convoye, which they ordinarilly haue in Germany. They 
are reputed to be Hospitable by nature, and as the land lyes 
betweene Italy, Fraunce, and Germany, so all straungers 


passe and liue there with safety and good vsage. Likewise they 
are reputed charitable to the poore, not only releeuing them in 
hospitalls, buylt for them in all Cittyes, with officers Carefully 
to ouersee theire vseage, but also by mony and vittles 
distributed among the poore of the townes and Country, by 
officers chosen of purpose. They are Certaynely louers of 
Justice, as appeares by theire lawes, and by theire leagues, 
aswell betweene themselues at home, as those they make with 
forrayne Princes, for a tyme or perpetuall. And they are so 
famous for equity at home, as many strangers dwelling neere 
them haue often committed theire Controuersyes both publike 
and priuate to be determined by them. And nothing more 
then this Justice and equity, and the Constancy thereof, among 
other good effects, worketh one strang thing, namely that they 
being military men and (as I may say) rude inhabiters of 
mountaynes, and not free from continuall excesse in drincking, 
yet haue fewe priuate quarrells that come to any sheeding of 
blood. For in all parts they haue magistrates chosen of 
purpose, who with Constancy and severity, according to theire 
lawes (which are excelent in that kynde) repayre all men really 
and fully in the least Iniuryes doune to them by worde or 
deede. And if any come to blowes, all that stand by are bound 
to parte them, and to remember them of the sayd lawes, to 
which remembrance if they shewe the least contempt, by 
Continuing the quarrell in worde or deede, they are sure not to 
escape seuere punishment, according to the quality of theire 
offence. Theire publike Feasts, and priuate meetings of 
Cittizens with theire wyues to make merrye, are commonly 
keept in publike houses, which haue yardes to walke in, and one 
great tree or more to shadowe them in sommer, in the branches 
whereof Commonly they haue a Koome built, contayning two or 
three tables, with fresh water brought vp with spouts to wash 
theire hands and drincking glasses. And by Custome the 
magistrates and cheefe men of each Citty, towne, and society, 
haue theire tables in these houses, which they allso frequent, 
whereby all disorders and excesses are avoyded. In these 


meetings they seldome or neuer haue any musicke (nether haue 
they many or skillfull musitians) for they delight more in 
discourse, and to haue the old men relate the braue Actions 
they haue scene, in the Commonwealth, and in the warr, at 
home and a broade, and such as theire forefathers tolde them. 
They haue plenty of milke, Butter, and hony, but flesh in lesse 
plenty, and want not daynties, as Venison, Birdes, and plenty 
of good fishes, in lakes and Eivers. But they vse no excesse of 
meate in these meetings, where the Feast is ended with two 
dishes of flesh at each table, and some other trifles. Of old 
they reputed him infamous that was drunken at these 
uieetinges, and vsed great modesty and temperance in them, 
and the modesty and temperance in meates and behauiour axe 
in good sorte retayned to this day, and drunckennes restrayned 
by the presence of magistrates and cheefe men, but as the 
inhabitants of vper Germany vse lesse excesse in drincke then 
those of the lower parts, Yet often and foully offend theirein, 
so the Sweitzers being of the same language, Communicate with 
them the same vice. And I thincke, Josias Sembler, who hath 
written a Compleate discourse of that Commonwealth, as he 
wittneseth theire frugality & temperance of old, when they 
liued vpon the fruites of theire owne land, and kept themselues 
at home, so truely confesseth that the decrease of those vertues, 
and increase of the Contrary vices first began when they gaue 
themselues to serue as merciuary Soldyers out of theire owne 
Country, and aswell the Corporations as the cheefe Captaynes 
and leaders began to receave not only pay for the tyme of warr, 
but yearely and perpetuall stipends in tyme of peace, from 
forrayne Kings and States. Himselfe for drunckennes in par- 
ticular, acknowledgeth that they are not free from it, nether 
is it now reputed so disgracefull, as he would haue it seeme to 
haue beene of old, yet he alledgeth a Common Custome among 
them at this day, to punish drunckards with forbidding them 
wyne for a yeare, and then restoring them to the vse of it, vpon 
promise of future temperance, which seemes notwithstanding to 
be litle putt in execution, or only against those who are most 


noted for Coutinuall and enormous excesses, and ill behauiours 
therein. For my experience thereof, I founde no such examples 
of dead drunckennes and shamefull effectes thereof, as I did 
many in Saxony, but I sawe great and frequent excesses therein. 
And indeede the inhabitants of those mountaynes, which for 
the greatest parte of the yeare are Covered ouer with deepe and 
harde Snowe, being much restrayned from exercises abroade, 
haue no smale invitation to spend the tyme in drincking, 
according to the delight they take therein. 

Bodyes and Witts. 

The Sweitzers (as commonly all Inhabitants of greate 
mountaynes) haue large bodyes by nature and free education, 
and strong and active by exercyses, which the Sweitzers vse 
both in military traynings and frequent Hunting of wylde 
beasts. For which reasons theire bodies are more Actiue, and 
they haue more viuacity of spiritt and witt, then most parte of 
the German nations. In Sweitzerland as in the next partes of 
vper Germany (perhapps by drincking the waters of the Alpes 
running through minoralls) they haue many lepers which begg 
with Clappers of woode standing farr off by the high way and 
haue spittle houses built of purpose for them. 

Manuall Arts Sciences Vniversityes and Language. 

Yet are they not so excellent, as the Germans are by singular 
industry, in Manuall Arts. Yea the Germans in my opinion 
excell them in Sciences, by continuall plodding vpon one 
profession alone, as well as by multitude of Vniversities and 
learned men. Sembler confesseth that of old both before and 
after they were settled in the liberty they nowe haue, and so 
freed from all subiection to the Princes of Austria, they were 
not much giuen to the studdyes of Learning, only hauing some 
rude Poetts who writt theire warrs and victoryes in vnpolished 
rymes, yet had they of old two Schooles of learning in the 
monastery of St. Gallus, and in the Colledge of Churr, which 


haue beene long since decayed. But Pope Pius the second 
formerly called Aeneas Syluius, did institut* an vniversity at 
Bazell, which hath yealded many famous learned men, being 
founded by him with great preuiledges, in a fruitefull Country, 
and a very wholesome ayre, for which cause and more to honour 
that Citty, he also helde a generall Councell in the same. They 
haue also a famous Schoole at Zurech, which is no vniversity, 
yet hath yealded many learned men, espetially in the profession 
of diuinity, as likewise a Schoole at Berne, and an other at 
Lausana, And for bookes, the Stationers at Bazell, at Zurech, 
and at Geneua, haue shopps so well firnished with them, as 
they yealde not therein to any in Germany. To speake 
somthinge more largly of Bazell. It was founded by the sayd 
Pope in the yeare 1459. in nothing more famous then in the 
great Confluence of strangers, so as yearely some 50. Doctours 
haue taken degree therein. At my being there they had only 
two Colledges, In the vpper lived 11. Students mantayned by 
the Citty, in the lower 6. Students mantayned by particular 
men, and each had a Steward or housekeeper, all the rest of the 
Students liuing in the Citty. I obserued that the Batchelors 
of Arts were promoted vpon the tenth of may, and was informed 
that the vniversity hath only a breefe Coppy of the priuileges 
(which they call vidimus), hailing delivered the originall therof 
to the Senatours of the Citty, for which cause all Controversyes 
of Students, espetially if they fall betweene them and Cittizens, 
are brought before the Senate. In a Controuersy betweene two 
Students at my being there, one of them was Committed by the 
Professors, and being within fewe dayes inlarged, first tooke 
his Oath no way to revenge his Imprisonment. I found there 
two Professors of Diuinity, James Gryneus (who also did reade 
the lecture of historyes at tenn of the Clocke in the morning) 
and Brundmuller, which two did reade in the publike Schooles 
each second day by turnes, at three of the clocke in the after 
noone, and each had yearely for his stipend two hundredth 
Guldens, 24. sackes of Corne, and 12. Saumes or horselodes of 
wyne. The Professors of the Ciuill lawe were Samuell Gryneus, 


who did reade vpoii the Digesta, and Guther, who did reade 
vpon the Codex, and Isellius, who did reade vpon the Institu- 
tions, and each had for yearely stipend 100. French Crownes, 
and 40 sackes of Corne. The Professors of Phisicke were, 
Platerus, who did reade vpon his owne practise, and Stapanus, 
who did reade Gallen De Diff : Sympt : and Bauchinus who did 
reade vpon the Anatomy, and they two first had each for yearely 
stipend 150. Guldens. 20. Sackes of Gorne (I meane wheate, 
Commonly called bread Corne) and tenne Sackes of Oates, and 
the third had yearely 100 Dollors, and 24 Sackes of Corne. The 
Professors of naturall Philosophy, of Ethickes, two of Ehetorick, 
two of Logick, one of the Greeke, an other of the Hebrewe 
toung, and one of the Mathematicks, had each for yearely 
stipend 100. Dollours, and 24 sackes of Corne. He that tooke 
the degree of Batchelour payde for his examination and to the 
publike treasure 48. Batzen, and for the Feast according to the 
number of the Graduates, as they being 4. each one payde 54. 
Batzen, to the Beadle each one payde 4 Batzen, and to the 
Printer for Printing the questions of disputation, each one 
payde 20. Batzen. They disputed weekely by turnes vpon 
Thursdayes. He that tooke the degree of Master of Arts, payde 
for his examining each one 6. Guldens and 6. Batzen and for his 
first dinner or Feast called Bona Noua (good newes) made to 
the examiners, each one payde 24. Batzen, and for his second 
dinner to the Professors he payde eight pownde and 4. Batzen 
(that is 6 Guldens and tenn Batzen) and to the Beedle halfe a 
Franck, and to the Printer 20. Batzen, and besydes each one 
payde for his extraordinary guests for each of them 6. Batzen. 
They disputed and declaymed weekely by turnes vpon Satter- 
day, but if a stranger take that degree he answers in disputation 
once extraordinarily, all the Professors and Graduates apposing, 
as they generally vse in all disputations. They that tooke the 
degree of Doctor in Diuinity or Ciuill lawe, payde for examining 
21. Guldens, but the Phisitians payde only 19 Guldens. Each 
payde for a dinner to the examiners at the graunting of the 
degree called Bona Noua, some 5. Guldens, to the Notarye one 


Gulden, and to the Beadle one Gulden, and for the Doctorall 
Feast 12. Guldens, besydes paying for extraordinary guests, if 
one take the degree alone, but if they be many they spend lease, 
according to the rate, For this degree they answered once in 
disputation, or did reade two lectures. But ordinarily the Pro- 
fessors of Diuinity did answer monthly in disputation : some- 
tymes the Professors of Phisicke did holde like disputations but 
of free will for exercyse of the Students. To conclude, all the 
Students liued in the howses of Professors and Cittizeus, but if 
any woulde Hue in the foresayd Colledges for poore Schollers, 
the Steward vsed to giue them Chambers, as many as he had 
voyde, and a Convenient Dyet at his owne table, for a reason- 
able rate. The language of the Sweitzers is the same with the 
German which also is more purely spoken vpon the Confynes of 
Sweitzerland, namely in the Teritoryes of Strassburg and the 
Palatinate, then in any other part of Germany, Misen only 
excepted. Of olde they thought the Studdy of the latten Toung 
and of the liberall sciences, not vsefull to military men, as they 
were, but only to appertayne to such as were Priests or had 
taken some orders in the Church. But since the founding of 
the vniversity at Bazill, and in our tyme, that nation had and 
hath many learned men, both Professors of sciences more 
spetially of Diuinity, as also Linguists. Yea men of all sortes, 
though vnlearned, and wanting the latten toung, yet by profes- 
sion of mercinary Armes, haue skill in the French, Italian, and 
Spanish languages, and are conversant in reading olde and 
modern Historyes, which in our age are commonly translated 
into the French, and theire owne vulgar language, many of the 
States men and cheefe leaders in the warr, hauing well firnished 
libriaryes of these and other bookes written or translated in 
theire vulgar toung of late tyme. 

Ceremonyes, spettially Manages Children Christininges 
and Funeralls. 

Most of theire Ceremonyes and feastiuall Pompes, haue some 
tast of theire military Profession. As for Marryages, the Brides 


ar brought home with Companyes of Pikemen, and with shott, 
and with Drumms and Trumpitts, and the more shott and Pikes 
shee hath to conduct and meete her, the more honour shee is 
thought to receave. And in these pompes and like Feasts, these 
Soldyers march after the beating of the Drumme, and with all 
Military Ensignes. Yea the young men and boyes from eight 
yeares old, vpward, often -Toyne with them in these Military 
marches, and so without any trayning they vse themselues to 
the military marches and comely bearing of theire Armes. Yet 
are the Soldyers also yearely mustered, euen in tymes of greatest 
peace, Commonly at the dedications of Churches, or dayes of 
publike Marts, or yearely at the entring of newe magistrates. 
In all solemnityes, of marryages, and the like, they march in 
the Cittyes with as much order and gravity as the Germans, 
only as they all haue a mixed profession of marchants and 
Soldyers, so the men at these meetinges, and continually in the 
Cittyes, weare rownde blacke Capps of woll, with Clokes and 
Rapyers. And in all Feasts they are more temperate then the 
Germans, in meates, mirth, and espetially drincking. 

For the Customes of Childebearing, Christninges and 
Funeralls, I must passe them ouer by reason I made short stay 
in that Dominion. Only I will say that as in language and 
manners they differ litle from the inhabitants of vpper Germany, 
so I thincke they are not vnlike to them in these particular 


Among theire Customes, they vse laudable order in quench- 
ing fyers, happning in theire townes and Cittyes. For how- 
soeuer all people flocke to resist this common mischeefe, yet 
nothing is there doune without order and overseeres. First 
aswell for the approaching of enemyes, as for preventing and 
quenching these fyers, they haue watchmen in the Steeples, and 
at the gates, and others that walke about the Citty proclayming 
the howers of the night, and looking that no hurte be doune by 
Candles and fyers, and also Armed Cittizens keepinge the watch 


in diners streetes. Besydes that they haue spetiall officers to 
commaund and direct the people how to quench the fyers, and 
to appointe some to preserue the goods of them that are in 
danger. And to preuent tumults in the Citty, or assaultes of 
enemyes, when these fyers happen presently the whole Citty 
takes Armes, and some goe to the gates and walla, which haue 
that office by former order, and are chosen men out of all Tribes 
or Companyes, others keepe the Citty, being alwayes diuided 
into parts, wherof each hath his owne Captayne and Banner 
to the which they repay re. And the Cousulls and Senatours 
also drawe to the publike house of Counsell, to Consulte and 
provide for all accidents. At Zuricke, actiue young men are 
yearely chosen, with a Senatour to leade them, that they may 
giue helpe to the Country, if any such fyers happen there, 
likewise in some places they haue officers chosen to ouersee the 
Ouens and Chimnyes that they be safe from Danger of fyer. 

They may not sell or morgage any houses or landes to 
strangers, but only to them that dwell in the same teritory or 

Vpon the dayes when theire Auncesters gott any famous 
victoryes, they goe in solemne processions to the place of 
the Battayle, the Frists or ministers singing hy nines or 
Psalmes before them, and the Senatours with a multitude of 
men wemen and Children following them, and in some Con- 
veniant place neere that feilde, haue a publike feast before they 
retourne home. 

Bastardes may not beare publike offices, nor sett in Courts 
of Judgment. For howsoeuer they are not authors of theire 
vnlawfull birth, and many of them haue proved exelent men, 
yet to preserue the dignity of marryage, they thincke fitt that 
acts of lust should be punished with some note of disgrace. And 
in some places Cittizens discended of strangers haue no parte in 
the publike Counsells, in other places they may be of the great 
Senate, but not of the lesser, after they haue liued twenty 
yeares with them, and so in tyme haue all priviledges of 


In publike assemblyes for chusing of magistrates, where the 
people giue voyces, they giue consent by lifting vp one hande, 
and the number of them is taken by officers of purpose. And 
when they take an Oath before Magistrates, they lift vp three 
fingers, as the Germans lift vp two, And the French men one 
whole hand. 

They esteeme (with the Germans) the building of Storkes 
with them to be a luckey presage, and at Bazell they thought the 
accident ominious, when a Storke remoued her nest from the 
Senate house to the gallous. 

By my Jorney from Padoa to the Grizons being Protestants 
I founde that they vse to write after the old style, not after the 
newe of Pope Gregory, nether did I obserue any change of 
Style in my passage through the Catholike Cantons. 

Sports, exercises, Hunting-, Hawking and Fishinge. 

Touching sportes, exercises, Hunting, Hawking and Fishing. 
In my passage through Sweitzerland, I did neuer see any one 
to play at dyoe, Gardes, or Tables. In generall the Sweitzers 
are military by nature, as bred among heigh mountaynes, and 
of old were forced by necessity to frequent vse of Armes, against 
tyrannous governours, and ambitious neighbours. And so all 
theire Ceremonyes Sportes and exercises, haue some relation to 
the warr. To make them good and ready shott, they vse shoot- 
ing with gunnes and Crossbowes at a marke, for a Continuall 
exercise and recreation, as the Germans doe, giuing rewardes 
to them that shoote best at publike meetinges, so as from verye 
childehoode they practise the vse of gunnes, since the tyme that 
the vse thereof was brought into the warrs of Europe. Theire 
Ceremonyes tast of the warr. At maryages (as I formerly sayd) 
the Brides are brought home by companyes of Pikes and shott, 
following theire Banners and Coulers, with a military march 
beaten by Drumms. For they serue not on horsebacke with 
trumpitts, that seruice being of small o rno vse in that mount- 
anous Country. And the very young men and Chilldren, at 
those and like Festiuall tymes, vse to carry harquebuses, Pikes, 


aiid Halbardes, and so march after theire Drummes and 
Banners, though some of them seeme not of strength to beare 
those Armes. Besydes that they haue generall musters yearely 
taken before the magistrates. Also theire exercises tende to 
make them Actiue in the warrs, as running, leaping, Casting of 
stones, wrastling, and fensinge with all kyndes of weapons, most 
of these exercises hauing publike rewardes propounded to the 
good performance of them. And as they haue great Lakes, and 
Rivers of violent Course, so they vse very Fishing to military 
endes, being generally more skilfull in the Art of swymming, 
then any other nation. To the same ende the very Country 
people, when they haue doune theire worke, or haue any tyme of 
recreation, exercise themselues in Hunting, wherein they Clime 
Mountaynes and Craggy Rockes, to followe theire game, as 
wylde Goates, and Beares, and many tymes wolues and Beares, 
which they feare not to incounter, because it is a great honour 
to kill them and fasten theire heades and skinnes vpon the Posts 
of theire dores, besydes a publike rewarde giuen them from 
the magistrates, for which reasons also the cheefe men among 
them often adventure themselues, not only in Hunting gener- 
ally, but euen in the danger of assayling these fierce beasts. 
Hunting among them is free for all men, they hauing fewe 
gentlemen, whome they almost rooted out in the warr they 
made at first to gayne theire liberty. Nether haue they much 
game but only in the heighest mountaynes and Alpes for in other 
places they destroye all wylde beasts, lest they shoxilde spoyle 
theire growndes, which commonly are narrowe feildes, or 
mountaneous pastures and in some places barren, but made 
fruitfull by industrye. In like manner all sortes of men haue 
freedome to fish, in all Riuers, Brookes and lakes, being in the 
Teritoryes of theire perticular Cantons or Commonwealths. And 
like freedome they haue to Hawke, and take all kyndes of Birdes 
by netts and like Arts, but I remember not to haue seene any 
Hawkes among them, and the greatest part of the Country is 
not commodious for theire flying, being very full of great and 
thicke woodes. 



Of the vnited Provinces of Netherland touching all the 
subiectes of the first Chapter. 

Nature and Manners. 

FOR the Vnited Provinces of Netherland, touching theire Nature 
and Manners. They are a iust people, and will not Cozen a 
Chylde, or a stranger, in changing a peece of gold, nor in the 
price or quality of thinges they buy. For equall courses among 
themselues, I will giue one instance, small for the subiect, but 
significant to proue theire generall Inclination. The very 
wagonners if they meete other wagonns in the morning whyle 
theire horses are fresh, vse to giue them the way, but if they 
meete any in the afternoone, comming from neerer bating places 
when their horses beginne to be weary, they keepe their way, by 
a generall Custome among them, that they who haue gonne 
more then hafe the way, shall keepe it against all that haue 
gonne lesse parte of the Jorney. And as they loue equality in 
all things, so they naturally kick against any great eminency 
among them, as may be proved by many instances, and euen 
that before named. For as they haue fewe gentlemen among 
them in Holland or Zeland, hauing of old rooted out the 
Nobility, so I obserued, that when our Wagoner hauing gone 
more then halfe the way, yet gaue the way to a gentlemaus 
waggon, all the Passengers were very angry with him, saying 
he had no right to take the way. To which purpose they haue 
a Comon saying, " if he be rich lett him dyne twise, and weare 
two gownes, for one serues mee," in that kynde comming neere 
the Italians pride, to Hue of themselues, and not to borrowe, or 
to eate at the table of others, to make them slauish to greatnes 
or riches. They are generally frugall, in dyett, Apparrell and 
all expences, as I haue formerly shewed in the Chapters treating 
thereof. In manners they were of old rude, and are so to this 



day in some measure, and the Hollanders haue of old beene 
vulgarly called Plumpe, that is blunt or rude. Yet since their 
last long warr in which they haue intertayned English and 
French Soldyers and leaders, they are much refyned in manners 
by their conversation, as also of poore Countryes they are 
become very rich, even by warr, and vnder great taxces to 
mantayne it, which commonly destroy all other nations at least 
for the tyme of warr. And this may seeme strange, if wee con- 
sider not withall that they haue still kept the warr vpon the 
frontyers, by fortifyed places, so as the enemyes liued vpon 
theire owne Country, and haue by theire Navall power kept 
traffique by Sea free to themselues, and shutt vp to theire 
enemyes, by which meanes theire enemyes on the Contrary, of 
most florishing States haue growne poore. So as the Vnited 
Provinces may say with the Athenian "Perijssem nisi Perijssem, 
I had bene vndone, if I had not beene vndone," since theire 
misery hath turned to theire good. In this point of manners 
I speake not of Brabant and Flanders, which people therein are 
free from the French levity and from the German gravity or 
morosity, being of a midle and good temper betweene them. In 
Conversation the wemen may seeme vnchast, but are not so, as I 
will shewe by Instances in theire Customes and Pastymes. For 
vallour they are bolde in drincking quarrells, which often arise 
among them, and then they drawe theire knives, and agree one 
with the other whether they will Stecken, or Schneiden, that is 
stabb or Cutt, (a strang Contreriety of agreement in discord) 
which done they fyght accordingly. And howsoeuer these 
knives are long, small, and sharpe, pearcing in to the body more 
then any dager or Stiletto, yet they who fight with knives are 
lease punished then if they should fyght with daggers and 
Swordes, as my selfe haue seene by experience. And to prouoke 
these quarrells, they vse base ignominious raylings, and horrible 
oathes. Most of them are borne by the Sea, and vpon waters, and 
so by nature are bold Seamen in tempests, and as the Bataui or 
Hollanders were reputed braue Soldyers when they serued the 
Roman Emperours, so nowe (espetially warmed with drincke) 


they fight bloodely at Sea, but theire warrs vpon land are made 
with expence of strangers blood, espetially of the English, the 
nature people hauing done litle therein, howsoeuer theire his 
toryes take the honour to themselues, which the English and 
other strangers haue iustly deserued. 

Bodyes and Witts. 

Touching theire bodies, the men, by free edvcation, haue 
large and strong bodies, and much more actiue then the 
Germans, by vsing more exercise, and by drincking lesse (For 
howsoeuer theire excesse in drincking be no lesse, yet it is not 
so frequent and continual!, as among the Saxons) and also they 
are more quick spirited, by vsing fyers in Chimnyes and not 
being dulled with hott Stoaues. They are very populous, so 
as Botero, the Roman reckons the people of Netherland in the 
17 Prouinces to be three millions of persons, and Guicciardine 
writes that they haue 208 walled townes, 150. priuiledged places, 
and 6300. villages with Church and steeple, but as these Vnited 
parts are seated in the midest of Seaes and waters, and vse 
excesse in drincking so they are Comonly of flegmaticke com- 
plections, and begett more femalls then males, and for this 
reason, or because great part of the men is commonly abroade 
at Sea, I am sure in all meetings the number of wemen and 
girles doth farr overtop the number of men and boyes, at least 
flue to one. The wemen of Flaunders and Brabant are very 
fayre, and theire discent attyre and white linnen setts forth 
their beauty ; I cannot say that the Hollanders are generally 
beautifull, though they haue the ornament of white linnen, but 
either my eyes deceaued me, or the wemen of Dort lying vpon 
the inland Sea that beates vpon Brabant, and the wemen of 
Zeland, are much fayrer then the rest. 

For witt, they seeme a very simple people, when my selfe 
with some English gentlemen passed through North Holland 
and Freeseland, the people gazed vpon vs, and touched our 
apparrell, as if they had neuer scene a stranger, and when wee 


bought necessaryes at Amsterodam, the boyes followed vs, be- 
holding and handling our apparell, and what soeuer wee bought, 
asking why and to what vse we bought it. But howsoeuer they 
seeme, no doubt the men are indeede most Crafty espetially in 
traffique, eating vp all nations therein, by frugality, industry, 
and subtilety, as likewise in Coynes, hauing no siluer, but 
drawing it from all nations in plenty, and making profitt of 
forrayne Coynes, by raysing and decrying them at pleasure, and 
indeede are most witty in all meanes to growe rich, as the 
experience of our age hath taught vs, wherein we haue also 
founde them expert men in State matters, to proue most wise 
and iuditious, though most of them are of Mechanicall educa- 

Manuall Artes Sciences Vniversityes and Language. 

Tuching Manuall Arts, they are a people more industrious 
then the Germans, and excell them in all Arts and trades. For 
howsoeuer, I must confesse that the Germans of Nurenberg in 
those parts are esteemed the best workmen for Clookes and some 
like thinges, yet in generall they are not to be compared to the 
Netherlanders, who make infinite proportians of hangings for 
houses, and like furniture for them, and the best and richest of 
them wrought with gold and silke, which are named Arras, of 
the towne where the best sorte are made, and are exported into 
many kingdomes of Europe, as also they make diners stuffes for 
wearing, and Cloathes aswell wollen as espetially linnen whereof 
they exporte great quantity, and Fyner then any other parte of 
Europe yealdeth. Yea for other Manuall trades they are most 
industrious and skilfull workemen. And it, is worth the observa- 
tion, that the richest amongst them cause their Children to be 
taught some arte or trade, whereby they may gayne theire bread 
in the tymes of warr, or banishment, or of like adversityes. The 
tradesmen take no Prentises bound for yeares, but they who will 
learne any trade, giue them mony to be taught it at their shops, 
taking their meate and lodging at theire owne home. And those 
who meane to professe any trade, when they haue learned it at 


home, goe (according to the Custome of the Germans) to other 
Cittyes at home, and forrayiie Couutryes abroade, most famous 
for excelent workemen in those trades, that of them they 
may learne to excell in them. Only as English travelars 
fynde no such Barbara in any place, as they haue at home, so 
in these Vnited Provinces, they are not to be Commended, 
for skill or handsomnes in that trade, besydes that they wash 
mens beardes in dreggs of beare, before they shaue them with 
the Raysour, as ours doe with hott water and seete balls. 

For Sciences, they haue and of old had many learned men in 
all Professions wherof some are knowne by theire writings, as 
Ralphe Agricola of Freeseland, and Erasmus borne at Rotero- 
da.rne in Holland. But for Commedians, they litle practise that 
Arte, and are the poorest Actours that can be imagined, as my 
selfe did see when the Gitty of Getrudenberg being taken by 
them from the Spanyards, they made bonsfyers and publikely 
at Leyden represented that action in a play, so rudely as the 
poore Artizans of England would haue both penned and acted 
it much better. So as at the same tyme when some cast Players 
of England came into those partes, the people not vnderstanding 
what they sayd, only for theire Action followed them with 
wonderfull Concourse, yea many young virgines fell in loue 
with some of the players, and followed them from Citty to Citty, 
till the magistrates were forced to forbid them to play any more. 

For Vniversities, I will not speake of the famous Vniversity 
Lovan in Flanders, which before the Ciuill warrs had sixteeue 
thousand Students, and is nowe decayed, nor yet of that at 
Do way, now florishing, only I will say. that the glory of them 
was and is in the learned Professors, which of old were drawne 
thether from all parts, by large Stipends, but now are commonly 
Jesuites (except the Professors of lawe and Phisicke), for they 
gladly ingrosse Childrens and young mens education and in- 
struction, as well in Diuinity as in the liberall Artes (the 
growndes of all learning). For these Vniversityes haue not 
many Colleges fayrely built, and founded with large Rents, 
to mantayne Schollers, and large for all the Students to 


Hue in them and not in the towne, as our Vniversitycs haue in 
England. But after the manner of Germany, haue publike 
sehooles wherein the Professors reade, and one or two Colleges 
for poore schollers, most of the other Students liuing in the 
towne. The like may be sayd of the vniversityes in the vnited 
Provinces, whereof that of Froniker in Frieseland, was founded 
of old, and being decayed was of late restored, yet florished not 
greatly ether in learned Professors or in the number of Students. 
The Vniversity of Leyden in Holland was founded in the begin- 
ing of the Ciuill warrs, to keepe Students from going to the 
vniversityes of Flanders. At my being there it had many 
learned Professors. John Heurnius Professor of Phisicke did 
reade Hypocrates at eight of the Clocke in the morning, and had 
for stipend 800 Flemish Guldens yearely. And as in Germany 
so here all Professors dictate theire Lectures, and the Students 
write them worde by worde. At the same hower in other 
Sehooles, Thomas Sosius did reade a booke of the Ciuill lawe, 
with like stipend, And Lucas Trelcatius did reade the Common 
places of Diuiuity with stipend of GOO Guldens yearely for his 
Lecture, and 300 Guldens for his preaching in the Church. At 
nyne of the Clocke Gerard Tuning did reade the Institutions of 
the Ciuill lawe, with stipend of 300 Guldens yearely. Peter 
Paw did reade the Anatomy, with stipend of 500 Guldens. And 
Henry Bredius did reade Tullyes Oratour, with stipend of 200 
Guldens. At tenne of the Clocke Fraunces Ivnivs a famous 
Diuine did expound the Prophett Isaiah, with stipend of 1200 
Guldens yearely. At one of the Clocke in the after noone, James 
Anthony Trutius did reade Aristotiles Phisickes. At eleuen of 
the Clocke Paulus Merula did reade, by turiies each second day, 
the historyes of Eutropius and Suetonius, with stipend of 400 
Guldens yearely, At one of the Clocke in the after noone, James 
Ramsey did reade the logicke lecture, with stipend t)f 400 
Guldens yearely. At two Everard Branchorst did reade the 
Pandects of the Ciuill lawe. And Gerard Bontius Professor of 
Phisicke did reade Paulus Aeginita. And Frances Rapheling 
the Professor of the Hebrewe touiig did reade vpon the Sections 


out of the Prophetts, each hauing 400. Guldens yearely Stipend. 
At three of the Clocke Two other Professors did reade, Corne- 
lious Gratius the Ciuill lawe, and Bonaventura Vulcanvs the 
Greeke toung, each hauing 400. Guldens yearely. At foure of 
the Clocke Rodulphus Swellius did reade one day vpon the 
naturall historye of Plinny, and the next day the llathematikes, 
hauing 300. Guldens yearely stipend. All these Professors had 
houses allowed to each of them by the States, excepting two, 
who had the Bents of some land allowed to provide them houses. 
Some poore Schollers were mantayned in a ruinous College (as 
they are no better ouer all Germany) each hauing 30. Flemish 
Poundes yearely stipend, who had theire dyett yearely at the 
vper table for 150 at the lower table for 100 Flemish Guldens, 
and two of each Citty were admitted into this College, and they 
all studdyed Diuiuity, but were mantayned in the College no 
longer then six yeares, in which tyme they must take the degree 
of theire Profession, and then beginn to practise it, if they be 
fitt for the same. In each Citty they haue an Hospitall to 
bring vp poore Orphants, whereof the best witts are sent vnto 
the vniversity, the other putt to trades. At Leyden all the 
Students liued in the houses of Cittizens. The Prince of Orange 
wien he tooke vpon him the defence of these Provinces in the 
begining of the Ciuill warrs, did founde this Vniversity, and 
kept to himselfe and his heyres the power to name the Rector. 
At my being there, vpon the first of February, the Professors 
Chose three men at Leyden, and sent them with theire letters 
to the Hage, where Count Mavritz the sayd Princes Sonne 
appointed one of them to be Rector, who was settled in his office 
for the yeare following vpon the eighth of February, when the 
Statutes and Customes were publikely read before the Students, 
who within three dayes entred theire names with the Rectour, 
and otherwise were no more to be accounted in the nomber of 
Students. But the States pay the Professors Stipends, out of 
Rents allowed to that vse. Each Student hath yearely 80. 
Stoupes of wyne allowed free from assise or tax, and six vessells 
of Beare at two shillings sixpence starling the vessell lesse then 


the ordinary price the Cittizens pay, and they with whome 
they dyett, take this allowance in theire names and right, 
besydes that the Professors and Students are free from all other 
taxes and tributes. The Eectour Judged the Controversyes 
betweene Students and Cittizens. The vniversity had three 
chosen Protectours amonge the States, whereof one at that tyme 
was Janus Douza a learned man well knowne by his writinges. 
And when a Professors place is voyde, the Professors having 
chosen a worthey man at home or abroade, these Protectours 
invite him to supply that place. But the States must approue 
him, who also allott and pay his Stipend. And howsoeuer at 
my being there this Vniversity newly founded had not 400. 
Students, yet the States drawing thether most learned Pro- 
fessors, it was hoped that in shorte tyme it would greatly florish. 
The Professors doe not reade aboue 30 weekes in the yeare, 
hauing long vacations, as vpon the 3. of Occtober they Cease 
to reade for 15. dayes, because that day Leyden was besegged 
by the Spaniardes, in memory whereof they haue publike playes 
poorely representing the Actions and Crueltyes of that seige. 
The Diuines disput twise in the weeke, other Professions haue 
no sett dayes, but dispute often vpon private agreements, made 
knowne by Printing the questions and setting them vpon the 
gates of the Schooles, donne by them that answer to the end all 
Students who list, may provide to appose and reply against 
them. And this they doe for Commendable exercise, without 
any reproofe to make ostentation of theire learning. In Pro- 
motions of degrees, each Graduate payes 30. Guldens to the 
Treasurer of the Vniversity, at my being there a frende of rnyne 
commenced Doctour of the Ciuill lawe, who besydes his feast 
payde about eight pound starling to the Doctours of-his Pro- 
fession, and some fewe Gulldens to the Bedells and besydes 
payde for the publike testimoniall of his degree which he tooke 
alone for they vse no sett tymes for this Ceremony, but one 
or more are promoted whensoeuer they craue that fauour. 
Nether vse they at- these tymes the Germans Pompe and gravity 
in marching through the streetes, only the Bedell, without any 



Mace and with his head covered, went before the Rectour, who 
with some Professors and Studients, partly in gownes partly in 
Cloakes, all weareiiig hatts (for I neuer sawe any cornerd Capps 
worne by Graduates in any vniversity beyonde the Seas) Con- 
ducted the young Doctor to the publike Schooles, where he 
hauing made his Oration, a Doctor of that faculty did reade the 
graunt of power to create Doctors. And then, first he called the 
party promoted to sett in his Chayre, as giving him power to 
teach, secondly he made him sett downe by him, to shewe the 
necessity of Conference and Counsell in doubtfull matters, 
thirdly he gaue him an open booke in his hand, to shewe that he 
must not Judge after his owne opinions but after the written 
lawe, fourthly a booke Closed, to shewe that he must haue wis- 
dome to Judge of right and equity in cases not expressly 
defyned by the lawe, fyftly he put on his head a Cap of scarlett 
as the badge of his degree, Sixtly a gold Einge on his finger, 
the token of his dignity, and seuenthly the old Doctour shaked 
the young Doctor by the hand, as welcomming him to be of 
theire nomber, which in other places I haue seene figured by 
imbracing and kissing him vpon the Cheeke. This done, the 
young Doctor by a shorte oration gaue thanckes, and so was 
ledd backe to the Rectors house, in the same order he was 
brought to the Schooles. His dinner or Feast was kept in a 
publike Inue, to which he invited the Professors and such guests 
as himselfe pleased to haue, for I obserued some cheefe Burgers 
to be present at the Creation in the Schooles, who were not in- 
vited to dinner. The language of the Netherlander is a 
Dialect of the German toung, but sweetned with the leuity of 
the French toung, which most of the inhabitants by education 
learne to speake as naturally as the vulgar, besydes that many 
of them speake the English, Italyan, and other languages of 
nations with whome they traffique, as there is almost no place 
in the worlde where they trade not. As the Saxons and lower 
partes of Germany (excepting Misen) speake more rudely then 
the vpper partes and the Sweitzers, so the Netherlander so 
much assert the sweetnes and alacrity of the French toung, as 


they preferr it before theire owne, and delight more to speake 
the French toung, then theire owiic vulgar language, which 
they pronounce much more gently then the Germans, omitting 
many of the Consonants and dipthoiiges which they vse. As I 
haue formerly sayde that the Germans toung borrowes many 
worries of the Greeke, so I say also of the Flemish or Nether- 
landers language. And Harchantius in his history of Flanders 
the 25 page of the first booke, setteth downe many particular 
worries apparently derived from the Greekes. But howsoeuer 
he produceth Authours to proue that the Flemish toung was 
knowne and spoken in some partes of Turky and of the West 
Indyes, though it is not vnprobable that a banished man or 
marchant (espetially of the Flemings whereof some are founde 
in many and most remote partes of the worlde) may carry his 
language, and perhapps spreade it in his owne family and 
diseent among some nations farr distant, yet I never obserued 
the Flemish toung to be vsed in forayne partes, but only by 
those of theire owne nation, and I am sure that themselues at 
home spake the French toung, as vulgarly and naturally as 
their owne. And it standes with reason, that they who are very 
industrous in traffique, and hauing litle of theire owne to 
export, (except lynnen) doe trade most with the Commodityes 
of other nations, should themselues learne many languages, 
whereas other Nations haue not the same reason to learne the 
Flemish tounge. And by reason of the Flemings generall skill 
in strang languages, strangers may passe and trade among them 
though they cannot speake a worde of the vulgar toung. As 
wee giue the title of master only to gentlemen, and those of that 
degree in our Vniversityes, so I obserued In the Vnited Pro- 
vinces, that a tradsman and espetially a Barbar was vulgerly 
saluted Meister. In so much as in the beginning of the Ciuill 
warr, when our English forces came into Holland, and the best 
sorte being richly apparrelled were saluted masters, the Common 
people at theire first enterance tooke them for tradsmen, and 
wondred they should be so brave in apparell. Though those 
of the vnited Provinces were then rude in manners, yet their 


language then had, and still hath, a very amorous Phrase in 
Vulgar speeches, Commonly answring one another, Wat sag 
you Mein Shaft:, or mein kinde, or Mein Vatter, or Mem Mourc, 
that is, what say you my lamb, or my Chylde, or my Father, or 
my Mother, Yea they salute old men, with the title of brother 
and Childe, and salute young men and maydes with the title of 
Father and mother. Freyen signifyes to wooe, and therevpon 
they call Bachelors Fryern, and young virgins Freysters. 

Ceremonyes Pompes Marryage Funeralls Christnings 

Touching Ceremonyes, Poiupes, Maryages, Funeralls, Christ- 
nings, and Childebedd. No people of Europe in my opinion 
vseth lesse Ceremonyes and Pompous shewes or marchings, in 
festiuall solemnityes, then those of the Vnited Provinces, doing 
all such thinges without any ostentation, yea with great sim- 
plicity and nakednes. 

For marryages, the wemen in Netherland, Contrary to the 
Custome of the Germans, were marryed very young, so as not 
long before my being in those partes, a girle of twelue yeares 
age, at Harlam, had a Chylde by her husband. They vse to 
wooe long, some yeare two or more before they marye, and in 
that tyme they haue strange liberty of Conversation together, 
yet with vncredible honesty for the most parte, conversing 
together by day and by night, and slyding on the yce to remote 
townes to feast and lodge there all night. Yea some that are 
betroathed make long voyages, as to the East Indies, before they 
be maryed, and in all voyages where the master of the shipp is 
a wooer, they hang a garland of Roses on the topp of the mayne 
mast. The frendes of the marryed Coople, vse to present them 
with meate for the feast, and the guests are invited a day before, 
and agayne invited some hower before they goe to church, or 
before the dinner. For they goe to Church more priuately then 
in Germany, without marching through the streetes in any 
Pompe, or with great Company, some-where only going to 


Church with nyne, other where with three of theire neerest 
frendes and strangers of other townes. I haue scene some 
maryed without a ringe, only Joyning handes insteede thereof. 
Som maryed at tenne in the morning, and theire dinner begane 
at two, and ended at six of the Clocke in the after noone, hauing 
no supper, or the tables taken away, but going to daunce in 
other Eoomes, and retorning to the table to drincke, when they 
pleased. Others maryed at three in the after noone, and supped 
from six to twelue. And after the meales, strangers vsed to 
come in to the daunceing. The second day of the marryage they 
invited neere frendes of the towne, only to supper and daunciug, 
and the third day in like sorte they invited neighbours and 
ordinary frendes. Some day or two before the maryage, and 
agayne some day or two after the maryage, the young men 
and virgins were invited, to daunce after supper, when theire 
Fathers, mothers, and all other were gonne to bedd, where they 
daunced all night, and at the twilight in the morning, they 
daunced about some of the next streetes, and so taking theire 
leaues went home. 

For Funeralls, they vse small or no pompe in them, nether 
remember I in those Prouinces to haue seene any monumentes, 
or so much as graue stones for the memory of the dead, except 
one Monnument at Delph, erected to the memoiy of the Prince 
of Orange, which was the poorest that ever my eyes behealde, 
espetially for so famous a Prince, and one that merited so much 
of the Vnited Provinces. Some gentlemen and others of the 
best sorte dying, had theire Armes sett vpon theire doores for 
a yeare following, and the widowe so long kept her house, no 
man for halfe a yeare entering her Chamber, nor any speech 
being made to her till the yeare was ended for any second 

The wemen are sayd to be delliuerd ordinaryly of theire 
Children with much more ease then those of other nations, 
(excepting onely the Irish) but ill Conceptions are frequent 
among them, and very paynefull in the delivery. Of these 
monsters I harde incredible reports, from very Credible persons, 


which, modesty forbides mee to write, espetially since the 
Curious may easily be informed thereof by many English who 
haue lined long in that Country. Only I will say that some 
of them haue beene of such vivacity and nimblenes in leaping, 
as the wemen had much adowe to kill & destroy them, and that 
some attribute these frequent effects to the peoples grosse 
feeding, and lining much vpon waters. 

For Baptisme, the minister in the Pulpitt hauing read the 
vseuall wordes, the Deacon standing belowe, pronoujxced a 
blessing to the Chyld, and sprinckled it with water. The Boyes 
haue two Godfathers and two Godmothers, and so haue the 
girles, whereas our boyes haue but one Godmother and two 
godfathers and our girles but one godfather and two god- 
mothers. And howsoeuer ordinarily they haue no more but 
two, yet some (as with vs) haue a greater number, being a 
thinge at pleasure; most commonly the mothers nurse theire 
Children themselues. Guifts are giuen both to the Children 
and to the Norses according to theire qualityes, but neuer 
great in value so farr as I obserued. 

For a womans lying in Childebed. If shee haue a boy, the 
ringe of her dore is all Covered with tape or linnen Cloth (and 
in some places vndersett with a small sticke) and over the ringe 
a face cloath is fastned. If it be a girle, the ring is but halfe 
covered, and is not vndersett, but hath also a facecloth, and as 
many Children as shee hath, so many facecloathes they fasten 
aboue the ringe of the doore, which are richly wrought, or 
playne & Course, according to the quality of the Parents. They 
lye a month in Childbed (as our wemen vse in England) and 
then are Churched, the minister prayinge with them, and when 
the dutyes are payde to him, they retourne home and Feast 

Customes Exercises Pastymes particularly of Hunting 
Hawking Birding and Fishing. 

Among their Customes, some seemed very strange to me. 
My selfe landing at Dockam in Friesland, after a great tempast 


at Sea, incountred this recreation in the Inn. There were 
newly aryved young gentle wemen of spetiall worth and 
beauty, who supped not priuately in theire Chambers, according 
to the Custome of England, but at the publike table for all 
passengers, and after supper wee retyred to the fyer, where 
formes were sett round about it, and Flagons of Beare sett to 
warme at the fyer, (as they Commonly drincke warme beare) 
and if a man druncke to a woman, he carryed her the Cupp, and 
kissed her, and a woman drincking to a man, caryed the Cupp 
to him, and kissed him not so much as bending his head to 
meete her, And so with fayre discourse wee passed two bowers 
before wee retyred to our Chambers. This is the generall 
Custome in all Fresland, so as some husbandes haue quarrelled 
with men, for not kissing theire wyues and daughters at the 
deliuery of the Cupp to them, as if they thought them not 
worthy of that Curtesy, or dispised them, as poore, foule, or 
reputed infamous. But nothing is more strang, then that this 
Custome though performed in much mirth and cheerefullnes 
yet is free from the least suspition of vnchastity. Agayne it is 
generally obsemed that as the wemen of these Provinces 
overtopp the men in number (which I formerly shewed) so they 
commonly rule theire famylyes. In the morning they giue 
theire husbandes drincking mony in their pursses, who goe 
abroade to be merry where they list, leaving theire wyues to 
keepe the shop and sell all thinges. And nothing is more 
frequent, then to see the girles to insult and domineere (with 
reproofes and nicknames) ouer theire brothers, though ellder 
then they be, and this they doe from the first vse of speech, as 
if they were borne to rule ouer the nialles. Yea many wemen 
goe by Sea to traffique at Hamburg for marchantdize, whyle 
theire husbandes stay at home. At Leyden young wenches of 
12 or 13. yeares age, after 9 of the Clocke in the morning, 
shamed not ordinarily to doe those necessityes of nature in the 
open and fayre streetes, which our wemen will not be scene to 
doe in private houses. In the same Citty I haue seene men 
milke Cowes, and carry the milke in two payles fastned to a 


wooden yoke before them, which they wore about theire neckes. 
The wemen, vpon their bedds head insteed of a pillowe, haue a 
shorte hard Coushen, litle and vneasy to rest vpon, so as they 
say it is rather for a secret vse, then for rest of their heades. 

The colde of winter is very sharpe in these Provinces, lying 
open to the Sea Northward, without any shelter of hills or 
woodes, for which cause some wemen of the best sorte wore 
breeches, of lynnen or silke stuffes, to keepe them warme, but 
commonly the wemen sett with fyer vnder them, in passetts 
namely litle pans of Coales within a case of woode boared 
through with many hole on the topp, which remedy spotting 
the body is lesse convenient then wearing of breeches. And 
these Passets they not only vse at home, but in the Churches, 
and in theire Jorneyes by Shipp and by waggon. So as my 
selfe passing in a waggon stroaded thicke with strawe to keepe 
our feete warme sawe a young woman in great distresse, who 
vsing this passett, and therewith setting the strawe on fyer 
vnder her and that setting fyer on her Cloathes, was forced to 
vse the vndecent helpe of men, and yet hardly escaped the 
burning of her body. 

They strawe the paued floures of theire howses with Sand, 
to keepe them Cleaner, but the dirty shooes of them that enter, 
Clodding the Sand, they seeme to foule theire howses them- 
selues, for feare other should foule them. 

Holland and Zeland are devided from Brabant and Flanders, 
as likewise Zeland is devided into Ilandes and from Holland, by 
an Arme of the Sea within land. In like sorte Holland on the 
other syde is diuided from Freesland, and that from the 
Empire, by two other Armes of the Sea. And many Riuers 
falling into these Calme Seas, with a gentile Course, in 
Countryes lying lowe and playne, haue giuen the inhabitants 
commodity to Cutt frequent ditches, not only to make passages 
by water from towne to towne, but also to compasse their 
pastures and meadowes with ditches full of water, either 
standing or very gently moving. And the colde is so extreme 
in these partes, as most parte of winter these ditches of water 


are Continually frozene. So as the Virgins in winter tyme are 
most braue in apparell, and haue most Jollity of meetinges with 
young men. For they both daly walke into the fieldes next the 
townes, and vpon the broadest waters slyde together vpon the 
yce. To which purpose they putt vpon theire shooes Pattens of 
wood, with a long sharpe Iron in the bottome to Cutt the yce. 
Continually mooving and frigging theire feete vp and downe, 
forwardes, or in Circle, which motion mee thought was not very 
modest for wemen, but if they stand still they are sure to fall, 
and those that are vnskillfull thereby take many and sometymos 
dangerous falls. Commonly some two or foure hundreth will 
slyde together vpon ane peece of yce, seeming not able to beare 
them, yet vse makes them bolde to venture, though sometymes 
it giues dangerous Crackes. A man and a woman, holding a 
handcherker betweene them, slyde together, and sometymes 
many Couples In like sort holding handkerchees slyde together 
a breast as many as the bredth of the yce will beare. And in 
like sort many men laying theire handes on a Coulestaffe slyde 
abreast together. Also the frost for great part of winter is so 
great, as sometymes for a month or more, the foresayde Armes 
of the Sea wilbe so Frozen, as men passe ouer them, either 
slyding vpon the sayd Pattens, or vpon a sledge drawne with a 
horse, and in the midd wayes, vpon divers passages, men keepe 
boothes wherein they haue a pann of Coales to warme the 
passengers, with drincke and meate to refresh them. They 
vse to lay great wagers vpon each first breaking of the Ice, and 
at those tymes many rash venturers are cast away. At Delph 
a man had 300. Guldens for venturing to slyde ouer the towne 
ditch one Christmas day, when the Ice began to breake. At 
Amsterodam one had tenne pounde sterling to venture over the 
Teye, and the first venturer ouer the Armes of Sea, ajiter a frost 
beginns to breake, hath ordinaryly two Dollours rewarde, and a 
Gulden for drincking mony. The wemen of these parts giue 
great liberty to theire daughters. Sometymes by chance they 
slyde on the yce till the gates of the Citty be locked, and the 
young men feast them at Inns in the Subbarbs, all the night, 


or till they please to take reap. Sometymes the young men and 
virgins agree to slyde on the yce, or to be drawne with horses 
vpon sledges to Cittyes 10. 20. or more myles distant, and there 
feast all night, and this they doe without all suspition of 
vnchastity, the hostesses being carefull to lodge and oversee the 
wemen. In like sorte the mothers of good fame permitt theire 
daughters at home, after themselues goe to bedd, to sett vp with 
young men all or most part of the night, banqueting and 
talking together, yea with leaue and without leaue to walke 
abroade with young men in the streetes by night. And this 
they doe out of a Customed liberty, without preiudice to theire 
fame, wheras the Italian wemen strictly kept thincke it folly 
to omitt any opportunity they can gett to doe ill. 

As the Germans, so this people, vse to builde nests for 
Storkes, and repute them lucky birdes hanting only free 
Commonwealths, as best obseruers of Justice. At Leyden (and 
so I thincke in other Cittyes) If the Cry for fyer be raysed, he 
that owes the house payes six Gulldens for penalty, and the 
night watch men of townes and Cittyes goe about the streetes 
making a noyse with wooden Clappers, as ours doe with litle 
bells, and at Leyden by night a Trompett in the steeple is 
sounded each hower, when the Clocke strikes. 

The kennells of the streete are not in the midest, as Com- 
monly with vs, but are made on each syde of the streete one, 
neere the houses, the Pauement on each syde rising to the 
midest of the streete, which is highest, and the cheefe place of 
dignity for walking, the next being the right hand of the midest, 
and the third the left hand, and so in order, according to the 
number that walkes together. 

The Bishopricke of Vtrecht, and the Prouince of Gellderland, 
keepe the old Callender, but Holand obserues the newe of Pope 
Gregory, so as if a man goe from Holland to Vtrecht or Gellder- 
land vpon the fourtenth of December, and retorne into Holland 
vpon the 24. of December, he shall keepe no Christmas day that 
yeare, and if a man come from Vtrecht or Gellderland to 
Leyden, the fourteenth of December, and retorne backe to those 


parts the 24. of December, he shall keepe two Christmas dayes 
in one yeare, Contrarye to our English proverb, inviting to 
mirth because Christmas comes but once a yeare. 

Since the tyme of the warr, all passengers entring into 
Cittyes and Forts, leaue theire swordes and weapons with the 
Soldyers at the place where they keepe guarde, and the next 
day when they goe forth there receave them agayne. 

I haue formerly sayd, that the wagonours, while their horses 
be fresh, namely before they haue gone halfe way to the next 
bayting place, giue the way to all waggons they meete, but after 
they haue gone more then halfe the way, in like sorte take the 
way of all they meete. At the dayes of old victoryes or theire 
Progenitours great Actions, they keepe Feasts, and in triumph 
make bonfyers, and represent the Action in playes poorely acted 
by Artizans. 

Pastymes Exercises Huntinge Hawkinge Birding Fishing. 

For Pastymes and exercises. I haue formerly spoken of 
theire daly Pastime and exercise all the tyme of winter, in 
slyding vpon yce with Iron in theire wooden Pattens, and of 
theire making Jorneys, for pleasure and necessety, vpon a sledge 
drawne over the Ice with one horse. Now I will only add that 
this motion of slyding vpon the Ice is very swift, some say after 
one 100th myles in the day, but I am sure it is vullgarly spoken, 
that when Leyden was besidged by the Spaniardes, who helde 
guardes of Soldyers on both sydes the narrowe waters leading 
to the towne, which at that tyme were frozen, messengers 
slyding on these Pattens daely passed through the sayd guardes 
with letters to and from the towne, and so swiftly, as the 
Spaniardes sometymes seeing them, and making thicke shott 
against them on both sydes of the water, yet could not hinder 
theire Continuall passing. Likewise in Jorneyes by sledges, 
they often passe from Leyden to Harlam and backe agayne in 
one day, which is tenn Fleemish myles and requireth tenn 
howers to be runne by waggon, laying another waggon and fresh 


horses in the midd way. They haue a Common Pastyme and 
exercise to dryue a litle ball through the feildes and vpon the 
Ice, with a sticke of wood turning in at the lowe end, like the 
basting ladells we vse in kichens, saue that they are not made 
hollowe but are rounde in the end, and this sporte I haue seene 
frequently vsed not only by boyes and young men, but by men 
of 40. yeares age and vpward. They haue in all Cittyes publike 
houses, with a larg yeard and garden, vulgarly called Dooles, 
(whereof Amsterodam had three) in which houses the Cittizens 
meete both men and wemen to drincke and eate, and in the 
large yardes the men exercise shooting with the long bowe and 
Crosse bowe. For these very sportes the Cittisens are devided 
into brotherhoods, and putt vnder ensignes, and many of the 
cheefe brothers haue their Pictures in these houses. They 
shoote at a Parratt of wood, and he that wins the Prise, is called 
the king of the Parratt. 

For hunting Hawking and Birding, Marchantius writing of 
Flanders, which Province hath giuen the name of Flemings to 
all the Netherlanders of the seuenteen Provinces, setts downe 
the lawes of Hunting and Hawking in the leafe 107. and 108 
and shewes that Hunting of Hares, and takeing of many Foules, 
as Partriges, Phesants, and the like, are appropriated to gentle- 
men. But I thincke he writes this of Flanders, Brabant, and 
the partes within land, for in the vnited Provinces lying vpon 
the Sea, the gentlemen of Holand and Zealand are almost rooted 
out, though in West Fressland and the other Provinces many 
gentlemen still remayne. And in Holland Zealand and Frees- 
land all the feildes are compassed with frequent ditches of 
water, and with Armes of the Sea, so as they are not fitt for 
Hunting with dogs, or flying of Hawkes. Holland and Zealand 
haue some stoore of Partridges and like land Foule, which I 
haue seen sold to any that would buy them, by vulger men who 
tooke them by other ordinary meanes. And Freesland hath 
very great stoore of Sea foule, which (for ought I could heare) 
were taken by ordinary meanes, and solde by vulgar men with- 
out reserved priviledges. Nether did I euer see any vse of 


Hunting dogs, or Hawkes in these Provinces though most 
parte of the Hawkes, brought from Norway and those parts into 
England and Fraunce, commonly passe through Freesland 
Holland, and Zealand. 

For Fishing. They cannot but haue plenty of fish, lying 
vpon the ocion, and divers Armes of the Sea breaking into the 
land, and dwelling among frequent ditches of waters, and some 
great lakes, made by the Rivers, of Bheine in diuers branches, 
and of Mosa, and Mosella, where they gently fall towardes the 
Sea, or rather ende in standing waters. So as they haue plenty 
of all Sea fish, and in the Anne of the Sea entring betweene 
Zealand and Holand vp to Brabant, and in the River of Mosa, 
they take great plenty of Salmons, one towne of Bredaw for 
fishing there, paying yearely 4000. poundes to Count Mauritz 
lord of the towne. For fresh water fish, as the lakes and ditches 
are frequent, so haue they plenty of fish, and being industrious, 
they take more fish at Sea vpon the Coasts of England then wee 
doe, espetially the kyndes that are dryed and salted, as ling and 
herrings, both sortes fresh and salt they commonly dresse after 
one manner but [the latter] more swimming in buter, and (as 
the Germans) love to see the Fresh fish liuing, not prising that 
which is dead. 


Of Denmarke touching all the heades of the first Chapter. 

[I omit entirely the Chapter on Denmark, Page of MS. 
532 539, and the Chapter on Bohemia, Page 539545. In 
the latter Moryson describes the deserted state of the Prague 
University. Charles V. took away its privileges, and the 
students flocked to the new German Universities, especially 
Leipzig. Moryson saw six ruined Colleges " as one called the 
Kings, another the Queens, the third the College of Nations, 
which three had but 24 students in them." C.H.] 



Of Bohemia, touching all the heades of the first Chapter. 


Of Poland touching all the heades of the first Chapter. 

Nature and Manners. 

THE Polonians, espetially the cheefe part of them lying vpon 
the East syde of Germany, are discended if not of the same 
nations with the Bohemians, yet of neere bordering people (as I 
haue formerly shewed in the precedent Chapter and shall haue 
present occasion more largly to shewe, treating of the Poloniau 
language) And though the Bohemians are as it were in- 
corporated into the Empire of Germany, by hauing their king 
one of the Electours, and the Emperours for many ages hauing 
beene their kings, so as in nature and manners they are much 
conformed to the Germans, yet to this day they and the 
Polonians are in many thinges of like disposition. For the 
Polonians exceede the Bohemians in putting of hatts, with like 
salutations, and in all Curteous affability, saue that they seeme 
to doe it more out of pryde, seldome vseing Curtesy to any who 
doe not first honour them. In like sorte they exceede the 
Bohemians in giuing large titles of honour one to the other, as 
experience teacheth, and (if we may beleeve the Germans, who 
litle loue that nation) the inferiour sorte giue the title of 
Genade (that is Grace) to very Coachmen. The Bohemians (as 
I haue shewed) are a valyant nation by nature, but this valour 
is much tempered by the placability and moderation they haue 
Contracted from the Germans. But the Polonians besydes that 
they are naturally valyent, are more subiect to sudden passions, 
and out of pride apte to take small thinges in worde or deede for 
scornes and iniuryes, and so prone to quarrells, wherein they 
will assayle with any disparity or advantage of number. For 


younger brothers gentlemen seruing or following the great 
lords and gentlemen of Countryes (who are absolute lords with 
power of life and death, all the people of the Country being 
their slaues) they cleaue together like burrs in all quarrells. 
Yet can I not say this proceedes from any base mynde, hauing 
scene them apt to quarrell who had great disaduentage, as in 
many other places, so at Dantzke, where the kings guard being 
fewe in number, and lodged in the Subarbes, not admitted into 
the Citty, yet a German Porter hapening to rush vpon one of 
them, and after the blowe bidding him take heede, he had not 
the patience to forbeare the Porter, but with his shorte sworde 
almost cutt off his Arme, and thereby drewe the whole Citty 
into Amies, against him and his fellowes. But besyde the 
Polonians bolde Courag, other thinges make them very prone 
to quarrells and murthers, namely the excesse of drincking in 
all sortes high and lowe, and the priviledges which great men 
haue, particularly that a gentleman cannot be Condemned but 
by a publike Parlainent helde but once in three yeares, and by 
voyces of gentlemen Commonly partiall one to the other, as also 
the vse of gentlemen to beare out theire seruants and slaues in 
all disorders, to their vttermost power. So as the Germans say, 
that in Poland they care no more to kill a man then a dogg. 
The Country people, when they fyght, hold it more valour to 
receaue a wounde without feare, then by skill to defende the 
body, and commonly he that strikes bids his adversarye to 
take heede to his head, or any other parte he meanes to strike, 
who presently defendes that part and no other, for they use 
not to falsifye theire wordes therein. The Germans write the 
Polonians to be inhospitable (I thincke for the respect of 
quarrells) and flattering (I thincke in respect of the foresayd 
Curtesey), and great drinckers (as in deede generally they are). 
When I behelde the king to com by water, in a poore boate from 
Crakaw to Dantzke, and the small provisions for him, his 
Queene and Courtyers, of a fewe bottles of wyne, and a small 
quantity of vittles, I Judged the Polonians to be very frugall, 
but after by experience founde them rather prodigall, aswell 


in Poland where they are generally bouutifull as more spetially 
in Italy, where I obserued the sonnes of Castellandes (that is 
keepers of Castles for life) to spend theire whole patrimony in 
liuing aboue theire degree. For they are great Travelars 
espetially into Italy and the Vniversityes of Germany, and 
howsoeuer the foresayd defects in nature and manners may 
generally be imputed to them, yet these travelers are very 
Curteous espetially to strangers and complete gentlemen in 
behauiour and many noble vertues, and perticularly free from 
that quarelsome disposition which is iustly imputed to the 
vulger sorte of gentlemen. 

Bodyes and Witts. 

The Polonians are Commonly tall of stature with bigg and 
strong limbes by reason of free education, and the loose 
garments they generally weare, and haue actiue bodyes, quick 
witts and great viuacity of spiritt, but exercise both the 
Abilityes of bodyes and myndes most in horsemanship. 

Manuall Artes Sciences Vniversityes Language. 

For Manuall Artes. They are not industrious in them the 
Plebeans being borne slaues, who cannot exercise Trades to 
theire owne profitt but only for theire lordes vse, and the 
Cittisens liuing with traffick by wholesayle or retayling. So as 
they haue fewe of Manuall Trades, and those only shooemakers 
and Taylors for dayly necessity. All are Cookes for dressing 
theire owne meate, very gentlemen hauing skill to dresse theire 
owne Fish, in preparing wherof they are curious, and most 
vulgar men make theire owne shooes and all the apparrell they 

For sciences, there is not a ragged boy, nor a smith that 
shooes your horse, but he can speake latten readily the most 
corruptly of all I euer hard. Their lawyers are well studyed in 
the Ciuill lawes, but I could not heare of any famous for skill 


in Phisicke or any profession of the liberall Sciences, nether 
haue we any or very fewe famous Authors or writers of that 
nation, so farr as I suddenly remember theire gentlemen being 
for the most parte military men. 


Touching Vniversityes, the Polouians haue one in the cheefe 
Citty Crakaw, but it hath only two Colleges nothinge lesse then 
fayrely built, called the great and the litle College, in which 
some fewe poore schollers were mantayned, and the Professors 
in them haue theire dyett and Schooles for reading of lectures 
they being all Pristes and so vnmaryed. The rest of the 
Students Hue in Cittisens howses, but iudeede there is small 
Concurse thether of Polonians themselues, much lesse of 
strangers. For the Polonian gentlemen commonly haue theire 
education in the great Cittyes and Vniversityes of Germany, 
Sweitzerland, Italy and Fraunce. In that vast kingdome they 
haue other Vniversities which in my cursory iourny I did not 
see as Vilna in Lituania and (as I heard) Gnesna. 


Touching the Polonian language, I haue formerly sayd that 
the Bohemians descende from the Dalmations, and that they 
with the people of Illyris and other bordering Provinces, are by 
olde writers called Slavonians, which name is nowe proper to 
one Province lying with Dalmatia vpon the Gulfe of Venice ; 
likewise I haue sayd, that the Polonians are by olde writers 
called Sarmations of which name some were in Asia called also 
Sythians, and other were of Europe, from whome the in- 
habitants of great Polonia seeme to me to haue theire originall, 
as the inhabitants of lesser Poland (in which lyes the Cheefe 
Citty and seate of the king) bordering vpon Bohemia and the 
Easterne partes of Germany, and likewise the Bohemians are 
discended from the foresayd old Dalmations or bordering 
nations, which of old by a common name are called Sclavonians. 


For the historyes of Germany recorde, that about the yeare 550, 
two young Princes Lechus and his brother, to avoyde sedition 
at home, did leade out a great Colony of the sayd people, 
whereof parte with Lechus planted themselues in a Country of 
thick woodes after called Poland of the playne grownd, and the 
other brother with the rest seated themselues in Bohemia and 
Morauia. In a worde, the Bohemians, Horauians, Polonians, 
Lituanes, Moscovites, and Russians (as Munster a German 
writeth) haue one language, which some call the Sclavonian 
others the old Vandalls tounge, but differing some more some 
lesse in theire seuerall Dialects, and pronvntiations. The 
Polouiaus write theire wordes allmost all with Consonants, but 
must needes pronovnce them with Vowells, and howsoeuer so 
many Consonants cause asperity and distortion of the mouth in 
speaking, yet the gentlemen at this day pronovnce theire wordes 
gently vsing the consonants rather in theire penns then in theire 
speech. A learned stranger who had long liued in that king- 
dome, assured mee that the Polonians haue six letters more then 
wee, commonly vsed in theire speech, but I then forgatt to 
learne what these letters were. Diabolo (that is Devill) is as 
frequent in the mouthes of Polonian gentlemen, (who commonly 
living much in Italy haue from thence drawne this worde) as 
Catso is with the Italians, Futre with the French, and Das Dich 
Gott to the Germans, vpon all disdaines or passions. All the 
Polonians, yea very smithes and like Artizans, can speake the 
lattin tounge, and that roundly, but most falsly, for quantity of 
sillables, and for all the rules of Gramer. To this kingdome 
of Poland partayned of old many Provinces of Germany, then 
and at this day vseing the german toung, which nowe of long 
tyme haue beene divided from that Crowne, by warr, and con- 
tracts of maryages, namely the Provinces of Silesia, and Lusatia. 
(incorporated nowe to the kingdome of Bohemia) and Pomerania 
and Meckelburg hauing theire owne Dukes to this day and 
incorporated to the Empire of Germany. 


Ceremonyes particularly of maryages Funeralls Childe- 

bearinges and Christeninges. 

Touching Ceremonyes, the Polouians vse litle reverence to 
theire king, much lesse to the chayre and Cloth of estate and 
rcgall ensignes in the Kinges absence, nether knowe they what 
it is to kneele on theire knees to the king. Only when he eates, 
all people and strangers haue free accesse to see him, and when 
he drinckes all men in the roome putt of theire hatts, and the 
very Queene and ladyes rise vp in reverence. Among the 
pompes and Cerimonyes of the Crowne, the generall meeting of 
all the Gentlemen vpon the Kinges death to chuse a newe king, 
is performed with great magnificence. The meeting for this 
Election and Coronation is commonly neere Crakaw, and lasts 
some six weekes, all the Gentlemen lying in Tents like an Army 
taking vp some tenn myles compasse, and hauing a great Tent 
for the generall meetinges, and all this tyme nether the King nor 
the kingdome are charged with the expences of this multitude, 
but the cheefe Gentlemen (vpon whome the rest depend) haue 
theire owne provisions for them and their followers. 


For maryages, I obserued at Crakaw, that the Bridegrome 
and Bride dined at the publike house of the Senate, and from 
thence after dinner marched orderly with theire frendes to 
theire dwelling house, with trumpitts sounding before them. 
In my shorte abode there I could not well knowe theire Cere- 
monyes and Customes, only I vnderstood by discourse; that 
the maryed partyes were betrothed before the tyme of maryage, 
and then were wedded with a Eing, and that they kept 
sumptuous Feasts, consisting most in plenty of Drinck, and 
therein more chargable because they haue Spanish wyne at a 
deare rate as farr fetched (vsing no French wynes, nor hauing 
any wyne growing, but vpon the frontyers in Hungary very 
good wyne but the Caryage by land making it deare, and in 
Austria, which is a sharpe and small wyne, besydes that they 


vse much spices, which are imported from remoted places and 
so very deare ; that they haue also sumptuous banquets of sweete 


That in theire Funeralls, the dead are caryed to Church with 
a great Company to attend them, but they haue no such Doles 
to the poore, Drinckings, Dynners or banquets as wee vse. That 
they haue great Bells, but neuer towle them whyle the sick lye 
dying, who are only prayed for in the Church, only at the 
buiryall these Bells (hanging commonly in Churchyardes 
vncovered) are towled and iangled, neuer rung out or answering 
one the other in musicall tunes, nether vse they any knells 
after the tyme that the body is buiryed. 

Childebearinge and Christenings. 

That wemeu lye in Childbed some six weekes after the dis- 
tance betweene Christmas and the Feast of our ladyes Purifica- 
tion called Candlemas. And wheu they are Churched, they take 
some neighbors to accompany them, but the Priest vseth no 
Rite or Cerimony to the woman in the Church, nether keepe 
they any Feast at home. That the Common sort both male and 
female haue two Godfathers and two Godmothers, but gentle- 
men often haue twenty more or lesse, taking it for an honour to 
haue many. That they giue some halfc Doler to the nurse, and 
some Ducat or a peece of Plate to the Childe, as they are able, 
but never in such excesse or frequency of that charge, as by 
abuse of late is practised in England. That^the mothers not 
being able to nurse their Children, take Nurses into their houses, 
but neuer send them out of dores to be nursed. And that they 
keepe a great Feast at the Christning of their Chilldren. 


Touching Customes. They haue a strange Custome, seeming 
to me ridiculous, because it is Contrary to nature, whereas Art 
is not commended but in the imitation of nature, namely that, 


as they take great pride in adorning the furniture of theire 
horses, so they paynt theire maynes , tayles, and the very 
bottomes of the bellyes most subiect to durt, with a Carnation 
Coulour, which nature neuer gaue to any horse. 

Whereas the Germans forbidd shooting of peeces within 
many of theire Cittyes, at Crakaw in the cheefe Citty of Poland, 
they not only discharge peeces within the walls, but ordinarily 
walke with Pistolls charged, which is a dangerous Custome for a 
Nation so much giuen to quarrells, by nature, and for Common 
excesse in drincking. 

The Polonians write not after the old style of all nations, 
but after the newe stile or Kalender of Pope Gregorye lately 
alltered . 

They vse whole Clockes, striking 24 howers which beginu 
to strike one, when the sunne ryseth, and so the noone alters 
each month as the sunne varyeth the rising, in which sort allso 
the Clockes of Italy followe the Sunne. 

Pastymes Exercises Hunting Hawkemg Binding and 

For Pastymes and exercises. Though drincking swallowes 
vp most Pastymes and exercises, where it is a nationall vice, yet 
the Polonians being excessive Drinckers, doe also play very 
much at dyce and Gardes, and the gentlemen for deepe hazard of 
much mony, as two or three hundreth Guldens at a tyme, and 
they play much at Tables, Commonly Tick Tack and lurch, but 
never at Irish, whereof they haue no skill, Horsmanship is 
theire cheefe exercise, wherein they excell, as allso they are 
practised in other military exercises. 

Hunting and Hawking. 

For Hunting, and Hawking, thy sometymes vse these 
exercises, but not ordinarily, and howsoeuer some vse them 
more some lesse, yet are they farr from making it a whole dayes 


worke, yea the Continuall workes of dayes monthes and yeares, 
as very many great men in England doe. 

As once in Bohemia so one in Poland, neere Crakaw, I did 
once meete a gentleman with his followers Hawking in the 
feildes, and never ells, as I traueled, did in any place see any 
exercise ether of Hunting or Hawking, which so frequently 
offers it selfe to passengers neere the high wayes of England. 

Binding and Fishing. 

For Birding (or fouling) and for fishing, my abode was so 
small in that kingdome, as I could make no observations fitt to 
be related. Only for Fishing, the situation within land barrs 
them from hauinge Sea fishes, but they haue greate plenty of 
Fishe in Eiuers, Pondes, and lakes, and are generally noted by 
all strangers, to dresse them Curiously and with great Cost, the 
gentlemen not disdayning this Cookery with theire owne hands, 
b\it in any case they will see the Fish aliue, and otherwise will 
not eate it, but leaue it for the poore. 


Of Turkey touching all the heades of the first Chapter. 

[Moryson's personal impressions of Turkey have been so 
well put forth in the first Chapter of this volume that there 
is little freshness or brightness left for this later and rather 
laborious Chapter. Much of it is sheer repetition, and I have 
decided to omit the whole of it. It extends from Page 551 of 
the MS. to Page 579. C.H.] - 


Booke V. 


Of the Italyans Nature and Manners, Bodyes and Witts, 
Manuall Artes, sciences, Vniuersities, language, 
Cerimonyes, particularly in Manages, Childbearings, 
Christnings, and Funeralls as also of their diuers 
Customes, Pastimes, Exercises, particularly of theire 
hunting, hawking, Fouling, Burding, and Fishing. 

Nature and Manners. 

IN the first booke and the second Chapter of the thired Part of 
this worke, among the proverbyall speeches of the Cittyes and 
Provinces of Italy, many thinges are formerly written, which 
may giue light to this discourse, but I omitt them here, to 
avoyde tediousnes, referring the reader to that place, who 
desyres to pervse them. Now being to write of the Italyans, the 
Conquerers of the world, I will beginne with valour. And 
therein I will lay this maxime for my grounde, that pryde and 
vayne glory may produce Actions of bestially boldnes, but no 
man can haue true fortitude in ventering his life, who is not 
well resolued of the happy being of his soule after death. 
Therefore as the old Romans Religion taught morall vertues 
and espetially fortitude in ventering life for theire Country to 
be the ready way to their Elizan feildes, so no men trode more 
warely and Constantly in those stepps, being in generall 
exemplary for posterity to imitate them therein. Yet I confesse 
that I doe not fully beleeue all the relations their historyes 
haue made of the old Roman fortitude, which were they never 
so false, yet nether the Conquered durst obiect the falshood 
against the Conquerers, nor coulde the contrary historyes of 
barbarous enemyes haue gotten Creditt against the Romans 
most eloquent and learned in those tymes, and I rather suspect 


the same, because all travellers into Italy fynd at this day how 
they did rayse hills to mountaynes, brookes to Biuers, and small 
things to be reputed famous Monuments, and why may wee not 
thincke they magnifyed in like sorte the Roman Actions aboue 
the due proportion. Why should wee beleeue Liuy more in the 
Actions of Curtius, of Manlius, of the Fabij, and like worthy 
men, then in the sweating of stones, Nodding of Images, and 
like supperstitious Miracles. And since he putt Orations into 
the mouthes of dead men who neuer spake them liuing, why 
might he not impute braue actions to dead men who neuer did 
them liuinge, or at least did them not in such high measure. 
And if I graunt all his relations to be true, yet remember that 
braue Actions may be imputed to true fortitude which proceede 
from pride and vayne glory, more proper to the nature of the 
old Romans, and of all Italians to this day, then any other 
nation. Further I will boldly say that the Romans Conquered 
the worlde not so much by fortitude, as other meanes. For 
when learning in all sciences and espetially eloquence were 
founde in Asia, the Empires of the worlde followed them. When 
the Grecians had learning and eloquence, they allso had the 
Empire of the world, and when they became barbarous, then 
the Romans hauing learned from them all sciences and 
powerfull eloquence, they drewe therewith the Empire to 
themselues, and no doubt they gott this Empire espetially by 
witty Art and pollicy, and by their true vertues, of Justice, 
Temperance, and the like, subduing all mens hearts to them, 
or at least by ostentation of these vertues. So they subdued the 
Grecians by pretence to defende theire libertyes. So they 
subdued the Galles by norishing and assisting the factions of 
the Sequani and Hedui. So they subdued barbarous nations by 
feeding their factions and helping the weaker. In like sorte 
they long mantayned this Empire by Constancy in theire 
Actions, and provident wisdome to keepe what they had gott, 
which vertues are helde proper to men borne in that Clyme. 
They gott and strengthned this Empire by making the Roman 
tounge Common to all nations conquered by them, and by 


the fame of theire Justice, but espetially by maMng the most 
noble of the Conquered free of their Citty, and very Senatours 
of Rome, wherby they were made partners of farr greater power 
and honour at Rome, then they had lost at home. As also by 
planting and transporting of Colonyes. But touching fortitude, 
I graunt that the old Romans were more valient then the other 
Italians whome they Conquered by their owne power, as to 
this day the Souldyers of Romagna and Marchia are the best in 
Italy, yet I will boldly say that much fame was attributed to the 
Romans which duely belonged to the famous legions of the 
Brittans and the Bataui, and to other barbarous legions who 
were all made free of the Citty of Rome, and gladly tooke to 
themselues the name of Romans and whome the Romans vsed 
in their greatest Actions, and the subdueing of other nations 
to them. The Barbarous Invndations of the Normans, Goathes, 
Vandalles & Hunnes, and Lombardes, had the name of the 
nation first mouuing them, and the same had also the reputation 
of all Victoiyes. Yet no doubt their Armyes in great parte 
consisted of great Multitudes and the most resolute men of other 
nations, ioyning with them as they passed through their 
Couutryes. So the Romans were the leaders and cheefe men in 
their Armyes, and had the honour of all victoryes in which 
notwithstanding they were assisted with forayne legions who 
being reputed Romans and vsing the Romayne disciplyne, were 
the cheefe causes of their good successes. To conclude this 
point it will appeare that to conquer the world, the Romans in 
their wisdome and policy made more vse of forrayne fortitude 
then their owne, if wee consider how in the declining of that 
Empire, they hauing the same vertues, and being only forsaken 
of their forayne assistants, and so standing vpon their owne 
valour and strength, haue bene euer since troden vnder the 
feete by forayne nations. Did not the foresayde Invndations of 
barbarous people overflowe and conquer all Italy without any 
memorable resistance, or one braue battle fought by them in 
defence of their Country, which they so much loue and esteeme. 
Did not the French and after the German Emperours for many 


ages keepe them vnder, and giue them lawes without any 
memorable resistance made by them with the sworde, tho by 
other practises they often anoyd those Emperours, haue not the 
Italians had small or no part in the warrs of Europe from that 
tyme to this day, and that litle which they haue done in that 
kynde, haue they not done it more by forayne forces hyred for 
their mony, then by theire owne. And why should wee not 
beleeue that the old Romans conquered the world more by 
strength of their witt art and policy, then by the force of 
Armyes, since wee see the Roman Bishopes, without force of 
their owne Armes, but only by forayne Armes vsed to their 
assistance, and by trickes of witt and spirituall bugbeares, haue 
more subiected the world to them, then euer the old Romans 
coulde doe by theire owne, or by forayne swordes assisting them. 
Now I will speake of the Italians in our tyme, wherein I 
pray you remember my former maxime, that braue actions of 
boldnes may proceede from pride and vayne glory, but no man 
can with true corrage putt his life in hazarde, who is not per- 
swaded of the goodnes of his caiise, and of his sowles well being 
after death. When the Popes of old raysed Armyes by the 
preaching of the Crosse, that is by his full pardon of sinnes and 
freedome from Purgatory graunted to all Soldyers dying in that 
quarrell, no doubt they fought with more corage, because they 
thought the cause good, and their sowles assured of eternall 
happines. But the truth is that as of old when the Popes were 
apposed by forayne kings, the Italyans haue then beene obserued 
most to vphold them, for the dignity and wealth of Italy, and 
when they were most honored abroade, the most to dispise them, 
as litle fearing their spirituall thuntherbolts, so in these 
dayes, the Italyans haue small confidence in these papall par- 
dons and spirituall promises, and somuch loue their owne earth, 
as they will not giue the seene and felt pleasures it yealdes 
them, for the vnseene and vnfelt ioyes of heaven, hauing a 
Common Prouerb, Qui c' ha buon' pan' et boun' Vino, chi ea se 
ci n* ha in Paradiso, I Frati ne ciarlano, ma sanno nulla that 
is, here is good bread and good wyne, who knowes if any such 


be in Paradice, the Fryers prate therof but knowe nothing. 
And indeede they are so diffident in all their spirituall hopes, 
as they feare nothing so much as death, according to their 
proverb, Ogni Tormento piu presto che la Morte, that is, all 
torment rather then death. Then how can these men haue true 
valor. In their nature they are most impatient of any the least 
reproch or iniury, but the common sort reveng them by fighting 
at Cuffes (being allowed no vse of weapons). And the greater 
men by treasonable murthers. The Popes howesoeuer they vse 
to kindle fyer in forayne kingdomes, yet haue allwayes beene 
carefull to keepe it from Italy, lest it might happen to scorch 
the solder of their triple Crownes, and the Italyans seldome 
seme in forayne warrs, yet if I graunt that some fewe Italyans 
of late tymes haue proued famous in Naples and Netherland, 
and done great Actions in those seruices, notwithstanding fewe 
particulars cannot proue a generall assertion, and why may 
not those braue actions proceede from pryde and vayne glory, 
to which the Italyans aboue all Nations are subiect, rather then 
from the vertue of true fortitude. For in like sorte and 
for the same cause, the Italyans sometymes make most 
sumptious feasts yet are not thereby reputed liberall or 
bountifull, being generally in their nature frugall, and in 
this particular expence sordidly base. Nothing is more 
proper to pride then to circomvent enemyes for revenge of 
wronges by treason and vpon all disadvantages, yet this is so 
bredd in the bone of the Italyans, as it will neuer out of their 
nature. Also it is a manifest token of cowardise to vse no 
measure in reveng, &a fynding no safety but in the death of him 
who hath in any small measure wronged them, wherevpon it 
is proverbyally sayd, that it is better to fall into the handes of 
a valiant then of a proude enemy, yet this kynde of Eeueng is 
generally most proper to the Italyans nature. For Combatts or 
single fighting, being equall tryalls of honour by the sworde, 
the Councell of Trent hath severely forbidden them, and not 
only the fighters but the very beholders are punished with the 
most seuere Censures of the Church, instituted at first to represse 


most haynous sinnes. And this priuate revenge was most iustly 
forbidden, if the same Act had prouided to repayre temporal! 
honour, without which our corrupt nature cannot be subdued to 
Christian patience in bearing wrongs. But the Italyans being 
still as impatient as euer to beare the least Iniurye, and hauing 
gotten this fayre pretence to avoyde equall Combatts (which in 
their nature they litle loued and seldome practised before) from 
that tyme haue exercised all revenges vpon all advantages, of 
nombers, of weapons, and of places, with many followers and 
most deadly weapons assayling their enemyes, though vnarmed 
and alone yea naked in bed and perhapps sleeping. Nether is 
any reuenge lesse then death (except towardes Harlotts whome 
they are content to mangle and marke in the face) for the dead 
bite not, but the liuing may agayne revenge the wronge offered 
them. Or if sometymes one man perhapps challenging an- 
other to single fight, they doe it after a childish and ridiculous 
manner. My selfe at Syenna sawe two gentlemen fall at 
defiance in the streete, who hauing each his sworde and 
Gauntlett, yet agreed to goe home and take more Compleate 
Armes, and then to retourne to fyght, not in the fielde, but 
(forsooth) in the markett place, whether after an howers space 
these Champions retorned, armed as the Proverbe is, Fin' alle 
stinche et aP buco del culo : that is to the very skinne bones, 
and the shamefull part behinde, and there they slashed a blowe 
or two with the peoples great applause of their Corrage, because 
their faces were not Armed, but presently the sargants (whome 
they could not but expect) came to parte the fray, and Carry 
them to the governour. Then for many dayes, till the 
governours could take vp the quarrell, these gentlemen with 
some hundreths of Armed followers, after a Thrasonicall manner 
walked the streetes, one of the Companyes walking neere the 
Easterne, the other at the Westerne gate of the Citty, to avoyde 
meeting ; at last the Governour hauing called certayne Bravoes 
from Milan for that purpose, discussing all points of honour, 
made peace betweene them. These Bravoes are a generation of 
swaggerours, abounding in Lombardy, who daily weare some 


thirty poundes weight of Iron to Arme their bodyes for defence, 
and are to be hyred for mony to fyght with any man, and to doe 
any murther, yea stand vpon their Creditts and honestyes (for- 
sooth) in performing these wicked actions. My selfe and some 
worthy gentlemen in England knowe it to be true, that one of 
them hyred to kill a gentleman in Genoa, tooke him alone in his 
Closett, where bidding him prepare to dye, and the gentleman 
vnderstanding by whome he was hyred to kill him, and for what 
mony, gaue him a farr greater price to kill him that hyred him, 
which he also tooke with promise to effect it, but the gentleman 
thinking thus to escape, he answered that it lay vpon his creditt 
to kill him, hauing receaved mony and promised to doe it, but 
he might dye Comforted, that his enemy should not long outline 
him. So he killed him, and within fewe dayes his aduersary 
also. Are not these murtherers honest men of their worde. 
These Bravoes are most subtille disputers in pointes of honour, 
and will cutt an hayre in giuing euery man his due. As indeede 
the Italyans generally can excellently dispute of honour and 
like vertues. But as it was sayde that the Athenians knewe 
good, but the Lacedemonians did it, so I may say that the 
Italyans knowe but the Transalpines doe actions of honour. 
Behold what the Fathers of Trent haue donne by forbidding 
Combatts, which hath produced willfull Murthers. Beholde 
howe the Italyans effect these murthers, not by their owne but 
by their followers swordes. For as each Haxlott among them 
hath a Bravo to defend her from wrong, so almost each 
gentleman hath at least one Bravo to depend vpon him and 
execute his revenges. To conclude if an Italyan be wronged, 
he is very likely to take revenge, and that very deepe beyond 
the quallity of the offence, but he will neuer fight vpon equall 
tearmes with his Adversarye, and whether this basenes be 
naturall (as to men abounding and transported with worldly 
pleasures), or by custome and practise be growen into a second 
nature, surely it is much increased not only by the decree of 
the Councell of Trent, but also by the government of all Princes, 
seuerely punishing all quarrells, and (in imitation of Numa 


Pompilius) by superstition somuch allaying military courage in 
the people, as they haue altogether extinguished it. And be- 
cause they oppresse their subiectes so as they dare not trust 
them, and therefore in all their warrs are only confident in their 
treasure, by which they hyre forayne soldyers, they make their 
subiectes yet more dasterdly by forbidding them the ordinarye 
vse of any weapons, but only in Jorneys by the high way, 
wherein also they must depose them into the hands of the 
Guarde at the gate of euery Citty, which prouing troublesome, 
and costly in the paying those who carry them to the Inne (and 
deliuer them to the host to be keept till they take horse) they 
seldome weare any weapons in Jorneyes. This vse of Armes is 
forbidden in all partes vnder the payne of fyfty Crownes or 
some like penalty. In the Popes state they who weare a sworde 
by the high waye, yet may not in any place weare a dagger, as 
fitt to doe suddayne muscheefe, for which cause at Lucca a man 
may not carry a knife except it be blunted at the point. And 
in all places for the same cause, Pistolls and all shorte weapons 
easye to be hidd are strictly forbidden. In the State of Florence, 
most safe from theeues and murtherers, some are permitted in 
the Citty by espetiall leaue to weare swordes, but no man may 
carry other defensiue Armes, as Coates of male, litle headpeeces 
and Gauntlets, which all may weare in Lumbardy, where 
murthers also abound. And generally a long peece or Muskett 
may not be carryed except the locke be taken fro mthe stocke. 
So as the common sorte not vsed to carry weapons are afrayd 
of a swordes pointe as of Joues thunderbolte. They who haue 
license to Gary swordes in the Cittyes, yet must not weare them 
when the euening beginns to be darke, or at any tyme going 
abroade in the night. At Padoa a stranger ignorantly dis- 
charging a Pistoll at his windowe by night, was carryed to the 
Podesta, and deepely fynned. 

By this Nature, or practise growing to a second nature, the 
Italyans aboue all other nations, most practise revenge by 
treasons, and espetially are skillfull in making and giuing 
poysous. For which treasons the Italians are so warye, 


espetially hauing a quarrell, as they will not goe abroade nor 
yet open their doores to any knocking by night, or somuch as 
putt their head out of a windowe to speake with him that 
knockes. For poysons the Italians skill in making and putting 
them to vse hath beene long since tryed, to the perishing of 
kings and Eniperours by those deadly potions giuen to them in 
the very Chalice mingled with the very precious blood of our 
Redeemer. Insomuch as Rodulphus of Habspurg the first 
Emperour of the house of Austria among the Germans, first 
refused to enter Italy with an Army, for the Receaving of the 
Iiuperiall Crowne at Rome, as other Emperours had formerly 
donne, hauing obserued many of them to haue perished by 
poyson, and other treasons closely carryed, with the breaking 
of their whole Armyes, and for his so doing borowed the Foxes 
reason, being aflrayde to visitt the lyon in his Denn as other 
beasts did. 

Because their stepps forwarne my deadly wrack 
all tending towards thee, none turned back. 

In our tyme, it seemes the Art of Poysoning is reputed in 
Italy worthy of Princes practise. For I could name a Prince 
among them, who hauing composed an exquisite poyson and 
counterpoyson, made proofe of them both vpon condemned men 
giuing the poysou to all, and the Counterpoyson only to some 
condemned for lesse Crymes, till he had found out the working 
of both to a minute of tyme, vpon diuers complections and ages 
of men. The history of Pope Alexander the sixth, and the 
Duke his sonne (for that Pope first avowed and publikely 
accknowledged his Chilldren, which other Popes vse to call their 
Nephewes and Neeces) hauing prepared poyson for two 
Cardinalls they had invited to dyne with them in a garden, and 
themselues by the providence of God being poysoned with the 
same poyson they had prepared for the Cardinalls : and the 
history of a late Dutches of Italy, hauing prepared poyson for a 
Cardinall her husbands brother, and therewith by the same 
providence of God destroying her husband, and vpon dispayre 


of the accident her selfe voluntarily taking the same, are 
historyes pleasant to reade, and of good vse to obserue, but I 
will not inlarge them here, because in this worke I haue 
formerly related the last of them falling in our age, and both 
are otherwise famously knowne in historyes and the mouthes of 
liuing men. 

The Italians haue beene of old, and still are, very factious, 
and apt to take partes in priuate murthers and publike seditions. 
Of old when the Popes began to pull downe the Emperours who 
had exalted them, all Italy was deuided and rent in peeces by 
the faction of the Guelphs and Gibellines one holding with the 
Emperour the other with the Pope. And in late tymes it hath 
also beene generally devided into the faction of Spayne and 
Fraunce. Also some particuler Cittyes haue beene noted to be 
more spetially adicted to these generall factions, and continually 
to domesticall factions among themselues. Genoa is a great 
free Citty and hath great Familyes, and hath euer beene subiect 
to be rent in peeces with domesticall seditions, more spetially by 
the faction of the Adorni and the Fregosi. The Citty Pistoica 
is nowe subiect to the Duke of Florence, but hath the name 
of the Plague from the seditious soldyers and followers of the 
Roman Catiline who infected with the Plague, first inhabited it. 
And they left a posterity adicted aboue all others to seditious 
Factions, by which the Citty hath suffered many calamityes, 
more spetially by two Factions, first of Neri and the Bianchi, 
and after of the Cancellieri and the Panzodici. In generall 
these names of factions haue beene extinguished in processe of 
tyme, but to this day the Familyes vnder other names retayne 
the old hatred, and are very suspitious one of the other, and 
ready to offer mutuall iniuryes. Also generally these factions 
were of old distinguished by diuers fashions of wearing the 
hatt, of drincking on diuers sydes of the Cupp, and the like, and 
by diuers signes worne, vpon the most visible partes of the 
body, and in diuers fashions, and vpon contrary sides of the 
body. Nether are these distinctions altogether left to this day, 
so as the Duke of Florence a litle before my being there, did 


by a seuere Edict forbidd the Pistoians vpon no lesse then payne 
of death, to weave Roses or any of the vsed signes, as provoking 
and stirring vp myndes of seditious men to the old factions 

The Italyans in all their Councells are close, secrett, crafty, 
and the greatest dissemblers in the world, wherof I could gme 
nomberlesse instances, but take one for a taste, of Fraunce 
Duke of Milan, who by his Ambassadors aduised the Freiicl 
king Lewis the eleuenth, that being ouerlayde with many 
enemyes at once, he should vpon any Conditions make peace 
with all but the greatest, and turne all his forces vpon him who 
being overcome, he might easily fynde occasions to single out 
the rest and subdue them one after another. Thus the Italyans 
being by nature false dissemblers in their owne actions, are also 
most distrustiull of others with whome they deale or converse, 
thincking that no man is so foolish to deale playnly, and to 
meane as he speakes, For which cause the Pope and the Princes 
of Italy neuer take Italyans for the guarde of their bodyes, but 
onely Sweitzers or Germans which nations they repute faithfully 
minded, free from treasons, and strong of body to appose Treason 
attempted by others, and to execute for them any buisines 
requiring trust, and a dull brayne not searching into the Justnes 
of proceeding, but doeing what they are commanded. For 
which cause also the Bakers of bread in most partes of 
Lombardy, as hauing meanes to betray men by poyson, are not 
Italyans, but Commonly Germans. 

For fleshly lusts, the very Turkes (whose carnall Religion 
alloweth them) are not somuch transported therewith, as the 
Italyans are (in their restraynt of Ciuill lawes and the dreadfull 
la we of God). A man of these Northerly partes can hardly 
beleeue without the testimony of his owne eyes and eares, how 
chastity is laughed at among them, and hissed out of all good 
company, or howe desperate adventures they will make to 
atchiue disordinate desyre in these kyndes. As the Germans 
louing drinck themselues, are so tender hearted to their horses 
that they hinder them not from drincking whensoeuer they putt 
downe their heades for that purpose, though the waters scarcely 


couer their shooes, so the Italyans are so farr from keeping 
their horses from mares, as in Lombardy where both commonly 
stand in one stable, the Ostlers (as my selfe founde by 
experience) will by night vntye gentlemens horses to make 
themselues sporte with their Couering of Mares. In Italy 
marryage is indeede a yoke, and that not easy, but so grevious, 
as bretheren no where better agreeing, yet contend among 
themselues to be free from marryage, and he that of free will 
or by perswasion will take a wife to continue their posterity, 
shalbe sure to haue his wife and her honour as much respected 
by the rest, as if shee were their owne wife or sister, besyde 
their liberall contribution to mautayne her, so as themselues 
may be free to take the pleasure of weruen at large. By which 
liberty (if men only respect this world) they Hue more happily 
then other nations. For in those frugall Commonwealths the 
vnmaryed Hue at a small rate of expences, and they make small 
conscience of fornication, esteemed a small sinne and easily 
remitted by Confessors. Whereas other nations will Hue at any 
charge to be niaryed, and will labour and suffer wants yea begg 
with a wife, rather then haue the stinge of Conscience and 
infamy by horiug. The wemen of honour in Italy, I meane 
wiues and virgins, are much sooner inflamed with loue, be it 
lawfull or vnlawfull, then the wemen of other nations. For 
being locked vp at home, and covered with vayles when they 
goe abroade, and kept from any conversation with men, and 
being wooed by dumb signes, as walking twise a day by their 
howses kissing of the Posts therof, and like fopperies, they are 
more stirred vp with the sight and much more with the 
flattering and dissembling speeches of men, and more credulous 
in flattering their owne desyres, by thincking the sayd poore 
actions of woeing to be signes of true loue, then the wemen 
of other nations hauing free conversation with men. In 
generall the men of all sortes are Caryed with fierce affections 
to forbidden lusts, and to those most which are most forbidden, 
most kept from them, and with greatest cost and danger to be 
obtayned. And because they are barred not only the speech 


and conversation but the least sight of their loue (all which are 
allowed men of other nations) they are carryed rather with a 
blynde rage of passion and a strong Imagination of their owne 
brayne, then with true contemplation of Vertues, or the power 
of beauty, to adore them as Images, rather then loue them as 
wemen. And as nowe they spare no cost, and will runne great 
dangers to obtayne their lustfull desyres, so would they persue 
them to very madnes, had they not the most iiaturall remedy of 
this passion ready at hand to allay their desyres, namely 
Harlotts, whome they call Curtizans, hauing beauty and youth 
and whatsoeuer they can imagine in their mistres, besydes the 
pleasure of change more to delight them, so driuing out loue 
with loue, as one nayle with another. This makes them litle 
reguard their wiues beauty or manners, and to marry for Dowry, 
Parrentage, and procreation wemen vnknowne and allmost 
vnseene, resoluing Cauar' i capriccij d' Amore, that is to satisfye 
the humours of loue (be they of conversation, of beauty, or of 
disordinate lusts in the diuers and some beastiall kyndes of 
inioying that pleasure) by the freedome of the Stewes. While 
Curtizans walke and ride in Coaches at liberty, and freely 
saluted and honored by all men passing by them, theire wiues 
and virgins are locked vp at home, watched by their wemen 
attending them abroade, haue their faces covered with a vaile 
not to be scene, and it is death by priuate reveng for any man 
to salute them or make the least shewe of loue to them ; if it be 
perceaued by any of the kindred, who will not fayle to kill him 
(for their revenge is neuer lesse then death). In regarde of this 
ieloseye, that the young wemen may not be defyled, nor the olde 
wemen their keepers hyred to be bawdes to them, no wemen 
goe to markett, but only men, and the most rich disdayne not 
to buye all necessaryes for their owne Familyes, in which fewe 
haue any men or at least they come not neere the wemen. Yet 
for all this care, the Italyans many tymes weare the fatall 
homes they somuch detest, because wemen thus kept from men, 
thincke it simpliscity to loose anye oportunity offered, though 
it be with the meanest seruant, and because there want not men 


as watchfull to betray their Chastity, as their husbandes are 
to keepe it, but espetially because snares are layde for them in 
the very Churches, and more spetially in the Nonneryes, whether 
they cannot deny their wiues and daughters to repare vpon 
festiuall dayes of Devotion. The cheefe cause of most 
desprate quarrells is for wemen, wherevpon, and because suites 
at lawe are of great charge and trouble, they haue a proverb : 
1' Amor', vna Quistion' et vn' Piatto, fanno vn' sauio : that is 
being in loue, hauing a quarrell, and following a suite at lawe, 
make a wise man. To which purpose they haue also another 
proverb : chi 1' Asini caccia, chi Donne mena : Non 1' mai senza 
guai et pena. 

Whoso driues Asses, or leades in his trayne 
Wemen shall never want great woe and payne. 

For asses must be continually pricked with goades by the 
driuer, and wemen cause many quarrells to the leader of them. 

In Italy as Adultry seldome or never falls within the 
punishment of the lawe, because the Italyans nature carryes 
them to such an high degree of priuate revenge as the lawe 
cannot inflict greater (which private revenge by murther vpon 
iust groundes of ielosye is Commonly taken secretely, and if 
knowne, yet wincked at and favored by the Magistrate, in his 
owne nature approuing aswell the revenge as the secrecy therof , 
for avoyding shame) so fornication in Italy is not a sinne 
wincked at, but rather may be called an allowed trade. For 
Princes & States raise great tributes from it. At Naples each 
poore Curtizan payes to the Prince two Carlines the mounth, 
besydes greater extortians vpon those that are fayre, and hauing 
great and many louers growe proude in apparrell, and rich in 
purse, and the noinber of harlotts was thought to exceed sixty 
thousand. At Venice the tribute to the State from Cortizans 
was thought to exceede three hundreth thousand Crownes 
yearely. And the Popes holines made no lesse gayne from this 
fayre trade at Rome. In some Cittyes Cortizans are 
distinguished from other wemen by habites, as at Sienna they 


weare yellowe vailes, others wearing white or black. In some 
Cityes their lodging is restrayned to one or more streetes, called 
II Chiasso that is the Stewes, as at Florence, where they may 
not dwell among honest wemen, but may be driven away by the 
neighbours. In some Cittyes they are forbidden to weare rich 
apparrell and diuers ornaments, but in these cases it is inough 
to corrupt the sargants by brybes, that they be not accused. In 
Venice they are free to dwell in any house they can hyre, and 
in any streete whatsoeuer, and to weare what they list. In 
generall they are courted and honored of all men, so as Princes 
in their owne Cittyes disdayne not to visite them priuately, to 
salute them passing in the streetes, and in the tyme of Carnovall 
publikely to grace them by flinging egs filled with rosewater 
at their windowes, where they stand to be scene. Yea they 
haue at Florence a peculiar Court of Justice, called the Court 
of honesty, where Judges clad in purple giue them right against 
those who pay them not for the vse of their bodyes, or any way 
defraude them. Each Cortizan hath Commonly her louer 
whonie she mantaynes, her Balordo or Gull who principally 
mantayues her, besydes her Customers at large, and her Bravo 
to tight her quarrells. If any Cortizan haue a Chylde, the 
father takes the males, but shee keepes the females to mantayne 
her when shee is olde, for such dwell with and vnder their 
mothers. The richer sorte dwell in fayre hired howses, and 
haue their owne servants, but the Common sorte lodge with 
Baudes called Ruffians, to whonie in Venice they pay of their 
gayne the fifth parte, as foure Solz in twenty, paying besydes 
for their beds, linnen, and feasting, and when they are past 
gayning much, they are turned out to begg or turne baudes or 
seruants. And for reliefe of this misery, they haue Nonneryes, 
where many of them are admitted, and called the converted 
sisters. Both honest and dishonest wemen are Lisciate fin' alia 
fossa, that is paynted to the very graue. The Italyans loue fatt 
and tall wemen, and for those causes the Venetian wemen are 
sayd to be Belle di bellito, bianche di calcina, grasse di straccie, 
alte di legni o zoccole, that is fayre with paynting, white with 


chalke, fatt with raggs (or stuffed linnen) and high with wood 
or Pantofles (which many weare a foote or more deepe). 
The Italians howsoeuer by nature they are revengfull for open 
and knowne wronges, yet by natural! disposition to wisdome 
and grauity, they are not inclyned to contentions and verball 
brawlings or falling out with their acquaintance, vpon slight 
occasions, except perhaps some ielosye about wemen fall 
betweene them. And particularly for brothers, as many of 
them Hue in fratellanza, that is in brotherhood, without 
deviding their Patrymony but imploying it in Common, so 
many brothers Hue in one family or house throughout all Italy, 
without any household Jarres, frequent among all other nations 
espetially among bretheren. Indeede Commonly one of them 
only is marryed, so as they are free from the cause of contention 
otherwhere frequently arysing from diuerse wemen of equall 
degree liuing in one house. But this Concorde of bretheren in 
Italy, hauing all goodes, all ioyes and sorrowes, all Curtesyes 
and wrongs common to them all, is a rare example and worthy 
of Imitation. 

The Italians by nature loue to Hue of their owne, and scorne 
to Hue vpon other mens trenchers and bounty, most disdayning 
vn' scroccator d' i Pasti, that is a shifter for meales. In 
somuch as the Country being very populous (Contayning in that 
narrow land about nyne millions of people as Botero writes) and 
this pride being naturall to the meanest as to the greatest, and 
the small disorders being punished with slauish service in 
Gallyes, or with shame which their nature no lesse abhorrs, the 
meaner sorte, to gayne their bread, will doe much seruice for a 
litle peece of monye, and the Common people by nature 
exorbitant in all thinges, are restrayned and kept in good order, 
and beggers are very rare among them, those that are in 
extreame miserye being relieued in hospitalls, yea their pryde 
somuch abhorrs begging, as the poorest will not take Almes 
except it be putt into their windowes, in which case they 
accknowledg it only from God, howsoeuer they knowe it 
mediately to come from the charity of the Parish or of good 


neighbours. Only the Inkeepers are permitted by all Princes 
(some more some lesse) to extorte without measure vpon all 
passengers, because they pay vnsupportable rents to them. 

Touching particular Cittyes. The Bresscians are helde the 
posterity of Frenchmen, and together with the next Citty 
Bergamo haue beene sometymes vnder the power of the French, 
where the wemen insteede of vayles weare scarffes neere the 
French fashion, and haue somwhat of the French liberty, in 
Conversation, at the table and in daunsing, and in salutations as 
they passe the streetes, which other Italyans in generall would 
not permitt. Yet in the very heart of Italy at Masso, they haue 
somwhat of the French liberty, and more spetially at Sienna (in 
the last Age commaunded for a tyme by a French garryson) 
where also men vnmasked and the wemen haue publike 
meeteings for daunsing, with some freedome of Conversation, 
whereas in other partes these daunses are only vsed in the 
Carnouall, where the men are masked and haue no liberty of 
discourse with wemen. Likewise at Genoa bordering vpon 
Fraunce, and for a short tyme governed by a French garryson, 
the wemen haue almost asmuch liberty as the foresayd wemen 
of Bresseia, for conversation at the table and in discourse, and 
for salutations in the streetes, and of that Citty it is 
proverbyally sayde Montagni senza legni, Mar' senza Pesci, 
huomini senza fede, Donne senza Vergogna, Genoa superba, 
that is, mountaynes without woodes (as are all in Liguria), Sea 
without Fish, (that Coast hauing none), men without Faith 
(not regarding their worde where they are not bounde by 
writting), wemen without shame (for the foresayde French 
liberty), Genoa the proude (theire cheefe marchants being 
Princes and their houses stately built). The Citty of Florence 
hath the name of Florishing like a flower, being most swetely 
seated, and indeede the Dukedome of Tuscanye, and the State of 
Sienna vnder the same Duke, are more commodious for 
dwelling, espetially for strangers abroade, for the pleasure of 
the Country, and ayre, the puriety of language, the good 
government making it free from murthers, and the high wayes 


most safe from theeues, though, men travile by night, and 
espetially for the disposition of the inhabitants. For the 
Florintines are reputed Courteous, modest, graue, wise, and 
excelent in many vertues. Likewise the Cittizens of the free 
Citty Lucca are reputed Courteous, verye modest, good, and 
reall in all affayres. The Cittizens and inhabitants of Marchia 
and of Bomagna, as they are the best Soldyers, so are they the 
worst disposed people of all Italy, so as the proverb sayth, that 
Marchia can furnish all Italy with swaggerers and murtherers. 

Touching the manners of the Italians. They are for the 
out syde by natures guift excellently composed. By sweetnes 
of language, and singular Art in seasoning their talke and 
behauiour with great ostentation of Courtesy, they make their 
Conuersation sweete and pleasing to all men, easily gayning the 
good will of those with whome they Hue. But no trust is to be 
reposed in their wordes, the flattering tounge hauing small 
accquaintance with a sincere heart, espetially among the 
Italyans, who will offer Curtesyes freely, and presse the 
acceptance vehemently, only to squeese out Complement on both 
sydes, they neither meaning to performe them, nor yet dareing 
to accept them, because in that case they would repute the 
Acceptar ignorant and vnciuill, for euer after avoiding his 
Conversation as burthensome to them. And indeede in these 
fayre speeches which wee call courting, they so transcend all 
golden mediocrity, as they are reputed the Authors of all flattery 
spread through all our transalpine nations, espetially in saluta- 
tions by worde of mouth, and Epistles, forced with Hiperbolicall 
protestations and more then due titles to all degrees. For in 
Italy vostra Signoria that is your mastershipp or worship is 
giuen to Plebeans, molto magnifico that is very magnificall is 
giuen to Cittizens, Illustro Signer that is Illustrous Sir is giuen 
to ordinary gentlemen, and the title of Altezza that is highnes 
is giuen to lords of a Citty or smale territoryes (as many are in 
Italy hauing absolute power of life and death) yea the 
gentlemen of Venice proude aboue all others, wilbe called in 
ordinary salutations Clarissimi that is most bright or famous, 


and challenge this title peculiar to themselues, not communi- 
cable to any other gentlemen whatsoeuer, so as if a man say 
that a Clarissimo without name did or sade this or that, he is 
vnderstood to say that a gentleman of Venice did or sayd it. 
The Neapolitans as they are reputed most Curteous in wordes, 
so are they in worde and deede as proude as the Venetians who 
vse small or no curtesy in wordes, wherevpon Annibal' Caro a 
very eloquent Secretary writes to a frende at Naples; Ancora 
che Stiate a Napoli, non vi do delle Signorie that is; Tho you 
Hue at Naples I giue no titles of worship. As the 
Italians in generall are of sweete Conversation, so they 
are respectfull to all men of all degrees (the meanest 
hauing pryde to revenge), but familiar to fewe or none. They 
are affable at the first sight, but no long acquaintance can 
make them famillier, much lesse rude in behauiour, as some 
other nations are, who being familiar yea perhaps litle or not at 
all acquainted, will presently call men by nicknames, yea being 
their superiours, as Tom, Jack, Will, Die, and the like, yea will 
leape vpon their frendes shoulders, and if they wilbe merye, 
presently fling Coushions, stooles, yea Custardes or whatsoeuer 
is next hand, one at anothers head, and thereby many tymes fall 
from sport to earnest quarrals. This kinde of familiarity 
Italians hate above all others, and thincke it a manifest signe 
of a barren witt, falling to such sporte for want of ability to 
discourse, wherof they Commonly say, touch me with your 
toung not with your hand. And haue a Proverbe, Giogo di 
mani, giogo di Villani, that is, the sport of handes is the sport 
of Clownes. And another, Giogo di mani dispiace fin' a gli 
pedocchi, that is, the sport of handes displeaseth to the very 
lice. If an Italyan be in conference with you in a Chamber 
or in the street* and an other man goethe or passeth by, who is 
of greater quallity then your selfe, and with whome he hath 
greater buisinesse then with you, yet will he not leaue you 
sodenly to goe to hi