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THE influence of the writings of Plutarch of Chaeronea on 
English literature might well be made the subject of one of 
the most interesting chapters in the long story of the debt ot 
moderns to ancients. One of the most kindly and young 
spirited, he is also one of the most versatile of Greek writers, 
and his influence has worked by devious ways to the most 
varied results. His treatise on the Education of Children had 
the honour to be early translated into the gravely charming 
prose of Sir Thomas Elyot, and to be published in a black- 
letter quarto ' imprinted,' as the colophon tells us, ' in 
Fletestrete in the house of Thomas Berthelet.' The same 
work was drawn upon unreservedly by Lyly in the second 
part of Euphue s, and its teachings reappear a little surprisingly 
in some of the later chapters of Pamela. The essay on 
the Preservation of Good Health was twice translated into 
Tudor prose, and that on Curiosity suffered transformation at 
the hands of the virgin queen herself into some of the most 
inharmonious of English verse. 

The sixteenth century was indeed steeped in Plutarch. 
His writings formed an almost inexhaustible storehouse for 
historian and philosopher alike, and the age was characterized 


by no diffidence or moderation in borrowing. Plutarch's 
aphorisms and his anecdotes meet us at every turn, openly or 
in disguise, and the translations I have alluded to did but 
prepare the way for Philemon Holland's great rendering of 
the complete non-biographical works in the last year of the 
Tudor era. 

But it is as author of the Parallel Lives of the famous 
Greeks and Romans that Plutarch has most strongly and 
most healthily affected the literature of modern Europe. 
Few other books of the ancient world have had since the 
middle ages so interesting a career ; in the history of no 
other, perhaps not even the Iliad can we see so plainly 
that rare electric flash of sympathy where the spirit of classical 
literature blends with the modern spirit, and the renascence 
becomes a living reality. The Lives of Plutarch were early 
translated into Latin, and versions of them in that language 
were among the first productions of the printing press, one 
such edition being published at Rome about 1470. It was 
almost certainly in this Latin form that they first attracted 
the attention and the pious study of Jacques Amyot 


Amyot's Translations of Plutarch. No writer 

of one age and nation has ever received more devoted and 
important services from a writer of another than Plutarch 
owes to Amyot. Already the translator of the Greek 
pastorals of Heliodorus and Longus, as well as seven books 
of Diodorus Siculus, Amyot came not unprepared to the 


subject of his life's work. Years were spent in purification 
of the text. Amyot's marginal notes as to variants in the 
original Greek give but a slight conception of the extent of 
his labours in this direction. Dr. Joseph Ja'ger has made it 
more evident in a Heidelberg dissertation, * Zur Kritik von 
Amyots Ubersetzung der Moralia Plutarch's' (Biihl, 1899). 
In 1 559, being then Abbot of Bellozane, Amyot published 
his translation of Plutarch's Lives, printed in a large folio 
volume by the famous Parisian house of Vascosan. The 
title page of this edition is here reproduced in facsimile as 
frontispiece to my second volume. The success of the work 
was immediate ; it was pirated largely, but no less than six 
authorized editions were published by Vascosan before the 
end of I 579. 

Amyot's concern with the Lives did not cease with the 
appearance of the first edition. Each re-issue contained 
improvements, and only that of 1619 can perhaps be regarded 
as giving his final text, though by that time the translator had 
been twenty-six years in his grave. Yet it was not the 
Lives solely that occupied him. In 1572 were printed 
Les Oeuvres Morales et Meshes de Plutarque. Translatees 
du Grec en Francois par Messire Jacques Amyot. The 
popularity of this volume, by whose appearance all Plutarch 
was rendered accessible in the vernacular to French readers, 
was hardly inferior to that the Lives had attained, and it 
directly inspired another work, already mentioned, whose 
importance for English drama was not very greatly inferior 


to that of North's translation of the Lives : ' The Philosophic, 
commonly called the Morals, written by the learned 
Philosopher, Plutarch of Chasronea. Translated out of 
Greeke into English, and conferred with the Latin trans 
lations, and the French, by Philemon Holland . . . London 

The indebtedness of such writers as Chapman to the 
Morals of Plutarch is hardly to be measured. Our concern, 
however, is rather with the lives as they appeared in North's 
translation from the French of Amyot, in 1579. 

Sir Thomas North. Thomas North, or Sir Thomas, 
as history has preferred to call him, was born about 1535, 
the second son of Edward Lord North and Alice Squyer 
his wife. The knightly title in North's case, like that or 
Sir Thomas Browne, is really an anachronism as regards his 
literary career. It was a late granted honour, withheld, like 
the royal pension, which seems to have immediately preceded 
death, till the recipient's fame had long been established and 
his work in this world was virtually over. It is simply as 
Thomas North that he appears on the early title pages of his 
three books, and as Master North we find him occasionally 
mentioned in state papers during the long and eventful years 
that precede i 591 . Sometimes, by way of self-advertisement, 
he alludes to himself rather pathetically as sonne of Sir 
Edward North, Knight, L. North of Kyrtheling ' or 
* Brother to the Right Honourable Sir Roger North, Knight, 
Lorde North of Kyrtheling.' 


We know little of his life. It appears to have been a long 
and honourable one, full of incident and variety, darkened till 
almost the very end by the shadow of poverty, but certainly 
not devoid of gleams of temporary good fortune, and on the 
whole, no doubt, a happy life. 

There is good reason, but no positive evidence, for believ 
ing that he was educated at Peterhouse, Cambridge. In 1557 
we find him at Lincoln's Inn; on the 2Oth of December in 
that year he dates from there the dedicatory epistle to Queen 
Mary, prefixed to his D'tall of Princes. In 1568 he was 
presented with the freedom of the city of Cambridge. In 
1574 he accompanied his elder brother Roger, second Baron 
North, on a special mission to the court of Henri III of 
France. Six years later, under date of August 25, 1580, 
the Earl of Leicester commends Mr. North to Lord 
Burghley as one who ' is a very honest gentleman, and hath 
many good things in him which are drowned only by 
poverty.' During the critical days of the Armada he was 
Captain of three hundred men in the Isle of Ely, and he 
seems always to have borne a high reputation for valour. 

With 1 590 the more interesting part of North's life 
closes. In 1591 he was knighted. At this period he must 
apparently have enjoyed a certain pecuniary prosperity, since 
eligibility for knighthood involved the possession of land 
worth ^40 a year. In 1 592 we hear of him as justice of the 
peace in Cambridgeshire ; the official commission for placing 
him is dated February 24. Six years later we may infer 


that he was again in financial straits, for a grant of 20 was 
made to him by the city of Cambridge. The last known 
incident of his life was the conferring on him of a pension of 
^40 per annum from the Queen, in 1601. He may or may 
not have lived to see the publication of the third, expanded 
edition of his Plutarch in 1603, to which is prefixed a 
grateful dedication to Queen Elizabeth. 

North was twice married, and we know that at least two ot 
his children, a son and daughter, reached maturity. His 
literary fame rests on three translations. The first in point 
of time was a version of Guevara's Libra Aureo, of which an 
abbreviated translation by Lord Berners bad been printed in 
1535, with the title ' The Go/Jen Boke of Marcus Aurelius 
Emperour and eloquent Oratour.' North made no such effort at 
condensation ; his rendering appeared first in 1557 and again, 
with the addition of a fourth book, in 1568, with the follow 
ing title page : ' The Dial of Princes, compiled by the reverend 
father in God, Don Antony of Guevara, Byshop of Guadix, 
Preacher, and Chronicler to Charles the fifte, late of that 
name Emperor. Englished out of the Frenche by T. 
North. . . And now newly revised and corrected by hym, 
refourmed of faultes escaped in the first edition : with an 
amplification also of a fourth booke annexed to the same, 
entituled The fauored Courtier, never heretofore imprinted in 
our vulgar tongue. Right necessarie and pleasaunt to all 
noble and vertuous persones.' There seems no reason to 
accept the suggestion that the style of this book was 


influential in any particular degree in shaping that of Lyly's 

North's second translation appeared in 1570. The title 
page, which contains all the information concerning the work 
that the reader is likely to require, runs as follows : ' The 
Moral! Philosophic of Don't : Drawne out of the auncient 
writers. A worke first compiled in the Indian tongue, and 
afterwardes reduced into divers other languages : and now 
lastly Englished out of Italian by Thomas North.' 

In the Stationers' Register for 1579 occurs this entry: 
* VI to Die Aprtlis. Thomas vautrollicr, master Wighte 
Lycenced vnto yem a booke in Englishc called Plutarks 
Lyws XV s and a copie.' This is the first mention of 
North's translation of Plutarch, which was duly published in 
the same year, 1579, by the two book-sellers named in the 
registration notice. A facsimile of the title page appears as 
frontispiece to this volume. Details as to the later editions of 
the work will be found on pp. xix-xxi. It is of importance to 
consider here the exact relation in which North's translation 
stands to that of Amyot, first printed just twenty years 
before and definitely claimed by North as his source. 

Amyot and North. The dependance of North on 
Amyot cannot be questioned. Phrase for phrase, generally 
word for word, the English translation follows the French, 
with a closeness far exceeding that with which North was 
ever imitated by his great borrower. Yet the charge of 
plagiarism is as irrelevant in the one case as the other. The 



ny very great *' England a coup.e 

its author and its environment. ^^ of 

Amyot ranU^ith ^^^df praises bin- 
modern French prose, .md VP ^ ^ ^ reason> 

with a praise that ' the foutth essay of his 
as me eeeraeth,' My *= '' untQ Jac< , ue5 Am.ot 

second book, give uric Mtural ity> 

abo ,e all our French waters , ^ onb- ^^^ .,, 

and pure elegancie of the "J^^.. rf so long and 
ot ,Js, nor for his c ^chable depth of bis 
tos lsome a labour, nor aUe w ex . 

tn y owled g e, having so -"S unfo.d a iter so 
hta an author so close and ,,n 

Countrie.' nmendation for Amyot ; 

This is noble and perfect y just uanslation . 

is not the language ^ ^ M ^" b < ure elegancy,' 


his original, and his use of words tends much more towards raci- 
ness than elegance. Amyot is all that Montaigne and the 
stylists of later days have called him, but North is something 
more and different ; and it is peculiarly the words of North, 
we should remember, and not of Amyot, which have touched 
the imagination of Shakespeare in a way the words of no 
other man, save possibly Marlowe, seem ever to have 

Amyot's prose is simple and luminous, redolent of scholar 
ship and precision ; yet it appears bare and commonplace 
when contrasted with the fierce slangy idioms of North, 
which have all the high colour of the Elizabethan imagina 
tion. Instances could be multiplied indefinitely : we take 
three average ones from a single page of the Life of Brutus. 
North tells us that Brutus could evil away with the 
tyranny,' where Amyot had been content with the simple 
phrase ' portoit mal patiemment.' A dozen lines later 
Amyot's judicial ' mais ilz ne disent pas la uerite ' becomes 
vertebrate and personal in North's colloquial rendering, But 
this holdeth no water.' And in the next sentence but one, 
North's imagination being stimulated as it always is by the 
suggestion of a fight, we read, ' Cassius rose up on his feet 
and gave him two good whirls on the ear,' where the gentle 
Amyot had written ' luy donna une couple de soufHets.' 

North's influence on 'Julius Caesar.' The 

Lives of Caesar and Brutus printed in this volume were 
freely used by Shakespeare v/hen he came, about 1601, to 


write the play of Julius Caesar. At this period the poet 
was engaged also with Hamlet, and it is not surprising that 
we find in eight well-known lines of the latter drama 
(I. i. 113-20) a patent allusion to North's description of 
the portents which foreshadowed the fall of 'the mightiest 
Julius.' For his play of Caesar Shakespeare employed 
both the lives here printed, and he made more occasional 
use also, as the footnotes to the text will show, of the Life 
of Antonius. 

It is important to note that his procedure in the case of 
the first Roman play did not vary essentially from that he 
had already followed in constructing the English histories 
out of the chronicles of Holinshed. That is, his indebted 
ness in Julius Caesar is primarily one of subject matter, not 
of language, and it is only occasionally, as in the dialogue 
between Brutus and Portia, or the scene where the ghost of 
Caesar visits Brutus's tent, that we perceive the poet to be 
writing with North's book open before him. In other places 
for example, the account of Caesar's assassination and its 
immediate sequel we find the three different versions of 
Plutarch fused with all the masterly subordination of the 
letter to the spirit which characterizes Shakespeare's treat 
ment of English history. A considerably more intimate 
relation to North's text manifests itself in the later plays of 
Antony and Cleopatra and Coriolanus ; a discussion of this 
matter will be found in the introduction to the second 


In its presentation of the character of the more famous 
dramatis personae, Julius Caesar follows pretty faithfully the 
lines of Plutarch's portraiture. We find all, and rather 
more of the Greek's disapproval of Caesar, and all his some 
what fantastic championing of Brutus. Cassius and the minor 
conspirators remain practically unchanged. The greatest 
alteration probably is in the character of Antony : in Julius 
Caesar he begins already to assume something of that hero- 
ship which Plutarch grants him only by snatches and 
grudgingly, but which in Antony and Cleopatra becomes for 
all time his. 

Editions. North's translation of Plutarch's Lives from 
the French of Amyot was first printed, as has been said, in 
1579. Between this date and that of the appearance of 
Amyot's editio princeps, twenty years earlier, the latter had 
been four times legitimately re-issued, and there had been 
several spurious editions, in Holland and elsewhere. Another 
reprint was published by authority in this very year 1579. 
It seems hardly possible to ascertain which of these versions 
was used by North, nor is the matter of any real consequence. 
In my notes I quote from the Bodleian copy of Amyot's 
second, revised, edition of 1565, which is as likely as any 
other to have been in the hands of the English translator. 

North's work waited sixteen years for republication. The 
second edition was printed in 1595, 'by Richard Field for 
Thomab Wight,' as the title page of the Bodleian copy 
states, or as other copies have it, ' by Richard Field for 


Bonham Norton,' two publishers being apparently concerned 
in the transaction. This edition varies in pagination from 
the first ; it adds an index, and the text has been normalized 
to an injurious extent, archaic idioms and spellings being very 
frequently supplanted by others more satisfactory probably to 
a progressive compositor. Thus, the old comparative lengtr 
is invariably replaced by longer, and such a form as conducts 
reappears in modern orthography as conduits. There is no 
special indication that North himself supervised this reissue, 
which does not even contain the obvious correction of the 
phrase ' the highway going unto Appius ' into * the highway 
called Appius' way,' first found in the 1603 folio. 

A third issue seems to have been called for in just half 
the time required to exhaust the first, for in 1603 the next 
edition appeared, this time with a supplement containing 
fifteen new lives not written by Plutarch, but translated, like 
the rest, if we are to believe the title page, by Sir Thomas 

A reprint of the third edition, with no substantial change, 
v/as published in 1612. The separate title page introducing 
the supplementary lives bears the date 1610, and it is 
probable that the whole of this, the fourth, edition was printed 
in that year, though publication was delayed. In 1631 
appeared a fifth edition of no special interest, and in 1656-7 
a sixth, which again added brief lives of twenty more 
* Eminent Persons,' translated from the French of Andrew 


The foregoing editions were all published in London. 
In 1676 appeared a seventh, published at Cambridge. It 
will be seen from these statistics that North's Plutarch 
enjoyed till the close of the seventeenth century a popularity 
equal to its merits ; but its vogue was now interrupted. It 
was supplanted by a succession of more modern and infinitely 
less brilliant renderings and was not again reprinted as a 
whole till 1895. How entirely it had fallen into disrepute 
in the eighteenth century is evident from the significant 
verdict of the Critical Review for February, 1771, 'This 
was not a translation from Plutarch, nor can it be read with 
pleasure in the present Age.' One hopes, and can readily 
believe, that the critic had not made the attempt to 
read it. 

There is some doubt as to which edition of North was 
used by Shakespeare. The theory of Mr. A. P. Paton that 
a copy of the 1603 version bearing the initials *W. S." was 
the poet's property has long ago been exploded. From an 
allusion by Weever in his Mirror of Martyrs, we know that 
Julius Caesar was in existence in 1601. The two possible 
editions, those of 1579 and 1595 respectively, often vary 
a little in wording, but there seems to be no instance where 
such difference offers any hint as to which text Shakespeare 
used. No one with a knowledge of the rules and vagaries 
of Elizabethan orthography will probably lay any stress on 
the argument which prefers the folio of 1595 for the sole 
reason that on the first page of the Life of Coriolanus it 


happens to agree in spelling of the word 'conduits ' with the 
1623 Shakespeare, whereas the folio of 1579 gives the older 
form of ' conducts.' 

If Shakespeare's acquaintance with North was delayed till 
about 1600, it may be imagined that copies of the second 
edition would then be the more easily obtainable. If, on 
the other hand, we derive the allusions in A Midsummer 
Night's Dream (II. i. 75-80) to Hippolyta, Perigouna, 
Aegle, Ariadne, and Antiopa from the Life of Theseus, as 
has been done, though with no very great show of probability, 
we must then assume the dramatist to have known North's 
book at a period probably antecedent to the appearance of 
the second edition. The question is of little import. 
There seems on other grounds every reason to prefer the 
text of the editio princess, which in practically all cases of 
difference offers an older and apparently more authentic read 
ing than the version of 1595. As has been said, we have 
no evidence that North was personally responsible for any of 
the changes in the second edition. 

The present text follows the edition of 1579. All 

variants in the edition of 1595, which are not purely typo 
graphical, are recorded in the notes, together with all 
important alterations in the editions 1603-1631. I have 
attempted also to quote the readings of Amyot wherever 
North has departed from his rendering. Unfortunately the 
scheme of the series to which this book belongs necessitates 
the modernization of spelling. The capitalization of the 


original edition is preserved except in a few cases where, 
judged by Elizabethan usage, it is obviously irregular, and 
I have been as conservative in the matter of punctuation as 
has appeared compatible with intelligibility to the modern 

The main purpose of the book, as its title indicates, is to 
make clear the relation in which North stands to Shakespeare. 
I have therefore marked with stars at the end of the lines 
all passages from which the latter has apparently borrowed 
hints for his subject matter. The corresponding lines in 
Shakespeare are indicated by means of footnotes. Where 
not only the general purport of the passage, but its wording 
also, has been incorporated by Shakespeare, daggers appear 
in place of stars. 

The order in which the four lives are printed is neither 
that of historical chronology nor that in which they are 
given by Plutarch and his translators. History would, of 
course, require that the Life of Coriolanus should come first, 
and Plutarch, while agreeing with the actual sequence of 
events in that regard, violates it by inserting the Life of 
Antonius before that of Brutus. I have preferred to arrange 
the lives according to the order in which Shakespeare used 
them. The first volume, therefore, contains the main sources 
of Julius Caesar, written about 1601, while the second volume 
gives that on which Antony and Cleopatra (1607) is mainly 
based, followed by that which inspired the still later play of 
Coriolanus. There is other reason for this procedure than 


mere convenience ; by glancing at the marked passages one 
sees a continuous advance from the life of Caesar, of which, 
except for several allusions, Shakespeare used only the last 
few pages, to that of Coriolanus where the connexion between 
the dramatist and the biographer is closest of all. Refer 
ences to Shakespeare are to the Oxford edition. 


AT what time Sylla was made Lord of all, he would 
have had Caesar put away his wife Cornelia, the daughter 
of Cinna Dictator : but, when he saw he could neither 
with any promise nor threat bring him to it, he took her 
jointure away from him. The cause of Caesar's ill-will 
unto Sylla was by means of marriage : for Marius th' elder 
married his father's own sister, by whom he had Marius the 

younger, whereby Caesar and he were cousin 

o 11 i 1 1 j . Caesar 

germans. Sylla being troubled in weighty matters, joined 

putting to death so many of his enemies, when cinna and 
he came to be conqueror, he made no reckoning 
of Caesar : but he was not contented to be hidden in 
safety, but came and made suit unto the people for the 
Priesthoodship that was void, when he had scant any hair 
on his face. Howbeit he was repulsed by Sylla's means, 
that secretly was against him. Who when he was deter 
mined to have killed him, some of his friends told him 
that it was to no purpose to put so young a boy as he to 
death. But Sylla told them again, that they did not con 
sider that there were many Marians in that young boy. 
Caesar, understanding that, stale out of Rome, and hid 

VOL. I. B 


himself a long time in the country of the Sabines, wander 
ing still from place to place. But one day, being carried 
from house to house, he fell into the hands of Sylla's soldiers, 
who searched all those places, and took them whom they 
found hidden. Caesar bribed the captain, whose 

Caesar 1-11 

took sea name was Cornelius, with two talents which he 

unto Nico- gave him. After he had escaped them thus, he 

king of went unto the seaside and took ship, and sailed 

ithyma. . gi t hynia to go unto King Nicomedes. When 

uke^of he had been with him a while, he took sea again, 
plrates- and was taken by pirates about the Isle of Pharma- 
cusa : for those pirates kept all upon that sea-coast, with 
a great fleet of ships and boats. They asking him at the 
first twenty talents for his ransom, Caesar laughed them 
to scorn, as though they knew not what a man they had 
taken, and of himself promised them fifty talents. Then 
he sent his men up and down to get him this money, so 
that he was left in manner alone among these thieves of 
the Cilicians (which are the cruellest butchers in the world), 
with one of his friends, and two of his slaves only : and 
yet he made so little reckoning of them, that, when he 
was desirous to sleep, he sent unto them to command 
them to make no noise. Thus was he eight-and-thirty 
days among them, not kept as prisoner, but rather waited 
upon by them as a prince. All this time he would boldly 
exercise himself in any sport or pastime they would go 
to. And other while also he would write verses, and make 


orations, and call them together to say them before them : 
and if any of them seemed as though they had not under 
stood him, or passed not for them, he called them block 
heads and brute beasts, and, laughing, threatened them 
that he would hang them up. But they were as merry 
with the matter as could be, and took all in good part, 
thinking that this his bold speech came through the sim 
plicity of his youth. So, when his ransom was come from 
the city of Miletus, they being paid their money, and he 
again set at liberty, he then presently armed, and manned 
out certain ships out of the haven of Miletus, to follow 
those thieves, whom he found yet riding at anchor in the 
same island. So he took the most of them, and had the 
spoil of their goods, but for their bodies, he brought them 
into the city of Pergamum, and there committed them to 
prison, whilst he himself went to speak with Tunius, 


who had the government of Asia, as unto whom praetor of 
the execution of these pirates did belong, for that 
he was Praetor of that country. But this Praetor, having 
a great fancy to be fingering of the money, because there 
was good store of it, answered, that he would consider of 
these prisoners at better leisure. Caesar, leaving Junius 
there, returned again unto Pergamum, and there hung up 
all these thieves openly upon a cross, as he had oftentimes 
promised them in the isle he would do, when they thought 
he did but jest. Afterwards, when Sylla's power began to 
decay, Caesar's friends wrote unto him, to pray him to come 


home again. But he sailed first unto Rhodes, to study 
there a time under Apollonius the son of Molon, whose 
scholar also Cicero was, for he was a very honest man, and 
Caesar's an excellent good rhetorician. It is reported that 
eloquence. c aesar nac } an excellent natural gift to speak well 
before the people, and, besides that rare gift, he was 
excellently well studied, so that doubtless he was counted 
the second man for eloquence in his time, and gave place to 
the first because he would be the first and chiefest man of 
war and authority, being not yet come to the degree of 
perfection to speak well, which his nature could have per 
formed in him, because he was given rather to follow wars 
and to manage great matters, which in th' end brought him 
to be Lord of all Rome. And therefore, in a book he 
wrote against that which Cicero made in the praise of Cato, 
he prayeth the readers not to compare the style of a soldier 
with the eloquence of an excellent orator, that had followed 
it the most part of his life. When he was returned again 
unto Rome, he accused Dolabella for his ill-behaviour in 
the government of his province, and he had divers cities of 
Greece that gave in evidence against him. Notwithstanding, 
Dolabella at the length was dismissed. Caesar, to requite 
the goodwill of the Grecians, which they had shewed him 
in his accusation of Dolabella, took their cause in hand, 
when they did accuse Publius Antonius before Marcus 
Lucullus, Praetor of Macedon : and followed it so hard 
against him in their behalf, that Antonius was driven to 


appeal before the Tribunes at Rome, alleging, to colour his 
appeal withal, that he could have no justice in Greece 
against the Grecians. Now Caesar immediately wan many 
men's goodwills at Rome, through his eloquence in plead 
ing of their causes : and the people loved him marvel 
lously also, because of the courteous manner he had to 
speak to every man, and to use them gently, being more 
ceremonious therein than was looked for in one of his 
years. Furthermore, he ever kept a good board, 
and fared well at his table, and was very liberal loved hos- 
besides : the which indeed did advance him 
forward, and brought him in estimation with the people. 
His enemies, judging that this favour of the 

Caesar a 

common people would soon quail, when he could follower of 

... the people. 

no longer hold out that charge and expense, 
suffered him to run on, till by little and little he was grown 
to be of great strength and power. But in fine, when they 
had thus given him the bridle to grow to this greatness, and 
that they could not then pull him back, though indeed in 
sight it would turn one day to the destruction of the whole 
state and commonwealth of Rome : too late they found, 
that there is not so little a beginning of anything, but 
continuance of time will soon make it strong, when through 
contempt there is no impediment to hinder the greatness. 
Thereupon Cicero, like a wise shipmaster that feareth the 
calmness of the sea, was the first man that, mistrusting his 
manner of dealing in the commonwealth, found out his 


craft and malice, which he cunningly cloked under the habit 
of outward courtesy and familiarity. ' And yet,' 
judgement said he, ' when I consider how finely he combeth 
his fair bush of hair, and how smooth it lieth, and 
that I see him scratch his head with one finger only : my 
mind gives me then that such a kind of man should not 
have so wicked a thought in his head, as to overthrow the 
state of the commonwealth.' But this was long time after 
The love tnat - The first show and proof of the love and 
peopfe in good will which the people did bear unto Caesar 
urn 6 was wnen he sued to be Tribune of the soldiers 
Caesar. ( to w j t> Colonel of a thousand footmen), standing 
against Caius Pompilius, at what time he was preferred and 
Caesar chosen before him. But the second, and more 
THWius manifest proof than the first, was at the death of 
militum. his aunt Julia, the wife of Marius the elder. For, 
being her nephew, he made a solemn oration in the market- 
Caesar pl ace i commendation of her, and at her burial 
made the { boldly venture to show forth the images of 

funeral ' 

oration at Marius : the which was the first time that they 

the death . . ' 

of his aunt were seen after Sylla's victory, because that Marius 
and all his confederates had been proclaimed traitors 
and enemies to the commonwealth. For, when there were 
some that cried out upon Caesar for doing of it, the people 
on th' other side kept a stir, and rejoiced at it, clapping of 
their hands, and thanked him for that he had brought as 
it were out of hell the remembrance of Marius' honour 


again unto Rome, which had so long time been obscured 
and buried. And where it had been an ancient Caesar the 
custom of long time that the Romans used to make poised*" 
funeral orations in praise of old ladies and matrons f^^ff in 
when they died, but not of young women, Caesar oratlon - 
was the first that praised his own wife with funeral oration 
when she was dead, the which also did increase the people's 
good wills the more, seeing him of so kind and gentle 
nature. After the burial of his wife he was made 


Treasurer under Antistius Vetus Praetor, whom he made 
honoured ever after : so that when himself came 
to be Praetor, he made his son to be chosen Treasurer. 
Afterwards, when he was come out of that office, 
he married his third wife Pompeia, having a Caesar's ' 
daughter by his first wife Cornelia, which was 
married unto Pompey the Great. Now for that he was 
very liberal in expenses, buying (as some thought) but a 
vain and short glory of the favour of the people (where 
indeed he bought good cheap the greatest things that could 
be), some say that, before he bare any office in the com 
monwealth, he was grown in debt to the sum of thirteen 
hundred talents. Furthermore, because he was made over 
seer of the work for the highway going unto Appius, he 
disbursed a great sum of his own money towards the charges 
of the same. And on the other side, when he was made 
Aedilis, for that he did show the people the pastime of 
three hundred and twenty couple of sword players, and did 


besides exceed all other in sumptuousness in the sports 
and common feasts which he made to delight them 

Caesar's i i / i T i i 111 i 

prodi- withal, (and did as it were drown all the stately 
shows of others in the like, that had gone before 
him), he so pleased the people, and wan their love there 
with, that they devised daily to give him new offices for to 
requite him. At that time there were two factions 
in Rome, to wit, the faction of Sylla, which was very strong 
and of great power, and the other of Marius, which then 
was under foot and durst not shew itself. But Caesar, 
because he would renew it again, even at that time when, 
he being Aedilis, all the feasts and common sports were in 
their greatest ruff, he secretly caused images of Marius to 
be made, and of victories that carried triumphs, and those 
he set up one night within the Capitol. The next morning, 
when every man saw the glistering of these golden images 
excellently well wrought, shewing by the inscriptions that 
they were the victories which Marius had won upon the 
Cimbrians, every one marvelled much at the boldness of 
him that durst set them up there, knowing well enough who 
it was. Hereupon it ran straight through all the city, and 
every man came thither to see them. Then some cried out 
Caesar upon Caesar, and said it was a tyranny which he 
mS^a to meant to set up, by renewing of such honours 
i'n'the' ' 1 as before had been trodden under foot, and for 
gotten, by common decree and open proclamation : 
and that it was no more but a bait to gauge the people's 


good wills, which he had set out in the stately shews of 
his common plays, to see if he had brought them to his 
lure, that they would abide such parts to be played, and 
a new alteration of things to be made. They of Marius' 
faction on th' other side, encouraging one another, shewed 
themselves straight a great number gathered together, and 
made the mount of the Capitol ring again with their cries 
and clapping of hands : insomuch as the tears ran down 
many of their cheeks for very joy, when they saw the 
images of Marius, and they extolled Caesar to the skies, 
judging him the worthiest man of all the kindred of Marius. 
The Senate being assembled thereupon, Catulus Luctatius, 
one of the greatest authority at that time in Rome, rose, and 
vehemently inveighed against Caesar, and spake that then 
which ever since hath been noted much : that Caesar did 
not now covertly go to work, but by plain force sought to 
alter the state of the commonwealth. Nevertheless, Caesar 
at that time answered him so that the Senate was satisfied. 
Thereupon they that had him in estimation did grow in 
better hope than before, and persuaded him, that hardily 
he should give place to no man, and that through the good 
will of the people he should be better than all they, and 
come to be the chiefest man of the city. At that The death 
time the chief Bishop Metellus died, and two of M ete n us 
the notablest men of the city, and of greatest Bishop of 
authority, (Isauricus and Catulus), contended for R me - 
his room : Caesar, notwithstanding their contention, would 


..-.,.-2- "- 


give neither of them both place, but presented himself to 
the people, and made suit for it as they did. The suit 
being equal betwixt either of them, Catulus, because he was 
a man of greater calling and dignity than the other, 
doubting the uncertainty of the election, sent unto Caesar 
a good sum of money, to make him leave off his suit. But 
Caesar sent him word again, that he would lend a greater 
sum than that, to maintain the suit against him. When 
the day of th' election came, his mother bringing him to the 
door of his house, Caesar, weeping, kissed her, and said : 
' Mother, this day thou shalt see thy son chief Bishop of Rome, 
or banished from Rome.' In fine, when the voices of the 

people were gathered together, and the strife well 
made debated, Caesar wan the victory, and made the 
Bishop Senate and noblemen all afraid of him, for that 

they thought that thenceforth he would make the 
people do what he thought good. Then Catulus and Piso 
fell flatly out with Cicero, and condemned him for that he 
did not bewray Caesar, when he knew that he was of 
Caesar conspiracy with Catiline, and had opportunity 
tcTbffccm- to have done it. For when Catiline was bent and 
with rat( determined, not only to overthrow the state of 
Ws'con- 1 " the commonwealth, but utterly to destroy the 
spiracy. empire of Rome, he scaped out of the hands of 
justice for lack of sufficient proof, before his full treason 
and determination was known. Notwithstanding he left 
Lentulus and Cethegus in the city, companions of his 


conspiracy : unto whom whether Caesar did give any secret 
help or comfort, it is not well known. Yet this is manifest, 
that when they were convinced in open Senate, Cicero, 
being at that time Consul, asking every man's opinion in 
the Senate, what punishment they should have, and every 
one of them till it came to Caesar, gave sentence they 
should die ; Caesar then rising up to speak made 
an oration (penned and premeditated before), and went 
said that it was neither lawful, nor yet their deliver 10 
custom did bear it, to put men of such nobility to spf r ao r " s . 
death (but in an extremity) without lawful indict 
ment and condemnation. And therefore, that if they were 
put in prison in some city of Italy, where Cicero thought 
best, until that Catiline were overthrown, the Senate then 
might at their pleasure quietly take such order therein, as 
might best appear unto their wisdoms. This opinion was 
thought more gentle, and withal was uttered with such a 
passing good grace and eloquence, that not only they which 
were to speak after him did approve it, but such also as had 
spoken to the contrary before revoked their opinion and 
stuck to his, until it came to Cato and Catulus to speak. 
They both did sharply inveigh against him, but Cato 
chiefly : who in his oration made Caesar suspected Cato's 
to be of the conspiracy, and stoutly spake against ^'" t 
him, insomuch that the offenders were put into the Caesar - 
hands of the officers to be put to death. Caesar coming out 
of the Senate, a company of young men, which guarded 


Cicero for the safety of his person, did set upon him with 
their swords drawn. But some say that Curio covered 
Caesar with his gown, and took him out of their hands. 
And Cicero self, when the young men looked upon him, 
beckoned with his head that they should not kill him, either 
fearing the fury of the people, or else that he thought it too 
shameful and wicked a part. But, if that were true, I 
marvel why Cicero did not put it into his book he wrote of 
his Consulship. But certainly they blamed him afterwards, 
for that he took not the opportunity offered him against 
Caesar, only for overmuch fear of the people, that loved him 
very dearly. For shortly after, when Caesar went into the 
Senate, to clear himself of certain presumptions and false 
accusations objected against him, and being bitterly taunted 
among them, the Senate keeping him lenger than they were 
wont : the people came about the council house, and called 
out aloud for him, bidding them let him out. Cato then, 
fearing the insurrection of the poor needy persons, which 
were they that put all their hope in Caesar, and did also 
move the people to stir, did persuade the Senate to make a 
frank distribution of corn unto them for a month. This 
distribution did put the commonwealth to a new charge of 
five hundred and fifty myriads. This counsel quenched a 
present great fear, and did in happy time scatter and disperse 
abroad the best part of Caesar's force and power, at such 
time as he was made Praetor, and that for respect of his 
office he was most to be feared. Yet all the time he was 


officer he never sought any alteration in the commonwealth, 
but contrarily he himself had a great misfortune fell in his 
own house, which was this. There was a young nobleman 
of the order of the Patricians, called Publius 

The love 

Clodius, who lacked neither wealth nor eloquence, fp -. 

L i j j Clodms 

but otherwise as insolent and impudent a person unto 

1 r. TT i -i -i Pompeia, 

as any was else in Rome. He became in love with Caesar's 
Pompeia, Caesar's wife, who misliked not withal : 
notwithstanding she was so straitly looked to, and that 
Aurelia (Caesar's mother), an honest gentlewoman, had 
such an eye of her, that these two lovers could not meet 
as they would, without great peril and difficulty. The 
Romans do use to honour a goddess which they The good 
call the good goddess, as the Grecians have her ^at she 
whom they call Gynaeceia, to wit, the goddess ]^ r s> and 
of women. Her the Phrygians do claim to sacnfic 68 - 
be peculiar unto them, saying that she is King Midas' 
mother. Howbeit the Romans hold opinion, that it is 
a nymph of wood married unto god Faunus. The 
Grecians, they say also that she was one of the mothers 
of the god Bacchus, whom they dare not name. And for 
proof hereof, on her feast day, the women make certain 
tabernacles of vine twigs and leaves of vine branches, and 
also they make, as the tale goeth, a holy dragon for this 
goddess, and do set it by her : besides, it is not lawful for 
any man to be present at their sacrifices, no not within the 
house itself where they are made. Furthermore, they say 


that the women in these sacrifices do many things amongst 
themselves, much like unto the ceremonies of Orpheus. 
Now when the time of this feast came, the husband 
(whether he were Praetor or Consul) and all his men and 
the boys in the house do come out of it, and leave it wholly 
to his wife, to order the house at her pleasure, and there 
the sacrifices and ceremonies are done the most part of the 
night, and they do besides pass the night away in songs and 
music. Pompeia, Caesar's wife, being that year to celebrate 
this feast, Clodius, who had yet no hair on his face, and 
thereby thought he should not be bewrayed, disguised 
himself in a singing wench's apparel, because his face was 
very like unto a young wench. He finding the gates open, 
being secretly brought in by her chambermaid that was 
made privy unto it, she left him, and ran to Pompeia her 
mistress, to tell her that he was come. The chambermaid 
tarried long before she came again, insomuch as Clodius 
being weary waiting for her where she left him, he took his 
pleasure, and went from one place to another in the house, 
which had very large rooms in it, still shunning the light, 
and was by chance met withal by one of Aurelia's maids, 
who, taking him for a woman, prayed her to play. Clodius 
refusing to play, the maid pulled him forward, and asked 
him what he was : Clodius then answered her, that he 
tarried for Abra one of Pompeia's women. So Aurelia's 
maid, knowing him by his voice, ran straight where the 
lights and ladies were, and cried out, that there was a man 


disguised in woman's apparel. The women therewith 
were so amazed, that Aurelia caused them presently to leave 
off the ceremonies of the sacrifice, and to hide their secret 
things, and, having seen the gates fast locked, went im 
mediately up and down the house with torch light to seek 
out this man : who at the last was found out in the 
chamber of Pompeia's maid, with whom he hid himself. 
Thus Clodius being found out, and known of the women, 
they thrust him out of the doors by the shoulders, ciodius 
The same night the women told their husbands of Jhewcri- 
this chance as soon as they came home. The 
next morning, there ran a great rumour through dess - 
the city, how Clodius had attempted a great villany and 
that he deserved, not only to be punished of them whom 
he had slandered, but also of the commonwealth Clodius 
and the gods. There was one of the Tribunes of accused for 

.... . profaning 

the people that did indict him, and accuse him of the sacri- 


high treason to the gods. Furthermore, there good god- 
were also of the chiefest of the nobility and the 
Senate, that came to depose against him, and burdened him 
with many horrible and detestable facts, and specially with 
incest committed with his own sister, which was married 
unto Lucullus. Notwithstanding, the people stoutly 
defended Clodius against their accusations : and this did 
help him much against the judges, which were amazed, and 
afraid to stir the people. This notwithstanding, Caesar 
presently put his wife away, and thereupon, being brought 


by Clodius' accuser to be a witness against him, he 
c answered, he knew nothing of that they objected 

putteth against Clodius. This answer being clean contrary 

away his _ , * 

wife Pom- to their expectation that heard it, the accuser asked 

Caesar, why then he had put away his wife : 

" Because I will not," said he, " that my wife be so much 

as suspected." And some say that Caesar spake truly as he 

thought. But others think that he did it to please the 

Clodius common people, who were very desirous to save 

judgeJfor 6 Clodius. So Clodius was discharged of this 

fhe'sac'd? accusation, because the most part of the judges 

goodgod- e 8 ave a con f use d judgement, for the fear they stood 

one way of the danger of the common people if 

they condemned him, and for the ill opinion of th' other 

side of the nobility if they did quit him. The government 

of the province of Spain being fallen unto Caesar 

Caesar ' 

Praetor of for that he was Praetor, his creditors came and 

Spain. . , 1-1 r- 

cried out upon him, and were importunate of 
him to be paid. Caesar, being unable to satisfy them, 
was compelled to go unto Crassus, who was the richest 
man of all Rome, and that stood in need of Caesar's 
boldness and courage to withstand Pompey's greatness in 

the commonwealth. Crassus became his surety 

Crassus ' 

surety for U nto his greediest creditors for the sum of eight 

Caesar to 

his credi- hundred and thirty talents : whereupon they 

tors. ' ' 

suffered Caesar to depart to the government 
of his province. In his journey it is reported that, 


passing over the mountains of the Alps, they came through 
a little poor village that had not many households, 
and yet poor cottages. There, his friends that did accom 
pany him asked him merrily, if there were any contending 
for offices in that town, and whether there were any strife 
there amongst the noblemen for honour. Caesar, speaking in 
good earnest, answered : ' I cannot tell that,' said he, ' but 
for my part, I had rather be the chiefest man here, than the 
second person in Rome.' Another time also when he was 
in Spain, reading the history of Alexander's acts, when he 
had read it, he was sorrowful a good while after, and then 
burst out in weeping. His friends seeing that, marvelled 
what should be the cause of his sorrow. He answered them, 
' Do ye not think,' said he, * that I have good cause to be 
heavy, when King Alexander, being no older than myself 
is now, had in old time won so many nations and countries : 
and that I hitherunto have done nothing worthy of my 
self ? ' Therefore, when he was come into Spain, he was very 
careful of his business, and had in few days joined ten new 
ensigns more of footmen unto the other twenty which he 
had before. Then, marching forward against the 


CalaTcans and Lusitanians, he conquered all, and acts in 


went as far as the great sea Oceanus, subduing all 
the people which before knew not the Romans for their 
Lords. There he took order for pacifying of the war, and 
did as wisely take order for the establishing of peace. For 
he did reconcile the cities together, and made them friends 
VOL. i. c 


one with another, but specially he pacified all suits of law 

and strife betwixt the debtors and creditors, which grew by 

reason of usury. For he ordained that the credi- 

Caesar s ' 

order tors should take yearly two parts of the revenue of 


the their debtors, until such time as they had paid 

themselves : and that the debtors should have the 
third part to themselves to live withal. He, having 
won great estimation by this good order taken, returned from 
this government very rich, and his soldiers also full of rich 
, spoils, who called him Imperator, to say, sovereign 
soldiers captain. Now the Romans having a custom, that 
him im- such as demanded honour of triumph should 
remain a while without the city, and that they on 
th' other side which sued for the Consulship should of neces 
sity be there in person : Caesar coming unhappily at that 
very time when the Consuls were chosen, he sent to pray the 
Senate to do him that favour, that, being absent, he might 
by his friends sue for the Consulship. Cato at the first did 
vehemently inveigh against it, vouching an express law for 
bidding the contrary. But afterwards perceiving that not 
withstanding the reasons he alleged, many of the Senators 
(being won by Caesar) favoured his request, yet he cun 
ningly sought all he could to prevent them, prolonging time, 
dilating his oration until night. Caesar thereupon deter 
mined rather to give over the suit of his triumph, and to 
make suit for the Consulship : and so came into the city, 
and had such a device with him, as went beyond them all 


but Cato only. His device was this. Pompey and Crassus, 
two of the greatest personages of the city of Rome, Caesar 
being at jar together, Caesar made them friends, po^'y th 
and by that means got unto himself the power of ^ 
them both : for by colour of that gentle act and together, 
friendship of his he subtly (unwares to them all) did 
greatly alter and change the state of the commonwealth. 
For it was not the private discord between Pompey and 
Caesar, as many men thought, that caused the civil war : 
but rather it was their agreement together, who joined all 
their powers first to overthrow the state of the Senate and 
nobility, and afterwards they fell at jar one with c ato - s 

another. But Cato, that then foresaw and for fight 

ana pro- 
prophesied many times what would follow, was phecy. 

taken but for a vain man : but afterwards they found him 
a wiser man, than happy in his counsel. Thus Caesar be 
ing brought unto the assembly of the election in the midst 
of these two noble persons whom he had before Caesar's 
reconciled together : he was there chosen Consul, suiship"" 
with Calphurnius Bibulus, without gainsaying or w ^ rn ^ al " 
contradiction of any man. Now, when he 'was Bibulus. 
entered into his office, he began to put forth laws meeter 
for a seditious Tribune of the people than for a Consul : 
because by them he preferred the division of lands, Caesar's 
and distributing of corn to every citizen, gratis, to laws< 
please them withal. But when the noblemen of the Senate 
were against his device, he desiring no better occasion 


began to cry out and to protest, that by the overhard- 
Lex ness and austerity of the Senate they drave him 

agraria. a g a ; ns t his will to lean unto the people : and there 
upon having Crassus on th' one side of him, and Pompey on 
th' other, he asked them openly in th' assembly, if they did 
give their consent unto the laws which he had put forth. They 
both answered, they did. Then he prayed them to stand by 
him against those that threatened him with force of sword to 
let him. Crassus gave him his word, he would. Pompey also 
did the like, and added thereunto, that he would come with 
his sword and target both against them that would with 
stand him with their swords. These words offended much 
the Senate, being far unmeet for his gravity, and undecent 
for the majesty and honour he carried, and most of all un 
comely for the presence of the Senate whom he should have 
reverenced : and were speeches fitter for a rash light-headed 
youth than for his person. Howbeit the common people 
Caesar on tn ' other side, they rejoiced. Then Caesar, 
hi^ ru because he would be more assured of Pompey's 
juHa^nto power and friendship, he gave him his daughter 
Pompey. Julia in marriage, which was made sure before unto 
Servilius Caepio, and promised him in exchange Pompey's 
Caesar daughter, the which was sure also unto Faustus 
Caiphul tne son of S 7 lla - And shortly after also, Caesar 
daughter Se ^ ^d marry Calphurnia, the daughter of Piso, 
ofPiso. whom he caused to be made Consul to succeed 
him the next year following. Cato then cried out with 


open mouth, and called the gods to witness, that it was a 
shameful matter, and not to be suffered, that they should in 
that sort make havoc of the Empire of Rome, by such horrible 
bawdy matches, distributing among themselves through those 
wicked marriages the governments of the provinces and of 
great armies. Calphurnius Bibulus, fellow Consul with 
Caesar, perceiving that he did contend in vain, making all 
the resistance he could to withstand this law, and that 
oftentimes he was in danger to be slain with Cato in the 
market-place and assembly : he kept close in his house all 
the rest of his Consulship. When Pompey had Pompey 
married Julia, he filled all the market-place with "* 

soldiers, and by open force authorised the laws Caesars 




which Caesar made in the behalf of the people. 
Furthermore, he procured that Caesar had Gaul on this side 
and beyond the Alps, and all Illyria, with four legions, 
granted him for five years. Then Cato standing up 
to speak against it, Caesar bade his officers lay hold sent Cato 
of him, and carry him to prison, thinking he would 
have appealed unto the Tribunes. But Cato said never a 
word, when he went his way. Caesar perceiving then, that 
not only the Senators and nobility were offended, but that 
the common people also, for the reverence they bare unto 
Cato's virtues, were ashamed, and went away with silence : 
he himself secretly did pray one of the Tribunes that he 
would take Cato from the officers. But after he had 
played this part, there were few Senators that would be 


President of the Senate under him, but left the city, because 
they could not away with his doings. And of them there 
was an old man called Considius, that on a time boldly told 
him the rest durst not come to council, because they were 
afraid of his soldiers. Caesar answered him again : ' And 
why then dost not thou keep thee at home for the same 
fear ? ' Considius replied, ' Because my age taketh away 
fear from me : for, having so short a time to live, I have no 
care to prolong it further.' The shamefullest part that 
Caesar played while he was Consul seemeth to be this : 
when he chose P. Clodius Tribune of the people, that had 
offered his wife such dishonour, and profaned the holy 
ancient mysteries of the women, which were celebrated in 

his own house. Clodius sued to be Tribune to no 
Clodius other end but to destroy Cicero : and Caesar 
clclroout self also departed not from Rome to his army 

before he had set them together by the ears, and 
driven Cicero out of Italy. All these things they say he did, 
before the wars with the Gauls. But the time of the great 
armies and conquests he made afterwards, and of the war in 
the which he subdued all the Gauls (entering into another 
course of life far contrary unto the first), made him to be 

known for as valiant a soldier and as excellent a 


a valiant captain to lead men, as those that afore him had 

soldier and * 

a skilful been counted the wisest and most valiantest generals 

that ever were, and that by their valiant deeds had 

achieved great honour. For whosoever would compare the 


house of the Fabians, of the Scipios, of the Metellians, yea 
those also of his own time, or long before him, as Sylla, 
Marius, the two Lucullians, and Pompey self, 

Whose fame ascendeth up unto the heavens : 

it will appear that Caesar's prowess and deeds of arms did 
excel them all together. The one, in the hard countries 
where he made wars : another, in enlarging the realms and 
countries which he joined unto the Empire of Rome : 
another, in the multitude and power of his enemies whom 
he overcame : another, in the rudeness and austere nature 
of men with whom he had to do, whose manners afterwards 
he softened and made civil : another, in courtesy and 
clemency which he used unto them whom he had con 
quered : another, in great bounty and liberality bestowed 
upon them that served under him in those wars : and in 
fine, he excelled them all in the number of battles he had 
fought, and in the multitude of his enemies he 

Caesar s 

had slain in battle. For in less than ten years' conquests 
war in Gaul he took by force and assault above 
eight hundred towns : he conquered three hundred several 
nations : and having before him in battle thirty hundred 
thousand soldiers, at sundry times he slew ten The love 
hundred thousand of them, and took as many more Aspect of 
prisoners. Furthermore, he was so entirely be- ^fgrs 5 
loved of his soldiers, that to do him service (where unto him - 
otherwise they were no more than other men in any private 


quarrel) if Caesar's honour were touched, they were invincible, 
and would so desperately venture themselves, and with such 
fury, that no man was able to abide them. And this ap- 
The peareth plainly by the example of Acilius : who, 

vaTa d nt r neL in a battle by sea before the city of Marseilles, 
Cassb's" 5 ' boarding one of his enemies ships, one cut off his 
Scaeva, Hght hand with a sword, but yet he forsook not 

and divers 

others of hi s target which he had in his left hand, but thrust 

Caesar s ... 

soldiers. it in his enemies faces, and made them fly, so that 
he won their ship from them. And Cassius Scaeva also, in a 
conflict before the city of Dyrrachium, having one of his 
eyes put out with an arrow, his shoulder stricken through 
with a dart, and his thigh with another, and having re 
ceived thirty arrows upon his shield : he called to his 
enemies, and made as though he would yield unto them. 
But when two of them came running to him, he clave one 
of their shoulders from his body with his sword, and hurt 
the other in the face : so that he made him turn his back, 
and at the length saved himself, by means of his companions 
that came to help him. And in Britain also, when the 
captains of the bands were driven into a marish or bog full 
of mire and dirt, and that the enemies did fiercely assail 
them there : Caesar then standing to view the battle, he 
saw a private soldier of his thrust in among the captains, 
and fought so valiantly in their defence that at the length he 
drave the barbarous people to fly and by his means saved the 
captains, which otherwise were in great danger to have been 


cast away. Then this soldier, being the hindmost man of all 
the captains, marching with great pain through the mire 
and dirt, half swimming and half afoot, in the end got to 
the other side, but left his shield behind him. Caesar, 
wondering at his noble courage, ran to him with joy to 
embrace him. But the poor soldier hanging down his head, 
the water standing in his eyes, fell down at Caesar's feet, 
and besought him to pardon him, for that he had left his 
target behind him. And in Africk also, Scipio having 
taken one of Caesar's ships, and Granius Petronius Granius 
aboard on her amongst other, not long before Petronius - 
chosen treasurer : he put all the rest to the sword but him, 
and said he would give him his life. But Petronius an 
swered him again : that Caesar's soldiers did not use to have 
their lives given them, but to give others their lives : and 
with those words he drew his sword, and thrust himself 
through. Now Caesar's self did breed this noble courage 
and life in them. First, for that he gave them bountifully, 
and did honour them also, shewing thereby, that he did not 
heap up riches in the wars to maintain his life afterwards in 
wantonness and pleasure, but that he did keep it in store, 
honourably to reward their valiant service : and that by so 
much he thought himself rich, by how much he was liberal 
in rewarding of them that had deserved it. Furthermore, 
they did not wonder so much at his valiantness in putting 
himself at every instant in such manifest danger, and in 
taking so extreme pains as he did, knowing that it was his 

' ' 


greedy desire of honour that set him afire, and pricked him 
forward to do it : but that he always continued all labour 
and hardness, more than his body could bear, that filled them 
all with admiration. For concerning the constitution of his 
body, he was lean, white, and soft skinned, and often subject 
to headache, and otherwhile to the falling sickness, 

Caesar had . . 

the falling (the which took him the first time, as it is reported, 

sickness. . x*. i i r o > i ir 

in Corduba, a city of Spain) : but yet therefore 
yielded not to the disease of his body, to make it a cloak 
to cherish him withal, but contrarily took the pains of war 
as a medicine to cure his sick body, fighting always with his 
disease, travelling continually, living soberly, and commonly 
lying abroad in the field. For the most nights he slept in 
his coach or litter, and thereby bestowed his rest, to make 
him always able to do something : and in the daytime, he 
would travel up and down the country to see towns, castles, 
and strong places. He had always a secretary with him in 
his coach, who did still write as he went by the way, and a 
soldier behind him that carried his sword. He made such 
speed the first time he came from Rome, when he had his 
office, that in eight days he came to the river of Rhone. 
He was so excellent a rider of horse from his youth that, 
holding his hands behind him, he would gallop his horse 
upon the spur. In his wars in Gaul, he did further exercise 
himself to indite letters as he rode by the way, and did 
occupy two secretaries at once with as much as they could 
write : and, as Oppius writeth, more than two at a time. 


And it is reported, that Caesar was the first that devised 
friends might talk together by writing ciphers in letters, 
when he had no leisure to speak with them for his urgent 
business, and for the great distance besides from Rome. 
How little accompt Caesar made of his diet, this The tem- 
example doth prove it. Caesar supping one night Caesar* 5 in 
in Milan with his friend Valerius Leo, there was 
served sperage to his board, and oil of perfume put into 
it instead of salad oil. He simply ate it, and found Caesar's 
no fault, blaming his friends that were offended : S blame * 
and told them, that it had been enough for them hls fnend " 
to have abstained to eat of that they misliked, and not to 
shame their friend, and how that he lacked good manner 
that found fault with his friend. Another time as he 
travelled through the country, he was driven by foul 
weather on the sudden to take a poor man's cottage, that 
had but one little cabin in it, and that was so narrow, that 
one man could but scarce lie in it. Then he said to his 
friends that were about him : ' Greatest rooms are meetest 
for greatest men, and the most necessary rooms for the sickest 
persons.' And thereupon he caused Oppius that was sick 
to lie there all night : and he himself, with the rest of his 
friends, lay without doors, under the easing of the house. 
The first war that Caesar made with the Gauls was with 
the Helvetians and Tigurinians, who, having set fire of all 
their good cities, to the number of twelve, and four hundred 
villages besides, came to invade that part of Gaul which was 


subject to the Romans, as the Cimbri and Teutons had done 
before : unto whom for valiantness they gave no place, and 
they were also a great number of them (for they were three 
hundred thousand souls in all) whereof there were a hundred 
four-score and ten thousand fighting men. Of those, it was 

not Caesar himself that overcame the Tigurinians, 
rinians but Labienus his Lieutenant, that overthrew them 
Lablenus. by the river of Arar. But the Helvetians them- 
Arar ' selves came suddenly with their army to set upon 
him, as he was going towards a city of his confederates. 
Caesar, perceiving that, made haste to get him some place ot 
strength, and there did set his men in battle ray. When 

one brought him his horse to get up on which 
fused his he used in battle, he said unto them : ' When 

horsewhen T , . T ... , 

he fought I have overcome mine enemies, I will then get 
up on him to follow the chase, but now let us 
give them charge.' Therewith he marched forward afoot, 
and gave charge : and there fought it out a long time, 
before he could make them fly that were in battle. But 
the greatest trouble he had was to distress their camp, and 
to break their strength which they had made with their 
carts. For there they that before had fled from the battle 
did not only put themselves in force, and valiantly fought it 
TheHel- out kut their wives and children also fighting for 
Iki'n "b their ^ ves to t ^ ie death were a ^ slain, and the 
Caesar. battle was scant ended at midnight. Now if the 
act of this victory was famous, unto that he also added 


another as notable, or exceeding it. For of all the bar 
barous people that had escaped from this battle he gathered 
together again above a hundred thousand of them, and com 
pelled them to return home into their country which they 
had forsaken, and unto their towns also which they had 
burnt : because he feared the Germans would come over 
the river of Rhine, and occupy that country lying Rhenus fl. 
void. The second war he made was in defence of Caesar 
the Gauls against the Germans : although before J^'K^ 
he himself had caused Ariovistus their king to be Anovistus 
received for a confederate of the Romans. Notwithstanding, 
they were grown very unquiet neighbours, and it appeared 
plainly that, having any occasion offered them to enlarge 
their territories, they would not content them with their 
own, but meant to invade and possess the rest of Gaul. 
Caesar perceiving that some of his captains trembled for 
fear, but specially the young gentlemen of noble houses of 
Rome, who thought to have gone to the wars with him as 
only for their pleasure and gain : he called them to council, 
and commanded them that were afraid, that they should 
depart home, and not put themselves in danger against their 
wills, sith they had such womanish faint hearts to shrink 
when he had need of them. And for himself, he said, he 
would set upon the barbarous people, though he had left 
him but the tenth legion only, saying that the enemies were 
no valianter than the Cimbri had been, nor that he was a 
captain inferior unto Marius. This oration being made, 


the soldiers of the tenth legion sent their lieutenants unto 
him, to thank him for the good opinion he had of them : 
and the other legions also fell out with their captains, and 
all of them together followed him many days' journey with 
good will to serve him, until they came within two hundred 
furlongs of the camp of the enemies. Ariovistus' courage 
was well cooled, when he saw Caesar was come, and that 
the Romans came to seek out the Germans, where they 
thought and made accompt that they durst not have 
abidden them : and therefore, nothing mistrusting it would 
have come so to pass, he wondered much at Caesar's courage, 
and the more when he saw his own army in a maze withal. 
But much more did their courages fall by reason of the 
foolish women prophesiers they had among them, 
women of which did foretell things to come : who, consider- 

Germany, , , . , _ . . . , 

how they ing the waves and trouble of the rivers, and the 

did foretell ..... , . , . 

things to terrible noise they made running down the stream, 
did forewarn them not to fight until the new 
moon. Caesar having intelligence thereof, and perceiving 
that the barbarous people thereupon stirred not, thought it 
best then to set upon them, being discouraged with this 
superstitious fear, rather than, losing time, he should tarry 
their leisure. So he did skirmish with them even to their 
forts and little hills where they lay, and by this means pro 
voked them so, that with great fury they came down to 
fight. There he overcame them in battle, and followed 
them in chase, with great slaughter, three hundred furlong, 


even unto the river of Rhine : and he filled all the fields 
thitherto with dead bodies and spoils. Howbeit 
Ariovistus, flying with speed, got over the river of Ariovistus 
Rhine, and escaped with a few of his men. It is thrown by 
said that there were slain four-score thousand 
persons at this battle. After this exploit, Caesar left his 
army amongst the Sequanes to winter there : and he him 
self in the meantime, thinking of th' affairs at Rome, went 
over the mountains into Gaul about the river of Po, being 
part of his province which he had in charge. For there 
the river called Rubico divideth the rest of Italy from Gaul 
on this side the Alps. Caesar lying there did practise to 
make friends in Rome, because many came thither to see 
him : unto whom he granted their suits they demanded, 
and sent them home also, partly with liberal rewards, and 
partly with large promises and hope. Now, during all this 
conquest of the Gauls, Pompey did not consider how Caesar 
interchangeably did conquer the Gauls with the weapons of 
the Romans, and won the Romans again with the money ot 
the Gauls. Caesar being advertised that the Belgae (which 
were the warlikest men of all the Gauls, and that occupied 
the third part of Gaul) were all up in arms, and had raised 
a great power of men together : he straight made towards 
them with all possible speed, and found them The Bel . 
spoiling and over-running the country of the Gauls, ^mTby 
their neighbours, and confederates of the Romans. Caesar - 
So he gave them battle, and, they fighting cowardly, he 


overthrew the most part of them which were in a troop 
together, and slew such a number of them, that the Romans 
passed over deep rivers and lakes afoot upon their dead 
bodies, the rivers were so full of them. After this over 
throw, they that dwelt nearest unto the seaside, and were 
next neighbours unto the ocean, did yield themselves with 
out any compulsion or fight : whereupon, he led his army 
against the Nervians, the stoutest warriors of all 

Nervii the . _, , _. n ... . . 

stoutest the Belgae. I hey, dwelling in the wood country, 
of ail the had conveyed their wives, children, and goods 
ae ' into a marvellous great forest, as far from their 
enemies as they could : and being about the number of 
six-score thousand fighting men and more, they came one 
day and set upon Caesar, when his army was out of order, 
and fortifying of his camp, little looking to have fought that 
day. At the first charge they brake the horsemen of the 
Romans, and compassing in the twelfth and seventh legion, 
they slew all the centurions and captains of the bands. 
And had not Caesar self taken his shield on his arm, and, 
flying in amongst the barbarous people, made a lane through 
them that fought before him : and the tenth legion also, 
seeing him in danger, run unto him from the top of the 
hill where they stood in battle, and broken the ranks of 
their enemies : there had not a Roman escaped alive that 
day. But, taking example of Caesar's valiantness, they 
fought desperately beyond their power, and yet could not 
make the Nervians fly, but they fought it out to the death, 


till they were all in manner slain in the field. It is written 
that of three-score thousand fighting men there 
escaped only but five hundred : and of four hundred Nervii 
gentlemen and counsellors of the Romans but three cal'sarf 
saved. The Senate understanding it at Rome 
ordained that they should do sacrifice unto the gods, and keep 
feasts and solemn processions fifteen days together without 
intermission, having never made the like ordinance at Rome 
for any victory that ever was obtained. Because they saw the 
danger had been marvellous great, so many nations rising as 
they did in arms together against him : and further, the love 
of the people unto him made his victory much more famous. 
For when Caesar had set his affairs at a stay in Gaul on the 
other side of the Alps, he always used to lie about the river of 
Po in the winter-time, to give direction for the establish 
ing of things at Rome at his pleasure. For not only they 
that made suit for offices at Rome were chosen magistrates 
by means of Caesar's money which he gave them, with 
the which bribing the people they bought their voices, 
and when they were in office did all that they could to 
increase Caesar's power and greatness : but the The great 
greatest and chiefest men also of the nobility went Ro^ e 
unto Luca unto him. As Pompey, Crassus, Appius, "uca 
Praetor of Sardinia, and Nepos, Proconsul in Caesar - 
Spain. Insomuch that there were at one time six-score 
sergeants carrying rods and axes before the magistrates : 
and above two hundred Senators besides. There they 

VOL. I. I) 


fell in consultation, and determined that Pompey and 
Crassus should again be chosen Consuls the next year fol 
lowing. Furthermore, they did appoint that Caesar should 
have money again delivered him to pay his army and 
beside did prorogue the time of his government five 
years further. This was thought a very strange and an 
unreasonable matter unto wise men. For they themselves 
that had taken so much money of Caesar persuaded the 
Senate to let him have money of the common treasure, as 
though he had had none before : yea, to speak more plainly, 
they compelled the Senate unto it, sighing and lamenting to 
see the decrees they passed. Cato was not there then, for 
they had purposely sent him before into Cyprus. Howbeit 
Favonius, that followed Cato's steps, when he saw that he 
could not prevail, nor withstand them : he went out of the 
Senate in choler, and cried out amongst the people that it 
was a horrible shame. But no man did hearken to him, 
some for the reverence they bare unto Pompey and Crassus, 
and others, favouring Caesar's proceedings, did put all their 
hope and trust in him : and therefore did quiet themselves, 
and stirred not. Then Caesar, returning into Gaul beyond 
the Alps unto his army, found there a great war in the 
I es & country. For two great nations of Germany had 
Tente- no t long before passed over the river of Rhine, to 

naes, r 

people of conquer new lands : and the one of these people 

were called Ipes, and the other Tenterides. Now 

touching the battle which Caesar fought with them, he 


himself doth describe it in his commentaries in this sort. 
That the barbarous people having sent ambassadors unto 
him, to require peace for a certain time, they notwithstand 
ing, against law of arms, came and set upon him Caesar's 
as he travelled by the way, insomuch as eight r t s t e men 
hundred of their men of arms overthrew five fli e ht - 
thousand of his horsemen, who nothing at all mistrusted 
their coming. Again, that they sent him other ambassadors 
to mock him once more : but that he kept them, and there 
with caused his whole army to march against them, think 
ing it a folly and madness to keep faith with such traitorous 
barbarous breakers of leagues. Canutius writeth that the 
Senate appointing again to do new sacrifice, processions, and 
feasts, to give thanks to the gods for this victory, Cato was 
of contrary opinion, that Caesar should be delivered into 
the hands of the barbarous people, for to purge their city 
and commonwealth of this breach of faith, and to turn the 
curse upon him that was the author of it. Of . 

The Ipes 

these barbarous people which came over the Rhine, |L nd 

7 Tentendes 

(being about the number of four hundred thousand slain by 

, ... . . . Caesar. 

persons), they were all in manner slain, saving a 
very few of them, that flying from the battle got over the 
river of Rhine again, who were received by the Sicambrians, 
another people of the Germans. Caesar taking sicambri, 
this occasion against them, lacking no good will of of 1 ^ 16 
himself besides, to have the honour to be counted Germans - 
the first Roman that ever passed over the river of Rhine 


with an army : he built a bridge over it. This river is 
Caesar marvellous broad, and runneth with great fury. 
brid| e a And in that place specially where he built his 
rivMof 5 bridge, for there it is of a great breadth from one 
Rhine. S {Q to t h' other, and it hath so strong and swift a 
stream besides, that men, casting down great bodies of trees 
into the river (which the stream bringeth down with it), 
did with the great blows and force thereof marvellously 
shake the posts of the bridge he had set up. But to prevent 
the blows of those trees, and also to break the fury of the 
stream, he made a pile of great wood above the bridge a 
good way, and did forcibly ram them into the bottom of 
the river, so that in ten days' space he had set up and 
finished his bridge of the goodliest carpenter's work, and 
most excellent invention to see to, that could be possibly 
thought or devised. Then, passing over his army upon it, 
he found none that durst any more fight with him. For 
the Suevians, which were the warlikest people of all 
Germany, had gotten themselves with their goods into 
wonderful great valleys and bogs, full of woods and forests. 
Now when he had burnt all the country of his enemies, and 
confirmed the league with the confederates of the Romans, 
he returned back again into Gaul after he had tarried eigh- 
Caesar's teen days at tne most in Germany, on th' other 
in"o rn Eng- side of the Rhine. The journey he made also 
into England was a noble enterprise, and very com 
mendable. For he was the first that sailed the west Ocean 


with an army by sea, and that passed through the sea 
Atlanticum with his army, to make war in that so great and 
famous Island : (which many ancient writers would not 
believe that it was so indeed, and did make them vary about 
it, saying that it was but a fable and a lie) : and was the 
first that enlarged the Roman Empire beyond the earth 
inhabitable. For twice he passed over the narrow sea 
against the firm land of Gaul, and fighting many battles 
there, did hurt his enemies more than enrich his own men : 
because of men hardly brought up and poor there was 
nothing to be gotten. Whereupon his war had not such 
success as he looked for : and therefore, taking pledges only 
of the king, and imposing a yearly tribute upon him, to be 
paid unto the people of Rome, he returned again into Gaul. 
There he was no sooner landed, but he found letters ready 
to be sent over the sea unto him : in the which he was 
advertised from Rome of the death of his daughter, The death 
that she was dead with child by Pompey. For Caesar's 
the which Pompey and Caesar both were dau g hter - 
marvellous sorrowful : and their friends mourned also, 
thinking that this alliance, which maintained the common 
wealth (that otherwise was very tickle) in good peace and 
concord, was now severed and broken asunder, and the 
rather likely, because the child lived not long after the 
mother. So the common people at Rome took the corpse 
of Julia, in despite of the Tribunes, and buried it in the 
field of Mars. Now Caesar being driven to divide his army 


(that was very great) into sundry garrisons for the winter- 

time, and returning again into Italy as he was 

beiiion of wont : all Gaul rebelled again, and had raised 

the Gauls. 

great armies in every quarter to set upon the 
Romans, and to assay if they could distress their forts where 
they lay in garrison. The greatest number and most war 
like men of these Gauls that entered into action of rebellion 
Cotta and were led by one Ambiorix : and first did set upon 
with'their t ^ ie g arr i sons of Cotta and Titurius, whom they 
army slain. s j ew anc j a jj fa c soldiers they had about them. 
Then they went with three-score thousand fighting men to 
besiege the garrison which Quintus Cicero had in his charge, 
and had almost taken them by force, because all the soldiers 
were every man of them hurt : but they were so valiant and 
courageous, that they did more than men (as they say) in 
defending of themselves. These news being come to Caesar, 
who was far from thence at that time, he returned with all 
possible speed, and levying seven thousand soldiers made 
haste to help Cicero that was in such distress. The Gauls 
that did besiege Cicero, understanding of Caesar's coming, 
raised their siege incontinently, to go and meet him : 
making accompt that he was but a handful in their hands, 
they were so few. Caesar, to deceive them, still drew back, 
and made as though he fled from them, lodging in places 
meet for a captain that had but a few to fight with a great 
number of his enemies, and commanded his men in nowise 
to stir out to skirmish with them, but compelled them to 


raise up the rampers of his camp and to fortify the gates, as 
men that were afraid, because the enemies should the less 
esteem of them : until that at length he took opportunity by 
their disorderly coming to assail the trenches of his camp, (they 
were grown to such a presumptuous boldness and 
bravery), and then sallying out upon them he put slew the 
them all to flight with slaughter of a great number by 
of them. This did suppress all the rebellions of 
the Gauls in those parts, and furthermore, he himself in 
person went in the midst of winter thither, where he heard 
they did rebel : for that there was come a new supply out 
of Italy of three whole legions in their room which he had 
lost : of the which, two of them Pompey lent him, and the 
other legion he himself had levied in Gaul about the river 
of Po. During these stirs brake forth the begin 
ning of the greatest and most dangerous war that rebellion" 
he had in all Gaul, the which had been secretly Q^^ 
practised of long time by the chiefest and most ^esar' 
warlike people of that country, who had levied a 
wonderful great power. For everywhere they levied 
multitudes of men, and great riches besides, to fortify their 
strongholds. Furthermore, the country where they rose 
was very ill to come unto, and specially at that time being 
winter, when the rivers were frozen, the woods and forests 
covered with snow, the meadows drowned with floods, and 
the fields so deep of snow, that no ways were to be found, 
neither the marishes nor rivers to be discerned, all was so 


overflown and drowned with water : all which troubles 
together were enough (as they thought) to keep Caesar 
from setting upon the rebels. Many nations of the Gauls 
were of this conspiracy, but two of the chiefest were the 
Vercin- Arvernians and Carnutes : who had chosen Ver- 
faptain of cingetorix for their Lieutenant general, whose 
aglins e t bels f at her the Gauls before had put to death, because 
Caesar. fa e y thought he aspired to make himself king. 
This Vercingetorix, dividing his army into divers parts, 
and appointing divers captains over them, had gotten to 
take his part all the people and countries thereabout, even 
Some say as ^ ar as t ^ ie > 1 ^ at: dwell towards the sea " Adriatic, 
^ace^s'to 8 nav ' n further determined (understanding that 
the^Greek ^ ome did conspire against Caesar) to make all 
wpbs rov Gaul rise in arms against him. So that if he had 


which is but tarried a little lenger until Caesar had 
Saone. entered into his civil wars, he had put all Italy in 
as great fear and danger, as it was when the Cimbri did 
come and invade it. But Caesar, that was very valiant in 
all assays and dangers of war, and that was very skilful 
to take time and opportunity : so soon as he under 
stood the news of the rebellion, he departed with speed, 
and returned back the self same way which he had gone, 
making the barbarous people know that they should deal 
with an army unvincible, and which they could not possibly 
withstand, considering the great speed he had made with 
the same in so sharp and hard a winter. For where they 


would not possibly have believed that a post or currer could 
have come in so short a time from the place where he was 
unto them, they wondered when they saw him burning and 
destroying the country, the towns, and strong forts where 
he came with his army, taking all to mercy that yielded 
unto him : until such time as the Aedui took arms The Aedui 
against him, who before were wont to be called the against the 
brethren of the Romans, and were greatly Romans - 
honoured of them. Wherefore Caesar's men when they 
understood that they had joined with the rebels, they were 
marvellous sorry and half discouraged. Thereupon Caesar, 
departing from those parties, went through the country of 
the Lingones, to enter the country of the Bur- 
gonians, 1 who were confederates of the Romans, 
and the nearest unto Italy on that side, in respect of all the 
rest of Gaul. Thither the enemies came to set upon him, 
and to environ him of all sides with an infinite number of 
thousands of fighting men. Caesar, on th' other side, 
tarried their coming, and fighting with them a long vercinge- 
time he made them so afraid of him that at length thro X wn V< by 
he overcame the barbarous people. But at the Caesar - 
first it seemeth notwithstanding that he had received some 
overthrow : for the Arvernians shewed a sword hanged up 
in one of their temples, which they said they had won from 
Caesar. Insomuch as Caesar self, coming that way by 
occasion, saw it, and fell a-laughing at it. But some of his 
friends going about to take it away, he would not suffer 


them, but bade them let it alone and touch it not, for 
it was a holy thing. Notwithstanding, such as at 
the first had saved themselves by flying, the most of them 
The siege were gotten with their king into the city of Alexia, 
of Alexia. t k e w hi cn Caesar went and besieged, although it 
seemed inexpugnable, both for the height of the walls, as 
also for the multitude of soldiers they had to defend it. 
But now, during this siege, he fell into a marvellous great 
Caesar's danger without, almost incredible. For an army 
tb!f erand f t ' iree hundred thousand fighting men of the 
policy. best m en that were among all the nations of the 
Gauls came against him, being at the siege of Alexia, 
besides them that were within the city, which amounted 
to the number of three-score and ten thousand fighting men 
at the least : so that, perceiving he was shut in betwixt two 
so great armies, he was driven to fortify himself with two 
walls, the one against them of the city, and the other 
against them without. For if those two armies had joined 
together, Caesar had been utterly undone. And therefore 
Caesar's this siege of Alexia, and the battle he won before 
victory at ^> did deservedly win him more honour and fame 
Alexia. t j ian an y othej^ p or there, in that instant and 

extreme danger, he shewed more valiantness and wisdom 
than he did in any battle he fought before. But what a 
wonderful thing was this ! that they of the city never heard 
anything of them that came to aid them, until Caesar had 
overcome them : and furthermore, that the Romans them- 


selves which kept watch upon the wall that was built 
against the city knew also no more of it than they, but 
when it was done, and that they heard the cries and lamenta 
tions of men and women in Alexia, when they perceived 
on th' other side of the city such a number of glistering 
shields of gold and silver, such store of bloody corselets and 
armours, such a deal of plate and movables, and such a 
number of tents and pavilions after the fashion of the Gauls, 
which the Romans had gotten of their spoils in their camp. 
Thus suddenly was this great army vanished, as a dream or 
vision : where the most part of them were slain that day in 
battle. Furthermore, after that they within the city of 
Alexia had done great hurt to Caesar and themselves also : 
in the end they all yielded themselves. And 

TT- /i i i i i Alexia 

Vercingetorix (he that was their king and captain yielded up 

.... _ , 11 i to Caesar. 

in all this war) went out of the gates excellently 
well armed, and his horse furnished with rich caparison 
accordingly, and rode round about Caesar, who sate in his 
chair of estate. Then lighting from his horse, he took off 
his caparison and furniture, and unarmed himself, and laid 
all on the ground, and went and sate down at Caesar's 
feet, and said never a word. So Caesar at length committed 
him as a prisoner taken in the wars, to lead him afterwards 
in'his triumph at Rome. Now Caesar had of long time 
determined to destroy Pompey, and Pompey him also. 
For Crassus being killed amongst the Parthians, who only 
did see that one of them two must needs fall, nothing kept 


Caesar from being the greatest person, but because he de- 
stroyed not Pompey that was the greater : neither 
discord JJJ anything let Pompey to withstand that it 
Caesar and should not come to pass, but because he did not 
and the' first overcome Caesar, whom only he feared. 

cause of -111 -r 11 

the civil For till then Pompey had not long feared him, but 
always before set light by him, thinking it an easy 
matter for him to put him down when he would, sith he 
had brought him to that greatness he was come unto. But 
Caesar's Caesar contrarily, having had that drift in his head 
craftiness. f rom the beginning, like a wrestler that studieth 
for tricks to overthrow his adversary : he went far from 
Rome to exercise himself in the wars of Gaul, where he 
did train his army, and presently by his valiant deeds did 
increase his fame and honour. By these means became 
Caesar as famous as Pompey in his doings, and lacked no 
more to put his enterprise in execution but some occasions 
of colour, which Pompey partly gave him, and partly also 
the time delivered him, but chiefly the hard fortune and 
ill government at that time of the commonwealth at Rome. 
The For they that made suit for honour and offices 

wices S bought the voices of the people with ready money, 
Rome'for which they gave out openly to usury without 
money. shame or fear. Thereupon the common people 
that had sold their voices for money came to the market 
place at the day of election, to fight for him that had hired 
them ; not with their voices, but with their bows, slings, 


and swords. So that the assembly seldom time brake up 
but that the pulpit for orations was defiled and sprinkled 
with the blood of them that were slain in the market-place, 
the city remaining all that time without government of 
magistrate, like a ship left without a pilot. Insomuch as 
men of deep judgement and discretion, seeing such fury and 
madness of the people, thought themselves happy if the 
commonwealth were no worse troubled, than with the abso 
lute state of a monarchy and sovereign lord to govern them. 
Furthermore, : there were many that were not afraid to 
speak it openly, that there was no other help to remedy the 
troubles of the commonwealth, but by the authority of one 
man only that should command them all : and that this 
medicine must be ministered by the hands of him that was 
the gentlest physician, meaning covertly Pompey. Now 
Pompey used many fine speeches, making semblance as 
though he would none of it, and yet cunningly underhand 
did lay all the irons in the fire he could, to bring it to pass, 
that he might be chosen Dictator. Cato finding the mark 
he shot at, and fearing lest in the end the people should be 
compelled to make him Dictator : he persuaded the Senate 
rather to make him sole Consul, that, contenting himself 
with that more just and lawful government, he should not 
covet the other unlawful. The Senate, following his p ornpey 
counsel, did not only make him Consul, but further f p^and 
did prorogue his government of the provinces he Africk - 
had. For he had two provinces, all Spain and Africk, the 


which he governed by his Lieutenants : and further he 
received yearly of the common treasure to pay his 
soldiers a thousand talents. Hereupon Caesar took 
sueth the occasion also to send his men to make suit in his 
dmTto be name for the Consulship, and also to have the 
andto' government of his provinces prorogued. Pompey 
have his at ^6 fi rst held his p eace> g ut Marcellus and 


ment Lentulus (that otherwise hated Caesar) withstood 


them, and to shame and dishonour him, had much 
needless speech in matters of weight. Furthermore, they 
took away the freedom from the Colonies which Caesar 
had lately brought unto the city of Novum Comum in 
Gaul towards Italy, where Caesar not long before had 
lodged them. And moreover, when Marcellus was Consul, 
he made one of the Senators in that city to be whipped 
with rods, who came to Rome about those matters : and 
said, he gave him those marks that he should know he was 
no Roman Citizen, and bade him go his way, and tell 
Caesar of it. After Marcellus' Consulship, Caesar, setting 
open his coffers of the treasure he had gotten among the 
Gauls, did frankly give it out amongst the Magistrates at 

Rome, without restraint or spare. First, he set 
bribeth Curio the Tribune clear out of debt : and gave 
trates at also unto Paul the Consul a thousand five hundred 

talents, with which money he built that notable 
palace by the market-place, called Paul's Basilick, in the 
place of Fulvius' Basilick. Then Pompey, being afraid of 


this practice, began openly to procure, both by himself and 
his friends, that they should send Caesar a successor : and 
moreover, he sent unto Caesar for his two legions of men 
of war which he had lent him for the conquest of Gaul. 
Caesar sent him them again, and gave every private soldier 
two hundred and fifty silver drachmas. Now they that 
brought these two legions back from Caesar gave out ill 
and seditious words against him among the people, and did 
also abuse Pompey with false persuasions and vain hopes, 
informing him that he was marvellously desired and wished 
for in Caesar's camp : and that though in Rome, 
for the malice and secret spite which the governors abused by 
there did bear him, he could hardly obtain that 
he desired, yet in Gaul he might assure himself, that all 
the army was at his commandment. They added further 
also that, if the soldiers there did once return over the 
mountains again into Italy, they would all straight come 
to him, they did so hate Caesar : because he wearied them 
with too much labour and continual fight, and withal, for 
that they suspected he aspired to be king. These words 
breeding security in Pompey, and a vain conceit of himself, 
made him negligent in his doings, so that he made no pre 
paration for war, as though he had no occasion to be afraid, 
but only studied to thwart Caesar in speech, and to cross 
the suits he made. Howbeit Caesar passed not of all this. 
For the report went that one of Caesar's Captains which 
was sent to Rome to prosecute his suit, being at the Senate 


door, and hearing that they denied to prorogue Caesar's time 
of government which he sued for : clapping his hand upon 
his sword, he said, ' Sith you will not grant it him, this shall 
give it him.' Notwithstanding, the requests that Caesar 
propounded carried great semblance of reason with them. 
Caesar's F r he said that he was contented to lay down 
umo'the arms, so that Pompey did the like : and that both 
Senate. o f t h em as p r i v ate persons should come and make 
suit of their Citizens to obtain honourable recompense : 
declaring unto them, that taking arms from him, and 
granting them unto Pompey, they did wrongfully accuse 
him in going about to make himself a tyrant, and in the 
meantime to grant the other means to be a tyrant. Curio 
making these offers and persuasions openly before the people, 
in the name of Caesar, he was heard with great rejoicing 
and clapping of hands, and there were some that cast 
flowers and nosegays upon him when he went his way, as 
they commonly use to do unto any man, when he hath 
obtained victory, and won any games. Then Antonius, 
one of the Tribunes, brought a letter sent from Caesar, and 
made it openly to be read in despite of the Consuls. But 
Scipio in the Senate, Pompey's father-in-law r , made this 
motion : that if Caesar did not dismiss his army by a cer 
tain day appointed him, the Romans should proclaim him 
an enemy unto Rome. Then the Consuls openly asked in 
the presence of the Senators, if they thought it good that 
Pompey should dismiss his army : but few agreed to that 


demand. After that again they asked, if they liked that 
Caesar should dismiss his army : thereto they all in manner 
answered, yea, yea. But when Antonius requested again 
that both of them should lay down arms : then they were 
all indifferently of his mind. Notwithstanding, because 
Scipio did insolently behave himself, and Marcellus also, who 
cried that they must use force of arms, and not men's 
opinions, against a thief, the Senate rose straight upon it 
without further determination, and men changed apparel 
through the city because of this dissension, as they use to 
do in a common calamity. After that, there came other 
letters from Caesar, which seemed much more reasonable : 
in the which he requested that they would grant him Gaul, 
that lieth between the mountains of the Alps and Italy, and 
Illyria, with two legions only, and then that he would re 
quest nothing else, until he made suit for the second Consul 
ship. Cicero the Orator, that was newly come from his 
government of Cilicia, travailed to reconcile them together, 
and pacified Pompey the best he could : who told him, he 
would yield to anything he would have him, so he did let 
him alone with his army. So Cicero persuaded Caesar's 
friends to be contented to take those two provinces, and six 
thousand men only, that they might be friends and at peace 
together. Pompey very willingly yielded unto it and 
granted them. But Lentulus the Consul would not agree 
to it, but shamefully drave Curio and Antonius out of the 
Senate : whereby they themselves gave Caesar a happy 

VOL. I. E 


occasion and colour as could be, stirring up his soldiers the 
more against them, when he shewed them these 


and Curio, two notable men and Tribunes of the people that 

Tribunes ...... . . , 

of the were driven to fly, disguised like slaves, in a carrier s 

Eeople, fly . , . c r , 

omRome cart, ror they were driven for tear to steal out 

of Rome, disguised in that manner. Now at that 
time, Caesar had not in all about him above five thousand 
footmen, and three thousand horsemen : for the rest of his 
army he left on th' other side of the Mountains, to be brought 
after him by his Lieutenants. So, considering that for th' 
execution of his enterprise he should not need so many men 
of war at the first, but rather, suddenly stealing upon them, 
to make them afraid with his valiantness, taking benefit ot 
the opportunity of time, because he should more easily make 
his enemies afraid of him, coming so suddenly when they 
looked not for him, then he should otherwise distress them, 
assailing them with his whole army, in giving them leisure 
to provide further for him : he commanded his Captains 
and Lieutenants to go before, without any other armour 
than their swords, to take the city of Ariminum, (a great 
city of Gaul, being the first city men come to, when they 
come out of Gaul), with as little bloodshed and tumult as 
they could possible. Then committing that force and army 
he had with him unto Hortensius, one of his friends, he 
remained a whole day together, openly in the sight of every 
man, to see the sword-players handle their weapons before 
him. At night he went into his lodging, and bathing his 


body a little, came afterwards into the hall amongst them, 
and made merry with them a while whom he had bidden to 
supper. Then when it was well forward night and very 
dark, he rose from the table, and prayed his company to be 
merry, and no man to stir, for he would straight come to 
them again : howbeit he had secretly before commanded 
a few of his trustiest friends to follow him, not altogether, 
but some one way, and some another way. He himself in 
the meantime took a coach he had hired, and made as 
though he would have gone some other way at the first, 
but suddenly he turned back again towards the city of 
Ariminum. When he was come unto the little Caesar's 
river of Rubicon, which divideth Gaul on this side thoughts 
the Alps from Italy, he stayed upon a sudden, ^ v ^ e of 
For the nearer he came to execute his purpose, Rublcon - 
the more remorse he had in his conscience, to think what an 
enterprise he took in hand : and his thoughts also fell out 
more doubtful, when he entered into consideration of the 
desperateness of his attempt. So he fell into many thoughts 
with himself, and spake never a word, waving sometime one 
way, sometime another way, and oftentimes changed his 
determination, contrary to himself. So did he talk much 
also with his friends he had with him, amongst whom was 
Asinius Pollio, telling them what mischiefs the beginning of 
this passage over that river would breed in the world, and 
how much their posterity and them that lived after them 
would speak of it in time to come. But at length, casting 


from him with a noble courage all those perilous thoughts 
to come, and speaking these words, which valiant men com 
monly say that attempt dangerous and desperate enterprises, 
' A desperate man feareth no danger, come on ! ' 
useth'this' he P ass d over the river, and when he was come 
phrase of over ne ran w fth his coach and never stayed, so 

speech : ' _ 

'Cast the that before daylight he was within the city of 
Caesar Ariminum, and took it. It is said that the night 

took the 

city of before he passed over this river he dreamed a 
Caesar's damnable dream, that he carnally knew his mother, 
damnable ^he c j t y o f Ariminum being taken, and the 

dream. ' 

rumour thereof dispersed through all Italy, even 
as if it had been open war both by sea and land, and 
as if all the Laws of Rome together with th' extreme 
bounds and confines of the same had been broken up : a 
man would have said, that not only the men and women for 
fear, as experience proved at other times, but whole cities 
themselves, leaving their habitations, fled from one place to 
another through all Italy. And Rome itself also was 
Rome in immediately filled with the flowing repair of all 
uproar the people their neighbours thereabouts, which 
Caesar's came thither from all parties like droves of cattle, 

coming. A 

that there was neither officer nor Magistrate that 
could any more command them by authority, neither by 
any persuasion of reason bridle such a confused and 
disorderly multitude : so that Rome had in manner 
destroyed itself for lack of rule and order. For in 


all places men were of contrary opinions, and there 
were dangerous stirs and tumults everywhere : because they 
that were glad of this trouble could keep in no certain place, 
but running up and down the city, when they met with 
others in divers places, that seemed either to be afraid or 
angry with this tumult (as otherwise it is impossible in so 
great a city), they flatly fell out with them, and boldly 
threatened them with that that was to come. Pompey 
himself, who at that time was not a little amazed, was yet 
much more troubled with the ill words some gave him on 
the one side, and some on the other. For some of them 
reproved him and said that he had done wisely, and had 
paid for his folly, because he had made Caesar so great and 
strong against him and the commonwealth. And other 
again did blame him, because he had refused the honest 
offers and reasonable conditions of peace which Caesar had 
offered him, suffering Lentulus the Consul to abuse him too 
much. On th' other side, Favonius spake unto him, and 
bade him stamp on the ground with his foot : for Pompey, 
being one day in a bravery in the Senate, said openly : let 
no man take thought for preparation of war, for when he 
listed, with one stamp of his foot on the ground, he would 
fill all Italy with soldiers. This notwithstanding, Pompey 
at that time had greater number of soldiers than Caesar : 
but they would never let him follow his own determination. 
For they brought him so many lies, and put so many 
examples of fear before him, as if Caesar had been already 


at their heels, and had won all : so that in the end he 

yielded unto them, and gave place to their fury and 

madness, determining (seeing all things in such tumult and 

earboil) that there was no way but to forsake the 

Pompey f ' 

flieth from city, and thereupon commanded the Senate to 
follow him, and not a man to tarry there, unless 
he loved tyranny more than his own liberty and the 
commonwealth. Thus the Consuls themselves, before they 
had done their common sacrifices accustomed at their going 
out of the city, fled every man of them. So did likewise 
the most part of the Senators, taking their own things in 
haste, such as came first to hand, as if by stealth they had 
taken them from another. And there were some of them also 
that always loved Caesar, whose wits were then so troubled 
and besides themselves with the fear they had conceived, 
that they also fled and followed the stream of this tumult 
without manifest cause or necessity. But above all things, 
it was a lamentable sight to see the city itself, that in this 
fear and trouble was left at all adventure, as a ship tossed in 
storm of sea, forsaken of her Pilots, and despairing of her 
safety. This their departure being thus miserable, yet men 
esteemed their banishment (for the love they bare unto 
Pompey) to be their natural country, and reckoned 

Labienus r / / / ' 

forsook Rome no better than Caesar's camp. At that time 


and fled to also, Labienus, who was one of Caesar's greatest 

friends, and had been always used as his Lieutenant 

in the wars of Gaul, and had valiantly fought in his cause, he 


likewise forsook him then, and fled unto Pompey. But Caesar 
sent his money and carriage after him, and then went and 
encamped before the city of Corfinium, the which Domitius 
kept with thirty cohorts or ensigns. When Domitius saw 
he was besieged, he straight thought himself but undone, 
and despairing of his success he bade a Physician, a slave of 
his, give him poison. The Physician gave him a drink 
which he drank, thinking to have died. But shortly after, 
Domitius, hearing them report what clemency and wonder 
ful courtesy Caesar used unto them he took, repented him 
then that he had drunk his drink, and began to lament and 
bewail his desperate resolution taken to die. The Physician 
did comfort him again, and told him that he had taken a 
drink only to make him sleep, but not to destroy him. 
Then Domitius rejoiced, and went straight and Domitius 
yielded himself unto Caesar, who gave him his life : from pe 
but he notwithstanding stale away immediately, ai ^<f S fled to 
and fled unto Pompey. When these news were p m P e y- 
brought to Rome, they did marvellously rejoice and comfort 
them that still remained there : and moreover there were 
of them that had forsaken Rome, which returned thither 
again. In the meantime, Caesar did put all Domitius' men 
in pay, and he did the like through all the cities, where he 
had taken any Captains that levied men for Pompey. Now 
Caesar, having assembled a great and dreadful power 
together, went straight where he thought to find Pompey 
himself. But Pompey tarried not his coming, but fled into 


the city of Brundusium, from whence he had sent the two 
Consuls before with that army he had unto Dyrra- 
flieth into chium : and he himself also went thither afterwards, 
when he understood that Caesar was come, as you 
shall hear more amply hereafter in his life. Caesar lacked no 
good will to follow him, but wanting ships to take the seas, he 
returned forthwith to Rome : so that in less than threescore 
days he was Lord of all Italy, without any bloodshed. Who 
when he was come to Rome, and found it much quieter 
than he looked for, and many Senators there also, he courte 
ously entreated them, and prayed them to send unto Pompey, 
to pacify all matters between them upon reasonable condi 
tions. But no man did attempt it, either because they 
feared Pompey for that they had forsaken him, or else for 
that they thought Caesar meant not as he spake, but that 
they were words of course to colour his purpose withal. 
And when Metellus also, one of the Tribunes, would not 
suffer him to take any of the common treasure out of the 
temple of Saturn, but told him that it was against the law : 
Silent leges ' Tush,' said he, 'time of war and law are two 
inter arma. t hi n g s . If this that I do,' quoth he, ' do offend 
thee, then get thee hence for this time : for war cannot 
abide this frank and bold speech. But when wars are done, 
and that we are all quiet again, then thou shalt speak in the 
pulpit what thou wilt : and yet I do tell thee this of favour, 
impairing so much my right, for thou art mine, both thou 
and all them that have risen against me, and whom I have 


in my hands.' When he had spoken thus unto Metellus, 
he went to the temple door where the treasure Caesar 
lay : and finding no keys there, he caused smiths money out 
to be sent for, and made them break open the locks. e ^ e O f 
Metellus thereupon began again to withstand Saturn - 
him, and certain men that stood by praised him in his 
doing : but Caesar at length speaking bigly to him threat 
ened him he would kill him presently, if he troubled him 
any more : and told him furthermore, ' Young man,' quoth 
he, ' thou knowest it is harder for me to tell it thee than 
to do it.' That word made Metellus quake for fear, that he 
got him away roundly : and ever after that Caesar had all 
at his commandment for the wars. From thence 

Caesar s 

he went into Spain, to make war with Petreius journey 

into Spam 

and Varro, Pompey's Lieutenants: first to get their against 

, . . i-ij u-u.,1, Pompey's 

armies and provinces into his hands which they Lieu- 
governed, that afterwards he might follow Pompey 
the better, leaving never an enemy behind him. In this 
journey he was oftentimes himself in danger, through the 
ambushes that were laid for him in divers strange sorts and 
places, and likely also to have lost all his army for lack 
of victuals. All this notwithstanding, he never left follow 
ing of Pompey's Lieutenants, provoking them to battle and 
intrenching them in : until he had gotten their camp and 
armies into his hands, albeit that the Lieutenants them 
selves fled unto Pompey. When Caesar returned again to 
Rome, Piso his father-in-law gave him counsel to send 


ambassadors unto Pompey, to treat of peace. But Isauricus, 
Caesar to flatter Caesar, was against it. Caesar, being then 
Dictator. cre ated Dictator by the Senate, called home again 
all the banished men, and restored their children to honour, 
whose fathers before had been slain in Sylla's time : and 
did somewhat cut off the usuries that did oppress them, 
and besides did make some such other ordinances as those, 
but very few. For he was Dictator but eleven days only, and 
then did yield it up of himself, and made himself 

Isauricus Consul, with Servilius Isauricus, and after that de- 
Consuls. . , - ., 11 l r 1 

termined to follow the wars. All the rest of his 
army he left coming on the way behind him, and went 
himself before with six hundred horse and five legions only of 
footmen, in the winter quarter, about the month of January, 
which after the Athenians is called Posideon. Then having 

passed over the sea Ionium and landed his men, 

Caesar r 

goeth into he wan the cities of Oricum and Apollonia. Then 
dom of he sent his ships back again unto Brundusium, to 
transport the rest of his soldiers that could not 
come with that speed he did. They as they came by the 
way, (like men whose strength of body and lusty youth was 
decayed), being wearied with so many sundry battles as 
Com- they had fought with their enemies, complained 
the'oid of Caesar in this sort : ' To what end and pur- 
agains? P ose doth this man hale us after him up and 
;sar> down the world, using us like slaves and drudges ? 
It is not our armour, but our bodies that bear the 


blows away : and what, shall we never be without our 
harness on our backs, and our shields on our arms ? 
Should not Caesar think, at the least when he seeth our 
blood and wounds, that we are all mortal men, and that 
we feel the misery and pains that other men do feel ? And 
now, even in the dead of winter, he putteth us unto the 
mercy of the sea and tempest, yea, which the gods themselves 
cannot withstand : as if he fled before his enemies, and pur 
sued them not.' Thus spending time with this talk, the 
soldiers, still marching on, by small journeys came at length 
unto the city of Brundusium. But when they were come, 
and found that Caesar had already passed over the sea, then 
they straight changed their complaints and minds. For 
they blamed themselves, and took on also with their captains, 
because they had not made them make more haste in march 
ing : and sitting upon the rocks and cliffs of the sea, they 
looked over the main sea towards the Realm of Epirus, to 
see if they could discern the ships returning back to trans 
port them over. Caesar in the meantime being in the city of 
Apollonia, having but a small army to fight with Pompey, it 
grieved him for that the rest of his army was so long a-coming, 
not knowing what way to take. In the end he followed a 
dangerous determination, to embark unknown in 

.... - . , A great 

a little pinnace of twelve oars only, to pass over adventure 

i T> i i 1-11 of Caesar. 

the sea again unto Brundusium : the which he 

could not do without great danger, considering that all that 

sea was full of Pompey's ships and armies. So he took ship 


in the night apparelled like a slave, and went aboard upon 
this little pinnace, and said never a word, as if he had been 
some poor man of mean condition. The pinnace lay in the 
Aniusfl. mouth of the river of Anius, the which commonly 
was wont to be very calm and quiet, by reason of a little 
wind that came from the shore, which every morning drave 
back the waves far into the main sea. But that night, by 
ill fortune, there came a great wind from the sea that over 
came the land wind, insomuch as, the force and strength of 
the river fighting against the violence of the rage and waves 
of the sea, the encounter was marvellous dangerous, the 
water of the river being driven back and rebounding up 
ward, with great noise and danger in turning of the water. 
Thereupon the Master of the pinnace, seeing he could not 
possibly get out of the mouth of this river, bade the 
Mariners to cast about again, and to return against the 
stream. Caesar, hearing that, straight discovered himself 
unto the Master of the pinnace, who at the first was amazed 
when he saw him : but Caesar then taking him by the hand 
said unto him, ' Good fellow, be of good cheer, and for 
wards hardily, fear not, for thou hast Caesar and his fortune 
with thee.' Then the Mariners, forgetting the danger of 
the storm they were in, laid on load with oars and laboured 
for life what they could against the wind, to get out of the 
mouth of this river. But at length, perceiving they 
laboured in vain, and that the pinnace took in abundance 
of water and was ready to sink : Caesar then to his great 


grief was driven to return back again. Who when he was 
returned unto his camp, his soldiers came in great companies 
unto him, and were very sorry that he mistrusted he was 
not able with them aloneito overcome his enemies, but would 
put his person in danger, to go fetch them that were absent, 
putting no trust in them that were present. In the mean 
time Antonius arrived, and brought with him the rest of his 
army from Brundusium. Then Caesar, finding himself strong 
enough, went and offered Pompey battle, who was passingly 
well lodged for victualling of his camp both by sea 
and land. Caesar on th' other side, who had no dangers 
great plenty of victuals at the first, was in a very hard troubles 
case : insomuch as his men gathered roots and Realm of 
mingled them with milk, and ate them. Further 
more, they did make bread of it also, and sometime when 
they skirmished with the enemies, and came alongst by them 
that watched and warded, they cast of their bread into 
their trenches and said that as long as the earth brought forth 
such fruits, they would never leave besieging of Pompey. 
But Pompey straightly commanded them that they should 
neither carry those words nor bread into their camp, fearing 
lest his men's hearts would fail them, and that they would 
be afraid, when they should think of their enemies' hard 
ness, with whom they had to fight, sith they were weary 
with no pains, no more than brute beasts. Caesar's 


men did daily skirmish hard to the trenches of arm v fled 


Pompey's camp, in the which Caesar had ever the Pompey. 


better, saving once only, at what time his men fled with 
such fear, that all his camp that day was in great hazard to 
have been cast away. For Pompey came on with his battle 
upon them, and they were not able to abide it, but were 
fought with and driven into their camp, and their trenches 
were filled with dead bodies, which were slain within the 
very gate and bulwarks of their camp, they were so valiantly 
pursued. Caesar stood before them that fled, to make them 
to turn head again : but he could not prevail. For when he 
would have taken the ensigns to have stayed them, the 
ensign-bearers threw them down on the ground : so that 
the enemies took two-and-thirty of them, and Caesar's self 
also scaped hardly with life. For striking a great big 
soldier that fled by him, commanding him to stay and turn 
his face to his enemy, the soldier being afraid lift up his 
sword to strike at Caesar. But one of Caesar's pages, pre 
venting him, gave him such a blow with his sword, that he 
strake off his shoulder. Caesar that day was brought unto so 
great extremity, that (if Pompey had not either for fear or 
spiteful fortune left off to follow his victory, and retired in 
to his camp, being contented to have driven his enemies into 
their camp) returning to his camp with his friends, he said 
unto them : * The victory this day had been our enemies', 
Caesar's ^ tne 7 had had a captain that could have told how 
Pompe/s to have overcome.' So, when he was come to his 
victory. lodging, he went to bed, and that night troubled 
him more than any night that ever he had. For still his 


mind ran with great sorrow of the foul fault he had com 
mitted in leading of his army, of self-will to remain , 

' . Caesar 

there so long by the seaside, his enemies being the troubled 

... . . . . . in mind 

stronger by sea : considering that he had before after his 
him a goodly country, rich and plentiful of all 
things, and goodly cities of Macedon and Thessaly, and had 
not the wit to bring the war from thence, but to lose his 
time in a place, where he was rather besieged of his enemies 
for lack of victuals, than that he did besiege them by force of 
arms. Thus fretting and chafing to see himself so straight- 
ed with victuals, and to think of his ill luck, he raised his 
camp, intending to go set upon Scipio, making accompt, 
that either he should draw Pompey to battle against his will, 
when he had not the sea at his back to furnish him with 
plenty of victuals, or else that he should easily overcome 
Scipio, finding him alone, unless he were aided. This re 
move of Caesar's camp did much encourage Pompey's army 
and his captains, who would needs in any case have followed 
after him, as though he had been overcome, and Pompey's 
had fled. But for Pompey himself, he would in tkmforthe 
no respect hazard battle, which was a matter of 
so great importance. For finding himself well provided of 
all things necessary to tarry time, he thought it better 
to draw this war out in length by tract of time the rather 
to consume this little strength that remained in Caesar's 
army : of the which the best men were marvellous well 
trained and good soldiers, and for valiantness at one day's 


battle were incomparable. But on th' other side again, 
to remove here and there so oft, and to fortify their camp 
where they came, and to besiege any wall, or to keep watch 
all night in their armour : the most part of them could not 
do it by reason of their age, being then unable to away 
with that pains, so that the weakness of their bodies did also 
take away the life and courage of their hearts. Further 
more, there fell a pestilent disease among them, that came 
by ill meats hunger drave them to eat : yet was not this the 
worst. For, besides, he had no store of money, neither could 
tell how to come by victuals : so that it seemed in all like 
lihood, that in very short time he would come to nothing. 
For these respects Pompey would in no case fight, and yet 
had he but Cato only of his mind in that, who stuck in it the 
rather, because he would avoid shedding of his countrymen's 
blood. For when Cato had viewed the dead bodies slain in 
the camp of his enemies, at the last skirmish that was be 
tween them, the which were no less than a thousand persons, 
he covered his face and went away weeping. All other but 
he contrarily fell out with him, and blamed him, because he 
Pompey so l n g refrained from battle : and some pricked 
Agamem- him forward, and called him Agamemnon, and king 
kin"' of d f kings, sa yi n g that he delayed this war in this sort, 
kings. because he would not leave his authority to com 
mand them all, and that he was glad always to see so many 
captains round about him, which came to his lodging to 
honour him, and wait upon him. And Favonius also, a 


harebrained fellow, franticly counterfeiting the round and 
plain speech of Cato, made as though he was marvellous 
angry, and said : ' Is it not great pity that we shall not eat 
this year of Tusculum figs, and all for Pompey's ambitious 
mind to reign alone ? ' And Afranius, who not long before 
was but lately come out of Spain, (where, because he had 
but ill success, he was accused of treason, that for money 
he had sold his army unto Caesar,) he went busily asking, 
why they fought not with that merchant, unto whom they 
said he had sold the province of Spain ? So that Pompey 
with these kind of speeches, against his will, was driven to 
follow Caesar, to fight with him. Then was Caesar at the 
first marvellously perplexed and troubled by the way : 
because he found none that would give him any victuals, 
being despised of every man for the late loss and overthrow 
he had received. But after that he had taken the 

c f^ u- T-u 1 L J'J i Thecityof 

city of (jomphi in 1 hessaly, he did not only Gomphi in 
meet with plenty of victuals to relieve his army 
with, but he strangely also did rid them of their disease. 
For the soldiers, meeting with plenty of wine, drinking 
hard, and making merry, drave away the infection of the 
pestilence. For they disposed themselves unto dancing, 
masking, and playing the Baccherians by the way : inso 
much that drinking drunk they overcame their disease, and 
made their bodies new again. When they both came into 
the country of Pharsalia, and both camps lay before th' 
other, Pompey returned again to his former determination, 

VOL. I. F 


and the rather, because he had ill signs and tokens of mis 
fortune in his sleep. For he thought in his sleep 

dre^m% S that when he entered into the theatre, all the 
Romans received him with great clapping of 

The . hands. Whereupon, they that were about him 

security ' 

of the grew to such boldness and security, assuring them- 
peians. selves of victory, that Domitius, Spinther, and 
Scipio in a bravery contended between themselves for the 
chief Bishopric which Caesar had. Furthermore, there 
were divers that sent unto Rome to hire the nearest houses 
unto the market-place, as being the fittest places for Praetors 
and Consuls : making their accompt already, that those 
officers could not scape them incontinently after the wars. 
But besides those, the young gentlemen and Roman knights 
were marvellous desirous to fight, that were bravely mounted, 
and armed with glistering gilt armours, their horses fat and 
very finely kept, and themselves goodly young men, to the 
number of seven thousand, where the gentlemen of Caesar's 
side were but one thousand only. The number of his foot 
men also were much after the same reckoning, 
army as For he had five-and-forty thousand against two- 
again as and-twenty thousand. Wherefore Caesar called 
his soldiers together, and told them how Cornifi- 
cius was at hand, who brought two whole legions, and that 
he had fifteen ensigns led by Calenus, the which he made 
to stay about Megara and Athens. Then he asked them 
if they would tarry for that aid or not, or whether they 


would rather themselves alone venture battle. The soldiers 
cried out to him, and prayed him not to defer battle, but 
rather to devise some fetch to make the enemy fight as soon 
as he could. Then, as he sacrificed unto the gods for the 
purifying of his army, the first beast was no sooner sacrificed, 
but his soothsayer assured him that he should fight within 
three days. Caesar asked him again if he saw in the 
sacrifices any lucky sign or token of good luck. The 
soothsayer answered, ' For that thou shalt answer thyself 
better than I can do : for the gods do promise us a 
marvellous great change and alteration of things that are 
now, unto another clean contrary. For if thou beest well 
now, dost thou think to have worse fortune hereafter ? 
And if thou be ill, assure thyself thou shalt have better.' 
The night before the battle, as he went about A wonder 
midnight to visit the watch, men saw a great e!ement the 
firebrand in the element, all of a light fire, that Sttfeof' 
came over Caesar's camp, and fell down in ph a rsali a. 
Pompey's. In the morning also, when they relieved the 
watch, they heard a false alarm in the enemies' camp, 
without any apparent cause : which they commonly call a 
sudden fear, that makes men beside themselves. This not 
withstanding, Caesar thought not to fight that day, but 
was determined to have raised his camp from thence, and 
to have gone towards the city of Scotusa : and his tents in 
his camp were already overthrown when his scouts came 
in with great speed, to bring him news that his enemies were 


preparing themselves to fight. Then he was very glad, and, 

after he had made his prayers unto the gods to help him that 

day, he set his men in battle ray, and divided them into 

three squadrons : giving the middle battle unto 


army and Domitius Calvinus, and the left wing unto An- 

hisorderof ' . , . 

battle in tonius, and placed himself in the right wing, choos- 

the fields .... ., . . , i i < T 

ofPharsa- ing his place to fight m the tenth legion. But 
seeing that against that his enemies had set all their 
horsemen, he was half afraid when he saw the great number 
of them, and so brave besides. Wherefore he closely made 
six ensigns to come from the rearward of his battle, whom 
he had laid as an ambush behind his right wing, having 
first appointed his soldiers what they should do, when the 
Pompey's horsemen of the enemies came to give them charge. 
hirorder d On th> other side > Pompey placed himself in the 
of battle. right wing of his battle, gave the left wing unto 
Domitius, and the middle battle unto Scipio his father-in- 
law. Now all the Roman knights (as we have told you 
before) were placed in the left wing of purpose to environ 
Caesar's right wing behind, and to give their hottest charge 
there, where the general of their enemies was : making 
their accompt, that there was no squadron of footmen, how 
thick soever they were, that could receive the charge of so 
great a troop of horsemen, and that at the first onset they 
should overthrow them all and march upon their bellies. 
When the trumpets on either side did sound the alarum to 
the battle, Pompey commanded his footmen that they should 


stand still without stirring, to receive the charge of their 
enemies, until they came to throwing of their darts. 
Wherefore Caesar afterwards said that Pompey 
had committed a foul fault, not to consider that counsel 
the charge which is given running with fury, fault of 

,.,..... , , Pompey. 

besides that it giveth the more strength also unto 
their blows, doth set men's hearts also a-fire : for the 
common hurling of all the soldiers that run together is 
unto them as a box on the ear that sets men a-fire. Then 
Caesar, making his battle march forward to give the onset, 
saw one of his captains (a valiant man and very skilful in 
war, in whom he had also great confidence) speaking to his 
soldiers that he had under his charge, encouraging them to 
fight like men that day. So he called him aloud by his 
name and said unto him : ' Well, Caius Crassinius, what 
hope shall we have to-day ? How are we determined, to 
fight it out manfully ? " Then Crassinius, casting up his 
hand, answered him aloud : ' This day, O Caesar, we shall 
have a noble victory, and I promise thee ere night thou 
shalt praise me alive or dead.' When he had told him so, 
he was himself the foremost man that gave charge upon his 
enemies, with his band following of him, being about six- 
score men, and making a lane through the foremost ranks, 
with great slaughter he entered far into the battle of his 
enemies : until that, valiantly fighting in this sort, he was 
thrust in at length in the mouth with a sword, that the 
point of it came out again at his neck. Now, the footmen 


of both battles being come to sword, the horsemen of the 
The battle ^ e ^ wing of Pompey did march as fiercely also, 
fiekhfof spreading out their troops, to compass in the right 
Pharsaha. w i n g o f Caesar's battle. But before they began 
to give charge, the six ensigns of footmen which Caesar had 
laid in ambush behind him, they began to run full upon 
them, not throwing away their darts far off as they were 
wont to do, neither striking their enemies on the thighs nor 
on the legs, but to seek to hit them full in the eyes, and to 
Caesar's hurt them in the face, as Caesar had taught them, 
stratagem. p or k e j^p^ t ^ ai fa^ \ ust y voun g gentlemen 

that had not been often in the wars, nor were used to see 
themselves hurt, and the which being in the prime of their 
youth and beauty, would be afraid of those hurts, as well 
for the Tear of the present danger to be slain, as also for 
that their faces should not for ever be deformed. As indeed 
it came to pass, for they could never abide that they should 
come so near their faces with the points of their darts, but 
hung down their heads for fear to be hit with them in their 
eyes, and turned their backs, covering their face, because 
they should not be hurt. Then, breaking of themselves, 
they began at length cowardly to fly, and were occasion 
also of the loss of all the rest of Pompey's army. For they 
Caesar that had broken them ran immediately to set upon 
cometh *-hc squadron of the footmen behind, and slew 
Pompey. them. Then Pompey, seeing his horsemen from 
the other wing of his battle so scattered and dispersed flying 


away, forgat that he was any more Pompey the great which 
he had been before, but rather was like a man whose 
wits the gods had taken from him, being afraid and amazed 
with the slaughter sent from above : and so retired into his 
tent speaking never a word, and sat there to see the end of 
this battle. Until at length, all his army being overthrown 
and put to flight, the enemies came, and got up upon the 
Tampers and defence of his camp, and fought hand to hand 
with them that stood to defend the same. Then, as a man 
come to himself again, he spake but this only word : 
" What, even into our camp ? " So in haste, p ompey ' s 
casting off his coat armour and apparel of a general, fl 'g ht - 
he shifted him, and put on such as became his miserable 
fortune, and so stale out of his camp. Furthermore, what 
he did after this overthrow, and how he had put himself 
into the hands of the Egyptians, by whom he was miserably 
slain, we have set it forth at large in his life. Then Caesar, 
entering into Pompey's camp, and seeing the bodies laid on 
the ground that were slain, and others also that were 
a-killing, said, fetching a great sigh : * It was their own 
doing, and against my will.' For Caius Caesar, after he 
had won so many famous conquests, and overcome so many 
great battles, had been utterly condemned notwithstanding, 
if he had departed from his army. Asinius Pollio writeth 
that he spake these words then in Latin, which he after 
wards wrote in Greek, and saith furthermore that the 
most part of them which were put to the sword in the 


camp were slaves and bondmen, and that there were not 
slain in all at this battle above six thousand soldiers. As 
for them that were taken prisoners, Caesar did put many of 
them amongst his legions, and did pardon also many men 
Brutus f estimation, among whom Brutus was one, that 
Caesar^ afterwards slew Caesar himself: and it is reported 

taken fazt c aesar was very sorry for him, when he could 


at ll ? e , not immediately be found after the battle, and 

battle of ' 

Pharsaiia. that he rejoiced again, when he knew he was alive, 
and that he came to yield himself unto him. Caesar had 
many signs and tokens of victory before this battle : but the 
notablest of all other that happened to him was in the city 
S : gns and f Tralles. For in the temple of victory within 
Caesar's f ^e same c ' li Y there was an image of Caesar, and 
victory. t j ie ear th all about it very hard of itself, and was 
paved besides with hard stone : and yet some say that there 
sprang up a palm hard by the base of the same image. In 
A strange tne c ' ll Y f Padua, Caius Cornelius, an excellent 
Cornelius soothsayer, (a countryman and friend of Titus 
an excel- Livius the historiographer) was by chance at that 

lent prog- ' 

nosticator. t i me set to behold the flying of birds. He (as 
Livy reporteth) knew the very time when the battle began, 
and told them that were present, ' Even now they give the 
onset on both sides, and both armies do meet at this 
instant.' Then sitting down again to consider of the 
birds, after he had bethought him of the signs he suddenly 
rose up on his feet, and cried out as a man possessed with 


some spirit, ' Oh Caesar, the victory is thine.' Every 
man wondering to see him, he took the crown he had on 
his head, and made an oath that he would never put it on 
again, till the event of his prediction had proved his art 
true. Livy testifieth that it so came to pass. Caesar after 
wards giving freedom unto the Thessalians, in respect of 
the victory which he won in their country, he followed 
after Pompey. When he came into Asia, he gave freedom 
also unto the Gnidians for Theopompus' sake, who had 
gathered the fables together. He did release Asia also the 
third part of the tribute which the inhabitants paid unto 
the Romans. Then he came into Alexandria, after 
Pompey was slain : and detested Theodotus that presented 
him Pompey's head, and turned his head at o' side 
because he would not see it. Notwithstanding, he took his 
seal and beholding it wept. Furthermore, he .. 


courteously used all Pompey's friends and familiars, clemency 

, . . , in victory. 

who wandering up and down the country were 
taken of the king of Egypt, and won them all to be at his 
commandment. Continuing these courtesies, he wrote 
unto his friends at Rome, that the greatest pleasure he took 
of his victory was, that he daily saved the lives of 

1 ' . The cause 

some of his countrymen that bare arms against of Caesar's 

\vnr in 

him. And, for the war he made in Alexandria, Aiexan- 
some say he needed not have done it, but that he 
*willingly did it for the love of Cleopatra : l wherein he won 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, I. v. 29, 30, 66-74. 



little honour, and besides did put his person in great danger. 
Others do lay the fault upon the king of Egypt's ministers, 
but specially on Pothinus the eunuch, who, 
the eunuch bearing the greatest sway of all the king's servants, 
Pompeyto after he had caused Pompey to be slain and 
am> driven Cleopatra from the court, secretly laid wait 
all the ways he could how he might likewise kill Caesar. 
Wherefore Caesar, hearing an inkling of it, began 
thenceforth to spend all the night long in feasting and 
banqueting, that his person might be in the better safety. 
But besides all this, Pothinus the eunuch spake many things 
openly not to be borne, only to shame Caesar and to stir up 
the people to envy him. For he made his soldiers have the 
worst and oldest wheat that could be gotten : then, if they 
did complain of it, he told them they must be contented, 
seeing they eat at another man's cost. And he would serve 
them also at the table in treen and earthen dishes, saying 
that Caesar had away all their gold and silver, for a debt 
that the king's father (that then reigned) did owe unto him : 
which was a thousand seven hundred and fifty myriads, 
whereof Caesar had before forgiven seven hundred and fifty 
thousand unto his children. Howbeit then he asked a million 
to pay his soldiers withal. Thereto Pothinus answered him 
that at that time he should do better to follow his other 
causes of greater importance, and afterwards that he should 
at more leisure recover his debt, with the king's good will 
and favour. Caesar replied unto him and said, that he 


would not ask counsel of the Egyptians for his affairs, but 

would be paid : and thereupon secretly sent for Cleopatra 

which was in the country to come unto him. 

She, only taking Apollodorus Sicilian of all her camTfo" 

friends, took a little boat and went away with 

him in it in the night, and came and landed hard by the 

*foot of the castle. Then, having no other mean 


*to come in to the court without being known, she trussed 

up in a 

*laid herself down upon a mattress or flock-bed, mattress 
*which Apollodorus her friend tied and bound up brought to 
*together like a bundle with a great leather thong, upon 
*and so took her up on his back, and brought her dorus 
*thus hampered in this fardel unto Caesar, in at 
*the castle gate. 1 This was the first occasion (as it is 
reported) that made Caesar to love her : but afterwards, 
when he saw her sweet conversation and pleasant entertain 
ment, he fell then in further liking with her, and did reconcile 
her again unto her brother the king, with condition that 
they two jointly should reign together. Upon this new 
reconciliation a great feast being prepared, a slave of 
Caesar's that was his barber, the fearfullest wretch that 
lived, still busily prying and listening abroad in every corner, 
being mistrustful by nature, found that Pothinus and 
Achillas did lie in wait to kill his master Caesar. This 
being proved unto Caesar, he did set such sure watch about 
the hall where the feast was made, that, in fine, he slew 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, II. vi. 68-70. 


the eunuch Pothinus himself. Achillas, on th' other side, 
saved himself and fled unto the king's camp, where he raised 
a marvellous dangerous and difficult war for Caesar : be 
cause, he having then but a few men about him as he had, 
he was to fight against a great and strong city. The first 
danger he fell into was for the lack of water he had : for 
that his enemies had stopped the mouth of the pipes, the 
which conveyed the water unto the castle. The second 
danger he had was that seeing his enemies came to take his 
ships from him, he was driven to repulse that danger with 
fire, the which burnt the arsenal where the ships lay and 
The great that notable library of Alexandria withal. The 
Alexandria third danger was in the battle by sea, that was 
burnt. fought by the tower of Phar : where, meaning to 
help his men that fought by sea, he leapt from the pier into 
a boat. Then the Egyptians made towards him with their 
oars on every side : but he, leaping into the sea, with great 
hazard saved himself by swimming. It is said, 
swimming that then holding divers books in his hand, he did 

with books . . . . 

in his never Jet them go, but kept them always upon his 
head above water, and swam with the other hand, 
notwithstanding that they shot marvellously at him, and 
was driven sometime to duck into the water : howbeit the 
boat was drowned presently. In fine, the king coming to 
his men that made war with Caesar, he went against him 
and gave him battle, and won it with great slaughter and 
effusion of blood. But, for the king, no man could ever 


tell what became of him after. Thereupon Caesar made 
*Cleopatra his sister Queen of Egypt, who, being 
*great with child by him, was shortly brought to bed made 
*of a son whom the Alexandrians named Caesarion. 1 Queen of 
From thence he went into Syria, and so going cfJsarion, 
into Asia, there it was told him that Domitius so ^ sa ' 
was overthrown in battle by Pharnaces the son of clfo- " 
King Mithridates, and was fled out of the realm patra< 
of Ponte, with a few men with him : and that this King 
Pharnaces, greedily following his victory, was not contented 
with the winning of Bithynia and Cappadocia, but further 
would needs attempt to win Armenia the less, procuring all 
those kings, Princes, and Governors of the provinces there 
abouts to rebel against the Romans. Thereupon Caesars 
Caesar went thither straight with three legions, Ki^Phar- 
and fought a great battle with King Pharnaces by naces - 
the city of Zela, where he slew his army and drave him 
out of all the realm of Ponte. And because he would 
advertise one of his friends of the suddenness of this victory, 
he only wrote three words unto Anicius at Rome : Veni, 
Vidi, Vici : to wit, ' I came, I saw, I overcame.' Caesar 
These three words, ending all with like sound and ^^ 
letters in the Latin, have a certain short grace e ^ f s '5 
more pleasant to the ear, than can be well ex- victory- 
pressed in any other tongue. After this, he returned again 
into Italy and came to Rome, ending his year for the 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, II. ii. 235, 6 ; III. vi. 6. 


which he was made Dictator the second time, which office 
before was never granted for one whole year, but unto 
him. Then he was chosen Consul for the year following. 
Afterwards he was very ill spoken of, for that his soldiers 
in a mutiny having slain two Praetors, Cosconius and 
Galba, he gave them no other punishment for it, but, 
instead of calling them soldiers, he named them citizens, 
and gave unto every one of them a thousand drachmas a 
man, and great possessions in Italy. He was much misliked 
also for the desperate parts and madness of Dolabella, for 
the covetousness of Anicius, for the drunkenness of Antonius 
and Cornificius, which made Pompey's house be pulled 
down and builded up again, as a thing not big enough for 
him, wherewith the Romans were marvellously offended. 
Caesar knew all this well enongh, and would have been 
contented to have redressed them : but, to bring his 
matters to pass, he pretended he was driven to serve his 
turn by such instruments. After the battle of Pharsalia, 
Cato and Scipio being fled into Africk, King Juba joined 
with them, and levied a great puissant army. Wherefore 
, Caesar determined to make war with them, and in 


journey the midst of winter he took his journey into Sicily. 
Africk There, because he would take all hope from his 
Cato and Captains and soldiers to make any long abode 
there, he went and lodged upon the very sands 
by the seaside, and with the next gale of wind that came 
he took the sea with three thousand footmen and a few 


horsemen. Then, having put them a-land, unwares to 
them he hoised sail again, to go fetch the rest of his army, 
being afraid lest they should meet with some danger in 
passing over, and meeting them midway he brought them 
all into his camp. Where, when it was told him that his 
enemies trusted in an ancient oracle, which said that it 
was predestined unto the family of the Scipios to be con 
querors in Africk : either of purpose to mock Scipio the 
General of his enemies, or otherwise in good earnest to take 
the benefit of this name (given by the Oracle) unto himself, 
in all the skirmishes and battles he fought he gave the charge 
of his army unto a man of mean quality and accompt, called 
Scipio Sallution, who came of the race of Scipio African, and 
made him always his General when he fought. For 

he was eftsoons compelled to weary and harry his troubles in 

r i Africk - 

enemies : for that neither his men in his camp Afcasmd 

had corn enough, nor his beasts forage, but his tooth 
soldiers were driven to take seaweeds, called alga, fheTorse 
and (washing away the brackishness thereof with *'" 
fresh water, putting to it a little herb called dog's-tooth) to 
cast it so to their horse to eat. For the Numidians (which 
are light horsemen, and very ready of service), being a 
great number together, would be on a sudden in every 
place, and spread all the fields over thereabout, so that no 
man durst peep out of the camp to go for forage. And one 
day as the men of arms were staying to behold an African 
doing notable things in dancing and playing with the flute : 


they being set down quietly to take their pleasure of the 
view thereof, having in the meantime given their slaves 

their horses to hold, the enemies stealing suddenly 
dangers in upon them compassed them in round about, and 

slew a number of them in the field, and chasing 
the other also that fled followed them pell-mell into their 
camp. Furthermore, had not Caesar himself in person, 
and Asinius Pollio with him, gone out of the camp to the 
rescue and stayed them that fled, the war that day had 
been ended. There was also another skirmish where his 
enemies had the upper hand, in the which it is reported that 
Caesar, taking the ensign-bearer by the collar that carried 
the eagle in his hand, stayed him by force, and, turning 
his face, told him : ' See, there be thy enemies.' These 
advantages did lift up Scipio's heart aloft, and gave him 
courage to hazard battle : and, leaving Afranius on the one 
hand of him, and King Juba on the other hand, both their 
camps lying near to other, he did fortify himself by the city of 
Thapsacus, above the lake, to be a safe refuge for them all in 
this battle. But whilst he was busy intrenching of himself, 
Caesar having marvellous speedily passed through a great 
country full of wood, by by-paths which men would never 

have mistrusted, he stale upon some behind, and 

Caesar s . r 

great sudden assailed the other before, so that he over- 
and small threw them all, and made them fly. Then follow 
ing this first good hap he had, he went forthwith 
to set upon the camp of Afranius, the which he took at 


the first onset, and the camp of the Numidians also, King 
Juba being fled. Thus in a little piece of the day only, he 
took three camps and slew fifty thousand of his enemies, 
and lost but fifty of his soldiers. In this sort is set down 
th' effect of this battle by some writers. Yet others do 
write also, that Caesar self was not there in person at th' 
execution of this battle. For as he did set his men in 
battle ray, the falling sickness took him, whereunto 
he was given, and therefore, feeling it coming, troubled 

i c -111 i WIth the 

before he was overcome withal, he was carried into falling 
a castle not far from thence where the battle was 
fought, and there took his rest till th' extremity of his 
disease had left him. Now, for the Praetors and Consuls 
that scaped from this battle, many of them being taken 
prisoners did kill themselves, and others also Caesar did put 
to death : but, he being specially desirous of all men else 
to have Cato alive in his hands, he went with all possible 
speed unto the city of Utica, whereof Cato was Governor, 
by means whereof he was not at the battle. Notwithstand 
ing, being certified by the way that Cato had slain himself 
with his own hands, he then made open shew that he was 
very sorry for it, but why or wherefore no man could tell. 
But this is true, that Caesar said at that present time : ' O 
Cato, I envy thy death, because thou didst envy Caesarwas 
my glory to save thy life.' This notwithstanding, ^death 
the book that he wrote afterwards against Cato ofCato - 
being dead did shew no very great affection nor pitiful heart 
VOL. i, Q 


towards him. For how could he have pardoned him, if 
living he had had him in his hands, that being 
wrote dead did speak so vehemently against him ? Not- 
Cato being withstanding, men suppose he would have pardoned 
him, if he had taken him alive, by the clemency 
he shewed unto Cicero, Brutus, and divers others that had 
borne arms against him. Some report that he wrote that 
book, not so much for any private malice he had to his 
death, as for a civil ambition, upon this occasion : Cicero 
Cicero ^ad written a book in praise of Cato, which he 
^T ' 6 , . entitled Cato. This book in likelihood was very 

a DOOK in 

praise of we .\\ liked of, by reason of the eloquence of the 

Cato being 

dead. orator that made it, and of the excellent subject 

thereof. Caesar therewith was marvellously offended, 
thinking that to praise him of whose death he was author 
was even as much as to accuse himself : and therefore he 
wrote a letter against him, and heaped up a number of 
accusations against Cato, and entitled the book Antlcaton. 
Both these books have favourers unto this day, some de 
fending the one for the love they bare to Caesar, and others 
allowing the other for Cato's sake. Caesar, being now 
returned out of Africk, first of all made an oration to the 
people, wherein he greatly praised and commended this his 
last victory, declaring unto them that he had conquered so 
many countries unto the Empire of Rome, that he could 
furnish the commonwealth yearly with two hundred thou- 
and bushels of wheat, and twenty hundred thousand pound 


weight of oil. Then he made three triumphs, the one for 
Egypt, the other for the kingdom of Ponte, and the third for 
Africk : not because he had overcome Scipio there, but 
King Juba. Whose son being likewise called Juba, being 
then a young boy, was led captive in the show of this 
triumph. But this his imprisonment fell out Tuba the 
happily for him : for, where he was but a barbarous ? n of 

rr ' King 

Numidian, by the study he fell unto when he was J uba > a 

* famous 

prisoner he came afterwards to be reckoned one historio- 
of the wisest historiographers of the Grecians. 
After these three triumphs ended, he very liberally rewarded 
his soldiers : and to curry favour with the people, he made 
great feasts and common sports. For he feasted Caes:ir . s 
all the Romans at one time at two-and-twenty feasting 

/ of the 

thousand tables, and gave them the pleasure to see Romans, 
divers sword-players to fight at the sharp, and battles also 
by sea, for the remembrance of his daughter Julia, which 
was dead long before. Then, after all these sports, he 
made the people (as the manner was) to be 
mustered : and, where there were at the last muster 
musters before three hundred and twenty thousand the"" ' 

. . 11 Romans. 

citizens, at this muster only there were but a 
hundred and fifty thousand. Such misery and destruction 
had this civil war brought unto the commonwealth of 
Rome, and had consumed such a number of Romans, not 
speaking at all of the mischiefs and calamities it had brought 
unto all the rest of Italy, and to the other province per- 


taining to Rome. After all these things were ended, he 
Caesar was chosen Consul the fourth time, and went into 
fourth' the Spain to make war with the sons of Pompey : 
time. ^Q we re yet but very young, but had notwith 

standing raised a marvellous great army together, and 
shewed to have had manhood and courage worthy to com 
mand such an army, insomuch as they put Caesar himself 
Battle in great danger of his life. The greatest battle 
betwixt that w? - s fought between them in all this war was 
t^yoimg 1 by the city of Munda. For then Caesar seeing his 
bThe e ck men sore ty distressed, and having their hands full 
of Munda. o f their enemies : he ran into the press among 
his men that fought, and cried out unto them : ' What are 
ye not ashamed to be beaten and taken prisoners, yielding 
yourselves with your own hands to these young boys ? ' 
Caesar's And so, with all the force he could make, having 
the l sonsof with much ado put his enemies to flight, he slew 
Pompey. a bove thirty thousand of them in the field, and 
lost of his own men a thousand of the best he had. After 
this battle he went into his tent, and told his friends that 
he had often before fought for victory, but this last time 
now that he had fought for the safety of his own life. He 
won this battle on the very feast day of the Bacchanalians, 
in the which men say that Pompey the Great went out of 
Rome about four years before, to begin this civil war. For 
his sons, the younger scaped from the battle : but within 
few days after Didius brought the head of the elder. This 


was the last war that Caesar made. But the triumph he 
made into Rome for the same did as much offend Caesar's 
the Romans, and more, than anything that ever he pj,Py. f 
*had done before : because he had not overcome sons - 
*Captains that were strangers, nor barbarous kings, but had 
*destroyed the sons of the noblest man in Rome, whom 
*fortune had overthrown. And because he had plucked up 
*his race by the roots, men did not think it meet for him to 
*triumph so for the calamities of his country, rejoicing at a 
* thing for the which he had but one excuse to allege in his 
*defence unto the gods and men, that he was compelled to 
*do that he did. 1 And the rather they thought it not meet, 
because he had never before sent letters nor messengers 
unto the commonwealth at Rome for any victory that he 
had ever won in all the civil wars : but did always for shame 
refuse the glory of it. This notwithstanding, the Romans 
inclining to Caesar's prosperity and taking the bit in the 
mouth, supposing that, to be ruled by one man alone, it 
would be a good mean for them to take breath a little, 
after so many troubles and miseries as they had abidden in 
these civil wars : they chose him perpetual Dictator. This 
was a plain tyranny : for to this absolute power of 
Dictator they added this, never to be afraid to be Dictator, 
deposed. Cicero propounded before the Senate, 
that they should give him such honours as were meet for a 
man : howbeit others afterwards added-to honours beyond 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, I. i. 36-55. 


all reason. For, men striving who should most honour him, 
they made him hateful and troublesome to themselves that 
most favoured him by reason of the unmeasurable greatness 
and honours which they gave him. Thereupon, it is 
reported that even they that most hated him were no less 
favourers and furtherers of his honours than they that most 
flattered him : because they might have greater occasions 
to rise, and that it might appear they had just cause and 
colour to attempt that they did against him. And now for 
himself, after he had ended his civil wars, he did so honour 
ably behave himself, that there was no fault to be found in 
him : and therefore methinks, amongst other honours they 
The gave him, he rightly deserved this, that they should 

demency, build him a temple of clemency, to thank him for 
unto 03 ' 6 ' hi s courtesy he had used unto them in his victory. 
fbr e hf s r For h pardoned many of them that had borne 
courtesy. arms a g a i ns t him, and furthermore, did prefer 
some of them to honour and office in the commonwealth : 
as, amongst others, Cassius and Brutus, both the which 
Cas . were made Praetors. And where Pompey's images 

and Brutus na( j b een thrown down, he caused them to be set 


up again : whereupon Cicero said then, that 
Caesar setting up Pompey's images again he made his own 
_ , stand the surer. And when some of his friends 


saying of did counsel him to have a guard for the safety of 

death. ..! 

his person, and some also did otter themselves to 
serve him, he would never consent to it, but said, it was* 


*better to die once, than always to be afraid of death. 1 But 
to win himself the love and good will of the people, as the 
honourablest guard and best safety he could have, Good will 
he made common feasts again, and general dis- e S teJ t ects 
tributions of corn. Furthermore, to gratify the guard and 

' safety for 

soldiers also, he replenished many cities again Princes, 
with inhabitants, which before had been destroyed, 
and placed them there that had no place to repair unto : 
of the which the noblest and chiefest cities were these 
two, Carthage and Corinth, and it chanced also that, like as 
aforetime they had been both taken and destroyed together, 
even so were they both set afoot again and replenished with 
people at one self time. And as for great personages, he 
wan them also, promising some of them to make them 
Praetors and Consuls in time to come, and unto others 
honours and preferments, but to all men generally good 
hope, seeking all the ways he could to make every man con 
tented with his reign. Insomuch as one of the Consuls 
called Maximus chancing to die a day before his Consulship 
ended, he declared Caninius Rebilius Consul only Caninius 
for the day that remained. So, divers going to his consuTfor 
house (as the manner was) to salute him, and to oneda y- 
congratulate with him of his calling and preferment, being 
newly chosen officer, Cicero pleasantly said, ' Come, let us 
make haste, and be gone thither before his Consulship 
come out.' Furthermore, Caesar being born to attempt all 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, II. ii. 32, 33. 


great enterprises, and having an ambitious desire besides to 
covet great honours, the prosperous good success he had of 
his former conquests bred no desire in him quietly to enjoy 
the fruits of his labours, but rather gave him hope of things 
to come, still kindling more and more in him thoughts of 
greater enterprises, and desire of new glory, as if that which 
he had present were stale and nothing worth. This 
humour of his was no other but an emulation with himself 
as with another man, and a certain contention to overcome 
the things he prepared to attempt. For he was determined, 
and made preparation also, to make war with the Persians. 
Then, when he had overcome them, to pass through 
Hyrcania (compassing in the sea Caspium and Mount 
Caucasus) into the realm of Pontus, and so to invade 
Scythia : and over-running all the countries and people 
adjoining unto high Germany, and Germany itself, at length 
to return by Gaul into Italy, and so to enlarge the Roman 
Empire round, that it might be every way compassed in 
with the great sea Oceanus. But whilst he was preparing 
for this voyage, he attempted to cut the bar of the strait of 
Peloponnesus, in the place where the city of Corinth 
Anien standeth. Then he was minded to bring the 
Tiber, flu. r j vers o f Anien and Tiber straight from Rome unto 
the city of Circeii with a deep channel and high banks cast 
up on either side, and so to fall into the sea at Terracina, 
for the better safety and commodity of the merchants that 
came to Rome to traffic there. Furthermore, he determined 


to drain and seaw all the water of the marishes betwixt the 
cities of Nomentum and Setium, to make it firm land for 
the benefit of many thousands of people : and on the sea- 
coast next unto Rome to cast great high banks, and to 
cleanse all the haven about Ostia of rocks and stones 
hidden under the water, and to take away all other 
impediments that made the harbourough dangerous for 
ships, and to make new havens and arsenals meet to harbour 
such ships as did continually traffic thither. All these 
things were purposed to be done, but took no effect. But 
the ordinance of the calendar and reformation of 


the year, to take away all confusion of time, being reformed 
exactly calculated by the Mathematicians and inequality 

. of the year. 

brought to perfection, was a great commodity 
unto all men. For the Romans, using then the ancient 
computation of the year, had not only such incertainty and 
alteration of the month and times, that the sacrifices and 
yearly feasts came by little and little to seasons contrary for 
the purpose they were ordained : but also in the revolution 
of the sun (which is called Annus Solans} no other nation 
agreed with them in account : and, of the Romans 
themselves, only the priests understood it. And therefore, 
when they listed, they suddenly (no man being able to 
control them) did thrust in a month above their Mercedon- 
ordinary number, which they called in old time, a -"t^. nsis 
Mercedonius. Some say that Numa Pompilius was the laris - 
first that devised this way, to put a month between : but it 


was a weak remedy, and did little help the correction of the 
errors that were made in the account of the year, to frame 
them to perfection. But Caesar, committing this matter unto 
the Philosophers and best expert Mathematicians at that 
time, did set forth an excellent and perfect calendar, more 
exactly calculated than any other that was before : the 
which the Romans do use until this present day, and 
do nothing err as others in the difference of time. But 
his enemies notwithstanding that envied his greatness did 
not stick to find fault withal. As Cicero the Orator, when 
one said, ' To-morrow the star Lyra will rise : ' ' Yea,' 
said he, ' at the commandment of Caesar,' as if men were 
compelled so to say and think by Caesar's edict. But the 
w , chiefest cause that made him mortally hated was 

Caesar th e covetous desire he had to be called king : which 

was hated. _ . 

first gave the people just cause and next his secret 
enemies honest colour, to bear him ill will. This notwith 
standing, they that procured him this honour and dignity 
gave it out among the people, that it was written in the 
Sibylline prophecies, how the Romans might overcome the 
Parthians, if they made war with them and were led by a 
king, but otherwise that they were unconquerable. And 
furthermore they were so bold besides, that, Caesar returning 
to Rome from the city of Alba, when they came to salute 
him, they called him king. But the people being offended 
and Caesar also angry, he said he was not called king, but 
Caesar. Then, every man keeping silence, he went his way 


heavy and sorrowful. When they had decreed divers hon 
ours for him in the Senate, the Consuls and Praetors 
accompanied with the whole assembly of the Senate went 
unto him in the market place, where he was set by the pulpit 
for orations, to tell him what honours they had decreed for 
him in his absence. But he, sitting still in his majesty, dis 
daining to rise up unto them when they came in, as if they 
had been private men, answered them : that his honours 
had more need to be cut off than enlarged. This did not 
only offend the Senate, but the common people also, to see 
that he should so lightly esteem of the Magistrates of the 
commonwealth : insomuch as every man that might law 
fully go his way departed thence very sorrowfully. There 
upon also Caesar rising departed home to his house, and 
*tearing open his doublet collar, making his neck bare, he 
*cried out aloud to his friends, that his throat was ready to 
*offer to any man that would come and cut it. 1 Notwith 
standing, it is reported that afterwards, to excuse this folly, 
he imputed it to his disease, saying, that their wits are not 
* perfect which have his disease of the falling evil, when 
*standing of their feet they speak to the common people, but 
*are soon troubled with a trembling of their body, and a 
*sudden dimness and giddiness. 2 But that was not true. For 
he would have risen up to the Senate, but Cornelius Balbus 
one of his friends (but rather a flatterer) would not let him, 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, I. ii. 268, 9 ; Life of Antonius, Vol. II. p. 19. 

2 Ibid. I. ii. 248-58 ; and ante, pp. 26, 8 1. 


saying : ' What, do you not remember that you are Caesar, 

and will you not let them reverence you, and do their 

duties ? ' Besides these occasions and offences, 

The feast 

Luper- there followed also his shame and reproach, abus-- 


ing the Tribunes of the people in this sort. At 
that time the feast Lupercalia l was celebrated, the which in* 
old time men say was the feast of shepherds, or herdmen, 
and is much like unto the feast of the Lycaeans in Arcadia. 
But howsoever it is, that day there are divers noblemen's* 
sons, young men, (and some of them Magistrates themselves* 
that govern then) which run naked through the city,* 
striking in sport them they meet in their way with leather* 
thongs, hair and all on, to make them give place. And* 
many noblewomen and gentlewomen also go of purpose to* 
stand in their way, and do put forth their hands to be* 
striken, as scholars hold them out to their schoolmaster to be* 
striken with the ferula : persuading themselves that, being* 
with child, they shall have good delivery, and also, being* 
barren, that it will make them to conceive with child.* 
Antonius Caesar sat to behold that sport upon the pulpit* 
being for orations, in a chair of gold, apparelled in* 


was one triumphing manner. Antonius, who was Consul* 

of the . 

Luperca- at that time, was one of them that ran this holy* 

course. 2 So, when he came into the marketplace,* 

the people made a lane for him to run at liberty, and he* 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, I. i. 71. 

2 Ibid. I. ii. 3-9 ; Life of Antonius, Vol. II. pp. 18, 19. 


*came to Caesar, and presented him a Diadem wreathed 
*about with laurel. Whereupon there rose a certain cry ot 
*rejoicing, not very great, done only by a few appointed for 
*the purpose. But when Caesar refused the , 

*T-V i i 11 i i Antonius 

Diadem, then all the people together made an out- presented 

* cry of joy. Then, Antonius offering it him again, dem to 

* there was a second shout of joy, but yet of a 

*few. But when Caesar refused it again the second time, 
*then all the whole people shouted. 1 Caesar having made this 
proof found that the people did not like of it, and thereupon 
rose out of his chair, and commanded the crown to be carried 
*unto Jupiter in the Capitol. After that, there were set up 
*image of Caesar in the city with Diadems upon their heads, 
*like kings. Those the two Tribunes, Flavius and Marullus, 
*went and pulled down : 2 and furthermore, meeting with 
them that first saluted Caesar as king, they committed them 
to prison. The people followed them rejoicing at it, and 
called them Brutes, because of Brutus, who had in old time 
driven the kings out of Rome, and that brought the kingdom 
of one person unto the government of the Senate and 
*people. Caesar was so offended withal, that he deprived 
*Marullus and Flavius of their Tribuneships, 3 and, accusing 
them, he spake also against the people, and called them 
Bruti and Cumani, to wit, beasts and fools. Hereupon the 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, I. ii. 219-246 ; Life of Antonius, Vol. II. p. 19. 

2 Ibid. I. i. 68-73 > Li f e of Brutus, p. 121. 

3 Ibid. I. ii. 289-91 5 Life of Antonius, Vol. II. p. 20. 


people went straight unto Marcus Brutus, who from his 
father came of the first Brutus and by his mother of the 
house of the Servilians, a noble house as any was in Rome, 
and was also nephew and son-in-law of Marcus Cato. Not 
withstanding, the great honours and favour Caesar shewed 
unto him kept him back, that of himself alone he did not 
conspire nor consent to depose him of his kingdom. For 
Caesar Caesar did not only save his life after the battle of 
Marcus Pharsalia when Pompey fled, and did at his 
Brutus' request also save many more of his friends besides : 

life after ' 

the battle but, furthermore, he put a marvellous confidence 
Pharsalia. i n him. For he had already preferred him to 
the Praetorship for that year, and furthermore was appointed 
to be Consul the fourth year after that, having through 
Caesar's friendship obtained it before Cassius, who likewise 
made suit for the same : and Caesar also, as it is reported, 
said in this contention, ' Indeed Cassius hath alleged best 
reason, but yet shall he not be chosen before Brutus.' 
Brutus Some one day accusing Brutus while he practised 
aainst eth ^ s conspiracy, Caesar would not hear of it, but 
Caesar. clapping his hand on his body, told them, ' Brutus 
will look for this skin : ' meaning thereby that Brutus for 
his virtue deserved to rule after him, but yet that for 
ambition's sake he would not shew himself unthankful 
nor dishonourable. Now they that desired change and* 
wished Brutus only their Prince and Governor above* 
all other, they durst not come to him themselves to tell* 


*him what they would have him to do, but in the night 
*did cast sundry papers into the Praetor's seat where he 
*gave audience, and the most of them to this effect : * Thou 
*sleepest, Brutus, and art not Brutus indeed.' 1 Cassius, 
finding Brutus' ambition stirred up the more by . 

' Cassms 

these seditious bills, did prick him forward and stirreth up 


egg him on the more for a private quarrel he had against 
conceived against Caesar : the circumstance where- 
*of we have set down more at large in Brutus' life. Caesar 
*also had Cassius in great jealousy and suspected him much : 
*whereupon he said on a time to his friends, 'What will 
*Cassius do, think ye ? I like not his pale looks.' Another 
*time, when Caesar's friends complained unto him of 
*Antonius and Dolabella, that they pretended some mischief 
*towards him : he answered them again, ' As for those fat 
*men and smooth-combed heads,' quoth he, ' I never reckon 
*of them : but these pale-visaged and carrion lean people, I 
*fear them most : ' meaning Brutus and Cassius. 2 Certainly, 
destiny may easier be foreseen than avoided : con- Predic . 
*sidering the strange and wonderful signs that were ^? h and 
*said to be seen before Caesar's death. For, touch- of Caesar's 


*ing the fires in the element and spirits running 

*up and down in the night, and also the solitary birds to be 

*seen at noon-days sitting in the great market place : are not 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, I. in. 1 40-44, II. i. 46 ; Life of Brutus, pp. 120, 1 2 1 . 

2 Cf. Julius Caesar, I. ii. 191-200 ; Life of Brutus, p, 119 ; Life of 
Antonius, Vol. II. p. 18. 


all these signs perhaps worth the noting in such a wonderful* 
chance as happened ? 1 But Strabo the Philosopher writeth* 
that divers men were seen going up and down in fire : 2 * 
and furthermore, that there was a slave of the soldiers, that* 
did cast a marvellous burning flame out of his hand, inso-* 
much as they that saw it thought he had been burnt, but* 
when the fire was out, it was found he had no hurt. 3 * 
Caesar self also, doing sacrifice unto the gods, found that* 
one of the beasts which was sacrificed had no heart : 4 and* 
that was a strange thing in nature, how a beast could live 
without a heart. Furthermore, there was a certain* 

Caesar s 

day of his Soothsayer that had given Caesar warning long* 
prognosti- time afore, to take heed of the day of the Ides of* 
a Sooth- March (which is the fifteenth of the month), for* 
on that day he should be in great danger. That* 
day being come, Caesar going unto the Senate-house, and* 
speaking merrily to the Soothsayer, told him, ' The Ides off 
March be come : ' ' So be they,' softly answered the Sooth-t 
sayer, ' but yet are they not past.' 5 And the very dayt 
before, Caesar, supping with Marcus Lepidus, sealed certain 
letters, as he was wont to do, at the board : so, talk falling 
out amongst them, reasoning what death was best, he 
preventing their opinions cried out aloud, ' Death unlocked 
for.' Then going to bed the same night as his manner was, 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, I. iii. 10, 25-32. 

2 Ibid. I. iii. 25 ; II. ii. 19. 3 Ibid. I. iii. 15-18. 
4 Ibid. II. ii. 37-40. 5 Ibid. III. i. i, 2, 


*and lying with his wife Calpurnia, all the windows and 
*doors of his chamber flying open, the noise awoke him, and 
*made him afraid when he saw such light : but more, when 
*he heard his wife Calpurnia, being fast asleep, weep and 
*sigh, and put forth many fumbling lamentable speeches. 
*For she dreamed that Caesar was slain, 1 and that 

7 The dream 

she had him in her arms. Others also do deny ofCai- 

.... . , , purnia 

that she had any such dream, as amongst other Caesar's 
Titus Livius writeth, that it was in this sort. The 
Senate having set upon the top of Caesar's house, for an 
ornament and setting forth of the same, a certain pinnacle, 
Calpurnia dreamed that she saw it broken down, and that 
*she thought she lamented and wept for it. Insomuch that, 
*Caesar rising in the morning, she prayed him if it were 
*possible not to go out of the doors that day, 2 but to adjourn 
the session of the Senate until another day. And if that 
*he made no reckoning of her dream, yet that he would 
*search further of the Soothsayers by their sacrifices, to know 
*what should happen him that day. 3 Thereby it seemed that 
Caesar likewise did fear and suspect somewhat, because his 
*wife Calpurnia^until that time was never given to any fear 
*or superstition : 4 and then, for that he saw her so troubled 
in mind with this dream she had. But much more after 
wards, when the Soothsayers, having sacrificed many beasts 
*one after another, told him that none did like them : then 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, II. ii. 1-3. 2 Ibid. II. ii. 76-82. 

3 Ibid. II. ii. 5, 6. 4 Ibid. II. ii. 13, 14. 

VOL. I. H 


he determined to sendAntonius to adjourn the session of the* 
Senate. 1 But in the meantime came Decius Brutus,* 


Brutus ( surnamed Albinus, in whom Caesar put such con- 
persuasion fidence, that in his last will and testament he had 

to Caesar. . . . , 

appointed him to be his next heir, and yet was of 
the conspiracy with Cassius and Brutus : he, fearing that if 
Caesar did adjourn the session that day the conspiracy would 
out, laughed the Soothsayers to scorn, and reproved Caesar, 
saying : that he gave the Senate occasion to mislike with 
him, and that they might think he mocked them, consider 
ing that by his commandment they were assembled, and* 
that they were ready willingly to grant him all things, and* 
to proclaim him king of all the provinces of the Empire of* 
Rome out of Italy, and that he should wear his Diadem in* 
all other places both by sea and land. And furthermore,* 
that if any man should tell them from him they should* 
depart for that present time, and return again when* 
Calpurnia should have better dreams : what would his* 
enemies and illwillers say, and how could they like of his* 
friends' words r 2 And who could persuade them otherwise,* 
Decius kut that they would think his dominion a slavery 
Brutus un to them, and tyrannical in himself? 'And 

brought ' 

Caesar yet if it be so,' said he, ' that you utterly mislike 

into the ' . . ' ' 

senate- of this day, it is better that you go yourself in 

house. ' in ,. . 

person, and saluting the Senate to dismiss them 
till another time.' Therewithal he took Caesar by the 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, II. ii. 52-6. 2 Ibid. II. ii. 93-9. 


hand, and brought him out of his house. Caesar was not 
gone far from his house, but a bondman, a stranger, did 
what he could to speak with him : and, when he saw he 
was put back by the great press and multitude of people 
that followed him, he went straight unto his house, and 
put himself into Calpurnia's hands to be kept till Caesar 
came back again, telling her that he had great matters to 
*impart unto him. And one Artemidorus also, born in the 
*Isle of Gnidos, a Doctor of Rhetoric in the Greek 

The tokens 

*tongue, who by means of his profession was very ofthe 


*familiar with certain of Brutus' confederates, and against 
*therefore knew the most part of all their practices 
*against Caesar, came and brought him a little bill written 
*with his own hand, of all that he meant to tell him. He, 
*marking how Caesar received all the supplications that were 
*offered him, and that he gave them straight to his men that 
*were about him, pressed nearer to him, and said : 'Caesar, 
*read this memorial to yourself, and that quickly, for they 
*be matters of great weight, and touch you nearly.' Caesar 
*took it of him, but could never read it, though he many 
*times attempted it, for the number of people that did salute 
*him : but holding it still in his hand, keeping it to himself, 
*went on withal into the Senate-house. 1 Howbeit other 
are of opinion that it was some man else that gave him that 
memorial, and not Artemidorus, who did what he could 
all the way as he went to give it Caesar, but he was always 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, II. iii ; III. i. 3, 6-12. 


repulsed by the people. For these things they may seem to 
The place come by chance : but the place where the murther 
Caesar was P re P are d, an d where the Senate were assembled, 
was slam. anc j w h ere a ] so there stood up an image of Pompey 
dedicated by himself amongst other ornaments which he 
gave unto the Theatre : all these were manifest proofs that 
it was the ordinance of some god, that made this treason to 
be executed specially in that very place. It is also reported, 
that Cassius (though otherwise he did favour the doctrine of* 
Epicurus) l beholding the image of Pompey, before they* 
entered into the action of their traitorous enterprise, he 
did softly call upon it to aid him. But the instant danger 
of the present time, taking away his former reason, did 
suddenly put him into a furious passion, and made 
Antonius ^ m ^ e a man ^alf beside himself. Now* 
faft C hfui S Antonius, that was a faithful friend to Caesar,* 
friend. an d a valiant man besides of his hands, him* 
Decius Brutus Albinus entertained out of the Senate house,* 
having begun a long tale of set purpose. 2 So, Caesar* 
coming into the house, all the Senate stood up on their feet 
to do him honour. Then part of Brutus' company and* 
confederates stood round about Caesar's chair, and part of* 
them also came towards him, as though they made suit with* 
Metellus Cimber, to call home his brother again from* 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, V. i. 77, 8. 

2 Cf.: Julius Caesar, III. i. 25, 6 ; Life of Brutus, p. 164 ; Life of 
Anionius, Vol. II. pp. 20, 21. 


*banishment : and thus, prosecuting still their suit, they 
*followed Caesar, till he was set in his chair. Who denying 
*their petitions, and being offended with them one after 
*another, because the more they were denied, the more they 
*pressed upon him, and were the earnester with him : l 
Metellus at length, taking his gown with both his hands, 
pulled it over his neck, which was the sign given the con- 
*federates to set upon him. Then Casca behind 
*him strake him in the neck with his sword : 2 first that* 
howbeit the wound was not great nor mortal, Caesar?' 
because, it seemed, the fear of such a devilish 
attempt did amaze him, and take his strength from him, that 
he killed him not at the first blow. But Caesar, turning 
straight unto him, caught hold of his sword, and held it 
hard : and they both cried out, Caesar in Latin : ' O vile 
traitor Casca, what doest thou ? ' And Casca in Greek to 
his brother, * Brother, help me.' At the beginning of this 
stir, they that were present, not knowing of the conspiracy, 
were so amazed with the horrible sight they saw, that they 
had no power to fly, neither to help him, not so much as 
once to make any outcry. They on th' other side that had 
conspired his death compassed him in on every side with 
their swords drawn in their hands, that Caesar turned him 
nowhere but he was stricken at by some, and still had naked 
*swords in his face, and was hacked and mangled among 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, III. i. 27-75. 

2 Ibid. III. i. 76 ; V. i. 43, 4. 


them, as a wild beast taken of hunters. 1 For it was agreed* 
among them that every man should give him a wound, 
because all their parts should be in this murther : and then 
Brutus himself gave him one wound about his privities. 
Men report also that Caesar did still defend himself against 
the rest, running every way with his body : but when he* 
saw Brutus with his sword drawn in his hand, then he* 
pulled his gown over his head, and made no more resistance, 2 * 
and was driven either casually or purposedly by the counsel* 
of the conspirators against the base whereupon Pompey's* 
image stood, which ran all of a gore-blood till he was* 
slain. 3 Thus it seemed that the image took just revenge of* 
Pompey's enemy, being thrown down on the ground at his 
feet, and yielding up his ghost there for the number of 
wounds he had upon him. For it is reported that he had* 
Caesar thrce-and-twenty wounds upon his body : 4 and* 
slain and divers of the conspirators did hurt themselves. 

had 23 . r f 

wounds striking one body with so many blows. When 
Caesar was slain, the Senate (though Brutus stood* 
in the midst amongst them, as though he would have said* 
somewhat touching this fact, 5 ) presently ran out of the* 
house, and flying filled all the city with marvellous fear and 
tumult. Insomuch as some did shut-to their doors, others 
forsook their shops and warehouses, and others ran to the 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, III. i. 204-10. 

2 Ibid. III. i. 77 ; ii. 189-92. 3 Ibid. III. i. 115 ; ii. 193, 4. 
4 Ibid. V. i. 53. 5 Ibid. III. i. 82, 3. 


place to see what the matter was : and others also that had 
seen it ran home to their houses again. But Antonius and 
Lepidus, which were two of Caesar's chiefest friends, 
secretly conveying themselves away, fled into other men's 
houses, and forsook their own. Brutus and his confederates 
on th' other side, being yet hot with this murther they had 
committed, having their swords drawn in their Thg 
hands, came all in a troop together out of the murtherers 

r of Caesar 

Senate, and went into the market-place, not as do go to 

men that made countenance to fly, but otherwise market 
boldly holding up their heads like men of courage, 

and called to the people to defend their liberty, and stayed 
to speak with every great personage whom they met in 
their way. Of them some followed this troop and went 
amongst them as if they had been of the conspiracy, and 
falsely challenged part of the honour with them : among 
them was Caius Octavius, and Lentulus Spinther. But 
both of them were afterwards put to death, for their vain 
covetousness of honour, by Antonius and Octavius Caesar 
the younger : and yet had no part of that honour for the 
which they were put to death, neither did any man believe 
that they were any of the confederates, or of counsel with 
them. For they that did put them to death took revenge 
rather of the will they had to offend, than of any fact they 
had committed. The next morning Brutus and his con 
federates came into the market-place to speak unto the 
people, who gave them such_ audience, that it seemed they 


neither greatly reproved nor allowed the fact : for by their 
great silence they showed that they were sorry for Caesar's 
death, and also that they did reverence Brutus. Now the 
Senate granted general pardon for all that was past, and to 
Caesar's pacify every man, ordained besides that Caesar' 
funerals. f un erals should be honoured as a god, and established 
all things that he had done : and gave certain provinces also 
and convenient honours unto Brutus and his confederates, 
whereby every man thought all things were brought to good 
peace and quietness again. But when they had opened* 
Caesar's testament, and found a liberal legacy of money* 
bequeathed unto every citizen of Rome, 1 and that they saw* 
his body (which was brought into the market place) all 
bemangled with gashes of swords : then there was no order* 
to keep the multitude and common people quiet, but they* 
plucked up forms, tables, and stools, and laid them all about* 
the body, and setting them afire burnt the corse. Then,* 
when the fire was well kindled, they took the firebrands,* 
and went unto their houses that had slain Caesar, to set* 
them afire. 2 Other also ran up and down the city to see* 
if they could meet with any of them, to cut them in pieces : 
howbeit they could meet with never a man of them, because 
they had locked themselves up safely in their houses. There* 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, III. ii. 134-164, 242-256; Life of Brutus, p. 
137 ; Life of Antonius, Vol. II. pp. 23, 24. 

2 Cf. Julius Caesar, III. ii. 258-64 ; Life of Brutus, p. 137, 8 ; Life 
of Antonius, Vol. II. p. 22. 


*was one of Caesar's friends called Cinna, that had a 
*marvellous strange and terrible dream the night 
*before. He dreamed that Caesar bade him to dream of 
*supper, and that he refused, and would not go : 
*then that Caesar took him by the hand, and led him against 
*his will. Now Cinna hearing at that time that they burnt 
*Caesar's body in the market place, notwithstanding that 
*he feared his dream and had an ague on him besides, he 
*went into the market place to honour his funerals. When 
*he came thither, one of mean sort asked him what his name 
*was ? He was straight called by his name. The first man 
*told it to another, and that other unto another, so that it 
*ran straight through them all, that he was one of them that 
*murdered Caesar (for indeed one of the traitors to Caesar 
*was also called Cinna as himself) : wherefore, 
*taking him for Cinna the murderer, they fell upon number of 
*him with such fury, that they presently dispatched 
*him in the market place. 1 This stir and fury made Brutus 
and Cassius more afraid than of all that was past, and 
therefore, within few days after, they departed out of 
Rome : and touching their doings afterwards, and what 
calamity they suffered till their deaths, we have written it 
at large in the life of Brutus. Caesar died at six- Caesar 56 
and-fifty years of age : and Pompey also lived not afhi s old 
passing four years more than he. So he reaped death - 
no other fruit of all his reign and dominion, which he had 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, III. iii. ; Life of Brutus, pp. 138, 9. 


.,-;.... , 



so vehemently desired all his life, and pursued with such 
extreme danger, but a vain name only, and a superficial 
glory that procured him the envy and hatred of his country. 
But his great prosperity and good fortune, that favoured 
The him all his lifetime, did continue afterwards in the 

Caesars f reven g e f hi s death, pursuing the murtherers both 
death. ty sea anc j l an d ? till they had not left a man more 
to be executed, of all them that were actors or counsellors 
in the conspiracy of his death. Furthermore, of all the 
chances that happen unto men upon the earth, that which 
came to Cassius above all other is most to be wondered at. 
. For he, being overcome in battle at the journey of * 

being over- Philippi, slew himself with the same sword with* 

thrown at . 

the battle the which he strake Caesar. 1 Again, of signs in* 

of Philippi , , , 

slew the element, the great comet, which seven nights 

with the together was seen very bright after Caesar's death, 

self-same , . , , r . , 

sword the eight night after was never seen more. Also 
he strake l ^ e brightness of the sun was darkened, the 
aesar - which all that year through rose very pale, and 
shined not out, whereby it gave but small heat : there- 
Wonders fore the air being very cloudy and dark, by the 
element' * weakness of the heat that could not come forth, did 
Caesar's cause the earth to bring forth but raw and unripe 
A^eat fruit, which rotted before it could ripe. But, 
Comet. above all, the ghost that appeared unto Brutus 
shewed plainly that the gods were offended with the murther 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, V. iii. 41-6. 


*of Caesar. The vision was thus. Brutus, being ready to pass 
*over his army from the city of Abydos to the other coast 
*lying directly against it, slept every night (as his manner was) 
*in his tent, and being yetawake thinking of his affairs, (for 
*by report he was as careful a Captain, and lived with as 
*little sleep, as ever man did,) he thought he heard a noise 
*at his tent door, and, looking towards the light of Brutus . 
*the lamp that waxed very dim, he saw a horrible vision. 
*vision of a man, of a wonderful greatness, and dreadful 
*look, which at the first made him marvellously afraid. 
*But when he saw that it did him no hurt, but stood by his 
*bedside and said nothing, at length he asked him what 
the was. The image answered him : ' I am thy A sp ; r ; t 
till angel, Brutus, and thou shalt see me by the u ^ ared 
tcity of Philippi.' Then Brutus replied again, Brutus - 
tand said : * Well, I shall see thee then.' Therewithal 
*the spirit presently vanished from him. 1 After that time 
Brutus being in battle near unto the city of Philippi against 
Antonius and Octavius Caesar, at the first battle he won 
the victory, and, overthrowing all them that with- _,, 
stood him, he drave them into young Caesar's second 


*camp, which he took. The second battle being at f.d?e 

... . spirit unto 

*hand, this spirit appeared again unto him, but spake Brutus. 
*never a word. Thereupon Brutus, knowing he should die, 2 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, IV. iii. 274-84 ; Life of Brutus, p. 163. 

2 Cf. Julius Caesar, V. v. 19, 20 ; Life of Brutus, p. 183; Antony 
and Cleopatra, II. vi. 12, 13. 


did put himself to all hazard in battle, but yet fighting 
could not be slain. So, seeing his men put to flight and 
overthrown, he ran unto a little rock not far off, and there 
setting his sword's point to his breast fell upon it, and slew 
himself, but yet, as it is reported, with the help of his 
friend that dispatched him. 


MARCUS BRUTUS came of that Junius Brutus, for whom the 
*ancient Romans made his statue of brass to be set 


*up in the Capitol with the images of the kings, parentage 
*holding a naked sword in his hand, because he 
*had valiantly put down the Tarquins from their kingdom 
*of Rome. 1 But that Junius Brutus, being of a sour stern 
nature, not softened by reason, being like unto sword 
blades of too hard a temper, was so subject to his choler 
and malice he bare unto the tyrants, that for their sakes he 
caused his own sons to be executed. But this Brutus' 
Marcus Brutus in contrary manner, whose life we manners - 
presently write, having framed his manners of life by the 
rules of virtue and study of Philosophy, and having em 
ployed his wit, which was gentle and constant, in attempting 
of great things : methinks he was rightly made and framed 
unto virtue. So that his very enemies which wish him 
most hurt, because of his conspiracy against Julius Caesar, 
if there were any noble attempt done in all this conspiracy, 
they refer it wholly unto Brutus, and all the cruel and 
violent acts unto Cassius, who was Brutus' familiar friend, 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, I. ii. 158-162. 


but not so well given and conditioned as he. His mother 
Servilia, it is thought, came of the blood of Ser- 

Serviha, ' 7 

M. Brutus' vilius Ahala, who, when Spurius Maelius went about 

mother. . " 

to make himself king, and to bring it to pass 
had enticed the common people to rebel, took a dagger and 
hid it close under his arm, and went into the market place. 
When he was come thither, he made as though he had 
somewhat to say unto him, and pressed as near him as he 
could : wherefore, Maelius stooping down with his head to 
hear what he would say, Servilius stabbed him in with his 
dagger and slew him. Thus much all writers agree for his 
mother. Now touching his father, some for the evil will 
and malice they bare unto Brutus, because of the death of 
Julius Caesar, do maintain that he came not of Junius 
Brutus that drave out the Tarquins : for there were none 
left of his race, considering that his two sons were executed 
for conspiracy with the Tarquins : and that Marcus Brutus 
came of a mean house, the which was raised to honour and 
office in the commonwealth but of late time. Posidonius 
the Philosopher writeth the contrary, that Junius Brutus 
indeed slew two of his sons which were men grown, as the 
histories do declare, howbeit that there was a third son, 
being but a little child at that time, from whom the house 
and family afterwards was derived : and futhermore, that 
there were in his time certain famous men of that family, 
whose stature and countenance resembled much the image 
of Junius Brutus. And thus much for this matter. Marcus 


Cato the Philosopher was brother unto Servilia, M. Brutus' 
mother : whom Brutus studied most to follow of 
all the other Romans, because he was his uncle, Cato's 
and afterwards he married his daughter. Now 
touching the Grecian Philosophers, there was no sect nor 
Philosopher of them, but he heard and liked it : but above 
all the rest he loved Plato's sect best, and did not Brutus' 
much give himself to the new nor mean Academy studies. 
as they call it, but altogether to the old Academy. There 
fore he did ever greatly esteem the Philosopher 
Antiochus, of the city of Ascalon : but he was followed 
more familiar with his brother Ariston, who for Acade- 
learning and knowledge was inferior to many " 
other Philosophers, but for wisdom and courtesy equal with 
the best and chiefest. Touching Empylus, whom 
Marcus Brutus himself doth mention in his Epistles, an m 5r a tor, 
and his friends also in many places, he was an {Jooifof 
Orator, and left an excellent book he wrote of the jeati^and 
death of Julius Caesar, and titled it Brutus. He entitled it 

J Brutus. 

was properly learned in the Latin tongue, and 
was able to make long discourse in it, beside that he could 
also plead very well in Latin. But, for the Greek tongue, 
they do note in some of his Epistles, that he 

r i. i r J- r Brutus> 

counterfeited that brief compendious manner of manner of 
speech of the Lacedaemonians. As, when the war Epistles in 
was begun, he wrote unto the Pergamenians in 
this sort : ' I understand you have given Dolabella money : 


if you have done it willingly, you confess you have offended 
me : if against your wills, shew it then by giving me 
A brief willingly.' Another time again unto the Samians : 
to"he * Your counsels be long, your doings be slow, con- 
Samians. gj^er the end.' And in another Epistle he wrote 
unto the Patareians : ' The Xanthians, despising my good 
will, have made their country a grave of despair : and the 
Patareians, that put themselves into my protection, have lost 
no jot of their liberty. And therefore, whilst you have 
liberty, either choose the judgement of the Patareians or 
the fortune of the Xanthians.' These were Brutus' manner 
of letters, which were honoured for their briefness. So 
Bnitus Brutus being but a young stripling went into 
CatcTinlo Cyprus with his uncle Cato, who was sent against 
Cyprus. Ptolemy king of Egypt, who having slain himself, 
Cato, staying for certain necessary business he had in the 
Isle of Rhodes, had already sent Canidius, one of his friends, 
before to keep his treasure and goods. But Cato, fearing he 
would be lightfingered, wrote unto Brutus forthwith to 
come out of Pamphylia (where he was but newly recovered 
of a sickness) into Cyprus, the which he did. The which 
journey he was sorry to take upon him, both for respect of 
Canidius' shame, whom Cato as he thought wrongfully 
slandered, as also because he thought this office too mean 
and unmeet for him, being a young man, and given to 
his book. This notwithstanding he behaved himself so 
honestly and carefully that Cato did greatly commend him: 


and after all the goods were sold and converted into ready 
money, he took the most part of it, and returned withal to 
Rome. Afterwards when the Empire of Rome was divided 
into factions, and that Caesar and Pompey both were in 
arms one against the other, and that all the Empire of 
Rome was in garboil and uproar : it was thought then that 
Brutus would take part with Caesar, because Pompey not 
long before had put his father unto death. But Brutus 
preferring the respect of his country and commonwealth 
before private affection, and persuading himself that Pompey 
had juster cause to enter into arms than Caesar : he then 
took part with Pompey, though oftentimes meet- Brutus 
ing him before he thought scorn to speak to him, SJrtwJth 
thinking it a great sin and offence in him to speak p m P e y- 
to the murtherer of his father. But then submitting himself 
unto Pompey, as unto the head of the commonwealth, 
he sailed into Sicilia, Lieutenant under Sestius that was 
Governor of that province. But when he saw that there 
was no way to rise, nor to do any noble exploits, and 
that Caesar and Pompey were both camped together, 
and fought for victory : he went of himself unsent for 
into Macedon to be partaker of the danger. It is re 
ported that Pompey being glad, and wondering at his 
coming, when he saw him come to him, he rose out of 
his chair, and went and embraced him before them all, 
and used him as honourably as he could have done the 
noblest man that took his part. Brutus, being in Pompey's 

VOL. I. I 


camp, did nothing but study all day long, except he were 
Brutus' w itk Pompey, and not only the days before, but 
Pom '! 6 ''!" the se ^ same ^ av a ^ so before the g reat battle was 
c* 111 ?- fought in the fields of Pharsalia, where Pompey 
was overthrown. It was in the midst of summer, and the 
sun was very hot, besides that the camp was lodged near 
unto marishes, and they that carried his tent tarried long 
Brutus before they came, whereupon, being very weary 
Pommy's w ith travel, scant any meat came into his mouth 
camp. at dinner time. Furthermore, when others slept, 
or thought what would happen the morrow after, he fell to 
his book, and wrote all day long till night, writing a breviary 
Julius ^ Potybius. It is reported that Caesar did not 
Caesar forget him, and that he gave his Captains charge 

careful of 

Brutus' before the battle, that they should beware they 


killed not Brutus in fight, and if he yielded will 
ingly unto them, that then they should bring him unto 
him : but if he resisted and would not be taken, then that 
they should let him go and do him no hurt. Some say 
he did this for Servilia's sake, Brutus' mother. For, when 
Julius he was a young man, he had been acquainted with 
loved" Servilia, who was extremely in love with him. 
Brutus?' And because Brutus was born in that time when 
her- their love was hottest, he persuaded himself that he 
begat him. For proof hereof the report goeth, that when 
the weightiest matters were in hand in the Senate, about the 
conspiracy of Catiline, which was likely to have undone the 


city of Rome, Caesar and Cato sate near together, and were 
both of contrary minds to each other : and then, that in the 
meantime one delivered Caesar a letter. Caesar took it 
and read it softly to himself : but Cato cried out upon 
Caesar, and said he did not well to receive advertisements 
from enemies. Whereupon the whole Senate began to 
murmur at it. Then Caesar gave Cato the letter as it was 
sent him, who read it, and found that it was a love letter 
sent from his sister Servilia : thereupon he cast it again to 
Caesar, and said unto him, * Hold, drunken sop.' When 
he had done so, he went on with his tale, and maintained 
his opinion as he did before : so commonly was the love of 
Servilia known which she bare unto Caesar. So, after 
Pompey's overthrow at the battle of Pharsalia, and that he 
fled to the sea, when Caesar came to besiege his camp, 
Brutus went out of the camp gates unseen of any man, and 
leapt into a marish full of water and reeds. Then Brutus 

saved by 

when night was come he crept out, and went unto Julius 

. Caesar 

the city of Larissa : from whence he wrote unto after the 

i battle of 

Caesar, who was very glad that he had scaped, Pharsalia. 
and sent for him to come unto him. When Brutus was 
come, he did not only pardon him, but also kept him 
always about him, and did as much honour and esteem him 
as any man he had in his company. Now no man could 
tell whither Pompey was fled, and all were marvellous de 
sirous to know it : wherefore Caesar walking a good way 
alone with Brutus, he did ask him which way he thought 


Pompey took. Caesar perceiving by his talk that Brutus 
guessed certainly whither Pompey should be fled, he left all 
other ways, and took his journey directly towards Egypt. 
Pompey, as Brutus conjectured, was indeed fled into Egypt, 
but there he was villainously slain. Furthermore, Brutus 
obtained pardon of Caesar for Cassius : and, defending also 
the king" of Libya's cause, he was overlaid with a 

"This king e 1 

wasjuba: world of accusations against him, howbeit, entreat- 

howbeit . . 

it is true ing for him, he saved him the best part of his realm 

also that . , 

Brutus and kingdom. They say also that Caesar said, 

tercession when he heard Brutus plead : ' I know not,' said 

tarus, e king he, * what this young man would, but, what he 

wh?w^ a> would, he willeth it vehemently.' For, as Brutus' 

notwith? gravity and constant mind would not grant all 

of'the'm^st men *heir rec l uests that sue< ^ unto hi m > but being 

part of his moved with reason and discretion did always in- 
country by * 

Caesar, cline to that which was good and honest, even so, 

and there 
fore this when it was moved to follow any matter, he used 

placewere . 

best to be a kind of forcible and vehement persuasion, that 
standedby calmed not till he had obtained his desire. For, 
by flattering of him, a man could never obtain 
anything at his hands, nor make him to do that which was 
unjust. Further, he thought it not meet for a man of calling 
and estimation to yield unto the requests and entreaties of 
a shameless and importunate suitor, requesting things un 
meet : the which notwithstanding, some men do for shame, 
because they dare deny nothing. And therefore he was 


wont to say, that he thought them evil brought up in their 
youth, that could deny nothing. Now when Caesar Caesar 
took sea to go into Africk against Cato and Scipio, Brutus 
he left Brutus Governor of Gaul in Italy, on this of<Ton 
side of the Alps, which was a great good hap for t^moun- 
that province. For where others were spoiled and tams - 
polled by the insolency and covetousness of the Governors, 
as if it had been a country conquered, Brutus was a comfort 
and rest unto their former troubles and miseries they sus 
tained. But he referred it wholly unto Caesar's grace and 
goodness. For when Caesar returned out of Africk, and 
progressed up and down Italy, the things that pleased him 
best to see were the cities under Brutus' charge and govern 
ment, and Brutus himself : who honoured Caesar in person, 
and whose company also Caesar greatly esteemed. Now 
there were divers sorts of Praetorships at Rome, Brutus 
and it was looked for, that Brutus or Cassius would cassius 
make suit for the chiefest Praetorship, which they fo^the 
called the Praetorship of the city: because he that s^p 6 ^" 
had that office was as a Judge to minister justice thecit y- 
unto the citizens. Therefore they strove one against the 
other, though some say that there was some little grudge 
betwixt them for other matters before, and that this con 
tention did set them further out, though they Cassius 
were allied together. For Cassius had married Junia, 
Junia, Brutus' sister. Others say, that this con- sister, 
tention betwixt them came by Caesar himself, who secretly 


gave either of them both hope of his favour. So their suit 
for the Praetorship was so followed and laboured of either 
party, that one of them put another in suit of law. Brutus 
with his virtue and good name contended against many 
noble exploits in arms, which Cassius had done against the 
Parthians. So Caesar, after he had heard both their objec 
tions, he told his friends with whom he consulted about this 
matter : ' Cassius' cause is the juster,' said he, ' but Brutus 
The first must be first preferred.' Thus Brutus had the first 
Cassius^ Praetorship, and Cassius the second : who thanked 
against not Caesar so much for the Praetorship he had, as 
Caesar. j^ was an gry with him for that he had lost. But 
Brutus in many other things tasted of the benefit of 
Caesar's favour in anything he requested. For, if he 
had listed, he might have been one of Caesar's chiefest 
friends, and of greatest authority and credit about him. 
Howbeit Cassius' friends did dissuade him from it, (for 
Cassius and he were not yet reconciled together sithence 
their first contention and strife for the Praetorship,) and 
prayed him to beware of Caesar's sweet enticements, and to 
fly his tyrannical favours : the which they said Caesar gave 
him, not to honour his virtue but to weaken his constant 
mind, framing it to the bent of his bow. Now Caesar on 
Caesar the other side did not trust him overmuch, nor was 

suspected . , . . . . . ... 

Brutus. not without tales brought unto him against him : 
howbeit he feared his great mind, authority, and friends. 
Yet, on the other side also, he trusted his good nature and 


fair conditions. For, intelligence being brought him one 
day, that Antonius and Dolabella did conspire against him, he 
*answered, that these fat long-haired men made him Caesar's 
*not afraid, but the lean and whitely-faced fellows, Brutus. 
*meaning that by Brutus and Cassius. 1 At another time also 
when one accused Brutus unto him, and bade him beware of 
him : ' What,' said he again, clapping his hand on his breast, 
* think ye that Brutus will not tarry till this body die ? ' 
Meaning that none but Brutus after him was meet to have 
such power at he had. And surely, in my opinion, I am 
persuaded that Brutus might indeed have come to have been 
the chiefest man of Rome, if he could have contented him 
self for a time to have been next unto Caesar, and to have 
suffered his glory and authority which he had gotten by his 
great victories to consume with time. But Cassius being a 
choleric man, and hating Caesar privately, more than he 
did the tyranny openly, he incensed Brutus against Cassius 

' 11 i i mcenseth 

him. It is also reported that Brutus could evil Brutus 
away with the tyranny, and that Cassius hated the Caesar, 
tyrant, making many complaints for the injuries he had done 
him, and, amongst others, for that he had taken away his 
Lions from him. Cassius had provided them for Cassius' 
his sports, when he should be Aedilis, and they Megara. 
were found in the city of Megara when it was won by 
Calenus, and Caesar kept them. The rumour went that these 
Lions did marvellous great hurt to the Megarians. For 
1 Cf. Julius Caesar, I. ii. 191-200. 


when the city was taken, they brake their cages where they 
were tied up, and turned them loose, thinking they would 
have done great mischief to the enemies, and have kept them 
from setting upon them : but the Lions, contrary to expecta 
tion, turned upon themselves that fled unarmed, and did so 
cruelly tear some in pieces, that it pitied their enemies to 
see them. And this was the cause, as some do report, that 
made Cassius conspire against Caesar. But this holdeth no 
water. For Cassius even from his cradle could not 

Cassius an 

enemy of abide any manner of tyrants, as it appeared when 
he was but a boy, and went unto the same school 
that Faustus the son of Sylla did. And Faustus, bragging 
among other boys, highly boasted of his father's kingdom : 
Cassius rose up on his feet, and gave him two good whirls 
on the ear. Faustus' governors would have put this matter 
in suit against Cassius : but Pompey would not suffer them, 
but caused the two boys to be brought before him, and 
asked them how the matter came to pass. Then Cassius, as 
it is written of him, said unto the other : ' Go to, Faustus, 
speak again, an thou darest before this nobleman here, the 
same words that made me angry with thee, that my fists 
may walk once again about thine ears.' Such was Cassius' 
How hot stirring nature. But for Brutus, his friends* 

wasVn 5 - and countrymen, both by divers procurements,* 
against anc ^ sun dry rumours of the city, and by many bills* 
Caesar a ] SOj ^id O p en iy ca ]\ an j procure him to do that he* 
did. For, under the image of his ancestor Junius Brutus,* 


*that drave the kings out of Rome, they wrote : ' Oh that it 
*pleased the gods thou wert now alive, Brutus ' : and again, 
*' That thou wert here among us now.' His tribunal (or 
*chair), where he gave audience during the time he was 

* Praetor, was full of such bills : ' Brutus, thou art asleep, 
*and art not Brutus indeed.' 1 And of all this Caesar's flat 
terers were the cause : who beside many other exceeding 
and unspeakable honours they daily devised for him, in the 
night time they did put Diadems upon the heads of his 
images, supposing thereby to allure the common people to 
call him king, instead of Dictator. Howbeit it turned to 
the contrary, as we have written more at large in Julius 
Caesar's life. Now when Cassius felt his friends, and did 
stir them up against Caesar, they all agreed and promised to 
take part with him, so Brutus were the chief of their con- 
*spiracy. For they told him, that so high an enterprise and 
*attempt as that did not so much require men of manhood 
*and courage to draw their swords, as it stood them upon to 
*have a man of such estimation as Brutus, to make every man 

* boldly think that by his only presence the fact were holy and 
*just. If he took not this course, then that they should go 
*to it with fainter hearts, and when they had done it they 
*should be more fearful : because every man would think 
*that Brutus would not have refused to have made one with 
*them, if the cause had been good and honest. 2 Therefore 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, I. iii. 142-6 ; Life of Caesar, pp. 94, 95. 

2 Cf. Julius Caesar, I. iii. 157-60. 


Cassius, considering this matter with himself, did first of* 
Cassius all speak to Brutus since they grew strange together* 
Brutus* 1 for the suit they had for the Praetorship. 1 So* 
help 'him when he was reconciled to him again, and that 
down'the t ^ ie 7 had embraced one another, Cassius asked him 
tyrant. | j^ were determined to be in the Senate-house, 
the first day of the month of March, because he heard say 
that Caesar's friends should move the council that day, that 
Caesar should be called king by the Senate. Brutus 
answered him, he would not be there. * But if we be sent 
for,' said Cassius, ' how then ? ' ' For myself then,' said 
Brutus, ' I mean not to hold my peace, but to withstand it, 
and rather die than lose my liberty.' Cassius being bold, 
and taking hold of this word, ' Why,' quoth he, ' what 
Roman is he alive that will surfer thee to die for the liberty ? 
What, knowest thou not that thou art Brutus ? Thinkest 
thou that they be cobblers, tapsters, or suchlike base mechan 
ical people, that write these bills and scrolls which are found 
daily in thy Praetor's chair, and not the noblest men and 
best citizens that do it ? No, be thou well assured, that of 
other Praetors they look for gifts, common distributions 
amongst the people, and for common plays, and to see fen 
cers fight at the sharp, to shew the people pastime : but at 
thy hands they specially require (as a due debt unto them) 
the taking away of the tyranny, being fully bent to suffer 
any extremity for thy sake, so that thou wilt shew thyself 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, I. ii. 32-36. 


to be the man thou art taken for, and that they hope thou 
art.' Thereupon he kissed Brutus and embraced him : 
and so, each taking leave of other, they went both to speak 
*with their friends about it. Now amongst Pompey's friends 
*there was one called Caius" Ligarius, who had a i n another 
*been accused unto Caesar for taking part with cauliim 67 
*Pompey, and Caesar discharged him. But Ligarius Q uintus - 
*thanked not Caesar so much for his discharge, as he was 
*offended with him for that he was brought in danger by his 
*tyrannical power. 1 And therefore in his heart he was alway 
his mortal enemy, and was besides very familiar with Brutus, 
who went to see him being sick in his bed, and said unto 
thim : ' O Ligarius, in what a time art thou B rutus 
tsick ? ' Ligarius rising up in his bed, and taking Lj al ^"|j s 
thim by the right hand, said unto him : ' Brutus,' oneof the 
fsaid he, ' if thou hast any great enterprise in hand spiracy. 
tworthy of thyself, I am whole.' 2 After that time they 
began to feel all their acquaintance whom they trusted, 
and laid their heads together consulting upon it, and did 
not only pick out their friends, but all those also , 

' r They do 

whom they thought stout enough to attempt any hide t he 

r ' conspiracy 

desperate matter, and that were not afraid to lose against 


*their lives. For this cause they durst not acquaint from 

-_,. .... . . , , , Cicero. 

Cicero with their conspiracy, although he was a 
*man whom they loved dearly, and trusted best : for they 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, II. i. 215-16. 
z Ibid. II. i. 314-17. 


were afraid that he being a coward by nature, and age* 
also having increased his fear, he would quite turn and* 
alter all their purpose, and quench the heat of their enter-* 
prise, the which specially required hot and earnest execution,* 
seeking by persuasion to bring all things to such safety,* 
as there should be no peril. 1 Brutus also did let other of* 
his friends alone as Statilius Epicurean, and Favonius that 
made profession to follow Marcus Cato. Because that 
having cast out words afar off, disputing together in 
Philosophy to feel their minds, Favonius answered that 
civil war was worse than tyrannical government 

Civil war ' 

worse than usurped against the law. And Statilius told him 


govern- also that it were an unwise part of him, to put his 
life in danger for a sight of ignorant fools and 
asses. Labeo was present at this talk, and maintained the 
contrary against them both. But Brutus held his peace, 
as though it had been a doubtful matter, and a hard thing 
to have decided. But afterwards, being out of their com 
pany, he made Labeo privy to his intent : who very readily 
offered himself to make one. And they thought good also 
to bring in another Brutus to join with him, surnamed 
Albinus : who was no man of his hands himself, but because 
he was able to bring good force of a great number of slaves, 
and fencers at the sharp, whom he kept to shew the people 
pastime with their fighting, besides also that Caesar had 
some trust in him. Cassius and Labeo told Brutus Albinus 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, II. i. 141-52. 


of it at the first, but he made them no answer. But when 
he had spoken with Brutus himself alone, and that Brutus 
had told him he was the chief ringleader of all this con 
spiracy, then he willingly promised him the best aid he 
could. Furthermore, the only name and great calling of 
Brutus did bring on the most of them to give consent to 
*this conspiracy. Who having never taken oaths xhe 
* together, nor taken or given any caution or ^tlfand' 
*assurance, nor binding themselves one to another se crecy of 

the Con- 

*by any religious oaths : l they all kept the matter spirators 

J J f of Caesars 

so secret to themselves, and could so cunningly death, 
handle it, that notwithstanding the gods did reveal it by 
manifest signs and tokens from above, and by predictions of 
sacrifices, yet all this would not be believed. Now Brutus, 
who knew very well that for his sake all the noblest, valiant- 
est, and most courageous men of Rome did venture their 
lives, weighing with himself the greatness of the danger : 
when he was out of his house, he did so frame and fashion 
his countenance and looks, that no man could discern he 
*had anything to trouble his mind. But when night came 
*that he was in his own house, then he was clean changed. 
*For either care did wake him against his will when he 
*would have slept, or else oftentimes of himself he fell into 
*such deep thoughts of this enterprise, casting in his mind all 
*the dangers that might happen, that his wife, lying by him, 
*found that there was some marvellous great matter that 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, II. i. 114-40. 


troubled his mind, not being wont to be in that taking, and* 
that he could not well determine with himself. 1 * 


Cato's His wife Porcia (as we have told you before) was 

daughter . 

wife unto the daughter of Cato, whom Brutus married being 

Brutus. . . . , r 

his cousin, not a maiden, but a young widow alter 
the death of her first husband Bibulus, by whom she had 
Bibulus' a ^ so a y un g son called Bibulus, who afterwards 
book of W rote a book of the acts and gests of Brutus, extant 

Brutus ' 

acts - at this present day. This young Lady being 

excellently well seen in Philosophy, loving her husband well, 
Porcia an( ^ being of a noble courage, as she was also wise ; 
studied in b ecause s he would not ask her husband what he 

sophy, ailed before she had made some proof by her self, 

she took a little razor such as barbers occupy to pare men's 
nails, and, causing all her maids and women to go 
courage of out of her chamber, gave her self a great gash 
withal in her thigh, that she was straight all of a gore- 
blood, and incontinently after a vehement fever took her, by 
reason of the pain of her wound. Then perceiving 
difference . her husband was marvellously out of quiet, and that 

betwixt SL 

wife and he could take no rest, even in her greatest pain of 
Porcia's all she spake in this sort unto him : ' I being, O* 
unto d her ' Brutus,' (said she) the daughter of Cato, was* 
Brmus. d ' married unto thee, not to be thy bedfellow and* 
' companion in bed and at board only, like a harlot,* 
' but to be partaker also with thee of thy good and evil* 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, II. i. 237-55. 


*' fortune. Now for thyself, I can find no cause of fault 
*' in thee touching our match : but for my part, how may 
*' I shew my duty towards thee, and how much I would do 
*' for thy sake, if I cannot constantly bear a secret mischance 
*' or grief with thee, which requireth secrecy and fidelity ? 
*' I confess that a woman's wit commonly is too weak to 
*' keep a secret safely : but yet, Brutus, good education and 
*' the company of virtuous men have some power to reform 
*' the defect of nature. And for myself, I have this benefit 
* l moreover : that I am the daughter of Cato, and wife of 
*' Brutus. This notwithstanding, I did not trust to any of 
*' these things before : until that now I have found by 
*' experience, that no pain nor grief whatsoever can over- 
** come me.' With those words she shewed him her 
*wound on her thigh, and told him what she had done to 
*prove her self. Brutus was amazed to hear what she said 
*unto him, and lifting up his hands to heaven, he besought 
*the gods to give him the grace he might bring his enterprise 
*to so good pass, that he might be found a husband worthy 
*of so noble a wife as Porcia : so he then did comfort her the 
*best he could. 1 Now a day being appointed for the meeting 
of the Senate, at what time they hoped Caesar would not 
fail to come, the conspirators determined then to put their 
enterprise in execution, because they might meet safely at 
that time without suspicion, and the rather, for that all the 
noblest and chiefest men of the city would be there. Who, 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, II. i. 280-7, 292-303, 305-8. 


when they should see such a great matter executed, would 
every man then set-to their hands for the defence of their 
liberty. Furthermore, they thought also that the appoint 
ment of the place where the council should be kept, was 
chosen of purpose by divine providence, and made all for 
them. For it was one of the porches about the Theatre, 
in the which there was a certain place full of seats for men 
to sit in, where also was set up the image of Pompey, which 
the city had made and consecrated in honour of him, when 
he did beautify that part of the city with the Theatre he 
built, with diverse porches about it. In this place was the 
assembly of the Senate appointed to be, just on the fifteenth 
day of the month of March, which the Romans call Idus 
Martias : so that it seemed some god of purpose had brought 
Caesar thither to be slain, for revenge of Pompey's death. 
So, when the day was come, Brutus went out of his house 
with a dagger by his side under his long gown, that nobody 
saw nor knew, but his wife only. The other conspirators 
were all assembled at Cassius' house, to bring his son into 
the marlcet place, who on that day did put on the man's 
gown, called Toga Virilis, and from thence they came all in 
The a troop together unto Pompey's porch, looking that 

TOn n ston f "y Caesar would straight come thither. But here is 
con-Tira to ^ e note( ^ t ^ ie wonderful assured constancy of 
kilHn" of the 86 conspirators, in so dangerous and weighty 
Caesar. an enterprise as they had undertaken. For 
many of them being Praetors, by reason of their office, 


whose duty is to minister justice to everybody, they did not 
only with great quietness and courtesy hear them that spake 
unto them, or that pleaded matters before them, and gave 
them attentive ear, as if they had had no other matter in 
their heads : but moreover, they gave just sentence, and 
carefully despatched the causes before them. So there was 
one among them, who being condemned in a certain sum 
of money refused to pay it, and cried out that he did appeal 
unto Caesar. Then Brutus, casting his eyes upon the 
conspirators, said, ' Caesar shall not let me to see the law 
executed.' Notwithstanding this, by chance there 
fell out many misfortunes unto them, which was misfor- 
enough to have marred the enterprise. The first to have 

, , . ,. ^ , , . , broken off 

and chiefest was Caesar s long tarrying, who came the enter- 
very late to the Senate : for, because the signs of l ' 
the sacrifices appeared unlucky, his wife Calpurnia kept 
him at home, and the Soothsayers bade him beware he 
went not abroad. The second cause was when one came 
unto Casca being a conspirator, and, taking him by the 
hand, said unto him : ' O Casca, thou keptest it close from 
me, but Brutus hath told me all.' Casca being amazed at 
it, the other went on with his tale, and said : ' Why, how 
now, how cometh it to pass thou art thus rich, that thou 
dost sue to be Aedilis ? ' Thus Casca being deceived by 
the other's doubtful words, he told them it was a thousand 
*to one, he blabbed not out all the conspiracy. Another 
*Senator called Popillius Laena, after he had saluted Brutus 

VOL. I. K 


and Cassius more friendly than he was wont to do, he* 
rounded softly in their ears, and told them, ' I pray the* 
gods you may go through with that you have taken in hand,* 
but withal dispatch, I read you, for your enterprise is* 
bewrayed.' When he had said, he presently departed from* 
them, and left them both afraid that their conspiracy would* 
out. 1 Now in the meantime, there came one of Brutus'* 
men post-haste unto him, and told him his wife was a-dying. 
The weak- ^ or T rc being very careful and pensive for that* 
ness of which was to come, and being too weak to away* 

Porcia not . ' 

with- with so great and inward grief of mind : she could* 

her former hardly keep within, but was frighted with every* 
little noise and cry she heard, as those that are* 
taken and possessed with the fury of the Bacchantes, asking* 
every man that came from the market place, what Brutus* 
did, and still sent messenger after messenger, to know what* 
news. 2 At length, Caesar's coming being prolonged as you* 
have heard, Porcia's weakness was not able to hold out any 
lenger, and thereupon she suddenly swooned, that she had 
no leisure to go to her chamber, but was taken in the midst 
of her house, where her speech and senses failed her. 
Howbeit she soon came to her self again, and so was laid 
in her bed, and tended by her women. When Brutus 
heard these news, it grieved him, as it is to be presupposed : 
yet he left not off the care of his country and commonwealth, 
neither went home to his house for any news he heard. 
1 Cf. Julivs Caesar, III. i. 2 Ibid. II. iv. 13-17. 


Now, it was reported that Caesar was coming in his litter, 
for he determined not to stay in the Senate all that day 
(because he was afraid of the unlucky signs of the sacrifices) 
but to adjourn matters of importance unto the next session 
and council holden, feigning himself not to be well at ease. 

* When Caesar came out of his litter, Popillius Laena, that had 
*talked before with Brutus and Cassias, and had prayed the 
*gods they might bring this enterprise to pass, went unto 
*Caesar, and kept him a long time with a talk. Caesar gave 
*good ear unto him. Wherefore the conspirators (if so they 
*should be called) not hearing what he said to Caesar, but 
*conjecturing by that he had told them a little before, that 
*his talk was none other but the very discovery of their 
*conspiracy : they were afraid every man of them, and one 
*looking in another's face, it was easy to see that they all 
*were of a mind that it was no tarrying for them till they 
*were apprehended, but rather that they should kill them- 
*selves with their own hands. And when Cassius and 
*certain other clapped their hands on their swords under 

* their gowns to draw them, Brutus marking the countenance 
*and gesture of Laena, and considering that he did use him- 
*self rather like an humble and earnest suitor than , 


*like an accuser, he said nothing to his companion with his 


* (because there were many amongst them that were ance en- 


*not of the conspiracy)but with a pleasant counten- his fearful 

. _ , . . ,. , _ consorts. 

*ance encouraged Cassius. And immediately after 

* Laena went from Caesar, and kissed his hand : which 


shewed plainly that it was for some matter concerning him-* 
self, that he had held him so long in talk. 1 Now all the* 
Senators being entered first into this place or chapter-house 
where the council should be kept, all the other conspirators 
straight stood about Caesar's chair, as if they had had some 
thing to have said unto him. And some say that Cassius, 
casting his eyes upon Pompey's image, made his prayer unto 
aln it, as if it had been alive. Trcbonius," on th' other* 

Caesar's s j(j e drew Antonius at o' side as he came into the* 

life it is 

said it was house where the Senate sat, and held him with a* 


Brutus long talk without. 2 When Caesar was come into* 
that kept the house, all the house rose to honour him at his 

Antonius _ , . . 

with a talk coming in. So, when he was set, the conspirators 

flocked about him, and amongst them they pre- 

* In sented one Tullius* Cimber, who made humble 

Caesars 7 

life he is suit for the calling home again of his brother that 
Meteiius was banished. They all made as though they were 

intercessors for him, and took him by the hands 
and kissed his head and breast. Caesar at the first simply 
refused their kindness and entreaties : but afterwards, 

perceiving they still pressed on him, he violently 
murtherof thrust them from him. Then Cimber with both 

his hands plucked Caesar's gown over his shoulders, 
and Casca that stood behind him drew his dagger first, and 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, III. i. 18-24. 

8 Julius Caesar, III. i. 25, 6 ; Life of Caesar, p. 100 ; Life of Antony, 
Vol. II. pp. 20, 21. 


strake Caesar upon the shoulder, but gave him no great 
wound. Caesar, feeling himself hurt, took him Casca the 
straight by the hand he held his dagger in, and cried ^'nded 
out in Latin : ' O traitor Casca, what doest thou ? ' him ' 
Casca on th' other side cried in Greek, and called his brother 
to help him. So divers running on a heap together to fly 
upon Caesar, he looking about him to have fled, saw Brutus 
with a sword drawn in his hand ready to strike at him : then he 
let Casca's hand go, and, casting his gown over his face, suffered 
every man to strike at him that would. Then the conspirators 
thronging one upon another because every man was desirous 
to have a cut at him, so many swords and daggers lighting 
upon one body, one of them hurt another, and among them 
Brutus caught a blow on his hand, because he would make 
one in murdering of him, and all the rest also were every 
man of them bloodied. Caesar being slain in this manner, 
Brutus, standing in the midst of the house, would have 
spoken and stayed the other Senators that were not of the 
conspiracy, to have told them the reason why they had done 
this fact. But they, as men both afraid and amazed, fled 
one upon another's neck in haste to get out at the door, and 
no man followed them. For it was set down and agreed 
between them that they should kill no man but Caesar 
only, and should entreat all the rest to look to defend their 
*liberty. All the conspirators but Brutus, determining upon 
*this matter, thought it good also to kill Antonius, because 
*he was a wicked man, and that in nature favoured tyranny : 


besides also, for that he was in great estimation with soldiers,* 
having been conversant of long time amongst them : and* 
specially having a mind bent to great enterprises, he was* 
also of great authority at that time, being Consul with* 
^ Caesar. But Brutus would not agree to it. 1 * 

Antonhis First, for that he said it was not honest : secondly, 

was not ' 

slain with because he told them there was hope of change in 
him. For he did not mistrust, but that Antonius, 
being a noble-minded and courageous man, (when he should 
know that Caesar was dead) would willingly help his 
country to recover her liberty, having them an example 
unto him, to follow their courage and virtue. So Brutus 
by this means saved Antonius' life, who at that present 
Brutus time disguised himself and stale away. But Brutus 
consols anc ^ his consorts, having their swords bloody in 
went unto t fe[ T hands, went straight to the Capitol, per- 
Capitol. suading the Romans as they went to take their 
liberty again. Now, at the first time when the murther 
was newly done, there were sudden outcries of people that 
ran up and down the city, the which indeed did the more 
increase the fear and tumult. But when they saw they slew 
no man, neither did spoil or make havoc of anything, then 
certain of the Senators and many of the people, emboldening 
themselves, went to the Capitol unto them. There a great 
number of men being assembled together one after another, 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, II. i. 155-66, 181-5 5 Life of Antonius, Vol. II. 
p. 20. 


Brutus made an oration unto them to win the favour of the 
people, and to justify that they had done. All those that 
were by said they had done well, and cried unto them that 
they should boldly come down from the Capitol. Whereupon, 
Brutus and his companions came boldly down into the 
*market place. The rest followed in troop, but Brutus went 
*foremost, very honourably compassed in round about with 
*the noblest men of the city, which brought him from the 
*Capitol, through the market place, to the pulpit for ora- 
*tions. When the people saw him in the pulpit, although 
*they were a multitude of rakehells of all sorts, and had a 
*good will to make some stir : yet being ashamed to do it for 
*the reverence they bare unto Brutus, they kept silence, to 
*hear what he would say. When Brutus began to speak, 
*they gave him quiet audience l : howbeit immediately after, 
they shewed that they were not all contented with the 
murther. For when another called Cinna would have 
spoken, and began to accuse Caesar, they fell into a great 
uproar among them, and marvellously reviled him. Inso 
much that the conspirators returned again into the Capitol. 
There Brutus, being afraid to be besieged, sent back again 
*the noblemen that came thither with him, thinking it no 
*reason that they, which were no partakers of the murther, 
*should be partakers of the danger. 2 Then the next morning 
the Senate being assembled, and holden within the temple 
of the goddess Tellus, to wit, the earth, and Antonius, 
1 Cf. Julius Caesar, III. ii. i-n. 2 Ibid. III. i. 94, 5. 


Plancus, and Cicero having made a motion to the Senate 
in that assembly, that they should take an order to pardon 
and forget all that was past, and to stablish friendship and 
peace again : it was decreed, that they should not only be 
pardoned, but also that the Consuls should refer it to the 
Senate what honours should be appointed unto 

Honours r r 

decreed them. This being agreed upon, the Senate brake 

for the . A . 

murtherers up, and Antonius the Consul, to put them in 

of Caesar. . . 

heart that were in the Capitol, sent them his son 
for a pledge. Upon this assurance, Brutus and his com 
panions came down from the Capitol, where every man 
saluted and embraced each other, among the which 
Antonius himself did bid Cassius to supper to him : and 
Lepidus also bade Brutus, and so one bade another, as they 
had friendship and acquaintance together. The next day 
following, the Senate being called again to council did first 
of all commend Antonius, for that he had wisely stayed and 
quenched the beginning of a civil war : then they also gave 
Brutus and his consorts great praises, and lastly they appointed 
them several governments of provinces. For unto Brutus, 
they appointed Creta : Africk, unto Cassius : Asia, unto 
Trebonius : Bithynia, unto Cimber : and unto the other 
Decius Brutus Albinus, Gaul on this side the Alps. When 
this was done, they came to talk of Caesar's will 

Caesar s ' 

will & and testament, and of his funerals and tomb. 

Then Antonius thinking good his testament should 

be read openly, and also that his body should be honourably 


buried, and not in hugger mugger, lest the people might 
thereby take occasion to be worse offended if they did 
otherwise : Cassius stoutly spake against it. But Brutus 
went with the motion, and agreed unto it : wherein it 
seemeth he committed a second fault. For the Brutus 
first fault he did was when he would not consent two^'e^ 
to his fellow-conspirators, that Antonius should oS^f* 1 
be slain : and therefore he was justly accused, that death - 
thereby he had saved and strengthened a strong and grievous 
enemy of their conspiracy. The second fault was when he 
agreed that Caesar's funerals should be as Antonius would 
fhave them : the which indeed marred all. For first of all, 
fwhen Caesar's testament was openly read among them, 
fwhereby it appeared that he bequeathed unto every Citizen 
tof Rome 75 Drachmas a man, and that he left his gardens 
fand arbours unto the people, which he had on this side of 
fthe river of Tiber, in the place where now the temple 
tof Fortune is built : the people then loved him, and were 
tmarvellous sorry for him. 1 Afterwards, when Antonius 1 
*Caesar's body was brought into the market place, o"""* 1 , for 
*Antonius making his funeral oration in praise of Caesar - 
*the dead, according to the ancient custom of Rome, and 
*perceiving that his words moved the common people to 
*compassion : he framed his eloquence to make their hearts 
*yearn the more, and, taking Caesar's gown all bloody in his 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, III. ii. 245-56 ; Life of Caesar, p. 104 ; Life of 
Antonius, Vol. II. p. 23, 24. 


hand, he laid it open to the sight of them all, shewing* 
what a number of cuts and holes it had upon it. There-* 
withal the people fell presently into such a rage and mutiny,* 
that there was no more order kept amongst the common* 
people. For some of them cried out, ' Kill the murtherers : ' l * 
others plucked up forms, tables, and stalls about the market* 
place, as they had done before at the funerals of Clodius,* 
and having laid them all on a heap together they set them* 
on fire, and thereupon did put the body of Caesar, and* 
burnt it in the midst of the most holy places. And further-* 
more, when the fire was thoroughly kindled, some here,* 
some there, took burning firebrands, and ran with them to* 
the murtherers' houses that had killed him, to set them* 
afire. 2 Howbeit the conspirators, foreseeing the danger* 
before, had wisely provided for themselves, and fled. 3 * 
, But there was a Poet called Cinna, who had* 

strange been no partaker of the conspiracy, but was alway* 

dream of * f ' * 

Cinna one of Caesar's chiefest friends : he dreamed the* 
night before that Caesar bade him to supper with* 
him, and that he refusing to go, Caesar was very im-* 
portunate with him, and compelled him, so that at length* 
he led him by the hand into a great dark place, where* 
being marvellously afraid, he was driven to follow him in* 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, III. ii. 45-210 ; Life of Antonius, Vol. II. p. 22. 

2 Cf. Julius Caesar, III. ii. 258-64 ; Life of Caesar, p. 104 ; Life of 
Antonius, Vol. II. p. 22. 

3 Cf. Julius Caesar, III. ii. 273, 4 ; Life of Antonius, Vol. II. p. 22. 


*spite of his heart. This dream put him all night into a 
*fever, and yet notwithstanding, the next morning when he 
*heard that they carried Caesar's body to burial, being 
*ashamed not to accompany his funerals : he went out of his 
*house, and thrust himself into the press of the common 
*people that were in a great uproar. And because 
*some one called him by his name, Cinna, the mu rder of 
*people thinking he had been that Cinna, who Po"?, athe 
*in an oration he made had spoken very evil of ^' s n t f ken 
*Caesar, they falling upon him in their rage slew ^ r l n ? ther 
*him outright in the market place. 1 This made name. 


Brutus and his companions more afraid than any and his 

. consorts 

other thing, next unto the change of Antonms. do fly from 
Wherefore they got them out of Rome, and kept 
at the first in the city of Antium, hoping to return again 
to Rome, when the fury of the people were a little 
assuaged. The which they hoped would be quickly, con 
sidering that they had to deal with a fickle and unconstant 
multitude, easy to be carried, and that the Senate stood 
for them : who notwithstanding made no inquiry of 
them that had torn poor Cinna the Poet in pieces, but 
caused them to be sought for and apprehended that went 
with firebrands to set fire of the conspirators' houses. 
The people growing weary now of Antonius' pride and 
insolency, who ruled all things in manner with absolute 
power : they desired that Brutus might return again, and 
1 Cf. Julius Caesar, III. iii. ; Life of Caesar, p. 105. 


it was also looked for, that Brutus would come himself in 
person to play the plays which were due to the people, by 
reason of his office of Praetorship. But Brutus understand 
ing that many of Ceasar's soldiers which served under him 
in the wars, and that also had lands and houses given them 
in the cities where they lay, did lie in wait for him to kill 
him, and that they daily by small companies came by one 

and by one into Rome : he durst no more return 
plays and thither, but yet the people had the pleasure and 
Romefn pastime in his absence, to see the games and sports 
absence. ne made them, which were sumptuously set forth 

and furnished with all things necessary, sparing for 
no cost. For he had bought a great number of strange 
beasts, of the which he would not give one of them to any 
friend he had, but that they should all be employed in his 
games : and went himself as far as Byzantium, to speak to 
some players of comedies and Musicians that were there. 
And further, he wrote unto his friends for one Canutius an 
excellent player, that, whatsoever they did, they should 
entreat him to play in these plays : ' For,' said he, 'it is 
no reason to compel any Grecian, unless he will come of 
his own good will.' Moreover, he wrote also unto Cicera, 
and earnestly prayed him in any case to be at these plays. 
Octavius Now the state of Rome standing in these terms, 
coming 5 there fell out another change and alteration, when 
to Rome, ^ young man Octavius Caesar came to Rome. 
He was the son of Julius Caesar's niece, whom he had 


adopted for his son, and made his heir by his last will and 
testament. But when Julius Caesar his adopted father was 
slain, he was in the city of Apolkmia where he studied, 
tarrying for him, because he was determined to make war 
with the Parthians : but when he heard the news of his 
death, he returned again to Rome, where to begin to curry 
favour with the common people, he first of all took upon 
him his adopted father's name, and made distribution 
among them of the money which his father had bequeathed 
unto them. By this means he troubled Antonius sorely, 
and by force of money got a great number of his father's 
soldiers together, that had served in the wars with him. 
And Cicero himself, for the great malice he bare Antonius, 
did favour his proceedings. But Brutus marvellously re 
proved him for it, and wrote unto him, that he T 


seemed by his doings not to be sorry to have a reproved 

1 ] Cicero for 

Master, but only to be afraid to have one that taking 
should hate him : and that all his doings in the Octavius 
commonwealth did witness that he chose to be 
subject to a mild and courteous bondage, sith by his words 
and writings he did commend this young man Octavius 
Caesar to be a good and gentle Lord. * For our prede 
cessors,' said he, * would never abide to be subject to any 
Masters, how gentle or mild soever they were : ' and, for 
his own part, that he had never resolutely determined with 
himself to make war, or peace, but otherwise, that he was 
certainly minded never to be slave nor subject. And 


therefore he wondered much at him, how Cicero could be 
afraid of the danger of civil wars, and would not be afraid 
of a shameful peace : and that to thrust Antonius out of 
the usurped tyranny, in recompense he went about to 
stablish young Octavius Caesar tyrant. These were the 
contents of Brutus' first letters he wrote unto Cicero. 
Now, the city of Rome being divided in two factions, some 
taking part with Antonius, other also leaning unto Octavius 
Caesar, and the soldiers making portsale of their service to 
him that would give most : Brutus seeing the state of Rome 
would be utterly overthrown, he determined to go out of 
Italy, and went afoot through the country of Luke unto the 
city of Elea, standing by the sea. There Porcia, being ready 
to depart from her husband Brutus and to return 

Porcia s 

sorrowful to Rome, did what she could to dissemble the 

return to 

Rome for grief and sorrow she felt at her heart : but a certain 
absence of painted table bewrayed her in the end, although 
husband until that time she always shewed a constant and 
patient mind. The device of the table was taken 
of Hector out of the Greek stories, how Andromache accom- 
drornache P an ied her husband Hector, when he went out of 
fn'painted ^e C ' t 7 ^ Troy to go to the wars, and how 
tables. Hector delivered her his little son, and how her 
eyes were never off him. Porcia seeing this picture, and 
likening herself to be in the same case, she fell a-weeping : 
and coming thither oftentimes in a day to see it, she wept 
still. Acilius, one of Brutus' friends, perceiving that, 


rehearsed the verses Andromache speaketh to this purpose 
in Homer : 

Thou, Hector, art my father, and my mother, and my brother, 
And husband eke, and all in all : I mind not any other. 

Then Brutus, smiling, answered again : ' But yet ' (said 
he) ' I cannot for my part say unto Porcia, as Hector 
answered Andromache in the same place of the poet : 

Tush, meddle thou with weighing duly out 
Thy maids their task, and pricking on a clout. 

For indeed the weak constitution of her body doth not 
suffer her to perform in shew the valiant acts that we are 
able to do : but, for courage and constant mind, she shewed 
her self as stout in the defence of her country, as any of us.' 
Bibulus, the son of Porcia, reporteth this story thus. Now 
Brutus embarking at Elea in Luke, he sailed directly 
towards Athens. When he arrived there, the people of 
Athens received him with common joys of rejoicing, and 
honourable decrees made for him. He lay with a How 
friend of his, with whom he went daily to hear Brutus 

* bestowed 

the lectures of Theomnestus Academic Philosopher, his time at 


and of Cratippus the Peripatetic, and so would 
talk with them in Philosophy, that it seemed he left all 
other matters, and gave himself only unto study : howbeit 
secretly, notwithstanding, he made preparation for war. 
For he sent Herostratus into Macedon, to win the Captains 
and soldiers that were upon those marches, and he did also 


entertain all the young gentlemen of the Romans, whom 
he found in Athens studying Philosophy : amongst them he 
_. found Cicero's son, whom he highly praised and 

Brutus > ' r 

com- commended, saying, that whether he waked or 

mendeth ' 

Cicero's slept he found him of a noble mind and dis- 

son. ....... . . 

position, he did in nature so much hate tyrants. 
Shortly after, he began to enter openly into arms : and 
being advertised that there came out of Asia a 


prepareth certain fleet of Roman ships that had good store 

himself to . . 

war. of money in them, and that the Captain of those 

ships (who was an honest man, and his familiar friend) 
came towards Athens, he went to meet him as far as the 
Isle of Carystos, and having spoken with him there, he 
handled him so, that he was contented to leave his ships 
in his hands. Whereupon he made him a notable banquet 
at his house, because it was on his birthday. When the 
feast day came, and that they began to drink lustily one to 
another, the guests drank to the victory of Brutus, and the 
liberty of the Romans. Brutus therefore, to encourage 
them further, called for a bigger cup, and holding it in his 
hand, before he drank spake this aloud : 

My destiny and Phcebus are agreed, 

To bring me to my final end with speed. 

And for proof hereof it is reported, that the same day he 
fought his last battle by the city of Philippi, as he came 
out of his tent he gave his men for the word and signal ot 
battle, Phcebus : so that it was thought ever since, that this 


his sudden crying out at the feast was a prognostication of 
his misfortune that should happen. After this, Antistius 
gave him of the money he carried into Italy 50 Myriads. 
Furthermore, all Pompey's soldiers that straggled up and 
down Thessaly came with very good will unto him. He 
took from Cinna also five hundred horsemen, which he 
carried into Asia, unto Dolabella. After that, he went by 
sea unto the city of Demetriad, and there took a great deal 
of armour and munition which was going to Antonius, and 
the which had been made and forged there by Julius 
Caesar's commandment, for the wars against the Parthians. 
Furthermore, Hortensius, governor of Macedon, did resign 
the government thereof unto him. Besides, all the 
Princes, kings, and noblemen thereabouts came and joined 
with him, when it was told him that Caius (Antonius' 
brother) coming out of Italy, had passed the sea, and came 
with great speed towards the city of Dyrrachium and 
Apollonia, to get the soldiers into his hands which Gabinius 
had there. Brutus therefore, to prevent him, went pre 
sently with a few of his men in the midst of winter when 
it snew hard, and took his way through hard and foul 
countries, and made such speed indeed, that he was there 
long before Antonius' sumpters that carried the A strange 
victuals. So that, when he came near unto Dyr- f^ 56 
rachium, a disease took him which the physicians ^D"?- 
call flovXifjiia, to say, a cormorant and unsatiable "chium. 
appetite to eat : by reason of the cold and pains he 

VOL. I. L 


had taken. This sickness chanceth often both to men 
and beasts that travel when it hath snowen : either because 
Why by the natural heat being retired into the inward 
hungry 13 P arts ^ tne body, by the coldness of the air hard- 
taketff ening the skin, doth straight disgest and consume 
men that t h meat . or e j se b ecause a sharp subtle wind, 
wftl" ed coming by reason of the snow when it is molten, 
travel. doth pierce into the body, and driveth out the 
natural heat which was cast outward. For it seemeth that the 
heat being quenched with the cold, which it meeteth withal 
coming out of the skin of the body, causeth the sweats that 
follow the disease. But hereof we have spoken at large in 
other places. Brutus being very faint, and having nothing 
in his camp to eat, his soldiers were compelled to go to their 
enemies, and, coming to the gates of the city they prayed 
the warders to help them to bread. When they heard in 
what case Brutus was, they brought him both meat and 
Brutus' drink : in requital whereof afterwards, when he 
nessand wan tne c ' l ty> ^ e did not only entreat and; use the 
clemency, Citizens thereof courteously, but all the inhabitants 
of the city also for their sakes. Now, when Caius Antonius 
was arrived in the city of Apollonia, he sent unto the 
soldiers thereabouts to come unto him. But, when he 
understood that they went all to Brutus, and furthermore, 
that the Citizens of Apollonia did favour him much, he 
then forsook that city, and went unto the city of Buthrotum, 
but yet he lost three of his ensigns by the way, that were 


slain every man of them. Then he sought by force to win 
certain places of strength about Byllis, and to drive Brutus' 
men from thence, that had taken it before : and therefore, 
to obtain his purpose, he fought a battle with Cicero, the 
son of Marcus Tullius Cicero, by whom he was overcome. 
For Brutus made the younger Cicero a Captain, and did 
many notable exploits by his service. Shortly after, having 
stolen upon Caius Antonius in certain marishes far from the 
place from whence he fled, he would not set on him with 
fury, but only rode round about him, commanding his 
soldiers to spare him and his men, as reckoning them all his 
own without stroke striking : and so indeed it happened. 
For they yielded themselves, and their Captain c Anton . 
Antonius, unto Brutus : so that Brutus had now '^ ielded 
a great army about him. Now Brutus kept this Brutus. 
Caius Antonius long time in his office, and never took from 
him the marks and signs of his Consulship, although many 
of his friends, and Cicero among others, wrote unto him to 
put him to death. But when he saw Antonius secretly 
practised with his Captains to make some alteration, then 
he sent him into a ship, and made him to be kept there. 
When the soldiers whom C. Antonius had corrupted were 
gotten into the city of Apollonia, and sent from thence 
unto Brutus to come unto them : he made them answer, 
that it was not the manner of Roman Captains to come to 
the soldiers, but the soldiers to come to the Captain, and to 
crave pardon for their offences committed. Thereupon they 


came to him, and he pardoned them. So, Brutus preparing 
to go into Asia, news came unto him of the great change at 
Rome. For Octavius Caesar was in arms, by commandment 
and authority from the Senate, against Marcus Antonius. 
But after that he had driven Antonius out of Italy, the 
Senate then began to be afraid of him : because he sued to 
be Consul, which was contrary to the law, and kept a great 
army about him, when the Empire of Rome had no need of 
them. On the other side, Octavius Caesar perceiving the 
Senate stayed not there, but turned unto Brutus that was 
out of Italy, and that they appointed him the government 
_ . of certain provinces : then he begun to be afraid 

Octavius r 

Caesar f or his part, and sent unto Antonius to offer him 

joineth . . 

with his friendship. Then coming on with his army 

Antonius. _- . . . . , 

near to Rome, he made himself to be chosen 
Consul, whether the Senate would or not, when he was yet 
but a stripling or springal of twenty year old, as himself 
Brutus reporteth in his own commentaries. So, when he 
and"con- was Consul, he presently appointed Judges to accuse 
Oc'tavius' 1 '' Brutus and his companions, for killing of the 
mean^fbr noblest person in Rome, and chiefest Magistrate, 
of juHus 1 wit* 1011 * l avv or judgement : and made L. 
Caesar. Cornificius accuse Brutus, and M. Agrippa, 
Cassius. So the parties accused were condemned, because 
the Judges were compelled to give such sentence. The 
voice went, that when the Herald (according to the custom 
after sentence given) went up to the chair or pulpit for 


orations, and proclaimed Brutus with a loud voice, summon 
ing him to appear in person before the Judges, the people 
that stood by sighed openly, and the noblemen that were 
present hung down their heads, and durst not speak a word. 
*Among them, the tears fell from Publius Silicius' eyes : 
*who, shortly after, was one of the proscripts or outlaws 
*appointed to be slain. 1 After that, these three, 
*Octavius Caesar, Antonius, and Lepidus, made an Trium- 
*agreement between themselves, aud by those 
*articles, divided the provinces belonging to the Empire ot 
*Rome among themselves, and did set up bills of proscription 
*and outlawry, condemning two hundred of the noblest men 
*of Rome to suffer death, 2 and among that number Cicero 
*was one. 3 News being brought thereof into Macedon, 
Brutus being then enforced to it, wrote unto 
Hortensius that he should put Caius Antonius to tonius 
death, to be revenged of the death of Cicero, and 
of the other Brutus, of the which the one was his friend, 
and the other his kinsman. For this cause therefore, Antonius 
afterwards taking Hortensius at the battle of Philippi, he 
made him to be slain upon his brother's tomb. But then 
Brutus said, that he was more ashamed of the cause for the 
which Cicero was slain, than he was otherwise sorry for his 
death : and that he could not but greatly reprove his friends 
he had at Rome, who were slaves more through their own 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, IV. i. 4, 5. 2 Ibid. IV. i. 1-9. 

3 Ibid. IV. iii. 177-9. 


fault, than through their valiantness or manhood which 
usurped the tyranny : considering that they were so 
cowardly and faint-hearted, as to suffer the sight of those 
things before their eyes, the report whereof should only 
have grieved them to the heart. Now when Brutus had 
passed over his army (that was very great) into Asia, he 
gave order for the gathering of a great number of ships 
together, as well in the coast of Bithynia, as also in the city 
of Cyzicus, because he would have an army by sea : and 
himself in the meantime went unto the cities, taking order 
for all things, and giving audience unto Princes and noble 
men of the country that had to do with him. Afterwards 
he sent unto Cassius in Syria, to turn him from his journey 
into Egypt, telling him that it was not for the conquest of 
any kingdom for themselves that they wandered up and 
down in that sort, but contrarily, that it was to restore their 
country again to their liberty : and that the multitude ot 
soldiers they gathered together was to subdue the tyrants 
that would keep them in slavery and subjection. Where 
fore, regarding their chief purpose and intent, they should 
not be far from Italy, as near as they could possible, but 
should rather make all the haste they could to help their 
countrymen. Cassius believed him, and returned. 


and Brutus went to meet him, and they both met at the 

Cassius do 1-1 c 

join armies city of Smyrna, which was the first time that they 

together. * , 

saw together since they took leave each of other at 
the haven of Piraeus in Athens : the one going into Syria, 


and the other into Macedon. So they were marvellous 
joyful, and no less courageous, when they saw the great 
armies together which they had both levied : considering 
that they departing out of Italy like naked and poor 
banished men, without armour and money, nor having any 
ship ready, nor soldier about them, nor any one town at 
their commandment : yet notwithstanding, in a short time 
after they were now met together, having ships, money, 
and soldiers enow, both footmen and horsemen, to fight for 
the Empire of Rome. Now Cassius would have done 
Brutus as much honour, as Brutus did unto him : but 
Brutus most commonly prevented him, and went fist unto 
*him, both because he was the elder man, 1 as also for that he 
*was sickly of body. And men reputed him com- The sharp 
*monly to be very skilful in wars, but otherwise conations 
* marvellous choleric and cruel, 2 who sought to rule ofCassius - 
men by fear, rather than with lenity : and on the other 
side he was too familiar with his friends, and would jest 
too broadly with them. But Brutus in contrary Brutus' 
manner, for his virtue and valiantness, was well- fndVair 
beloved of the people and his own, esteemed of condltlons - 
noble men, and hated of no man, not so much as of his 
enemies : because he was a marvellous lowly and gentle 
*person, noble-minded, and would never be in any rage, nor 
*carried away with pleasure and covetousness, but had ever an 
*upright mind^with him, and would never yield to any wrong 
Cf. Julius Caesar, IV. iii. 30, i. 2 Ibid. IV. iii. 43, 4. 


or injustice, the which was the chiefest cause of his fame, of* 

his rising, and of the good will that every man bare him : for* 

they were all persuaded that his intent was good. 1 * 

Brutus' -ii TI i i* 1 ./-TT| 

intent For they did not certainly believe, that if Pompey 
had over- himself had overcome Caesar he would have re- 


signed his authority to the law : but rather they 
were of opinion that he would still keep the sovereignty and 
absolute government in his hands, taking only, to please the 
people, the title of Consul or Dictator, or of some other more 
civil office. And as for Cassius, a hot, choleric, and cruel 
man, that would oftentimes be carried away from justice for 
gain : it was certainly thought that he made war, and put 
himself into sundry dangers, more to have absolute power 
and authority, than to defend the liberty of his country. 
For they that will also consider others, that were elder men 
than they, as Cinna, Marius, and Carbo, it is out of doubt 
that the end and hope of their victory was to be Lords of 
their country : and in manner they did all confess that they 
fought for the tyranny, and to be Lords of the Empire of 
Rome. And in contrary; manner, his enemies themselves did 

never reprove Brutus for any such change or desire. 

Antonius -11 . 

testimony For it was said that Antonius spake it openly* 

of Brutus. ,. . 111 i ,,-,,, 

divers times, that he thought that of all them that* 
had slain Caesar there was none but Brutus only, that* 
was moved to do it as thinking the act commendable of it-* 
self; but that all the other conspirators did conspire hist 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, V. v. 73-5. 


tdeath for some private malice or envy, that they otherwise 
tdid bear unto him. 1 Hereby it appeareth that Brutus did 
not trust so much to the power of his army, as he did to his 
own virtue : as is to be seen by his writings. For approach 
ing near to the instant danger, he wrote unto Pomponius 
Atticus, that his affairs had the best hap that could be. 
* For,' said he, ' either I will set my country at Brutus' 
liberty by battle, or by honourable death rid me ?h mind 
of this bondage.' And furthermore, that they countr >'- 
being certain and assured of all things else, this one thing 
only was doubtful to them : whether they should live or 
die with liberty. He wrote also that Antonius had his 
due payment for his folly. For where he might have been 
a partner equally of the glory of Brutus, Cassius and Cato, 
and have made one with them, he liked better to choose to 
be joined with Octavius Caesar alone : * with whom, though 
now he be not overcome by us, yet shall he shortly after 
also have war with him.' And truly he proved B rutus 
a true Prophet, for so came it indeed to pass. p'opLtot 
*Now, whilst Brutus and Cassius were together in Antonms - 
*the city of Smyrna, Brutus prayed Cassius to let him have 
*some part of his money, whereof he had great store, because 
*all that he could rap and rend of his side he had bestowed 
*it in making so great a number of ships, that by means of 
*them they should keep all the sea at their commandment. 
*Cassius' friends hindered this request, and earnestly dis- 

1 Cf, Julius Caesar, V. v. 68-72. 


--; V- 

Cf. - 


suaded him from it : persuading him, that it was no reason* 
that Brutus should have the money which Cassius had* 
gotten together by sparing, and levied with great evil will of* 
the people their subjects, for him to bestow liberally upon* 
his soldiers, and by this means to win their good wills by* 
Cassius' charge. This notwithstanding, Cassius gave him* 
the third part of his total sum. 1 So Cassius and Brutus* 
Cassius ^en departing from each other, Cassius took the 
cifyof 6 c ity f Rhodes, where he too dishonestly and 
Rhodes. cruelly used himself: although when he came 
into the city, he answered some of the inhabitants, who 
called him Lord and King, that he was neither Lord nor 
King, but he only that had slain him, that would have been 
Lord and King. Brutus, departing from thence, sent unto 
the Lycians to require money, and men of war. But there 
was a certain Orator called Naucrates, that made the cities 
to rebel against him, insomuch that the countrymen of that 
country kept the straits and little mountains, thinking by 
that means to stop Brutus' passage. Wherefore 


gests in Brutus sent his horsemen against them, who stale 
upon them as they were at dinner, and slew six 
hundred of them : and taking all the small towns and 
villages, he did let all the prisoners he took go without 
payment of ransom, hoping, by this his great courtesy to 
win them, to draw all the rest of the country unto him. 
But they were so fierce and obstinate, that they would 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, IV. iii. 69-84. 


mutiny for every small hurt they received as they passed 
by their country, and did despise his courtesy and good 
nature : until that at length he went to besiege the city of 
the Xanthians, within the which were shut up the cruellest 
and most warlikest men of Lycia. There was a river that ran 
by the walls of the city, in the which many men saved them 
selves, swimming between two waters, and fled : howbeit 
they laid nets overthwart the river, and tied little bells on 
the top of them, to sound when any man was taken in the 
nets. The Xanthians made a sally out by night, and came 
to fire certain engines of battery that beat down their walls : 
but they were presently driven in again by the Romans, so 
soon as they were discovered. The wind by 

, . , / The city of 

chance was marvellous big, and increased the Xanthus 

ri ..... .... . set a fire. 

name so sore, that it violently carried it into the 
cranews of the wall of the city, so that the next houses unto 
them were straight set a fire thereby. Wherefore Brutus 
being afraid that all the city would take of a fire, he 
presently commanded his men to quench the fire, and to 
save the town if it might be. But the Lycians at that 
instant fell into such a frenzy and strange and horrible 
despair, that no man can well express it : and a man can not 
more rightly compare or liken it, than to a frantic The 
and most desperate desire to die. ^For all of them desperate 
together, with their wives and children, Masters and Xan- 
servants, and of all sorts of age whatsoever, fought 
upon the ramper of their walls, and did cast down stones 


and fireworks on the Romans, which were very busy in 
quenching the flame of the fire to save the city. And in 
contrary manner also, they brought faggots, dry wood, and 
reeds, to bring the fire further into the city as much as 
might be, increasing it by such things as they brought. 
Now when the fire had gotten into all the parts of the 
city, and that the flame burnt bright in every place : Brutus, 
being sorry to see it, got upon his horse, and rode round 
about the walls of the city, to see if it were possible to 
save it, and held up his hands to the inhabitants, praying 
them to pardon their city, and to save themselves. How- 
beit they would not be persuaded, but did all that they 
could possible to cast themselves away, not only men and 
women, but also little children. For some of them weep 
ing and crying out did cast themselves into the fire : others 
headlong throwing themselves down from the walls brake 
their necks : others also made their necks bare to the 
naked swords of their fathers, and undid their clothes, pray 
ing them to kill them with their own hands. After the city 
was burnt, they found a woman hanged up by her neck, 
holding one of her children in her hand dead by her, hanged 
up also : and in the other hand a burning torch setting fire 
on her house. Some would have had Brutus to have seen 
her, but he would not see so horrible and tragical a sight : 
but when he heard it he fell a weeping, and caused a Herald 
to make proclamation by sound of trumpet, that he would 
give a certain sum of money to every soldier that could save 


a Xanthian. So there were not (as it is reported) above 
fifty of them saved, and yet they were saved against their 
wills. Thus the Xanthians having ended the revolution ot 
their fatal destiny, after a long continuance of time they did 
through their desperation renew the memory of the lament 
able calamities of their Ancestors. Who in like manner, in 
the wars of the Persians, did burn their city, and destroyed 
themselves. Therefore Brutus likewise besieging the city of 
the Patareans, perceiving that they stoutly resisted him, he 
was also afraid of that, and could not well tell whether he 
should give assault to it or not, lest they would fall into the 
despair and desperation of the Xanthians. How- xhe 
beit, having taken certain of their women prisoners, Jo yidd" 5 
he sent them back again without payment of ^J^** 1 
ransom. Now they that were the wives and Brutus- 
Daughters of the noblest men of the city, reporting unto 
their parents that they had found Brutus a merciful, just, 
and courteous man : they persuaded them to yield them 
selves and their city unto him, the which they did. So, 
after they had thus yielded themselves, divers other cities 
also followed them, and did the like : and found Brutus 
more merciful and courteous than they thought The ex- 
they should have done, but specially far above covetous- 
Cassius. For Cassius, about the self same time, "meity of 
after he had compelled the Rhodians every man J^f, 1 " 5 
to deliver all the ready money they had in gold Rhodians. 
and silver in their houses, the which being brought together 


Captainsft to the sum of eight thousand talents : yet he 
twixt thied the city besides to pay the sum of five hundred 
other ymore. Where Brutus in contrary manner, after he 
badf/Ievied of all the country of Lycia but a hundred and 
talents only, he departed thence into the country of 
Ionia, and did them no more hurt. Now Brutus 
* n a ^ ^' ls j ourne y did many notable acts and 
Lycians. worthy of memory, both for rewarding, as also in 
punishing those that had deserved it : wherefore among the 
rest I will tell you of one thing, of the which he himselt 
and all the noblemen of the Romans were marvellous glad. 
When Pompey the great (having lost the battle against 
Julius Caesar in the fields of Pharsalia) came and fell upon 
the coast of Egypt, hard by the city of Pelusium, those 
that were protectors to the young king Ptolemy, being 
then but a child, sate in council with his servants and 
friends, what they should determine in that case. They 
were not all of one mind in this consultation : for some 
thought it good to receive Pompey, others also, that they 
should drive him out of Egypt. But there was a 

1 neodot'js cv * 

born in certain Rhetorician called Theodotus, that was 

Chio, a 

Rheto- born in the Isle of Chio, who was the king's 
School- Schoolmaster to teach him Rhetoric. He, being 
Ptolemy called to this council for lack of sufficienter men, 
king^f"" 2 said, that both the one and the other side went 
awry, as well those that were of opinion to receive 
Pompey, as the other that would have had him driven 


away : and that the best way was (considering th i j 

time) that they should lay hold on him, and kill hin ^ h e 
withal this sentence, that 'a dead man biteth not.' T| i 11 
The whole council stuck to this opinion. So, for f*y i 
a notable example of incredible misfortune, and n ;an 

i i i r T-. biteth n, 

unlocked for unto rompey, rompey the great , 

was slain, by the motion and council of this wicked Rhe 
torician Theodotus, as Theodotus afterwards did himself 
boast of it. But when Julius Caesar came afterwards into 
Egypt, the wicked men that consented to this counsel had 
their payment according to their deserts : for they died 
every man of them a wicked death, saving this Theodotus, 
whom fortune respited a little while lenger, and yet in that 
time he lived a poor and miserable life, never tarrying long 
in any one place. So, Brutus going up and down r 

1 r . . Theodotus 

Asia, Theodotus could hide himself no lenger, but Chian the 
was brought unto Brutus, where he suffered pains "dan 

r i i 11 r !! l ' iat B ave 

or death : so that he wan more fame by his counsel to 


*death, than ever he did in his life. About that Pompey, 

*time, Brutus sent to pray Cassius to come to the deathly 

*city of Sardis, and so he did. Brutus, understand- Brutus ' 

*ing of his coming, went to meet him with all his Brutus 

* friends. 1 There, both their armies being armed, Cassius do 

*they called them both Emperors. Now, as it [hl^fy of 

*commonly happeneth in great affairs between two Sardls - 

*persons, both of them having many friends and so many 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, IV. ii. 


Captains' under them, there ran tales and complaints be-* 
twixt them. Therefore, before they fell in hand with any* 
other ^flatter, they went into a little chamber together, and* 
badf; every man avoid, and did shut the doors to them.* 
Brutus Then they began to pour out their complaints one* 
Cassius' to the other, and grew hot and loud, earnestly* 
orSo tS accusing one another, and at length fell both* 
the other, a-weeping. 1 Their friends that were without the* 
chamber hearing them loud within, and angry between 
themselves, they were both amazed, and afraid also lest it 
would grow to further matter : but yet they were com-t 
manded, that no man should come to them. 2 Notwith-t 
M standing, one Marcus Favonius, that had been a* 

I f<Zwe S r' friend and follower of Cato while he lived, and* 
ofCato. took upon him to counterfeit a Philosopher, not* 
with wisdom and discretion, but with a certain bedlam and* 
frantic motion : he would needs come into the chamber,* 
though the men offered to keep him out. But it was no* 
boot to let Favonius, when a mad mood or toy took him* 
in the head : for he was a hot hasty man, and sudden in* 
all his doings, and cared for never a Senator of* 


Philo- them all. Now, though he used this bold manner* 


counted of speech after the profession of the Cynic Philo-* 


sophers (as who would say, dogs), yet this boldness* 
did no hurt many times, because they did but laugh at* 
him to see him so mad. This Favonius at that time, in* 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, IV. iii. 1-122. 2 Ibid. IV. ii. 50, I. 


*despite of the doorkeepers, came into the chamber, and 
*with a certain scoffing and mocking gesture which he 
*counterfeited of purpose, he rehearsed the verses which old 
* Nestor said in Homer : 

*My lords, I pray you hearken both to me, 
fFor I have seen moe years than suchie three. 

*Cassius fell a-laughing at him : but Brutus thrust him out 
*of the chamber, and called him dog, and counterfeit Cynic. 1 
Howbeit his coming in brake their strife at that time, and 
so they left each other. The self same night Cassius prepared 
his supper in his chamber, and Brutus brought his friends 
with him. So, when they were set at supper, Favonius 
came to sit down after he had washed. Brutus told him 
aloud, no man sent for him, and bade them set him at the 
upper end, meaning indeed at the lower end of the bed. 
Favonius made no ceremony, but thrust in amongst the midst 
of them, and made all the company laugh at him : so they 
were merry all suppertime, and full of their Philosophy. 
*The next day after, Brutus, upon complaint of the Sardians, 
tdid condemn and noted Lucius Pella for a defamed person, 2 
that had been a Praetor of the Romans, and whom Brutus 
*had given charge unto : for that he was accused and con- 
*victed of robbery and pilfery in his office. This judgement 
*much misliked Cassius : 2 because he himself had secretly 
(not many days before) warned two of his friends, attainted 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, IV. iii. 123-137. 2 Ibid. IV. iii. 2 3. 

VOL. I. M 


and convicted of the like offences, and openly had cleared 
them : but yet he did not therefore leave to employ them 
in any manner of service as he did before. And therefore 
he greatly reproved Brutus, for that he would shew himself* 
so straight and severe, in such a time as was meeter to bear* 
a little, than to take things at the worst. Brutus in contrary* 
manner answered, that he should remember the* 


Caesar ld es o f March, at which time they slew Tuliusf 

slam at ' J 

the ides Caesar : who neither pilled nor polled the country,! 

of March. ' 

but only was a favourer and suborner or all tnemt 
that did rob and spoil by his countenance and authority. 1 * 
And if there were any occasion whereby they might honestly 
set aside justice and equity, they should have had more reason 
to have suffered Caesar's friends to have robbed and done 
what wrong and injury they had would, than to bear with 
their own men. For then, said he, they could but have said 
they had been cowards : and now they may accuse us of 
injustice, beside the pains we take, and the danger we put 
ourselves into. And thus may we see what Brutus' intent and 
purpose was. But as they both prepared to pass over again 
The out of Asia into Europe, there went a rumour 

wTs'tan^y tnat there appeared a wonderful sign unto him. 
to mailers Brutus was a careful man, and slept very little, 
and" 5 "" koth for that his diet was moderate, as also because 
equity. h e was continually occupied. He never slept in 
the day time, and in the night no lenger than the time he was 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, IV. iii. 7-26. 


driven to be alone, and when everybody else took their 
rest. But now whilst he was in war, and his head , 

" Brutus 

ever busily occupied to think of his affairs, and care and 
what would happen : after he had slumbered a 
little after supper, he spent all the rest of the night in 
despatching of his weightiest causes, and after he had taken 
*order for them, if he had any leisure left him, he would 
*read some book till the third watch of the night, 1 at what 
time the Captains, petty Captains, and Colonels did use to 
come unto him. So, being ready to go into Europe, one 
night very late (when all the camp took quiet rest) as he 
fwas in his tent with a little light, thinking of weighty 
tmatters : he thought he heard one come in to him, A sp ; rit 
fand casting his eye towards the door of his tent, (^ ared 
fthat he saw a wonderful strange and monstrous Brutus 

in the city 

tshape of a body coming towards him, and said ofSardis. 
tnever a word. So Brutus boldly asked what he was, a god 
tor a man, and what cause brought him thither. The spirit 
fanswered him, ' I am thy evil spirit, Brutus : and thou 
tshalt see me by the city of Philippi.' Brutus, being no 
totherwise afraid, replied again unto it : ' Well, then I shall 
tsee thee again.' The spirit presently vanished away, and 
fBrutus called his men unto him, who told him that they 
theard no noise, nor saw anything at all. 2 Thereupon 
Brutus returned again to think on his matters as he did 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, IV. iii. 251. 

2 Ibid. IV. ill. 274-303 ; Life of Caesar, p. 107. 


before : and when the day brake, he went unto Cassius, to 
tell him what vision had appeared unto him in the night. 
Cassius being in opinion an Epicurean, 1 and reasoning* 
Cassius' thereon with Brutus, spake to him touching the 
sprits" f v i s i n tnus - ' I n our sect Brutus, we have an 
after the opinion, that we do not always feel or see that which 
ans' sect. we suppose we do both see and feel : but that our 
senses being credulous, and therefore easily abused (when 
they are idle and unoccupied in their own objects), are 
induced to imagine they see and conjecture that which they 
in truth do not. For our mind is quick and cunning to 
work (without either cause or matter) anything in the 
imagination whatsoever. And therefore the imagination 
is resembled to clay, and the mind to the potter : who 
without any other cause than his fancy and pleasure, 
changeth it into what fashion and form he will. And this 
The cause doth the diversity of our dreams shew unto us. 
' dreams - For our imagination doth upon a small fancy grow 
from conceit to conceit, altering both in passions and forms 
of things imagined. For the mind of man is ever occupied, 
and that continual moving is nothing but an imagination. 
But yet there is a further cause of this in you. For you 
being by nature given to melancholic discoursing, and of late 
continually occupied, your wits and senses having been 
overlaboured do easilier yield to such imaginations. For, 
to say that there are spirits or angels, and if there were, that 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, V. i. 76, 7 ; Life of Caesar, p. too. 


they had the shape of men, or such voices, or any power at 
all to come unto us : it is a mockery. And for mine own 
part I would there were such, because that we should not 
only have soldiers, horses, and ships, but also the aid of the 
gods, to guide and further our honest and honourable 
attempts.' With these words Cassius did somewhat comfort 
and quiet Brutus. When they raised their camp, Awonder- 
tthere came two Eagles that flying with a marvel- ^ s t '^" 
tlous force lighted upon two of the foremost ensigns, Ea g' es - 
tand always followed the soldiers, which gave them meat, 
fand fed them, until they came near to the city of Philippi : 
tand there, one day only before the battle, they both flew 
taway. 1 Now Brutus had conquered the most part of all 
the people and nations of that country : but if there were 
any other city or Captain to overcome, then they made all 
clear before them, and so drew towards the coasts of Thassos. 
There Norbanus lying in camp in a certain place called the 
straits, by another place called Symbolon (which is a port 
of the sea), Cassius and Brutus compassed him in in such 
sort, that he was driven to forsake the place which was of 
great strength for him, and he was also in danger beside to 
have lost all his army. For Octavius Caesar could not follow 
him because of his sickness, and therefore stayed behind : 
whereupon they had taken his army, had not Antonius' aid 
been, which made such wonderful speed, thut Brutus could 
scant believe it. So Caesar came not thither of ten days 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, V. i. 80-4. 


after : and Antonius camped against Cassius, and Brutus on 

th' other side against Caesar. The Romans called 

Brutus' the va n e y between both camps, the Philippian 

Cassius' fields : and there were never seen two so great 


before the armies of the Romans, one before the other, ready 

city of . ' 

Phiiippi to fight. In truth, Brutus' army was inferior 
Octavius to Octavius Caesar's, in number of men : but for 

Caesar and . ...... , - 

Antonius. bravery and rich furniture, Brutus army far ex 
celled Caesar's. For the most part of their 
soldiers armours were silver and gilt, which Brutus had 
armed ly bountifully given them : although in all other 
things he taught his Captains to live in order 
without excess. But for the bravery of armour and 
weapon, which soldiers should carry in their hands, or 
Brutus' otherwise wear upon their backs : he thought that 
opinion jt was an encouragement unto them that by nature 
bravery of are greedy of honour, and that it maketh them 

soldiers ' 

rtheir also fight like devils, that love to get, and be 


and afraid to lose : because they fight to keep their 

weapons. . 11-11 

armour and weapon, as also their goods and 
lands. Now, when they came to muster their armies, 
Octavius Caesar took the muster of his army within 
the trenches of his camp, and gave his men only a 
little corn, and five silver Drachmas to every man to sacri 
fice to the gods, and to pray for victory. But Brutus, 
scorning this misery and niggardliness, first of all mustered 
his army, and did purify it in the fields, according to the 


manner of the Romans : and then he gave unto every band 
a number of wethers to sacrifice, and fifty silver Drachmas 
to every soldier. So that Brutus' and Cassius' soldiers were 
better pleased, and more courageously bent to fight at the 
day of the battle, than their enemies' soldiers were. Not 
withstanding, being busily occupied about the ceremonies 
of this purification, it is reported that there chanced certain 
unlucky signs unto Cassius. For one of his 

o -ii i i r i i Unlucky 

Sergeants that carried the rods before him brought signs unto 
him the garland of flowers turned backwards, the 
which he should have worn on his head in the time ot 
sacrificing. Moreover it is reported also that at another time 
before, in certain sports and triumph where they carried an 
image of Cassius' victory of clean gold, it fell by chance, the 
man stumbling that carried it. And yet further, there 
were seen a marvellous number of fowls of prey, that feed 
upon dead carcases : and beehives also were found, where 
bees were gathered together in a certain place within the 
trenches of the camp : the which place the Soothsayers 
thought good to shut out of the precinct of the camp, for to 
take away the superstitious fear and mistrust men would have 
*of it. The which began somewhat to alter Cassius' Cassius' 
*mind from Epicurus' opinions, 1 and had put the |"u tus - 
*soldiers also in a marvellous fear. Thereupon "j^" 3 
*Cassius was of opinion not to try this war at battle - 
*one battle, but rather to delay time, and to draw it 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, V. i. 78, 9. 


out in length, considering that they were the stronger in* 
money, and the weaker in men and armours. But Brutus in* 
contrary manner did alway before, and at that time also,* 
desire nothing more, than to put all to the hazard of battle* 
as soon as might be possible 1 : to the end he might either* 
quickly restore his country to her former liberty, or rid him 
forthwith of this miserable world, being still troubled in 
following and maintaining of such great armies together. 
But, perceiving that in the daily skirmishes and bickerings 
they made, his men were alway the stronger, and ever had 
the better : that yet quickened his spirits again, and did put 
him in better heart. And furthermore, because that some* 
of their own men had already yielded themselves to their* 
enemies, and that it was suspected moreover divers others* 
would do the like : 1 that made many of Cassius' friends,* 
which were of his mind before, (when it came to be debated 
in council whether the battle should be fought or not), that 
they were then of Brutus' mind. But yet was there one of 
Brutus' friends called Atellius, that was against it, 

Atellius' . . 

opinion for and was of opinion that they should tarry the next 

the battle. . 111-1 i , , i 

winter. Brutus asked him what he should get by 
tarrying a year lenger ? ' If I get nought else,' quoth 
Atellius again, ' yet have I lived so much lenger.' Cassius 
was very angry with this answer : and Atellius was maliced 
and esteemed the worse for it of all men. Thereupon it 
was presently determined they should fight battle the next 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, IV. iii, 197-223. 


day. So Brutus all suppertime looked with a cheerful 
countenance, like a man that had good hope, and talked 
very wisely of Philosophy, and after supper went to bed. 
But touching Cassius, Messala reporteth that he supped by 
himself in his tent with a few of his friends, and that all 
suppertime he looked very sadly, and was full of thoughts, 
although it was against his nature : and that after supper 
*he took him by the hand, and holding him fast (in 
*token of kindness as his manner was) told him in 


*Greek : 'Messala, I protest unto thee, and make words 

, , . , T ,. , unto 

tthee my witness, that I am compelled against my Messala 
tmind and will (as Pompey the great was) to jeo- before the 
tpard the liberty of our country to the hazard of 
fa battle. 1 And yet we must be lively, and of good 
courage, considering our good fortune, whom we should 
wrong too much to mistrust her, although we follow evil 
counsel.' Messala writeth, that Cassius having spoken 
these last words unto him, he bade him farewell, and willed 
him to come to supper to him the next night following, 
*because it was his birthday. 2 The next morning, by break 
of day, the signal of battle was set out in Brutus' and 
Cassius' camp, which was an arming scarlet coat : . 

r ' _ Brutus 

and both the Chieftains spake together in the midst and . 

1 _ Cassius 

of their armies. There Cassius began to speak talk before 

ffirst, and said : ' The gods grant us, O Brutus, that 

tthis day we may win the field, and ever after to live all the 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, V. i. 73-6. 2 Ibid. V. i. 72, 3 ; iii. 23, 4. 


rest of our life quietly, one with another. But sith thet 
gods have so ordained it, that the greatest and chiefestt 
things amongst men are most uncertain, and that if the battlef 
fall out otherwise to-day than we wish or look for, we shallf 
hardly meet again : what art thou then determined to do,t 
to fly, or die ? ' x Brutus answered him, ' Beingt 

Brutus ' 7 . 

answer to yet but a young man, and not over greatly experi-t 


enced in the world, I trust (I know not how) at 
certain rule of Philosophy, by the which I did greatly blamet 
and reprove Cato for killing of himself, as being no lawfult 
nor godly act, touching the gods, nor, concerning men,t 
valiant ; not to give place and yield to divine providence,! 
and not constantly and patiently to take whatsoever itt 
pleaseth him to send us, but to draw back and fly 2 : but,t 
being now in the midst of the danger, I am of a contrary 
mind. For if it be not the will of God that this battle fall 
out fortunate for us, I will look no more for hope, neither 
seek to make any new supply for war again, but will rid me 
of this miserable world, and content me with my fortune. 
For I gave up my life for my country in the Ides of March,* 
for the which I shall live in another more glorious world.' 3 * 
Cassius fell a-laughing to hear what he said, and embracing 
him, ' Come on then,' said he, ' let us go and charge our 
enemies with this mind. For either we shall conquer, or we 
shall not need to fear the Conquerors.' After this talk, 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, V. i. 93-100. 2 Ibid. V. i. 101-8. 

3 Ibid. V. i. 113-14. 


they fell to consultation among their friends for the ordering 
of the battle. Then Brutus prayed Cassius he might have 
the leading of the right wing, the which men thought was far 
meeter for Cassius : both because he was the elder man, and 
also for that he had the better experience. But yet Cassius 
gave it him, and willed that Messala (who had charge of one 
of the warlikest legions they had) should be also in that wing 
with Brutus. So Brutus presently sent out his horsemen, 
who were excellently well appointed, and his footmen also 
were as willing and ready to give charge. Now 
Antonius' men did cast a trench from the marish at Phiiippi 
by the which they lay, to cut off Cassius' way to Octavius 

j >, .. Caesar 

come to the sea : and Caesar, at the least his army, and 
stirred not. As for Octavius Caesar himself, he 
*was not in his camp, because he was sick. And for his peo- 
*ple, they little thought the enemies would have given them 
*battle, 1 but only have made some light skirmishes to hinder 
them that wrought in the trench, and with their darts and 
slings, to have kept them from finishing of their work : but 
they, taking no heed to them that came full upon them to 
give them battle, marvelled much at the great noise they 
heard, that came from the place where they were casting 
*their trench. In the meantime Brutus, that led the right 
*wing, sent little bills to the Colonels and Captains of private 
*bands, in the which he wrote the word of the battle ; 2 and 
he himself, riding a-horseback by all the troops, did speak to 
1 Cf. Julius Caesar, V. i. 2, 3. 2 Ibid. V. ii. i, 2. 


them, and encouraged them to stick to it like men. So by 
this means very few of them understood what was the word 
of the battle, and, besides, the most part of them never tar 
ried to have it told them, but ran with great fury to assail 
the enemies : whereby, through this disorder, the legions 
were marvellously scattered and dispersed one from the 
other. For first of all, Messala's legion, and then the next 
unto them, went beyond the left wing of the enemies, and 
did nothing, but glancing by them overthrew some as they 
went, and so going on further fell right upon Caesar's camp 
out of the which (as himself writeth in his commentaries), 
he had been conveyed away a little before, through the 
counsel and advice of one of his friends called Marcus 
Artorius : who, dreaming in the night, had a vision appeared 
unto him, that commanded Octavius Caesar should be car 
ried out of his camp. Insomuch as it was thought he was 
slain, because his litter (which had nothing in it) was thrust 
through and through with pikes and darts. There was great 
slaughter in this camp. For amongst others there were 
slain two thousand Lacedaemonians, who were arrived but 
even a little before, coming to aid Caesar. The other also 
that had not glanced by, but had given a charge full upon 
Caesar's battle, they easily made them fly, because they were 
greatly troubled for the loss of their camp, and of them 
there were slain by hand three legions. Then, being very 
earnest to follow the chase of them that fled, they ran in 
amongst them hand over head into their camp, and Brutus 


among them. But that which the conquerors thought not 
of, occasion shewed it unto them that were overcome : and 
that was the left wing of their enemies left naked, and un 
guarded of them of the right wing, who were strayed too 
far off, in following of them that were overthrown. So they 
gave a hot charge upon them. But notwithstanding all the 
force they made, they could not break into the midst of 
their battle, where they found men that received them and 
valiantly made head against them. Howbeit they brake 
and overthrew the left wing where Cassius was, by reason 
of the great disorder among them, and also because they had 
no intelligence how the right wing had sped. So they 
chased them, beating them into their camp, the which they 
spoiled, none of both the Chieftains being present there. 
For Antonius, as it is reported, to fly the fury of the first 
charge, was gotten into the next marish : and no man could 
tell what became of Octavius Caesar, after he was carried 
out of his camp. Insomuch that there were certain Octavius 
soldiers that shewed their swords bloodied, and fafseiy" 
said that they had slain him, and did describe his to^e slain 
face, and shewed what age he was of. Further- j^uie of 
more, the voward and the midst of Brutus' battle phlli PP l - 
had already put all their enemies to flight that withstood 
them, with great slaughter : so that Brutus had Cassius , 

conquered all of his side, and Cassius had lost all misfor 
on the other side. For nothing undid them, but 

that Brutus went not to help Cassius, thinking he had 


overcome them, as himself had done : and Cassius on the 
other side tarried not for Brutus, thinking he had been 
overthrown, as himself was. And to prove that the 
victory fell on Brutus' side, Messala confirmeth it, that 
they wan three eagles, and divers other ensigns of their 
enemies, and their enemies wan never a one of theirs. 
Now Brutus returning from the chase, after he had 
slain and sacked Caesar's men, he wondered much that 
he could not see Cassius' tent standing up high as it 
was wont, neither the other tents of his camp standing as 
they were before, because all the whole camp had been 
spoiled, and the tents thrown down, at the first coming in 
of the enemies. But they that were about Brutus, whose 
sight served them better, told him that they saw a great 
glistering of harness, and a number of silvered targets, that 
went and came into Cassius' camp, and were not (as they 
took it) the armours nor the number of men that they had 
left there to guard the camp : and yet that they saw not 
such a number of dead bodies, and great overthrow, as 
there should have been if so many legions had been slain. 
Cassius This made Brutus at the first mistrust that which 
with* the had happened. So he appointed a number of men 
lors to keep the "mp of his enemy which he had taken, 
?Tv?- s an d caused his men to be sent for that yet followed 

anu DlS 

mittedin~ ^ c ^ ase an< ^ gathered them together, thinking to 
battle. lead them to aid Cassius, who was in this state as 
you shall hear. First of all he was marvellous angry to* 


*see how Brutus' men ran to give charge upon their 
*enemies, and tarried not for the word of the battle 
*nor commandment to give charge, and it grieved him 
*beside, that after he had overcome them, his men fell 
*straight to spoil, and were not careful to compass in the rest 
*of the enemies behind. But with tarrying too long also, 
*more than through the valiantness or foresight of the 
*Captains his enemies, Cassius found himself compassed in 
*with the right wing of his enemies' army. 1 Whereupon 
his horsemen brake immediately, and fled for life towards 
*the sea. Furthermore, perceiving his footmen to give 
*ground, he did what he could to keep them from flying, 
*and took an ensign from one of the ensign-bearers that fled, 
*and stuck it fast at his feet : 2 although with much , 


ado he could scant keep his own guard together, valiantness 

in wars. 

*So Cassius himself was at length compelled to fly 
*with a few about him, unto a little hill, from whence 
*they might easily see what was done in all the plain 3 : 
*howbeit Cassius himself saw nothing, for his sight was 
*very bad, 4 saving that he saw (and yet with much ado) 
*how the enemies spoiled his camp before his eyes. 3 
He saw also a great troop of horsemen whom Brutus 
sent to aid him, and thought that they were his 
*enemies that followed him : but yet he sent Titinius, one 
*of them that was with him, to go and know what they were. 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, V. iii. 5-8. 2 Ibid. V. iii. 1-4. 

3 Ibid. V. iii. 9-14. 4 Ibid. V. iii. 21. 


Brutus' horsemen saw him coming afar oft", whom when they* 
knew that he was one of Cassius' chiefest friends, they* 
shouted out for joy : and they that were familiarly ac-* 
quainted with him lighted from their horses, and went and* 
embraced him. The rest compassed him in round about* 
a-horseback, with songs of victory and great rushing of their* 
harness, so that they made all the field ring again for joy.* 
Theim- But this marred all. For Cassius thinking indeed* 
of enor 6 that Titinius was taken of the enemies, 1 he then* 
taking tn spake these words : ' Desiring too much to live,t 
wars. i h ave ij vec j to see one O f m y b est f r i en( l s taken,t 

for my sake, before my face.' 2 After that, he got into at 
tent where nobody was, and took Pindarus with him, one* 
of his freed bondmen, whom he reserved ever for such* 
a pinch, since the cursed battle of the Parthians where* 
Crassus was slain, though he notwithstanding scaped from* 
that overthrow : but then casting his cloak over his head,* 
Cassius and holding out his bare neck unto Pindarus, he* 
hb'rnan g ave him his head to be stricken off. 3 So the* 
Pindarus. fend was f oun( j seve red from the body : but after 
that time Pindarus was never seen more. Whereupon, 
some took occasion to say that he had slain his master 
without his commandment. By and by they knew the* 
horsemen that came towards them, and might see* 
Titinius crowned with a garland of triumph, who came* 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, V. iii. 14-22, 25-32, 81-4. 

2 Ibid. V.' iii. 34, 5. * Ibid. V. iii. 36-40, 43-50. 


* before with great speed unto Cassius. But, when he per- 
*ceived, by the cries and tears of his friends which tormented 

* themselves, the misfortune that had chanced to his Captain 
*Cassius by mistaking : he drew out his sword, cursing him- 
*self a thousand times that he had tarried so long, The death 
*and so slew himself presently in the field. 1 Brutus of Tltimus - 
in the meantime came forward still, and understood also 
that Cassius had been overthrown : but he knew nothing of 
his death till he came very near to his camp. So when he 
*was come thither, after he had lamented the death of Cassius, 
fcalling him the last of all the Romans, being unpossible that 
tRome should ever breed again so noble and valiant a man 
fas he 2 : he caused his body to be buried, and sent it to the 
*city of Thassos, fearing lest his funerals within the camp 
*should cause great disorder. 3 Then he called his soldiers 
together, and did encourage them again. And when he saw 
that they had lost all their carriage, which they could not 
brook well, he promised every man of them two thousand 
Drachmas in recompense. After his soldiers had heard his 
Oration, they were all of them prettily cheered again, won 
dering much at his great liberality, and waited upon him 
with great cries when he went his way, praising him for 
that he only of the four Chieftains was not overcome in 
battle. And to speak the truth, his deeds shewed that he 
hoped not in vain to be conqueror. For with few legions 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, V. iii. 51-90. 2 Ibid. V. iii. 99-101. 

3 Ibid. V. iii. 104-6. 
VQL. I. N 


he had slain and driven all them away, that made head 
against him : and yet if all his people had fought, and that 
the most of them had not outgone their enemies to run to 
spoil their goods, surely it was like enough he had slain 
The them all, and had left never a man of them alive, 

numberof There were slain of Brutus' side about eight 

men slam _ 

at tl } e , thousand men, counting the soldiers' slaves, whom 

battle of .... . 

Phiiippi. Brutus called Brigas : and of the enemies side, as 
Messala writeth, there were slain, as he supposeth, more 
than twice as many moe. Wherefore they were more dis 
couraged than Brutus, until that very late at night there 
was one of Cassius' men called Demetrius who went unto 
Antonius, and carried his master's clothes, whereof he was 
stripped not long before, and his sword also. This en 
couraged Brutus' enemies, and made them so brave, that 
the next morning betimes they stood in battle ray again 
before Brutus. But, on Brutus' side, both his camps stood 
wavering, and that in great danger. For his own camp, 
being full of prisoners, required a good guard to look unto 
them : and Cassias' camp on the other side took the death 
of their Captain very heavily, and beside, there was some 
vile grudge between them that were overcome and those 
that did overcome. For this cause therefore Brutus did 
set them in battle ray, but yet kept himself from giving 
battle. Now for the slaves that were prisoners, which were 
a great number of them, and went and came to and fro 
amongst the armed men, not without suspicion : he com- 


manded they should kill them. But for the freemen, he 
sent them freely home, and said, that they were better 
prisoners with his enemies, than with him. For B rutus ' 
with them they were slaves and servants : and J*jj ieBCir 
with him they were free men and citizens. So, courtes y- 
when he saw that divers Captains and his friends did so 
cruelly hate some, that they would by no means save their 
lives : Brutus himself hid them, and secretly sent them away. 
Among these prisoners, there was one Volumnius a jester, 
and Sacculio a common player, of whom Brutus made no 
accompt at all. Howbeit his friends brought them unto 
him, and did accuse them, that though they were prisoners, 
they did not let to laugh them to scorn, and to jest broadly 
with them. Brutus made no answer to it, because his head 
was occupied other ways. Whereupon Messala Corvinus 
said, that it were good to whip them on a scaffold, and 
then to send them naked, well whipped, unto the Captains 
of their enemies, to shew them their shame, to keep such 
mates as those in their camp, to play the fools, to make 
them sport. Some that stood by laughed at his device. 
But Publius Casca, that gave Julius Caesar the first wound 
when he was slain, said then : ' It doth not become us to 
be thus merry at Cassius' funerals : and for thee, Brutus, 
thou shalt show what estimation thou madest of such a 
Captain thy compeer, by putting to death, or saving the 
lives of these bloods, who hereafter will mock him, and 
defame his memory.' Brutus answered again in choler ; 


' Why then do you come to tell me of it, Casca, and do 
not yourselves what you think good ? ' When they heard 
him say so, they took his answer for a consent against these 
poor unfortunate men, to suffer them to do what they 
thought good : and therefore they carried them away, and 
slew them. Afterwards Brutus performed the promise he 
had made to the soldiers, and gave them the two thousand 
Drachmas apiece, but yet he first reproved them, because 
they went and gave charge upon the enemies at the first 
battle, before they had the word of battle given them : and 
made them a new promise also, that if in the second battle 
they fought like men, he would give them the sack and 
spoil of two cities, to wit, Thessalonica and Lacedaemon. 
In all Brutus' life there is but this only fault to 

Brutus , ' 

fault be found, and that is not to be gainsaid : though 


excused by Antonius and Octavius Caesar did reward their 

Plutarch. ..... ..... _ 

soldiers far worse for their victory, ror when 
they had driven all the natural Italians out of Italy, they 
gave their soldiers their lands and towns, to the which they 
had no right : and moreover, the only mark they shot at in 
all this war they made was but to overcome, and reign. 
Where in contrary manner they had so great an opinion of 
Brutus' virtue, that the common voice and opinion of the 
world would not suffer him neither to overcome, nor to 
save himself otherwise than justly and honestly, and speci 
ally after Cassius' death : whom men burdened, that often 
times he moved Brutus to great cruelty. But now, like as 


the mariners on the sea after the rudder of their ship is 
broken by tempest, do seek to nail on some other piece of 
wood in lieu thereof, and do help themselves to keep them 
from hurt as much as may be upon that instant danger : 
even so Brutus having such a great army to govern, and his 
affairs standing very tickle, and having no other Captain 
coequal with him in dignity and authority : he was forced 
to employ them he had, and likewise to be ruled by them 
in many things, and was of mind himself also to grant them 
anything, that he thought might make them serve like noble 
soldiers at time of need. For Cassius' soldiers were very 
evil to be ruled, and did shew themselves very stubborn and 
lusty in the camp, because they had no Chieftain that did 
command them : but yet rank cowards to their enemies, 
because they had once overcome them. On the other side 
Octavius Caesar and Antonius were not in much better 
state : for first of all, they lacked victuals. And because 
they were lodged in low places, they looked to abide a hard 
and sharp winter, being camped as they were by the marish 
side, and also for that after the battle there had fallen plenty 
of rain about the autumn, where through all their tents were 
full of mire and dirt, the which by reason of the cold did 
freeze incontinently. But beside all these discommodities, 
there came news unto them of the great loss they 
had of their men by sea. For Brutus' ships met victory by 
with a great aid and supply of men, which were 
sent them out of Italy, and they overthrew them in such 


sort, that there scaped but few of them : and yet they 
Wonderful were so famished, that they were compelled to eat 
amorT ^ tackle and sails of their ships. Thereupon 
Tidier' 5 ^X werc vcr ^ Desirous to ^S^t a battle again, 
i>y sea. before Brutus should have intelligence of this good 
news for him : for it chanced so, that the battle was fought 
by sea on the self same day it was fought by land. But by 
ill fortune, rather than through the malice or negligence of 
The ignor- ^ e Captains, this victory came not to Brutus' ear 
Brutus/ ti^ twenty days after. For had he known of it 
sea t was by before, he would not have been brought to have 
his utter fought a second battle, considering that he had 
tion. excellent good provision for his army for a long 

time, and, besides, lay in a place of great strength, so as his 
camp could not be greatly hurt by the winter, nor also dis 
tressed by his enemies : and further, he had been a quiet 
Lord, being a conqueror by sea, as he was also by land. This 
would have marvellously encouraged him. Howbeit the state 
of Rome (in my opinion) being now brought to that pass, 
that it rould no more abide to be governed by many Lords, 
but required one only absolute Governor, God, to prevent 
Brutus that it should not come to his government, kept this 
victory from his knowledge, though indeed it came but a 
little too late. For the day before the last battle was given, 
very late in the night, came Clodius, one of his enemies, 
into his camp, who told that Caesar, hearing of the over 
throw of his army by sea, desired nothing more than to fight 


a battle before Brutus understood it. Howbeit they gave 
no credit to his words, but despised him so much that they 
would not vouchsafe to bring him unto Brutus, because they 
thought it was but a lie devised, to be the better welcome 
*for this good news. The self same night, it is 

f ' , The evil 

reported that the monstrous spirit, which had spirit 

i i r -n i r c~ 1 appeared 

appeared before unto Brutus in the city or oardis, again unto 
*did now appear again unto him in the self same 
* shape and form, and so vanished away, and said never a 
*word. x Now Publius Volumnius, a grave and wise Philoso 
pher, that had been with Brutus from the beginning of this 
war, he doth make no mention of this spirit, but saith, that 
the greatest Eagle and ensign was covered over strange 
with a swarm of bees, and that there was one of ^|^ 
the Captains whose arm suddenly fell a-sweating, Brutu s' 
that it dropped oil of roses from him, and that they battle, 
oftentimes went about to dry him, but all would do no 
good. And that before the battle was fought, there were 
two Eagles fought between both armies, and all the time 
they fought there was a marvellous great silence all the 
valley over, both the armies being one before the other, 
marking this fight between them : and that in the end the 
Eagle towards Brutus gave over, and flew away. But this 
is certain, and a true tale : that when the gate of the camp 
was open, the first man the standard-bearer met that carried 
the Eagle was an Ethiopian, whom the soldiers for ill luck 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, V. v. 17-19 ; Life of Caesar, p. 107. 


mangled with their swords. Now, after that Brutus had 
brought his army into the field, and had set them 

Brutus' , 1*1 i -I ,- i 

second in battle ray, directly against the voward of his 
enemy : he paused a long time, before he gave the 
signal of battle. For Brutus riding up and down to view the 
bands and companies, it came in his head to mistrust some 
of them, besides that some came to tell him so much as he 
thought. Moreover, he saw his horsemen set forward but 
faintly, and did not go lustily to give charge : but still stayed 
to see what the footmen would do. Then suddenly, one 
of the chiefest Knights he had in all his army, called 
Camulatius, and that was alway marvellously esteemed of 
for his valiantness until that time : he came hard by Brutus 
a-horseback, and rode before his face to yield himself unto 
his enemies. Brutus was marvellous sorry for it, wherefore, 
partly for anger, and partly for fear of greater treason and 
rebellion, he suddenly caused his army to march, being past* 
three of the clock in the afternoon. 1 So in that place where* 
he himself fought in person, he had the better, and brake 
into the left wing of his enemies, which gave him way, 
through the help of his horsemen that gave charge with his 
footmen, when they saw the enemies in a maze and afraid. 
Howbeit the other also on the right wing, when the 
Captains would have had them to have marched : they were 
afraid to have been compassed in behind, because they were 
fewer in number than their enemies, and therefore did 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, V. iii. 108. 


spread themselves, and leave the midst of their battle. 
Whereby they having weakened themselves, they could not 
withstand the force of their enemies, but turned tail straight, 
and fled. And those that had put them to flight 

. Brutus' 

came in straight upon it to compass Brutus behind, valiant- 
who in the midst of the conflict did all that was great skill 
possible for a skilful Captain and valiant soldier : 
both for his wisdom, as also for his hardiness, for the ob 
taining of victory. But that which wan him the victory at 
the first battle did now lose it him at the second. For at 
the first time, the enemies that were broken and fled were 
straight cut in pieces : but at the second battle, of Cassius' 
men that were put to flight, there were few slain : and 
they that saved themselves by speed, being afraid because 
they had been overcome, did discourage the rest of the army 
when they came to join with them, and filled all the army 
*with fear and disorder. There was the son of M. The death 
*Cato slain, valiantly fighting amongst the lusty ( a ^ nt 
*youths. For, notwithstanding that he was very ^ u n n ^ ato 
* weary, and overharried, yet would he not therefore $e son of 

J7 '/ f f Marcus 

*fly, but manfully fighting and laying about him, Cato. 
*telling aloud his name, and also his father's name, at length 
*he was beaten down amongst many other dead bodies of 
*his enemies, which he had slain round about him. 1 So 
there were slain in the field all the chiefest gentlemen and 
nobility that were in his army, who valiantly ran into 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, V. iv. 3-6, 9-11. 

' '.*': 


any clanger to save Brutus' life. Amongst them there was* 
one of Brutus' friends called Lucilius, who seeing* 


fidelity of a troop of barbarous men making no reckoning 

Lucilius c .. . . ... . . , 

unto or all men else they met in their way, but going 

all together right against Brutus, he determined* 
to stay them with the hazard of his life, and, being left* 
behind, told them that he was Brutus : l and, because they* 
should believe him, he prayed them to bring him to 
Antonius, for he said he was afraid of Caesar, and that he 
did trust Antonius better. These barbarous men being* 
very glad of this good hap, and thinking themselves happy* 
men, they carried him in the night, and sent some before* 
unto Antonius, to tell him of their coming. He was mar-* 
vellous glad of it, and went out to meet them that brought* 
him. 1 Others also understanding of it, that they had 
brought Brutus prisoner : they came out of all parts of the 
camp to see him, some pitying his hard fortune, and others 
saying, that it was not done like himself, so cowardly to 
be taken alive of the barbarous people for fear of death. 
When they came near together, Antonius stayed awhile, 
bethinking himself how he should use Brutus. In the* 
meantime Lucilius was brought to him, who stoutly with* 
a bold countenance said, ' Antonius, I dare assure theet 
that no enemy hath taken nor shall take Marcus Brutust 
alive : and I beseech God keep him from that fortune. t 
For wheresoever he be found, alive or dead, he will bet 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, V. iv. 12-19. 


tfound like himself. 1 And now for myself, I am come unto 
thee, having deceived these men of arms here, bearing them 
down that I was Brutus : and do not refuse to suffer any 
torment thou wilt put me to.' Lucilius' words made them 
all amazed that heard him. Antonius on the other side, 
looking upon all them that had brought him, said unto 
*them : 'My companions, I think ye are sorry you have 
*failed of your purpose, and that you think this man hath 
*done you great wrong : but I do assure you, you have 
*taken a better booty than that you followed. 2 For, instead 
of an enemy, you have brought me a friend : and for my 
part, if you had brought me Brutus alive, truly I cannot tell 
fwhat I should have done to him. For I had rather have 
tsuch men my friends as this man here, than enemies.' 3 
Then he embraced Lucilius, and at that time delivered him 
to one of his friends in custody, and Lucilius ever after 
served him faithfully, even to his death. Now Brutus 
having passed a little river, walled in on either B rutus 
side with high rocks, and shadowed with great fl y' n s- 
trees, being then dark night, he went no further, but stayed 
*at the foot of a rock with certain of his Captains and friends 
*that followed him 4 : and looking up to the firmament that 
was full of stars, sighing, he rehearsed two verses, of the 
which Volumnius wrote the one, to this effect : 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, V. iv. 20-5. 2 Ibid. V. iv. 26, 27. 

3 Ibid. V. iv. 28, 9. 4 Ibid. V. v. i. 


meanedi Let not l ^ e w 'ht fr m whom this mischief went 

this by (O Tove) escape without due punishment. 


And saith that he had forgotten the other. Within a little 
while after, naming his friends that he had seen slain in 
battle before his eyes, he fetched a greater sigh than before : 
specially when he came to name Labeo and Flavius, of the 
which the one was his Lieutenant, and the other Captain of 
the pioneers of his camp. In the meantime, one of the 
company being athirst, and seeing Brutus athirst also : he 
ran to the river for water, and brought it in his sallet. At 
the self same time they heard a noise on the other side of 
the river. Whereupon Volumnius took Dardanus, Brutus' 
servant, with him, to see what it was : and, returning 
straight again, asked if there were any water left. Brutus, 
smiling gently, told them all was drunk, 'but they shall 
bring you some more.' Thereupon he sent him again that 
went for water before, who was in great danger of being 
taken by the enemies, and hardly scaped, being sore hurt. 
Furthermore, Brutus thought that there was no great num 
ber of men slain in battle, and, to know the truth of it, there* 
was one called Statilius, that promised to go through his ene-* 
mies (for otherwise it was impossible to go see their camp),* 
and from thence if all were well, that he would lift up a torch* 
light in the air, and then return again with speed to him.* 
The torch light was lift up as he had promised, for Statilius* 
went thither. Now Brutus seeing Statilius tarry long* 


*after that, and that he came not again, he said : ' If Statilius 
*be alive, he will come again.' But his evil fortune 
*was such, that as he came back he lighted in his death of 
*enemies hands, and was slain. 1 Now, the night 
*being far spent, Brutus as he sate bowed towards Clitus, 
*one of his men, and told him somewhat in his ear : the 
*other answered him not, but fell a-weeping. Thereupon 
*he proved Dardanus, and said somewhat also to him : 2 at 
*length he came to Volumnius himself, and speaking to him 
*in Greek, prayed him for the study's sake which brought 
*them acquainted together, that he would help him to put 
*his hand to his sword, to thrust it in him to kill him. 
*Volumnius denied his request, 3 and so did many others : 
fand amongst the rest, one of them said, there was no 
ttarrying for them there, but that they must needs fly. 4 
Then Brutus rising up, ' We must fly indeed,' said he, 
' but it must be with our hands, not with our Brutus' 
feet.' Then taking every man by the hand, he fl^JJ^hh 
said these words unto them with a cheerful no"^ s it ^ 
*countenance. ' It rejoiceth my heart that not feet - 
*one of my friends hath failed me at my need, and I do not 
*complain of my fortune, but only for my country's sake : 
*for, as for me, I think myself happier than they that have 
*overcome, considering that I leave a perpetual fame of our 
*courage and manhood, the which our enemies the conquer- 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, V. v. 2, 3. z Ibid. V. v. 5-12. 

* Ibid. V. v. 25-29. * Ibid. V. v. 30. 



ors shall never attain unto by force nor money, neither can* 
let their posterity to say that they, being naughty and* 
unjust men, have slain good men, to usurp tyrannical* 
power not pertaining to them.' l Having said so, he* 
prayed every man to shift for themselves, and then he went 
a little aside with two or three only, among the which 
Brutus Strato was one, with whom he came first acquainted 
himself ky t ^ ie stuc ty f Rhetoric. He came as near to 
s him as he could, and taking his sword by the hilts 

Brutus' with both his hands, and falling down upon the 

familiar ' 

and friend, point of it, ran himself through. Others say that,* 
not he, but Strato (at his request) held the sword in his* 
hand, and turned his head aside, and that Brutus fell down* 
upon it : and so ran himself through, and died presently. 2 * 
Messala, that had been Brutus' great friend, became after 
wards Octavius Caesar's friend. So, shortly after, 

Strato / 

received Caesar being at good leisure, he brought Strato 
Caesar's Brutus' friend unto him, and weeping, said : 

'Caesar, behold, here is he that did the lastf 
service to my Brutus.' 3 Caesar welcomed him at that time,t 
and afterwards he did him as faithful service in all his affairs, 
Messala as anv Grecian else he had about him, until the 
B^tus" S< battle of Actium. It is reported also, that this 

Messala himself answered Caesar one day, when 
he gave him great praise before his face, that he had 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, V. v. 33-8. 2 Ibid. V. v. 47-51. 

3 Ibid. V. v. 66, 7. 


fought valiantly, and with great affection for him, at the 
battle of Actium, (notwithstanding that he had been his 
cruel enemy before, at the battle of Philippi, for Brutus' 
sake) : ' I ever loved,' said he, * to take the best and 
justest part.' Now, Antonius having found Brutus . 
Brutus' body, he caused it to be wrapped up in fo nerals - 
one of the richest coat armours he had. Afterwards also, 
Antonius understanding that this coat armour was stolen, 
he put the thief to death that had stolen it, and sent the 
ashes of his body unto Servilia his mother. And for Porcia, 
Brutus' wife, Nicolaus the Philosopher and , 


* Valerius Maximus do write, that she determining; Brutus' 

wife, killed 

*to kill herself (her parents and friends carefully herself 
*looking to her to keep her from it) took hot burn- burning 
*ing coals, and cast them into her mouth, and kept 
*her mouth so close that she choked herself. 1 There was a 
letter of Brutus found written to his friends, complaining 
of their negligence, that his wife being sick, they would 
not help her, but suffered her to kill herself, choosing to 
die, rather than to languish in pain. Thus it appeareth 
that Nicolaus knew not well that time, sith the letter (at 
the least if it were Brutus' letter) doth plainly declare the 
disease and love of this Lady, and also the manner of her 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, IV. iii. 151-6. 



P. 3, 11. 9, 1 1. Miletus. The old editions have Miletum, 
an erroneous expansion of Amyot's Milet. North seems 
never to have had recourse in case of difficulty to a Latin 
or Greek text of Plutarch. Practically all his mistransla 
tions are due to his effort to follow Amyot where the 
latter's language is ambiguous or obscure. In almost every 
instance reference to the Greek version would have set him 
right at once. It is especially noteworthy that in the 
names of persons and places he either takes over the Galli 
cized form directly or else Anglicizes it, as here, purely by 

P. 5, 1. 14. quail. The word here retains its original 
signification, 'to die, perish,' as in O.E. cwelan. 

P. 6, 1. 5. scratch. This is the form found in the text 
of 1595 and subsequent editions. The 1579 folio reads 

P. 7, 1. 19. bought good cheap. 'Cheap' is, of course, 
here a noun, as in ' Cheapside,' and has the meaning of 
' bargain.' The phrase 'good cheap' is really prepositional, 
a word like * at ' being understood before it, but it occurs 
in just the present use at least as early as the M.E. Ayenbite 

VOL. I. 193 O 

i 9 4 NOTES 

1. 23. highway going unto Appius. Such is the reading of 
the first two editions, a stupid mistranslation of Amyot's 
' chemin qui s'appelle la uoye d'Appius.' The edition of 
1603 gives the obvious correction, 'the highway called 
Appius way.' 

P. 8, 11. 12, 13. in their greatest ruff. The French has, 
'en leur plus grande uogue.' The word 'ruff"' in this sense 
is common in Elizabethan usage ; cf. Sir Thomas More, II. iv. 
99, ' And you in ruff of your opynions clothd.' 

1. 14. of victories that carried triumphs : ' des uictoires qui 
portoient des trophees.' The Greek has Nixas rpoTraio^o- 

P. 9, 11. 20, 21. that hardily he should give place to no man : 
1 qu'il prist hardiment cueur de ne ceder a personne.' 

1. 24. chief Bishop. This is a rather startling anachronism 
in which North persists. Amyot has quite regularly ' le 
souuerain Pontife.' The office is, of course, that of Pontifex 
Maximus, to which Caesar was elected in the year 
63 B.C. 

P. 10, 1. 7. lend should be 'borrow.' Amyot's word is 
' emprunteroit.' Plutarch wrote srpoo-Savacra/Aevos. 

P. n, 1. 16. best appear. So edd. 1579, 1595. The 
editions of 1603 and after read 'appear best.' 

P. 13, 1. 19. nymph of wood: 'dryad,' vvp-^-rjv ApuaSa. 

P. 15,1. 15. slanaered. The proper meaning of the 
word appears from Amyot's reading, ' a qui il auoit faict cest 
oultrage.' Cf., for another instance, the Life of Brutus, p. 
112, 1. 24. 

P. 17, 1. 22. Cala'icans. The old editions of North spell 
' Callaecians,' following Amyot's ' Callaeciens.' Plutarch 
writes KaAAaucovs. 



1. 23. Oceanus. Old editions, ' Oceanum ' ; again an 
error due to the attempt to Latinize the French ' Oceane.' 

P. 20, 1. 9. let : ' hinder.' 

1. 21. made sure : ' betrothed.' 

11.22,23. Pommy's daughter. This is the correction of ed. 
1603. The first two editions have ' Pompey's wife,' a 
mistake caused by the ambiguity of Amyot's ' celle de 

P. 21, 1. 15. Gad on this side : 'Cisalpine Gaul.' The 
edition of 1579 gives 'Gaul on his side,' corrected in ed. 
1595. Amyot reads ' toutesles Gaules, tant de dea que de 
dela les monts.' 

P. 22, 1. I. that zvould be President of the Senate under him : 
a complete mistranslation. Plutarch wrote : Ttuv Se aAAcov 
a-vyxXrjTiKwv oAiyoi TravTaTracriv awai (rvv>je(rav. Amyot 
translates : ' il y cut peu des Senateurs qui se uoulussent 
trouuer soubz luy President au Senat,' where ' President ' is, 
of course, to be construed with ' luy.' 

P. 26, 11. 14, 15. thereby bestowed his rest, to make him always 
able to do something : ' employant par ce moien son repos a 
faire tousiours quelque chose.' 

P. 28, 1. 8. Arar. Both in the text and in the marginal 
note the old editions of North read * Arax,' though Amyot 
gives the proper form ' Arar.' 

1. 20. distress their camp : ' take their camp.' Cf. N.E.D., 
s.v. Distress, v., 2. 

1. 21. strength : ' rempart ' in Amyot. 

P. 31, 1. 7. Sequanes : ' Sequaniens ' in Amyot. 

P. 32, 1. 8. the Servians. The form of the proper name 
here agrees as usual with the French, ' Nerviens.' In the 
marginal note, however, we find the Latin form, 'Nervii.' 

196 NOTES 

There are no marginal notes in Amyot except a very few 
dealing principally with textual criticism. From various 
discrepancies between the notes in North and the text, it 
would seem probable that the former were not written 
by the translator, but were later inserted by the pub 
lisher for the comfort of readers. Cf. my notes to the 
Life of Coriolanus, Vol. II. pp. 152, 202, and to p. 103, 1. 
10 of this volume. 

1. 13. six-score thousand fighting men. Plutarch's number, 
60,000, has been exactly doubled ; but cf. p. 33, 1. 2, 
where we have the proper computation, ' three-score thou 
sand.' Such irregularities in reckoning are the rule rather 
than the exception in Amyot and North ; they are really 
of no consequence, and indicate merely the ease with which 
mistakes in numerals crept into all ancient texts. 

P. 33, 1. 23. Luca. Here the old editions have Luke, 
corresponding to Amyot's ' Lucques,' whereas the marginal 
note gives Luca. 

P. 34, 1. 14. Favonius. 'Faonius' old editions and 
Amyot, corresponding to the Greek 4>awvio9. I follow 
modern editors in using the Latin form. 

1. 26. Ipes. The proper form would be ' Usipes.' The 
mistake is due to a corruption in the Greek text of Plutarch 
by which OwriVas became ov? "Irras. 

P. 37, 11. 2-7. to make war in that so great and famous 
Island . . . inhabitable. North's national pride is here 
responsible for the addition of an adjective or two and for 
the slurring over of the reference to the conquest of Britain. 
The corresponding passage in Amyot runs as follows : 
* pour aller faire la guerre en ceste isle, si grande, que 
plusieurs des anciens n'ont pas uoulu croire qu'elle fust en 

NOTES 197 

nature, & qui a mis plusieurs historians en grande dispute, 
maintenans que c'estoit chose faulse & controuuee a plaisir, 
& luy fut le premier qui commencea a la conquerir.' 

1. 22. tickle : ' insecure.' Cf. p. 181, 1. 6. 

P. 38, 11. 22, 23. making accompt that he was but a hand 
ful in their hands, they were so few. The pronouns are 
decidedly mixed ; Amyot's version is much clearer : ' faisans 
leur compte, qu'ilz 1'eporteroient tout du premier coup, a 
cause qu'il auoit si peu de gens.' 

P. 40, 1. 12. towards the sea Adriatic. The marginal 
note to these words is one of Amyot's, where it runs, ' Les 
autres lisent en ce lieu, Trpos TQV "Apapiv, qui seroit a dire 
iusqu'a la riuiere de la Sone.' The alternative reading is 
the one which all modern editors of Plutarch have adopted. 

1. 19. very valiant. The editions of 1595, etc., omit 
' very.' 

1. 25. unvinciblc. Edd. 1603, etc., change to 'invincible.' 

P. 41, 1. 6. Acdui. Old editions have ' Hedui ' = 
Amyot's ' Heduiens. 

P. 43, 11. 26, 27. who only did see that one of them two must 
needs fall. This is vilely translated from Amyot and fails 
entirely to convey Plutarch's idea in os *\v Ix^eS/aos a^oLv. 
The French is, * qui seul pouuoit espier que 1'un d'eulx 
deux donnast en terre,' which means that Crassus was the 
only Roman sufficiently powerful to look on till one of the 
competitors should be overcome, and then join combat with 
the survivor. 

P. 44, 11. 2-4. neither did anything let Pompey to withstand 
that It should not come to pass. Clumsily and probably in 
correctly translated. Amyot reads, ' ny a Pompeius pour 
obuier a ce que cela ne luy aduinst,' where ce/a refers to 

i 9 8 NOTES 

becoming the greatest person at Rome. The Greek is 
somewhat different : aTreAe'nrcTo rtZ p.ev ( virep TOV 
yfvf.<rOa.L /-leyurTW TOV ovra (Pompey) /caraAueiv, TW 8e 
(Pompey), iva /xr/ TrdOf] TOVTO, Trpoavatpctv ov eScSotxei. 

P. 49, 1. 6. Marcellus. So Amyot, by mistake, but 
Plutarch says ' Lentulus.' 

P. 50, 11. 20, 2 i . a great city of Gaul, being the first city men 
come to, when they come out of Gaul : * grande uille, que Ton 
rencontre la premiere au sortir de la Gaule.' 

P. 52, 1. 4. A desperate man feareth no danger: 'A tout 
perdre n'y a qu'un coup perilleux.' The marginal note to 
this passage is translated from Amyot. 

P. 54, 1. 4. garboil: 'commotion.' Cf. Life of 'Brutus, p. 
113,1. 6. 

P. 55, 1. 2. carriage', 'tout son bagage.' North uses 
the word repeatedly in this sense. Cf. p. 177, 1. 17 ; 
Vol. II. p. 59, 1. 26. 

P. 64, 11. 25, 26. so many captains. So the edition of 
1579; the later editions all read 'many captains,' but 
wrongly, for the French is ' tant de Capitaines.' 

P. 65,1. 17. Gomphi in Thessaly. The old editions of 
North follow the spelling of Amyot both here and in the 
margin, reading ' Gomphes.' 

1. 23. Bacchcrians. Amyot has ' Bacchanales,' Plutarch 

P. 66, 1. 5. hands. This passage is obviously incoherent. 
Amyot gives the following note, disregarded by North : 
' L'original Grec est defectueux en cest edroit, & le faut 
replir de ce qui est cy deuat escrit en la uie de Pompeius, 
feuillet 458 soubs la lettre C.' The passage in question 
runs : * Et la nuict ensuiuant il fut aduis a Pompeius en 

NOTES 199 

dormant, qu'il entroit dedans le Theatre, la ou le peuple le 
recueilloit auec grands battemens de mains par honneur, & 
que luy ornoit le temple de Venus uictorieuse de plusieurs 
despouilles. Ceste uision de songe d'un coste luy donnoit 
bon courage, & d'un autre coste le luy rompoit aussi, pour 
autant qu'il auoit peur, qu'estant la race de Caesar descendue 
de la deesse Venus, son songe ne uoulust signifier qu'elle 
seroit annoblie & illustree par la uictoire & par les des 
pouilles qu'il gagneroit sur luy.' Modern editors of 
Plutarch bracket the Greek sentence corresponding to 
' For he thought hands ' as spurious. 

11. 8, 9. the chief Bishopric \ Me souuerain Potificat.' 
Cf. note to p. 9, 1. 24. 

P. 67, 1. 13. dost thou think: a mistaken translation of 
Amyot's imperative, ' attens toy.' 

1. 1 7. the element : that is, par excellence, the element of 
air. Cf. N.E.D., s.v. Element, sb. 10. 

P. 69, 1. 9. a box on the ear. Quite wrong. Amyot's 
word ' soufflet ' has here the sense of ' bellows.' Cf. 
Littre's dictionary, s.v. i. The simile is not in the 

P. 70, 1. 9. but to seek . . . and to hurt. Instances of 
the so-called absolute infinitive construction. Cf. Kellner, 
Historical Outlines of English Syntax, 399, 400. 

P. 72, 1. 23. give. So the second and later editions of 
North. The editio princeps reads 'gaue,' but Amyot's 
phrase is * se commence.' 

P. 73, 1. 14. at o' side. Edd. 1579, 1595 read 'at toe 
side,' which is merely a Middle English form of the words 
in the text. The preposition and article have been merged, 
as in Chaucer's ' atten ale,' ' atte beste,' and in redividing 

200 NOTES 

the final consonant of ' at ' has remained with the article ; 
cf. 'the tother' < 'that other.' o' is a weakened form of 
'one' (an), which originally might serve either as indefinite 
article or as numeral. The edition of 1603, not under 
standing the idiom ' at toe side,' substituted ' aside ' ; 
modern editors have printed ' at one side.' 

P. 74, 1. 17. treen : 'wooden.' O.K. ' treowen,' the 
adjective belonging to treo, ' tree.' 

P. 76, 1. 19. holding divers books in his hand: 'tenant 
plusieurs papiers en 1'une de ses mains.' It is very likely 
that this passage suggested to Shakespeare the episode of 
Caesar's swimming match with Cassius (Julius Caesar, I. ii. 
100-1 15). Cf. also the last speech but one of Achillas in 
The False One (V. iv.). 

P. 79, 1. 1 1. battles he fought : ' battles fought,' 1595, etc. 

1. 13. Sallution. So Amyot ; the old editions of North 
give wrongly, ' Sallutius.' 

P. 8 1, 1. 13. Praetors and Consuls : 'Praetor and Consuls,' 
1595, etc. Amyot's phrase is ' personnages de dignite 
Praetoriale ou Consulaire.' 

P. 82, 1. 9. for a civil : ' for civil,' 1595, etc. 

1. 21. allowing : 'commending,' the common M.E. 
sense. Cf. also p. 104, 1. i. 

P. 88, 1. ii. Persians. Plutarch and Amyot have 
' Parthians,' which is right, but cf. note to Vol. II. p. 57, 
1. 12. 

1. 24. Circeii. ' Circees ' in old editions and Amyot. 

P. 89, 1. I. seaw : 'drain.' Amyot writes, ' de destourner 

P. 91, 1. 21. standing of their feet : 'standing on their 
feet,' ed. 1595, etc. The use of the preposition of, or its 

NOTES 201 

abbreviation 0', in such cases is almost too common to call 
for notice. Cf. Vol. II. p. 17, 1. 10. 

P. 93, 1. 13. with Diadems upon their heads. In Shake 
speare it is only scarfs which Flavius and Marullus pull off. 
Cf. Julius Caesar, I. ii. 290. 

1. 1 8. Brutes. We should expect ' Bruti ' or ' Brutuses,' 
but North keeps the Gallicized form of Amyot. 

P. 94, 1. 10. many more of his friends besides. Instead of 
'more' the 1595 edition gives the old adverbial form 
' moe.' 

P. 95, 1. 23. the solitary birds. So ed. 1595, etc. ; the 
folio of 1579 8' ves 'these solitary birds,' but Amyot's 
rendering is ' des oyseaux solitaires.' 

P. 96, 1. 17. to the Soothsayer. For ' to' ed. 1595, etc., 
read ' vnto.' 

P. 97, 1. 25. none did like them : ' ne luy en promettoient 
rien de bon.' For like in the common Elizabethan sense of 
' please,' cf. N.E.D., s.v. Like, v 1 , i . 

P. 98, 1. 2. Decius Brutus. Amyot reads ' Decimus,' 
which is Plutarch's word. 

1. 25. to dismiss them. Another instance of the 'absolute 
infinitive.' Cf. note to p. 70, 1. 9. 

P. 99, 1. 5. unto his house. The edition of 1595 replaces 
' unto ' by ' into.' 

P. loo, 1. 15. beside, 'besides' in the old editions. 

1. 1 8. Decius Brutus Albmus. In the Life of Brutus, p. 
132, 1. 8, as in Shakespeare, it is Trebonius who decoys 
Antony away. Perhaps these lines ought not to be marked 
with asterisks, as Shakespeare's plain debt is rather to the 
version of the same incident in the Life of Brutus. Probably, 
though, both accounts were in the poet's mind. 

202 NOTES 

1. 24. Metellus Cimber. The name should be ' Tullius 
Cimber,' as in Plutarch and in North's version of the Life of 
Brutus ; cf. p. 132, 1. 15. The mistake is due to Amyot. 
Here Shakespeare follows the Life of Caesar rather than that 
of Brutus. 

P. 101, 11. 19, 20. that they had no power to fly. The 
folio of 1595 and its successors omit 'that.' 

P. 102, 1. II. gore-blood. A common intensive with 
North ; cf. Life of Brutus, p. 126, 11. 17, 18. 

1. 1 6. three and twenty wounds. Shakespeare says 'three 
and thirty,' possibly a mere slip of the memory. 

P. 103, 1. 10, marginal note, do go to the market-place. 
Instead of 'market-place' the editions of 1579, 1595 read 
' Capitoll,' which the later folios altered to make the note 
agree with the text (1. 9). Cf. note to p. 32, 1. 8. 

I. 16. among. Folio 1595, etc., read ' amongest.' 

P. 104, 1. 19. iheir houses that had slain Caesar. ' their ' has 
here retaiuel itj original character of personal pronoun in 
the genitive ; it is the antecedent of the relative. 

P. 105, 1. 10. one of mean sort : ' one of the mean sort ' 
ed. 1595, etc. 

II. 24, 25. and Pompey also lived not passing four years more 
than he. This is not by any means the significance of the 
French, ' & ne suruescut Pompeius gueres plus de quattre 
ans.' North has taken the object of the verb for its subject, 
led astray no doubt by the preservation of the Latin 
nominative termination. The Greek is perfectly clear : 
IIojaTnyta) 8' 7ri/3twcras ou TroAu TrXe'ov CTOJV recrcrapwv. 

P. io6,ll. 12, I 3. at the journey ofPhilippi. For 'journey' 
in sense of ' battle ' cf. N.E.D. s.v. 7. North follows Amyot's 
' apres auoir este desfait en battaille en la iournee de 

NOTES 203 

Philippes.' It should be added that both here and else 
where the old editions of North retain the French form of 
the proper name, Philippes, 

1. 17. the eight night. 'Eight' is here a weakened form 
of the ordinal ' eighth,' as often in early English. Cf. N.E.D. 
s.v. Eighth. 

1. 24. rotted before it could ripe. The use of ' ripe ' in this 
way illustrates one of the most striking features of the 
Elizabethan language, the facility with which verbs could 
be made out of adjectives, nouns or any other part of 

P. 1 08, 11. 4-6. For a more detailed account of the 
death of Brutus, cf. pp. 189, 190. 


P. 109, 1. 12. presently : 'at present.' 

P. no, 1. 3. Ahala. The word is spelled 'Hala' in 
Amyot and the early editions of North. 

1. 10. Servilius. So, correctly, the editions of 1579, 
1603, etc. The folio of 1595 gives 'Brutus' by mistake. 
Amyot uses the pronoun ' il,' referring obviously to Servilius. 

P. 1 1 1, 11. 2, 3. whom Brutus studied most to follow of all the 
other Romans. An illogical idiom exceedingly popular with 
Elizabethan writers. 

1. 19. He : i.e. Brutus. 

P. 112,1. 23. Canidius. 'Caninius' in Amyot and early 
editions of North, with marginal note, ' Ou Canidius,' ' Or 

P. H3,l. 8. unto death : ' to death ' 1595, etc. 

20 4 NOTES 

I. 9. respect of; ' consideration for.' Cf. N.E.D., s.v. 
Respect, sb. 13. 

P. 114, 11. 2-4. marginal note. Omitted 1595, etc. 

II. 2, 3. not only the days before, but the self same day also 
before the great battle. Translated over literally from Amyot's 
' non seulement tous les iours precedets, mais aussi celuy 
mesme de deuant la grande battaille.' 

P. 115, 1. 8. a love letter : ' une lettre amatoire & lascifue.' 

1. 10. drunken sop : 'yurogne.' 

P. 1 1 6, marginal note. This is one of Amyot's notes, 
merely translated by North ; the French reads : ' C'estoit 
luba, mais il est certa! que Brutus interceda aussi pour 
Deiotarus, Roy de Galalie, qui neatmoins fut par C^sar 
priue d'une grade partie de son pai's. Et pource seroit plus 
a propos entendre ce lieu de luy.' 

P. 1 1 8, 11. 6, 7. objections : 'representations.' Cf. N.E.D., 
s.v. 4. 

P. 119, 1. 8. think ye that Brutus will not tarry till this body 
die. This is the proper rendering ; cf. Life of Caesar, p. 
94, 11. 21, 22, where the wording is, 'Brutus will look for 
this skin.' The Greek has Tt 8e ; OVK av vfuv So/cei Bpovros 
dva/Aetvci TOVTI TO (rapKcov ; 

I. i 3. to have been next unto Caesar. So folio 1595, etc. ; 
instead of 'to' folio 1579 reads 'and', which is possible, 
but not so smooth or so near the French, ' s'il eust peu 
endurer de seconder Caesar quelque espace de temps.' 

II. 1 8, 19. could evil away with : 'portoit mal patiemment.' 
P. 1 20, 11. 8, 9. But this holdeth no water : ' mais ilz ne 

disent pas la verite.' 

11. 14, 15. two good whirts on the ear : ' une couple de 

NOTES 205 

11. 21, 22. that my Jists may walk once again about thine ears. 
This is a not infrequent Elizabethan use of the word 
'walk' ; cf. Thomas Lord Cromwell, I. ii. 29, 'No hammers 
walking and my \vorke to do.' 

P. 121, 11. 12, 13. as zee hai'c written more at large in 
Julius Caesar's life : viz. p. 93. 

1. 18. it stood them upon : ' it concerned them.' 

1. 20. by his only presence. We should say, ' by the 
presence of him alone.' 

P. 122, 1. 2. grew strange together : 'became estranged.' 

1. 15. to die for the liberty: a Gallicism. Amyot has 
regularly enough * la liberte.' The editor of the folio of 
1603 attempted to improve matters by substituting 'thy' 
for ' the,' which, however, does not give the sense. 

P. 123, 11. 5-8, marginal note. One of Amyot's glosses. 

1. 18. acquaintance: ' acquitance,' folio 159";. A mere 

P. 124, 11. 1-6. Cicero is omitted from the conspiracy in 
Shakespeare's play, not because of his cowardice, as here, but 

' For he will never follow anything 
That other men begin' (II. i. 151, 152)- 

I. 10. Fai'onius. The word is regularly spelled ' Faonius ' 
in Amyot and the old editions of North. Cf. note to 
p. 34, 1. 14 above. 

II. 14, 15. for a sight of ignorant fools and asses : ' pour des 
folz & des ignorans.' 

P. 125, 1. 5. the only name : 'the name alone.' 

P. 126,1. 10. well seen in : 'well informed about.' Cf. 

Dr. Faustus, 1. 168, ' Inricht with tongues, well scene in 


206 NOTES 

P. 129, 1. 27. Laena. The correct Greek form is AatVas, 
but Shakespeare agrees with Amyot and North in adopting 
the Latinized spelling. 

P. 130, 1. 2. rounded: 'whispered,' from M.E. 'rounen.' 
The ' d ' is parasitic, as in ' sound.' 

P. 131, 11. 1 6, 17. it was no tarrying for them till they were 
apprehended. An Elizabethan equivalent of Amyot's ' qu'il 
ne falloit pas attendre iusques a ce que Ion les saisist au 
corps.' The Greek has <us XP*1 A") stpi/tCKCiv trvAAi/i^iv, 
which is rendered in Latin, ' non esse exspectandum donee 

1. 23. companion. Amyot has ' copagnons,' which answers 
to Plutarch's TOUS -rrepl Kao-o-iov. North's reading may be a 
misprint, or it may refer like the Latin version to Cassius 
alone, ' nam . . . verbis uti non licebat, Cassium confirm- 
avit.' 'Cassius,' in 1. 26, ought strictly to be 'Cassius and 
his companions' (rows Trept Kcurtriov lOdppvvf). 

P. 132, 1. 9. at o 1 side. Ed. 1579 prints in one word, 
'atoside.' Cf. note to p. 73, 1. 14. The editions of 1595 ff. 
have ' aside.' 

P. 133, 1. 6. on a heap : a relic of the common Old 
English use in adverbial phrases. Cf. ' among,' ' a- 
fishing ' (O.E. on gemonge, on fiscunge). 

I. 20. fact. The word is commonly used by Elizabethan 
writers in the sense of ' deed,' and generally, as here, with 
an unfavourable connotation. 

II. 24, 25. to look to defend their liberty : 'a tascher de 
recouurer la liberte.' 

1. 27. a wicked man, and that in nature favoured tyranny. 
A Gallicism. Amyot writes, ' un homme insolet, & qui de 
sa nature fauorisoit a la monarchic.' 

NOTES 207 

P. 137, 1. I. in hugger mugger : 'in careless haste.' The 
phrase is a very common piece of Elizabethan slang. Cf. 
N.E.D. for instances. 

P. 138, 1. 10. midst. The folio of 1579 regularly spells 
the word ' middest.' 

P. 141, 1. 24-27. and, for his own part, that he had never 
resolutely determined with himself to make war, or peace, but 
otherwise, that he was certainly minded never to be slave nor 
subject. The English is not quite clear, but there is no 
ambiguity about the French reading : * Et que de sa part il 
n'auoit iamais resoluement arreste en soymesme de faire ny 
la paix, ny la guerre, mais que sa resolution & sa deliberation 
arrestee estoit de iamais ne seruir.' 

P. 142, 1. 8. other. The proper pronominal form of the 
plural, corresponding to O.E. o^Sre. In North's time 
usage was fluctuating, and in the second edition (1595) of 
the Lives the form * others,' after the analogy of plural 
nouns, has become the usual one. 

1. 9. making portsale of their service : ' uendans leur 
seruice, ne plus ne moins qu'a un encan.' 

1. 12. Luke. Amyot, following the Greek, gives 
' Lucanie.' 

P. 143, 1. 4. all In all. So ed. 1595 ff. The folio of 
1579 omits the first 'all.' North's translations from 
Homer are very free. Amyot reads in the present case : 

' Hector, tu tiens lieu de pere & de mere 
En mon endroit, de mary & de frere.' 

1. 8, 9. Amyot's translation of these lines runs : 

' II ne te fault d'autre chose mesler, 
Que d'enseigner tes femmes a filer.' 

208 NOTES 

1. 15. embarking at Elca in Luke. Amyot has simply 
1 An partir de la,' translating the Greek 'Aya^ctf 8' 6 Bpovros 

P. 144, 11. 22, 23. Amyot reads : 

' Mais toutefois ma triste destinee 
Et Phoebus ont ma uie termince.' 

P. 145, 1. 10. forged. The folio 1595 has the misprint 
* forced,' retained by one of the modern editors. The 
French word is ' forgees.' 

1. 21. snew. An old preterite. 

P. 146, 1. 26. Biithrotiim. ' Buthrotus ' in Amyot and 

P. 147,1. 12. without stroke striking : * sans coup ferir.' 

P. 149, 1. 12. two hundred of the noblest men of Rome. 
There is great inconsistency as to the number. Compare the 
corresponding passages in Julius Caesar (IV. iii. i 74-6) and 
in the Life of Antonius, Vol. II. p. 29. 

P. 150, 1. 9. Cyzicus : ' Cyzicum ' Amyot and North. 

I. 27. Piraeus. Amyot gives ' Piraee,' which North 
wrongly Anglicizes ' Piraea.' 

P. 151, 1. 4. departing. So the first edition, rightly ; 
the second folio changes to ' departed.' Amyot's reading is, 
' estans partiz,' translating the Greek 'Op/x^o-ai/res. 

II. 20,21. well-beloved of the people and his own \ 'bieuoulu 
du peuple, aime des sies.' 

P. 155,1. 1 8. of afire: 'on fire' ed. 1595 fF. 

P. 156, 1. 19. with their own hands. The first edition 
omits ' with.' 

P. 158, 1. 24. siifficienter. Ed. 1595 ff. read 'sufficient,' 
but the comparative is certainly right. Amyot has ' plus 

NOTES 209 

suffisans ' and the Greek phrase is Si' Iprj/jLiav d 

P. 159, 1. 24. called them both Emperors. Amyot has 
the following note : ' Imperatores, c'est a dire souuerains 

P. 1 6 1, 11. 5, 6. North takes great liberties with 
Homer's 'AAAo. mOea-0'. a/*(a> Se recorepu) corov e/Lteto. 
Amyot's rendering is much closer : 

' Escoutez moy, & mon conseil suyuez : 
I'ay plus uescu, que tous deux uous n'auez.' 

1. 24 p. 162, 1. 3. North's English is here rather 
obscure. Amyot's rendering runs : ' a cause que peu de 
iours au parauat, luy mesme auoit seulement admoneste de 
paroles en priue deux de ses amis attaincts & conuaincus 
de mesmes crimes, & en public les auoit absouls, & ne 
laissoit pas de les employer & de s'en seruir comme 

P. 163, 1. 9. Captains, petty Captains, and Colonels: 
' Capitaines, Ceteniers & Chefz de bedes.' The Greek has 
fKO.TOVTa.pxai KO.I ^iXt'ap^oi. 

1. 15. that he satu. Amyot has simply ' aperceut.' 

P. 165. 11. 24, 25. had not Antonius 1 aid been : 'had it 
not been for, etc.,' a common construction. 'Aid' is 
probably used in sense of Latin auxilia, l troops.' Amyot's 
wording is very similar : ' n'cust este le secours d'Antonius.' 

P. 1 66, 11. 1 8, 19. and be afraid. So ed. 1579; the 
second and later editions read wrongly * and to be afraid,' 
which does not answer to the French ' & craignent.' 

P. 167, 1. 5. day of the battle. ( day of battle ' ed. I 595 ff~. 

1. 12. at another time, 'at' is omitted in ed. 1595 ff. 

2 io NOTES 

P. 168, 1. 22. If I get nought else. Ed. 1595 ff. replace 
'nought' by ' nothing.' 

P. 169,11. 21, 22. the signal of battle . . . which was an 
arming scarlet coat : cru/x./3oAov dytovos ^oivtK-oCs \ITWV. For 
* arming' in the sense of ' that calls to arms,' cf. N.E.D., 

P. 170, 1. 8. / trust. The present of continued action. 
We should say ' I trusted.' North varies from Amyot and 
Plutarch considerably in this passage. The Greek reads OVK 
018' OTTWS ev <<Aocro<ia, Aoyov U<T}KO. /xeyav, which Amyot 
renders, rather incorrectly, ' ie feis, ne say comment, un 
discours de Philosophic.' 

P. 1 77, 1. 17. carriage : ' baggage ' ; cf. note to p. 55,1. 2. 

P. 178, 11. 22, 23. them that were overcome those that did 
overcome. The antithesis is better brought out in the first 
edition of North, where the first ' overcome ' is spelled, 
after the manner of strong past participles, ' ouercomen.' 

P. 1 8 1, 1. 6. tickle : cf. note to p. 37, 1. 22. 

P. 182, 11. 15, 16. distressed : cf. note to p. 28, 1. 20. 

P. 183, 1. 12. doth make no mention of this spirit, 'no' 
is omitted in the edition of 1579, an obvious printer's 
error corrected in ed. 1595. Amyot says, ' ne fait point 
de metion de ce fantasme,' and the Greek also has the 
negative, ov Aeyei. 

P. 184, 1. 14. a-horseback : 'on horseback' 1595 ff. 

P. i 88, 11. I, 2. Amyot's version of the Greek verse is : 

' O lupiter, que celuy, dont naissance 
Ont tant de maulx, n'eschappe ta uengeance." 

The marginal note here comes from Amyot, ' Appia 1'etend 


21 I 

1. 8. pioneers : soldiers employed in tasks of engineering. 
Cf. N.E.D., s.v. i. 

1. 9, 10. he ran to the river for water, and brought it in his 
sallet. Amyot says simply, * s'en courut auec un cabasset 
uers la riuiere.' * Sallet ' is a species of helmet. 

1. 19. Furthermore. This is not a good rendering of 
Plutarch's particle, Se. ' Hence ' or ' however ' would 
be better. Amyot has ' Au reste ' and the Latin translation 
' Inde.' 

P. 190, 1. 2. naughty. In North's time the word was, of 
course, employed in a much more serious sense than at 
present. Cf. N.E.D., s.v. 2. 

P. 191,1. 21. knew not well that time. There is no reason 
for the use of the demonstrative ' that.' Amyot says, 
' n'auroit pas bi2 cogneu le temps,' and the Latin version 
renders ^yi/o>;Kevat rov xpovov correctly by ' ignorasse mortis 






EK Plutarchus 

2955 Shakespeare's Plutarch 




cop. 2