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A GENERAL discuSvsion of North's translation of Plutarch 
and its relation to Shakespeare's play of Julius Caesar will 
be found in the introduction to the first volume. 

The scope of North's influence on Shakespeare. 

The extent and precise nature of Shakespeare's debt to 
North is not easily calculated. Besides the four lives here 
printed, it has been asserted that he drew upon the Life of 
Theseus for some five lines in A Midsummer Night's Dream, 
that he used the Life of Alcibiades for Timon of Athens, 
that he got a hint for Julius Caesar ; namely, Caesar's 
fear of sleepless men, from the Life of Cato Censor. It 
has been suggested that he derived from the comparisons or 
o-uy/cpums attached to the Lives of Coriolanus, Caesar, 
Brutus, and Antonius a few general ideas as to the character 
of these personages. Professor Skeat, furthermore, has 
printed in his book, Shakespeare's Plutarch, the spurious life of 
Augustus Caesar, which found its way into the 1603 and 
later editions of North. 

It is difficult to set limits to Shakespeare's possible erudition. 
It is highly probable that he had read much more of Plutarch 
than he ever openly used ; and he may have known all the 


passages which an unpleasantly microscopic criticism has 
pointed out ; but if so, the matter seems entirely devoid of 
interest or importance. Only as regards the four lives which 
are reprinted in this book can there be any true question of 
debit and credit between North and Shakespeare, and even 
here the different plays show very different sorts of borrow 

The relation between Julius Caesar and the Lives has been 
already discussed. If the connexion had ended with that 
play there would be no great reason for crediting North with 
a much higher sort of influence over Shakespeare than that 
exerted by Holinshed, Painter, Whetstone, Harsnet, and the 
many other authors whose matter the poet appropriated without 
reserve and whose manner, save for a phrase here and there, 
he seems utterly to have repudiated. But the indebtedness 
of Shakespeare to North is most striking in the latest of his 
Roman plays, Antony and Cleopatra and Coriolanus. A 
comparison of the many passages in the lives of Antonius and 
of Coriolanus here marked by daggers with the corresponding 
lines in Shakespeare shows that the dramatist was satisfied in 
no small number of cases to incorporate whole speeches from 
North with the least change consistent with the production 
of blank verse. The description of Cleopatra's first visit to 
Antony, the dying speech of Antony, and the few noble lines 
that glorify the passing of Cleopatra, the address of Coriolanus 
to Tullus Aufidius when he throws himself upon the latter's 
hospitality, and the last all-decisive speech of Volumnia to 


her son these passages, all of which rank among the special 
treasures of Shakespearean poetry, come straight and 
essentially unaltered out of North. 

Nowhere else in Shakespeare is there an instance of verbal 
borrowing at the height of dramatic intensity which is 
comparable to these. Even the speech of Portia to Brutus 
in Julius Caesar offers no parallel, for there we can see 
plainly the deliberate poetic handling which North's words 
suffered, fine though they are, before they were allowed a 
place in the drama. In the passages I have cited there is 
little evidence of any attempt at improvement ; indeed, it 
may be held in regard to several of them that the palm 
belongs rather to North's prose than to Shakespeare's poetry. 
That this should be so is a fact worthy of all wonder and 
attention, for the like can be said of no other of Shakespeare's 
rivals or assistants. 

Yet it is easy to misinterpret woefully the meaning of the 
phenomenon. The criticism that blatantly advertises North 
as the writer who has surpassed Shakespeare in his own art 
is illogical as well as foolish. It rests on a wrong conception 
of the nature of Shakespeare's latest work. The probable 
date of Antony and Cleopatra is 1607, and Coriolanus is 
somewhat later. During this his last period, the poet's 
manner is characterized, it need not be said, by qualities of 
unapproachable grandeur ; it is not, however, marked by 
minute attention to details. In structure as in versification 
we find a certain looseness ; the carelessness of conscious 


mastery overrides trifling rules before which immaturity had 
bent. After all, North's style, as we see it in these four 
lives, is pretty much of a piece, and what Shakespeare had 
been able to improve on in 1601, when he wrote Julius 
Caesar, was assuredly not beyond him in 1607. The truth 
is that Shakespeare's interest in the last two Roman plays is 
centred nearly exclusively in character, in Antony and 
Cleopatra, Volumnia and Coriolanus. He has earned the 
right to ignore rules of syntax and of scansion. He may at 
this time appropriate without scruple whatever North has 
written that will serve his purpose and would cost him pains 
to write better. It is no more than the assertion of genius's 
privilege of indifference to non-essentials the natural corollary 
of the ' infinite capacity for taking pains,' where the pains 
are worth the taking. 

The borrowing is a deservedly high compliment to North ; 
it is far from being a reproach to Shakespeare. It is as 
Archbishop Trench has said in his lectures on Plutarch : 
' Shakespeare does not abdicate his royal preeminence, but 
resumes it at any moment that he pleases.' To take the 
dying speech of Charmion and fit it indistinguishably into a 
setting worthy of it, to borrow nearly unchanged the words 
of Coriolanus to Aufidius and then to give them their needed 
consummation in the answer of Aufidius this surely is a 
greater achievement than to have new- written the two scenes. 

Plutarch and the structure of the Roman 

Plays. The indebtedness of Shakespeare to Plutarch's 


Lives has not been fully stated, when we have pointed out 
that the four lives under consideration presented the drama 
tist with a graphic picture of nearly every incident and every 
important character out of which he built up his Roman 
plays, nor even when we have added to this that the magni 
ficent version of North clothed Plutarch's narrative in an 
English dress so gorgeous, and at the same time so appro 
priate, that Shakespeare has justly rendered it the last praise 
of imitation. Besides thus furnishing the constituent 
material, and to no small extent the outward form of these 
plays, North's Plutarch was able to contribute also the innate 
tragic spirit. The work which Shakespeare had been 
obliged to do for himself in investing English history with 
a continuous purpose and a philosophic import, he found 
done for him when he came to Plutarch. The lives are 
pervaded by a note of grave fatalism, which constitutes the 
very essence of tragedy. Particularly is this true of the 
lives dealing with those last days of the Roman Republic 
which Plutarch realized so vividly and has so fully and 
wisely portrayed. It is no mere succession of battles, plots, 
and murders, such as we know in Holinshed's Chronicle or 
the Mirror for Magistrates, that meets us in the lives of 
Brutus or Antonius, or even Coriolanus. The narration of 
historical incident goes everywhere hand in hand with the 
true spirit of humanism and the deepest sense of resistless 

Brutus and Antonius are distinctly represented as the 


victims of Fate, against which their struggles, however 
heroic, can avail them nothing. ' Howbeit the state of 
Rome (in my opinion),' says Plutarch, 'being now 
brought to that pass, that it could no more abide to be 
governed by many Lords, but required one only absolute 
Governor, God, to prevent Brutus that it should not come to 
his government, kept this victory from his knowledge' (Vol. 
I. p. 182). And Antony's love for Cleopatra is throughout 
made to appear no mere human frailty, but a ' pestilent 
plague and mischief ' sent upon him by that Providence by 
whom ' it was predestined that the government of all the 
world should fall into Octavius Caesar's hands.' 

We find Shakespeare's broad sane humanity to a very 
striking degree in Plutarch, who never allows us to lose the 
sense of the infinite pity of Coriolanus's ruin, or Antony's, 
even while laying bare with a hand as unsparing as Shake 
speare's own the ruinous faults of each. Again, Shakespeare's 
political views his feeling of the necessity of one strong 
head in the state, and his distrust of the commonalty are 
closely paralleled by those of Plutarch, who almost welcomes 
Caesar's assumption of tyrannical power, and looks on the 
triumph of Octavius as a desirable pledge of peace, though 
individually neither of the Caesars is a favourite with him. 
His attitude towards the mob is hardly more friendly than 
Shakespeare's ; and the marginal note to the Life of 
Coriolanus which North adds, ' See the fickle minds of 
common people' (Vol. II. D. 161), not only sums up the 


opinion of Plutarch and of Chaucer, but might serve as text 
for a large number of Shakespeare's scenes. 

The Roman plays, of course, contain much that will not 
be found in Plutarch, or will be found there only in germ. 
This is more the case with the two later tragedies, which in 
parts approach North most closely, than in the case of Julius 
Caesar, where by drawing on three lives at once the drama 
tist found all the material and variety he could desire. In 
Antony and Cleopatra and in Coriolanus the kernel of the 
plot, that is, the conception of the two principal figures of 
each play, is taken from North practically unchanged. But 
a Shakespearean play must have breadth as well as depth ; 
two or three characters, however striking, will not serve. 
The minor dramatis personae therefore, who provide the 
perspective and fill up the background, are for the most part 
elaborated by Shakespeare out of very scanty suggestions. 
This is true of Enobarbus, who, though mentioned two or 
three times by Plutarch, is entirely re-created by the dramatist 
and given a quite unhistorical career. It is equally true of 
Menenius, who appears in Plutarch but once, and then 
simply as narrator of his well-known fable. Altogether 
there are in Antony and Cleopatra no less than eight scenes, 
and in Coriolanus seven at least, which show only the very 
barest traces, if any, of Plutarchan influence. Conversely, 
there are, of course, many fine passages in Plutarch, of which 
the dramatist makes no use, the most striking instance being 
perhaps the wonderfully vivid and eloquent description of 


Antony's Parthian expedition. Papers seeking to point out 
in detail the connexion between Plutarch and the Roman 
plays will be found in the Jahrbuch dtr deutscben Shakespeare- 
Gesellschaft, Bd. xvii. 67-8 r: xviii. 156-82: xxi. 

North's influence outside the Roman plays. 

In one other Shakespearean tragedy we find credible traces of 
borrowing from North. It is at least possible that the first 
suggestion for Timon of Athens came from the brief account 
of the misanthrope, which Plutarch interpolates into the Life 
of Antonius (p. 1 1 i-i 1 3). Certainly, at two points in the last 
act of the play there is verbal reminiscence of this passage : 
first, in lines 210-217 of Scene I., and more strikingly in 
Timon's epitaph (V. iv. 70-73), which Shakespeare quotes 
from North with the change of only a single word. All 
visible connexion, however, stops here. The play, as a 
whole, is based on Paynter's Palace of Pleasure (Novel 
xxviii.), and there is no evidence that Plutarch's further 
account of Timon in the Life of Alcibiades influenced 
Shakespeare in any degree. 

The non- Shakespearean drama of the Elizabethan age 
owes a large debt to Plutarch. He furnished the French 
writer Robert Gamier with the material for his tragedy 
Marc Antoine, and this play, as translated into English verse 
by the Countess of Pembroke in I 590, became the progenitor 
of a school, Senecan in form, Plutarchan largely in subject 
matter. Samuel Daniel's Cleopatra (1594) was written con- 


fessedly with the object of providing a companion piece to 
the Antonie of his patroness. It deals with the period of 
Cleopatra's life subsequent to the death of Antony, and is 
based wholly upon Plutarch. Despite its impossible rhyme 
scheme and antediluvian machinery, there are lines in 
Cleopatra which show how the passages that were after 
wards to impress themselves on Shakespeare's memory had 
already touched the imagination of at least one true, if mis 
guided poet. In the fifth act we find a retrospective allusion 
to the splendour of Cleopatra's progress up the ' river of 
Cydnus' (cf. Life of Antonius, p. 38, 39): 

' Clear Cydnos she did shew what earth could shew, 
When Asia all amaz'd in wonder, deems 
Venus from heaven was come on earth below.' 

And later Charmion's death is described in words which, in 
spite of the distortion caused by the necessity of finding 
rhymes, are not a great deal farther from North's prose than 
are Shakespeare's own 

' And as she stood, setting it (/. e. the crown) fitly on, 
Loe, in rush Caesar's messengers in haste, 
Thinking to have prevented what was done, 
But yet they came too late, for all was past. 
For there they found stretcht on a bed of gold, 
Dead Cleopatra, and that proudly dead, 
In all the rich attire procure she could, 
And dying Charmion trimming of her head, 


And Eras at her feet, dead in like case. 
" Charmion, is this well done?" said one of them. 
"Yea, well," said she, "and her that from the race 
Of so great Kings descends, doth best become."' 

In 1605 Daniel published his Pkilotas, founded on Plu 
tarch's Life of Alexander, which was also the source of 
another play belonging to the same Senecan school and 
printed in the same year, the Alexandrian of Sir William 
Alexander, Lord Stirling. In 1607 appeared another of 
Alexander's " Monarchic tragedies," The Tragedy of Julius 
Caesar, which owes no less than its predecessor to Plutarch. 
These last works belong all to a class doomed to speedy 
extinction. A more vital Plutarchan influence is that we 
find in Beaumont and Fletcher's play The False One. The 
plot concerns itself with the stay of Julius Caesar in Egypt, 
the outline of which conies from the Life of Caesar; in 
several passages, moreover, reminiscences of the language of 
North are, in my opinion, to be detected. 

Lex hujus editionis. The principles on which the 
text has been prepared are stated fully in the introduction to 
the first volume. The present volume contains the Lives of 
Antonius and Coriolanus, and thus gives the main sources 
of the last two Roman plays, as well as the source in part of 
Timon of Athens. The text is that of North's translation as 
first published in 1579, except that the spelling has been 
modernized wherever the change involved is a mere matter 
of typography. Legitimate old forms, like the comparative 



lenger and the preterite ivan for won, have been scrupulously 
preserved. The punctuation has been normalized, but in 
doing so I have attempted to make it conform to Elizabethan 
rather than Victorian ideals. All passages which Shake 
speare can be shown to have used are indicated by marginal 
signs. Where the debt is one of subject matter only, 
asterisks are employed, but where North's wording also 
has been borrowed, a row of daggers will be found opposite 
the lines in question. Foot-notes give references to act, 
scene, and line, in the Oxford Shakespeare. 



-. * * 

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ANTONIUS' grandfather was that famous Orator whom 
Marius slew, because he took Sylla's part. His 

. * Antonius 

father was another Antonius surnamed Cretan," parentage. 

who was not so famous nor bare any great sway Because 

in the commonwealth : howbeit otherwise he was death he ' S 

an honest man, and of a very good nature, and Sar which 

specially very liberal in giving, as appeareth by an n ate"y m 

act he did. He was not very wealthy, and there- T^ st 

fore his wife would not let him use his liberality Ji 105 * of 

^ re tii. 

and frank nature. One day a friend of his coming 

to him to pray him to help him to some money, liberality 

having great need, Antonius by chance had no tonius' 

money to give him, but he commanded one of 

his men to bring him some water in a silver basin, and after 

he had brought it him, he washed his beard as though he 

meant to have shaven it, and then found an errand for his 

man to send him out, and gave his friend the silver basin, 

and bade him get him money with that. Shortly after, 

there was a great stir in the house among the servants, 

seeking out this silver basin. Insomuch as Antonius 



seeing his wife marvellously offended for it, and that she 
would examine all her servants, one after another, about it, 
to know what was become of it : at length he confessed he 
had given it away, and prayed her to be contented. His 
Julia, the w ife was Julia, of the noble house and family of 
ofM. er Julius Caesar, who, for her virtue and chastity, 
Antomus. was to be compared with the noblest Lady of her 
time. M. Antonius was brought up under her, being 
married after her first husband's death unto Cornelius 
Lentulus, whom Cicero put to death with Cethegus and 
others, for that he was of Catiline's conspiracy against the 
commonwealth. And this seemeth to be the original 
cause and beginning of the cruel and mortal hate Antonius 
bare unto Cicero. For Antonius self saith, that he would 
never give him the body of his father-in-law to bury him, 
before his mother went first to entreat Cicero's wife : the 
which undoubtedly was a flat lie. For Cicero denied burial 
to none of them whom he executed by law. Now Antonius 
being a fair young man, and in the prime of his youth, he 
fell acquainted with Curio, whose friendship and 

Antonius . ... 

corrupted acquaintance (as it is reported) was a plague 

by Curio. . . . - i 

unto him. ror he was a dissolute man, given over 
to all lust and insolency, who, to have Antonius the better 
at his commandment, trained him on into great follies, and 
vain expenses upon women, in rioting and banqueting. So 
that in short time he brought Antonius into a marvellous 
great debt, and too great for one of his years, to wit, of two 


hundred and fifty talents, for all which sum Curio was his 
surety. His father hearing of it did put his son from him, 
and forbade him his house. Then he fell in with Clodius, 
one of the desperatest and most wicked Tribunes at that 
time in Rome. Him he followed for a time in his desperate 
attempts, who bred great stir and mischief in Rome : but at 
length he forsook him, being weary of his rashness and folly, 
or else for that he was afraid of them that were bent against 
Clodius. Thereupon he left Italy, and went into Greece, 
and there bestowed the most part of his time, sometime in 
*wars, and otherwhile in the study of eloquence. He used 
*a manner of phrase in his speech, called Asiatic, 

* i i -111 i Antonius 

which carried the best grace and estimation at used in his 
*that time, and was much like to his manners and the Asiatic 
*life : for it was full of ostentation, foolish bravery, 
*and vain ambition. 1 After he had remained there some 
time, Gabinius Proconsul, going into Syria, persuaded him 
to go with him. Antonius told him he would not go Antonius 
as a private man : wherefore Gabinius gave him charge of 
charge of his horsemen, and so took him with under 
him. So first of all he sent him against Aristo- Proconsul, 
bulus who had made the Tews to rebel, and was f'"?f Into 

j o} rid. 

the first man himself that got up to the wall of Antonius' 
a castle of his, and so drave Aristobulus out of all against 
his holds ; and with those few men he had with bulus. 
him he overcame all the Jews in set battle, which were 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, V. i. 34-8. 


many against one, and put all of them almost to the 
Antonius sword, and furthermore, took Aristobulus himself 
tobuius" 5 prisoner with his son. Afterwards, Ptolemy king 
prisoner. o f Egypt, that had been driven out of his 
country, went unto Gabinius to entreat him to go with 
his army with him into Egypt, to put him again into his 
kingdom : and promised him, if he would go with him, 
ten thousand talents. The most part of the Captains thought 
it not best to go thither, and Gabinius himself made it dainty 
to enter into this war : although the covetousness of these 
ten thousand talents stuck sorely with him. But Antonius, 
that sought but for opportunity and good occasion to attempt 
great enterprises, and that desired also to gratify Ptolemy's 
request : he went about to persuade Gabinius to go this 
voyage. Now they were more afraid of the way they 
should go, to come to the city of Pelusium, than they 
feared any danger of the war besides : because they were 
to pass through deep sands and desert places, where was no 
fresh water to be had all the marishes through, which are 
called the marishes Serbonides, which the Egyptians call 
the exhalations or fume by the which the Giant Typhon 
breathed. But in truth it appeareth to be the overflowing of 
the Red Sea, which breaketh out under the ground 

Antonius' . . . . ........ . 

acts in in that place, where it is divided in the narrowest 

under place from the sea on this side. So Antonius was 

llus ' sent before into Egypt with his horsemen, who 

did not only win that passage, but also took the city of 


Pelusium (which is a great city) with all the soldiers in it : 
and thereby he cleared the way, and made it safe for all the 
rest of the army, and the hope of the victory also certain for 
his Captain. Now did the enemies themselves feel the fruits 
of Antonius' courtesy, and the desire he had to win honour. 
For, when Ptolemy (after he had entered into the city of 
Pelusium) for the malice he bare unto the city, would have 
put all the Egyptians in it to the sword, Antonius withstood 
him, and by no means would suffer him to do it. And in 
all other great battles and skirmishes which they fought, and 
were many in number, Antonius did many noble acts of a 
valiant and wise Captain : but specially in one battle, where 
he compassed in the enemies behind, giving them the victory 
that fought against them, whereby he afterwards had such 
honourable reward as his valiantness deserved. So was his 
great courtesy also much commended of all, the which he 
shewed unto Archelaus. For having been his very 
friend, he made war with him against his will while ^Jurtesy 8 
he lived : but after his death he sought for his body, Archelaus 
and gave it honourable burial. For these respects bemg 
he wan himself great fame of them of Alexandria, 
and he was also thought a worthy man of all the soldiers in 
the Romans' camp. But besides all this, he had 

111 c Antonius 

a noble presence, and shewed a countenance of one shape and 
of a noble house : he had a goodly thick beard, a 
broad forehead, crook-nosed, and there appeared such a 
manly look in his countenance, as is commonly seen in 


Hercules' pictures, stamped or graven in metal. Now 
The house ^ had been a speech of old time, that the 
Anton!! family of the Antonii were descended from one 
fr^ ended Anton, the son of Hercules, whereof the family 
Hercules. t oo k name. This opinion did Antonius seek to 
confirm in all his doings : not only resembling him in the 
likeness of his body, as we have said before, but also in the 
wearing of his garments. For when he would openly shew 
himself abroad before many people, he would always wear 
his cassock girt down low upon his hips, with a great sword 
hanging by his side, and upon that, some ill-favoured cloak. 
Furthermore, things that seem intolerable in other men, as 
to boast commonly, to jest with one or other, to drink like 
a good fellow with everybody, to sit with the soldiers when 
they dine, and to eat and drink with them soldierlike : it is 
incredible what wonderful love it wiin him amongst them. 
And furthermore, being given to love, that made him the 
more desired, and by that means he brought many to love 
him. For he would further every man's love, and also 
would not be angry that men should merrily tell him of 
those he loved. But besides all this, that which most pro- 
Antonius' cured his rising and advancement was his liberality, 
liberality. w jj O g aye a jj to t k e ^l^iers anc j k^ nothing for 

himself: and when he was grown to great credit, then was 
his authority and power also very great, the which notwith 
standing himself did overthrow by a thousand other faults 
he had. In this place I will shew you one example only 


of his wonderful liberality. He commanded one day his 
cofferer that kept his money to give a friend of his 25 
Myriads : which the Romans call in their tongue, Decies. 
His cofferer marvelling at it, and being angry withal in his 
mind, brought him all this money in a heap together, to 
shew him what a marvellous mass of money it was. An- 
tonius, seeing it as he went by, asked what it was : his 
cofferer answered him, it was the money he willed him to 
give unto his friend. Then Antonius perceiving the spite of 
his man, ' I thought,' said he, ' that Decies had been a greater 
sum of money than it is, for this is but a trifle' : and therefore 
he gave his friend as much more another time, but that was 
afterwards. Now the Romans maintaining two factions at 
Rome at that time, one against the other, of the which, they 
that took part with the Senate did join with Pompey being 
then in Rome : and the contrary side taking part with the 
people sent for Caesar to aid them, who made wars in Gaul : 
then Curio, Antonius' friend, that had changed his garments 
and at that time took part with Caesar, whose enemy he had 
been before : he wan Antonius, and so handled the matter, 
partly through the great credit and sway he bare amongst 
the people by reason of his eloquent tongue, and partly 
also by his exceeding expense of money he made 
which Caesar gave him, that Antonius was chosen Tribune 
Tribune, and afterwards made Augur. But this people and 
was a great help and furtherance to Caesar's 
practices. For so soon as Antonius became Tribune he did 


oppose himself against those things which the Consul Mar- 
cellus preferred (who ordained that certain legions which 
had been already levied and billed should be given unto 
Cneius Pompey, with further commission and authority to 
levy others unto them) and set down an order, that the 
soldiers which were already levied and assembled should be 
sent into Syria, for a new supply unto Marcus Bibulus, who 
made war at that time against the Parthians. And further 
more, prohibition that Pompey should levy no more men, 
and also that the soldiers should not obey him. Secondly, 
where Pompey's friends and followers would not suffer 
Caesar's letters to be received and openly read in the 
Senate : Antonius, having power and warrant by his person, 
through the holiness of his tribuneship, did read 


acts for them openly, and made divers men change their 
minds : for it appeared to them that Caesar by his 
letters required no unreasonable matters. At length, when 
they preferred two matters of consideration unto the Senate, 
whether they thought good that Pompey, or Caesar, should 
leave their army : there were few of the Senators that 
thought it meet Pompey should leave his army, but they all 
in manner commanded Caesar to do it. Then Antonius, 
rising up, asked whether they thought it good that Pompey 
and Caesar both should leave their armies. Thereunto all 
the Senators jointly together gave their whole consent, and 
with a great cry commending Antonius, they prayed him to 
refer it to the judgement of the Senate. But the Consuls 


would not allow of that. Therefore Caesar's friends pre 
ferred other reasonable demands and requests again, but 
Cato spake against them : and Lentulus, one of the Consuls, 
drave Antonius by force out of the Senate, who at his going 
out made grievous curses against him. After that, he took 
a slave's gown, and speedily fled to Caesar, with 

' Antonius 

Quintus Cassius, in a hired coach. When they flieth from 


came to Caesar, they cried out with open mouth, unto 
that all went hand over head at Rome : for the 
Tribunes of the people might not speak their minds, and 
were driven away in great danger of their lives, as many as 
stood with law and justice. Hereupon Caesar incontinently 
went into Italy with his army, which made Cicero say in 
his Philippics that as Helen was cause of the war of Troy, 
so was Antonius the author of the civil wars, which C ; cero 
indeed was a stark lie. For Caesar was not so reproved 

for lying. 

fickle headed, nor so easily carried away with 
anger, that he would so suddenly have gone and made war 
with his country, upon the sight only of Antonius and 
Cassius being fled unto him in miserable apparel and in a 
hired coach : had he not long before determined it with him 
self. But sith indeed Caesar looked of long time but for 
some colour, this came as he wished, and gave him just 
occasion of war. But to say truly, nothing else moved him 
to make war with all the world as he did, but one self 
cause, which first procured Alexander and Cyrus also before 
him : to wit, an insatiable desire to reign, with a senseless 


covetousness to be the best man in the world, the which he 
could not come unto, before he had first put down 


Cyrus, and Pompey, and utterly overthrown him. Now, after 

Caesar all r ' ' 

contended that Caesar had gotten Rome at his command- 
Caesar's ment, and had driven Pompey out of Italy, he 

ambition ... . . , 

the only purposed first to go into Spam, against the legions 
the civil Pompey had there : and in the meantime to 

make provision for ships and marine prepara 
tion, to follow Pompey. In his absence, he left Lepidus 
that was Praetor, governor of Rome : and Antonius that 

was Tribune, he gave him charge of all the 


gave the soldiers and of Italy. Then was Antonius straight 

charge of ' 

Italy unto marvellously commended and beloved of the 
soldiers, because he commonly exercised himself 
among them, and would oftentimes eat and drink with 
them, and also be liberal unto them according to his 
. . . ability. But then in contrary manner he pur- 

Antonms ' 

vices. chased divers other men's evil wills, because that 
through negligence he would not do them justice that were 
injuried, and dealt very churlishly with them that had any 
suit unto him : and besides all this, he had an ill name 
to entice men's wives. To conclude, Caesar's friends that 
governed under him were cause why they hated Caesar's 
government (which indeed in respect of himself was no less 
than a tyranny), by reason of the great insolencies and out 
rageous parts that were committed : amongst whom An 
tonius, that was of greatest power, and that also committed 


greatest faults, deserved most blame. But Caesar notwith 
standing, when he returned from the wars of Spain, made 
no reckoning of the complaints that were put up against 
him : but contrarily, because he found him a hardy man, 
and a valiant Captain, he employed him in his chiefest 
affairs, and was no whit deceived in his opinion of him. So 
he passed over the Ionian Sea unto Brundusium, being but 
slenderly accompanied : and sent unto Antonius and Ga- 
binius, that they should embark their men as soon as they 
could, and pass them over into Macedon. Gabinius was 
afraid to take the sea, because it was very rough, and in the 
winter time : and therefore fetched a great compass about 
by land. But Antonius fearing some danger might come 
unto Caesar, because he was compassed in with a great num 
ber of enemies : first of all he drave away Libo, who rode 
at anchor with a great army before the haven of Brundusium. 
For he manned out such a number of pinnaces, barks, and 
other small boats about every one of his galleys, that he 
drave him thence. After that, he embarked into Antonius 
ships twenty thousand footmen and eight hundred taketh sea 

' with his 

horsemen, and with this army he hoised sail, army at 

7 Brun- 

When the enemies saw him, they made out to dusium, 

and goeth 

follow him : but the sea rose so high, that the unto 
billows put back their galleys that they could not 
come near him, and so he scaped that danger. But withal 
he fell upon the rocks with his whole fleet, where the sea 
wrought very high : so that he was out of all hope to save 


himself. Yet by good fortune, suddenly the wind turned 
South-west, and blew from the gulf, driving the waves of 
the river into the main sea. Thus Antonius loosing from 
the land, and sailing with safety at his pleasure, soon after 
he saw all the coasts full of shipwracks. For the force and 
boisterousness of the wind did cast away the galleys that 
followed him : of the which, many of them were broken 
and spiitted, and divers also cast away, and Antonius took a 
great number of them prisoners, with a great sum of money 
also. Besides all these, he took the city of Lyssus, and 
brought Caesar a great supply of men, and made him 
courageous, coming at a pinch with so great a power to 
him. Now there were divers hot skirmishes and en- 
Antonius' counters > * n tn e which Antonius fought so valiantly, 
manhood that he carried the praise from them all : but 

in wars. 

specially at two several times, when Caesar's men 
turned their backs and fled for life. For he stepped 
before them, and compelled them to return again to fight : 
so that the victory fell on Caesar's side. For this cause he 
had the second place in the camp among the soldiers, and 
Antonius they spake of no other man unto Caesar, but of him : 
wing of e w ho shewed plainly what opinion he had of him, 
baukat when at the last battle of Pharsalia (which indeed 
wher^' 121 ' was the last trial of all, to give the Conqueror the 
Pompey w hole Empire of the world) he himself did lead 

lost the ' 

field. the right wing of his army, and gave Antonius 

the leading of the left wing, as the valiantest man and 


skilfullest soldier of all those he had about him. After 
Caesar had won the victory, and that he was created 
Dictator, he followed Pompey step by step : howbeit before 
he named Antonius general of the horsemen, and sent him 
to Rome. The general of the horsemen is the The 
second office of dignity, when the Dictator is in of g the V 
the city : but when he is abroad, he is the f^'h^re- 
chiefest man, and almost the only man that re- men- 
maineth, and all the other officers and Magistrates are put 
down, after there is a Dictator chosen. Notwithstanding, 
Dolabella being at that time Tribune, and a young man 
desirous of change and innovation : he preferred a law 
which the Romans call Novas tabulas (as much to say, as a 
cutting off and cancelling of all obligations and specialties, 
and were called the new tables, because they were driven 
then to make books of daily receipt and expense), and per 
suaded Antonius his friend (who also gaped for a good 
occasion to please and gratify the common people) to aid 
him to pass this law. But Trebellius and Asinius dissuaded 
from it all they could possible. So by good hap it chanced 
that Antonius mistrusted Dolabella for keeping of 

. . .- , . . .-.,, Dissension 

his wife, and took such a conceit or it, that he betwixt 
thrust his wife out of his house, being his Cousin and 
german, and the daughter of C. Antonius, who was 
Consul with Cicero : and joining with Asinius, he resisted 
Dolabella, and fought with him. Dolabella had gotten the 
market place where the people do assemble in council, and 


had filled it full of armed men, intending to have this law 
of the new tables to pass by force. Antonius by command 
ment of the Senate, who had given him authority to levy 
men, to use force against Dolabella : he went against him, 
and fought so valiantly, that men were slain on both sides. 
But by this means he got the ill will of the common 
people, and on the other side, the noblemen (as Cicero 
saith) did not only mislike him, but also hate him for his 
naughty life : for they did abhor his banquets and 
abomin- drunken feasts he made at unseasonable times, and 

able life. . . r . . . , 

his extreme wasteful expenses upon vain light 
huswives : and then in the day time he would sleep or 
walk out his drunkenness, thinking to wear away the fume 
of the abundance of wine which he had taken over night. 
In his house they did nothing but feast, dance, and mask : 
and himself passed away the time in hearing of foolish plays, 
or in marrying these players, tumblers, jesters, and such 
sort of people. As for proof hereof it is reported, that at 
Hippias' marriage, one of his jesters, he drank wine so 
lustily all night, that the next morning, when he came to 
plead before the people assembled in council, who had sent 
Antonius f r h\m, he being queasy-stomached with his surfeit 
ltJ>mach hlS ne na d ta ken, was compelled to lay all before 
wlfofe the tnem > an d one of his friends held him his gown 
assembly, instead of a basin. He had another pleasant 
player called Sergius, that was one of the chiefest men 
about him, and a wmoan also called Cytheris, of the same 


profession, whom he loved dearly : he carried her up and 
down in a litter unto all the towns he went, and , 


had as many men waiting upon her litter, she insoiency. 
being but a player, as were attending upon his own mother. 
It grieved honest men also very much to see that, when he 
went into the country, he carried with him a great number 
of cupboards full of silver and gold plate, openly in the face 
of the world, as it had been the pomp or shew of some 
triumph : and that eftsoons in the midst of his journey he 
would set up his halls and tents hard by some green grove 
or pleasant river, and there his cooks should prepare him a 
sumptuous dinner. And furthermore, Lions were harnessed 
in traces to draw his carts : and besides also, in honest 
men's houses in the cities where he came, he would have 
common harlots, courtesans, and these tumbling gillots 
lodged. Now it grieved men much to see, that Caesar 
should be out of Italy following of his enemies, to end this 
great war, with such great peril and danger : and that others 
in the meantime, abusing his name and authority, should 
commit such insolent and outrageous parts unto their 
Citizens. This methinks was the cause that made the con 
spiracy against Caesar increase more and more, and laid the 
reins of the bridle upon the soldiers' necks, whereby they 
durst boldlier commit many extortions, cruelties, 
and robberies. And therefore Caesar after his Lepidus 
return pardoned Dolabella, and, being created 
Consul the third time, he took not Antonius, but chose 


Lepidus his colleague and fellow Consul. Afterwards when 
Pompey's house was put to open sale, Antonius bought it : 
Antonius but when they asked him money for it, he made 
Pompey's lt verv stran g e > an d was offended with them, and 
house. writeth himself that he would not go with Caesar 
into the wars of Africk, because he was not well recom 
pensed for the service he had done him before. Yet Caesar 
did somewhat bridle his madness and insolency, not suffer 
ing him to pass his faults so lightly away, making as though 
he saw them not. And therefore he left his dissolute 
manner of life, and married Fulvia, that was Clo- 

Antonius . , 11-11 

married dius widow, a woman not so basely minded to 
Clodius' spend her time in spinning and housewifery, and 
was not contented to master her husband at home, 
Fulvia but would also rule him in his office abroad, and 
Antonius command him, that commanded legions and great 
zu home arm ies : so that Cleopatra was to give Fulvia 
abroad. thanks for that she had taught Antonius this 
obedience to women, that learned so well to be at their 
commandment. Now, because Fulvia was somewhat sour 
and crooked of condition, Antonius devised to make her 
pleasanter, and somewhat better disposed : and therefore he 
would play her many pretty youthful parts to make her 
merry. As he did once, when Caesar returned the last time 
of all Conqueror out of Spain : every man went out to meet 
him, and so did Antonius with the rest. But on the sudden 
there ran a rumour through Italy, that Caesar was dead, and 


that his enemies came again with a great army. Thereupon 
he returned with speed to Rome, and took one of his men's 
gowns, and so apparelled came home to his house in a dark 
night, saying that he had brought Fulvia letters from An- 
tonius. So he was let in, and brought to her muffled as he 
was for being known : but she, taking the matter heavily, 
asked him if Antonius were well. Antonius gave her the 
letters, and said never a word. So when she had opened 
the letters, and began to read them, Antonius ramped of 
her neck, and kissed her. We have told you this tale for 
example's sake only, and so could we also tell you of many 
suchlike as these. Now, when Caesar was returned from 
his last war in Spain, all the chiefest nobility of the city 
rode many days' journey from Rome to meet him, where 
Caesar made marvellous much of Antonius, above all the 
men that came unto him. For he always took him into 
his coach with him, throughout all Italy : and behind him, 
Brutus Albinus and Octavius, the son of his Niece, who 
afterwards was called Caesar, and became Emperor of Rome 
long time after. So, Caesar being afterwards chosen Consul 
the fift time, he immediately chose Antonius his Caesar 
colleague and companion : and desired, by depos- ^^^a 
ing himself of his Consulship, to make Dolabella Consuls - 
Consul in his room, and had already moved it to the 
Senate. But Antonius did stoutly withstand it, and openly 
reviled Dolabella in the Senate : and Dolabella also spared 
him as little. Thereupon Caesar being ashamed of the 



matter, he let it alone. Another time also, when Caesar 
attempted again to substitute Dolabella Consul in his place, 
Antonius cried out, that the signs of the birds were against 
it : so that at length Caesar was compelled to give him 
place, and to let Dolabella alone, who was marvellously 
offended with him. Now in truth, Caesar made no great 
reckoning of either of them both. For it is reported that 
Caesar answered one that did accuse Antonius and Dolabella 
unto him for some matter of conspiracy : ' Tush,' said he,* 
' they be not those fat fellows and fine combed men that I* 
fear, but I mistrust rather these pale and lean men,' l mean-* 
ing by Brutus and Cassius, who afterwards conspired his 
Antonius death, and slew him. Antonius unwares after- 
tingi'y" wards gave Caesar's enemies just occasion and 
Cesar's colour to do as they did : as you shall hear. The 
occasion Romans by chance celebrated the feast called 
to conspire Lupercalia, and Caesar, being apparelled in his 
him - triumphing robe, was set in the Tribune where 

they use to make their orations to the people, and from 
thence did behold the sport of the runners. The manner 
of this running was this. On that day there are many 
young men of noble house, and those specially that be chief 
Officers for that year : who, running naked up and down the 
city anointed with the oil of olive, for pleasure do strike 
them they meet in their way with white leather thongs 
they have in their hands. Antonius being one among the* 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, I. ii. 191-200 ; Life of Caesar, Vol. I. p. 95 ; 
Life of Brutus, Vol. I. p. 119. 


*rest that was to run, leaving the ancient ceremonies and 
*old customs of that solemnity, he ran to the Tribune where 

* Caesar was set, and carried a laurel crown in his hand, 
*having a royal band or diadem wreathed about it, which in 
*old time was the ancient mark and token of a king. When 
*he was come to Caesar, he made his fellow-runners Antonius 
*with him lift him up, and so he did put this laurel JX^ 11 
*crown upon his head, signifying thereby that he ^ dem 
*had deserved to be king. But Caesar, making as Caesar's 

* though he refused it, turned away his head. The head. 
*people were so rejoiced at it, that they all clapped their 
*hands for joy. Antonius again did put it on his head : 
*Caesar again refused it, and thus they were striving off and 
*on a great while together. As oft as Antonius did put 
*this laurel crown unto him, a few of his followers rejoiced 
*at it : and as oft also as Caesar refused it, all the people 

* together clapped their hands. 1 And this was a wonderful 
thing, that they suffered all things subjects should do by com 
mandment of their kings : and yet they could not abide the 
name of a king, detesting it as the utter destruction of their 
*liberty. Caesar in a rage rose out of his seat, and plucking 
*down the collar of his gown from his neck, he shewed 
*it naked, bidding any man strike off his head that would. 2 
This laurel crown was afterwards put upon the head of one 
of Caesar's statues or images, the which one of the Tribunes 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, I. ii. 219-246 ; Life of Caesar, Vol. I. p. 93. 

2 Cf. Julius Caesar, I. ii. 268, 9 ; Life of Caesar, Vol I. p. 91. 


plucked off. The people liked his doing therein so well, 
that they waited on him home to his house with great 
clapping of hands. Howbeit Caesar did turn them out of* 
Brutus their offices for it. 1 This was a good encourage-* 
Cassius rnent for Brutus and Cassius to conspire his death, 
Caesar's w ^ ^ * nto a consort w i tn their trustiest friends, 
death. to execute their enterprise : but yet stood doubtful 
whether they should make Antonius privy to it or not. 
All the rest liked of it, saving Trebonius only. He told 
them that, when they rode to meet Caesar at his 
return out of Spain, Antonius and he always keeping 
company, and lying together by the way, he felt 
his mind afar off: but Antonius, finding his meaning, 
would hearken no more unto it, and yet notwithstanding 
never made Caesar acquainted with this talk, but had faith- 
c . fully kept it to himself. After that they consulted* 
tjon about whether they should kill Antonius with Caesar.* 

the J 

murtherof But Brutus would in no wise consent to it, saying,* 

Antonius . ' 

with that venturing on such an enterprise as that, for 

the maintenance of law and justice, it ought to be* 
clear from all villainy. 2 Yet they, fearing Antonius' power* 
and the authority of his office, appointed certain of the* 
conspiracy, that, when Caesar were gone into the Senate,* 
and while others should execute their enterprise, they should* 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, I. ii. 289-91 ; Life of Caesar, Vol. I. p. 93. 

2 Cf. Julius Caesar, II. i. 155-166; Life of Brutus, Vol. I. 
FP- J33.4- 


*keep Antonius in a talk out of the Senate house. 1 Even 
as they had devised these matters, so were they executed : 
and Caesar was slain in the midst of the Senate. Antonius, 
being put in a fear withal, cast a slave's gown upon him, 
and hid himself. But afterwards, when it was told him 
that the murtherers slew no man else, and that they went 
only into the Capitol, he sent his son unto them for a 
pledge, and bade them boldly come down upon his word. 
The self same day he did bid Cassius to supper, and 
Lepidus also bade Brutus. The next morning the Senate 
was assembled, and Antonius himself preferred a law that 
all things past should be forgotten, and that they should 
appoint provinces unto Cassius and Brutus : the which the 
Senate confirmed, and further ordained that they should 
cancel none of Caesar's laws. Thus went Antonius out of 
the Senate more praised, and better esteemed, than ever 
man was : because it seemed to every man that he had 
cut off all occasion of civil wars, and that he had shewed 
himself a marvellous wise governor of the commonwealth, 
for the appeasing of these matters of so great weight and 
importance. But now, the opinion ihe conceived of him 
self after he had a little felt the goodwill of the people 
towards him, hoping thereby to make himself the chiefest 
man if he might overcome Brutus, did easily make him 
*alter his first mind. And therefore, when Caesar's body 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, III. i. 25, 6 ; Life of Brutus, Vol. I. p. 132 ; Life of 
Caesar, Vol. I. p. 100. 


was brought to the place where it should be buried, he made* 
a funeral oration in commendation of Caesar, according to* 
the ancient custom of praising noblemen at their funerals.* 
When he saw that the people were very glad and desirous* 
also to hear Caesar spoken of, and his praises uttered, he* 
mingled his oration with lamentable words, and by ampli-* 
fying of matters did greatly move their hearts and affections* 
unto pity and compassion. In fine, to conclude his* 

oration, he unfolded before the whole assembly* 
maleT 5 the bloody garments of the dead, thrust through* 
am^ng the ^ n man 7 places with their swords, and called the* 
the P mur r nialefactors cruel and cursed murtherers. With* 

these words he put the people into such a fury,* 

that they presently took Caesar's body, and burnt* 
it in the market-place with such tables and forms as they* 
could get together. Then, when the fire was kindled,* 
they took firebrands, and ran to the murtherers' houses to* 
set them afire, and to make them come out to fight. 1 * 
Brutus therefore, and his accomplices, for safety of their* 

persons, were driven to fly the city. 2 Then* 

Calpurnia, ,, _, r . , . . 

Caesar's came all Caesar s friends unto Antonius, and 

specially his wife Calpurnia, putting her trust in 

him, she brought the most part of her money into his house, 

which amounted to the sum of four thousand talents, and 

1 Cf. Julius Caesar, III. ii. 45-210, 258-64 ; Life of Caesar, Vol. I. 
p. 104 ; Life of Brutus, Vol. I. p. 138. 

2 Cf. Julius Caesar, III. ii. 273, 4 ; Life of Brutus, Vol. I. p. 139. 


furthermore brought him all Caesar's books and writings, 
in the which were his memorials of all that he had done 
and ordained. Antonius did daily mingle with them such 
as he thought good, and by that means he created new 
officers, made new Senators, called home some that were 
banished, and delivered those that were prisoners : and 
then he said that all those things were so appointed and 
ordained by Caesar. Therefore the Romans mocking them 
that were so moved, they called them Charon- charon- 
ites : because that when they were overcome, scfcaHecf 
they had no other help but to say that thus M . 
they were found in Caesar's memorials, who had t?nius 

' * Consul, 

sailed in Charon's boat, and was departed. Thus, Caius 

111111- 11 i Antonius 

Antonius ruled absolutely also in all other matters, Praetor, 
because he was Consul, and Caius, one of his Antonius 
brethren, Praetor, and Lucius, the other, Tribune. a ii three 
Now things remaining in this state at Rome, 
Octavius Caesar the younger came to Rome, who was the son 
of Julius Caesar's Niece, as you have heard before, and was left 
his lawful heir by will, remaining, at the time of the death 
of his great Uncle that was slain, in the city of Apollonia. 
This young man at his first arrival went to salute Antonius, 
as one of his late dead father Caesar's friends, who by his 
last will and testament had made him his heir : and 
withal, he was presently in hand with him for money 
and other things which were left of trust in his 
hands, because Caesar had by will bequeathed unto the 


people of Rome three score and fifteen silver Drachmas to 
be given to every man, the which he as heir stood 
charged withal. Antonius at the first made no reckon 
ing of him, because he was very young : and said he lacked 
wit, and good friends to advise him, if he looked to take 
such a charge in hand as to undertake to be Caesar's heir. 
But when Antonius saw that he could not shake 


betwixt him off with those words, and that he was still in 


and hand with him for his father's goods, but specially 

Caesar, for the ready money : then he spake and did what 
Julius he could against him. And first of all, it was he 

that did keep him from being Tribune of the 
people : and also, when Octavius Caesar began to meddle 
with the dedicating of the chair of gold, which was prepared 
by the Senate to honour .Caesar with, he threatened to send 
him to prison, and moreover desisted not to put the people in 
Octavius an uproar. This young Caesar, seeing his doings, 
jotntd^in went unto Cicero and others, which were Antonius' 
*-ith dsh ' P enem i es > an d by them crept into favour with the 
Cicero. Senate : and he himself sought the people's good 
will every manner of way, gathering together the old soldiers 

of the late deceased Caesar, which were dispersed 


a nd . in divers cities and colonies. Antonius being 


became afraid of it talked with Octavius in the Capitol, 

and became his friend. But the very same 

night Antonius had a strange dream, who thought that 

lightning fell upon him, and burnt his right hand. Shortly 


after word was brought him, that Caesar lay in wait to kill 
him. Caesar cleared himself unto him, and told Anton ; us ' 
him there was no such matter : but he could not dream - 
make Antonius believe the contrary. Whereupon they 
became further enemies than ever they were : insomuch 
that both of them made friends of either side to gather 
together all the old soldiers through Italy, that were 
dispersed in divers towns, and made them large promises, 
and sought also to win the legions of their side, which were 
already in arms. Cicero on the other side being at that 
time the chiefest man of authority and estimation in the 
city, he stirred up all men against Antonius : so 

. i i ,-. Antonius 

that in the end he made the Senate pronounce judged an 

. . , . 1-1 enemy 

him an enemy to his country, and appointed young by the 
Caesar Sergeants to carry axes before him, and such 
other signs as were incident to the dignity of a Consul or 
* Praetor : and moreover sent Hirtius and Pansa, Hirtius 
*then Consuls, to drive Antonius out of Italy. * nd Pansa 

7 ' Consuls. 

*These two Consuls together with Caesar, who also 

*had an army, went against Antonius that besieged the city 

*of Modena, and there overthrew him in battle : , 


*but both the Consuls were slain there. Antonius, over- . 

. thrown in 

flying upon this overthrow, fell into great misery battl ? b v 

* the city of 

*all at once : but the chiefest want of all other, and Modena. 
*that pinched him most, was famine. 1 Howbeit he was of 
such a strong nature, that by patience he would overcome 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, I. iv. 56-9. 


any adversity, and, the heavier fortune lay upon him, the 
more constant shewed he himself. Every man that 

Antonius . ' . 

patient in fecleth want or adversity knoweth by virtue and 
discretion what he should do : but when indeed 
they are overlaid with extremity, and be sore oppressed, few 
have the hearts to follow that which they praise and com 
mend, and much less to avoid that they reprove and 
mislike. But rather, to the contrary, they yield to their 
accustomed easy life : and through faint heart, and lack of 
. , courage, do change their first mind and purpose. 

Antonius c 

hardness And therefore it was a wonderful example to thet 

in adver 
sity, soldiers to see Antonius, that was brought up in allf 

standing fineness and superfluity, so easily to drink puddlet 
bringing water, and to eat wild fruits and roots : andt 
moreover it is reported that, even as they passed! 
the Alps, they did eat the barks of trees, and such beasts asf 
never man tasted of their flesh before. 1 Now their intentt 
was to join with the legions that were on the other side of 
the Mountains, under Lepidus' charge : whom Antonius 
took to be his friend, because he had holpen him to many 
things at Caesar's hand through his means. When he was 
come to the place where Lepidus was, he camped hard by 
him : and when he saw that no man came to him to put 
him in any hope, he determined to venture himself, and to 
go unto Lepidus. Since the overthrow he had at Modena, 
he suffered his beard to grow at length and never clipped it, 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, I. iv. 59-68. 


that it was marvellous long, and the hair of his head also 
without combing : and besides all this, he went in a 
mourning gown, and after this sort came hard to the 
trenches of Lepidus' camp. Then he began to speak unto 
the soldiers, and many of them their hearts yearned for 
pity to see him so poorly arrayed, and some also 
through his 'Words began to pity him : insomuch that 
Lepidus began to be afraid, and therefore commanded all 
the trumpets to sound together to stop the soldiers' ears, 
that they should not hearken to Antonius. This notwith 
standing, the soldiers took the more pity of him, and spake 
secretly with him by Clodius' and Laelius' means, whom 
they sent unto him disguised in women's apparel, and gave 
him counsel that he should not be afraid to enter into their 
camp, for there were a great number of soldiers that would 
receive him, and kill Lepidus, if he would say the word. 
Antonius would not suffer them to hurt him, but the next 
morning he went with his army to wade a ford, at a little 
river that ran between them : and himself was the fore 
most man that took the river to get over, seeing a number 
of Lepidus' camp that gave him their hands, plucked up the 
stakes, and laid fiat the bank of their trench to let him into 
their camp. When he was come into their camp, 
and that he had all the army at his commandment, wan all 
he used Lepidus very courteously, embraced him, army from 
and called him father : and though indeed Antonius 
did all, and ruled the whole army, yet he alway gave 


Lepidus the name and honour of the Captain. Munatius 
Plancus, lying also in camp hard by with an army, 
understanding the report of Antonius' courtesy, he also 
came and joined with him. Thus Antonius being afoot 
again, and grown of great power, repassed over the Alps, 
leading into Italy with him seventeen legions and ten 
thousand horsemen, besides six legions he left in garrison 
among the Gauls under the charge of one Varius, 
surnamed a companion of his that would drink lustily with 
him, and therefore in mockery was surnamed 
Cotylon : to wit, a bibber. So Octavius Caesar would not 
lean to Cicero, when he saw that his whole travail and 
endeavour was only to restore the commonwealth to her 
former liberty. Therefore he sent certain of his friends to 
The con- Antonius, to make them friends again : and there- 
^nd ac> upon all three met together, (to wit, Caesar, 
"fcaelLr Antonius, and Lepidus), in an Island environed 
Antonius, roun( J about with a little river, and there remained 
Lepidus. three days together. Now as touching all other 
latters, they were easily agreed, and did divide all the 
Empire of Rome between them, as if it had been their 
own inheritance. But yet they could hardly agree whom 
they would put to death : for every one of them would kill 
their enemies, and save their kinsmen and friends. Yet 
at length, giving place to their greedy desire to be revenged 
of their enemies, they spurned all reverence of blood and 
holiness of friendship at their feet. For Caesar left Cicero to 


Antonius' will. Antonius also forsook Lucius Caesar, who 
was his Uncle by his mother, and both of them The pro- 
together suffered Lepidus to kill his own brother f/^ oa 
*Paulus. Yet some writers affirm, that Caesar and T "u mv:ri - 
*Antonius requested Paulus might be slain, and that Lepidus 
*was contented with it. 1 In my opinion there was never 
a more horrible, unnatural, and crueller change than this 
was. For, thus changing murther for murther, they did as 
well kill those whom they did forsake and leave unto others, 
as those also which others left unto them to kill : but so 
much more was their wickedness and cruelty great unto 
their friends, for that they put them to death being 
innocents, and having no cause to hate them. After this 
plot was agreed upon between them, the soldiers that were 
thereabouts would have this friendship and league betwixt 
them confirmed by marriage, and that Caesar should marry 
Claudia, the daughter of Fulvia, and Antonius' wife. This 
marriage also being agreed upon, they condemned three 
hundred of the chiefest citizens of Rome to be put to death 
by proscription. And Antonius also commanded Antonius' 
them to whom he had given commission to kill ^ O lty 
Cicero, that they should strike off his head and Cicero, 
right hand, with the which he had written the invective 
Orations (called Philippics) against Antonius. So, when 
the murtherers brought him Cicero's head and hand cut off, 
he beheld them a long time with great joy, and laughed 
1 Cf. Julius Caesar, IV. i. 2, 3. 


heartily, and that oftentimes, for the great joy he felt. 
Then, when he had taken his pleasure of the sight of them, 
he caused them to be set up in an open place, over the 
pulpit for Orations (where when he was alive he had often 
spoken to the people) as if he had done the dead man hurt, 
and not blemished his own fortune, shewing himself (to his 
great shame and infamy) a cruel man, and unworthy the 
office and authority he bare. His uncle Lucius Caesar also, 
as they sought for him to kill him, and followed him hard, 
fled unto his sister. The murtherers coming thither, 
forcing to break into her chamber, she stood at her chamber 
door with her arms abroad, crying out still : ' You 


Caesar's shall not kill Lucius Caesar, before you first kill 

life saved . _, . 

by his me, that bare your Captain in my womb. By 
this means she saved her brother's life. Now the 
government of these Triumviri grew odious and hateful to the 
Romans, for divers respects : but they most blamed Antonius, 
Antonius' because he being elder than Caesar, and of more 
Trium- h ' S P ower an d force than Lepidus, gave himself again to 
virate. hi s former riot and excess, when he left to deal in 
the affairs of the commonwealth. But, setting aside the ill 
name he had for his insolency, he was yet much more hated 
in respect of the house he dwelt in, the which was the house 
of Pompey the great : a man as famous for his 

The praise * } . . , 

of Pompey temperance, modesty, and civil life, as for his three 

the great. n i i i 

triumphs. For it grieved them to see the gates 
commonly shut against the Captains, Magistrates of the 


city, and also Ambassadors of strange nations, which were 
sometimes thrust from the gate with violence : and that the 
house within was full of tumblers, antic dancers, jugglers, 
players, jesters, and drunkards, quaffing and guzzling, and 
that on them he spent and bestowed the most part of his 
money he got by all kind of possible extortions, bribery and 
policy. For they did not only sell by the crier the goods 
of those whom they had outlawed and appointed to 
murther, slanderously deceived the poor widows and young 
orphans, and also raised all kind of imposts, subsidies, and 
taxes : but understanding also that the holy vestal Nuns 
had certain goods and money put in their custody to keep, 
both of men's in the city, and those also that were abroad, 
they went thither, and took them away by force. Octavius 
Caesar perceiving that no money would serve Antonius' 
turn, he prayed that they might divide the money between 
them, and so did they also divide the army, for them both 
to go into Macedon to make war against Brutus and 
Cassius : and in the meantime they left the government of 
the city of Rome unto Lepidus. When they had passed 
over the seas, and that they began to make war, they being 
both camped by their enemies, to wit, Antonius against 
Cassius, and Caesar against Brutus : Caesar did no great 
matter, but Antonius had alway the upper hand, and did 
all. For at the first battle Caesar was overthrown by 
Brutus, and lost his camp, and very hardly saved himself by 
flying from them that followed him. Howbeit he write th 


himself in his Commentaries, that he fled before the charge 
was given, because of a dream one of his friends had. 
The Antonius on the other side overthrew Cassius in 

battle, though some write that he was not there 
gainst" 5 hi mse lf at the battle, but that he came after the 
Brutus. overthrow whilst his men had the enemies in 
chase. So Cassius at his earnest request was slain by a 
faithful servant of his own called Pindarus, whom he had 
The death en f ranc hised : because he knew not in time that 
of Cassius. Brutus had overcome Caesar. Shortly after they 
fought another battle again, in the which Brutus was over 
thrown, who afterwards also slew himself. Thus 
slew Antonius had the chiefest glory of all this victory, 

specially because Caesar was sick at that time. 
Antonius having found Brutus' body after this battle, blaming 
him much for the murther of his brother Caius, whom he 
had put to death in Macedon for revenge of Cicero's cruel 
death, and yet laying the fault more in Hortensius than in 
him, he made Hortensius to be slain on his brother's tomb. 
Antonius Futhermore, he cast his coat armour (which was 
honour- wonderful rich and sumptuous) upon Brutus' body, 
unto bunal an< ^ 8 ave commandment to one of his slaves 
Brutus. enfranchised, to defray the charge of his 
burial. But afterwards, Antonius hearing that his en 
franchised bondman had not burnt his coat armour with his 
body, because it was very rich, and worth a great sum of 
money, and that he had also kept back much of the ready 


money appointed for his funeral and tomb, he also put him 
to death. After that Caesar was conveyed to Rome, and it 
was thought he would not live long, nor scape the sickness 
he had. Antonius on th' other side went towards the East 
provinces and regions, to levy money : and first of all he 
went into Greece, and carried an infinite number of soldiers 
with him. Now, because every soldier was promised five 
thousand silver Drachmas, he was driven of necessity to 
impose extreme tallages and taxations. At his first coming 
into Greece, he was not hard nor bitter unto the Grecians, 
but gave himself only to hear wise men dispute, to see 
plays, and also to note the ceremonies and sacrifices of Greece, 
ministering justice to every man, and it pleased him 
marvellously to hear them call him Philhellene, (as much to 
say, a lover of the Grecians), and specially the Antonius' 
Athenians, to whom he did many great pleasures. courtesy 
Wherefore the Megarians, to exceed the Athenians, in Greece - 
thinking to shew Antonius a goodly sight, they prayed him 
to come and see their Senate house and council hall. 
Antonius went thither to see it : so when he had seen it at 
his pleasure, they asked him, * My Lord, how like you our 
hall ? ' ' Methinks ' (quoth he) ' it is little, old, and ready 
to fall down.' Furthermore, he took measure of the temple 
of Apollo Pythius, and promised the Senate to finish it. 
But when he was once come into Asia, having left Lucius 
Censorinus Governor in Greece, and that he had felt the 
riches and pleasures of the East parts, and that Princes, great 



Lords, and Kings came to wait at his gate for his coming 
out, and that Queens and Princesses to excel one another 
gave him very rich presents, and came to see him, curiously 
setting forth themselves, and using all art that might be to 
shew their beauty, to win his favour the more, (Caesar in 
the mean space turmoiling his wits and body in civil wars 
at home, Antonius living merrily and quietly abroad), he 
easily fell again to his old licentious life. For straight one 
Anaxenor a player of the cithern, Xouthus a player of the 
flutes, Metrodorus a tumbler, and such a rabble of minstrels 
and fit ministers for the pleasures of Asia, (who in fineness 
The and flattery passed all the other plagues he brought 

with him out of Ital X) a11 these fl ocke d in his 
court, and bare the whole sway : and, after that, 
all went awry. For every one gave themselves to riot and 
excess, when they saw he delighted in it : and all Asia was 
like to the city Sophocles speaketh of in one of his tragedies : 

Was full of sweet perfumes, and pleasant songs, 
With woeful weeping mingled thereamongs. 

For in the city of Ephesus, women attired as they go in 
the feasts and sacrifice of Bacchus came out to meet him 
with such solemnities and ceremonies as are then used, with 
men and children disguised like Fauns and Satyrs. More 
over, the city was full of Ivy, and darts wreathed about with 
Ivy, psalterions, flutes, and hautboys, and in their songs they 
called him Bacchus, father of mirth, courteous, and gentle : 


and so was he unto some, but, to the most part of men, 
cruel and extreme. For he robbed noblemen and 

. , . . ., Antonius 1 

gentlemen of their goods, to give it unto vile cruelty 
flatterers, who oftentimes begged men's goods 
living, as though they had been dead, and would enter their 
houses by force. As he gave a citizen's house of Magnesia 
unto a cook, because (as it is reported) he dressed him a fine 
supper. In the end he doubled the taxation, and imposed 
a second upon Asia. But then Hybreas the Orator, sent 
from the estates of Asia to tell him the state of their country, 
boldly said unto him : ' If thou wilt have power H breas> 
to lay two tributes in one year upon us, thou words 
shouldst also have power to give us two summers, Antonius 

, _,, . touching 

two autumns, and two harvests. This was their great 

. . payments 

gallantly and pleasantly spoken unto Antonius by of money 
the Orator, and it pleased him well to hear it : 
but afterwards, amplifying his speech, he spake more boldly, 
and to better purpose : ' Asia hath paid the two hundred 
thousand talents. If all this money be not come to thy 
coffers, then ask accompt of them that levied it : but if 
thou have received it, and nothing be left of it, then are we 
utterly undone.' Hybreas' words nettled Antonius roundly. 
For he understood not many of the thefts and robberies 
his officers committed by his authority in his treasure and 
affairs : not so much because he was careless, as for that he 
over simply trusted his men in all things. For he was a 
plain man without subtilty, and therefore over late found 


out the foul faults they committed against him : but when he 
Antonius' heard of them he was much offended, and would 
simplicity. p] a | n ] v confess it unto them whom his officers 
had done injury unto by countenance of his authority. He 
had a noble mind, as well to punish offenders, as to reward 
well-doers : and yet he did exceed more in giving, than 
in punishing. Now for his outrageous manner of railing he 
Antonius 1 commonly used, mocking and flouting of every 

manners. man) ^^ wa$ reme( Ji e{ J by } tse lf f or a man 

might as boldly exchange a mock with him, and he was as 
well contented to be mocked, as to mock others. But yet 
it oftentimes marred all. For he thought that those which 
told him so plainly and truly in mirth, would never flatter 
him in good earnest in any matter of weight. But thus he 
was easily abused by the praises they gave him, not finding 
how these flatterers mingled their flattery, under this 
familiar and plain manner of speech unto him, as a fine 
device to make difference of meats with sharp and tart 
sauce, and also to keep him by this frank jesting and 
bourding with him at the table, that their common flattery 
should not be troublesome unto him as men do easily 
mislike to have too much of one thing : and that they 
handled him finely thereby, when they would give him 
place in any matter of weight and follow his counsel, that 
it might not appear to him they did it so much to please 
him, but because they were ignorant, and understood not 
so much as he did. Antonius being thus inclined, the last 


and extremest mischief of all other (to wit, the love of 
Cleopatra) lighted on him, who did waken and stir up many 
vices yet hidden in him, and were never seen to any : and 
if any spark of goodness or hope of rising were left him, 
Cleopatra quenched it straight, and made it worse than 
before. The manner how he fell in love with her was this. 
Antonius, going to make war with the Parthians, Antoniu , 
sent to command Cleopatra to appear personally i, ve to 

' Cleopatra, 

before him, when he came into Cilicia, to answer whom 

. . , . , he sent 

unto such accusations as were laid against her, for into 
being this : that she had aided Cassius and Brutus 
in their war against him. The messenger sent unto Cleo 
patra to make this summons unto her was called Dellius : 
who when he had throughly considered her beauty, the 
excellent grace and sweetness of her tongue, he nothing 
mistrusted that Antonius would do any hurt to so noble a 
Lady, but rather assured himself that within few days she 
should be in great favour with him. Thereupon he did 
her great honour, and persuaded her to come into Cilicia 
as honourably furnished, as she could possible, and bade 
her not to be afraid at all of Antonius, for he was a more 
courteous Lord than any that she had ever seen. Cleopatra, 
*on th' other side, believing Dellius' words, and guessing by 
*the former access and credit she had with Julius Caesar 
*and Cneius Pompey (the son of Pompey the great) only 
*for her beauty : l she began to have good hope that she 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra^ I. v. 29-34 ; III. xi. 116-8. 


might more easily win Antonius. For Caesar and Pompey* 
knew her when she was but a young thing, and knew not* 
then what the world meant : but now she went to Antonius* 
at the age when a woman's beauty is at the prime, and she* 
also of best judgement. 1 So, she furnished herself with a* 
world of gifts, store of gold and silver, and of riches and 
other sumptuous ornaments as is credible enough she might 
bring from so great a house, and from so wealthy and rich 
a realm as Egypt was. But yet she carried nothing with 
her wherein she trusted more than in herself, and in the 
charms and enchantment of her passing beauty and grace. 
The Therefore when she was sent unto by divers letters, 

"ump" ful both from Antonius himself, and also from his 
omeo* 8 fri en ds, she made so light of it and mocked 
patra, Antonius so much, that she disdained to set for-t 

queen of 

Egypt, ward otherwise, but to take her barge in the rivert 

going unto 

Antonius. of Cydnus, the poop whereof was of gold, thet 
sails of purple, and the oars of silver, which kept stroke inf 
rowing after the sound of the music of flutes, hautboys, [ 
citherns, viols, and such other instruments as they playedt 
upon in the barge. And now for the person off 
herself: she was laid under a pavilion of cloth off 
gold of tissue, apparelled and attired like the goddess Venust 
commonly drawn in picture : and hard by her, on either! 
hand of her, pretty fair boys apparelled as painters do sett 
forth god Cupid, with little fans in their hands, with thet 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, I. V. 29-31, 73, 74. 


twhich they fanned wind upon her. Her Ladies and gentle- 
twomen also, the fairest of them were apparelled like the 
tnymphs Nereides (which are the mermaids of the waters) 
tand like the Graces, some steering the helm, others tending 
tthe tackle and ropes of the barge, out of the which there 
tcame a wonderful passing sweet savour of perfumes, that 
tperfumed the wharf's side, pestered with innumerable 
tmultitudes of people. Some of them followed the barge 
tall alongst the river's side : others also ran out of the city 
tto see her coming in. So that in th' end, there ran such 
tmultitudes of people one after another to see her, that 
tAntonius was left post alone in the market place in his 
tlmperial seat to give audience : l and there went a rumour 
in the people's mouths, that the goddess Venus was come to 
play with the god Bacchus, for the general good of all Asia. 
tWhen Cleopatra landed, Antonius sent to invite her to 
tsupper to him. But she sent him word again, he should 
tdo better rather to come and sup with her. Antonius 
ttherefore, to shew himself courteous unto her at her arrival, 
twas contented to obey her, and went to supper xhe sump. 
to her : 2 where he found such passing sumptuous ^"rations 6 
fare, that no tongue can express it. But amongst upp^. s of 
all other things, he most wondered at the infinite Cleopatra 


number of lights and torches hanged on the top Antonius. 
of the house, giving light in every place, so artificially 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, II. ii. 195, 199-266. 

2 Ibid. II. ii. 227-232. 


set and ordered by devices, some round, some square, 
that it was the rarest thing to behold that eye could 
discern, or that ever books could mention. The next 
night, Antonius feasting her contended to pass her in 
magnificence and fineness : but she overcame him in both. 
So that he himself began to scorn the gross service of his 
house, in respect of Cleopatra's sumptuousness and fineness. 
And, when Cleopatra found Antonius' jests and slents to be 
but gross and soldierlike in plain manner, she gave it him 
Cleopatra's finely, and without fear taunted him throughly, 
beauty. N ow her beauty (as it is reported) was not so 
passing, as unmatchable of other women, nor yet such as 
upon present view did enamour men with her : but so 
sweet was her company and conversation, that a man could 
not possibly but be taken. And besides her beauty, the 
good grace she had to talk and discourse, her courteous 
nature that tempered her words and deeds, was a spur that 
pricked to the quick. Furthermore, besides all these, her 
voice and words were marvellous pleasant : for her tongue 
was an instrument of music to divers sports and pastimes, 
the which she easily turned to any language that pleased 
her. She spake unto few barbarous people by interpreter, 
but made them answer herself, or at least the most part 
of them : as the Ethiopians, the Arabians, the Troglodytes, 
the Hebrews, the Syrians, the Medes, and the Parthians, 
and to many others also, whose languages she had learned. 
Whereas divers of her progenitors, the kings of Egypt, 


could scarce learn the Egyptian tongue only, and many of 
them forgot to speak the Macedonian. Now Antonius 
was so ravished with the love of Cleopatra, that though his 
wife Fulvia had great wars, and much ado with Caesar for 
his affairs, and that the army of the Parthians (the which 
the king's Lieutenants had given to the only leading of 
Labienus) was now assembled in Mesopotamia ready to 
invade Syria : yet, as though all this had nothing touched 
him, he yielded himself to go with Cleopatra into Alexandria, 
where he spent and lost in childish sports (as a man might 
say) and idle pastimes the most precious thing a man can 
spend, as Antiphon saith : and that is, time. For 

.An order 

they made an order between them, which they set up by 
called Amimetobwn (as much to say, no life com- and 
parable and matchable with it) one feasting each 
other by turns, and in cost exceeding all measure and 
reason. And for proof hereof, I have heard my ,, 

' The exces- 

grandfather Lamprias report, that one Philotas sive ex 
penses of 
a Physician, born in the city of Amphissa, told Antonius 

i i. i i. A i j and Cle - 

him that he was at that present time in Alexandria, patra in 


and studied Physic : and that, having acquaintance 
with one of Antonius' cooks, he took him with him to 
Antonius' house, (being a young man desirous to see things) 
*to shew him the wonderful sumptuous charge and prepara 
tion of one only supper. When he was in the kitchen, 
*and saw a world of diversities of meats, and amongst others, 
*eight wild boars roasted whole : he began to wonder at it, 


and said, ' Sure you have a great number of guests to supper.'* 
Eight wild The cook fell a-laughing, and answered him, ' No ' * 
roasted (quoth he) ' not many guests, nor above twelve* 
whole. j n a u : i b^ y gt a |i t fat is boiled or roasted* 
must be served in whole, or else it would be marred straight. 
For Antonius peradventure will sup presently, or it may be 
a pretty while hence, or likely enough he will defer it longer, 
for that he hath drunk well to-day, or else hath had some 
other great matters in hand : and therefore we do not dress 
one supper only, but many suppers, because we are un- 
Philotas a certa i n ^ tne hour he will sup in.' Philotas the 
Physician Physician told my grandfather this tale, and said 

born in . . 

Amphissa, moreover, that it was his chance shortly after to 
of this serve the eldest son of the said Antonius, whom 

he had by his wife Fulvia : and that he sat corn- 
Physician monly at his table with his other friends, when he 
younger did not dine nor sup with his father. It chanced 
I1US ' one day there came a Physician that was so full of 
words that he made every man weary of him at the board : 

but Philotas, to stop his mouth, put out a subtle 


subtle pro- proposition to him : ' It is good in some sort to 

position. . ill 

let a man drink cold water that hath an ague : 
every man that hath an ague hath it in some sort : ergo, it 
is good for a man that hath an ague to drink cold water.' 
The Physician was so gravelled and amated withal, that he 
had not a word more to say. Young Antonius burst out in 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, II. ii. 1 86-8. 


such a laughing at him, and was so glad of it, that he said 
unto him : ' Philotas, take all that, I give it thee : ' shew 
ing him his cupboard full of plate, with great pots of gold 
and silver. Philotas thanked him, and told him he thought 
himself greatly bound to him for this liberality, but he 
would never have thought that he had had power to have 
given so many things, and of so great value. But much 
more he marvelled, when shortly after one of young An- 
tonius' men brought him home all the pots in a basket, 
bidding him set his mark and stamp upon them, and to lock 
them up. Philotas returned the bringer of them, fearing 
to be reproved if he took them. Then the young gentle 
man Antonius said unto him : ' Alas, poor man, why dost 
thou make it nice to take them ? Knowest thou not that 
it is the son of Antonius that gives them thee, and is able 
to do it ? If thou wilt not believe me, take rather the 
ready money they come to : because my father peradventure 
may ask for some of the plate, for the antique and excellent 
workmanship of them.' This I have heard my grandfather 
tell oftentimes. But now again to Cleopatra. Plato 


Plato writeth that there are four kinds of flattery : of four 

i ,~ii T i i 1-1 T-> i kinds of 

but Cleopatra divided it into many kinds, r or she, flattery. 
were it in sport or in matter of earnest, still devised sundry 
new delights to have Antonius at commandment, c)eo atra 
never leaving him night nor day, nor once letting 9^" of 
him go out of her sight. For she would play at terers. 
dice with him, drink with him, and hunt commonly with 


him, and also be with him when he went to any exercise or 
activity of body. And sometime also, when he would go* 
up and down the city disguised like a slave in the night,* 
and would peer into poor men's windows and their shops,* 
and scold and brawl with them within the house : Cleopatra* 
would be also in a chambermaid's array, and amble up and* 
down the streets with him, so that oftentimes Antonius bare* 
away both mocks and blows. 1 Now, though most men* 
misliked this manner, yet the Alexandrians were commonly 
glad of this jollity, and liked it well, saying very gallantly 
and wisely, that Antonius shewed them a comical face, to 
wit, a merry countenance : and the Romans a tragical face, 
to say, a grim look. But to reckon up all the foolish 
sports they made, revelling in this sort, it were too fond a 
part of me, and therefore I will only tell you one among the 

rest. On a time he went to angle for fish, and* 
fishing in when he could take none he was as angry as could* 

be, because Cleopatra stood by. Wherefore he* 
secretly commanded the fishermen, that when he cast in* 
his line, they should straight dive under the water, and put a* 
fish on his hook which they had taken before : and so* 
snatched up his angling rod, and brought up fish twice or* 
thrice. Cleopatra found it straight, yet she seemed not to* 
see it, but wondered at his excellent fishing : but, when she* 
was alone by herself among her own people, she told them* 
how it was, and bade them the next morning to be on the* 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra. \. i. 52-4 ; iv. 19-21. 


*water to see the fishing. A number of people came to the 
*haven, and got into the fisher-boats to see this fishing. 
*Antonius then threw in his line, and Cleopatra straight 
*commanded one of her men to dive under water before 
*Antonius' men, and to put some old salt fish upon his bait, 
*like unto those that are brought out of the country of Pont. 

* When he had hung the fish on his hook, Antonius, thinking 
*he had taken a fish indeed, snatched up his line presently. 
*Then they all fell a-laughing. 1 Cleopatra laughing also, said 
unto him : ' Leave us (my Lord) Egyptians (which dwell in 
the country of Pharus and Canobus) your angling rod : this 
is not thy profession : thou must hunt after conquering of 
realms and countries.' Now Antonius delighting in these 
*fond and childish pastimes, very ill news were brought him 
*from two places. The first from Rome, that his The wars 

* brother Lucius and Fulvia his wife fell out first of Lucius 


* between themselves, and afterwards fell to open and Fulvia 

A against 

*war with Caesar, and had brought all to nought, Octavius 
*that they were both driven to fly out of Italy. 2 
*The second news, as bad as the first : that Labienus 
*conquered all Asia with the army of the Parthians, from the 
*river of Euphrates, and from Syria, unto the countries ot 
*Lydia and Ionia. 3 Then began Antonius with much ado, 
a little to rouse himself, as if he had been wakened out of a 
deep sleep, and as a man may say, coming out of a great 

1 Ci. Antony and Cleopatra, II. v. 15-19. 

2 Ibid. I. ii. 96-102. 3 Ibid.I.u. 107-11. 


drunkenness. 1 So, first of all he bent himself against the 
Parthians, and went as far as the country of Phoenicia : but 
there he received lamentable letters from his wife Fulvia. 
Whereupon he straight returned towards Italy with two 
hundred sail : and as he went, took up his friends by the 
way that fled out of Italy to come to him. By them he 
was informed, that his wife Fulvia was the only cause of this 
war : who, being of a ' peevish, crooked, and troublesome 
nature, had purposely raised this uproar in Italy, in hope 
The death thereby to withdraw him from Cleopatra. But by 
Antonius*' &^ f rtune n ^ s w '^" e Fulvia, going to meet with* 

Antonius, sickened by the way, and died in the* 
city of Sicyon : 2 and therefore Octavius Caesar and he were* 
the easilier made friends together. For when Antonius* 
landed in Italy, and that men saw Caesar asked nothing of* 
him, and that Antonius on the other side laid all the fault* 
and burden on his wife Fulvia : the friends of both parties* 
would not suffer them to unrip any old matters, and to prove* 
or defend who had the wrong or right, and who was the* 

first procurer of this war, fearing to make matters* 
Empire of worse between them : 3 but they made them* 
divided friends together, and divided the Empire of Rome 
the Trium- between them, making the sea Ionium the bounds 

of their division. For they gave all the provinces 
Eastward unto Antonius : and the countries Westward 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, I. ii. 125-6. - Ibid. I. ii. 12-, 

3 Ibid. II. ii. 08-106. 


unto Caesar : and left Africk unto Lepidus : and made 
a law, that they three one after another should make 
their friends Consuls, when they would not be them 
selves. This seemed to be a sound counsel, but yet it 
was to be confirmed with a straiter bond, which for 
tune offered thus. There was Octavia the eldest n 


*sister of Caesar, not by one mother, for she the hal - 

. ' 7 ' sister of 

*came of Ancharia, and Caesar himself afterwards of Octavius 
*Accia. It is reported that he dearly loved his and 
*sister Octavia, for indeed she was a noble Lady, O f An- 
*and left the widow of her first husband Caius which 1 
*Marcellus, who died not long before : and it Caesar's 
*seemed also that Antonius had been widower ever mother * 
*since the death of his wife Fulvia. For he denied not 
*that he kept Cleopatra, but so did he not confess that 
*he had her as his wife : and so with reason he did defend 
*the love he bare unto this Egyptian Cleopatra. Thereupon 
* every man did set forward this marriage, hoping thereby 
*that this Lady Octavia, having an excellent grace, wisdom, 
*and honesty, joined unto so rare a beauty, that when she 
*were with Antonius (he loving her as so worthy a Lady 
*deserveth) she should be a good mean to keep good love 
*and amity betwixt her brother and him. 1 So, A law at 
when Caesar and he had made the match between Rome . for 


them, they both went to Rome about this marriage, of widows, 
although it was against the law that a widow should be 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, II. ii. ^4-59. 


married within ten months after her husband's death. How- 
beit the Senate dispensed with the law, and so the marriage 
Antonius proceeded accordingly. Sextus Pompeius at that* 
Octavla t ' me kept in Sicilia, and so made many an inroad* 
Caewr"s S ^ nto ^ ta ty w ^^ a great number of pinnaces and* 
half-sister. o th er pirates' ships, of the which were Captains* 
two notable pirates, Menas and Menecrates, who so scoured* 
all the sea thereabouts, that none durst peep out with a sail. 1 * 
Furthermore, Sextus Pompeius had dealt very friendly with* 
Antonius, for he had courteously received his mother, when* 
she fled out of Italy with Fulvia : 2 and therefore they* 
thought good to make peace with him. So they* 

Antonius t ' 

and met all three together by the mount of Misenum, 3 * 

Octavius ' 

Caesar do upon a hill that runneth far into the sea : Pompey 
peace having his ships riding hard by at anchor, and 
Sextus Antonius and Caesar their armies upon the shore 
side, directly over against him. Now, after theyf 
had agreed that Sextus Pompeius should have Sicile andf 
Sardinia, with this condition, that he should rid the sea off 
all thieves and pirates, and make it safe for passengers, andt 
withal that he should send a certain of wheat to Rome : 4 t 
one of them did feast another, and drew cuts who shouldt 
begin. 5 It was Pompeius' chance to invite them first. 6 * 
Whereupon Antonius asked him : ' And where shall we 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, I. iv. 47-55. 

- Ibid. II. ii. 160-2 5 vi. 44-6. 3 Ibid. II. ii. 166, 7. 

4 Ibid. II. vi. 34-7. 5 Ibid. II. vi. 6c, i. 6 Ibid. II. vi. So. 


sup ? ' ' There,' said Pompey, and shewed him his admiral 
*galley which had six banks of oars : 'That' (said Sextus 
*he) < is my father's house they have left me.' He f a u 7^ US> 
*spake it to taunt Antonius, because he had his Antonius - 
*father's house, that was Pompey the great. 1 So he cast 
anchors enow into the sea to make his galley fast, and then 
built a bridge of wood to convey them to his galley from 
the head of mount Misenum : and there he welcomed 
them, and made them great cheer. Now in the Sextus 
midst of the feast, when they fell to be merry with bebf "" 
*Antonius' love unto Cleopatra, Menas the pirate S^mderful 
*came to Pompey, and, whispering in his ear, said f^ ne 
*unto him : ' Shall I cut the cables of the anchors, [ orhis 

' honesty 

*and make thee lord not only of Sicile and Sardinia, a " d faith 's 

' . , sake 

*but of the whole Empire of Rome besides ? refused it. 
* Pompey, having paused awhile upon it, at length answered 
*him : ' Thou shouldst have done it, and never have told it 
*me, but now we must content us with that we have. As 
*for myself, I was never taught to break my faith, nor to be 
*counted a traitor.' 2 The other two also did likewise feast 
him in their camp, and then he returned into Sicile. 
Antonius, after this agreement made, sent Ventidius before 
into Asia to stay the Parthians, and to keep them they 
should come no further : and he himself in the meantime, 
to gratify Caesar, was contented to be chosen Julius Caesar's 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, II. vi. 26-9 ; vii. 134, 5. 

2 Ibid. II. vii. 42-5, 60-87. 



priest and sacrificer, and so they jointly together dispatched 
all great matters concerning the state of the Empire. But 
in all other manner of sports and exercises, wherein they 
passed the time away the one with the other, Antonius was 
ever inferior unto Caesar, and always lost, which grieved 
him much. With Antonius there was a soothsayer or* 
astronomer of Egypt, that could cast a figure, and judge of* 
men's nativities, to tell them what should happen to them.* 
, . He, either to please Cleopatra, or else for that he* 


told by found it so by his art, told Antonius plainly, that* 

a Sooth- ' ' ' 

sayer that his fortune (which of itself was excellent good, andt 

his fortune 

was in- very great,) was altogether blemished and obscured? 
Octavius by Caesar's fortune : and therefore he counselledt 
him utterly to leave his company, and to get himf 
as far from him as he could. ' For thy Demon,' said he,t 
' (that is to say, the good angel and spirit that keepeth thee)t 
' is afraid of his : and being courageous and high when het 
is alone, becometh fearful and timorous when he cometht 
near unto the other.' l Howsoever it was, the events! 
Antonius ensuing proved the Egyptian's words true. For it 
tunate in ' s sa id that as often as they two drew cuts fort 
earn'esT 11 pastime, who should have anything, or whetherf 
cSavius ^y played at dice, Antonius alway lost. Often-t 
Caesar. times, when they were disposed to see cock-fight,t 
or quails that were taught to fight one with another,t 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, II. iii. 15-23, 25-30. 


tCaesar's cocks or quails did ever overcome. 1 The which 
spited Antonius in his mind, although he made no outward 
shew of it : and therefore he believed the Egyptian the 
better. In fine, he recommended the affairs of his house 
unto Caesar, and went out of Italy with Octavia his wife, 
whom he carried into Greece, after he had had a daughter 
by her. So Antonius lying all the winter at Athens, news 
came unto him of the victories of Ventidius, who had 
overcome the Parthians in battle, in the which also were 
slain Labienus and Pharnabates, the chiefest Captain king 
Orodes had. For these good news he feasted all . 


Athens, and kept open house for all the Grecians, king of 

* . , Parthia. 

and many games of price were played at Athens, 
of the which he himself would be judge. Wherefore, 
leaving his guard, his axes, and tokens of his Empire at 
his house, he came into the show place (or lists) where 
these games were played, in a long gown and slippers after 
the Grecian fashion, and they carried tip-staves before him, 
as marshals' men do carry before the Judges to make place : 
and he himself in person was a stickler to part the young 
men, when they had fought enough. After that, preparing 
to go to the wars, he made him a garland of the 

. Ventidtus 

holy Olive, and carried a vessel with him of the notable 

s-*i victory 

water of the fountain Clepsydra, because of an of the 

, , 111- Parthians. 

Oracle he had received that so commanded him. 

*In the meantime, Ventidius once again overcame Pacorus 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, II. iii. 32-8. 


(Orodes' son king of Parthia) in a battle fought in the* 
, country of Cyrrestica, he being come again with a* 

The death ' t 

us, great army to invade Syria : at which battle was 

the king of . - 

Parthia's slain a great number of the rarthians, and among 

them Pacorus the king's own son slain. This noble* 
exploit, as famous as ever any was, was a full revenge to the* 
Romans of the shame and loss they had received before by* 
the death of Marcus Crassus : and he made the Parthians* 
fly, and glad to keep themselves within the confines and* 
territories of Mesopotamia and Media, after they had* 
thrice together been overcome in several battles. Howbeit* 
Ventidius durst not undertake to follow them any further,* 
fearing lest he should have gotten Antonius' displeasure by* 
it. 1 Notwithstanding, he led his army against them that* 
had rebelled, and conquered them again : amongst whom 
he besieged Antiochus, king of Commagena, who offered 
him to give a thousand talents to be pardoned his rebellion, 
and promised ever after to be at Antonius' commandment. 
But Ventidius made him answer, that he should send unto 
Antonius, who was not far off, and would not suffer Venti 
dius to make any peace with Antiochus, to the end that yet 
this little exploit should pass in his name, and that they 
should not think he did anything but by his Lieutenant 
Ventidius. The siege grew very long, because they that 
were in the town, seeing they could not be received upon 
no reasonable composition, determined valiantly to defend 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, II. i. 1-27. 


themselves to the last man. Thus Antonius did nothing, 
and yet received great shame, repenting him much that he 
took not their first offer. And yet at last he was glad to 
make truce with Antiochus, and to take three hundred 
talents for composition. Thus, after he had set order for 
the state and affairs of Syria, he returned again to Athens : 
and having given Ventidius such honours as he deserved, he 
sent him to Rome, to triumph for the Parthians. 

i- 1 i -11 Ventidius 

Ventidius was the only man that ever triumphed the only 
of the Parthians until this present day, a mean man the 
born, and of no noble house nor family : who that 
only came to that he attained unto through fo^e e< 
Antonius' friendship, the which delivered him Parthlans - 
*happy occasion to achieve to great matters. And yet, to 
*say truly, he did so well quit himself in all his enterprises 
*that he confirmed that which was spoken of Antonius and 
*Caesar : to wit, that they were alway more fortunate when 
*they made war by their Lieutenants, than by themselves. 
*For Sossius, one of Antonius' Lieutenants in Syria, did 
*notable good service : T and Canidius, whom he had also left 
his Lieutenant in the borders of Armenia, did conquer it all. 
So did he also overcome the kings of the Iberians Canidius' 
and Albanians, and went on with his conquests con quests. 
unto mount Caucasus. By these conquests the fame of 
Antonius' power increased more and more, and grew 
* dreadful unto all the barbarous nations. But Antonius, 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, III. i. 16-20. 


notwithstanding, grew to be marvellously offended with* 
Caesar, upon certain reports that had been* 

New dis- . r 

pleasures brought unto him : l and so took sea to go* 
Antonius towards Italy with three hundred sail. And, 
Octavius because those of Brundusium would not receive 

his army into their haven, he went further 
unto Tarentum. There his wife Octavia, that came out of* 
Greece with him, besought him to send her unto her* 
brother : the which he did. 2 Octavia at that time was* 
great with child, and moreover had a second daughter by 
him, and yet she put herself in journey, and met with her* 
brother Octavius Caesar by the way, who brought his two* 
chief friends, Maecenas and Agrippa, with him. 3 She* 

took them aside, and with all the instance she 

The words 

of Octavia could possible, entreated them they would not 

unto Mae- 

cenas and suffer her, that was the happiest woman of the 
world, to become now the most wretched and 
unfortunates! creature of all other. ' For now,' said she, 
' every man's eyes do gaze on me, that am the sister of one 
of the Emperors and wife of the other. And if the w r orst 
counsel take place (which the gods forbid) and that they 
grow to wars : for yourselves, it is uncertain to which of 
them two the gods have assigned the victory, or overthrow. 
But for me, on which side soever victory fall, my state can 
be but most miserable still.' These words of Octavia so 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, III. iv. i-io. 

- Hid. III. iv. 24, 5. 3 Ibid. III. vi. 39-62. 


softened Caesar's heart, that he went quickly unto Tarentum. 
But it was a noble sight for them that were Octavia 

i , j pacifieth 

present, to see so great an army by land not to the 
stir, and so many ships afloat in the road quietly betwixt 
and safe : and, furthermore, the meeting and f^"^" 8 
kindness of friends, lovingly embracing one another. oTtavms 
First, Antonius feasted Caesar, which he granted Caesar - 
unto for his sister's sake. Afterwards they agreed together, 
that Caesar should give Antonius two legions to go against 
the Parthians : and that Antonius should let Caesar have 
a hundred galleys armed with brazen spurs at the prows. 
Besides all this, Octavia obtained of her husband twenty 
brigantines for her brother : and of her brother for her 
husband, a thousand armed men. After they had taken 
leave of each other, Caesar went immediately to make war 
with Sextus Pompeius, to get Sicilia into his hands. 
Antonius also, leaving his wife Octavia and little children 
begotten of her with Caesar, and his other children which 
he had by Fulvia, he went directly into Asia. Then 
began this pestilent plague and mischief of Cleopatra's love 
(which had slept a long time, and seemed to have been 
utterly forgotten, and that Antonius had given place to 
better counsel) again to kindle, and to be in force, pj ato 
so soon as Antonius came near unto Syria. And concupi- 
in the end, the horse of the mind, as Plato SVf he 
termeth it, that is so hard of rein (I mean the un- the mind - 
reined lust of concupiscence) did put out of Antonius' head 


all honest and commendable thoughts : for he sent Fonteius 
Capita to bring Cleopatra into Syria. Unto whom, to 
welcome her, he gave no trifling things : but unto that she 
Antonius h a d already he added the provinces of Phoenicia, 
cleopatra tnose of the nethermost Syria, the Isle of Cyprus, 
into Syria. an( j a g reat p art o f Cilicia, and that country of 
Antonius Jewry where the true balm is, and that part of 

gave great J * 

provinces Arabia where the Nabathaeans do dwell, which 


Cleopatra, stretcheth out towards the Ocean. These great gifts 
much misliked the Romans. But now, though Antonius did 
easily give away great seigniories, realms, and mighty nations 
unto some private men, and .that also he took from other 
. . kings their lawful realms, (as from Antigonus king 


king of of the Tews, whom he openly beheaded, where 

Jewry the 

first king never king before had suffered like death) yet all 
by An- this did not so much offend the Romans, as the 

unmeasurable honours which he did unto Cleopatra. 
But yet he did much more aggravate their malice and ill 

will towards him, because that Cleopatra having 

Antonius . 

twins by brought him two twins, a son and a daughter, he 
and their ' named his son Alexander, and his daughter Cleo- 

names. . . . . . 

patra, and gave them to their surnames, the Sun to 
the one, and the Moon to the other. This notwithstanding, 
he, that could finely cloak his shameful deeds with fine words, 
said that the greatness and magnificence of the Empire of 
Rome appeared most, not where the Romans took, but 
where they gave much : and nobility was multiplied 


amongst men by the posterity of kings, when they left of 
their seed in divers places : and that by this means his first 
ancestor was begotten of Hercules, who had not left the hope 
and continuance of his line and posterity in the womb of 
one only woman, fearing Solon's laws, or regarding the 
ordinances of men touching the procreation of children : 
but that he gave it unto nature, and established the founda 
tion of many noble races and families in divers places. 
Now, when Phraates had slain his father Orodes and ph raa tes 
possessed the kingdom, many gentlemen of Parthia father' 5 
forsook him, and fled from him. Amongst them was k^of' 
Monaeses, a nobleman, and of great authority among Parthia. 
his countrymen, who came unto Antonius, that received 
him, and compared his fortune unto Themistocles, and his 
own riches and magnificence unto the kings of Persia. For 
he gave Monaeses three cities, Larissa, Arethusa, and Hiera- 
polis, which was called before Bombyce. Howbeit the king 
of Parthia shortly after called him home again, upon his 
faith and word. Antonius was glad to let him go, hoping 
thereby to steal upon Phraates unprovided. For he sent 
unto him, and told him that they would remain good 
friends, and have peace together, so he would but only 
redeliver the standards and ensigns of the Romans, which 
the Parthians had won in the battle where Marcus Crassus 
was slain, and the men also that remained yet prisoners of 
this overthrow. In the meantime he sent Cleopatra back 
into Egypt, and took his way towards Arabia and Armenia, 


and there took a general muster of all his army he had to 
gether, and of the kings his confederates that were come by 
his commandment to aid him, being a marvellous number : 
of the which the chiefest was Artavasdes, king of Armenia, 
Antonius' wno did furnish him with six thousand horsemen 
puissant an d se ven thousand footmen. There were also of 

the Romans about three-score thousand footmen, 
and of horsemen (Spaniards and Gauls reckoned for Romans) 
to the number of ten thousand, and of other nations thirty 
thousand men, reckoning together the horsemen and light- 
armed footmen. This so great and puissant army, which 
made the Indians quake for fear, dwelling about the country 
of the Bactrians, and all Asia also to tremble, served him to 
no purpose, and all for the love he bare to Cleopatra. For 
the earnest great desire he had to lie all winter with her 

made him begin his war out of due time, and for 

Antonius ' 

drunk haste to put all in hazard, being so ravished and 

with the r 

love of enchanted with the sweet poison of her love, that 
he had no other thought but of her, and how he 
might quickly return again, more than how he might over 
come his enemies. For first of all, where he should have 
wintered in Armenia to refresh his men, wearied with the 
long journey they had made, having come eight thousand 
furlongs, and then at the beginning of the spring to go and 
invade Media, before the Parthians should stir out of their 
houses and garrisons : he could tarry no lenger, but led 
them forthwith unto the province of Atropatene, leaving 


Armenia on the left hand, and foraged all the country. 
Furthermore, making all the haste he could, he left behind 
him engines of battery which were carried with him in 
three hundred carts, (among the which also there was a 
ram four-score foot long) being things most necessary for 
him, and the which he could not get again for money, if 
they were once lost or marred. For the high provinces of 
Asia have no trees growing of such height and length, 
neither strong nor straight enough, to make suchlike engines 
of battery. This notwithstanding, he left them all behind 
him, as a hindrance to bring his matters and intent speedily 
to pass : and left a certain number of men to keep them, 
and gave them in charge unto one Tatianus. Then he went 
to besiege the city of Phraata, beine the chiefest 

' . . Antomus 

and greatest city the king of Media had, where his besiegeth 

. ' . the city of 

wife and children were. Then he straight found Phraata 

r -11 * n Media. 

his own fault, and the want of his artillery he left 
behind him, by the work he had in hand : for he was fain, 
for lack of a breach (where his men might come to the 
sword with their enemies that defended the wall) to force 
a mount of earth hard to the walls of the city, the which by 
little and little with great labour rose to some height. In 
the meantime, King Phraates came down with a great army: 
who understanding that Antonius had left his engines of 
battery behind him, he sent a great number of horsemen 
before, which environed Tatianus with all his carriage, 
and slew him, and ten thousand men he had with him. 


After this, the barbarous people took these engines ot 
The battery and burnt them, and got many prisoners, 

took ' a amongst whom they took also King Polemon. 
^"gin^of This discomfiture marvellously troubled all Anto- 
battery. n i us ' army, to receive so great an overthrow 
(beyond their expectation) at the beginning of their 
journey : insomuch that Artabazus, king of the Armenians, 
despairing of the good success of the Romans, departed with 
his men, notwithstanding that he was himself the first 
procurer of this war and journey. On the other side the 
Parthians came courageously unto Antonius' camp, who lay 
at the siege of their chiefest city, and cruelly reviled and 
threatened him. Antonius therefore fearing that if he lay 
still and did nothing his men's hearts would fail them : 
he took ten legions, with three cohorts or ensigns of the 
Praetors (which are companies appointed for the guard of 
the General) and all his horsemen, and carried them out to 
forage, hoping thereby he should easily allure the Parthians 
to fight a battle. But when he had marched about a day's 
journey from his camp, he saw the Parthians wheeling round 
about him to give him the onset, and to skirmish with him, 
when he would think to march his way. Therefore he set 
out his signal of battle, and yet caused his tents and fardels 
to be trussed up, as though he meant not to fight, but only 
to lead his men back again. Then he marched before the 
army of the barbarous people, the which was marshalled 
like a crescent or half moon : and commanded his horse- 


men, that as soon as they thought the legions were near 
enough unto their enemies to set upon the voward, that 
then they should set spurs to their horses, and begin the 
charge. The Parthians standing in battle ray, . , 
beholding the countenance of the Romans as they tw' x j the 

' Parthians 

marched, they appeared to be soldiers indeed, to and Anto- 

i i j -11 nius - 

see them march in so good array as was possible. 

For in their march they kept the ranks a like mans' good 
space one from another, not straggling out of their 
order, and shaking their pikes, speaking never a " 
word. But so soon as the alarum was given, the horse 
men suddenly turned head upon the Parthians, and with 
great cries gave charge on them : who at the first received 
their charge courageously, for they were joined nearer than 
within an arrow's shoot. But when the legions also came 
to join with them, shouting out aloud, and rattling of their 
armours, the Parthians' horses and themselves were so afraid 
and amazed withal, that they all turned tail and fled, before 
the Romans could come to the sword with them. Then 
Antonius followed them hard in chase, being in great good 
hope by this conflict to have brought to end all, or the 
most part, of this war. But after that his footmen had 
chased them fifty furlongs off, and the horsemen also thrice 
as far, they found in all but thirty prisoners taken, and 
about four score men only slain. But this did much 
discourage them, when they considered with themselves, 
that obtaining the victory they had slain so few of their 


enemies : and where they were overcome, they lost as many 
of their men, as they had done at the overthrow when the 
carriage was taken. The next morning, Antonius' army 
trussed up their carriage, and marched back towards their 
camp : and by the way in their return they met at the first 
a few of the Parthians : then going further they met a few 
moe. So at length, when they all came together, they 
reviled them and troubled them on every side, as freshly 
and courageously as if they had not been overthrown : so 
that the Romans very hardly got to their camp with safety. 
The Medes on the other side, that were besieged in their 
chief city of Phraata, made a sally out upon them that kept 
the mount, which they had forced and cast against the wall 
of the city, and drave them for fear from the mount they 

kept. Antonius was so offended withal, that he 
tion, a executed the Decimation. For he divided his 
punish- men by ten legions, and then of them he put the 

tenth legion to death, on whom the lot fell : and, 
to the other nine, he caused them to have barley given 
them instead of wheat. Thus this war fell out troublesome 
unto both parties, and the end thereof much more fearful. 
For Antonius could look for no other of his side, but 
famine : because he could forage no more, nor fetch in any 
victuals, without great loss of his men. Phraates on the 
other side, he knew well enough that he could bring the 
Parthians to anything else but to lie in camp abroad in the 
winter. Therefore he was afraid that if the Romans 


continued their siege all winter long, and made war with 
him still, that his men would forsake him, and specially 
because the time of the year went away apace, and the air 
waxed cloudy and cold, in the equinoctial autumn. There 
upon he called to mind this device. He gave the 
chiefest of his gentlemen of the Parthians charge, of the 
that when they met the Romans out of their against the 
camp, going to forage, or to water their horse, or 
for some other provision, that they should not distress them 
too much but should suffer them to carry somewhat away, 
and greatly commend their valiantness and hardiness, for 
the which their king did esteem them the more, and not 
without cause. After these first baits and allurements, they 
began by little and little to come nearer unto them, and to 
talk with them a-horseback, greatly blaming Antonius' self- 
will that did not give their King Phraates occasion to 
make a good peace, who desired nothing more than to 
save the lives of so goodly a company of valiant men : but 
that he was too fondly bent to abide two of the greatest 
and most dreadful enemies he could have, to wit : winter, 
and famine, the which they should hardly away withal, 
though the Parthians did the best they could to aid and 
accompany them. These words being oftentimes brought 
to Antonius, they made him a little pliant, for the good 
hope he had of his return : but yet he would not send 
unto the king of Parthia, before they had first asked these 
barbarous people that spake so courteously unto his men, 


whether they spake it of themselves, or that they were their 
master's words. When they told them the king himself said 
so, and did persuade them further not to fear or mistrust 
them : then Antonius sent some of his friends unto the king, 
to make demand for the delivery of the ensigns and prisoners 
he had of the Romans, since the overthrow of Crassus : to 
the end it should not appear that, if he asked nothing, they 
should think he were glad that he might only scape with 
safety out of the danger he was in. The king of Parthia 
answered him : that for the ensigns and prisoners he de 
manded, he should not break his head about it : notwith 
standing, that if he would presently depart without delay, 
he might depart in peaceable manner, and without danger. 
Antonius Wherefore Antonius, after he had given his men 
frornthe 1 som e time to truss up their carriage, he raised his 
journey of cam p f an j too k ^h way to depart. But though 
Parthians. h e h a( j an excellent tongue at will, and very gal 
lant to entertain his soldiers and men of war, and that he 
could passingly well do it, as well or better than any 
Captain in his time : yet being ashamed for respects, he 
would not speak unto them at his removing, but willed 
Domitius ^Enobarbus to do it. Many of them took this 
in very ill part, and thought that he did it in disdain ot 
them : but the most part of them presently understood the 
truth of it, and were also ashamed. Therefore they thought 
it their duties to carry the like respect unto their Captain 
that their Captain did unto them : and so they became the 


more obedient unto him. So Antonius was minded to 
return the same way he came, being a plain barren country 
without wood. But there came a soldier to him born in 
the country of the Mardians, who, by oft frequenting the 
Parthians of long time, knew their fashions very well, and 
had also shewed himself very true and faithful to the 
Romans, in the battle where Antonius' engines of battery 
and carriage were taken away. This man came unto 
Antonius to counsel him to beware how he went that way, 
and to make his army a prey, being heavily armed, unto so 
great a number of horsemen, all archers in the open field, 
where they should have nothing to let them to compass him 
round about : and that this was Phraates' fetch, to offer 
him so friendly conditions and courteous words to make 
him raise his siege, that he might afterwards meet him as 
he would in the plains : howbeit, that he would guide him, 
if he thought good, another way on the right hand through 
woods and mountains, a far nearer way, and where he 
should find great plenty of all ithings needful for his army. 
Antonius, hearing what he said, called his council together 
to consult upon it. For after he had made peace with the 
Parthians, he was loath to give them cause to think he mis 
trusted them : and on th' other side also he would gladly 
shorten his way, and pass by places well inhabited, where 
he might be provided of all things necessary : therefore he 
asked the Mardian what pledge he would put in to perform 
that he promised. The Mardian gave himself to be bound 


hand and foot, till he had brought his army into the 

country of Armenia. So he guided the army thus bound, 

two days together, without any trouble or sight of enemy. 

But the third day, Antonius thinking the Parthians would no 

more follow him, and trusting therein, suffered the soldiers 

to march in disorder as every man listed. The Mardian 

perceiving that the dams of a river were newly broken up, 

which they should have passed over, and that the river had 

overflown the banks and drowned all the way they should 

have gone : he guessed straight that the Parthians had done 

it, and had thus broken it open, to stay the Romans for 

getting too far before them. Thereupon he bade Antonius 

look to himself, and told him that his enemies were 

Parthians not far from thence. Antonius having set his 

upon men in order, as he was placing of his archers and 

inV?"' 118 slingmen to resist the enemies, and to drive them 

back, they descried the Parthians that wheeled 

round about the army to compass them in on every side, 

and to break their ranks, and their light armed men gave 

charge upon them. So, after they had hurt many of the 

Romans with their arrows, and that they themselves were 

also hurt by them with their darts and plummets of lead : 

they retired a little, and then came again and gave charge, 

until that the horsemen of the Gauls turned their horses 

and fiercely galloped towards them, that they dispersed 

them so, as all that day they gathered no more together. 

Thereby Antonius knew what to do, and did not only 


strengthen the rearward of his army, but both the flanks 
also, with darters and slingmen, and made his army march 
in a square battle : commanding the horsemen, that when 
the enemies should come to assail them, they should drive 
them back, but not follow them too far. Thus the Par- 
thians four days after, seeing they did no more hurt to the 
Romans, than they also received of them, they were not so 
hot upon them as they were commanded, but excusing 
themselves by the winter that troubled them, they deter 
mined to return back again. The fift day, Fla- The bold 
vius Gallus, a valiant man of his hands, that had pjavhjs 
charge in the army, came unto Antonius to pray Gallus - 
him to let him have some moe of his light armed men 
than were already in the rearward, and some of the horse 
men that were in the voward, hoping thereby to do some 
notable exploit. Antonius granting them unto him, when 
the enemies came according to their manner to set upon 
the tail of the army, and to skirmish with them, Flavius 
courageously made them retire, but not, as they were wont 
to do before, to retire and join presently with their army, 
for he over-rashly thrust in among them to fight it out at 
the sword. The Captains that had the leading of the rear 
ward, seeing Flavius stray too far from the army, they sent 
unto him to will him to retire, but he would not hearken 
to it. And it is reported also, that Titius himself the Trea 
surer took the ensigns, and did what he could to make the 
ensign bearers return back, reviling Flavius Gallus, because 


that through his folly and desperateness he caused many 
honest and valiant men to be both hurt and slain to no 
purpose. Gallus also fell out with him, and commanded 
his men to stay. Wherefore Titius returned again into the 
army, and Gallus still overthrowing and driving the enemies 
back whom he met in the voward, he was not ware that he 
was compassed in. Then seeing himself environed of all sides, 
he sent unto the army, that they should come and aid him: 
but there the Captains that led the legions (among the which 
Canidius' Canidius, a man of great estimation about An- 
Antonius' ton i us > made one) committed many faults. For, 
Captain. where they should have made head with the whole 
army upon the Parthians, they sent him aid by small 
companies : and when they were slain, they sent him 
others also. So that by their beastliness and lack of considera 
tion they had like to have made all the army fly, if An- 
tonius himself had not come from the front of the battle 
with the third legion, the which came through the midst 
of them that fled, until they came to front of the 
enemies, and that they stayed them from chasing any 
further. Howbeit at this last conflict there were slain no less 
Flavius than three thousand men, and five thousand besides 

Gallus i-i i 

slain. brought sore hurt into the camp, and amongst 

careof US tnem also Flavius Gallus, whose body was shot 
them that through in four places, whereof he died. Antonius 


wounded, went to the tents to visit and comfort the sick and 
wounded, and for pity's sake he could not refrain from 


weeping : and they also, shewing him the best countenance 
they could, took him by the hand, and prayed him to 
go and be dressed, and not to trouble himself for them, 
most reverently calling him their Emperor and Captain : 
and that, for themselves, they were whole and safe, so 
that he had his health. For indeed, to say truly, 
there was not at that time any Emperor or Captain 
that had so great and puissant an army as his together, both 
for lusty youths and courage of the soldiers, as also for their 
patience to away with so great pains and trouble. Further 
more, the obedience and reverence they shewed Thel ye 
unto their captain, with a marvellous earnest love and 


and good will, was so great, and all were indiffer- of the 


ently (as well great as small, the noble men as unto 

. _ . , , . , Antonius. 

mean men, the Captains and soldiers) so earnestly 
bent to esteem Antonius' good will and favour above their 
own life and safety, that in this point of martial discipline, 
the ancient Romans could not have done any more. But 
divers things were cause thereof, as we have told 

. The rare 

you before : Antonius' nobility and ancient house, and 

... , . . . , . ... .. , singular 

his eloquence, his plain nature, his liberality and gifts of 
magnificence, and his familiarity to sport and to 
be merry in company : but specially the care he took at 
that time to help, visit, and lament those that were sick 
and wounded, seeing every man to have that which was 
meet for him : that was of such force and effect, as it 
made them that were sick and wounded to love him 


better, and were more desirous to do him service, than 
those that were whole and sound. This victory so en 
couraged the enemies, (who otherwise were weary to follow 
Antonius any further) that all night long they kept the 
fields, and hovered about the Romans' camp, thinking that 
they would presently fly, and then that they should take the 
spoil of their camp. So the next morning, by break of day, 
there were gathered together a far greater number of the 
Parthians than they were before. For the rumour was, that 
there were not much fewer than forty thousand horse, 
because their king sent thither even the very guard about his 
person, as unto a most certain and assured victory, that they 
might be partners of the spoil and booty they hoped to have 
had : for, as touching the king himself, he was never 
ofParthfa ' in an 7 con fli ct r battle. Then Antonius, desirous 
cam" to to s P ea k to hi s soldiers, called for a black gown, 
fipfi'id to appear the more pitiful to them : but his 
friends did dissuade him from it. Therefore he 
put on his coat armour, and being so apparelled made an 
oration to his army : in the which he highly commended them 
that had overcome and driven back their enemies, and greatly 
rebuked them that had cowardly turned their backs. So that 
those which had overcome prayed him to be of good cheer : 
the other also to clear themselves willingly offered to take 
the lots of Decimation if he thought good, or otherwise to 
receive what kind of punishment it should please him to lay 
upon them, so that he would forget any more to mislike, or 


to be offended with them. Antonius, seeing that, did lift 
up his hands to heaven, and made his prayer to the gods, 
that if in exchange of his former victories they 
would now send him some bitter adversity : then ^ritabie 
that all might light on himself alone, and that they |e y oVs 
would give the victory to the rest of his army. for his 
The next morning they gave better order on every 
side of the army, and so marched forward : so that when 
the Parthians thought to return again to assail them, they 
came far short of the reckoning. For where they thought 
to come not to fight but to spoil and make havoc of all, 
when they came near them, they were sore hurt with their 
slings and darts, and such other javelins as the Romans 
darted at them, and the Parthians found them as rough and 
desperate in fight, as if they had been fresh men they had dealt 
withal. Whereupon their hearts began again to fail them. 
But yet, when the Romans came to go down any steep hills 
or mountains, then they would set on them with their 
arrows, because the Romans could go down but fair and 
softly. But then again, the soldiers of the legion 
that carried great shields returned back, and Romans' 
enclosed them that were naked or light armed in and 
the midst amongst them, and did kneel of one against 
knee on the ground, and so set down their shields 
before them : and they of the second rank also covered 
them of the first rank, and the third also covered the 
second, and so from rank to rank all were covered. Inso- 


much that this manner of covering and shading themselves 
with shields was devised after the fashion of laying tiles upon 
houses, and, to sight, was like the degrees of a Theatre, and 
is a most strong defence and bulwark against all arrows and 
shot that falleth upon it. When the Parthians saw this 
countenance of the Roman soldiers of the legion, which 
kneeled on the ground in that sort upon one knee, supposing 
that they had been wearied with travail they laid down their 
bows, and took their spears and lances, and came to fight 
with them man for man. Then the Romans suddenly rose 
upon their feet, and with the darts that they threw from 
them they slew the foremost, and put the rest to flight, and 
so did they the next days that followed. But by means of 
these dangers and lets Antonius' army could win no way in 
a day, by reason whereof they suffered great famine : for 
they could have but little corn, and yet were they driven 
daily to fight for it, and besides that, they had no instru 
ments to grind it, to make bread of it. For the most part 
of them had been left behind, because the beasts that carried 
them were either dead, or else employed to carry them that 
Great were sore and wounded. For the famine was so 
Amonlu'" extreme great, that the eight part of a bushel of 
wheat was sold for fifty Drachmas, and they sold 
barley bread by the weight of silver. In the end, they were 
compelled to live off herbs and roots, but they found few of 
them that men do commonly eat of, and were enforced to 
taste of them that were never eaten before : among the 


which there was one that killed them, and made them out 
of their wits. For he that had once eaten of it, . , ,. 
his memory was gone from him, and he knew h erb ,. 

/ ... incurable 

no manner of thine, but only busied himself in without 


digging and hurling of stones from one place to 
another, as though it had been a matter of great weight 
and to be done with all possible speed. All the camp 
over, men were busily stooping to the ground, digging 
and carrying of stones from one place to another : 
but at the last they cast up a great deal of choler, 
and died suddenly, because they lacked wine, which 
was the only sovereign remedy to cure that disease. It 
is reported that Antonius seeing such a number of his men 
die daily, and that the Parthians left them not, neither 
would suffer them to be at rest : he oftentimes cried out 
sighing, and said : ' O, ten thousand ! ' He had The 
the valiantness of ten thousand Grecians in such ness of ten 
admiration, whom Xenophon brought away after Grecians, 
the overthrow of Cyrus : because they had come a Xeriophon 
farther journey from Babylon, and had also fought awaif after 
against much moe enemies many times told than * e <^ er ' 
themselves, and yet came home with safety. The Cyrus. 
Parthians therefore, seeing that they could not break the 
good order of the army of the Romans, and contrarily that 
they themselves were oftentimes put to flight, and well- 
favouredly beaten, they fell again to their old crafty sub 
tleties. For when they found any of the Romans scattered 


.- li 


from the army to go forage, to seek some corn, or other 
The Par- victuals, they would come to them as if they had 
very sub- been their friends, and showed them their bows 
crafty" 1 unbent, saying that themselves also did return home 
people. to thejj. country as they did, and that they would 
follow them no further, howbeit that they should yet have 
certain Medes that would follow them a day's journey or 
two, to keep them that they should do no hurt to the 
villages from the highways : and so holding them with this 
talk, they gently took their leave of them and bade them 
farewell, so that the Romans began again to think themselves 
safe. Antonius also understanding this, being very glad of 
it, determined to take his way through the plain country, 
because also they should find no water in the mountains, as 
it was reported unto him. So, as he was determined to 
... , . take this course, there came into his host one 


dates, a Mithridates, a gentleman from the enemies' camp, 

Parthian, . 

bewraycth \ v ho was Cousin unto Monaeses that fled unto 
Antonius Antonius, and unto whom he had given three cities, 
spiracy of When he came to Antonius' camp, he prayed them 
country- to bring him one that could speak the Parthian or 
against Syrian tongue. So one Alexander Antiochian, a 
familiar of Antonius, was brought unto him. 
Then the gentleman told him what he was, and said that 
Monaeses had sent him to Antonius, to requite the honour 
and courtesy he had shewed unto him. After he had used 
this ceremonious speech, he asked Alexander if he saw those 


high Mountains afar off, which he pointed unto him with 
his finger. Alexander answered, he did. 'The Parthians' 
(said he) ' do lie in ambush at the foot of those Mountains, 
under the which lieth a goodly plain champaign country : 
and they think that you, being deceived with their crafty 
subtile words, will leave the way of the Mountains, and turn 
into the plain. For the other way, it is very hard and 
painful, and you shall abide great thirst, the which you are 
well acquainted withal : but if Antonius take the lower 
way, let him assure himself to run the same fortune that 
Marcus Crassus did.' So Mithridates having said, he de 
parted. Antonius was marvellously troubled in his mind 
when he heard thus much, and therefore called for his 
friends, to hear what they would say to it. The Mardian 
also that was their guide, being asked his opinion, answered 
that he thought as much as the gentleman Mithridates had 
said. ' For,' said he, ' admit that there were no ambush of 
enemies in the valley, yet is it a long crooked way, and ill 
to hit : where taking the Mountain way, though it be stony 
and painful, yet there is no other danger but a whole day's 
travelling without any water.' So Antonius, changing his 
first mind and determination, removed that night, and took 
the Mountain way, commanding every man to provide 
himself of water. But the most part of them lacking vessels 
to carry water in, some were driven to fill their sallets and 
morions with water, and others also filled goats' skins to 
carry water in. Now they marching forward, word was 


brought unto the Parthians that they were removed : 
whereupon, contrary to their manner, they presently 
followed them the self same night, so that by break of day 
they overtook the rearward of the Romans, who were so lame 
and wearied with going and lack of sleep, that they were 
even done. For, beyond expectation, they had gone that 
night two hundred and forty furlong, and further, to see 
their enemies so suddenly at their backs, that made them 
utterly despair : but most of all, the fighting with them 
increased their thirst, because they were forced to fight as 
they marched, to drive their enemies back, yet creeping on 
still. The voward of the army by chance met with a river 
A salt t ^ iat was VC1 7 c ^ ear an d co 'd water, but it was salt 
and venomous to drink : for straight it did gnaw 
the guts of those that had drunk it, and made them 
marvellous dry, and put them into a terrible ache 
and pricking. And, notwithstanding that the Mardian 
had told them of it before, yet they would not be ruled, but 
violently thrust them back that would have kept them from 
drinking, and so drank. But Antonius going up and down 
amongst them prayed them to take a little patience for a 
while, for hard by there was another river that the water 
was excellent good to drink, and that from thenceforth the 
way was so stony and ill for horsemen, that the enemies 
could follow them no further. So he caused the retreat to 
be sounded to call them back that fought, and commanded 
the tents to be set up, that the soldiers might yet have 


shadow to refresh them with. So when the tents were set 
up, and the Parthians also retired according to their man 
ner, the gentleman Mithridates before named returned 
again as before, and Alexander in like manner again brought 
unto him for Interpreter. Then Mithridates advised him, 
that, after the army had reposed a little, the Romans should 
remove forthwith, and with all possible speed get to the 
river : because the Parthians would go no further, but yet 
were cruelly bent to follow them thither. Alexander carried 
the report thereof unto Antonius, who gave him Antonius > 
a great deal of gold-plate to bestow upon Mithri- r eat .. 

t r liberality 

dates. Mithridates took as much of him as he unto Mith 
could well carry away in his gown and so de- for the 

1-1 i o A -11- care he had 

parted with speed, oo Antonius raised his camp, of his 
being yet daylight, and caused all his army to 
march, and the Parthians never troubled any of them by 
the way : but amongst themselves it was as ill and dread 
ful a night as ever they had. For there were Villains of 
their own company, who cut their fellows' throats 
for the money they had, and, besides that, robbed tumult of 

. Antonius 

the sumpters and carriage of such money as they soldiers 
carried : and at length they set upon Antonius' covetous- 
slaves that drave his own sumpters and carriage, 
they brake goodly tables and rich plate in pieces, and 
divided it among themselves. Thereupon all the camp 
was straight in tumult and uproar : for the residue of them 
were afraid it had been the Parthians that had given them 


this alarum, and had put all the army out of order. Inso 
much that Antonius called for one Rhamnus, one 

Antomus r . . . ...... r i 

desperate of his slaves enfranchised that was of his guard, 
and made him give him his faith that he would 
thrust his sword through him when he would bid him, and 
cut oft" his head : because he might not be taken alive of 
his enemies, nor known when he were dead. This grieved 
his friends to the heart, that they burst out a-weeping for 
sorrow. The Mardian also did comfort him, and assured 
him that the river he sought for was hard by, and that he 
did guess it by a sweet moist wind that breathed upon 
them, and by the air which they found fresher than they 
were wont, and also for that they fetched their wind more 
at liberty : and moreover, because that since they did set 
forward he thought they were near their journey's end, not 
lacking much of day. On the other side also, Antonius 
was informed that this great tumult and trouble came not 
through the enemies, but through the vile covetousness 
and villainy of certain of his soldiers. Therefore Antonius, 
to set his army again in order and to pacify this uproar, 
sounded the trumpet that every man should lodge. Now 
day began to break, and the army to fall again into good 
order, and all the hurly burly to cease, when the Parthians 
drew near, and that their arrows lighted among them of the 
rearward of his army. Thereupon the signal of battle was 
given to the light armed men, and the legioners did cover 
themselves as they had done before with their shields, with 


the which they received and defended the force of the 
Parthians' arrows, who never durst any more come to hand 
strokes with them : and thus they that were in the voward 
went down by little and little, till at length they spied the 
river. There Antonius placed his armed men upon the 
sands to receive and drive back the enemies, and first of all 
got over his men that were sick and hurt, and afterwards 
all the rest. And those also that were left to resist the 
enemies had leisure enough to drink safely, and at their 
pleasure. For when the Parthians saw the river, they un 
bent their bows, and bade the Romans pass over without 
any fear, and greatly commended their valiantness. When 
they had all passed over the river at their ease, they took a 
little breath, and so marched forward again, not greatly 
trusting the Parthians. The sixt day after this last battle, 
they came to the river of Araxes, which divideth 

Araxes fl. 

the country of Armenia from Media : the which 
appeared unto them very dangerous to pass, for the depth 
and swiftness of the stream. And furthermore, there ran a 
rumour through the camp, that the Parthians lay in ambush 
thereabouts, and that they would come and set upon them 
whilst they were troubled in passing over the river. But 
now, after they were all come safely over without any 
danger, and that they had gotten to the other side, into 
the province of Armenia : then they worshipped that land, 
as if it had been the first land they had seen after a long 
and dangerous voyage by sea, being now arrived in a safe 


and happy haven : and the tears ran down their cheeks, and 
every man embraced each other for the great joy they had. 
But now, keeping the fields in this fruitful country so 
plentiful of all things, after so great a famine and want of 
all things, they so crammed themselves with such plenty of 
victuals, that many of them were cast into fluxes and 
dropsies. There Antonius, mustering his whole army, 
found that he had lost twenty thousand footmen and 
four thousand horsemen, which had not all been slain 
by their enemies : for the most part of them died of 
sickness, making seven-and-twenty days' journey, coming 
from the city of Phraata into Armenia, and having over- 
18 several come tne Parthians in eighteen several battles, 
fou'ht ^ ut tnese victories were not throughly per- 
with the formed nor accomplished, because they followed 

Parthians. _ ' 

no long chase : and thereby it easily ap- 

Thc trea- ' . 

cheryof peared, that Artabazus king of Armenia had 

Artabazus ' . . . . _-,.-. 

king of reserved Antonius to end this war. ror if the 
unto ' sixteen thousand horsemen which he brought with 
him out of Media had been at these battles, con 
sidering that they were armed and apparelled much after 
the Parthians' manner and acquainted also with their 
fight : when the Romans had put them to flight that 
fought a battle with them, and that these Armenians had 
followed the chase of them that fled, they had not gathered 
themselves again in force, neither durst they also have 
returned to fight with them so often, after they had been 


so many times overthrown. Therefore, all those that were 
of any credit and countenance in the army did persuade 
and egg Antonius to be revenged of this Armenian king. 
But Antonius wisely dissembling his anger, he told him not 
of his treachery, nor gave him the worse countenance, nor 
did him less honour than he did before : because he knew 
his army was weak, and lacked things necessary. Howbeit 
afterwards he returned again into Armenia with a great 
army, and so with fair words, and sweet promises of 
Messengers, he allured Artabazus to come unto . 


him : whom he then kept prisoner, and led in triumphed 
triumph in the city of Alexandria. This greatly Artabazus 
offended the Romans, and made them much to Armenia 
mislike it, when they saw that for Cleopatra's sake 
he deprived his country of her due honour and glory, only 
to gratify the Egyptians. But this was a pretty while 
after. Howbeit then the great haste he made to return 
unto Cleopatra caused him to put his men to so great pains, 
forcing them to lie in the field all winter long when it 
snew unreasonably, that by the way he lost eight thousand 
of his men, and so came down to the seaside with a small 
company, to a certain place called Blancbourg, which standeth 
betwixt the cities of Berytus and Sidon, and there 

' . Antomus 

tarried for Cleopatra. And because she tarried pined 
longer than he would have had her, he pined away looking for 

r i i n i i i Cleopatra. 

for love and sorrow. So that he was at such a 

strait that he wist not what to do, and therefore, to wear it 



out, he gave himself to quaffing and feasting. But he was so 
drowned with the love of her, that he could not abide to sit 
at the table till the feast were ended : but many times, while 
others banqueted, he ran to the seaside to see if she were 

coming. At length she came, and brought with 
came to her a world of apparel and money to give unto 
hour? unto the soldiers. But some say notwithstanding, that 

she brought apparel but no money, and that she 
took of Antonius' money, and caused it to be given among 
the soldiers in her own name, as if she had given it them. 
In the meantime it chanced that the king of the Medes 
and Phraates king of the Parthians fell at great wars to 
gether, the which began (as it is reported) for the spoils of 
the Romans, and grew to be so hot between them, that the 

king of Medes was no less afraid than also in 

Wars c 

betwixt danger to lose his whole Realm. Thereupon he 
Paitbians sent unto Antonius to pray him to come and 

andMedes. . . _. . . ' . . . , 

make war with the rarthians, promising him that 
he would aid him to his uttermost power. This put An 
tonius again in good comfort, considering that, unlooked 
for, the only thing he lacked (which made him he could 
not overcome the Parthians, meaning that he had not 
brought horsemen, and men with darts and slings enough) 
was offered him in that sort, that he did him more 
pleasure to accept it, than it was pleasure to the other 
to offer it. Hereupon, after he had spoken with the king 
of Medes at the river of Araxes, he prepared himself once 


more to go through Armenia, and to make more cruel 
war with the Parthians than he had done before. Now 
whilst Antonius was busy in this preparation, Octavia his 
wife, whom he had left at Rome, would needs take sea to 
come unto him. Her brother Octavius Caesar was willing 
unto it, not for his respect at all (as most authors do report), 
as for that he might have an honest colour to make war 
with Antonius if he did misuse her, and not esteem of her 
as she ought to be. But when she was come to Octavia, 
Athens, she received letters from Antonius, willing ^"^"'ame 
her to stay there until his coming, and did advertise * meet"* 
her of his journey and determination. The which w!thhim ' 
though it grieved her much, and that she knew it was but 
an excuse, yet by her letters to him of answer she asked him 
whether he would have those things sent unto him which 
she had brought him, being great store of apparel for soldiers, 
a great number of horse, sum of money and gifts to bestow 
on his friends and Captains he had about him : and besides 
all those, she had two thousand soldiers, chosen men, all 
well armed, like unto the Praetors' bands. When Niger, 
one of Antonius' friends whom he had sent unto Athens, 
had brought these news from his wife Octavia, and withal 
did greatly praise her, as she was worthy, and well deserved : 
Cleopatra knowing that Octavia would have Antonius from 
her, and fearing also that if with her virtue and honest 
behaviour (besides the great power of her brother Caesar) 
she did add thereunto her modest kind love to please her 


husband, that she would then be too strong for her, and in 
the end win him away : she subtly seemed to languish for 
the love of Antonius, pining her body for lack of meat. 
Furthermore, she every way so framed her countenance that, 
when Antonius came to see her, she cast her eyes upon him 

like a woman ravished for joy. Straight again, 
flickering when he went from her, she fell a-weeping and 
ments of blubbering, looked ruefully of the matter, and still 
unto P An- found the means that Antonius should oftentimes 

find her weeping : and then, when he came 
suddenly upon her, she made as though she dried her eyes, 
and turned her face away, as if she were unwilling that he 
should see her weep. All these tricks she used, Antonius 
being in readiness to go into Syria to speak with the king 
of Medes. Then the flatterers that furthered Cleopatra's 
mind blamed Antonius, and told him that he was a hard 
natured man, and that he had small love in him, that 
would see a poor Lady in such torment for his sake, whose 
life depended only upon him alone. For Octavia, said they, 
that was married unto him as it were of necessity, because 
her brother Caesar's affairs so required it, hath the honour 
to be called Antonius' lawful spouse and wife : and 
Cleopatra, being born a Queen of so many thousands of 
men, is only named Antonius' Leman, and yet that she 
disdained not so to be called, if it might please him she 
might enjoy his company and live with him, but if he once 
leave her, that then it is unpossible she should live. To be 


short, by these their flatteries and enticements they so 
wrought Antonius' effeminate mind that, fearing lest she 
would make herself away, he returned again unto Alexan 
dria, and referred the king of Medes to the next year 
following, although he received news that the Parthians at 
that time were at civil wars among themselves. This not 
withstanding, he went afterwards and made peace with him. 
For he married his Daughter, which was very young, unto 
one of the sons that Cleopatra had by him : and then 
returned, being fully bent to make war with Caesar. The 
When Octavia was returned to Rome from Athens, f ctvi?" 
Caesar commanded her to go out of Antonius' betwixt 
house, and to dwell by herself, because he had a n n d tomus 
abused her. Octavia answered him again, that Caesar - 
she would not forsake her husband's house, and that if he 
had no other occasion to make war with him, she prayed 
him then to take no thought for her : for, said she, The love 

i r i i i r of Octavia 

it were too shameful a thing that two so famous to 
Captains should bring in civil wars among the hcrhns- 
Romans, the one for the love of a woman, and the he^be"' 1 
other for the jealousy betwixt one another. Now |JJJ ) t j nan i y 
as she spake the word, so did she also perform the b ^aviour. 
deed. For she kept still in Antonius' house, as if he had 
been there, and very honestly and honourably kept his 
children, not those only she had by him, but the other 
which her husband had by Fulvia. Furthermore, when 
Antonius sent any of his men to Rome to sue for any office 


in the commonwealth, she received him very courteously, 
and so used herself unto her brother that she obtained the 
thing she requested. Howbeit thereby, thinking no hurt, 
she did Antonius great hurt. For her honest love and 
regard to her husband made every man hate him, when 
they saw he did so unkindly use so noble a Lady : 

Antonius ' . ,. . 

arrogantly but yet the greatest cause of their malice unto him 

divideth ' . . . . r i j i. j i 

divers was for the division of lands he made amongst his 
unto'his children in the city of Alexandria. And to confess 

children , ... 

byCleo- a troth, it was too arrogant and insolent a part, 
and done (as a man would say) in derision and 
contempt of the Romans. For he assembled all the people* 
in the show place, where young men do exercise themselves,* 
and there upon a high tribunal silvered he set two chairs of* 
gold, the one for himself, and the other for Cleopatra, and* 
lower chairs for his children : then he openly published be-* 
fore the assembly, that first of all he did establish Cleopatra* 
Queen of Egypt, of Cyprus, of Lydia, and of the lower* 
Caesarion Syria, and at that time also, Caesarion king of the* 
posed son same Realms. This Caesarion was supposed to be* 
byCleo- the son of Julius Caesar, who had left Cleopatra* 

Alexander 8 reat Wlt ^ ch ild. Secondly, he called the sons he* 

Ptolem kad ^7 her the kings of kings, and gave Alexander* 

Antonius' for his portion, Armenia, Media, and Parthia,* 

sons by r 

Cleopatra, when he had conquered the country : and unto* 

Ptolemy for his portion, Phoenicia, Syria, and Cilicia. 1 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, III. vi. I-l6. 


And therewithal he brought out Alexander in a long 
gown after the fashion of the Medes, with a high copped- 
tank hat on his head, narrow in the top, as the kings of the 
Medes and Armenians do use to wear them : and Ptolemy 
apparelled in a cloak after the Macedonian manner, with 
slippers on his feet, and a broad hat, with a royal band or 
diadem. Such was the apparel and old attire of the ancient 
kings and successors of Alexander the great. So, after his 
sons had done their humble duties, and kissed their father 
and mother, presently a company of Armenian soldiers, set 
there of purpose, compassed the one about, and a like com- 
tpany of the Macedonians the other. Now for Cleopatra, 
tshe did not only wear at that time (but at all other times 
telse when she came abroad) the apparel of the goddess Isis, 
tand so gave audience unto all her subjects, as a new Isis. 1 
*Octavius Caesar reporting all these things unto the Accusa- 
*Senate, and oftentimes accusing him to the whole betwixt 
*people and assembly in Rome, he thereby stirred caesarand 
*up all the Romans against him. 2 Antonius on th' Antomus> 
fother side sent to Rome likewise to accuse him, and the 
tchiefest points of his accusations he charged him with were 
tthese : First, that having spoiled Sextus Pompeius in Sicile, 
the did not give him his part of the Isle. Secondly, that he 
tdid detain in his hands the ships he lent him to make that 
twar. Thirdly, that having put Lepidus their companion 
tand triumvirate out of his part of the Empire, and having 
1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, III. vi. 16-19. 2 ^'^- ^I- v '- 19-22. 


deprived him of all honours, he retained for himself thef 
lands and revenues thereof, 1 which had been assigned untot 
him for his part. And last of all, that he had in manner 
divided all Italy amongst his own soldiers, and had left no part 
of it for his soldiers. Octavius Caesar answered him again,t 
that, for Lepidus, he had indeed deposed him, and takent 
his part of the Empire from him, because he did overcruellyt 
use his authority. And secondly, for the conquests he hadt 
made by force of arms, he was contented Antonius should! 
have his part of them, so that he would likewise let himt 
have his part of Armenia. 2 And thirdly, that, for hist 
soldiers, they should seek for nothing in Italy, because they 
possessed Media and Parthia, the which provinces they had 
added to the Empire of Rome, valiantly fighting with their 
Emperor and Captain. Antonius hearing these news, being 
yet in Armenia, commanded Canidius to go presently to 
the seaside with his sixteen legions he had : and he himself 
with Cleopatra went unto the city of Ephesus, and 

Antonius r . . 

came with there gathered together his galleys and ships out 
hundred of all parts, which came to the number of eight 
bcta^u'" 5 hundred, reckoning the great ships of burden : and 
of those Cleopatra furnished him with two hundred, 
and twenty thousand talents besides, and provision of 
victuals also to maintain all the whole army in this war. 
So Antonius, through the persuasions of Domitius, com-* 
manded Cleopatra to return again into Egypt, and there to* 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, III. vi. 22-30. 2 Ibid. III. vi. 32-7. 


* understand the success of this war. 1 But Cleopatra, fearing 
lest Antonius should again be made friends with Octavius 
Caesar, by the means of his wife Octavia, she so plied 
Canidius with money, and filled his purse, that he became 
her spokesman unto Antonius, and told him there was 
no reason to send her from this war, who defrayed so 
great a charge : neither that it was for his profit, because 
that thereby the Egyptians would then be utterly 
discouraged, which were the chiefest strength of the army 
by sea : considering that he could see no king of all the 
kings their confederates that Cleopatra was inferior unto, 
either for wisdom or judgement, seeing that long before 
she had wisely governed so great a realm as Egypt, 
and besides that she had been so long acquainted with 
him, by whom she had learned to manage great affairs. 
These fair persuasions wan him : for it was pre 
destined that the government of all the world carrieth 
should fall into Octavius Caesar's hands. Thus, with^im* 
all their forces being joined together, they hoised ag^nst"" 8 
sail towards the Isle of Samos, and there gave Caesar" 8 
themselves to feasts and solace. For as all the kings, a "^ ept 
Princes, and commonalties, peoples and cities, from feasting 

at the Isle 

Syria unto the marishes Maeotides, and from the of Samos 

, T11 . together. 

Armenians to the lllynans, were sent unto, to 
send and bring all munition and warlike preparation they 
could : even so all players, minstrels, tumblers, fools, and 
1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, III. vii. 1-12. 



jesters were commanded to assemble in the Isle of Samos. 
So that, where in manner all the world in every place was 
full of lamentations, sighs, and tears, only in this Isle of 
Samos there was nothing for many days' space but singing 
and piping, and all the Theatre full of these common 
players, minstrels, and singing men. Besides all this, every 
city sent an ox thither to sacrifice, and kings did strive one 
with another who should make the noblest feasts, and give 
the richest gifts. So that every man said, ' What can they 
do more for joy of victory, if they win the battle, when 
they make already such sumptuous feasts at the beginning 
of the war ? ' When this was done, he gave the whole 
rabble of these minstrels, and such kind of people, the city 
of Priene to keep them withal, during this war. Then he 
went unto the city of Athens, and there give himself again 
to see plays and pastimes, and to keep the Theatres. 
Cleopatra, on the other side, being jealous of the honours 
which Octavia had received in this city, where indeed she 
was marvellously honoured and beloved of the Athenians : 
to win the people's good will also at Athens, she gave them 
great gifts : and they likewise gave her many great honours, 
and appointed certain Ambassadors to carry the 

Antontus r r J 

put his decree to her house, among the which Antonius 
Octavia was one, who as a Citizen of Athens reported the 

out of his , . ... 

house at matter unto her, and made an oration in the 

behalf of the city. Afterwards he sent to Rome 

to put his wife Octavia out of his house, who (as it is reported) 


went out of his house with all Antonius' children, saving the 
eldest of them he had by Fulvia, who was with his father, 
bewailing and lamenting her cursed hap that had brought 
her to this, that she was accompted one of the chiefest 
causes of this civil war. The Romans did pity her, but 
much more Antonius, and those specially that had seen 
Cleopatra, who neither excelled Octavia in beauty, nor yet 
in young years. Octavius Caesar understanding the sudden 
and wonderful great preparation of Antonius, he was not a 
little astonied at it (fearing he should be driven to fight 
that summer) because he wanted many things, and the 
great and grievous exactions of money did sorely oppress 
the people. For all manner of men else were ._ . 

* * Octavius 

driven to pay the fourth part of their goods and Caesar 

r ' exacteth 

revenue : but the Libertines, (to wit, those whose grievous 

- , , . . . . payments 

fathers or other predecessors had sometime been of the 

1-1 Romans. 

bondmen), they were sessed to pay the eight part 
of all their goods at one payment. Hereupon there rose 
a wonderful exclamation and great uproar all Italy over : 
so that among the greatest faults that ever Antonius com 
mitted, they blamed him most for that he delayed to give 
Caesar battle. For he gave Caesar leisure to make his 
preparations, and also to appease the complaints of the 
people. When such a great sum of money was demanded 
of them, they grudged at it, and grew to mutiny upon it : 
but when they had once paid it, they remembered it no 
more. Furthermore, Titius and Plancus (two of Antonius' 


chiefest friends and that had been both of them Consuls) 
Titiusand f r the great injuries Cleopatra did them, because 
SJ3? 11 they hindered all they could that she should not 
Anumius come to this war : they went and yielded them- 
yieicfto se ^ ves unt o Caesar, and told him where the testa- 
Caesar, ment was that Antonius had made, knowing 
perfectly what was in it. The will was in the custody of 
the Vestal Nuns : of whom Caesar demanded for it. They 
answered him, that they would not give it him : but if 
he would go and take it, they would not hinder him. 
Thereupon Caesar went thither, and having read it first to 
himself he noted certain places worthy of reproach : so, 
assembling all the Senate, he read it before them all. 
Whereupon divers were marvellously offended, and thought 
it a strange matter that he, being alive, should be punished 
for that he had appointed by his will to be done after his 
death. Caesar chiefly took hold of this that he ordained 
touching his burial : for he willed that his body, though he 
died at Rome, should be brought in funeral pomp through 
the midst of the market place, and that it should be sent 
into Alexandria unto Cleopatra. Furthermore, 

A famous 

library in among divers other faults wherewith Antonius was 

the city 

of Per- to be charged for Cleopatra's sake: Calvisius, one 
of Caesar's friends, reproved him because he had 
frankly given Cleopatra all the libraries of the royal city of 
Pergamum, in the which she had above two hundred 
thousand books. Again also, that being on a time set at 


the table, he suddenly rose from the board and trod upon 
Cleopatra's foot, which was a sign given between them, that 
they were agreed of. That he had also suffered the 
Ephesians in his presence to call Cleopatra their sovereign 
Lady. That divers times sitting in his tribunal and chair 
of state, giving audience to all kings and Princes, he had 
received love letters from Cleopatra, written in tables of 
onyx or crystal, and that he had read them, sitting in his 
imperial seat. That one day when Furnius, a man Furnius 
of great accompt, and the eloquentest man of all ^^T 
the Romans, pleaded a matter before him, ^mom? the 
Cleopatra by chance coming through the market Rom ans- 
place in her litter where Furnius was pleading, Antonius 
straight rose out of his seat and left his audience, to follow 
her litter. This notwithstanding it was thought Calvisius 
devised the most part of all these accusations of his own 
head. Nevertheless, they that loved Antonius were inter 
cessors to the people for him, and amongst them they sent 
one Geminius unto Antonius, to pray him he would , 

L ' Geminius 

take heed, that through his negligence his Empire sent from 
were not taken from him, and that he should be Antonius, 

t T-> ,. ,. . to bid him 

counted an enemy to the people of Rome. This take heed 
Geminius being arrived in Greece made Cleopatra 
jealous straight of his coming : because she surmised that he 
came not but to speak for Octavia. Therefore she spared 
not to taunt him all supper time, and moreover, to spite 
him the more, she made him be set lowest of all at the 


board, the which he took patiently, expecting occasion to 
speak with Antonius. Now Antonius commanding him at 
the table to tell him what wind brought him thither : he 
answered him that it was no table talk, and that he would 
tell him to-morrow morning fasting : but drunk or fasting, 
howsoever it were, he was sure of one thing, that all would 
not go well on his side, unless Cleopatra were sent back into 
Egypt. Antonius took these words in very ill part. 
Cleopatra on the other side answered him, ' Thou doest 
well, Geminius,' said she, ' to tell the truth before thou 
be compelled by torments ' : but within few days after, 
.. , Geminius stale away, and fled to Rome. The 

Many of ' ' 

Antonius' flatterers also, to please Cleopatra, did make her 

friends do . . 

forsake drive many other of Antonius' faithful servants and 
friends from him, who could not abide the injuries 
done unto them : among the which these two were chief, 
Marcus Silanus, and Dellius the Historiographer : who 
wrote that he fled, because her Physician Glaucus told him 
that Cleopatra had set some secretly to kill him. Further 
more, he had Cleopatra's displeasure, because he said one 
night at supper, that they made them drink sour wine, 
where Sarmentus at Rome drank good wine of Falernus. 
This Sarmentus was a pleasant young boy, such as the 
Lords of Rome are wont to have about them to make them 
pastime, which they call their joys, and he was Octavius 
Caesar's boy. Now, after that Caesar had made sufficient 
preparation, he proclaimed open war against Cleopatra, and 



made the people to abolish the power and Empire of 
Antonius, because he had before given it up unto Antonius' 
*a woman. And Caesar said furthermore, that ^ e p n lr f r 0m 
*Antonius was not Master of himself, but that hlm - 
*Cleopatra had brought him beside himself by her charms 
*and amorous poisons : and that they that should make war 
*with them should be Mardian the Eunuch, Pothinus, and 
*Iras, a woman of Cleopatra's bedchamber, that frizzled her 
*hair and dressed her head, and Charmion, the which were 
*those that ruled all the affairs of Antonius' Empire. 1 
Before this war, as it is reported, many signs and signs and 
wonders fell out. First of all, the city of Pisaurum, before "the 
which was made a colony to Rome and replenished betwixt" 
with people by Antonius, standing upon the shore f^'oJJJf 
side of the sea Adriatic, was by a terrible earth- Caesar - 
quake sunk into the ground. One of the images of stone 
which was set up in the honour of Antonius, in the city of 
Alba, did sweat many days together : and though Pesaro, 
some wiped it away, yet it left not sweating still. itaiy^ 
In the city of Patras, whilst Antonius was there, theground 
the temple of Hercules was burnt with lightning. .* 
And at the city of Athens also, in a place where <i uake - 
the war of the giants against the gods is set out in imagery, 
the statue of Bacchus with a terrible wind was thrown down 
in the Theatre. It was said that Antonius came of the race 
of Hercules, as you have heard before, and in the manner of 

1 Cf. Antony and Ieof>atra, III. vii. 12-15. 


his life he followed Bacchus : and therefore he was called 
the new Bacchus. Furthermore, the same blustering storm 
of wind overthrew the great monstrous images at Athens, 
that were made in the honour of Eumenes and Attalus, the 
which men had named and entitled the Antonians, and yet 
they did hurt none of the other images which were many 
besides. The Admiral galley of Cleopatra was* 

An ill sign * 

fore- called Antoniad, 1 in the which there chanced a* 

byswal- marvellous ill sign. Swallows had bred under the* 
breeding poop of her ship, 2 and there came others after them* 
patra's that drave away the first, and plucked down their 
nests. Now when all things were ready, and that 
Antonius 1 ^gy d rew near to fight, it was found that Antonius 

power * 

against na( j no l ess th an five hundred good ships of war, 
Caesar. among the which there were many galleys that had 
eight and ten banks of oars, the which were sumptuously 
furnished, not so meet for fight as for triumph : a hundred 
thousand footmen, and twelve thousand horsemen, andt 
had with him to aid him these kings and subjects follow-+ 
Antonius ig ' Bocchus king of Libya, Tarcondemus kingt 
Cilicia, Archelaus king of Cappadocia,t 

power to Philadelphus king of Paphlagonia, Mithridatesf 
aid him. ^jj^g o f Commagena and Adallas king of Thracia.t 
All the which were there every man in person. Thet 
residue that were absent sent their armies, as Polemonf 
king of Pont, Malchus king of Arabia, Herodes king oft 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, III. viii. 12. 2 Ibid. IV. x. 16, 17. 


tjewry : and furthermore, Amyntas king of Lycaonia and 
fof the Galatians : and besides all these, he had all the 
taid the king of Medes sent unto him. 1 Now The a 
for Caesar, he had two hundred and fifty ships of o"o p t ^ r 
war, fourscore thousand footmen, and well near as Caesar 


many horsemen as his enemy Antonius. Antonius Antonius. 
for his part had all under his dominion from Antonius' 

. . 11. r T-I i dominions. 

Armenia and the river of Euphrates unto the sea 
Ionium and Illyricum. Octavius Caesar had also Caesar's 
for his part all that which was in our Hemisphere, dominions ' 
or half part of the world, from Illyria unto the Ocean sea 
upon the west : then all from the Ocean unto Mare Sicu- 
lum : and from Africk all that which is against Italy, as 
Gaul and Spain. Furthermore, all from the province of 
*Cyrenia unto Ethiopia was subject unto Antonius. Now 
*Antonius was made so subject to a woman's will, A nton ; us 
*that though he was a great deal the stronger by ' e ty h 
*land, yet for Cleopatra's sake he would needs have Cleopatra, 
tthis battle tried by sea : 2 though he saw before his eyes, 
tthat, for lack of watermen, his Captains did press by force 
tall sorts of men out of Greece that they could take up in the 
tfield, as travellers, muleteers, reapers, harvest men, and 
tyoung boys, and yet could they not sufficiently furnish his 
galleys : 3 so that the most part of them were empty, and 
could scant row, because they lacked watermen enow. But 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, III. vi. 68-76. 

2 Ibid. III. vii. 27-53. 3 Md. III. vii. 34-6. 


on the contrary side Caesar's ships were not built for pomp, 
high and great, only for a sight and bravery : but they were 
light of yarage, 1 armed and furnished with watermen ast 
many as they needed, and had them all in readiness in 
the havens of Tarentum and Brundusium. So Octavius 
Caesar sent unto Antonius, to will him to delay no more 
time, but to come on with his army into Italy : and that 
for his own part he would give him safe harbour, to land 
without any trouble, and that he would withdraw his army 
from the sea as far as one horse could run, until he had put 
his army ashore, and had lodged his men. Antonius on* 
the other side bravely sent him word again, and challenged* 
the combat of him man to man, though he were the elder :* 
and that if he refused him so, he would then fight a battle* 
with him in the fields of Pharsalia, as Julius Caesar and* 
Pompey had done before. 2 Now whilst Antonius* 

Antonius r 

rode at rode at anchor, lying idly in harbour at the head of 

anchor at . . 

the head Actium, in the place where the city of Nicopolis 

of Actium t i . i , T * 

where the standeth at thisipresent, Caesar had quickly passed 
Nicopolis the sea Ionium, and taken a place called Toryne,* 
before Antonius understood that he had taken* 
ship. Then began his men to be afraid, because his* 
army by land was left behind. But Cleopatra making 
light of it, ' And what danger, I pray you,' said she, 
' if Caesar keep at Toryne r ' The next morning by break 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, III. vii. 38. 

2 Ibid. III. vii. 30-2. 3 Ibid. III. vii. 20-3, 54-7. 



of day, his enemies coming with full force of oars in battle 
against him, Antonius was afraid that if they came The 
to join they would take and carry away his ships, o{ thls 
that had no men of war in them. So he armed can not 


all his watermen, and set them in order of battle beex- 

upon the forecastle of their ships, and then lift up any other 

all his ranks of oars towards the element, as well because 

of the one side as the other, with the prows quivoca- 

against the enemies, at the entry and mouth of the w " d ' 

gulf which beginneth at the point of Actium, whfdfslg- 

and so kept them in order of battle, as if they had "' t fiet h f a 

been armed and furnished with watermen and A1 k ania . 

and also a 

soldiers. Thus Octavius Caesar, being finely de- Iadle l 

' scum the 

ceived by this stratagem, retired presently, and pot with: 
therewithal Antonius very wisely and suddenly did meant, 
cut him off from fresh water. For, understanding by the 
that the places where Octavius Caesar landed had scumming 
very little store of water, and yet very bad : he shut 
them in with strong ditches and trenches he cast, to keep them 
from sallying out at their pleasure, and so to go seek water 
*further off. Furthermore, he dealt very friendly _ ... 

/ ' Domitius 

*and courteously with Domitius, and against Cleo- forsaketh 

' . . Antonius 

*patra's mind. For, he being sick of an ague when and goeth 


*he went and took a little boat to go to Caesar's Octavius 

. . - . . . Caesar. 

camp, Antonius was very sorry for it, but yet he 
*sent after him all his carriage, train, and men : l and the 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, IV. v. 4-17. 


same Domitius, as though he gave him to understand that* 

he repented his open treason, he died immediately after. 1 * 

There were certain kings also that forsook him,* 


and and turned on Caesar's side : as Amyntas and* 


do both Deiotarus. 2 Furthermore his fleet and navy that* 

revolt from r ..... . . 

Antonius was unfortunate in all things, and unready for 
nnto g service, compelled him to change his mind, and to 
hazard battle by land. And Canidius also, who 
had charge of his army by land, when time came to follow 
Antonius' determination, he turned him clean contrary, and 
counselled him to send Cleopatra back again, and himself to 
retire into Macedon, to fight there on the mainland. And 
furthermore told him, that Dicomes king of the Getae 
promised him to aid him with a great power : and that it 
should be no shame nor dishonour to him to let Caesar 
have the sea, (because himself and his men both had been* 
well practised and exercised in battles by sea, in the war of* 
Sicilia against Sextus Pompeius), 8 but rather that he should* 
do against all reason, he having so great skill and experi-* 
ence of battles by land as he had, if he should not employ* 
the force and valiantness of so many lusty armed footmen as* 
he had ready, but would weaken his army by dividing* 
them into ships. 4 But now, notwithstanding all these good* 
persuasions, Cleopatra forced him to put all to the hazard of 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, IV. vi. 20-39 5 '* S~ 2 4- 

2 Ibid. III. viii. 43, 4. 3 Ibid. III. vii. 36, 7. 
4 Ibid. III. vii. 41-8. 


battle by sea : considering with herself how she might fly 
and provide for her safety, not to help him to win the vic 
tory, but to fly more easily after the battle lost. Betwixt 
Antonius' camp and his fleet of ships there was a great high 
point of firm land that ran a good way into the sea, the 
which Antonius often used for a walk, without mistrust of 
fear or danger. One of Caesar's men perceived it, and told 
his Master that he would laugh an they could take up 
Antonius in the midst of his walk. Thereupon Antonius 
Caesar sent some of his men to lie in ambush for l "f^^J 
him, and they missed not much of taking of him : at Actlum - 
for they took him that came before him, because they dis 
covered too soon, and so Antonius scaped very hardly. So, 
*when Antonius had determined to fight by sea, he set all 
*the other ships afire l but threescore ships of Egypt, 2 and 
reserved only but the best and greatest galleys, from three 
banks unto ten banks of oars. In them he put two-and- 
twenty thousand fighting men, with two thousand darters 
tand slingers. Now, as he was setting his men in order of 
tbattle, there was a Captain, and a valiant man, that had 
tserved Antonius in many battles and conflicts, and had all 
this body hacked and cut : who, as Antonius passed by him, 
tcried out unto him and said : " O noble Emperor, how 
tcometh it to pass that you trust to these vile brittle ships ? 
tWhat, do you mistrust these wounds of mine and this 
tsword ? Let the Egyptians and Phoenicians fight by sea, 
1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, III. vii. 50. 2 Ibid. III. vii. 49. 


and set us on the mainland, where we use to conquer, or tot 
. . be slain on our feet." Antonius passed by him* 

Antonius / 

regardeth an( j sa id never a word, but only beckoned to him* 

not the ' 

good with his hand and head, as though he willed him* 


of his to be of good courage, although indeed he had no* 

soldier. i /-* 

great courage himself. 1 ror when the Masters of 
the galleys and Pilots would have let their sails alone, he 
made them clap them on, saying to colour the matter withal, 
that not one of his enemies should scape. All that day and 
the three days following, the sea rose so high and was so 
boisterous, that the battle was put off. The fift day the storm 
Battle b cease( l and the sea calmed again, and then they 
sea at rowed with force of oars in battle one against the 


betwixt other : Antonius leading the right wing with Pub- 
and licola, and Caelius the left, and Marcus Octaviust 

and Marcus Justeius the midst.- Octavius Caesar,t 
on th' other side, had placed Agrippa in the left wing of his 
army, and had kept the right wing for himself. For the 
armies by land, Canidius was general of Antonius' side, and* 
Taurus of Caesar's side : 3 who kept their men in battle ray* 
the one before the other, upon the seaside, without stirring 
one against the other. Further, touching both the Chieftains : 
Antonius, being in a swift pinnace, was carried up and down 
by force of oars through his army, and spake to his people 
to encourage them to fight valiantly, as if they were on main 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, III. vii. 60-6. 

2 Ibid. III. vii. 72, 3. 3 Ibid. III. vii. 77, 8. 


land, because of the steadiness and heaviness of their ships : 
and commanded the Pilots and masters of the galleys that 
they should not stir, none otherwise than if they were at 
anchor, and so to receive the first charge of their enemies, 
and that they should not go out of the strait of the gulf. 
Caesar betimes in the morning, going out of his 

A lucky 

tent to see his ships throughout, met a man by si s n unto 

, i r T.- r* Octavius 

chance that drave an ass before him. Caesar Caesar, 
asked the man what his name was. The poor man Nicon,* S 
told him that his name was Eutychus, to say, fortun- Con" na 
ate : and his ass's name Nicon, to say, Conqueror. queror> 
Therefore Caesar after he had won the battle, setting out 
the market place with the spurs of the galleys he had 
taken, for a sign of his victory : he caused also the man and 
his ass to be set up in brass. When he had visited the 
order of 'his army throughout, he took a little pinnace, 
and went to the right wing, and wondered when he saw 
his enemies lie still in the strait, and stirred not. For, 
discerning them afar off, men would have thought they 
had been ships riding at anchor, and a good while he was so 
persuaded : so he kept his galleys eight furlong from his 
enemies. About noon there rose a little gale of wind from 
the sea, and then Antonius' men waxing angry with tarry 
ing so long, and trusting to the greatness and height of 
their ships, as if they had been invincible, they began to 
march forward with their left wing. Caesar seeing that 
was a glad man, and began a little to give back from the 


right wing, to allure them to come further out of the 
strait and gulf, to th' end that he might with his light 
ships well manned with watermen turn and environ the 
galleys of the enemies, the which were heavy of yarage, 
both for their bigness as also for lack of watermen to row 
them. When the skirmish began, and that they came to 
join, there was no great hurt at the first meeting, neither 
did the ships vehemently hit one against the other, as they 
do commonly in fight by sea. For on the one side, 
Antonius' ships, for their heaviness could not have the 
strength and swiftness to make their blows of any force : 
and Caesar's ships, on th' other side, took great heed not to 
rush and shock with the forecastles of Antonius' ships, whose 
prows were armed with great brazen spurs. Furthermore, 
they durst not flank them, because their points were easily 
broken, which way so ever they came to set upon his ships, 
that were made of great main square pieces of timber, 
bound together with great iron pins : so that the battle 
was much like to a battle by land, or, to speak more 
properly, to the assault of a city. For there were always 
three or four of Caesar's ships about one of Antonius' ships, 
and the soldiers fought with their pikes, halberds, and 
darts, and threw pots and darts with fire. Antonius' ships, 
on the other side, bestowed among them, with their cross 
bows and engines of battery, great store of shot from their 
high towers of wood that were upon their ships. Now 
Publicola seeing Agrippa put forth his left wing of Caesar's 


army, to compass in Antonius' ships that fought : he was 
driven also to loose off to have more room, and going a 
little at one side, to put those further off that were afraid, 
and in the midst of the battle. For they were sore dis 
tressed by Arruntius. Howbeit the battle was yet of even 
*hand, and the victory doubtful, being indifferent to both : 
*when suddenly they saw the three score ships of cieopatra 

* Cleopatra busy about their yard masts, and hoising flieth - 
*sail to fly. 1 So they fled through the midst of them 
that were in fight, for they had been placed behind the 
great ships, and did marvellously disorder the other ships. 
For the enemies themselves wondered much to see them 
*sail in that sort, with full sail towards Peloponnesus. 2 
*There Antonius shewed plainly, that he had not only lost 
*the courage and heart of an Emperor, but also of a valiant 
*man, and that he was not his own man (proving , 

xr The soul 

*that true which an old man spake in mirth, that of a lover 
*the soul of a lover lived in another body, and not another 


*in his own) : he was so carried away with the 
*vain love of this woman, as if he had been glued unto her, 
*and that she could not have removed without moving of 
*him also. For when he saw Cleopatra's ship under 

* -i i r r 11 11 i Antonius 

sail, he forgot, forsook, and betrayed them that flieth after 

* fought for him, and embarked upon a galley with 

*five banks of oars, to follow her that had already begun to 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, III. viii. iz, 13, 21-5. 

2 Ibid. III. viii. 40. 



overthrow him, and would in the end be his utter destruc-* 
tion. 1 When she knew this galley afar off, she lift up a* 
sign in the poop of her ship, and so Antonius coming to 
it was plucked up where Cleopatra was : howbeit he saw 
her not at his first coming, nor she him, but went and sate 
down alone in the prow of his ship, and said never a 
word, clapping his head between both his hands. In the 
meantime came certain light brigantines of Caesar's that 
followed him hard. So Antonius straight turned the 
prow of his ship, and presently put the rest to flight, saving 
one Eurycles Lacedaemonian, that followed him near and 
pressed upon him with great courage, shaking a dart in his 
hand over the prow, as though he would have thrown it 
unto Antonius. Antonius, seeing him, came to the fore 
castle of his ship, and asked him what he was that durst 
follow Antonius so near ? ' I am,' answered he, ' Eurycles, 
the son of Lachares, who through Caesar's good fortune 
seeketh to revenge the death of my father.' This Lachares 
was condemned of felony and beheaded by Antonius. But 
yet Eurycles durst not venture upon Antonius' ship, but set 
upon the other Admiral galley (for there were two) and 
fell with him with such a blow of his brazen spur, that was 
so heavy and big, that he turned her round and took her, 
with another that was loaden with very rich stuff and 
carriage. After Eurycles had left Antonius, he returned 
again to his place, and sate down, speaking never a word as 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, III. viii. 27-33. 


he did before : and so lived three days alone, without 
*speaking to any man. But when he arrived at the head of 
*Taenarus, there Cleopatra's women first brought Antonius 
*and Cleopatra to speak together, 1 and afterwards to sup and 
lie together. Then began there again a great number of 
Merchants' ships to gather about them, and some of their 
friends that had escaped from this overthrow : who brought 
news that his army by sea was overthrown, but that they 
thought the army by land was yet whole. Then Antonius 
sent unto Canidius to return with his army into 
Asia by Macedon. Now for himself, he deter- Hcenseth 

* i A r i 11 r his friends 

mined to cross over into Africk, and took one or to depart, 
*his carracks or hulks loaden with gold and silver them a 

* j i i j i ship loaden 

and other rich carriage, and gave it unto his w hh gold 
*friends : commanding them to depart, and to seek an 
*to save themselves. They answered him weeping, that 
*they would neither do it, nor yet forsake him. Then 
*Antonius very courteously and lovingly did comfort them, 
*and prayed them to depart : and wrote unto Theophilus 
*governor of Corinth, that he would see them safe, and help 
*to hide them in some secret place, until they had made 

* their way and peace with Caesar. 2 This Theophilus was 
the father of Hipparchus, who was had in great estimation 
about Antonius. He was the first of all his enfranchised 
bondmen that revolted from him and yielded unto Caesar, 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, III. ix. 25, ff. 

2 Ibid. III. ix. 2-24. 


and afterwards went and dwelt at Corinth. And thus it 
stood with Antonius. Now, for his army by sea, that 
fought before the head or foreland of Actium : they held 
out a long time, and nothing troubled them more than a 
great boisterous wind that rose full in the prows of their 
Antonius' ships, and yet with much ado his navy was at 
SmwnXy" l en S tn overthrown, five hours within night. There 
Caesar. were not slain above five thousand men : but yet 
there were three hundred ships taken, as Octavius Caesar 
writeth himself in his Commentaries. Many plainly saw 
Antonius fly, and yet could hardly believe it, that he,* 
that had nineteen legions whole by land and twelve thousand* 
horsemen upon the seaside, 1 would so have forsaken them,* 
and have fled so cowardly : as if he had not oftentimes 
proved both the one and the other fortune, and that he 
had not been throughly acquainted with the diverse 
changes and fortunes of battles. And yet his soldiers still 
wished for him, and ever hoped that he would come by 
some means or other unto them. Furthermore, they shewed 
themselves so valiant and faithful unto him, that after they 
certainly knew he was fled, they kept themselves 

Antonius ' . . 

legions do whole together seven days. In the end Canidius,* 
them- Antonius' Lieutenant, flying by night, and for-* 
Octavius saking his camp, when they saw themselves thus* 
destitute of their heads and leaders, they yielded* 
themselves unto the stronger. 2 This done, Caesar sailed* 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleofatra, III. vii. 58-9 2 Ibid. III. viii. 42-3. 


towards Athens, and there made peace with the Grecians, 
and divided the rest of the corn that was taken up 
for Antonius' army unto the towns and cities of Greece, 
the which had been brought to extreme misery and poverty, 
clean without money, slaves, horse, and other beasts of 
carriage. So that my grandfather Nicarchus told, that all 
the Citizens of our city of Chaeronea (not one excepted) 
were driven themselves to carry a certain measure of corn 
on their shoulders to the seaside, that lieth directly over 
against the Isle of Anticyra, and yet were they driven 
thither with whips. They carried it thus but once : for 
the second time that they were charged again to make the 
like carriage, all the corn being ready to be carried, news 
came that Antonius had lost the battle, and so scaped our 
poor city. For Antonius' soldiers and deputies fled imme 
diately, and the citizens divided the corn amongst them. 
Antonius being arrived in Libya, he sent Cleopatra before 
into Egypt from the city of Paraetonium : and he himself 
remained very solitary, having only two of his friends with 
him, with whom he wandered up and down, both of them 
orators, the one Aristocrates a Grecian, and the other 
Lucilius a Roman. Of whom we have written in Lucilius 
another place, that at the battle where Brutus was ;^B r e u t [. 
overthrown by the city of Philippi, he came and llfe - 
willingly put himself into the hands of those that followed 
Brutus, saying that it was he : because Brutus in the mean 
time might have liberty to save himself. And afterwards, 


because Antonius saved his life, he still remained with him : 

and was very faithful and friendly unto him till 

fidelity of his death. But when Antonius heard that he 


unto whom he had trusted with the government of 

Antonius. , . . . 

Libya, and unto whom he had given the charge 
of his army there, had yielded unto Caesar : he was so 
mad withal, that he would have slain himself for anger, 
had not his friends about him withstood him, and kept 
The him from it. So he went unto Alexandria, and 

ruemp^oV tliere f unc l Cleopatra about a wonderful enter- 
Cleopatra. p r i se> an d o f g reat attempt. Betwixt the Red Sea 
and the sea between the lands that point upon the coast 
of Egypt, there is a little piece of land, that divideth both 
the seas and separateth Africk from Asia : the which strait 
is so narrow at the end where the two seas are narrowest, 
that it is not above three hundred furlongs over. Cleopatra 
went about to lift her ships out of the one sea, and to hale 
them over the strait into the other sea : that when her 
ships were come into this gulf of Arabia, she might then 
carry all her gold and silver away, and so with a great 
company of men go and dwell in some place about the 
Ocean sea far from the sea Mediterranium, to scape the 
danger and bondage of this war. But now, because the 
Arabians dwelling about the city of Petra did burn the first 
ships that were brought aland, and that Antonius thought 
that his army by land, which he left at Actium, was yet 
whole : she left off her enterprise, and determined to keep 


all the ports and passages of her realm. Antonius, he forsook 
the city and company of his friends, and built him Antonius 
a house in the sea, by the Isle of Pharos, upon [heh^elnd 
certain forced mounts which he caused to be cast Timon leof 
into the sea, and dwelt there, as a man that ^ lsan - 

thropos the 

banished himself from all men's company : saying Athenian, 
that he would lead Timon's life, because he had the like 
wrong offered him, that was afore offered unto Timon : 
and that for the unthankfulness of those he had done good 
unto, and whom he took to be his friends, he was angry 
with all men, and would trust no man. This Timon was 
a citizen of Athens, that lived about the war of 

T. 1 1 . T.1 1 . Plat alld 

Peloponnesus, as appeareth by Plato and Ansto- Aristo-_ 
phanes' comedies : in the which they mocked him, testimony 
calling him a viper and malicious man unto man- Misan- 
kind, to shun all other men's companies but the what"he 
company of young Alcibiades, a bold and insolent was> 
youth, whom he would greatly feast and make much of, 
and kissed him very gladly. Apemantus, wondering at it, 
asked him the cause what he meant to make so much 
of that young man alone, and to hate all others : Timon 
answered him, ' I do it,' said he, ' because I know that 
one day he shall do great mischief unto the Athenians.' 
This Timon sometimes would have Apemantus in his 
company, because he was much like to his nature and 
conditions, and also followed him in manner of life. On 
a. time when they solemnly celebrated the feasts called 


Choae at Athens (to wit, the feasts of the dead, where 
they make sprinklings and sacrifices for the dead) and 
that they two then feasted together by themselves, Ape- 
mantus said unto the other : ' Oh, here is a trim ban 
quet, Timon.' Timon answered again, 'Yea,' said he, 'so 
thou wert not here.' It is reported of him also, that 
this Timon on a time (the people being assembled in the 
market place about despatch of some affairs) got up into 
the pulpit for Orations, where the Orators commonly use 
to speak unto the people : and silence being made, every 
man listening to hear what he would say, because it was a 
wonder to see him in that place : at length he began to 
speak in this manner : ' My Lords of Athens, I have a littlet 
yard in my house where there groweth a fig tree, on thet 
which many citizens have hanged themselves : and becausef 
I mean to make some building upon the place, I thought! 
good to let you all understand it, that before the fig treet 
be cut down, if any of you be desperate, you may there inf 
time go hang yourselves.' 1 He died in the city of Halae,t 
and was buried upon the seaside. Now it chanced so, that, 
the sea getting in, it compassed his tomb round about, that 
no man could come to it : and upon the same was written 
this epitaph : 

The epi- Here lies a wretched corse, of wretched soul bereft, 

Timon Seek not my name : a plague consume you wicked wretchesf 

Misan- left. 2 


1 Cf. Timon of Athens, V. i. 210-17. 2 Ibid.V. iv. 70-1. 


It is reported that Timon himself when he lived made this 
epitaph : for that which is commonly rehearsed was not his 
but made by the Poet Callimachus : 

tHere lie I Timon, who alive all living men did hate, 

fPass by, and curse thy fill : but pass, and stay not here thy gate. 1 

Many other things could we tell you of this Timon, but, 
this little shall suffice at this present. But now to return 
to Antonius again. Canidius himself came to bring him 
news, that he had lost all his army by land at Actium. On 
th' other side he was advertised also, that Herodes king of 
Jewry, who had also certain legions and bands with him, 
was revolted unto Caesar, and all the other kings in like 
manner : so that, saving those that were about him, he had 
none left him. All this notwithstanding did nothing trouble 
him, and it seemed that he was contented to forgo Antonius' 
all his hope, and so to be rid of all his care and jftSfdria 
troubles. Thereupon he left his solitary house he ^at bis 
had built in the sea which he called Timoneon, a " d over - 

' throw. 

and Cleopatra received him into her royal palace. Toga 
He was no sooner come thither, but he straight set 


all the city of rioting and banqueting again, and the eldest 
himself to liberality and gifts. He caused the son Antonius 
of Julius Caesar and Cleopatra to be enrolled wife 
(according to the manner of the Romans) amongst 
the number of young men : and gave Antyllus, his 

1 Cf. Timon of Athens, V. iv. 72, 3. 


eldest son he had by Fulvia, the man's gown, the which 
was a plain gown without guard or embroidery of purple. 
For these things there was kept great feasting, banqueting, 
and dancing in Alexandria many days together. Indeed 
they did break their first order they had set down, 
erected by which they called Amimetobion (as much to say, 
and ni no life comparable), and did set up another, which 

ynapothanumenon (signifying the order 
uSmf- anc * agreement of those that will die together), the 
menon, which in exceeding sumptuousness and cost was 


theformer, no t; inferior to the first. For their friends made 


Amimeto- themselves to be enrolled in this order of those 

that would die together, and so made great feasts 

one to another : for every man, when it came to his turn, 

feasted their whole company and fraternity. Cleopatra in* 

the meantime was very careful in gathering all sorts of* 

poisons together to destroy men. Now, to make proof of* 

those poisons which made men die with least pain, 1 she* 

tried it upon condemned men in prison. For, 

Cleopatra . . t i i i 

very busy when she saw the poisons that were sudden and 

the P forceof vehement, and brought speedy death with grievous 

torments, and, in contrary manner, that such as 

were more mild and gentle had not that quick speed and 

force to make one die suddenly : she afterwards went about 

to prove the stinging of snakes and adders, and made some 

to be applied unto men in her sight, some in one sort and 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, V. ii. 356, 7 


some in another. So, when she had daily made divers and 
sundry proofs, she found none of all them she had proved 
so fit as the biting of an Aspic, the which only 

The pro- 

causeth a heaviness of the head, without swounding perty of 

... T i i T i the biting 

or complaining, and brmgeth a great desire also to of an 
sleep, with a little sweat in the face, and so by little 
and little taketh away the senses and vital powers, no living 
creature perceiving that the patients feel any pain. For 
they are so sorry when anybody waketh them, and taketh 
them up, as those that being taken out of a sound sleep 
*are very heavy and desirous to sleep. This not- . 

m * r Antonius 

*withstanding, they sent Ambassadors unto Octavius and c 'e- 

, . . , . patra send 

Caesar in Asia, Cleopatra requesting the realm of Ambassa- 

* Egypt for her children, and Antonius praying that Octavius 
*he might be suffered to live at Athens like a private 

*man, if Caesar would not let him remain in Egypt. 1 And, 
*because they had no other men of estimation about them, 
*for that some were fled, and those that remained, they did 
*not greatly trust them : they were enforced to send 
*Euphronius the schoolmaster of their children. 2 For Alexas 

* Laodicean, who was brought into Antonius' house and favour 
*by means of Timagenes, and afterwards was in greater credit 
*with him than any other Grecian (for that he had alway 
*been one of Cleopatra's ministers to win Antonius, and to 
*overthrow all his good determinations to use his wife Octavia 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, III. x. 7-19. 

2 Ibid. III. ix. 71, 2 ; x. 2-6. 


well) him Antonius had sent unto Herodes king of Jewry,* 
hoping still to keep him his friend, that he should not* 
revolt from him. But he remained there, and betrayed* 
Antonius. For where he should have kept Herodes from* 
revolting from him, he persuaded him to turn to Caesar :* 
and trusting King Herodes, he presumed to come in* 
Caesar's presence. Howbeit Herodes did him no pleasure :* 
for he was presently taken prisoner, and sent in chains to* 
his own country, and there by Caesar's commandment put 
to death. 1 Thus was Alexas in Antonius' lifetime put to 
Alexas' death for betraying of him. Furthermore, Caesar* 
justly*" would not grant unto Antonius' requests : but for* 
punished. Cleopatra, he made her answer, that he would* 
deny her nothing reasonable, so that she would either put* 
Antonius to death, or drive him out of her country. 2 * 
Therewithal he sent Thyreus one of his men unto her,* 
a very wise and discreet man, who, bringing letters* 
of credit from a young Lord unto a noble Lady, and that* 
besides greatly liked her beauty, might easily by his eloquence* 
have persuaded her. 3 He was longer in talk with her than* 
any man else was, and the Queen herself also did him great* 
honour : insomuch as he made Antonius jealous of him * 
Whereupon Antonius caused him to be taken and well-t 
favouredly whipped, 4 and so sent him unto Caesar : andt 
bade him tell him that he made him angry with him,t 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, IV. v. 12-16. 2 Ibid. III. x. 19-24. 

1 Ibid. III. x. 26-31. * Ibid. III. xi. 46-93. 


tbecause he shewed himself proud and disdainful towards 
thim, and now specially when he was easy to be angered, 
tby reason of his present misery. 'To be short, if this 
tmislike thee,' said he, ' thou hast Hipparchus one of my 
tenfranchised bondmen with thee : hang him if thou wilt, 
tor whip him at thy pleasure, that we may cry quittance.' 1 
From thenceforth Cleopatra, to clear herself of the suspicion 
he had of her, she made more of him than ever she did. 
*For first of all, where she did solemnize the day of her 
* birth very meanly and sparingly, fit for her present mis- 
*fortune, she now in contrary manner did keep it with such 
*solemnity, that she exceeded all measure of sumptuousness 
*and magnificence : so that the guests that were bidden to 
*the feasts, and came poor, went away rich. 2 Now, things 
passing thus, Agrippa by divers letters sent one after another 
unto Caesar, prayed him to return to Rome, because the 
affairs there did of necessity require his person and presence. 
Thereupon he did defer the war till the next year following : 
but when winter was done, he returned again through Syria 
by the coast of Africk, to make wars against Antonius, and his 
other Captains. When the city of Pelusium was p e i us ium 
taken, there ran a rumour in the city, that ^ided 
Seleucus, by Cleopatra's consent, had surrendered octavius 
the same. But to clear herself that she did not, Caesar - 
Cleopatra brought Seleucus' wife and children unto 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra^ III. xi. 131-152. 

2 Ibid. III. xi. 184-6. 


Antonius, to be revenged of them at his pleasure. Further 
more, Cleopatra had long before made many sumptuous tombs 
Cleopatra's an d monuments, as well for excellency of workman- 
ments S ^P as f r height and greatness of building, joining 
theTempie hard to the tem P le of " Isis - Thither she caused to 
of i sis. be brought all the treasure and precious things she 
had of the ancient kings her predecessors : as gold, silver, 
emeralds, pearls, ebony, ivory, and cinnamon, and besides 
all that, a marvellous number of torches, faggots, and flax. 
So Octavius Caesar being afraid to lose such a treasure and 
mass of riches, and that this woman for spite would set it 
afire, and burn it every whit : he always sent some one or 
other unto her from him, to put her in good comfort, whilst 
he in the meantime drew near the city with his army. So 
Caesar came, and pitched his camp hard by the city, in the 
place where they run and manage their horses. Antonius* 
made a sally upon him, and fought very valiantly, so that* 
he drave Caesar's horsemen back, fighting with his men* 
even into their camp. Then he came again to the palace,* 
greatly boasting of this victory, and sweetly kissed* 
Cleopatra, armed as he was when he came from the fight,* 
recommending one of his men of arms unto her, that had* 
valiantly fought in this skirmish. Cleopatra to reward his* 
manliness gave him an armour and head-piece of clean gold : l * 
howbeit the man at arms, when he had received this rich 
gift, stale away by night, and went to Caesar. Antonius* 
1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, IV. viii. 1-27. 


*sent again to challenge Caesar to fight with him hand to 
thand. Caesar answered him, that he had many other ways 
tto die than so. 1 Then Antonius, seeing there was no way 
*more honourable for him to die than fighting valiantly, 
*he determined to set up his rest, both by sea and land. 2 So, 
tbeing at supper (as it is reported), he commanded his officers 
tand household servants that waited on him at his board, 
tthat they should fill his cups full, and make as much of him 
fas they could : 3 ' For,' said he, ' you know not whether you 
fshall do so much for me to-morrow or not, or whether you 
tshall serve another master : and it may be you shall see me 
tno more, but a dead body.' 4 This notwithstanding, perceiv- 
fing that his friends and men fell a-weeping to hear him say 
fso : to salve that he had spoken, he added this more unto 
tit, that he would not lead them to battle, where he thought 
tnot rather safely to return with victory, than valiantly to 
tdie with honour. 5 Furthermore, 1 the self same night within 
*little of midnight, when all the city was quiet, full of fear 
*and sorrow, thinking what would be the issue and end of 
*this war : it is said that suddenly they heard a 

' ' . Strange 

*marvellous sweet harmony of sundry sorts of mstru- noises 

i <- i ^ r ' near d, and 

ments of music, with the cry of a multitude or nothing 
*people, as they had been dancing, and had sung as 
*they use in Bacchus' feasts, with movings and turnings after 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, IV. i. 3-6. 2 Ibid. IV. ii. 4-6. 

3 Ibid. IV. ii. 9, 10, 20-3. 4 Ibid. IV. ii. 26-8. 

5 Ibid. IV. ii. 41-4. 


the manner of the Satyrs : and it seemed that this dance* 
went through the city unto the gate that opened to the* 
enemies, and that all the troop that made this noise they* 
heard went out of the city at that gate. Now, such as in* 
reason sought the depth of the interpretation of this wonder,* 
thought that it was the God unto whom Antonius bare* 
singular devotion to counterfeit and resemble him, that did* 
forsake them. 1 The next morning by break of day, he* 
went to set those few footmen he had in order upon the* 
hills adjoining unto the city : and there he stood to behold* 
his galleys which departed from the haven, and rowed* 
against the galleys of his enemies, and so stood still, looking* 
what exploit his soldiers in them would do. But* 

Antonius' , , _ . . 

navy do when by force of rowing they were come near unto 

themselves them, they first saluted Caesar's men, and then* 

Caesar. Caesar's men re-saluted them also, and of two* 

Antonius armies made but one, and then did all together* 

thrown by row toward the city. When Antonius saw that* 

ktavms hjs men did forsake him, and yielded unto Caesar,* 
and that his footmen were broken and overthrown :* 


flieth into he then fled into the city, crying out that Cleo-* 
or monu- patra had betrayed him unto them, with whom he* 
had made war for her sake. 2 Then she, being* 
afraid of his fury, fled into the tomb which she had caused* 
to be made, and there locked the doors unto her, and shut* 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, IV. iii. 12-22. 

2 Ibid. IV. x. 4-9, 14-16, 22-42. 


*all the springs of the locks with great bolts, and in the 
*meantime sent unto Antonius to tell him that she was 
*dead. 1 Antonius, believing it, said unto himself: 'What 
dost thou look for further, Antonius, sith spiteful fortune 
hath taken from thee the only joy thou hadst, for whom 
thou yet reservedst thy life ? ' When he had said these 
words, he went into a chamber and unarmed himself, and 
fbeing naked said thus : ' O Cleopatra, it grieveth me not 
tthat I have lost thy company, for I will not be long from 
tthee : but I am sorry that, having been so great a Captain and 
tEmperor, I am indeed condemned to be judged of less 
tcourage and noble mind than a woman.' 2 Now he had a 
*man of his called Eros, whom he loved and trusted much, 
*and whom he had long before caused to swear unto him, 
*that he should kill him when he did command 


*him : and then he willed him to keep his promise. Antonius' 

T T . i . , . t . . r i , servant, 

His man drawing his sword lift it up as though slew 
*he had meant to have stricken his master : but 
* turning his head at one side he thrust his sword into him- 
*self, and fell down dead at his master's foot. 3 Antonius 
fThen said Antonius, ' O noble Eros, I thank thee his sword 
tfor this, and it is valiantly done of thee, to shew himself, 
*me what I should do to myself, which thou couldst ^ died 
*not do for me.' 4 Therewithal he took his sword, P resen ''y- 
*and thrust it into his belly, and so fell down upon a 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, IV. xi. z Ibid. IV. xii. 44, 57-60. 

3 Ibid, IV. xii. 62-95. 4 lbid > IV - xii - 95-7' 


little bed. The wound he had killed him not presently,* 
for the blood stinted a little when he was laid : and* 
when he came somewhat to himself again, he prayed* 
them that were about him to despatch him. But they* 
all fled out of the chamber, and left him crying out and* 
tormenting himself : l until at last there came a secretary* 
unto him called Diomedes, who was commanded* 

Antonms . 

carried to bring him into the tomb or monument where 
Cleopatra's Cleopatra was. When he heard that she was* 

alive, he very earnestly prayed his men to carry* 
his body thither, and so he was carried in his men's arms* 
into the entry of the monument. 2 Notwithstanding,* 
Cleopatra would not open the gates, but came to the high* 
windows, and cast out certain chains and ropes, in the* 
which Antonius was trussed : and Cleopatra her own self,* 
with two women only, which she had suffered to come with* 
her into these monuments, triced Antonius up. They that* 

were present to behold it said they never saw so* 
abie^ght" pitiful a sight. For they plucked up poor Antonius* 
Antonius ^ bloody as he was, and drawing on with pangs* 
a ^Jp'eo- O f death, who holding up his hands to Cleopatra* 

raised up himself as well as he could. It was a* 
hard thing for these women to do, to lift him up : but* 
Cleopatra stooping down with her head, putting to all her* 
strength to her uttermost power, did lift him up with much* 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, IV. xii. 101-10. 

2 Ibid. IV. xii. 113-40. 


*ado, and never let go her hold, with the help of the 
*women beneath that bade her be of good courage, and were 
*as sorry to see her labour so, as she herself, 1 So when 
she had gotten him in after that sort, and laid him on a bed, 
she rent her garments upon him, clapping her breast, and 
scratching her face and stomach. Then she dried up his 
blood that had berayed his face, and called him her Lord, 
her husband, and Emperor, forgetting her own misery and 
calamity, for the pity and compassion she took of him. 
*Antonius made her cease her lamenting, and called for 
*wine, either because he was athirst, or else for that he 
* thought thereby to hasten his death. 2 When he had 
tdrunk, he earnestly prayed her, and persuaded her, that she 
fwould seek to save her life, if she could possible, without 
treproach and dishonour : and that chiefly she should trust 
fProculeius above any man else about Caesar. And, as for 
thimself, that she should not lament nor sorrow for the 
tmiserable change of his fortune at the end of his days : but 
trather that she should think him the more fortunate for 
fthe former triumphs and honours he had received, con- 
tsidering that while he lived he was the noblest and greatest 
tPrince of the world, and that now he was overcome not 
tcowardly, but valiantly, a Roman by another Roman. 3 As 
*Antonius gave the last gasp, Proculeius came that was sent 
*from Caesar. For after Antonius had thrust his sword in 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, IV. xiii. 21-37. 

2 Ibid. IV. xiii. 41, 2. 3 Ibid. IV. xiii. 45-58 ; V. ii. 12, 13. 


himself, as they carried him into the tombs and monuments* 
of Cleopatra, one of his guard called Dercetaeus* 

The death . . 

of An- took his sword with the which he had stricken* 

himself, and hid it : then he secretly stale* 

away, and brought Octavius Caesar the first news of his* 

death, and shewed him his sword that was bloodied. 1 * 

Caesar hearing these news straight withdrew him-t 

Octavius ... , . . ill 

Caesar sell into a secret place or his tent, and there bursty 

lamenteth . , . . . . . , . . ,11 

Antonius' out with tears, lamenting his hard and miserable! 

fortune that had been his friend and brother-in-t 

law, his equal in the Empire, and companion with him int 

sundry great exploits and battles. 2 Then he called for allt 

his friends, and shewed them the letters Antonius had* 

written to him, and his answers also sent him again, during* 

their quarrel and strife : and how fiercely and proudly the* 

other answered him to all just and reasonable matters he* 

. . wrote unto him. 3 After this, he sent Proculeius,* 

Proculeius _ _ ' 

sent by and commanded him to do what he could possible* 


Caesar to to get Cleopatra alive, fearing lest otherwise all the* 
Cleopatra treasure would be lost : and furthermore, he* 
thought that if he could take Cleopatra, and* 
bring her alive to Rome, she would marvellously beautify* 
and set out his triumph. 4 But Cleopatra would never put 
herself into Proculeius' hands, although they spake together. 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, IV. xii. 111-15 ; V. i. 4-26. 

2 Ibid. V. i. 40-8. 3 Ibid. V. i. 73-7. 
4 Ibid. V. i. 61-6. 


*For Proculeius came to the gates that were very thick and 

* strong, and surely barred, but yet there were some cranews 

* through the which her voice might be heard, and so they 
*without understood, that Cleopatra demanded the kingdom 
*of Egypt for her sons : and that Proculeius answered her, 
*that she should be of good cheer, and not be afraid to 
*refer all unto Caesar. 1 After he had viewed the place 
*very well, he came and reported her answer unto Caesar. 
*Who immediately sent Gallus to speak once again with her, 
*and bade him purposely hold her with talk, whilst Procu- 
*leius did set up a ladder against that high window by the 
*which Antonius was triced up, and came down into the 
*monument with two of his men, hard by the gate where 

* Cleopatra stood to hear what Gallus said unto her. One 
*of her women which was shut in her monuments with her 
*saw Proculeius by chance as he came down, and shrieked 
tout : ' O poor Cleopatra, thou art taken.' Then, when 
*she saw Proculeius behind her as she came from the gate, 
*she thought to have stabbed herself in with a short dagger 
*she ware of purpose by her side. But Proculeius came 
*suddenly upon her, and taking her by both the c , 

* hands said unto her : ' Cleopatra, first thou shalt taken - 
*do thyself great wrong, and secondly unto Caesar, to 
*deprive him of the occasion and opportunity openly to 
*shew his bounty and mercy, and to give his enemies cause 
*to accuse the most courteous and noble Prince that ever 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, V. ii. 9-28. 


was, and to appeach him, as though he were a cruel and* 
merciless man that were not to be trusted.' So even as he* 
spake the word, he took her dagger from her, and shook her* 
clothes for fear of any poison hidden about her. 1 After-* 
wards Caesar sent one of his enfranchised men called 
Epaphroditus, whom he straightly charged to look well 
unto her, and to beware in any case that she made not 
jerself away : and, for the rest, to use her with all the 
Caesar courtesy possible. And for himself, he in the 
took the meantime entered the city of Alexandria, and as 

city of 

Alexan- he went, talked with the Philosopher Arrius, and 


Caesar held him by the hand, to the end that his country- 
honoured men should reverence him the more, because they 
the Philo- saw Caesar so highly esteem and honour him. 
Then he went into the show place of exercises, 
and so up to his chair of state which was prepared for him 
of a great height : and there, according to his command 
ment, all the people of Alexandria were assembled, who, 
quaking for fear, fell down on their knees before him, 
and craved mercy. Caesar bade them all stand up, and 
told them openly that he forgave the people, and pardoned 
the felonies and offences they had committed against him 
in this war : First, for the founder's sake of the same city, 
which was Alexander the Great : secondly, for the beauty 
of the city, which he much esteemed and wondered at : 
thirdly, for the love he bare unto his very friend Arrius. 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, V. ii. 34-46. 


Thus did Caesar honour Arrius, who craved pardon 
for himself and many others, and specially for Pniio- 
Philostratus, the eloquentest man of all the so- thTdol 
phisters and Orators of his time for present and orat-orln 
sudden speech : howbeit he falsely named himself f ( Jjp'^ nt 
an Academic Philosopher. Therefore Caesar, that s P eech 

upon a 

hated his nature and conditions, would not hear sudden, 
his suit. Thereupon he let his grey beard grow long, and 
followed Arrius step by step in a long mourning gown, 
still buzzing in his ears this Greek verse : 

A wise man if that he be wise indeed, 
May by a wise man have the better speed. 

Caesar understanding this, not for the desire he had to 
deliver Philostratus of his fear, as to rid Arrius of malice and 
envy that might have fallen out against him, he pardoned 
him. Now, touching Antonius' sons, Antyllus his 


eldest son by Fulvia was slain, because his school- Antonius' 
master Theodorus did betray him unto the soldiers, by Fulvia 
who strake off his head. And the villain took a 
precious stone of great value from his neck, the which he 
did sew in his girdle, and afterwards denied that he had it : 
but it was found about him, and so Caesar trussed him up 
for it. For Cleopatra's children, they were very honour 
ably kept, with their governors and train that waited on 
them. But for Caesarion, who was said to be Julius 
Caesar's son, his mother Cleopatra had sent him unto 


the Indians through Ethiopia, with a great sum of money. 
But one of his governors also called Rhodon, even such 
another as Theodorus, persuaded him to return into his 
country, and told him that Caesar sent for him to give him 
his mother's kingdom. So, as Caesar was determining with 
himself what he should do, Arrius said unto him : 

ITie say 
ing of 

Arrius, 'Too many Caesars is not good,' 

the Philo- 

alluding unto a certain verse of Homer thatsaith : 

Too many Lords doth not well. 

Therefore Caesar did put Caesarion to death, after 


Cleo- the death of his mother Cleopatra. Many Princes, 

patras ' 

son, put to great kings, and Captains did crave Antonius' body 
of Octavius Caesar, to give him honourable burial : 
burieti/ but Caesar would never take it from Cleopatra, 
who did sumptuously and royally bury him with 
her own hands, whom Caesar suffered to take as much as 
she would to bestow upon his funerals. Now was she 
altogether overcome with sorrow and passion of mind, for she 
had knocked her breast so pitifully, that she had martyred 
it, and in divers places had raised ulcers and inflammations, 
so that she fell into a fever withal : whereof she was very 
Olympus, glad, hoping thereby to have good colour to abstain 
Sara's fr m meat, and that so she might have died easily 
Fhysician. w i tnO ut any trouble. She had a Physician called* 
Olympus, whom she made privy of her intent, to th' end* 


*he should help her to rid her out of her life : l as Olympus 
writeth himself, who wrote a book of all these things. 
But Caesar mistrusted the matter, by many conjectures he 
had, and therefore did put her in fear, and threatened her 
to put her children to shameful death. With these threats 
Cleopatra for fear yielded straight, as she would have yielded 
unto strokes, and afterwards suffered herself to be cured and 
dieted as they listed. Shortly after, Caesar came himself in 
person to see her and to comfort her. Cleopatra Caesar 
being laid upon a little low bed in poor estate, when seeCieo- 
she saw Caesar come into her chamber, she suddenly patra- 
rose up, naked in her smock, and fell down at his feet 
marvellously disfigured : both for that she had plucked her 
hair from her head, as also for that she had martyred , 


all her face with her nails, and besides, her voice a martyred 

11 i 11-1 i i creature 

was small and trembling, her eyes sunk into her through 
head with continual blubbering : and moreover they passion 
might see the most part of her stomach torn in 
sunder. To be short, her body was not much better than 
her mind : yet her good grace and comeliness and the force 
of her beauty was not altogether defaced. But notwith 
standing this ugly and pitiful state of hers, yet she showed 
herself within by her outward looks and countenance. 
When Caesar had made her lie down again, and sate by her 
bed's side, Cleopatra began to clear and excuse herself 
for that she had done, laying all to the fear she had 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, V. ii. 355-7. 


of Antonius : Caesar, in contrary manner, reproved her 
in every point. Then she suddenly altered her speech, 
and prayed him to pardon her, as though she were afraid 
to die, and desirous to live. At length, she gave him a brief 
and memorial of all the ready money and treasure she had.* 
But by chance there stood Seleucus by, one of her* 

Seleucus, , 

one of Treasurers, who to seem a good servant, came 
patra's straight to Caesar to disprove Cleopatra, that she* 
s * had not set in all, but kept many things back of* 
purpose. Cleopatra was in such a rage with him, that she* 
flew upon him, and took him by the hair of the head, and* 
Cleopatra boxed him well-favouredly. Caesar fella-laughing,* 

^asur e e r r and P arted the frn 7- ' Alas >' said she >' Caesar,t 
is not this a great shame and reproach, that thout 

Caesar. having vouchsafed to take the pains to come untot 

me, and hast done me this honour, poor wretch and caitiff! 
creature, brought into this pitiful and miserable! 

patra's estate, and that mine own servants should comet 

words . . . iii 

unto now to accuse me : though it may be 1 have re-t 

served some jewels and trifles meet for women,t 
but not for me (poor soul) to set out myself withal, butt 
meaning to give some pretty presents and gifts untoOctaviat 
and Livia, that they making means and intercession for met 
to thee, thou mightcst yet extend thy favour and mercyt 
upon me ? ' l Caesar was glad to hear her say so, persuading* 
himself thereby that she had yet a desire to save her life.* 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra^ V. ii. 137-174. 


*So he made her answer, that he did not only give her that 
*to dispose of at her pleasure which she had kept back, but 
*further promised to use her more honourably and bounti- 
*fully than she would think for : l and so he took his leave of 
her, supposing he had deceived her, but indeed he was 
deceived himself. There was a young gentleman , 

' Cleopatra 

Cornelius Dolabella, that was one of Caesar's very fine 'y 

' deceiveth 

great familiars, and besides did bear no evil will Octavius 

_, TT . , Caesar, 

unto Cleopatra. He sent her word secretly as as though 
fshe had requested him, that Caesar determined to to live. 
ttake his journey through Syria, and that within 
tthree days he would send heraway before with her children. 2 
When this was told Cleopatra, she requested Caesar that it 
would please him to suffer her to offer the last oblations of 
the dead unto the soul of Antonius. This being granted her, 
she was carried to the place where his tomb was, and there 
falling down on her knees, embracing the tomb with her 
women, the tears running down her cheeks, she began to 
speak in this sort : * O my dear Lord Antonius, 
not long sithence I buried thee here, being a free- p a ta's 
woman : and now I offer unto thee the funeral 1^"^" 
sprinklings and oblations, being a captive and Ant nius> 
prisoner, and yet I am forbidden and kept from 
tearing and murdering this captive body of mine with blows, 
which they carefully guard and keep, only to 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, V. ii. 178-88. 

2 Ibid. V. ii. 197-203. 


triumph of thee : look therefore henceforth for no other 
honours, offerings, nor sacrifices from me, for these are 
the last which Cleopatra can give thee, sith now they carry 
her away. Whilst we lived together, nothing could sever 
our companies : but now at our death I fear me they will 
make us change our countries. For as thou, being a Roman, 
hast been buried in Egypt : even so wretched creature I, an 
Egyptian, shall be buried in Italy, which shall be all the 
good that I have received by thy country. If therefore the 
gods where thou art now have any power and authority, sith 
our gods here have forsaken us, suffer not thy true friend and 
lover to be carried away alive, that in me they triumph of 
thee : but receive me with thee, and let me be buried in 
one self tomb with thee. For though my griefs and miseries 
be infinite, yet none hath grieved me more, nor that I could 
less bear withal, than this small time which I have been 
driven to live alone without thee.' Then, having ended 
these doleful plaints, and crowned the tomb with garlands 
and sundry nosegays, and marvellous lovingly embraced the 
same, she commanded they should prepare her bath, and 
when she had bathed and washed herself she fell to her meat, 
*and was sumptuously served. Now whilst she was at dinner, 
*there came a countryman, and brought her a basket. The 
* soldiers that warded at the gates asked him straight what he 
*had in his basket. He opened the basket, and took out the 
*leaves that covered the figs, and shewed them that they were 
*figs he brought. They all of them marvelled to see so 


*goodly figs. The countryman laughed to hear them, and 
*bade them take some if they would. They believed he told 
*them truly, and so bade him carry them in. 1 After 
Cleopatra had dined, she sent a certain table written and 
sealed unto Caesar, and commanded them all to go out of 
the tombs where she was, but the two women : then she shut 
the doors to her. Caesar, when he received this table, and 
began to read her lamentation and petition, requesting him 
that he would let her be buried with Antonius, found 
straight what she meant, and thought to have gone thither 
himself: howbeit he sent one before in all haste that might 
be, to see what it was. Her death was very sudden. 

/ The death 

*For those whom Caesar sent unto her ran thither of Cleo 
*in all haste possible, and found the soldiers 

*standing at the gate, mistrusting nothing, nor understanding 
*of her death. But when they had opened the doors, they 
* found Cleopatra stark dead, laid upon a bed of gold, attired 
*and arrayed in her royal robes, and one of her Cleo _ 
*two women, which was called Iras, dead at her P atra>s 

*feet : and her other woman called Charmion half waiting- 
*dead, and trembling, trimming the Diadem which dead with 

*Cleopatra ware upon her head. 2 One of the 
tsoldiers, seeing her, angrily said unto her : ' Is that well 
tdone, Charmion ? ' ' Very well,' said she again, ' and meet 
tfor a Princess descended from the race of so many noble 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra, V. ii. 232-5. 
8 Ibid. V. ii. 320-6, 341 -4. 


kings.' She said no more, but fell down dead hard by thet 
bed. 1 Some report that this Aspic was brought unto her in* 
the basket with figs, and that she had commanded them to 
hide it under the fig-leaves, that when she should think to 
take out the figs, the Aspic should bite her before she should 
see her : howbeit that, when she would have taken away the 
leaves for the figs, she perceived it, and said, ' Art thou here 
C1 then ? ' And so, her arm being naked, she put 

killed it to the Aspic to be bitten. Other say again, she 

with the . 

biting of kept it in a box, and that she did prick and thrust 

an Aspic. ... . ,. - . . . . . . , . 

it with a spindle of gold, so that the Aspic being 
angered withal, leapt out with great fury, and bit her in the 
arm. Howbeit few can tell the troth. For they report also* 
that she had hidden poison in a hollow razor which she* 
carried in the hair of her head : and yet was there no mark* 
seen of her body, or any sign discerned that she was* 
poisoned, neither also did they find this serpent in her tomb.* 
The But it was reported only, that there were seen* 

Cleopatra, certain fresh steps or tracks where it had gone, on* 
tHu'mph" 1 the tom b side toward the sea, and specially by the* 
whhan* door's side. Some say also, that they found two* 
A. S P 1C , little pretty bitings in her arm, scant to be dis-* 

biting of ' 

her arm. cemed, the which it seemeth Caesar himself gave* 
credit unto, 2 because in his triumph he carried Cleopatra's* 
image, with an Aspic biting of her arm. And thus goeth the 
report of her death. Now Caesar, thoughihe was marvellous* 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleopatra^ V. ii. 327-9. 2 Ibid. V. ii. 346-55. 


*sorryforthe death of Cleopatra, yet he wondered at her noble 
*mind and courage, and therefore commanded she should be 
*nobly buried, and laid by Antonius : and willed also that 
*her two women should have honourable burial. 1 Cleopatra 
died being eight-and-thirty year old, after she had The age of 
reigned two-and-twenty years, and governed above fnd patra 
fourteen of them with Antonius. And for Antonius, Antonius - 
some say that he lived three-and-fifty years : and others say, 
six-and-fifty. All his statues, images and metals were 
plucked down and overthrown, saving those of Cleopatra 
which stood still in their places, by means of Archibius one 
of her friends, who gave Caesar a thousand talents that they 
should not be handled as those of Antonius were. Antonius 
left seven children by three wives, of the which Caesar did 
put Antyllus, the eldest son he had by Fulvia, to death. 
Octavia his wife took all the rest, and brought them up 
with hers, and married Cleopatra, Antonius' daughter, 
unto Juba, a marvellous courteous and goodly OfAn- 
Prince. And Antonius, the son of Fulvia, came to i^u'ecame 
be so great, that next unto Agrippa, who was in Em P erors - 
greatest estimation about Caesar, and next unto the children 
of Livia, which were the second in estimation, he had the 
third place. Furthermore, Octavia having had two 
daughters by her first husband Marcellus, and a son also 
called Marcellus, Caesar married his daughter unto that 
Marcellus, and so did adopt him for his son. And Octavia 

1 Cf. Antony and Cleofatra, V. ii. 357-67. 


also married one of her daughters unto Agrippa. But 
when Marcellus was dead, after he had been married a 
while, Octavia perceiving that her brother Caesar was very 
busy to choose some one among his friends, whom he trusted 
best to make his son-in-law : she persuaded him that Agrippa 
should marry his daughter (Marcellus' widow) and leave her 
own daughter. Caesar first was contented withal, and then 
Agrippa : and so she afterwards took away her daughter and 
married her unto Antonius, and Agrippa married Julia, 
Caesar's daughter. Now there remained two daughters 
more of Octavia and Antonius. Domitius Aenobarbus 
married the one : and the other, which was Antonia, so fair 
and virtuous a young Lady, was married unto Drusus, the 
son of Livia, and son-in-law of Caesar. Of this marriage 
came Germanicus and Claudius : of the which, Claudius 
afterwards came to be Emperor. And of the sons of Ger 
manicus, the one whose name was Caius came also to be 
Emperor : who, after he had licentiously reigned a time, 
was slain, with his wife and daughter. Agrippina also, 
having a son by her first husband Aenobarbus called Lucius 
Domitius, was afterwards married unto Claudius, who 
adopted her son, and called him Nero Germanicus. This 
Nero was Emperor in our time, and slew his own mother, 
and had almost destroyed the Empire of Rome, through his 
madness and wicked life, being the fift Emperor of Rome 
after Antonius. 


house of the Martians at Rome was of the number 
tof the patricians, out of the which hath sprung 
tmany noble personages : whereof Ancus Martius of the 

ir- XT , j i , Martians. 

twas one, King Numa s daughter s son, who was p . 
tKing of Rome after Tullus Hostilius. Of the same ""} 


thouse were Publius and Quintus, who brought Martius 


tRome their best water they had by conducts, the water 
tCensorinus also came of that family, that was so ducts to 
tsurnamed because the people had chosen him 
fCensor twice. 1 Through whose persuasion they made 
a law, that no man from thenceforth might require or 
enjoy the Censorship twice. Caius Martius, whose life 
we intend now to write, being left an orphan by his 
father, was brought up under his mother, a censor- 
widow, who taught us by experience, that orphan- mus law ' 
age bringeth many discommodities to a child, but doth 
not hinder him to become an honest man, and to excel 
in virtue above the common sort : as they are meanly 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, II. iii. 246-53. 


.- ^ 



born wrongfully do complain that it is the occasion of 
their casting away, for that no man in their youth taketh 
any care of them to see them well brought up, and 
taught that were meet. This man also is a good proof to 
Corio- confirm some men's opinions, that a rare and 
anus wit. exce u ent w j t untaught doth bring forth many 
good and evil things together, like as a fat soil bringeth 
forth herbs and weeds that lieth unmanured. For this 
Martius' natural wit and great heart did marvellously stir 
up his courage to do and attempt notable acts. But on the 
other side, for lack of education, he was so choleric and 
impatient, that he would yield to no living creature : 
which made him churlish, uncivil, and altogether unfit for 
any man's conversation. Yet men marvelling much at his 
constancy, that he was never overcome with pleasure, nor 
money, and how he would endure easily all manner of pains 
and travails : thereupon they well liked and commended 
his stoutness and temperancy. But for all that, they could 
not be acquainted with him, as one citizen useth to be with 
another in the city : his behaviour was so unpleasant to them 
by reason of a certain insolent and stern manner he had, 
which, because it was too lordly, was disliked. And 

Thebene- , r 

fit of to say truly, the greatest benefit that learning 

learning. , . . ..... . . 

bringeth men unto is this : that it teacheth men 
that be rude and rough of nature, by compass and rule of 
reason, to be civil and courteous, and to like better the 
mean state than the higher. Now in those days, valiant- 


ness was honoured in Rome above all other virtues : which 
they called Virtus, by the name of virtue self, as what this 
including in that general name all other special ^f^ tus 
virtues besides. So that Virtus in the Latin was si s nifieth - 
as much as valiantness. But Martius being more inclined 
to the wars than any other gentleman of his time, began 
from his childhood to give himself to handle weapons, and 
daily did exercise himself therein. And outward he 
esteemed armour to no purpose, unless one were naturally 
armed within. Moreover he did so exercise his body to 
hardness and all kind of activity, that he was very swift in 
running, strong in wrestling, and mighty in gripping, so 
that no man could ever cast him. Insomuch as those that 
would try masteries with him for strength and 'nimbleness, 
would say, when they were overcome, that all was by 
reason of his natural strength, and hardness of ward, that 
never yielded to any pain or toil he took upon him. 
*The first time he went to the wars, being but a Corio- 
*stripling, was when Tarquin surnamed the proud ^ ""| t fi rst 
*(that had been king of Rome, and was driven out the wars - 
*for his pride, after many attempts made by sundry battles 
*to come in again, wherein he was ever overcome) did come 
*to Rome, with all the aid of the Latins, and many other 
* people of Italy, even as it were to set up his whole rest upon 
*a battle by them, who with a great and mighty army had 
*undertaken to put him into his kingdom again, not so 
*much to pleasure him, as to overthrow the power of the 


Romans, whose greatness they both feared and envied.* 
In this battle, r wherein were many hot and sharp en-* 
counters of either party, Martius valiantly fought in the* 
sight of the Dictator : and a Roman soldier being thrown* 
to the ground even hard by him, Martius straight bestrid* 
him, and slew the enemy with his own hands that had* 
Coriolanus before overthrown the Roman. Hereupon, after* 
witha^ar- the battle was won > the Dictator did not forget* 
so noble an act, and therefore first of all he crowned* 
boughs. Martius with a garland of oaken boughs. 1 For* 
whosoever saveth the life of a Roman, it is a manner 
among them to honour him with such a garland. This 
was either because the law did this honour to the oak in 
favour of the Arcadians, who by the oracle of Apollo were 
in very old time called eaters of acorns ; or else because the 
soldiers might easily in every place come by oaken boughs : 
or lastly, because they thought it very necessary to give him 
that had saved a citizen's life a crown of this tree to honour 
him, being properly dedicated unto Jupiter, the patron and 
protector of their cities, and thought amongst other wild 
trees to bring forth a profitable fruit, and of plants to be 
the strongest. Moreover, men at the first beginning did 
use acorns for their bread, and honey for their drink : and 
The good- further, the oak did feed their beasts, and give them 
oak. birds, by taking glue from the oaks, with the which 

they made bird-lime to catch silly birds. They say that 
1 Cf. Coriolanus, II. ii. 92-103. 


Castor and Pollux appeared in this battle and how, in 
continently after the battle, men saw them in the market 
place at Rome, all their horses being on a white foam : 
and they were the first that brought news of the victory, 
even in the same place where remaineth at this present a 
temple built in the honour of them, near unto the 
fountain. And this is the cause, why the day of this 
victory (which was the fifteenth of July) is consecrated yet 
to this day unto Castor and Pollux. Moreover, it Too 
is daily seen that, honour and reputation lighting ^onour in 
on young men before their time and before they ," th h 
have no great courage by nature, the desire to win farther 

. . . . desire of 

more dieth straight in them, which easily happen- fame. 
eth, the same having no deep root in them before. 
Where, contrariwise, the first honour that valiant minds 
do come unto doth quicken up their appetite, hasting 
them forward as with force of wind, to enterprise things 
of high deserving praise. For they esteem not to receive 
reward for service done, but rather take it for a re 
membrance and encouragement, to make them do better 
in time to come : and be ashamed also to cast their honour 
at their heels, not seeking to increase it still by like . 

. ... Cono- 

desert of worthy valiant deeds. This desire being 'anus 
bred in Martius, he strained still to pass himself in deavour to 
manliness, and being desirous to show a daily weii-de- 
increase of his valiantness, his noble service did 
still advance his fame, bringing in spoils upon spoils from 


the enemy. Whereupon the captains that came after 
wards (for envy of them that went before) did contend 
who should most honour him, and who should bear most 
honourable testimony of his valiantness. Insomuch the 
Romans having many wars and battles in those days, 
Coriolanus was at them all : and there was not a battle 
fought, from whence he returned not without some reward 
of honour. And as for other, the only respect that 
made them valiant was they hoped to have honour : but* 
touching Martius, the only thing that made him to love* 
honour was the joy he saw his mother did take of him. For* 
he thought nothing made him so happy and honourable, as* 
that his mother might hear everybody praise and commend* 
him, that she might always see him return with a crown* 
upon his head, and that she might still embrace him with* 
Coriolanus tears running down her cheeks for joy. 1 Which* 
mhlmdas desire they say Epaminondas did avow and confess 
d iacetheir to ^ ave ^> een ' ln him : as to think himself a most 
desire of happy and blessed man, that his father and mother 

honour rr/ 

alike. j n their lifetime had seen the victory he wan in 
the plain of Leuctra. Now as for Epaminondas, he had 
this good hap, to have his father and mother living, to 
The obedi- be partakers of his joy and prosperity. But Martius 
Coriolanus thinking all due to his mother, that had been 
mother. also due to his father if he had lived : did not 
only content himself to rejoice and honour her, but 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, I. i. 38-41 ; III. ii. 107, 8. 


at her desire took a wife also, by whom he had two 
children, and yet never left his mother's house therefore. 
Now he being grown to great credit and authority in 
*Rome for his valiantness, it fortuned there grew sedition 
*in the city, because the Senate did favour the rich against 
*the people, who did complain of the sore oppression of 
*usurers, of whom they borrowed money. For those Extremity 

'of usurers 

*that had little were yet spoiled of that little they com- 

J L ' plained of 

*had by their creditors, for lack of ability to pay at Rome 
*the usury : l who offered their goods to be sold people. 
to them that would give most. And such as had nothing 
left, their bodies were laid hold of, and they were made 
their bond men, notwithstanding all the wounds and 
cuts they shewed, which they had received in many 
battles, fighting for defence of their country and com 
monwealth : of the which, the last war they made was 
against the Sabines, wherein they fought upon the promise 
the rich men had made them, that from thenceforth they 
would entreat them more gently, and also upon the word of 
Marcus Valerius chief of the Senate, who by Counsel- 
authority of the council, and in behalf of the rich, mTses Pr 
said they should perform that they had promised. ^i^nHn" 
But after that they had faithfully served in this last j^f^. 
battle of all, where they overcame their enemies, formance - 
seeing they were never a whit the better, nor more gently 
entreated, and that the Senate would give no ear to them, 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, I. i, 83-91. 


but made as though they had forgotten their former 
promise, and suffered them to be made slaves and 

tude and bondmen to their creditors, and besides, to be 

good ser 
vice un- turned out of all that ever they had : they fell 

rewarded ' . 

provoketh then even to hat rebellion and mutiny, and to stir 

rebellion. .. ...... _,. 

up dangerous tumults within the city. The 
Romans' enemies, hearing of this rebellion, did straight 
enter the territories of Rome with a marvellous great power, 
spoiling and burning all as they came. Whereupon the 
Senate immediately made open proclamation by sound of 
trumpet, that all those that were of lawful age to carry 
weapon should come and enter their names into the muster- 
master's book, to go to the wars : but no man obeyed their 
commandment. Whereupon their chief magistrates, and 
many of the Senate, began to be of divers opinions among 
themselves. For some thought it was reason they should 
somewhat yield to the poor people's request, and that they 
Manius should a little qualify the severity of the law. Other 
agalnltthe ^eld ^ard against that opinion, and that was 
people. Martius for one. For he alleged, that the creditors 
losing their money they had lent was not the worst thing 
that was thereby : but that the lenity that was favoured 
was a beginning of disobedience, and that the proud 
attempt of the commonalty wa to abolish law, and to bring 
all to confusion. Therefore he said, if the Senate were 
wise, they should betimes prevent and quench this ill- 
favoured and worse meant beginning. The Senate met 


many days in consultation about it : but in the end they 
concluded nothing. The poor common people, The people 
seeing no redress, gathered themselves one day c|fy e a j^ e 
together, and one encouraging another, they all ^ e g oi 
forsook the city, and encamped themselves upon a hil1 - 
hill, called at this day the holy hill, alongst the river of 
Tiber, offering no creature any hurt or violence, or making 
any shew of actual rebellion : saving that they cried as they 
went up and down, that the rich men had driven them out 
of the city, and that all Italy through they should find air, 
water, and ground to bury them in. Moreover, they said, 
to dwell at Rome was nothing else but to be slain, or hurt 
with continual wars and fighting for defence of the rich 
men's goods. The Senate, being afeared of their departure, 
did send unto them certain of the pleasantest old men and 
the most acceptable to the people among them. Of those 
Menenius Agrippa was he who was sent for chief man of the 
message from the Senate. He, after many good persuasions 
and gentle requests made to the people on the behalf of the 
Senate, knit up his oration in the end with a notable tale, 
*in this manner. That on a time all the members 
*of man's body did rebel against the belly, com- lent tale 
*plaining of it, that it only remained in the midst Menenius 
*of the body, without doing anything, neither did to^aofy 
*bear any labour to the maintenance of the rest : the P e P le - 
*whereas all other parts and members did labour painfully, 
*and were very careful to satisfy the appetites and desires of 


the body. And so the belly, all this notwithstanding,* 
laughed at their folly, and said : ' It is true, I first receive* 
all meats that nourish man's body : but afterwards I send* 
it again to the nourishment of other parts of the same.'* 
' Even so ' (quoth he) ' O you, my masters, and citizens of* 
Rome : the reason is a like between the Senate and you.* 
For matters being well digested, and their counsels* 
throughly examined, touching the benefit of the common-* 
wealth, the Senators are cause of the common commodity* 
that cometh unto every one of you.' l These persuasions* 
pacified the people, conditionally, that the Senate would* 
grant there should be yearly chosen five magistrates, which* 
The first tne y now ca ^ Tribuni Plebis, whose office should be* 
of2>?*j to defend the P oor people from violence and* 
flebts. oppression. So Junius Brutus and Sicinius Vellutus* 
were the first Tribunes of the people that were chosen,* 
who had only been .the causers and procurers of this* 
. sedition. 2 Hereupon, the city (being grown again* 

Brutus, to good quiet and unity, the people immediately 
Vellutus, went to the wars, shewing that they had a good 
first will to do better than ever they did, and to be 

tribunes. .... , . . . , . 

very willing to obey the magistrates in that they 
would command, concerning the wars. Martius also, 
though it liked him nothing to see the greatness of the 
people thus increased, considering it was to the prejudice 
and embasing of the nobility, and also saw that other noble 

* Cf. Coriolanus, I. i. 101-60. 2 Ibid. I. i. 221-3. 


Patricians were troubled as well as himself : he did persuade 
the Patricians to shew themselves no less forward and will 
ing to fight for their country than the common people were, 
and to let them know by their deeds and acts, that they 
did not so much pass the people in power and riches, as 
they did exceed them in true nobility and valiantness. In 
*the country of the Volsces, against whom the Romans made 
*war at that time, there was a principal city and of most 
*fame, that was called Corioli, before the which the Consul 
*Cominius did lay siege. Wherefore all the other The city 
*Volsces fearing lest that city should be taken by besieged' 
*assault, they came from all parts of the country to consul 
*save it, intending to give the Romans battle before Commms. 
*the city, and to give an onset on them in two several 
*places. The Consul Cominius, understanding this, divided 
*his army also in two parts, and taking the one part with 
*himself, he marched towards them that were drawing to 
*the city out of the country : and the other part of his 
*army he left in the camp with Titus Lartius (one of the 
*valiantest men the Romans had at that time) to Titus 
*resist those that would make any sally out of the a tallan 
*city upon them. 1 So the Coriolans, making * 
*small accompt of them that lay in camp before the city, 
*made a sally out upon them, in the which at the first the 
*Coriolans had the better, and drave the Romans back 

1 Cf. Cvriotanus, I. iii. 107-11, 


again into the trenches of their camp. 1 But Martius being* 
there at that time, running out of the camp with a few men* 
with him, he slew the first enemies he met withal, and* 
made the rest of them stay upon a sudden, crying out to* 
the Romans that had turned their backs, and calling them* 
again to fight with a loud voice. For he was even sucht 
another as Cato would have a soldier and a captainf 
pert/of a to be, not only terrible and fierce to lay aboutt 
lier ' him, but to make the enemy afeared with thef 
sound of his voice and grimness of his countenance. 2 t 
Then there flocked about him immediately a great number 
of Romans : whereat the enemies were so afeared, that they 
gave back presently. But Martius, not staying so, did chase 
and follow them to their own gates, that fled for life. And 
there perceiving that the Romans retired back, for the great 
number of darts and arrows which flew about their ears 
from the walls of the city, and that there was not one man 
amongst them that durst venture himself to follow the 
flying enemies into the city, for that it was full of men of 
war, very well armed and appointed : he did encourage his 
fellows with words and deeds, crying out to them, thatf 
fortune had opened the gates of the city, more for thet 
followers than the fliers. 3 But all this notwithstanding,! 
few had the hearts to follow him. Howbeit Martius, being 
in the throng among the enemies, thrust himself into the 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, I. iv. 23 ; S. D. after 1. 29. 
8 Ibid. I. iv. 56-61. l Ibid. I. iv. 44-5. 


gates of the city, and entered the same among them that 
fled, without that any one of them durst at the first turn 
their face upon him, or else offer to stay him. But he look 
ing about him, and seeing he was entered the city with 
very few men to help him, and perceiving he was environed 
by his enemies that gathered round about to set upon him, 
did things then, as it is written, wonderful and incredible, 
as well for the force of his hand, as also for the agility of his 
body, and with a wonderful courage and valiantness he made 
a lane through the midst of them, and overthrew also those 
he laid at : that some he made run to the furthest part of 
the city, and other for fear he made yield themselves, and to 
let fall their weapons before him. By this means Lartius 
that was gotten out had some leisure to bring the Romans 
*with more safety into the city. The city being 

, r i 11- The city 

*taken in this sort, the most part of the soldiers ofCorioli 
*began incontinently to spoil, to carry away, and 
*to lock up the booty they had won. But Martius was 
*marvellous angry with them, and cried out on them, that it 
*vvas no time now to look after spoil, and to run straggling 
*here and there to enrich themselves, whilst the other 
*Consul and their fellow citizens peradventure were fighting 
*\vith their enemies : and how that, leaving the spoil, they 
*should seek to wind themselves out of danger and peril. 
*Howbeit, cry and say to them what he could, very few of 
*them would hearken to him. Wherefore, taking those that 
*willingly offered themselves to follow him, he went out of 


the city, and took his way towards that part, where he* 
understood the rest of the army was : l exhorting and entreat-* 
ing them by the way that followed him not to be faint 
hearted, and oft holding up his hands to heaven, he besought 
the gods to be so gracious and favourable unto him, that he 
might come in time to the battle, and in good hour to 
hazard his life in defence of his countrymen. Now the 
Romans when they were put in battle ray, and ready to take 
their targets on their arms, and to gird them upon their 
arming coats, had a custom to make their wills at that very 
instant, without any manner of writing, naming him only 
whom they would make their heir in the presence ot three 
_ ... , or four witnesses. Martius came iust to that 

Soldiers _ J 

testa- reckoning, whilst the soldiers were a doing after 

ments. 111 i i 

that sort, and that the enemies were approached 
so near, as one stood in view of the other. When* 
they saw him at his first coming, all bloody, 2 and in a* 
sweat, and but with a few men following him : some 
thereupon began to be afeared. But soon after, when 
they saw him run with a lively cheer to the Consul, 
and to take him by the hand, declaring how he had taken 
the city of Corioli, and that they saw the Consul Cominius 
also kiss and embrace him : then there was not a man but 
took heart again to him, and began to be of a good courage, 
some hearing him report from point to point the happy 
success of this exploit, and other also conjecturing it by 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, I. v. 1-14. 2 Ibid. I. vi. 28, 29. 


seeing their gestures afar off. Then they all began to call 
upon the Consul to march forward, and to delay no lenger, 
tbut to give charge upon the enemy. Martius asked him 
thow the order of their enemies' battle was, and on which 
tside they had placed their best fighting men. The Consul 
tmade him answer, that he thought the bands which were in 
tthe voward of their battle were those of the Antiates, whom 
tthey esteemed to be the warlikest men, and which for valiant 
tcourage would give no place to any of the host of their 
tenemies. 1 Then prayed Martius to be set directly against 
*them. 2 The Consul granted him, greatly praising his cour 
age. Then Martius, when both armies came al- g y corio- 
most to join, advanced himself a good space before ,*"",; t ^ e 
his company, and went so fiercely to give charge on ^'e C Q Ver . 
the voward that came right against him, that they 9me in 
could stand no lenger in his hands : he made 
such a lane through them, and opened a passage into 
the battle of the enemies. But the two wings of either 
side turned one to the other, to compass him in between 
them : which the Consul Cominius perceiving, he sent 
thither straight of the best soldiers he had about him. So 
the battle was marvellous bloody about Martius, and in a very 
short space many were slain in the place. But in the end 
the Romans were so strong, that they distressed the enemies, 
and brake thair array : and scattering them, made them fly. 
*Then they prayed Martius that he would retire to the camp, 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, I. vi. 51-4. a Ibid. I. vi. 55-9- 


because they saw he was able to do no more, he was already* 
so wearied with the great pain he had taken, and so faint* 
with the great wounds he had upon him. But Martius* 
answered them, that it was not for conquerors to yield, nor* 
to be faint hearted : and thereupon began afresh to chase* 
those that fled, until such time as the army of the enemies* 
was utterly overthrown, and numbers of them slain and* 
taken prisoners. 1 The next morning betimes, Martius went* 
to the Consul, and the other Romans with him. There 
the Consul Cominius, going up to his chair of state, in 
the presence of the whole army, gave thanks to the 
gods for so great, glorious, and prosperous a victory : 
The tenth ^en ^ e s P a ke to Martius, whose valiantness he 
enemtls' 116 commended beyond the moon, both for that 
goods ne himself saw him do with his eyes, as also 

offered ' 

Marti s for f or that Martius had reported unto him. So int 

reward of _ _ 

his service the end he willed Martius that he should choosef 

inus the out of all the horses they had taken of their enemies,t 

Valiancy and of all the goods they had won (whereof theref 

with was great store) ten of every sort which he likedt 

thefieW? best, before any distribution should be madet 

nobfe ius to other. - Besides this great honourable offer he* 

ancTrY- ^ad made him, he gave him, in testimony that he* 

fusai. had won t h a t d^ the p r j ce o f prowess above all* 

other, a goodly horse with a caparison, and all furniture* 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, II. ii. izo-z/. 
3 Ibid. I. ix. 31-6. 


*to him : l which the whole army beholding did marvel 
lously praise and commend. But Martius, stepping forth, 
told the Consul he most thankfully accepted the gift 
of his horse, and was a glad man besides, that his service 
had deserved his general's commendation : and as for his 
*other offer, which was rather a mercenary reward, than 
*an honourable recompense, he would none of it, but was 
*contented to have his equal part with other soldiers. 2 
*' Only this grace ' (said he) ' I crave and beseech you to 
*grant me. Among the Volsces there is an old friend and 
*host of mine, an honest wealthy man, and now a prisoner, 
*who, living before in great wealth in his own country, liveth 
*now a poor prisoner in the hands of his enemies : and 
*yet, notwithstanding all this his misery and misfortune, it 
* would do me great pleasure if I could save him from this 
*one danger : to keep him from being sold as a slave.' 3 The 
soldiers, hearing Martius' words, made a marvellous great 
shout among them : and they were moe that wondered at 
his great contentation and abstinence, when they saw so 
little covetousness in him, than they were that highly praised 
and extolled his valiantness. For even they themselves, that 
did somewhat malice and envy his glory, to see him thus 
honoured and passingly praised, did think him so much the 
more worthy of an honourable recompense for his valiant 
*service, as the more carelessly he refused the great offer 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, I. ix. 58-62. 2 Ibid. I. ix. 36-40. 

3 Ibid. 1. ix. 79-89. 


made him for his profit : l and they esteemed more the* 
virtue that was in him, that made him refuse such rewards, 
than that which made them to be offered him, as unto 
a worthy person. For it is far more commendable to use 
riches well than to be valiant : and yet it is better not to 
desire them than to use them well. After this shout and 
noise of the assembly was somewhat appeased, the Consul 
Cominius began to speak in this sort : ' We cannot compel 
Martius to take these gifts we offer him, if he will not receive 
them : but we will give him such a reward for the noble 
service he hath done, as he cannot refuse. Therefore we do* 
Martins order and decree, that henceforth he be called* 
surnamed Coriolanus, unless his valiant acts have won him* 


lanus t na t name before our nomination.' 2 And so ever* 

by the 

Consul. since he still bare the third name of Coriolanus. 

And thereby it appeareth, that the first name the Romans 

have, as Caius, was our Christian name now. The 

How the ' . 

Romans second, as Martius, was the name of the house and 
have three family they came of. The third was some addi- 

names. . . . . r 11* 

tion given, either for some act or notable service, 
or for some mark on their face, or of some shape of their 
body, or else for some special virtue they had. Even 
Why the so did tne Grecians in old time give additions to 
wve'icj* s Princes, by reason of some notable act worthy 
surnames, memory. As when they have called some Soter, 
and Callinicos : as much to say, saviour and conqueror. 
1 Cf. Coriolanus, II. ii. 129-30. 2 Ibid. I. ix. 62-6. 


Or else for some notable apparent mark on one's face, or on 
his body, they have called him Physcon, and Grypos, as ye 
would say, gor-belly, and hook-nosed : or else for some 
virtue, as Euergetes, and Philadelphos : to wit, a benefactor, 
and lover >of his brethren. Or otherwise for one's great 
felicity, as Eudaemon : as much to say as fortunate. For 
so was the second of the Batti " surnamed. And a These 
some kings have had surnames of jest and mockery. T^es 6 
As one of the Antigoni that was called Doson, to f J^f 
say, the Giver : who was ever promising, and Cyrene. 
never giving. And one of the Ptolemies was called 
Lamyros : to say, conceitive. The Romans use more than 
any other nation to give names of mockery in this sort. 
As there was one Metellus surnamed Diadematus, Names of 
the banded : because he carried a band about his ^^ng r ^ e 
head of long time, by reason of a sore he had in Romans - 
his forehead. One other of his own family was called Celer, 
the quick fly : because, a few days after the death of his 
father, he shewed the people the cruel fight of fencers at un- 
rebated swords, which they found wonderful for the short 
ness of time. Other had their surnames derived of some 
accident of their birth. As to this day they call him 
Proculeius, that is born, his father being in some far voyage : 
and him Posthumius, that is born after the death of his father. 
And when of two brethren twins, the one doth die, and th' 
other surviveth : they call the survivor Vopiscus. Some 
times also they give surnames derived of some mark or 


misfortune of the body. As Sylla, to say, crooked-nosed : 
Niger, black : Rufus, red : Caecus, blind : Claudus, lame. 
They did wisely in this thing to accustom men to think, 
that neither the loss of their sight, nor other such mis 
fortunes as may chance to men, are any shame or disgrace 
unto them, but the manner was to answer boldly to such 
names, as if they were called by their proper names. 
Howbeit these matters would be better amplified in other 
Sedition at stories than this. Now when this war was ended, 
reason 'of t ^ ie fl atterers of the people began to stir up sedition 
famine. again, without any new occasion or just matter 
offered of complaint. For they did ground this second 
insurrection against the Nobility and Patricians upon 
the people's misery and misfortune, that could not but 
fall out, by reason of the former discord and sedition between 
them and the Nobility. Because the most part of the earable 
land within the territory of Rome was become heathy and 
barren for lack of ploughing, for that they had no time nor 
mean to cause corn to be brought them out of other coun 
tries to sow, by reason of their wars which made the extreme 
dearth they had among them. Now those busy prattlers 
that sought the people's good will by such flattering words, 
perceiving great scarcity of corn to be within the city, and, 
though there had been plenty enough, yet the common 
people had no money to buy it : they spread abroad false 
tales and rumours against the Nobility, that they, in revenge 
of the people, had practised and procured the extreme 


dearth among them. Furthermore, in the midst of this 
stir, there came ambassadors to Rome from the city of 
Velitrae, that offered up their city to the Romans, and 
prayed them they would send new inhabitants to replenish 
the same : because the plague had been so extreme among 
them, and had killed such a number of them, as there was 
not left alive the tenth person of the people that had been 
there before. So the wise men of Rome began to think that 
the necessity of the Velitrians fell out in a most happy hour, 
and how by this occasion it was very meet in so great a 
scarcity of victuals, to disburden Rome of a great number 
of citizens : and by this means as well to take away this 
new sedition, and utterly to rid it out of the city, as also to 
clear the same of many mutinous and seditious persons, being 
the superfluous ill humours that grievously fed this disease. 
Hereupon the Consuls pricked out all those by a Ve iitrae 
bill, whom they intended to send to Velitrae, to ^ a to 
go dwell there as in form of a colony : and they Rome- 
levied out of all the rest that remained in the city of Rome 
a great number to go against the Volsces, hoping by the 
means of foreign war to pacify their sedition at Two _ 
home. Moreover they imagined, when the poor tices to 

* remove 

with the rich, and the mean sort with the nobility, l . he s . edi - 
should by this device be abroad in the wars, and Rome, 
in one camp, and in one service, and in one like danger : 
that then they would be more quiet and loving together. 
But Sicinius and Brutus, two seditious Tribunes, spake 


against either of these devices, and cried out upon the noble- 
Sicinius rnen, that under the gentle name of a colony, they 
|" d would cloak and colour the most cruel and un- 


Tribunes natural fact as might be : because they sent their 

ofthe r i 

people, poor citizens into a sore infected city and pestilent 

both those air, full of dead bodies unburied, and there also 
to dwell under the tuition of a strange god, that 
had so cruelly persecuted his people. This were (said they) 
even as much, as if the Senate should headlong cast down 
the people into a most bottomless pit. And are not yet 
contented to have famished some of the poor citizens here 
tofore to death, and to put other of them even to the 
mercy of the plague : but afresh they have procured a 
voluntary war, to the end they would leave behind no 
kind of misery and ill, wherewith the poor silly people 
should not be plagued, and only because they are weary to 
serve the rich. The common people, being set on a broil 
and bravery with these words, would not appear when the 
Consuls called their names by a bill to prest them for the 
wars, neither would they be sent out to this new colony : 
insomuch as the Senate knew not well what to say or do in 
the matter. Marti us then, who was now grown to great 
credit, and a stout man besides, and of great reputation with 
the noblest men of Rome, rose up and openly spake 

Coriolanus . ' A J r L 

offendeth against these nattering I nbunes. And, for the 

the people. . ... ,. . riri- i i i 

replenishing or the city of Vehtrae, he did compel 
those that were chosen, to go thither, and to depart the 


city, upon great penalties to him that should disobey : but 
to the wars the people by no means would be brought or 
constrained. So Martius, taking his friends and followers 
with him, and such as he could by fair words entreat to go 
with him, did run certain forays into the dominion of the 
Antiates, where he met with great plenty of corn, . 

' Conolanus 

and had a marvellous great spoil, as well of cattle invadeth 

3 . the An 

as of men he had taken prisoners, whom he brought tiates and 

away with him, and reserved nothing for himself, rich spoils 
Afterwards, having brought back again all his men 
that went out with him safe and sound to Rome, and every 
man rich and loaden with spoil : then the home-tarriers 
and house-doves, that kept Rome still, began to repent 
them that it was not their hap to go with him, and so 
envied both them that had sped so well in this journey, 
and also of malice to Martius, they spited to see his credit 
and estimation increase still more and more, because they 
accompted him to be a great hinderer of the people. 
*Shortly after this, Martius stood for the Consulship : and 
*the common people favoured his suit, thinking it would 
*be a shame to them to deny and refuse the chiefest noble- 
*man of blood, and most worthy person of The man 
*Rome, and specially him that had done so great nerof 

' / suing for 

*service and good to the commonwealth. 1 For office at 

.. _. . Rome. 

the custom of Rome was at that time, that 
*such as did sue for any office should for certain days 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, II. ii. 1-41. 


before be in the market-place, only with a poor gown* 
on their backs and without any coat underneath,* 
to pray the citizens to remember them at the day oP 
election : which was thus devised, either to move the* 
people the more by requesting them in such mean* 

Where- . 

upon this apparel, or else because they might shew them 
Mitng e was their wounds they had gotten in the wars in the* 

service of the commonwealth, as manifest marks* 
and testimony of their valiantness. 1 Now it is not to be* 
thought that the suitors went thus loose in a simple gown 
in the market place without any coat under it, for fear and 
suspicion of the common people : for offices of dignity in 
the city were not then given by favour or corruption. It 

was but of late time, and long after this, that buying 
given then and selling fell out in election of officers, and that 

by desert, . 

without the voices of the electors were bought for money. 

favour or __ -11 

corrup- But after corruption had once gotten way into the 
election of offices, it hath run from man to man 
even to the very sentence of judges, and also among captains 
in the wars : so as in the end that only turned common- 
Banquets wealths into Kingdoms, by making arms subject to 
g?ven", on< y money. Therefore methinks he had reason that 
stayers sa '^ : He that first made banquets and gave money 
[ c n m " to the common people was the first that took 
wealth. away authority and destroyed commonwealth. But 
this pestilence crept in by little and little, and did 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, II. ii. 139-46. 


secretly win ground still, continuing a long time in Rome, 
before it was openly known and discovered. For no man 
can tell who was the first man that bought the people's 
voices for money, nor that corrupted the sentence of the 
judges. Howbeit at Athens some hold opinion, that 

J r Anytus,| 

Anytus, the son of Anthemion, was the first man the Athe- 
that fee'd the judges with money, about the end of first that 

rr> 1 L j r with 

the wars of reloponnesus, being accused of treason money 
for yielding up the fort of Pylos, at that time when the sen- 
the golden and unfoiled age remained yet whole the'judge 
in judgement at Rome. Now Martius, following of Uie' C< 
this custom, shewed many wounds and cuts upon people - 
his body, which he had received in seventeen years' service 
at the wars, and in many sundry battles, being ever the 
*foremost man that did set out feet to fight. So that there 
*was not a man among the people, but was ashamed of 
*himself, to refuse so valiant a man : and one of them said 
*to another, ' We must needs choose him Consul, there is 
*no remedy.' But when the day of election was come, and 
*that Martius came to the market place with great pomp, 
*accompanied with all the Senate, and the whole nobility 
*of the city about him, who sought to make him Consul, 
*with the greatest instance and entreaty they could, 

. _ Seethe 

or ever attempted for any man or matter : then fickle 
*the love and good will of the common people common 
*turned straight to an hate and envy toward him, p 
*fearing to put this office of sovereign authority into his hands, 



being a man somewhat partial toward the nobility, and* 
of great credit and authority amongst the Patricians, and as* 
one they might doubt would take away altogether the* 
liberty from the people. 1 Whereupon, for these consider-* 
ations, they refused Martius in the end, and made two 
other that were suitors, Consuls. The Senate, being 
marvellously offended with the people, did accompt the 
shame of this refusal rather to redound to themselves, than 
to Martius : but Martius took it in far worse part than the 
Senate, and was out of all patience. For he was a man too 
full of passion and choler, and too much given to over self- 
will and opinion, as one of a high mind and great courage, 
that lacked the gravity and affability that is gotten with 
judgement of learning and reason, which only is to be looked 
for in a governor of state : and that remembered not how 
wilfulness is the thing of the world, which a governor of a 
commonwealth for pleasing should shun, being that which 
The fruks Plato called solitariness. As in the end, all men 
wiifand that are wilfully given to a self-opinion and 
obstinacy, obstinate mind, and who will never yield to others' 
reason but to their own, remain without company, and 
forsaken of all men. For a man that will live in the world 
must needs have patience, which lusty bloods make but a 
mock at. So Martius, being a stout man of nature, that never 
yielded in any respect, as one thinking that to overcome 
always, and to have the upper hand in all matters, was a 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, II. iii. 


token of magnanimity, and of no base and faint courage, 
which spitteth out anger from the most weak and passioned 
part of the heart,'much like the matter of an imposthume, 
went home to his house full freighted with spite and malice 
against the people, being accompanied with all the lustiest 
young gentlemen, whose minds were nobly bent as those 
that came of noble race, and commonly used for to follow 
and honour him. But then specially they flocked about 
him and kept him company, to his much harm : for they 
did but kindle and inflame his choler more and more, being 
sorry with him for the injury the people offered him, 
because he was their captain and leader to the wars, that 
taught them all martial discipline, and stirred up in them a 
noble emulation of honour and valiantness, and yet without 
envy, praising them that deserved best. In the Great store 
mean season there came great plenty of corn to Brought 
Rome, that had been bought part in Italy, and part to Rome - 
was sent out of Sicile, as given by Gelon the tyrant of 
Syracusa : so that many stood in great hope that, the dearth 
of victuals being holpen, the civil dissension would also 
cease. The Senate sate in council upon it immediately ; 
the common people stood also about the palace where the 
council was kept, gaping what resolution would fall out, 
persuading themselves that the corn they had bought should 
be sold good cheap, and that which was given should be 
divided by the poll without paying any penny, and the 
rather, because certain of the Senators amongst them did 


so wish and persuade the same. But Martius, standing* 
up on his feet, did somewhat sharply take up* 
those who went about to gratify the people therein :* 
against the and called them people-pleasers, and traitors to* 
of the ! ' the nobility. 1 Moreover, he said, they nourished! 
peop e> * against themselves the naughty seed and cocklef 
' ot insolency and sedition, which had been sowed andt 
' scattered abroad amongst the people, whom they shouldf 
' have cut off, if they had been wise, and have prevented! 
' their greatness : 2 and not (to their own destruction) tot 
' have suffered the people to stablish a magistrate for them-* 
' selves, of so great power and authority, as that man had,* 
' to whom they had granted it. Who was also to be* 
' feared, because he obtained what he would, and did* 
' nothing but what he listed, neither passed for any* 

* obedience to the Consuls, but lived in all liberty,* 

* acknowledging no superior to command him, saving the* 
' only heads and authors of their faction, whom he called* 
' his magistrates. 8 Therefore,' said he, ' they that gavet 
' council and persuaded that the corn should be given out tot 
' the common people gratis, as they used to do in cities off 
' Greece, where the people had more absolute power, didt 
' but only nourish their disobedience, which would breakt 
' out in the end, to the utter ruin and overthrow of thet 
' whole state. For they will not think it is done int 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, III. i. 41-4. 2 Ibid. III. i. 67-71. 

J Ibid. III. i. 90-111. 


t' recompense of their service past, sithence they know well 
t* enough they have so oft refused to go to the wars, when 
t* they were commanded : neither for their mutinies when 
t'they went with us, whereby they have rebelled and for- 
f saken their country : neither for their accusations which 
t' their flatterers have preferred unto them, and they have 
f received, and made good against the Senate : but they 
t'will rather judge, we give and grant them this, as abasing 
t' ourselves, and standing in fear of them, and glad to flatter 
t' them every way. By this means their disobedience will 
t' still grow worse and worse : and they will never leave to 
t' practise new sedition and uproars. 1 Therefore it were a 
*' great folly for us, methinks, to do it : yea, shall I say 
*'more ? we should, if we were wise, take from them their 
*' Tribuneship, which most manifestly is the embasing of 
*' the Consulship, and the cause of the division of the 
*'city. The state whereof as it standeth is not now as it 
*'was wont to be, but becometh dismembered in two 
*' factions, which maintains always civil dissension and 
*' discord between us, and will never suffer us again to be 
*' united into one body.' 2 Martius, dilating the matter 
with many such like reasons, wan all the young men and 
almost all the rich men to his opinion : insomuch they 
rang it out, that he was the only man, and alone in the 
city, who stood out against the people, and never flattered 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, III. i. 112-17, 11 9~3$- 

2 Ibid. III. i. 141-8, 164-70. 


them. There were only a few old men that spake against 
him, fearing lest some mischief might fall out upon it, as 
indeed there followed no great good afterward. For the 
Tribunes of the people, being present at this consultation 
of the Senate, when they saw that the opinion of Martius 
was confirmed with the more voices, they left the Senate, 
and went down to the people, crying out for help, and that 
they would assemble to save their Tribunes. Hereupon 
the people ran on head in tumult together, before whom 
the words that Martius spake in the Senate were openly 
reported : which the people so stomached, that even in 
that fury they were ready to fly upon the whole Senate. 
But the Tribunes laid all the fault and burden wholly upon 
Martius, and sent their sergeants forthwith to arrest him, 
presently to appear in person before the people, to answer 
the words he had spoken in the Senate. Martius stoutly* 
Sedition withstood these officers that came to arrest him.* 
for^Corio- Then the Tribunes in their own persons,* 
lanus. accompanied with the Aediles, went to fetch* 
him by force, and so laid violent hands upon him.* 
Howbeit the noble Patricians, gathering together about* 
him, made the Tribunes give back, and laid it sore upon* 
the Aediles : x so for that time, the night parted them,* 
and the tumult appeased. The next morning betimes, the 
Consuls seeing the people in an uproar running to the 
market place out of all parts of the city, they were afraid 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, III. i. 223-8. 


lest all the city would together by the ears : wherefore, 
assembling the Senate in all haste, they declared how it 
stood them upon, to appease the fury of the people with 
some gentle words, or grateful decrees in their favour : and 
moreover, like wise men they should consider, it was now 
no time to stand at defence and in contention, nor yet to 
fight for honour against the commonalty, they being fallen 
to so great an extremity, and offering such imminent danger. 
Wherefore they were to consider temperately of things, and 
to deliver some present and gentle pacification. The most 
part of the Senators that were present at this council thought 
this opinion best, and gave their consents unto it. Where 
upon the Consuls, rising out of council, went to speak 
unto the people as gently as they could, and they did pacify 
their fury and anger, purging the Senate of all the unjust 
accusations laid upon them, and used great modesty in per 
suading them, and also in reproving the faults they had 
committed. And as for the rest, that touched the sale of 
corn, they promised there should be no disliking offered 
them in the price. So the most part of the people being 
pacified, and appearing so plainly by the great silence and 
still that was among them, as yielding to the Consuls, and 
liking well of their words : the Tribunes then of the people 
rose out of their seats, and said : Forasmuch as the Senate 
yielded unto reason, the people also for their part, as became 
them, did likewise give place unto them : but notwithstand 
ing, they would that Martius should come in person to 


answer to the articles they had devised. First, whether he* 
Articles had not solicited and procured the Senate to* 
Carlo-' change the present state of the common-weal, and* 
lanus. to ta k e t h e sovereign authority out of the people's* 
hands. 1 Next, when he was sent for by authority of their* 
officers, why he did contemptuously resist and disobey. 
Lastly, seeing he had driven and beaten the Aediles into* 
the market place before all the world, if, in doing this, he* 
had not done as much as in him lay to raise civil wars, and* 
to set one citizen against another. 2 All this was spoken to* 
one of these two ends, either that Martius against his nature 
should be constrained to humble himself, and to abase his 
haughty and fierce mind : or else, if he continued still 
in his stoutness, he should incur the people's displeasure 
and ill will so far, that he should never possibly win them 
again. Which they hoped would rather fall out so, than 
otherwise : as indeed they guessed, unhappily, considering 
Martius' nature and disposition. So Martius came, and 
presented himself to answer their accusations against him, 
and the people held their peace and gave attentive ear, to 
hear what he would say. But where they thought to have 
heard very humble and lowly words come from 
lanus' him, he began not only to use his wonted boldness 

stoutness c ........... . . 

in defence ot speaking (which or itself was very rough and 

of himself. j j-j i_ 

unpleasant, and did more aggravate his accusation, 
than purge his innocency) but also gave himself in his words 
1 Cf. Coriolanus, III. iii. i, 2, 62-4. 2 Ibid. III. iii. 77-9. 


to thunder, and look therewithal so grimly, as though he 
made no reckoning of the matter. This stirred coals among 
the people, who were in wonderful fury at it, and their 
hate and malice grew so toward him, that they could hold 
no lenger, bear, nor endure his bravery and careless bold- 
*ness. Whereupon Sicinius, the cruellest and sicinius 
*stoutest of the Tribunes, after he had whispered t,unJp r " . 
*a little with his companions, did openly pro- no t | I t g C * t j l 
*nounce, in the face of all the people, Martius as of death 

r * . upon 

*condemned by the Tribunes to die. Then Martius 
*presently he commanded the Aediles to apprehend him, 
*and carry him straight to the rock Tarpeian, and to cast 
*him headlong down the same. 1 When the Aediles came to 
lay hands upon Martius to do that they were commanded, 
divers of the people themselves thought it too cruel and 
violent a deed. The noble men also, being much troubled 
to see such force and rigour used, began to cry aloud, ' Help 
Martius ' : so those that laid hands of him being repulsed, 
they compassed him in round among themselves, and some 
of them holding up their hands to the people besought 
them not to handle him thus cruelly. But neither their 
words nor crying out could aught prevail, the tumult and 
hurly-burly was so great, until such time as the Tribunes' 
own friends and kinsmen, weighing with themselves the 
impossibleness to convey Martius to execution without great 
slaughter and murder of the nobility, did persuade and 
1 Cf. Coriolanusy III. i. 206-13. 


-_ - - ,.,_ _, QJ 


advise not to proceed in so violent and extraordinary a sort, 
as to put such a man to death without lawful process in 
law, but that they should refer the sentence of his death 
to the free voice of the people. Then Sicinius, bethinking 
himself a little, did ask the Patricians for what cause they 
took Martius out of the officers' hands that went to do 
execution ? The Patricians asked him again why they 
would of themselves so cruelly and wickedly put to death so 
noble and valiant a Roman as Martius was, and that with 
out law or justice ? 'Well then,' said Sicinius, ' if that be 
the matter, let there be no more quarrel or dissension 
against the people, for they do grant your demand, that his 
cause shall be heard according to the law.' Therefore said 
he to Martius, ' We do will and charge you to 

Coriolanus ... . , , . . , , _ 

hath day appear before the people, the third day of our next 

given him . . , . . , . 

to answer sitting and assembly here, to make your purgation 

epeope. ^ or suc k art j c j es as g^gjj be objected against you, 
that by free voice the people may give sentence upon you 
as shall please them.' The noblemen were glad then of 
the adjournment, and were much pleased they had gotten 
Martius out of this danger. In the mean space, before the 
third day of their next session came about, the same being 
kept every ninth day continually at Rome, whereupon they 
call it now in Latin, Nundinae, there fell out war against 
the Antiates, which gave some hope to the nobility, that 
this adjournment would come to little effect, thinking that 
this war would hold them so long, as that the fury of the 


people against him would be well suaged, or utterly for 
gotten, by reason of the trouble of the wars. But, con 
trary to expectation, the peace was concluded presently 
with the Antiates, and the people returned again to Rome. 
Then the Patricians assembled oftentimes together, to con 
sult how they might stand to Martius, and keep the 
Tribunes from occasion to cause the people to mutiny 
again, and rise against the nobility. And there Appius 
Claudius (one that was taken ever as an heavy enemy to 
the people) did avow and protest that they would utterly 
abase the authority of the Senate, and destroy the common 
weal, if they would suffer the common people to have 
authority by voices to give judgement against the nobility. 
On th' other side again, the most ancient Senators, and 
such as were given to favour the common people, said that 
when the people should see they had authority of life and 
death in their hands, they would not be so cruel and fierce, 
but gentle and civil. More also, that it was not for con 
tempt of nobility or the Senate, that they sought to have 
the authority of justice in their hands, as a pre-eminence 
and prerogative of honour : but because they feared that 
themselves should be contemned and hated of the nobility. 
So as they were persuaded that, so soon as they gave them 
authority to judge by voices, so soon would they leave all 
*envy and malice to condemn any. Martius, seeing the 
*Senate in great doubt how to resolve, partly for the love 
*and good will the nobility did bear him, and partly for 


the fear they stood in of the people, asked aloud of the* 
Tribunes, what matter they would burden him with :* 

The Tribunes answered him, that they would* 
accused shew how he did aspire to be King, and would* 
sought to prove that all his actions tended to usurp tyran-* 

nical power over Rome. 1 Martius with that, rising* 
up on his feet, said that thereupon he did willingly offer 
himself to the people, to be tried upon that accusation. 
And that if it were proved by him he had so much as once 
thought of any such matter, that he would then refuse no 
kind of punishment they would offer him : 'conditionally' 
(quoth he) * that you charge me with nothing else besides, 
and that ye do not also abuse the Senate.' They promised 
they would not. Under these conditions the judgement was 
agreed upon, and the people assembled. And first of all* 
the Tribunes would in any case (whatsoever became of it)* 
that the people would proceed to give their voices by* 
Tribes, 2 and not by hundreds : for by this means the* 
multitude of the poor needy people (and all such rabble 
as had nothing to lose, and had less regard of honesty before 
their eyes) came to be of greater force (because their voices 
were numbered by the poll) 3 than the noble honest* 
citizens, whose persons and purse did dutifully serve the* 
commonwealth in their wars. And then when the Tri-* 
bunes saw they could not prove he went about to make* 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, III. iii. 57-65. 2 Ibid. III. iii. 1 1. 

3 Ibid. III. iii. 8-10. 


*himself King, they began to broach afresh the former 
*words that Martius had spoken in the Senate, in hindering 
*the distribution of the corn at mean price unto the common 
*people, and persuading also to take the office of Tribune- 
*ship from them. And for the third, they charged him 
*anew, that he had not made the common distribution of 
*the spoil he had gotten in the invading the territories 
*of the Antiates : but had of his own authority divided 
*it among them, who were with him in that journey. 1 
But this matter was most strange of all to Martius, looking 
least to have been burdened with that, as with any matter 
of offence. Whereupon being burdened on the sudden, and 
having no ready excuse to make even at that instant, he 
began to fall a-praising of the soldiers that had served with 
him in that journey. But those that were not with him, 
being the greater number, cried out so loud and made such 
*a noise, that he could not be heard. To conclude, 

i-r-i -i Coriolanus 

when they came to tell the voices of the Tribes, banished 

*there were three voices odd, which condemned 

*him to be banished for life. 2 After declaration of the 

*sentence, the people made such joy, as they 

*never rejoiced more for any battle they had won upon 

*their enemies, they were so brave and lively, and went home 

*so jocundly from the assembly, for triumph of this sentence. 3 

The Senate again in contrary manner were as sad and heavy, 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, III. iii. z~5. 2 /^ m. jjj t (^-KJJ. 

3 Ibid. III. iii. 134,5. 


repenting themselves beyond measure, that they had not 
rather determined to have done and suffered anything what 
soever, before the common people should so arrogantly and 
outrageously have abused their authority. There needed 
no difference of garments, I warrant you, nor outward shows 
to know a Plebeian from a Patrician, for they were easily 
discerned by their looks. For he that was on the people's 
side looked cheerily on the matter : but he that was sad, 
and hung ;down his head, he was sure of the noblemen's 
c . side. Saving Martius alone, who neither in his 

lanus' countenance, nor in his gait, did ever show himseh 


mind in abashed, or once let fall his great courage : but 


he only of all other gentlemen that were angry 
at his fortune did outwardly shew no manner of pas 
sion, nor care at all of himself. Not that he did patiently 
bear and temper his good hap, in respect of any reason he 
had, or by his quiet condition : but because he was so car 
ried away with the vehemency of anger, and desire ot 
revenge, that he had no sense nor feeling of the hard state 
he was in, which the common people judge not to be sorrow, 
The force a lth u gh indeed it be the very same. For when 
of anger, sorrow (as you would say) is set afire, then it is 
converted into spite and malice, and driveth away for that 
time all faintness of heart and natural fear. And this is the 
cause why the choleric man is so altered and mad in his 
actions, as a man set afire with a burning ague : for, when 
a man's heart is troubled within, his pulse will beat marvellous 


strongly. Now that Martius was even in that taking, it 
*appeared true soon after by his doings. For when he was 
*come home to his house again, and had taken his leave of 
*his mother and wife, finding them weeping and shrieking 
*out for sorrow, and had also comforted and persuaded them 
*to be content with his chance : he went immediately to the 
*gate of the city, accompanied with a great number ot 
*Patricians that brought him thither, from whence he 
*went on his way with three or four of his friends only, 
*taking nothing with him, nor requesting anything ot 
*any man. 1 So he remained a few days in the country 
at his houses, turmoiled with sundry sorts and kind ot 
thoughts, such as the fire of his choler did stir up. 
In the end, seeing he could resolve no way to take a profit 
able or honourable course, but only was pricked forward 
still to be revenged of the Romans : he thought to raise up 
some great wars against them, by their nearest neighbours. 
Whereupon he thought it his best way first to stir up the 
Volsces against them, knowing they were yet able enough 
in strength and riches to encounter them, notwithstanding 
their former losses they had received not long before, and 
that their power was not so much impaired, as their Tuiius 
malice and desire was increased to be revenged of ^gf^" 8 ' 
the Romans. Now in the city of Antium there was ^" the 
one called Tullus Aufidius, who for his riches, as Volsces - 
also for his nobility and valiantness, was honoured among 
1 Cf. Coriolanus, IV. i. 


the Volsces as a King. Marti us knew very well that 
Tullus did more malice and envy him, than he did all the* 
Romans besides : because that many times in battles* 
where they met, they were ever at the encounter one* 
against another, like lusty courageous youths, striving* 
in all emulation of honour, and had encountered many* 
times together. 1 Insomuch as, besides the common quarrel* 
between them, there was bred a marvellous private hate 
one against another. Yet notwithstanding, considering that 
Tullus Aufidius was a man of a great mind, and that he above 
all other of the Volsces most desired revenge of the Romans, 
for the injuries they had done unto them ; he did an act 
that confirmed the true words of an ancient poet, who said : 

It is a thing full hard man's anger to withstand, 
If it be stiffly bent to take an enterprise in hand, 

For then most men will have the thing that they desire, 

Although it cost their lives therefore, such force hath wicked ire. 

And so did he. For he disguised himself in such array* 
and attire, as he thought no man could ever have known* 
him for the person he was, seeing him in that apparel he* 
had upon his back : 2 and as Homer said of Ulysses, 

So did he enter into the enemy's town. 

It was even twilight when he entered the city of Antium, 
and many people met him in the streets, but no man knew 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, I. viii. x. 7-10 ; III. i. 13-15. 
8 Ibid, IV. iv. stage direction. 


*him. So he went directly to Tullus Aufidius' house, and 
*when he came thither, he got him up straight to coriolanus, 
*the chimney hearth, and sat him down, and spake go e g t h is t o d ' 
*not a word to any man, his face all muffled ^'"flhe 
*over. They of the house, spying him, wondered Volsces - 
*what he should be, and yet they durst not bid him rise. 
*For ill-favouredly muffled and disguised as he was, yet 
*there appeared a certain majesty in his countenance, and in 
*his silence : whereupon they went to Tullus, who was at 
*supper, to tell him of the strange disguising of this man. 
*Tullus rose presently from the board, and, coming towards 
*him, asked him what he was, and wherefore he came. 1 Then 
Martius unmuffled himself, and after he had paused a while, 
fmaking no answer, he said unto him. ' If thou . 

t 4 knowest me not yet, Tullus, and, seeing me, dost lanus" ora- 

. . tlon to 

t* not perhaps believe me to be the man I am in Tullus 

..,,, r . , ir i Aufidius. 

T deed, 1 must of necessity bewray my self to be 
t* that I am. I am Caius Martius, who hath done to thy 
t* self particularly, and to all the Volsces generally, great 
t' hurt and mischief, which I cannot deny for my surname 
f of Coriolanus that I bear. For I never had other 
t' benefit nor recompense of all the true and painful service 
t' I have done, and the extreme dangers I have been in, but 
t' this only surname : a good memory and witness of the 
t' malice and^displeasure thou shouldst bear me. Indeed the 
t' name only remaineth with me : for the rest the envy and 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, IV. v. 5-58. 


' cruelty of the people of Rome have taken from me, by thet 
' sufferance of the dastardly nobility and magistrates, whot 

* have forsaken me, and let me be banished by the people. t 
' This extremity hath now driven me to come as a poor suitorf 
' to take thy chimney hearth, not of any hope I have to savet 

* my life thereby. For if I had feared death, I would nott 

* havecomehither to have put my life in hazard : but prickedt 

* forward with spite and desire I have to be revenged of themt 
' that thus have banished me, whom now I begin to bet 
4 avenged on, putting my person between my enemies.! 
' Wherefore, if thou hast any heart to be wreaked of thet 
' injuries thy enemies have done thee, speed thee now, andt 
' let my misery serve thy turn, and so use it, as my servicet 

* may be a benefit to the Volsces : promising thee, that It 
' will fight with better good-will for all you, than ever I didt 
' when I was against you, knowing that they fight moret 
' valiantly, who know the force of their enemy, than sucht 

* as have never proved it. And if it be so that thou daret 
' not, and that thou art weary to prove fortune any more :t 
' then am I also weary to live any lenger. And it weret 

* no wisdom in thee to save the life of him, who hath beent 
' heretofore thy mortal enemy, and whose service now cant 
' nothing help nor pleasure thee.' l Tullus, hearing whatt 
he said, was a marvellous glad man, and, taking him by the 
hand, he said unto him. ' Stand up, O Martius, and be 

* of good cheer, for in proffering thyselt unto us thou dost 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, IV. v. 60-3, 71-107. 


* us great honour : and by this means thou mayest hope 

* also of greater things at all the Volsces' hands.' So he 
feasted him for that time, and entertained him in the 
honourablest manner he could, talking with him in no 
other matters at that present : but within few days after, 
they fell to consultation together in what sort they should 
begin their wars. Now on th' other side, the city Great d - s 
of Rome was in marvellous uproar and discord, the sension at 


nobility against the commonalty, and chiefly for about 

Y Martius' 

Martius' condemnation and banishment. More- banish- 
over the priests, the soothsayers, and private men 
also, came and declared to the Senate certain sights and 
wonders in the air, which they had seen, and were to be 
considered of: amongst the which, such a vision happened. 
There was a citizen of Rome called Titus Latinus, a man 
of mean quality and condition, but otherwise an honest 
sober man, given to a quiet life, without superstition, and 
much less to vanity or lying. This man had a vision 
in his dream, in the which he thought that Jupiter 
appeared unto him, and commanded him to signify to the 
Senate, that they had caused a very vile lewd dancer to go 
before the procession : and said, the first time this vision 
had appeared unto him, he made no reckoning of it : and 
coming again another time into his mind, he made not 
much more accompt of the matter than before. In the end 
he saw one of his sons die, who had the best nature and con 
dition of all his brethren : and suddenly he himself was so 


taken in all his limbs, that he became lame and impotent. 
Hereupon he told the whole circumstance of this vision 
before the Senate, sitting upon his little couch or bed, 
whereon he was carried on men's arms : and he had no 
sooner reported this vision to the Senate, but he presently 
felt his body and limbs restored again to their former 
strength and use. So raising up himself upon his couch, he 
got up on his feet at that instant, and walked home to his 
house, without help of any man. The Senate, being 
amazed at this matter, made diligent inquiry to understand 
the troth : and in the end they found there was such a 
thing. There was one that had delivered a bondman of 
his that had offended him into the hands of other slaves 
and bondmen, and had commanded them to whip him up 
and down the market place, and afterwards to kill him : 
and as they had him in execution, whipping him cruelly, 
they did so martyr the poor wretch, that for the cruel 
smart and pain he felt, he turned and writhed his body in 
strange and pitiful sort. The procession by chance came by 
even at the same time, and many that followed it were 
heartily moved and offended with the sight, saying, that 
this was no good sight to behold, nor meet to be met in 
procession time. But for all this, there was nothing done : 
saving they blamed and rebuked him that punished his 
slave so cruelly. For the Romans at that time did use 
their bondmen very gently, because they themselves did 
labour with their own hands, and lived with them and 


among them : and therefore they did use them the more gently 
and familiarly. For the greatest punishment they xhe 
gave a slave that had offended was this. They marmerW 
made him carry a limmer on his shoulders that is ^"; l r shing 
fastened to the axletree of a coach, and compelled slaves - 
him to go up and down in that sort amongst all their neigh 
bours. He that had once abidden this punishment, and 
was seen in that manner, was proclaimed and cried in 
every market town : so that no man would ever trust him 
after, and they called him Furcifer, because the , 

' ' J f Whereof 

Latins call the wood that runneth into the axletree frd/er 
of the coach Furca, as much to say as a fork. Now, 
when Latinus had made report to the Senate of the vision 
that had happened to him, they were devising whom this 
unpleasant dancer should be, that went before the proces 
sion. Thereupon certain that stood by remembered the 
poor slave that was so cruelly whipped through the market 
place, whom they afterwards put to death : and the thing 
that made them remember it was the strange and rare man 
ner of his punishment. The priests hereupon were repaired 
unto for advice : they were wholly of opinion, that it was 
the whipping of the slave. So they caused the A 
slave's master to be punished, and began again a mpny in- 
new procession, and all other shows and sights in by king 


honour of Jupiter. But hereby appeareth plainly, touching 

-KT 1-1-1 i 11 i religion. 

how king Numa did wisely ordain all other cere 
monies concerning devotion to the gods, and specially this 


custom which he stablished to bring the people to re 
ligion. For when the magistrates, bishops, priests, or other 
religious ministers go about any divine service, or matter of 
religion, an herald ever goeth before them, crying out 
aloud, Hoc age : as to say, do this, or mind this. Hereby 
they are specially commanded wholly to dispose themselves 
to serve God, leaving all other business and matters aside : 
knowing well enough, that whatsoever most men do, they 
The super- ^ ** as ln a manner constrained unto it. But 
of'the" l ^ e R mans did ever use to begin again their 
Romans, sacrifices, processions, plays, and such like shows 
done in honour of the gods, not only upon such an occa 
sion, but upon lighter causes than that. As when they 
went a procession through the city, and did carry the images 
of their gods and such other like holy relics upon open 
hallowed coaches or charrets, called in Latin Tcn- 
sae : one of the coach horses that drew them stood 
still, and would draw no more : and because also the coach 
man took the reins of the bridle with the left hand, they 
ordained that the procession should be begun again anew. 
Of later time also, they did renew and begin a sacrifice 
thirty times one after another, because they thought still 
there fell out one fault or other in the same, so holy and 
devout were they to the gods. Now Tullus and Marti us 
had secret conference with the greatest personages of the 
city of Antium, declaring unto them, that now they had 
good time offered them to make war with the Romans, 


while they were in dissension one with another. They 
answered them, they were ashamed to break the The 
league, considering that they were sworn to keep ^^0 
peace for two years. Howbeit, shortly after, the ^ c ^" s n of 
Romans gave them great occasion to make war with wars - 
them. For on a holy day, common plays being kept in 
Rome, upon some suspicion or false report, they made pro 
clamation by sound of trumpet, that all the Volsces should 
avoid out of Rome before sunset. Some think this was a craft 
and deceit of Martius, who sent one to Rome to the Consuls, 
to accuse the Volsces falsely, advertising them how they had 
made a conspiracy to set upon them, whilst they . 
were busy in seeing these games, and also to set Conoia- 
their city afire. This open proclamation made all crafty 

IT rr i i i i r> i accusation 

the Volsces more offended with the Romans, than of the 
ever they were before : and Tullus, aggravating 
the matter, did so inflame the Volsces against them, that 
in the end they sent their ambassadors to Rome, to summon 
them to deliver their lands and towns again, which they had 
taken from them in times past, or to look for present wars. 
The Romans, hearing this, were marvellously nettled : and 
made no other answer but thus : If the Volsces be the 
first that begin war, the Romans will be the last that 
will end it. Incontinently upon return of the Volsces' 
ambassadors, and delivery of the Romans' answer, Tullus 
caused an assembly general to be made of the Volsces, and 
concluded to make war upon the Romans. This done, 


Tullus did counsel them to take Martius into their service, 
and not to mistrust him for the remembrance of anything 
past, but boldly to trust him in any matter to come : for 
he would do them more service in fighting for them, than 
ever he did them displeasure in fighting against them. So 
Martius was called forth, who spake so excellently in the 
presence of them all, that he was thought no less eloquent 
in tongue,[than warlike in show : and declared himself both 
expert in wars, and wise with valiantness. Thus he was 
Coriolanus j' ne( ^ ' ln commission with Tullus as general of the 
chosen Volsces, having absolute authority between them 

general of ' ' 

the to follow and pursue the wars. But Martius, 

Volsces, . 

wuhTuiius fearing lest tract of time to bring this army to- 

Aufidius, . . . " 

againstthe gether with all the munition and furniture of the 
Volsces would rob him of the mean he had to 
execute his purpose and intent, left order with the rulers 
and chief of the city, to assemble the rest of their power, 
and to prepare all necessary provision for the camp. Then 
he with the lightest soldiers he had, and that were willing 
to follow him, stale away upon the sudden, and marched 
with all speed, and entered the territories of Rome, before 
the Romans heard any news of his coming. Insomuch the 
Coriolanus Volsces found such spoil in the fields, as they had 
invade more than they could spend in their camp, and were 
of7ne neS wear y to drive and carry away that they had. How- 
Romans. b e j t t h e g a i n o f t h e spoil and the hurt they did to 
the Romans in this invasion was the least part of his intent. 


For his chiefest purpose was, to increase still the malice and 
dissension between the nobility and the com- A fine 
monalty : and to draw that on, he was very careful ^k^the 
to keep the noble men's lands and goods safe from ahy"" "" 
harm and burning, but spoiled all the whole s " s P ect 
country besides, and would suffer no man to take nobility. 
or hurt anything of the noble men's. This made greater stir 
and broil between the nobility and people than was before. 
For the noble men fell out with the people, because they 
had so unjustly banished a man of so great valour and power. 
The people on th' other side accused the nobility, Great 
how they had procured Martius to make these burnVng 
wars, to be revenged of them : because it pleased ^ wlxt 
them to see their goods burnt and spoiled before no *[iiity 
their eyes, whilst themselves were well at ease, and people, 
did behold the people's losses and misfortunes, and knowing 
their own goods safe and out of danger : and how the war 
was not made against the noble men, that had the enemy 
abroad, to keep that they had in safety. Now Martius 
having done this first exploit (which made the Volsces 
bolder, and less fearful of the Romans) brought home all 
the army again, without loss of any man. After their 
whole army (which was marvellous great, and very forward 
to service) was assembled in one camp, they agreed to leave 
part of it for garrison in the country about, and the other 
part should go on, and make the war upon the Romans. 
So Martius bade Tullus choose, and take which of the two 


charges he liked best. Tullus made him answer, he knew 
by experience that Martius was no less valiant than himself, 
and how he ever had better fortune and good hap in all 
battles, than himself had. Therefore he thought it best for 
him to have the leading of those that should make the wars 
abroad : and himself would keep home, to provide for the 
safety of the cities and of his country, and to furnish the 
camp also of all necessary provision abroad. So Martius, 
being stronger than before, went first of all unto the city of 
Cerceii, inhabited by the Romans, who willingly yielded 
themselves, and therefore had no hurt. From thence, he 
entered the country of the Latins, imagining the Romans 
would fight with him there to defend the Latins, who were 
their confederates, and had many times sent unto the Romans 
for their aid. But on the one side the people of Rome were 
very ill willing to go : and on the other side the Consuls, 
being upon their going out of their office, would not hazard 
themselves for so small a time : so that the ambassadors ot 
the Latins returned home again, and did no good. Then 
Martius did besiege their cities, and having taken by force 
the towns of the Tolerinians, Vicanians, Pedanians, and the 
Bolanians, who made resistance, he sacked all their goods, 
and took them prisoners. Such as did yield themselves 
willingly unto him, he was as careful as possible might be, 
to defend them from hurt : and because they should receive 
no damage by his will, he removed his camp as far from 
their confines as he could. Afterwards he took the city of 


Bolae by assault, being about an hundred furlong from 
Rome, where he had a marvellous great spoil, and put every 
man to the sword that was able to carry weapon. The 
other Volsces that were appointed to remain in garrison for 
defence of their country, hearing this good news, would 
tarry no lenger at home, but armed themselves, and ran 
to Martius' camp, saying they did acknowledge no other 
captain but him. Hereupon his fame ran through all Italy, 
and every one praised him for a valiant captain, for that, 
by change of one man for another, such and so strange 
events fell out in the State. In this while, all went still to 
wrack at Rome. For, to come into the field to fight with 
the enemy, they could not abide to hear of it, they were 
one so much against another, and full of seditious words, 
the nobility against the people, and the people against the 
nobility. Until they had intelligence at the length that the 
enemies had laid siege to the city of Lavinium, in the which 
were all the temples and images of the gods their protectors, 
and from whence came first their ancient original, for that 
Aeneas at his first arrival into Italy did build that 

_,. _ . Lavinium 

city. Then fell there out a marvellous sudden built by 
change of mind among the people, and fir more 
*strange and contrary in the nobility. For the people thought 
*good to repeal the condemnation and exile of Martius. 1 
The Senate, assembled upon it, would in no case yield to 
that. Who either did it of a selfwill to be contrary to 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, IV. vi. 140-162 ; vii. 31-3. 


the people's desire : or because Martius should not return 
through the grace and favour of the people. Or else, because 
they were throughly angry and offended with him, that 
he would set upon the whole, being offended but by a few, 
and in his doings would shew himself an open enemy 
besides unto his country : notwithstanding the most part 
of them took the wrong they had done him in marvellous 
ill part, and as if the injury had been done unto them 
selves. Report being made of the Senate's resolution, the 
people found themselves in a strait : for they could authorize 
and confirm nothing by their voices, unless it had been first 
propounded and ordained by the Senate. But Martius, 
hearing this stir about him, was in a greater rage with them 
than before : insomuch as he raised his siege incontinently 
before the city of Lavinium, and going towards Rome, 
lodged his camp within forty furlong of the city, at the 
ditches called Cluiliae. His encamping so near Rome did 
put all the whole city in a wonderful fear: howbeit for the 
present time it appeased the sedition and dissension betwixt 
the Nobility and the people. For there was no Consul, 
Senator, nor Magistrate, that durst once contrary the opinion 
of the people, for the calling home again of Martius. When 
they saw the women in a marvellous fear, running up and 
down the city : the temples of the gods full of old people, 
weeping bitterly in their prayers to the gods : and finally, 
not a man either wise or hardy to provide for their safety : 
then they were all of opinion, that the people had reason 


to call home Martius again to reconcile themselves to him, 
and that the Senate, on the contrary part, were in marvel 
lous great fault to be angry and in choler with him, when 
it stood them upon rather to have gone out and entreated 
him. So they all agreed together to send ambas- Tlie 
sadors unto him, to let him understand how his ^nd 1 ^- 
countrymen did call him home again, and restored bas sadors 

' to Corio- 

to him all his goods, and besought him to deliver 'anus to 

treat of 

*them from this war. The ambassadors that were peace. 
*sent were Martius' familiar friends and acquaintance, who 
*looked at the least for a courteous welcome of him, as of their 
*familiar friend and kinsman. Howbeit they found nothing 
*less. 1 For at their coming, they were brought through 
the camp to the place where he was set in his chair of state, 
with a marvellous and an unspeakable majesty, having the 
chiefest men of the Volsces about him : so he commanded 
them to declare openly the cause of their coming. Which 
they delivered in the most humble and lowly words they 
possibly could devise, and with all modest countenance and 
behaviour agreeable for the same. When they had done 
their message, for the injury they had done him he answered 
them very hotly, and in great choler : but, as general of the 
Volsces, he willed them to restore unto the Volsces all 
their lands and cities they had taken from them in former 
wars : and moreover, that they should give them the like 
honour and freedom of Rome, as they had before given to 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, V. i. 


the Latins. For otherwise they had no other mean to end 
this war, if they did not grant these honest and just con 
ditions of peace. Thereupon he gave them thirty days' 
respite to make him answer. So the ambassadors returned 
straight to Rome, and Martius forthwith departed with his 
army out of the territories of the Romans. This 

1 he first ' 

occasion was the first matter wherewith the Volsces (that 

of the 

Volsces' most envied Martius' glory and authority) did 
charge Martius with. Among those, Tullus was* 
chief : who though he had received no private* 
injury or displeasure of Martius, yet the common* 
fault and imperfection of man's nature wrought in him, and* 
it grieved him to see his own reputation blemished through* 
Martius' great fame and honour, and so himself to be less* 
esteemed of the Volsces, than he was before. 1 This fell* 
out the more, because every man honoured Martius, and 
thought he only could do all, and that all other governors 
and captains must be content with such credit and authority, 
as he would please to countenance them with. From hence 
they derived all their first accusations and secret murmur- 
ings against Martius. For private captains, conspiring 
against him, were very angry with him : and gave it out, 
that the removing of the camp was a manifest treason, not 
of the towns, nor forts, nor of arms, but of time and occasion, 
which was a loss of great importance, because it was that 
which in reason might both i loose and bind all, and pre- 

1 Cf. Coriolanut, IV. vii. 


serve the whole. Now Martius having given the Romans 
thirty days' respite for their answer, and specially because 
the wars have not accustomed to make any great changes 
in less space of time than that : he thought it good yet, not 
to lie asleep idle all the while, but went and destroyed 
the lands of the enemies' allies, and took seven cities 
of theirs well inhabited, and the Romans durst not once put 
themselves into the field, to come to their aid and help : 
they were so faint-hearted, so mistrustful, and loth besides 
to make wars. Insomuch as they properly resembled the 
bodies paralytic and loosed of their limbs and members : 
as those which through the palsy have lost all their sense 
and feeling. Wherefore, the time of peace expired. Another 
Martius being returned into the dominions of the ambassade 

_ _ sent to 

Romans again with all his army, they sent another Corio. 

, . . , lanus. 

ambassade unto him, to pray peace and the remove 
of the Volsces out of their country : that afterwards 
they might with better leisure fall to such agreements 
together, as should be thought most meet and necessary. 
For the Romans were no men that would ever yield 
for fear. But if he thought the Volsces had any ground 
to demand reasonable articles and conditions, all that 
they would reasonably ask should be granted unto by 
the Romans, who of themselves would willingly yield to 
reason, conditionally that they did lay down arms. Martius 
to that answered : that as general of the Volsces he would 
reply nothing unto it, but yet as a Roman citizen he would 


counsel them to let fall their pride, and to be conformable to 
reason, if they were wise : and that they should return again 
within three days, delivering up the articles agreed upon, 
which he had first delivered them. Or otherwise, that he 
would no more give them assurance or safe conduct to return 
again into his camp with such vain and frivolous messages. 
When the ambassadors were returned to Rome, and had 
reported Martius' answer to the Senate, their city being in 
extreme danger, and as it were in a terrible storm or tempest, 
they threw out (as the common proverb saith) their holy 
anchor. For then they appointed all the bishops, 
and'sooth^ priests, ministers of the gods, and keepers of holy 
s?inu> things, and all the augurs or soothsayers, which 
foreshow things to come by observation of the 
flying of birds (which is an old ancient kind of 
prophesying and divination amongst the Romans) to go to 
Martius apparelled as when they do their sacrifices : and 
first to entreat him to leave off war, and then that he would 
speak to his countrymen, and conclude peace with the Vol- 
sces. Martius suffered them to come into his camp, but 
yet he granted them nothing the more, neither did he enter 
tain them or speak more courteously to them, than he did 
the first time that they came unto him, saving only that he 
willed them to take the one of the two : either to accept 
peace under the first conditions offered, or else to receive 
war. When all this goodly rabble of superstition and 
priests were returned, it was determined in council that 


none should go out of the gates of the city, and that they 
should watch and ward upon the walls, to repulse their 
enemies if they came to assault them : referring themselves 
and all their hope to time and fortune's uncertain favour, 
not knowing otherwise how to remedy the danger. Now 
all the city was full of tumult, fear, and marvellous doubt 
what would happen : until at length there fell out such 
a like matter, as Homer oft-times said they would least have 
thought of. For in great matters, that happen seldom, 
Homer saith, and crieth out in this sort : 

The goddess Pallas she, with her fair glistering eyes, 

Did put into his mind such thoughts, and made him so devise. 

And in another place : 

But sure some god hath ta'en out of the people's mind 

Both wit and understanding eke, and have therewith assigned 

Some other simple spirit instead thereof to bide, 

That so they might their doings all for lack of wit misguide. 

And in another place : 

The people of themselves did either it consider, 

Or else some god instructed them, and so they joined together. 

Many reckon not of Homer, as referring matters unpos- 
sible, and fables of no likelihood or troth, unto man's 
reason, freewill, or judgement : which indeed is not his 
meaning. But things true and likely he maketh to depend 


of our own freewill and reason. For he oft speaketh these 
words : 

I have thought it in my noble heart : 

And in another place : 

Achilles angry was, and sorry for to hear 

Him so to say : his heavy breast was fraught with pensive fear. 

And again in another place : 

Bellerophon (she) could not move with her fair tongue ; 
So honest and so virtuous he was the rest among. 

But in wondrous and extraordinary things, which are 
done by secret inspirations and motions, he doth not say 
that God taketh away from man his choice and freedom of 
will, but that he doth move it : neither that he doth work 
desire in us, but objecteth to our minds certain imagina 
tions whereby we are led to desire, and thereby doth not 
make this our action forced, but openeth the way to our 
will, and addeth thereto courage and hope of success. For 
either we must say that the gods meddle not with the 
causes and beginnings of our actions : or else what other 
means have they to help and further men ? It is apparent 
that they handle not our bodies, nor move not our feet and 
hands, when there is occasion to use them : but that part 
of our mind, from which these motions proceed, is induced 
thereto or carried away by such objects and reasons as God 
offereth unto it. Now the Roman Ladies and gentlewomen 


did visit all the temples and gods of the same, to make their 
prayers unto them : but the greatest Ladies (and more part 
of them) were continually about the altar of Jupiter Capi- 
*toline, among which troop by name was Valeria, Publi- 
*cola's own sister ; the self same Publicola, who did such 
*notable service to the Romans, both in peace and wars, 
*and was dead also certain years before, as we have declared 
*in his life. His sister Valeria was greatly hon- 
*oured and reverenced among all the Romans : Publicola s 
*and did so modestly and wisely behave her self, 
*that she did not shame nor dishonour the house she came 
*of. 1 So she suddenly fell into such a fancy as we have 
rehearsed before, and had (by some god as I think) taken 
hold of a noble device. Whereupon she rose, and th' other 
Ladies with her, and they all together went straight 

r TT- i ir i Volumnia, 

to the house of Volumnia, Martius mother : Martius' 
and coming in to her, found her and Mar 
tius' wife her daughter-in-law set together, and having 
her husband Martius' young children in her lap. Now all 
the train of these Ladies sitting in a ring round about her, 
Valeria first began to speak in this sort unto her : The words 
' We Ladies are come to visit you Ladies (my Lady unto 3 " 
1 Volumnia and Virgilia) by no direction from the J n d Umn!a 
' Senate, nor commandment of other magistrate, but Vir s ilia - 
' through the inspiration (as I take it) of some god above. 
' Who, having taken compassion and pity of our prayers, 
1 Cf. Coriolanus, V. iii. 64-7. 


' hath moved us to come unto you, to entreat you in a 
' matter, as well beneficial for us, as also for the whole 
' citizens in general : but to yourselves in especial 
' (if it please you to credit me) and shall redound to 
' our more fame and glory, than the daughters of the Sabines 
' obtained in former age, when they procured loving peace, 
' in stead of hateful war, between their fathers and their hus- 
' bands. Come on good ladies, and let us go all together 
* unto Martius, to entreat him to take pity upon us, and also 
' to report the troth unto him, how much you are bound unto 
' the citizens : who notwithstanding they have sustained 
' great hurt and losses by him, yet they have not hitherto 
' sought revenge upon your persons by any discourteous 
' usage, neither ever conceived any such thought or intent 
' against you, but do deliver ye safe into his hands, though 
' thereby they look for no better grace or clemency from him.' 
When Valeria had spoken this unto them, all th' other 
ladies together with one voice confirmed that she had said. 
Xhe Then Volumnia in this sort did answer her. * My 

Vtfiwnnia ' good ladies, weare partakers with you of the common 
Roman * misery and calamity of our country, and yet our 
ladies. i grief exceedeth yours the more, by reason of our 
' particular misfortune : to feel the loss of my son Martius' 
' former valiancy and glory, and to see his person 
' environed now with our enemies in arms, rather 
' to see him forthcoming and safe kept, than of any 
' love to defend his person. But yet the greatest grief of our 


' heaped mishaps is to see our poor country brought to such 
' extremity, that all hope of the safety and preservation 
' thereof is now unfortunately cast upon us simple women : 
' because we know not what accompt he will make of us, since 
' he hath cast from him all care of his natural country and 
' commonweal, which heretofore he hath holden more dear 
' and precious than either his mother, wife, or children. Not- 

* withstanding, if ye think we can do good, we will willingly 

* do what you will have us. Bring us to him I pray you. For, 
' if we cannot prevail, we may yet die at his feet, as humble 
'suitors for the safety of our country.' Her answer ended, 
she took her daughter-in-law and Martius' children with 
her, and being accompanied with all the other Roman ladies, 
they went in troop together unto the Volsces' camp : 
whom when they saw, they of themselves did both pity and 
reverence her, and there was not a man among them that 
*once durst say a word unto her. Now was Martius set then 
*in his chair of state, with all the honours of a general, and, 
*when he had spied the women coming afar off, he marvelled 
*what the matter meant : but afterwards, knowing his wife 
*which came foremost, he determined at the first to persist 

in his obstinate and inflexible rancour. But overcome in 
*the end with natural affection, and being altogether altered 
*to see them, his heart would not serve him to tarry their 
*coming to his chair, but coming down in haste, he went to 
*meet them, and first he kissed his mother, and embraced her 
*a pretty while, then his wifeand littlechildren. And nature 


so wrought with him, that the tears fell from his eyes, and* 
he could not keep himself from making much of them, but* 
yielded to the affection of his blood, as if he had been* 
violently carried with the fury of a most swift-running* 
stream. 1 After he had thus lovingly received them, and* 
perceiving that his mother Volumnia would begin to speak 
to him, he called the chiefest of the council of the Volsces* 
to hear what she would say. 2 Then she spake in this* 
The ora- sort - ' If we held our peace (my son) andt 
Vohimnia ' determined not to speak, the state of our poort 
sonCorio- ' bodies a d present sight of our raiment wouldt 
lanus. < easily bewray totheewhat lifewehaveledathome,f 
' since thy exile and abode abroad. But think now with thyt 
' self, how much more unfortunately than all the woment 
' living we are come hither, considering that the sight whichf 
' should be most pleasant to all other to behold, spiteful for-t 

* tune hath made most fearful to us : making my self to sect 
' my son, and my daughter here, her husband, besieging thet 
' walls of his native country. So as that which is th' onlyt 
' comfort to all other in their adversity and misery, to prayt 

unto the gods, and to call to them for aid, is the only thingt 
' which plungeth us into most deep perplexity. For we can-t 
' not (alas) together pray, both for victory for our country,! 
' and for safety of thy life also : but a world of grievous curses,! 

* yea more than any mortal enemy can heap upon us, aret 
' forcibly wrapped up in our prayers. For the bitter sop oft 

1 Cf. Coriolanui, V. iii. 19-52. 2 Ibid. V. iii. 92, 3. 


t* most hard choice is offered thy wife and children, to forgo 
t* the one of the two : either to lose the person of thy self, or 
t' the nurse of their native country. For my self (my son) 
t' I am determined not to tarry till fortune in my lifetime do 
f make an end of this war. For if I cannot persuade thee, 
t' rather to do good unto both parties, than to overthrow and 
t' destroy the on^, preferring love and nature before the 
t' malice and calamity of wars : thou shalt see, my son, and 
t' trust unto it, thou shalt no sooner march forward to assault 
f thy country, but thy foot shall tread upon thy mother's 
t' womb, that brought thee first into this world. And I may 
t' not defer to see the day, either that my son be led prisoner 
t' in triumph by his natural countrymen, or that he himselt 
t' do triumph of them, and of his natural country. 1 For if it 
f were so, that my request tended to save thy country in 
f destroying the Volsces, I must confess, thou wouldst 
*' hardly and doubtfully resolve on that. For as to destroy 
*' thy natural country, it is altogether unmeet and unlawful : 
*' so were it not just, and less honourable, to betray those that 
*' put their trust in thee. But my only demand consisteth, 
*' to make a gaol-delivery of all evils, which delivereth equal 
*' benefit and safety both to the one and the other, but 
*' most honourable for the Volsces. For it shall appear 
*' that, having victory in their hands, they have of special 
*' favour granted us singular graces, peace, and amity, albeit 
*' themselves have no less part of both than we. Of which 
1 Cf. Coriolanus, V. iii. 94-125. 


'good, if so it came to pass, thy self is th' only author, and* 
'so hast thou th' only honour. But if it fail, and fall out* 
' contrary, thy self alone deservedly shall carry the shameful* 
' reproach and burden of either party. So, though the end* 
' of war be uncertain, yet this notwithstanding is most certain,t 
' that, if it be thy chance to conquer, this benefit shalt thouf 
' reap of thy goodly conquest, to be chronicled the plague andt 
' destroyer of thy country. 1 And if fortune also overthrow! 
' thee, then the world will say, that through desire to revenge 
' thy private injuries, thou hast for ever undone thy good 
' friends, who did most lovingly and courteously receive thee.' 
Martini gave good ear unto his mother's words, without 
interrupting her speech at all : and after she had said what 
she would, he held his peace a pretty while, and answered 
not a word. Hereupon she began again to speak unto him, 
and said : ' My son, why dost thou not answer me ? Dost 
' thou think it good altogether to give place unto thy choler 
' and desire of revenge, and thinkest thou it not honesty for 
' thee to grant thy mother's request, in so weighty a cause ? 
' Dost thou take it honourable for a noble man to rememberf 
' the wrongs and injuries done him, and dost not in like casef 
' think it an honest noble man's part to be thankful for the* 
' goodness that parents do shew to their children, acknow-* 
' ledging the duty and reverence they ought to bear unto* 
' them ? No man living is more bound to show himself* 
' thankful in all parts and respects, than thy self : who so* 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, V. iii. 132-48. 


*' unnaturally sheweth all ingratitude. 1 Moreover (my son) 
' thou hast sorely taken of thy country, exacting grievous 
' payments upon them, in revenge of the injuries offered thee : 
t' besides, thou hast not hitherto shewed thy poor mother any 
t* courtesy. And therefore, it is not only honest, but due unto 
*' me, that without compulsion I should obtain my so just and 
*' reasonable request of thee. But since by reason I cannot 
*' persuade thee to it, to what purpose do I defer my last 
*' hope ? ' And with these words, her self, his wife, and chil- 
*dren fell down upon their knees before him. 2 Martius, 
seeing that, could refrain no lenger, but went corio- 
tstraight and lift her up, crying out : ' Oh mother, co^pas. 
twhat have you done to me ? ' And holding her hard m" h r f . h ' s 
fby the right hand, ' Oh mother, ' said he, 
t* you have won a happy victory for your country, 
t' but mortal and unhappy for your son : 3 for I see 
myself vanquished by you alone.' These words being 
spoken openly, he spake a little apart with his mother and 
wife, and then let them return again to Rome, for so they 
did request him : and so, remaining in camp that Coriolanus 
*night, the next morning he dislodged, and marched dr" w "eth 
^homewards into the Volsces' country again, 4 J^J nny 
who were not all of one mind, nor all alike Rome - 
contented. For some misliked him, and that he had 
done. Other, being well pleased that peace should be 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, V. iii. 154-60. 2 Ibid. V. iii. 160-82. 

3 Ibid. V. iii. 182, 3, 185-9. 4 Ibid. V. iv. 45. 


made, said that neither the one nor the other deserved 
blame nor reproach. Other, though they misliked that was 
done, did not think him an ill man for that he did, but said 
he was not to be blamed, though he yielded to such a forcible 
extremity. Howbeit no man contraried his departure, but 
all obeyed his commandment, more for respect of his wor 
thiness and valiancy than for fear of his authority. Now 
the citizens of Rome plainly shewed in what fear and danger 
their city stood of this war, when they were delivered. For 
so soon as the watch upon the walls of the city perceived the 
Volsces' camp to remove, there was not a temple in the* 
city but was presently set open, and full of men wearing* 
garlands of flowers upon their heads, sacrificing to the gods,* 
as they were wont to do upon the news of some great* 
obtained victory. And this common joy was yet more* 
manifestly shewed by the honourable courtesies the whole* 
Senate and people did bestow on their ladies. 1 For they* 
were all throughly persuaded, and did certainly believe, 
that the ladies only were cause of the saving of the city, and 
delivering themselves from the instant danger of the war. 
Whereupon the Senate ordained that the magistrates, to 
The gratify and honour these ladies, should grant them 

FoTun f a11 that th <T would require. And they only re-* 
l*he ' f r quested that they would build a temple of Fortune* 
women. o f t h e WO men, 2 for the building whereof they* 
offered themselves to defray the whole charge of the 
1 Cf. Coriolanus, V. iv. 68-73. 2 lb ' d - v - ' 2o6 > 7- 


sacrifices, and other ceremonies belonging to the service of 
the gods. Nevertheless, the Senate, commending their good 
will and forwardness, ordained that the temple and image 
should be made at the common charge of the city. 
Notwithstanding that, the ladies gathered money among 
them, and made with the same a second image of Fortune, 
which the Romans say did speak as they offered her 
up in the temple, and did set her in her place : and they 
affirm, that she spake these words : ' Ladies, ye have 

r - i The image 

devoutly offered me up.' Moreover, that she spake of Fortune 
that twice together, making us to believe things the ladies 
that never were, and are not to be credited. For 
to see images that seem to sweat or weep, or to put forth any 
humour red or bloody, it is not a thing unpossible. ofthe 
For wood and stone do commonly receive certain a'nd'voiees 
moisture, whereof is engendered an humour, which 
do yield of themselves, or do take of the air, many sorts and 
kinds of spots and colours : by which signs and tokens it is 
not amiss, we think, that the gods sometimes do warn men 
of things to come. And it is possible also, that these images 
and statues do sometimes put forth sounds like unto sighs 
or mourning, when in the midst or bottom of the same 
there is made some violent separation, or breaking asunder 
of things blown or devised therein : but that a body which 
hath neither life nor soul should have any direct or exquisite 
word formed in it by express voice, that is altogether 
unpossible. For the soul nor god himself can distinctly 


speak without a body, having necessary organs and instruments 
meet for the parts of the same, to form and utter distinct 
words. But where stories many times do force us to 
believe a thing reported to be true by many grave testimonies, 
there we must say that it is some passion contrary to our 
five natural senses, which, being begotten in the imaginative 
part or understanding, draweth an opinion unto itself, 
even as we do in our sleeping. For many times we think 
we hear that we do not hear : and we imagine we see that 
we see not. Yet notwithstanding, such as are godly bent, 
and zealously given to think upon heavenly things, so as 
they can no way be drawn from believing that which is 
spoken of them, they have this reason to ground the 
Ofthe foundation of their belief upon. That is, the 
"tenc omnipotency of God, which is wonderful, and hath 
of God. no manner of resemblance or likeliness of proportion 
unto ours, but is altogether contrary as touching our nature, 
our moving, our art, and our force : and therefore if he do 
anything unpossible to us, or do bring forth and devise things 
without man's common reach and understanding, we must not 
therefore think it unpossible at all. For if in other things 
he is far contrary to us, much more in his works and secret 
operations he far passeth all the rest : but the most 


Aufidius part of God's doings, as Heraclitus saith, for lack 

seeketh to 

kill Corio- of faith are hidden and unknown unto us. Now 

lanus. . , 

when Martius was returned again into the city 01 
Antium from his voyage, Tullus, that hated and could 


no lenger abide him for the fear he had of his authority, 
sought divers means to make him out of the way, thinking 
that if he let slip that present time, he should never 
recover the like and fit occasion again. Wherefore Tullus, 
having procured many other of his confederacy, required 
Martius might be deposed from his estate, to render up 
accompt to the Volsces of his charge and government. 
Martius, fearing to become a private man again under 
Tullus being general (whose authority was greater otherwise, 
than any other among all the Volsces) answered : he was 
willing to give up his charge, and would resign it into the 
hands of the lords of the Volsces, if they did all command 
him, as by all their commandment he received it. And 
moreover, that he would not refuse even at that present to 
give up an accompt unto the people, if they would tarry the 
hearing of it. The people hereupon called a common coun 
cil, in which assembly there were certain orators appointed, 
that stirred up the common people against him : and when 
they had told their tales, Martius rose up to make them 
answer. Now, notwithstanding the mutinous people made 
a marvellous great noise, yet when they saw him, for the 
reverence they bare unto his valiantness, they quieted them 
selves, and gave still audience to allege with leisure what he 
could for his purgation. Moreover, the honestest men of the 
Antiates, and who most rejoiced in peace, shewed by their 
countenance that they would hear him willingly, and judge 
also according to their conscience. Whereupon Tullus fear- 


ing that if he did let him speak, he would prove his innocency 
to the people, because amongst other things he had an elo 
quent tongue, besides that the first good service he had done 
to the people of the Volsces did win him more favour, than 
these last accusations could purchase him displeasure : and 
furthermore, the offence they laid to his charge was a testi 
mony of the good will they ought him, for they would never 
have thought he had done them wrong for that they took 
not the city of Rome, if they had not been very near taking 
of it by means of his approach and conduction. For these 
causes Tullus thought he might no lenger delay his pretence 
and enterprise, neither to tarry for the mutining and rising 
of the common people against him : wherefore, those that* 
were of the conspiracy began to cry out that he was not to* 
be heard, nor that they would not suffer a traitor to usurp* 
tyrannical power over the tribe of the Volsces, 1 who would* 
not yield up his estate and authority. And in saying these 
words, they all fell upon him, and killed him in the market 
place, none of the people once offering to rescue him. How- 
beit it is a clear case, that this murder was not generally 
Coriolanus consente d unto of the most part of the Volsces : 
murdered f or men came out of all parts to honour his body,* 

in the city _ ' ' 

of Antium. and did honourably bury him, setting out his tomb* 
hums' with great store of armour and spoils, as the tomb* 

funerals. . 

of a worthy person and great captain.- The 
Romans, understanding of his death, shewed no other 

1 Cf. Coriolanus, V. v. 84-6. 2 Ibid. V. v. 143-5. 


honour or malice, saving that they granted the ladies the 
request they made, that they might mourn ten T , . 
months for him : and that was the full time they f 


used to wear blacks for the death of their fathers, appointed 
brethren, or husbands, according to Numa 
Pompilius' order, who stablished the same, as we have 
enlarged more amply in the description of his life. Now 
Martius being dead, the whole state of the Volsces heartily 
wished him alive again. For first of all they fell out 
with the Aeques (who were their friends and confederates) 
touching pre-eminence and place : and this quarrel grew on 
so far between them, that frays and murders fell out upon it 
one with another. After that the Romans overcame Tuilus 
them in battle, in which Tuilus was slain in the ^, d ^ S 
field, and the flower of all their force was put to battle - 
the sword : so that they were compelled to accept most 
shameful conditions of peace, in yielding themselves subject 
unto the conquerors, and promising to be obedient at their 



P. I, 11. 4-9. marginal note. This note is borrowed 
from Amyot, who writes : ' Pourauta qu'il acheua & ter- 
mina par sa mort la guerre qu'il auoit peu heureusement 
conduicte cotre ceux de Crete, c'est a dire, Candie. Florus 
en 1'epitome du liure 97.' Amyot's reference, omitted by 
North, is to the work of a Latin historian of the age of 
Trajan, L. Annal F/ori Rerum Romanarum Epitome. The passage 
alluded to is probably the seventh chapter of the third book 
(ed. 1827, Paris, pp. 230, 231), which is headed ' Bellum 
Creticum,' and mentions with dispraise the father of Antony : 
' Primus invasit insulam Marcus Antonius, cum ingenti 
quidem victoriae spe atque fiducia, adeo ut plures catenas in 
navibus quam arma portaret, etc.* 

1. 1 6. errand. The early editions have the old spelling 
' arrant,' which survives in pronunciation in many dialects. 

P. 3, 1. 22. and was. The subject of the verb is, of 
course, * Antonius.' 

1. 24. a castle of his. Not a very exact rendering of the 
French, ' la plus forte place qu'ilz eussent.' The passage, 
from 'and was' in 1. 22, runs in the Greek : avros /xei/ 
7r/??7 TOV /xeyurrov rwv tpvfj.dr<av 7rpu>T09. 

P. 4, 1. 9. made it dainty : ' hesitated,' a not uncommon 

VOL. II, 209 P 

210 NOTES 

idiom ; cf. N.E.D. s. v. Dainty, sb. 7. The French has 
' faisoit quelque difficulte.' 

1. 1 8. deep sands. Amyot has 'des profondcs sablonnieres,' 
but adds the marginal note, ' Autres lisent 68ous /3a#eias, qui 
seroit a dire, chemin creux : mais le premier est meilleur.' 
The accepted Greek reading, i^u/i/iou /3a0euxs, bears out his 

1. 20. Serbonides. This is the form of the adjective in the 
old editions, and in the French. Several modern editors 
substitute 'Serbonian,' doubtless with Miltonic reminiscence ; 
cf. Paradise Lost, II. 593. The Greek uses the genitive ot 
the noun, 7775 2cp/3wvt8os. 

1. 25. the sea on this side is, of course, the Mediterranean, 
as the Latin version explicitly states. 

P. 5, 11. 10, ii. and were many in number. A parentheti 
cal clause referring to ' battles and skirmishes.' Amyot's 
wording is ' battailles . . . grosses & en grand nombre.' 
The 1603 version of North substituted 'being' for 'and 

P. 7, 1. 1 8. that had changed his garments : i.e.' who had 
changed sides.' An overliteral translation of 'qui auoit 
tourne sa robbe.' The Greek has merely IK /Ae-ru/JoA/*}?. 

P. 9, 1. 14. Philippics: i.e. the fourteen orations against 
Antony delivered after Caesar's assassination, so called from 
their analogy to Demosthenes's speeches against Philip of 
Macedon. The passage to which Plutarch alludes occurs in 
the second Philippic, chapter 22 (Delphin ed., London, 
1830, Orationes, Vol. V. p. 2679) : ' ^Jt Helena Trojanis, 
sic iste huic reipublicas causa belli, causa pestis atque exitii 
fuit.' The old editions of North print ' Philippides,' 
though Amyot has correctly ' Philippiques.' 

NOTES 211 

P. 10, 1. 20. injurled. This is the spelling of the early 
editions of North. The verbs ' injure ' and ' injury ' were 
used quite interchangeably by Elizabethan writers. 

P. 13,1. 3. before. An adverb. 

P. 14, 1. 27. Cytheris. North, following Amyot, spells 
* Cytheride.' 

P. 15, 1. 15. gilhts. Probably the same word as 'jilt.' 
Cf. N.E.D. s.v. Gillot, Jillet, and Jilt. 

11. 22, 23. laid the reins of the bridle upon the soldiers' necks. 
A heightening of Amyot's ' lascha la bride aux gens de 

P. 1 6, 1. 9. faults. The first and second editions or 
North have * fault,' but this is a misprint. Amyot uses the 
plural, which is required by the sense, and is supplied in the 
editions of 1603, etc. 

P. 17, 1. 6. ' for being known.' The preposition is used 
in the very common Middle English sense of ' for fear of,' 
'to avoid.' Cf. N.E.D. s.v. 23, c, d. 

11. 9, 10. ramped of her neck, and kissed her : Trepi/JaAwv 
Kare^tA^cre. 'Ramped of ' means ' leaped on.' Ed. 1603 
substitutes ' on ' for ' of,' which in this sense was then rather 

1. 21. Jiff. So the old editions, preserving the etymo- 
logically correct form (O.E. 'fifta'). The modern 'fifth' 
follows the analogy of 'fourth' (O.E. 'feor^Sa'). So 
modern 'sixth' from O.E. ' sixta.' 

P. 1 8, 11. 11, 12. meaning by: ' entendant de ' 

P. 20, 1. 6. consort. Cf. N.E.D. s.v. Consort sb. 2 , I. 

P. 28, 1. 17. Island. The first two editions preserve the 
etymological spelling 'Hand' (O.E. iglond). These editions 
generally omit the ' s ' in ' Isle ' also, where, however, it is 

2 1 2 NOTES 

etymologically correct as the latter word is derived through 
the French from Latin insulam. 

P. 29, 11. 1 8, 19. three hundred. ' Two hundred' in the 
Life of Brutus (cf. Vol. I. p. 149,!. 12). The inconsistency 
is Plutarch's. Shakespeare (Julius Caesar, IV. iii. 174-6) 
makes the number slain one hundred. 

1. 24. Philippics. Here again the early editions write 
' Philippides.' Cf. note to p. 9, 1. 14. Amyot calls the 
orations ' Antoniennes.' The Greek uses no adjective, 
Plutarch's phrase being simply TOUS KO.T auroC (/'. e. Antonius) 

P. 31, 1. 7. policy : 'trickery.' For Shakespearean in 
stances of the use of the word in this sense cf. Schmidt, 
Sh.-Lex. s.v. 4. 

P. 34,11. 1 8, 19. These are the fourth and fifth lines of 
Oedipus Tyrannus. The Greek is : 

TToAlS &' OfJLOV fJLfV OvfJiiafJ-OLTOiV yefJLCl, 

6/iou Se TTCuavwv TC /cat crrcvay/zaTwv, 
which Amyot translated, 

' Pleine de chants, perfums, encensemens, 
De pleurs aussi & de gemissemens." 

Plutarch quotes only the last verse ; the other is added by 

P. 35, 1. 6. A citizen's house of Magnesia : a frequent 
construction in early writers. Cf. Kellner, Historical 
Outlines of English Syntax, 469. 

P. 36,1. 20. bourding: 'jesting.' Cf. N.E.D. s.v. 

P. 39, 1. 12. post alone : 'entirely alone.' For a number 
of instances of this formerly not uncommon phrase, cf. 
N.E.D. s.v. Post alone. 

NOTES 2 1 3 

P. 40, 1. 8. slents : 'jokes.' Nares appears to be the first 
lexicographer to notice this word. He quotes the present 
passage and another in North where ' slent ' is used as a 
verb. Cf. also Century Dictionary s.v. 

P. 44, 11. 11-13. Antonlus shewed them a comical face . . . 
a grim look. The Greek has : T<3|TpayiK<2 Trpos TOVS 'Pw/xaiovs 
Xp^rat TrpocrwTrw, TW Se KW/XI/CW Trpos avrovs. 

P. 47, 1. 9. Accia. The received spelling is ' Ada.' 

P. 48, 1. I 3. Misenum. North writes ' Misena,' here and 

I. 21. a certain. The word 'quantity,' found in Amyot, 
is omitted, perhaps by mistake, but 'certain' is not in 
frequently used as a noun by old writers. Cf. N.E.D. s.v. 
Certain B. II. 4, and the instances there quoted. 

P. 49, 1. 13. gables. An alternative form of 'cables.' 
Cf. N.E.D. s.v. Gable sb. 2 

II. 23, 24. to keep them they should come no further. The 
conjunction ' that ' is, of course, to be supplied before 

P. 51, 1. 20. stickler : a referee or judge. This is the 
original meaning of the word. It is spelled ' stiteler ' in 
M.E. and seems certainly to be derived from M.E. stightlen, 
' to arrange.' Cf. Nares' Glossary, Skeat's Etymological 
Dictionary, etc. 

P. 52, 1. I. Qrode? son king of Parthia : i.e. 'son of 
Orodcs king of Parthia.' Cf. note to p. 35, 1. 6, and 
reference there cited. 

11. 22-24. that they should not think he did anything but by 
his Lieutenant Ventidius. A mistranslation ; ' that they 
should not think he did everything by means of his 
lieutenant V.' would be nearer the sense. The Greek is : 

2i 4 NOTES 

' ye TOVTO TWV Ipycov lirtovv/JLOV avrov yvr#eu 
Kai /AT/ Travra Sia OvevriSi'ou KaropOovaOai. 

P. 57, 1. 9. Phraates. Amyot and North adhere through 
out to the incorrect spelling ' Phraortcs.' 

1. 12, marginal note. Orodes, king ofParthia. Instead ot 
' Parthia,' the old editions have ' Persia.' The marginal 
notes, first found in North's translation, were obviously 
compiled very carelessly, but Parthia and Persia were not 
infrequently confused by Latin writers. 

P. 59, 1. 26. carriage. Cf. note to Vol. I. p. 55, 1. 2, 
and p. 62, 11. 3, 4 of this volume. 

P. 60, 1. 23. fardels: 'bundles,' cf. N.E.D. s.v. Fardel 
sb. 1 i. 

P. 6 1 , 11. 6, 7. they appeared to be soldier $ indeed, to see them 
march in so good array as tvas possible. The meaning is clear 
enough, but the syntax of the sentence defies explanation. 
North has translated a little too closely Amyot's ' leur 
sembloient bien gens de guerre a les ueoir marcher en si 
bonne ordonnance qu'il n'estoit pas possible de miculx.' 
The editor of 1631, troubled by the grammatical diffi 
culty, changed the words above to ' took them for soldiers 
indeed, for that they marched in as good array as was 

P. 64, 11. 6-9. to the end it should not appear . . . danger 
he was in. A very involved way of expressing Plutarch's 
idea, ws ST/ ^T) TravraTracnv dyairav TO crw^J/vai icat 

P. 65, 1. 13. fetch: 'trick.' Cf. N.E.D. s.v. fetch 
sb. a 2. 

P. 71, 1. 13. javelins. The spelling of the original 
edition is 'javelings,' as very commonly in early English. 

NOTES 215 

P. 72, 1. 22. eight. The ordinal. Cf. Vol. I. p. 106, 
1. 17, and note. 

P. 73, 1. 19. Cyrus. The second edition prints by mis 
take ' Cyprus ' in the text, though the marginal note has 
' Cyrus ' correctly. 

I. 20. farther. Ed. 1579 prints 'farder.' 

P. 75, 1. 4. champaign. The old editions use the common 
Elizabethan form of the word, ' champion.' 

II. 10, ii. the same fortune that Marcus Crassus did. The 
standard account of the destruction of Crassus and his army 
by the Parthians (B.C. 53) is found in Plutarch's Life of 

1.25. sallets : Might helmets.' Cf. Vol. I. p. 188, 
1. 10. 

P. 79, 1. i. defended: 'warded off.' The primary sense 
of the word. 

11. 2, 3. hand strokes: 'handy strokes' in ed. 1595, 

I. 15. sixt. The etymological form, answering to O.E. 
'sixta.' Cf. note on ' fift,' p. 17, 1. 21. 

P. So, 1. 17. Artabazus. The proper spelling is 'Arta- 

II. 17, 1 8. had reserved Antonius to end this war: mis 
translated. The correct rendering would be, ' had prevented 
A. from ending.' Amyot has ' auoit garde Antonius de 
mener a chef ceste guerre,' where 'garde' means 'hindered.' 
Plutarch's words are : KaraS^Xos -r/v 'ApTaouacrS^s 6 

'Ap/AV6OS 'AvTCOVtOV KtVoU TOU 7roAe'yHOV TO TtXoS Ct</>Ad/X,VOS. 

P. 8 1, 1. 3. egg: 'urge.' 

1. 20. snew. Cf. Vol. I. p. 145, 1. 22, and note. 

1. 22. Elancbourg. Acr/o/ KW/XT^ in Plutarch. ' Blanc- 

216 NOTES 

boarg ' is Amyot's translation, which North accepted ap 
parently as a Greek proper name. 

P. 83, 11. 24, 25. knowing that Octavia would have Antonius 
from her. ' Would ' means ' wished to ' ; French ' uouloit.' 

P. 84., 11. 2-13. The means by which Cleopatra retains 
Antony's affection are quite different in Shakespeare. Cf. 
A 'n tony and Cleopatra, I. iii. 2-5. 

' See where he is, who's with him, what he does ; 
I did not send you : if you find him sad, 
Say I am dancing ; if in mirth, report 
That I am sudden sick.' 

P. 85, 1. 7. made peace with him. 'Formed a league with 
him' would be a better translation of ek <(Atav TT : 
1 him ' refers to the king of the Medes. 

P. 87, 11. 2, 3. a high copped- tank hat on his head, narrow in 
the top. Amyot has ' un hault chappeau pointu sur la teste, 
dont la pointe estoit droitte,' translating Plutarch's Kirapw 
opOrjv (cf. Liddell and Scott, s.v. Ki'Sapis). ' Copped-tank ' 
is a word of very uncertain etymology ; the little that is 
known of it will be found in N.E.D. s.v. Copin-tank. 

1. 26. triumvirate. Used apparently in the sense ot 
' fellow-triumvir.' The Greek phrase is TOV a-wdpxovra 

P. 91, 1. 2. his father. The 1579 edition reads 'her 
father,' an evident mistake, which ed. 1595 corrects. The 
French is ambiguous, ' excepte 1'aisne de ceulx de Fuluia, 
qui estoit auec son pere.' 

P. 92, 1. 7. perfectly. The first two editions spell 
'perfidy,' which is historically preferable to the newer 
Latinized form of the word. Cf. the Chaucerian ' parfit,' 
modern French ' parfait.' 

NOTES 217 

11. 26, 27. in the which she had above tzco hundred thousand 
books. Ed. 1595 adds 'several' before 'books,' possibly as 
a translation of the adjective in Amyot's ' esquelles il y 
auoit deux cts mille uolumes simples.' Neither in the 
French nor in the Greek is there anything corresponding to 
North's ' above.' 

P. 93, 1. 13, was pleading: ' was a-pleading,' ed. 1595, 

1. 27. made him be set : 'made him to be set,' ed. 1595, 

P. 94, 1. 22. Falernus. * Falerna ' in the old editions. 

1. 25. joys. A translation of Amyot's 'delices.' The 
word is, of course, the well-known Latin ' deliciae,' which 
Plutarch takes over as Si\i/aa. 

P. 96, 1. 6. they did hurt. The number is wrong, as the 
* blustering storm ' is the subject of the verb. Amyot has 
the singular. 

1. 23. Adallas. The Greek form of the name is SaSaXas. 

1. 26. Malchus. I have adopted this the correct form 
(Gk. MaX^os), but North wrote * Manchus ' and was fol 
lowed by Shakespeare. The 'Manchus' of the 1623 folio 
has been changed to ' Malchus ' by all modern editors of 

P. 97, 11. 12, 13. Mare Siculum. Plutarch has TO Tup- 
prjviKov KOI SiKcXiKov Tre'Aayos. The Sicilian Sea is, of 
course, the Mediterranean. 

1. 20. press. The 1595 edition prints ' prest,' an alter 
native form. Cf. p. 158, 1. 19. 'Prest,' from Old French 
prest, ' ready,' is etymologically the preferable form. 

P. 98, 1. 3. light of yarage : 'easily propelled and 
managed.' Cf. ' heavy of yarage,' p. 104, 1. 4. * Yarage ' 


tT" -- ** 


V tT" -- 

5 - 

zi8 NOTES 

is formed from the adjective ' yare ' (cf. Antony and Cleopatra, 
III. vii. 38), which represents O.K. gearu, ' ready.' 

P. 99, 11. 2-1 8. marginal note. Translated from Amyot. 

1. 7. element. Cf. Vol. I. p. 67, 1. 17, and note. 

P. 100, 1. 13. Getae : ' Getes ' old editions and Amyot. 

P. 101, 1. 6. often used: 'used often' ed. 1595, etc. 

I. 8. an : ed. 1595 substitutes 'if.' 

P. 105,1. 25. had already be%un. For 'had' ed. 1595 
substitutes ' was.' 

P. 106, 1. 2. this galley : 'his galley' ed. 1595. 

P. 107, 1. 13. carracks : ' carects,' old editions. 

P. 1 08, 1. II. hardly : 'very hardly,' ed. 1595. 

P. 109,1. 26, 27. because Brutus in the meantime might hare 
liberty to save himselj. ' Because' is here a conjunction ot 
purpose = ' in order that.' Cf. N.E.D. s.v. B, 2. 

P. 1 1 o,l. 15. tvhere the two seas are narrowest. 'Narrowest' 
must be taken in the sense of ' closest together.' Plutarch 
wrote rj <r<iyyeTai /z,aAicrra TOIS TreXayecrt KOL ^Spa^vVepov 
evpos eoTi, the subject being the isthmus. 

P. in,ll. 13, 14. as appeareth by Plato and Aristophanes' 
comedies. ' Plato ' is in the possessive case as well as 'Aristo 
phanes,' as the Greek shows : CK TWV 'Apto-ro^avovs *at 
IIAaTwvos Spafj-aTwv. This Plato, so-called the Comic, was 
a younger contemporary of Aristophanes. He appears to 
have been the last writer of the 'old comedy.' Aristo 
phanes himself mentions Timon in The Birds, 1. 1549, and 
again at greater length in Lysistrata, 809-15. 

II. 25, 26. like to his nature and conditions. So the first 
edition ; the second edition substitutes ' of ' for ' to.' 
Amyot's reading is, ' semblable de nature & de meurs a 

NOTES 219 

P. 112, !. 19. Halxe : ' Hales ' in the old editions and in 

11. 24, 25. Shakespeare incorporates this epitaph with 
the single change of ' wicked wretches ' in the second line 
to ' wicked caitiffs.' North has departed considerably from 
Amyot's version, which runs : 

' Aiant finy ma uie malheureuse 
En ce lieu cy, on m'y a inhume : 
Mourez, meschans, de mort malencontreuse, 
Sans demander comme ie fus nomme.' 

P. 1 1 3, 11. 4, 5. Shakespeare appends this second epitaph 
to the first, without making any change in the wording. 
It is thus given by Amyot : 

' Ici ie fais pour tousiours ma demeure 
Timon encor les hommes hai'ssant, 
Passe, lecteur, en me donnant male heure, 
Seulement passe, & me ua maudissant.' 

1. i 8. /;/ the sea. So the first edition, translating Amyot's 
' dedans la mer.' The second edition reads ' by the sea.' 
Plutarch uses the adjective evaAov. 

1. 21. of rioting and banqueting. Ed. 1595 changes 'of 
to 'on.' 

P. 114, 11. 19-21. For when she saw the poisons that were 
sudden and vehement, and brought speedy death. This is 
inaccurate and hardly grammatical. To get Plutarch's idea 
we should insert the conjunction ' that ' after ' saw,' and 
delete ' and ' before ' brought.' The Greek runs, 'ETret Se 
ras fJitv t^KV/Jiopovs TIJV o^vrrjra TOW Oavdrov Si' o 

P. 115, 1. 2. all them : ' them all,' ed. 1595. 

220 NOTES 

1. 3, 4. only causeth : ' causeth only,' ed. 1595. 

1. \ 4.. for her children. So ed. 1579: the later editions 
print ' for their children.' There is no doubt that the 
former is correct, though without the context both Amyot's 
' pour ses enfans ' and Plutarch's TOIS Traurlv would be 

P. 1 1 6,1. 1 6. Thyreus. So North, followed by Shake 
speare, but the name in Plutarch is 0vp(ro9. 

11 1 8, 19. unto a noble Lady, and that besides greatly liked 
her beauty. Very clumsily translated ; it would seem that 
North understood the relative to refer to the ' young Lord,' 
but Amyot's language is quite clear : ' a une femme haultaine, 
& qui se contentoit grandemet & se fioit de sa beaute ' 
where ' qui,' of course, means Cleopatra. 

P. 117, 11. 11, 12. she now in contrary manner did keep it 
with such solemnity. This is an incorrect translation of 
Amyot's * au contraire elle celebroit le iour de la siene de 
telle sorte,' where 'la siene' refers to Antony, not Cleopatra. 
Plutarch has TTJV CKetvov (yeve'0Atov). 

P. 119, 11. 2, 3. Caesar answered him, that he had many other 
ways to die than so. The antecedent of ' he ' is doubtful in 
North as in Amyot. Shakespeare takes it as referring to 
Caesar and so North probably intended ; but from the 
Greek it is evident that it should allude to Antony : TroAAas 
68ous 'Avraw'a) Trapewu Oavdrutv. 

1. 5. to set up his rest : ' to put everything at stake.' A 
common Elizabethan idiom ; cf. p. 139, 1. 24, and Nares' 
Glossary, s.v. ' Rest, to set up.' 

P. 123, 1. 7. berayed: 'soiled.' Cf. N.E.D. s.v. Beray. 

P. 126, 1. 23. for the founder's sake of the same city. Cf. p. 
35, 1. 6, and note. 

NOTES 221 

P. 127, 11. II, 12. 

A wise man, if that he be wise indeed, 
May by a wise man have the better speed. 

North has missed the point of the epigram and with it the 
reason why it affected Caesar. The clause * if that he be 
wise indeed ' should apply to Arrius, not to Philostratus 
himself. Plutarch wrote : Soc^ol crcx^ovs crw^ovcrw, a.v WCTLV 
<ro<f>oi, which Amyot translates freely but accurately 
enough : 

'Gens de S9auoir les 89auans uont sauuans, 
Ou ilz ne sont eulx mesmes pas sjauans.' 

The anecdote is used by Samuel Daniel in his Tragedie of 
Cleopatra (III. i.). 

P. 128, 1. 7. Too many Caesars is not good: OVK ayaOov 

11. 8, 9. Alluding unto a certain verse of Homer that salth : 
Too many Lords doth not well. This explanation is not found 
in Plutarch ; it was added by Amyot. The verse of Homer 
to which he refers is Iliad, II. 204, which begins : ou/c 
ayaQov TroXvuoipaviir). 

P. 129, 11. 1 8, 19. torn in sunder. Rather strong for 
Amyot's ' deschire & meurtry,' which in its turn heightens 
the Greek : *Hv Se TroXXa /cat T^S Trepl TO orepvov cu/aas 

11. 22, 23. yet she showed herself within by her outward looks 
and countenance : 'elle apparoissoit du dedans, & se demonstroit 
aux mouuemens de son uisage.' 

P. 133, 1. 21. trimming: 'adjusting,' the original sense 
of the word. Greek, 

222 NOTES 

P. 134,1. 14. razor. The correct translation is probably 
' pin.' Amyot and North have apparently blundered in 
mistaking Plutarch's /or/ori'Si from the rare KVT/O-TI'S, translated 
in the Latin version by ' fistula,' for a form of the commoner 
Kvf)(TTi<;, which means ' knife.' 

P. 135, 1. 12. a thousand talents. In Plutarch Sur^'Ata 

1. 18. Juba. ' King Juba,' cd. 1595, etc. 

P. 136, 1. 17. the one whose name was Caius : the Emperor 
Caligula, A. D. 12-41. 


P. 137, 11. 8, 9. Censorlnus also came of that family, that 
was so surnamcd. These words suggested the emendation ot 
Delius (Coriolamts, II. iii. 251) : 'And Censorinus, that was 
so surnam'd.' The line is not found in the folio of 1623, 
our only source for the text of Coriolanus, but it or some 
thing similar is required by the sense, and it is not at all 
improbable that North here helps us to the identical words 
which Shakespeare wrote and his printer by mistake omitted. 
The folio version of 11. 250-253 is obviously defective : 

'That our best Water, brought by Conduits hither, 
And Nobly nam'd, so twice being Censor, 
Was his great Ancestor.' 

The printer was no doubt confused by two successive lines 
beginning with ' And,' and accidentally omitted the first. 

1. 1 6. who taught us by experience : 'who' refers to Caius 
Martius. ' Experience ' must be understood as meaning 

NOTES 223 

* our actual observation.' There is no corresponding word 
in the Greek, but the Latin version has ' suo exemplo 
docuit.' Cf. N.E.D. s.v. Experience sb. 3. 

1. 19. they are. We should say 'they who are.' For 
another instance of this very common omission of the 
relative see the next page, 1. 4, ' that were meet.' 

P. 138, 11. 7, 8. like as a fat soil bringeth forth herbs and 
weeds that lie th unmaniired. The editors of 1 603, ff. had grown 
more squeamish about the position of relative clauses ; so we 
read in their texts : ' as a fat soile that lyeth vnmanured 
bringeth foorth both hearbes and weedes.' 

1. 24. bringeth men unto : bringeth unto men, 1595, etc. 

P. 139, 1. 2. called-, 'call,' 1595, etc. self: 'it selfe,' 
1 595, etc. 

1. 23. with all the aid of the Latins. Cf. Vol. I. p. 165, 
11. 24, 25, and note. The Greek has here simply TrA-eio-rot 

1. 24. set up his iv/io/e rest. Cf. p. 119, 1. 5, and note. 

P. 140,1. 15. in very old time. For 'very' ed. 1595 
substitutes 'the,' while ed. 1603, etc., omit both. 

P. 141, 11. 9-13, marginal note. It will be observed that 
the note here fails, as is often the case, to represent accurately 
the substance of the text. 

1. 12. no great courage. The 1603 edition relieves the 
ears of modern readers by substituting ' any ' in place or 

P. 142, 1. 7. from whence he returned not without some 
reward. The 1603 edition changes 'without' to 'with,' 
which is, of course, what we should say. But it is probable 
that North wrote ' without ' ; he has no prejudice against 
double negatives. 

224 NOTES 

1.2i. Leuctra. North, following Amyot, spells the word 
' Leuctres.' 

P. 143, 11. I, 2. two children. The numeral is North's 
contribution. Plutarch and Amyot use the plural only. 

1. 20. Marcus. The name is ' Manius ' in Plutarch. 

P. 144,1. i. made. So ed. 1595, etc. The first edition 
prints ' make ' probably a typographical error. 

P. 145, 1. 27. were : 'was' in the first edition. 

P. 147, 1. 7. Vohces. This is the spelling of North and 
Shakespeare, due to Amyot's * Volsques.' The Latin form 
of the word is Folsci, which Plutarch transliterates OuoX- 
ova-KOi. Similarly Corioli is spelled by Amyot and North 
' Corioles ' (e.g. 1. 9), but in the case of this word Shake 
speare restores the Latin form. 

P. 149, 1. 13. Lartlus. The edition of 1595 prints 
' Martius,' a mere blunder which, however, some modern 
editors retain. 

1. 18. to lock up. The early editions print ' to looke up.' 

P. 150, 1. 5. to be so gracious. Ed. 1595 omits 'so.' 

1. 9. to gird them upon. For another instance of this 
common transposition of preposition and pronoun see p. 167, 


P. 151, 1. 24. distressed. Cf. Vol. I. p. 28, 1. 20. 

P. 152,11. 13-18, marginal note. The tenth part of the 
enemies' goods offered Martius for reward, etc. Observe that 
this is not at all equivalent to the ' ten of every sort ' 
mentioned in the text ; the English writer who appended 
the notes was frequently careless. 

1. 24. price. Used here in the sense of ' prize.' The two 
words were formerly not distinguished, Cf. ' games of 
price,' p. 51, 1. 13. 

NOTES 225 

P. 153, 1. 1 8. they were moe : 'there were more,' ed. 
1595, etc. In Elizabethan usage little difference was made 
between the use of the adverbial ' moe ' (O.E. ma) and the 
adjectival ' more ' (O.E. mara). 

I. 19. contentation : 'contentment.' 

P. 154, 1. 17. our Christian name. The adjective is, of 
course, not in Plutarch, whose phrase is TWV ovo/xarwv iStov. 

II. 1 7-20, marginal note. How the Romans came to have three 
names. The first edition omits ' have,' which is supplied by 
ed. 1595. 

P. 155, 1. 7. the second of the Battl. For some account 
of Battus II. and his family cf Harper's Diet. Classical 
Literature and Antiquities, s.v. ' Battiadae.' The marginal 
note, added by Amyot, is substantially correct. 

11. 17, 1 8. Celer, the quick fly. The definition is North's 

11. 19, 20. the cruel fight of fencers at unrelated swords. 
North's imaginative rendering of Plutarch's /Aovo/^a^wv 
dyuJvas. Amyot had been satisfied with ' escrimeurs a 

P. 1 5 6, 1. I . As Sylla, to say, crooked-nosed. North omits 
Amyot's note to this passage : ' Toutefois Sex. Pompeius 
escrit que les homes bruns s'appelloient Sullae.' 

1. 1 6. earable. The native English adjective from O.E. 
erian, 'to plough.' The edition of 1595 substitutes the 
more common ' arable,' derived from Latin aramlis. 

P. 158, 1. 7. tuition. Used in the sense of Latin tuitio, 
' protection.' 

P. 159, 11. 12, 13. the home-tarriers and house-doves, 
that kept Rome still. There is no suggestion of this 
picturesqueness of epithet either in Plutarch or in Amyot. 


226 NOTES 

For keep in the sense of ' remain in,' cf. N.E.D. s.v. Keep, 

v- 33- 

P. 1 6 1, 11. 6, 7. the first thatfeid the judges ivith money : 
' celuy qui premier donna de 1'argent aux iuges pour les 
corrompre.' Instead of ' fee'd ' the early editions print 
< fedde.' 

1. 9. Py/os. North retains the French form ' Pyle.' 

I. 10. unfoiled : ' undefiled.' For this meaning of ' foil ' 
cf. N.E.D. s.v. Foil v. 1 , 6. 

P. 163, 1. 25. good cheap. Cf. Vol. I. p. 7, 1. 19, and 

P. 167, 11. 2, 3. how it stood them upon : 'how it behoved 
them.' A very common Elizabethan idiom. For Shake 
spearean examples cf. Schmidt, Shakespeare-Lexicon, s.v. 
Stand, e. 4. 

P. 170, 1. 24. Nundinae : originally the name applied to 
the market days, which occurred at the end of each eight- 
day week. It was only relatively late that courts were 
held on the Nundinae. Cf. Harper's Diet. Class. Lit. and 
Antiq. s.v. 

P. 171, 11. 8,9. Appius Claudius, the founder of the Gens 
Claudia. By birth a Sabine, he attached himself with a 
number of his followers to the Roman state and became 
Consul B.C. 495. The Decemvir of the same name was 
either his son or his grandson. 

P. 174,1. 1 6. good hap. The edition of 1603 substitutes 
' evil hap,' but North probably wrote ' good hap ' as we use 
the similar word ' fortune,' without any favourable or un 
favourable connotation. 

P, 175, 1. i. in that taking-, 'in that condition.' 

II. i 2. 13. sundry sorts and kind of thoughts. The second 



edition substitutes * kinds,' but ' kind ' in such cases is 
almost an indeclinable. For an account of the stages by 
which it became so, cf. Kellner, Historical Outlines of English 
Syntax, 167-169. 

1. 25. called Tullus Aufidlus. The proper form of the 
name is Amfidius ('A/<,<iSio9). 

P. 176, 1. 13, the true words of an ancient poet. The 
4 ancient poet ' is Amyot's fabrication. Plutarch refers to 
the author of the saying merely as r<3 enroim ; he was in 
fact the philosopher Heraclitus, the first of the Greek 
prose writers. The maxim which North has expanded 
into four lines of verse is thus quoted by Plutarch : u//,<3 
fia^ecr^at ^aXeirov 6 yap av 6f\r) i/'i'X^? wvetrat. The 
accepted version differs somewhat. It runs as follows : 
U//.W /xa^ecr^ai ^aXcTrov o TL yap av XPW&l "Y<-ve<r6ai, i/'v^S 
COVCCTCU. (Cf. Heracliti Ephesii Reliquiae, ed. I. Bywater. 
Oxon. 1877, p. 41, frag. CV.) 

1. 22. So did he enter into the enemy's town : 'AvSpwv 
Sw/Acve'ojv Kare'Su trokiv (Odyssey, IV. 246). 

P. 178, 1. 10. between my enemies. The earliest editions 
have the misprint * thy ' for * my.' 

P. 1 8 1, 1. 4. Rmmer : 'a shaft.' Cf. N.E.D. s.v. Limber, 
sb. 1 i. 

P. 182, 1. 1 6. hollowed coaches or charrets. Charrets or 
charets, from Fr. ' charette,' were ordinarily carriages with 
two wheels, whereas chariots had four. Cf. N.E.D. s.v. 

P. 184, 1. 13. tract of time. A very common phrase 
answering to the Latin tractus temporis. Cf. Paradise Lost, 
V. 498. 

P. 185, 11. 18, 19. that had the enemy abroad, to keep that 

228 NOTES 

they had in safety : * qu'ilz auoient au dehors 1'ennemy 
mesme qui leur gardoit leurs biens.' 

P. 1 86, 1. 21. Vieanians. By some accident the word 
has lost its first syllable in Amyot and North. Plutarch's 
form is AaowKavous, corresponding to Latin ' Lavicos.' 

P. 190, 1. 26. in reason. So ed. 1603, etc., but the first 
two editions read ' in treason ' apparently a misprint. 
Amyot's equivalent of lines 25, 26 runs : ' qui estoit perte 
de plus grande consequence, pource que c'estoit ordinaire- 
ment ce qui faisoit ou perdre ou coseruer cela & toute autre 

P. 191, 11. 6, 7. seven cities of theirs well inhabited. So 
ed. 1579; the second edition, however, inserts 'great' 
before ' cities,' which is supported by Amyot's ' sept uilles 
grandes & bien peuplees.' 

P. 192, 11. 26, 27. all this goodly rabble of superstition and 
priests : l ces gens de religion.' The difference between the 
point of view of the French and that of the English translator 
could hardly be brought out more strikingly. 

P. 193* 11- I I, 12. T<3 S'up' eVt <pe<ri OfjKC 6ta yXauKwrris 
A.0rjvr). The line occurs in the Odyssey, V. 427, with the 
substitution of a ^ for Tu> 8' ap'. 

11. 14-17. 'AAAa TIS a$avaTO)v rptyev <f>pva<;, os y evt 
6vfj.<a ST^/AOU OrjKe <j>driv. Cf. Iliad, IX. 459, 460, where 
the modern editors read Travcrev ^dXov os p" evi 6vp.&. 

11. 19, 2O. "Hroi oio-ffa/xcvos rj KOI ^eos fi>9 CKeAcuc. 
The modern texts of Homer (Od. IX. 339) vary in 
one or two small details from Plutarch's version as given 

P. 194, 1. 3- Avrap eyw /JovXeucra Kara fj.fya\rJTopa 
OvfJ.6v (Od. IX. 299). 

NOTES 229 

11. 5, 6. I% fl9 <f>dro' II^Aeuovi 8' a^os ye'ver', cv Be. ol rJTOp 
o-tv Aacrc'oicri SiavSt^a yucp/x^pt^cv (Iliad, I. 1 8 8, 
I8 9 ). 

11. 8, 9. dAAa TOV 6v Tt 

TreW ayaOa <pove'ovTa Sau^pora BeAAepo<ovn?v (Iliad, VI. 

161, 162). 

P. 196, 11. 25-27. TYtf/fcr /o see him forthcoming and safe 
kept, than of any love to defend his person : ' plus tost pour 
s'asseurer de luy que pour le garder.' 

P. 197, 1. 20. knowing his wife. On the last word 
Amyot has a note, omitted by North : ' Aucuns uieux 
exeplaires liset, p^repa, sa mere.' However, the modern 
texts of Plutarch give neither the one nor the other, but 
instead ras ywaucas, ' the women.' The phrase which came 
foremost (1. 21) is represented in the Greek by Trpoo-tovcras, 
' advancing.' 

P. 198, 1. 1 6. most pleasant to all other. Doubtless we 
ought to read ' of all other.' 

1. 26-p. 199, 1. 3. For the bitter sop of most hard choice 
is offered thy wife and children, to forgo the one of the two : 
either to lose the person of thy self, or the nurse of their native 
country. Much improved by North. Amyot wrote : 
' pource qu'il est force a ta femme & a tes enfans qu'ilz 
soient priuez de 1'un des deux, ou de toy, ou de leur pai's.' 
The nurse of their native country is a case of apposition like 
' the city of Rome.' 

P. 202, 11. 24, 25. a temple of Fortune of the women : a 
sufficiently accurate translation of Amyot's ' temple de 
Fortune feminine,' which answers to the Tv^s FuvatKetas 
icpov of Plutarch. The compiler of the marginal notes in 
North seems, however, to have misunderstood the text, 

2 30 NOTES 

and it is worthy of remark that in this case, as on p. 152, 
Shakespeare adopts the less authentic statement. 

P. 206, 1. 7. ought : used in its original sense as preterite 
of * owe.' 

P. 207, 1. 12. that frays and murders fell out. 'That' 
is the reading of the second and all subsequent editions ; 
the e ditto prtnceps has ' and,' which is probably a printer's 
error. Amyot's expression is ' iusques a.' 











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