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THE  SHAKESPEARE  LIBRARY. 
GENERAL  EDITOR  PROFESSOR 
I.  GOLLANCZ,  LITT.D. 


SHAKESPEARE'S   PLUTARCH 


VIES   DES  HOMME-S 

Illufbes  Grecs  &  Remains, 
Cpmparccs  Ivnc  aucc  lau- 
tre  par  Plucarquc 
dc  Chaeronee, 


Ttanflatees  de  Grec  en  Francois . 


A    PARIS, 

De  Tin  primcrie  de  Michel  dc  \ 
M.  D.  L VI III. 


Auc:  Priuilegc  du  Roy. 


LScdZfof-t/"  •  '•tUmof<i&&  •  r^enf^  /<!a-rif>'- 


SHAKESPEARE'S 
PLUTARCH  :  EDITED  BY 
C.  F.  TUCKER  BROOKE 

B.LlTT.  :  VOL.  II. :  CONTAINING 

THE  MAIN  SOURCES  OF 
ANTONY  &  CLEOPATRA 
AND  OF  CORIOLANUS 


i.'          3  * 


NEW   YORK 

DUFFIELD    Gf   COMPANY     -^ 
LONDON:    CHATTO   &  WINDUS 

1909 


All  rights  reserved 


INTRODUCTION 

A  GENERAL  discuSvsion  of  North's  translation  of  Plutarch 
and  its  relation  to  Shakespeare's  play  of  Julius  Caesar  will 
be  found  in  the  introduction  to  the  first  volume. 

The  scope  of  North's  influence  on  Shakespeare. 

The  extent  and  precise  nature  of  Shakespeare's  debt  to 
North  is  not  easily  calculated.  Besides  the  four  lives  here 
printed,  it  has  been  asserted  that  he  drew  upon  the  Life  of 
Theseus  for  some  five  lines  in  A  Midsummer  Night's  Dream, 
that  he  used  the  Life  of  Alcibiades  for  Timon  of  Athens, 
that  he  got  a  hint  for  Julius  Caesar ;  namely,  Caesar's 
fear  of  sleepless  men,  from  the  Life  of  Cato  Censor.  It 
has  been  suggested  that  he  derived  from  the  comparisons  or 
o-uy/cpums  attached  to  the  Lives  of  Coriolanus,  Caesar, 
Brutus,  and  Antonius  a  few  general  ideas  as  to  the  character 
of  these  personages.  Professor  Skeat,  furthermore,  has 
printed  in  his  book,  Shakespeare's  Plutarch,  the  spurious  life  of 
Augustus  Caesar,  which  found  its  way  into  the  1603  and 
later  editions  of  North. 

It  is  difficult  to  set  limits  to  Shakespeare's  possible  erudition. 
It  is  highly  probable  that  he  had  read  much  more  of  Plutarch 
than  he  ever  openly  used ;  and  he  may  have  known  all  the 


x  INTRODUCTION 

passages  which  an  unpleasantly  microscopic  criticism  has 
pointed  out ;  but  if  so,  the  matter  seems  entirely  devoid  of 
interest  or  importance.  Only  as  regards  the  four  lives  which 
are  reprinted  in  this  book  can  there  be  any  true  question  of 
debit  and  credit  between  North  and  Shakespeare,  and  even 
here  the  different  plays  show  very  different  sorts  of  borrow 
ing. 

The  relation  between  Julius  Caesar  and  the  Lives  has  been 
already  discussed.  If  the  connexion  had  ended  with  that 
play  there  would  be  no  great  reason  for  crediting  North  with 
a  much  higher  sort  of  influence  over  Shakespeare  than  that 
exerted  by  Holinshed,  Painter,  Whetstone,  Harsnet,  and  the 
many  other  authors  whose  matter  the  poet  appropriated  without 
reserve  and  whose  manner,  save  for  a  phrase  here  and  there, 
he  seems  utterly  to  have  repudiated.  But  the  indebtedness 
of  Shakespeare  to  North  is  most  striking  in  the  latest  of  his 
Roman  plays,  Antony  and  Cleopatra  and  Coriolanus.  A 
comparison  of  the  many  passages  in  the  lives  of  Antonius  and 
of  Coriolanus  here  marked  by  daggers  with  the  corresponding 
lines  in  Shakespeare  shows  that  the  dramatist  was  satisfied  in 
no  small  number  of  cases  to  incorporate  whole  speeches  from 
North  with  the  least  change  consistent  with  the  production 
of  blank  verse.  The  description  of  Cleopatra's  first  visit  to 
Antony,  the  dying  speech  of  Antony,  and  the  few  noble  lines 
that  glorify  the  passing  of  Cleopatra,  the  address  of  Coriolanus 
to  Tullus  Aufidius  when  he  throws  himself  upon  the  latter's 
hospitality,  and  the  last  all-decisive  speech  of  Volumnia  to 


INTRODUCTION  xi 

her  son — these  passages,  all  of  which  rank  among  the  special 
treasures  of  Shakespearean  poetry,  come  straight  and 
essentially  unaltered  out  of  North. 

Nowhere  else  in  Shakespeare  is  there  an  instance  of  verbal 
borrowing  at  the  height  of  dramatic  intensity  which  is 
comparable  to  these.  Even  the  speech  of  Portia  to  Brutus 
in  Julius  Caesar  offers  no  parallel,  for  there  we  can  see 
plainly  the  deliberate  poetic  handling  which  North's  words 
suffered,  fine  though  they  are,  before  they  were  allowed  a 
place  in  the  drama.  In  the  passages  I  have  cited  there  is 
little  evidence  of  any  attempt  at  improvement ;  indeed,  it 
may  be  held  in  regard  to  several  of  them  that  the  palm 
belongs  rather  to  North's  prose  than  to  Shakespeare's  poetry. 
That  this  should  be  so  is  a  fact  worthy  of  all  wonder  and 
attention,  for  the  like  can  be  said  of  no  other  of  Shakespeare's 
rivals  or  assistants. 

Yet  it  is  easy  to  misinterpret  woefully  the  meaning  of  the 
phenomenon.  The  criticism  that  blatantly  advertises  North 
as  the  writer  who  has  surpassed  Shakespeare  in  his  own  art 
is  illogical  as  well  as  foolish.  It  rests  on  a  wrong  conception 
of  the  nature  of  Shakespeare's  latest  work.  The  probable 
date  of  Antony  and  Cleopatra  is  1607,  and  Coriolanus  is 
somewhat  later.  During  this  his  last  period,  the  poet's 
manner  is  characterized,  it  need  not  be  said,  by  qualities  of 
unapproachable  grandeur  ;  it  is  not,  however,  marked  by 
minute  attention  to  details.  In  structure  as  in  versification 
we  find  a  certain  looseness  ;  the  carelessness  of  conscious 


xii  INTRODUCTION 

mastery  overrides  trifling  rules  before  which  immaturity  had 
bent.  After  all,  North's  style,  as  we  see  it  in  these  four 
lives,  is  pretty  much  of  a  piece,  and  what  Shakespeare  had 
been  able  to  improve  on  in  1601,  when  he  wrote  Julius 
Caesar,  was  assuredly  not  beyond  him  in  1607.  The  truth 
is  that  Shakespeare's  interest  in  the  last  two  Roman  plays  is 
centred  nearly  exclusively  in  character,  in  Antony  and 
Cleopatra,  Volumnia  and  Coriolanus.  He  has  earned  the 
right  to  ignore  rules  of  syntax  and  of  scansion.  He  may  at 
this  time  appropriate  without  scruple  whatever  North  has 
written  that  will  serve  his  purpose  and  would  cost  him  pains 
to  write  better.  It  is  no  more  than  the  assertion  of  genius's 
privilege  of  indifference  to  non-essentials — the  natural  corollary 
of  the  '  infinite  capacity  for  taking  pains,'  where  the  pains 
are  worth  the  taking. 

The  borrowing  is  a  deservedly  high  compliment  to  North  ; 
it  is  far  from  being  a  reproach  to  Shakespeare.  It  is  as 
Archbishop  Trench  has  said  in  his  lectures  on  Plutarch  : 
'  Shakespeare  does  not  abdicate  his  royal  preeminence,  but 
resumes  it  at  any  moment  that  he  pleases.'  To  take  the 
dying  speech  of  Charmion  and  fit  it  indistinguishably  into  a 
setting  worthy  of  it,  to  borrow  nearly  unchanged  the  words 
of  Coriolanus  to  Aufidius  and  then  to  give  them  their  needed 
consummation  in  the  answer  of  Aufidius — this  surely  is  a 
greater  achievement  than  to  have  new- written  the  two  scenes. 

Plutarch   and  the   structure   of  the  Roman 

Plays.     The   indebtedness  of   Shakespeare    to  Plutarch's 


INTRODUCTION  xiii 

Lives  has  not  been  fully  stated,  when  we  have  pointed  out 
that  the  four  lives  under  consideration  presented  the  drama 
tist  with  a  graphic  picture  of  nearly  every  incident  and  every 
important  character  out  of  which  he  built  up  his  Roman 
plays,  nor  even  when  we  have  added  to  this  that  the  magni 
ficent  version  of  North  clothed  Plutarch's  narrative  in  an 
English  dress  so  gorgeous,  and  at  the  same  time  so  appro 
priate,  that  Shakespeare  has  justly  rendered  it  the  last  praise 
of  imitation.  Besides  thus  furnishing  the  constituent 
material,  and  to  no  small  extent  the  outward  form  of  these 
plays,  North's  Plutarch  was  able  to  contribute  also  the  innate 
tragic  spirit.  The  work  which  Shakespeare  had  been 
obliged  to  do  for  himself  in  investing  English  history  with 
a  continuous  purpose  and  a  philosophic  import,  he  found 
done  for  him  when  he  came  to  Plutarch.  The  lives  are 
pervaded  by  a  note  of  grave  fatalism,  which  constitutes  the 
very  essence  of  tragedy.  Particularly  is  this  true  of  the 
lives  dealing  with  those  last  days  of  the  Roman  Republic 
which  Plutarch  realized  so  vividly  and  has  so  fully  and 
wisely  portrayed.  It  is  no  mere  succession  of  battles,  plots, 
and  murders,  such  as  we  know  in  Holinshed's  Chronicle  or 
the  Mirror  for  Magistrates,  that  meets  us  in  the  lives  of 
Brutus  or  Antonius,  or  even  Coriolanus.  The  narration  of 
historical  incident  goes  everywhere  hand  in  hand  with  the 
true  spirit  of  humanism  and  the  deepest  sense  of  resistless 
-destiny. 

Brutus   and    Antonius    are    distinctly  represented    as  the 


xiv  INTRODUCTION 

victims  of  Fate,  against  which  their  struggles,  however 
heroic,  can  avail  them  nothing.  '  Howbeit  the  state  of 
Rome  (in  my  opinion),'  says  Plutarch,  'being  now 
brought  to  that  pass,  that  it  could  no  more  abide  to  be 
governed  by  many  Lords,  but  required  one  only  absolute 
Governor,  God,  to  prevent  Brutus  that  it  should  not  come  to 
his  government,  kept  this  victory  from  his  knowledge'  (Vol. 
I.  p.  182).  And  Antony's  love  for  Cleopatra  is  throughout 
made  to  appear  no  mere  human  frailty,  but  a  '  pestilent 
plague  and  mischief '  sent  upon  him  by  that  Providence  by 
whom  '  it  was  predestined  that  the  government  of  all  the 
world  should  fall  into  Octavius  Caesar's  hands.' 

We  find  Shakespeare's  broad  sane  humanity  to  a  very 
striking  degree  in  Plutarch,  who  never  allows  us  to  lose  the 
sense  of  the  infinite  pity  of  Coriolanus's  ruin,  or  Antony's, 
even  while  laying  bare  with  a  hand  as  unsparing  as  Shake 
speare's  own  the  ruinous  faults  of  each.  Again,  Shakespeare's 
political  views — his  feeling  of  the  necessity  of  one  strong 
head  in  the  state,  and  his  distrust  of  the  commonalty — are 
closely  paralleled  by  those  of  Plutarch,  who  almost  welcomes 
Caesar's  assumption  of  tyrannical  power,  and  looks  on  the 
triumph  of  Octavius  as  a  desirable  pledge  of  peace,  though 
individually  neither  of  the  Caesars  is  a  favourite  with  him. 
His  attitude  towards  the  mob  is  hardly  more  friendly  than 
Shakespeare's ;  and  the  marginal  note  to  the  Life  of 
Coriolanus  which  North  adds,  '  See  the  fickle  minds  of 
common  people'  (Vol.  II.  D.  161),  not  only  sums  up  the 


INTRODUCTION  xv 

opinion  of  Plutarch  and  of  Chaucer,  but  might  serve  as  text 
for  a  large  number  of  Shakespeare's  scenes. 

The  Roman  plays,  of  course,  contain  much  that  will  not 
be  found  in  Plutarch,  or  will  be  found  there  only  in  germ. 
This  is  more  the  case  with  the  two  later  tragedies,  which  in 
parts  approach  North  most  closely,  than  in  the  case  of  Julius 
Caesar,  where  by  drawing  on  three  lives  at  once  the  drama 
tist  found  all  the  material  and  variety  he  could  desire.     In 
Antony    and  Cleopatra  and  in    Coriolanus  the   kernel  of  the 
plot,  that  is,  the  conception  of  the  two  principal  figures  of 
each  play,  is  taken  from  North  practically  unchanged.      But 
a  Shakespearean  play  must  have  breadth   as  well  as  depth  ; 
two  or  three  characters,  however   striking,  will  not  serve. 
The    minor    dramatis  personae   therefore,  who   provide  the 
perspective  and  fill  up  the  background,  are  for  the  most  part 
elaborated  by  Shakespeare  out  of  very  scanty  suggestions. 
This  is  true  of  Enobarbus,   who,  though  mentioned  two  or 
three  times  by  Plutarch,  is  entirely  re-created  by  the  dramatist 
and  given  a  quite  unhistorical  career.      It  is  equally  true  of 
Menenius,    who    appears    in    Plutarch  but   once,   and  then 
simply  as  narrator  of  his   well-known    fable.       Altogether 
there  are  in  Antony  and  Cleopatra  no  less  than  eight  scenes, 
and  in  Coriolanus  seven  at  least,  which  show  only  the  very 
barest  traces,  if  any,  of  Plutarchan  influence.     Conversely, 
there  are,  of  course,  many  fine  passages  in  Plutarch,  of  which 
the  dramatist  makes  no  use,  the  most  striking  instance  being 
perhaps  the   wonderfully  vivid   and  eloquent  description   of 


xvi  INTRODUCTION 

Antony's  Parthian  expedition.  Papers  seeking  to  point  out 
in  detail  the  connexion  between  Plutarch  and  the  Roman 
plays  will  be  found  in  the  Jahrbuch  dtr  deutscben  Shakespeare- 
Gesellschaft,  Bd.  xvii.  67-8  r:  xviii.  156-82:  xxi. 
262-317. 

North's  influence  outside  the  Roman  plays. 

In  one  other  Shakespearean  tragedy  we  find  credible  traces  of 
borrowing  from  North.  It  is  at  least  possible  that  the  first 
suggestion  for  Timon  of  Athens  came  from  the  brief  account 
of  the  misanthrope,  which  Plutarch  interpolates  into  the  Life 
of  Antonius  (p.  1 1  i-i  1 3).  Certainly,  at  two  points  in  the  last 
act  of  the  play  there  is  verbal  reminiscence  of  this  passage  : 
first,  in  lines  210-217  of  Scene  I.,  and  more  strikingly  in 
Timon's  epitaph  (V.  iv.  70-73),  which  Shakespeare  quotes 
from  North  with  the  change  of  only  a  single  word.  All 
visible  connexion,  however,  stops  here.  The  play,  as  a 
whole,  is  based  on  Paynter's  Palace  of  Pleasure  (Novel 
xxviii.),  and  there  is  no  evidence  that  Plutarch's  further 
account  of  Timon  in  the  Life  of  Alcibiades  influenced 
Shakespeare  in  any  degree. 

The  non- Shakespearean  drama  of  the  Elizabethan  age 
owes  a  large  debt  to  Plutarch.  He  furnished  the  French 
writer  Robert  Gamier  with  the  material  for  his  tragedy 
Marc  Antoine,  and  this  play,  as  translated  into  English  verse 
by  the  Countess  of  Pembroke  in  I  590,  became  the  progenitor 
of  a  school,  Senecan  in  form,  Plutarchan  largely  in  subject 
matter.  Samuel  Daniel's  Cleopatra  (1594)  was  written  con- 


INTRODUCTION  xvii 

fessedly  with  the  object  of  providing  a  companion  piece  to 
the  Antonie  of  his  patroness.  It  deals  with  the  period  of 
Cleopatra's  life  subsequent  to  the  death  of  Antony,  and  is 
based  wholly  upon  Plutarch.  Despite  its  impossible  rhyme 
scheme  and  antediluvian  machinery,  there  are  lines  in 
Cleopatra  which  show  how  the  passages  that  were  after 
wards  to  impress  themselves  on  Shakespeare's  memory  had 
already  touched  the  imagination  of  at  least  one  true,  if  mis 
guided  poet.  In  the  fifth  act  we  find  a  retrospective  allusion 
to  the  splendour  of  Cleopatra's  progress  up  the  '  river  of 
Cydnus'  (cf.  Life  of  Antonius,  p.  38,  39): — 

'  Clear  Cydnos  she  did  shew  what  earth  could  shew, 
When  Asia  all  amaz'd  in  wonder,  deems 
Venus  from  heaven  was  come  on  earth  below.' 

And  later  Charmion's  death  is  described  in  words  which,  in 
spite  of  the  distortion  caused  by  the  necessity  of  finding 
rhymes,  are  not  a  great  deal  farther  from  North's  prose  than 
are  Shakespeare's  own — 

'  And  as  she  stood,   setting  it  (/.  e.  the  crown)  fitly  on, 
Loe,   in  rush  Caesar's  messengers  in  haste, 
Thinking  to  have  prevented  what  was  done, 
But  yet  they  came  too  late,  for  all  was  past. 
For  there  they  found  stretcht  on  a  bed  of  gold, 
Dead   Cleopatra,  and  that  proudly  dead, 
In  all  the  rich  attire  procure  she  could, 
And  dying  Charmion  trimming  of  her  head, 


xviii  INTRODUCTION 

And  Eras  at  her  feet,  dead  in  like  case. 
"  Charmion,  is  this  well  done?"  said  one  of  them. 
"Yea,  well,"  said  she,   "and  her  that  from  the  race 
Of  so  great  Kings  descends,  doth  best  become."' 

In  1605  Daniel  published  his  Pkilotas,  founded  on  Plu 
tarch's  Life  of  Alexander,  which  was  also  the  source  of 
another  play  belonging  to  the  same  Senecan  school  and 
printed  in  the  same  year,  the  Alexandrian  of  Sir  William 
Alexander,  Lord  Stirling.  In  1607  appeared  another  of 
Alexander's  "  Monarchic  tragedies,"  The  Tragedy  of  Julius 
Caesar,  which  owes  no  less  than  its  predecessor  to  Plutarch. 
These  last  works  belong  all  to  a  class  doomed  to  speedy 
extinction.  A  more  vital  Plutarchan  influence  is  that  we 
find  in  Beaumont  and  Fletcher's  play  The  False  One.  The 
plot  concerns  itself  with  the  stay  of  Julius  Caesar  in  Egypt, 
the  outline  of  which  conies  from  the  Life  of  Caesar;  in 
several  passages,  moreover,  reminiscences  of  the  language  of 
North  are,  in  my  opinion,  to  be  detected. 

Lex  hujus  editionis.  The  principles  on  which  the 
text  has  been  prepared  are  stated  fully  in  the  introduction  to 
the  first  volume.  The  present  volume  contains  the  Lives  of 
Antonius  and  Coriolanus,  and  thus  gives  the  main  sources 
of  the  last  two  Roman  plays,  as  well  as  the  source  in  part  of 
Timon  of  Athens.  The  text  is  that  of  North's  translation  as 
first  published  in  1579,  except  that  the  spelling  has  been 
modernized  wherever  the  change  involved  is  a  mere  matter 
of  typography.  Legitimate  old  forms,  like  the  comparative 


INTRODUCTION 


xix 


lenger  and  the  preterite  ivan  for  won,  have  been  scrupulously 
preserved.  The  punctuation  has  been  normalized,  but  in 
doing  so  I  have  attempted  to  make  it  conform  to  Elizabethan 
rather  than  Victorian  ideals.  All  passages  which  Shake 
speare  can  be  shown  to  have  used  are  indicated  by  marginal 
signs.  Where  the  debt  is  one  of  subject  matter  only, 
asterisks  are  employed,  but  where  North's  wording  also 
has  been  borrowed,  a  row  of  daggers  will  be  found  opposite 
the  lines  in  question.  Foot-notes  give  references  to  act, 
scene,  and  line,  in  the  Oxford  Shakespeare. 


1C  • 

•_      •» 

— -.     *•  —     * 


t      ••-•'. 

:  ;     lie1-*!      '0 

•ttL  -.       • 

•     •     '?> 


THE   LIFE    OF 
MARCUS    ANTONIUS 

ANTONIUS'  grandfather  was  that    famous    Orator    whom 
Marius  slew,  because  he  took  Sylla's  part.     His 

.  *•  Antonius 

father  was  another  Antonius   surnamed  Cretan,"  parentage. 

who  was  not  so  famous  nor  bare  any  great  sway  «  Because 

in  the  commonwealth  :  howbeit  otherwise  he  was  death  he 'S 

an  honest  man,  and  of  a  very  good  nature,  and  Sar  which 

specially  very  liberal  in  giving,  as  appeareth  by  an  nate"y°m 

act  he  did.     He  was  not  very  wealthy,  and  there-  T^st 

fore  his  wife  would  not  let  him  use  his  liberality  Ji105* of 

•      ^  re  tii. 

and  frank  nature.     One  day  a  friend  of  his  coming 

to  him  to  pray  him  to  help  him  to  some  money,   liberality 

having  great  need,  Antonius  by  chance  had   no   tonius' 

money  to  give  him,  but  he  commanded  one  of 

his  men  to  bring  him  some  water  in  a  silver  basin,  and  after 

he  had  brought  it  him,  he  washed  his  beard  as  though  he 

meant  to  have  shaven  it,  and  then  found  an  errand  for  his 

man  to  send  him  out,  and  gave  his  friend  the  silver  basin, 

and  bade  him  get  him  money  with  that.     Shortly  after, 

there  was  a  great  stir   in  the  house  among  the   servants, 

seeking    out    this    silver    basin.       Insomuch    as    Antonius 

VOL.   II.  B 


2  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

seeing  his  wife  marvellously  offended  for  it,  and  that  she 
would  examine  all  her  servants,  one  after  another,  about  it, 
to  know  what  was  become  of  it  :  at  length  he  confessed  he 
had  given  it  away,  and  prayed  her  to  be  contented.  His 
Julia,  the  wife  was  Julia,  of  the  noble  house  and  family  of 
of°M.er  Julius  Caesar,  who,  for  her  virtue  and  chastity, 
Antomus.  was  to  be  compared  with  the  noblest  Lady  of  her 
time.  M.  Antonius  was  brought  up  under  her,  being 
married  after  her  first  husband's  death  unto  Cornelius 
Lentulus,  whom  Cicero  put  to  death  with  Cethegus  and 
others,  for  that  he  was  of  Catiline's  conspiracy  against  the 
commonwealth.  And  this  seemeth  to  be  the  original 
cause  and  beginning  of  the  cruel  and  mortal  hate  Antonius 
bare  unto  Cicero.  For  Antonius  self  saith,  that  he  would 
never  give  him  the  body  of  his  father-in-law  to  bury  him, 
before  his  mother  went  first  to  entreat  Cicero's  wife  :  the 
which  undoubtedly  was  a  flat  lie.  For  Cicero  denied  burial 
to  none  of  them  whom  he  executed  by  law.  Now  Antonius 
being  a  fair  young  man,  and  in  the  prime  of  his  youth,  he 
fell  acquainted  with  Curio,  whose  friendship  and 

Antonius  .  ... 

corrupted     acquaintance    (as    it    is   reported)    was    a    plague 

by  Curio.  .  .  „        .  «•  -    i  • 

unto  him.  ror  he  was  a  dissolute  man,  given  over 
to  all  lust  and  insolency,  who,  to  have  Antonius  the  better 
at  his  commandment,  trained  him  on  into  great  follies,  and 
vain  expenses  upon  women,  in  rioting  and  banqueting.  So 
that  in  short  time  he  brought  Antonius  into  a  marvellous 
great  debt,  and  too  great  for  one  of  his  years,  to  wit,  of  two 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  3 

hundred  and  fifty  talents,  for  all  which  sum  Curio  was  his 
surety.  His  father  hearing  of  it  did  put  his  son  from  him, 
and  forbade  him  his  house.  Then  he  fell  in  with  Clodius, 
one  of  the  desperatest  and  most  wicked  Tribunes  at  that 
time  in  Rome.  Him  he  followed  for  a  time  in  his  desperate 
attempts,  who  bred  great  stir  and  mischief  in  Rome  :  but  at 
length  he  forsook  him,  being  weary  of  his  rashness  and  folly, 
or  else  for  that  he  was  afraid  of  them  that  were  bent  against 
Clodius.  Thereupon  he  left  Italy,  and  went  into  Greece, 
and  there  bestowed  the  most  part  of  his  time,  sometime  in 
*wars,  and  otherwhile  in  the  study  of  eloquence.  He  used 
*a  manner  of  phrase  in  his  speech,  called  Asiatic, 

*     i  •    i  -111  i  Antonius 

which  carried  the  best  grace  and  estimation  at   used  in  his 
*that  time,  and  was  much  like  to  his  manners  and   the  Asiatic 
*life  :  for  it  was  full  of  ostentation,  foolish  bravery, 
*and  vain  ambition.1     After  he  had  remained  there  some 
time,  Gabinius  Proconsul,  going  into  Syria,  persuaded  him 
to  go  with  him.  Antonius  told  him  he  would  not  go   Antonius 
as  a  private  man  :  wherefore  Gabinius  gave  him   charge  of 
charge  of  his  horsemen,  and   so  took   him   with   under 
him.     So  first  of  all  he  sent  him  against  Aristo-    Proconsul, 
bulus  who  had  made  the   Tews  to  rebel,  and  was   f°'"?f Into 

j  o}  rid. 

the  first  man  himself  that  got  up  to  the  wall  of  Antonius' 
a  castle  of  his,  and  so  drave  Aristobulus  out  of  all   against 
his  holds  ;  and  with  those  few  men  he  had  with    bulus. 
him  he  overcame  all  the  Jews  in  set  battle,  which  were 

1  Cf.  Julius  Caesar,  V.  i.  34-8. 


4  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

many  against  one,  and  put  all  of  them  almost  to  the 
Antonius  sword,  and  furthermore,  took  Aristobulus  himself 
tobuius"5  prisoner  with  his  son.  Afterwards,  Ptolemy  king 
prisoner.  of  Egypt,  that  had  been  driven  out  of  his 
country,  went  unto  Gabinius  to  entreat  him  to  go  with 
his  army  with  him  into  Egypt,  to  put  him  again  into  his 
kingdom  :  and  promised  him,  if  he  would  go  with  him, 
ten  thousand  talents.  The  most  part  of  the  Captains  thought 
it  not  best  to  go  thither,  and  Gabinius  himself  made  it  dainty 
to  enter  into  this  war  :  although  the  covetousness  of  these 
ten  thousand  talents  stuck  sorely  with  him.  But  Antonius, 
that  sought  but  for  opportunity  and  good  occasion  to  attempt 
great  enterprises,  and  that  desired  also  to  gratify  Ptolemy's 
request  :  he  went  about  to  persuade  Gabinius  to  go  this 
voyage.  Now  they  were  more  afraid  of  the  way  they 
should  go,  to  come  to  the  city  of  Pelusium,  than  they 
feared  any  danger  of  the  war  besides  :  because  they  were 
to  pass  through  deep  sands  and  desert  places,  where  was  no 
fresh  water  to  be  had  all  the  marishes  through,  which  are 
called  the  marishes  Serbonides,  which  the  Egyptians  call 
the  exhalations  or  fume  by  the  which  the  Giant  Typhon 
breathed.  But  in  truth  it  appeareth  to  be  the  overflowing  of 
the  Red  Sea,  which  breaketh  out  under  the  ground 

Antonius'       .         .  .  .  ........        . 

acts  in  in  that  place,  where  it  is  divided  in  the  narrowest 

under  place  from  the  sea  on  this  side.     So  Antonius  was 

llus'  sent  before  into  Egypt  with  his  horsemen,  who 

did   not  only  win  that  passage,  but  also  took  the  city  of 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  5 

Pelusium  (which  is  a  great  city)  with  all  the  soldiers  in  it  : 
and  thereby  he  cleared  the  way,  and  made  it  safe  for  all  the 
rest  of  the  army,  and  the  hope  of  the  victory  also  certain  for 
his  Captain.    Now  did  the  enemies  themselves  feel  the  fruits 
of  Antonius'  courtesy,  and  the  desire  he  had  to  win  honour. 
For,  when  Ptolemy  (after  he  had  entered  into  the  city  of 
Pelusium)  for  the  malice  he  bare  unto  the  city,  would  have 
put  all  the  Egyptians  in  it  to  the  sword,  Antonius  withstood 
him,  and  by  no  means  would  suffer  him  to  do  it.     And  in 
all  other  great  battles  and  skirmishes  which  they  fought,  and 
were  many  in  number,  Antonius  did  many  noble  acts  of  a 
valiant  and  wise  Captain  :  but  specially  in  one  battle,  where 
he  compassed  in  the  enemies  behind,  giving  them  the  victory 
that  fought  against  them,  whereby  he  afterwards  had  such 
honourable  reward  as  his  valiantness  deserved.     So  was  his 
great  courtesy  also  much  commended  of  all,  the  which  he 
shewed  unto  Archelaus.     For  having  been  his  very 
friend,  he  made  war  with  him  against  his  will  while   ^Jurtesy8 
he  lived  :  but  after  his  death  he  sought  for  his  body,   Archelaus 
and  gave  it  honourable  burial.     For  these  respects   bemg 
he  wan  himself  great  fame  of  them  of  Alexandria, 
and  he  was  also  thought  a  worthy  man  of  all  the  soldiers  in 
the  Romans'  camp.      But  besides  all  this,  he  had 

111  c  Antonius 

a  noble  presence,  and  shewed  a  countenance  of  one   shape  and 
of  a  noble  house  :  he  had  a  goodly  thick  beard,  a 
broad   forehead,   crook-nosed,  and   there  appeared   such  a 
manly  look  in  his  countenance,  as   is   commonly  seen  in 


6  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

Hercules'  pictures,  stamped  or  graven  in  metal.  Now 
The  house  ^  had  been  a  speech  of  old  time,  that  the 
Anton!!  family  of  the  Antonii  were  descended  from  one 
fr^ended  Anton,  the  son  of  Hercules,  whereof  the  family 
Hercules.  took  name.  This  opinion  did  Antonius  seek  to 
confirm  in  all  his  doings  :  not  only  resembling  him  in  the 
likeness  of  his  body,  as  we  have  said  before,  but  also  in  the 
wearing  of  his  garments.  For  when  he  would  openly  shew 
himself  abroad  before  many  people,  he  would  always  wear 
his  cassock  girt  down  low  upon  his  hips,  with  a  great  sword 
hanging  by  his  side,  and  upon  that,  some  ill-favoured  cloak. 
Furthermore,  things  that  seem  intolerable  in  other  men,  as 
to  boast  commonly,  to  jest  with  one  or  other,  to  drink  like 
a  good  fellow  with  everybody,  to  sit  with  the  soldiers  when 
they  dine,  and  to  eat  and  drink  with  them  soldierlike  :  it  is 
incredible  what  wonderful  love  it  wiin  him  amongst  them. 
And  furthermore,  being  given  to  love,  that  made  him  the 
more  desired,  and  by  that  means  he  brought  many  to  love 
him.  For  he  would  further  every  man's  love,  and  also 
would  not  be  angry  that  men  should  merrily  tell  him  of 
those  he  loved.  But  besides  all  this,  that  which  most  pro- 
Antonius'  cured  his  rising  and  advancement  was  his  liberality, 
liberality.  wjjO  gaye  ajj  to  tke  ^l^iers  ancj  k^  nothing  for 

himself:  and  when  he  was  grown  to  great  credit,  then  was 
his  authority  and  power  also  very  great,  the  which  notwith 
standing  himself  did  overthrow  by  a  thousand  other  faults 
he  had.  In  this  place  I  will  shew  you  one  example  only 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  7 

of  his  wonderful  liberality.  He  commanded  one  day  his 
cofferer  that  kept  his  money  to  give  a  friend  of  his  25 
Myriads  :  which  the  Romans  call  in  their  tongue,  Decies. 
His  cofferer  marvelling  at  it,  and  being  angry  withal  in  his 
mind,  brought  him  all  this  money  in  a  heap  together,  to 
shew  him  what  a  marvellous  mass  of  money  it  was.  An- 
tonius,  seeing  it  as  he  went  by,  asked  what  it  was  :  his 
cofferer  answered  him,  it  was  the  money  he  willed  him  to 
give  unto  his  friend.  Then  Antonius  perceiving  the  spite  of 
his  man, '  I  thought,'  said  he, '  that  Decies  had  been  a  greater 
sum  of  money  than  it  is,  for  this  is  but  a  trifle'  :  and  therefore 
he  gave  his  friend  as  much  more  another  time,  but  that  was 
afterwards.  Now  the  Romans  maintaining  two  factions  at 
Rome  at  that  time,  one  against  the  other,  of  the  which,  they 
that  took  part  with  the  Senate  did  join  with  Pompey  being 
then  in  Rome  :  and  the  contrary  side  taking  part  with  the 
people  sent  for  Caesar  to  aid  them,  who  made  wars  in  Gaul  : 
then  Curio,  Antonius'  friend,  that  had  changed  his  garments 
and  at  that  time  took  part  with  Caesar,  whose  enemy  he  had 
been  before  :  he  wan  Antonius,  and  so  handled  the  matter, 
partly  through  the  great  credit  and  sway  he  bare  amongst 
the  people  by  reason  of  his  eloquent  tongue,  and  partly 
also  by  his  exceeding  expense  of  money  he  made 
which  Caesar  gave  him,  that  Antonius  was  chosen  Tribune 
Tribune,  and  afterwards  made  Augur.  But  this  people  and 
was  a  great  help  and  furtherance  to  Caesar's 
practices.  For  so  soon  as  Antonius  became  Tribune  he  did 


8  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

oppose  himself  against  those  things  which  the  Consul  Mar- 
cellus  preferred  (who  ordained  that  certain  legions  which 
had  been  already  levied  and  billed  should  be  given  unto 
Cneius  Pompey,  with  further  commission  and  authority  to 
levy  others  unto  them)  and  set  down  an  order,  that  the 
soldiers  which  were  already  levied  and  assembled  should  be 
sent  into  Syria,  for  a  new  supply  unto  Marcus  Bibulus,  who 
made  war  at  that  time  against  the  Parthians.  And  further 
more,  prohibition  that  Pompey  should  levy  no  more  men, 
and  also  that  the  soldiers  should  not  obey  him.  Secondly, 
where  Pompey's  friends  and  followers  would  not  suffer 
Caesar's  letters  to  be  received  and  openly  read  in  the 
Senate  :  Antonius,  having  power  and  warrant  by  his  person, 
through  the  holiness  of  his  tribuneship,  did  read 

Antonius 

acts  for  them  openly,  and  made  divers  men  change  their 
minds  :  for  it  appeared  to  them  that  Caesar  by  his 
letters  required  no  unreasonable  matters.  At  length,  when 
they  preferred  two  matters  of  consideration  unto  the  Senate, 
whether  they  thought  good  that  Pompey,  or  Caesar,  should 
leave  their  army  :  there  were  few  of  the  Senators  that 
thought  it  meet  Pompey  should  leave  his  army,  but  they  all 
in  manner  commanded  Caesar  to  do  it.  Then  Antonius, 
rising  up,  asked  whether  they  thought  it  good  that  Pompey 
and  Caesar  both  should  leave  their  armies.  Thereunto  all 
the  Senators  jointly  together  gave  their  whole  consent,  and 
with  a  great  cry  commending  Antonius,  they  prayed  him  to 
refer  it  to  the  judgement  of  the  Senate.  But  the  Consuls 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  9 

would  not  allow  of  that.  Therefore  Caesar's  friends  pre 
ferred  other  reasonable  demands  and  requests  again,  but 
Cato  spake  against  them  :  and  Lentulus,  one  of  the  Consuls, 
drave  Antonius  by  force  out  of  the  Senate,  who  at  his  going 
out  made  grievous  curses  against  him.  After  that,  he  took 
a  slave's  gown,  and  speedily  fled  to  Caesar,  with 

'  Antonius 

Quintus  Cassius,  in  a  hired  coach.     When    they   flieth  from 

Rome 

came  to  Caesar,  they  cried  out  with  open  mouth,   unto 
that  all  went  hand  over  head  at  Rome  :  for  the 
Tribunes  of  the  people  might  not  speak  their  minds,  and 
were  driven  away  in  great  danger  of  their  lives,  as  many  as 
stood  with  law  and  justice.      Hereupon  Caesar  incontinently 
went  into  Italy  with  his  army,  which  made  Cicero  say  in 
his  Philippics  that  as  Helen  was  cause  of  the  war  of  Troy, 
so  was  Antonius  the  author  of  the  civil  wars,  which   C;cero 
indeed  was  a  stark  lie.     For  Caesar  was   not  so   reproved 

for  lying. 

fickle  headed,  nor  so  easily  carried  away  with 
anger,  that  he  would  so  suddenly  have  gone  and  made  war 
with  his  country,  upon  the  sight  only  of  Antonius  and 
Cassius  being  fled  unto  him  in  miserable  apparel  and  in  a 
hired  coach  :  had  he  not  long  before  determined  it  with  him 
self.  But  sith  indeed  Caesar  looked  of  long  time  but  for 
some  colour,  this  came  as  he  wished,  and  gave  him  just 
occasion  of  war.  But  to  say  truly,  nothing  else  moved  him 
to  make  war  with  all  the  world  as  he  did,  but  one  self 
cause,  which  first  procured  Alexander  and  Cyrus  also  before 
him  :  to  wit,  an  insatiable  desire  to  reign,  with  a  senseless 


io  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

covetousness  to  be  the  best  man  in  the  world,  the  which  he 
could  not  come  unto,  before  he  had  first  put  down 

Alexander, 

Cyrus,  and  Pompey,  and  utterly  overthrown  him.    Now,  after 

Caesar    all  r    '  ' 

contended  that  Caesar  had  gotten  Rome  at  his  command- 
Caesar's  ment,  and  had  driven  Pompey  out  of  Italy,  he 

ambition  ...  „  .  .       , 

the  only  purposed  first  to  go  into  Spam,  against  the  legions 
the  civil  Pompey  had  there  :  and  in  the  meantime  to 

make  provision  for  ships  and  marine  prepara 
tion,  to  follow  Pompey.  In  his  absence,  he  left  Lepidus 
that  was  Praetor,  governor  of  Rome  :  and  Antonius  that 

was  Tribune,    he    gave     him    charge   of  all   the 

Caesar 

gave  the      soldiers  and  of  Italy.     Then  was  Antonius  straight 

charge  of  ' 

Italy  unto  marvellously  commended  and  beloved  of  the 
soldiers,  because  he  commonly  exercised  himself 
among  them,  and  would  oftentimes  eat  and  drink  with 
them,  and  also  be  liberal  unto  them  according  to  his 
.  .  .  ability.  But  then  in  contrary  manner  he  pur- 

Antonms  »  ' 

vices.  chased  divers  other  men's  evil  wills,  because  that 
through  negligence  he  would  not  do  them  justice  that  were 
injuried,  and  dealt  very  churlishly  with  them  that  had  any 
suit  unto  him  :  and  besides  all  this,  he  had  an  ill  name 
to  entice  men's  wives.  To  conclude,  Caesar's  friends  that 
governed  under  him  were  cause  why  they  hated  Caesar's 
government  (which  indeed  in  respect  of  himself  was  no  less 
than  a  tyranny),  by  reason  of  the  great  insolencies  and  out 
rageous  parts  that  were  committed  :  amongst  whom  An 
tonius,  that  was  of  greatest  power,  and  that  also  committed 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  n 

greatest  faults,  deserved  most  blame.  But  Caesar  notwith 
standing,  when  he  returned  from  the  wars  of  Spain,  made 
no  reckoning  of  the  complaints  that  were  put  up  against 
him  :  but  contrarily,  because  he  found  him  a  hardy  man, 
and  a  valiant  Captain,  he  employed  him  in  his  chiefest 
affairs,  and  was  no  whit  deceived  in  his  opinion  of  him.  So 
he  passed  over  the  Ionian  Sea  unto  Brundusium,  being  but 
slenderly  accompanied  :  and  sent  unto  Antonius  and  Ga- 
binius,  that  they  should  embark  their  men  as  soon  as  they 
could,  and  pass  them  over  into  Macedon.  Gabinius  was 
afraid  to  take  the  sea,  because  it  was  very  rough,  and  in  the 
winter  time  :  and  therefore  fetched  a  great  compass  about 
by  land.  But  Antonius  fearing  some  danger  might  come 
unto  Caesar,  because  he  was  compassed  in  with  a  great  num 
ber  of  enemies  :  first  of  all  he  drave  away  Libo,  who  rode 
at  anchor  with  a  great  army  before  the  haven  of  Brundusium. 
For  he  manned  out  such  a  number  of  pinnaces,  barks,  and 
other  small  boats  about  every  one  of  his  galleys,  that  he 
drave  him  thence.  After  that,  he  embarked  into  Antonius 
ships  twenty  thousand  footmen  and  eight  hundred  taketh  sea 

'  with  his 

horsemen,   and    with    this    army   he    hoised    sail,    army  at 

7  Brun- 

When  the  enemies  saw  him,  they  made   out  to   dusium, 

and  goeth 

follow  him  :  but   the  sea  rose  so  high,  that  the    unto 
billows  put  back  their  galleys  that  they  could  not 
come  near  him,  and  so  he  scaped  that  danger.     But  withal 
he  fell  upon  the  rocks  with  his  whole  fleet,  where  the  sea 
wrought  very  high  :  so  that  he  was  out  of  all  hope  to  save 


12  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

himself.  Yet  by  good  fortune,  suddenly  the  wind  turned 
South-west,  and  blew  from  the  gulf,  driving  the  waves  of 
the  river  into  the  main  sea.  Thus  Antonius  loosing  from 
the  land,  and  sailing  with  safety  at  his  pleasure,  soon  after 
he  saw  all  the  coasts  full  of  shipwracks.  For  the  force  and 
boisterousness  of  the  wind  did  cast  away  the  galleys  that 
followed  him  :  of  the  which,  many  of  them  were  broken 
and  spiitted,  and  divers  also  cast  away,  and  Antonius  took  a 
great  number  of  them  prisoners,  with  a  great  sum  of  money 
also.  Besides  all  these,  he  took  the  city  of  Lyssus,  and 
brought  Caesar  a  great  supply  of  men,  and  made  him 
courageous,  coming  at  a  pinch  with  so  great  a  power  to 
him.  Now  there  were  divers  hot  skirmishes  and  en- 
Antonius'  counters>  *n  tne  which  Antonius  fought  so  valiantly, 
manhood  that  he  carried  the  praise  from  them  all  :  but 

in  wars. 

specially  at  two  several  times,  when  Caesar's  men 
turned  their  backs  and  fled  for  life.  For  he  stepped 
before  them,  and  compelled  them  to  return  again  to  fight  : 
so  that  the  victory  fell  on  Caesar's  side.  For  this  cause  he 
had  the  second  place  in  the  camp  among  the  soldiers,  and 
Antonius  they  spake  of  no  other  man  unto  Caesar,  but  of  him : 
wing  of  e  who  shewed  plainly  what  opinion  he  had  of  him, 
baukat  when  at  the  last  battle  of  Pharsalia  (which  indeed 
wher^'121'  was  the  last  trial  of  all,  to  give  the  Conqueror  the 
Pompey  whole  Empire  of  the  world)  he  himself  did  lead 

lost  the  ' 

field.  the  right  wing  of  his  army,  and  gave  Antonius 

the  leading  of  the  left   wing,  as  the  valiantest  man  and 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  13 

skilfullest  soldier  of  all  those  he  had  about  him.  After 
Caesar  had  won  the  victory,  and  that  he  was  created 
Dictator,  he  followed  Pompey  step  by  step  :  howbeit  before 
he  named  Antonius  general  of  the  horsemen,  and  sent  him 
to  Rome.  The  general  of  the  horsemen  is  the  The 
second  office  of  dignity,  when  the  Dictator  is  in  ofgtheV 
the  city  :  but  when  he  is  abroad,  he  is  the  f^'h^re- 
chiefest  man,  and  almost  the  only  man  that  re-  men- 
maineth,  and  all  the  other  officers  and  Magistrates  are  put 
down,  after  there  is  a  Dictator  chosen.  Notwithstanding, 
Dolabella  being  at  that  time  Tribune,  and  a  young  man 
desirous  of  change  and  innovation  :  he  preferred  a  law 
which  the  Romans  call  Novas  tabulas  (as  much  to  say,  as  a 
cutting  off  and  cancelling  of  all  obligations  and  specialties, 
and  were  called  the  new  tables,  because  they  were  driven 
then  to  make  books  of  daily  receipt  and  expense),  and  per 
suaded  Antonius  his  friend  (who  also  gaped  for  a  good 
occasion  to  please  and  gratify  the  common  people)  to  aid 
him  to  pass  this  law.  But  Trebellius  and  Asinius  dissuaded 
from  it  all  they  could  possible.  So  by  good  hap  it  chanced 
that  Antonius  mistrusted  Dolabella  for  keeping  of 

.  .          .-  ,  .  .  .-.,,         Dissension 

his  wife,  and  took  such  a  conceit  or  it,  that  he   betwixt 
thrust  his  wife  out  of  his  house,  being  his  Cousin   and 
german,  and  the  daughter  of  C.  Antonius,  who  was 
Consul  with  Cicero  :  and  joining  with  Asinius,  he  resisted 
Dolabella,  and  fought  with  him.      Dolabella  had  gotten  the 
market  place  where  the  people  do  assemble  in  council,  and 


H 

had  filled  it  full  of  armed  men,  intending  to  have  this  law 
of  the  new  tables  to  pass  by  force.  Antonius  by  command 
ment  of  the  Senate,  who  had  given  him  authority  to  levy 
men,  to  use  force  against  Dolabella  :  he  went  against  him, 
and  fought  so  valiantly,  that  men  were  slain  on  both  sides. 
But  by  this  means  he  got  the  ill  will  of  the  common 
people,  and  on  the  other  side,  the  noblemen  (as  Cicero 
saith)  did  not  only  mislike  him,  but  also  hate  him  for  his 
naughty  life  :  for  they  did  abhor  his  banquets  and 
abomin-  drunken  feasts  he  made  at  unseasonable  times,  and 

able  life.        .  .  r  .  . .    , 

his  extreme  wasteful  expenses  upon  vain  light 
huswives  :  and  then  in  the  day  time  he  would  sleep  or 
walk  out  his  drunkenness,  thinking  to  wear  away  the  fume 
of  the  abundance  of  wine  which  he  had  taken  over  night. 
In  his  house  they  did  nothing  but  feast,  dance,  and  mask  : 
and  himself  passed  away  the  time  in  hearing  of  foolish  plays, 
or  in  marrying  these  players,  tumblers,  jesters,  and  such 
sort  of  people.  As  for  proof  hereof  it  is  reported,  that  at 
Hippias'  marriage,  one  of  his  jesters,  he  drank  wine  so 
lustily  all  night,  that  the  next  morning,  when  he  came  to 
plead  before  the  people  assembled  in  council,  who  had  sent 
Antonius  f°r  h\m,  he  being  queasy-stomached  with  his  surfeit 
ltJ>machhlS  ne  nad  taken,  was  compelled  to  lay  all  before 
wlfofe  the  tnem>  and  one  of  his  friends  held  him  his  gown 
assembly,  instead  of  a  basin.  He  had  another  pleasant 
player  called  Sergius,  that  was  one  of  the  chiefest  men 
about  him,  and  a  wmoan  also  called  Cytheris,  of  the  same 


MARCUS   ANTONIUS  15 

profession,  whom  he  loved  dearly :  he  carried  her  up  and 
down  in  a  litter  unto  all  the  towns  he  went,  and    , 

Antonius 

had  as  many  men  waiting  upon  her  litter,  she  insoiency. 
being  but  a  player,  as  were  attending  upon  his  own  mother. 
It  grieved  honest  men  also  very  much  to  see  that,  when  he 
went  into  the  country,  he  carried  with  him  a  great  number 
of  cupboards  full  of  silver  and  gold  plate,  openly  in  the  face 
of  the  world,  as  it  had  been  the  pomp  or  shew  of  some 
triumph  :  and  that  eftsoons  in  the  midst  of  his  journey  he 
would  set  up  his  halls  and  tents  hard  by  some  green  grove 
or  pleasant  river,  and  there  his  cooks  should  prepare  him  a 
sumptuous  dinner.  And  furthermore,  Lions  were  harnessed 
in  traces  to  draw  his  carts  :  and  besides  also,  in  honest 
men's  houses  in  the  cities  where  he  came,  he  would  have 
common  harlots,  courtesans,  and  these  tumbling  gillots 
lodged.  Now  it  grieved  men  much  to  see,  that  Caesar 
should  be  out  of  Italy  following  of  his  enemies,  to  end  this 
great  war,  with  such  great  peril  and  danger  :  and  that  others 
in  the  meantime,  abusing  his  name  and  authority,  should 
commit  such  insolent  and  outrageous  parts  unto  their 
Citizens.  This  methinks  was  the  cause  that  made  the  con 
spiracy  against  Caesar  increase  more  and  more,  and  laid  the 
reins  of  the  bridle  upon  the  soldiers'  necks,  whereby  they 
durst  boldlier  commit  many  extortions,  cruelties, 
and  robberies.  And  therefore  Caesar  after  his  Lepidus 
return  pardoned  Dolabella,  and,  being  created 
Consul  the  third  time,  he  took  not  Antonius,  but  chose 


16  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

Lepidus  his  colleague  and  fellow  Consul.  Afterwards  when 
Pompey's  house  was  put  to  open  sale,  Antonius  bought  it  : 
Antonius  but  when  they  asked  him  money  for  it,  he  made 
Pompey's  lt  verv  strange>  and  was  offended  with  them,  and 
house.  writeth  himself  that  he  would  not  go  with  Caesar 
into  the  wars  of  Africk,  because  he  was  not  well  recom 
pensed  for  the  service  he  had  done  him  before.  Yet  Caesar 
did  somewhat  bridle  his  madness  and  insolency,  not  suffer 
ing  him  to  pass  his  faults  so  lightly  away,  making  as  though 
he  saw  them  not.  And  therefore  he  left  his  dissolute 
manner  of  life,  and  married  Fulvia,  that  was  Clo- 

Antonius  .  ,  11-11 

married  dius  widow,  a  woman  not  so  basely  minded  to 
Clodius'  spend  her  time  in  spinning  and  housewifery,  and 
was  not  contented  to  master  her  husband  at  home, 
Fulvia  but  would  also  rule  him  in  his  office  abroad,  and 
Antonius  command  him,  that  commanded  legions  and  great 
zu  home  armies  :  so  that  Cleopatra  was  to  give  Fulvia 
abroad.  thanks  for  that  she  had  taught  Antonius  this 
obedience  to  women,  that  learned  so  well  to  be  at  their 
commandment.  Now,  because  Fulvia  was  somewhat  sour 
and  crooked  of  condition,  Antonius  devised  to  make  her 
pleasanter,  and  somewhat  better  disposed  :  and  therefore  he 
would  play  her  many  pretty  youthful  parts  to  make  her 
merry.  As  he  did  once,  when  Caesar  returned  the  last  time 
of  all  Conqueror  out  of  Spain  :  every  man  went  out  to  meet 
him,  and  so  did  Antonius  with  the  rest.  But  on  the  sudden 
there  ran  a  rumour  through  Italy,  that  Caesar  was  dead,  and 


MARCUS   ANTONIUS  17 

that  his  enemies  came  again  with  a  great  army.    Thereupon 
he  returned  with  speed  to  Rome,  and  took  one  of  his  men's 
gowns,  and  so  apparelled  came  home  to  his  house  in  a  dark 
night,  saying  that  he  had  brought  Fulvia  letters  from  An- 
tonius.     So  he  was  let  in,  and  brought  to  her  muffled  as  he 
was  for  being  known  :   but  she,  taking  the  matter  heavily, 
asked  him  if  Antonius  were  well.     Antonius  gave  her  the 
letters,  and  said  never  a  word.     So  when  she  had  opened 
the  letters,  and  began  to  read  them,  Antonius  ramped  of 
her  neck,  and  kissed  her.     We  have  told  you  this  tale  for 
example's  sake  only,  and  so  could  we  also  tell  you  of  many 
suchlike  as  these.     Now,  when  Caesar  was  returned  from 
his  last  war  in  Spain,  all  the  chiefest  nobility  of  the  city 
rode  many  days'  journey  from  Rome  to  meet  him,  where 
Caesar  made  marvellous  much  of  Antonius,  above  all  the 
men  that  came  unto  him.     For  he  always  took  him  into 
his  coach  with  him,  throughout  all  Italy :  and  behind  him, 
Brutus  Albinus  and  Octavius,  the  son  of  his  Niece,  who 
afterwards  was  called  Caesar,  and  became  Emperor  of  Rome 
long  time  after.      So,  Caesar  being  afterwards  chosen  Consul 
the  fift  time,  he  immediately  chose  Antonius  his    Caesar 
colleague  and  companion  :  and  desired,  by  depos-    ^^^a 
ing  himself  of  his  Consulship,  to  make  Dolabella    Consuls- 
Consul    in   his  room,   and  had   already  moved  it  to    the 
Senate.      But  Antonius  did  stoutly  withstand  it,  and  openly 
reviled  Dolabella  in  the  Senate  :  and  Dolabella  also  spared 
him   as   little.     Thereupon   Caesar  being   ashamed   of  the 

VOL.   II.  C 


1 8  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

matter,  he  let  it  alone.  Another  time  also,  when  Caesar 
attempted  again  to  substitute  Dolabella  Consul  in  his  place, 
Antonius  cried  out,  that  the  signs  of  the  birds  were  against 
it  :  so  that  at  length  Caesar  was  compelled  to  give  him 
place,  and  to  let  Dolabella  alone,  who  was  marvellously 
offended  with  him.  Now  in  truth,  Caesar  made  no  great 
reckoning  of  either  of  them  both.  For  it  is  reported  that 
Caesar  answered  one  that  did  accuse  Antonius  and  Dolabella 
unto  him  for  some  matter  of  conspiracy  :  '  Tush,'  said  he,* 
'  they  be  not  those  fat  fellows  and  fine  combed  men  that  I* 
fear,  but  I  mistrust  rather  these  pale  and  lean  men,' l  mean-* 
ing  by  Brutus  and  Cassius,  who  afterwards  conspired  his 
Antonius  death,  and  slew  him.  Antonius  unwares  after- 
tingi'y"  wards  gave  Caesar's  enemies  just  occasion  and 
Cesar's  colour  to  do  as  they  did  :  as  you  shall  hear.  The 
occasion  Romans  by  chance  celebrated  the  feast  called 
to  conspire  Lupercalia,  and  Caesar,  being  apparelled  in  his 
him-  triumphing  robe,  was  set  in  the  Tribune  where 

they  use  to  make  their  orations  to  the  people,  and  from 
thence  did  behold  the  sport  of  the  runners.  The  manner 
of  this  running  was  this.  On  that  day  there  are  many 
young  men  of  noble  house,  and  those  specially  that  be  chief 
Officers  for  that  year  :  who,  running  naked  up  and  down  the 
city  anointed  with  the  oil  of  olive,  for  pleasure  do  strike 
them  they  meet  in  their  way  with  white  leather  thongs 
they  have  in  their  hands.  Antonius  being  one  among  the* 

1   Cf.   Julius  Caesar,  I.  ii.    191-200  ;   Life  of  Caesar,   Vol.  I.  p.  95  ; 
Life  of  Brutus,  Vol.  I.  p.  119. 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  19 

*rest  that  was  to  run,  leaving  the  ancient  ceremonies  and 
*old  customs  of  that  solemnity,  he  ran  to  the  Tribune  where 

*  Caesar  was  set,  and  carried  a  laurel  crown  in  his  hand, 
*having  a  royal  band  or  diadem  wreathed  about  it,  which  in 
*old  time  was  the  ancient  mark  and  token  of  a  king.     When 
*he  was  come  to  Caesar,  he  made  his  fellow-runners   Antonius 
*with  him  lift  him  up,  and  so  he  did  put  this  laurel   JX^11 
*crown  upon  his  head,  signifying  thereby  that  he   ^dem 
*had  deserved  to  be  king.     But  Caesar,  making  as   Caesar's 

*  though  he  refused  it,  turned  away  his  head.     The    head. 
*people  were  so  rejoiced  at  it,  that  they  all  clapped  their 
*hands  for  joy.     Antonius  again  did  put  it  on  his  head  : 
*Caesar  again  refused  it,  and  thus  they  were  striving  off  and 
*on  a  great  while  together.     As  oft  as  Antonius   did  put 
*this  laurel  crown  unto  him,  a  few  of  his  followers  rejoiced 
*at  it  :  and  as  oft  also  as  Caesar  refused  it,  all  the  people 

*  together  clapped  their  hands.1     And  this  was  a  wonderful 
thing,  that  they  suffered  all  things  subjects  should  do  by  com 
mandment  of  their  kings  :  and  yet  they  could  not  abide  the 
name  of  a  king,  detesting  it  as  the  utter  destruction  of  their 
*liberty.     Caesar  in  a  rage  rose  out  of  his  seat,  and  plucking 
*down  the  collar  of  his  gown  from  his  neck,  he   shewed 
*it  naked,  bidding  any  man  strike  off  his  head  that  would.2 
This  laurel  crown  was  afterwards  put  upon  the  head  of  one 
of  Caesar's  statues  or  images,  the  which  one  of  the  Tribunes 

1  Cf.  Julius  Caesar,  I.  ii.  219-246  ;  Life  of  Caesar,  Vol.  I.  p.  93. 

2  Cf.  Julius  Caesar,  I.  ii.  268,  9  ;  Life  of  Caesar,  Vol  I.  p.  91. 


20  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

plucked  off.  The  people  liked  his  doing  therein  so  well, 
that  they  waited  on  him  home  to  his  house  with  great 
clapping  of  hands.  Howbeit  Caesar  did  turn  them  out  of* 
Brutus  their  offices  for  it.1  This  was  a  good  encourage-* 
Cassius  rnent  for  Brutus  and  Cassius  to  conspire  his  death, 
Caesar's  w^°  ^  *nto  a  consort  witn  their  trustiest  friends, 
death.  to  execute  their  enterprise  :  but  yet  stood  doubtful 
whether  they  should  make  Antonius  privy  to  it  or  not. 
All  the  rest  liked  of  it,  saving  Trebonius  only.  He  told 
them  that,  when  they  rode  to  meet  Caesar  at  his 
return  out  of  Spain,  Antonius  and  he  always  keeping 
company,  and  lying  together  by  the  way,  he  felt 
his  mind  afar  off:  but  Antonius,  finding  his  meaning, 
would  hearken  no  more  unto  it,  and  yet  notwithstanding 
never  made  Caesar  acquainted  with  this  talk,  but  had  faith- 
c  .  fully  kept  it  to  himself.  After  that  they  consulted* 
tjon  about  whether  they  should  kill  Antonius  with  Caesar.* 

the  J 

murtherof   But  Brutus  would  in  no  wise  consent  to  it,  saying,* 

Antonius  .  ' 

with  that  venturing  on  such  an  enterprise  as  that,  for 

the  maintenance  of  law  and  justice,  it  ought  to  be* 
clear  from  all  villainy.2  Yet  they,  fearing  Antonius'  power* 
and  the  authority  of  his  office,  appointed  certain  of  the* 
conspiracy,  that,  when  Caesar  were  gone  into  the  Senate,* 
and  while  others  should  execute  their  enterprise,  they  should* 

1  Cf.  Julius  Caesar,  I.  ii.  289-91  ;  Life  of  Caesar,  Vol.  I.  p.  93. 

2  Cf.     Julius     Caesar,     II.     i.    155-166;     Life    of    Brutus,    Vol.    I. 
FP-  J33.4- 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  21 

*keep  Antonius  in  a  talk  out  of  the  Senate  house.1  Even 
as  they  had  devised  these  matters,  so  were  they  executed  : 
and  Caesar  was  slain  in  the  midst  of  the  Senate.  Antonius, 
being  put  in  a  fear  withal,  cast  a  slave's  gown  upon  him, 
and  hid  himself.  But  afterwards,  when  it  was  told  him 
that  the  murtherers  slew  no  man  else,  and  that  they  went 
only  into  the  Capitol,  he  sent  his  son  unto  them  for  a 
pledge,  and  bade  them  boldly  come  down  upon  his  word. 
The  self  same  day  he  did  bid  Cassius  to  supper,  and 
Lepidus  also  bade  Brutus.  The  next  morning  the  Senate 
was  assembled,  and  Antonius  himself  preferred  a  law  that 
all  things  past  should  be  forgotten,  and  that  they  should 
appoint  provinces  unto  Cassius  and  Brutus  :  the  which  the 
Senate  confirmed,  and  further  ordained  that  they  should 
cancel  none  of  Caesar's  laws.  Thus  went  Antonius  out  of 
the  Senate  more  praised,  and  better  esteemed,  than  ever 
man  was  :  because  it  seemed  to  every  man  that  he  had 
cut  off  all  occasion  of  civil  wars,  and  that  he  had  shewed 
himself  a  marvellous  wise  governor  of  the  commonwealth, 
for  the  appeasing  of  these  matters  of  so  great  weight  and 
importance.  But  now,  the  opinion  ihe  conceived  of  him 
self  after  he  had  a  little  felt  the  goodwill  of  the  people 
towards  him,  hoping  thereby  to  make  himself  the  chiefest 
man  if  he  might  overcome  Brutus,  did  easily  make  him 
*alter  his  first  mind.  And  therefore,  when  Caesar's  body 

1  Cf.  Julius  Caesar,  III.  i.  25,  6  ;  Life  of  Brutus,  Vol.  I.  p.  132  ;  Life  of 
Caesar,  Vol.  I.  p.  100. 


22  MARCUS   ANTONIUS 

was  brought  to  the  place  where  it  should  be  buried,  he  made* 
a  funeral  oration  in  commendation  of  Caesar,  according  to* 
the  ancient  custom  of  praising  noblemen  at  their  funerals.* 
When  he  saw  that  the  people  were  very  glad  and  desirous* 
also  to  hear  Caesar  spoken  of,  and  his  praises  uttered,  he* 
mingled  his  oration  with  lamentable  words,  and  by  ampli-* 
fying  of  matters  did  greatly  move  their  hearts  and  affections* 
unto  pity  and  compassion.  In  fine,  to  conclude  his* 

oration,  he  unfolded  before  the  whole  assembly* 
maleT5  the  bloody  garments  of  the  dead,  thrust  through* 
am^ng  the  ^n  man7  places  with  their  swords,  and  called  the* 
thePmur°r  nialefactors  cruel  and  cursed  murtherers.  With* 

these  words  he  put  the  people  into  such  a  fury,* 

that  they  presently  took  Caesar's  body,  and  burnt* 
it  in  the  market-place  with  such  tables  and  forms  as  they* 
could  get  together.  Then,  when  the  fire  was  kindled,* 
they  took  firebrands,  and  ran  to  the  murtherers'  houses  to* 
set  them  afire,  and  to  make  them  come  out  to  fight.1* 
Brutus  therefore,  and  his  accomplices,  for  safety  of  their* 

persons,   were   driven    to   fly    the    city.2     Then* 

Calpurnia,  ,,       _,  r  .        ,  .  . 

Caesar's      came    all    Caesar  s    friends    unto    Antonius,    and 

specially  his  wife  Calpurnia,  putting  her  trust  in 

him,  she  brought  the  most  part  of  her  money  into  his  house, 

which  amounted  to  the  sum  of  four  thousand  talents,  and 

1  Cf.  Julius  Caesar,  III.  ii.  45-210,  258-64  ;  Life  of  Caesar,  Vol.  I. 
p.  104  ;  Life  of  Brutus,  Vol.  I.  p.  138. 

2  Cf.  Julius  Caesar,  III.  ii.  273,  4  ;  Life  of  Brutus,  Vol.  I.  p.  139. 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  23 

furthermore  brought  him  all  Caesar's  books  and  writings, 
in  the  which  were  his  memorials  of  all  that  he  had  done 
and  ordained.     Antonius  did  daily  mingle  with  them  such 
as  he   thought  good,  and  by  that  means  he  created  new 
officers,  made  new  Senators,  called  home  some  that  were 
banished,   and   delivered   those   that   were  prisoners  :  and 
then  he  said  that  all  those  things  were  so  appointed  and 
ordained  by  Caesar.     Therefore  the  Romans  mocking  them 
that  were  so  moved,  they  called   them  Charon-    charon- 
ites  :     because    that   when    they  were   overcome,   scfcaHecf 
they  had   no    other  help    but    to    say  that    thus    M   . 
they  were  found  in  Caesar's  memorials,  who  had   t?nius 

'  *  Consul, 

sailed  in  Charon's  boat,  and  was  departed.     Thus,   Caius 

111111-         11        i  Antonius 

Antonius  ruled  absolutely  also  in  all  other  matters,   Praetor, 
because  he   was   Consul,   and   Caius,  one  of  his   Antonius 
brethren,  Praetor,  and  Lucius,  the  other,  Tribune.   aii  three 
Now    things    remaining    in  this    state  at   Rome, 
Octavius  Caesar  the  younger  came  to  Rome,  who  was  the  son 
of  Julius  Caesar's  Niece,  as  you  have  heard  before,  and  was  left 
his  lawful  heir  by  will,  remaining,  at  the  time  of  the  death 
of  his  great  Uncle  that  was  slain,  in  the  city  of  Apollonia. 
This  young  man  at  his  first  arrival  went  to  salute  Antonius, 
as  one  of  his  late  dead  father  Caesar's  friends,  who  by  his 
last    will    and    testament    had  made    him    his   heir  :    and 
withal,  he  was   presently  in  hand    with    him  for    money 
and    other    things    which    were    left     of    trust     in     his 
hands,  because  Caesar  had   by   will   bequeathed  unto   the 


24  MARCUS   ANTONIUS 

people  of  Rome  three  score  and  fifteen  silver  Drachmas  to 
be  given  to  every  man,  the  which  he  as  heir  stood 
charged  withal.  Antonius  at  the  first  made  no  reckon 
ing  of  him,  because  he  was  very  young  :  and  said  he  lacked 
wit,  and  good  friends  to  advise  him,  if  he  looked  to  take 
such  a  charge  in  hand  as  to  undertake  to  be  Caesar's  heir. 
But  when  Antonius  saw  that  he  could  not  shake 

Variance 

betwixt        him  off  with  those  words,  and  that  he  was  still  in 

Antonius 

and  hand  with  him  for  his  father's  goods,  but  specially 

Caesar,  for  the  ready  money  :  then  he  spake  and  did  what 
Julius  he  could  against  him.  And  first  of  all,  it  was  he 

that  did  keep  him  from  being  Tribune  of  the 
people  :  and  also,  when  Octavius  Caesar  began  to  meddle 
with  the  dedicating  of  the  chair  of  gold,  which  was  prepared 
by  the  Senate  to  honour  .Caesar  with,  he  threatened  to  send 
him  to  prison,  and  moreover  desisted  not  to  put  the  people  in 
Octavius  an  uproar.  This  young  Caesar,  seeing  his  doings, 
jotntd^in  went  unto  Cicero  and  others,  which  were  Antonius' 
•*-ithdsh'P  enemies>  and  by  them  crept  into  favour  with  the 
Cicero.  Senate  :  and  he  himself  sought  the  people's  good 
will  every  manner  of  way,  gathering  together  the  old  soldiers 

of  the  late  deceased  Caesar,  which  were  dispersed 

Antonius 

and    .         in    divers    cities    and    colonies.     Antonius    being 

Octavius 

became        afraid  of  it  talked  with  Octavius  in   the  Capitol, 

and    became    his    friend.       But    the    very    same 

night  Antonius   had  a  strange  dream,  who   thought    that 

lightning  fell  upon  him,  and  burnt  his  right  hand.     Shortly 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  25 

after  word  was  brought  him,  that  Caesar  lay  in  wait  to  kill 
him.  Caesar  cleared  himself  unto  him,  and  told  Anton;us' 
him  there  was  no  such  matter  :  but  he  could  not  dream- 
make  Antonius  believe  the  contrary.  Whereupon  they 
became  further  enemies  than  ever  they  were  :  insomuch 
that  both  of  them  made  friends  of  either  side  to  gather 
together  all  the  old  soldiers  through  Italy,  that  were 
dispersed  in  divers  towns,  and  made  them  large  promises, 
and  sought  also  to  win  the  legions  of  their  side,  which  were 
already  in  arms.  Cicero  on  the  other  side  being  at  that 
time  the  chiefest  man  of  authority  and  estimation  in  the 
city,  he  stirred  up  all  men  against  Antonius  :  so 

.  i        i        ,-.  Antonius 

that  in  the  end  he  made  the  Senate  pronounce  judged  an 

.  .  ,  .  1-1  enemy 

him  an  enemy  to  his  country,  and  appointed  young   by  the 
Caesar  Sergeants  to  carry  axes  before  him,  and  such 
other  signs  as  were  incident  to  the  dignity  of  a  Consul  or 
*  Praetor  :  and  moreover  sent  Hirtius  and  Pansa,    Hirtius 
*then    Consuls,   to  drive  Antonius  out   of  Italy.   *nd  Pansa 

7  '       Consuls. 

*These  two  Consuls  together  with  Caesar,  who  also 

*had  an  army,  went  against  Antonius  that  besieged  the  city 

*of  Modena,  and  there  overthrew  him  in  battle  :    , 

Antonius 

*but  both  the  Consuls  were  slain  there.     Antonius,    over-    . 

.  thrown  in 

flying  upon  this  overthrow,  fell  into  great  misery   battl?  bv 

*      the  city  of 

*all  at  once  :  but  the  chiefest  want  of  all  other,  and    Modena. 
*that  pinched  him  most,  was  famine.1     Howbeit  he  was  of 
such  a  strong  nature,  that  by  patience  he  would  overcome 

1   Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  I.  iv.  56-9. 


26  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

any  adversity,  and,  the  heavier  fortune  lay  upon  him,  the 
more  constant  shewed  he  himself.    Every  man  that 

Antonius  .  '   . 

patient  in   fecleth  want  or  adversity  knoweth  by  virtue  and 
discretion  what  he  should  do  :  but  when  indeed 
they  are  overlaid  with  extremity,  and  be  sore  oppressed,  few 
have  the  hearts  to  follow  that  which  they  praise  and  com 
mend,    and    much    less    to    avoid    that    they  reprove  and 
mislike.     But  rather,  to  the  contrary,  they  yield  to  their 
accustomed  easy  life  :  and  through  faint  heart,  and  lack  of 
.    ,     courage,  do  change  their  first  mind  and  purpose. 

Antonius  c 

hardness      And  therefore  it  was  a  wonderful  example  to  thet 

in  adver 
sity,  soldiers  to  see  Antonius,  that  was  brought  up  in  allf 

standing  fineness  and  superfluity,  so  easily  to  drink  puddlet 
bringing  water,  and  to  eat  wild  fruits  and  roots  :  andt 
moreover  it  is  reported  that,  even  as  they  passed! 
the  Alps,  they  did  eat  the  barks  of  trees,  and  such  beasts  asf 
never  man  tasted  of  their  flesh  before.1  Now  their  intentt 
was  to  join  with  the  legions  that  were  on  the  other  side  of 
the  Mountains,  under  Lepidus'  charge  :  whom  Antonius 
took  to  be  his  friend,  because  he  had  holpen  him  to  many 
things  at  Caesar's  hand  through  his  means.  When  he  was 
come  to  the  place  where  Lepidus  was,  he  camped  hard  by 
him  :  and  when  he  saw  that  no  man  came  to  him  to  put 
him  in  any  hope,  he  determined  to  venture  himself,  and  to 
go  unto  Lepidus.  Since  the  overthrow  he  had  at  Modena, 
he  suffered  his  beard  to  grow  at  length  and  never  clipped  it, 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  I.  iv.  59-68. 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  27 

that  it  was  marvellous  long,  and  the  hair  of  his  head  also 
without  combing  :  and  besides  all  this,  he  went  in  a 
mourning  gown,  and  after  this  sort  came  hard  to  the 
trenches  of  Lepidus'  camp.  Then  he  began  to  speak  unto 
the  soldiers,  and  many  of  them  their  hearts  yearned  for 
pity  to  see  him  so  poorly  arrayed,  and  some  also 
through  his  'Words  began  to  pity  him  :  insomuch  that 
Lepidus  began  to  be  afraid,  and  therefore  commanded  all 
the  trumpets  to  sound  together  to  stop  the  soldiers'  ears, 
that  they  should  not  hearken  to  Antonius.  This  notwith 
standing,  the  soldiers  took  the  more  pity  of  him,  and  spake 
secretly  with  him  by  Clodius'  and  Laelius'  means,  whom 
they  sent  unto  him  disguised  in  women's  apparel,  and  gave 
him  counsel  that  he  should  not  be  afraid  to  enter  into  their 
camp,  for  there  were  a  great  number  of  soldiers  that  would 
receive  him,  and  kill  Lepidus,  if  he  would  say  the  word. 
Antonius  would  not  suffer  them  to  hurt  him,  but  the  next 
morning  he  went  with  his  army  to  wade  a  ford,  at  a  little 
river  that  ran  between  them  :  and  himself  was  the  fore 
most  man  that  took  the  river  to  get  over,  seeing  a  number 
of  Lepidus'  camp  that  gave  him  their  hands,  plucked  up  the 
stakes,  and  laid  fiat  the  bank  of  their  trench  to  let  him  into 
their  camp.  When  he  was  come  into  their  camp, 
and  that  he  had  all  the  army  at  his  commandment,  wan  all 
he  used  Lepidus  very  courteously,  embraced  him,  army  from 
and  called  him  father  :  and  though  indeed  Antonius 
did  all,  and  ruled  the  whole  army,  yet  he  alway  gave 


28  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

Lepidus  the  name  and  honour  of  the  Captain.  Munatius 
Plancus,  lying  also  in  camp  hard  by  with  an  army, 
understanding  the  report  of  Antonius'  courtesy,  he  also 
came  and  joined  with  him.  Thus  Antonius  being  afoot 
again,  and  grown  of  great  power,  repassed  over  the  Alps, 
leading  into  Italy  with  him  seventeen  legions  and  ten 
thousand  horsemen,  besides  six  legions  he  left  in  garrison 
among  the  Gauls  under  the  charge  of  one  Varius, 
surnamed  a  companion  of  his  that  would  drink  lustily  with 
him,  and  therefore  in  mockery  was  surnamed 
Cotylon  :  to  wit,  a  bibber.  So  Octavius  Caesar  would  not 
lean  to  Cicero,  when  he  saw  that  his  whole  travail  and 
endeavour  was  only  to  restore  the  commonwealth  to  her 
former  liberty.  Therefore  he  sent  certain  of  his  friends  to 
The  con-  Antonius,  to  make  them  friends  again  :  and  there- 
^ndac>  upon  all  three  met  together,  (to  wit,  Caesar, 
"fcaelLr  Antonius,  and  Lepidus),  in  an  Island  environed 
Antonius,  roun(J  about  with  a  little  river,  and  there  remained 
Lepidus.  three  days  together.  Now  as  touching  all  other 
latters,  they  were  easily  agreed,  and  did  divide  all  the 
Empire  of  Rome  between  them,  as  if  it  had  been  their 
own  inheritance.  But  yet  they  could  hardly  agree  whom 
they  would  put  to  death  :  for  every  one  of  them  would  kill 
their  enemies,  and  save  their  kinsmen  and  friends.  Yet 
at  length,  giving  place  to  their  greedy  desire  to  be  revenged 
of  their  enemies,  they  spurned  all  reverence  of  blood  and 
holiness  of  friendship  at  their  feet.  For  Caesar  left  Cicero  to 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  29 

Antonius'  will.  Antonius  also  forsook  Lucius  Caesar,  who 
was  his  Uncle  by  his  mother,  and  both  of  them  The  pro- 
together  suffered  Lepidus  to  kill  his  own  brother  f/^oa 
*Paulus.  Yet  some  writers  affirm,  that  Caesar  and  T"umv:ri- 
*Antonius  requested  Paulus  might  be  slain,  and  that  Lepidus 
*was  contented  with  it.1  In  my  opinion  there  was  never 
a  more  horrible,  unnatural,  and  crueller  change  than  this 
was.  For,  thus  changing  murther  for  murther,  they  did  as 
well  kill  those  whom  they  did  forsake  and  leave  unto  others, 
as  those  also  which  others  left  unto  them  to  kill  :  but  so 
much  more  was  their  wickedness  and  cruelty  great  unto 
their  friends,  for  that  they  put  them  to  death  being 
innocents,  and  having  no  cause  to  hate  them.  After  this 
plot  was  agreed  upon  between  them,  the  soldiers  that  were 
thereabouts  would  have  this  friendship  and  league  betwixt 
them  confirmed  by  marriage,  and  that  Caesar  should  marry 
Claudia,  the  daughter  of  Fulvia,  and  Antonius'  wife.  This 
marriage  also  being  agreed  upon,  they  condemned  three 
hundred  of  the  chiefest  citizens  of  Rome  to  be  put  to  death 
by  proscription.  And  Antonius  also  commanded  Antonius' 
them  to  whom  he  had  given  commission  to  kill  ^Olty 
Cicero,  that  they  should  strike  off  his  head  and  Cicero, 
right  hand,  with  the  which  he  had  written  the  invective 
Orations  (called  Philippics)  against  Antonius.  So,  when 
the  murtherers  brought  him  Cicero's  head  and  hand  cut  off, 
he  beheld  them  a  long  time  with  great  joy,  and  laughed 
1  Cf.  Julius  Caesar,  IV.  i.  2,  3. 


30  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

heartily,  and  that  oftentimes,  for  the  great  joy  he  felt. 
Then,  when  he  had  taken  his  pleasure  of  the  sight  of  them, 
he  caused  them  to  be  set  up  in  an  open  place,  over  the 
pulpit  for  Orations  (where  when  he  was  alive  he  had  often 
spoken  to  the  people)  as  if  he  had  done  the  dead  man  hurt, 
and  not  blemished  his  own  fortune,  shewing  himself  (to  his 
great  shame  and  infamy)  a  cruel  man,  and  unworthy  the 
office  and  authority  he  bare.  His  uncle  Lucius  Caesar  also, 
as  they  sought  for  him  to  kill  him,  and  followed  him  hard, 
fled  unto  his  sister.  The  murtherers  coming  thither, 
forcing  to  break  into  her  chamber,  she  stood  at  her  chamber 
door  with  her  arms  abroad,  crying  out  still  :  '  You 

Lucius 

Caesar's       shall  not  kill   Lucius  Caesar,  before  you  first  kill 

life  saved  .  _,  . 

by  his  me,  that  bare  your  Captain  in  my  womb.  By 
this  means  she  saved  her  brother's  life.  Now  the 
government  of  these  Triumviri  grew  odious  and  hateful  to  the 
Romans,  for  divers  respects  :  but  they  most  blamed  Antonius, 
Antonius'  because  he  being  elder  than  Caesar,  and  of  more 
Trium-h'S  Power  and  force  than  Lepidus,  gave  himself  again  to 
virate.  his  former  riot  and  excess,  when  he  left  to  deal  in 
the  affairs  of  the  commonwealth.  But,  setting  aside  the  ill 
name  he  had  for  his  insolency,  he  was  yet  much  more  hated 
in  respect  of  the  house  he  dwelt  in,  the  which  was  the  house 
of  Pompey  the  great  :  a  man  as  famous  for  his 

The  praise  *  }  .  .       , 

of  Pompey   temperance,  modesty,  and  civil  life,  as  for  his  three 

the  great.  •  •  n        •  •         i     i  i 

triumphs.     For  it  grieved  them  to  see  the  gates 
commonly  shut  against   the  Captains,   Magistrates   of  the 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  31 

city,  and  also  Ambassadors  of  strange  nations,  which  were 
sometimes  thrust  from  the  gate  with  violence  :  and  that  the 
house  within  was  full  of  tumblers,  antic  dancers,  jugglers, 
players,  jesters,  and  drunkards,  quaffing  and  guzzling,  and 
that  on  them  he  spent  and  bestowed  the  most  part  of  his 
money  he  got  by  all  kind  of  possible  extortions,  bribery  and 
policy.  For  they  did  not  only  sell  by  the  crier  the  goods 
of  those  whom  they  had  outlawed  and  appointed  to 
murther,  slanderously  deceived  the  poor  widows  and  young 
orphans,  and  also  raised  all  kind  of  imposts,  subsidies,  and 
taxes  :  but  understanding  also  that  the  holy  vestal  Nuns 
had  certain  goods  and  money  put  in  their  custody  to  keep, 
both  of  men's  in  the  city,  and  those  also  that  were  abroad, 
they  went  thither,  and  took  them  away  by  force.  Octavius 
Caesar  perceiving  that  no  money  would  serve  Antonius' 
turn,  he  prayed  that  they  might  divide  the  money  between 
them,  and  so  did  they  also  divide  the  army,  for  them  both 
to  go  into  Macedon  to  make  war  against  Brutus  and 
Cassius  :  and  in  the  meantime  they  left  the  government  of 
the  city  of  Rome  unto  Lepidus.  When  they  had  passed 
over  the  seas,  and  that  they  began  to  make  war,  they  being 
both  camped  by  their  enemies,  to  wit,  Antonius  against 
Cassius,  and  Caesar  against  Brutus  :  Caesar  did  no  great 
matter,  but  Antonius  had  alway  the  upper  hand,  and  did 
all.  For  at  the  first  battle  Caesar  was  overthrown  by 
Brutus,  and  lost  his  camp,  and  very  hardly  saved  himself  by 
flying  from  them  that  followed  him.  Howbeit  he  write th 


32  MARCUS   ANTONIUS 

himself  in  his  Commentaries,  that  he  fled  before  the  charge 
was  given,  because  of  a  dream  one  of  his  friends  had. 
The  Antonius  on  the  other  side  overthrew  Cassius  in 

battle,  though  some  write  that  he  was  not  there 
gainst"5  himself  at  the  battle,  but  that  he  came  after  the 
Brutus.  overthrow  whilst  his  men  had  the  enemies  in 
chase.  So  Cassius  at  his  earnest  request  was  slain  by  a 
faithful  servant  of  his  own  called  Pindarus,  whom  he  had 
The  death  enfranchised  :  because  he  knew  not  in  time  that 
of  Cassius.  Brutus  had  overcome  Caesar.  Shortly  after  they 
fought  another  battle  again,  in  the  which  Brutus  was  over 
thrown,  who  afterwards  also  slew  himself.  Thus 
slew  Antonius  had  the  chiefest  glory  of  all  this  victory, 

specially  because  Caesar  was  sick  at  that  time. 
Antonius  having  found  Brutus'  body  after  this  battle,  blaming 
him  much  for  the  murther  of  his  brother  Caius,  whom  he 
had  put  to  death  in  Macedon  for  revenge  of  Cicero's  cruel 
death,  and  yet  laying  the  fault  more  in  Hortensius  than  in 
him,  he  made  Hortensius  to  be  slain  on  his  brother's  tomb. 
Antonius  Futhermore,  he  cast  his  coat  armour  (which  was 
honour-  wonderful  rich  and  sumptuous)  upon  Brutus'  body, 
untobunal  an<^  8ave  commandment  to  one  of  his  slaves 
Brutus.  enfranchised,  to  defray  the  charge  of  his 
burial.  But  afterwards,  Antonius  hearing  that  his  en 
franchised  bondman  had  not  burnt  his  coat  armour  with  his 
body,  because  it  was  very  rich,  and  worth  a  great  sum  of 
money,  and  that  he  had  also  kept  back  much  of  the  ready 


MARCUS   ANTONIUS  33 

money  appointed  for  his  funeral  and  tomb,  he  also  put  him 
to  death.  After  that  Caesar  was  conveyed  to  Rome,  and  it 
was  thought  he  would  not  live  long,  nor  scape  the  sickness 
he  had.  Antonius  on  th'  other  side  went  towards  the  East 
provinces  and  regions,  to  levy  money  :  and  first  of  all  he 
went  into  Greece,  and  carried  an  infinite  number  of  soldiers 
with  him.  Now,  because  every  soldier  was  promised  five 
thousand  silver  Drachmas,  he  was  driven  of  necessity  to 
impose  extreme  tallages  and  taxations.  At  his  first  coming 
into  Greece,  he  was  not  hard  nor  bitter  unto  the  Grecians, 
but  gave  himself  only  to  hear  wise  men  dispute,  to  see 
plays,  and  also  to  note  the  ceremonies  and  sacrifices  of  Greece, 
ministering  justice  to  every  man,  and  it  pleased  him 
marvellously  to  hear  them  call  him  Philhellene,  (as  much  to 
say,  a  lover  of  the  Grecians),  and  specially  the  Antonius' 
Athenians,  to  whom  he  did  many  great  pleasures.  courtesy 
Wherefore  the  Megarians,  to  exceed  the  Athenians,  in  Greece- 
thinking  to  shew  Antonius  a  goodly  sight,  they  prayed  him 
to  come  and  see  their  Senate  house  and  council  hall. 
Antonius  went  thither  to  see  it  :  so  when  he  had  seen  it  at 
his  pleasure,  they  asked  him,  *  My  Lord,  how  like  you  our 
hall  ? '  '  Methinks '  (quoth  he)  '  it  is  little,  old,  and  ready 
to  fall  down.'  Furthermore,  he  took  measure  of  the  temple 
of  Apollo  Pythius,  and  promised  the  Senate  to  finish  it. 
But  when  he  was  once  come  into  Asia,  having  left  Lucius 
Censorinus  Governor  in  Greece,  and  that  he  had  felt  the 
riches  and  pleasures  of  the  East  parts,  and  that  Princes,  great 

VOL.   II.  D 


34  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

Lords,  and  Kings  came  to  wait  at  his  gate  for  his  coming 
out,  and  that  Queens  and  Princesses  to  excel  one  another 
gave  him  very  rich  presents,  and  came  to  see  him,  curiously 
setting  forth  themselves,  and  using  all  art  that  might  be  to 
shew  their  beauty,  to  win  his  favour  the  more,  (Caesar  in 
the  mean  space  turmoiling  his  wits  and  body  in  civil  wars 
at  home,  Antonius  living  merrily  and  quietly  abroad),  he 
easily  fell  again  to  his  old  licentious  life.  For  straight  one 
Anaxenor  a  player  of  the  cithern,  Xouthus  a  player  of  the 
flutes,  Metrodorus  a  tumbler,  and  such  a  rabble  of  minstrels 
and  fit  ministers  for  the  pleasures  of  Asia,  (who  in  fineness 
The  and  flattery  passed  all  the  other  plagues  he  brought 

with  him  out  of  ItalX)  a11  these  flocked  in  his 
court,  and  bare  the  whole  sway  :  and,  after  that, 
all  went  awry.  For  every  one  gave  themselves  to  riot  and 
excess,  when  they  saw  he  delighted  in  it  :  and  all  Asia  was 
like  to  the  city  Sophocles  speaketh  of  in  one  of  his  tragedies : 

Was  full  of  sweet  perfumes,  and  pleasant  songs, 
With  woeful  weeping  mingled  thereamongs. 

For  in  the  city  of  Ephesus,  women  attired  as  they  go  in 
the  feasts  and  sacrifice  of  Bacchus  came  out  to  meet  him 
with  such  solemnities  and  ceremonies  as  are  then  used,  with 
men  and  children  disguised  like  Fauns  and  Satyrs.  More 
over,  the  city  was  full  of  Ivy,  and  darts  wreathed  about  with 
Ivy,  psalterions,  flutes,  and  hautboys,  and  in  their  songs  they 
called  him  Bacchus,  father  of  mirth,  courteous,  and  gentle  : 


MARCUS   ANTONIUS  35 

and  so  was  he  unto  some,  but,  to  the  most  part  of  men, 
cruel  and  extreme.     For  he  robbed  noblemen  and 

.  ,  .          .  .,       Antonius1 

gentlemen   of  their  goods,   to  give   it  unto  vile   cruelty 
flatterers,    who    oftentimes    begged    men's    goods 
living,  as  though  they  had  been  dead,  and  would  enter  their 
houses  by  force.     As  he  gave  a  citizen's  house  of  Magnesia 
unto  a  cook,  because  (as  it  is  reported)  he  dressed  him  a  fine 
supper.     In  the  end  he  doubled  the  taxation,  and  imposed 
a  second  upon  Asia.     But  then  Hybreas  the  Orator,  sent 
from  the  estates  of  Asia  to  tell  him  the  state  of  their  country, 
boldly  said  unto  him  :  '  If  thou  wilt  have  power   H  breas> 
to  lay  two  tributes   in   one  year  upon  us,  thou   words 
shouldst  also  have  power  to  give  us  two  summers,   Antonius 

,  _,,  .  touching 

two    autumns,    and    two    harvests.       This    was   their  great 

.        .         payments 

gallantly  and  pleasantly  spoken  unto  Antonius  by  of  money 
the  Orator,  and  it  pleased  him  well  to  hear  it : 
but  afterwards,  amplifying  his  speech,  he  spake  more  boldly, 
and  to  better  purpose  :  '  Asia  hath  paid  the  two  hundred 
thousand  talents.  If  all  this  money  be  not  come  to  thy 
coffers,  then  ask  accompt  of  them  that  levied  it  :  but  if 
thou  have  received  it,  and  nothing  be  left  of  it,  then  are  we 
utterly  undone.'  Hybreas'  words  nettled  Antonius  roundly. 
For  he  understood  not  many  of  the  thefts  and  robberies 
his  officers  committed  by  his  authority  in  his  treasure  and 
affairs  :  not  so  much  because  he  was  careless,  as  for  that  he 
over  simply  trusted  his  men  in  all  things.  For  he  was  a 
plain  man  without  subtilty,  and  therefore  over  late  found 


36  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

out  the  foul  faults  they  committed  against  him  :  but  when  he 
Antonius'  heard  of  them  he  was  much  offended,  and  would 
simplicity.  p]a|n]v  confess  it  unto  them  whom  his  officers 
had  done  injury  unto  by  countenance  of  his  authority.  He 
had  a  noble  mind,  as  well  to  punish  offenders,  as  to  reward 
well-doers  :  and  yet  he  did  exceed  more  in  giving,  than 
in  punishing.  Now  for  his  outrageous  manner  of  railing  he 
Antonius1  commonly  used,  mocking  and  flouting  of  every 

manners.       man)    ^^    wa$    reme(Jie{J    by    }tself        for    a    man 

might  as  boldly  exchange  a  mock  with  him,  and  he  was  as 
well  contented  to  be  mocked,  as  to  mock  others.  But  yet 
it  oftentimes  marred  all.  For  he  thought  that  those  which 
told  him  so  plainly  and  truly  in  mirth,  would  never  flatter 
him  in  good  earnest  in  any  matter  of  weight.  But  thus  he 
was  easily  abused  by  the  praises  they  gave  him,  not  finding 
how  these  flatterers  mingled  their  flattery,  under  this 
familiar  and  plain  manner  of  speech  unto  him,  as  a  fine 
device  to  make  difference  of  meats  with  sharp  and  tart 
sauce,  and  also  to  keep  him  by  this  frank  jesting  and 
bourding  with  him  at  the  table,  that  their  common  flattery 
should  not  be  troublesome  unto  him  as  men  do  easily 
mislike  to  have  too  much  of  one  thing  :  and  that  they 
handled  him  finely  thereby,  when  they  would  give  him 
place  in  any  matter  of  weight  and  follow  his  counsel,  that 
it  might  not  appear  to  him  they  did  it  so  much  to  please 
him,  but  because  they  were  ignorant,  and  understood  not 
so  much  as  he  did.  Antonius  being  thus  inclined,  the  last 


37 

and  extremest  mischief  of  all  other  (to  wit,  the  love  of 
Cleopatra)  lighted  on  him,  who  did  waken  and  stir  up  many 
vices  yet  hidden  in  him,  and  were  never  seen  to  any  :  and 
if  any  spark  of  goodness  or  hope  of  rising  were  left  him, 
Cleopatra  quenched  it  straight,  and  made  it  worse  than 
before.  The  manner  how  he  fell  in  love  with  her  was  this. 
Antonius,  going  to  make  war  with  the  Parthians,  Antoniu  , 
sent  to  command  Cleopatra  to  appear  personally  i°,ve to 

'      Cleopatra, 

before  him,  when  he  came  into  Cilicia,  to  answer   whom 

.    .  ,  .  ,  he  sent 

unto  such  accusations  as  were  laid  against  her,  for  into 
being  this  :  that  she  had  aided  Cassius  and  Brutus 
in  their  war  against  him.  The  messenger  sent  unto  Cleo 
patra  to  make  this  summons  unto  her  was  called  Dellius  : 
who  when  he  had  throughly  considered  her  beauty,  the 
excellent  grace  and  sweetness  of  her  tongue,  he  nothing 
mistrusted  that  Antonius  would  do  any  hurt  to  so  noble  a 
Lady,  but  rather  assured  himself  that  within  few  days  she 
should  be  in  great  favour  with  him.  Thereupon  he  did 
her  great  honour,  and  persuaded  her  to  come  into  Cilicia 
as  honourably  furnished,  as  she  could  possible,  and  bade 
her  not  to  be  afraid  at  all  of  Antonius,  for  he  was  a  more 
courteous  Lord  than  any  that  she  had  ever  seen.  Cleopatra, 
*on  th'  other  side,  believing  Dellius'  words,  and  guessing  by 
*the  former  access  and  credit  she  had  with  Julius  Caesar 
*and  Cneius  Pompey  (the  son  of  Pompey  the  great)  only 
*for  her  beauty  : l  she  began  to  have  good  hope  that  she 

1   Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra^  I.  v.  29-34  ;  III.  xi.  116-8. 


38  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

might  more  easily  win  Antonius.  For  Caesar  and  Pompey* 
knew  her  when  she  was  but  a  young  thing,  and  knew  not* 
then  what  the  world  meant  :  but  now  she  went  to  Antonius* 
at  the  age  when  a  woman's  beauty  is  at  the  prime,  and  she* 
also  of  best  judgement.1  So,  she  furnished  herself  with  a* 
world  of  gifts,  store  of  gold  and  silver,  and  of  riches  and 
other  sumptuous  ornaments  as  is  credible  enough  she  might 
bring  from  so  great  a  house,  and  from  so  wealthy  and  rich 
a  realm  as  Egypt  was.  But  yet  she  carried  nothing  with 
her  wherein  she  trusted  more  than  in  herself,  and  in  the 
charms  and  enchantment  of  her  passing  beauty  and  grace. 
The  Therefore  when  she  was  sent  unto  by  divers  letters, 

"ump"ful  both  from  Antonius  himself,  and  also  from  his 
omeo*8  friends,  she  made  so  light  of  it  and  mocked 
patra,  Antonius  so  much,  that  she  disdained  to  set  for-t 

queen  of 

Egypt,        ward  otherwise,  but  to  take  her  barge  in  the  rivert 

going  unto 

Antonius.  of  Cydnus,  the  poop  whereof  was  of  gold,  thet 
sails  of  purple,  and  the  oars  of  silver,  which  kept  stroke  inf 
rowing  after  the  sound  of  the  music  of  flutes,  hautboys,  [ 
citherns,  viols,  and  such  other  instruments  as  they  playedt 
upon  in  the  barge.  And  now  for  the  person  off 
herself:  she  was  laid  under  a  pavilion  of  cloth  off 
gold  of  tissue,  apparelled  and  attired  like  the  goddess  Venust 
commonly  drawn  in  picture  :  and  hard  by  her,  on  either! 
hand  of  her,  pretty  fair  boys  apparelled  as  painters  do  sett 
forth  god  Cupid,  with  little  fans  in  their  hands,  with  thet 

1    Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  I.  V.  29-31,  73,  74. 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  39 

twhich  they  fanned  wind  upon  her.  Her  Ladies  and  gentle- 
twomen  also,  the  fairest  of  them  were  apparelled  like  the 
tnymphs  Nereides  (which  are  the  mermaids  of  the  waters) 
tand  like  the  Graces,  some  steering  the  helm,  others  tending 
tthe  tackle  and  ropes  of  the  barge,  out  of  the  which  there 
tcame  a  wonderful  passing  sweet  savour  of  perfumes,  that 
tperfumed  the  wharf's  side,  pestered  with  innumerable 
tmultitudes  of  people.  Some  of  them  followed  the  barge 
tall  alongst  the  river's  side  :  others  also  ran  out  of  the  city 
tto  see  her  coming  in.  So  that  in  th'  end,  there  ran  such 
tmultitudes  of  people  one  after  another  to  see  her,  that 
tAntonius  was  left  post  alone  in  the  market  place  in  his 
tlmperial  seat  to  give  audience  : l  and  there  went  a  rumour 
in  the  people's  mouths,  that  the  goddess  Venus  was  come  to 
play  with  the  god  Bacchus,  for  the  general  good  of  all  Asia. 
tWhen  Cleopatra  landed,  Antonius  sent  to  invite  her  to 
tsupper  to  him.  But  she  sent  him  word  again,  he  should 
tdo  better  rather  to  come  and  sup  with  her.  Antonius 
ttherefore,  to  shew  himself  courteous  unto  her  at  her  arrival, 
twas  contented  to  obey  her,  and  went  to  supper  xhe  sump. 
to  her  : 2  where  he  found  such  passing  sumptuous  ^"rations6 
fare,  that  no  tongue  can  express  it.  But  amongst  °upp^.s  of 
all  other  things,  he  most  wondered  at  the  infinite  Cleopatra 

and 

number  of  lights  and  torches  hanged  on  the  top  Antonius. 
of  the  house,  giving  light  in  every  place,  so  artificially 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  II.  ii.  195,  199-266. 

2  Ibid.  II.  ii.  227-232. 


40  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

set  and  ordered  by  devices,  some  round,  some  square, 
that  it  was  the  rarest  thing  to  behold  that  eye  could 
discern,  or  that  ever  books  could  mention.  The  next 
night,  Antonius  feasting  her  contended  to  pass  her  in 
magnificence  and  fineness  :  but  she  overcame  him  in  both. 
So  that  he  himself  began  to  scorn  the  gross  service  of  his 
house,  in  respect  of  Cleopatra's  sumptuousness  and  fineness. 
And,  when  Cleopatra  found  Antonius'  jests  and  slents  to  be 
but  gross  and  soldierlike  in  plain  manner,  she  gave  it  him 
Cleopatra's  finely,  and  without  fear  taunted  him  throughly, 
beauty.  Now  her  beauty  (as  it  is  reported)  was  not  so 
passing,  as  unmatchable  of  other  women,  nor  yet  such  as 
upon  present  view  did  enamour  men  with  her  :  but  so 
sweet  was  her  company  and  conversation,  that  a  man  could 
not  possibly  but  be  taken.  And  besides  her  beauty,  the 
good  grace  she  had  to  talk  and  discourse,  her  courteous 
nature  that  tempered  her  words  and  deeds,  was  a  spur  that 
pricked  to  the  quick.  Furthermore,  besides  all  these,  her 
voice  and  words  were  marvellous  pleasant  :  for  her  tongue 
was  an  instrument  of  music  to  divers  sports  and  pastimes, 
the  which  she  easily  turned  to  any  language  that  pleased 
her.  She  spake  unto  few  barbarous  people  by  interpreter, 
but  made  them  answer  herself,  or  at  least  the  most  part 
of  them  :  as  the  Ethiopians,  the  Arabians,  the  Troglodytes, 
the  Hebrews,  the  Syrians,  the  Medes,  and  the  Parthians, 
and  to  many  others  also,  whose  languages  she  had  learned. 
Whereas  divers  of  her  progenitors,  the  kings  of  Egypt, 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  41 

could  scarce  learn  the  Egyptian  tongue  only,  and  many  of 
them  forgot  to  speak  the  Macedonian.  Now  Antonius 
was  so  ravished  with  the  love  of  Cleopatra,  that  though  his 
wife  Fulvia  had  great  wars,  and  much  ado  with  Caesar  for 
his  affairs,  and  that  the  army  of  the  Parthians  (the  which 
the  king's  Lieutenants  had  given  to  the  only  leading  of 
Labienus)  was  now  assembled  in  Mesopotamia  ready  to 
invade  Syria  :  yet,  as  though  all  this  had  nothing  touched 
him,  he  yielded  himself  to  go  with  Cleopatra  into  Alexandria, 
where  he  spent  and  lost  in  childish  sports  (as  a  man  might 
say)  and  idle  pastimes  the  most  precious  thing  a  man  can 
spend,  as  Antiphon  saith  :  and  that  is,  time.  For 

.An  order 

they  made  an  order  between  them,  which  they   set  up  by 
called  Amimetobwn  (as  much  to  say,  no  life  com-   and 
parable  and  matchable  with  it)  one  feasting  each 
other    by  turns,  and   in  cost  exceeding   all    measure  and 
reason.     And  for  proof  hereof,  I  have  heard  my   „,, 

'     The  exces- 

grandfather   Lamprias   report,   that    one    Philotas   sive  ex 
penses  of 
a  Physician,  born  in   the  city  of  Amphissa,  told   Antonius 

i  •       i.     i  i.  •       •     A  i         j  •      and  Cle°- 

him  that  he  was  at  that  present  time  in  Alexandria,   patra  in 

Egypt. 

and  studied  Physic  :  and  that,  having  acquaintance 
with  one  of  Antonius'  cooks,  he  took  him  with  him  to 
Antonius'  house,  (being  a  young  man  desirous  to  see  things) 
*to  shew  him  the  wonderful  sumptuous  charge  and  prepara 
tion  of  one  only  supper.  When  he  was  in  the  kitchen, 
*and  saw  a  world  of  diversities  of  meats,  and  amongst  others, 
*eight  wild  boars  roasted  whole  :  he  began  to  wonder  at  it, 


42  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

and  said, '  Sure  you  have  a  great  number  of  guests  to  supper.'* 
Eight  wild  The  cook  fell  a-laughing,  and  answered  him, '  No  '  * 
roasted  (quoth  he)  '  not  many  guests,  nor  above  twelve* 
whole.  jn  au:i  b^  ygt  a|i  tfat  is  boiled  or  roasted* 
must  be  served  in  whole,  or  else  it  would  be  marred  straight. 
For  Antonius  peradventure  will  sup  presently,  or  it  may  be 
a  pretty  while  hence,  or  likely  enough  he  will  defer  it  longer, 
for  that  he  hath  drunk  well  to-day,  or  else  hath  had  some 
other  great  matters  in  hand  :  and  therefore  we  do  not  dress 
one  supper  only,  but  many  suppers,  because  we  are  un- 
Philotas  a  certain  °^  tne  hour  he  will  sup  in.'  Philotas  the 
Physician  Physician  told  my  grandfather  this  tale,  and  said 

born  in  .  . 

Amphissa,  moreover,  that  it  was  his  chance  shortly  after  to 
of  this  serve  the  eldest  son  of  the  said  Antonius,  whom 

he  had  by  his  wife  Fulvia  :  and  that  he  sat  corn- 
Physician  monly  at  his  table  with  his  other  friends,  when  he 
younger  did  not  dine  nor  sup  with  his  father.  It  chanced 
I1US'  one  day  there  came  a  Physician  that  was  so  full  of 
words  that  he  made  every  man  weary  of  him  at  the  board  : 

but  Philotas,  to  stop  his  mouth,  put  out  a  subtle 

Philotas' 

subtle  pro-    proposition   to  him  :   '  It  is  good  in  some  sort  to 

position.  .  ill 

let  a  man  drink  cold  water  that  hath  an  ague  : 
every  man  that  hath  an  ague  hath  it  in  some  sort  :  ergo,  it 
is  good  for  a  man  that  hath  an  ague  to  drink  cold  water.' 
The  Physician  was  so  gravelled  and  amated  withal,  that  he 
had  not  a  word  more  to  say.  Young  Antonius  burst  out  in 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  II.  ii.  1 86-8. 


MARCUS   ANTONIUS  43 

such  a  laughing  at  him,  and  was  so  glad  of  it,  that  he  said 
unto  him  :  '  Philotas,  take  all  that,  I  give  it  thee  : '  shew 
ing  him  his  cupboard  full  of  plate,  with  great  pots  of  gold 
and  silver.  Philotas  thanked  him,  and  told  him  he  thought 
himself  greatly  bound  to  him  for  this  liberality,  but  he 
would  never  have  thought  that  he  had  had  power  to  have 
given  so  many  things,  and  of  so  great  value.  But  much 
more  he  marvelled,  when  shortly  after  one  of  young  An- 
tonius'  men  brought  him  home  all  the  pots  in  a  basket, 
bidding  him  set  his  mark  and  stamp  upon  them,  and  to  lock 
them  up.  Philotas  returned  the  bringer  of  them,  fearing 
to  be  reproved  if  he  took  them.  Then  the  young  gentle 
man  Antonius  said  unto  him  :  '  Alas,  poor  man,  why  dost 
thou  make  it  nice  to  take  them  ?  Knowest  thou  not  that 
it  is  the  son  of  Antonius  that  gives  them  thee,  and  is  able 
to  do  it  ?  If  thou  wilt  not  believe  me,  take  rather  the 
ready  money  they  come  to  :  because  my  father  peradventure 
may  ask  for  some  of  the  plate,  for  the  antique  and  excellent 
workmanship  of  them.'  This  I  have  heard  my  grandfather 
tell  oftentimes.  But  now  again  to  Cleopatra.  Plato 

writeth 

Plato  writeth  that  there  are  four  kinds  of  flattery  :    of  four 

i         ,~ii  T    •  i     i  •     •  1-1          T->          i  kinds  of 

but  Cleopatra  divided  it  into  many  kinds,     r  or  she,   flattery. 
were  it  in  sport  or  in  matter  of  earnest,  still  devised  sundry 
new  delights  to  have  Antonius  at  commandment,    c)eo  atra 
never  leaving  him  night  nor  day,  nor  once  letting    9^"  of 
him  go  out  of  her  sight.     For  she  would  play  at   terers. 
dice  with  him,  drink  with   him,  and  hunt  commonly  with 


44  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

him,  and  also  be  with  him  when  he  went  to  any  exercise  or 
activity  of  body.  And  sometime  also,  when  he  would  go* 
up  and  down  the  city  disguised  like  a  slave  in  the  night,* 
and  would  peer  into  poor  men's  windows  and  their  shops,* 
and  scold  and  brawl  with  them  within  the  house  :  Cleopatra* 
would  be  also  in  a  chambermaid's  array,  and  amble  up  and* 
down  the  streets  with  him,  so  that  oftentimes  Antonius  bare* 
away  both  mocks  and  blows.1  Now,  though  most  men* 
misliked  this  manner,  yet  the  Alexandrians  were  commonly 
glad  of  this  jollity,  and  liked  it  well,  saying  very  gallantly 
and  wisely,  that  Antonius  shewed  them  a  comical  face,  to 
wit,  a  merry  countenance  :  and  the  Romans  a  tragical  face, 
to  say,  a  grim  look.  But  to  reckon  up  all  the  foolish 
sports  they  made,  revelling  in  this  sort,  it  were  too  fond  a 
part  of  me,  and  therefore  I  will  only  tell  you  one  among  the 

rest.  On  a  time  he  went  to  angle  for  fish,  and* 
fishing  in  when  he  could  take  none  he  was  as  angry  as  could* 

be,  because  Cleopatra  stood  by.  Wherefore  he* 
secretly  commanded  the  fishermen,  that  when  he  cast  in* 
his  line,  they  should  straight  dive  under  the  water,  and  put  a* 
fish  on  his  hook  which  they  had  taken  before  :  and  so* 
snatched  up  his  angling  rod,  and  brought  up  fish  twice  or* 
thrice.  Cleopatra  found  it  straight,  yet  she  seemed  not  to* 
see  it,  but  wondered  at  his  excellent  fishing  :  but,  when  she* 
was  alone  by  herself  among  her  own  people,  she  told  them* 
how  it  was,  and  bade  them  the  next  morning  to  be  on  the* 

1   Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra.  \.  i.  52-4  ;  iv.  19-21. 


MARCUS   ANTONIUS  45 

*water  to  see  the  fishing.  A  number  of  people  came  to  the 
*haven,  and  got  into  the  fisher-boats  to  see  this  fishing. 
*Antonius  then  threw  in  his  line,  and  Cleopatra  straight 
*commanded  one  of  her  men  to  dive  under  water  before 
*Antonius'  men,  and  to  put  some  old  salt  fish  upon  his  bait, 
*like  unto  those  that  are  brought  out  of  the  country  of  Pont. 

*  When  he  had  hung  the  fish  on  his  hook,  Antonius,  thinking 
*he  had  taken  a  fish  indeed,  snatched  up  his  line  presently. 
*Then  they  all  fell  a-laughing.1    Cleopatra  laughing  also,  said 
unto  him  :  '  Leave  us  (my  Lord)  Egyptians  (which  dwell  in 
the  country  of  Pharus  and  Canobus)  your  angling  rod  :  this 
is  not  thy  profession  :  thou  must  hunt  after  conquering  of 
realms  and  countries.'     Now  Antonius  delighting  in  these 
*fond  and  childish  pastimes,  very  ill  news  were  brought  him 
*from  two  places.      The  first  from  Rome,  that  his   The  wars 

*  brother  Lucius  and  Fulvia  his  wife  fell  out  first   of  Lucius 

Antonius 

*  between  themselves,  and  afterwards   fell  to  open   and  Fulvia 

A  against 

*war  with  Caesar,  and  had  brought  all  to  nought,   Octavius 
*that  they  were  both  driven  to  fly  out  of  Italy.2 
*The  second     news,  as   bad    as    the    first  :  that  Labienus 
*conquered  all  Asia  with  the  army  of  the  Parthians,  from  the 
*river  of  Euphrates,  and  from  Syria,  unto  the  countries  ot 
*Lydia  and  Ionia.3      Then  began  Antonius  with  much  ado, 
a  little  to  rouse  himself,  as  if  he  had  been  wakened  out  of  a 
deep  sleep,  and  as  a  man  may  say,  coming  out  of  a  great 

1  Ci.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  II.  v.  15-19. 

2  Ibid.  I.  ii.  96-102.  3  Ibid.I.u.  107-11. 


46  MARCUS   ANTONIUS 

drunkenness.1  So,  first  of  all  he  bent  himself  against  the 
Parthians,  and  went  as  far  as  the  country  of  Phoenicia  :  but 
there  he  received  lamentable  letters  from  his  wife  Fulvia. 
Whereupon  he  straight  returned  towards  Italy  with  two 
hundred  sail  :  and  as  he  went,  took  up  his  friends  by  the 
way  that  fled  out  of  Italy  to  come  to  him.  By  them  he 
was  informed,  that  his  wife  Fulvia  was  the  only  cause  of  this 
war  :  who,  being  of  a '  peevish,  crooked,  and  troublesome 
nature,  had  purposely  raised  this  uproar  in  Italy,  in  hope 
The  death  thereby  to  withdraw  him  from  Cleopatra.  But  by 
Antonius*'  &°°^  f°rtune  n^s  w'^"e  Fulvia,  going  to  meet  with* 

Antonius,  sickened  by  the  way,  and  died  in  the* 
city  of  Sicyon  :  2  and  therefore  Octavius  Caesar  and  he  were* 
the  easilier  made  friends  together.  For  when  Antonius* 
landed  in  Italy,  and  that  men  saw  Caesar  asked  nothing  of* 
him,  and  that  Antonius  on  the  other  side  laid  all  the  fault* 
and  burden  on  his  wife  Fulvia  :  the  friends  of  both  parties* 
would  not  suffer  them  to  unrip  any  old  matters,  and  to  prove* 
or  defend  who  had  the  wrong  or  right,  and  who  was  the* 

first  procurer  of  this  war,  fearing  to  make  matters* 
Empire  of  worse  between  them  : 3  but  they  made  them* 
divided  friends  together,  and  divided  the  Empire  of  Rome 
the  Trium-  between  them,  making  the  sea  Ionium  the  bounds 

of  their  division.  For  they  gave  all  the  provinces 
Eastward  unto  Antonius  :  and  the  countries  Westward 

1   Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  I.  ii.  125-6.  -  Ibid.  I.  ii.  12-, 

3  Ibid.  II.  ii.  08-106. 


MARCUS   ANTONIUS  47 

unto  Caesar  :  and  left  Africk  unto  Lepidus  :  and  made 
a  law,  that  they  three  one  after  another  should  make 
their  friends  Consuls,  when  they  would  not  be  them 
selves.  This  seemed  to  be  a  sound  counsel,  but  yet  it 
was  to  be  confirmed  with  a  straiter  bond,  which  for 
tune  offered  thus.  There  was  Octavia  the  eldest  n 

Octavia, 

*sister   of  Caesar,  not  by   one    mother,    for    she   the  hal£- 

.  '  7  '  sister  of 

*came  of  Ancharia,  and  Caesar  himself  afterwards  of  Octavius 
*Accia.     It  is  reported  that  he  dearly  loved  his   and 
*sister  Octavia,  for  indeed  she  was  a  noble  Lady,   Of  An- 
*and  left  the  widow  of  her  first   husband  Caius   which1 
*Marcellus,   who   died  not  long  before  :    and  it   Caesar's 
*seemed  also  that  Antonius  had  been  widower  ever   mother* 
*since  the  death  of  his  wife  Fulvia.     For  he  denied  not 
*that  he  kept  Cleopatra,  but  so  did  he  not  confess  that 
*he  had  her  as  his  wife  :  and  so  with  reason  he  did  defend 
*the  love  he  bare  unto  this  Egyptian  Cleopatra.    Thereupon 
*  every  man  did  set  forward  this  marriage,  hoping  thereby 
*that  this  Lady  Octavia,  having  an  excellent  grace,  wisdom, 
*and  honesty,  joined  unto  so  rare  a  beauty,  that  when  she 
*were  with  Antonius  (he  loving  her  as  so  worthy  a  Lady 
*deserveth)  she  should  be  a  good  mean   to  keep  good  love 
*and  amity  betwixt  her  brother  and  him.1     So,    A  law  at 
when  Caesar  and  he  had  made  the  match  between    Rome.for 

marrying 

them,  they  both  went  to  Rome  about  this  marriage,  of  widows, 
although  it  was  against  the  law  that  a  widow  should  be 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  II.  ii.  ^4-59. 


48  MARCUS   ANTONIUS 

married  within  ten  months  after  her  husband's  death.  How- 
beit  the  Senate  dispensed  with  the  law,  and  so  the  marriage 
Antonius  proceeded  accordingly.  Sextus  Pompeius  at  that* 
Octavla  t'me  kept  in  Sicilia,  and  so  made  many  an  inroad* 
Caewr"sS  ^nto  ^taty  w^^  a  great  number  of  pinnaces  and* 
half-sister.  other  pirates'  ships,  of  the  which  were  Captains* 
two  notable  pirates,  Menas  and  Menecrates,  who  so  scoured* 
all  the  sea  thereabouts,  that  none  durst  peep  out  with  a  sail.1* 
Furthermore,  Sextus  Pompeius  had  dealt  very  friendly  with* 
Antonius,  for  he  had  courteously  received  his  mother,  when* 
she  fled  out  of  Italy  with  Fulvia  :  2  and  therefore  they* 
thought  good  to  make  peace  with  him.  So  they* 

Antonius  °  t  ' 

and  met  all  three  together  by  the  mount  of  Misenum,3* 

Octavius  ' 

Caesar  do  upon  a  hill  that  runneth  far  into  the  sea  :  Pompey 
peace  having  his  ships  riding  hard  by  at  anchor,  and 
Sextus  Antonius  and  Caesar  their  armies  upon  the  shore 
side,  directly  over  against  him.  Now,  after  theyf 
had  agreed  that  Sextus  Pompeius  should  have  Sicile  andf 
Sardinia,  with  this  condition,  that  he  should  rid  the  sea  off 
all  thieves  and  pirates,  and  make  it  safe  for  passengers,  andt 
withal  that  he  should  send  a  certain  of  wheat  to  Rome  :  4t 
one  of  them  did  feast  another,  and  drew  cuts  who  shouldt 
begin.5  It  was  Pompeius'  chance  to  invite  them  first.6* 
Whereupon  Antonius  asked  him  :  '  And  where  shall  we 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  I.  iv.  47-55. 

-  Ibid.  II.  ii.  160-2  5  vi.  44-6.  3  Ibid.  II.  ii.  166,  7. 

4  Ibid.  II.  vi.  34-7.  5  Ibid.  II.  vi.  6c,  i.  6  Ibid.  II.  vi.  So. 


MARCUS   ANTONIUS  49 

sup  ? '    '  There,'  said  Pompey,  and  shewed  him  his  admiral 
*galley  which  had  six  banks  of  oars  :  'That'  (said   Sextus 
*he)  <  is  my  father's  house  they  have  left  me.'    He   fa°u7^US> 
*spake  it  to  taunt  Antonius,  because  he  had  his    Antonius- 
*father's  house,  that  was  Pompey  the  great.1     So  he  cast 
anchors  enow  into  the  sea  to  make  his  galley  fast,  and  then 
built  a  bridge  of  wood  to  convey  them   to  his  galley  from 
the  head   of  mount  Misenum  :    and   there   he  welcomed 
them,  and  made   them  great  cheer.     Now  in  the   Sextus 
midst  of  the  feast,  when  they  fell  to  be  merry  with    bebf "" 
*Antonius'  love  unto  Cleopatra,  Menas  the  pirate   S^mderful 
*came  to  Pompey,  and,  whispering  in  his  ear,  said   f^ne 
*unto  him  :  '  Shall  I  cut  the  cables  of  the  anchors,    [orhis 

'     honesty 

*and  make  thee  lord  not  only  of  Sicile  and  Sardinia,    a"d  faith's 

'  .  ,    sake 

*but  of  the  whole  Empire  of  Rome  besides  ?  refused  it. 
*  Pompey,  having  paused  awhile  upon  it,  at  length  answered 
*him  :  '  Thou  shouldst  have  done  it,  and  never  have  told  it 
*me,  but  now  we  must  content  us  with  that  we  have.  As 
*for  myself,  I  was  never  taught  to  break  my  faith,  nor  to  be 
*counted  a  traitor.'  2  The  other  two  also  did  likewise  feast 
him  in  their  camp,  and  then  he  returned  into  Sicile. 
Antonius,  after  this  agreement  made,  sent  Ventidius  before 
into  Asia  to  stay  the  Parthians,  and  to  keep  them  they 
should  come  no  further  :  and  he  himself  in  the  meantime, 
to  gratify  Caesar,  was  contented  to  be  chosen  Julius  Caesar's 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  II.  vi.   26-9  ;  vii.   134,  5. 

2  Ibid.  II.  vii.  42-5,  60-87. 

VOL.  II.  E 


50  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

priest  and  sacrificer,  and  so  they  jointly  together  dispatched 
all  great  matters  concerning  the  state  of  the  Empire.  But 
in  all  other  manner  of  sports  and  exercises,  wherein  they 
passed  the  time  away  the  one  with  the  other,  Antonius  was 
ever  inferior  unto  Caesar,  and  always  lost,  which  grieved 
him  much.  With  Antonius  there  was  a  soothsayer  or* 
astronomer  of  Egypt,  that  could  cast  a  figure,  and  judge  of* 
men's  nativities,  to  tell  them  what  should  happen  to  them.* 
,  .  He,  either  to  please  Cleopatra,  or  else  for  that  he* 

Antonius 

told  by        found  it  so  by  his  art,  told  Antonius  plainly,  that* 

a  Sooth-  '  ' ' 

sayer  that    his  fortune  (which  of  itself  was  excellent  good,  andt 

his  fortune 

was  in-  very  great,)  was  altogether  blemished  and  obscured? 
Octavius  by  Caesar's  fortune  :  and  therefore  he  counselledt 
him  utterly  to  leave  his  company,  and  to  get  himf 
as  far  from  him  as  he  could.  '  For  thy  Demon,'  said  he,t 
'  (that  is  to  say,  the  good  angel  and  spirit  that  keepeth  thee)t 
'  is  afraid  of  his  :  and  being  courageous  and  high  when  het 
is  alone,  becometh  fearful  and  timorous  when  he  cometht 
near  unto  the  other.' l  Howsoever  it  was,  the  events! 
Antonius  ensuing  proved  the  Egyptian's  words  true.  For  it 
tunate  in  's  said  that  as  often  as  they  two  drew  cuts  fort 
earn'esT11  pastime,  who  should  have  anything,  or  whetherf 
cSavius  ^y  played  at  dice,  Antonius  alway  lost.  Often-t 
Caesar.  times,  when  they  were  disposed  to  see  cock-fight,t 
or  quails  that  were  taught  to  fight  one  with  another,t 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  II.  iii.  15-23,  25-30. 


MARCUS   ANTONIUS  51 

tCaesar's  cocks  or  quails  did  ever  overcome.1  The  which 
spited  Antonius  in  his  mind,  although  he  made  no  outward 
shew  of  it  :  and  therefore  he  believed  the  Egyptian  the 
better.  In  fine,  he  recommended  the  affairs  of  his  house 
unto  Caesar,  and  went  out  of  Italy  with  Octavia  his  wife, 
whom  he  carried  into  Greece,  after  he  had  had  a  daughter 
by  her.  So  Antonius  lying  all  the  winter  at  Athens,  news 
came  unto  him  of  the  victories  of  Ventidius,  who  had 
overcome  the  Parthians  in  battle,  in  the  which  also  were 
slain  Labienus  and  Pharnabates,  the  chiefest  Captain  king 
Orodes  had.  For  these  good  news  he  feasted  all  . 

Orodes, 

Athens,  and  kept  open  house  for  all  the  Grecians,   king  of 

*       .  ,  Parthia. 

and  many  games  of  price  were  played  at  Athens, 
of  the  which  he  himself  would  be  judge.  Wherefore, 
leaving  his  guard,  his  axes,  and  tokens  of  his  Empire  at 
his  house,  he  came  into  the  show  place  (or  lists)  where 
these  games  were  played,  in  a  long  gown  and  slippers  after 
the  Grecian  fashion,  and  they  carried  tip-staves  before  him, 
as  marshals'  men  do  carry  before  the  Judges  to  make  place  : 
and  he  himself  in  person  was  a  stickler  to  part  the  young 
men,  when  they  had  fought  enough.  After  that,  preparing 
to  go  to  the  wars,  he  made  him  a  garland  of  the 

.  Ventidtus 

holy  Olive,  and  carried  a  vessel  with  him  of  the   notable 

s-*i  victory 

water  of  the  fountain   Clepsydra,  because  of  an   of  the 

,      ,  111-  Parthians. 

Oracle  he  had  received  that  so  commanded  him. 

*In  the  meantime,  Ventidius  once  again  overcame  Pacorus 

1   Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  II.  iii.  32-8. 


5  2  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

(Orodes'  son  king  of  Parthia)    in  a  battle  fought  in  the* 
,    country  of  Cyrrestica,  he  being  come  again  with  a* 

The  death  '    t 

us,  great  army  to  invade  Syria  :  at  which  battle  was 

the  king  of  .  - 

Parthia's     slain  a  great  number  of  the  rarthians,  and  among 

them  Pacorus  the  king's  own  son  slain.  This  noble* 
exploit,  as  famous  as  ever  any  was,  was  a  full  revenge  to  the* 
Romans  of  the  shame  and  loss  they  had  received  before  by* 
the  death  of  Marcus  Crassus  :  and  he  made  the  Parthians* 
fly,  and  glad  to  keep  themselves  within  the  confines  and* 
territories  of  Mesopotamia  and  Media,  after  they  had* 
thrice  together  been  overcome  in  several  battles.  Howbeit* 
Ventidius  durst  not  undertake  to  follow  them  any  further,* 
fearing  lest  he  should  have  gotten  Antonius'  displeasure  by* 
it.1  Notwithstanding,  he  led  his  army  against  them  that* 
had  rebelled,  and  conquered  them  again  :  amongst  whom 
he  besieged  Antiochus,  king  of  Commagena,  who  offered 
him  to  give  a  thousand  talents  to  be  pardoned  his  rebellion, 
and  promised  ever  after  to  be  at  Antonius'  commandment. 
But  Ventidius  made  him  answer,  that  he  should  send  unto 
Antonius,  who  was  not  far  off,  and  would  not  suffer  Venti 
dius  to  make  any  peace  with  Antiochus,  to  the  end  that  yet 
this  little  exploit  should  pass  in  his  name,  and  that  they 
should  not  think  he  did  anything  but  by  his  Lieutenant 
Ventidius.  The  siege  grew  very  long,  because  they  that 
were  in  the  town,  seeing  they  could  not  be  received  upon 
no  reasonable  composition,  determined  valiantly  to  defend 

1   Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  II.  i.  1-27. 


MARCUS   ANTONIUS  53 

themselves  to  the  last  man.  Thus  Antonius  did  nothing, 
and  yet  received  great  shame,  repenting  him  much  that  he 
took  not  their  first  offer.  And  yet  at  last  he  was  glad  to 
make  truce  with  Antiochus,  and  to  take  three  hundred 
talents  for  composition.  Thus,  after  he  had  set  order  for 
the  state  and  affairs  of  Syria,  he  returned  again  to  Athens  : 
and  having  given  Ventidius  such  honours  as  he  deserved,  he 
sent  him  to  Rome,  to  triumph  for  the  Parthians. 

•  i-  1  i  -11     Ventidius 

Ventidius  was  the  only  man  that  ever  triumphed    the  only 
of  the  Parthians  until  this  present  day,  a  mean  man    the 
born,  and   of  no  noble  house  nor  family  :  who    that 
only    came    to    that    he    attained     unto    through    fo^e  e< 
Antonius'   friendship,    the   which    delivered    him    Parthlans- 
*happy  occasion  to  achieve  to  great  matters.     And  yet,  to 
*say  truly,  he  did  so  well  quit  himself  in  all  his  enterprises 
*that  he  confirmed  that  which  was  spoken  of  Antonius  and 
*Caesar  :   to  wit,  that  they  were  alway  more  fortunate  when 
*they  made  war  by  their  Lieutenants,  than  by  themselves. 
*For  Sossius,  one  of  Antonius'  Lieutenants  in   Syria,  did 
*notable  good  service  : T  and  Canidius,  whom  he  had  also  left 
his  Lieutenant  in  the  borders  of  Armenia,  did  conquer  it  all. 
So  did  he  also  overcome  the  kings  of  the  Iberians    Canidius' 
and  Albanians,  and  went  on  with   his  conquests   conquests. 
unto   mount  Caucasus.     By   these  conquests  the  fame    of 
Antonius'    power    increased    more    and    more,    and    grew 
*  dreadful  unto  all  the  barbarous  nations.     But  Antonius, 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  III.  i.   16-20. 


54  MARCUS   ANTONIUS 

notwithstanding,  grew  to  be  marvellously  offended  with* 
Caesar,    upon    certain    reports    that    had     been* 

New  dis-  .  r 

pleasures  brought  unto  him  : l  and  so  took  sea  to  go* 
Antonius  towards  Italy  with  three  hundred  sail.  And, 
Octavius  because  those  of  Brundusium  would  not  receive 

his  army  into  their  haven,  he  went  further 
unto  Tarentum.  There  his  wife  Octavia,  that  came  out  of* 
Greece  with  him,  besought  him  to  send  her  unto  her* 
brother  :  the  which  he  did.2  Octavia  at  that  time  was* 
great  with  child,  and  moreover  had  a  second  daughter  by 
him,  and  yet  she  put  herself  in  journey,  and  met  with  her* 
brother  Octavius  Caesar  by  the  way,  who  brought  his  two* 
chief  friends,  Maecenas  and  Agrippa,  with  him.3  She* 

took   them   aside,  and  with  all    the   instance  she 

The  words 

of  Octavia    could   possible,   entreated   them   they  would   not 

unto  Mae- 

cenas  and  suffer  her,  that  was  the  happiest  woman  of  the 
world,  to  become  now  the  most  wretched  and 
unfortunates!  creature  of  all  other.  '  For  now,'  said  she, 
'  every  man's  eyes  do  gaze  on  me,  that  am  the  sister  of  one 
of  the  Emperors  and  wife  of  the  other.  And  if  the  wrorst 
counsel  take  place  (which  the  gods  forbid)  and  that  they 
grow  to  wars  :  for  yourselves,  it  is  uncertain  to  which  of 
them  two  the  gods  have  assigned  the  victory,  or  overthrow. 
But  for  me,  on  which  side  soever  victory  fall,  my  state  can 
be  but  most  miserable  still.'  These  words  of  Octavia  so 

1   Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  III.   iv.    i-io. 

-   Hid.  III.  iv.  24,  5.  3  Ibid.  III.  vi.  39-62. 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  55 

softened  Caesar's  heart,  that  he  went  quickly  unto  Tarentum. 
But  it   was    a    noble   sight    for  them    that  were   Octavia 

i        ,       j  pacifieth 

present,  to  see  so  great  an  army  by  land  not  to   the 
stir,  and  so  many  ships  afloat  in  the  road  quietly   betwixt 
and    safe  :    and,    furthermore,    the    meeting    and   f^"^"8 
kindness  of  friends,  lovingly  embracing  one  another.   oTtavms 
First,  Antonius  feasted  Caesar,  which  he  granted   Caesar- 
unto  for  his  sister's  sake.     Afterwards  they  agreed  together, 
that  Caesar  should  give  Antonius  two  legions  to  go  against 
the  Parthians  :  and  that  Antonius  should  let  Caesar  have 
a   hundred  galleys  armed  with  brazen  spurs  at  the  prows. 
Besides  all  this,  Octavia  obtained   of  her  husband  twenty 
brigantines  for  her  brother  :    and  of  her  brother  for  her 
husband,  a  thousand  armed  men.     After  they  had  taken 
leave  of  each  other,  Caesar  went  immediately  to  make  war 
with    Sextus    Pompeius,    to    get    Sicilia     into     his    hands. 
Antonius  also,  leaving  his  wife  Octavia  and  little  children 
begotten  of  her  with  Caesar,  and  his  other  children  which 
he    had    by   Fulvia,    he    went   directly   into   Asia.     Then 
began  this  pestilent  plague  and  mischief  of  Cleopatra's  love 
(which  had  slept  a  long  time,  and  seemed  to  have  been 
utterly   forgotten,  and   that  Antonius   had  given   place    to 
better  counsel)  again  to  kindle,  and  to  be  in  force,    pjato 
so  soon  as  Antonius  came  near  unto  Syria.     And    concupi- 
in    the    end,  the   horse   of  the    mind,   as    Plato   SVfhe 
termeth  it,  that  is  so  hard  of  rein  (I  mean  the  un-   the  mind- 
reined  lust  of  concupiscence)  did  put  out  of  Antonius'  head 


56  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

all  honest  and  commendable  thoughts  :  for  he  sent  Fonteius 
Capita  to  bring  Cleopatra  into  Syria.  Unto  whom,  to 
welcome  her,  he  gave  no  trifling  things  :  but  unto  that  she 
Antonius  had  already  he  added  the  provinces  of  Phoenicia, 
cleopatra  tnose  of  the  nethermost  Syria,  the  Isle  of  Cyprus, 
into  Syria.  an(j  a  great  part  of  Cilicia,  and  that  country  of 
Antonius  Jewry  where  the  true  balm  is,  and  that  part  of 

gave  great    J          * 

provinces     Arabia  where  the  Nabathaeans  do  dwell,  which 

unto 

Cleopatra,  stretcheth  out  towards  the  Ocean.  These  great  gifts 
much  misliked  the  Romans.  But  now,  though  Antonius  did 
easily  give  away  great  seigniories,  realms,  and  mighty  nations 
unto  some  private  men,  and  .that  also  he  took  from  other 
.  .  kings  their  lawful  realms,  (as  from  Antigonus  king 

Antigonus, 

king  of        of  the    Tews,  whom  he  openly  beheaded,  where 

Jewry  the 

first  king  never  king  before  had  suffered  like  death)  yet  all 
by  An-  this  did  not  so  much  offend  the  Romans,  as  the 

unmeasurable  honours  which  he  did  unto  Cleopatra. 
But  yet  he  did  much  more  aggravate  their  malice  and  ill 

will  towards  him,  because  that   Cleopatra  having 

Antonius  . 

twins  by  brought  him  two  twins,  a  son  and  a  daughter,  he 
and  their '  named  his  son  Alexander,  and  his  daughter  Cleo- 

names.  .  .  .     .  .       „ 

patra,  and  gave  them  to  their  surnames,  the  Sun  to 
the  one,  and  the  Moon  to  the  other.  This  notwithstanding, 
he,  that  could  finely  cloak  his  shameful  deeds  with  fine  words, 
said  that  the  greatness  and  magnificence  of  the  Empire  of 
Rome  appeared  most,  not  where  the  Romans  took,  but 
where  they  gave  much  :  and  nobility  was  multiplied 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  57 

amongst  men  by  the  posterity  of  kings,  when  they  left  of 
their  seed  in  divers  places  :  and  that  by  this  means  his  first 
ancestor  was  begotten  of  Hercules,  who  had  not  left  the  hope 
and  continuance  of  his  line  and  posterity  in  the  womb  of 
one  only  woman,  fearing  Solon's  laws,  or  regarding  the 
ordinances  of  men  touching  the  procreation  of  children  : 
but  that  he  gave  it  unto  nature,  and  established  the  founda 
tion  of  many  noble  races  and  families  in  divers  places. 
Now,  when  Phraates  had  slain  his  father  Orodes  and  phraates 
possessed  the  kingdom,  many  gentlemen  of  Parthia  father'5 
forsook  him,  and  fled  from  him.  Amongst  them  was  k^of' 
Monaeses,  a  nobleman,  and  of  great  authority  among  Parthia. 
his  countrymen,  who  came  unto  Antonius,  that  received 
him,  and  compared  his  fortune  unto  Themistocles,  and  his 
own  riches  and  magnificence  unto  the  kings  of  Persia.  For 
he  gave  Monaeses  three  cities,  Larissa,  Arethusa,  and  Hiera- 
polis,  which  was  called  before  Bombyce.  Howbeit  the  king 
of  Parthia  shortly  after  called  him  home  again,  upon  his 
faith  and  word.  Antonius  was  glad  to  let  him  go,  hoping 
thereby  to  steal  upon  Phraates  unprovided.  For  he  sent 
unto  him,  and  told  him  that  they  would  remain  good 
friends,  and  have  peace  together,  so  he  would  but  only 
redeliver  the  standards  and  ensigns  of  the  Romans,  which 
the  Parthians  had  won  in  the  battle  where  Marcus  Crassus 
was  slain,  and  the  men  also  that  remained  yet  prisoners  of 
this  overthrow.  In  the  meantime  he  sent  Cleopatra  back 
into  Egypt,  and  took  his  way  towards  Arabia  and  Armenia, 


5 8  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

and  there  took  a  general  muster  of  all  his  army  he  had  to 
gether,  and  of  the  kings  his  confederates  that  were  come  by 
his  commandment  to  aid  him,  being  a  marvellous  number  : 
of  the  which  the  chiefest  was  Artavasdes,  king  of  Armenia, 
Antonius'  wno  did  furnish  him  with  six  thousand  horsemen 
puissant  and  seven  thousand  footmen.  There  were  also  of 

the  Romans  about  three-score  thousand  footmen, 
and  of  horsemen  (Spaniards  and  Gauls  reckoned  for  Romans) 
to  the  number  of  ten  thousand,  and  of  other  nations  thirty 
thousand  men,  reckoning  together  the  horsemen  and  light- 
armed  footmen.  This  so  great  and  puissant  army,  which 
made  the  Indians  quake  for  fear,  dwelling  about  the  country 
of  the  Bactrians,  and  all  Asia  also  to  tremble,  served  him  to 
no  purpose,  and  all  for  the  love  he  bare  to  Cleopatra.  For 
the  earnest  great  desire  he  had  to  lie  all  winter  with  her 

made  him  begin  his  war  out  of  due  time,  and  for 

Antonius  °  ' 

drunk         haste  to  put  all  in  hazard,  being  so  ravished  and 

with  the  r 

love  of  enchanted  with  the  sweet  poison  of  her  love,  that 
he  had  no  other  thought  but  of  her,  and  how  he 
might  quickly  return  again,  more  than  how  he  might  over 
come  his  enemies.  For  first  of  all,  where  he  should  have 
wintered  in  Armenia  to  refresh  his  men,  wearied  with  the 
long  journey  they  had  made,  having  come  eight  thousand 
furlongs,  and  then  at  the  beginning  of  the  spring  to  go  and 
invade  Media,  before  the  Parthians  should  stir  out  of  their 
houses  and  garrisons  :  he  could  tarry  no  lenger,  but  led 
them  forthwith  unto  the  province  of  Atropatene,  leaving 


MARCUS   ANTONIUS  59 

Armenia  on  the  left  hand,  and  foraged  all  the  country. 
Furthermore,  making  all  the  haste  he  could,  he  left  behind 
him  engines  of  battery  which  were  carried  with  him  in 
three  hundred  carts,  (among  the  which  also  there  was  a 
ram  four-score  foot  long)  being  things  most  necessary  for 
him,  and  the  which  he  could  not  get  again  for  money,  if 
they  were  once  lost  or  marred.  For  the  high  provinces  of 
Asia  have  no  trees  growing  of  such  height  and  length, 
neither  strong  nor  straight  enough,  to  make  suchlike  engines 
of  battery.  This  notwithstanding,  he  left  them  all  behind 
him,  as  a  hindrance  to  bring  his  matters  and  intent  speedily 
to  pass  :  and  left  a  certain  number  of  men  to  keep  them, 
and  gave  them  in  charge  unto  one  Tatianus.  Then  he  went 
to  besiege  the  city  of  Phraata,  beine  the  chiefest 

'  .  .      Antomus 

and  greatest  city  the  king  of  Media  had,  where  his   besiegeth 

0  .        '  °  .  the  city  of 

wife  and  children  were.      Then  he  straight  found    Phraata 

r  -11  *n  Media. 

his  own  fault,  and  the  want  of  his  artillery  he  left 
behind  him,  by  the  work  he  had  in  hand  :  for  he  was  fain, 
for  lack  of  a  breach  (where  his  men  might  come  to  the 
sword  with  their  enemies  that  defended  the  wall)  to  force 
a  mount  of  earth  hard  to  the  walls  of  the  city,  the  which  by 
little  and  little  with  great  labour  rose  to  some  height.  In 
the  meantime,  King  Phraates  came  down  with  a  great  army: 
who  understanding  that  Antonius  had  left  his  engines  of 
battery  behind  him,  he  sent  a  great  number  of  horsemen 
before,  which  environed  Tatianus  with  all  his  carriage, 
and  slew  him,  and  ten  thousand  men  he  had  with  him. 


60  MARCUS   ANTONIUS 

After  this,  the  barbarous  people  took  these  engines  ot 
The  battery  and  burnt  them,  and  got  many  prisoners, 

took  'a  amongst  whom  they  took  also  King  Polemon. 
^"gin^of  This  discomfiture  marvellously  troubled  all  Anto- 
battery.  nius'  army,  to  receive  so  great  an  overthrow 
(beyond  their  expectation)  at  the  beginning  of  their 
journey  :  insomuch  that  Artabazus,  king  of  the  Armenians, 
despairing  of  the  good  success  of  the  Romans,  departed  with 
his  men,  notwithstanding  that  he  was  himself  the  first 
procurer  of  this  war  and  journey.  On  the  other  side  the 
Parthians  came  courageously  unto  Antonius'  camp,  who  lay 
at  the  siege  of  their  chiefest  city,  and  cruelly  reviled  and 
threatened  him.  Antonius  therefore  fearing  that  if  he  lay 
still  and  did  nothing  his  men's  hearts  would  fail  them  : 
he  took  ten  legions,  with  three  cohorts  or  ensigns  of  the 
Praetors  (which  are  companies  appointed  for  the  guard  of 
the  General)  and  all  his  horsemen,  and  carried  them  out  to 
forage,  hoping  thereby  he  should  easily  allure  the  Parthians 
to  fight  a  battle.  But  when  he  had  marched  about  a  day's 
journey  from  his  camp,  he  saw  the  Parthians  wheeling  round 
about  him  to  give  him  the  onset,  and  to  skirmish  with  him, 
when  he  would  think  to  march  his  way.  Therefore  he  set 
out  his  signal  of  battle,  and  yet  caused  his  tents  and  fardels 
to  be  trussed  up,  as  though  he  meant  not  to  fight,  but  only 
to  lead  his  men  back  again.  Then  he  marched  before  the 
army  of  the  barbarous  people,  the  which  was  marshalled 
like  a  crescent  or  half  moon  :  and  commanded  his  horse- 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  61 

men,  that  as  soon  as  they  thought  the  legions  were  near 
enough  unto  their  enemies  to  set  upon  the  voward,  that 
then  they  should  set  spurs  to  their  horses,  and  begin  the 
charge.     The    Parthians  standing  in    battle    ray,    „    .  , 
beholding  the  countenance  of  the  Romans  as  they    tw'xj  the 

'      Parthians 

marched,  they  appeared  to  be  soldiers  indeed,  to   and  Anto- 

i  i    •  j  -11       nius- 

see  them  march  in  so  good  array  as  was  possible. 

For  in  their  march  they  kept  the  ranks  a  like  mans' good 
space  one  from  another,  not  straggling  out  of  their 
order,  and  shaking  their  pikes,  speaking  never  a  " 
word.  But  so  soon  as  the  alarum  was  given,  the  horse 
men  suddenly  turned  head  upon  the  Parthians,  and  with 
great  cries  gave  charge  on  them  :  who  at  the  first  received 
their  charge  courageously,  for  they  were  joined  nearer  than 
within  an  arrow's  shoot.  But  when  the  legions  also  came 
to  join  with  them,  shouting  out  aloud,  and  rattling  of  their 
armours,  the  Parthians'  horses  and  themselves  were  so  afraid 
and  amazed  withal,  that  they  all  turned  tail  and  fled,  before 
the  Romans  could  come  to  the  sword  with  them.  Then 
Antonius  followed  them  hard  in  chase,  being  in  great  good 
hope  by  this  conflict  to  have  brought  to  end  all,  or  the 
most  part,  of  this  war.  But  after  that  his  footmen  had 
chased  them  fifty  furlongs  off,  and  the  horsemen  also  thrice 
as  far,  they  found  in  all  but  thirty  prisoners  taken,  and 
about  four  score  men  only  slain.  But  this  did  much 
discourage  them,  when  they  considered  with  themselves, 
that  obtaining  the  victory  they  had  slain  so  few  of  their 


62  MARCUS   ANTONIUS 

enemies  :  and  where  they  were  overcome,  they  lost  as  many 
of  their  men,  as  they  had  done  at  the  overthrow  when  the 
carriage  was  taken.  The  next  morning,  Antonius'  army 
trussed  up  their  carriage,  and  marched  back  towards  their 
camp  :  and  by  the  way  in  their  return  they  met  at  the  first 
a  few  of  the  Parthians  :  then  going  further  they  met  a  few 
moe.  So  at  length,  when  they  all  came  together,  they 
reviled  them  and  troubled  them  on  every  side,  as  freshly 
and  courageously  as  if  they  had  not  been  overthrown  :  so 
that  the  Romans  very  hardly  got  to  their  camp  with  safety. 
The  Medes  on  the  other  side,  that  were  besieged  in  their 
chief  city  of  Phraata,  made  a  sally  out  upon  them  that  kept 
the  mount,  which  they  had  forced  and  cast  against  the  wall 
of  the  city,  and  drave  them  for  fear  from  the  mount  they 

kept.  Antonius  was  so  offended  withal,  that  he 
tion,  a  executed  the  Decimation.  For  he  divided  his 
punish-  men  by  ten  legions,  and  then  of  them  he  put  the 

tenth  legion  to  death,  on  whom  the  lot  fell  :  and, 
to  the  other  nine,  he  caused  them  to  have  barley  given 
them  instead  of  wheat.  Thus  this  war  fell  out  troublesome 
unto  both  parties,  and  the  end  thereof  much  more  fearful. 
For  Antonius  could  look  for  no  other  of  his  side,  but 
famine  :  because  he  could  forage  no  more,  nor  fetch  in  any 
victuals,  without  great  loss  of  his  men.  Phraates  on  the 
other  side,  he  knew  well  enough  that  he  could  bring  the 
Parthians  to  anything  else  but  to  lie  in  camp  abroad  in  the 
winter.  Therefore  he  was  afraid  that  if  the  Romans 


MARCUS   ANTONIUS  63 

continued  their  siege  all  winter  long,  and  made  war  with 
him  still,  that  his  men  would  forsake  him,  and  specially 
because  the  time  of  the  year  went  away  apace,  and  the  air 
waxed  cloudy  and  cold,  in  the  equinoctial  autumn.  There 
upon  he  called  to  mind  this  device.  He  gave  the 
chiefest  of  his  gentlemen  of  the  Parthians  charge,  of  the 
that  when  they  met  the  Romans  out  of  their  against  the 
camp,  going  to  forage,  or  to  water  their  horse,  or 
for  some  other  provision,  that  they  should  not  distress  them 
too  much  but  should  suffer  them  to  carry  somewhat  away, 
and  greatly  commend  their  valiantness  and  hardiness,  for 
the  which  their  king  did  esteem  them  the  more,  and  not 
without  cause.  After  these  first  baits  and  allurements,  they 
began  by  little  and  little  to  come  nearer  unto  them,  and  to 
talk  with  them  a-horseback,  greatly  blaming  Antonius'  self- 
will  that  did  not  give  their  King  Phraates  occasion  to 
make  a  good  peace,  who  desired  nothing  more  than  to 
save  the  lives  of  so  goodly  a  company  of  valiant  men  :  but 
that  he  was  too  fondly  bent  to  abide  two  of  the  greatest 
and  most  dreadful  enemies  he  could  have,  to  wit  :  winter, 
and  famine,  the  which  they  should  hardly  away  withal, 
though  the  Parthians  did  the  best  they  could  to  aid  and 
accompany  them.  These  words  being  oftentimes  brought 
to  Antonius,  they  made  him  a  little  pliant,  for  the  good 
hope  he  had  of  his  return  :  but  yet  he  would  not  send 
unto  the  king  of  Parthia,  before  they  had  first  asked  these 
barbarous  people  that  spake  so  courteously  unto  his  men, 


64  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

whether  they  spake  it  of  themselves,  or  that  they  were  their 
master's  words.  When  they  told  them  the  king  himself  said 
so,  and  did  persuade  them  further  not  to  fear  or  mistrust 
them  :  then  Antonius  sent  some  of  his  friends  unto  the  king, 
to  make  demand  for  the  delivery  of  the  ensigns  and  prisoners 
he  had  of  the  Romans,  since  the  overthrow  of  Crassus  :  to 
the  end  it  should  not  appear  that,  if  he  asked  nothing,  they 
should  think  he  were  glad  that  he  might  only  scape  with 
safety  out  of  the  danger  he  was  in.  The  king  of  Parthia 
answered  him  :  that  for  the  ensigns  and  prisoners  he  de 
manded,  he  should  not  break  his  head  about  it  :  notwith 
standing,  that  if  he  would  presently  depart  without  delay, 
he  might  depart  in  peaceable  manner,  and  without  danger. 
Antonius  Wherefore  Antonius,  after  he  had  given  his  men 
frornthe1  some  time  to  truss  up  their  carriage,  he  raised  his 
journey  of  campf  anj  took  ^h  way  to  depart.  But  though 
Parthians.  he  ha(j  an  excellent  tongue  at  will,  and  very  gal 
lant  to  entertain  his  soldiers  and  men  of  war,  and  that  he 
could  passingly  well  do  it,  as  well  or  better  than  any 
Captain  in  his  time  :  yet  being  ashamed  for  respects,  he 
would  not  speak  unto  them  at  his  removing,  but  willed 
Domitius  ^Enobarbus  to  do  it.  Many  of  them  took  this 
in  very  ill  part,  and  thought  that  he  did  it  in  disdain  ot 
them  :  but  the  most  part  of  them  presently  understood  the 
truth  of  it,  and  were  also  ashamed.  Therefore  they  thought 
it  their  duties  to  carry  the  like  respect  unto  their  Captain 
that  their  Captain  did  unto  them  :  and  so  they  became  the 


MARCUS   ANTONIUS  65 

more  obedient  unto  him.  So  Antonius  was  minded  to 
return  the  same  way  he  came,  being  a  plain  barren  country 
without  wood.  But  there  came  a  soldier  to  him  born  in 
the  country  of  the  Mardians,  who,  by  oft  frequenting  the 
Parthians  of  long  time,  knew  their  fashions  very  well,  and 
had  also  shewed  himself  very  true  and  faithful  to  the 
Romans,  in  the  battle  where  Antonius'  engines  of  battery 
and  carriage  were  taken  away.  This  man  came  unto 
Antonius  to  counsel  him  to  beware  how  he  went  that  way, 
and  to  make  his  army  a  prey,  being  heavily  armed,  unto  so 
great  a  number  of  horsemen,  all  archers  in  the  open  field, 
where  they  should  have  nothing  to  let  them  to  compass  him 
round  about  :  and  that  this  was  Phraates'  fetch,  to  offer 
him  so  friendly  conditions  and  courteous  words  to  make 
him  raise  his  siege,  that  he  might  afterwards  meet  him  as 
he  would  in  the  plains :  howbeit,  that  he  would  guide  him, 
if  he  thought  good,  another  way  on  the  right  hand  through 
woods  and  mountains,  a  far  nearer  way,  and  where  he 
should  find  great  plenty  of  all  ithings  needful  for  his  army. 
Antonius,  hearing  what  he  said,  called  his  council  together 
to  consult  upon  it.  For  after  he  had  made  peace  with  the 
Parthians,  he  was  loath  to  give  them  cause  to  think  he  mis 
trusted  them  :  and  on  th'  other  side  also  he  would  gladly 
shorten  his  way,  and  pass  by  places  well  inhabited,  where 
he  might  be  provided  of  all  things  necessary :  therefore  he 
asked  the  Mardian  what  pledge  he  would  put  in  to  perform 
that  he  promised.  The  Mardian  gave  himself  to  be  bound 


66  MARCUS   ANTONIUS 

hand   and   foot,  till    he   had    brought    his   army  into    the 

country  of  Armenia.     So  he  guided  the  army  thus  bound, 

two  days  together,  without  any  trouble  or  sight  of  enemy. 

But  the  third  day,  Antonius  thinking  the  Parthians  would  no 

more  follow  him,  and  trusting  therein,  suffered  the  soldiers 

to  march  in  disorder  as  every  man  listed.     The  Mardian 

perceiving  that  the  dams  of  a  river  were  newly  broken  up, 

which  they  should  have  passed  over,  and  that  the  river  had 

overflown  the  banks  and  drowned  all   the  way  they  should 

have  gone  :  he  guessed  straight  that  the  Parthians  had  done 

it,  and  had  thus  broken  it  open,  to  stay  the  Romans  for 

getting  too  far  before  them.     Thereupon  he  bade  Antonius 

look  to  himself,  and  told  him  that  his  enemies  were 

Parthians     not   far   from    thence.     Antonius   having   set   his 

upon  men  in  order,  as  he  was  placing  of  his  archers  and 

inV?"'118      slingmen  to  resist  the  enemies,  and  to  drive  them 

back,  they  descried   the    Parthians   that   wheeled 

round  about  the  army  to  compass  them  in  on  every  side, 

and  to  break  their  ranks,  and  their  light   armed  men  gave 

charge  upon  them.      So,  after  they  had  hurt  many  of  the 

Romans  with  their  arrows,  and  that  they  themselves  were 

also  hurt  by  them  with  their  darts  and  plummets  of  lead  : 

they  retired  a  little,  and  then  came  again  and  gave  charge, 

until  that  the  horsemen  of  the  Gauls  turned  their  horses 

and  fiercely  galloped    towards    them,  that    they  dispersed 

them  so,  as  all  that  day  they  gathered  no  more  together. 

Thereby  Antonius   knew  what  to  do,  and   did   not   only 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  67 

strengthen  the  rearward  of  his  army,  but  both  the  flanks 
also,  with  darters  and  slingmen,  and  made  his  army  march 
in  a  square  battle  :  commanding  the  horsemen,  that  when 
the  enemies  should  come  to  assail  them,  they  should  drive 
them  back,  but  not  follow  them  too  far.  Thus  the  Par- 
thians  four  days  after,  seeing  they  did  no  more  hurt  to  the 
Romans,  than  they  also  received  of  them,  they  were  not  so 
hot  upon  them  as  they  were  commanded,  but  excusing 
themselves  by  the  winter  that  troubled  them,  they  deter 
mined  to  return  back  again.  The  fift  day,  Fla-  The  bold 
vius  Gallus,  a  valiant  man  of  his  hands,  that  had  pjavhjs 
charge  in  the  army,  came  unto  Antonius  to  pray  Gallus- 
him  to  let  him  have  some  moe  of  his  light  armed  men 
than  were  already  in  the  rearward,  and  some  of  the  horse 
men  that  were  in  the  voward,  hoping  thereby  to  do  some 
notable  exploit.  Antonius  granting  them  unto  him,  when 
the  enemies  came  according  to  their  manner  to  set  upon 
the  tail  of  the  army,  and  to  skirmish  with  them,  Flavius 
courageously  made  them  retire,  but  not,  as  they  were  wont 
to  do  before,  to  retire  and  join  presently  with  their  army, 
for  he  over-rashly  thrust  in  among  them  to  fight  it  out  at 
the  sword.  The  Captains  that  had  the  leading  of  the  rear 
ward,  seeing  Flavius  stray  too  far  from  the  army,  they  sent 
unto  him  to  will  him  to  retire,  but  he  would  not  hearken 
to  it.  And  it  is  reported  also,  that  Titius  himself  the  Trea 
surer  took  the  ensigns,  and  did  what  he  could  to  make  the 
ensign  bearers  return  back,  reviling  Flavius  Gallus,  because 


68  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

that  through  his  folly  and  desperateness  he  caused  many 
honest  and  valiant  men  to  be  both  hurt  and  slain  to  no 
purpose.  Gallus  also  fell  out  with  him,  and  commanded 
his  men  to  stay.  Wherefore  Titius  returned  again  into  the 
army,  and  Gallus  still  overthrowing  and  driving  the  enemies 
back  whom  he  met  in  the  voward,  he  was  not  ware  that  he 
was  compassed  in.  Then  seeing  himself  environed  of  all  sides, 
he  sent  unto  the  army,  that  they  should  come  and  aid  him: 
but  there  the  Captains  that  led  the  legions  (among  the  which 
Canidius'  Canidius,  a  man  of  great  estimation  about  An- 
Antonius'  tonius>  made  one)  committed  many  faults.  For, 
Captain.  where  they  should  have  made  head  with  the  whole 
army  upon  the  Parthians,  they  sent  him  aid  by  small 
companies  :  and  when  they  were  slain,  they  sent  him 
others  also.  So  that  by  their  beastliness  and  lack  of  considera 
tion  they  had  like  to  have  made  all  the  army  fly,  if  An- 
tonius  himself  had  not  come  from  the  front  of  the  battle 
with  the  third  legion,  the  which  came  through  the  midst 
of  them  that  fled,  until  they  came  to  front  of  the 
enemies,  and  that  they  stayed  them  from  chasing  any 
further.  Howbeit  at  this  last  conflict  there  were  slain  no  less 
Flavius  than  three  thousand  men,  and  five  thousand  besides 

Gallus  i-i  i 

slain.  brought   sore  hurt    into    the  camp,   and  amongst 

care°ofUS  tnem  also  Flavius  Gallus,  whose  body  was  shot 
them  that  through  in  four  places,  whereof  he  died.  Antonius 

were 

wounded,  went  to  the  tents  to  visit  and  comfort  the  sick  and 
wounded,  and  for  pity's  sake  he  could  not  refrain  from 


MARCUS   ANTONIUS  69 

weeping  :  and  they  also,  shewing  him  the  best  countenance 
they  could,  took  him  by  the  hand,  and  prayed  him  to 
go  and  be  dressed,  and  not  to  trouble  himself  for  them, 
most  reverently  calling  him  their  Emperor  and  Captain  : 
and  that,  for  themselves,  they  were  whole  and  safe,  so 
that  he  had  his  health.  For  indeed,  to  say  truly, 
there  was  not  at  that  time  any  Emperor  or  Captain 
that  had  so  great  and  puissant  an  army  as  his  together,  both 
for  lusty  youths  and  courage  of  the  soldiers,  as  also  for  their 
patience  to  away  with  so  great  pains  and  trouble.  Further 
more,  the  obedience  and  reverence  they  shewed  Thel  ye 
unto  their  captain,  with  a  marvellous  earnest  love  and 

reverence 

and  good  will,  was  so  great,  and  all  were  indiffer-   of  the 

soldiers 

ently  (as  well  great  as  small,  the  noble  men  as   unto 

.        _          .  ,  , .  ,       Antonius. 

mean  men,  the  Captains  and  soldiers)  so  earnestly 
bent  to  esteem  Antonius'  good  will  and  favour  above  their 
own  life  and  safety,  that  in  this  point  of  martial  discipline, 
the  ancient  Romans  could  not  have  done  any  more.      But 
divers  things  were  cause  thereof,  as  we  have  told 

.  The  rare 

you  before  :  Antonius'  nobility  and  ancient  house,   and 

...  ,  .         .    .  ,  .      ...          ..  ,     singular 

his  eloquence,  his  plain  nature,  his  liberality  and   gifts  of 
magnificence,  and  his  familiarity  to  sport  and  to 
be  merry  in  company  :   but  specially  the  care  he  took  at 
that  time  to   help,  visit,  and  lament  those  that  were  sick 
and  wounded,  seeing  every  man  to  have  that  which  was 
meet   for  him  :  that  was   of  such   force   and   effect,  as   it 
made    them   that  were    sick    and   wounded    to    love    him 


70  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

better,  and  were   more  desirous   to  do  him  service,  than 
those  that  were  whole  and  sound.     This   victory  so   en 
couraged  the  enemies,  (who  otherwise  were  weary  to  follow 
Antonius  any  further)   that  all   night  long   they  kept  the 
fields,  and  hovered  about  the  Romans'  camp,  thinking  that 
they  would  presently  fly,  and  then  that  they  should  take  the 
spoil  of  their  camp.     So  the  next  morning,  by  break  of  day, 
there  were  gathered  together  a  far  greater  number  of  the 
Parthians  than  they  were  before.     For  the  rumour  was,  that 
there   were  not    much  fewer    than  forty    thousand  horse, 
because  their  king  sent  thither  even  the  very  guard  about  his 
person,  as  unto  a  most  certain  and  assured  victory,  that  they 
might  be  partners  of  the  spoil  and  booty  they  hoped  to  have 
had  :  for,  as  touching  the  king  himself,  he  was  never 
ofParthfa    'in  an7  conflict  °r  battle.     Then  Antonius,  desirous 
cam" to        to  sPeak  to  his  soldiers,  called  for  a  black  gown, 
fipfi'id       to  appear   the    more  pitiful    to    them  :    but    his 
friends  did  dissuade  him  from  it.     Therefore  he 
put  on  his  coat  armour,  and  being  so  apparelled  made  an 
oration  to  his  army  :  in  the  which  he  highly  commended  them 
that  had  overcome  and  driven  back  their  enemies,  and  greatly 
rebuked  them  that  had  cowardly  turned  their  backs.      So  that 
those  which  had  overcome  prayed  him  to  be  of  good  cheer  : 
the  other  also  to  clear  themselves  willingly  offered  to  take 
the  lots  of  Decimation  if  he  thought  good,  or  otherwise  to 
receive  what  kind  of  punishment  it  should  please  him  to  lay 
upon  them,  so  that  he  would  forget  any  more  to  mislike,  or 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  71 

to  be  offended  with  them.     Antonius,  seeing  that,  did  lift 
up  his  hands  to  heaven,  and  made  his  prayer  to  the  gods, 
that  if  in  exchange  of  his  former  victories  they 
would  now  send  him  some  bitter  adversity :  then   ^ritabie 
that  all  might  light  on  himself  alone,  and  that  they    |£ey  oVs0 
would  give  the  victory  to  the  rest  of  his  army.    for  his 
The  next  morning  they  gave  better  order  on  every 
side  of  the  army,  and  so  marched  forward  :  so  that  when 
the  Parthians  thought  to  return  again   to  assail  them,  they 
came  far  short  of  the  reckoning.      For  where  they  thought 
to  come  not  to  fight  but  to  spoil  and  make  havoc  of  all, 
when  they  came  near  them,  they  were  sore  hurt  with  their 
slings   and   darts,  and  such  other  javelins  as   the   Romans 
darted  at  them,  and  the  Parthians  found  them  as  rough  and 
desperate  in  fight,  as  if  they  had  been  fresh  men  they  had  dealt 
withal.     Whereupon  their  hearts  began  again  to  fail  them. 
But  yet,  when  the  Romans  came  to  go  down  any  steep  hills 
or  mountains,   then  they  would   set  on    them  with   their 
arrows,  because  the  Romans  could  go  down  but  fair  and 
softly.      But  then  again,  the  soldiers  of  the  legion 
that    carried    great    shields     returned    back,    and    Romans' 
enclosed  them  that  were  naked  or  light  armed  in   and 
the  midst  amongst  them,  and  did  kneel  of  one   against 
knee  on  the  ground,  and  so  set  down  their  shields 
before   them  :    and    they  of  the  second   rank  also  covered 
them  of  the   first    rank,    and   the    third  also   covered   the 
second,  and  so  from  rank  to  rank  all  were  covered.     Inso- 


72  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

much  that  this  manner  of  covering  and  shading  themselves 
with  shields  was  devised  after  the  fashion  of  laying  tiles  upon 
houses,  and,  to  sight,  was  like  the  degrees  of  a  Theatre,  and 
is  a  most  strong  defence  and  bulwark  against  all  arrows  and 
shot  that  falleth  upon  it.  When  the  Parthians  saw  this 
countenance  of  the  Roman  soldiers  of  the  legion,  which 
kneeled  on  the  ground  in  that  sort  upon  one  knee,  supposing 
that  they  had  been  wearied  with  travail  they  laid  down  their 
bows,  and  took  their  spears  and  lances,  and  came  to  fight 
with  them  man  for  man.  Then  the  Romans  suddenly  rose 
upon  their  feet,  and  with  the  darts  that  they  threw  from 
them  they  slew  the  foremost,  and  put  the  rest  to  flight,  and 
so  did  they  the  next  days  that  followed.  But  by  means  of 
these  dangers  and  lets  Antonius'  army  could  win  no  way  in 
a  day,  by  reason  whereof  they  suffered  great  famine  :  for 
they  could  have  but  little  corn,  and  yet  were  they  driven 
daily  to  fight  for  it,  and  besides  that,  they  had  no  instru 
ments  to  grind  it,  to  make  bread  of  it.  For  the  most  part 
of  them  had  been  left  behind,  because  the  beasts  that  carried 
them  were  either  dead,  or  else  employed  to  carry  them  that 
Great  were  sore  and  wounded.  For  the  famine  was  so 
Amonlu'"  extreme  great,  that  the  eight  part  of  a  bushel  of 
wheat  was  sold  for  fifty  Drachmas,  and  they  sold 
barley  bread  by  the  weight  of  silver.  In  the  end,  they  were 
compelled  to  live  off  herbs  and  roots,  but  they  found  few  of 
them  that  men  do  commonly  eat  of,  and  were  enforced  to 
taste  of  them  that  were  never  eaten  before  :  among  the 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  73 

which  there  was  one  that  killed  them,  and  made  them  out 
of  their  wits.      For  he  that  had  once  eaten  of  it,     .  ,     ,. 
his  memory   was  gone  from  him,  and  he  knew   herb  ,. 

/  °  ...        incurable 

no  manner  of  thine,  but  only  busied  himself  in    without 

wine 

digging  and  hurling  of  stones  from  one  place  to 
another,  as  though   it  had  been  a  matter  of  great  weight 
and    to  be  done   with   all  possible  speed.     All  the    camp 
over,    men   were    busily  stooping  to  the  ground,  digging 
and     carrying    of   stones    from     one    place    to    another  : 
but   at    the    last    they    cast    up    a    great    deal    of  choler, 
and    died    suddenly,    because    they    lacked    wine,    which 
was  the  only  sovereign  remedy  to  cure  that  disease.     It 
is  reported  that  Antonius  seeing  such  a  number  of  his  men 
die  daily,    and  that  the   Parthians   left   them   not,   neither 
would  suffer  them  to   be  at  rest  :  he  oftentimes  cried  out 
sighing,  and  said  :  '  O,  ten  thousand  ! '     He  had   The 
the  valiantness  of  ten  thousand  Grecians  in  such   ness  of  ten 
admiration,  whom  Xenophon  brought  away  after   Grecians, 
the  overthrow  of  Cyrus  :  because  they  had  come  a    Xeriophon 
farther  journey  from  Babylon,  and  had  also  fought   awaif after 
against  much  moe  enemies  many  times  told  than   *e  <^er' 
themselves,  and  yet  came  home  with  safety.     The   Cyrus. 
Parthians  therefore,  seeing  that  they  could  not  break  the 
good  order  of  the  army  of  the  Romans,  and  contrarily  that 
they    themselves  were  oftentimes  put  to   flight,  and  well- 
favouredly  beaten,  they  fell  again  to  their  old  crafty  sub 
tleties.     For  when  they  found  any  of  the  Romans  scattered 


£     .-• 

.-     li 


74  MARCUS   ANTONIUS 

from  the  army  to  go  forage,  to  seek  some  corn,  or  other 
The  Par-  victuals,  they  would  come  to  them  as  if  they  had 
very  sub-  been  their  friends,  and  showed  them  their  bows 
crafty"1  unbent,  saying  that  themselves  also  did  return  home 
people.  to  thejj.  country  as  they  did,  and  that  they  would 
follow  them  no  further,  howbeit  that  they  should  yet  have 
certain  Medes  that  would  follow  them  a  day's  journey  or 
two,  to  keep  them  that  they  should  do  no  hurt  to  the 
villages  from  the  highways  :  and  so  holding  them  with  this 
talk,  they  gently  took  their  leave  of  them  and  bade  them 
farewell,  so  that  the  Romans  began  again  to  think  themselves 
safe.  Antonius  also  understanding  this,  being  very  glad  of 
it,  determined  to  take  his  way  through  the  plain  country, 
because  also  they  should  find  no  water  in  the  mountains,  as 
it  was  reported  unto  him.  So,  as  he  was  determined  to 
... ,  .  take  this  course,  there  came  into  his  host  one 

IMitnri- 

dates,  a       Mithridates,  a  gentleman  from  the  enemies'  camp, 

Parthian,  . 

bewraycth  \vho  was  Cousin  unto  Monaeses  that  fled  unto 
Antonius  Antonius,  and  unto  whom  he  had  given  three  cities, 
spiracy  of  When  he  came  to  Antonius'  camp,  he  prayed  them 
country-  to  bring  him  one  that  could  speak  the  Parthian  or 
against  Syrian  tongue.  So  one  Alexander  Antiochian,  a 
familiar  of  Antonius,  was  brought  unto  him. 
Then  the  gentleman  told  him  what  he  was,  and  said  that 
Monaeses  had  sent  him  to  Antonius,  to  requite  the  honour 
and  courtesy  he  had  shewed  unto  him.  After  he  had  used 
this  ceremonious  speech,  he  asked  Alexander  if  he  saw  those 


MARCUS   ANTONIUS  75 

high  Mountains  afar  off,  which  he  pointed  unto  him  with 
his  finger.     Alexander  answered,  he  did.     'The  Parthians' 
(said  he)  '  do  lie  in  ambush  at  the  foot  of  those  Mountains, 
under  the  which  lieth  a  goodly  plain  champaign  country  : 
and  they  think  that  you,  being  deceived  with  their  crafty 
subtile  words,  will  leave  the  way  of  the  Mountains,  and  turn 
into  the  plain.      For  the  other  way,  it  is  very  hard  and 
painful,  and  you  shall  abide  great  thirst,  the  which  you  are 
well  acquainted  withal  :    but  if  Antonius   take   the   lower 
way,  let  him  assure  himself  to  run  the  same  fortune  that 
Marcus  Crassus  did.'     So  Mithridates  having  said,  he  de 
parted.      Antonius  was  marvellously  troubled  in  his  mind 
when  he  heard  thus  much,  and   therefore  called   for   his 
friends,  to  hear  what  they  would  say  to  it.     The  Mardian 
also  that  was  their  guide,  being  asked  his  opinion,  answered 
that  he  thought  as  much  as  the  gentleman  Mithridates  had 
said.     '  For,'  said  he,  '  admit  that  there  were  no  ambush  of 
enemies  in  the  valley,  yet  is  it  a  long  crooked  way,  and  ill 
to  hit  :  where  taking  the  Mountain  way,  though  it  be  stony 
and  painful,  yet  there  is  no  other  danger  but  a  whole  day's 
travelling  without  any  water.'      So  Antonius,  changing  his 
first  mind  and  determination,  removed  that  night,  and  took 
the   Mountain   way,  commanding   every  man    to   provide 
himself  of  water.     But  the  most  part  of  them  lacking  vessels 
to  carry  water  in,  some  were  driven  to  fill  their  sallets  and 
morions  with  water,  and  others  also  filled  goats'  skins  to 
carry  water  in.     Now    they  marching  forward,  word  was 


76  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

brought  unto  the  Parthians  that  they  were  removed  : 
whereupon,  contrary  to  their  manner,  they  presently 
followed  them  the  self  same  night,  so  that  by  break  of  day 
they  overtook  the  rearward  of  the  Romans,  who  were  so  lame 
and  wearied  with  going  and  lack  of  sleep,  that  they  were 
even  done.  For,  beyond  expectation,  they  had  gone  that 
night  two  hundred  and  forty  furlong,  and  further,  to  see 
their  enemies  so  suddenly  at  their  backs,  that  made  them 
utterly  despair  :  but  most  of  all,  the  fighting  with  them 
increased  their  thirst,  because  they  were  forced  to  fight  as 
they  marched,  to  drive  their  enemies  back,  yet  creeping  on 
still.  The  voward  of  the  army  by  chance  met  with  a  river 
A  salt  t^iat  was  VC17  c^ear  and  co'd  water,  but  it  was  salt 
and  venomous  to  drink  :  for  straight  it  did  gnaw 
the  guts  of  those  that  had  drunk  it,  and  made  them 
marvellous  dry,  and  put  them  into  a  terrible  ache 
and  pricking.  And,  notwithstanding  that  the  Mardian 
had  told  them  of  it  before,  yet  they  would  not  be  ruled,  but 
violently  thrust  them  back  that  would  have  kept  them  from 
drinking,  and  so  drank.  But  Antonius  going  up  and  down 
amongst  them  prayed  them  to  take  a  little  patience  for  a 
while,  for  hard  by  there  was  another  river  that  the  water 
was  excellent  good  to  drink,  and  that  from  thenceforth  the 
way  was  so  stony  and  ill  for  horsemen,  that  the  enemies 
could  follow  them  no  further.  So  he  caused  the  retreat  to 
be  sounded  to  call  them  back  that  fought,  and  commanded 
the  tents  to  be  set  up,  that  the  soldiers  might  yet  have 


MARCUS   ANTONIUS  77 

shadow  to  refresh  them  with.  So  when  the  tents  were  set 
up,  and  the  Parthians  also  retired  according  to  their  man 
ner,  the  gentleman  Mithridates  before  named  returned 
again  as  before,  and  Alexander  in  like  manner  again  brought 
unto  him  for  Interpreter.  Then  Mithridates  advised  him, 
that,  after  the  army  had  reposed  a  little,  the  Romans  should 
remove  forthwith,  and  with  all  possible  speed  get  to  the 
river  :  because  the  Parthians  would  go  no  further,  but  yet 
were  cruelly  bent  to  follow  them  thither.  Alexander  carried 
the  report  thereof  unto  Antonius,  who  gave  him  Antonius> 
a  great  deal  of  gold-plate  to  bestow  upon  Mithri-  £reat.. 

t°  r  liberality 

dates.     Mithridates   took  as  much  of  him  as  he   unto  Mith 
ridates 
could  well  carry  away  in    his  gown   and  so  de-   for  the 

1-1  i         o       A  •  -11-  care  he  had 

parted  with  speed,      oo  Antonius  raised  his  camp,    of  his 
being  yet   daylight,  and    caused  all   his  army  to 
march,  and  the  Parthians  never  troubled  any  of  them  by 
the  way  :  but  amongst  themselves  it  was  as  ill  and  dread 
ful  a  night  as  ever  they  had.     For  there  were  Villains  of 
their  own  company,  who  cut  their  fellows'  throats   „ 
for  the  money  they  had,  and,  besides  that,  robbed   tumult  of 

.  Antonius 

the  sumpters  and  carriage  of  such  money  as  they   soldiers 
carried  :  and  at  length  they  set  upon  Antonius'   covetous- 
slaves  that  drave  his  own  sumpters  and  carriage, 
they   brake    goodly   tables   and   rich   plate   in   pieces,   and 
divided   it  among   themselves.     Thereupon   all   the   camp 
was  straight  in  tumult  and  uproar  :  for  the  residue  of  them 
were  afraid  it  had  been  the  Parthians  that  had  given  them 


78  MARCUS   ANTONIUS 

this  alarum,  and  had  put  all  the  army  out  of  order.     Inso 
much  that  Antonius  called  for  one  Rhamnus,  one 

Antomus  r  .  .        .  ......  r    i  • 

desperate  of  his  slaves  enfranchised  that  was  of  his  guard, 
and  made  him  give  him  his  faith  that  he  would 
thrust  his  sword  through  him  when  he  would  bid  him,  and 
cut  oft"  his  head  :  because  he  might  not  be  taken  alive  of 
his  enemies,  nor  known  when  he  were  dead.  This  grieved 
his  friends  to  the  heart,  that  they  burst  out  a-weeping  for 
sorrow.  The  Mardian  also  did  comfort  him,  and  assured 
him  that  the  river  he  sought  for  was  hard  by,  and  that  he 
did  guess  it  by  a  sweet  moist  wind  that  breathed  upon 
them,  and  by  the  air  which  they  found  fresher  than  they 
were  wont,  and  also  for  that  they  fetched  their  wind  more 
at  liberty  :  and  moreover,  because  that  since  they  did  set 
forward  he  thought  they  were  near  their  journey's  end,  not 
lacking  much  of  day.  On  the  other  side  also,  Antonius 
was  informed  that  this  great  tumult  and  trouble  came  not 
through  the  enemies,  but  through  the  vile  covetousness 
and  villainy  of  certain  of  his  soldiers.  Therefore  Antonius, 
to  set  his  army  again  in  order  and  to  pacify  this  uproar, 
sounded  the  trumpet  that  every  man  should  lodge.  Now 
day  began  to  break,  and  the  army  to  fall  again  into  good 
order,  and  all  the  hurly  burly  to  cease,  when  the  Parthians 
drew  near,  and  that  their  arrows  lighted  among  them  of  the 
rearward  of  his  army.  Thereupon  the  signal  of  battle  was 
given  to  the  light  armed  men,  and  the  legioners  did  cover 
themselves  as  they  had  done  before  with  their  shields,  with 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  79 

the  which  they  received  and  defended  the  force  of  the 
Parthians'  arrows,  who  never  durst  any  more  come  to  hand 
strokes  with  them  :  and  thus  they  that  were  in  the  voward 
went  down  by  little  and  little,  till  at  length  they  spied  the 
river.  There  Antonius  placed  his  armed  men  upon  the 
sands  to  receive  and  drive  back  the  enemies,  and  first  of  all 
got  over  his  men  that  were  sick  and  hurt,  and  afterwards 
all  the  rest.  And  those  also  that  were  left  to  resist  the 
enemies  had  leisure  enough  to  drink  safely,  and  at  their 
pleasure.  For  when  the  Parthians  saw  the  river,  they  un 
bent  their  bows,  and  bade  the  Romans  pass  over  without 
any  fear,  and  greatly  commended  their  valiantness.  When 
they  had  all  passed  over  the  river  at  their  ease,  they  took  a 
little  breath,  and  so  marched  forward  again,  not  greatly 
trusting  the  Parthians.  The  sixt  day  after  this  last  battle, 
they  came  to  the  river  of  Araxes,  which  divideth 

Araxes  fl. 

the  country  of  Armenia  from  Media  :  the  which 
appeared  unto  them  very  dangerous  to  pass,  for  the  depth 
and  swiftness  of  the  stream.  And  furthermore,  there  ran  a 
rumour  through  the  camp,  that  the  Parthians  lay  in  ambush 
thereabouts,  and  that  they  would  come  and  set  upon  them 
whilst  they  were  troubled  in  passing  over  the  river.  But 
now,  after  they  were  all  come  safely  over  without  any 
danger,  and  that  they  had  gotten  to  the  other  side,  into 
the  province  of  Armenia  :  then  they  worshipped  that  land, 
as  if  it  had  been  the  first  land  they  had  seen  after  a  long 
and  dangerous  voyage  by  sea,  being  now  arrived  in  a  safe 


8o  MARCUS   ANTONIUS 

and  happy  haven  :  and  the  tears  ran  down  their  cheeks,  and 
every  man  embraced  each  other  for  the  great  joy  they  had. 
But  now,  keeping  the  fields  in  this  fruitful  country  so 
plentiful  of  all  things,  after  so  great  a  famine  and  want  of 
all  things,  they  so  crammed  themselves  with  such  plenty  of 
victuals,  that  many  of  them  were  cast  into  fluxes  and 
dropsies.  There  Antonius,  mustering  his  whole  army, 
found  that  he  had  lost  twenty  thousand  footmen  and 
four  thousand  horsemen,  which  had  not  all  been  slain 
by  their  enemies  :  for  the  most  part  of  them  died  of 
sickness,  making  seven-and-twenty  days'  journey,  coming 
from  the  city  of  Phraata  into  Armenia,  and  having  over- 
18  several  come  tne  Parthians  in  eighteen  several  battles, 
fou'ht  ^ut  tnese  victories  were  not  throughly  per- 
with  the  formed  nor  accomplished,  because  they  followed 

Parthians.  _       ' 

no     long     chase  :     and     thereby     it     easily     ap- 

Thc  trea-  '  . 

cheryof       peared,    that    Artabazus    king    of    Armenia    had 

Artabazus      '  .  .      .  .  _-,.-. 

king  of  reserved  Antonius  to  end  this  war.  ror  if  the 
unto  '  sixteen  thousand  horsemen  which  he  brought  with 
him  out  of  Media  had  been  at  these  battles,  con 
sidering  that  they  were  armed  and  apparelled  much  after 
the  Parthians'  manner  and  acquainted  also  with  their 
fight  :  when  the  Romans  had  put  them  to  flight  that 
fought  a  battle  with  them,  and  that  these  Armenians  had 
followed  the  chase  of  them  that  fled,  they  had  not  gathered 
themselves  again  in  force,  neither  durst  they  also  have 
returned  to  fight  with  them  so  often,  after  they  had  been 


MARCUS   ANTONIUS  81 

so  many  times  overthrown.  Therefore,  all  those  that  were 
of  any  credit  and  countenance  in  the  army  did  persuade 
and  egg  Antonius  to  be  revenged  of  this  Armenian  king. 
But  Antonius  wisely  dissembling  his  anger,  he  told  him  not 
of  his  treachery,  nor  gave  him  the  worse  countenance,  nor 
did  him  less  honour  than  he  did  before  :  because  he  knew 
his  army  was  weak,  and  lacked  things  necessary.  Howbeit 
afterwards  he  returned  again  into  Armenia  with  a  great 
army,  and  so  with  fair  words,  and  sweet  promises  of 
Messengers,  he  allured  Artabazus  to  come  unto  . 

Antonius 

him  :  whom  he  then  kept  prisoner,  and  led  in  triumphed 
triumph  in  the  city  of  Alexandria.  This  greatly  Artabazus 
offended  the  Romans,  and  made  them  much  to  Armenia 
mislike  it,  when  they  saw  that  for  Cleopatra's  sake 
he  deprived  his  country  of  her  due  honour  and  glory,  only 
to  gratify  the  Egyptians.  But  this  was  a  pretty  while 
after.  Howbeit  then  the  great  haste  he  made  to  return 
unto  Cleopatra  caused  him  to  put  his  men  to  so  great  pains, 
forcing  them  to  lie  in  the  field  all  winter  long  when  it 
snew  unreasonably,  that  by  the  way  he  lost  eight  thousand 
of  his  men,  and  so  came  down  to  the  seaside  with  a  small 
company,  to  a  certain  place  called  Blancbourg,  which  standeth 
betwixt  the  cities  of  Berytus  and  Sidon,  and  there 

'  .          Antomus 

tarried  for  Cleopatra.     And  because   she  tarried   pined 
longer  than  he  would  have  had  her,  he  pined  away   looking  for 

r        i  i  n        i          i  i  Cleopatra. 

for  love  and  sorrow.     So  that  he  was  at  such  a 

strait  that  he  wist  not  what  to  do,  and  therefore,  to  wear  it 

VOL.   II.  G 


8z  MARCUS   ANTONIUS 

out,  he  gave  himself  to  quaffing  and  feasting.  But  he  was  so 
drowned  with  the  love  of  her,  that  he  could  not  abide  to  sit 
at  the  table  till  the  feast  were  ended  :  but  many  times,  while 
others  banqueted,  he  ran  to  the  seaside  to  see  if  she  were 

coming.  At  length  she  came,  and  brought  with 
came  to  her  a  world  of  apparel  and  money  to  give  unto 
hour?  unto  the  soldiers.  But  some  say  notwithstanding,  that 

she  brought  apparel  but  no  money,  and  that  she 
took  of  Antonius'  money,  and  caused  it  to  be  given  among 
the  soldiers  in  her  own  name,  as  if  she  had  given  it  them. 
In  the  meantime  it  chanced  that  the  king  of  the  Medes 
and  Phraates  king  of  the  Parthians  fell  at  great  wars  to 
gether,  the  which  began  (as  it  is  reported)  for  the  spoils  of 
the  Romans,  and  grew  to  be  so  hot  between  them,  that  the 

king   of  Medes  was  no  less   afraid   than  also   in 

Wars  c 

betwixt  danger  to  lose  his  whole  Realm.  Thereupon  he 
Paitbians  sent  unto  Antonius  to  pray  him  to  come  and 

andMedes.  .   .  _.       .  .      '  .  .  .          , 

make  war  with  the  rarthians,  promising  him  that 
he  would  aid  him  to  his  uttermost  power.  This  put  An 
tonius  again  in  good  comfort,  considering  that,  unlooked 
for,  the  only  thing  he  lacked  (which  made  him  he  could 
not  overcome  the  Parthians,  meaning  that  he  had  not 
brought  horsemen,  and  men  with  darts  and  slings  enough) 
was  offered  him  in  that  sort,  that  he  did  him  more 
pleasure  to  accept  it,  than  it  was  pleasure  to  the  other 
to  offer  it.  Hereupon,  after  he  had  spoken  with  the  king 
of  Medes  at  the  river  of  Araxes,  he  prepared  himself  once 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  83 

more  to  go  through  Armenia,  and  to  make  more  cruel 
war  with  the  Parthians  than  he  had  done  before.  Now 
whilst  Antonius  was  busy  in  this  preparation,  Octavia  his 
wife,  whom  he  had  left  at  Rome,  would  needs  take  sea  to 
come  unto  him.  Her  brother  Octavius  Caesar  was  willing 
unto  it,  not  for  his  respect  at  all  (as  most  authors  do  report), 
as  for  that  he  might  have  an  honest  colour  to  make  war 
with  Antonius  if  he  did  misuse  her,  and  not  esteem  of  her 
as  she  ought  to  be.  But  when  she  was  come  to  Octavia, 
Athens,  she  received  letters  from  Antonius,  willing  ^"^"'ame 
her  to  stay  there  until  his  coming,  and  did  advertise  *°  meet"* 
her  of  his  journey  and  determination.  The  which  w!thhim' 
though  it  grieved  her  much,  and  that  she  knew  it  was  but 
an  excuse,  yet  by  her  letters  to  him  of  answer  she  asked  him 
whether  he  would  have  those  things  sent  unto  him  which 
she  had  brought  him,  being  great  store  of  apparel  for  soldiers, 
a  great  number  of  horse,  sum  of  money  and  gifts  to  bestow 
on  his  friends  and  Captains  he  had  about  him  :  and  besides 
all  those,  she  had  two  thousand  soldiers,  chosen  men,  all 
well  armed,  like  unto  the  Praetors'  bands.  When  Niger, 
one  of  Antonius'  friends  whom  he  had  sent  unto  Athens, 
had  brought  these  news  from  his  wife  Octavia,  and  withal 
did  greatly  praise  her,  as  she  was  worthy,  and  well  deserved  : 
Cleopatra  knowing  that  Octavia  would  have  Antonius  from 
her,  and  fearing  also  that  if  with  her  virtue  and  honest 
behaviour  (besides  the  great  power  of  her  brother  Caesar) 
she  did  add  thereunto  her  modest  kind  love  to  please  her 


84  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

husband,  that  she  would  then  be  too  strong  for  her,  and  in 
the  end  win  him  away  :  she  subtly  seemed  to  languish  for 
the  love  of  Antonius,  pining  her  body  for  lack  of  meat. 
Furthermore,  she  every  way  so  framed  her  countenance  that, 
when  Antonius  came  to  see  her,  she  cast  her  eyes  upon  him 

like  a  woman  ravished  for  joy.  Straight  again, 
flickering  when  he  went  from  her,  she  fell  a-weeping  and 
ments  of  blubbering,  looked  ruefully  of  the  matter,  and  still 
untoPAn-  found  the  means  that  Antonius  should  oftentimes 

find  her  weeping  :  and  then,  when  he  came 
suddenly  upon  her,  she  made  as  though  she  dried  her  eyes, 
and  turned  her  face  away,  as  if  she  were  unwilling  that  he 
should  see  her  weep.  All  these  tricks  she  used,  Antonius 
being  in  readiness  to  go  into  Syria  to  speak  with  the  king 
of  Medes.  Then  the  flatterers  that  furthered  Cleopatra's 
mind  blamed  Antonius,  and  told  him  that  he  was  a  hard 
natured  man,  and  that  he  had  small  love  in  him,  that 
would  see  a  poor  Lady  in  such  torment  for  his  sake,  whose 
life  depended  only  upon  him  alone.  For  Octavia,  said  they, 
that  was  married  unto  him  as  it  were  of  necessity,  because 
her  brother  Caesar's  affairs  so  required  it,  hath  the  honour 
to  be  called  Antonius'  lawful  spouse  and  wife  :  and 
Cleopatra,  being  born  a  Queen  of  so  many  thousands  of 
men,  is  only  named  Antonius'  Leman,  and  yet  that  she 
disdained  not  so  to  be  called,  if  it  might  please  him  she 
might  enjoy  his  company  and  live  with  him,  but  if  he  once 
leave  her,  that  then  it  is  unpossible  she  should  live.  To  be 


MARCUS   ANTONIUS  85 

short,  by   these  their    flatteries   and   enticements    they    so 
wrought  Antonius'  effeminate  mind  that,  fearing  lest  she 
would  make  herself  away,  he  returned  again  unto  Alexan 
dria,   and   referred  the   king  of  Medes  to  the  next    year 
following,  although  he  received  news  that  the  Parthians  at 
that  time  were  at  civil  wars  among  themselves.     This  not 
withstanding,  he  went  afterwards  and  made  peace  with  him. 
For  he  married  his  Daughter,  which  was  very  young,  unto 
one   of  the  sons   that  Cleopatra   had   by  him  :  and  then 
returned,  being  fully  bent  to  make  war  with  Caesar.    The 
When  Octavia  was  returned  to  Rome  from  Athens,   °f  ctvi?" 
Caesar   commanded   her  to   go  out  of  Antonius'   betwixt 
house,   and   to  dwell  by  herself,  because  he   had   anndtomus 
abused  her.     Octavia   answered  him  again,    that    Caesar- 
she  would  not  forsake  her  husband's  house,  and  that  if  he 
had  no  other  occasion  to  make  war  with  him,  she  prayed 
him  then  to  take  no  thought  for  her  :  for,  said  she,   The  love 

i  r  i  i  •  i  r  of  Octavia 

it  were  too  shameful  a  thing  that  two  so  famous    to 
Captains   should   bring   in   civil  wars  among  the   hcrhns- 
Romans,  the  one  for  the  love  of  a  woman,  and  the   he^be"'1 
other  for  the  jealousy  betwixt  one  another.      Now   |JJJ)tjnaniy 
as  she  spake  the  word,  so  did  she  also  perform  the   b^aviour. 
deed.     For  she  kept  still  in  Antonius'  house,  as  if  he  had 
been   there,  and  very  honestly  and  honourably    kept   his 
children,  not   those  only  she  had  by  him,  but  the  other 
which   her  husband  had   by  Fulvia.     Furthermore,  when 
Antonius  sent  any  of  his  men  to  Rome  to  sue  for  any  office 


86  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

in  the  commonwealth,  she  received  him  very  courteously, 
and  so  used  herself  unto  her  brother  that  she  obtained  the 
thing  she  requested.  Howbeit  thereby,  thinking  no  hurt, 
she  did  Antonius  great  hurt.  For  her  honest  love  and 
regard  to  her  husband  made  every  man  hate  him,  when 
they  saw  he  did  so  unkindly  use  so  noble  a  Lady  : 

Antonius  '  .  ,.  . 

arrogantly   but  yet  the  greatest  cause  of  their  malice  unto  him 

divideth  '  .       °  .    .   .  r  i        j     i.  j  i  • 

divers          was  for  the  division  of  lands  he  made  amongst  his 
unto'his       children  in  the  city  of  Alexandria.     And  to  confess 

children  ,  ... 

byCleo-  a  troth,  it  was  too  arrogant  and  insolent  a  part, 
and  done  (as  a  man  would  say)  in  derision  and 
contempt  of  the  Romans.  For  he  assembled  all  the  people* 
in  the  show  place,  where  young  men  do  exercise  themselves,* 
and  there  upon  a  high  tribunal  silvered  he  set  two  chairs  of* 
gold,  the  one  for  himself,  and  the  other  for  Cleopatra,  and* 
lower  chairs  for  his  children  :  then  he  openly  published  be-* 
fore  the  assembly,  that  first  of  all  he  did  establish  Cleopatra* 
Queen  of  Egypt,  of  Cyprus,  of  Lydia,  and  of  the  lower* 
Caesarion  Syria,  and  at  that  time  also,  Caesarion  king  of  the* 
posed  son  same  Realms.  This  Caesarion  was  supposed  to  be* 
byCleo-  the  son  of  Julius  Caesar,  who  had  left  Cleopatra* 


Alexander  8reat  Wlt^  child.     Secondly,  he  called  the  sons  he* 

Ptolem  •  kad  ^7  her  the  kings  of  kings,  and  gave  Alexander* 

Antonius'  for  his  portion,  Armenia,  Media,  and  Parthia,* 

sons  by  r 

Cleopatra,  when  he  had  conquered  the  country  :  and  unto* 

Ptolemy  for    his    portion,    Phoenicia,    Syria,   and    Cilicia.1 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  III.  vi.  I-l6. 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  87 

And  therewithal  he  brought  out  Alexander  in  a  long 
gown  after  the  fashion  of  the  Medes,  with  a  high  copped- 
tank  hat  on  his  head,  narrow  in  the  top,  as  the  kings  of  the 
Medes  and  Armenians  do  use  to  wear  them  :  and  Ptolemy 
apparelled  in  a  cloak  after  the  Macedonian  manner,  with 
slippers  on  his  feet,  and  a  broad  hat,  with  a  royal  band  or 
diadem.  Such  was  the  apparel  and  old  attire  of  the  ancient 
kings  and  successors  of  Alexander  the  great.  So,  after  his 
sons  had  done  their  humble  duties,  and  kissed  their  father 
and  mother,  presently  a  company  of  Armenian  soldiers,  set 
there  of  purpose,  compassed  the  one  about,  and  a  like  com- 
tpany  of  the  Macedonians  the  other.  Now  for  Cleopatra, 
tshe  did  not  only  wear  at  that  time  (but  at  all  other  times 
telse  when  she  came  abroad)  the  apparel  of  the  goddess  Isis, 
tand  so  gave  audience  unto  all  her  subjects,  as  a  new  Isis.1 
*Octavius  Caesar  reporting  all  these  things  unto  the  Accusa- 
*Senate,  and  oftentimes  accusing  him  to  the  whole  betwixt 
*people  and  assembly  in  Rome,  he  thereby  stirred  caesarand 
*up  all  the  Romans  against  him.2  Antonius  on  th'  Antomus> 
fother  side  sent  to  Rome  likewise  to  accuse  him,  and  the 
tchiefest  points  of  his  accusations  he  charged  him  with  were 
tthese  :  First,  that  having  spoiled  Sextus  Pompeius  in  Sicile, 
the  did  not  give  him  his  part  of  the  Isle.  Secondly,  that  he 
tdid  detain  in  his  hands  the  ships  he  lent  him  to  make  that 
twar.  Thirdly,  that  having  put  Lepidus  their  companion 
tand  triumvirate  out  of  his  part  of  the  Empire,  and  having 
1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  III.  vi.  16-19.  2  ^'^-  ^I-  v'-  19-22. 


88  MARCUS   ANTONIUS 

deprived  him  of  all  honours,  he  retained  for  himself  thef 
lands  and  revenues  thereof,1  which  had  been  assigned  untot 
him  for  his  part.  And  last  of  all,  that  he  had  in  manner 
divided  all  Italy  amongst  his  own  soldiers,  and  had  left  no  part 
of  it  for  his  soldiers.  Octavius  Caesar  answered  him  again,t 
that,  for  Lepidus,  he  had  indeed  deposed  him,  and  takent 
his  part  of  the  Empire  from  him,  because  he  did  overcruellyt 
use  his  authority.  And  secondly,  for  the  conquests  he  hadt 
made  by  force  of  arms,  he  was  contented  Antonius  should! 
have  his  part  of  them,  so  that  he  would  likewise  let  himt 
have  his  part  of  Armenia.2  And  thirdly,  that,  for  hist 
soldiers,  they  should  seek  for  nothing  in  Italy,  because  they 
possessed  Media  and  Parthia,  the  which  provinces  they  had 
added  to  the  Empire  of  Rome,  valiantly  fighting  with  their 
Emperor  and  Captain.  Antonius  hearing  these  news,  being 
yet  in  Armenia,  commanded  Canidius  to  go  presently  to 
the  seaside  with  his  sixteen  legions  he  had  :  and  he  himself 
with  Cleopatra  went  unto  the  city  of  Ephesus,  and 

Antonius  r  .  . 

came  with  there  gathered  together  his  galleys  and  ships  out 
hundred  of  all  parts,  which  came  to  the  number  of  eight 
bcta^u'"5  hundred,  reckoning  the  great  ships  of  burden  :  and 
of  those  Cleopatra  furnished  him  with  two  hundred, 
and  twenty  thousand  talents  besides,  and  provision  of 
victuals  also  to  maintain  all  the  whole  army  in  this  war. 
So  Antonius,  through  the  persuasions  of  Domitius,  com-* 
manded  Cleopatra  to  return  again  into  Egypt,  and  there  to* 

1   Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  III.  vi.  22-30.  2  Ibid.  III.  vi.    32-7. 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  89 

*  understand  the  success  of  this  war.1  But  Cleopatra,  fearing 
lest  Antonius  should  again  be  made  friends  with  Octavius 
Caesar,  by  the  means  of  his  wife  Octavia,  she  so  plied 
Canidius  with  money,  and  filled  his  purse,  that  he  became 
her  spokesman  unto  Antonius,  and  told  him  there  was 
no  reason  to  send  her  from  this  war,  who  defrayed  so 
great  a  charge  :  neither  that  it  was  for  his  profit,  because 
that  thereby  the  Egyptians  would  then  be  utterly 
discouraged,  which  were  the  chiefest  strength  of  the  army 
by  sea  :  considering  that  he  could  see  no  king  of  all  the 
kings  their  confederates  that  Cleopatra  was  inferior  unto, 
either  for  wisdom  or  judgement,  seeing  that  long  before 
she  had  wisely  governed  so  great  a  realm  as  Egypt, 
and  besides  that  she  had  been  so  long  acquainted  with 
him,  by  whom  she  had  learned  to  manage  great  affairs. 
These  fair  persuasions  wan  him  :  for  it  was  pre 
destined  that  the  government  of  all  the  world  carrieth 
should  fall  into  Octavius  Caesar's  hands.  Thus,  with^im* 
all  their  forces  being  joined  together,  they  hoised  ag^nst""8 
sail  towards  the  Isle  of  Samos,  and  there  gave  Caesar"8 
themselves  to  feasts  and  solace.  For  as  all  the  kings,  a"^ept 
Princes,  and  commonalties,  peoples  and  cities,  from  feasting 

at  the  Isle 

Syria  unto  the  marishes  Maeotides,  and  from  the    of  Samos 

,        T11      .  together. 

Armenians  to    the   lllynans,  were   sent  unto,  to 
send  and  bring  all  munition  and  warlike  preparation  they 
could  :  even  so  all  players,  minstrels,  tumblers,  fools,  and 
1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  III.  vii.  1-12. 


^- 


9o  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

jesters  were  commanded  to  assemble  in  the  Isle  of  Samos. 
So  that,  where  in  manner  all  the  world  in  every  place  was 
full  of  lamentations,  sighs,  and  tears,  only  in  this  Isle  of 
Samos  there  was  nothing  for  many  days'  space  but  singing 
and  piping,  and  all  the  Theatre  full  of  these  common 
players,  minstrels,  and  singing  men.  Besides  all  this,  every 
city  sent  an  ox  thither  to  sacrifice,  and  kings  did  strive  one 
with  another  who  should  make  the  noblest  feasts,  and  give 
the  richest  gifts.  So  that  every  man  said,  '  What  can  they 
do  more  for  joy  of  victory,  if  they  win  the  battle,  when 
they  make  already  such  sumptuous  feasts  at  the  beginning 
of  the  war  ? '  When  this  was  done,  he  gave  the  whole 
rabble  of  these  minstrels,  and  such  kind  of  people,  the  city 
of  Priene  to  keep  them  withal,  during  this  war.  Then  he 
went  unto  the  city  of  Athens,  and  there  give  himself  again 
to  see  plays  and  pastimes,  and  to  keep  the  Theatres. 
Cleopatra,  on  the  other  side,  being  jealous  of  the  honours 
which  Octavia  had  received  in  this  city,  where  indeed  she 
was  marvellously  honoured  and  beloved  of  the  Athenians  : 
to  win  the  people's  good  will  also  at  Athens,  she  gave  them 
great  gifts  :  and  they  likewise  gave  her  many  great  honours, 
and  appointed  certain  Ambassadors  to  carry  the 

Antontus  r  r  J 

put  his        decree  to  her  house,  among  the  which  Antonius 
Octavia       was  one,  who  as  a  Citizen  of  Athens  reported  the 

out  of  his  ,  .  ... 

house  at      matter    unto   her,  and   made    an  oration   in   the 

behalf  of  the  city.     Afterwards  he  sent  to  Rome 

to  put  his  wife  Octavia  out  of  his  house,  who  (as  it  is  reported) 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  91 

went  out  of  his  house  with  all  Antonius'  children,  saving  the 
eldest  of  them  he  had  by  Fulvia,  who  was  with  his  father, 
bewailing  and  lamenting  her  cursed  hap  that  had  brought 
her  to  this,  that  she  was  accompted  one  of  the  chiefest 
causes  of  this  civil  war.  The  Romans  did  pity  her,  but 
much  more  Antonius,  and  those  specially  that  had  seen 
Cleopatra,  who  neither  excelled  Octavia  in  beauty,  nor  yet 
in  young  years.  Octavius  Caesar  understanding  the  sudden 
and  wonderful  great  preparation  of  Antonius,  he  was  not  a 
little  astonied  at  it  (fearing  he  should  be  driven  to  fight 
that  summer)  because  he  wanted  many  things,  and  the 
great  and  grievous  exactions  of  money  did  sorely  oppress 
the  people.  For  all  manner  of  men  else  were  ._  . 

*       *  Octavius 

driven  to  pay  the  fourth  part  of  their  goods  and   Caesar 

r   '  exacteth 

revenue  :   but  the  Libertines,  (to  wit,  those  whose   grievous 

-    ,  ,  .      .  .          .  payments 

fathers   or  other  predecessors  had  sometime  been   of  the 

1-1  Romans. 

bondmen),  they  were  sessed  to  pay  the  eight  part 
of  all  their  goods  at  one  payment.  Hereupon  there  rose 
a  wonderful  exclamation  and  great  uproar  all  Italy  over  : 
so  that  among  the  greatest  faults  that  ever  Antonius  com 
mitted,  they  blamed  him  most  for  that  he  delayed  to  give 
Caesar  battle.  For  he  gave  Caesar  leisure  to  make  his 
preparations,  and  also  to  appease  the  complaints  of  the 
people.  When  such  a  great  sum  of  money  was  demanded 
of  them,  they  grudged  at  it,  and  grew  to  mutiny  upon  it  : 
but  when  they  had  once  paid  it,  they  remembered  it  no 
more.  Furthermore,  Titius  and  Plancus  (two  of  Antonius' 


92  MARCUS   ANTONIUS 

chiefest  friends  and  that  had  been  both  of  them  Consuls) 
Titiusand  f°r  the  great  injuries  Cleopatra  did  them,  because 
SJ3?11  they  hindered  all  they  could  that  she  should  not 
Anumius  come  to  this  war  :  they  went  and  yielded  them- 
yieicfto  se^ves  unto  Caesar,  and  told  him  where  the  testa- 
Caesar,  ment  was  that  Antonius  had  made,  knowing 
perfectly  what  was  in  it.  The  will  was  in  the  custody  of 
the  Vestal  Nuns  :  of  whom  Caesar  demanded  for  it.  They 
answered  him,  that  they  would  not  give  it  him  :  but  if 
he  would  go  and  take  it,  they  would  not  hinder  him. 
Thereupon  Caesar  went  thither,  and  having  read  it  first  to 
himself  he  noted  certain  places  worthy  of  reproach  :  so, 
assembling  all  the  Senate,  he  read  it  before  them  all. 
Whereupon  divers  were  marvellously  offended,  and  thought 
it  a  strange  matter  that  he,  being  alive,  should  be  punished 
for  that  he  had  appointed  by  his  will  to  be  done  after  his 
death.  Caesar  chiefly  took  hold  of  this  that  he  ordained 
touching  his  burial  :  for  he  willed  that  his  body,  though  he 
died  at  Rome,  should  be  brought  in  funeral  pomp  through 
the  midst  of  the  market  place,  and  that  it  should  be  sent 
into  Alexandria  unto  Cleopatra.  Furthermore, 

A  famous 

library  in     among  divers  other  faults  wherewith  Antonius  was 

the  city  ° 

of  Per-  to  be  charged  for  Cleopatra's  sake:  Calvisius,  one 
of  Caesar's  friends,  reproved  him  because  he  had 
frankly  given  Cleopatra  all  the  libraries  of  the  royal  city  of 
Pergamum,  in  the  which  she  had  above  two  hundred 
thousand  books.  Again  also,  that  being  on  a  time  set  at 


MARCUS   ANTONIUS  93 

the  table,  he  suddenly  rose  from  the  board  and  trod  upon 
Cleopatra's  foot,  which  was  a  sign  given  between  them,  that 
they  were  agreed  of.  That  he  had  also  suffered  the 
Ephesians  in  his  presence  to  call  Cleopatra  their  sovereign 
Lady.  That  divers  times  sitting  in  his  tribunal  and  chair 
of  state,  giving  audience  to  all  kings  and  Princes,  he  had 
received  love  letters  from  Cleopatra,  written  in  tables  of 
onyx  or  crystal,  and  that  he  had  read  them,  sitting  in  his 
imperial  seat.  That  one  day  when  Furnius,  a  man  Furnius 
of  great  accompt,  and  the  eloquentest  man  of  all  ^^T 
the  Romans,  pleaded  a  matter  before  him,  ^mom?  the 
Cleopatra  by  chance  coming  through  the  market  Romans- 
place  in  her  litter  where  Furnius  was  pleading,  Antonius 
straight  rose  out  of  his  seat  and  left  his  audience,  to  follow 
her  litter.  This  notwithstanding  it  was  thought  Calvisius 
devised  the  most  part  of  all  these  accusations  of  his  own 
head.  Nevertheless,  they  that  loved  Antonius  were  inter 
cessors  to  the  people  for  him,  and  amongst  them  they  sent 
one  Geminius  unto  Antonius,  to  pray  him  he  would  , 

L      '  Geminius 

take  heed,  that  through  his  negligence  his  Empire   sent  from 
were  not  taken  from  him,  and  that  he  should  be   Antonius, 

t  T->  ,. ,.  .       to  bid  him 

counted  an  enemy  to  the  people  of  Rome.  This  take  heed 
Geminius  being  arrived  in  Greece  made  Cleopatra 
jealous  straight  of  his  coming  :  because  she  surmised  that  he 
came  not  but  to  speak  for  Octavia.  Therefore  she  spared 
not  to  taunt  him  all  supper  time,  and  moreover,  to  spite 
him  the  more,  she  made  him  be  set  lowest  of  all  at  the 


94  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

board,  the  which  he  took  patiently,  expecting  occasion  to 
speak  with  Antonius.  Now  Antonius  commanding  him  at 
the  table  to  tell  him  what  wind  brought  him  thither  :  he 
answered  him  that  it  was  no  table  talk,  and  that  he  would 
tell  him  to-morrow  morning  fasting  :  but  drunk  or  fasting, 
howsoever  it  were,  he  was  sure  of  one  thing,  that  all  would 
not  go  well  on  his  side,  unless  Cleopatra  were  sent  back  into 
Egypt.  Antonius  took  these  words  in  very  ill  part. 
Cleopatra  on  the  other  side  answered  him,  '  Thou  doest 
well,  Geminius,'  said  she,  '  to  tell  the  truth  before  thou 
be  compelled  by  torments '  :  but  within  few  days  after, 
..  ,  Geminius  stale  away,  and  fled  to  Rome.  The 

Many  of  '  ' 

Antonius'     flatterers  also,  to  please  Cleopatra,  did  make  her 

friends  do  .  . 

forsake  drive  many  other  of  Antonius'  faithful  servants  and 
friends  from  him,  who  could  not  abide  the  injuries 
done  unto  them  :  among  the  which  these  two  were  chief, 
Marcus  Silanus,  and  Dellius  the  Historiographer  :  who 
wrote  that  he  fled,  because  her  Physician  Glaucus  told  him 
that  Cleopatra  had  set  some  secretly  to  kill  him.  Further 
more,  he  had  Cleopatra's  displeasure,  because  he  said  one 
night  at  supper,  that  they  made  them  drink  sour  wine, 
where  Sarmentus  at  Rome  drank  good  wine  of  Falernus. 
This  Sarmentus  was  a  pleasant  young  boy,  such  as  the 
Lords  of  Rome  are  wont  to  have  about  them  to  make  them 
pastime,  which  they  call  their  joys,  and  he  was  Octavius 
Caesar's  boy.  Now,  after  that  Caesar  had  made  sufficient 
preparation,  he  proclaimed  open  war  against  Cleopatra,  and 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS 


95 


made    the  people    to   abolish    the    power   and   Empire  of 
Antonius,  because  he  had  before  given  it  up  unto    Antonius' 
*a  woman.     And  Caesar    said    furthermore,    that   ^™epnlrfr0m 
*Antonius  was  not  Master   of  himself,  but  that    hlm- 
*Cleopatra  had  brought  him  beside  himself  by  her  charms 
*and  amorous  poisons :  and  that  they  that  should  make  war 
*with  them  should  be  Mardian  the  Eunuch,  Pothinus,  and 
*Iras,  a  woman  of  Cleopatra's  bedchamber,  that  frizzled  her 
*hair  and  dressed  her  head,  and  Charmion,  the  which  were 
*those    that    ruled  all    the    affairs    of  Antonius'  Empire.1 
Before  this  war,  as  it  is  reported,  many  signs  and   signs  and 
wonders  fell  out.     First  of  all,  the  city  of  Pisaurum,   before  "the 
which  was  made  a  colony  to  Rome  and  replenished   betwixt" 
with  people  by  Antonius,  standing  upon  the  shore   f^'oJJJf 
side  of  the  sea  Adriatic,  was  by  a  terrible  earth-   Caesar- 
quake  sunk  into  the  ground.     One  of  the  images  of  stone 
which  was  set  up  in  the  honour  of  Antonius,  in  the  city  of 
Alba,  did  sweat  many  days  together  :  and  though   Pesaro, 
some  wiped  it  away,  yet  it  left  not  sweating  still.    itaiy^° 
In  the  city  of  Patras,  whilst  Antonius  was  there,    theground 
the  temple  of  Hercules  was  burnt  with  lightning.    ££.*£ 
And  at  the  city  of  Athens  also,  in  a  place  where   <iuake- 
the  war  of  the  giants  against  the  gods  is  set  out  in  imagery, 
the  statue  of  Bacchus  with  a  terrible  wind  was  thrown  down 
in  the  Theatre.     It  was  said  that  Antonius  came  of  the  race 
of  Hercules,  as  you  have  heard  before,  and  in  the  manner  of 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  £Ieof>atra,  III.  vii.  12-15. 


96  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

his  life  he  followed  Bacchus  :  and  therefore  he  was  called 
the  new  Bacchus.  Furthermore,  the  same  blustering  storm 
of  wind  overthrew  the  great  monstrous  images  at  Athens, 
that  were  made  in  the  honour  of  Eumenes  and  Attalus,  the 
which  men  had  named  and  entitled  the  Antonians,  and  yet 
they  did  hurt  none  of  the  other  images  which  were  many 
besides.  The  Admiral  galley  of  Cleopatra  was* 

An  ill  sign  * 

fore-  called  Antoniad,1   in  the  which  there  chanced  a* 

byswal-  marvellous  ill  sign.  Swallows  had  bred  under  the* 
breeding  poop  of  her  ship,2  and  there  came  others  after  them* 
patra's  that  drave  away  the  first,  and  plucked  down  their 
nests.  Now  when  all  things  were  ready,  and  that 
Antonius1  ^gy  drew  near  to  fight,  it  was  found  that  Antonius 

power  * 

against  na(j  no  less  than  five  hundred  good  ships  of  war, 
Caesar.  among  the  which  there  were  many  galleys  that  had 
eight  and  ten  banks  of  oars,  the  which  were  sumptuously 
furnished,  not  so  meet  for  fight  as  for  triumph :  a  hundred 
thousand  footmen,  and  twelve  thousand  horsemen,  andt 
had  with  him  to  aid  him  these  kings  and  subjects  follow-+ 
Antonius  i°g  '•  Bocchus  king  of  Libya,  Tarcondemus  kingt 
Cilicia,  Archelaus  king  of  Cappadocia,t 


power  to  Philadelphus  king  of  Paphlagonia,  Mithridatesf 
aid  him.  ^jj^g  of  Commagena  and  Adallas  king  of  Thracia.t 
All  the  which  were  there  every  man  in  person.  Thet 
residue  that  were  absent  sent  their  armies,  as  Polemonf 
king  of  Pont,  Malchus  king  of  Arabia,  Herodes  king  oft 

1   Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  III.  viii.  12.  2  Ibid.  IV.  x.  16,  17. 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  97 

tjewry  :  and  furthermore,  Amyntas  king  of  Lycaonia  and 
fof  the  Galatians  :    and  besides  all  these,  he  had  all  the 
taid  the  king  of  Medes  sent   unto  him.1     Now   The  a 
for  Caesar,  he  had  two  hundred  and  fifty  ships  of  o"opt°^r 
war,  fourscore  thousand  footmen,  and  well  near  as   Caesar 

against 

many  horsemen  as  his  enemy  Antonius.    Antonius   Antonius. 
for  his   part  had   all   under   his   dominion   from   Antonius' 

.  .  11.  r   T-I       i  dominions. 

Armenia  and  the  river  of  Euphrates  unto  the  sea 
Ionium  and  Illyricum.     Octavius  Caesar  had  also   Caesar's 
for  his  part  all  that  which  was  in  our  Hemisphere,   dominions' 
or  half  part  of  the  world,  from  Illyria  unto  the  Ocean  sea 
upon  the  west  :  then  all  from  the  Ocean  unto  Mare  Sicu- 
lum  :  and  from  Africk  all  that  which  is  against  Italy,  as 
Gaul  and  Spain.     Furthermore,  all  from  the  province  of 
*Cyrenia  unto  Ethiopia  was  subject  unto  Antonius.     Now 
*Antonius  was  made  so  subject  to  a  woman's  will,   Anton;us 
*that  though  he  was  a  great  deal  the  stronger  by   '°°e™tyh 
*land,  yet  for  Cleopatra's  sake  he  would  needs  have   Cleopatra, 
tthis  battle  tried  by  sea  : 2  though  he  saw  before  his  eyes, 
tthat,  for  lack  of  watermen,  his  Captains  did  press  by  force 
tall  sorts  of  men  out  of  Greece  that  they  could  take  up  in  the 
tfield,   as  travellers,  muleteers,  reapers,  harvest    men,    and 
tyoung  boys,  and  yet  could  they  not  sufficiently  furnish  his 
galleys  : 3  so  that  the  most  part  of  them  were  empty,  and 
could  scant  row,  because  they  lacked  watermen  enow.     But 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  III.  vi.  68-76. 

2  Ibid.  III.  vii.  27-53.  3  Md.  III.  vii.  34-6. 
VOL.  II.  H 


98  MARCUS   ANTONIUS 

on  the  contrary  side  Caesar's  ships  were  not  built  for  pomp, 
high  and  great,  only  for  a  sight  and  bravery  :  but  they  were 
light  of  yarage,1  armed  and  furnished  with  watermen  ast 
many  as  they  needed,  and  had  them  all  in  readiness  in 
the  havens  of  Tarentum  and  Brundusium.  So  Octavius 
Caesar  sent  unto  Antonius,  to  will  him  to  delay  no  more 
time,  but  to  come  on  with  his  army  into  Italy  :  and  that 
for  his  own  part  he  would  give  him  safe  harbour,  to  land 
without  any  trouble,  and  that  he  would  withdraw  his  army 
from  the  sea  as  far  as  one  horse  could  run,  until  he  had  put 
his  army  ashore,  and  had  lodged  his  men.  Antonius  on* 
the  other  side  bravely  sent  him  word  again,  and  challenged* 
the  combat  of  him  man  to  man,  though  he  were  the  elder  :* 
and  that  if  he  refused  him  so,  he  would  then  fight  a  battle* 
with  him  in  the  fields  of  Pharsalia,  as  Julius  Caesar  and* 
Pompey  had  done  before.2  Now  whilst  Antonius* 

Antonius  r   • 

rode  at        rode  at  anchor,  lying  idly  in  harbour  at  the  head  of 

anchor  at  .  . 

the  head      Actium,  in  the  place  where  the  city  of  Nicopolis 

of  Actium  t     i         .   i ,  T  * 

where  the  standeth  at  thisipresent,  Caesar  had  quickly  passed 
Nicopolis  the  sea  Ionium,  and  taken  a  place  called  Toryne,* 
before  Antonius  understood  that  he  had  taken* 
ship.  Then  began  his  men  to  be  afraid,  because  his* 
army  by  land  was  left  behind.  But  Cleopatra  making 
light  of  it,  '  And  what  danger,  I  pray  you,'  said  she, 
'  if  Caesar  keep  at  Toryne  r '  The  next  morning  by  break 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  III.  vii.  38. 

2  Ibid.  III.  vii.  30-2.  3  Ibid.  III.  vii.  20-3,  54-7. 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS 


99 


of  day,  his  enemies  coming  with  full  force  of  oars  in  battle 
against  him,  Antonius  was  afraid  that  if  they  came   The 
to  join  they  would  take  and  carry  away  his  ships,   o{  thls 
that  had  no  men  of  war  in  them.      So  he  armed   can  not 

properly 

all  his  watermen,  and  set  them  in  order  of  battle  beex- 

upon  the  forecastle  of  their  ships,  and  then  lift  up  any  other 

all  his  ranks  of  oars  towards  the  element,  as  well  because 

of  the    one    side   as   the   other,  with   the   prows  °quivoca- 

against  the  enemies,  at  the  entry  and  mouth  of  the  w°"d°  ' 

gulf  which    beginneth  at    the  point  of   Actium,  whfdfslg- 

and  so  kept  them  in  order  of  battle,  as  if  they  had  "'tfiet0hf  a 

been  armed  and   furnished   with    watermen    and  A1kania. 

and  also  a 

soldiers.     Thus  Octavius  Caesar,  being  finely  de-   Iadle  l° 

'  »  scum  the 

ceived   by   this   stratagem,  retired  presently,  and   pot  with: 
therewithal  Antonius  very  wisely  and  suddenly  did   meant, 
cut  him  off  from  fresh  water.     For,  understanding   by  the 
that  the  places  where  Octavius  Caesar  landed  had   scumming 
very  little  store  of  water,  and  yet  very  bad  :  he  shut 
them  in  with  strong  ditches  and  trenches  he  cast,  to  keep  them 
from  sallying  out  at  their  pleasure,  and  so  to  go  seek  water 
*further  off.     Furthermore,  he  dealt  very  friendly   _     ... 

/  '      Domitius 

*and  courteously  with  Domitius,  and  against  Cleo-   forsaketh 

'  .         .  Antonius 

*patra's  mind.     For,  he  being  sick  of  an  ague  when    and  goeth 

unto 

*he  went  and  took  a  little  boat  to  go  to  Caesar's   Octavius 

.  .  -       .       .  .         Caesar. 

camp,  Antonius  was  very  sorry  for  it,  but  yet  he 
*sent  after  him  all  his  carriage,  train,  and  men  : l  and  the 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  IV.  v.  4-17. 


ioo  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

same  Domitius,  as  though  he  gave  him  to  understand  that* 

he  repented  his  open  treason,  he  died  immediately  after.1* 

There  were  certain   kings  also  that  forsook  him,* 

Amyntas 

and  and  turned  on   Caesar's  side  :   as  Amyntas  and* 

Deiotarus 

do  both       Deiotarus.2     Furthermore  his  fleet  and  navy  that* 

revolt  from  r  .....  .  . 

Antonius  was  unfortunate  in  all  things,  and  unready  for 
nntog  service,  compelled  him  to  change  his  mind,  and  to 
hazard  battle  by  land.  And  Canidius  also,  who 
had  charge  of  his  army  by  land,  when  time  came  to  follow 
Antonius'  determination,  he  turned  him  clean  contrary,  and 
counselled  him  to  send  Cleopatra  back  again,  and  himself  to 
retire  into  Macedon,  to  fight  there  on  the  mainland.  And 
furthermore  told  him,  that  Dicomes  king  of  the  Getae 
promised  him  to  aid  him  with  a  great  power  :  and  that  it 
should  be  no  shame  nor  dishonour  to  him  to  let  Caesar 
have  the  sea,  (because  himself  and  his  men  both  had  been* 
well  practised  and  exercised  in  battles  by  sea,  in  the  war  of* 
Sicilia  against  Sextus  Pompeius),8  but  rather  that  he  should* 
do  against  all  reason,  he  having  so  great  skill  and  experi-* 
ence  of  battles  by  land  as  he  had,  if  he  should  not  employ* 
the  force  and  valiantness  of  so  many  lusty  armed  footmen  as* 
he  had  ready,  but  would  weaken  his  army  by  dividing* 
them  into  ships.4  But  now,  notwithstanding  all  these  good* 
persuasions,  Cleopatra  forced  him  to  put  all  to  the  hazard  of 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  IV.  vi.  20-39  5  '*•  S~24- 

2  Ibid.  III.  viii.  43,  4.  3  Ibid.  III.  vii.  36,  7. 
4  Ibid.  III.  vii.  41-8. 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  101 

battle  by  sea  :  considering  with  herself  how  she  might  fly 
and  provide  for  her  safety,  not  to  help  him  to  win  the  vic 
tory,  but  to  fly  more  easily  after  the  battle  lost.  Betwixt 
Antonius'  camp  and  his  fleet  of  ships  there  was  a  great  high 
point  of  firm  land  that  ran  a  good  way  into  the  sea,  the 
which  Antonius  often  used  for  a  walk,  without  mistrust  of 
fear  or  danger.  One  of  Caesar's  men  perceived  it,  and  told 
his  Master  that  he  would  laugh  an  they  could  take  up 
Antonius  in  the  midst  of  his  walk.  Thereupon  Antonius 
Caesar  sent  some  of  his  men  to  lie  in  ambush  for  l"f^^J 
him,  and  they  missed  not  much  of  taking  of  him  :  at  Actlum- 
for  they  took  him  that  came  before  him,  because  they  dis 
covered  too  soon,  and  so  Antonius  scaped  very  hardly.  So, 
*when  Antonius  had  determined  to  fight  by  sea,  he  set  all 
*the  other  ships  afire  l  but  threescore  ships  of  Egypt,2  and 
reserved  only  but  the  best  and  greatest  galleys,  from  three 
banks  unto  ten  banks  of  oars.  In  them  he  put  two-and- 
twenty  thousand  fighting  men,  with  two  thousand  darters 
tand  slingers.  Now,  as  he  was  setting  his  men  in  order  of 
tbattle,  there  was  a  Captain,  and  a  valiant  man,  that  had 
tserved  Antonius  in  many  battles  and  conflicts,  and  had  all 
this  body  hacked  and  cut  :  who,  as  Antonius  passed  by  him, 
tcried  out  unto  him  and  said  :  "  O  noble  Emperor,  how 
tcometh  it  to  pass  that  you  trust  to  these  vile  brittle  ships  ? 
tWhat,  do  you  mistrust  these  wounds  of  mine  and  this 
tsword  ?  Let  the  Egyptians  and  Phoenicians  fight  by  sea, 
1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  III.  vii.  50.  2  Ibid.  III.  vii.  49. 


102  MARCUS   ANTONIUS 

and  set  us  on  the  mainland,  where  we  use  to  conquer,  or  tot 
.       .        be  slain  on  our  feet."     Antonius  passed  by  him* 

Antonius  / 

regardeth     an(j  said  never  a  word,  but  only  beckoned  to  him* 

not  the  ' 

good  with  his  hand  and  head,  as  though  he  willed  him* 

counsel 

of  his          to  be  of  good  courage,  although  indeed  he  had  no* 

soldier.  i       •»  «•  /-* 

great  courage  himself.1  ror  when  the  Masters  of 
the  galleys  and  Pilots  would  have  let  their  sails  alone,  he 
made  them  clap  them  on,  saying  to  colour  the  matter  withal, 
that  not  one  of  his  enemies  should  scape.  All  that  day  and 
the  three  days  following,  the  sea  rose  so  high  and  was  so 
boisterous,  that  the  battle  was  put  off.  The  fift  day  the  storm 
Battle  b  cease(l  and  the  sea  calmed  again,  and  then  they 
sea  at  rowed  with  force  of  oars  in  battle  one  against  the 

Actium  ° 

betwixt        other :  Antonius  leading  the  right  wing  with  Pub- 
and  licola,  and  Caelius  the  left,  and  Marcus  Octaviust 

and  Marcus  Justeius  the  midst.-  Octavius  Caesar,t 
on  th' other  side,  had  placed  Agrippa  in  the  left  wing  of  his 
army,  and  had  kept  the  right  wing  for  himself.  For  the 
armies  by  land,  Canidius  was  general  of  Antonius'  side,  and* 
Taurus  of  Caesar's  side  :  3  who  kept  their  men  in  battle  ray* 
the  one  before  the  other,  upon  the  seaside,  without  stirring 
one  against  the  other.  Further,  touching  both  the  Chieftains : 
Antonius,  being  in  a  swift  pinnace,  was  carried  up  and  down 
by  force  of  oars  through  his  army,  and  spake  to  his  people 
to  encourage  them  to  fight  valiantly,  as  if  they  were  on  main 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  III.  vii.  60-6. 

2  Ibid.  III.  vii.  72,  3.  3  Ibid.  III.  vii.  77,  8. 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  103 

land,  because  of  the  steadiness  and  heaviness  of  their  ships : 
and  commanded  the  Pilots  and  masters  of  the  galleys  that 
they  should  not  stir,  none  otherwise  than  if  they  were  at 
anchor,  and  so  to  receive  the  first  charge  of  their  enemies, 
and  that  they  should  not  go  out  of  the  strait  of  the  gulf. 
Caesar  betimes  in  the  morning,  going  out  of  his 

A  lucky 

tent  to  see  his  ships  throughout,  met  a  man  by   sisn  unto 

,  i     r  T.-  r*  Octavius 

chance    that    drave  an    ass    before    him.     Caesar   Caesar, 
asked  the  man  what  his  name  was.     The  poor  man    Nicon,*  S 
told  him  that  his  name  was  Eutychus,  to  say,  fortun-   Con"na 
ate  :  and  his  ass's  name  Nicon,  to  say,  Conqueror.   queror> 
Therefore  Caesar  after  he  had  won  the  battle,  setting  out 
the    market  place  with    the   spurs  of  the  galleys    he   had 
taken,  for  a  sign  of  his  victory  :  he  caused  also  the  man  and 
his  ass  to  be  set  up  in  brass.     When  he  had  visited  the 
order   of  'his  army   throughout,  he  took   a  little   pinnace, 
and  went  to  the  right  wing,  and  wondered  when  he  saw 
his  enemies   lie   still   in   the  strait,  and  stirred  not.      For, 
discerning  them   afar  off,   men   would  have   thought  they 
had  been  ships  riding  at  anchor,  and  a  good  while  he  was  so 
persuaded  :  so  he  kept  his  galleys  eight  furlong  from  his 
enemies.     About  noon  there  rose  a  little  gale  of  wind  from 
the  sea,  and  then  Antonius'  men  waxing  angry  with  tarry 
ing   so  long,  and  trusting  to  the  greatness  and  height  of 
their  ships,  as  if  they  had  been  invincible,  they  began  to 
march   forward  with  their  left  wing.     Caesar  seeing  that 
was  a  glad  man,  and  began  a  little  to  give  back  from  the 


104  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

right  wing,  to  allure  them  to  come  further  out  of  the 
strait  and  gulf,  to  th'  end  that  he  might  with  his  light 
ships  well  manned  with  watermen  turn  and  environ  the 
galleys  of  the  enemies,  the  which  were  heavy  of  yarage, 
both  for  their  bigness  as  also  for  lack  of  watermen  to  row 
them.  When  the  skirmish  began,  and  that  they  came  to 
join,  there  was  no  great  hurt  at  the  first  meeting,  neither 
did  the  ships  vehemently  hit  one  against  the  other,  as  they 
do  commonly  in  fight  by  sea.  For  on  the  one  side, 
Antonius'  ships,  for  their  heaviness  could  not  have  the 
strength  and  swiftness  to  make  their  blows  of  any  force  : 
and  Caesar's  ships,  on  th'  other  side,  took  great  heed  not  to 
rush  and  shock  with  the  forecastles  of  Antonius'  ships,  whose 
prows  were  armed  with  great  brazen  spurs.  Furthermore, 
they  durst  not  flank  them,  because  their  points  were  easily 
broken,  which  way  so  ever  they  came  to  set  upon  his  ships, 
that  were  made  of  great  main  square  pieces  of  timber, 
bound  together  with  great  iron  pins  :  so  that  the  battle 
was  much  like  to  a  battle  by  land,  or,  to  speak  more 
properly,  to  the  assault  of  a  city.  For  there  were  always 
three  or  four  of  Caesar's  ships  about  one  of  Antonius'  ships, 
and  the  soldiers  fought  with  their  pikes,  halberds,  and 
darts,  and  threw  pots  and  darts  with  fire.  Antonius'  ships, 
on  the  other  side,  bestowed  among  them,  with  their  cross 
bows  and  engines  of  battery,  great  store  of  shot  from  their 
high  towers  of  wood  that  were  upon  their  ships.  Now 
Publicola  seeing  Agrippa  put  forth  his  left  wing  of  Caesar's 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  105 

army,  to  compass  in  Antonius'  ships  that  fought :  he  was 
driven  also  to  loose  off  to  have  more  room,  and  going  a 
little  at  one  side,  to  put  those  further  off  that  were  afraid, 
and  in  the  midst  of  the  battle.  For  they  were  sore  dis 
tressed  by  Arruntius.  Howbeit  the  battle  was  yet  of  even 
*hand,  and  the  victory  doubtful,  being  indifferent  to  both  : 
*when  suddenly  they  saw  the  three  score  ships  of  cieopatra 

*  Cleopatra  busy  about  their  yard  masts,  and  hoising   flieth- 
*sail   to   fly.1      So   they  fled   through  the  midst  of  them 
that  were  in  fight,  for  they   had  been  placed  behind  the 
great  ships,  and  did  marvellously  disorder  the  other  ships. 
For  the  enemies  themselves  wondered  much  to  see  them 
*sail    in   that   sort,   with   full   sail   towards   Peloponnesus.2 
*There  Antonius  shewed  plainly,  that  he  had  not  only  lost 
*the  courage  and  heart  of  an  Emperor,  but  also  of  a  valiant 
*man,  and  that  he  was  not  his  own  man  (proving    , 

xr  The  soul 

*that  true  which  an  old  man  spake  in  mirth,  that  of  a  lover 
*the  soul  of  a  lover  lived  in  another  body,  and  not  another 

body. 

*in  his  own)  :  he  was  so  carried  away  with  the 
*vain  love  of  this  woman,  as  if  he  had  been  glued  unto  her, 
*and  that  she  could  not  have  removed  without  moving  of 
*him  also.    For  when  he  saw  Cleopatra's  ship  under 

*  -i      i       r  r  11  11  i          Antonius 

sail,  he  forgot,  forsook,  and  betrayed  them  that   flieth  after 

*  fought  for  him,  and  embarked  upon  a  galley  with 

*five  banks  of  oars,  to  follow  her  that  had  already  begun  to 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  III.  viii.  iz,  13,  21-5. 

2  Ibid.  III.  viii.  40. 


:.' 


106  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

overthrow  him,  and  would  in  the  end  be  his  utter  destruc-* 
tion.1  When  she  knew  this  galley  afar  off,  she  lift  up  a* 
sign  in  the  poop  of  her  ship,  and  so  Antonius  coming  to 
it  was  plucked  up  where  Cleopatra  was  :  howbeit  he  saw 
her  not  at  his  first  coming,  nor  she  him,  but  went  and  sate 
down  alone  in  the  prow  of  his  ship,  and  said  never  a 
word,  clapping  his  head  between  both  his  hands.  In  the 
meantime  came  certain  light  brigantines  of  Caesar's  that 
followed  him  hard.  So  Antonius  straight  turned  the 
prow  of  his  ship,  and  presently  put  the  rest  to  flight,  saving 
one  Eurycles  Lacedaemonian,  that  followed  him  near  and 
pressed  upon  him  with  great  courage,  shaking  a  dart  in  his 
hand  over  the  prow,  as  though  he  would  have  thrown  it 
unto  Antonius.  Antonius,  seeing  him,  came  to  the  fore 
castle  of  his  ship,  and  asked  him  what  he  was  that  durst 
follow  Antonius  so  near  ?  '  I  am,'  answered  he,  '  Eurycles, 
the  son  of  Lachares,  who  through  Caesar's  good  fortune 
seeketh  to  revenge  the  death  of  my  father.'  This  Lachares 
was  condemned  of  felony  and  beheaded  by  Antonius.  But 
yet  Eurycles  durst  not  venture  upon  Antonius'  ship,  but  set 
upon  the  other  Admiral  galley  (for  there  were  two)  and 
fell  with  him  with  such  a  blow  of  his  brazen  spur,  that  was 
so  heavy  and  big,  that  he  turned  her  round  and  took  her, 
with  another  that  was  loaden  with  very  rich  stuff  and 
carriage.  After  Eurycles  had  left  Antonius,  he  returned 
again  to  his  place,  and  sate  down,  speaking  never  a  word  as 

1   Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  III.  viii.  27-33. 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  107 

he  did  before  :  and  so  lived  three  days  alone,  without 
*speaking  to  any  man.  But  when  he  arrived  at  the  head  of 
*Taenarus,  there  Cleopatra's  women  first  brought  Antonius 
*and  Cleopatra  to  speak  together,1  and  afterwards  to  sup  and 
lie  together.  Then  began  there  again  a  great  number  of 
Merchants'  ships  to  gather  about  them,  and  some  of  their 
friends  that  had  escaped  from  this  overthrow :  who  brought 
news  that  his  army  by  sea  was  overthrown,  but  that  they 
thought  the  army  by  land  was  yet  whole.  Then  Antonius 
sent  unto  Canidius  to  return  with  his  army  into 
Asia  by  Macedon.  Now  for  himself,  he  deter-  Hcenseth 

*  •        i  •  A  r  •    i  11  r   his  friends 

mined  to  cross  over  into  Africk,  and  took  one  or    to  depart, 
*his  carracks  or  hulks  loaden  with  gold  and  silver   them  a 

*  j          i  •    i  •  j  •  i  •      ship  loaden 

and    other   rich  carriage,  and  gave   it  unto  his   whh  gold 
*friends :  commanding  them  to  depart,  and  to  seek   an 
*to  save  themselves.      They  answered  him  weeping,  that 
*they  would  neither  do  it,  nor  yet  forsake  him.      Then 
*Antonius  very  courteously  and  lovingly  did  comfort  them, 
*and  prayed  them  to  depart  :  and  wrote  unto  Theophilus 
*governor  of  Corinth,  that  he  would  see  them  safe,  and  help 
*to  hide  them  in  some  secret  place,  until  they  had  made 

*  their  way  and  peace  with  Caesar.2     This  Theophilus  was 
the  father  of  Hipparchus,  who  was  had  in  great  estimation 
about  Antonius.     He  was  the  first  of  all  his  enfranchised 
bondmen  that  revolted  from  him  and  yielded  unto  Caesar, 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  III.  ix.  25,  ff. 

2  Ibid.  III.  ix.  2-24. 


io8  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

and  afterwards  went  and  dwelt  at  Corinth.  And  thus  it 
stood  with  Antonius.  Now,  for  his  army  by  sea,  that 
fought  before  the  head  or  foreland  of  Actium  :  they  held 
out  a  long  time,  and  nothing  troubled  them  more  than  a 
great  boisterous  wind  that  rose  full  in  the  prows  of  their 
Antonius'  ships,  and  yet  with  much  ado  his  navy  was  at 
SmwnXy"  lenStn  overthrown,  five  hours  within  night.  There 
Caesar.  were  not  slain  above  five  thousand  men  :  but  yet 
there  were  three  hundred  ships  taken,  as  Octavius  Caesar 
writeth  himself  in  his  Commentaries.  Many  plainly  saw 
Antonius  fly,  and  yet  could  hardly  believe  it,  that  he,* 
that  had  nineteen  legions  whole  by  land  and  twelve  thousand* 
horsemen  upon  the  seaside,1  would  so  have  forsaken  them,* 
and  have  fled  so  cowardly  :  as  if  he  had  not  oftentimes 
proved  both  the  one  and  the  other  fortune,  and  that  he 
had  not  been  throughly  acquainted  with  the  diverse 
changes  and  fortunes  of  battles.  And  yet  his  soldiers  still 
wished  for  him,  and  ever  hoped  that  he  would  come  by 
some  means  or  other  unto  them.  Furthermore,  they  shewed 
themselves  so  valiant  and  faithful  unto  him,  that  after  they 
certainly  knew  he  was  fled,  they  kept  themselves 

Antonius  '  .    . 

legions  do  whole  together  seven  days.  In  the  end  Canidius,* 
them-  Antonius'  Lieutenant,  flying  by  night,  and  for-* 
Octavius  saking  his  camp,  when  they  saw  themselves  thus* 
destitute  of  their  heads  and  leaders,  they  yielded* 
themselves  unto  the  stronger.2  This  done,  Caesar  sailed* 

1    Cf.  Antony  and  Cleofatra,  III.  vii.  58-9  2  Ibid.  III.  viii.  42-3. 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  109 

towards  Athens,  and  there  made  peace  with  the  Grecians, 
and    divided    the   rest   of   the    corn    that    was    taken    up 
for  Antonius'  army  unto  the  towns  and  cities  of  Greece, 
the  which  had  been  brought  to  extreme  misery  and  poverty, 
clean   without   money,  slaves,  horse,   and  other   beasts   of 
carriage.     So  that  my  grandfather  Nicarchus  told,  that  all 
the  Citizens  of  our  city  of  Chaeronea  (not  one  excepted) 
were  driven  themselves  to  carry  a  certain  measure  of  corn 
on  their  shoulders  to  the  seaside,  that  lieth  directly  over 
against   the  Isle   of  Anticyra,   and  yet  were   they   driven 
thither  with  whips.     They  carried  it  thus  but  once :  for 
the  second  time  that  they  were  charged  again  to  make  the 
like  carriage,  all  the  corn  being  ready  to  be  carried,  news 
came  that  Antonius  had  lost  the  battle,  and  so  scaped  our 
poor  city.     For  Antonius'  soldiers  and  deputies  fled  imme 
diately,  and  the  citizens  divided  the  corn  amongst  them. 
Antonius  being  arrived  in  Libya,  he  sent  Cleopatra  before 
into  Egypt  from  the  city  of  Paraetonium  :  and  he  himself 
remained  very  solitary,  having  only  two  of  his  friends  with 
him,  with  whom  he  wandered  up  and  down,  both  of  them 
orators,    the    one    Aristocrates   a    Grecian,   and    the  other 
Lucilius  a  Roman.     Of  whom  we  have  written  in    Lucilius 
another  place,  that  at  the  battle  where  Brutus  was   ;^°Breut°[. 
overthrown  by  the  city  of  Philippi,  he  came  and   llfe- 
willingly  put  himself  into  the  hands  of  those  that  followed 
Brutus,  saying  that  it  was  he  :  because  Brutus  in  the  mean 
time  might  have  liberty  to  save  himself.     And  afterwards, 


no  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

because  Antonius  saved  his  life,  he  still  remained  with  him  : 

and  was  very  faithful  and  friendly  unto  him   till 

fidelity  of    his    death.     But    when  Antonius   heard  that   he 

Lucihus 

unto  whom    he    had  trusted  with   the  government  of 

Antonius.  ,  .        .      . 

Libya,  and  unto  whom  he  had  given  the  charge 
of  his  army  there,  had  yielded  unto  Caesar  :  he  was  so 
mad  withal,  that  he  would  have  slain  himself  for  anger, 
had  not  his  friends  about  him  withstood  him,  and  kept 
The  him  from  it.  So  he  went  unto  Alexandria,  and 

ruemp^oV  tliere  f°uncl  Cleopatra  about  a  wonderful  enter- 
Cleopatra.  prise>  and  of  great  attempt.  Betwixt  the  Red  Sea 
and  the  sea  between  the  lands  that  point  upon  the  coast 
of  Egypt,  there  is  a  little  piece  of  land,  that  divideth  both 
the  seas  and  separateth  Africk  from  Asia  :  the  which  strait 
is  so  narrow  at  the  end  where  the  two  seas  are  narrowest, 
that  it  is  not  above  three  hundred  furlongs  over.  Cleopatra 
went  about  to  lift  her  ships  out  of  the  one  sea,  and  to  hale 
them  over  the  strait  into  the  other  sea  :  that  when  her 
ships  were  come  into  this  gulf  of  Arabia,  she  might  then 
carry  all  her  gold  and  silver  away,  and  so  with  a  great 
company  of  men  go  and  dwell  in  some  place  about  the 
Ocean  sea  far  from  the  sea  Mediterranium,  to  scape  the 
danger  and  bondage  of  this  war.  But  now,  because  the 
Arabians  dwelling  about  the  city  of  Petra  did  burn  the  first 
ships  that  were  brought  aland,  and  that  Antonius  thought 
that  his  army  by  land,  which  he  left  at  Actium,  was  yet 
whole  :  she  left  off  her  enterprise,  and  determined  to  keep 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  in 

all  the  ports  and  passages  of  her  realm.    Antonius,  he  forsook 
the  city  and  company  of  his  friends,  and  built  him    Antonius 
a  house  in  the  sea,  by  the  Isle  of  Pharos,  upon   [heh^elnd 
certain  forced  mounts  which  he  caused  to  be  cast   Timonleof 
into  the    sea,  and    dwelt  there,  as  a    man    that   ^lsan- 

thropos  the 

banished  himself  from  all  men's  company  :  saying  Athenian, 
that  he  would  lead  Timon's  life,  because  he  had  the  like 
wrong  offered  him,  that  was  afore  offered  unto  Timon  : 
and  that  for  the  unthankfulness  of  those  he  had  done  good 
unto,  and  whom  he  took  to  be  his  friends,  he  was  angry 
with  all  men,  and  would  trust  no  man.  This  Timon  was 
a  citizen  of  Athens,  that  lived  about  the  war  of 

T.      1  1          .  T.1  1        .        •  Plat°   alld 

Peloponnesus,  as  appeareth  by  Plato  and  Ansto-   Aristo-_ 
phanes'  comedies :  in  the  which  they  mocked  him,   testimony 
calling  him  a  viper  and  malicious  man  unto  man-   Misan- 
kind,  to  shun  all  other  men's  companies  but  the   what"he 
company  of  young  Alcibiades,  a  bold  and  insolent   was> 
youth,  whom  he  would  greatly  feast  and  make  much  of, 
and  kissed  him  very  gladly.     Apemantus,  wondering  at  it, 
asked   him   the   cause  what  he   meant   to   make  so   much 
of  that  young  man  alone,  and  to  hate  all  others :  Timon 
answered   him,  '  I  do  it,'   said  he,  '  because  I  know  that 
one  day  he  shall  do  great  mischief  unto  the  Athenians.' 
This   Timon    sometimes    would    have   Apemantus    in    his 
company,  because   he   was   much  like   to  his   nature  and 
conditions,  and  also  followed  him  in  manner  of  life.     On 
a.    time  when   they  solemnly   celebrated   the   feasts   called 


ii2  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

Choae  at  Athens  (to  wit,  the  feasts  of  the  dead,  where 
they  make  sprinklings  and  sacrifices  for  the  dead)  and 
that  they  two  then  feasted  together  by  themselves,  Ape- 
mantus  said  unto  the  other  :  '  Oh,  here  is  a  trim  ban 
quet,  Timon.'  Timon  answered  again,  'Yea,'  said  he,  'so 
thou  wert  not  here.'  It  is  reported  of  him  also,  that 
this  Timon  on  a  time  (the  people  being  assembled  in  the 
market  place  about  despatch  of  some  affairs)  got  up  into 
the  pulpit  for  Orations,  where  the  Orators  commonly  use 
to  speak  unto  the  people  :  and  silence  being  made,  every 
man  listening  to  hear  what  he  would  say,  because  it  was  a 
wonder  to  see  him  in  that  place  :  at  length  he  began  to 
speak  in  this  manner  :  '  My  Lords  of  Athens,  I  have  a  littlet 
yard  in  my  house  where  there  groweth  a  fig  tree,  on  thet 
which  many  citizens  have  hanged  themselves :  and  becausef 
I  mean  to  make  some  building  upon  the  place,  I  thought! 
good  to  let  you  all  understand  it,  that  before  the  fig  treet 
be  cut  down,  if  any  of  you  be  desperate,  you  may  there  inf 
time  go  hang  yourselves.'1  He  died  in  the  city  of  Halae,t 
and  was  buried  upon  the  seaside.  Now  it  chanced  so,  that, 
the  sea  getting  in,  it  compassed  his  tomb  round  about,  that 
no  man  could  come  to  it :  and  upon  the  same  was  written 
this  epitaph : 

The  epi-        Here  lies  a  wretched  corse,  of  wretched  soul  bereft, 

Timon  Seek  not  my  name  :  a  plague  consume  you  wicked  wretchesf 

Misan-  left.2 

thropos. 

1  Cf.  Timon  of  Athens,  V.  i.  210-17.  2  Ibid.V.  iv.  70-1. 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  113 

It  is  reported  that  Timon  himself  when  he  lived  made  this 
epitaph  :  for  that  which  is  commonly  rehearsed  was  not  his 
but  made  by  the  Poet  Callimachus  : 

tHere  lie  I  Timon,  who  alive  all  living  men  did  hate, 

fPass  by,  and  curse  thy  fill  :  but  pass,  and  stay  not  here  thy  gate.1 

Many  other  things  could  we  tell  you  of  this  Timon,  but, 
this  little  shall  suffice  at  this  present.  But  now  to  return 
to  Antonius  again.  Canidius  himself  came  to  bring  him 
news,  that  he  had  lost  all  his  army  by  land  at  Actium.  On 
th'  other  side  he  was  advertised  also,  that  Herodes  king  of 
Jewry,  who  had  also  certain  legions  and  bands  with  him, 
was  revolted  unto  Caesar,  and  all  the  other  kings  in  like 
manner  :  so  that,  saving  those  that  were  about  him,  he  had 
none  left  him.  All  this  notwithstanding  did  nothing  trouble 
him,  and  it  seemed  that  he  was  contented  to  forgo  Antonius' 
all  his  hope,  and  so  to  be  rid  of  all  his  care  and  jftSfdria 
troubles.  Thereupon  he  left  his  solitary  house  he  ^at  bis 
had  built  in  the  sea  which  he  called  Timoneon,  a"d  over- 

'     throw. 

and  Cleopatra  received  him  into  her  royal  palace.    Toga 
He  was  no  sooner  come  thither,  but  he  straight  set 

Antyllus, 

all  the  city  of  rioting  and  banqueting  again,  and   the  eldest 
himself  to  liberality  and  gifts.     He  caused  the  son   Antonius 
of  Julius   Caesar  and   Cleopatra   to   be    enrolled   wife 
(according  to  the  manner  of  the  Romans)  amongst 
the    number    of    young    men  :    and    gave    Antyllus,    his 

1  Cf.  Timon  of  Athens,  V.  iv.  72,  3. 
VOL.   II.  I 


n4  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

eldest  son  he  had  by  Fulvia,  the  man's  gown,  the  which 
was  a  plain  gown  without  guard  or  embroidery  of  purple. 
For  these  things  there  was  kept  great  feasting,  banqueting, 
and  dancing  in  Alexandria  many  days  together.  Indeed 
they  did  break  their  first  order  they  had  set  down, 
erected  by  which  they  called  Amimetobion  (as  much  to  say, 
and°ni  no  life  comparable),  and  did  set  up  another,  which 


ynapothanumenon  (signifying  the  order 
uSmf-0  anc*  agreement  of  those  that  will  die  together),  the 
menon,  which  in  exceeding  sumptuousness  and  cost  was 

revoking 

theformer,    not;  inferior  to  the  first.     For  their  friends  made 

called 

Amimeto-     themselves  to  be  enrolled  in   this  order  of  those 

that  would  die  together,  and  so  made  great  feasts 

one  to  another  :  for  every  man,  when  it  came  to  his  turn, 

feasted  their  whole  company  and  fraternity.      Cleopatra  in* 

the   meantime   was  very  careful    in  gathering  all  sorts   of* 

poisons  together  to  destroy  men.     Now,  to  make  proof  of* 

those  poisons  which  made  men  die  with  least  pain,1  she* 

tried  it   upon  condemned  men  in  prison.     For, 

Cleopatra          .  .  t  «  i  i  i 

very  busy    when  she  saw  the  poisons  that   were  sudden  and 

thePforceof  vehement,  and  brought  speedy  death  with  grievous 

torments,  and,  in  contrary  manner,  that  such   as 

were  more  mild  and  gentle  had  not  that  quick  speed  and 

force  to  make  one  die  suddenly  :  she  afterwards  went  about 

to  prove  the  stinging  of  snakes  and  adders,  and  made  some 

to  be  applied  unto  men   in  her  sight,  some  in  one  sort  and 

1   Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  V.  ii.  356,  7 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  115 

some  in  another.  So,  when  she  had  daily  made  divers  and 
sundry  proofs,  she  found  none  of  all  them  she  had  proved 
so  fit  as  the  biting  of  an  Aspic,  the  which  only 

The  pro- 

causeth  a  heaviness  of  the  head,  without  swounding   perty  of 

...  T   i     •  i  T     •          i  the  biting 

or  complaining,  and  brmgeth  a  great  desire  also  to   of  an 
sleep,  with  a  little  sweat  in  the  face,  and  so  by  little 
and  little  taketh  away  the  senses  and  vital  powers,  no  living 
creature  perceiving  that   the  patients  feel  any  pain.     For 
they  are  so  sorry  when  anybody  waketh  them,  and  taketh 
them  up,  as  those  that  being  taken  out  of  a   sound  sleep 
*are  very  heavy  and  desirous  to  sleep.     This  not-    . 

•      m       *  r  Antonius 

*withstanding,  they  sent  Ambassadors  unto  Octavius   and  c'e°- 

,  .  .  ,  .  patra  send 

Caesar  in  Asia,  Cleopatra  requesting  the  realm  of  Ambassa- 

*  Egypt  for  her  children,  and  Antonius  praying  that    Octavius 
*he  might  be  suffered  to  live  at  Athens  like  a  private 

*man,  if  Caesar  would  not  let  him  remain  in  Egypt.1  And, 
*because  they  had  no  other  men  of  estimation  about  them, 
*for  that  some  were  fled,  and  those  that  remained,  they  did 
*not  greatly  trust  them  :  they  were  enforced  to  send 
*Euphronius  the  schoolmaster  of  their  children.2  For  Alexas 

*  Laodicean,  who  was  brought  into  Antonius'  house  and  favour 
*by  means  of  Timagenes,  and  afterwards  was  in  greater  credit 
*with  him  than  any  other   Grecian  (for  that  he  had  alway 
*been  one  of  Cleopatra's  ministers  to  win  Antonius,  and  to 
*overthrow  all  his  good  determinations  to  use  his  wife  Octavia 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  III.  x.  7-19. 

2  Ibid.  III.  ix.  71,  2  ;  x.  2-6. 


n6  MARCUS   ANTONIUS 

well)  him  Antonius  had  sent  unto  Herodes  king  of  Jewry,* 
hoping  still  to  keep  him  his  friend,  that  he  should  not* 
revolt  from  him.  But  he  remained  there,  and  betrayed* 
Antonius.  For  where  he  should  have  kept  Herodes  from* 
revolting  from  him,  he  persuaded  him  to  turn  to  Caesar  :* 
and  trusting  King  Herodes,  he  presumed  to  come  in* 
Caesar's  presence.  Howbeit  Herodes  did  him  no  pleasure  :* 
for  he  was  presently  taken  prisoner,  and  sent  in  chains  to* 
his  own  country,  and  there  by  Caesar's  commandment  put 
to  death.1  Thus  was  Alexas  in  Antonius'  lifetime  put  to 
Alexas'  death  for  betraying  of  him.  Furthermore,  Caesar* 
justly*"  would  not  grant  unto  Antonius'  requests  :  but  for* 
punished.  Cleopatra,  he  made  her  answer,  that  he  would* 
deny  her  nothing  reasonable,  so  that  she  would  either  put* 
Antonius  to  death,  or  drive  him  out  of  her  country.2* 
Therewithal  he  sent  Thyreus  one  of  his  men  unto  her,* 
a  very  wise  and  discreet  man,  who,  bringing  letters* 
of  credit  from  a  young  Lord  unto  a  noble  Lady,  and  that* 
besides  greatly  liked  her  beauty,  might  easily  by  his  eloquence* 
have  persuaded  her.3  He  was  longer  in  talk  with  her  than* 
any  man  else  was,  and  the  Queen  herself  also  did  him  great* 
honour  :  insomuch  as  he  made  Antonius  jealous  of  him  * 
Whereupon  Antonius  caused  him  to  be  taken  and  well-t 
favouredly  whipped,4  and  so  sent  him  unto  Caesar  :  andt 
bade  him  tell  him  that  he  made  him  angry  with  him,t 

1   Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,   IV.  v.  12-16.  2  Ibid.  III.  x.  19-24. 

1  Ibid.  III.  x.  26-31.  *  Ibid.  III.  xi.  46-93. 


MARCUS   ANTONIUS  117 

tbecause  he  shewed  himself  proud  and  disdainful  towards 
thim,  and  now  specially  when  he  was  easy  to  be  angered, 
tby  reason  of  his  present  misery.  'To  be  short,  if  this 
tmislike  thee,'  said  he,  '  thou  hast  Hipparchus  one  of  my 
tenfranchised  bondmen  with  thee  :  hang  him  if  thou  wilt, 
tor  whip  him  at  thy  pleasure,  that  we  may  cry  quittance.' 1 
From  thenceforth  Cleopatra,  to  clear  herself  of  the  suspicion 
he  had  of  her,  she  made  more  of  him  than  ever  she  did. 
*For  first  of  all,  where  she  did  solemnize  the  day  of  her 
*  birth  very  meanly  and  sparingly,  fit  for  her  present  mis- 
*fortune,  she  now  in  contrary  manner  did  keep  it  with  such 
*solemnity,  that  she  exceeded  all  measure  of  sumptuousness 
*and  magnificence  :  so  that  the  guests  that  were  bidden  to 
*the  feasts,  and  came  poor,  went  away  rich.2  Now,  things 
passing  thus,  Agrippa  by  divers  letters  sent  one  after  another 
unto  Caesar,  prayed  him  to  return  to  Rome,  because  the 
affairs  there  did  of  necessity  require  his  person  and  presence. 
Thereupon  he  did  defer  the  war  till  the  next  year  following  : 
but  when  winter  was  done,  he  returned  again  through  Syria 
by  the  coast  of  Africk,  to  make  wars  against  Antonius,  and  his 
other  Captains.  When  the  city  of  Pelusium  was  peiusium 
taken,  there  ran  a  rumour  in  the  city,  that  ^ided 
Seleucus,  by  Cleopatra's  consent,  had  surrendered  octavius 
the  same.  But  to  clear  herself  that  she  did  not,  Caesar- 
Cleopatra  brought  Seleucus'  wife  and  children  unto 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra^  III.  xi.  131-152. 

2  Ibid.  III.  xi.  184-6. 


n8  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

Antonius,  to  be  revenged  of  them  at  his  pleasure.  Further 
more,  Cleopatra  had  long  before  made  many  sumptuous  tombs 
Cleopatra's  and  monuments,  as  well  for  excellency  of  workman- 
ments  S^P  as  f°r  height  and  greatness  of  building,  joining 
theTempie  hard  to  the  temPle  of" Isis-  Thither  she  caused  to 
of  i sis.  be  brought  all  the  treasure  and  precious  things  she 
had  of  the  ancient  kings  her  predecessors  :  as  gold,  silver, 
emeralds,  pearls,  ebony,  ivory,  and  cinnamon,  and  besides 
all  that,  a  marvellous  number  of  torches,  faggots,  and  flax. 
So  Octavius  Caesar  being  afraid  to  lose  such  a  treasure  and 
mass  of  riches,  and  that  this  woman  for  spite  would  set  it 
afire,  and  burn  it  every  whit  :  he  always  sent  some  one  or 
other  unto  her  from  him,  to  put  her  in  good  comfort,  whilst 
he  in  the  meantime  drew  near  the  city  with  his  army.  So 
Caesar  came,  and  pitched  his  camp  hard  by  the  city,  in  the 
place  where  they  run  and  manage  their  horses.  Antonius* 
made  a  sally  upon  him,  and  fought  very  valiantly,  so  that* 
he  drave  Caesar's  horsemen  back,  fighting  with  his  men* 
even  into  their  camp.  Then  he  came  again  to  the  palace,* 
greatly  boasting  of  this  victory,  and  sweetly  kissed* 
Cleopatra,  armed  as  he  was  when  he  came  from  the  fight,* 
recommending  one  of  his  men  of  arms  unto  her,  that  had* 
valiantly  fought  in  this  skirmish.  Cleopatra  to  reward  his* 
manliness  gave  him  an  armour  and  head-piece  of  clean  gold  :l* 
howbeit  the  man  at  arms,  when  he  had  received  this  rich 
gift,  stale  away  by  night,  and  went  to  Caesar.  Antonius* 
1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  IV.  viii.  1-27. 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  119 

*sent  again  to  challenge  Caesar  to  fight  with  him  hand  to 
thand.  Caesar  answered  him,  that  he  had  many  other  ways 
tto  die  than  so.1  Then  Antonius,  seeing  there  was  no  way 
*more  honourable  for  him  to  die  than  fighting  valiantly, 
*he  determined  to  set  up  his  rest,  both  by  sea  and  land.2  So, 
tbeing  at  supper  (as  it  is  reported),  he  commanded  his  officers 
tand  household  servants  that  waited  on  him  at  his  board, 
tthat  they  should  fill  his  cups  full,  and  make  as  much  of  him 
fas  they  could  :  3  '  For,'  said  he, '  you  know  not  whether  you 
fshall  do  so  much  for  me  to-morrow  or  not,  or  whether  you 
tshall  serve  another  master  :  and  it  may  be  you  shall  see  me 
tno  more,  but  a  dead  body.' 4  This  notwithstanding,  perceiv- 
fing  that  his  friends  and  men  fell  a-weeping  to  hear  him  say 
fso  :  to  salve  that  he  had  spoken,  he  added  this  more  unto 
tit,  that  he  would  not  lead  them  to  battle,  where  he  thought 
tnot  rather  safely  to  return  with  victory,  than  valiantly  to 
tdie  with  honour.5  Furthermore,1  the  self  same  night  within 
*little  of  midnight,  when  all  the  city  was  quiet,  full  of  fear 
*and  sorrow,  thinking  what  would  be  the  issue  and  end  of 
*this  war  :  it  is  said  that  suddenly  they  heard  a 

'  '      .  Strange 

*marvellous  sweet  harmony  of  sundry  sorts  of  mstru-   noises 

•   i  <-  i   •       ^         r   'neard,  and 

ments  of  music,  with  the  cry  of  a  multitude  or   nothing 
*people,  as  they  had  been  dancing,  and  had  sung  as 
*they  use  in  Bacchus'  feasts,  with  movings  and  turnings  after 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  IV.  i.  3-6.  2  Ibid.  IV.  ii.  4-6. 

3  Ibid.  IV.  ii.  9,  10,  20-3.  4  Ibid.  IV.  ii.  26-8. 

5  Ibid.  IV.  ii.  41-4. 


izo  MARCUS   ANTONIUS 

the  manner  of  the  Satyrs  :  and  it  seemed  that  this  dance* 
went  through  the  city  unto  the  gate  that  opened  to  the* 
enemies,  and  that  all  the  troop  that  made  this  noise  they* 
heard  went  out  of  the  city  at  that  gate.  Now,  such  as  in* 
reason  sought  the  depth  of  the  interpretation  of  this  wonder,* 
thought  that  it  was  the  God  unto  whom  Antonius  bare* 
singular  devotion  to  counterfeit  and  resemble  him,  that  did* 
forsake  them.1  The  next  morning  by  break  of  day,  he* 
went  to  set  those  few  footmen  he  had  in  order  upon  the* 
hills  adjoining  unto  the  city  :  and  there  he  stood  to  behold* 
his  galleys  which  departed  from  the  haven,  and  rowed* 
against  the  galleys  of  his  enemies,  and  so  stood  still,  looking* 
what  exploit  his  soldiers  in  them  would  do.  But* 

Antonius'          ,         ,  _          .          . 

navy  do  when  by  force  of  rowing  they  were  come  near  unto 

themselves  them,  they  first  saluted  Caesar's  men,  and  then* 

Caesar.  Caesar's  men  re-saluted  them   also,  and  of  two* 

Antonius  armies  made  but  one,  and  then  did  all  together* 

thrown  by  row  toward  the  city.     When  Antonius  saw  that* 

ktavms  hjs  men  did  forsake  him,  and  yielded  unto  Caesar,* 
and  that  his  footmen  were  broken  and  overthrown  :* 

Cleopatra 

flieth  into  he  then  fled  into  the  city,  crying  out  that  Cleo-* 
or  monu-  patra  had  betrayed  him  unto  them,  with  whom  he* 
had  made  war  for  her  sake.2  Then  she,  being* 
afraid  of  his  fury,  fled  into  the  tomb  which  she  had  caused* 
to  be  made,  and  there  locked  the  doors  unto  her,  and  shut* 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  IV.  iii.   12-22. 

2  Ibid.  IV.  x.  4-9,  14-16,  22-42. 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  121 

*all  the  springs  of  the  locks  with  great  bolts,  and  in  the 
*meantime  sent  unto  Antonius  to  tell  him  that  she  was 
*dead.1  Antonius,  believing  it,  said  unto  himself:  'What 
dost  thou  look  for  further,  Antonius,  sith  spiteful  fortune 
hath  taken  from  thee  the  only  joy  thou  hadst,  for  whom 
thou  yet  reservedst  thy  life  ? '  When  he  had  said  these 
words,  he  went  into  a  chamber  and  unarmed  himself,  and 
fbeing  naked  said  thus  :  '  O  Cleopatra,  it  grieveth  me  not 
tthat  I  have  lost  thy  company,  for  I  will  not  be  long  from 
tthee  :  but  I  am  sorry  that,  having  been  so  great  a  Captain  and 
tEmperor,  I  am  indeed  condemned  to  be  judged  of  less 
tcourage  and  noble  mind  than  a  woman.'  2  Now  he  had  a 
*man  of  his  called  Eros,  whom  he  loved  and  trusted  much, 
*and  whom  he  had  long  before  caused  to  swear  unto  him, 
*that  he  should  kill  him  when  he  did  command 

Eros, 

*him  :  and  then  he  willed  him  to  keep  his  promise.    Antonius' 

T  T .  i          .         ,  .  t  . .  r  i  ,      servant, 

His  man  drawing  his  sword  lift  it  up  as  though   slew 
*he  had  meant  to  have  stricken  his  master  :   but 
*  turning  his  head  at  one  side  he  thrust  his  sword  into  him- 
*self,  and  fell   down   dead  at  his    master's   foot.3   Antonius 
fThen  said  Antonius,  '  O  noble  Eros,  I  thank  thee   his  sword 
tfor  this,  and  it  is  valiantly  done  of  thee,  to  shew   himself, 
*me  what  I  should  do  to  myself,  which  thou  couldst   ^  died 
*not  do  for  me.'  4    Therewithal  he  took  his  sword,    Presen''y- 
*and    thrust  it   into  his   belly,  and  so  fell  down   upon   a 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  IV.  xi.  z   Ibid.  IV.  xii.  44,  57-60. 

3  Ibid,  IV.  xii.  62-95.  4  lbid>  IV-  xii-  95-7' 


122  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

little  bed.  The  wound  he  had  killed  him  not  presently,* 
for  the  blood  stinted  a  little  when  he  was  laid  :  and* 
when  he  came  somewhat  to  himself  again,  he  prayed* 
them  that  were  about  him  to  despatch  him.  But  they* 
all  fled  out  of  the  chamber,  and  left  him  crying  out  and* 
tormenting  himself : l  until  at  last  there  came  a  secretary* 
unto  him  called  Diomedes,  who  was  commanded* 

Antonms  . 

carried        to  bring  him  into  the  tomb  or  monument  where 
Cleopatra's  Cleopatra   was.      When   he  heard  that  she  was* 

alive,  he  very  earnestly  prayed  his  men  to  carry* 
his  body  thither,  and  so  he  was  carried  in  his  men's  arms* 
into  the  entry  of  the  monument.2  Notwithstanding,* 
Cleopatra  would  not  open  the  gates,  but  came  to  the  high* 
windows,  and  cast  out  certain  chains  and  ropes,  in  the* 
which  Antonius  was  trussed  :  and  Cleopatra  her  own  self,* 
with  two  women  only,  which  she  had  suffered  to  come  with* 
her  into  these  monuments,  triced  Antonius  up.  They  that* 

were  present  to  behold  it  said  they  never  saw  so* 
abie^ght"  pitiful  a  sight.  For  they  plucked  up  poor  Antonius* 
Antonius  ^  bloody  as  he  was,  and  drawing  on  with  pangs* 
a^Jp'eo-  Of  death,  who  holding  up  his  hands  to  Cleopatra* 

raised  up  himself  as  well  as  he  could.  It  was  a* 
hard  thing  for  these  women  to  do,  to  lift  him  up  :  but* 
Cleopatra  stooping  down  with  her  head,  putting  to  all  her* 
strength  to  her  uttermost  power,  did  lift  him  up  with  much* 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  IV.  xii.  101-10. 

2  Ibid.  IV.  xii.  113-40. 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  123 

*ado,  and  never  let  go  her  hold,  with  the  help  of  the 
*women  beneath  that  bade  her  be  of  good  courage,  and  were 
*as  sorry  to  see  her  labour  so,  as  she  herself,1  So  when 
she  had  gotten  him  in  after  that  sort,  and  laid  him  on  a  bed, 
she  rent  her  garments  upon  him,  clapping  her  breast,  and 
scratching  her  face  and  stomach.  Then  she  dried  up  his 
blood  that  had  berayed  his  face,  and  called  him  her  Lord, 
her  husband,  and  Emperor,  forgetting  her  own  misery  and 
calamity,  for  the  pity  and  compassion  she  took  of  him. 
*Antonius  made  her  cease  her  lamenting,  and  called  for 
*wine,  either  because  he  was  athirst,  or  else  for  that  he 
*  thought  thereby  to  hasten  his  death.2  When  he  had 
tdrunk,  he  earnestly  prayed  her,  and  persuaded  her,  that  she 
fwould  seek  to  save  her  life,  if  she  could  possible,  without 
treproach  and  dishonour  :  and  that  chiefly  she  should  trust 
fProculeius  above  any  man  else  about  Caesar.  And,  as  for 
thimself,  that  she  should  not  lament  nor  sorrow  for  the 
tmiserable  change  of  his  fortune  at  the  end  of  his  days  :  but 
trather  that  she  should  think  him  the  more  fortunate  for 
fthe  former  triumphs  and  honours  he  had  received,  con- 
tsidering  that  while  he  lived  he  was  the  noblest  and  greatest 
tPrince  of  the  world,  and  that  now  he  was  overcome  not 
tcowardly,  but  valiantly,  a  Roman  by  another  Roman.3  As 
*Antonius  gave  the  last  gasp,  Proculeius  came  that  was  sent 
*from  Caesar.  For  after  Antonius  had  thrust  his  sword  in 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  IV.  xiii.  21-37. 

2  Ibid.  IV.  xiii.  41,  2.  3  Ibid.  IV.  xiii.  45-58  ;  V.  ii.  12,  13. 


i24  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

himself,  as  they  carried  him  into  the  tombs  and  monuments* 
of  Cleopatra,  one  of  his  guard  called  Dercetaeus* 

The  death  .  . 

of  An-         took  his  sword  with   the  which  he  had  stricken* 

himself,    and     hid    it  :     then     he   secretly    stale* 

away,  and  brought  Octavius  Caesar  the  first  news  of  his* 

death,    and    shewed    him    his  sword   that  was  bloodied.1* 

Caesar  hearing  these  news  straight  withdrew  him-t 

Octavius  ...  ,  .  .  ill 

Caesar        sell  into  a  secret  place  or  his  tent,  and  there  bursty 

lamenteth  .   ,  .  .         .  .     .        ,          .        .          ,11 

Antonius'     out  with  tears,  lamenting  his  hard  and  miserable! 

fortune  that  had  been  his  friend  and  brother-in-t 

law,  his  equal  in  the  Empire,  and  companion  with  him  int 

sundry  great  exploits  and  battles.2     Then  he  called  for  allt 

his  friends,  and  shewed   them  the  letters   Antonius   had* 

written  to  him,  and  his  answers  also  sent  him  again,  during* 

their  quarrel  and  strife  :  and  how  fiercely  and  proudly  the* 

other  answered  him  to  all  just  and  reasonable  matters  he* 

.  .      wrote  unto  him.3     After  this,  he  sent  Proculeius,* 

Proculeius  _  _      ' 

sent  by       and  commanded  him  to  do  what  he  could  possible* 

Octavius 

Caesar  to  to  get  Cleopatra  alive,  fearing  lest  otherwise  all  the* 
Cleopatra  treasure  would  be  lost  :  and  furthermore,  he* 
thought  that  if  he  could  take  Cleopatra,  and* 
bring  her  alive  to  Rome,  she  would  marvellously  beautify* 
and  set  out  his  triumph.4  But  Cleopatra  would  never  put 
herself  into  Proculeius'  hands,  although  they  spake  together. 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  IV.  xii.  111-15  ;  V.  i.  4-26. 

2  Ibid.  V.  i.  40-8.  3  Ibid.  V.  i.  73-7. 
4  Ibid.  V.  i.  61-6. 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  125 

*For  Proculeius  came  to  the  gates  that  were  very  thick  and 

*  strong,  and  surely  barred,  but  yet  there  were  some  cranews 

*  through  the  which  her  voice  might  be  heard,  and  so  they 
*without  understood,  that  Cleopatra  demanded  the  kingdom 
*of  Egypt  for  her  sons  :  and  that  Proculeius  answered  her, 
*that  she  should  be  of  good  cheer,  and  not  be  afraid  to 
*refer    all   unto  Caesar.1     After  he  had  viewed  the  place 
*very  well,  he  came  and  reported  her  answer  unto  Caesar. 
*Who  immediately  sent  Gallus  to  speak  once  again  with  her, 
*and  bade  him  purposely  hold  her  with  talk,  whilst  Procu- 
*leius  did  set  up  a  ladder  against  that  high  window  by  the 
*which   Antonius  was  triced  up,  and  came  down  into  the 
*monument  with  two  of  his  men,  hard  by  the  gate  where 

*  Cleopatra  stood  to  hear  what  Gallus  said  unto  her.     One 
*of  her  women  which  was  shut  in  her  monuments  with  her 
*saw  Proculeius  by  chance  as  he  came  down,  and  shrieked 
tout  :  '  O  poor  Cleopatra,  thou  art  taken.'     Then,  when 
*she  saw  Proculeius  behind  her  as  she  came  from  the  gate, 
*she  thought  to  have  stabbed  herself  in  with  a  short  dagger 
*she  ware  of  purpose  by  her  side.     But  Proculeius  came 
*suddenly  upon  her,  and  taking  her  by  both  the    c, 

*  hands  said  unto  her  :   '  Cleopatra,  first  thou  shalt    taken- 
*do   thyself  great    wrong,    and  secondly  unto    Caesar,    to 
*deprive  him  of  the  occasion  and  opportunity  openly  to 
*shew  his  bounty  and  mercy,  and  to  give  his  enemies  cause 
*to   accuse   the  most  courteous  and  noble  Prince  that  ever 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  V.  ii.  9-28. 


126  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

was,  and  to  appeach  him,  as  though  he  were  a  cruel  and* 
merciless  man  that  were  not  to  be  trusted.'  So  even  as  he* 
spake  the  word,  he  took  her  dagger  from  her,  and  shook  her* 
clothes  for  fear  of  any  poison  hidden  about  her.1  After-* 
wards  Caesar  sent  one  of  his  enfranchised  men  called 
Epaphroditus,  whom  he  straightly  charged  to  look  well 
unto  her,  and  to  beware  in  any  case  that  she  made  not 
jerself  away  :  and,  for  the  rest,  to  use  her  with  all  the 
Caesar  courtesy  possible.  And  for  himself,  he  in  the 
took  the  meantime  entered  the  city  of  Alexandria,  and  as 

city  of  • 

Alexan-       he  went,  talked  with  the  Philosopher  Arrius,  and 

dna. 

Caesar  held  him  by  the  hand,  to  the  end  that  his  country- 
honoured  men  should  reverence  him  the  more,  because  they 
the  Philo-  saw  Caesar  so  highly  esteem  and  honour  him. 
Then  he  went  into  the  show  place  of  exercises, 
and  so  up  to  his  chair  of  state  which  was  prepared  for  him 
of  a  great  height  :  and  there,  according  to  his  command 
ment,  all  the  people  of  Alexandria  were  assembled,  who, 
quaking  for  fear,  fell  down  on  their  knees  before  him, 
and  craved  mercy.  Caesar  bade  them  all  stand  up,  and 
told  them  openly  that  he  forgave  the  people,  and  pardoned 
the  felonies  and  offences  they  had  committed  against  him 
in  this  war  :  First,  for  the  founder's  sake  of  the  same  city, 
which  was  Alexander  the  Great  :  secondly,  for  the  beauty 
of  the  city,  which  he  much  esteemed  and  wondered  at  : 
thirdly,  for  the  love  he  bare  unto  his  very  friend  Arrius. 

1   Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  V.  ii.  34-46. 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  127 

Thus    did    Caesar    honour    Arrius,    who     craved    pardon 
for   himself  and   many  others,   and   specially  for   Pniio- 
Philostratus,   the  eloquentest  man  of  all  the  so-   thTdol 
phisters  and  Orators  of  his  time  for  present  and   orat-orln 
sudden  speech  :  howbeit  he  falsely  named  himself  f(Jjp'^nt 
an  Academic  Philosopher.     Therefore  Caesar,  that   sPeech 

upon  a 

hated  his  nature  and  conditions,  would  not  hear   sudden, 
his  suit.     Thereupon  he  let  his  grey  beard  grow  long,  and 
followed  Arrius  step  by  step  in  a  long  mourning  gown, 
still  buzzing  in  his  ears  this  Greek  verse  : 

A  wise  man  if  that  he  be  wise  indeed, 
May  by  a  wise  man  have  the  better  speed. 

Caesar  understanding  this,  not  for  the  desire  he  had  to 
deliver  Philostratus  of  his  fear,  as  to  rid  Arrius  of  malice  and 
envy  that  might  have  fallen  out  against  him,  he  pardoned 
him.  Now,  touching  Antonius'  sons,  Antyllus  his 

Antyllus, 

eldest  son  by  Fulvia  was  slain,  because  his  school-   Antonius' 
master  Theodorus  did  betray  him  unto  the  soldiers,    by  Fulvia 
who  strake  off  his  head.     And  the  villain  took  a 
precious  stone  of  great  value  from  his  neck,  the  which  he 
did  sew  in  his  girdle,  and  afterwards  denied  that  he  had  it  : 
but  it  was  found  about  him,  and  so  Caesar  trussed  him  up 
for  it.     For  Cleopatra's  children,  they  were  very  honour 
ably  kept,  with  their  governors  and  train  that  waited  on 
them.     But    for    Caesarion,    who   was    said   to    be    Julius 
Caesar's    son,   his   mother   Cleopatra    had    sent  him   unto 


iz8  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

the  Indians  through  Ethiopia,  with  a  great  sum  of  money. 
But  one  of  his  governors  also  called  Rhodon,  even  such 
another  as  Theodorus,  persuaded  him  to  return  into  his 
country,  and  told  him  that  Caesar  sent  for  him  to  give  him 
his  mother's  kingdom.  So,  as  Caesar  was  determining  with 
himself  what  he  should  do,  Arrius  said  unto  him  : 

ITie  say 
ing  of 

Arrius,  'Too  many  Caesars  is  not  good,' 

the  Philo- 

alluding  unto  a  certain  verse  of  Homer  thatsaith  : 

Too  many  Lords  doth  not  well. 

Therefore  Caesar  did  put  Caesarion  to  death,  after 

Caesarion, 

Cleo-  the  death  of  his  mother  Cleopatra.      Many  Princes, 

patras  ' 

son,  put  to  great  kings,  and  Captains  did  crave  Antonius'  body 
of  Octavius  Caesar,  to  give  him  honourable  burial  : 
burieti/  but  Caesar  would  never  take  it  from  Cleopatra, 
who  did  sumptuously  and  royally  bury  him  with 
her  own  hands,  whom  Caesar  suffered  to  take  as  much  as 
she  would  to  bestow  upon  his  funerals.  Now  was  she 
altogether  overcome  with  sorrow  and  passion  of  mind,  for  she 
had  knocked  her  breast  so  pitifully,  that  she  had  martyred 
it,  and  in  divers  places  had  raised  ulcers  and  inflammations, 
so  that  she  fell  into  a  fever  withal  :  whereof  she  was  very 
Olympus,  glad,  hoping  thereby  to  have  good  colour  to  abstain 
Sara's  fr°m  meat,  and  that  so  she  might  have  died  easily 
Fhysician.  witnOut  any  trouble.  She  had  a  Physician  called* 
Olympus,  whom  she  made  privy  of  her  intent,  to  th'  end* 


MARCUS.  ANTONIUS  129 

*he  should  help  her  to  rid  her  out  of  her  life  : l  as  Olympus 
writeth   himself,  who  wrote    a   book   of  all   these   things. 
But  Caesar  mistrusted  the  matter,  by  many  conjectures  he 
had,  and  therefore  did  put  her  in  fear,  and  threatened  her 
to  put  her  children  to  shameful  death.     With  these  threats 
Cleopatra  for  fear  yielded  straight,  as  she  would  have  yielded 
unto  strokes,  and  afterwards  suffered  herself  to  be  cured  and 
dieted  as  they  listed.     Shortly  after,  Caesar  came  himself  in 
person  to  see  her  and  to  comfort  her.     Cleopatra   Caesar 
being  laid  upon  a  little  low  bed  in  poor  estate,  when   seeCieo- 
she  saw  Caesar  come  into  her  chamber,  she  suddenly   patra- 
rose   up,  naked  in  her  smock,  and   fell   down  at  his  feet 
marvellously  disfigured  :  both  for  that  she  had  plucked  her 
hair  from  her  head,  as  also  for  that  she  had  martyred    , 

Cleopatra 

all  her  face  with  her  nails,  and  besides,  her  voice   a  martyred 

11  i  11-1  i     •  i          creature 

was  small  and  trembling,  her  eyes  sunk  into  her   through 
head  with  continual  blubbering  :  and  moreover  they   passion 
might  see  the  most  part  of  her  stomach  torn  in 
sunder.     To  be  short,  her  body  was  not  much  better  than 
her  mind  :  yet  her  good  grace  and  comeliness  and  the  force 
of  her  beauty  was  not  altogether  defaced.     But  notwith 
standing  this  ugly  and  pitiful  state  of  hers,  yet  she  showed 
herself  within    by    her    outward    looks    and    countenance. 
When  Caesar  had  made  her  lie  down  again,  and  sate  by  her 
bed's    side,  Cleopatra   began    to    clear   and  excuse    herself 
for    that  she  had   done,  laying  all    to    the    fear    she  had 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  V.  ii.  355-7. 
VOL.  II.  K 


i3o  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

of  Antonius  :  Caesar,  in  contrary  manner,  reproved  her 
in  every  point.  Then  she  suddenly  altered  her  speech, 
and  prayed  him  to  pardon  her,  as  though  she  were  afraid 
to  die,  and  desirous  to  live.  At  length,  she  gave  him  a  brief 
and  memorial  of  all  the  ready  money  and  treasure  she  had.* 
But  by  chance  there  stood  Seleucus  by,  one  of  her* 

Seleucus,  , 

one  of  Treasurers,  who  to  seem  a  good  servant,  came 
patra's  straight  to  Caesar  to  disprove  Cleopatra,  that  she* 
s*  had  not  set  in  all,  but  kept  many  things  back  of* 
purpose.  Cleopatra  was  in  such  a  rage  with  him,  that  she* 
flew  upon  him,  and  took  him  by  the  hair  of  the  head,  and* 
Cleopatra  boxed  him  well-favouredly.  Caesar  fella-laughing,* 

^asureerr  and  Parted  the  frn7-  '  Alas>'  said  she>'  °  Caesar,t 
is  not  this  a  great  shame  and  reproach,  that  thout 

Caesar.        having  vouchsafed  to  take  the  pains  to  come  untot 

me,  and  hast  done  me  this  honour,  poor  wretch  and  caitiff! 
creature,  brought  into  this  pitiful  and  miserable! 

patra's        estate,  and  that  mine  own  servants  should  comet 

words  .  .      .  iii 

unto  now  to  accuse  me  :  though  it  may  be  1  have  re-t 

served  some  jewels  and  trifles  meet  for  women,t 
but  not  for  me  (poor  soul)  to  set  out  myself  withal,  butt 
meaning  to  give  some  pretty  presents  and  gifts  untoOctaviat 
and  Livia,  that  they  making  means  and  intercession  for  met 
to  thee,  thou  mightcst  yet  extend  thy  favour  and  mercyt 
upon  me  ? ' l  Caesar  was  glad  to  hear  her  say  so,  persuading* 
himself  thereby  that  she  had  yet  a  desire  to  save  her  life.* 

1   Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra^  V.  ii.  137-174. 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  131 

*So  he  made  her  answer,  that  he  did  not  only  give  her  that 
*to  dispose  of  at  her  pleasure  which  she  had  kept  back,  but 
*further  promised  to  use  her  more  honourably  and  bounti- 
*fully  than  she  would  think  for  : l  and  so  he  took  his  leave  of 
her,  supposing  he  had  deceived  her,  but  indeed  he  was 
deceived  himself.  There  was  a  young  gentleman  , 

'  Cleopatra 

Cornelius  Dolabella,  that  was  one  of  Caesar's  very   fine'y 

'     deceiveth 

great  familiars,  and  besides  did  bear  no  evil   will   Octavius 

_,  TT  .  ,  Caesar, 

unto  Cleopatra.     He  sent  her  word  secretly  as  as  though 
fshe  had  requested  him,  that  Caesar  determined  to   to  live. 
ttake  his  journey  through  Syria,  and  that  within 
tthree  days  he  would  send  heraway  before  with  her  children.2 
When  this  was  told   Cleopatra,   she  requested  Caesar  that  it 
would  please  him   to  suffer  her  to  offer  the  last  oblations  of 
the  dead  unto  the  soul  of  Antonius.     This  being  granted  her, 
she  was  carried  to  the  place  where  his   tomb  was,  and  there 
falling   down  on  her  knees,  embracing  the  tomb  with  her 
women,  the  tears  running  down  her  cheeks,  she  began  to 
speak  in  this  sort  :    *  O  my  dear  Lord  Antonius, 
not  long  sithence  I  buried  thee  here,  being  a  free-    pat°a's 
woman  :    and  now  I   offer  unto  thee  the  funeral   1^"^" 
sprinklings   and    oblations,    being    a    captive    and    Ant°nius> 
prisoner,   and  yet  I  am  forbidden  and  kept  from 
tearing  and  murdering  this  captive  body  of  mine  with  blows, 
which     they      carefully      guard       and     keep,      only     to 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  V.  ii.  178-88. 

2  Ibid.  V.  ii.  197-203. 


ij2  MARCUS   ANTONIUS 

triumph  of  thee  :  look  therefore  henceforth  for  no  other 
honours,  offerings,  nor  sacrifices  from  me,  for  these  are 
the  last  which  Cleopatra  can  give  thee,  sith  now  they  carry 
her  away.  Whilst  we  lived  together,  nothing  could  sever 
our  companies  :  but  now  at  our  death  I  fear  me  they  will 
make  us  change  our  countries.  For  as  thou,  being  a  Roman, 
hast  been  buried  in  Egypt  :  even  so  wretched  creature  I,  an 
Egyptian,  shall  be  buried  in  Italy,  which  shall  be  all  the 
good  that  I  have  received  by  thy  country.  If  therefore  the 
gods  where  thou  art  now  have  any  power  and  authority,  sith 
our  gods  here  have  forsaken  us,  suffer  not  thy  true  friend  and 
lover  to  be  carried  away  alive,  that  in  me  they  triumph  of 
thee  :  but  receive  me  with  thee,  and  let  me  be  buried  in 
one  self  tomb  with  thee.  For  though  my  griefs  and  miseries 
be  infinite,  yet  none  hath  grieved  me  more,  nor  that  I  could 
less  bear  withal,  than  this  small  time  which  I  have  been 
driven  to  live  alone  without  thee.'  Then,  having  ended 
these  doleful  plaints,  and  crowned  the  tomb  with  garlands 
and  sundry  nosegays,  and  marvellous  lovingly  embraced  the 
same,  she  commanded  they  should  prepare  her  bath,  and 
when  she  had  bathed  and  washed  herself  she  fell  to  her  meat, 
*and  was  sumptuously  served.  Now  whilst  she  was  at  dinner, 
*there  came  a  countryman,  and  brought  her  a  basket.  The 
* soldiers  that  warded  at  the  gates  asked  him  straight  what  he 
*had  in  his  basket.  He  opened  the  basket,  and  took  out  the 
*leaves  that  covered  the  figs,  and  shewed  them  that  they  were 
*figs  he  brought.  They  all  of  them  marvelled  to  see  so 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  133 

*goodly  figs.  The  countryman  laughed  to  hear  them,  and 
*bade  them  take  some  if  they  would.  They  believed  he  told 
*them  truly,  and  so  bade  him  carry  them  in.1  After 
Cleopatra  had  dined,  she  sent  a  certain  table  written  and 
sealed  unto  Caesar,  and  commanded  them  all  to  go  out  of 
the  tombs  where  she  was,  but  the  two  women  :  then  she  shut 
the  doors  to  her.  Caesar,  when  he  received  this  table,  and 
began  to  read  her  lamentation  and  petition,  requesting  him 
that  he  would  let  her  be  buried  with  Antonius,  found 
straight  what  she  meant,  and  thought  to  have  gone  thither 
himself:  howbeit  he  sent  one  before  in  all  haste  that  might 
be,  to  see  what  it  was.  Her  death  was  very  sudden. 

/  The  death 

*For  those  whom  Caesar  sent  unto  her  ran  thither   of  Cleo 
patra. 
*in    all    haste    possible,   and    found    the    soldiers 

*standing  at  the  gate,  mistrusting  nothing,  nor  understanding 
*of  her  death.     But  when  they  had  opened  the  doors,  they 
*  found  Cleopatra  stark  dead,  laid  upon  a  bed  of  gold,  attired 
*and  arrayed  in  her  royal  robes,  and  one  of  her   Cleo_ 
*two  women,  which  was  called  Iras,  dead  at  her   Patra>s 

*feet  :  and  her  other  woman  called  Charmion  half  waiting- 
women 
*dead,  and  trembling,  trimming  the  Diadem  which    dead  with 

*Cleopatra  ware   upon  her  head.2     One   of  the 
tsoldiers,  seeing  her,  angrily  said  unto  her  :     '  Is  that  well 
tdone,  Charmion  ? '     '  Very  well,'  said  she  again,  '  and  meet 
tfor  a  Princess  descended  from  the  race  of  so  many  noble 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  V.  ii.  232-5. 
8  Ibid.  V.  ii.  320-6,  341  -4. 


134  MARCUS   ANTONIUS 

kings.'  She  said  no  more,  but  fell  down  dead  hard  by  thet 
bed.1  Some  report  that  this  Aspic  was  brought  unto  her  in* 
the  basket  with  figs,  and  that  she  had  commanded  them  to 
hide  it  under  the  fig-leaves,  that  when  she  should  think  to 
take  out  the  figs,  the  Aspic  should  bite  her  before  she  should 
see  her  :  howbeit  that,  when  she  would  have  taken  away  the 
leaves  for  the  figs,  she  perceived  it,  and  said,  '  Art  thou  here 
C1  then  ? '  And  so,  her  arm  being  naked,  she  put 

killed          it  to  the  Aspic  to  be  bitten.      Other  say  again,  she 

with  the  . 

biting  of      kept  it  in  a  box,  and  that  she  did  prick  and  thrust 

an  Aspic.       ...  .      ,.         -         .  .  .  .         .       .      ,     . 

it  with  a  spindle  of  gold,  so  that  the  Aspic  being 
angered  withal,  leapt  out  with  great  fury,  and  bit  her  in  the 
arm.  Howbeit  few  can  tell  the  troth.  For  they  report  also* 
that  she  had  hidden  poison  in  a  hollow  razor  which  she* 
carried  in  the  hair  of  her  head  :  and  yet  was  there  no  mark* 
seen  of  her  body,  or  any  sign  discerned  that  she  was* 
poisoned,  neither  also  did  they  find  this  serpent  in  her  tomb.* 
The  But  it  was  reported  only,  that  there  were  seen* 

Cleopatra,  certain  fresh  steps  or  tracks  where  it  had  gone,  on* 
tHu'mph"1  the  tomb  side  toward  the  sea,  and  specially  by  the* 
whhan*  door's  side.  Some  say  also,  that  they  found  two* 
A.SP1C  ,  little  pretty  bitings  in  her  arm,  scant  to  be  dis-* 

biting  of  ' 

her  arm.  cemed,  the  which  it  seemeth  Caesar  himself  gave* 
credit  unto,2  because  in  his  triumph  he  carried  Cleopatra's* 
image,  with  an  Aspic  biting  of  her  arm.  And  thus  goeth  the 
report  of  her  death.  Now  Caesar,  thoughihe  was  marvellous* 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra^  V.  ii.  327-9.  2  Ibid.  V.  ii.  346-55. 


MARCUS  ANTONIUS  135 

*sorryforthe  death  of  Cleopatra,  yet  he  wondered  at  her  noble 
*mind  and  courage,  and  therefore  commanded  she  should  be 
*nobly  buried,  and  laid  by  Antonius  :  and  willed  also  that 
*her  two  women  should  have  honourable  burial.1  Cleopatra 
died  being  eight-and-thirty  year  old,  after  she  had  The  age  of 
reigned  two-and-twenty  years,  and  governed  above  fnd°patra 
fourteen  of  them  with  Antonius.  And  for  Antonius,  Antonius- 
some  say  that  he  lived  three-and-fifty  years  :  and  others  say, 
six-and-fifty.  All  his  statues,  images  and  metals  were 
plucked  down  and  overthrown,  saving  those  of  Cleopatra 
which  stood  still  in  their  places,  by  means  of  Archibius  one 
of  her  friends,  who  gave  Caesar  a  thousand  talents  that  they 
should  not  be  handled  as  those  of  Antonius  were.  Antonius 
left  seven  children  by  three  wives,  of  the  which  Caesar  did 
put  Antyllus,  the  eldest  son  he  had  by  Fulvia,  to  death. 
Octavia  his  wife  took  all  the  rest,  and  brought  them  up 
with  hers,  and  married  Cleopatra,  Antonius'  daughter, 
unto  Juba,  a  marvellous  courteous  and  goodly  OfAn- 
Prince.  And  Antonius,  the  son  of  Fulvia,  came  to  i^u'ecame 
be  so  great,  that  next  unto  Agrippa,  who  was  in  EmPerors- 
greatest  estimation  about  Caesar,  and  next  unto  the  children 
of  Livia,  which  were  the  second  in  estimation,  he  had  the 
third  place.  Furthermore,  Octavia  having  had  two 
daughters  by  her  first  husband  Marcellus,  and  a  son  also 
called  Marcellus,  Caesar  married  his  daughter  unto  that 
Marcellus,  and  so  did  adopt  him  for  his  son.  And  Octavia 

1  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleofatra,  V.  ii.  357-67. 


136  MARCUS  ANTONIUS 

also  married  one  of  her  daughters  unto  Agrippa.  But 
when  Marcellus  was  dead,  after  he  had  been  married  a 
while,  Octavia  perceiving  that  her  brother  Caesar  was  very 
busy  to  choose  some  one  among  his  friends,  whom  he  trusted 
best  to  make  his  son-in-law  :  she  persuaded  him  that  Agrippa 
should  marry  his  daughter  (Marcellus'  widow)  and  leave  her 
own  daughter.  Caesar  first  was  contented  withal,  and  then 
Agrippa  :  and  so  she  afterwards  took  away  her  daughter  and 
married  her  unto  Antonius,  and  Agrippa  married  Julia, 
Caesar's  daughter.  Now  there  remained  two  daughters 
more  of  Octavia  and  Antonius.  Domitius  Aenobarbus 
married  the  one  :  and  the  other,  which  was  Antonia,  so  fair 
and  virtuous  a  young  Lady,  was  married  unto  Drusus,  the 
son  of  Livia,  and  son-in-law  of  Caesar.  Of  this  marriage 
came  Germanicus  and  Claudius  :  of  the  which,  Claudius 
afterwards  came  to  be  Emperor.  And  of  the  sons  of  Ger 
manicus,  the  one  whose  name  was  Caius  came  also  to  be 
Emperor  :  who,  after  he  had  licentiously  reigned  a  time, 
was  slain,  with  his  wife  and  daughter.  Agrippina  also, 
having  a  son  by  her  first  husband  Aenobarbus  called  Lucius 
Domitius,  was  afterwards  married  unto  Claudius,  who 
adopted  her  son,  and  called  him  Nero  Germanicus.  This 
Nero  was  Emperor  in  our  time,  and  slew  his  own  mother, 
and  had  almost  destroyed  the  Empire  of  Rome,  through  his 
madness  and  wicked  life,  being  the  fift  Emperor  of  Rome 
after  Antonius. 


THE   LIFE   OF 
CAIUS    MARTIUS    CORIOLANUS 


house  of  the  Martians  at  Rome  was  of  the  number 
tof  the  patricians,  out  of  the  which  hath  sprung 
tmany  noble  personages  :  whereof  Ancus  Martius   of  the 

ir-          XT  ,      j          i         ,  Martians. 

twas  one,  King  Numa  s  daughter  s  son,  who  was   p  „. 
tKing  of  Rome  after  Tullus  Hostilius.    Of  the  same   •""} 

Qumtus 

thouse  were  Publius  and  Quintus,  who  brought    Martius 

brought 

tRome  their  best   water  they  had   by  conducts,   the  water 
tCensorinus  also  came  of  that  family,  that  was  so   ducts  to 
tsurnamed  because   the   people   had   chosen   him 
fCensor   twice.1     Through    whose   persuasion    they  made 
a  law,  that   no  man   from  thenceforth   might   require   or 
enjoy    the    Censorship   twice.     Caius  Martius,  whose   life 
we   intend   now   to  write,  being    left   an   orphan    by    his 
father,    was    brought    up    under    his    mother,    a   censor- 
widow,  who  taught  us  by  experience,  that  orphan-   mus  law' 
age   bringeth   many  discommodities  to   a  child,  but  doth 
not  hinder  him  to  become  an   honest  man,  and  to  excel 
in  virtue   above   the  common   sort  :    as   they   are  meanly 

1  Cf.  Coriolanus,  II.  iii.  246-53. 
137 


=*-' 

.-     ^ 

r*» 


138           CAIUS   MARTIUS  CORIOLANUS 

born  wrongfully  do  complain  that  it  is  the  occasion  of 
their  casting  away,  for  that  no  man  in  their  youth  taketh 
any  care  of  them  to  see  them  well  brought  up,  and 
taught  that  were  meet.  This  man  also  is  a  good  proof  to 
Corio-  confirm  some  men's  opinions,  that  a  rare  and 
anus  wit.  exceuent  wjt  untaught  doth  bring  forth  many 
good  and  evil  things  together,  like  as  a  fat  soil  bringeth 
forth  herbs  and  weeds  that  lieth  unmanured.  For  this 
Martius'  natural  wit  and  great  heart  did  marvellously  stir 
up  his  courage  to  do  and  attempt  notable  acts.  But  on  the 
other  side,  for  lack  of  education,  he  was  so  choleric  and 
impatient,  that  he  would  yield  to  no  living  creature  : 
which  made  him  churlish,  uncivil,  and  altogether  unfit  for 
any  man's  conversation.  Yet  men  marvelling  much  at  his 
constancy,  that  he  was  never  overcome  with  pleasure,  nor 
money,  and  how  he  would  endure  easily  all  manner  of  pains 
and  travails  :  thereupon  they  well  liked  and  commended 
his  stoutness  and  temperancy.  But  for  all  that,  they  could 
not  be  acquainted  with  him,  as  one  citizen  useth  to  be  with 
another  in  the  city  :  his  behaviour  was  so  unpleasant  to  them 
by  reason  of  a  certain  insolent  and  stern  manner  he  had, 
which,  because  it  was  too  lordly,  was  disliked.  And 

Thebene-  ,          r 

fit  of  to  say  truly,   the  greatest    benefit   that   learning 

learning.        ,     .  .  .....  .       . 

bringeth  men  unto  is  this  :  that  it  teacheth  men 
that  be  rude  and  rough  of  nature,  by  compass  and  rule  of 
reason,  to  be  civil  and  courteous,  and  to  like  better  the 
mean  state  than  the  higher.  Now  in  those  days,  valiant- 


CAIUS  MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS          139 

ness  was  honoured  in  Rome  above  all  other  virtues  :  which 
they  called  Virtus,  by  the  name  of  virtue  self,  as  what  this 
including  in  that  general  name  all  other  special  ^f^tus 
virtues  besides.  So  that  Virtus  in  the  Latin  was  sisnifieth- 
as  much  as  valiantness.  But  Martius  being  more  inclined 
to  the  wars  than  any  other  gentleman  of  his  time,  began 
from  his  childhood  to  give  himself  to  handle  weapons,  and 
daily  did  exercise  himself  therein.  And  outward  he 
esteemed  armour  to  no  purpose,  unless  one  were  naturally 
armed  within.  Moreover  he  did  so  exercise  his  body  to 
hardness  and  all  kind  of  activity,  that  he  was  very  swift  in 
running,  strong  in  wrestling,  and  mighty  in  gripping,  so 
that  no  man  could  ever  cast  him.  Insomuch  as  those  that 
would  try  masteries  with  him  for  strength  and  'nimbleness, 
would  say,  when  they  were  overcome,  that  all  was  by 
reason  of  his  natural  strength,  and  hardness  of  ward,  that 
never  yielded  to  any  pain  or  toil  he  took  upon  him. 
*The  first  time  he  went  to  the  wars,  being  but  a  Corio- 
*stripling,  was  when  Tarquin  surnamed  the  proud  ^0""|  tfi0rst 
*(that  had  been  king  of  Rome,  and  was  driven  out  the  wars- 
*for  his  pride,  after  many  attempts  made  by  sundry  battles 
*to  come  in  again,  wherein  he  was  ever  overcome)  did  come 
*to  Rome,  with  all  the  aid  of  the  Latins,  and  many  other 
*  people  of  Italy,  even  as  it  were  to  set  up  his  whole  rest  upon 
*a  battle  by  them,  who  with  a  great  and  mighty  army  had 
*undertaken  to  put  him  into  his  kingdom  again,  not  so 
*much  to  pleasure  him,  as  to  overthrow  the  power  of  the 


140          CAIUS   MARTIUS  CORIOLANUS 

Romans,  whose  greatness  they  both  feared  and  envied.* 
In  this  battle,  rwherein  were  many  hot  and  sharp  en-* 
counters  of  either  party,  Martius  valiantly  fought  in  the* 
sight  of  the  Dictator  :  and  a  Roman  soldier  being  thrown* 
to  the  ground  even  hard  by  him,  Martius  straight  bestrid* 
him,  and  slew  the  enemy  with  his  own  hands  that  had* 
Coriolanus  before  overthrown  the  Roman.  Hereupon,  after* 
witha^ar-  the  battle  was  won>  the  Dictator  did  not  forget* 
so  noble  an  act,  and  therefore  first  of  all  he  crowned* 
boughs.  Martius  with  a  garland  of  oaken  boughs.1  For* 
whosoever  saveth  the  life  of  a  Roman,  it  is  a  manner 
among  them  to  honour  him  with  such  a  garland.  This 
was  either  because  the  law  did  this  honour  to  the  oak  in 
favour  of  the  Arcadians,  who  by  the  oracle  of  Apollo  were 
in  very  old  time  called  eaters  of  acorns  ;  or  else  because  the 
soldiers  might  easily  in  every  place  come  by  oaken  boughs  : 
or  lastly,  because  they  thought  it  very  necessary  to  give  him 
that  had  saved  a  citizen's  life  a  crown  of  this  tree  to  honour 
him,  being  properly  dedicated  unto  Jupiter,  the  patron  and 
protector  of  their  cities,  and  thought  amongst  other  wild 
trees  to  bring  forth  a  profitable  fruit,  and  of  plants  to  be 
the  strongest.  Moreover,  men  at  the  first  beginning  did 
use  acorns  for  their  bread,  and  honey  for  their  drink  :  and 
The  good-  further,  the  oak  did  feed  their  beasts,  and  give  them 
oak.  birds,  by  taking  glue  from  the  oaks,  with  the  which 

they  made  bird-lime  to  catch  silly  birds.     They  say  that 
1  Cf.  Coriolanus,  II.  ii.  92-103. 


CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS          141 

Castor  and  Pollux   appeared  in  this   battle   and  how,   in 
continently  after  the  battle,  men  saw  them  in  the  market 
place   at  Rome,  all  their  horses  being  on  a  white  foam  : 
and  they  were  the  first  that  brought  news  of  the  victory, 
even  in  the  same  place  where  remaineth  at  this  present  a 
temple    built    in    the    honour    of   them,    near    unto    the 
fountain.     And    this    is    the    cause,  why   the  day  of  this 
victory  (which  was  the  fifteenth  of  July)  is  consecrated  yet 
to  this  day  unto  Castor  and  Pollux.     Moreover,  it   Too 
is  daily  seen  that,  honour  and  reputation  lighting   ^onour  in 
on  young  men  before  their  time  and  before  they   £°,"thh 
have  no  great  courage  by  nature,  the  desire  to  win   farther 

0  .  .  .  .  desire  of 

more  dieth  straight  in  them,  which  easily  happen-  fame. 
eth,  the  same  having  no  deep  root  in  them  before. 
Where,  contrariwise,  the  first  honour  that  valiant  minds 
do  come  unto  doth  quicken  up  their  appetite,  hasting 
them  forward  as  with  force  of  wind,  to  enterprise  things 
of  high  deserving  praise.  For  they  esteem  not  to  receive 
reward  for  service  done,  but  rather  take  it  for  a  re 
membrance  and  encouragement,  to  make  them  do  better 
in  time  to  come  :  and  be  ashamed  also  to  cast  their  honour 
at  their  heels,  not  seeking  to  increase  it  still  by  like  . 

.  ...  Cono- 

desert  of  worthy  valiant  deeds.     This  desire  being   'anus 
bred  in  Martius,  he  strained  still  to  pass  himself  in   deavour  to 
manliness,  and   being   desirous   to   show  a    daily   weii-de- 
increase  of  his  valiantness,  his  noble  service  did 
still  advance  his  fame,  bringing  in  spoils  upon  spoils  from 


1 42  CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

the  enemy.  Whereupon  the  captains  that  came  after 
wards  (for  envy  of  them  that  went  before)  did  contend 
who  should  most  honour  him,  and  who  should  bear  most 
honourable  testimony  of  his  valiantness.  Insomuch  the 
Romans  having  many  wars  and  battles  in  those  days, 
Coriolanus  was  at  them  all  :  and  there  was  not  a  battle 
fought,  from  whence  he  returned  not  without  some  reward 
of  honour.  And  as  for  other,  the  only  respect  that 
made  them  valiant  was  they  hoped  to  have  honour  :  but* 
touching  Martius,  the  only  thing  that  made  him  to  love* 
honour  was  the  joy  he  saw  his  mother  did  take  of  him.  For* 
he  thought  nothing  made  him  so  happy  and  honourable,  as* 
that  his  mother  might  hear  everybody  praise  and  commend* 
him,  that  she  might  always  see  him  return  with  a  crown* 
upon  his  head,  and  that  she  might  still  embrace  him  with* 
Coriolanus  tears  running  down  her  cheeks  for  joy.1  Which* 
mhlmdas  desire  they  say  Epaminondas  did  avow  and  confess 
diace°their  to  ^ave  ^>een  'ln  him  :  as  to  think  himself  a  most 
desire  of  happy  and  blessed  man,  that  his  father  and  mother 

honour  rr/ 

alike.  jn  their  lifetime  had  seen  the  victory  he  wan  in 
the  plain  of  Leuctra.  Now  as  for  Epaminondas,  he  had 
this  good  hap,  to  have  his  father  and  mother  living,  to 
The  obedi-  be  partakers  of  his  joy  and  prosperity.  But  Martius 
Coriolanus  thinking  all  due  to  his  mother,  that  had  been 
mother.  also  due  to  his  father  if  he  had  lived  :  did  not 
only  content  himself  to  rejoice  and  honour  her,  but 

1  Cf.  Coriolanus,  I.  i.  38-41  ;  III.  ii.  107,  8. 


CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS  143 

at  her  desire  took  a  wife  also,  by  whom  he  had  two 
children,  and  yet  never  left  his  mother's  house  therefore. 
Now  he  being  grown  to  great  credit  and  authority  in 
*Rome  for  his  valiantness,  it  fortuned  there  grew  sedition 
*in  the  city,  because  the  Senate  did  favour  the  rich  against 
*the  people,  who  did  complain  of  the  sore  oppression  of 
*usurers,  of  whom  they  borrowed  money.  For  those  Extremity 

•  'of  usurers 

*that  had  little  were  yet  spoiled  of  that  little  they   com- 

J          L  '      plained  of 

*had  by  their  creditors,  for  lack  of  ability  to  pay   at  Rome 
*the  usury  : l  who  offered  their  goods  to  be  sold   people. 
to  them  that  would  give  most.     And  such  as  had  nothing 
left,  their  bodies  were  laid  hold  of,  and  they  were  made 
their    bond    men,    notwithstanding    all     the    wounds    and 
cuts    they    shewed,    which    they    had    received    in    many 
battles,   fighting  for  defence  of  their    country    and    com 
monwealth  :  of  the   which,  the   last  war   they  made  was 
against  the  Sabines,  wherein  they  fought  upon  the  promise 
the  rich  men  had  made  them,  that  from  thenceforth  they 
would  entreat  them  more  gently,  and  also  upon  the  word  of 
Marcus    Valerius   chief  of  the    Senate,    who   by   Counsel- 
authority  of  the  council,  and  in  behalf  of  the  rich,    mTsesPr° 
said  they  should  perform  that  they  had  promised.    ^i^nHn" 
But  after  that  they  had  faithfully  served  in  this  last  j^f^. 
battle  of  all,  where  they  overcame  their  enemies,    formance- 
seeing  they  were  never  a  whit  the  better,  nor  more  gently 
entreated,  and  that  the  Senate  would  give  no  ear  to  them, 

1   Cf.  Coriolanus,  I.  i,  83-91. 


144          CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

but  made    as    though    they    had    forgotten     their    former 
promise,  and  suffered  them  to  be  made  slaves  and 

Ingrati 
tude  and      bondmen    to  their   creditors,  and   besides,    to  be 

good  ser 
vice  un-       turned  out  of  all   that  ever  they  had  :  they  fell 

rewarded  '      . 

provoketh    then  even  to  hat  rebellion  and  mutiny,  and  to  stir 

rebellion.  ..  ......  _,. 

up  dangerous  tumults  within  the  city.  The 
Romans'  enemies,  hearing  of  this  rebellion,  did  straight 
enter  the  territories  of  Rome  with  a  marvellous  great  power, 
spoiling  and  burning  all  as  they  came.  Whereupon  the 
Senate  immediately  made  open  proclamation  by  sound  of 
trumpet,  that  all  those  that  were  of  lawful  age  to  carry 
weapon  should  come  and  enter  their  names  into  the  muster- 
master's  book,  to  go  to  the  wars  :  but  no  man  obeyed  their 
commandment.  Whereupon  their  chief  magistrates,  and 
many  of  the  Senate,  began  to  be  of  divers  opinions  among 
themselves.  For  some  thought  it  was  reason  they  should 
somewhat  yield  to  the  poor  people's  request,  and  that  they 
Manius  should  a  little  qualify  the  severity  of  the  law.  Other 
agalnltthe  ^eld  ^ard  against  that  opinion,  and  that  was 
people.  Martius  for  one.  For  he  alleged,  that  the  creditors 
losing  their  money  they  had  lent  was  not  the  worst  thing 
that  was  thereby :  but  that  the  lenity  that  was  favoured 
was  a  beginning  of  disobedience,  and  that  the  proud 
attempt  of  the  commonalty  wa  to  abolish  law,  and  to  bring 
all  to  confusion.  Therefore  he  said,  if  the  Senate  were 
wise,  they  should  betimes  prevent  and  quench  this  ill- 
favoured  and  worse  meant  beginning.  The  Senate  met 


CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS          145 

many  days  in  consultation  about  it  :   but  in  the  end  they 
concluded  nothing.     The   poor  common  people,  The  people 
seeing  no   redress,  gathered   themselves    one   day   c|fyeaj^e 
together,  and  one  encouraging  another,  they  all   ^eg£oi0 
forsook  the  city,  and  encamped  themselves  upon  a    hil1- 
hill,  called  at  this  day  the  holy  hill,  alongst  the  river  of 
Tiber,  offering  no  creature  any  hurt  or  violence,  or  making 
any  shew  of  actual  rebellion  :  saving  that  they  cried  as  they 
went  up  and  down,  that  the  rich  men  had  driven  them  out 
of  the  city,  and  that  all  Italy  through  they  should  find  air, 
water,  and  ground  to  bury  them  in.     Moreover,  they  said, 
to  dwell  at  Rome  was  nothing  else  but  to  be  slain,  or  hurt 
with  continual   wars   and    fighting  for  defence  of  the  rich 
men's  goods.     The  Senate,  being  afeared  of  their  departure, 
did  send  unto  them  certain  of  the  pleasantest  old  men  and 
the  most  acceptable  to  the  people  among  them.     Of  those 
Menenius  Agrippa  was  he  who  was  sent  for  chief  man  of  the 
message  from  the  Senate.     He,  after  many  good  persuasions 
and  gentle  requests  made  to  the  people  on  the  behalf  of  the 
Senate,  knit  up  his  oration  in  the  end  with  a  notable  tale, 
*in  this  manner.    That  on  a  time  all  the  members 
*of  man's  body  did  rebel  against  the  belly,  com-   lent  tale 
*plaining  of  it,  that  it  only  remained  in  the  midst    Menenius 
*of  the  body,  without  doing  anything,  neither  did    to^aofy 
*bear  any  labour  to  the  maintenance  of  the  rest  :    thePe°Ple- 
*whereas  all  other  parts  and  members  did  labour  painfully, 
*and  were  very  careful  to  satisfy  the  appetites  and  desires  of 
VOL.  IK  I, 


146          CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

the  body.  And  so  the  belly,  all  this  notwithstanding,* 
laughed  at  their  folly,  and  said  :  '  It  is  true,  I  first  receive* 
all  meats  that  nourish  man's  body  :  but  afterwards  I  send* 
it  again  to  the  nourishment  of  other  parts  of  the  same.'* 
'  Even  so '  (quoth  he)  '  O  you,  my  masters,  and  citizens  of* 
Rome  :  the  reason  is  a  like  between  the  Senate  and  you.* 
For  matters  being  well  digested,  and  their  counsels* 
throughly  examined,  touching  the  benefit  of  the  common-* 
wealth,  the  Senators  are  cause  of  the  common  commodity* 
that  cometh  unto  every  one  of  you.' l  These  persuasions* 
pacified  the  people,  conditionally,  that  the  Senate  would* 
grant  there  should  be  yearly  chosen  five  magistrates,  which* 
The  first  tney  now  ca^  Tribuni  Plebis,  whose  office  should  be* 
of2>?*»»j  to  defend  the  Poor  people  from  violence  and* 
flebts.  oppression.  So  Junius  Brutus  and  Sicinius  Vellutus* 
were  the  first  Tribunes  of  the  people  that  were  chosen,* 
who  had  only  been  .the  causers  and  procurers  of  this* 
.  sedition.2  Hereupon,  the  city  (being  grown  again* 

Brutus,  to  good  quiet  and  unity,  the  people  immediately 
Vellutus,  went  to  the  wars,  shewing  that  they  had  a  good 
first  will  to  do  better  than  ever  they  did,  and  to  be 

tribunes.  ....  ,  .  .  .        ,  . 

very  willing  to  obey  the  magistrates  in  that  they 
would  command,  concerning  the  wars.  Martius  also, 
though  it  liked  him  nothing  to  see  the  greatness  of  the 
people  thus  increased,  considering  it  was  to  the  prejudice 
and  embasing  of  the  nobility,  and  also  saw  that  other  noble 

*  Cf.  Coriolanus,  I.  i.  101-60.  2  Ibid.  I.  i.  221-3. 


CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS          147 

Patricians  were  troubled  as  well  as  himself  :  he  did  persuade 
the  Patricians  to  shew  themselves  no  less  forward  and  will 
ing  to  fight  for  their  country  than  the  common  people  were, 
and   to  let   them  know  by  their  deeds  and  acts,  that  they 
did  not  so  much  pass   the  people  in   power  and  riches,  as 
they  did  exceed  them  in  true  nobility  and  valiantness.      In 
*the  country  of  the  Volsces,  against  whom  the  Romans  made 
*war  at   that  time,  there   was  a  principal  city  and  of  most 
*fame,  that  was  called  Corioli,  before  the  which  the  Consul 
*Cominius  did  lay  siege.     Wherefore  all  the  other   The  city 
*Volsces  fearing  lest  that  city  should  be  taken  by   besieged' 
*assault,  they  came  from  all  parts  of  the  country  to   consul 
*save  it,  intending  to  give  the  Romans  battle  before   Commms. 
*the  city,  and   to   give  an   onset  on  them  in  two  several 
*places.     The  Consul  Cominius,  understanding  this,  divided 
*his  army  also  in  two  parts,  and  taking  the  one  part  with 
*himself,  he  marched  towards  them  that  were  drawing  to 
*the  city  out  of  the  country  :  and  the  other  part  of  his 
*army  he  left  in  the  camp  with  Titus  Lartius  (one  of  the 
*valiantest  men  the  Romans  had  at  that  time)  to   Titus 
*resist  those  that  would  make  any  sally  out  of  the   atallan 
*city    upon    them.1     So    the    Coriolans,    making   * 
*small  accompt  of  them  that  lay  in  camp  before  the  city, 
*made  a  sally  out  upon  them,  in  the  which  at  the  first  the 
*Coriolans    had    the    better,  and    drave  the  Romans  back 

1  Cf.  Cvriotanus,  I.  iii.  107-11, 


148          CAIUS   MARTIUS  CORIOLANUS 

again  into  the  trenches  of  their  camp.1  But  Martius  being* 
there  at  that  time,  running  out  of  the  camp  with  a  few  men* 
with  him,  he  slew  the  first  enemies  he  met  withal,  and* 
made  the  rest  of  them  stay  upon  a  sudden,  crying  out  to* 
the  Romans  that  had  turned  their  backs,  and  calling  them* 
again  to  fight  with  a  loud  voice.  For  he  was  even  sucht 
another  as  Cato  would  have  a  soldier  and  a  captainf 
pert/of  a  to  be,  not  only  terrible  and  fierce  to  lay  aboutt 
lier'  him,  but  to  make  the  enemy  afeared  with  thef 
sound  of  his  voice  and  grimness  of  his  countenance.2t 
Then  there  flocked  about  him  immediately  a  great  number 
of  Romans  :  whereat  the  enemies  were  so  afeared,  that  they 
gave  back  presently.  But  Martius,  not  staying  so,  did  chase 
and  follow  them  to  their  own  gates,  that  fled  for  life.  And 
there  perceiving  that  the  Romans  retired  back,  for  the  great 
number  of  darts  and  arrows  which  flew  about  their  ears 
from  the  walls  of  the  city,  and  that  there  was  not  one  man 
amongst  them  that  durst  venture  himself  to  follow  the 
flying  enemies  into  the  city,  for  that  it  was  full  of  men  of 
war,  very  well  armed  and  appointed  :  he  did  encourage  his 
fellows  with  words  and  deeds,  crying  out  to  them,  thatf 
fortune  had  opened  the  gates  of  the  city,  more  for  thet 
followers  than  the  fliers.3  But  all  this  notwithstanding,! 
few  had  the  hearts  to  follow  him.  Howbeit  Martius,  being 
in  the  throng  among  the  enemies,  thrust  himself  into  the 

1   Cf.  Coriolanus,  I.  iv.  23  ;  S.  D.  after  1.  29. 
8  Ibid.  I.  iv.  56-61.  l  Ibid.  I.  iv.  44-5. 


CAIUS  MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS          149 

gates  of  the  city,  and  entered  the  same  among  them  that 
fled,  without  that  any  one  of  them  durst  at  the  first  turn 
their  face  upon  him,  or  else  offer  to  stay  him.  But  he  look 
ing  about  him,  and  seeing  he  was  entered  the  city  with 
very  few  men  to  help  him,  and  perceiving  he  was  environed 
by  his  enemies  that  gathered  round  about  to  set  upon  him, 
did  things  then,  as  it  is  written,  wonderful  and  incredible, 
as  well  for  the  force  of  his  hand,  as  also  for  the  agility  of  his 
body,  and  with  a  wonderful  courage  and  valiantness  he  made 
a  lane  through  the  midst  of  them,  and  overthrew  also  those 
he  laid  at  :  that  some  he  made  run  to  the  furthest  part  of 
the  city,  and  other  for  fear  he  made  yield  themselves,  and  to 
let  fall  their  weapons  before  him.  By  this  means  Lartius 
that  was  gotten  out  had  some  leisure  to  bring  the  Romans 
*with  more  safety  into  the  city.  The  city  being 

,  •  r     i  11-  The  city 

*taken  in  this  sort,  the  most  part  of  the  soldiers  ofCorioli 
*began  incontinently  to  spoil,  to  carry  away,  and 
*to  lock  up  the  booty  they  had  won.  But  Martius  was 
*marvellous  angry  with  them,  and  cried  out  on  them,  that  it 
*vvas  no  time  now  to  look  after  spoil,  and  to  run  straggling 
*here  and  there  to  enrich  themselves,  whilst  the  other 
*Consul  and  their  fellow  citizens  peradventure  were  fighting 
*\vith  their  enemies  :  and  how  that,  leaving  the  spoil,  they 
*should  seek  to  wind  themselves  out  of  danger  and  peril. 
*Howbeit,  cry  and  say  to  them  what  he  could,  very  few  of 
*them  would  hearken  to  him.  Wherefore,  taking  those  that 
*willingly  offered  themselves  to  follow  him,  he  went  out  of 


150          CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

the  city,  and  took  his  way  towards  that  part,  where  he* 
understood  the  rest  of  the  army  was : l  exhorting  and  entreat-* 
ing  them  by  the  way  that  followed  him  not  to  be  faint 
hearted,  and  oft  holding  up  his  hands  to  heaven,  he  besought 
the  gods  to  be  so  gracious  and  favourable  unto  him,  that  he 
might  come  in  time  to  the  battle,  and  in  good  hour  to 
hazard  his  life  in  defence  of  his  countrymen.  Now  the 
Romans  when  they  were  put  in  battle  ray,  and  ready  to  take 
their  targets  on  their  arms,  and  to  gird  them  upon  their 
arming  coats,  had  a  custom  to  make  their  wills  at  that  very 
instant,  without  any  manner  of  writing,  naming  him  only 
whom  they  would  make  their  heir  in  the  presence  ot  three 
_  ...  ,  or  four  witnesses.  Martius  came  iust  to  that 

Soldiers  _  J 

testa-          reckoning,  whilst  the  soldiers  were  a  doing  after 

ments.  111  •  i      i 

that  sort,  and  that  the  enemies  were  approached 
so  near,  as  one  stood  in  view  of  the  other.  When* 
they  saw  him  at  his  first  coming,  all  bloody,2  and  in  a* 
sweat,  and  but  with  a  few  men  following  him  :  some 
thereupon  began  to  be  afeared.  But  soon  after,  when 
they  saw  him  run  with  a  lively  cheer  to  the  Consul, 
and  to  take  him  by  the  hand,  declaring  how  he  had  taken 
the  city  of  Corioli,  and  that  they  saw  the  Consul  Cominius 
also  kiss  and  embrace  him  :  then  there  was  not  a  man  but 
took  heart  again  to  him,  and  began  to  be  of  a  good  courage, 
some  hearing  him  report  from  point  to  point  the  happy 
success  of  this  exploit,  and  other  also  conjecturing  it  by 

1   Cf.  Coriolanus,  I.  v.  1-14.  2  Ibid.  I.  vi.  28,  29. 


CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS          151 

seeing  their  gestures  afar  off.  Then  they  all  began  to  call 
upon  the  Consul  to  march  forward,  and  to  delay  no  lenger, 
tbut  to  give  charge  upon  the  enemy.  Martius  asked  him 
thow  the  order  of  their  enemies'  battle  was,  and  on  which 
tside  they  had  placed  their  best  fighting  men.  The  Consul 
tmade  him  answer,  that  he  thought  the  bands  which  were  in 
tthe  voward  of  their  battle  were  those  of  the  Antiates,  whom 
tthey  esteemed  to  be  the  warlikest  men,  and  which  for  valiant 
tcourage  would  give  no  place  to  any  of  the  host  of  their 
tenemies.1  Then  prayed  Martius  to  be  set  directly  against 
*them.2  The  Consul  granted  him,  greatly  praising  his  cour 
age.  Then  Martius,  when  both  armies  came  al-  gy  corio- 
most  to  join,  advanced  himself  a  good  space  before  ,*""„,;  t^e 
his  company,  and  went  so  fiercely  to  give  charge  on  ^°'eCQVer. 
the  voward  that  came  right  against  him,  that  they  9°me in 
could  stand  no  lenger  in  his  hands  :  he  made 
such  a  lane  through  them,  and  opened  a  passage  into 
the  battle  of  the  enemies.  But  the  two  wings  of  either 
side  turned  one  to  the  other,  to  compass  him  in  between 
them  :  which  the  Consul  Cominius  perceiving,  he  sent 
thither  straight  of  the  best  soldiers  he  had  about  him.  So 
the  battle  was  marvellous  bloody  about  Martius,  and  in  a  very 
short  space  many  were  slain  in  the  place.  But  in  the  end 
the  Romans  were  so  strong,  that  they  distressed  the  enemies, 
and  brake  thair  array  :  and  scattering  them,  made  them  fly. 
*Then  they  prayed  Martius  that  he  would  retire  to  the  camp, 

1   Cf.  Coriolanus,  I.  vi.  51-4.  a  Ibid.  I.  vi.  55-9- 


1 52          CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

because  they  saw  he  was  able  to  do  no  more,  he  was  already* 
so  wearied  with  the  great  pain  he  had  taken,  and  so  faint* 
with  the  great  wounds  he  had  upon  him.  But  Martius* 
answered  them,  that  it  was  not  for  conquerors  to  yield,  nor* 
to  be  faint  hearted  :  and  thereupon  began  afresh  to  chase* 
those  that  fled,  until  such  time  as  the  army  of  the  enemies* 
was  utterly  overthrown,  and  numbers  of  them  slain  and* 
taken  prisoners.1  The  next  morning  betimes,  Martius  went* 
to  the  Consul,  and  the  other  Romans  with  him.  There 
the  Consul  Cominius,  going  up  to  his  chair  of  state,  in 
the  presence  of  the  whole  army,  gave  thanks  to  the 
gods  for  so  great,  glorious,  and  prosperous  a  victory  : 
The  tenth  ^en  ^e  sPake  to  Martius,  whose  valiantness  he 
enemtls'116  commended  beyond  the  moon,  both  for  that 
goods  ne  himself  saw  him  do  with  his  eyes,  as  also 

offered  ' 

Marti  s for   for  that  Martius  had  reported  unto  him.     So  int 

reward  of  _  _ 

his  service  the  end  he  willed  Martius  that  he  should  choosef 

inus  the  out  of  all  the  horses  they  had  taken  of  their  enemies,t 

Valiancy  and  of  all  the  goods  they  had  won  (whereof  theref 

with  was  great  store)  ten  of  every  sort  which  he  likedt 

thefieW?  best,    before   any  distribution    should    be  madet 

nobfeius  to  other.  -     Besides  this  great  honourable  offer  he* 

ancTrY-  ^ad  made  him,  he  gave  him,  in  testimony  that  he* 

fusai.  had  won  that  d^  the  prjce   of  prowess  above   all* 

other,  a  goodly  horse  with  a  caparison,  and  all  furniture* 

1  Cf.  Coriolanus,  II.  ii.  izo-z/. 
3  Ibid.  I.  ix.  31-6. 


'53 

*to  him  : l  which  the  whole  army  beholding  did  marvel 
lously  praise  and  commend.  But  Martius,  stepping  forth, 
told  the  Consul  he  most  thankfully  accepted  the  gift 
of  his  horse,  and  was  a  glad  man  besides,  that  his  service 
had  deserved  his  general's  commendation  :  and  as  for  his 
*other  offer,  which  was  rather  a  mercenary  reward,  than 
*an  honourable  recompense,  he  would  none  of  it,  but  was 
*contented  to  have  his  equal  part  with  other  soldiers.2 
*'  Only  this  grace '  (said  he)  '  I  crave  and  beseech  you  to 
*grant  me.  Among  the  Volsces  there  is  an  old  friend  and 
*host  of  mine,  an  honest  wealthy  man,  and  now  a  prisoner, 
*who,  living  before  in  great  wealth  in  his  own  country,  liveth 
*now  a  poor  prisoner  in  the  hands  of  his  enemies  :  and 
*yet,  notwithstanding  all  this  his  misery  and  misfortune,  it 
*  would  do  me  great  pleasure  if  I  could  save  him  from  this 
*one  danger  :  to  keep  him  from  being  sold  as  a  slave.'  3  The 
soldiers,  hearing  Martius'  words,  made  a  marvellous  great 
shout  among  them  :  and  they  were  moe  that  wondered  at 
his  great  contentation  and  abstinence,  when  they  saw  so 
little  covetousness  in  him,  than  they  were  that  highly  praised 
and  extolled  his  valiantness.  For  even  they  themselves,  that 
did  somewhat  malice  and  envy  his  glory,  to  see  him  thus 
honoured  and  passingly  praised,  did  think  him  so  much  the 
more  worthy  of  an  honourable  recompense  for  his  valiant 
*service,  as  the  more  carelessly  he  refused  the  great  offer 

1  Cf.  Coriolanus,  I.  ix.  58-62.  2  Ibid.  I.  ix.  36-40. 

3  Ibid.  1.  ix.  79-89. 


154          CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

made  him  for  his  profit  :  l  and  they  esteemed  more  the* 
virtue  that  was  in  him,  that  made  him  refuse  such  rewards, 
than  that  which  made  them  to  be  offered  him,  as  unto 
a  worthy  person.  For  it  is  far  more  commendable  to  use 
riches  well  than  to  be  valiant  :  and  yet  it  is  better  not  to 
desire  them  than  to  use  them  well.  After  this  shout  and 
noise  of  the  assembly  was  somewhat  appeased,  the  Consul 
Cominius  began  to  speak  in  this  sort  :  '  We  cannot  compel 
Martius  to  take  these  gifts  we  offer  him,  if  he  will  not  receive 
them  :  but  we  will  give  him  such  a  reward  for  the  noble 
service  he  hath  done,  as  he  cannot  refuse.  Therefore  we  do* 
Martins  order  and  decree,  that  henceforth  he  be  called* 
surnamed  Coriolanus,  unless  his  valiant  acts  have  won  him* 

Cono- 

lanus          tnat  name  before  our  nomination.'  2    And  so  ever* 


by  the 

Consul.        since  he  still  bare  the  third  name  of  Coriolanus. 

And  thereby  it  appeareth,  that  the  first  name  the  Romans 

have,  as  Caius,  was  our  Christian  name  now.     The 

How  the  '  . 

Romans       second,  as  Martius,  was  the  name  of  the  house  and 
have  three    family  they  came  of.     The  third  was  some  addi- 

names.  .  .  .   .         r  11* 

tion  given,  either  for  some  act  or  notable  service, 
or  for  some  mark  on  their  face,  or  of  some  shape  of  their 
body,  or  else  for  some  special  virtue  they  had.  Even 
Why  the  so  did  tne  Grecians  in  old  time  give  additions  to 
wve'icj*  s  Princes,  by  reason  of  some  notable  act  worthy 
surnames,  memory.  As  when  they  have  called  some  Soter, 
and  Callinicos  :  as  much  to  say,  saviour  and  conqueror. 
1  Cf.  Coriolanus,  II.  ii.  129-30.  2  Ibid.  I.  ix.  62-6. 


CAIUS   MARTIUS  CORIOLANUS          155 

Or  else  for  some  notable  apparent  mark  on  one's  face,  or  on 
his  body,  they  have  called  him  Physcon,  and  Grypos,  as  ye 
would  say,  gor-belly,  and  hook-nosed  :  or  else  for  some 
virtue,  as  Euergetes,  and  Philadelphos  :  to  wit,  a  benefactor, 
and  lover  >of  his  brethren.  Or  otherwise  for  one's  great 
felicity,  as  Eudaemon  :  as  much  to  say  as  fortunate.  For 
so  was  the  second  of  the  Batti "  surnamed.  And  a  These 
some  kings  have  had  surnames  of  jest  and  mockery.  T^es6 
As  one  of  the  Antigoni  that  was  called  Doson,  to  £f J^f 
say,  the  Giver  :  who  was  ever  promising,  and  Cyrene. 
never  giving.  And  one  of  the  Ptolemies  was  called 
Lamyros  :  to  say,  conceitive.  The  Romans  use  more  than 
any  other  nation  to  give  names  of  mockery  in  this  sort. 
As  there  was  one  Metellus  surnamed  Diadematus,  Names  of 
the  banded  :  because  he  carried  a  band  about  his  ^^ngr^e 
head  of  long  time,  by  reason  of  a  sore  he  had  in  Romans- 
his  forehead.  One  other  of  his  own  family  was  called  Celer, 
the  quick  fly  :  because,  a  few  days  after  the  death  of  his 
father,  he  shewed  the  people  the  cruel  fight  of  fencers  at  un- 
rebated  swords,  which  they  found  wonderful  for  the  short 
ness  of  time.  Other  had  their  surnames  derived  of  some 
accident  of  their  birth.  As  to  this  day  they  call  him 
Proculeius,  that  is  born,  his  father  being  in  some  far  voyage  : 
and  him  Posthumius,  that  is  born  after  the  death  of  his  father. 
And  when  of  two  brethren  twins,  the  one  doth  die,  and  th' 
other  surviveth  :  they  call  the  survivor  Vopiscus.  Some 
times  also  they  give  surnames  derived  of  some  mark  or 


156          CAIUS   MARTIUS  CORIOLANUS 

misfortune  of  the  body.  As  Sylla,  to  say,  crooked-nosed  : 
Niger,  black  :  Rufus,  red  :  Caecus,  blind  :  Claudus,  lame. 
They  did  wisely  in  this  thing  to  accustom  men  to  think, 
that  neither  the  loss  of  their  sight,  nor  other  such  mis 
fortunes  as  may  chance  to  men,  are  any  shame  or  disgrace 
unto  them,  but  the  manner  was  to  answer  boldly  to  such 
names,  as  if  they  were  called  by  their  proper  names. 
Howbeit  these  matters  would  be  better  amplified  in  other 
Sedition  at  stories  than  this.  Now  when  this  war  was  ended, 
reason 'of  t^ie  flatterers  of  the  people  began  to  stir  up  sedition 
famine.  again,  without  any  new  occasion  or  just  matter 
offered  of  complaint.  For  they  did  ground  this  second 
insurrection  against  the  Nobility  and  Patricians  upon 
the  people's  misery  and  misfortune,  that  could  not  but 
fall  out,  by  reason  of  the  former  discord  and  sedition  between 
them  and  the  Nobility.  Because  the  most  part  of  the  earable 
land  within  the  territory  of  Rome  was  become  heathy  and 
barren  for  lack  of  ploughing,  for  that  they  had  no  time  nor 
mean  to  cause  corn  to  be  brought  them  out  of  other  coun 
tries  to  sow,  by  reason  of  their  wars  which  made  the  extreme 
dearth  they  had  among  them.  Now  those  busy  prattlers 
that  sought  the  people's  good  will  by  such  flattering  words, 
perceiving  great  scarcity  of  corn  to  be  within  the  city,  and, 
though  there  had  been  plenty  enough,  yet  the  common 
people  had  no  money  to  buy  it  :  they  spread  abroad  false 
tales  and  rumours  against  the  Nobility,  that  they,  in  revenge 
of  the  people,  had  practised  and  procured  the  extreme 


CAIUS   MARTIUS  CORIOLANUS          157 

dearth  among  them.  Furthermore,  in  the  midst  of  this 
stir,  there  came  ambassadors  to  Rome  from  the  city  of 
Velitrae,  that  offered  up  their  city  to  the  Romans,  and 
prayed  them  they  would  send  new  inhabitants  to  replenish 
the  same  :  because  the  plague  had  been  so  extreme  among 
them,  and  had  killed  such  a  number  of  them,  as  there  was 
not  left  alive  the  tenth  person  of  the  people  that  had  been 
there  before.  So  the  wise  men  of  Rome  began  to  think  that 
the  necessity  of  the  Velitrians  fell  out  in  a  most  happy  hour, 
and  how  by  this  occasion  it  was  very  meet  in  so  great  a 
scarcity  of  victuals,  to  disburden  Rome  of  a  great  number 
of  citizens  :  and  by  this  means  as  well  to  take  away  this 
new  sedition,  and  utterly  to  rid  it  out  of  the  city,  as  also  to 
clear  the  same  of  many  mutinous  and  seditious  persons,  being 
the  superfluous  ill  humours  that  grievously  fed  this  disease. 
Hereupon  the  Consuls  pricked  out  all  those  by  a  Veiitrae 
bill,  whom  they  intended  to  send  to  Velitrae,  to  ™^ato 
go  dwell  there  as  in  form  of  a  colony  :  and  they  Rome- 
levied  out  of  all  the  rest  that  remained  in  the  city  of  Rome 
a  great  number  to  go  against  the  Volsces,  hoping  by  the 
means  of  foreign  war  to  pacify  their  sedition  at  Two  _ 
home.  Moreover  they  imagined,  when  the  poor  tices  to 

*  remove 

with  the  rich,  and  the  mean  sort  with  the  nobility,   l.he  s.edi- 
should  by  this  device  be  abroad  in  the  wars,  and   Rome, 
in  one  camp,  and  in  one  service,  and  in  one  like  danger  : 
that  then  they  would  be  more  quiet  and  loving  together. 
But    Sicinius    and   Brutus,   two    seditious  Tribunes,  spake 


158          CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

against  either  of  these  devices,  and  cried  out  upon  the  noble- 
Sicinius  rnen,  that  under  the  gentle  name  of  a  colony,  they 
|"d  would  cloak  and  colour  the  most  cruel  and  un- 

Brutus, 

Tribunes     natural  fact  as  might  be  :  because  they  sent  their 

ofthe  •  •          •  •    r       i    • 

people,        poor  citizens  into  a  sore  infected  city  and  pestilent 

both  those  air,  full  of  dead  bodies  unburied,  and  there  also 
to  dwell  under  the  tuition  of  a  strange  god,  that 
had  so  cruelly  persecuted  his  people.  This  were  (said  they) 
even  as  much,  as  if  the  Senate  should  headlong  cast  down 
the  people  into  a  most  bottomless  pit.  And  are  not  yet 
contented  to  have  famished  some  of  the  poor  citizens  here 
tofore  to  death,  and  to  put  other  of  them  even  to  the 
mercy  of  the  plague  :  but  afresh  they  have  procured  a 
voluntary  war,  to  the  end  they  would  leave  behind  no 
kind  of  misery  and  ill,  wherewith  the  poor  silly  people 
should  not  be  plagued,  and  only  because  they  are  weary  to 
serve  the  rich.  The  common  people,  being  set  on  a  broil 
and  bravery  with  these  words,  would  not  appear  when  the 
Consuls  called  their  names  by  a  bill  to  prest  them  for  the 
wars,  neither  would  they  be  sent  out  to  this  new  colony  : 
insomuch  as  the  Senate  knew  not  well  what  to  say  or  do  in 
the  matter.  Marti  us  then,  who  was  now  grown  to  great 
credit,  and  a  stout  man  besides,  and  of  great  reputation  with 
the  noblest  men  of  Rome,  rose  up  and  openly  spake 

Coriolanus  .  '  A      J      r  L 

offendeth     against  these  nattering    I  nbunes.     And,  for  the 

the  people.  .       ...  ,.         .  riri-  i        i  •  i 

replenishing  or  the  city  of  Vehtrae,  he  did  compel 
those   that  were  chosen,  to  go  thither,  and   to  depart   the 


CAIUS  MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS          159 

city,  upon  great  penalties  to  him  that  should  disobey  :  but 
to  the  wars  the  people  by  no  means  would  be  brought  or 
constrained.  So  Martius,  taking  his  friends  and  followers 
with  him,  and  such  as  he  could  by  fair  words  entreat  to  go 
with  him,  did  run  certain  forays  into  the  dominion  of  the 
Antiates,  where  he  met  with  great  plenty  of  corn,  „  . 

'     Conolanus 

and  had  a  marvellous  great  spoil,  as  well  of  cattle   invadeth 

3     .  the  An 

as  of  men  he  had  taken  prisoners,  whom  he  brought   tiates  and 

away  with  him,  and  reserved  nothing  for  himself,  rich  spoils 
Afterwards,  having  brought  back  again  all  his  men 
that  went  out  with  him  safe  and  sound  to  Rome,  and  every 
man  rich  and  loaden  with  spoil  :  then  the  home-tarriers 
and  house-doves,  that  kept  Rome  still,  began  to  repent 
them  that  it  was  not  their  hap  to  go  with  him,  and  so 
envied  both  them  that  had  sped  so  well  in  this  journey, 
and  also  of  malice  to  Martius,  they  spited  to  see  his  credit 
and  estimation  increase  still  more  and  more,  because  they 
accompted  him  to  be  a  great  hinderer  of  the  people. 
*Shortly  after  this,  Martius  stood  for  the  Consulship  :  and 
*the  common  people  favoured  his  suit,  thinking  it  would 
*be  a  shame  to  them  to  deny  and  refuse  the  chiefest  noble- 
*man  of  blood,  and  most  worthy  person  of  The  man 
*Rome,  and  specially  him  that  had  done  so  great  nerof 

'  /  °  suing  for 

*service  and  good  to  the  commonwealth.1     For   office  at 

..    _.  .          Rome. 

the    custom    of  Rome    was   at    that    time,   that 
*such   as  did  sue    for   any  office    should  for    certain    days 

1  Cf.  Coriolanus,  II.  ii.  1-41. 


160          CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

before  be  in  the  market-place,  only  with  a  poor  gown* 
on  their  backs  and  without  any  coat  underneath,* 
to  pray  the  citizens  to  remember  them  at  the  day  oP 
election  :  which  was  thus  devised,  either  to  move  the* 
people  the  more  by  requesting  them  in  such  mean* 

Where-  . 

upon  this     apparel,   or   else  because  they  might  shew   them 
Mitngewas    their  wounds  they  had  gotten  in  the  wars  in  the* 

service  of  the  commonwealth,  as  manifest  marks* 
and  testimony  of  their  valiantness.1  Now  it  is  not  to  be* 
thought  that  the  suitors  went  thus  loose  in  a  simple  gown 
in  the  market  place  without  any  coat  under  it,  for  fear  and 
suspicion  of  the  common  people  :  for  offices  of  dignity  in 
the  city  were  not  then  given  by  favour  or  corruption.  It 

was  but  of  late  time,  and  long  after  this,  that  buying 
given  then  and  selling  fell  out  in  election  of  officers,  and  that 

by  desert,  . 

without       the  voices  of  the  electors  were  bought  for  money. 

favour  or       __  -11 

corrup-  But  after  corruption  had  once  gotten  way  into  the 
election  of  offices,  it  hath  run  from  man  to  man 
even  to  the  very  sentence  of  judges,  and  also  among  captains 
in  the  wars  :  so  as  in  the  end  that  only  turned  common- 
Banquets  wealths  into  Kingdoms,  by  making  arms  subject  to 
g?ven",on<  y  money.  Therefore  methinks  he  had  reason  that 
stayers  sa'^  :  He  that  first  made  banquets  and  gave  money 
£[0cn°m"  to  the  common  people  was  the  first  that  took 
wealth.  away  authority  and  destroyed  commonwealth.  But 
this  pestilence  crept  in  by  little  and  little,  and  did 

1  Cf.  Coriolanus,  II.  ii.  139-46. 


CAIUS  MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS          161 

secretly  win  ground  still,  continuing  a  long  time  in  Rome, 
before  it  was  openly  known  and  discovered.  For  no  man 
can  tell  who  was  the  first  man  that  bought  the  people's 
voices  for  money,  nor  that  corrupted  the  sentence  of  the 
judges.  Howbeit  at  Athens  some  hold  opinion,  that 

J  r  Anytus,| 

Anytus,  the  son  of  Anthemion,  was  the  first  man   the  Athe- 
that  fee'd  the  judges  with  money,  about  the  end  of  first  that 

rr>   1  L    •  j      r  with 

the  wars  of  reloponnesus,  being  accused  of  treason   money 
for  yielding  up  the  fort  of  Pylos,  at  that  time  when   the  sen- 
the  golden  and  unfoiled  age  remained  yet  whole   the'judge 
in  judgement  at  Rome.     Now  Martius,  following   of  Uie°'C< 
this  custom,  shewed  many  wounds  and  cuts  upon   people- 
his  body,  which  he  had  received  in  seventeen  years'  service 
at  the  wars,  and  in   many  sundry  battles,   being  ever  the 
*foremost  man  that  did  set  out  feet  to  fight.     So  that  there 
*was   not   a  man  among  the  people,  but  was  ashamed   of 
*himself,  to  refuse  so  valiant  a  man  :  and  one  of  them  said 
*to  another,  '  We  must  needs  choose  him  Consul,  there  is 
*no  remedy.'     But  when  the  day  of  election  was  come,  and 
*that  Martius  came  to  the  market  place  with  great  pomp, 
*accompanied  with  all   the  Senate,  and  the  whole  nobility 
*of  the  city  about  him,  who   sought  to  make  him  Consul, 
*with  the  greatest  instance  and  entreaty  they  could, 

.    _  Seethe 

or  ever  attempted  for  any  man  or  matter  :  then   fickle 
*the  love  and  good  will  of  the  common  people   common 
*turned  straight  to  an  hate  and  envy  toward  him,   p 
*fearing  to  put  this  office  of  sovereign  authority  into  his  hands, 

VOL.  II.  M 


i6z  CAIUS  MARTIUS  CORIOLANUS 

being  a  man  somewhat  partial  toward  the  nobility,  and* 
of  great  credit  and  authority  amongst  the  Patricians,  and  as* 
one  they  might  doubt  would  take  away  altogether  the* 
liberty  from  the  people.1  Whereupon,  for  these  consider-* 
ations,  they  refused  Martius  in  the  end,  and  made  two 
other  that  were  suitors,  Consuls.  The  Senate,  being 
marvellously  offended  with  the  people,  did  accompt  the 
shame  of  this  refusal  rather  to  redound  to  themselves,  than 
to  Martius  :  but  Martius  took  it  in  far  worse  part  than  the 
Senate,  and  was  out  of  all  patience.  For  he  was  a  man  too 
full  of  passion  and  choler,  and  too  much  given  to  over  self- 
will  and  opinion,  as  one  of  a  high  mind  and  great  courage, 
that  lacked  the  gravity  and  affability  that  is  gotten  with 
judgement  of  learning  and  reason,  which  only  is  to  be  looked 
for  in  a  governor  of  state  :  and  that  remembered  not  how 
wilfulness  is  the  thing  of  the  world,  which  a  governor  of  a 
commonwealth  for  pleasing  should  shun,  being  that  which 
The  fruks  Plato  called  solitariness.  As  in  the  end,  all  men 
wiifand  that  are  wilfully  given  to  a  self-opinion  and 
obstinacy,  obstinate  mind,  and  who  will  never  yield  to  others' 
reason  but  to  their  own,  remain  without  company,  and 
forsaken  of  all  men.  For  a  man  that  will  live  in  the  world 
must  needs  have  patience,  which  lusty  bloods  make  but  a 
mock  at.  So  Martius,  being  a  stout  man  of  nature,  that  never 
yielded  in  any  respect,  as  one  thinking  that  to  overcome 
always,  and  to  have  the  upper  hand  in  all  matters,  was  a 

1   Cf.  Coriolanus,  II.  iii. 


CAIUS  MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS          163 

token  of  magnanimity,  and  of  no  base  and  faint  courage, 
which  spitteth  out  anger  from  the  most  weak  and  passioned 
part  of  the  heart,'much  like  the  matter  of  an  imposthume, 
went  home  to  his  house  full  freighted  with  spite  and  malice 
against  the  people,  being  accompanied  with  all  the  lustiest 
young  gentlemen,  whose  minds  were  nobly  bent  as  those 
that  came  of  noble  race,  and  commonly  used  for  to  follow 
and  honour  him.  But  then  specially  they  flocked  about 
him  and  kept  him  company,  to  his  much  harm  :  for  they 
did  but  kindle  and  inflame  his  choler  more  and  more,  being 
sorry  with  him  for  the  injury  the  people  offered  him, 
because  he  was  their  captain  and  leader  to  the  wars,  that 
taught  them  all  martial  discipline,  and  stirred  up  in  them  a 
noble  emulation  of  honour  and  valiantness,  and  yet  without 
envy,  praising  them  that  deserved  best.  In  the  Great  store 
mean  season  there  came  great  plenty  of  corn  to  Brought 
Rome,  that  had  been  bought  part  in  Italy,  and  part  to  Rome- 
was  sent  out  of  Sicile,  as  given  by  Gelon  the  tyrant  of 
Syracusa  :  so  that  many  stood  in  great  hope  that,  the  dearth 
of  victuals  being  holpen,  the  civil  dissension  would  also 
cease.  The  Senate  sate  in  council  upon  it  immediately  ; 
the  common  people  stood  also  about  the  palace  where  the 
council  was  kept,  gaping  what  resolution  would  fall  out, 
persuading  themselves  that  the  corn  they  had  bought  should 
be  sold  good  cheap,  and  that  which  was  given  should  be 
divided  by  the  poll  without  paying  any  penny,  and  the 
rather,  because  certain  of  the  Senators  amongst  them  did 


1 64          CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

so  wish  and  persuade  the  same.  But  Martius,  standing* 
up  on  his  feet,  did  somewhat  sharply  take  up* 
those  who  went  about  to  gratify  the  people  therein  :* 
against  the  and  called  them  people-pleasers,  and  traitors  to* 
of  the  !  '  the  nobility.1  Moreover,  he  said,  they  nourished! 
peop  e>  *  against  themselves  the  naughty  seed  and  cocklef 
'  ot  insolency  and  sedition,  which  had  been  sowed  andt 
'  scattered  abroad  amongst  the  people,  whom  they  shouldf 
'  have  cut  off,  if  they  had  been  wise,  and  have  prevented! 
'  their  greatness  : 2  and  not  (to  their  own  destruction)  tot 
'  have  suffered  the  people  to  stablish  a  magistrate  for  them-* 
'  selves,  of  so  great  power  and  authority,  as  that  man  had,* 
'  to  whom  they  had  granted  it.  Who  was  also  to  be* 
'  feared,  because  he  obtained  what  he  would,  and  did* 
'  nothing  but  what  he  listed,  neither  passed  for  any* 

*  obedience    to    the     Consuls,     but    lived    in   all    liberty,* 

*  acknowledging  no  superior  to  command  him,  saving  the* 
'  only  heads  and  authors  of  their  faction,  whom  he  called* 
'  his   magistrates.8     Therefore,'  said  he,  '  they  that  gavet 
'  council  and  persuaded  that  the  corn  should  be  given  out  tot 
'  the  common  people  gratis,  as  they  used  to  do  in  cities  off 
'  Greece,  where  the  people  had  more  absolute  power,  didt 
'  but  only  nourish  their  disobedience,  which  would  breakt 
'  out  in  the  end,  to  the  utter  ruin  and  overthrow  of  thet 
'  whole   state.     For    they    will    not   think   it  is  done   int 

1  Cf.  Coriolanus,  III.  i.  41-4.  2  Ibid.  III.  i.  67-71. 

J  Ibid.  III.  i.  90-111. 


CAIUS  MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS          165 

t'  recompense  of  their  service  past,  sithence  they  know  well 
t*  enough  they  have  so  oft  refused  to  go  to  the  wars,  when 
t*  they  were  commanded  :  neither  for  their  mutinies  when 
t'they  went  with  us,  whereby  they  have  rebelled  and  for- 
f  saken  their  country  :  neither  for  their  accusations  which 
t'  their  flatterers  have  preferred  unto  them,  and  they  have 
f  received,  and  made  good  against  the  Senate  :  but  they 
t'will  rather  judge,  we  give  and  grant  them  this,  as  abasing 
t'  ourselves,  and  standing  in  fear  of  them,  and  glad  to  flatter 
t'  them  every  way.  By  this  means  their  disobedience  will 
t'  still  grow  worse  and  worse  :  and  they  will  never  leave  to 
t'  practise  new  sedition  and  uproars.1  Therefore  it  were  a 
*' great  folly  for  us,  methinks,  to  do  it  :  yea,  shall  I  say 
*'more  ?  we  should,  if  we  were  wise,  take  from  them  their 
*'  Tribuneship,  which  most  manifestly  is  the  embasing  of 
*'  the  Consulship,  and  the  cause  of  the  division  of  the 
*'city.  The  state  whereof  as  it  standeth  is  not  now  as  it 
*'was  wont  to  be,  but  becometh  dismembered  in  two 
*'  factions,  which  maintains  always  civil  dissension  and 
*'  discord  between  us,  and  will  never  suffer  us  again  to  be 
*'  united  into  one  body.'  2  Martius,  dilating  the  matter 
with  many  such  like  reasons,  wan  all  the  young  men  and 
almost  all  the  rich  men  to  his  opinion  :  insomuch  they 
rang  it  out,  that  he  was  the  only  man,  and  alone  in  the 
city,  who  stood  out  against  the  people,  and  never  flattered 

1  Cf.  Coriolanus,  III.  i.  112-17,  119~3$- 

2  Ibid.  III.  i.  141-8,  164-70. 


1 66          CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

them.  There  were  only  a  few  old  men  that  spake  against 
him,  fearing  lest  some  mischief  might  fall  out  upon  it,  as 
indeed  there  followed  no  great  good  afterward.  For  the 
Tribunes  of  the  people,  being  present  at  this  consultation 
of  the  Senate,  when  they  saw  that  the  opinion  of  Martius 
was  confirmed  with  the  more  voices,  they  left  the  Senate, 
and  went  down  to  the  people,  crying  out  for  help,  and  that 
they  would  assemble  to  save  their  Tribunes.  Hereupon 
the  people  ran  on  head  in  tumult  together,  before  whom 
the  words  that  Martius  spake  in  the  Senate  were  openly 
reported  :  which  the  people  so  stomached,  that  even  in 
that  fury  they  were  ready  to  fly  upon  the  whole  Senate. 
But  the  Tribunes  laid  all  the  fault  and  burden  wholly  upon 
Martius,  and  sent  their  sergeants  forthwith  to  arrest  him, 
presently  to  appear  in  person  before  the  people,  to  answer 
the  words  he  had  spoken  in  the  Senate.  Martius  stoutly* 
Sedition  withstood  these  officers  that  came  to  arrest  him.* 
for^Corio-  Then  the  Tribunes  in  their  own  persons,* 
lanus.  accompanied  with  the  Aediles,  went  to  fetch* 
him  by  force,  and  so  laid  violent  hands  upon  him.* 
Howbeit  the  noble  Patricians,  gathering  together  about* 
him,  made  the  Tribunes  give  back,  and  laid  it  sore  upon* 
the  Aediles  :x  so  for  that  time,  the  night  parted  them,* 
and  the  tumult  appeased.  The  next  morning  betimes,  the 
Consuls  seeing  the  people  in  an  uproar  running  to  the 
market  place  out  of  all  parts  of  the  city,  they  were  afraid 

1   Cf.  Coriolanus,  III.  i.  223-8. 


CAIUS  MARTIUS  CORIOLANUS          167 

lest  all  the  city  would  together  by  the  ears :  wherefore, 
assembling  the  Senate  in  all  haste,  they  declared  how  it 
stood  them  upon,  to  appease  the  fury  of  the  people  with 
some  gentle  words,  or  grateful  decrees  in  their  favour  :  and 
moreover,  like  wise  men  they  should  consider,  it  was  now 
no  time  to  stand  at  defence  and  in  contention,  nor  yet  to 
fight  for  honour  against  the  commonalty,  they  being  fallen 
to  so  great  an  extremity,  and  offering  such  imminent  danger. 
Wherefore  they  were  to  consider  temperately  of  things,  and 
to  deliver  some  present  and  gentle  pacification.  The  most 
part  of  the  Senators  that  were  present  at  this  council  thought 
this  opinion  best,  and  gave  their  consents  unto  it.  Where 
upon  the  Consuls,  rising  out  of  council,  went  to  speak 
unto  the  people  as  gently  as  they  could,  and  they  did  pacify 
their  fury  and  anger,  purging  the  Senate  of  all  the  unjust 
accusations  laid  upon  them,  and  used  great  modesty  in  per 
suading  them,  and  also  in  reproving  the  faults  they  had 
committed.  And  as  for  the  rest,  that  touched  the  sale  of 
corn,  they  promised  there  should  be  no  disliking  offered 
them  in  the  price.  So  the  most  part  of  the  people  being 
pacified,  and  appearing  so  plainly  by  the  great  silence  and 
still  that  was  among  them,  as  yielding  to  the  Consuls,  and 
liking  well  of  their  words :  the  Tribunes  then  of  the  people 
rose  out  of  their  seats,  and  said  :  Forasmuch  as  the  Senate 
yielded  unto  reason,  the  people  also  for  their  part,  as  became 
them,  did  likewise  give  place  unto  them  :  but  notwithstand 
ing,  they  would  that  Martius  should  come  in  person  to 


1 68           CAIUS   MARTIUS  CORIOLANUS 

answer  to  the  articles  they  had  devised.  First,  whether  he* 
Articles  had  not  solicited  and  procured  the  Senate  to* 
Carlo-'  change  the  present  state  of  the  common-weal,  and* 
lanus.  to  take  the  sovereign  authority  out  of  the  people's* 
hands.1  Next,  when  he  was  sent  for  by  authority  of  their* 
officers,  why  he  did  contemptuously  resist  and  disobey. 
Lastly,  seeing  he  had  driven  and  beaten  the  Aediles  into* 
the  market  place  before  all  the  world,  if,  in  doing  this,  he* 
had  not  done  as  much  as  in  him  lay  to  raise  civil  wars,  and* 
to  set  one  citizen  against  another.2  All  this  was  spoken  to* 
one  of  these  two  ends,  either  that  Martius  against  his  nature 
should  be  constrained  to  humble  himself,  and  to  abase  his 
haughty  and  fierce  mind  :  or  else,  if  he  continued  still 
in  his  stoutness,  he  should  incur  the  people's  displeasure 
and  ill  will  so  far,  that  he  should  never  possibly  win  them 
again.  Which  they  hoped  would  rather  fall  out  so,  than 
otherwise  :  as  indeed  they  guessed,  unhappily,  considering 
Martius'  nature  and  disposition.  So  Martius  came,  and 
presented  himself  to  answer  their  accusations  against  him, 
and  the  people  held  their  peace  and  gave  attentive  ear,  to 
hear  what  he  would  say.  But  where  they  thought  to  have 
heard  very  humble  and  lowly  words  come  from 
lanus'  him,  he  began  not  only  to  use  his  wonted  boldness 

stoutness  c  ...........  .  . 

in  defence   ot  speaking  (which  or  itself  was  very  rough  and 

of  himself.  j   j-j  i_  • 

unpleasant,  and  did  more  aggravate  his  accusation, 
than  purge  his  innocency)  but  also  gave  himself  in  his  words 
1  Cf.  Coriolanus,  III.  iii.  i,  2,  62-4.         2  Ibid.  III.  iii.  77-9. 


CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS          169 

to  thunder,  and  look  therewithal  so  grimly,  as  though  he 
made  no  reckoning  of  the  matter.    This  stirred  coals  among 
the  people,  who  were  in  wonderful  fury  at  it,  and  their 
hate  and  malice  grew  so  toward  him,  that  they  could  hold 
no  lenger,  bear,  nor  endure  his  bravery  and  careless  bold- 
*ness.      Whereupon    Sicinius,    the    cruellest    and   sicinius 
*stoutest  of  the  Tribunes,  after  he  had  whispered   t,unJpr"0. 
*a  little  with  his   companions,    did   openly  pro-   not|ItgC*tjl 
*nounce,  in  the  face  of  all  the  people,  Martius  as   of  death 

r      *       .  upon 

*condemned  by  the  Tribunes  to  die.  Then  Martius 
*presently  he  commanded  the  Aediles  to  apprehend  him, 
*and  carry  him  straight  to  the  rock  Tarpeian,  and  to  cast 
*him  headlong  down  the  same.1  When  the  Aediles  came  to 
lay  hands  upon  Martius  to  do  that  they  were  commanded, 
divers  of  the  people  themselves  thought  it  too  cruel  and 
violent  a  deed.  The  noble  men  also,  being  much  troubled 
to  see  such  force  and  rigour  used,  began  to  cry  aloud, '  Help 
Martius ' :  so  those  that  laid  hands  of  him  being  repulsed, 
they  compassed  him  in  round  among  themselves,  and  some 
of  them  holding  up  their  hands  to  the  people  besought 
them  not  to  handle  him  thus  cruelly.  But  neither  their 
words  nor  crying  out  could  aught  prevail,  the  tumult  and 
hurly-burly  was  so  great,  until  such  time  as  the  Tribunes' 
own  friends  and  kinsmen,  weighing  with  themselves  the 
impossibleness  to  convey  Martius  to  execution  without  great 
slaughter  and  murder  of  the  nobility,  did  persuade  and 
1  Cf.  Coriolanusy  III.  i.  206-13. 


'   • 

-_        -   -  ,.,_  _,•      QJ 


5* 


advise  not  to  proceed  in  so  violent  and  extraordinary  a  sort, 
as  to  put  such  a  man  to  death  without  lawful  process  in 
law,  but  that  they  should  refer  the  sentence  of  his  death 
to  the  free  voice  of  the  people.  Then  Sicinius,  bethinking 
himself  a  little,  did  ask  the  Patricians  for  what  cause  they 
took  Martius  out  of  the  officers'  hands  that  went  to  do 
execution  ?  The  Patricians  asked  him  again  why  they 
would  of  themselves  so  cruelly  and  wickedly  put  to  death  so 
noble  and  valiant  a  Roman  as  Martius  was,  and  that  with 
out  law  or  justice  ?  'Well  then,'  said  Sicinius,  '  if  that  be 
the  matter,  let  there  be  no  more  quarrel  or  dissension 
against  the  people,  for  they  do  grant  your  demand,  that  his 
cause  shall  be  heard  according  to  the  law.'  Therefore  said 
he  to  Martius,  '  We  do  will  and  charge  you  to 

Coriolanus  ...  .  ,        ,        .  .     ,    ,  _ 

hath  day     appear  before  the  people,  the  third  day  of  our  next 

given  him        .     .  ,  .  .      ,  . 

to  answer     sitting  and  assembly  here,  to  make  your  purgation 


epeope.  ^or  suck  artjcjes  as  g^gjj  be  objected  against  you, 
that  by  free  voice  the  people  may  give  sentence  upon  you 
as  shall  please  them.'  The  noblemen  were  glad  then  of 
the  adjournment,  and  were  much  pleased  they  had  gotten 
Martius  out  of  this  danger.  In  the  mean  space,  before  the 
third  day  of  their  next  session  came  about,  the  same  being 
kept  every  ninth  day  continually  at  Rome,  whereupon  they 
call  it  now  in  Latin,  Nundinae,  there  fell  out  war  against 
the  Antiates,  which  gave  some  hope  to  the  nobility,  that 
this  adjournment  would  come  to  little  effect,  thinking  that 
this  war  would  hold  them  so  long,  as  that  the  fury  of  the 


CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOtANUS          171 

people  against  him  would  be  well  suaged,  or  utterly  for 
gotten,  by  reason  of  the  trouble  of  the  wars.  But,  con 
trary  to  expectation,  the  peace  was  concluded  presently 
with  the  Antiates,  and  the  people  returned  again  to  Rome. 
Then  the  Patricians  assembled  oftentimes  together,  to  con 
sult  how  they  might  stand  to  Martius,  and  keep  the 
Tribunes  from  occasion  to  cause  the  people  to  mutiny 
again,  and  rise  against  the  nobility.  And  there  Appius 
Claudius  (one  that  was  taken  ever  as  an  heavy  enemy  to 
the  people)  did  avow  and  protest  that  they  would  utterly 
abase  the  authority  of  the  Senate,  and  destroy  the  common 
weal,  if  they  would  suffer  the  common  people  to  have 
authority  by  voices  to  give  judgement  against  the  nobility. 
On  th'  other  side  again,  the  most  ancient  Senators,  and 
such  as  were  given  to  favour  the  common  people,  said  that 
when  the  people  should  see  they  had  authority  of  life  and 
death  in  their  hands,  they  would  not  be  so  cruel  and  fierce, 
but  gentle  and  civil.  More  also,  that  it  was  not  for  con 
tempt  of  nobility  or  the  Senate,  that  they  sought  to  have 
the  authority  of  justice  in  their  hands,  as  a  pre-eminence 
and  prerogative  of  honour  :  but  because  they  feared  that 
themselves  should  be  contemned  and  hated  of  the  nobility. 
So  as  they  were  persuaded  that,  so  soon  as  they  gave  them 
authority  to  judge  by  voices,  so  soon  would  they  leave  all 
*envy  and  malice  to  condemn  any.  Martius,  seeing  the 
*Senate  in  great  doubt  how  to  resolve,  partly  for  the  love 
*and  good  will  the  nobility  did  bear  him,  and  partly  for 


1 72          CAIUS   MARTIUS  CORIOLANUS 

the  fear  they  stood  in  of  the  people,  asked  aloud  of  the* 
Tribunes,  what  matter  they  would  burden  him  with  :* 

The  Tribunes  answered  him,  that  they  would* 
accused  shew  how  he  did  aspire  to  be  King,  and  would* 
sought  to  prove  that  all  his  actions  tended  to  usurp  tyran-* 

nical  power  over  Rome.1  Martius  with  that,  rising* 
up  on  his  feet,  said  that  thereupon  he  did  willingly  offer 
himself  to  the  people,  to  be  tried  upon  that  accusation. 
And  that  if  it  were  proved  by  him  he  had  so  much  as  once 
thought  of  any  such  matter,  that  he  would  then  refuse  no 
kind  of  punishment  they  would  offer  him  :  'conditionally' 
(quoth  he)  *  that  you  charge  me  with  nothing  else  besides, 
and  that  ye  do  not  also  abuse  the  Senate.'  They  promised 
they  would  not.  Under  these  conditions  the  judgement  was 
agreed  upon,  and  the  people  assembled.  And  first  of  all* 
the  Tribunes  would  in  any  case  (whatsoever  became  of  it)* 
that  the  people  would  proceed  to  give  their  voices  by* 
Tribes,2  and  not  by  hundreds  :  for  by  this  means  the* 
multitude  of  the  poor  needy  people  (and  all  such  rabble 
as  had  nothing  to  lose,  and  had  less  regard  of  honesty  before 
their  eyes)  came  to  be  of  greater  force  (because  their  voices 
were  numbered  by  the  poll) 3  than  the  noble  honest* 
citizens,  whose  persons  and  purse  did  dutifully  serve  the* 
commonwealth  in  their  wars.  And  then  when  the  Tri-* 
bunes  saw  they  could  not  prove  he  went  about  to  make* 

1  Cf.  Coriolanus,  III.  iii.  57-65.  2  Ibid.  III.  iii.  1 1. 

3  Ibid.  III.  iii.  8-10. 


CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS          173 

*himself  King,  they  began  to  broach  afresh  the  former 
*words  that  Martius  had  spoken  in  the  Senate,  in  hindering 
*the  distribution  of  the  corn  at  mean  price  unto  the  common 
*people,  and  persuading  also  to  take  the  office  of  Tribune- 
*ship  from  them.  And  for  the  third,  they  charged  him 
*anew,  that  he  had  not  made  the  common  distribution  of 
*the  spoil  he  had  gotten  in  the  invading  the  territories 
*of  the  Antiates  :  but  had  of  his  own  authority  divided 
*it  among  them,  who  were  with  him  in  that  journey.1 
But  this  matter  was  most  strange  of  all  to  Martius,  looking 
least  to  have  been  burdened  with  that,  as  with  any  matter 
of  offence.  Whereupon  being  burdened  on  the  sudden,  and 
having  no  ready  excuse  to  make  even  at  that  instant,  he 
began  to  fall  a-praising  of  the  soldiers  that  had  served  with 
him  in  that  journey.  But  those  that  were  not  with  him, 
being  the  greater  number,  cried  out  so  loud  and  made  such 
*a  noise,  that  he  could  not  be  heard.  To  conclude, 

i-r-i  -i  Coriolanus 

when  they  came  to  tell  the  voices  of  the  Tribes,   banished 

*there  were  three  voices  odd,   which  condemned 

*him    to   be   banished  for  life.2      After  declaration   of  the 

*sentence,      the      people      made      such     joy,      as     they 

*never  rejoiced   more  for  any  battle   they  had    won   upon 

*their  enemies,  they  were  so  brave  and  lively,  and  went  home 

*so  jocundly  from  the  assembly,  for  triumph  of  this  sentence.3 

The  Senate  again  in  contrary  manner  were  as  sad  and  heavy, 

1  Cf.  Coriolanus,  III.  iii.  z~5.  2  /^  m.  jjjt  (^-KJJ. 

3  Ibid.  III.  iii.   134,5. 


174          CAIUS   MARTIUS  CORIOLANUS 

repenting  themselves  beyond  measure,  that  they  had  not 
rather  determined  to  have  done  and  suffered  anything  what 
soever,  before  the  common  people  should  so  arrogantly  and 
outrageously  have  abused  their  authority.  There  needed 
no  difference  of  garments,  I  warrant  you,  nor  outward  shows 
to  know  a  Plebeian  from  a  Patrician,  for  they  were  easily 
discerned  by  their  looks.  For  he  that  was  on  the  people's 
side  looked  cheerily  on  the  matter  :  but  he  that  was  sad, 
and  hung  ;down  his  head,  he  was  sure  of  the  noblemen's 
c  .  side.  Saving  Martius  alone,  who  neither  in  his 

lanus'         countenance,  nor  in  his  gait,  did  ever  show  himseh 

constant 

mind  in       abashed,  or  once  let  fall  his  great  courage  :    but 

adversity. 

he  only  of  all  other  gentlemen  that  were  angry 
at  his  fortune  did  outwardly  shew  no  manner  of  pas 
sion,  nor  care  at  all  of  himself.  Not  that  he  did  patiently 
bear  and  temper  his  good  hap,  in  respect  of  any  reason  he 
had,  or  by  his  quiet  condition  :  but  because  he  was  so  car 
ried  away  with  the  vehemency  of  anger,  and  desire  ot 
revenge,  that  he  had  no  sense  nor  feeling  of  the  hard  state 
he  was  in,  which  the  common  people  judge  not  to  be  sorrow, 
The  force  alth°ugh  indeed  it  be  the  very  same.  For  when 
of  anger,  sorrow  (as  you  would  say)  is  set  afire,  then  it  is 
converted  into  spite  and  malice,  and  driveth  away  for  that 
time  all  faintness  of  heart  and  natural  fear.  And  this  is  the 
cause  why  the  choleric  man  is  so  altered  and  mad  in  his 
actions,  as  a  man  set  afire  with  a  burning  ague  :  for,  when 
a  man's  heart  is  troubled  within,  his  pulse  will  beat  marvellous 


CAIUS   MARTIUS  CORIOLANUS          175 

strongly.  Now  that  Martius  was  even  in  that  taking,  it 
*appeared  true  soon  after  by  his  doings.  For  when  he  was 
*come  home  to  his  house  again,  and  had  taken  his  leave  of 
*his  mother  and  wife,  finding  them  weeping  and  shrieking 
*out  for  sorrow,  and  had  also  comforted  and  persuaded  them 
*to  be  content  with  his  chance  :  he  went  immediately  to  the 
*gate  of  the  city,  accompanied  with  a  great  number  ot 
*Patricians  that  brought  him  thither,  from  whence  he 
*went  on  his  way  with  three  or  four  of  his  friends  only, 
*taking  nothing  with  him,  nor  requesting  anything  ot 
*any  man.1  So  he  remained  a  few  days  in  the  country 
at  his  houses,  turmoiled  with  sundry  sorts  and  kind  ot 
thoughts,  such  as  the  fire  of  his  choler  did  stir  up. 
In  the  end,  seeing  he  could  resolve  no  way  to  take  a  profit 
able  or  honourable  course,  but  only  was  pricked  forward 
still  to  be  revenged  of  the  Romans  :  he  thought  to  raise  up 
some  great  wars  against  them,  by  their  nearest  neighbours. 
Whereupon  he  thought  it  his  best  way  first  to  stir  up  the 
Volsces  against  them,  knowing  they  were  yet  able  enough 
in  strength  and  riches  to  encounter  them,  notwithstanding 
their  former  losses  they  had  received  not  long  before,  and 
that  their  power  was  not  so  much  impaired,  as  their  Tuiius 
malice  and  desire  was  increased  to  be  revenged  of  ^gf^"8' 
the  Romans.  Now  in  the  city  of  Antium  there  was  ^°"  the 
one  called  Tullus  Aufidius,  who  for  his  riches,  as  Volsces- 
also  for  his  nobility  and  valiantness,  was  honoured  among 
1  Cf.  Coriolanus,  IV.  i. 


1 76          CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

the  Volsces  as  a  King.  Marti  us  knew  very  well  that 
Tullus  did  more  malice  and  envy  him,  than  he  did  all  the* 
Romans  besides  :  because  that  many  times  in  battles* 
where  they  met,  they  were  ever  at  the  encounter  one* 
against  another,  like  lusty  courageous  youths,  striving* 
in  all  emulation  of  honour,  and  had  encountered  many* 
times  together.1  Insomuch  as,  besides  the  common  quarrel* 
between  them,  there  was  bred  a  marvellous  private  hate 
one  against  another.  Yet  notwithstanding,  considering  that 
Tullus  Aufidius  was  a  man  of  a  great  mind,  and  that  he  above 
all  other  of  the  Volsces  most  desired  revenge  of  the  Romans, 
for  the  injuries  they  had  done  unto  them  ;  he  did  an  act 
that  confirmed  the  true  words  of  an  ancient  poet,  who  said  : 

It  is  a  thing  full  hard  man's  anger  to  withstand, 
If  it  be  stiffly  bent  to  take  an  enterprise  in  hand, 

For  then  most  men  will  have  the  thing  that  they  desire, 

Although  it  cost  their  lives  therefore,  such  force  hath  wicked  ire. 

And  so  did  he.  For  he  disguised  himself  in  such  array* 
and  attire,  as  he  thought  no  man  could  ever  have  known* 
him  for  the  person  he  was,  seeing  him  in  that  apparel  he* 
had  upon  his  back  : 2  and  as  Homer  said  of  Ulysses, 

So  did  he  enter  into  the  enemy's  town. 

It  was  even  twilight  when  he  entered  the  city  of  Antium, 
and  many  people  met  him  in  the  streets,  but  no  man  knew 

1   Cf.  Coriolanus,  I.  viii.  x.  7-10  ;  III.  i.  13-15. 
8  Ibid,  IV.  iv.  stage  direction. 


CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS          177 

*him.     So  he  went  directly  to  Tullus  Aufidius'  house,  and 
*when  he  came  thither,  he  got  him  up  straight  to  coriolanus, 
*the  chimney  hearth,  and  sat  him  down,  and  spake  goegthistod' 
*not    a  word    to   any   man,  his   face   all   muffled  ^'"flhe 
*over.     They  of  the  house,  spying  him,  wondered  Volsces- 
*what  he  should  be,  and  yet  they  durst  not  bid  him  rise. 
*For  ill-favouredly  muffled    and  disguised    as    he  was,  yet 
*there  appeared  a  certain  majesty  in  his  countenance,  and  in 
*his  silence  :  whereupon  they  went  to  Tullus,  who  was  at 
*supper,  to  tell  him  of  the  strange  disguising  of  this  man. 
*Tullus  rose  presently  from  the  board,  and,  coming  towards 
*him,  asked  him  what  he  was,  and  wherefore  he  came.1    Then 
Martius  unmuffled  himself,  and  after  he  had  paused  a  while, 
fmaking  no  answer,  he  said  unto  him.     '  If  thou   „   . 

t4  knowest  me  not  yet,  Tullus,  and,  seeing  me,  dost   lanus"  ora- 

.  .      tlon  to 

t*  not  perhaps  believe  me  to  be  the  man  I  am  in   Tullus 

..,,,  r  .         ,  ir          i        Aufidius. 

T  deed,  1  must  of  necessity  bewray  my  self  to  be 
t*  that  I  am.  I  am  Caius  Martius,  who  hath  done  to  thy 
t*  self  particularly,  and  to  all  the  Volsces  generally,  great 
t'  hurt  and  mischief,  which  I  cannot  deny  for  my  surname 
f  of  Coriolanus  that  I  bear.  For  I  never  had  other 
t'  benefit  nor  recompense  of  all  the  true  and  painful  service 
t'  I  have  done,  and  the  extreme  dangers  I  have  been  in,  but 
t'  this  only  surname  :  a  good  memory  and  witness  of  the 
t'  malice  and^displeasure  thou  shouldst  bear  me.  Indeed  the 
t'  name  only  remaineth  with  me  :  for  the  rest  the  envy  and 

1  Cf.  Coriolanus,  IV.  v.  5-58. 
VOL.  II.  N 


1 78  CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

'  cruelty  of  the  people  of  Rome  have  taken  from  me,  by  thet 
'  sufferance  of  the  dastardly  nobility  and  magistrates,  whot 

*  have  forsaken  me,  and  let  me  be  banished  by  the  people. t 
'  This  extremity  hath  now  driven  me  to  come  as  a  poor  suitorf 
'  to  take  thy  chimney  hearth,  not  of  any  hope  I  have  to  savet 

*  my  life  thereby.     For  if  I  had  feared  death,  I  would  nott 

*  havecomehither  to  have  put  my  life  in  hazard  :  but  prickedt 

*  forward  with  spite  and  desire  I  have  to  be  revenged  of  themt 
'  that  thus  have  banished  me,  whom  now  I  begin  to  bet 
4  avenged  on,  putting    my  person    between  my  enemies.! 
'  Wherefore,  if  thou  hast  any  heart  to  be  wreaked  of  thet 
'  injuries  thy  enemies  have  done  thee,  speed  thee  now,  andt 
'  let  my  misery  serve  thy  turn,  and  so  use  it,  as  my  servicet 

*  may  be  a  benefit  to  the  Volsces  :  promising  thee,  that  It 
'  will  fight  with  better  good-will  for  all  you,  than  ever  I  didt 
'  when  I  was  against  you,  knowing  that  they  fight  moret 
'  valiantly,  who  know  the  force  of  their  enemy,  than  sucht 

*  as  have  never  proved  it.      And  if  it  be  so  that  thou  daret 
'  not,  and  that  thou  art  weary  to  prove  fortune  any  more  :t 
'  then  am  I  also  weary  to  live  any  lenger.     And  it  weret 

*  no  wisdom  in  thee  to  save  the  life  of  him,  who  hath  beent 
'  heretofore  thy  mortal  enemy,  and  whose  service  now  cant 
'  nothing  help  nor  pleasure  thee.' l     Tullus,  hearing  whatt 
he  said,  was  a  marvellous  glad  man,  and,  taking  him  by  the 
hand,  he  said  unto  him.     '  Stand  up,  O  Martius,  and  be 

*  of  good  cheer,  for  in  proffering  thyselt  unto  us  thou  dost 

1  Cf.  Coriolanus,  IV.  v.  60-3,  71-107. 


CAIUS  MARTIUS  CORIOLANUS          179 

*  us  great  honour  :  and  by  this  means  thou  mayest  hope 

*  also  of  greater  things  at  all  the  Volsces'  hands.'     So  he 
feasted    him    for    that    time,  and    entertained   him  in  the 
honourablest  manner   he  could,  talking   with    him   in  no 
other  matters  at  that  present  :  but  within  few  days  after, 
they  fell  to  consultation  together  in  what  sort  they  should 
begin  their  wars.    Now  on  th'  other  side,  the  city   Great  d-s 
of  Rome  was  in  marvellous  uproar  and  discord,  the   sension  at 

Rome 

nobility  against   the  commonalty,  and  chiefly  for   about 

Y  Martius' 

Martius'  condemnation  and  banishment.  More-  banish- 
over  the  priests,  the  soothsayers,  and  private  men 
also,  came  and  declared  to  the  Senate  certain  sights  and 
wonders  in  the  air,  which  they  had  seen,  and  were  to  be 
considered  of:  amongst  the  which,  such  a  vision  happened. 
There  was  a  citizen  of  Rome  called  Titus  Latinus,  a  man 
of  mean  quality  and  condition,  but  otherwise  an  honest 
sober  man,  given  to  a  quiet  life,  without  superstition,  and 
much  less  to  vanity  or  lying.  This  man  had  a  vision 
in  his  dream,  in  the  which  he  thought  that  Jupiter 
appeared  unto  him,  and  commanded  him  to  signify  to  the 
Senate,  that  they  had  caused  a  very  vile  lewd  dancer  to  go 
before  the  procession  :  and  said,  the  first  time  this  vision 
had  appeared  unto  him,  he  made  no  reckoning  of  it  :  and 
coming  again  another  time  into  his  mind,  he  made  not 
much  more  accompt  of  the  matter  than  before.  In  the  end 
he  saw  one  of  his  sons  die,  who  had  the  best  nature  and  con 
dition  of  all  his  brethren  :  and  suddenly  he  himself  was  so 


i8o          CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

taken  in  all  his  limbs,  that  he  became  lame  and  impotent. 
Hereupon  he  told  the  whole  circumstance  of  this  vision 
before  the  Senate,  sitting  upon  his  little  couch  or  bed, 
whereon  he  was  carried  on  men's  arms  :  and  he  had  no 
sooner  reported  this  vision  to  the  Senate,  but  he  presently 
felt  his  body  and  limbs  restored  again  to  their  former 
strength  and  use.  So  raising  up  himself  upon  his  couch,  he 
got  up  on  his  feet  at  that  instant,  and  walked  home  to  his 
house,  without  help  of  any  man.  The  Senate,  being 
amazed  at  this  matter,  made  diligent  inquiry  to  understand 
the  troth  :  and  in  the  end  they  found  there  was  such  a 
thing.  There  was  one  that  had  delivered  a  bondman  of 
his  that  had  offended  him  into  the  hands  of  other  slaves 
and  bondmen,  and  had  commanded  them  to  whip  him  up 
and  down  the  market  place,  and  afterwards  to  kill  him  : 
and  as  they  had  him  in  execution,  whipping  him  cruelly, 
they  did  so  martyr  the  poor  wretch,  that  for  the  cruel 
smart  and  pain  he  felt,  he  turned  and  writhed  his  body  in 
strange  and  pitiful  sort.  The  procession  by  chance  came  by 
even  at  the  same  time,  and  many  that  followed  it  were 
heartily  moved  and  offended  with  the  sight,  saying,  that 
this  was  no  good  sight  to  behold,  nor  meet  to  be  met  in 
procession  time.  But  for  all  this,  there  was  nothing  done  : 
saving  they  blamed  and  rebuked  him  that  punished  his 
slave  so  cruelly.  For  the  Romans  at  that  time  did  use 
their  bondmen  very  gently,  because  they  themselves  did 
labour  with  their  own  hands,  and  lived  with  them  and 


CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS          181 

among  them  :  and  therefore  they  did  use  them  the  more  gently 
and  familiarly.     For  the  greatest  punishment  they   xhe 
gave  a  slave  that   had  offended  was  this.     They   marmerW 
made  him  carry  a  limmer  on  his  shoulders  that  is   ^";lrshing 
fastened  to  the  axletree  of  a  coach,  and  compelled   slaves- 
him  to  go  up  and  down  in  that  sort  amongst  all  their  neigh 
bours.     He  that  had  once  abidden  this  punishment,  and 
was  seen   in   that    manner,   was   proclaimed   and   cried   in 
every  market  town  :  so  that  no  man  would  ever  trust  him 
after,  and    they  called  him  Furcifer,  because  the   , 

'  '  J      f  Whereof 

Latins  call  the  wood  that  runneth  into  the  axletree   f«rd/er 
of  the  coach  Furca,  as  much  to  say  as  a  fork.     Now, 
when  Latinus  had  made  report  to  the  Senate  of  the  vision 
that  had  happened  to  him,  they  were  devising  whom  this 
unpleasant  dancer  should  be,  that  went  before  the  proces 
sion.     Thereupon  certain  that  stood   by  remembered  the 
poor  slave  that  was  so  cruelly  whipped  through  the  market 
place,  whom  they  afterwards  put  to  death  :  and  the  thing 
that  made  them  remember  it  was  the  strange  and  rare  man 
ner  of  his  punishment.     The  priests  hereupon  were  repaired 
unto  for  advice  :  they  were  wholly  of  opinion,  that  it  was 
the  whipping  of  the  slave.     So  they  caused  the   A 
slave's  master  to  be  punished,  and  began  again  a   mpny  in- 
new  procession,  and  all  other  shows  and  sights  in   by  king 

Numa 

honour  of  Jupiter.     But  hereby  appeareth  plainly,   touching 

•  •         -KT  1-1-1  i    •         11        i  religion. 

how  king  Numa  did  wisely  ordain  all  other  cere 
monies  concerning  devotion  to  the  gods,  and  specially  this 


1 82          CAIUS   MARTIUS   COR1OLANUS 

custom  which  he  stablished  to  bring  the  people  to  re 
ligion.  For  when  the  magistrates,  bishops,  priests,  or  other 
religious  ministers  go  about  any  divine  service,  or  matter  of 
religion,  an  herald  ever  goeth  before  them,  crying  out 
aloud,  Hoc  age  :  as  to  say,  do  this,  or  mind  this.  Hereby 
they  are  specially  commanded  wholly  to  dispose  themselves 
to  serve  God,  leaving  all  other  business  and  matters  aside  : 
knowing  well  enough,  that  whatsoever  most  men  do,  they 
The  super-  ^°  **  as  ln  a  manner  constrained  unto  it.  But 
of'the"  l^e  R°mans  did  ever  use  to  begin  again  their 
Romans,  sacrifices,  processions,  plays,  and  such  like  shows 
done  in  honour  of  the  gods,  not  only  upon  such  an  occa 
sion,  but  upon  lighter  causes  than  that.  As  when  they 
went  a  procession  through  the  city,  and  did  carry  the  images 
of  their  gods  and  such  other  like  holy  relics  upon  open 
hallowed  coaches  or  charrets,  called  in  Latin  Tcn- 
sae  :  one  of  the  coach  horses  that  drew  them  stood 
still,  and  would  draw  no  more  :  and  because  also  the  coach 
man  took  the  reins  of  the  bridle  with  the  left  hand,  they 
ordained  that  the  procession  should  be  begun  again  anew. 
Of  later  time  also,  they  did  renew  and  begin  a  sacrifice 
thirty  times  one  after  another,  because  they  thought  still 
there  fell  out  one  fault  or  other  in  the  same,  so  holy  and 
devout  were  they  to  the  gods.  Now  Tullus  and  Marti  us 
had  secret  conference  with  the  greatest  personages  of  the 
city  of  Antium,  declaring  unto  them,  that  now  they  had 
good  time  offered  them  to  make  war  with  the  Romans, 


.  CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS  183 

while  they  were  in   dissension  one  with  another.     They 
answered  them,  they  were  ashamed  to  break  the   The 
league,  considering  that  they  were  sworn  to  keep   ^£^0 
peace  for  two  years.     Howbeit,  shortly  after,  the   ^c°^"0sn  of 
Romans  gave  them  great  occasion  to  make  war  with   wars- 
them.     For  on  a  holy  day,  common  plays  being  kept  in 
Rome,  upon  some  suspicion  or  false  report,  they  made  pro 
clamation  by  sound  of  trumpet,  that  all  the  Volsces  should 
avoid  out  of  Rome  before  sunset.     Some  think  this  was  a  craft 
and  deceit  of  Martius,  who  sent  one  to  Rome  to  the  Consuls, 
to  accuse  the  Volsces  falsely,  advertising  them  how  they  had 
made  a  conspiracy  to  set  upon  them,  whilst  they          . 
were  busy  in  seeing  these  games,  and  also  to  set   Conoia- 
their  city  afire.     This  open  proclamation  made  all   crafty 

IT  rr      i     i       •   i      i        r>  i  accusation 

the  Volsces  more  offended  with  the  Romans,  than  of  the 
ever  they  were  before  :  and  Tullus,  aggravating 
the  matter,  did  so  inflame  the  Volsces  against  them,  that 
in  the  end  they  sent  their  ambassadors  to  Rome,  to  summon 
them  to  deliver  their  lands  and  towns  again,  which  they  had 
taken  from  them  in  times  past,  or  to  look  for  present  wars. 
The  Romans,  hearing  this,  were  marvellously  nettled  :  and 
made  no  other  answer  but  thus  :  If  the  Volsces  be  the 
first  that  begin  war,  the  Romans  will  be  the  last  that 
will  end  it.  Incontinently  upon  return  of  the  Volsces' 
ambassadors,  and  delivery  of  the  Romans'  answer,  Tullus 
caused  an  assembly  general  to  be  made  of  the  Volsces,  and 
concluded  to  make  war  upon  the  Romans.  This  done, 


1 84          CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

Tullus  did  counsel  them  to  take  Martius  into  their  service, 
and  not  to  mistrust  him  for  the  remembrance  of  anything 
past,  but  boldly  to  trust  him  in  any  matter  to  come  :  for 
he  would  do  them  more  service  in  fighting  for  them,  than 
ever  he  did  them  displeasure  in  fighting  against  them.  So 
Martius  was  called  forth,  who  spake  so  excellently  in  the 
presence  of  them  all,  that  he  was  thought  no  less  eloquent 
in  tongue,[than  warlike  in  show  :  and  declared  himself  both 
expert  in  wars,  and  wise  with  valiantness.  Thus  he  was 
Coriolanus  j°'ne(^  'ln  commission  with  Tullus  as  general  of  the 
chosen  Volsces,  having  absolute  authority  between  them 

general  of  '  ' 

the  to  follow  and    pursue    the   wars.     But    Martius, 

Volsces,  . 

wuhTuiius  fearing  lest  tract  of  time  to  bring  this  army  to- 

Aufidius,  .  .   .  " 

againstthe  gether  with  all  the  munition  and  furniture  of  the 
Volsces  would  rob  him  of  the  mean  he  had  to 
execute  his  purpose  and  intent,  left  order  with  the  rulers 
and  chief  of  the  city,  to  assemble  the  rest  of  their  power, 
and  to  prepare  all  necessary  provision  for  the  camp.  Then 
he  with  the  lightest  soldiers  he  had,  and  that  were  willing 
to  follow  him,  stale  away  upon  the  sudden,  and  marched 
with  all  speed,  and  entered  the  territories  of  Rome,  before 
the  Romans  heard  any  news  of  his  coming.  Insomuch  the 
Coriolanus  Volsces  found  such  spoil  in  the  fields,  as  they  had 
invade  more  than  they  could  spend  in  their  camp,  and  were 
of7ne°neS  weary to  drive  and  carry  away  that  they  had.  How- 
Romans.  bejt  the  gain  of  the  spoil  and  the  hurt  they  did  to 
the  Romans  in  this  invasion  was  the  least  part  of  his  intent. 


CAIUS   MARTIUS  CORIOLANUS          185 

For  his  chiefest  purpose  was,  to  increase  still  the  malice  and 
dissension    between    the    nobility   and   the    com-   A  fine 
monalty  :  and  to  draw  that  on,  he  was  very  careful   ^k^the 
to  keep  the  noble  men's  lands  and  goods  safe  from   ahy""0"" 
harm    and    burning,   but   spoiled    all    the   whole   s"sPect 
country  besides,  and  would  suffer  no  man  to  take   nobility. 
or  hurt  anything  of  the  noble  men's.    This  made  greater  stir 
and  broil  between  the  nobility  and  people  than  was  before. 
For  the  noble  men  fell  out  with  the  people,  because  they 
had  so  unjustly  banished  a  man  of  so  great  valour  and  power. 
The  people  on  th'  other  side  accused  the  nobility,   Great 
how  they  had  procured  Martius   to   make   these   burnVng 
wars,  to  be  revenged  of  them  :  because  it  pleased   ^wlxt 
them  to  see  their  goods  burnt  and  spoiled  before   no*[iiity 
their  eyes,  whilst  themselves  were  well  at  ease,  and   people, 
did  behold  the  people's  losses  and  misfortunes,  and  knowing 
their  own  goods  safe  and  out  of  danger  :  and  how  the  war 
was  not  made  against  the  noble  men,  that  had  the  enemy 
abroad,   to  keep  that  they  had  in  safety.     Now  Martius 
having  done   this    first   exploit  (which   made    the  Volsces 
bolder,  and  less  fearful  of  the   Romans)  brought  home  all 
the    army  again,   without  loss   of  any   man.     After    their 
whole  army  (which  was  marvellous  great,  and  very  forward 
to  service)  was  assembled  in  one  camp,  they  agreed  to  leave 
part  of  it  for  garrison   in  the  country  about,  and  the  other 
part  should  go  on,  and  make  the  war  upon  the  Romans. 
So  Martius  bade  Tullus  choose,  and  take  which  of  the  two 


1 86          CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

charges  he  liked  best.  Tullus  made  him  answer,  he  knew 
by  experience  that  Martius  was  no  less  valiant  than  himself, 
and  how  he  ever  had  better  fortune  and  good  hap  in  all 
battles,  than  himself  had.  Therefore  he  thought  it  best  for 
him  to  have  the  leading  of  those  that  should  make  the  wars 
abroad  :  and  himself  would  keep  home,  to  provide  for  the 
safety  of  the  cities  and  of  his  country,  and  to  furnish  the 
camp  also  of  all  necessary  provision  abroad.  So  Martius, 
being  stronger  than  before,  went  first  of  all  unto  the  city  of 
Cerceii,  inhabited  by  the  Romans,  who  willingly  yielded 
themselves,  and  therefore  had  no  hurt.  From  thence,  he 
entered  the  country  of  the  Latins,  imagining  the  Romans 
would  fight  with  him  there  to  defend  the  Latins,  who  were 
their  confederates,  and  had  many  times  sent  unto  the  Romans 
for  their  aid.  But  on  the  one  side  the  people  of  Rome  were 
very  ill  willing  to  go  :  and  on  the  other  side  the  Consuls, 
being  upon  their  going  out  of  their  office,  would  not  hazard 
themselves  for  so  small  a  time  :  so  that  the  ambassadors  ot 
the  Latins  returned  home  again,  and  did  no  good.  Then 
Martius  did  besiege  their  cities,  and  having  taken  by  force 
the  towns  of  the  Tolerinians,  Vicanians,  Pedanians,  and  the 
Bolanians,  who  made  resistance,  he  sacked  all  their  goods, 
and  took  them  prisoners.  Such  as  did  yield  themselves 
willingly  unto  him,  he  was  as  careful  as  possible  might  be, 
to  defend  them  from  hurt :  and  because  they  should  receive 
no  damage  by  his  will,  he  removed  his  camp  as  far  from 
their  confines  as  he  could.  Afterwards  he  took  the  city  of 


CAIUS  MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS          187 

Bolae  by  assault,  being  about  an  hundred  furlong  from 
Rome,  where  he  had  a  marvellous  great  spoil,  and  put  every 
man  to  the  sword  that  was  able  to  carry  weapon.  The 
other  Volsces  that  were  appointed  to  remain  in  garrison  for 
defence  of  their  country,  hearing  this  good  news,  would 
tarry  no  lenger  at  home,  but  armed  themselves,  and  ran 
to  Martius'  camp,  saying  they  did  acknowledge  no  other 
captain  but  him.  Hereupon  his  fame  ran  through  all  Italy, 
and  every  one  praised  him  for  a  valiant  captain,  for  that, 
by  change  of  one  man  for  another,  such  and  so  strange 
events  fell  out  in  the  State.  In  this  while,  all  went  still  to 
wrack  at  Rome.  For,  to  come  into  the  field  to  fight  with 
the  enemy,  they  could  not  abide  to  hear  of  it,  they  were 
one  so  much  against  another,  and  full  of  seditious  words, 
the  nobility  against  the  people,  and  the  people  against  the 
nobility.  Until  they  had  intelligence  at  the  length  that  the 
enemies  had  laid  siege  to  the  city  of  Lavinium,  in  the  which 
were  all  the  temples  and  images  of  the  gods  their  protectors, 
and  from  whence  came  first  their  ancient  original,  for  that 
Aeneas  at  his  first  arrival  into  Italy  did  build  that 

_,.  _  .  Lavinium 

city.      Then  fell  there  out  a  marvellous  sudden   built  by 
change  of  mind  among  the  people,  and  fir  more 
*strange  and  contrary  in  the  nobility.    For  the  people  thought 
*good   to  repeal   the  condemnation  and  exile  of  Martius.1 
The  Senate,  assembled  upon  it,  would  in  no  case  yield  to 
that.     Who  either  did  it  of  a  selfwill   to  be  contrary  to 

1  Cf.  Coriolanus,  IV.  vi.  140-162  ;  vii.  31-3. 


1 88          CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

the  people's  desire  :  or  because  Martius  should  not  return 
through  the  grace  and  favour  of  the  people.  Or  else,  because 
they  were  throughly  angry  and  offended  with  him,  that 
he  would  set  upon  the  whole,  being  offended  but  by  a  few, 
and  in  his  doings  would  shew  himself  an  open  enemy 
besides  unto  his  country  :  notwithstanding  the  most  part 
of  them  took  the  wrong  they  had  done  him  in  marvellous 
ill  part,  and  as  if  the  injury  had  been  done  unto  them 
selves.  Report  being  made  of  the  Senate's  resolution,  the 
people  found  themselves  in  a  strait :  for  they  could  authorize 
and  confirm  nothing  by  their  voices,  unless  it  had  been  first 
propounded  and  ordained  by  the  Senate.  But  Martius, 
hearing  this  stir  about  him,  was  in  a  greater  rage  with  them 
than  before  :  insomuch  as  he  raised  his  siege  incontinently 
before  the  city  of  Lavinium,  and  going  towards  Rome, 
lodged  his  camp  within  forty  furlong  of  the  city,  at  the 
ditches  called  Cluiliae.  His  encamping  so  near  Rome  did 
put  all  the  whole  city  in  a  wonderful  fear:  howbeit  for  the 
present  time  it  appeased  the  sedition  and  dissension  betwixt 
the  Nobility  and  the  people.  For  there  was  no  Consul, 
Senator,  nor  Magistrate,  that  durst  once  contrary  the  opinion 
of  the  people,  for  the  calling  home  again  of  Martius.  When 
they  saw  the  women  in  a  marvellous  fear,  running  up  and 
down  the  city  :  the  temples  of  the  gods  full  of  old  people, 
weeping  bitterly  in  their  prayers  to  the  gods  :  and  finally, 
not  a  man  either  wise  or  hardy  to  provide  for  their  safety : 
then  they  were  all  of  opinion,  that  the  people  had  reason 


189 

to  call  home  Martius  again  to  reconcile  themselves  to  him, 
and  that  the  Senate,  on  the  contrary  part,  were  in  marvel 
lous  great  fault  to  be  angry  and  in  choler  with  him,  when 
it  stood  them  upon  rather  to  have  gone  out  and  entreated 
him.     So  they  all  agreed  together  to  send  ambas-   Tlie 
sadors  unto  him,  to  let  him  understand  how  his   ^nd1^- 
countrymen  did  call  him  home  again,  and  restored   bassadors 

'  to  Corio- 

to  him  all  his  goods,  and  besought  him  to  deliver   'anus  to 

0  treat  of 

*them  from  this  war.  The  ambassadors  that  were  peace. 
*sent  were  Martius'  familiar  friends  and  acquaintance,  who 
*looked  at  the  least  for  a  courteous  welcome  of  him,  as  of  their 
*familiar  friend  and  kinsman.  Howbeit  they  found  nothing 
*less.1  For  at  their  coming,  they  were  brought  through 
the  camp  to  the  place  where  he  was  set  in  his  chair  of  state, 
with  a  marvellous  and  an  unspeakable  majesty,  having  the 
chiefest  men  of  the  Volsces  about  him  :  so  he  commanded 
them  to  declare  openly  the  cause  of  their  coming.  Which 
they  delivered  in  the  most  humble  and  lowly  words  they 
possibly  could  devise,  and  with  all  modest  countenance  and 
behaviour  agreeable  for  the  same.  When  they  had  done 
their  message,  for  the  injury  they  had  done  him  he  answered 
them  very  hotly,  and  in  great  choler  :  but,  as  general  of  the 
Volsces,  he  willed  them  to  restore  unto  the  Volsces  all 
their  lands  and  cities  they  had  taken  from  them  in  former 
wars  :  and  moreover,  that  they  should  give  them  the  like 
honour  and  freedom  of  Rome,  as  they  had  before  given  to 

1  Cf.  Coriolanus,  V.  i. 


190           CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

the  Latins.  For  otherwise  they  had  no  other  mean  to  end 
this  war,  if  they  did  not  grant  these  honest  and  just  con 
ditions  of  peace.  Thereupon  he  gave  them  thirty  days' 
respite  to  make  him  answer.  So  the  ambassadors  returned 
straight  to  Rome,  and  Martius  forthwith  departed  with  his 
army  out  of  the  territories  of  the  Romans.  This 

1  he  first  ' 

occasion       was  the  first  matter  wherewith  the  Volsces  (that 

of  the 

Volsces'  most  envied  Martius'  glory  and  authority)  did 
charge  Martius  with.  Among  those,  Tullus  was* 
chief :  who  though  he  had  received  no  private* 
injury  or  displeasure  of  Martius,  yet  the  common* 
fault  and  imperfection  of  man's  nature  wrought  in  him,  and* 
it  grieved  him  to  see  his  own  reputation  blemished  through* 
Martius'  great  fame  and  honour,  and  so  himself  to  be  less* 
esteemed  of  the  Volsces,  than  he  was  before.1  This  fell* 
out  the  more,  because  every  man  honoured  Martius,  and 
thought  he  only  could  do  all,  and  that  all  other  governors 
and  captains  must  be  content  with  such  credit  and  authority, 
as  he  would  please  to  countenance  them  with.  From  hence 
they  derived  all  their  first  accusations  and  secret  murmur- 
ings  against  Martius.  For  private  captains,  conspiring 
against  him,  were  very  angry  with  him  :  and  gave  it  out, 
that  the  removing  of  the  camp  was  a  manifest  treason,  not 
of  the  towns,  nor  forts,  nor  of  arms,  but  of  time  and  occasion, 
which  was  a  loss  of  great  importance,  because  it  was  that 
which  in  reason  might  bothi  loose  and  bind  all,  and  pre- 

1  Cf.  Coriolanut,  IV.  vii. 


CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS          191 

serve  the  whole.  Now  Martius  having  given  the  Romans 
thirty  days'  respite  for  their  answer,  and  specially  because 
the  wars  have  not  accustomed  to  make  any  great  changes 
in  less  space  of  time  than  that  :  he  thought  it  good  yet,  not 
to  lie  asleep  idle  all  the  while,  but  went  and  destroyed 
the  lands  of  the  enemies'  allies,  and  took  seven  cities 
of  theirs  well  inhabited,  and  the  Romans  durst  not  once  put 
themselves  into  the  field,  to  come  to  their  aid  and  help  : 
they  were  so  faint-hearted,  so  mistrustful,  and  loth  besides 
to  make  wars.  Insomuch  as  they  properly  resembled  the 
bodies  paralytic  and  loosed  of  their  limbs  and  members  : 
as  those  which  through  the  palsy  have  lost  all  their  sense 
and  feeling.  Wherefore,  the  time  of  peace  expired.  Another 
Martius  being  returned  into  the  dominions  of  the  ambassade 

°      _  _  sent  to 

Romans  again  with  all  his  army,  they  sent  another   Corio. 

,  .  .  ,  lanus. 

ambassade  unto  him,  to  pray  peace  and  the  remove 
of  the  Volsces  out  of  their  country  :  that  afterwards 
they  might  with  better  leisure  fall  to  such  agreements 
together,  as  should  be  thought  most  meet  and  necessary. 
For  the  Romans  were  no  men  that  would  ever  yield 
for  fear.  But  if  he  thought  the  Volsces  had  any  ground 
to  demand  reasonable  articles  and  conditions,  all  that 
they  would  reasonably  ask  should  be  granted  unto  by 
the  Romans,  who  of  themselves  would  willingly  yield  to 
reason,  conditionally  that  they  did  lay  down  arms.  Martius 
to  that  answered  :  that  as  general  of  the  Volsces  he  would 
reply  nothing  unto  it,  but  yet  as  a  Roman  citizen  he  would 


192  CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

counsel  them  to  let  fall  their  pride,  and  to  be  conformable  to 
reason,  if  they  were  wise  :  and  that  they  should  return  again 
within  three  days,  delivering  up  the  articles  agreed  upon, 
which  he  had  first  delivered  them.  Or  otherwise,  that  he 
would  no  more  give  them  assurance  or  safe  conduct  to  return 
again  into  his  camp  with  such  vain  and  frivolous  messages. 
When  the  ambassadors  were  returned  to  Rome,  and  had 
reported  Martius'  answer  to  the  Senate,  their  city  being  in 
extreme  danger,  and  as  it  were  in  a  terrible  storm  or  tempest, 
they  threw  out  (as  the  common  proverb  saith)  their  holy 
anchor.  For  then  they  appointed  all  the  bishops, 
and'sooth^  priests,  ministers  of  the  gods,  and  keepers  of  holy 
s?inu>  things,  and  all  the  augurs  or  soothsayers,  which 
foreshow  things  to  come  by  observation  of  the 
flying  of  birds  (which  is  an  old  ancient  kind  of 
prophesying  and  divination  amongst  the  Romans)  to  go  to 
Martius  apparelled  as  when  they  do  their  sacrifices  :  and 
first  to  entreat  him  to  leave  off  war,  and  then  that  he  would 
speak  to  his  countrymen,  and  conclude  peace  with  the  Vol- 
sces.  Martius  suffered  them  to  come  into  his  camp,  but 
yet  he  granted  them  nothing  the  more,  neither  did  he  enter 
tain  them  or  speak  more  courteously  to  them,  than  he  did 
the  first  time  that  they  came  unto  him,  saving  only  that  he 
willed  them  to  take  the  one  of  the  two  :  either  to  accept 
peace  under  the  first  conditions  offered,  or  else  to  receive 
war.  When  all  this  goodly  rabble  of  superstition  and 
priests  were  returned,  it  was  determined  in  council  that 


CAIUS  MARTIUS  CORIOLANUS  193 

none  should  go  out  of  the  gates  of  the  city,  and  that  they 
should  watch  and  ward  upon  the  walls,  to  repulse  their 
enemies  if  they  came  to  assault  them  :  referring  themselves 
and  all  their  hope  to  time  and  fortune's  uncertain  favour, 
not  knowing  otherwise  how  to  remedy  the  danger.  Now 
all  the  city  was  full  of  tumult,  fear,  and  marvellous  doubt 
what  would  happen  :  until  at  length  there  fell  out  such 
a  like  matter,  as  Homer  oft-times  said  they  would  least  have 
thought  of.  For  in  great  matters,  that  happen  seldom, 
Homer  saith,  and  crieth  out  in  this  sort  : 

The  goddess  Pallas  she,  with  her  fair  glistering  eyes, 

Did  put  into  his  mind  such  thoughts,  and  made  him  so  devise. 

And  in  another  place  : 

But  sure  some  god  hath  ta'en  out  of  the  people's  mind 

Both  wit  and  understanding  eke,  and  have  therewith  assigned 

Some  other  simple  spirit  instead  thereof  to  bide, 

That  so  they  might  their  doings  all  for  lack  of  wit  misguide. 

And  in  another  place  : 

The  people  of  themselves  did  either  it  consider, 

Or  else  some  god  instructed  them,  and  so  they  joined  together. 

Many  reckon  not  of  Homer,  as  referring  matters  unpos- 
sible,  and  fables  of  no  likelihood  or  troth,  unto  man's 
reason,  freewill,  or  judgement  :  which  indeed  is  not  his 
meaning.  But  things  true  and  likely  he  maketh  to  depend 


194          CAIUS   MARTIUS  CORIOLANUS 

of  our  own  freewill  and  reason.     For  he  oft  speaketh  these 
words  : 

I  have  thought  it  in  my  noble  heart  : 

And  in  another  place  : 

Achilles  angry  was,  and  sorry  for  to  hear 

Him  so  to  say  :  his  heavy  breast  was  fraught  with  pensive  fear. 

And  again  in  another  place  : 

Bellerophon  (she)  could  not  move  with  her  fair  tongue  ; 
So  honest  and  so  virtuous  he  was  the  rest  among. 

But  in  wondrous  and  extraordinary  things,  which  are 
done  by  secret  inspirations  and  motions,  he  doth  not  say 
that  God  taketh  away  from  man  his  choice  and  freedom  of 
will,  but  that  he  doth  move  it  :  neither  that  he  doth  work 
desire  in  us,  but  objecteth  to  our  minds  certain  imagina 
tions  whereby  we  are  led  to  desire,  and  thereby  doth  not 
make  this  our  action  forced,  but  openeth  the  way  to  our 
will,  and  addeth  thereto  courage  and  hope  of  success.  For 
either  we  must  say  that  the  gods  meddle  not  with  the 
causes  and  beginnings  of  our  actions  :  or  else  what  other 
means  have  they  to  help  and  further  men  ?  It  is  apparent 
that  they  handle  not  our  bodies,  nor  move  not  our  feet  and 
hands,  when  there  is  occasion  to  use  them  :  but  that  part 
of  our  mind,  from  which  these  motions  proceed,  is  induced 
thereto  or  carried  away  by  such  objects  and  reasons  as  God 
offereth  unto  it.  Now  the  Roman  Ladies  and  gentlewomen 


CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS  195 

did  visit  all  the  temples  and  gods  of  the  same,  to  make  their 
prayers  unto  them  :  but  the  greatest  Ladies  (and  more  part 
of  them)  were  continually  about  the  altar  of  Jupiter  Capi- 
*toline,  among  which  troop  by  name  was  Valeria,  Publi- 
*cola's  own  sister  ;  the  self  same  Publicola,  who  did  such 
*notable  service  to  the  Romans,  both  in  peace  and  wars, 
*and  was  dead  also  certain  years  before,  as  we  have  declared 
*in  his  life.  His  sister  Valeria  was  greatly  hon- 
*oured  and  reverenced  among  all  the  Romans  :  Publicola  s 
*and  did  so  modestly  and  wisely  behave  her  self, 
*that  she  did  not  shame  nor  dishonour  the  house  she  came 
*of.1  So  she  suddenly  fell  into  such  a  fancy  as  we  have 
rehearsed  before,  and  had  (by  some  god  as  I  think)  taken 
hold  of  a  noble  device.  Whereupon  she  rose,  and  th'  other 
Ladies  with  her,  and  they  all  together  went  straight 

r    TT-   i  •         ir       •      i  Volumnia, 

to    the    house    of    Volumnia,    Martius     mother  :    Martius' 
and    coming    in     to    her,    found    her    and    Mar 
tius'  wife   her   daughter-in-law  set    together,   and    having 
her  husband  Martius'  young  children  in  her  lap.     Now  all 
the  train  of  these  Ladies  sitting  in  a  ring  round  about  her, 
Valeria  first  began  to  speak  in  this  sort  unto  her  :    The  words 
'  We  Ladies  are  come  to  visit  you  Ladies  (my  Lady   unto3" 
1  Volumnia  and  Virgilia)  by  no  direction  from  the   Jn°dUmn!a 
'  Senate,  nor  commandment  of  other  magistrate,  but   Virsilia- 
'  through  the  inspiration  (as  I  take  it)  of  some  god  above. 
'  Who,  having  taken  compassion  and   pity  of  our  prayers, 
1  Cf.  Coriolanus,  V.  iii.  64-7. 


196           CAIUS   MARTIUS  CORIOLANUS 

'  hath  moved  us  to  come  unto  you,  to  entreat  you  in  a 
'  matter,  as  well  beneficial  for  us,  as  also  for  the  whole 
'  citizens  in  general  :  but  to  yourselves  in  especial 
'  (if  it  please  you  to  credit  me)  and  shall  redound  to 
'  our  more  fame  and  glory,  than  the  daughters  of  the  Sabines 
'  obtained  in  former  age,  when  they  procured  loving  peace, 
'  in  stead  of  hateful  war,  between  their  fathers  and  their  hus- 
'  bands.  Come  on  good  ladies,  and  let  us  go  all  together 
*  unto  Martius,  to  entreat  him  to  take  pity  upon  us,  and  also 
'  to  report  the  troth  unto  him,  how  much  you  are  bound  unto 
'  the  citizens  :  who  notwithstanding  they  have  sustained 
'  great  hurt  and  losses  by  him,  yet  they  have  not  hitherto 
'  sought  revenge  upon  your  persons  by  any  discourteous 
'  usage,  neither  ever  conceived  any  such  thought  or  intent 
'  against  you,  but  do  deliver  ye  safe  into  his  hands,  though 
'  thereby  they  look  for  no  better  grace  or  clemency  from  him.' 
When  Valeria  had  spoken  this  unto  them,  all  th'  other 
ladies  together  with  one  voice  confirmed  that  she  had  said. 
Xhe  Then  Volumnia  in  this  sort  did  answer  her.  *  My 

Vtfiwnnia  '  good  ladies,  weare  partakers  with  you  of  the  common 
Roman  *  misery  and  calamity  of  our  country,  and  yet  our 
ladies.  i  grief  exceedeth  yours  the  more,  by  reason  of  our 
'  particular  misfortune  :  to  feel  the  loss  of  my  son  Martius' 
'  former  valiancy  and  glory,  and  to  see  his  person 
'  environed  now  with  our  enemies  in  arms,  rather 
'  to  see  him  forthcoming  and  safe  kept,  than  of  any 
'  love  to  defend  his  person.  But  yet  the  greatest  grief  of  our 


CAIUS  MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS          197 

'  heaped  mishaps  is  to  see  our  poor  country  brought  to  such 
'  extremity,  that  all  hope  of  the  safety  and  preservation 
'  thereof  is  now  unfortunately  cast  upon  us  simple  women  : 
'  because  we  know  not  what  accompt  he  will  make  of  us,  since 
'  he  hath  cast  from  him  all  care  of  his  natural  country  and 
'  commonweal,  which  heretofore  he  hath  holden  more  dear 
'  and  precious  than  either  his  mother,  wife,  or  children.  Not- 

*  withstanding,  if  ye  think  we  can  do  good,  we  will  willingly 

*  do  what  you  will  have  us.     Bring  us  to  him  I  pray  you.     For, 
'  if  we  cannot  prevail,  we  may  yet  die  at  his  feet,  as  humble 
'suitors  for  the  safety  of  our  country.'     Her  answer  ended, 
she  took  her  daughter-in-law  and  Martius'  children  with 
her,  and  being  accompanied  with  all  the  other  Roman  ladies, 
they   went    in    troop    together    unto    the    Volsces'   camp  : 
whom  when  they  saw,  they  of  themselves  did  both  pity  and 
reverence  her,  and  there  was  not  a  man  among  them  that 
*once  durst  say  a  word  unto  her.      Now  was  Martius  set  then 
*in  his  chair  of  state,  with  all  the  honours  of  a  general,  and, 
*when  he  had  spied  the  women  coming  afar  off,  he  marvelled 
*what  the  matter  meant  :  but  afterwards,  knowing  his  wife 
*which  came  foremost,  he  determined  at  the  first  to  persist 

in  his  obstinate  and  inflexible  rancour.  But  overcome  in 
*the  end  with  natural  affection,  and  being  altogether  altered 
*to  see  them,  his  heart  would  not  serve  him  to  tarry  their 
*coming  to  his  chair,  but  coming  down  in  haste,  he  went  to 
*meet  them,  and  first  he  kissed  his  mother,  and  embraced  her 
*a  pretty  while,  then  his  wifeand  littlechildren.  And  nature 


198  CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

so  wrought  with  him,  that  the  tears  fell  from  his  eyes,  and* 
he  could  not  keep  himself  from  making  much  of  them,  but* 
yielded  to  the  affection  of  his  blood,  as  if  he  had  been* 
violently  carried  with  the  fury  of  a  most  swift-running* 
stream.1  After  he  had  thus  lovingly  received  them,  and* 
perceiving  that  his  mother  Volumnia  would  begin  to  speak 
to  him,  he  called  the  chiefest  of  the  council  of  the  Volsces* 
to  hear  what  she  would  say.2  Then  she  spake  in  this* 
The  ora-  sort-  '  If  we  held  our  peace  (my  son)  andt 
Vohimnia  '  determined  not  to  speak,  the  state  of  our  poort 
son°Corio-  '  bodies  a°d  present  sight  of  our  raiment  wouldt 
lanus.  <  easily  bewray  totheewhat  lifewehaveledathome,f 
'  since  thy  exile  and  abode  abroad.  But  think  now  with  thyt 
'  self,  how  much  more  unfortunately  than  all  the  woment 
'  living  we  are  come  hither,  considering  that  the  sight  whichf 
'  should  be  most  pleasant  to  all  other  to  behold,  spiteful  for-t 

*  tune  hath  made  most  fearful  to  us  :  making  my  self  to  sect 
'  my  son,  and  my  daughter  here,  her  husband,  besieging  thet 
'  walls  of  his  native  country.     So  as  that  which  is  th'  onlyt 
'  comfort  to  all  other  in  their  adversity  and  misery,  to  prayt 

unto  the  gods,  and  to  call  to  them  for  aid,  is  the  only  thingt 
'  which  plungeth  us  into  most  deep  perplexity.  For  we  can-t 
'  not  (alas)  together  pray,  both  for  victory  for  our  country,! 
'  and  for  safety  of  thy  life  also  :  but  a  world  of  grievous  curses,! 

*  yea  more  than  any  mortal  enemy  can  heap  upon  us,  aret 
'  forcibly  wrapped  up  in  our  prayers.     For  the  bitter  sop  oft 

1  Cf.  Coriolanui,  V.  iii.  19-52.  2  Ibid.  V.  iii.  92,  3. 


CAIUS    MARTIUS    CORIOLANUS  199 

t*  most  hard  choice  is  offered  thy  wife  and  children,  to  forgo 
t*  the  one  of  the  two  :  either  to  lose  the  person  of  thy  self,  or 
t'  the  nurse  of  their  native  country.  For  my  self  (my  son) 
t'  I  am  determined  not  to  tarry  till  fortune  in  my  lifetime  do 
f  make  an  end  of  this  war.  For  if  I  cannot  persuade  thee, 
t'  rather  to  do  good  unto  both  parties,  than  to  overthrow  and 
t' destroy  the  on^,  preferring  love  and  nature  before  the 
t'  malice  and  calamity  of  wars  :  thou  shalt  see,  my  son,  and 
t'  trust  unto  it,  thou  shalt  no  sooner  march  forward  to  assault 
f  thy  country,  but  thy  foot  shall  tread  upon  thy  mother's 
t'  womb,  that  brought  thee  first  into  this  world.  And  I  may 
t'  not  defer  to  see  the  day,  either  that  my  son  be  led  prisoner 
t'  in  triumph  by  his  natural  countrymen,  or  that  he  himselt 
t'  do  triumph  of  them,  and  of  his  natural  country.1  For  if  it 
f  were  so,  that  my  request  tended  to  save  thy  country  in 
f  destroying  the  Volsces,  I  must  confess,  thou  wouldst 
*'  hardly  and  doubtfully  resolve  on  that.  For  as  to  destroy 
*'  thy  natural  country,  it  is  altogether  unmeet  and  unlawful  : 
*'  so  were  it  not  just,  and  less  honourable,  to  betray  those  that 
*'  put  their  trust  in  thee.  But  my  only  demand  consisteth, 
*'  to  make  a  gaol-delivery  of  all  evils,  which  delivereth  equal 
*'  benefit  and  safety  both  to  the  one  and  the  other,  but 
*'  most  honourable  for  the  Volsces.  For  it  shall  appear 
*'  that,  having  victory  in  their  hands,  they  have  of  special 
*'  favour  granted  us  singular  graces,  peace,  and  amity,  albeit 
*'  themselves  have  no  less  part  of  both  than  we.  Of  which 
1  Cf.  Coriolanus,  V.  iii.  94-125. 


200  CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

'good,  if  so  it  came  to  pass,  thy  self  is  th'  only  author,  and* 
'so  hast  thou  th'  only  honour.  But  if  it  fail,  and  fall  out* 
'  contrary,  thy  self  alone  deservedly  shall  carry  the  shameful* 
'  reproach  and  burden  of  either  party.  So,  though  the  end* 
'  of  war  be  uncertain,  yet  this  notwithstanding  is  most  certain,t 
'  that,  if  it  be  thy  chance  to  conquer,  this  benefit  shalt  thouf 
'  reap  of  thy  goodly  conquest,  to  be  chronicled  the  plague  andt 
'  destroyer  of  thy  country.1  And  if  fortune  also  overthrow! 
'  thee,  then  the  world  will  say,  that  through  desire  to  revenge 
'  thy  private  injuries,  thou  hast  for  ever  undone  thy  good 
'  friends,  who  did  most  lovingly  and  courteously  receive  thee.' 
Martini  gave  good  ear  unto  his  mother's  words,  without 
interrupting  her  speech  at  all  :  and  after  she  had  said  what 
she  would,  he  held  his  peace  a  pretty  while,  and  answered 
not  a  word.  Hereupon  she  began  again  to  speak  unto  him, 
and  said  :  '  My  son,  why  dost  thou  not  answer  me  ?  Dost 
'  thou  think  it  good  altogether  to  give  place  unto  thy  choler 
'  and  desire  of  revenge,  and  thinkest  thou  it  not  honesty  for 
'  thee  to  grant  thy  mother's  request,  in  so  weighty  a  cause  ? 
'  Dost  thou  take  it  honourable  for  a  noble  man  to  rememberf 
'  the  wrongs  and  injuries  done  him,  and  dost  not  in  like  casef 
'  think  it  an  honest  noble  man's  part  to  be  thankful  for  the* 
'  goodness  that  parents  do  shew  to  their  children,  acknow-* 
'  ledging  the  duty  and  reverence  they  ought  to  bear  unto* 
'  them  ?  No  man  living  is  more  bound  to  show  himself* 
'  thankful  in  all  parts  and  respects,  than  thy  self :  who  so* 

1   Cf.  Coriolanus,  V.  iii.  132-48. 


CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS          201 

*'  unnaturally  sheweth  all  ingratitude.1      Moreover  (my  son) 
'  thou   hast   sorely  taken   of  thy   country,  exacting    grievous 
'  payments  upon  them,  in  revenge  of  the  injuries  offered  thee  : 
t'  besides,  thou  hast  not  hitherto  shewed  thy  poor  mother  any 
t*  courtesy.  And  therefore,  it  is  not  only  honest,  but  due  unto 
*'  me,  that  without  compulsion  I  should  obtain  my  so  just  and 
*' reasonable  request  of  thee.     But  since  by  reason  I  cannot 
*'  persuade   thee   to  it,  to  what   purpose  do  I  defer  my  last 
*'  hope  ? '     And  with  these  words,  her  self,  his  wife,  and  chil- 
*dren  fell  down  upon  their  knees  before  him.2     Martius, 
seeing   that,    could    refrain   no    lenger,   but  went    corio- 
tstraight  and  lift  her  up,  crying  out  :  '  Oh  mother,   co^pas. 
twhat  have  you  done  to  me  ? '  And  holding  her  hard    m°"h°rf.h's 
fby    the    right    hand,     '  Oh    mother, '    said    he, 
t*  you    have    won     a     happy   victory    for    your     country, 
t'  but    mortal    and    unhappy    for    your    son  :  3     for    I    see 
myself  vanquished   by    you    alone.'       These    words    being 
spoken  openly,  he  spake  a  little   apart  with  his   mother  and 
wife,  and    then  let  them  return   again  to  Rome,  for  so  they 
did  request  him  :  and  so,  remaining   in  camp  that    Coriolanus 
*night,  the  next  morning  he  dislodged,  and  marched   dr"w"eth 
^homewards    into    the    Volsces'    country    again,4   J^Jnny 
who    were    not    all    of  one    mind,   nor   all  alike    Rome- 
contented.      For    some     misliked    him,    and    that    he    had 
done.     Other,    being    well    pleased    that   peace  should   be 

1   Cf.  Coriolanus,  V.  iii.   154-60.  2  Ibid.  V.  iii.   160-82. 

3  Ibid.  V.  iii.  182,  3,  185-9.  4  Ibid.  V.  iv.  45. 


202  CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

made,  said  that  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  deserved 
blame  nor  reproach.  Other,  though  they  misliked  that  was 
done,  did  not  think  him  an  ill  man  for  that  he  did,  but  said 
he  was  not  to  be  blamed,  though  he  yielded  to  such  a  forcible 
extremity.  Howbeit  no  man  contraried  his  departure,  but 
all  obeyed  his  commandment,  more  for  respect  of  his  wor 
thiness  and  valiancy  than  for  fear  of  his  authority.  Now 
the  citizens  of  Rome  plainly  shewed  in  what  fear  and  danger 
their  city  stood  of  this  war,  when  they  were  delivered.  For 
so  soon  as  the  watch  upon  the  walls  of  the  city  perceived  the 
Volsces'  camp  to  remove,  there  was  not  a  temple  in  the* 
city  but  was  presently  set  open,  and  full  of  men  wearing* 
garlands  of  flowers  upon  their  heads,  sacrificing  to  the  gods,* 
as  they  were  wont  to  do  upon  the  news  of  some  great* 
obtained  victory.  And  this  common  joy  was  yet  more* 
manifestly  shewed  by  the  honourable  courtesies  the  whole* 
Senate  and  people  did  bestow  on  their  ladies.1  For  they* 
were  all  throughly  persuaded,  and  did  certainly  believe, 
that  the  ladies  only  were  cause  of  the  saving  of  the  city,  and 
delivering  themselves  from  the  instant  danger  of  the  war. 
Whereupon  the  Senate  ordained  that  the  magistrates,  to 
The  gratify  and  honour  these  ladies,  should  grant  them 

FoTun°f  a11  that  th<T  would  require.  And  they  only  re-* 
l*he '  f°r  quested  that  they  would  build  a  temple  of  Fortune* 
women.  of  the  WOmen,2  for  the  building  whereof  they* 
offered  themselves  to  defray  the  whole  charge  of  the 
1  Cf.  Coriolanus,  V.  iv.  68-73.  2  lb'd-  v-  '»•  2o6>  7- 


CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS          203 

sacrifices,  and  other  ceremonies  belonging  to  the  service  of 
the  gods.  Nevertheless,  the  Senate,  commending  their  good 
will  and  forwardness,  ordained  that  the  temple  and  image 
should  be  made  at  the  common  charge  of  the  city. 
Notwithstanding  that,  the  ladies  gathered  money  among 
them,  and  made  with  the  same  a  second  image  of  Fortune, 
which  the  Romans  say  did  speak  as  they  offered  her 
up  in  the  temple,  and  did  set  her  in  her  place  :  and  they 
affirm,  that  she  spake  these  words  :  '  Ladies,  ye  have 

r  «     -         i        The  image 

devoutly  offered  me  up.'     Moreover,  that  she  spake   of  Fortune 
that   twice  together,  making  us  to  believe  things   the  ladies 
that  never  were,  and  are  not  to  be  credited.     For 
to  see  images  that  seem  to  sweat  or  weep,  or  to  put  forth  any 
humour  red  or  bloody,  it  is  not  a  thing  unpossible.    ofthe 
For  wood  and  stone  do  commonly  receive  certain   a'nd'voiees 
moisture,  whereof  is  engendered  an  humour,  which   ° 
do  yield  of  themselves,  or  do  take  of  the  air,  many  sorts  and 
kinds  of  spots  and  colours  :  by  which  signs  and  tokens  it  is 
not  amiss,  we   think,  that  the   gods  sometimes  do  warn  men 
of  things  to  come.     And  it  is  possible  also,  that  these  images 
and  statues  do  sometimes  put  forth  sounds  like  unto  sighs 
or   mourning,  when  in   the  midst  or    bottom   of  the  same 
there  is   made  some  violent  separation,  or  breaking  asunder 
of  things  blown  or  devised  therein  :  but  that  a  body  which 
hath  neither  life  nor  soul  should  have  any  direct  or  exquisite 
word    formed  in   it    by    express   voice,    that    is   altogether 
unpossible.     For   the  soul  nor  god  himself  can   distinctly 


204  CAIUS    MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

speak  without  a  body,  having  necessary  organs  and  instruments 
meet  for  the  parts  of  the  same,  to  form  and  utter  distinct 
words.  But  where  stories  many  times  do  force  us  to 
believe  a  thing  reported  to  be  true  by  many  grave  testimonies, 
there  we  must  say  that  it  is  some  passion  contrary  to  our 
five  natural  senses,  which,  being  begotten  in  the  imaginative 
part  or  understanding,  draweth  an  opinion  unto  itself, 
even  as  we  do  in  our  sleeping.  For  many  times  we  think 
we  hear  that  we  do  not  hear  :  and  we  imagine  we  see  that 
we  see  not.  Yet  notwithstanding,  such  as  are  godly  bent, 
and  zealously  given  to  think  upon  heavenly  things,  so  as 
they  can  no  way  be  drawn  from  believing  that  which  is 
spoken  of  them,  they  have  this  reason  to  ground  the 
Ofthe  foundation  of  their  belief  upon.  That  is,  the 
°"tenc  omnipotency  of  God,  which  is  wonderful,  and  hath 
of  God.  no  manner  of  resemblance  or  likeliness  of  proportion 
unto  ours,  but  is  altogether  contrary  as  touching  our  nature, 
our  moving,  our  art,  and  our  force  :  and  therefore  if  he  do 
anything  unpossible  to  us,  or  do  bring  forth  and  devise  things 
without  man's  common  reach  and  understanding,  we  must  not 
therefore  think  it  unpossible  at  all.  For  if  in  other  things 
he  is  far  contrary  to  us,  much  more  in  his  works  and  secret 
„  „  operations  he  far  passeth  all  the  rest  :  but  the  most 

Tullus 

Aufidius       part  of  God's  doings,  as  Heraclitus  saith,  for  lack 

seeketh  to 

kill  Corio-    of  faith  are  hidden  and  unknown  unto  us.      Now 

lanus.  .  , 

when   Martius  was  returned  again  into  the  city  01 
Antium    from    his    voyage,  Tullus,   that  hated   and    could 


CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS          205 

no  lenger  abide  him  for  the  fear  he  had  of  his  authority, 
sought  divers  means  to  make  him  out  of  the  way,  thinking 
that  if  he  let  slip  that  present  time,  he  should  never 
recover  the  like  and  fit  occasion  again.  Wherefore  Tullus, 
having  procured  many  other  of  his  confederacy,  required 
Martius  might  be  deposed  from  his  estate,  to  render  up 
accompt  to  the  Volsces  of  his  charge  and  government. 
Martius,  fearing  to  become  a  private  man  again  under 
Tullus  being  general  (whose  authority  was  greater  otherwise, 
than  any  other  among  all  the  Volsces)  answered  :  he  was 
willing  to  give  up  his  charge,  and  would  resign  it  into  the 
hands  of  the  lords  of  the  Volsces,  if  they  did  all  command 
him,  as  by  all  their  commandment  he  received  it.  And 
moreover,  that  he  would  not  refuse  even  at  that  present  to 
give  up  an  accompt  unto  the  people,  if  they  would  tarry  the 
hearing  of  it.  The  people  hereupon  called  a  common  coun 
cil,  in  which  assembly  there  were  certain  orators  appointed, 
that  stirred  up  the  common  people  against  him  :  and  when 
they  had  told  their  tales,  Martius  rose  up  to  make  them 
answer.  Now,  notwithstanding  the  mutinous  people  made 
a  marvellous  great  noise,  yet  when  they  saw  him,  for  the 
reverence  they  bare  unto  his  valiantness,  they  quieted  them 
selves,  and  gave  still  audience  to  allege  with  leisure  what  he 
could  for  his  purgation.  Moreover,  the  honestest  men  of  the 
Antiates,  and  who  most  rejoiced  in  peace,  shewed  by  their 
countenance  that  they  would  hear  him  willingly,  and  judge 
also  according  to  their  conscience.  Whereupon  Tullus  fear- 


206  CAIUS    MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

ing  that  if  he  did  let  him  speak,  he  would  prove  his  innocency 
to  the  people,  because  amongst  other  things  he  had  an  elo 
quent  tongue,  besides  that  the  first  good  service  he  had  done 
to  the  people  of  the  Volsces  did  win  him  more  favour,  than 
these  last  accusations  could  purchase  him  displeasure  :  and 
furthermore,  the  offence  they  laid  to  his  charge  was  a  testi 
mony  of  the  good  will  they  ought  him,  for  they  would  never 
have  thought  he  had  done  them  wrong  for  that  they  took 
not  the  city  of  Rome,  if  they  had  not  been  very  near  taking 
of  it  by  means  of  his  approach  and  conduction.  For  these 
causes  Tullus  thought  he  might  no  lenger  delay  his  pretence 
and  enterprise,  neither  to  tarry  for  the  mutining  and  rising 
of  the  common  people  against  him  :  wherefore,  those  that* 
were  of  the  conspiracy  began  to  cry  out  that  he  was  not  to* 
be  heard,  nor  that  they  would  not  suffer  a  traitor  to  usurp* 
tyrannical  power  over  the  tribe  of  the  Volsces,1  who  would* 
not  yield  up  his  estate  and  authority.  And  in  saying  these 
words,  they  all  fell  upon  him,  and  killed  him  in  the  market 
place,  none  of  the  people  once  offering  to  rescue  him.  How- 
beit  it  is  a  clear  case,  that  this  murder  was  not  generally 
Coriolanus  consented  unto  of  the  most  part  of  the  Volsces  : 
murdered  for  men  came  out  of  all  parts  to  honour  his  body,* 

in  the  city  _  ' ' 

of  Antium.  and  did  honourably  bury  him,  setting  out  his  tomb* 
hums'  with  great  store  of  armour  and  spoils,  as  the  tomb* 

funerals.  . 

of  a    worthy    person   and    great   captain.-     The 
Romans,    understanding    of    his    death,    shewed    no    other 

1  Cf.  Coriolanus,  V.  v.  84-6.  2  Ibid.  V.  v.  143-5. 


CAIUS   MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS          207 

honour  or  malice,  saving  that   they  granted   the  ladies  the 
request   they   made,   that  they   might   mourn  ten   T,     . 
months  for  him  :    and  that  was   the  full  time  they   °f 

•     mourning 

used   to  wear  blacks  for  the  death  of  their  fathers,   appointed 
brethren,     or     husbands,     according     to     Numa 
Pompilius'   order,   who    stablished   the    same,  as    we    have 
enlarged  more   amply  in  the   description   of  his  life.     Now 
Martius   being  dead,  the  whole   state  of  the  Volsces  heartily 
wished    him    alive  again.     For    first  of  all    they    fell    out 
with  the  Aeques  (who  were  their  friends  and  confederates) 
touching  pre-eminence  and  place  :  and  this  quarrel  grew  on 
so  far  between  them,  that  frays  and  murders  fell  out  upon  it 
one  with  another.    After  that  the  Romans  overcame    Tuilus 
them  in  battle,  in  which  Tuilus  was  slain   in  the    ^,d^S 
field,  and  the  flower  of  all  their  force  was  put  to    battle- 
the  sword  :  so  that  they  were  compelled   to  accept   most 
shameful  conditions  of  peace,  in  yielding  themselves  subject 
unto  the  conquerors,  and  promising  to  be  obedient  at  their 
commandment. 


NOTES 


THE   LIFE   OF   MARCUS   ANTONIUS 

P.  I,  11.  4-9.  marginal  note.  This  note  is  borrowed 
from  Amyot,  who  writes  :  '  Pourauta  qu'il  acheua  &  ter- 
mina  par  sa  mort  la  guerre  qu'il  auoit  peu  heureusement 
conduicte  cotre  ceux  de  Crete,  c'est  a  dire,  Candie.  Florus 
en  1'epitome  du  liure  97.'  Amyot's  reference,  omitted  by 
North,  is  to  the  work  of  a  Latin  historian  of  the  age  of 
Trajan,  L.  Annal  F/ori  Rerum  Romanarum  Epitome.  The  passage 
alluded  to  is  probably  the  seventh  chapter  of  the  third  book 
(ed.  1827,  Paris,  pp.  230,  231),  which  is  headed  '  Bellum 
Creticum,'  and  mentions  with  dispraise  the  father  of  Antony  : 
'  Primus  invasit  insulam  Marcus  Antonius,  cum  ingenti 
quidem  victoriae  spe  atque  fiducia,  adeo  ut  plures  catenas  in 
navibus  quam  arma  portaret,  etc.* 

1.  1 6.  errand.  The  early  editions  have  the  old  spelling 
'  arrant,'  which  survives  in  pronunciation  in  many  dialects. 

P.  3,  1.  22.  and  was.  The  subject  of  the  verb  is,  of 
course,  *  Antonius.' 

1.  24.  a  castle  of  his.  Not  a  very  exact  rendering  of  the 
French,  '  la  plus  forte  place  qu'ilz  eussent.'  The  passage, 
from  'and  was'  in  1.  22,  runs  in  the  Greek  :  avros  /xei/ 
€7r€/??7  TOV  /xeyurrov  rwv  tpvfj.dr<av  7rpu>T09. 

P.  4,  1.  9.  made  it  dainty  :  '  hesitated,'  a  not  uncommon 

VOL.  II,  209  P 


210  NOTES 

idiom  ;  cf.  N.E.D.  s.  v.  Dainty,  sb.  7.  The  French  has 
'  faisoit  quelque  difficulte.' 

1.  1 8.  deep  sands.  Amyot  has 'des  profondcs  sablonnieres,' 
but  adds  the  marginal  note,  '  Autres  lisent  68ous  /3a#eias,  qui 
seroit  a  dire,  chemin  creux  :  mais  le  premier  est  meilleur.' 
The  accepted  Greek  reading,  i^u/i/iou  /3a0euxs,  bears  out  his 
statement. 

1.  20.  Serbonides.  This  is  the  form  of  the  adjective  in  the 
old  editions,  and  in  the  French.  Several  modern  editors 
substitute  'Serbonian,'  doubtless  with  Miltonic  reminiscence  ; 
cf.  Paradise  Lost,  II.  593.  The  Greek  uses  the  genitive  ot 
the  noun,  7775  2cp/3wvt8os. 

1.  25.  the  sea  on  this  side  is,  of  course,  the  Mediterranean, 
as  the  Latin  version  explicitly  states. 

P.  5,  11.  10,  ii.  and  were  many  in  number.  A  parentheti 
cal  clause  referring  to  '  battles  and  skirmishes.'  Amyot's 
wording  is  '  battailles  .  .  .  grosses  &  en  grand  nombre.' 
The  1603  version  of  North  substituted  'being'  for  'and 
were.' 

P.  7,  1.  1 8.  that  had  changed  his  garments  :  i.e.'  who  had 
changed  sides.'  An  overliteral  translation  of  'qui  auoit 
tourne  sa  robbe.'  The  Greek  has  merely  IK  /Ae-ru/JoA/*}?. 

P.  9,  1.  14.  Philippics:  i.e.  the  fourteen  orations  against 
Antony  delivered  after  Caesar's  assassination,  so  called  from 
their  analogy  to  Demosthenes's  speeches  against  Philip  of 
Macedon.  The  passage  to  which  Plutarch  alludes  occurs  in 
the  second  Philippic,  chapter  22  (Delphin  ed.,  London, 
1830,  Orationes,  Vol.  V.  p.  2679)  :  '  ^Jt  Helena  Trojanis, 
sic  iste  huic  reipublicas  causa  belli,  causa  pestis  atque  exitii 
fuit.'  The  old  editions  of  North  print  '  Philippides,' 
though  Amyot  has  correctly  '  Philippiques.' 


NOTES  211 

P.  10,  1.  20.  injurled.  This  is  the  spelling  of  the  early 
editions  of  North.  The  verbs  '  injure  '  and  '  injury  '  were 
used  quite  interchangeably  by  Elizabethan  writers. 

P.  13,1.  3.  before.     An  adverb. 

P.  14,  1.  27.  Cytheris.  North,  following  Amyot,  spells 
*  Cytheride.' 

P.  15,  1.  15.  gilhts.  Probably  the  same  word  as  'jilt.' 
Cf.  N.E.D.  s.v.  Gillot,  Jillet,  and  Jilt. 

11.  22,  23.  laid  the  reins  of  the  bridle  upon  the  soldiers'  necks. 
A  heightening  of  Amyot's  '  lascha  la  bride  aux  gens  de 
guerre.' 

P.  1 6,  1.  9.  faults.  The  first  and  second  editions  or 
North  have  *  fault,'  but  this  is  a  misprint.  Amyot  uses  the 
plural,  which  is  required  by  the  sense,  and  is  supplied  in  the 
editions  of  1603,  etc. 

P.  17,  1.  6.  '  for  being  known.'  The  preposition  is  used 
in  the  very  common  Middle  English  sense  of  '  for  fear  of,' 
'to  avoid.'  Cf.  N.E.D.  s.v.  23,  c,  d. 

11.  9,  10.  ramped  of  her  neck,  and  kissed  her  :  Trepi/JaAwv 
Kare^tA^cre.  'Ramped  of '  means  ' leaped  on.'  Ed.  1603 
substitutes  '  on  '  for  '  of,'  which  in  this  sense  was  then  rather 
archaic. 

1.  21.  Jiff.  So  the  old  editions,  preserving  the  etymo- 
logically  correct  form  (O.E.  'fifta').  The  modern  'fifth' 
follows  the  analogy  of  'fourth'  (O.E.  'feor^Sa').  So 
modern  'sixth'  from  O.E.  '  sixta.' 

P.  1 8,  11.  11,  12.  meaning  by:  '  entendant  de  ' 

P.  20,  1.  6.  consort.     Cf.  N.E.D.  s.v.  Consort  sb.2,  I. 

P.  28,  1.  17.  Island.  The  first  two  editions  preserve  the 
etymological  spelling  'Hand'  (O.E.  iglond).  These  editions 
generally  omit  the  '  s '  in  '  Isle '  also,  where,  however,  it  is 


2 1 2  NOTES 

etymologically  correct  as  the  latter  word  is  derived  through 
the  French  from  Latin  insulam. 

P.  29,  11.  1 8,  19.  three  hundred.  '  Two  hundred'  in  the 
Life  of  Brutus  (cf.  Vol.  I.  p.  149,!.  12).  The  inconsistency 
is  Plutarch's.  Shakespeare  (Julius  Caesar,  IV.  iii.  174-6) 
makes  the  number  slain  one  hundred. 

1.  24.  Philippics.  Here  again  the  early  editions  write 
'  Philippides.'  Cf.  note  to  p.  9,  1.  14.  Amyot  calls  the 
orations  '  Antoniennes.'  The  Greek  uses  no  adjective, 
Plutarch's  phrase  being  simply  TOUS  KO.T  auroC  (/'.  e.  Antonius) 
Aoyous. 

P.  31,  1.  7.  policy  :  'trickery.'  For  Shakespearean  in 
stances  of  the  use  of  the  word  in  this  sense  cf.  Schmidt, 
Sh.-Lex.  s.v.  4. 

P.  34,11.  1 8,  19.  These  are  the  fourth  and  fifth  lines  of 
Oedipus  Tyrannus.  The  Greek  is  : 

TToAlS  &'  OfJLOV  fJLfV  OvfJiiafJ-OLTOiV  yefJLCl, 

6/iou  Se  TTCuavwv  TC  /cat  crrcvay/zaTwv, 
which  Amyot  translated, 

'  Pleine  de  chants,  perfums,  encensemens, 
De  pleurs  aussi  &  de  gemissemens." 

Plutarch  quotes  only  the  last  verse  ;  the  other  is  added  by 
Amyot. 

P.  35,  1.  6.  A  citizen's  house  of  Magnesia  :  a  frequent 
construction  in  early  writers.  Cf.  Kellner,  Historical 
Outlines  of  English  Syntax,  §  469. 

P.  36,1.  20.  bourding:  'jesting.'     Cf.  N.E.D.  s.v. 

P.  39,  1.  12.  post  alone  :  'entirely  alone.'  For  a  number 
of  instances  of  this  formerly  not  uncommon  phrase,  cf. 
N.E.D.  s.v.  Post  alone. 


NOTES  2 1 3 

P.  40, 1.  8.  slents  :  'jokes.'  Nares  appears  to  be  the  first 
lexicographer  to  notice  this  word.  He  quotes  the  present 
passage  and  another  in  North  where  '  slent '  is  used  as  a 
verb.  Cf.  also  Century  Dictionary  s.v. 

P.  44,  11.  11-13.  Antonlus  shewed  them  a  comical  face  .  .  . 
a  grim  look.  The  Greek  has  :  T<3|TpayiK<2  Trpos  TOVS  'Pw/xaiovs 
Xp^rat  TrpocrwTrw,  TW  Se  KW/XI/CW  Trpos  avrovs. 

P.  47,  1.  9.  Accia.     The  received  spelling  is  '  Ada.' 

P.  48,  1.  I  3.  Misenum.  North  writes  '  Misena,'  here  and 
elsewhere. 

I.  21.   a  certain.    The  word  'quantity,'  found  in  Amyot, 
is  omitted,   perhaps  by  mistake,  but  'certain'  is  not  in 
frequently  used  as  a  noun  by  old  writers.     Cf.  N.E.D.  s.v. 
Certain  B.  II.  4,  and  the  instances  there  quoted. 

P.  49,  1.  13.  gables.  An  alternative  form  of  'cables.' 
Cf.  N.E.D.  s.v.  Gable  sb.2 

II.  23,  24.  to  keep  them  they  should  come  no  further.     The 
conjunction    '  that '    is,   of  course,   to   be  supplied  before 
« they.' 

P.  51,  1.  20.  stickler  :  a  referee  or  judge.  This  is  the 
original  meaning  of  the  word.  It  is  spelled  '  stiteler '  in 
M.E.  and  seems  certainly  to  be  derived  from  M.E.  stightlen, 
'  to  arrange.'  Cf.  Nares'  Glossary,  Skeat's  Etymological 
Dictionary,  etc. 

P.  52,  1.  I.  Qrode?  son  king  of  Parthia  :  i.e.  'son  of 
Orodcs  king  of  Parthia.'  Cf.  note  to  p.  35,  1.  6,  and 
reference  there  cited. 

11.  22-24.  that  they  should  not  think  he  did  anything  but  by 
his  Lieutenant  Ventidius.  A  mistranslation  ;  '  that  they 
should  not  think  he  did  everything  by  means  of  his 
lieutenant  V.'  would  be  nearer  the  sense.  The  Greek  is  : 


2i4  NOTES 


«'  ye  TOVTO  TWV  Ipycov  lirtovv/JLOV  avrov  y€v«r#eu 
Kai  /AT/  Travra  Sia  OvevriSi'ou  KaropOovaOai. 

P.  57,  1.  9.  Phraates.  Amyot  and  North  adhere  through 
out  to  the  incorrect  spelling  '  Phraortcs.' 

1.  12,  marginal  note.  Orodes,  king  ofParthia.  Instead  ot 
'  Parthia,'  the  old  editions  have  '  Persia.'  The  marginal 
notes,  first  found  in  North's  translation,  were  obviously 
compiled  very  carelessly,  but  Parthia  and  Persia  were  not 
infrequently  confused  by  Latin  writers. 

P.  59,  1.  26.  carriage.  Cf.  note  to  Vol.  I.  p.  55,  1.  2, 
and  p.  62,  11.  3,  4  of  this  volume. 

P.  60,  1.  23.  fardels:  'bundles,'  cf.  N.E.D.  s.v.  Fardel 
sb.1  i. 

P.  6  1  ,  11.  6,  7.  they  appeared  to  be  soldier  $  indeed,  to  see  them 
march  in  so  good  array  as  tvas  possible.  The  meaning  is  clear 
enough,  but  the  syntax  of  the  sentence  defies  explanation. 
North  has  translated  a  little  too  closely  Amyot's  '  leur 
sembloient  bien  gens  de  guerre  a  les  ueoir  marcher  en  si 
bonne  ordonnance  qu'il  n'estoit  pas  possible  de  miculx.' 
The  editor  of  1631,  troubled  by  the  grammatical  diffi 
culty,  changed  the  words  above  to  '  took  them  for  soldiers 
indeed,  for  that  they  marched  in  as  good  array  as  was 
possible.' 

P.  64,  11.  6-9.  to  the  end  it  should  not  appear  .  .  .  danger 
he  was  in.  A  very  involved  way  of  expressing  Plutarch's 
idea,  ws  ST/  ^T)  TravraTracnv  dyairav  TO  crw^J/vai  icat 


P.  65,  1.  13.  fetch:  'trick.'  Cf.  N.E.D.  s.v.  fetch 
sb.a  2. 

P.  71,  1.  13.  javelins.  The  spelling  of  the  original 
edition  is  'javelings,'  as  very  commonly  in  early  English. 


NOTES  215 

P.  72,  1.  22.  eight.  The  ordinal.  Cf.  Vol.  I.  p.  106, 
1.  17,  and  note. 

P.  73,  1.  19.  Cyrus.  The  second  edition  prints  by  mis 
take  '  Cyprus '  in  the  text,  though  the  marginal  note  has 
'  Cyrus '  correctly. 

I.  20.  farther.     Ed.  1579  prints  'farder.' 

P.  75,  1.  4.  champaign.  The  old  editions  use  the  common 
Elizabethan  form  of  the  word,  '  champion.' 

II.  10,  ii.  the  same  fortune  that  Marcus  Crassus  did.    The 
standard  account  of  the  destruction  of  Crassus  and  his  army 
by  the    Parthians  (B.C.  53)    is  found  in  Plutarch's   Life  of 
Crassus. 

1.25.  sallets  :  Might  helmets.'  Cf.  Vol.  I.  p.  188, 
1.  10. 

P.  79,  1.  i.  defended:  'warded  off.'  The  primary  sense 
of  the  word. 

11.  2,  3.  hand  strokes:  'handy  strokes'  in  ed.  1595, 
etc. 

I.  15.  sixt.    The  etymological  form,  answering  to  O.E. 
'sixta.'     Cf.  note  on  '  fift,'  p.  17,  1.  21. 

P.  So,  1.  17.  Artabazus.  The  proper  spelling  is  'Arta- 
vasdes.' 

II.  17,    1 8.     had  reserved  Antonius  to  end  this  war:   mis 
translated.    The  correct  rendering  would  be, '  had  prevented 
A.   from  ending.'     Amyot  has  '  auoit  garde  Antonius    de 
mener  a  chef  ceste  guerre,'  where  'garde'  means  'hindered.' 
Plutarch's     words    are  :     KaraS^Xos    -r/v    'ApTaouacrS^s    6 

'Ap/A€V6OS  'AvTCOVtOV  €K€tVoU  TOU  7roAe'yHOV  TO  TtXoS  Ct</>€Ad/X,€VOS. 

P.  8 1,  1.  3.  egg:   'urge.' 

1.  20.  snew.     Cf.  Vol.  I.  p.  145,  1.  22,  and  note. 

1.   22.  Elancbourg.     Acr/o/  KW/XT^   in    Plutarch.     '  Blanc- 


216  NOTES 

boarg  '  is  Amyot's  translation,  which  North  accepted  ap 
parently  as  a  Greek  proper  name. 

P.  83,  11.  24,  25.  knowing  that  Octavia  would  have  Antonius 
from  her.  '  Would '  means  '  wished  to '  ;  French  '  uouloit.' 

P.  84.,  11.  2-13.  The  means  by  which  Cleopatra  retains 
Antony's  affection  are  quite  different  in  Shakespeare.  Cf. 
A 'n tony  and  Cleopatra,  I.  iii.  2-5. 

'  See  where  he  is,  who's  with  him,  what  he  does  ; 
I  did  not  send  you  :  if  you  find  him  sad, 
Say  I  am  dancing  ;  if  in  mirth,  report 
That  I  am  sudden  sick.' 

P.  85,  1.  7.  made  peace  with  him.  'Formed  a  league  with 
him'  would  be  a  better  translation  of  ek  <£(Atav  TT poa~rrya.yf.ro  : 
1  him  '  refers  to  the  king  of  the  Medes. 

P.  87,  11.  2,  3.  a  high  copped- tank  hat  on  his  head,  narrow  in 
the  top.  Amyot  has  '  un  hault  chappeau  pointu  sur  la  teste, 
dont  la  pointe  estoit  droitte,'  translating  Plutarch's  Kirapw 
opOrjv  (cf.  Liddell  and  Scott,  s.v.  Ki'Sapis).  '  Copped-tank ' 
is  a  word  of  very  uncertain  etymology  ;  the  little  that  is 
known  of  it  will  be  found  in  N.E.D.  s.v.  Copin-tank. 

1.  26.  triumvirate.  Used  apparently  in  the  sense  ot 
'  fellow-triumvir.'  The  Greek  phrase  is  TOV  a-wdpxovra 
AeViSov. 

P.  91,  1.  2.  his  father.  The  1579  edition  reads  'her 
father,'  an  evident  mistake,  which  ed.  1595  corrects.  The 
French  is  ambiguous,  '  excepte  1'aisne  de  ceulx  de  Fuluia, 
qui  estoit  auec  son  pere.' 

P.  92,  1.  7.  perfectly.  The  first  two  editions  spell 
'perfidy,'  which  is  historically  preferable  to  the  newer 
Latinized  form  of  the  word.  Cf.  the  Chaucerian  '  parfit,' 
modern  French  '  parfait.' 


NOTES  217 

11.  26,  27.  in  the  which  she  had  above  tzco  hundred  thousand 
books.  Ed.  1595  adds  'several'  before  'books,'  possibly  as 
a  translation  of  the  adjective  in  Amyot's  '  esquelles  il  y 
auoit  deux  c£ts  mille  uolumes  simples.'  Neither  in  the 
French  nor  in  the  Greek  is  there  anything  corresponding  to 
North's  '  above.' 

P.  93,  1.  13,  was  pleading:  '  was  a-pleading,' ed.  1595, 
etc. 

1.  27.  made  him  be  set  :  'made  him  to  be  set,'  ed.  1595, 
etc. 

P.  94,  1.  22.  Falernus.     *  Falerna  '  in  the  old  editions. 

1.  25.  joys.  A  translation  of  Amyot's  'delices.'  The 
word  is,  of  course,  the  well-known  Latin  '  deliciae,'  which 
Plutarch  takes  over  as  Si\i/aa. 

P.  96,  1.  6.  they  did  hurt.  The  number  is  wrong,  as  the 
*  blustering  storm  '  is  the  subject  of  the  verb.  Amyot  has 
the  singular. 

1.  23.  Adallas.    The  Greek  form  of  the  name  is  SaSaXas. 

1.  26.  Malchus.  I  have  adopted  this  the  correct  form 
(Gk.  MaX^os),  but  North  wrote  *  Manchus '  and  was  fol 
lowed  by  Shakespeare.  The  'Manchus'  of  the  1623  folio 
has  been  changed  to  '  Malchus '  by  all  modern  editors  of 
Shakespeare. 

P.  97,  11.  12,  13.  Mare  Siculum.  Plutarch  has  TO  Tup- 
prjviKov  KOI  SiKcXiKov  Tre'Aayos.  The  Sicilian  Sea  is,  of 
course,  the  Mediterranean. 

1.  20.  press.  The  1595  edition  prints  '  prest,'  an  alter 
native  form.  Cf.  p.  158,  1.  19.  'Prest,'  from  Old  French 
prest,  '  ready,'  is  etymologically  the  preferable  form. 

P.  98,  1.  3.  light  of  yarage  :  'easily  propelled  and 
managed.'  Cf.  '  heavy  of  yarage,'  p.  104,  1.  4.  *  Yarage  ' 


N 

t»T"  --  •  ** 

- 


V  t»T"  --  • 

5    - 


zi8  NOTES 

is  formed  from  the  adjective  '  yare  '  (cf.  Antony  and  Cleopatra, 
III.  vii.  38),  which  represents  O.K.  gearu,  '  ready.' 

P.  99,  11.  2-1 8.  marginal  note.     Translated  from  Amyot. 

1.  7.  element.     Cf.  Vol.  I.  p.  67,  1.  17,  and  note. 

P.  100,  1.  13.   Getae  :  '  Getes '  old  editions  and  Amyot. 

P.  101,  1.  6.  often  used:  'used  often'  ed.  1595,  etc. 

I.  8.  an  :  ed.  1595  substitutes  'if.' 

P.  105,1.  25.  had  already  be%un.  For  'had'  ed.  1595 
substitutes  '  was.' 

P.  106,  1.  2.  this  galley  :   'his  galley'  ed.  1595. 

P.  107,  1.  13.  carracks  :  '  carects,'  old  editions. 

P.  1 08,  1.  II.  hardly  :  'very  hardly,'  ed.  1595. 

P.  109,1.  26,  27.  because  Brutus  in  the  meantime  might  hare 
liberty  to  save  himselj.  '  Because'  is  here  a  conjunction  ot 
purpose  =  ' in  order  that.'  Cf.  N.E.D.  s.v.  B,  2. 

P.  1 1  o,l.  15.  tvhere  the  two  seas  are  narrowest.  'Narrowest' 
must  be  taken  in  the  sense  of  '  closest  together.'  Plutarch 
wrote  rj  <r<£iyyeTai  /z,aAicrra  TOIS  TreXayecrt  KOL  ^Spa^vVepov 
evpos  eoTi,  the  subject  being  the  isthmus. 

P.  in,ll.  13,  14.  as  appeareth  by  Plato  and  Aristophanes' 
comedies.  '  Plato  '  is  in  the  possessive  case  as  well  as  'Aristo 
phanes,'  as  the  Greek  shows  :  CK  TWV  'Apto-ro^avovs  *at 
IIAaTwvos  Spafj-aTwv.  This  Plato,  so-called  the  Comic,  was 
a  younger  contemporary  of  Aristophanes.  He  appears  to 
have  been  the  last  writer  of  the  'old  comedy.'  Aristo 
phanes  himself  mentions  Timon  in  The  Birds,  1.  1549,  and 
again  at  greater  length  in  Lysistrata,  809-15. 

II.  25,  26.  like  to  his  nature  and  conditions.     So  the  first 
edition  ;     the    second    edition    substitutes    '  of '    for    '  to.' 
Amyot's  reading  is,  '  semblable  de  nature   &   de  meurs    a 
luy.' 


NOTES  219 

P.  112,  !.  19.  Halxe  :  '  Hales  '  in  the  old  editions  and  in 
Amyot. 

11.  24,  25.  Shakespeare  incorporates  this  epitaph  with 
the  single  change  of  '  wicked  wretches  '  in  the  second  line 
to  '  wicked  caitiffs.'  North  has  departed  considerably  from 
Amyot's  version,  which  runs  : 

'  Aiant  finy  ma  uie  malheureuse 
En  ce  lieu  cy,  on  m'y  a  inhume  : 
Mourez,  meschans,  de  mort  malencontreuse, 
Sans  demander  comme  ie  fus  nomme.' 

P.  1  1  3,  11.  4,  5.  Shakespeare  appends  this  second  epitaph 
to  the  first,  without  making  any  change  in  the  wording. 
It  is  thus  given  by  Amyot  : 

'  Ici  ie  fais  pour  tousiours  ma  demeure 
Timon  encor  les  hommes  hai'ssant, 
Passe,  lecteur,  en  me  donnant  male  heure, 
Seulement  passe,  &  me  ua  maudissant.' 

1.  i  8.  /;/  the  sea.  So  the  first  edition,  translating  Amyot's 
'  dedans  la  mer.'  The  second  edition  reads  '  by  the  sea.' 
Plutarch  uses  the  adjective  evaAov. 

1.  21.  of  rioting  and  banqueting.  Ed.  1595  changes  'of 
to  'on.' 

P.  114,  11.  19-21.  For  when  she  saw  the  poisons  that  were 
sudden  and  vehement,  and  brought  speedy  death.  This  is 
inaccurate  and  hardly  grammatical.  To  get  Plutarch's  idea 
we  should  insert  the  conjunction  '  that  '  after  '  saw,'  and 
delete  '  and  '  before  '  brought.'  The  Greek  runs,  'ETret  Se 
ras  fJitv  t^KV/Jiopovs  TIJV  o^vrrjra  TOW  Oavdrov  Si'  o 


P.  115,  1.  2.  all  them  :  '  them  all,'  ed.  1595. 


220  NOTES 

1.  3,  4.  only  causeth  :  '  causeth  only,'  ed.  1595. 

1.  \  4..  for  her  children.  So  ed.  1579:  the  later  editions 
print  '  for  their  children.'  There  is  no  doubt  that  the 
former  is  correct,  though  without  the  context  both  Amyot's 
'  pour  ses  enfans '  and  Plutarch's  TOIS  Traurlv  would  be 
ambiguous. 

P.  1 1 6,1.  1 6.  Thyreus.  So  North,  followed  by  Shake 
speare,  but  the  name  in  Plutarch  is  0vp(ro9. 

11  1 8,  19.  unto  a  noble  Lady,  and  that  besides  greatly  liked 
her  beauty.  Very  clumsily  translated  ;  it  would  seem  that 
North  understood  the  relative  to  refer  to  the  '  young  Lord,' 
but  Amyot's  language  is  quite  clear  :  '  a  une  femme  haultaine, 
&  qui  se  contentoit  grandemet  &  se  fioit  de  sa  beaute ' — 
where  '  qui,'  of  course,  means  Cleopatra. 

P.  117,  11.  11,  12.  she  now  in  contrary  manner  did  keep  it 
with  such  solemnity.  This  is  an  incorrect  translation  of 
Amyot's  *  au  contraire  elle  celebroit  le  iour  de  la  siene  de 
telle  sorte,'  where  'la  siene'  refers  to  Antony,  not  Cleopatra. 
Plutarch  has  TTJV  CKetvov  (yeve'0Atov). 

P.  119,  11.  2,  3.  Caesar  answered  him,  that  he  had  many  other 
ways  to  die  than  so.  The  antecedent  of '  he  '  is  doubtful  in 
North  as  in  Amyot.  Shakespeare  takes  it  as  referring  to 
Caesar  and  so  North  probably  intended  ;  but  from  the 
Greek  it  is  evident  that  it  should  allude  to  Antony  :  TroAAas 
68ous 'Avraw'a)  Trapewu  Oavdrutv. 

1.  5.  to  set  up  his  rest  :  '  to  put  everything  at  stake.'  A 
common  Elizabethan  idiom  ;  cf.  p.  139,  1.  24,  and  Nares' 
Glossary,  s.v.  '  Rest,  to  set  up.' 

P.  123,  1.  7.  berayed:  'soiled.'     Cf.  N.E.D.  s.v.  Beray. 

P.  126,  1.  23.  for  the  founder's  sake  of  the  same  city.  Cf.  p. 
35,  1.  6,  and  note. 


NOTES  221 

P.    127,  11.    II,    12. 

A  wise  man,  if  that  he  be  wise  indeed, 
May  by  a  wise  man  have  the  better  speed. 

North  has  missed  the  point  of  the  epigram  and  with  it  the 
reason  why  it  affected  Caesar.  The  clause  *  if  that  he  be 
wise  indeed  '  should  apply  to  Arrius,  not  to  Philostratus 
himself.  Plutarch  wrote  :  Soc^ol  crcx^ovs  crw^ovcrw,  a.v  WCTLV 
<ro<f>oi,  which  Amyot  translates  freely  but  accurately 
enough  : 

'Gens  de  S9auoir  les  89auans  uont  sauuans, 
Ou  ilz  ne  sont  eulx  mesmes  pas  sjauans.' 

The  anecdote  is  used  by  Samuel  Daniel  in  his  Tragedie  of 
Cleopatra  (III.  i.). 

P.  128,  1.  7.  Too  many   Caesars  is  not  good:   OVK  ayaOov 


11.  8,  9.  Alluding  unto  a  certain  verse  of  Homer  that  salth  : 
Too  many  Lords  doth  not  well.  This  explanation  is  not  found 
in  Plutarch  ;  it  was  added  by  Amyot.  The  verse  of  Homer 
to  which  he  refers  is  Iliad,  II.  204,  which  begins  :  ou/c 
ayaQov  TroXvuoipaviir). 

P.  129,  11.  1  8,  19.  torn  in  sunder.  Rather  strong  for 
Amyot's  '  deschire  &  meurtry,'  which  in  its  turn  heightens 
the  Greek  :  *Hv  Se  TroXXa  /cat  T^S  Trepl  TO  orepvov  cu/aas 


11.  22,  23.  yet  she  showed  herself  within  by  her  outward  looks 
and  countenance  :  'elle  apparoissoit  du  dedans,  &  se  demonstroit 
aux  mouuemens  de  son  uisage.' 

P.  133,  1.  21.  trimming:  'adjusting,'  the  original  sense 
of  the  word.  Greek, 


222  NOTES 

P.  134,1.  14.  razor.  The  correct  translation  is  probably 
'  pin.'  Amyot  and  North  have  apparently  blundered  in 
mistaking  Plutarch's  /or/ori'Si  from  the  rare  KVT/O-TI'S,  translated 
in  the  Latin  version  by  '  fistula,'  for  a  form  of  the  commoner 
Kvf)(TTi<;,  which  means  '  knife.' 

P.  135,  1.  12.  a  thousand  talents.  In  Plutarch  Sur^'Ata 
ruXavra. 

1.  18.  Juba.      '  King  Juba,' cd.  1595,  etc. 

P.  136,  1.  17.  the  one  whose  name  was  Caius  :  the  Emperor 
Caligula,  A. D.  12-41. 


THE    LIFE    OF    MARTIUS   CORIOLANUS 

P.  137,  11.  8,  9.  Censorlnus  also  came  of  that  family,  that 
was  so  surnamcd.  These  words  suggested  the  emendation  ot 
Delius  (Coriolamts,  II.  iii.  251)  :  'And  Censorinus,  that  was 
so  surnam'd.'  The  line  is  not  found  in  the  folio  of  1623, 
our  only  source  for  the  text  of  Coriolanus,  but  it  or  some 
thing  similar  is  required  by  the  sense,  and  it  is  not  at  all 
improbable  that  North  here  helps  us  to  the  identical  words 
which  Shakespeare  wrote  and  his  printer  by  mistake  omitted. 
The  folio  version  of  11.  250-253  is  obviously  defective  : 

'That  our  best  Water,  brought  by  Conduits  hither, 
And  Nobly  nam'd,  so  twice  being  Censor, 
Was  his  great  Ancestor.' 

The  printer  was  no  doubt  confused  by  two  successive  lines 
beginning  with  '  And,'  and  accidentally  omitted  the  first. 

1.  1 6.  who  taught  us  by  experience  :  'who'  refers  to  Caius 
Martius.  '  Experience  '  must  be  understood  as  meaning 


NOTES  223 

*  our  actual  observation.'  There  is  no  corresponding  word 
in  the  Greek,  but  the  Latin  version  has  '  suo  exemplo 
docuit.'  Cf.  N.E.D.  s.v.  Experience  sb.  3. 

1.  19.  they  are.  We  should  say  'they  who  are.'  For 
another  instance  of  this  very  common  omission  of  the 
relative  see  the  next  page,  1.  4,  '  that  were  meet.' 

P.  138,  11.  7,  8.  like  as  a  fat  soil  bringeth  forth  herbs  and 
weeds  that  lie th  unmaniired.  The  editors  of  1 603,  ff.  had  grown 
more  squeamish  about  the  position  of  relative  clauses  ;  so  we 
read  in  their  texts  :  '  as  a  fat  soile  that  lyeth  vnmanured 
bringeth  foorth  both  hearbes  and  weedes.' 

1.  24.  bringeth  men  unto  :   bringeth  unto  men,  1595,  etc. 

P.  139,  1.  2.  called-,  'call,'  1595,  etc.  self:  'it  selfe,' 
1 595,  etc. 

1.  23.  with  all  the  aid  of  the  Latins.  Cf.  Vol.  I.  p.  165, 
11.  24,  25,  and  note.  The  Greek  has  here  simply  TrA-eio-rot 
Aart'vwv. 

1.  24.  set  up  his  iv/io/e  rest.      Cf.  p.  119,  1.  5,  and  note. 

P.  140,1.  15.  in  very  old  time.  For  'very'  ed.  1595 
substitutes  'the,'  while  ed.  1603,  etc.,  omit  both. 

P.  141,  11.  9-13,  marginal  note.  It  will  be  observed  that 
the  note  here  fails,  as  is  often  the  case,  to  represent  accurately 
the  substance  of  the  text. 

1.  12.  no  great  courage.  The  1603  edition  relieves  the 
ears  of  modern  readers  by  substituting  '  any '  in  place  or 
'no.' 

P.  142,  1.  7.  from  whence  he  returned  not  without  some 
reward.  The  1603  edition  changes  'without'  to  'with,' 
which  is,  of  course,  what  we  should  say.  But  it  is  probable 
that  North  wrote  '  without '  ;  he  has  no  prejudice  against 
double  negatives. 


224  NOTES 

1.2i.  Leuctra.  North,  following  Amyot,  spells  the  word 
'  Leuctres.' 

P.  143,  11.  I,  2.  two  children.  The  numeral  is  North's 
contribution.  Plutarch  and  Amyot  use  the  plural  only. 

1.  20.  Marcus.     The  name  is  '  Manius '  in  Plutarch. 

P.  144,1.  i.  made.  So  ed.  1595,  etc.  The  first  edition 
prints  '  make  ' — probably  a  typographical  error. 

P.  145,  1.  27.  were  :  'was'  in  the  first  edition. 

P.  147,  1.  7.  Vohces.  This  is  the  spelling  of  North  and 
Shakespeare,  due  to  Amyot's  *  Volsques.'  The  Latin  form 
of  the  word  is  Folsci,  which  Plutarch  transliterates  OuoX- 
ova-KOi.  Similarly  Corioli  is  spelled  by  Amyot  and  North 
'  Corioles '  (e.g.  1.  9),  but  in  the  case  of  this  word  Shake 
speare  restores  the  Latin  form. 

P.  149,  1.  13.  Lartlus.  The  edition  of  1595  prints 
'  Martius,'  a  mere  blunder  which,  however,  some  modern 
editors  retain. 

1.  18.  to  lock  up.     The  early  editions  print  '  to  looke  up.' 

P.  150,  1.  5.  to  be  so  gracious.     Ed.  1595  omits  'so.' 

1.  9.  to  gird  them  upon.  For  another  instance  of  this 
common  transposition  of  preposition  and  pronoun  see  p.  167, 

1-3- 

P.  151,  1.  24.  distressed.     Cf.  Vol.  I.  p.  28,  1.  20. 

P.  152,11.  13-18,  marginal  note.  The  tenth  part  of  the 
enemies'  goods  offered  Martius  for  reward,  etc.  Observe  that 
this  is  not  at  all  equivalent  to  the  '  ten  of  every  sort ' 
mentioned  in  the  text  ;  the  English  writer  who  appended 
the  notes  was  frequently  careless. 

1.  24.  price.  Used  here  in  the  sense  of  '  prize.'  The  two 
words  were  formerly  not  distinguished,  Cf.  '  games  of 
price,'  p.  51,  1.  13. 


NOTES  225 

P.  153,  1.  1 8.  they  were  moe  :  'there  were  more,'  ed. 
1595,  etc.  In  Elizabethan  usage  little  difference  was  made 
between  the  use  of  the  adverbial  '  moe '  (O.E.  ma)  and  the 
adjectival  '  more  '  (O.E.  mara). 

I.  19.  contentation  :   'contentment.' 

P.  154,  1.  17.  our  Christian  name.  The  adjective  is,  of 
course,  not  in  Plutarch,  whose  phrase  is  TWV  ovo/xarwv  iStov. 

II.  1 7-20,  marginal  note.  How  the  Romans  came  to  have  three 
names.     The  first  edition  omits '  have,'  which  is  supplied  by 
ed.  1595. 

P.  155,  1.  7.  the  second  of  the  Battl.  For  some  account 
of  Battus  II.  and  his  family  cf  Harper's  Diet.  Classical 
Literature  and  Antiquities,  s.v.  '  Battiadae.'  The  marginal 
note,  added  by  Amyot,  is  substantially  correct. 

11.  17,  1 8.  Celer,  the  quick  fly.  The  definition  is  North's 
own. 

11.  19,  20.  the  cruel  fight  of  fencers  at  unrelated  swords. 
North's  imaginative  rendering  of  Plutarch's  /Aovo/^a^wv 
dyuJvas.  Amyot  had  been  satisfied  with  '  escrimeurs  a 
oultrance.' 

P.  1 5  6,  1.  I .  As  Sylla,  to  say,  crooked-nosed.  North  omits 
Amyot's  note  to  this  passage  :  '  Toutefois  Sex.  Pompeius 
escrit  que  les  homes  bruns  s'appelloient  Sullae.' 

1.  1 6.  earable.  The  native  English  adjective  from  O.E. 
erian,  'to  plough.'  The  edition  of  1595  substitutes  the 
more  common  '  arable,'  derived  from  Latin  aramlis. 

P.  158,  1.  7.  tuition.  Used  in  the  sense  of  Latin  tuitio, 
'  protection.' 

P.  159,  11.  12,  13.  the  home-tarriers  and  house-doves, 
that  kept  Rome  still.  There  is  no  suggestion  of  this 
picturesqueness  of  epithet  either  in  Plutarch  or  in  Amyot. 

VOL.  II,  Q 


226  NOTES 

For  keep  in  the  sense  of  '  remain  in,'  cf.  N.E.D.  s.v.  Keep, 

v-  33- 

P.  1 6 1,  11.  6,  7.  the  first  thatfeid  the  judges  ivith  money  : 
'  celuy  qui  premier  donna  de  1'argent  aux  iuges  pour  les 
corrompre.'  Instead  of  '  fee'd '  the  early  editions  print 
<  fedde.' 

1.  9.  Py/os.     North  retains  the  French  form  '  Pyle.' 

I.  10.  unfoiled  :   '  undefiled.'      For  this  meaning  of  '  foil ' 
cf.  N.E.D.  s.v.  Foil  v.1,  6. 

P.  163,  1.  25.  good  cheap.  Cf.  Vol.  I.  p.  7,  1.  19,  and 
note. 

P.  167,  11.  2,  3.  how  it  stood  them  upon  :  'how  it  behoved 
them.'  A  very  common  Elizabethan  idiom.  For  Shake 
spearean  examples  cf.  Schmidt,  Shakespeare-Lexicon,  s.v. 
Stand,  e.  4. 

P.  170,  1.  24.  Nundinae  :  originally  the  name  applied  to 
the  market  days,  which  occurred  at  the  end  of  each  eight- 
day  week.  It  was  only  relatively  late  that  courts  were 
held  on  the  Nundinae.  Cf.  Harper's  Diet.  Class.  Lit.  and 
Antiq.  s.v. 

P.  171,  11.  8,9.  Appius  Claudius,  the  founder  of  the  Gens 
Claudia.  By  birth  a  Sabine,  he  attached  himself  with  a 
number  of  his  followers  to  the  Roman  state  and  became 
Consul  B.C.  495.  The  Decemvir  of  the  same  name  was 
either  his  son  or  his  grandson. 

P.  174,1.  1 6.  good  hap.  The  edition  of  1603  substitutes 
'  evil  hap,'  but  North  probably  wrote  '  good  hap '  as  we  use 
the  similar  word  '  fortune,'  without  any  favourable  or  un 
favourable  connotation. 

P,  175,  1.  i.  in  that  taking-,  'in  that  condition.' 

II.  i  2.   13.  sundry  sorts  and  kind  of  thoughts.     The  second 


NOTES 


227 


edition  substitutes  *  kinds,'  but  '  kind '  in  such  cases  is 
almost  an  indeclinable.  For  an  account  of  the  stages  by 
which  it  became  so,  cf.  Kellner,  Historical  Outlines  of  English 
Syntax,  §§  167-169. 

1.  25.  called  Tullus  Aufidlus.  The  proper  form  of  the 
name  is  Amfidius  ('A/<,<£iSio9). 

P.  176,  1.  13,  the  true  words  of  an  ancient  poet.  The 
4  ancient  poet '  is  Amyot's  fabrication.  Plutarch  refers  to 
the  author  of  the  saying  merely  as  r<3  enroim  ;  he  was  in 
fact  the  philosopher  Heraclitus,  the  first  of  the  Greek 
prose  writers.  The  maxim  which  North  has  expanded 
into  four  lines  of  verse  is  thus  quoted  by  Plutarch  :  ®u//,<3 
fia^ecr^at  ^aXeirov  6  yap  av  6f\r)  i/'i'X^?  wvetrat.  The 
accepted  version  differs  somewhat.  It  runs  as  follows  : 
©U//.W  /xa^ecr^ai  ^aXcTrov  o  TL  yap  av  XPW&l  "Y<-ve<r6ai,  i/'v^S 
COVCCTCU.  (Cf.  Heracliti  Ephesii  Reliquiae,  ed.  I.  Bywater. 
Oxon.  1877,  p.  41,  frag.  CV.) 

1.  22.  So  did  he  enter  into  the  enemy's  town  :  'AvSpwv 
Sw/Acve'ojv  Kare'Su  trokiv  (Odyssey,  IV.  246). 

P.  178,  1.  10.  between  my  enemies.  The  earliest  editions 
have  the  misprint  *  thy  '  for  *  my.' 

P.  1 8 1,  1.  4.  Rmmer  :  'a  shaft.'  Cf.  N.E.D.  s.v.  Limber, 
sb.1  i. 

P.  182,  1.  1 6.  hollowed  coaches  or  charrets.  Charrets  or 
charets,  from  Fr.  '  charette,'  were  ordinarily  carriages  with 
two  wheels,  whereas  chariots  had  four.  Cf.  N.E.D.  s.v. 
Charet. 

P.  184,  1.  13.  tract  of  time.  A  very  common  phrase 
answering  to  the  Latin  tractus  temporis.  Cf.  Paradise  Lost, 
V.  498. 

P.  185,  11.  18,  19.  that  had  the  enemy  abroad,  to  keep  that 


228  NOTES 

they  had  in  safety  :     *  qu'ilz    auoient    au    dehors    1'ennemy 
mesme  qui  leur  gardoit  leurs  biens.' 

P.  1 86,  1.  21.  Vieanians.  By  some  accident  the  word 
has  lost  its  first  syllable  in  Amyot  and  North.  Plutarch's 
form  is  AaowKavous,  corresponding  to  Latin  '  Lavicos.' 

P.  190,  1.  26.  in  reason.  So  ed.  1603,  etc.,  but  the  first 
two  editions  read  '  in  treason  ' — apparently  a  misprint. 
Amyot's  equivalent  of  lines  25,  26  runs  :  '  qui  estoit  perte 
de  plus  grande  consequence,  pource  que  c'estoit  ordinaire- 
ment  ce  qui  faisoit  ou  perdre  ou  coseruer  cela  &  toute  autre 
chose.' 

P.  191,  11.  6,  7.  seven  cities  of  theirs  well  inhabited.  So 
ed.  1579;  the  second  edition,  however,  inserts  'great' 
before  '  cities,'  which  is  supported  by  Amyot's  '  sept  uilles 
grandes  &  bien  peuplees.' 

P.  192,  11.  26,  27.  all  this  goodly  rabble  of  superstition  and 
priests  :  l  ces  gens  de  religion.'  The  difference  between  the 
point  of  view  of  the  French  and  that  of  the  English  translator 
could  hardly  be  brought  out  more  strikingly. 

P.  193*  11-  I  I,  12.  T<3  S'up'  eVt  <£pe<ri  OfjKC  6ta  yXauKwrris 
A.0rjvr).  The  line  occurs  in  the  Odyssey,  V.  427,  with  the 
substitution  of  a  ^  for  Tu>  8'  ap'. 

11.  14-17.  'AAAa  TIS  a$avaTO)v  rptyev  <f>p£va<;,  os  y  evt 
6vfj.<a  ST^/AOU  OrjKe  <j>driv.  Cf.  Iliad,  IX.  459,  460,  where 
the  modern  editors  read  Travcrev  ^dXov  os  p"  evi  6vp.&. 

11.  19,  2O.  "Hroi  oio-ffa/xcvos  rj  KOI  ^eos  fi>9  CKeAcuc. 
The  modern  texts  of  Homer  (Od.  IX.  339)  vary  in 
one  or  two  small  details  from  Plutarch's  version  as  given 
above. 

P.  194,  1.  3-  Avrap  eyw  /JovXeucra  Kara  fj.fya\rJTopa 
OvfJ.6v  (Od.  IX.  299). 


NOTES  229 

11.  5,  6.  I%fl9  <f>dro'   II^Aeuovi  8'  a^os  ye'ver',  cv  Be.  ol  rJTOp 
o-tv    Aacrc'oicri     SiavSt^a    yucp/x^pt^cv     (Iliad,    I.    1 8 8, 
I89). 

11.  8,  9.  dAAa  TOV  6v  Tt 

TreW  ayaOa  <£pove'ovTa  Sau^pora  BeAAepo<£ovn?v  (Iliad,  VI. 

161,  162). 

P.  196,  11.  25-27.  TYtf/fcr  /o  see  him  forthcoming  and  safe 
kept,  than  of  any  love  to  defend  his  person  :  '  plus  tost  pour 
s'asseurer  de  luy  que  pour  le  garder.' 

P.  197,  1.  20.  knowing  his  wife.  On  the  last  word 
Amyot  has  a  note,  omitted  by  North  :  '  Aucuns  uieux 
exeplaires  liset,  p^repa,  sa  mere.'  However,  the  modern 
texts  of  Plutarch  give  neither  the  one  nor  the  other,  but 
instead  ras  ywaucas,  '  the  women.'  The  phrase  which  came 
foremost  (1.  21)  is  represented  in  the  Greek  by  Trpoo-tovcras, 
'  advancing.' 

P.  198,  1.  1 6.  most  pleasant  to  all  other.  Doubtless  we 
ought  to  read  '  of  all  other.' 

1.  26-p.  199,  1.  3.  For  the  bitter  sop  of  most  hard  choice 
is  offered  thy  wife  and  children,  to  forgo  the  one  of  the  two  : 
either  to  lose  the  person  of  thy  self,  or  the  nurse  of  their  native 
country.  Much  improved  by  North.  Amyot  wrote  : 
'  pource  qu'il  est  force  a  ta  femme  &  a  tes  enfans  qu'ilz 
soient  priuez  de  1'un  des  deux,  ou  de  toy,  ou  de  leur  pai's.' 
The  nurse  of  their  native  country  is  a  case  of  apposition  like 
'  the  city  of  Rome.' 

P.  202,  11.  24,  25.  a  temple  of  Fortune  of  the  women  :  a 
sufficiently  accurate  translation  of  Amyot's  '  temple  de 
Fortune  feminine,'  which  answers  to  the  Tv^s  FuvatKetas 
icpov  of  Plutarch.  The  compiler  of  the  marginal  notes  in 
North  seems,  however,  to  have  misunderstood  the  text, 


2  30  NOTES 

and  it  is  worthy  of  remark  that  in  this  case,  as  on  p.  152, 
Shakespeare  adopts  the  less  authentic  statement. 

P.  206,  1.  7.  ought :  used  in  its  original  sense  as  preterite 
of  *  owe.' 

P.  207,  1.  12.  that  frays  and  murders  fell  out.  'That' 
is  the  reading  of  the  second  and  all  subsequent  editions ; 
the  e ditto  prtnceps  has  '  and,'  which  is  probably  a  printer's 
error.  Amyot's  expression  is  '  iusques  a.' 


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PLEASE  DO  NOT  REMOVE 
CARDS  OR  SLIPS  FROM  THIS  POCKET 

UNIVERSITY  OF  TORONTO  UBRARY 


PR 

2955 

P6B7 

1909 

v.2 

cop  .2 


Plutarchus 


Plutarch