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AT LOS ANGELES

THE SHIPS AND SAILORS
OF OLD SALEM

The Panay, one of the last of the Salem fleet hound out from Hoston to
Manila twenty-five years ajjo

THE SHIPS AND SAILORS

OLD SALEM

THE RECORD OF A BRILLIANT ERA OF
AMERICAN ACHIEVEMENT

RALPH D. PAINE

Author of " The Greater America,"
" The Romance of an Old- Time Shipmaster," etc.

ILLUSTRATED

NEW YORK

THE OUTING PUBLISHING COMPANY
MCMIX

"THE MERCHANTMEN"

"Beyond all outer charting
We sailed where none have sailed,
And saw the land-lights burning
On islands none have hailed;
Our hair stood up for wonder,
But when the night was done,
There danced the deep to windward
Blue-empty 'neath the sun."

RUDYARD KIPLING.

" We're outward bound this very day,
Good-bye, fare you well,
Good-bye, fare you well.
We're outward bound this very day,
Hurrah, my boys, we're outward bound."

(From a chantey sung while sheeting home topsails.}

186380

PREFACE

THIS book has to do with the deeds of a race of red-blooded
Americans who brought honor to their flag and renown
to their nation during the era of its struggle for very
existence. They tell their own stories, how they sailed and
fought and traded in seas the whole world round, where no other
American ships had been. From log books, sea journals and
other manuscripts hitherto unpublished (most of them written
during the years between the Revolution and the War of 1812),
are herein gathered such narratives as those of the first American
voyages to Japan, India, the Philippines, Guam, the Cape of
Good Hope, Sumatra, Arabia and the South Seas. These and
other records, as written by the seamen who made Salem the
most famous port of the New World a century ago, are much
more than local annals. They comprise a unique and brilliant
chapter of American history and they speak for themselves.

This vanished era, this closed chapter of American achieve-
ment which reached its zenith a full century ago, belongs not
alone to Salem, but also to the nation. East and west, north
and south, runs the love of the Stars and Stripes and the desire
to do honor to those who have helped win for this flag prestige
and respect among other peoples in other climes. The seamen
of this old port were traders, it is true, but they lent to commerce
an epic quality, and because they steered so many brave ships
to ports where no other American topsails had ever gleamed,
they deserve to be remembered among those whose work left
its imprint far beyond the limits of the town or coast they called
home.

vii

Preface

Sixty years ago a newspaper of a rival seat of trade with the
Far East, old Newburyport, proclaimed in a fine burst of un-
grudging pride, yet without boasting, the following facts which
may fairly serve as text and prologue for the chapters in which
are fully told for the first time the true tales of a splendid com-
pany of American pathfinders :

" In that early time (from the Revolution to the War of 1812),
and to the present, it has been peculiar to Salem to trade where
nobody else traded, to seek new and distant peoples, and to
carry on a commerce of her own. We will venture even now
that Salem has commenced to trade with more different peoples
in Asia, Africa, South America and the islands of the sea than
all other American ports put together."

To one who, a stranger to Salem, came hither in order to
undertake this account of its golden age of adventure upon the
Seven Seas, this occasion seems opportune for expressing his sin-
cere appreciation of the genuine hospitality of the welcome given
him. It seems unfair, in return, to omit the names and achieve-
ments of many shipmasters and merchants who played well their
parts in the upbuilding of their community and country between
1750 and 1850; yet it may be said in defense and extenuation
that to write a complete history of this extraordinary seaport
and its activities in days long gone by would require the di-
mensions, not of a book, but of an encyclopedia.

The author's task has been largely one of research and com-
pilation. In addition to the great amount of manuscript
material, he has freely made use of the very valuable Historical
Collections of the Essex Institute and other sources of first-hand
information assembled by this admirable institution. He is
under many obligations to its secretary, Mr. George Francis
Dow, for permission to make use of this unique storehouse of
material and also for his personal assistance in this work.
Professor Edward S. Morse, Director of the Peabody Museum,

viii

Preface

Mr. John Robinson, Keeper of the East India Marine Society
Relics, and Mr. Lawrence W. Jenkins, Curator of Ethnology,
have been exceedingly cordial and helpful. The author's
thanks are also given to the officers of the Salem Marine Society
for their co-operation. The illustrations have been made from
paintings, documents, photographs and collections in the
Essex Institute and the Peabody Museum. Particular credit
must be given the researches and writings of Hon. Robert S.
Rantoul as contributed to the Historical Collections of the
Essex Institute; to Felt's Annals of Salem; to A Historical
Sketch of Salem by Osgood and Batchelder; and to the pri-
vately printed diary of Rev. William Bentley.

R. D. P.

Salem, Mass.,

August 5, 1908.

CONTENTS

I A PORT OF VANISHED FLEETS .... 3
II PHILIP ENGLISH AND HIS ERA. (1680-1750.) . . 21

III SOME EARLY EIGHTEENTH CENTURY PIRATP:S. (1670-

1725.) 41

IV THE PRIVATEERSMEN OF '76 . . . . .60
V JONATHAN HARADEN, PRIVATEERSMAN. (1776-1782.) 80

VI CAPTAIN LUTHER LITTLE'S OWN STORY. (1771-1799.) 100
VII YANKEE SEAMEN IN BRITISH PRISONS. (1776-1783). 119
VIII THE JOURNAL OF WILLIAM RUSSELL. (1779-1783.) . 138
IX THE JOURNAL OF WILLIAM RUSSELL (concluded). (1779-

1783.) 160

X RICHARD DERBY AND HIS SON JOHN. (1774-1792.) . 175

XI ELIAS HASKET DERBY AND HIS TIMES. (1770-1800.) 201

XII PIONEERS IN DISTANT SEAS. (1775-1817.) . . 225

XIII THE SUFFERINGS OF DANIEL SAUNDERS. (1792.) . 252

XIV THE SUFFERINGS OF DANIEL SAUNDERS (concluded) . 267
XV THE BUILDING OF THE Essex. (1799.) . . .288

XVI THE DAY'S WORK ON BLUE WATER. (1790-1802.) . 310
XVII THE FIRST AMERICAN VOYAGERS TO JAPAN. (1799-

1801.) 330

XVIII JAPAN AS WILLIAM CLEVELAND SAW IT. (1800.) . 351
XIX THE FIRST YANKEE SHIP AT GUAM. (1801.) . . 376
XX NATHANIEL BOWDITCH AND HIS "PRACTICAL NAVI-
GATOR." (1802.) 394

XXI LOGS FROM THE MYSTERIOUS EAST. (1792-1819.) . 417
XXII THE VOYAGES OF NATHANIEL SILSBEE. (1792-1800.) 440
XXIII THE VOYAGES OF RICHARD CLEVELAND. (1791-

1820.) .459

Contents

CHAPTEB PAGE

XXIV THE PRIVATEERS OF 1812 483

XXV THE TRAGEDY OF THE Friendship. (1831.) . . 508

XXVI EARLY SOUTH SEA VOYAGES. (1832.) . . .536

XXVII THE LOG OF THE Emerald. (1834-1835.) . . 561

XXVIII THE LAST PIRATES OF THE SPANISH MAIN. (1832.) 581

XXIX GENERAL FREDERICK TOWNSEND WARD. (1859-

1862.) 601

XXX CHINA'S TRIBUTE TO THE MEMORY OF WARD. . 619

XXXI THE EBBING OF THE TIDE 637

APPENDICES ........ 653

INDEX . . 687

ILLUSTRATIONS

The Panay, one of the last of the Salem fleet bound out from

Boston to Manila twenty-five years ago . . Frontispiece

FACING
PAGE

Custom House document with signature of Nathaniel Hawthorne

as surveyor ......... 6

Page from the illustrated log of the Eolus ..... 6

A corner in the Marine Room of the Peabody Museum . .14
The Marine Room, Peabody Museum . . . . .14

Certificate of Membership in the Salem Marine Society . .18
Title page of the log of Capt. Nathaniel Hathorne . . .18
The Roger Williams house ....... 24

The Philip English "Great House" 30

A bill of lading of the time of Philip English, dated 1716 . . 38
The log of a Salem whaler ....... 38

A page from Falconer's Marine Dictionary (18th Century) . 46

Agreement by which a Revolutionary privateer seaman sold his

share of the booty in advance of his cruise . . .66
Proclamation posted in Salem during the Revolution calling for

volunteers aboard Paul Jones' Ranger . . . .72

Schooner Baltic ......... 78

Derby Wharf, Salem, Mass., as it appears to-day . . .88
Captain Luther Little . . . . . . . .110

The East India Marine Society's hall, now the home of the Pea-
body Museum ........ 124

Page from the records of the East India Marine Society . .124

The Salem Custom House, built in 1818 164

Richard Derby 178

"Leslie's Retreat" . . . . . . . .184

xiii

Illustrations

The Grand Turk, first American ship to pass the Cape of Good

Hope 204

Nathaniel West 208

William Gray 216

Elias Basket Derby 216

The Ship Mount Vernon 220

Elias Hasket Derby mansion (1790-1816) . . . .222

Prince House. Home of Richard Derby. Built about 1750 . 222

Joseph Peabody 228

Hon. Jacob Crowninshield ....... 232

Benjamin Crowninshield ....... 236

Ship Ulysses .......... 240

Yacht Cleopatra's Barge ....... 240

Log of the good ship Rubicon ....... 244

The frigate Essex 290

Broadside ballad published in Salem after the news was received

of the loss of the Essex ....... 308

Page from the log of the Margaret . . . . . . 330

The good ship Franklin ....... 330

View of Nagasaki before Japan was opened to commerce . . 340

Salem Harbor as it is to-day ....... 360

The old-time sailors used to have their vessels painted on pitchers

and punch bowls ........ 380

Title page from the journal of the Lydia ..... 380

Nathaniel Bowditch, author of "The Practical Navigator" . 400
Nathaniel Bowditch's chart of Salem harbor . . . .410

Captain Benjamin Carpenter of the Hercules, 1792 . . . 420

From the log of the Hercules ....... 428

Pages from the log of the ship Hercules, 1792 .... 436

Captain Nathaniel Silsbee ....... 448

Captain Richard Cleveland ....... 464

Captain James W. Chever ....... 488

The privateer America under full sail ..... 488

Captain Holten J. Breed 500

The privateer Grand Turk 500

xiv

Illustrations

An old broadside, relating the incidents of the battle of Qualah

Battoo 510

Captain Driver 538

Letter to Captain Driver from the "Bounty" Colonists . . 538

The Glide 520

The Friendship 520

Captain Thomas Fuller 582

The brig Mexican attacked by pirates, 1832 .... 582

Frederick T. Ward 604

Captain John Bertram ........ 642

Ship Sooloo 650

THE SHIPS AND SAILORS
OF OLD SALEM

;i>fjtp£ anfc bailors; of

CHAPTER I

A PORT OF VANISHED FLEETS

AMERICAN ships and sailors have almost vanished from
the seas that lie beyond their own coasts. The twen-
tieth century has forgotten the era when Yankee top-
sails, like flying clouds, flecked every ocean, when tall spars
forested every Atlantic port from Portland to Charleston, and
when the American spirit of adventurous enterprise and rivalry
was in its finest flower on the decks of our merchant squadrons.
The last great chapter of the nation's life on blue water was
written in the days of the matchless clippers which swept round
the Horn to San Francisco or fled homeward from the Orient
in the van of the tea fleets.

The Cape Horn clipper was able to survive the coming of
the Age of Steam a few years longer than the Atlantic packet
ships, such as the Dreadnought, but her glory departed with
the Civil War and thereafter the story of the American merchant
marine is one of swift and sorrowful decay. The boys of the
Atlantic coast, whose fathers had followed the sea in legions,
turned inland to find their careers, and the sterling qualities
which had been bred in the bone by generations of salty ances-
try now helped to conquer the western wilderness.

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

It is all in the past, this noble and thrilling history of Amer-
ican achievement on the deep sea, and a country with thousands
of miles of seacoast has turned its back toward the spray-
swept scenes of its ancient greatness to seek the fulfillment
of its destiny in peopling the prairie, reclaiming the desert and
feeding its mills and factories with the resources of forest, mine
and farm.

For more than two centuries, however, we Americans were
a maritime race, in peace and war, and the most significant
deeds and spectacular triumphs of our seafaring annals were
wrought long before the era of the clipper ship. The fastest
and most beautiful fabric ever driven by the winds, the sky-
sail clipper, was handled with a superb quality of seamanship
which made the mariners of other nations doff their caps to
the ruddy Yankee masters of the Sovereign of the Seas, the
Flying Cloud, the Comet, the Westward Ho, or the Swordfish.
Her routes were well traveled, however, and her voyages hardly
more eventful than those of the liner of to-day. Islands were
charted, headlands lighted, and the instruments and science of
navigation so far perfected as to make ocean pathfinding no
longer a matter of blind reckoning and guesswork. Pirates
and privateers had ceased to harry the merchantmen and to
make every voyage a hazard of life and death from the Bahama
Banks to the South Seas.

Through the vista of fifty years the Yankee clipper has a
glamour of singularly picturesque romance, but it is often for-
gotten that two hundred years of battling against desperate
odds and seven generations of seafaring stock had been required
to evolve her type and to breed the men who sailed her in the
nineteenth century. It is to this much older race of American
seamen and the stout ships they built and manned that we of
to-day should be grateful for many of the finest pages in the
history of our country's progress. The most adventurous age

A Port of Vanished Fleets

of our merchant mariners had reached its climax at the time of
the War of 1812, and its glory was waning almost a hundred
years ago. For the most part its records are buried in sea-
stained log books and in the annals and traditions of certain
ancient New England coastwise towns,* of which Salem was
the most illustrious.

This port of Salem is chiefly known beyond New England
as the scene of a wicked witchcraft delusion which caused the
death of a score of poor innocents in 1692, and in later days
as the birthplace of Nathaniel Hawthorne. It is not so com-
monly known that this old town of Salem, nestled in a bight
of the Massachusetts coast, was once the most important seat
of maritime enterprise in the New World. Nor when its popu-
lation of a century ago is taken into consideration can any
foreign port surpass for adventure, romance and daring the
history of Salem during the era of its astonishing activity.
Even as recently as 1854, when the fleets of Salem were fast
dwindling, the London Daily News, in a belated eulogy of our
American ships and sailors, was moved to compare the spirit
of this port with that of Venice and the old Hanse towns and
to say: "We owe a cordial admiration of the spirit of Ameri-
can commerce in its adventurous aspects. To watch it is to
witness some of the finest romance of our time."

* In 1810 Newburyport merchants owned forty-one ships, forty-nine brigs
and fifty schooners, and was the seat of extensive commerce with the East
Indies and other ports of the Orient. Twenty-one deep-water sailing ships for
foreign trade were built on the Merrimac River in that one year. The fame
of Newburyport as a shipbuilding and shipowning port was carried far into
the last century and culminated in the building of the Atlantic packet Dread-
nought, the fastest and most celebrated sailing ship that ever flew the American
flag. She made a passage from New York to Queenstown in nine days and
thirteen hours in 1860. Her famous commander, the late Captain Samuel
Samuels, wrote of the Dreadnought :

" She was never passed in anything over a four-knot breeze. She was what
might be termed a semi-clipper and possessed the merit of being able to bear
driving as long as her sails and spars would stand. By the sailors she was
called the ' Wild Boat of the Atlantic, ' while others called her ' The Flying
Dutchman.' "

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Nathaniel Hawthorne was Surveyor in the Custom House
of Salem in 1848-49, after the prestige of the port had been
well-nigh lost. He was descended from a race of Salem ship-
masters and he saw daily in the streets of his native town the
survivors of the generations of incomparable seamen who had
first carried the American flag to Hindoostan, Java, Sumatra,
and Japan, who were first to trade with the Fiji Islands and
with Madagascar, who had led the way to the west coast of
Africa and to St. Petersburg, who had been pioneers in opening
the commerce of South America and China to Yankee ships.
They had "sailed where no other ships dared to go, they had
anchored where no one else dreamed of looking for trade."
They had fought pirates and the privateers of a dozen races
around the world, stamping themselves as the Drakes and the
Raleighs and Gilberts of American commercial daring.

In the Salem of his time, however, Hawthorne perceived
little more than a melancholy process of decay, and a dusky
background for romances of a century more remote. It would
seem as if he found no compelling charm in the thickly clustered
memories that linked the port with its former greatness on the
sea. Some of the old shipmasters were in the Custom House
service with him and he wrote of them as derelicts " who after
being tost on every sea and standing sturdily against life's
tempestuous blast had finally drifted into this quiet nook where
with little to disturb them except the periodical terrors of a Presi-
dential election, they one and all acquired a new lease of life."

They were simple, brave, elemental men, hiding no tortuous
problems of conscience, very easy to analyze and catalogue,
and perhaps not apt, for this reason, to make a strong appeal
to the genius of the author of "The Scarlet Letter."

" They spent a good deal of time asleep in their accustomed
corners," he also wrote of them, "with their chairs tilted back
against the wall ; awaking, however, once or twice in a forenoon

IDfattfc* of Sbaltm &

To the Inspector* of Ih* Port of 8al

HT? e'trtirp, nut '^7^y~'"*^><<4.

Dalies 03 Mcrcluuilizu cunuiin-il ;:i (!io i>41»\tinj ;.*nuqn,
thereof of tli'u Jjte, whkli mcrcbaa<!:/c «j» irajiotuil i» ih«

Col.ec<c

Custom House document with signature of Nathaniel Ilawtliorne as surveyor

I I i I

Page from the illustrated \oK of the Edu*. Her captain drew such pictures as theM
of the ships he sighted at sea

A Port of Vanished Fleets

to bore one another with the several thousandth repetition of
old sea stories and mouldy jokes that had grown to be pass-
words and counter-signs among them."

One of the sea journals or logs of Captain Nathaniel Ha-
thorne,* father of the author, possesses a literary interest in
that its title page was lettered by the son when a lad of sixteen.
With many an ornamental nourish the inscription runs :

Nathaniel Hathorne's
Book— 1820— Salem.

A Journal of a Passage from Bengali to America

In the Ship America of

Salem, 1798.

This is almost the only volume of salty flavored narrative
to which Nathaniel Hawthorne may be said to have contributed,
although he was moved to pay this tribute to his stout-hearted
forebears :

"From father to son, for above a hundred years, they fol-
lowed the sea; a gray-headed shipmaster in each generation
retiring from the quarter-deck to the homestead, while a boy
of fourteen took the hereditary place before the mast, confront-
ing the salt spray and the gale which had blustered against his
sire and grandsire."

Even to-day there survive old shipmasters and merchants of
Salem who in their own boyhood heard from the lips of the
actors their stories of shipwrecks on uncharted coasts; of cap-
tivity among the Algerians and in the prisons of France, Eng-

* Nathaniel Hawthorne, the author, chose to insert a "w" in the family
name of Hathome borne by his father.

"The four years had lapsed quietly and quickly by, and Hawthorne, who
now adopted the fanciful spelling of his name after his personal whim, was
man grown." (Nathaniel Hawthorne, by George E. \Voodberry, in American
Men of Letters Series.)

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

land and Spain; of hairbreadth escapes from pirates on the
Spanish Main and along Sumatran shores; of ship's companies
overwhelmed by South Sea cannibals when Salem barks were
pioneers in the wake of Captain Cook ; of deadly actions fought
alongside British men-of-war and private armed ships, and of
steering across far-distant seas when " India was a new region
and only Salem knew the way thither."

Such men as these were trained in a stern school to fight
for their own. When the time came they were also ready to
fight for their country. Salem sent to sea one hundred and
fifty-eight privateers during the Revolution. They carried
two thousand guns and were manned by more than six thousand
men, a force equal in numbers to the population of the town.
These vessels captured four hundred and forty-four prizes, or
more than one-half the total number taken by all the Colonies
during the war.

In the War of 1812 Salem manned and equipped forty priva-
teers and her people paid for and built the frigate Essex which
under the command of David Porter swept the Pacific clean of
British commerce and met a glorious end in her battle with
the Phoebe and Cherub off the harbor of Valparaiso. Nor
among the sea fights of both wars are there to be found more
thrilling ship actions than were fought by Salem privateersmen
who were as ready to exchange broadsides or measure boarding
pikes with a "king's ship" as to snap up a tempting merchant-
man.

But even beyond these fighting merchant sailors lay a pre-
vious century of such stress and hazard in ocean traffic as this
age cannot imagine. One generation after another of honest
shipmasters had been the prey of a great company of lawless
rovers under many flags or no flag at all. The distinction
between privateers and pirates was not clearly drawn in the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and the tiny American

A Port of Vanished Fleets

brigs and sloops which bravely fared to the West Indies and
Europe were fair marks for the polyglot freebooters that laughed
at England's feeble protection of her colonial trade.

The story of the struggles and heroisms of the western pioneers
has been told over and over again. Every American schoolboy
is acquainted with the story of the beginnings of the New
England Colonies and of their union. But the work of the
seafaring breed of Americans has been somewhat suffered to
remain in the background. Their astonishing adventures were
all in the day's work and were commonplace matters to their
actors. The material for the plot of a modern novel of adven-
ture may be found condensed into a three-line entry of many an
ancient log-book.

High on the front of a massive stone building in Essex Street,
Salem, is chiseled the inscription, "East India Marine Hall."
Beneath this are the obsolete legends, "Asiatic Bank," and
"Oriental Insurance Office." Built by the East India Marine
Society eighty-four years ago, this structure is now the home
of the Peabody Museum and a storehouse for the unique col-
lections which Salem seafarers brought home from strange
lands when their ships traded in every ocean. The East
India Marine Society still exists. The handful of surviving
members meet now and then and spin yarns of the vanished
days when they were masters of stately square-riggers in the
deep-water trade. All of them are gray and some of them
quite feeble and every little while another of this company slips
his cable for the last long voyage.

The sight-seeing visitor in Salem is fascinated by its quaint
and picturesque streets, recalling as they do no fewer than
three centuries of American life, and by its noble mansions set
beneath the elms in an atmosphere of immemorial traditions.
But the visitor is not likely to seek the story of Salem as it is
written in the records left by the men who made it great. For

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

those heroic seafarers not only made history but they also
wrote it while they lived it. The East India Marine Society
was organized in 1799 "to assist the widows and children of
deceased members; to collect such facts and observations as
tended to the improvement and security of navigation, and to
form a museum of natural and artificial curiosities, particu-
larly such as are to be found beyond the Cape of Good Hope or
Cape Horn."*

The by-laws provided that " any person shall be eligible as a
member of this society who shall have actually navigated the
seas near the Cape of Good Hope or Cape Horn, either as
master or commander or as factor or supercargo in any vessel
belonging to Salem."

From its foundation until the time when the collections of
the Society were given in charge of the Peabody Academy of
Science in 1867, three hundred and fifty masters and super-
cargoes of Salem had qualified for membership as having sailed
beyond Cape Horn or the Cape of Good Hope.

More than a century ago, therefore, these mariners of Salem
began to write detailed journals of their voyages, to be deposited
with this Society in order that their fellow shipmasters might
glean from them such facts as might "tend to the improvement
and security of navigation." Few seas were charted, and
Salem ships were venturing along unknown shores. The

* (1799) "Oct. 22. It is proposed by the new marine society, called the
East India Marine Society, to make a cabinet. This society has been lately
thought of. Captain Gibant first mentioned the plan to me this summer and
desired me to give him some plan of articles or a sketch. The first friends of
the institution met and chose a committee to compare and digest articles from
the sketches given to them. Last week was informed that in the preceding
week the members met and signed the articles chosen by the committee.

"Nov. 7. Captain Carnes has presented his curiosities to the new-formed
East India Marine Society and they are providing a museum and cabinet.
Rooms were obtained for their meetings and a place for the deposit
of books, charts, etc., and in July of the following year glass cases were pro-
vided to arrange therein the specimens that had been accumulated. ' ' (Diary
of Rev. William Bentley.)

A Port of Vanished Fleets

journal of one of these pioneer voyages was a valuable aid to
the next shipmaster who went that way. These journals were
often expanded from the ship's logs, and written after the cap-
tains came home. The habit of carefully noting all incidents of
trade, discovery, and dealings with primitive races taught these
seamen to make their logs something more than routine ac-
counts of wind and weather. Thus, year after year and genera-
tion after generation, there was accumulating a library of
adventurous first-hand narrative, written in stout manuscript
volumes.

It was discovered that a pen and ink drawing of the landfall
of some almost unknown island would help the next captain
passing that coast to identify its headlands. Therefore many
of these quarter-deck chroniclers developed an astonishing
aptitude for sketching coast line, mountains and bays. Some
of them even made pictures in water color of the ships they saw
or spoke, and their logs were illustrated descriptions of voyages
to the South Seas or Mauritius or China. In this manner the
tradition was cherished that a shipmaster of Salem owed it to
his fellow mariners and townspeople to bring home not only all
the knowledge he could gather but also every kind of curious
trophy to add to the collections of the East India Marine Society.
And as the commerce over seas began to diminish in the nine-
teenth century, this tradition laid fast hold upon many Salem
men and women whose fathers had been shipmasters. They
took pride in gathering together all the old log books they could
find in cobwebby attics and battered seachests and in increasing
this unique library of blue water.

Older than the East India Marine Society is the Salem
Marine Society, which was founded in 1766 by eighteen ship-
masters, and which still maintains its organization in its own
building. Its Act of Incorporation, dated 1772, stated that
"whereas a considerable number of persons who are or have

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

been Masters of ships or other vessels, have for several years
past associated themselves in the town of Salem; and the
principal end of said Society being to improve the knowledge
of this coast, by the several members, upon their arrival from
sea communicating their observations, inwards and outwards,
of the variation of the needle, soundings, courses and distances,
and all other remarkable things about it, in writing, to be lodged
with the Society, for the making of the navigation more safe;
and also to relieve one another and their families in poverty or
other adverse accidents of life, which they are more particu-
larly liable to," etc.

Most of these records, together with those belonging to the
East India Marine Society and many others rescued from
oblivion, have been assembled and given in care of the Essex
Institute of Salem as the choicest treasure of its notable his-
torical library. It has come to pass that a thousand of these
logs and sea-journals are stored in one room of the Essex Insti-
tute, comprising many more than this number of voyages made
between 1750 and 1890, a period of a century and a half, which
included the most brilliant era of American sea life. Privateer,
sealer, whaler, and merchantman, there they rest, row after
row of canvas-covered books, filled with the day's work of as
fine a race of seamen as ever sailed; from the log of the tiny
schooner Hopewell on a voyage to the West Indies amid perils
of swarming pirates and privateers a generation before the
Revolution, down to the log of the white-winged Mindoro of
the Manila fleet which squared away her yards for the last time
only fifteen years ago.

There is no other collection of Americana which can so vividly
recall a vanished epoch and make it live again as these hun-
dreds upon hundreds of ancient log books. They are com-
plete, final, embracing as they do the rise, the high-tide and
the ebb of the commerce of Salem, the whole story of those

A Port of Vanished Fleets

vikings of deep-water enterprise who dazzled the maritime
world. These journals reflect in intimate and sharply focused
detail that little world which Harriet Martineau discerned when
she visited Salem seventy-five years ago and related:

"Salem, Mass., is a remarkable place. This 'city of peace'
will be better known hereafter for it's commerce than for it's
witch tragedy. It has a population of fourteen thousand and
more wealth in proportion to its population than perhaps any
town in the world. Its commerce is speculative but vast and
successful. It is a frequent circumstance that a ship goes out
without a cargo for a voyage around the world. In such a
case the captain puts his elder children to school, takes his wife
and younger children and starts for some semi-barbarous place
where he procures some odd kind of cargo which he ex-
changes with advantage for another somewhere else; and so
goes trafficking around the world, bringing home a freight of
the highest value.

" These enterprising merchants of Salem are hoping to appro-
priate a large share of the whale fishery and their ships are
penetrating the northern ice. They speak of Fayal and the
Azores as if they were close at hand. The fruits of the Medi-
terranean are on every table. They have a large acquaintance
at Cairo. They know Napoleon's grave at St. Helena, and
have wild tales to tell of Mozambique and Madagascar, and
stores of ivory to show from there. They speak of the power
of the king of Muscat, and are sensible of the riches of the
southeast coast of Arabia. Anybody will give you anecdotes
from Canton and descriptions of the Society and Sandwich
Islands. They often slip up the western coast of their two
continents, bringing furs from the back regions of their own
wide land, glance up at the Andes on their return; double
Cape Horn, touch at the ports of Brazil and Guiana, look
about them in the West Indies, feeling almost at home there,

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

and land some fair morning in Salem and walk home as if they
had done nothing remarkable."

Within sight of this Essex Institute is the imposing building
of the Peabody Academy of Science and Marine Museum,
already mentioned. Here the loyal sons of Salem, aided by
the generous endowment of George Peabody, the banker and
philanthropist, have created a notable memorial to the sea-
born genius of the old town. One hall is filled with models
and paintings of the stout ships ivhich made Salem rich and
famous. These models were built and rigged with the most
painstaking accuracy of detail, most of them the work of mari-
ners of the olden time, and many of them made on shipboard
during long voyages. Scores of the paintings of ships were
made when they were afloat, their cannon and checkered ports
telling of the dangers which merchantmen dared in those times;
their hulls and rigging wearing a quaint and archaic aspect.

Beneath them are displayed the tools of the seaman's trade
long ere steam made of him a paint-swabber and mechanic.
Here are the ancient quadrants, "half-circles," and hand log
lines, timed with sandglasses, with which our forefathers found
their way around the world. Beside them repose the " colt " and
the "cat-o '-nine-tails" with which those tough tars were flogged
by their skippers and mates. Cutlasses such as were wielded
in sea fights with Spanish, French and English, boarding
axes and naval tomahawks, are flanked by carved whales-
teeth, whose intricate designs of ships, cupids and mermaids
whiled away the dogwatches under the Southern Cross. Over
yonder is a notched limb of a sea-washed tree on which a
sailor tallied the days and weeks of five months' solitary wait-
ing on a desert island where he had been cast by shipwreck.

Portraits of famous shipping merchants and masters gaze at
portraits of Sultans of Zanzibar, Indian Rajahs and hong
merchants of Canton whose names were household words in

A corner in the Marine Room of the I'eabody Museum, showing portraits of the ship-
masters and merchants of Salem

The Marine Room, Peabody Museum, showing the ships of Salem during a perkxl of
one hundred and fiftv years

A Port of Vanished Fleets

the Salem of long ago. In other spacious halls of this museum
are unique displays of the tools, weapons, garments and adorn-
ments of primitive races, gathered generations before their coun-
tries and islands were ransacked by the tourist and the ethnolo-
gist. They portray the native arts and habits of life before
they were corrupted by European influences. Some of the
tribes which fashioned these things have become extinct, but
their vanquished handiwork is preserved in these collections
made with devoted loyalty by the old shipmasters who were
proud of their home town and of their Marine Society. From
the Fiji and Gilbert and Hawaiian Islands, from Samoa,
Arabia, India, China, Africa and Japan, and every other for-
eign shore where ships could go, these trophies were brought
home to lay the foundation of collections which to-day are
visited by scientists from abroad in order to study many rare
objects which can be no longer obtained.*

The catalogue of ports from which the deep-laden argosies
rolled home to Salem is astonishing in its scope. From 1810
to 1830, for example, Salem ships flew the American flag in
these ports :

Sumatra, Malaga, Naples, Liverpool, St. Domingo, Baracoa,
Cadiz, Cayenne, Gottenburg, La Guayra, Havana, Canton,
Smyrna, Matanzas, Valencia, Turk's Island, Pernambuco, Rio
Janeiro, Messina, St. Pierre's, Point Petre, Cronstadt, Arch-
angel, St. Lucia, Trinidad, Surinam, St. Petersburg, Calcutta,
Porto Rico, Palermo, Algeciras, Constantinople, Cumana,
Kiel, Angostura, Jacquemel, Gustavia, Malta, Exuma, Buenos
Ayres, Christiana, Stralsund, Guadaloupe, Nevis, Riga, Madras,
St. Vincent's, Pillau, Amsterdam, Maranham, Para, Leghorn,

* A costly new hall has been recently added to the Museum to contain the
Japanese and Chinese collections. This building was the gift of Dr. Charles G.
Weld of Boston. Its Japanese floor contains the most complete and valuable
ethnological collections, portraying the life of the Japanese people of the feudal
age, that exists to-day. Japanese scientists and students have visited Salem

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Manila, Samarang, Java, Mocha, South Sea Islands, Africa,
Padang, Cape de Verde, Zanzibar and Madagascar.

In these days of huge ships and cavernous holds in which
freight is stowed to the amount of thousands of tons, we are
apt to think that those early mariners carried on their com-
merce over seas in a small way. But the records of old Salem
contain scores of entries for the early years of the last century
in which the duties paid on cargoes of pepper, sugar, indigo,
and other Oriental wares swelled the custom receipts from
twenty-five thousand to sixty thousand dollars. In ten years,
from 1800 to 1810, when the maritime prosperity of the port
was at flood-tide, the foreign entries numbered more than
one thousand and the total amount of duties more than seven
million dollars. And from the beginning of the nineteenth
century until the ships of Salem vanished from blue water, a
period of seventy years, roughly speaking, more than twenty
million dollars poured into the Custom House as duties on
foreign cargoes.

Old men now living remember when the old warehouses
along the wharves were full of "hemp from Luzon; pepper
from Sumatra; coffee from Arabia; palm oil from the west
coast of Africa; cotton from Bombay; duck and iron from the
Baltic; tallow from Madagascar; salt from Cadiz; wine from
Portugal and the Madeiras; figs, raisins and almonds from
the Mediterranean ; teas and silks from China ; sugar, rum and
molasses from the West Indies; ivory and gum-copal from Zan-
zibar; rubber, hides and wool from South America; whale oil
from the Arctic and Antarctic, and sperm from the South Seas."

in order to examine many objects of this unicme collection which are no longer
to be found in their own country. Professor Edward S. Morse, director of the
Museum, and curator of the Japanese pottery section of the Boston Museum
of Fine Arts, has sifted and arranged these collections with singular patience,
expert knowledge, and brilliantly successful results. The South Sea collections
are also unequaled in many important particulars, especially in the field of
weapons and ornaments from the Fiji and Marquesas Islands.

A Port of Vanished Fleets

In 1812 one hundred and twenty-six Salem ships were in the
deep-water trade, and of these fifty-eight were East Indiamen.
Twenty years later this noble fleet numbered one hundred and
eleven. They had been pioneers in opening new routes of
commerce, but the vessels of the larger ports were flocking in
their wake. Boston, with the development of railway trans-
portation, New York with the opening of the Erie Canal,
Philadelphia and Baltimore with their more advantageous sit-
uations for building up a commerce with the great and growing
hinterland of the young United States, were creating their
ocean commerce at the expense of old Salem. Bigger ships
were building and deeper harbors were needed and Salem
shipowners dispatched their vessels from Boston instead of the
home port. Then came the Age of Steam on the sea, and the
era of the sailing vessel was foredoomed.

The Custom House which looks down at crumbling Derby
Wharf where the stately East Indiamen once lay three deep,
awakes from its drowsy idleness to record the entries of a few
lumber-laden schooners from Nova Scotia. Built in 1819,
when the tide of Salem commerce had already begun to ebb,
its classic and pillared bulk recalls the comment of its famous
officer, Nathaniel Hawthorne: "It was intended to accommo-
date an hoped for increase in the commercial prosperity of the
place, hopes destined never to be realized, and was built a
world too large for any necessary purpose."

Yet in the records left by these vanished generations of sea-
men; in the aspect of the stately mansions built from the for-
tunes won by their ships; in the atmosphere of the old wharves
and streets, there has been preserved, as if caught in amber,
the finished story of one of the most romantic and high-hearted
periods of American achievement.

Salem was a small city during her maritime career, number-
ing hardly more than ten thousand souls at a time when her

The Ships and Sailors oj Old Salem

trade had made her famous in every port of the world. Her
achievements were the work of an exceedingly bold and vigor-
ous population in whom the pioneering instinct was fostered
and guided by a few merchants of rare sagacity, daring and
imagination. It must not be forgotten that from the early part
of the seventeenth century to the latter year of the eighteenth
century when this seafaring genius reached its highest develop-
ment, the men of Salem had been trained and bred to wrest a
livelihood from salt water. During this period of one hundred
and fifty years before the Revolution the sea was the highway
of the Colonists whose settlements fringed the rugged coast line
of New England. At their backs lay a hostile wilderness and a
great part of the population toiled at fishing, trading and ship-
building.

Roger Conant, who, in 1626, founded the settlement later
called Salem, had left his fellow Pilgrims at Plymouth because
he would not agree to "separate" from the Church of England.
Pushing along the coast to Nantasket, where Captain Miles
Standish had built an outpost, Roger Conant was asked by the
Dorchester Company of England to take charge of a newly
established fishing station on Cape Ann. This enterprise
was unsuccessful and Conant aspired to better his fortunes by
founding a colony or plantation on the shore of the sheltered
harbor of the Naumkeag Peninsula. This was the beginning
of the town of Salem, so named by the first governor, John
Endicott, who ousted Roger Conant in 1629, when this property
of the Dorchester Company passed by purchase into the hands
of the New England Company.

The first settlers who had fought famine, pestilence and red
men were not consulted in the transaction but were transferred
along with the land. They had established a refuge for those
oppressed for conscience's sake, and Roger Conant, brave,
resolute and patient, had fought the good fight with them.

/,// 2'.'A,V 7fl,"".." '.T"' *,!"' .irr£,,/., /2

Certificate of Membership in the Salem Marine Society, used in 1790, showing
wharves and harbor

'Title page of the log of Captain Nathaniel Hatliorne. father of Xathaniel Hawthorne.
This lettering at the top of the page was done by the author when a boy

A Port of Vanished Fleets

But although they held meetings and protested against being
treated as "slaves," they could make no opposition to the iron-
handed zealot and aristocrat, John Endicott, who came to rule
over them. Eighty settlers perished of hunger and disease
during Governor Endicott's first winter among them, and when
Winthrop, Saltonstall, Dudley and Johnson brought over a
thousand people in seventeen ships in the year of 1629, they
passed by afflicted Salem and made their settlements at Boston,
Charlestown and Watertown.

"The homes, labors and successes of the first colonists of
Salem would be unworthy of our attention were they associated
with the lives of ordinary settlers in a new country. But small
though the beginnings were these men were beginning to store up
and to train the energy which was afterward to expand with
tremendous force in the opening of the whole world to commerce
and civilization, and in the establishment of the best things in
American life."* They were the picked men of England,
yoemanry for the most part, seeking to better their condition,
interested in the great problems of religion and government.
Dwelling along the harbor front, or on the banks of small rivers
near at hand, they at once busied themselves cutting down
trees and hewing planks to fashion pinnaces and shallops for
traversing these waterways. Fish was a staple diet and the
chief commodity of trade, and often averted famine while the
scanty crops were being wrested from the first clearings. Thus
these early sixteenth century men of Salem were more at home
upon the water than upon the less friendly land, and it was
inevitable that they should build larger craft for coastwise
voyaging as fast as other settlements sprang into being to the
north and south of them.

No more than ten years after the arrival of John Endicott,

* History of Essex County

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

shipbuilding was a thriving industry of Salem, and her seamen
had begun to talk of sending their ventures as far away as the
West Indies. In 1640 the West Indiaman Desire brought
home cotton, tobacco and negroes from the Bahamas and salt
from Tortugas. This ship Desire was a credit to her builders,
for after opening the trade with the West Indies she made a
passage to England in the amazingly brief time of twenty-three
days, which would have been considered rapid sailing for a
packet ship two hundred years later. In 1664 a local historian
was able to record that " in this town are some very rich mer-
chants." These merchants, most of them shipmasters as well,
were destined to build up for their seaport a peculiar fame by
reason of their genius for discovering new markets for their
trading ventures and staking their lives and fortunes on the
chance of finding rich cargoes where no other American ships
had dreamed of venturing.

CHAPTER II

PHILIP ENGLISH AND HIS ERA
(1680—1750)

IN the decade from 1685 to 1695 the infant commerce of
Salem was fighting for its life. This period was called
" the dark time when ye merchants looked for ye vessells
with fear and trembling." Besides the common dangers of the
sea, they had to contend with savage Indians who attacked the
fishing fleet, with the heavy restrictions imposed by the Royal
Acts of Trade, with the witchcraft delusion which turned every
man's hand against his neighbor, and with French privateers
which so ravaged the ventures of the Salem traders to the West
Indies that the shipping annals of the time are thickly strewn
with such incidents as these:

(1690)— "The ketch Fellowship, Captain Robert Glanville,
via the Vineyard for Berwick on the Tweed, was taken by two
French privateers and carried to Dunkirk."

(1695) — "The ship Essex of Salem, Captain John Beal, from
Bilboa in Spain, had a battle at sea and loses John Samson,
boatswain. This man and Thomas Roads, the gunner, had
previously contracted that whoever of the two survived the
other he should have all the property of the deceased."

Soon after this the tables were turned by the Salem Packet
which captured a French ship off the Banks of Newfoundland.
In the same year the ketch Exchange, Captain Thomas Mars-
ton, was taken by a French ship off Block Island. She was
ransomed for two hundred and fifty pounds and brought into

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Salem. "The son of the owner was carried to Placentia as a
hostage for the payment of the ransom."

The ancient records of the First Church of Salem contain
this quaint entry under date of July 25, 1677:

" The Lord having given a Comission to the Indians to take
no less than 13 of the Fishing Ketches of Salem and Captivate
the men (though divers of them cleared themselves and came
home) it struck a great consternation into all the people here.
The Pastor moved on the Lord's Day, and the whole people
readily consented, to keep the Lecture Day following as a fast
day; which was accordingly done and the work carried on by
the Pastor, Mr. Hale, Mr. Chevers, and Mr. Gerrish, the
higher ministers helping in prayer. The Lord was pleased
to send in some of the Ketches on the Fast day which was
looked on as a gracious smile of Providence. Also there had
been 19 wounded men sent into Salem a little while before;
also, a ketch with 40 men sent out from Salem as a man-of-
war to recover the rest of the Ketches. The Lord give them
Good Success."

In those very early and troublous times the Barbary pirates
or Corsairs had begun to vex the New England skippers who
boldly crossed the Atlantic in vessels that were much smaller
than a modern canal boat or brick barge. These "Sallee
rovers" hovered from the Mediterranean to the chops of the
English Channel. Many a luckless seaman of Salem was held
prisoner in the cities of Algiers while his friends at home endeav-
ored to gather funds for his ransom. It was stated in 1661
that "for a long time previous the commerce of Massachusetts
was much annoyed by Barbary Corsairs and that many of its
seamen were held in bondage. One Captain Cakebread or
Breadcake had two guns to cruise in search of Turkish pirates."
In 1700 Benjamin Alford of Boston and William Bowditch of
Salem related that "their friend Robert Carver of the latter

Philip English and His Era

port was taken nine years before, a captive into Sally; that
contributions had been made for his redemption; that the
money was in the hands of a person here; that if they had the
disposal of it, they could release Carver."

The end of the seventeenth century found the wilderness
settlement of Salem rapidly expanding into a seaport whose
commercial interests were faring to distant oceans. The town
had grown along the water's edge beside which its merchants
were beginning to build their spacious and gabled mansions.
Their countinghouses overlooked the harbor, and their spy-
glasses were alert to sweep the distant sea line for the home-
coming of their ventures to Virginia, the West Indies and Europe
Their vessels were forty and sixty tons burden, mere cockle-
shells for deep-water voyaging, but they risked storm and
capture while they pushed farther and farther away from Salem
as the prospect of profitable trade lured them on.

The sailmaker, the rigger, the ship chandler, and the ship-
wright had begun to populate the harbor front, and among them
swarmed the rough and headlong seamen from Heaven knew
where, who shocked the godly Puritans of the older regime.
Jack ashore was a bull in a china shop then as now, and history
has recorded the lamentable but deserved fate of "one Henry
Bull and companions in a vessel in our harbor who derided
the Church of Christ and were afterward cast away among
savage Indians by whom they were slain."

Now there came into prominence the first of a long line of
illustrious shipping merchants of Salem, Philip English, who
makes a commanding figure in the seafaring history of his time.
A native of the Isle of Jersey, he came to Salem before 1670.
He made voyages in his own vessels, commanded the ketch*

*The ketch of the eighteenth century was two-masted with square sails on
her foremast, and a fore-and-aft sail on the mainmast, which was shorter than
the foremast. The schooner rig was not used until 1720 and is said to have
been originated by Captain Andrew Robinson of Gloucester.

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Speedwell in 1676, and ten years later had so swiftly advanced
his fortunes that he built him a mansion house on Essex Street,
a solid, square-sided structure with many projecting porches
and with upper stories overhanging the street. It stood for
a hundred and fifty years, long known as "English's Great
House," and linked the nineteenth century with the very early
chapters of American history. In 1692, Philip English was
perhaps the richest man of the New England Colonies, owning
twenty-one vessels which traded with Bilboa, Barbados, St.
Christopher's, the Isle of Jersey and the ports of France. He
owned a wharf and warehouses, and fourteen buildings hi the
town.

One of his bills of lading, dated 1707, shows the pious imprint
of his generation and the kind of commerce in which he was
engaged. It reads in part:

" Shipped by the Grace of God, in good order and well con-
ditioned, by Sam '11 Browne, Phillip English, Capt. Wm. Bow-
ditch, Wm. Pickering, and Sam '11 Wakefield, in and upon the
Good sloop called the Mayflower whereof is master under God
for this present voyage Jno. Swasey, and now riding at anchor
in the harbor of Salem, and by God's Grace bound for Virginia
or Merriland. To say, twenty hogshats of Salt. ... In
witness whereof the Master or Purser of the said Sloop has
affirmed to Two Bills of Lading . . . and so God send the
Good Sloop to her desired port in Safety. Amen."

Another merchant of Philip English's time wrote in 1700 of
the foreign commerce of Salem:

"Dry Merchantable codfish for the Markets of Spain and
Portugal and the Straits. Refuse fish, lumber, horses and
provisions for the West Indies. Returns made directly hence
to England are sugar, molasses, cotton, wool and logwood for
which we depend on the West Indies. Our own produce, a
considerable quantity of whale and fish oil, whalebone, furs,

Philip English and His Era

deer, elk and bear skins are annually sent to England. We
have much Shipping here and freights are low."

To Virginia the clumsy, little sloops and ketches of Philip
English carried " Molasses, Rum, Salt, Cider, Mackerel, Wooden
Bowls, Platters, Pails, Kegs, Muscavado Sugar, and Codfish
and brought back to Salem Wheat, Pork, Tobacco, Furs, Hides,
old Pewter, Old Iron, Brass, Copper, Indian Corn and English
Goods." The craft which crossed the Atlantic and made the
West Indies in safety to pile up wealth for Philip English were
no larger than those sloops and schooners which ply up and
down the Hudson River to-day. Their masters made their
way without sextant or " Practical Navigator," and as an old
writer has described in a somewhat exaggerated vein:

" Their skippers kept their reckoning with chalk on a shingle,
which they stowed away in the binnacle ; and by way of observa-
tion they held up a hand to the sun. When they got him over
four fingers they knew they were straight for Hole-in-the-Wall;
three fingers gave them their course to the Double-headed
Shop Key and two carried them down to Barbados."

The witchcraft frenzy invaded even the stately home of Philip
English, the greatest shipowner of early Salem. His wife, a
proud and aristocratic lady, was "cried against," examined and
committed to prison in Salem. It is said that she was con-
sidered haughty and overbearing in her manner toward the
poor, and that her husband's staunch adherence to the Church
of England had something to do with her plight. At any rate,
Mary English was arrested in her bedchamber and refused to
rise, wherefore "guards were placed around the house and in
the morning she attended the devotions of her family, kissed
her children with great composure, proposed her plan for their
education, took leave of them and then told the officer she was
ready to die." Alas, poor woman, she had reason to be "per-
suaded that accusation was equal to condemnation." She lay

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

in prison six weeks where "her firmness was memorable. But
being visited by a fond husband, her husband was also accused
and confined in prison." The intercession of friends and the
plea that the prison was overcrowded caused their removal to
Arnold's jail in Boston until the time of trial. It brings to
mind certain episodes of the French Reign of Terror to learn
that they were taken to Boston on the same day with Giles
Corey, George Jacobs, Alice Parker, Ann Pudeator, and Bridget
Bishop, all of whom perished except Philip and Mary English.
Both would have been executed had they not escaped death
by flight from the Boston jail and seeking refuge in New York.

In his diary, under date of May 21, 1793, Rev. William
Bentley, of Salem, pastor of the East Church from 1783 to 1819,
wrote of the witchcraft persecution of this notable shipping
merchant and his wife:

"May 21st, 1793. Substance of Madam Susannah Har-
thorne's account of her grandfather English, etc. Mr. English
was a Jerseyman, came young to America and lived with Mr.
W. Hollingsworth, whose only child he married. He owned
above twenty sail of vessels. His wife had the best education
of her times. Wrote with great ease, and has left a specimen
of her needlework in her infancy or youth. She had already
owned her Covenant and was baptised with her children and
now intended to be received at the Communion on the next
Lord's Day. On Saturday night she was cried out upon. The
Officers, High Sheriff, and Deputy with attendants came at
eleven at night. When the servant came up Mr. English
imagined it was upon business, not having had the least notice
of the suspicions respecting his wife. They were to bed together
in the western chamber of their new house raised in 1690, and
had a large family of servants.

" The Officers came in soon after the servant who so alarmed
Mr. English that with difficulty he found his cloathes which

Philip English and His Era

he could not put on without help. The Officers came into the
chamber, following the servant, and opening the curtains read
the Mittimus. She was then ordered to rise but absolutely
refused. Her husband continued walking the chamber all
night, but the Officers contented themselves with a guard upon
the House till morning. In the morning they required of her
to rise, but she refused to rise before her usual hour. After
breakfast with her husband and children, and seeing all the
servants, of whom there were twenty in the House, she con-
cluded to go with the officers and she was conducted to the Cat
and Wheel, a public house east of the present Centre Meeting
House on the opposite side of the way. Six weeks she was
confined in the front chamber, in which she received the visits
of her husband three times a day and as the floor was single she
kept a journal of the examinations held below which she con-
stantly sent to Boston.

"After six weeks her husband was accused, and their friends
obtained that they should be sent on to Boston till their Trial
should come on. In Arnold's custody they had bail and liberty
of the town, only lodging in the Gaol. The Rev. Moody and
Williard of Boston visited them and invited them to the public
worship on the day before they were to return to Salem for
Trial. Their text was that they that are persecuted in one
city, let them flee to another. After Meeting the Ministers
visited them at the Gaol, and asked them whether they took
notice of the discourse, and told them their danger and urged
them to escape since so many had suffered. Mr. English
replied, 'God will not permit them to touch me.' Mrs. English
said: 'Do you not think the sufferers innocent?' He (Moody)
said 'Yes.' She then added, 'Why may we not suffer also?' The
Ministers then told him if he would not carry his wife away
they would.

"The gentlemen of the town took care to provide at midnight

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

a conveyance, encouraged by the Governor, Gaoler, etc., and
Mr. and Mrs. English with their eldest child and daughter, were
conveyed away, and the Governor gave letters to Governor
Fletcher of New York who came out and received them, accom-
panied by twenty private gentlemen, and carried them to his
house.

"They remained twelve months in the city. While there
they heard of the wants of the poor in Salem and sent a vessel
of corn for their relief, a bushel for each child. Great advan-
tages were proposed to detain them at New York, but the
attachment of the wife to Salem was not lost by all her sufferings,
and she urged a return. They were received with joy upon
their return and the Town had a thanksgiving on the occasion.
Noyes, the prosecutor, dined with him on that day in his own
house."

That a man of such solid station should have so narrowly
escaped death in the witchcraft fury indicates that no class
was spared. While his sturdy seamen were fiddling and drink-
ing in the taverns of the Salem water-front, or making sail to the
roaring chorus of old-time chanties, their employer, a prince of
commerce for his time, was dreading a miserable death for him-
self and that high-spirited dame, his wife, on Gallows Hill, at
the hands of the stern-faced young sheriff of Salem.

Philip English returned to Salem after the frenzy had passed
and rounded out a shipping career of fifty years, living until
1736. His instructions to one of his captains may help to pic-
ture the American commerce of two centuries ago. In 1722 he
wrote to "Mr. John Tauzel":

"Sir, you being appointed Master of my sloop Sarah, now
Riding in ye Harbor of Salem, and Ready to Saile, my Order is
to you that you take ye first opportunity of wind and Weather to
Saile and make ye best of yr. way for Barbadoes or Leew'd

Philip English and His Era

Island, and there Enter and Clear yr vessel and Deliver yr
Cargo according to Orders and Bill of Lading and Make Saile
of my twelve Hogsh'd of fish to my best advantage, and make
Returne in yr Vessel or any other for Salem in such Goods as
you shall see best, and if you see Cause to take a freight to any
port or hire her I lieve it with your Best Conduct, Managem't
or Care for my best advantage. So please God to give you a
prosperous voyage, I remain yr Friend and Owner.

"PHILIP ENGLISH."

England had become already jealous of the flourishing
maritime commerce of the Colonies and was devising one re-
strictive Act of Parliament after another to hamper what was
viewed as a dangerous rivalry. In 1668, Sir Joshua Child,
once chairman of the East India Company, delivered himself
of this choleric and short-sighted opinion:

"Of all the American plantations His Majesty has none so
apt for the building of ships as New England, nor none com-
parably so qualified for the breeding of seamen, not only by
reason of the natural industry of the people, but principally by
reason of their cod and mackerel fisheries, and in my opinion
there is nothing more prejudicial and in prospect more danger-
ous to any mother kingdom than the increase of shipping in her
colonies, plantations or provinces."

This selfish view-point sought not only to prevent American
shipowners from conducting a direct trade with Europe but
tried also to cripple the prosperous commerce between the
Colonies and the West Indies. The narrow-minded politicians
who sacrificed both the Colonies and the Mother country could
not kill American shipping even by the most ingenious restric-
tive acts, and the hardy merchants of New England violated
or evaded these unjust edicts after the manner indicated in
the following letter of instructions given to Captain Richard

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Derby of Salem, for a voyage to the West Indies as master and
part owner of the schooner Volante in 1741 :

"If you should go among the French endeavour to get salt
at St. Martins, but if you should fall so low as Statia, and any
Frenchman should make you a good Offer with good security,
or by making your Vessel a Dutch bottom, or by any other
means practicable in order to your getting among ye French-
men, embrace it. Among whom if you should ever arrive, be
sure to give strict orders amongst your men not to sell the least
trifle unto them on any terms, lest they should make your
Vessel liable to a seizure. Also secure a permit so as for you to
trade there next voyage, which you may undoubtedly do through
your factor or by a little greasing some others. Also make a
proper Protest at any port you stop at."

This means that if needs be, Captain Derby is to procure a
Dutch registry and make the Volante a Dutch vessel for the
time being, and thus not subject to the British Navigation
Acts. It was easy to buy such registries for temporary use and
to masquerade under English, French, Spanish or Dutch colors,
if a " little greasing " was applied to the customs officers in the
West Indies.

On the margin of Captain Derby's sailing orders is scrawled
the following memorandum:

" Capt. Derby : If you trade at Barbadoes buy me a negroe
boy about siventeen years old, which if you do, advise Mr.
Clarke of yt so he may not send one.

(Signed) BENJ. GERRISH, JR."

Such voyages as these were risky ventures for the eighteenth
century insurance companies, whose courage is to be admired
for daring to underwrite these vessels at all. For a voyage of
the Lydia from Salem to Madeira in 1761, the premium rate
was 11 per cent., and in the following year 14 per cent, was

Philip English and His Era

demanded for a voyage to Jamaica. The Three Sisters, bound
to Santo Domingo, was compelled to pay 23 per cent, premium,
and 14 per cent, for the return voyage. The lowest rate re-
corded for this era was 8 per cent, on the schooner Friendship
of Salem to Quebec in 1760. For a Madeira voyage from Salem
to-day the insurance rate would be If per cent, as compared with
11 per cent, then; to Jamaica 1^ per cent, instead of 14 per
cent, in the days when the underwriters had to risk confiscation,
violation of the British Navigation Acts, and capture by
privateers, or pirates, in addition to the usual dangers of the
deep.

Among the biographical sketches in the records of the Salem
Marine Society is that of Captain Michael Driver. It is a
concise yet crowded narrative and may serve to show why insur-
ance rates were high. "In the year 1759, he commanded the
schooner Three Brothers, bound to the West Indies," runs the
account. " He was taken by a privateer under English colors,
called the King of Russia, commanded by Captain James
Inclicto, of nine guns, and sent into Antigua. Her cargo was
value at £550. Finding no redress he came home. He sailed
again in the schooner Betsey for Guadaloupe; while on his
passage was taken by a French frigate and sent into above port.
He ransomed the vessel for four thousand livres and left three
hostages and sailed for home November, 1761, and took com-
mand of schooner Mary, under a flag of truce, to go and pay the
ransom and bring home the hostages.

" He was again captured, contrary to the laws of nations, by
the English privateer Revenge, James McDonald, master, sent
to New Providence, Bahama. He made protest before the
authorities and was set at liberty with vessel and cargo. He
pursued his voyage to Cape Francois, redeemed the hostages,
and Sept. 6, 1762, was ready to return, but Monsieur Blanch,
commanding a French frigate, seized the vessel, took out

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

hostages and crew and put them on board the frigate bound to
St. Jago, Cuba. He was detained till December, and vessel
returned. Worn out and foodless he was obliged to go to
Jamaica for repairs. On his arrival home his case was repre-
sented to the Colonial Government and transmitted to Gov-
ernor Shirley at New Providence, but no redress was made."

Many of these small vessels with crews of four to six men
were lost by shipwreck and now and then one can read between
the lines of some scanty chronicle of disaster astonishing ro-
mances of maritime suffering and adventure. For example in
1677, " a vessel arrived at Salem which took Captain Ephriam
How of New Haven, the survivor of his crew, from a desolate
island where eight months he suffered exceedingly from cold
and hunger."

In the seventeenth century Cape Cod was as remote as and
even more inaccessible than Europe. A bark of thirty tons
burden, Anthony Dike master, was wrecked near the end of
the Cape and three of the crew were frozen to death. The two
survivors "got some fire and lived there by such food as they
had saved for seven weeks until an Indian found them. Dike
was of the number who perished."

Robinson Crusoe could have mastered difficulties no more
courageously than the seamen of the ketch Providence, wrecked
on a voyage to the West Indies. " Six of her crew were drowned,
but the Master, mate and a sailor, who was badly wounded,
reached an island half a mile off where they found another of
the company. They remained there eight days, living on salt
fish and cakes made from a barrel of flour washed ashore.
They found a piece of touch wood after four days which the
mate had in his chest and a piece of flint with which, having a
small knife they struck a fire. They framed a boat with a
tarred mainsail and some hoops and then fastened pieces of
board to them. WTith a boat so constructed they sailed ten

Philip English and His Era

leagues to Anquila and St. Martins where they were kindly
received."

There was also Captain Jones of the brig Adventure which
foundered at sea while coming home from Trinidad. All
hands were lost except the skipper, who got astride a wooden or
"Quaker" gun which had broken adrift from the harmless
battery with which he had hoped to intimidate pirates. " He
fought off the sharks with his feet" and clung to his buoyant
ordnance until he was picked up and carried into Havana.

In 1759 young Samuel Gardner of Salem, just graduated
from Harvard College, made a voyage to Gibraltar with Captain
Richard Derby. The lad's diary* contains some interesting
references to the warlike hazards of a routine trading voyage,
besides revealing, in an attractive way, the ingenuous nature of
this nineteen-year-old youngster of the eighteenth century. His
daily entries read in part:

1759. Oct. 19— Sailed from Salem. Very sick.

20 — I prodigious sick, no comfort at all.

21 — I remain very sick, the first Sabbath I have spent from
Church this long time. Little Sleep this Night.

24 — A little better contented, but a Sailor's life is a poor life.

31 — Fair pleasant weather, if it was always so, a sea life would
be tolerable.

. . . Nov. 11 — This makes the fourth Sunday I have
been out. Read Dr. Beveridge's "Serious Thoughts."

12 — Saw a sail standing to S.W. I am quartered at the
aftermost gun and its opposite with Captain Clifford. We
fired a shot at her and she hoisted Dutch colors.

13 — I have entertained myself with a Romance, viz., "The
History of the Parish Girl."

14 — Quite pleasant. Here we may behold the Works of God
in the Mighty Deep. Happy he who beholds aright.
* Historical Collections of the Essex Institute.

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

15 — Between 2 and 3 this morning we saw two sail which
chased us, the ship fired 3 shots at us which we returned. They
came up with us by reason of a breeze which she took before
we did. She proved to be the ship Cornwall from Bristol.

21 — Bishop Beveridge employed my time.

23 — We now begin to approach to land. May we have a
good sight of it. At eight o'clock two Teriffa (Barbary) boats
came out after us, they fired at us which we returned as merrily.
They were glad to get away as well as they could. We stood
after one, but it is almost impossible to come up with the
piratical dogs.

28 — Gibralter — Went on shore. Saw the soldiers in the
Garrison exercise. They had a cruel fellow for an officer for
he whipt them barbarously. . . . After dinner we went
out and saw the poor soldiers lickt again.

. . . Dec. 10 — Benj. Moses, a Jew, was on board. I had
some discourse with him about his religion . . . Poor
creature, he errs greatly. I endeavored to set him right, but
he said for a conclusion that his Father and Grandfather were
Jews and if they were gone to Hell he would go there, too, by
choice, which I exposed as a great piece of Folly and Stupidity.
In the morning we heard a firing and looked out in the Gut
and there was a snow attacked by 3 of the piratical Tereffa
boats. Two cutters in the Government service soon got under
sail, 3 men-of-war that lay in the Roads manned their barges
and sent them out as did a Privateer. We could now perceive
her (the snow) to have struck, but they soon retook her. She
had only four swivels and 6 or 8 men . . . They got some
prisoners (of the pirates) but how many I cannot learn, which
it is to be hoped will meet with their just reward which I think
would be nothing short of hanging. . . . Just at dusk
came on board of us two Gentlemen, one of which is an Officer
on board a man-of-war, the other belongs to the Granada in

Philip English and His Era

the King's Service. The former (our people say) was in the
skirmish in some of the barges. He could have given us a
relation of it, but we, not knowing of it, prevented what would
have been very agreeable to me. . . . It is now between
9 and 10 o'clock at night which is the latest I have set up since
I left Salem."

This Samuel Gardner was a typical Salem boy of his time,
well brought up, sent to college, and eager to go to sea and
experience adventures such as his elders had described. Of a
kindred spirit in the very human quality of the documents he
left for us was Francis Boardman, a seaman, who rose to a con-
siderable position as a Salem merchant. His ancient log books
contain between their battered and discolored canvas covers
the records of his voyages between 1767 and 1774. Among
the earliest are the logs of the ship Vaughan in which Francis
Boardman sailed as mate. He kept the log and having a bent
for scribbling on whatever blank paper his quill could find, he
filled the fly-leaves of these sea journals with more interesting
material than the routine entries of wind, weather and ship's
daily business. Scrawled on one ragged leaf in what appears
to be the preliminary draft of a letter:

" Dear Polly — thes lines comes with My Love to you. Hop-
ing thes will find you in as good Health as they Leave me at
this Time, Blessed be God for so Great a Massey (mercy)."

Young Francis Boardman was equipped with epistolary
ammunition for all weathers and conditions, it would seem,
for in another log of a hundred and fifty years ago, he carefully
wrote on a leaf opposite his personal expense account :
" Madam :

"Your Late Behavour towards me, you are sensible cannot
have escaped my Ear. I must own you was once the person of
whom I could Not have formed such an Opinion. For my
part, at present I freely forgive you and only blame myself for

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

putting so much confidence in a person so undeserving. I have
now conquered my pashun so much (though I must confess at
first it was with great difficulty), that I never think of you, nor
I believe never shall without despising the Name of a person
who dared to use me in so ungrateful a manner. I shall now
conclude myself, though badley used, not your Enemy."

It may be fairly suspected that Francis Boardman owned a
copy of some early "Complete Letter Writer," for on another
page he begins but does not finish. " A Letter from One Sister
to Another to Enquire of Health." Also he takes pains several
times to draft these dutiful but far from newsy lines :

"Honored Father and Mother — Thes lines comes with my
Deuty to you. Hoping They will find you in as good Health
as they Leave me at this Time. Blessed be God for so Great
a Massey — Honored Father and Mother."

In a log labeled " From London Toward Cadiz, Spain, in the
good ship Vaughan, Benj. Davis, Master, 1767," Francis Board-
man became mightily busy with his quill and the season being
spring, he began to scrawl poetry between the leaves which
were covered with such dry entries as "Modt. Gales and fair
weather. Set the jibb. Bent topmast stay sail." One of
these pages of verse begins in this fashion:

"One Morning, one Morning in May,
The fields were adorning with Costlay Array.
I Chanced for To hear as I walked By a Grove
A Shepyard Laymenting for the Loss of his Love."

But the most moving and ambitious relic of the poetic taste
of this long vanished Yankee seaman is a ballad preserved in the
same log of the Vaughan. Its spelling is as filled with fresh sur-
prises as its sentiment is profoundly tragic. It runs as follows :

1 "In Gosport* of Late there a Damsil Did Dwell,
for Wit and for Beuty Did she maney Exsel.

* Gosport Navy Yard, England.

Philip English and His Era

2 A Young man he Corted hir to be his Dear
And By his Trade was a Ship Carpentir.

3 he ses "My Dear Molly if you will agrea
And Will then Conscent for to Marey me

4 Your Love it will Eas me of Sorro and Care
If you will But Marey a ship Carpentir."

5 With blushes mor Charming then Roses in June,

She ans'red (") Sweet William for to Wed I am to young.

6 Young Men thay are fickle and so Very Vain,
If a Maid she is Kind thay will quickly Disdane.

7 the Most Beutyfullyst Woman that ever was Born,
When a man has insnared hir, hir Beuty he scorns. (")

8 (He) (") O, My Dear Molly, what Makes you Say so?
Thi Beuty is the Haven to wich I will go.

9 If you Will consent for the Church for to Stear
there I will Cast anchor and stay with my Dear.

10 I ne're Shall be Cloyedd with the Charms of thy Love,
this Love is as True as the tru Turtle Dove.

11 All that I do Crave is to marey my Dear

And arter we are maried no Dangers we will fear. (")

12 (She) "The Life of a Virgen, Sweet William, I Prize
for marrying Brings Trouble and sorro Like-wise. (")

13 But all was in Vane tho His Sute she did Denie,
yet he did Purswade hir for Love to Comeply.

14 And by his Cunneng hir Hart Did Betray
and with Too hide Desire he led hir Astray.

15 This Past on a while and at Length you will hear,
the King wanted Sailors and to Sea he must Stear.

16 This Greved the fare Damsil allmost to the Hart
To think of Hir True Love so soon she must Part.

17 She ses (") my Dear Will as you go to sea
Remember the Vows that you made unto me. (")

18 With the Kindest Expresens he to hir Did Say
(") I will marey my Molly air I go away.

19 That means tomorrow to me you will Come.

then we will be maried and our Love Carried on. (")

20 With the Kindest Embraces they Parted that Nite
She went for to meet him next Morning by Lite.

21 he ses (") my Dear Charmer, you must go with me
Before we are married a friend for to see. (")

22 he Led hir thru Groves and Valleys so deep
That this fare Damsil Began for to Weep.

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

23 She ses (") My Dear William, you Lead me Astray
on Purpos my innocent Life to be BeTray. (")

24 (He) (") Those are true Words and none can you save, (")
for all this hole Nite I have Been digging your grave."

25 A Spade Standing By and a Grave thare she See,
(She) (") O, Must this Grave Be a Bride Bed to Me? (")

In 1774 we find Francis Boardman as captain of the sloop
Adventure, evidently making his first voyage as master. He
was bound for the West Indies, and while off the port of St.
Pierre in Martinique he penned these gloomy remarks in his log :

" This Morning I Drempt that 2 of my upper teeth and one
Lower Dropt out and another Next the Lower one wore away
as thin as a wafer and Sundry other fritful Dreams. What will
be the Event of it I can't tell."

Other superstitions seem to have vexed his mind, for in the
same log he wrote as follows :

"this Blot I found the 17th. I can't tell but Something Very
bad is going to Hapen to me this Voyage. I am afeard but
God onley Noes What may hapen on board the Sloop Adven-
ture— the first Voyage of being Master."

Sailing " From Guardalopa Toward Boston," Captain Francis
Boardman made this final entry in his log:

"The End of this Voyage for wich I am Very thankfull on
Acct. of a Grate Deal of Truble by a bad mate, his name is
William Robson of Salem, he was Drunk most Part of the
Voyage."

While Francis Boardman and his fellow seamen were making
these perilous voyages to the West Indies and across the At-
lantic, the resentment of the Colonies toward their mother
country was fast drawing near to open hostility. The Ameri-
can seamen hated England with far more reason than the
landsmen, whose grievance of "taxation without representa-
tion," was less disastrous in its results than the merciless jeal-
ousy which sought to confiscate every Yankee merchant vessel

A bill of lading of the time of Philip English, dated 1710
fttp/iLtb. nit riWu . *{>"/) ff\*^f^- •' '

•** s~*~

,/'<*// C/'Jt^f»ni ,Vt\a *nlt(£. J'i» >'*' jHftt'/V ft tut

J <#

The log of a Salem whaler, showing how he recorded the number ot
whales he took

Philip English and His Era

and ruin her owners by means of numberless tonnage, customs
and neutrality regulations.

These laws were particularly exasperating because they
struck at poor men who ran great hazards in their arduous
calling. A whole neighborhood would combine to build a
little vessel and to freight it for the sugar islands of the West
Indies.

"Such a vessel fully laden would represent very little actual
money but a great deal of hard toil and stern self-denial. The
failure of the enterprise might mean penury, if not actual ruin
for a whole community. There were the risks of the sea, the
uncharted southern reefs, the fog, the hurricane, and worst of
all the ferocious pirates who were the plague of the Spanish
Main in the eighteenth century. The lucky vessel that escaped
all these perils had still another deadly enemy in the cruiser or
customs officer of the King, and many a weather-beaten craft
returning deep-laden was seized in her home harbor and carried
off before the eyes of her poor co-operative owners who could
only stand by in helpless grief and fury at this wasting of their
hard labor of the year."

The following story as printed in a Salem newspaper of Sep-
tember 13, 1768, not only shows the temper of the times but also
serves to confirm the foregoing statements. It is probable that
the luckless employe of His Majesty's customs in the port of
Salem was tarred, feathered, and "run out of town" because
the result of such tale-bearing as his might mean the confisca-
tion of the vessel and her cargo. The punishment was therefore
proportioned to the crime, and the open and clamorous defiance
with which it was administered foreshadowed the outbreak
of the Revolution eight years later. The account reads:

"One Row, a Custom House waiter (or boatman), on Wed-
nesday last, by informing an officer of the customs that some
measures were taken on board a vessel in this Harbour to elude

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

the payment of certain duties, engaged the attention of a number
of the inhabitants who determined to distinguish him in a
conspicuous manner for his conduct in this service. Between
the hours of ten and eleven A. M., he was taken from one of the
wharves and conducted to the Common where his head, body
and limbs were covered with warm tar, and then a large quan-
tity of feathers were applied to all parts, which, by closely
adhering to the tar, exhibited an odd figure, the drollery of
which can easily be imagined. The poor waiter was then ex-
alted to a seat on the front of the cart and in this manner led
into the Main Street, where a paper with the word, 'INFORMER'
thereon, in large letters was affixed to his breast, and another
paper with the same word to his back. The scene drew together,
within a few minutes, several hundred people who proceeded
with Huzzas and loud acclamations through the town, and
when they arrived at the bounds of the compact part, they
opened to the right and left. The waiter, the confused object
of their ridicule, descended from his seat, walked through the
crowd, and having received the strongest assurances that he
should, the next time he came to this place, receive higher
marks of distinction than those which were now conferred
upon him, he went immediately out of town."

CHAPTER III

SOME EARLY EIGHTEENTH CENTURY PIRATES

(1670-1725)

THE pirates of the Spanish Main and the southern coasts
of this country have enjoyed almost a monopoly of
popular interest in fact and fiction. As early as 1632,
however, the New England coast was plagued by pirates and
the doughty merchant seamen of Salem and other ports were
sallying forth to fight them for a hundred years on end.

In 1670 the General Court published in Boston, "by beat of
drum," a proclamation against a ship at the Isle of Shoals
suspected of being a pirate, and three years later another official
broadside was hurled against "piracy and mutiny." The
report of an expedition sent out from Boston in 1689, in the
sloop Mary, against notorious pirates named Thomas Hawkins
and Thomas Pound, has all the dramatic elements and properties
of a tale of pure adventure. It relates that " being off of Wood's
Hole, we were informed there was a Pirate at Tarpolin Cove,
and soon after we espyed a Sloop on head of us which we sup-
posed to be the Sloop wherein sd. Pound and his Company were.
We made what Sayle we could and soon came near up with
her, spread our King's Jack and fired a shot athwart her fore-
foot, upon which a red fflag was put out on the head of the sd.
Sloop's mast. Our Capn. ordered another shot to be fired
athwart her forefoot, but they not striking, we came up with
them. Our Capn. commanded us to fire at them which we
accordingly did and called to them to strike to the King of
England.

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

" Pound, standing on the Quarter deck with his naked Sword
flourishing in his hand, said ; 'Come on Board you Doggs, I will
strike you presently,' or words to that purpose, his men standing
by him upon the deck with guns in their hands, and he taking
up his Gun, they discharged a Volley at us and we at them
again, and so continued firing one at the other for some space
of time.

" In which engagement our Capn. Samuel Pease was wounded
in the Arme, in the side and in the thigh; but at length bringing
them under our power, wee made Sayle towards Roade Island
and on Saturday the fifth of sd. October gut our wounded men
on shore and procured Surgeons to dress them. Our said
Captaine lost much blood by his wounds and was brought very
low, but on friday after, being the eleventh day of the said
October, being brought on board the vessell intending to come
away to Boston, was taken with bleeding afresh, so that we
were forced to carry him on Shore again to Road Island, and
was followed with bleeding at his Wounds, and fell into fitts,
but remained alive until Saturday morning the twelfth of
Octbr. aforesaid when he departed this Life."

This admirably brief narrative shows that Thomas Pounds,
strutting his quarter deck under his red " fflagg " and flourishing
his naked sword and crying "Come on, you doggs," was a
proper figure of a seventeenth century pirate, and that poor
Captain Pease of the sloop Mary was a gallant seaman who
won his victory after being wounded unto death. Pirates
received short shift and this crew was probably hanged in
Boston as were scores of their fellows in that era.

Puritan wives and sweethearts waited months and years for
missing ships which never again dropped anchor in the land-
locked harbor of Salem, and perhaps if any tidings ever came
it was no more than this:

"May 21 (1697)— The ketch Margaret of Salem, Captain

Some Early Eighteenth Century Pirates

Peter Henderson was chased ashore near Funshal, Madeira,
by pirates and lost. Of what became of the officers and crew
the account says nothing."

In July of 1703, the brigantine Charles, Capt. Daniel Plow-
man, was fitted out at Boston as a privateer to cruise against
the French and Spanish with whom Great Britain was at war.
When the vessel had been a few days at sea, Captain Plowman
was taken very ill. Thereupon the crew locked him in the
cabin and left him to die while they conspired to run off with
the brigantine and turn pirates. The luckless master con-
veniently died, his body was tossed overboard and one John
Quelch assumed the command. The crew seem to have
agreed that he was the man for their purpose and they unan-
imously invited him to " sail on a private cruise to the coast of
Brazil." In those waters they plundered several Portuguese
ships, and having collected sufficient booty or becoming home-
sick, they determined to seek their native land. With striking
boldness Quelch navigated the brigantine back to Marblehead
and primed his men with a story of the voyage which should
cover up their career as pirates.

Suspicion was turned against them, however, the vessel was
searched, and much plunder revealed. The pirates tried to
escape along shore, but most of them, Quelch included, were
captured at Gloucester, the Isle of Shoals, and Marblehead.

One of the old Salem records has preserved the following
information concerning the fate of these rascals:

(1704) — "Major Stephen Sewall, Captain John Turner and
40 volunteers embark in a shallop and Fort Pinnace after Sun
Set to go in Search of some Pirates who sailed from Gloucester
in the morning. Major Sewall brought into Salem a Galley,
Captain Thomas Lowrimore, on board of which he had cap-
tured some pirates and some of their Gold at the Isle of Shoals
Major Sewall carries the Pirates to Boston under a strong

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

guard. Captain Quelch and five of his crew are hung. About
13 of the ship's company remain under sentence of death and
several more are cleared."

Tradition records that a Salem poet of that time was moved
to write of the foregoing episode:

"Ye pirates who against God's laws did fight,
Have all been taken which is very right.
Some of them were old and others young
And on the flats of Boston they were hung."

There is a vivacious and entertaining flavor in the following
chronicle and comment:

"May 1, 1718, several of the ship HopewelVs crew can testify
that near Hispaniola they met with pirates who robbed and
abused their crew and compelled their mate, James Logun of
Charlestown to go with them, as they had no artist; having
lost several of their company in an engagement. As to what
sort of an artist these gentlemen rovers were deficient in, whether
dancing, swimming or writing master, or a master of the mechan-
ical arts, we have no authority for stating."

The official account of the foregoing misfortune is to be
found among the notarial records of Essex county and reads as
follows:

" Depositions of Richard Manning, John Crowell, and Aaron
Crowell, all of Salem, and belonging to the crew of Captain
Thomas Ellis, commander of the ship Hopewell, bound from
Island of Barbadoes to Saltatuda. Missing of that Island and
falling to Leeward we shaped our course for some of the Bahama
Islands in hopes to get salt there, but nigh ye Island of Hispan-
iola we unhappily met with a pirate, being a sloop of between
thirty and forty men, one Capt. Charles, commander, his sir-
name we could not learn. They took us, boarded us and abused
several of us shamefully, and took what small matters we had.

Some Early Eighteenth Century Pirates

even our very cloathes and particularly beat and abused our
Mate, whose name was James Logun of Charlestowne, and
him they forcibly carried away with them and threatened his
life if he would not go, which they were ye more in earnest for
insomuch as they had no artist on board, as we understood,
having a little before that time had an Engagem't. with a ship
of force which had killed several of them as we were Informed
by some of them. Ye said James Logun was very unwilling
to go with them and informed some of us that he knew not
whether he had best to dye or go with them, these Deponents
knowing of him to be an Ingenious sober man. To ye truth of
all we have hereunto sett our hand having fresh Remembrance
thereof, being but ye fifth day of March last past, when we
were taken. Salem, May 1, 1718."

In the following year Captain John Shattuck entered his
protest at Salem against capture by pirates. He sailed from
Jamaica for New England and in sight of Long Island (West
Indies) was captured by a "Pyrat" of 12 guns and 120 men,
under the command of Captain Charles Vain, who took him to
Crooked Island (Bahamas), plundered him of various articles,
stripped the brig, abused some of his men and finally let him
go. "Coming, however, on a winter coast, his vessel stripped
of needed sails, he was blown off to the West Indies and did not
arrive in Salem until the next spring."

In 1724 two notorious sea rogues, Nutt and Phillip, were
cruising off Cape Ann, their topsails in sight of Salem harbor
mouth. They took a sloop commanded by one Andrew Har-
radine of Salem and thereby caught a Tartar. Harradine and
his crew rose upon their captors, killed both Nutt and Phillip
and their officers, put the pirate crew under hatches, and sailed
the vessel to Boston where the pirates were turned over to the
authorities to be fitted with hempen kerchiefs.

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

On the first of May, 1725, a Salem brigantine commanded
by Captain Dove sailed into her home harbor having on board
one Philip Ashton, a lad from Marblehead who had been given
up as dead for almost three years. He had been captured by
pirates, and after escaping from them lived alone for a year
and more on a desert island off the coast of Honduras. Philip
Ashton wrote a journal of his adventures which was first pub-
lished many years ago. His story is perhaps the most enter-
taining narrative of eighteenth century piracy that has come
down to present times. Little is known of the career of this lad
of Marblehead before or after his adventures and misfortunes
in the company of pirates. It is recorded that when he hurried
to his home from the ship which had fetched him into Salem
harbor there was great rejoicing. On the following Sunday
Rev. John Barnard preached a sermon concerning the miracu-
lous escape of Philip Ashton. His text was taken from the
third chapter of Daniel, seventeenth verse: "If it be so our
God whom we serve is able to deliver us from the burning fiery
furnace, and He will deliver us out of thy hands, O King."

It is also known that at about the same time that Philip Ash-
ton was captured by pirates his cousin, Nicholas Merritt, met
with a like misfortune at sea. He made his escape after several
months of captivity and returned to his home a year later when
there was another thanksgiving for a wanderer returned.

What the early shipmasters of Salem and nearby ports had
to fear in the eighteenth century may be more clearly com-
prehended if a part of the journal of Philip Ashton is presented
as he is said to have written it upon his return home. It begins
as follows:

"On Friday, the 15th of June, 1722, after being out some time
in a schooner with four men and a boy, off Cape Sable, I stood
in for Port Rossaway, designing to lie there all Sunday. Having

" II

Some Early Eighteenth Century Pirates

arrived about four in the afternoon, we saw, among other vessels
which had reached the port before us, a brigantine supposed
to be inward bound from the West Indies. After remaining
three or four hours at anchor, a boat from the brigantine came
alongside, with four hands, who leapt on deck, and suddenly
drawing out pistols, and brandishing cutlasses, demanded the
surrender both of ourselves and our vessel. All remonstrance
was vain; nor indeed, had we known who they were before
boarding us could we have made any effectual resistance, being
only five men and a boy, and were thus under the necessity of
submitting at discretion. We were not single in misfortune,
as thirteen or fourteen fishing vessels were in like manner
surprised the same evening.

"When carried on board the brigantine, I found myself in the
hands of Ned Low, an infamous pirate, whose vessel had two
great guns, four swivels, and about forty-two men. I was
strongly urged to sign the articles of agreement among the
pirates and to join their number, which I steadily refused and
suffered much bad usage in consequence. At length being
conducted, along with five of the prisoners, to the quarterdeck,
Low came up to us with pistols in his hand, and loudly de-
manded: 'Are any of you married men?'

"This unexpected question, added to the sight of the pistols,
struck us all speechless ; we were alarmed lest there was some
secret meaning in his words, and that he would proceed to
extremities, therefore none could reply. In a violent passion
he cocked a pistol, and clapping it to my head, cried out: 'You
dog, why don't you answer?' swearing vehemently at the same
time that he would shoot me through the head. I was suffi-
ciently terrified by his threats and fierceness, but rather than
lose my life in so trifling a matter, I ventured to pronounce, as
loud as I durst speak, that I was not married. Hereupon he
seemed to be somewhat pacified, and turned away.

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

"It appeared that Low was resolved to take no married men
whatever, which often seemed surprising to me until I had
been a considerable time with him. But his own wife had died
lately before he became a pirate; and he had a young child at
Boston, for whom he entertained such tenderness, on every
lucid interval from drinking and revelling, that on mentioning
it, I have seen him sit down and weep plentifully. Thus I con-
cluded that his reason for taking only single men, was probably
that they might have no ties, such as wives and children, to
divert them from his service, and render them desirous of
returning home.

"The pirates finding force of no avail in compelling us to
join them, began to use persuasion instead of it. They tried
to flatter me into compliance, by setting before me the share I
should have in their spoils, and the riches which I should
become master of; and all the time eagerly importuned me to
drink along with them. But I still continued to resist their
proposals, whereupon Low, with equal fury as before, threatened
to shoot me through the head, and though I earnestly entreated
my release, he and his people wrote my name, and that of my
companions, in their books.

" On the 19th of June, the pirates changed the privateer, as
they called their vessel, and went into a new schooner belonging
to Marblehead, which they had captured. They then put all
the prisoners whom they designed sending home on board of
the brigantine, and sent her to Boston, which induced me to
make another unsuccessful attempt for liberty; but though I
fell on my knees to Low, he refused to let me go; thus I saw
the brigantine depart, with the whole captives, excepting myself
and seven more.

"A very short time before she departed, I had nearly effected
my escape; for a dog belonging to Low being accidentally left
on shore, he ordered some hands into a boat to bring it off.

Some Early Eighteenth Century Pirates

Thereupon two young men, captives, both belonging to Marble-
head, readily leapt into the boat, and I considering that if I
could once get on shore, means might be found of effecting my
escape, endeavored to go along with them. But the quarter-
master, called Russell, catching hold of my shoulder, drew me
back. As the young men did not return he thought I was
privy to their plot, and, with the most outrageous oaths, snapped
his pistol, on my denying all knowledge of it. The pistol miss-
ing fire, however, only served to enrage him the more; he
snapped it three times again, and as often it missed fire; on
which he held it overboard, and then it went off. Russell on
this drew his cutlass, and was about to attack me in the utmost
fury, when I leapt down into the hold and saved myself.

" Off St. Michael's the pirates took a large Portuguese pink,
laden with wheat, coming out of the road; and being a good
sailor, and carrying fourteen guns, transferred their company
into her. It afterwards became necessary to careen her, whence
they made three islands called Triangles lying about forty
leagues to the eastward of Surinam.

"In heaving down the pink, Low had ordered so many men
to the shrouds and yards that the ports, by her heeling, got
under water, and the sea rushing in, she overset; he and the
doctor were then in the cabin, and as soon as he observed
the water gushing in, he leaped out of the stern port while the
doctor attempted to follow him. But the violence of the sea
repulsed the latter, and he was forced back into the cabin.
Low, however, contrived to thrust his arm into the port, and
dragging him out, saved his life. Meanwhile, the vessel com-
pletely overset. Her keel turned out of the water; but as the
hull filled she sunk in the depth of about six fathoms.

"The yardarms striking the ground, forced the masts some-
what above the \vater; as the ship overset, the people, got from
the shrouds and yards, upon the hull, and as the hull went

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

down, they again resorted to the rigging, rising a little out of
the sea.

" Being an indifferent swimmer, I was reduced to great ex-
tremity; for along with other light lads, I had been sent up to
the main-top-gallant yard; and the people of a boat who were
now occupied in preserving the men refusing to take me in, I
was compelled to attempt reaching the buoy. This I luckily
accomplished, and as it was large secured myself there until
the boat approached. I once more requested the people to
take me in, but they still refused, as the boat was full. I was
uncertain whether they designed leaving me to perish in this
situation; however, the boat being deeply laden made way
very slowly, and one of my comrades, captured at the same time
with myself, calling to me to forsake the buoy and swim toward
her, I assented, and reaching the boat, he drew me on board.
Two men, John Bell, and Zana Gourdon, were lost in the
pink.

"Though the schooner in company was very near at hand,
her people were employed mending their sails under an awning
and knew nothing of the accident until the boat full of men got
alongside.

"The pirates having thus lost their principal vessel, and the
greatest part of their provisions and water, were reduced to
great extremities for want of the latter. They were unable to
get a supply at the Triangles, nor on account of calms and
currents, could they make the island of Tobago. Thus they
were forced to stand for Grenada, which they reached after
being on short allowance for sixteen days together.

" Grenada was a French settlement, and Low, on arriving,
after having sent all his men below, except a sufficient number
to maneuver the vessel, said he was from Barbadoes; that he
had lost the water on board, and was obliged to put in here
for a supply.

Some Early Eighteenth Century Pirates

"The people entertained no suspicion of his being a pirate,
but afterward supposing him a smuggler, thought it a good
opportunity to make a prize of his vessel. Next day, there-
fore, they equipped a large sloop of seventy tons and four guns
with about thirty hands, as sufficient for the capture, and came
alongside while Low was quite unsuspicious of their design.
But this being evidently betrayed by their number and actions,
he quickly called ninety men on deck, and, having eight guns
mounted, the French sloop became an easy prey.

" Provided with these two vessels, the pirates cruised about in
the West Indies, taking seven or eight prizes, and at length
arrived at the island of Santa Cruz, where they captured two
more. While lying there Low thought he stood in need of a
medicine chest, and, in order to procure one sent four French-
men in a vessel he had taken to St. Thomas's, about twelve
leagues distant, with money to purchase it; promising them
liberty, and the return of all their vessels for the service. But
he declared at the same time if it proved otherwise, he would
kill the rest of the men, and burn the vessels. In little more
than twenty-four hours, the Frenchmen returned with the
object of their mission, and Low punctually performed his
promise by restoring the vessels.

"Having sailed for the Spanish- American settlements, the
pirates descried two large ships about half way between Cartha-
gena and Portobello, which proved to be the Mermaid, an
English man-of-war, and a Guineaman. They approached in
chase until discovering the man-of-war's great range of teeth,
when they immediately put about and made the best of their
way off. The man-of-war then commenced the pursuit and
gained upon them apace, and I confess that my terrors were
now equal to any that I bad previously suffered; for I con-
cluded that we should certainly be taken, and that I should not
less be hanged for company's sake; so true are the words of

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Solomon: 'A companion of fools shall be destroyed.' But
the two pirate vessels finding themselves outsailed, separated,
and Farrington Spriggs, who commanded the schooner in
which I was stood in for the shore. The Mermaid observing
the sloop with Low himself to be the larger of the two, crowded
all sail, and continued gaining still more, indeed until her shot
flew over; but one of the sloop's crew showed Low a shoal, which
he could pass, and in the pursuit the man-of-war grounded.
Thus the pirates escaped hanging on this occasion.

" Spriggs and one of his chosen companions dreading the con-
sequences of being captured and brought to justice, laid their
pistols beside them in the interval, and pledging a mutual oath
in a bumper of liquor, swore if they saw no possibility of escape,
to set foot to foot and blow out each other's brains. But stand-
ing toward the shore, they made Pickeroon Bay, and escaped
the danger.

"Next we repaired to a small island called Utilla, about seven
or eight leagues to leeward of the island of Roatan, in the Bay
of Honduras, where the bottom of the schooner was cleaned.
There were now twenty -two persons on board, and eight of us
engaged in a plot to overpower our masters, and make our
escape. Spriggs proposed sailing for New England, in quest
of provisions and to increase his company; and we intended
on approaching the coast, when the rest had indulged freely in
liquor and fallen sound asleep, to secure them under the hatches,
and then deliver ourselves up to government.

"Although our plot was carried on with all possible privacy,
Spriggs had somehow or other got intelligence of it; and having
fallen in with Low on the voyage, went on board his ship to
make a furious declaration against us. But Low made little
account of his information, otherwise it might have been fatal
to most of our number. Spriggs, however, returned raging to
the schooner, exclaiming that four of us should go forward to

Some Early Eighteenth Century Pirates

be shot, and to me in particular he said: 'You dog Ashton,
you deserve to be hanged up at the yardarm for designing to
cut us off.' I replied that I had no intention of injuring any
man on board ; but I should be glad if they would allow me to
go away quietly. At length this flame was quenched, and,
through the goodness of God, I escaped destruction.

"Roatan harbor, as all about the Bay of Honduras, is full of
small islands, which pass under the general name of Keys;
and having got in here, Low, with some of his chief men, landed
on a small island, which they called Port Royal Key. There
they erected huts, and continued carousing, drinking, and
firing, while the different vessels, of which they now had posses-
sion, were repairing.

" On Saturday, the 9th of March, 1723, the cooper, with six
hands, in the long-boat, was going ashore for water; and
coming alongside of the schooner, I requested to be of the party.
Seeing him hesitate, I urged that I had never hitherto been
ashore, and thought it hard to be so closely confined when
every one besides had the liberty of landing as there was occa-
sion. Low had before told me, on requesting to be sent away
in some of the captured vessels which he dismissed that I should
go home when he did, and swore that I should never previously
set my foot on land. But now I considered if I could possibly
once get on terra firma, though in ever such bad circum-
stances, I should account it a happy deliverance and resolved
never to embark again.

" The cooper at length took me into the long-boat, while Low
and his chief people were on a different island from Roatan,
where the watering place lay; my only clothing was an Osna-
burgh frock and trowsers, a milled cap, but neither shirt, shoes,
stockings, nor anything else.

" When we first landed I was very active in assisting to get the
casks out of the boat, and in rolling them to the watering place.

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Then taking a hearty draught of water I strolled along the
beach, picking up stones and shells; but on reaching the dis-
tance of a musket-shot from the party I began to withdraw
toward the skirts of the woods. In answer to a question by the
cooper of whither I was going I replied, 'for cocoanuts,' as
some cocoa trees were just before me; and as soon as I was out
of sight of my companions I took to my heels, running as fast
as the thickness of the bushes and my naked feet would admit.
Notwithstanding I had got a considerable way into the woods,
I was still so near as to hear the voices of the party if they spoke
loud, and I lay close in a thicket where I knew they could not
find me.

"After my comrades had filled their casks and were about to
depart, the cooper called on me to accompany them; however,
I lay snug in the thicket, and gave him no answer, though his
words were plain enough. At length, after hallooing loudly, I
could hear them say to one another: 'The dog is lost in the
woods, and cannot find the way out again'; then they hallooed
once more, and cried 'He has run away and won't come to us';
and the cooper observed that had he known my intention he
would not have brought me ashore. Satisfied of their inability
to find me among the trees and bushes, the cooper at last, to
show his kindness, exclaimed: 'If you do not come away
presently, I shall go off and leave you alone.' Nothing, how-
ever, could induce me to discover myself; and my comrades
seeing it vain to wait any longer, put off without me.

"Thus I was left on a desolate island, destitute of all help,
and remote from the track of navigators; but compared with
the state and society I had quitted, I considered the wilderness
hospitable, and the solitude interesting.

"When I thought the whole was gone, I emerged from my
thicket, and came down to a small run of water, about a mile
from the place where our casks were filled, and there sat down

Some Early Eighteenth Century Pirates

to observe the proceedings of the pirates. To my great joy in
five days their vessels sailed, and I saw the schooner part from
them to shape a different course.

"I then began to reflect on myself and my present condition;
I was on an island which I had no means of leaving; I knew of
no human being within many miles; my clothing was scanty,
and it was impossible to procure a supply. I was altogether
destitute of provision, nor could tell how my life was to be
supported. This melancholy prospect drew a copious flood of
tears from my eyes; but as it had pleased God to grant my
wishes in being liberated from those whose occupation was
devising mischief against their neighbors, I resolved to account
every hardship light. Yet Low would never suffer his men to
work on the Sabbath, which was more devoted to play; and
I have even seen some of them sit down to read in a good book.

" In order to ascertain how I was to live in time to come, I
began to range over the island, which proved ten or eleven
leagues long, and lay in about sixteen degrees north latitude.
But I soon found that my only companions would be the beasts
of the earth, and fowls of the air; for there were no indications
of any habitations on the island, though every now and then I
found some shreds of earthen ware scattered in a lime walk,
said by some to be the remains of Indians formerly dwelling
here.

"The island was well watered, full of high hills and deep
valleys. Numerous fruit trees, such as figs, vines, and cocoa-
nuts are found in the latter; and I found a kind larger than
an orange, oval-shaped of a brownish color without, and red
within. Though many of these had fallen under the trees, I
could not venture to take them until I saw the wild hogs feeding
with safety, and then I found them very delicious fruit.

"Stores of provisions abounded here, though I could avail
myself of nothing but the fruit; for I had no knife or iron

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

implement, either to cut up a tortoise on turning it, or weapons
wherewith to kill animals; nor had I any means of making a
fire to cook my capture, even if I were successful.

" To this place then was I confined during nine months, with-
out seeing a human being. One day after another was lingered
out, I know not how, void of occupation or amusement, except
collecting food, rambling from hill to hill, and from island to
island, and gazing on sky and water. Although my mind was
occupied by many regrets, I had the reflection that I was law-
fully employed when taken, so that I had no hand in bringing
misery on myself; I was also comforted to think that I had
the approbation and consent of my parents in going to sea,
and trusted that it would please God, in his own time and
manner, to provide for my return to my father's house. There-
fore, I resolved to submit patiently to my misfortune.

"Sometime in November, 1723, I descried a small canoe
approaching with a single man; but the sight excited little
emotion. I kept my seat on the beach, thinking I could not
expect a friend, and knowing that I had no enemy to fear, nor
was I capable of resisting one. As the man approached, he
betrayed many signs of surprise; he called me to him, and I
told him he might safely venture ashore, for I was alone, and
almost expiring. Coming close up, he knew not what to make
of me; my garb and countenance seemed so singular, that he
looked wild with astonishment. He started back a little, and
surveyed me more thoroughly; but, recovering himself again,
came forward, and, taking me by the hand, expressed his
satisfaction at seeing me.

" This stranger proved to be a native of North Britain ; he was
well advanced in years, of a grave and venerable aspect, and
of a reserved temper. His name I never knew, he did not
disclose it, and I had not inquired during the period of our
acquaintance. But he informed me he had lived twenty-two

Some Early Eighteenth Century Pirates

years with the Spaniards who now threatened to burn him,
though I know not for what crime; therefore he had fled hither
as a sanctuary, bringing his dog, gun, and ammunition, as also
a small quantity of pork, along with him. He designed spending
the remainder of his days on the island, where he could support
himself by hunting.

"I experienced much kindness from the stranger; he was
always ready to perform any civil offices, and assist me in
whatever he could, though he spoke little; and he gave me a
share of his pork.

" On the third day after his arrival, he said he would make an
excursion in his canoe among the neighboring islands, for the
purpose of killing wild hogs and deer, and wished me to accom-
pany him. Though my spirits were somewhat recruited by
his society, the benefit of the fire, which I now enjoyed, and
dressed provisions, my weakness and the soreness of my feet,
precluded me; therefore he set out alone, saying he would
return in a few hours. The sky was serene, and there was no
prospect of any danger during a short excursion, seeing he had
come nearly twelve leagues in safety in his canoe. But, when
he had been absent about an hour, a violent gust of wind and
rain arose, in which he probably perished, as I never heard of
him more.

" Thus, after having the pleasure of a companion almost three
days, I was as unexpectedly reduced to my former lonely state,
as I had been relieved from it. Yet through the goodness of
God, I was myself preserved from having been unable to
accompany him; and I was left in better circumstances than
those in which he had found me, for now I had about five
pounds of pork, a knife, a bottle of gunpowder, tobacco, tongs
and flint, by which means my life could be rendered more
comfortable. I was enabled to have fire, extremely requisite
at this time, being the rainy months of winter. I could cut up

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

a tortoise, and have a delicate broiled meal. Thus, by the
help of the fire, and dressed provisions, through the blessings of
God, I began to receive strength, though the soreness of my
feet remained. But I had, besides, the advantage of being able
now and then to catch a dish of cray fish, which, when roasted,
proved good eating. To accomplish this I made up a small
bundle of old broken sticks, nearly resembling pitch-pine, or
candle-wood, and having lighted one end, waded with it in
my hand, up to the waist in water. The cray fish, attracted
by the light, would crawl to my feet and lie directly under it,
when, by means of a forked stick, I could toss them ashore.

" Between two and three months after the time of losing my
companion, I found a small canoe, while ranging along the
shore. The sight of it revived my regret for his loss, for I
judged that it had been his canoe; and, from being washed up
here, a certain proof of his having been lost in the tempest.
But on examining it more closely, I satisfied myself that it was
one which I had never seen before

Three months after he lost his companion Philip Ashton
found a small canoe which had drifted on the island beach.
In this fragile craft he made his way to another island where
he found a company of buccaneers who chased him through
the woods with a volley of musketry. Re-embarking in his
canoe he headed for the western end of this island and later
reached Roatan where he lived alone for seven months longer.
Here he was discovered and hospitably cared for by a number
of Englishmen who had fled from the Bay of Honduras in fear
of an attack by Spaniards. These refugees had planted crop
and were living in what seemed to Philip Ashton as rare com-
fort. "Yet after all," he said of them, "they were bad society,
and as to their common conversation there was but little differ-
ence between them and pirates."

Some Early Eighteenth Century Pirates

At length this colony of outlaws was attacked and disbanded by
a ship's company of pirates headed by Spriggs who had thrown off
his allegiance to Low and set up in the business of piracy for
himself with a ship of twenty-four guns and a sloop of twelve.

Ashton evaded their clutches and with one Symonds, who had
also fled from the attack of Spriggs, made his way from one
island to another until he was fortunate enough to find a fleet
of English merchant vessels under convoy of the Diamond
man-of-war bound for Jamaica. They touched at one of
these islands near the Bay of Honduras to fill their water casks
and it was there that Ashton found the Salem brigantine com-
manded by Captain Dove.

The journal says in conclusion: "Captain Dove not only
treated me with great civility and engaged to give me a passage
home but took me into pay, having lost a seaman whose place
he wanted me to supply.

"We sailed along with the Diamond, which was bound for
Jamaica, in the latter end of March, 1725, and kept company
until the first of April. By the providence of Heaven we passed
safely through the Gulf of Florida, and reached Salem Harbor
on the first of May, two years, ten months and fifteen days after
I was first taken by pirates; and two years, and two months,
after making my escape from them on Roatan island. That
same evening I went to my father's house, where I was received
as one risen from the dead."

CHAPTER IV

THE PRIVATEEBSMEN OF '76

PRIVATEERING has ceased to be a factor in civilized
warfare. The swift commerce destroyer as an arm of
the naval service has taken the place of the private
armed ship which roamed the seas for its own profit as well for
its country's cause. To-day the United States has a navy
prepared both to defend its own merchant vessels, what few
there are, and to menace the trade of a hostile nation on the
high seas.

When the War of the Revolution began, however, Britannia
ruled the seas, and the naval force of the Colonies was pitifully
feeble. In 1776 there were only thirty-one Continental cruisers
of all classes in commission and this list was steadily diminished
by the ill-fortunes of war until in 1782 only seven ships flew
the American flag, which had been all but swept from the
ocean. During the war these ships captured one hundred and
ninety-six of the enemy's craft.

On the other hand, there were already one hundred and
thirty-six privateers at sea by the end of the year 1776, and
their number increased until in 1781 there were four hundred
and forty-nine of these private commerce destroyers in com-
mission. This force took no fewer than eight hundred British
vessels and made prisoners of twelve thousand British seamen
during the war. The privateersmen dealt British maritime
prestige the deadliest blow in history. It had been an undreamt
of danger that the American Colonies should humble that flag
which "had waved over every sea and triumphed over every

The Privateersmen of '76

rival," until even the English and Irish Channels were not
safe for British ships to traverse. The preface of the Sailor's
Vade-Mecum, edition of 1744, contained the following lofty
doctrine which all good Englishmen believed, and which was
destined to be shattered by a contemptible handful of seafaring
rebels :

" That the Monarchs of GREAT BRITAIN have a peculiar and
Sovereign Authority upon the Ocean, is a Right so Ancient and
Undeniable that it never was publicly disputed, but by HUGO
GROTIUS in his MARE LIBERUM, published in the Year 1636,
in Favour of the DUTCH Fishery upon our Coasts ; which Book
was fully Controverted by Mr. Selden's MARE CLAUSUM,
wherein he proves this Sovereignty from the Laws of God and
of Nature, besides an uninterrupted Fruition of it for so many
Ages past as that its Beginning cannot be traced out."

When the War of 1812 was threatening, The London States-
man paid this unwilling tribute to the prowess of these Yankee
privateersmen of the Revolution :

"Every one must recollect what they did in the latter part
of the American War. The books at Lloyds will recount it,
and the rate of assurances at that time will clearly prove what
their diminutive strength was able to effect in the face of our
navy, and that when nearly one hundred pennants were flying
on their coast. Were we able to prevent their going in and out,
or stop them from taking our trade and our store-ships, even
in size of our own garrisons? Besides, were they not in the
English and Irish Channels picking up our homeward bound
trade, sending their prizes into French and Spanish ports to the
great terror and annoyance of our merchants and shipowners?

"These are facts which can be traced to a period when
America was in her infancy, without ships, without money, and
at a time when our navy was not much less in strength than at
present."

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

At the beginning of the Revolution, Salem was sending
its boys to fill the forecastles of the vessels built in its own
yards and commanded by its own shipmasters. Hard by
were the towns of Beverly and Marblehead whose townsmen
also won their hardy livelihood on the fishing banks and along
distant and perilous trading routes. When British squadrons
and cruisers began to drive them ashore to starve in idleness,
these splendid seamen turned their vessels into privateers and
rushed them to sea like flights of hawks. It was a matter of
months only before they had made a jest of the boastful lines
which had long adorned the columns of the Naval Chronicle
of London:

"The sea and waves are Britain's broad domain
And not a sail but by permission spreads."

This race of seafarers had been drilled to handle cannon and
muskets. Every merchantman that sailed for Europe or the
West Indies carried her battery of six pounders, and hundreds
of Salem men and boys could tell you stories of running fights
and escapes from French and Spanish freebooters and swarming
pirates. Commerce on the high seas was not a peaceful pur-
suit. The merchantman was equipped to become a privateer
by shipping a few more guns and signing on a stronger company.
The conditions of the times which had made these seamen able
to fight as shrewdly as they traded may be perceived from the
following extracts from the "Seaman's Vade-Mecum," as they
appear in the rare editions published both in 1744 and 1780:
"Shewing how to prepare a Merchant Ship for a close fight by
disposing their Bulk-heads, Leaves, Coamings, Look-holes, etc."

"If the Bulkhead of the Great Cabbin be well fortified it
may be of singular Use; for though the Enemy may force the
Steerage, yet when they unexpectedly meet with another Barri-
cade and from thence a warm Reception by the Small Arms, they
will be thrown into great Confusion, and a Cannon ready

The Privateersmen of '76

loaded with Case-shot will do great Execution; but if this
should not altogether answer the Purpose, it will oblige the
Enemy to pay the dearer for their Conquest. For the Steerage
may hold out the longer, and the Men will be the bolder in
defending it, knowing that they have a place to retire into, and
when there they may Capitulate for Good Quarter at the last
Extremity. . . ."

" . . . It has been objected that Scuttles (especially that
out of the Forecastle) are Encouragements for Cowardice; that
having no such Convenience, the Men are more resolute, be-
cause they must fight, die or be taken. Now if they must
fight or die, it is highly unreasonable and as cruel to have Men
to be cut to Pieces when they are able to defend their Posts no
longer, and in this Case the Fate of the Hero and the Coward
is alike; and if it is to fight or be taken, the Gallant will hold
out to the last while the Coward (if the danger runs high), sur-
renders as soon as Quarter is offered; and now if there be a
Scuttle, the Menace of the Enemy will make the less Impression
on their Minds, and they will stand out the longer, when they
know they can retire from the Fury of the Enemy in case they
force their Quarters. In short, it will be as great a blemish in
the Commander's Politics to leave Cowards without a Scuttle
as it will be Ingratitude to have Gallant Men to be cut to

Pieces."

"How to Make a Sally

"Having (by a vigorous defence) repulsed the Enemy from
your Bulkheads, and cutting up your Deck, it may be necessary
to make a SALLY to compleat your Victory; but by the Way,
the young MASTER must use great caution before he SALLY
out, lest he be drawn into some Strategem to his Ruin; there-
fore for a Ship of but few hands it is not a Mark of Cowardice
to keep the Close-Quarters so long as the Enemy is on board;
and if his Men retire out of your Ship, fire into him through

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

your Look-holes and Ports till he calls for QUARTER. And if
it should ever come to that, you must proceed Warily (unless
you out Number him in Men) and send but a few of your Hands
into his Ship while the others are ready with all their Small-
arms and Cannon charged; and if they submit patiently dis-
arm and put them down below, where there is no POWDER or
WEAPONS; but plunder not, lest your men quarrel about Trifles
or be too intent in searching for Money, and thereby give the
Enemy an opportunity to destroy you; and if you take the
Prize (when you come into an harbor) let everything be equally
shared among the Men, the Master only reserving to himself
the Affections of his Men by his Generosity which with the
Honour of the Victory to a brave Mind is equivalent to all the
rest. ..."

"It is presumed that the Sally will be most Advantageous if
made out of the Round-house, because having cleared the
Poop, you will have no Enemy at your back; wherefore let all
but two or more, according to your Number, step up into the
Round-house, bringing with them all or most of the Musquets
and Pistols there, leaving only the Blunderbusses. Let all the
Small Arms in the Quarters be charged, and the Cannon that
flank the Decks and out of the Bulk-heads, traversing those in
the Round-house, pointing towards the mizzen-mast to gaul
the Enemy in case of a retreat. All things being thus prepared,
let a Powder-chest be sprung upon the Poop, and four Hand
Granadoes tost out of the Ports, filled with Flower and fuzees
of a long duration, then let the Door be opened, and in the
Confusion make your Sally at once, half advancing forward
and the other facing about to clear the Poop; when this is
done, let them have an eye to the Chains. At the Round-house
Door let two men be left to stand by the Port-cullis, each having
a brace of Pistols to secure a Retreat; let then those in the
Forecastle never shoot right aft, after the Sally is made, unless

The Privateer 'smen of '76

parallel with the Main Deck. The rest must be left to Judg-
ment."

Try to imagine, if you please, advice of such tenor as this
compiled for the use of the captains of the transatlantic liners
or cargo "tramps" of to-day, and you will be able to compre-
hend in some slight measure how vast has been the change in
the conditions of the business of the sea, and what hazards our
American forefathers faced to win their bread on quarterdeck
and in forecastle. Nor were such desperate engagements as
are outlined in this ancient "Seaman's Vade-Mecum " at all
infrequent. "Round-houses" and "great cabbins" were de-
fended with "musquets," "javalins," "Half-pikes" and cut-
lasses, and " hand-granadoes " in many a hand-to-hand conflict
with sea raiders before the crew of the bluff -bio wed, high-
popped Yankee West Indiaman had to " beat off the boarders "
or make a dashing "Sally" or "capitulate for Good Quarter
at the last Extremity."

Of such, then, were the privateersmen who flocked down the
wharves and among the tavern "rendezvous" of Salem as soon
as the owners of the waiting vessels had obtained their com-
missions from the Continental Congress, and issued the call
for volunteers. Mingled with the hardy seamen who had
learned their trade in Salem vessels were the sons of wealthy
shipping merchants of the best blood of the town and county
who embarked as "gentlemen volunteers," eager for glory and
plunder, and a chance to avenge the wrongs they arid their
kinfolk had suffered under British trade laws and at the hands
of British press gangs.

The foregoing extracts from the "Seaman's Vade-Mecum"
show how singularly fixed the language of the sea has remained
through the greater part of two centuries. With a few slight
differences, the terms in use then are commonly employed to-day.
It is therefore probable that if you could have been on old

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Derby Wharf in the year of 1776, the. talk of the busy, sun-
browned men and boys around you would have sounded by no
means archaic. The wharf still stretches a long arm into the
harbor and its tumbling warehouses, timbered with great
hewn beams, were standing during the Revolution. Then
they were filled with cannon, small arms, rigging and ships'
stores as fast as they could be hauled hither. Fancy needs
only to picture this land-locked harbor alive with square-rigged
vessels, tall sloops and topsail schooners, their sides checkered
with gun-ports, to bring to life the Salem of the privateersman
of one hundred and forty years ago.

Shipmasters had no sooner signaled their homecoming with
deep freights of logwood, molasses or sugar than they received
orders to discharge with all speed and clear their decks for
mounting batteries and slinging the hammocks of a hundred
waiting privateersmen. The guns and men once aboard, the
crews were drilling night and day while they waited the chance
to slip to sea. Their armament included cannonades, "Long
Toms" and "long six" or "long nine" pounders, sufficient
muskets, blunderbusses, pistols, cutlasses, tomahawks, boarding
pikes, hand grenades, round shot, grape, canister, and double-
headed shot.

When larger vessels were not available tiny sloops with
twenty or thirty men and boys mounted one or two old guns
and put to sea to " capture a Britisher " and very likely be taken
themselves by the first English ship of war that sighted them.
The prize money was counted before it was caught, and seamen
made a business of selling their shares in advance, preferring
the bird in the bush, as shown by the following bill of sale :

"BEVERLY, ye 7th, 1776.

"Know all men by these presents, that I the subscriber, in
consideration of the sum of sixteen dollars to me in hand paid

• M^^r-7&~^

sa • f'jf A, & y*4* •»

A<;reement by which a Revolutionary privateer seaman sold his share ot the
hootv in advance of his cruise

The Privateersmen of '76

by Mr. John Waters, in part for \ share of all the Prizes that
may be taken during the cruize of the Privateer Sloop called
the Revenge, whereof Benjamin Dean is commissioned Com-
mander, and for the further consideration of twenty-four dollars
more to be paid at the end of the whole cruize of the said Sloop ;
and these certify that I the subscriber have sold, bargained
and conveyed unto the said John Waters, or his order, the one
half share of my whole share of all the prizes that may be taken
during the whole cruize of said Sloop. Witness my hand,

"P. H. BROCKHORN."

An endorsement on the back of the document records that
Mr. Waters received the sum of twrenty pounds for "parte of
the within agreement," which return reaped him a handsome
profit on the speculation. Many similar agreements are pre-
served to indicate that Salem merchants plunged heavily on
the risks of privateering by buying seamens' shares for cash.
The articles of agreement under which these Salem privateers
of the Revolution made their warlike cruises belong with a
vanished age of sea life. These documents were, in the main,
similar to the following :

"Articles of Agreement

"Concluded at Salem this Seventh day of May, 1781, between
the owners of the Privateer Ship Rover, commanded by James
Barr, now fixing in this port for a cruise of four months against
the Enemies of the United States of America, on the first part
and the officers and seamen belonging to said Ship Rover on
the other part as follows, viz.:

"Article 1st. The owners agree to fix with all expedition
said Ship for sea, and cause her to be mounted with Twenty
Guns, four Pounders, with a sufficiency of ammunition of all
kinds and good provisions for one Hundred men for four
months' cruise, also to procure an apparatus for amputating,

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

and such a Box of medicine as shall be thought necessary by
the Surgeon.

"Article 2nd. The Officers and Seamen Shall be entitled
to one half of all the prizes captured by Said Ship after the cost
of condemning, etc., is deducted from the whole.

" Article 3rd. The Officers and Seamen agree that they will
to the utmost of their abilities discharge the duty of Officers
and Seamen, according to their respective Stations on board
Said Ship, her boats and Prizes, by her taken, and the Officers
and Seamen further agree that if any Officer or Private shall
in time of any engagement with any Vessell abandon his Post
on board said Ship or any of her boats or Prizes by her taken,
or disobey the commands of the Captain or any Superior Officer,
that said Officer or Seaman, if adjudged guilty by three Officers,
the Captain being one, shall forfeit all right to any Prize or
Prizes by her taken.

"Article 4th. The Officers and Seamen further agree that
if any Officer shall in time of any engagement or at any other
time behave unworthy of the Station that he holds on board
said Ship, it shall be in the powder of three officers, the captain
being one, to displace said Officer, and appoint any one they
may see fit in his place. That if any Officer belonging to said
Ship shall behave in an unbecoming character of an officer
and gentleman, he shall be dismissed and forfeit his share of
the cruise.

"Article 5th. The owners, officers and Seamen agree that
if any one shall first discover a sail which shall prove to be a
Prize, he shall be entitled to Five hundred Dollars.

"Article 6th. Any one who shall first board any Vessell in
time of an engagement, which shall prove a Prize, Shall be
entitled to one thousand Dollars and the best firelock on board
said Vessell, officers' prizes being excepted.

"Article 7th. If any officer or Seaman shall at the time of

The Privateersmen of '76

an Engagement loose a leg or an arm he shall be entitled to
Four Thousand Dollars ; if any officer or Seaman shall loose an
Eye in time of an Engagement, he shall receive the Sum of
Two thousand Dollars; if any officer shall loose a joint he shall
be entitled to one thousand Dollars, the same to be paid from
the whole amount of prizes taken by said Ship.

"Article 8th. That no Prize master or man, that shall be
put on board any Prize whatever and arrive at any port what-
ever, Shall be entitled to his share or shares, except he remain
to discharge the Prize, or he or they are discharged by the agent
of said Ship, except the Privateer is arrived before the Prize.

"Article 9th. That for the Preservation of Good order on
board said Ship, no man to quit or go out of her, on board of
any other Vessell without having obtained leave from the com-
manding officer on board.

"Article 10th. That if any person Shall count to his own
use any part of the Prize or Prizes or be found pilfering any
money or goods, and be convicted thereof, he shall forfeit his
Share of Prize money to the Ship and Company.

" That if any person shall be found a Ringleader of a meeting
or cause any disturbance on board, refuse to obey the command
of the Captain, or any officer or behave with Cowardice, or get
drunk in time of action, he shall forfeit his or their Share of or
Shares to the rest of the Ship's Company."

So immensely popular was the privateering service among
the men and youth of Salem and nearby ports that the naval
vessels of the regular service were hard put to enlist their crews.
When the fifes and drums sounded through the narrow streets
with a strapping privateersman in the van as a recruiting officer,
he had no trouble in collecting a crowd ready to listen to his
persuasive arguments whose burden was prize money and
glory. More than once a ship's company a hundred strong

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

was enrolled and ready to go on board by sunset of the day the
call for volunteers was made. Trembling mothers and weeping
wives could not hold back these sailors of theirs, and as for the
sweethearts they could only sit at home and hope that Seth or
Jack would come home a hero with his pockets lined with gold
instead of finding his fate in a burial at sea, or behind the
walls of a British prison.

It was customary for the owners of the privateer to pay the
cost of the "rendezvous," which assembling of the ship's com-
pany before sailing was held in the "Blue Anchor," or some
other sailors' tavern down by the busy harbor. That the
"rendezvous" was not a scene of sadness and that the priva-
teersmen were wont to put to sea with no dust in their throats
may be gathered from the following tavern bill of 1781:

DR.

Captain George Williams, Agent Privateer Brig Sturdy Beggar to
Jonathan Archer, Jr.

To Rendezvous Bill as follows:

1781 Aug. 8-12 to 11 Bowls punch at 3-1 Bowl tod. at 1-3 1 .14.3

14 to 8 bowls punch 1 bowl chery tod. at 1-9 1. 5.9
20 to 6 bowls punch 8 Bowls Chery tod. 2 Grog 1.14.6
22 to 7 bowls punch 7 bowls Chery tod. 1.13.3

30 to 14 Bowls punch 8 bowls Chery tod. and 2^

Grog 2.19.1

Sept. 4 to 7 Bowls punch 10 bowls chery 3 Grog 2.13.9

6 to 10 bowls punch 1 bowl chery tod. 2 grog 1.14.3

10 to 4£ bowls punch 1. 2.G

There were stout heads as well as stout hearts in New Eng-
land during those gallant days and it is safe to say that the crew
of the Sturdy Beggar was little the worse for wear after the
farewell rounds of punch, grog and "chery tod." at the ren-
dezvous ruled by mine host, Jonathan Archer. It was to be
charged against privateering that it drew away from the naval
service the best class of recruits.

The Privateer -smen of '76

An eye witness, Ebenezer Fox of Roxbury, wrote this account
of the putting an armed State ship into commission in 1780:

" The coast was lined with British cruisers which had almost
annihilated our commerce. The State of Massachusetts judged
it expedient to build a gun vessel, rated as a twenty-gun ship,
named Protector,*- commanded by Captain John Foster Williams,
to be fitted as soon as possible and sent to sea. A rendezvous
was established for recruits at the head of Hancock's Wharf
(Boston) where the National flag, then bearing thirteen stars
and stripes, was hoisted.

" All means were resorted to which ingenuity could devise to
induce men to enlist. A recruiting officer bearing a flag and
attended by a band of martial music paraded the streets, to
excite a thirst for glory and a spirit of military ambition. The
recruiting officer possessed the qualifications requisite to make
the service alluring, especially to the young. He was a jovial,
good-natured fellow, of ready wit and much broad humor.
Crowds followed in his wake, and he occasionally stopped at
the corners to harangue the multitude in order to excite their
patriotism. When he espied any large boys among the idle
crowd crowded around him he would attract their attention
by singing in a comical manner:

"'All you that have bad Masters,
And cannot get your due,
Come, come, my brave boys
And join our ship's crew. '

"Shouting and huzzaing would follow and some join the
ranks. My excitable feelings were aroused. I repaired to the
rendezvous, signed the ship's papers, mounted a cockade and
was, in my own estimation, already half a sailor.

"The recruiting business went on slowly, however; but at

* See Captain Luther Little's story of the Protector's fight with the Admiral
Duff. Chapter VI,' Page 109.

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

length upward of 300 men were carried, dragged and driven
on board ; of all ages, kinds and descriptions ; in all the various
stages of intoxication from that of sober tipsiness to beastly
drunkenness; with the uproar and clamor that may be more
easily imagined than described. Such a motley group has
never been seen since Falstaff's ragged regiment paraded the
streets of Coventry."

When Captain John Paul Jones, however, was fitting out the
Ranger in Portsmouth harbor in the spring of 1777, many a
Salem lad forsook privateering to follow the fortunes of this
dashing commander in the service of their country. On Salem
tavern doors and in front of the town hall was posted the fol-
lowing "broadside," adorned with a wood cut of a full-rigged
fighting ship. It was a call that appealed to the spirit of the
place, and it echoes with thrilling effect, even as one reads it a
hundred and forty years after its proclamation :

" Great
Encouragement

For SEAMEN

"All GENTLEMEN SEAMEN and able-bodied LANDSMEN who
have a Mind to distinguish themselves in the GLORIOUS CAUSE
of their COUNTRY and make their Fortunes, an opportunity
now offers on board the Ship RANGER of Twenty Guns (for
France) now laying in Portsmouth in the State of New Hamp-
shire, Commanded by JOHN PAUL JONES, Esq. : let them repair
to the Ship's Rendezvous in PORTSMOUTH, or at the Sign of
Commodore MANLEY in SALEM, where they will be kindly
entertained, and receive the greatest Encouragement. The
Ship RANGER in the Opinion of every Person who has seen
her is looked upon to be one of the best CRUIZERS in AMERICA.
She will be always able to fight her Guns under a most
excellent Cover; and no Vessel yet built was ever calculated
for sailing faster.

*fc» --**.•<•%-

G RE A T

EN COURAGE ME

S E AM EN.

• m .. i II GENVLF.MEN SEAMEN and able-bodied LAND
/% who h..J a J^ad W dif<n,g.afL UicrnltlwsJa-tjKrGttrRlbU^^

•J ^L CAUbJ^cf t.uc.r Cfc~ n-ay, aJwTinalctrtheir Fortune*, «r>,Oj
- V ^tr_ pvriuuitr nv* rvjSfrs to bou*d_iiir £bi|)J< J^f£ G.S-R,>_af jjflpsg
jGonV-Jigr F»S!:-'. i-tt»¥L-J«yi<JP, i.'- ii^*r*^°.Hifl> ln t'lc State ol NE'T<HAW
li^!j.OHi>i If.-iUL JONi:S/'%^j)"!c: them repaTr W (ht Ship's Rc»dcf; — ;
u: in Po*Tsi:ou TK, or at tbe Sig-i of CaiSmodJfee X^KLrr, irrS«L'ii, where they viji be tind-
ly entertained, and recent the greatcll Ei.courakW.it.'--- 1'he Ship RANG**, in the- Opinion ot' ''

every Perfon who has teen her K locked npon fAbe o^e of the beft Cruizers in A«I»IC» She

W>11 be always able to Rght licr Ouns u.-.^eC «^i\nftttxce!!i:nt Cover ; ^nd no Vtflci yet built
vt»' cjer csdculatcd far.'&Uing faftcr,_ and^naWng gond U'eathsr.

Any GBNTLEUEN VOLUKTSERI who htw r. /^ind to :..ke an agreable Voyage in t!iij plrafinc
Seafon of the Year, iruy, by entving on boa^j toe aT»ve' Ship RINGER, meet with every
CifilitjP they Can pofl!';ly cxpeft, and tor a ilrther Bncopragvmcnt depend on'-tiie^fft Op-
portunity being jrmbraced to reward eacb one agreablc to his Merit.

r "TfUVeafojiaWc 'TraveUiag Expences vill fef allowed, and. the Advance-Money b: 'ail o^
' khcit Aiiptrap ici on Board. V_

IN C Q N p R E S 3,

%" "•/**•" I''

TflA'P the MA»IS» CoMuiTTa»< be. .aat
enters ,»into the .ConTiNENTit SEXVI
L A R Sj- and to CVCITT. ordinary., Scrircan 01
TY DOLLARS, to be dedjited froo;

»ifcd to advance to every able Seaman, £tt
4 any So:a not otceeding FQRTY DOL.
•I.iiidfmap., »ny Sura not exceeding TW£N-
ti'.e'.t future Prtte^Money.

Sy Ordw of C

'JljO F N - i-I A N C

rrr^^l

Proclamation posted in balein during tlic Revolution
aboard Paul Jones' Hunger

The Privateer 'smen of '76

"Any GENTLEMEN VOLUNTEERS who have a Mind to take
an agreable Voyage in this pleasant Season of the Year may,
by entering on board the above Ship RANGER meet with every
Civility they can possibly expect, and for a further Encourage-
ment depend on the first Opportunity being embraced to
reward each one Agreable to his MERIT. All reasonable
Travelling Expences will be allowed, and the Advance Money
be paid on their Appearance on Board.

"In CONGRESS, March 29, 1777.
" Resolved,

" That the MARINE COMMITTEE be authorized to advance to
every able Seaman that enters into the CONTINENTAL SERVICE,
any Sum not exceeding FORTY DOLLARS, and to every ordinary
Seaman or Landsman any Sum not exceeding TWENTY DOL-
LARS, to be deducted from their future Prize Money.

"By Order of Congress,

"JoiiN HANCOCK, President."

It was of this cruise that Yankee seamen the world over were
singing in later years the song of "Paul Jones and the Ranger,"
which describes her escape from a British battleship and four
consorts :

" 'Tis of the gallant Yankee ship
That flew the Stripes and Stars,
And the whistling wind from the west nor west
Blew through her pitch pine spars.
With her starboard tacks aboard, my boys.
She hung upon the gale,
On an autumn night we raised the light
On the old Head of Kinsale.

* * *

"Up spake our noble eaptain then,
As a shot ahead of us past;
'Haul snug your flowing courses,
Lay your topsail to the mast.'

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Those Englishmen gave three loud hurrahs
From the deck of their covered ark,
And we answered back by a solid broadside
From the decks of our patriot bark.

'Out booms, out booms,' our skipper cried,

'Out booms and give her sheet,'

And the swiftest keel that ever was launched

Shot ahead of the British fleet.

And amidst a thundering shower of shot,

With stern sails hoisted away,

Down the North Channel Paul Jones did steer

Just at the break of day."

The privateersmen were as ready to fight, if needs be, as
were these seamen that chose to sail with Paul Jones in the
Continental service. All British merchantmen carried guns
and heavy crews to man them, and while many of them thought
it wisdom to strike their colors to a heavily armed privateer
without a show of resistance, the "packet ships" and Indiamen
were capable of desperate actions. The American privateers
ran the gauntlet also of the king's ships which swarmed in our
waters, and they met and engaged both these and British priva-
teers as formidable as themselves. The notable sea fights of
this kind are sometimes best told in the words of the men who
fought them. Captain David Ropes, of an old Salem seafaring
family, was killed in a privateer action which was described in
the following letter written by his lieutenant, later Captain
William Gray. Their vessel was the private armed ship Jack
of Salem, carrying twelve guns and sixty men.

"SALEM, June 12, 1782.

" On the 28th of May, cruising near Halifax, saw a brig
standing in for the land; at 7 P.M. discovered her to have a
copper bottom, sixteen guns and full of men; at half-past nine
o'clock she came alongside when a close action commenced.

The Privateersmen of '76

"It was our misfortune to have our worthy commander,
Captain Ropes, mortally wounded at the first broadside. I
was slightly wounded at the same time in my right hand and
head, but not so as to disable me from duty. The action was
maintained on both sides close, severe, and without intermission
for upwards of two hours, in which time we had seven killed,
several wounded and several abandoned their quarters. Our
rigging was so destroyed that not having command of our yards,
the Jack fell with her larboard bow foul of the brig's starboard
quarter, when the enemy made an attempt to board us, but
they were repulsed by a very small number compared with
them. We were engaged in this position about a quarter of
an hour, in which time I received a wound by a bayonet fixed
on a musket which was hove with such force, as entering my
thigh close to the bone, entered the carriage of a bow gun
where I was fastened, and it was out of my power to get clear
until assisted by one of the prize masters.

"We then fell round and came without broadsides to each
other, when we resumed the action with powder and balls;
but our match rope, excepting some which was unfit for use,
being all expended, and being to leeward, we bore away making
a running fight. The brig being far superior to us in number
of men, was able to get soon repaired, and completely ready to
renew the action. She had constantly kept up a chasing fire,
for we had not been out of reach of her musketry. She was
close alongside of us again, with fifty picked men for boarding.

"I therefore called Mr. Glover and the rest together and
found we had but ten men on deck. I had been repeatedly
desired to strike, but I mentioned the suffering of the prison
ship, and made use of every other argument in my power for
continuing the engagement. All the foreigners, however,
deserted their quarters at every opportunity. At 2 o'clock P.M.
I had the inexpressible mortification to deliver up the vessel.

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

" I was told, on enquiry, that we were taken by the Observer,
a sloop of war belonging to the navy, commanded by Captain
Grymes. She was formerly the Amsterdam, and owned in
Boston; that she was calculated for sixteen guns, but then had
but twelve on board; that the Blonde frigate, being cast away
on Seal Island, the captain, officers, and men had been taken
off by Captain Adams, in a sloop belonging to Salem, and
Captain Stoddart in a schooner belonging to Boston, and by
them landed on the main. Most of the officers and men having
reached Halifax were by the Governor sent on board the brig
in order to come out and convoy in the captain of a frigate who
was, with some of his men, coming to Halifax in a shallop,
and that the afternoon before the action, he and some others
were taken on board the brig, which increased his number to
one hundred and seventy-five men.

"Captain Ropes died at 4 o'clock P.M. on the day we were
taken, after making his will with the greatest calmness and
composure."

The Nova Scotia Gazette of June 4, 1782, contained this letter
as a sequel of an incident mentioned by Lieutenant Gray in
the foregoing account of the action :

"To the Printer, Sir: In justice to humanity, I and all my
officers and Ship's company of His Majesty's late Ship Blonde
by the commanders of the American Private Ships of War, the
Lively and the Scammel (Captains Adams and Stoddart), have
the pleasure to inform the Public that they not only readily
received us on board their Vessels and carried us to Cape Race,
but cheerfully Supplied us with Provisions till we landed at
Yarmouth, when on my releasing all my Prisoners, sixty-four
in number, and giving them a Passport to secure them from
our Cruisers in Boston Bay, they generously gave me the Same

The Privateersmen of '76

to prevent our being made Prisoners or plundered by any of
their Privateers we might chance to meet on our Passage to
Halifax.

"For the relief and comfort they so kindly affoarded us in
our common Sufferings and Distress, we must arduantly hope-
that if any of their Privateers should happen to fall into the
hands of our Ships of War, that they will treat them with the
utmost lenity, and give them every endulgance in their Power
and not look upon them (Promiscuously) in the Light of Ameri-
can Prisoners, Captain Adams especially, to whom I am in-
debted more particularly obliged, as will be seen by his letters
herewith published. My warmest thanks are also due to Cap-
tain Tuck of the Blonde's Prize Ship Lion (Letter of Marque of
Beverly) and to all his officers and men for their generous and
indefatigable endeavors to keep the Ship from Sinking (night
and day at the Pumps) till all but one got off her and by the
blessing of God saved our Lives.

" You will please to publish this in your next Paper, . . .
which will oblige your humble Servant,

" EDWARD THORNBROUGH,
"Commander of H. M. late Ship Blonde."

A very human side of warfare is shown in this correspondence,
coupled with the brutal inconsistency of war, for after their
rescue the officers and men of the Blonde, who felt such sincere
friendship and gratitude toward the crews of two Yankee
privateers, had helped to spread death and destruction aboard
the luckless Jack.

The log books of the Revolutionary privateersmen out of
Salem are so many fragments of history, as it was written day
by day, and flavored with the strong and vivid personalities of
the men who sailed and fought and sweated and swore without
thought of romance in their adventurous calling. There is the

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

log of the privateer schooner Scorpion, for example, during a
cruise made in 1778. Her master has so far sailed a bootless
voyage when he penned this quaint entry:

"This Book was Maid in the Lattd. of 24:30 North and in
•the Longtd. of 54 : 00 West at the Saim time having Contryary
Winds for Several Days which Makes me fret a 'most Wicked.
Daly I praye there Maye be Change such as I Want. This
Book I Maid to Keep the Accounts of my Voyage but God
Knoes beste When that Will be, for I am at this Time very
Empasente* but I hope there soon be a Change to Ease my
trobled Mind. Which is my Earneste Desire and of my people.
************* (illegible) is this day taken with the palsy, but
I hope will soon gete beter. On this Day I was Chaced by two
Ships of War which I tuck to be Enemies, but comeing in thick
Weather I have Lost Site of them and so conclude myself Escapt
which is a small Good Fortune in the Midste of my Discourage-
mentes."

A note of Homeric mirth echoes from the past of a hundred
and forty years ago in the " Journal of a Cruising Voyage in the
Letter of Marque Schooner Success, commanded by Captain
Philip Thrash, Commencing 4th Oct. 1778." Captain Thrash,
a lusty and formidable name by the way, filled one page after
another of his log with rather humdrum routine entries; how
he took in and made sail and gave chase and drilled his crew at
the guns, etc. At length the reader comes to the following
remarks. They stand without other comment or explanation,
and leave one with a desire to know more :

"At 1-2 past 8 discovered a Sail ahead, tacked ship. At
9 tacked ship and past just to Leeward of the sail which appeared
to be a damn'd Comical Boat, by G — d."

What was it about this strange sail overhauled in midocean

* (impatient)

The Privateer -smen of '76

by Captain Philip Thrash that should have so stirred his rude
sense of humor? Why did she strike him as so "damn'd
Comical"? They met and went their way and the "Comical"
craft dropped hull down and vanished in a waste of blue water
and so passed forever from our ken. But I for one would give
much to know why she aroused a burst of gusty laughter along
the low rail of the letter-of-marque schooner Success.

CHAPTER V

JONATHAN HARADEN, PRIVATEERSMAN

(1776-1782)

THE United States navy, with its wealth of splendid
tradition, has few more commanding figures than
Captain Jonathan Haraden, the foremost fighting
privateersman of Salcrn during the Revolution, and one of the
ablest men that fought in that war, afloat or ashore. His deeds
are well-nigh forgotten by his countrymen, yet he captured one
thousand cannon in British ships and counted his prizes by the
score.

Jonathan Haraden was born in Gloucester, but as a boy was
employed by George Cabot of Salem and made his home there
for the remainder of his life. He followed the sea from his
early youth, and had risen to a command in the merchant
service when the Revolution began. The Massachusetts
Colony placed two small vessels in commission as State vessels
of war, and aboard one of these, the Tyrannicide, Jonathan
Haraden was appointed lieutenant. On her first cruise, very
early in the war, she fought, a king's cutter from Halifax for
New York. The British craft carried a much heavier crew than
the Tyrannicide, but the Yankee seamen took her after a brisk
engagement in which their gunnery was notably destructive.

Soon after this, Haraden was promoted to the command of
this audacious sloop of the formidable name, but he desired
greater freedom of action. A Salem merchant ship, the General
Pickering, of 180 tons, was fitting out as a letter of marque, and

Jonathan Haraden, Privateersman

Haraden was offered the command. With a cargo of sugar,
fourteen six-pounders and forty-five men and boys he sailed
for Bilboa in the spring of 1780. This port of Spain was a
popular rendezvous for American privateers, where they were
close to the British trade routes. During the voyage across,
before his crew had been hammered into shape, Haraden was
attacked by a British cutter of twenty guns, but managed to beat
her off and proceeded on his way after a two hours' running fight.

He was a man of superb coolness and audacity and he showed
these qualities to advantage while tacking into the Bay of Biscay.
At nightfall he sighted a British privateer, the Golden Eagle,
considerably larger than the Pickering, and carrying at least
eight more guns. Instead of crowding on sail and shifting his
course to avoid her, he set after her in the darkness and steered
alongside. Before the enemy could decide whether to fight
or run away Haraden was roaring through his speaking trumpet :

"What ship is this? An American frigate, Sir. Strike, or
I'll sink you with a broadside."

The British privateer skipper was bewildered by this startling
summons and surrendered without firing a shot. A prize-
master was put on board and at daylight both vessels laid their
course for Bilboa. As they drew near the harbor, a sail was
sighted making out from the land. All strange sails were under
suspicion in that era of sea life, and Captain Haraden made
ready to clear his ship for action even before the English cap-
tain, taken out of the prize, cheerfully carried him word that
he knew the stranger to be the Achilles, a powerful and success-
ful privateer hailing from London, carrying more than forty
guns and at least a hundred and fifty men. The description
might have been that of a formidable sloop of war rather than
a privateer, and the British skipper was at no pains to hide his
satisfaction at the plight of the Yankee with her fourteen six-
pounders and her handful of men.

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

At the sight of an enemy thrice his fighting strength, Captain
Haraden told the English captain:

" Be that as it may, and you seem sure of your information,
I sha'n't run away from her."

The wind so held that the Achilles first bore down upon the
prize of the Pickering and was able to recapture and put a
prize crew aboard before Captain Haraden could fetch with
gunshot. With a British lieutenant from the Achilles in com-
mand, the prize was ordered to follow her captor. It was
evident to the waiting Americans aboard the Pickering that
the Achilles intended forcing an engagement, but night was
falling and the English privateer bore off as if purposing to
convoy her prize beyond harm's way and postpone pursuit until
morning.

The hostile ships had been sighted from Bilboa harbor where
the Achilles was well known, and the word swiftly passed
through the city that the bold American was holding pluckily
to her landfall as if preparing for an attempt to recapture her
prize. The wind had died during the late afternoon and by
sunset thousands of Spaniards and seamen from the vessels in
the harbor had swrarmed to crowd the headlands and the water's
edge where they could see the towering Achilles and her smaller
foe " like ships upon a painted ocean." An eye witness, Robert
Cowan, said that "the General Pickering in comparison to her
antagonist looked like a long boat by the side of a ship."

Because of lack of wrind and the maneuvers of the Achilles,
Captain Haraden thought there was no danger of an attack
during the night, and he turned in to sleep without more ado,
after ordering the officer of the watch to have him called if the
Achilles drew nearer. His serene composure had its bracing
effect upon the spirits of the men. At dawn the captain was
awakened from a sound slumber by the news that the Achilles
was bearing down upon them with her crew at quarters. " He

Jonathan Haraden, Privatecrsman

calmly rose, went on deck as if it had been some ordinary occa-
sion," and ordered his ship made ready for action.

We know that he was a man of commanding appearance and
an unruffled demeanor; the kind of fighting sailor who liked
to have things done handsomely and with due regard for the
effect of such matters upon his seamen.

Several of his crew had been transferred to the prize, and
were now prisoners to the Achilles. The forty-five defenders
being reduced to thirty-odd, Captain Haraden, in an eloquent
and persuasive address to the sixty prisoners he had captured
in the Golden Eagle, offered large rewards to volunteers who
would enlist with the crew of the Pickering. A boatswain
and ten men, whose ties of loyalty to the British flag must have
been tenuous in the extreme, stepped forward and were assigned
to stations with the American crew. Her strength was thus
increased to forty-seven men and boys. The captain then
made a final tour of the decks, assuring his men that although
the Achilles appeared to be superior in force, " he had no doubt
they would beat her if they were firm and steady, and did not
throw away their fire." One of his orders to the men with
small arms was : " Take particular aim at their white boot tops. "

The kind of sea fighting that won imperishable prestige for
American seamen belongs with a vanished era of history. As
the gun crews of the General Pickering clustered behind their
open ports, they saw to it that water tubs were in place, matches
lighted, the crowbars, handspikes and "spung staves" and
"rope spunges" placed in order by the guns. Then as they
made ready to deliver the first broadside, the orders ran down
the crowded low-beamed deck :

"Cast, off the tackles and breechings."

"Seize the breechings."

"Unstop the touch-hole."

"Ram home wad and cartridge."

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

"Shot the gun-wad."

" Run out the gun."

"Lay down handspikes and crows."

"Point your gun."

"FlRE."

The Yankee crew could hear the huzzas of the English gunners
as the Achilles sought to gain the advantage of position. Cap-
tain Haraden had so placed his ship between the land and a
line of shoals, that in closing with him the Achilles must receive
a raking broadside fire. He knew that if it came to boarding,
his little band must be overwhelmed by weight of numbers and
he showed superb seamanship in choosing and maintaining a
long range engagement.

The Pickering was still deep laden with sugar, and this,
together with her small size, made her a difficult target to hull,
while the Achilles towered above water like a small frigate.
The Americans fired low, while the English broadsides flew
high across the decks of the Pickering. This rain of fire killed
the British volunteer boatswain aboard the Pickering and
wounded eight of the crew early in the fight. Captain Haraden
was exposed to these showers of case and round shot, but one
of his crew reported that "all the time he was as calm and
steady as amid a shower of snowflakes."

Meanwhile a multitude of spectators, estimated to number at
least a hundred thousand, had assembled on shore. The city
of Bilboa had turned out en masse to enjoy the rare spectacle
of a dashing sea duel fought in the blue amphitheater of the
harbor mouth. They crowded into fishing boats, pinnaces,
cutters and row boats until from within a short distance of the
smoke-shrouded Pickering the gay flotilla stretched to the shore
so closely packed that an onlooker described it as a solid bridge
of boats, across which a man might have made his way by
leaping from one gunwale to another.

Jonathan Haraden, Privateer swan

Captain Haraden was on the defensive. The stake for which
he fought was to gain entrance to the port of Bilboa with his
cargo and retake his prize, nor did he need to capture the
Achilles to win a most signal victory. For two hours the two
privateers were at it hammer and tongs, the British ship unable
to outmaneuver the Yankee and the latter holding her vantage
ground. At length the commander of the* Achilles was forced
to decide that he must either run away or be sunk where he was.
He had been hulled through and through and his rigging was
so cut up that it was with steadily increasing difficulty that he
was able to avoid a raking from every broadside of his indomi-
table foe. It is related that he decided to run immediately
after a flight of crowbars, with which the guns of the Pickering
had been crammed to the muzzles, made hash of his decks and
drove his gunners from their stations.

Captain Haraden made sail in chase. He offered his gunners
a cash reward if they should be able to carry away a spar and
disable the Achilles so that he might draw up alongside the
enemy and renew the engagement. His fighting blood was
at boiling heat and he no longer thought of making for Bilboa
and thanking his lucky stars that he had gotten clear of so
ugly a foe. But the Achilles was light, while her mainsail
"was large as a ship of the line," and after a chase of three
hours, the General Pickering had been distanced. Captain
Haraden sorrowfully put about for Bilboa, and took some small
satisfaction in his disappointment by overhauling and retaking
the Golden Eagle, the prize which had been the original bone of
contention.

The prize had been in sight of the action, during which the
captured American prizemaster, master John Carnes, enjoyed
an interesting conversation with the British prizemaster from
the Achilles who had been placed in charge of the vessel.

Mr. Carnes informed his captor of the fighting strength of

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

the General Pickering. The British prizemaster rubbed his
eyes when he saw the little Yankee vessel engage the Achilles
and roundly swore that Carnes had lied to him. The latter
stuck to his guns, however, and added by way of confirmation:

"If you knew Captain Jonathan Haraden as well as I do,
you would not be surprised at this. It is just what I expected,
and I think it not impossible, notwithstanding the disparity of
force, that the Achilles will at least be beaten off, and I shall
have the command of this prize again before night."

The Spanish populace welcomed Captain Haraden ashore as
if he had been the hero of a bull fight. He was carried through
the streets at the head of a triumphant procession and later
compelled to face veritable broadsides of dinners and public
receptions. His battle with the Achilles had been rarely spec-
tacular and theatrical, and at sight of one of his elaborately
embroidered waistcoats to-day, displayed in the Essex Institute,
one fancies that he may have had the fondness for doing fine
things in a fine wray which made Nelson pin his medals on his
coat before he went into action at Trafalgar.

In a narrative compiled from the stories of those who knew
and sailed with this fine figure of a privateersman we are told
that "in his person he was tall and comely; his countenance
was placid, and his manners and deportment mild. His
discipline on board ship was excellent, especially in time of
action. Yet in the common concerns of life he was easy almost
to a fault. So great was the confidence he inspired that if he
but looked at a sail through his glass, and then told the helms-
man to steer for her, the observation went round, 'If she is an
enemy, she is ours.' His great characteristic was the most
consummate self-possession on all occasions and in midst of
perils, in which if any man equalled, none ever excelled him.
His officers and men insisted he was more calm and cool amid
the din of battle than at any other time; and the more deadly

Jonathan Haraden, Privateersman

the strife, the more imminent the peril, the more terrific the
scene, the more perfect his self-command and serene intrepidity.
In a word he was a hero."

Large and resonant words of tribute these, written in the long
ago, and yet they are no fulsome eulogy of Jonathan Haraden
of Salem.

During another voyage from Salem to France as a letter of
marque, the Pickering discovered, one morning at daylight, a
great English ship of the line looming within cannon shot. The
enemy bore down in chase, but did not open fire, expecting to
capture the Yankee cockleshell without having to injure her.
He was fast overhauling the quarry, and Captain Haraden
manned his sweeps. The wind was light and although one
ball fired from a bowchaser sheared off three of his sweeps, or
heavy oars, he succeeded in rowing away from his pursuer and
made his escape. It was not a fight, but the incident goes to
show how small by modern standards was the ship in which
Jonathan Haraden made his dauntless way, when he could
succeed in rowing her out of danger of certain capture.

In his early voyages in the Pickering she was commissioned
as a letter of marque, carrying cargoes across the Atlantic, and
fetching home provisions and munitions needed in the Colonies,
but ready to fight "at the drop of the hat." She was later
equipped with a slightly heavier armament and commissioned
as a full-fledged privateer. With his sixteen guns Captain
Haraden fought and took in one action no less than three
British ships carrying a total number of forty-two guns. He
made the briefest possible mention in his log of a victory which
in its way was as remarkable as the triumph of the Constitution
over the Cyane and the Levant in the second war with England.

It was while cruising as a privateer that the Pickering came
in sight of three armed vessels sailing in company from Halifax
to New York. This little squadron comprised a brig of four-

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

teen guns, a ship of sixteen guns and a sloop of twelve guns.
They presented a formidable array of force, the ship alone
appearing to be a match for the Pickering in guns and men as
they exchanged signals with each other, formed a line and
made ready for action. "Great as was the confidence of the
officers and crew in the bravery and judgment of Captain Hara-
den, they evinced, by their looks, that they thought on this
occasion he was going to hazard too much; upon which he told
them he had no doubt whatever that if they would do their
duty, he would quickly capture the three vessels, and this he
did with great ease by going alongside of each of them, one
after another."

This unique feat in the history of privateering actions was
largely due to Captain Haraden's seamanship in that he was
able so to handle the Pickering that he fought three successive
single ship actions instead of permitting the enemy to concen-
trate or combine their attack.

Somewhat similar to these tactics was the manner in which
he took two privateer sloops while he was cruising off Bermuda.
They were uncommonly fast and agile vessels and they annoyed
the Yankee skipper by retaking several of his prizes before he
could send them free of this molestation. The sloops had no
mind to risk an action with Haraden whose vessel they had
recognized. So after nightfall he sent down his fore topgallant
yard and mast, otherwise disguised the Pickering, and vanished
from that part of the seas. A day later he put about and jogged
back after the two privateers, putting out drags astern to check
his speed. The Pickering appeared to be a plodding merchant-
man lumbering along a West India course.

As soon as he was sighted by his pestiferous and deluded
foes, they set out in chase of him as easy booty. Letting the
first sloop come with easy range, Jonathan Haraden stripped
the Pickering of the painted canvas screens that had covered

Jonathan Haraden, Privateersman

her gun ports, let go a murderous broadside and captured the
sloop almost as soon as it takes to tell it. Then showing English
colors above the Stars and Stripes aboard the Pickering, as if
she had been captured, he went after the consort and look her
as neatly as he had gathered the other.

Captain Haraden knew how to play the gentleman in this
bloody game of war on the ocean. An attractive light is thrown
upon his character by an incident which happened during a
cruise in the Pickering. He fell in with a humble Yankee
trading schooner which had been to the West Indies with
lumber and was jogging home with the beggarly proceeds of
the voyage. Her skipper signaled Captain Haraden, put out a
boat and went aboard the privateer to tell a tale of woe. A
little while before he had been overhauled by a British letter
of marque schooner which had robbed him of his quadrant,
compass and provisions, stripped his craft of much of her rig-
gings, and with a curse and a kick from her captain, left him to
drift and starve.

Captain Haraden was very indignant at such wanton and
impolite conduct and at once sent his men aboard the schooner
to re-rig her, provisioned her cabin and forecastle, loaned the
skipper instruments with which to work his passage home and
sent him on his way rejoicing. Then having inquired the
course of the plundering letter of marque when last seen, he
made sail to look for her. He was lucky enough to fall in and
capture the offender next day. Captain Haraden dressed him-
self in his best and, to add dignity to the occasion, summoned
the erring British skipper to his cabin and there roundly rebuked
and denounced him for his piratical conduct toward a worthless
little lumber schooner. He gave his own crew permission to
make reprisals, which probably means that they helped them-
selves to whatever pleased their fancy and kicked and cuffed
the offending seamen the length of their deck. Captain Hara-

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

den then allowed the letter of marque to resume her voyage.
" He would not, even under these circumstances, sink or destroy
a ship worthless as a prize and thus ruin a brother sailor."

Off the Capes of the Delaware, Captain Haraden once cap-
tured an English brig of war, although the odds were against
him, by "the mere terror of his name." He afterward told
friends ashore how this extraordinary affair occurred. There
was a boy on the Pickering, one of the captain's most ardent
adorers, a young hero worshiper, who believed the Pickering
capable of taking anything short of a line-of-battle ship. He
had been put aboard a prize off the Capes, which prize had
been captured, while making port, by the British brig-of-war.
The lad was transferred to the brig with his comrades of the
prize crew, and was delighted a little later to see the Pickering
standing toward them. Being asked why he sang and danced
with joy, the boy explained with the most implicit assurance :

"That is my master in that ship, and I shall soon be with
him."

"Your master," cried, the British bos'n, "and who in the
devil is he?"

" Why, Captain Haraden. You can't tell me you never heard
of him? He takes everything he goes alongside of, and he will
soon have you."

This unseemly jubilation on an enemy's deck was reported
to the captain of the brig. He summoned the boy aft, and was
told the same story with even more emphasis. Presently the
Pickering ran close down, and approached the brig to leeward.
There was a strong wind and the listed deck of the brig lay
exposed to the fire of the privateer. Captain Haraden shouted
through his trumpet:

"Haul down your colors, or I will fire into you."

The captain of the brig-of-war had wasted precious moments,
and his vessel was so situated at that moment that her guns could

Jonathan Haraden, Privateersman

not be worked to leeward because of the seas that swept along
her ports. After a futile fire from deck swivels and small arms,
she surrendered and next day was anchored off Philadelphia.

One or two more stories and we must needs have done with
the exploits of Jonathan Haraden. One of them admirably
illustrates the sublime assurance of the man and in an extreme
degree that dramatic quality which adorned his deeds. During
one of his last voyages in the Pickering he attacked a heavily
armed "king's mail packet," bound to England from the West
Indies. These packets were of the largest type of merchant
vessels of that day, usually carrying from fifteen to twenty guns,
and complements of from sixty to eighty men. Such a ship
was expected to fight hard and was more than a match for most
privateers.

The king's packet was a foe to test Captain Haraden 's mettle
and he found her a tough antagonist. They fought four full
hours, "or four glasses," as the log records it, after which
Captain Haraden found that he must haul out of the action and
repair damages to rigging and hull. He discovered also, that
he had used all the powder on board except one charge. It
would have been a creditable conclusion of the matter if he
had called the action a drawn battle and gone on his way.

It was in his mind, however, to try an immensely audacious
plan which could succeed only by means of the most cold-
blooded courage on his part. Ramming home his last charge
of powder and double shotting the gun, he again ranged along-
side his plucky enemy, who was terribly cut up, but still uncon-
quered, and hailed her:

"I will give you five minutes to haul down your colors. If
they are not down at the end of that time, I will fire into and
sink you, so help me God."

It was a test of mind, not of armament. The British com-
mander was a brave man who had fought his ship like a hero.

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

But the sight of this infernally indomitable figure on the quarter-
deck of the shot-rent Pickering, the thought of being exposed
to another broadside at pistol range, the aspect of the blood-
stained, half-naked privateersmen grouped at their guns with
matches lighted, was too much for him. Captain Haraden
stood, watch in hand, calling off the minutes so that his voice
could be heard aboard the packet :

"ONE—"

"Two—"

"THREE."

But he had not said " FOUR," when the British colors fluttered
down from the yard and the packet ship was his.

When a boat from the Pickering went alongside the prize,
the crew " found the blood running from her scuppers, while the
deck appeared more like the floor of a slaughter house than the
deck of a ship. On the quarterdeck, in an armchair, sat an old
gentleman, the Governor of the island from which the packet
came. During the whole action he had loaded and fired a heavy
blunderbuss, and in the course of the battle had received a ball in
his cheek, which, in consequence of the loss of teeth, had passed
out through the other cheek without giving a mortal wound."

A truly splendid "old gentleman" and a hero of the first
water !

In the latter part of the war Captain Haraden commanded
the Julius Ccesar, and a letter written by an American in Mar-
tinique in 1782 to a friend in Salem is evidence that his activities
had not diminished:

" Captain Jonathan Haraden, in the letter of marque ship,
Julius Caesar, forty men and fourteen guns, off Bermuda, in sight
of two English brigs, one of twenty and the other of sixteen guns,
took a schooner which was a prize to one of them, but they both
declined to attack him. On the 5th ult., he fell in with two
British vessels, being a ship of eighteen guns and a brig of six-
go

Jonathan Haraden, Privateersman

teen, both of which he fought five hours and got clear of them.
The enemy's ship was much shattered and so was the CcBsar,
but the latter 's men were unharmed. Captain Haraden was
subsequently presented with a silver plate by the owners of his
ship, as commemorative of his bravery and skill. Before he
reached Martinico he had a severe battle with another English
vessel which he carried thither with him as a prize."

Captain Haraden, the man who took a thousand cannon from
the British on the high seas, died in Salem in 1803 in his fifty-
ninth year. His descendants treasure the massive pieces of
plate given him by the owners of the Pickering and the Julius
Caesar, as memorials of one who achieved far more to win the
independence of his nation than many a landsman whose
military records won him the recognition of his government
and a conspicuous place in history.

While the important ports of Boston, New York, and others
to the southward were blockaded by squadrons of British war
vessels, the Salem privateers managed to slip to sea and spread
destruction. It happened on a day of March, in 1781, that two
bold English privateers were cruising off Cape Cod, menacing
the coastwise trading sloops and schooners bound in and out
of Salem and nearby ports. The news was carried ashore by
incoming vessels which had been compelled to run for it, and
through the streets and along the wharves of Salem went the
call for volunteers. The ships Brutus and Neptune were lying
in the stream and with astonishing expedition they were armed
and made ready for sea as privateers.

One of the enemy's vessels was taken and brought into Salem
only two days after the alarm had been given. Tradition relates
that while the two Salem privateers were sailing home in com-
pany with their prize, the Brutus was hailed by an English
sloop which had been loitering the coast on mischief bent.
The Yankee skippers seeking to get their prize into port without

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

risk of losing her in battle, had hoisted English colors. Dusk
had deepened into darkness when from the quarterdeck of the
British sloop sounded the husky challenge:

"Ship ahoy. What ship is that?"

"The English armed ship Terror," answered the Salem cap-
tain.

"Where are you bound?"

"Just inside the Cape for safety."

"Safety from what?" asked the guileless Englishman.

"A whole fleet of damned Yankee privateers."

"Where are they?"

"They bear from the pitch of the Cape, about sou 'east by
East, four leagues distant."

"Aye, aye, we'll look out for them and steer clear," returned
John Bull, and thereupon with a free wind he stood out to sea
leaving the Brutus to lay her course without more trouble.

Not all the Salem privateers were successful. In fairness to
the foe it should be recorded that one in three, or fifty-four in a
total of one hundred and fifty-eight privateers and letter of
marque ships were lost by capture during the war. Many of
these, however, were scarcely more than decked rowboats
armed with one gun and a few muskets. But of the four hun-
dred and forty-five prizes taken by Salem ships, nine-tenths of
them reached American ports in safety.

There was a lad who had been captured in a Salem privateer,
and forced to enlist in the English navy. He was not of that
heroic mold which preferred death to surrender and the hard-
ships of prison life appear to have frightened him into changing
his colors. He wrote home to Salem in 1781 :

"HONOURED FATHER AND MOTHER:

" I send you these few lines to let you know that I am in good
health on board the Hyeane Frigate which I was taken by and

Jonathan Haraden, Privateersman

I hope I shall be at home in a few months' time. When I was
taken by the Hyeane I was carried to England, where I left the
ship and went on board a brig going to New York. There I
was prest out of her into the Phoenix, forty-eight gun ship. I
remained in her four months and was then taken on board the
Hyeane again, where I am still kept. We are lying in Carlisle
Bay in Barbadoes. We are now going on an expedition, but
will soon be back again when the captain says he will let me
come home."

Alas, the boy who had weakened when it came to the test of
his loyalty was not so well pleased with his choice when peace
came. In August, 1783, we find him writing to his mother:

"I cannot think of returning home till the people of New
England are more reconciled, for I hear they are so inveterate
against all who have ever been in the English navy that I can't
tell but their rage may extend to hang me as they do others."

Another letter of that time, while it does not deal wholly with
privateering, views the war from the interesting standpoint of a
Loyalist or Tory of Salem who was writing to friends of like
sympathies who had also taken refuge in England. It is to be
inferred from his somewhat caustic comments about certain
nouveaux riche families of the town that the fortunes of privateer-
ing had suddenly prospered some, while it had beggared the
estate of others.

"BRISTOL, England, February 10, 1780.

"Perhaps it may amuse you to be made acquainted with a
few particulars of our own country and town, that may not have
come to your knowledge. . . . It is a melancholy truth
that while some are wallowing in undeserved wealth that plunder
and Rapine has thrown into their hands, the wisest and most
peacable, and most deserving, such as you and I know, are now
suffering for want, accompanied by many indignities that a

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

licencious and lawless people can pour forth upon them. Those
who a few years ago were the meaner people are now by a Strange
Revolution become almost the only men in Power, riches and
influences ; those who on the contrary were leaders in the highest
line of life are very glad at this time to be unknown and unno-
ticed, to escape insult and plunder and the wretched condition
of all who are not Violent Adopters of Republican Principles.
The Cabots of Beverly, who you know had but five years ago
a very moderate share of property are now said to be by far the
most wealthy in New England. . . . Nathan Goodale by
an agency concern in Privateers and buying up Shares, counts
almost as many pounds as most of his neighbors."

What may be called the day's work of the Revolutionary
privateers is compactly outlined in the following series of
reports from Salem annals. In an unfinished manuscript deal-
ing with privateering the late James Kimball of Salem made
this note:

"June 26, 1857. This day saw John W. Osgood, son of
John Osgood, who stated that during the war of the Revolution
his father was first Lieutenant of the Brig Faffie commanded
by Samuel Hobbs of Salem, from whence they sailed. When
three days out they fell in with a British man-of-war which
gave chase to the Privateer which outsailed the man-of-war,
who, finding that she was getting away from him, fired a round
shot which came on board and killed Captain Hobbs, which
was the only injury sustained during the chase.

"Upon the death of Captain Hobbs the crew mutinied, saying
the captain was dead, and the cruise was up, refused further
duty and insisted upon returning to Salem. Lieutenant Osgood
now becoming the captain, persisted in continuing the Cruise,
yet with so small a number as remained on his side, found great
difficulty in working the Ship. The mutineers stood in fear,

Jonathan Haraden, Privateer sman

but part of the officers stood by Captain Osgood. No one
feeling willing to appear at their head, they one day Sent him
a Round Robin requiring the return of the Privateer. Captain
Osgood still persisted in continuing the cruise.

"When an English Vessell hove in sight he told them that
there was a Prize, that they had only to take her and he would
soon find others. One of the Crew, to the leader to whom they
all looked, replied that he would return to his duty. All the
rest followed him, sail was made and they soon came up with
the Prize. She proved to be a man-of-war in disguise, with
drags out. As soon as this was discovered the Privateer at-
tempted to escape, but she could not and was captured and
carried to Halifax."

Selecting other typical incidents almost at random as they
were condensed in newspaper records, these seem to be worthy
of notice:

"June 31, 1778. Much interest is made here for the release
of Resolved Smith from his captivity. On his way from the
West Indies to North Carolina he was taken, and confined on
board the prison ship Judith at New York. Describing his
situation, he said that he and other sufferers were shut in
indiscriminately with the sick, dead and dying. 'I am now
closing the eyes of the last two out of five healthy men that
came about three weeks ago with me on board this ship.

"July, 1779. The Brig Wild Cat, Captain Daniel Ropes,
seventy-five men, fourteen guns, is reported as having taken a
schooner belonging to the British navy. The next day, how-
ever, he was captured by a frigate and for his activity against
the enemy was confined in irons at Halifax. On hearing of his
severe treatment, our General Court ordered that an English
officer of equal rank be put in close confinement until Captain
Ropes is liberated and exchanged."

"Feb. 13, 1781. Ship Pilgrim, Captain Robinson, reported

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

that on Christmas Day he had a battle with a Spanish Frigate
and forced her to retire, and on January 5th engaged a privateer
of thirty-three men, twenty-two guns, for three hours and took
her. He had nine men killed and two wounded while his
opponent had her captain and four more killed and thirteen
wounded."

"March 13, 1781. It is reported that the Brig Montgomery,
Captain John Carnes, had engaged a large British cutter, lost
his lieutenant and had five wounded. From another account
we learn that after a hard fight he succeeded in beating his
opponent off."

"It is reported on the 19th of the same month that the ship
Franklin, Captain John Turner, had taken a ship after a fight
of forty minutes, having had one killed and one wounded.
The prize had two killed and eight wounded."

"August 26, 1781. The ship Marquis de Lafayette, seventy-
five men and sixteen guns, reported as having attacked a brig of
thirty-two guns, upwards of two hours, but was obliged to draw
off, much damaged, with eight killed and fourteen wounded
and leaving the enemy with seventeen killed besides others
wounded."

Privateering was destined to have a powerful influence upon
the seafaring fortunes of Salem. Elias Hasket Derby, for
example, the first great American shipping merchant and the
wealthiest man in the Colonies, found his trading activities
ruined by the Revolution. He swung his masterly energy and
large resources into equipping privateers. It was his standing
offer that after as many shares as possible had been subscribed
for in financing any Salem privateer, he would take up the
remainder, if more funds were needed. It is claimed that Mr.
Derby was interested in sending to sea more than one-half of
the one hundred and fifty-eight privateers which hailed from
Salem during the Revolution. After the first two years of war

Jonathan Haradcn, Privateer sman

he discerned the importance of speed, and that many of the
small privateers of his town had been lost or captured because
they were unfit for their business. He established his own
shipyards, studied naval architecture, and began to build a class
of vessels vastly superior in size, model and speed to any pre-
viously launched in the Colonies. They were designed to be
able to meet a British sloop of war on even terms.

These ships took a large number of prizes, but Elias Hasket
Derby gradually converted them from privateers to letters of
marque, so that they could carry cargoes to distant ports and
at the same time defend themselves against the largest class of
British privateers. At the beginning of the war he owned
seven sloops and schooners. When peace came he had four
ships of from three hundred to three hundred and fifty tons,
which were very imposing merchant vessels for that time.

It was with these ships, created by the needs of wrar, that the
commerce of Salem began to reach out for ports on the other
side of the world. They were the vanguard of the great fleet
which through the tAVo generations to follow were to carry the
Stars and Stripes around the Seven Seas. Ready to man them
was the bold company of privateersmcn, schooled in a life of
the most hazardous adventure, braced to face all risks in the
peaceful war for trade where none of their countrymen had
ever dared to seek trade before. While they had been dealing
shrewd blows for their country's cause in war, they had been
also in preparation for the dawning age of Salem supremacy on
the seas in the rivalries of commerce, pioneers in a brilliant and
romantic era which was destined to win unique fame for their
port.

CHAPTER VI

CAPTAIN LUTHER LITTLE'S OWN STORY
(1771-1799)

CAPTAIN LUTHER LITTLE made no great figure in
the history of his times, but he left in his own words the
story of his life at sea which ancient manuscript con-
tributes a full length portrait of the kind of men who lived in
the coastwise towns of New England in the eighteenth century.
He was not of Salem birth, but he commanded a letter of marque
ship out of Salem during the Revolution, which makes it fitting
that the manuscript of his narrative should have come into the
hands of his grandson, Philip Little, of Salem. This old time
seaman's memoir, as he dictates it in his old age, reflects and
makes alive again the day's work of many a stout-hearted
ship's company of forgotten American heroes.

Born in Marshfield, Massachusetts, in 1756, Luther Little
was a sturdy man grown at the beginning of the Revolution
and had already spent five years at sea. At the age of fifteen
he forsook his father's farm and shipped on board a coasting
sloop plying between Maine and the South Carolina ports.
On one of these voyages he was taken ill with a fever and was
left ashore in a settlement on the Pimlico River, North Carolina.
The planter's family who cared for the lad through his long
and helpless illness were big-hearted and cheery folk, and his
description of a "reaping bee," as enjoyed a hundred and forty
years ago, is quaintly diverting.

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Captain Luther Little's Own Story

"When the evening amusements began our host performed
on the violin and the young people commenced dancing. I was
brought down stairs by one of the daughters and placed on a
chair in one corner of the room to witness their sports. They
got so merry in the dance that I was unheeded, and they whirled
so hard against me as to knock me from my chair. One of
the young women caught me in her arms, and carried me to the
chamber and laid me on the mat. They held their frolic until
midnight and eight or ten of the girls tarried till morning. My
mat lay in one corner of the garret, and they were to occupy
another on the opposite side. When they came upstairs they
commenced performing a jumping match after making prepara-
tions for the same by taking off some of their clothes. They
performed with much agility, when one of the stranger girls
observing me in one corner of the garret exclaimed with much
surprise: 'Who is that?' The answer was: 'It's only a young
man belonging to the North that is here sick, and won't live
three days. Never mind him."

His sloop having returned, this sixteen-year-old sailor sur-
prised his kind host by gaining sufficient strength to go on board
and toon after set sail for Martinique in the West Indies. The
Revolutionary Committee of North Carolina had ordered the
captain to fetch back a supply of powder and shot. He took
aboard this cargo after driving overboard and threatening to
blow out the brains of an English lieutenant who had it in mind
to make a prize of the sloop while she lay at Martinique.

It was out of the frying pan into the fire, for when the vessel
reached the Carolina coast, "the news of our unexpected arrival
had been noised abroad," relates Luther Little, "and the
King's tender lay within a few miles of the bar in wait for us.
Twelve pilot boats from Ocrakoke came off to us and informed
us that the tender was coming out to take us. We loaded the
pilot boats with powder, and the balls, which were in kegs, we

101

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

hove overboard. By this time the tender made her appearance
and ordered us all on board, made a prize of the sloop and
ordered her for Norfolk where lay the English fleet. When our
pilot and his crew went to take their boat I mingled with them
and walked quietly on board without being observed, and set
hard at rowing with one of the oars. The captain and the rest
of the crew were made prisoners."

The pilot boat landed young Little at Ocrakoke, where he
found that the other pilots who had taken the powder ashore
had stolen ten casks of it, scurvy patriots that they were. So
the stout-hearted lad of sixteen borrowed an old musket and
stood guard all night over the powder kegs. " The next morn-
ing," he tells us, "the pilots finding they could plunder no more
of the powder, agreed to carry it up the Pirnlico River to the
several County Committees for whom it was destined." Luther
Little went with them and saw to it that the powder reached
its owners.

One Colonel Simpson offered him a small schooner laden
with corn to be delivered down the Pongo River. She had a
crew of slaves which the boy skipper loftily rejected and took
his little schooner single-handed dowrnstream, making port
after a two days' voyage. While at anchor there came a hurri-
cane which had a most surprising effect on his fortunes. "I
shut myself down in the cabin," said he, "and in the course of
the night found the vessel adrift. Not daring to go on deck I
waited the result and soon felt the vessel strike. After thumping
a while she keeled to one side and remained still. At daylight
next morning I ventured on deck and found myself safe on
terra firma, in the woods, one half mile from the water, the tide
having left me safe among the trees."

Making his way on foot to the home of the consignee, he
reported his arrival, explained the situation and wrote his
employer that he had delivered his cargo safe, and that he

102

Captain Luther Little's Own Story

would find his schooner half a mile in the woods anchored
safely among the trees.

The marooned seaman had not to wait long for another
berth. On the same day of his escape he saw a sloop beating
out of the river and hailed her skipper. A foremast hand was
wanted and Little shipped aboard for the West Indies. During
the passage they were chased by an English frigate, and ran in
under the guns of the Dutch fort at St. Eustacia. Cargo and
vessel were sold, and Luther Little transferred himself to
another sloop bound for Rhode Island.

"Arriving safe after a passage of eleven days," he writes,
" I took my pack and travelled to Little Compton where I had
an uncle. Here I stayed one week, and then marched home on
foot, the distance of seventy miles, without one cent in my
pocket. I had been absent eleven months."

A few months later Luther Little shipped on board a letter
of marque brig bound to Cadiz. Off Cape Finnesterre a storm
piled the vessel on the rocks where she went to pieces. Little
was washed over the bows, but caught a trailing rope and
hauled himself aboard with a broken leg. While he was in
this plight the brig broke in two, and somehow, with the help of
his fellow seamen, he was conveyed ashore to a Spanish coast
fortification. Thence they were taken by boat to Bellisle. The
infant Uncle Sam was not wholly neglectful of his subjects,
even though he was in the death-grip of a Revolution, for to the
inn at Bellisle there came "a coach with four white horses and
Mr. John Baptiste, an officer in the employ of the United States
government, to enquire if there were any from off that wreck
who needed assistance and wished to go to the hospital."

Luther Little lay in a hospital at Lisbon from autumn into
spring where, he relates: "I was treated with great kindness
and attention and although in my midnight dreams the spirits
of a kind mother and beloved sisters would often hover around

103

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

my pillow, still on waking, the thought that I had escaped an
early death was ever present to the mind, and I felt that although
far from home and friends, I had every reason to be thankful."

The canny youngster had a shoe with a hollow heel, which
hiding place he had prepared before leaving home, and in
which he had tucked eight gold dollars with this sagacious
reflection :

"Previous to this I had been left among strangers perfectly
destitute without money either to assist myself, or to remunerate
them for kindness received. I was now leaving home again,
the future was covered with a veil which a wise Providence
had never permitted human knowledge to rend. I knew not
with what this voyage might be fraught — evil or good. I
therefore resolved if possible to have something laid up as the
old adage expresses, 'for a wet day."

When Luther was discharged from the Spanish hospital
eleven other luckless American seamen who had been cast on
their beam ends were set adrift with him. The shoe with the
hollow heel held the only cash in the party who undertook an
overland journey of three hundred miles to the nearest seaport
whence they might expect to find passage home. While spend-
ing the night at a port called St. Ubes there came ashore the
captain and lieutenant of an English privateer. These were
very courteous foemen, for the captain told how he had been
made prisoner by a Yankee crew, carried into Salem, and
treated so exceedingly well that he was very grateful. There-
upon he ordered his lieutenant to go of! to the privateer and
fetch a dozen of pickled neats' tongues which he gave the
stranded pilgrims to put in their packs. He also turned over_
to them a Portuguese pilot to escort them through the desolate
and hostile country in which their journey lay. With the
Portuguese, the neats' tongues, and wine in leather bottles,
paid for from the hollow heel, the American tars trudged along,

104

Captain Luther Little's Own Story

sleeping on the ground and in shepherds' sheds until they
reached the boundary between Spain and Portugal.

"The Spanish and English were at war," relates Luther
Little, "and the stable in which we slept was surrounded by
Spaniards who swore we were English and they would take us
prisoners. In vain the landlord of the nearby tavern expostu-
lated with them, saying we were Americans in distress traveling
to Faro. They still persisted in forcing the door. The pilot
told them that we were desperate men armed to the teeth and
at length they disappeared."

They were among a set of accomplished thieves, for next day
they bought some mackerel and stowed it in their packs from
which it was artfully stolen by the very lad who had sold it to
them. The pilot cheered them with tales of highway robbery
and murder as they fared on, indicating with eloquent gestures
sundry stones which marked the burial places of slain travelers.
They were once attacked by a gang of brigands who stole their
mule and slender store of baggage, but the seamen rallied
with such headlong energy that the robbers took to the
bushes.

Reaching the port of Faro, they found a good-hearted mate
of a Portuguese brig who gave them a ham, four dozen biscuit
and a part of a cheese. The French Consul also befriended
them, and supplied a boat to take them to a port called lammont.
Although the ingenuous Luther Little explains their next adven-
ture as pacific, it is not unfair to presume that his company
committed a mild-mannered kind of piracy. However, he
tells the tale in this fashion:

"We reached the mouth of the lammont River next morning.
Here we met a Spanish shallop coming out, bound to Cadiz,
loaded with small fish and manned with six men. The Captain
was very old. We shifted on board this shallop and sailed
toward Cadiz with a fair wind. When night approached the

105

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Spanish captain having no compass, steered by a star; at ten
the clouds came over and the stars were shut in, the wind blow-
ing fresh. The Spaniards fell on their knees, imploring the
aid of their saints. Directly the captain concluded to go on
shore, and took his cask of oil to break the surf, and bore away
toward the shore. We being the strongest party (eleven to six),
hauled the shallop onto her course and obliged the old Spaniard
to take the helm, it still continuing very thick. At one that
morning we struck on the Porpoise Rocks at the mouth of
Cadiz Bay; we shipped two seas which filled the boat. With
our hats we bailed out water, fish and all, directly made Cadiz
light, and ran in near the wall of the city. The sentry from
the wall told us to come no nearer, whereupon the old cap-
tain hauled down sails and let go his anchor. At daylight I
paid one Spanish dollar apiece passage money and we left the
boat.

" We went to the gate of the city and sat down on some ship
timber. One of our men was then two days sick with a fever.
When the gate was opened we marched in, two of us carrying
the sick man. A little way inside we met a Spaniard who spoke
English. He invited us to his house, and gave us a breakfast
of coffee and fish, and told us we were welcome to remain there
until we could find a passage home."

Next day Luther Little as spokesman waited upon John Jay,
United States Minister to the Court of Madrid, who had come
to Cadiz with his wife in the Confederacy frigate. Minister Jay
put the sick man in a hospital while the others sought chances
to work their way home. They found in the harbor an English
brig which had captured an American ship and was then in her
turn retaken by the Yankee crew who had risen upon the prize
crew. According to Luther Little this Yankee mate, Morgan
by name, was a first-class fighting man, for he had sailed the
brig into Cadiz, flying the Stars and Stripes, with only a boy or

106

Captain Luther Little's Own Story

two to help him. She carried twelve guns and needed a heavy
crew to risk the passage home to Cape Ann.

Reinforced by the captain and crew of another American
vessel which had been taken by an English frigate, Luther
Little's party sought Minister Jay and explained the situation.
They could work their passage in the brig, but they had no
provisions. Would he help them? Mr. Jay made this singular
compact, that he would give them provisions if they would sign
a document promising to pay for the stores at the Navy Yard
in Boston, or to serve aboard a Continental ship until the debt
was worked out. All hands signed this paper by which they
put themselves in pawn to serve their country's flag, and the
brig sailed from Cadiz.

After thirty days they were on George's Bank where they lay
becalmed while an English privateer swept down toward them
with sweeps out. A commander was chosen by vote, decks
cleared for action, and two guns shifted over to the side toward
the privateer. "The captain ordered his crew to quarters.
When the privateer came up to us we gave her a broadside; she
fired upon us, then dropped astern and came up on the larboard
side," so Little describes it. "As soon as the guns would bear
upon her we gave her another broadside. They returned the
same. The privateer schooner giving up the contest, dropped
astem and made off, we giving her three cheers."

Without mishap the brig arrived off Cape Ann, and con-
tinued on to Boston. There Luther Little obtained money
from friends and paid off his share of the debt to the Navy
Board. He was the only one of the eleven of his party who
redeemed themselves, however, the others going aboard Con-
tinental cruisers as stipulated by the shrewd Minister Jay who,
in this fashion, secured almost a dozen lusty seamen for the
navy.

"Once more I reached home entirely destitute," comments

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Luther Little, who tarried on his father's farm a few weeks, and
then once more "bade home and those dear to me, adieu."
This was in the year 1780. He entered on board the United
States ship Protector, of twenty-six guns and 230 men, as mid-
shipman and prizemaster. Her commander was John Foster
Williams, and her first lieutenant, George Little, was a brother
of our hero. Their names deserve remembrance, for the Pro-
tector fought one of the most heroic and desperate engagements
of the Revolution of which Midshipman Little shall tell you in
his own words:

"We lay off in Nantasket Roads making ready for a six
months' cruise, and put to sea early in April of 1780. Our
course was directed eastward, keeping along the coast till we
got off Mount Desert, most of the time in a dense fog, without
encountering friend or foe. On the morning of June ninth,
the fog began to clear away, and the man at the masthead gave
notice that he discovered a ship to the windward of us. We
perceived her to be a large ship under English colors, stand-
ing down before the wind for us. We were on the leeward
side.

" As she came down upon us she appeared to be as large as a
seventy-four. The captain and lieutenant were looking at her
through their glasses, and after consulting decided that she was
not an English frigate but a large king's packet ship, and the
sooner we got alongside of her the better. The boatswain
was ordered to pipe all hands to quarters, and clear the ship
for action. Hammocks were brought up and stuffed into the
nettings, decks wet and sanded, matches lighted and burning,
bulkheads hooked up.

"We were not deceived respecting her size. It afterwards
proved she was of eleven hundred tons burden, a Company
ship which had cruised in the West Indies for some time and
then took a cargo of sugar and tobacco at St. Kitts bound to

108

Captain Luther Little's Own Story

London. She carried thirty-six twelve-pounders upon the gun
deck, and was furnished with two hundred and fifty men, and
was called the Admiral Duff, Richard Strange, master. We
were to the leeward of her and standing to the northward under
cruising sail. She came down near us, and aimed to pass us
and go ahead. After passing by to the leeward she hove to
under fighting colors. We were all this time under English
colors and observed her preparing for action. Very soon I
heard the sailing master call for his trumpet :

"Let fall the foresail, sheet home the main topgallant sail.'

"We steered down across her stern, and hauled up under her
lee quarter. At the same time we were breeching our guns aft
to bring her to bear. Our first lieutenant possessed a very
powerful voice; he hailed the ship from the gang-board and
enquired :

"'What ship is that?'

"He was answered 'The Admiral Duff.'

"'Where are you from and where bound?'

"'From a cruise bound to London,' they answered, and then
enquired: 'What ship is that?'

"We gave no answer. The captain ordered a broadside given,
and colors changed at the first flash of a gun, and as the thirteen
stripes took the place of the English ensign they gave us three
cheers and fired a broadside. They partly shot over us, their
ship being so much higher than ours, cutting away some of our
rigging. The action commenced within pistol shot and now
began a regular battle, broadside to broadside.

" After we had engaged one half hour there came in a cannon
ball through the side and killed Mr. Scollay, one of our mid-
shipmen. He commanded the fourth twelve-pounder from the
stern, I commanded the third. The ball took him in the head.
His brains flew upon my gun and into my face. The man at
my gun who rammed down the charge was a stout Irishman.

109

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Immediately on the death of Mr. Scolley he stripped himself
of his shirt and exclaimed :

"'An' faith, if they kill me they shall tuck no rags into my
insides. '

"The action continued about an hour when all the topmen
on board the enemy's ship were killed by our marines, who were
seventy in number, all Americans. Our marines also killed the
man at the wheel, caused the ship to come down upon us, and
her cat-head stove in our quarter-gallery.

"We lashed their jib-boom to our main-shrouds, and our
marines from the quarterdeck firing into their port holes kept
them from charging. We were ordered from our quarters to
board, but before we were able the lashings broke. We were
ordered back tp quarters to charge our guns when the other
ship shooting alongside of us, the yards nearly locked. We
gave her a broadside which cut away her mizzen mast and made
great havoc among them. We perceived her sinking, at the
same time saw that her main topgallant sail was on fire, which
ran down the rigging and caught a hogshead of cartridges under
the quarterdeck and blew it up.

" At this time from one of their forward guns there came into
the port where 1 commanded a charge of grape shot. With three
of them I was wounded, one between my neck bone and wind-
pipe, one through my jaw lodging in the roof of my mouth, and
taking off a piece of my tongue, the third through the upper lip,
taking away part of the lip and all of my upper teeth. I was
immediately taken to the cockpit, to the surgeon. My gun was
fired only once afterward; I had fired nineteen times. I lay
unattended to, being considered mortally wounded and was
past by that the wounds of those more likely to live might be
dressed. I was perfectly sensible and heard the surgeon's
remark :

"'Let Little lay. Attend to the others first. He will die.'

110

Captain Luther Little

(The scars and disfigurement left by wounds received in the action with the Admiral
Duff have been faithfully reproduced by the painter

Captain Luther Little's Own Story

" Perceiving me motion to him he came to me and began to
wash off the blood, and dress my wound. After dressing the
lip and jaw he was turning from me. I put my hand to my
neck, and he returned and examined my neck, pronouncing it
the deepest wound of the three. I bled profusely, the surgeon
said two gallons.

" By this time the enemy's ship was sunk and nothing was to
be seen of her. She went down on fire with colours flying.
Our boats were injured by the shots and our carpenters were
repairing them in order to pull out and pick up the men of the
English that were afloat. They succeeded in getting fifty-five,
one half wounded and scalded.

" The first lieutenant told me that such was their pride when
on the brink of a watery grave, that they fought like demons,
preferring death with the rest of their comrades rather than
captivity, and that it was with much difficulty that many of
them were forced into the boats. Our surgeon amputated
limbs from five of the prisoners, and attended them as if they
had been of our own crew. One of the fifty-five was then sick
with the West Indies fever and had floated out of his ham-
mock between decks. The weather was excessively warm
and in less than ten days sixty of our men had taken the
epidemic.

"The Admiral Duff had two American captains, with their
crews, on board as prisoners. These (the captains) were among
the fifty-five saved by our boats. One of them told Captain
Williams that he was with Captain Strange when our vessel
hove in sight, that he asked him what he thought of her, and
told him he thought her one of the Continental frigates. Cap-
tain Strange thought not, but he wished she might be; at any
rate were she only a Salem privateer she would be a clever little
prize to take home with him. During the battle while Captain
Williams was walking the quarterdeck a shot from the enemy

111

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

took his speaking trumpet from his hand, but he picked it up
and with great calmness continued his orders.*

"We sailed for the coast of Nova Scotia near to Halifax.
After cruising there about a week we discovered a large ship
steering for us, and soon discovered her to be an English frigate.
We hove about and ran from her, our men being sick, we did
not dare to engage her. This was at four o'clock in the after-
noon. The frigate gained on us fast. When she came up
near us we fired four stern chasers, and kept firing. When she
got near our stern she luffed and gave us a broadside which did
no other damage save lodging one shot in the mainmast and
cutting away some rigging. We made a running fight until
dark, the enemy choosing not to come alongside. In the
evening she left us and hauled her wind to the southward and
we for the north."

The captain of the Protector needed wood and water and so
set sail for the Maine coast where he landed his invalids, con-
verting a farmer's barn into a temporary hospital with the

*In the log book of the Protector Captain Williams described the engage-
ment as follows: "June 9th, 1780. At 7 A.M. saw a ship to the Westward, we
stood for her under English colours, the ship standing athaught us, under Eng-
lish colours, appeared to be a large ship. At 11 came alongside of her, hailed
her, she answered from Jamaica. I shifted my colours and gave her a broad-
side; she soon returned us another. The action was very heavy for near three
Glasses, when she took fire and blew up. Got out the Boats to save the men,
took 55 of them, the greatest part of them wounded with our shot and burnt
when the ship blew up. She was called the Admiral Duff of 32 guns, Com-
man'd by Ricnard Strang from St. Kitts and Eustatia, ladened with Sugar and
Tobacco, bound to London. We lost in the action one man, Mr. Benja.
Scollay and 5 wounded. Rec'd several shot in our Hull and several of our
shrouds and stays shot away."

Ebenezer Fox who was a seaman aboard the Protector related: "We ascer-
tained that the loss of the enemy was prodigious, compared with ours. This
disparity, however, will not appear so remarkable when it is considered that,
although their ship was larger than ours, it was not so well supplied with men;
having no marines to use the musket, they fought with their guns alone, and
as their ship lay much higher out of the water than ours, the greater part of
their shot went over us, cutting our rigging and sails without injuring our men.
We had about seventy marines who did great execution with their muskets, pick-
ing off the officers and men with a sure and deliberate aim."

Captain Luther Little's Own Story

surgeon's mate in charge. While the cruiser lay in harbor
Luther Little's sense of humor would not permit this incident
to go unforgotten:

"Among our crew was a fellow half Indian and half negro
who coveted a fatted calf belonging to a farmer on the shore.
His evil genius persuaded him to pilfer the same, but he could
find only one man willing to assist him. Cramps, which was
the negro's name, took a boat one evening and went on shore
to commit the depredation. He secured the victim and returned
to the ship without discovery. He arrived under the ship's
bows and called for his partner in crime to lower the rope to
hoist the booty on board, but his fellow conspirator had dodged
below and it so happened that the first lieutenant was on deck.
Cramps, thinking it was his co-worker in iniquity, hailed him
in a low voice, asking him to do as he had agreed and that
damned quick.

" The lieutenant, thinking that something out of the way was
going on, obeyed the summons. Cramps fixed the noose
around the calf's neck, and cried :

"'Pull away, blast your eyes. My back is almost broke
carrying the crittur so far on the land. Give us your strength
on the water.'

"The lieutenant obeyed, and Cramps, boosting in the rear,
the victim was soon brought on deck. Cramps jumped on
board and found both himself and the calf in possession of the
lieutenant. Next morning the thief was ordered to shoulder
the calf and march to the farmer and ask forgiveness, and take
the reward of his sins which was fifty lashes."

So seriously had Midshipman Little been raked with the
three grape shot that he was sent home to recover his strength,
and he did not rejoin the Protector until her second cruise five
months later. After taking several prizes between the New
England coast and the West Indies, she sailed for Charleston.

113

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

One afternoon a sail was sighted to the leeward. "We wore
around," says the narrative, "and made sail in chase, found we
gained fast upon her and at sunset we could see her hull. When
night shut in we lost sight of her. There came over us a heavy
cloud with squalls of thunder and lightning and by the flashes
we discovered the ship which had altered her course. We
hauled our wind in chase and were soon alongside. The next
flash of lightning convinced us she was of English colours. We
hailed her. She answered 'from Charleston bound to Jamaica,'
and inquired where we were from. The first lieutenant shouted
back:

"'The Alliance, United States frigate.'

" Our men were all at quarters and lanterns burning at every
port. Our captain told him to haul down his colours, and
heave to. There was no answer. We fired three twelve
pounders. He called out and said he had struck. Captain
Williams asked why he did not shorten sail and heave to. He
replied that his men had gone below and would not come up.
Our barge was lowered, a prize crew and master put on board
and we took possession of the ship. She proved to be of eight
hundred tons burden, with three decks fore and aft carrying
twenty-four nine-pounders and manned with eighty men. We
ordered her for Boston where she arrived safe."

This handsome capture was achieved by an audacious
"bluff," but this cruise of the Protector was fated to have a less
fortunate ending. A few days later another prize was taken
and, lucky for Luther Little, he was put aboard as prizemaster.
While he was waiting in company with the Protector for his
orders to proceed, the cruiser sighted another sail and made
off in chase. Prizemaster Little tried to follow her until night
shut down, and then as she showed no lights he gave up the
pursuit and shaped his course for Nantucket. At daylight
next morning, the mate who was standing his watch on deck,

114

Captain Luther Little's Own Story

went below to inform Skipper Little that two large ships were
to the leeward. The latter climbed aloft with his glass and
made them out to be British frigates in chase of the Protector.
They took no notice of the prize a mile to windward of them
but pelted hard after the Yankee war ship and when last seen
she was in the gravest danger of capture.

Luther Little cracked on sail for Boston with his prize and
upon arriving called upon Governor John Hancock and told
him in what a perilous situation he had left the Protector. "Ten
days later the news came that the cruiser had been taken by
the Roebuck and Mctyday frigates and carried into New York.

Luther Little, having escaped with the skin of his teeth,
forsook the service of the United States and like many another
stout seaman decided to try his fortune privateering. Captain
William Orme, a Salem merchant, offered him the berth of
lieutenant aboard the letter of marque brig Jupiter. She was
a formidable vessel, carrying twenty guns and a hundred and
fifty men. From Salem, that wasp's nest of Revolutionary
privateersmcn, the Jupiter sailed for the West Indies. Captain
Orme went in his ship, but while he was a successful shipping
merchant, he was not quite "a dashing enough comrade for so
seasoned a sea-dog as this young Luther Little. To the wind-
ward of Turk's Island they sighted a large schooner which
showed no colors.

" Our boatswain and gunner had been prisoners a short time
before in Jamaica," says Lieutenant Little, "and they told
Captain Orme that she was the Lyon schooner, bearing eighteen
guns. Our boatswain piped all hands to quarters and we pre-
pared for action. Captain Orme, not being acquainted with a
warlike ship, told me I must take the command, advising me
to run from her. I told him in thus doing we should surely be
taken. I ordered the men in the tops to take in the studding-
sails. We then ran down close to her, luffed, and gave her a

115

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

broadside, which shot away both of her topmasts. She then
bore away and made sail and ran from us, we in chase. We
continued thus for three hours, then came alongside. I hailed
and told them to shorten sail or I'd sink them on the spot.
Our barge was lowered and I boarded her; all this time she had
no colours set. I hailed our ship and told Captain Orme I
thought her a clear prize, and bade the men prepare to board
her. But the captain hailed for the boat to return. I obeyed
and told him she had a good many men and several guns. The
captain said he would have nothing to do with her, as he feared
they might rise upon us. Much to my reluctance we left her."

After having thirty men of the crew violently ill at one time
in the fever-stricken harbor of Port au Prince, the letter of
marque Jupiter was freighted with sugar and coffee and set
out for Salem. Dodging two English frigates cruising for
prizes in the Crooked Island passage, she passed a small island
upon which some kind of signal appeared to be hoisted.

"I was in my hammock quite unwell," relates Lieutenant
Little of the Jupiter. "The captain sent for me on deck and
asked me if I thought a vessel had been cast away on the island.
After spying attentively with my glasses, I told him it was no
doubt a wreck, and that I could discover men on the island,
that probably they were in distress. I advised him to send a
boat and take them off. He said the boat should not go unless
I went in her. I told him I was too sick, to send Mr. Leach,
our mate. He would not listen to me. I went. We landed
at the leeward of the island, and walked toward the wreck,
when ten men came towards us. They were the captain and
crew of the unfortunate vessel. They were much moved at
seeing us, said they were driven ashore on the island and had
been there ten days without a drop of water. By this time
Captain Orme had hove a signal for our return, there being a
frigate in chase. Going to the ship the wrecked captain, who

116

Captain Luther Little's Own Story

was an old man named Peter Trott, asked me where our vessel
was from. I told him we were bound to Salem, and he was
quite relieved, fearing we were an English man-of-war. We
came alongside and the boat was hoisted up and every sail set,
the frigate in chase. She gained upon us and at dark was about
a league astern. The clouds were thick and I told the captain
we were nearly in their power, our only chance being to square
away and run to the leeward across the Passage, it being so
thick that they could not discover us with their night glasses.
We lay to until we thought the frigate had passed, made sail
toward morning, and fetched through the Passage."

After this voyage Luther Little became captain of a large
brig which had a roundhouse and was steered by a wheel which
was uncommon for merchantmen in those days. He had one
terrific winter passage home from the West Indies, fetched up
off the Massachusetts coast with every man of his crew but one
helplessly frozen, and his vessel half full of water. With his one
lone seaman he was blown off to sea, and at length ran his
water-logged craft ashore on the Maine coast. Nothing
daunted, he worked her down to Boston, after being frozen up
and adrift in ice, and sending ashore for men to help him pump
out his hold.

"Here at this era of my life, the wheel of fortune turned," he
makes comment. "The last seventeen years had been spent
mostly on the wide wraters. I had passed through scenes at
which the heart shrinks as memory recalls them; but now the
scene changed. Ill luck was ended."

Thereafter Captain Luther Little continued in the West
India trade until he had made twenty-four successful voyages.
"always bringing back every man, even to cook and boy."
After this he shifted to the commerce with Russia, making six
yearly voyages to St. Petersburg at a time when the American
flag was almost unknown in that port.

117

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

"During one of these voyages," he recounts, "when off Nor-
way in a cold snow storm lying to, a man on the main yard
handling the mainsail fell overboard, went under the vessel,
and came up on the lee side. I was then on the quarterdeck,
caught a hen coop, and threw it into the ocean. He succeeded
in getting hold of it. I then ordered topsails hove aback, and
to cut away the lashings of the yawl. The man not being in
sight I ordered the boat to pull to windward. They succeeded
in taking him and brought him on board. He was alive though
unable to speak or stand. I had him taken into the cabin, and
by rubbing and giving him something hot, he was soon restored
to duty. I asked him what he thought his fate would be when
overboard. He said that he tried the hen coop lying to and
found that would not answrer. Then he thought he would try
it scudding, and ' sir,' he answered, ' if you had not sent your boat
just as you did, I should have borne away for the coast of
Norway."1

When his sea life ended at the age of forty-one, Captain
Luther Little could say with a very worthy pride :

"In all my West India and Russian voyaging I never lost a
man, never carried away a spar, nor lost a boat or anchor."

In 1799, before the opening of the nineteenth century, this
sturdy Yankee seaman, Luther Little, was ready to retire to
his ancestral farm in Marshh'eld where his great-grandfather
had hewn a home in the wilderness. In the prime of his vigor
and capacity, having lived a dozen lives afloat, he was content
to spend forty-odd years more as a New England farmer. And
in his eighty-fifth year this old-fashioned American sailor and
patriot still sunny and resolute, was able to sit down and describe
the hazards through which he had passed just as they are here
told.

118

CHAPTER VII

JOURNAL OF WILLIAM RUSSELL

(1776-1782)

AT attempt to portray the seafaring life of our forefathers
would be signally incomplete without some account
of the misfortunes endured when the American priva-
teersman or man-of-war 's-man was the loser in an encounter
on blue water. During the Revolution, when privateers were
swarming from every port from Maine to the Carolinas, scores
of them were captured by superior force and their crews carried
off to be laid by the heels, often for two and three years, in
British prisons of war. Brilliant as was the record of the
private armed ships of Salem, her seamen, in large numbers,
became acquainted with the grim walls of Old Mill Prison at
Plymouth and Forton Prison near Portsmouth.

They were given shorter rations than the French, Spanish
and Dutch prisoners of war with whom they were confined,
and they were treated as rebels and traitors and committed as
such. Manuscript narratives of their bitter experiences as pre-
served in Salem show that these luckless seamen managed to
maintain hope, courage and loyalty to a most inspiring degree,
although theirs was the hardest part to play that can be imagined.
Many of them shipped again in privateer or Continental cruiser
as soon as they were released and served their country until
the end of the war.

As recalling this prison life in a personal and intimate way,
the subjoined journal of William Russell is quoted at consider-

119

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

able length although he was not a native of Salem. He sailed
and was captured in a ship commanded by Captain John
Manley, of Marblehead; however, he met many masters and
seamen of Salem vessels during his years of confinement in Old
Mill Prison, and his journal came at length into the hands of
his grandson, James Kimball of Salem. And in more detail
than it has anywhere else been related, does he describe what
Salem sailors endured in British prisons.

Worthy of prefacing his story are the following letters written
by Caleb Foote, a privateersman of Salem who was captured
in the sloop Gates in 1778 and confined for two years in Forton
Prison. These letters were addressed to his wife.

" FORTON PRISON, near Portsmouth, in Great Britain,

"AUGUST 21, 1780.

"I take this opportunity to write you a few lines to let you
know that I am in good health at present, and I trust that by
the blessing of God these lines will find you and all whom it
may concern enjoying the same blessing. I have nothing very
remarkable to write about at present ; but I am sorry to inform
you that I have no prospect of getting my liberty until the wars
are over, if we do then, for everything appears very dark and
gloomy on our side at present. There are one hundred and
ninety of my dear countrymen in this prison and about ninety
or a hundred in Mill Prison at Plymouth. And here we must
lie inclosed within these bars of iron and guarded by bloody
tyrants; forsaken by our country and despised and insulted
by the inhabitants of this place. But what can I say or what
can I do to get my liberty? It is impossible without the help of
some friends. It is almost impossible for a man to make his
escape from this without the help of money to take him off the
Island; and if he is taken up again sometimes they keep him
on board their ships of war, and if we are brought back to the

120

Journal of William Russell

prison again we must lie forty days in the Black Hole and upon
half allowance, which is only two pounds of beef and one pint
of peas for a week to live upon; and likewise put upon the
back of the list and will not be exchanged until the last if there
should ever be any exchanged.

" This is the eighth letter that I have wrote to you and never
have I had the comfort to hear of your welfare which is a little
surprising when there are so many letters come to this prison
from Salem and Marblehead. There have ships come from
Salem and the neighboring ports to France and Holland, which
brought letters to the prison. This makes me think you have
certainly forgot me, or perhaps you may blame me for being so
long absent. But I do assure you that it is not my will to be so
long absent from you. It is out of my power to escape what
hard fortune has allotted to me.

" I conclude at present by Subscribing myself

"Your most obliged and most affectionate Husband,

"CALEB FOOT."

"P. S. I would inform you that Captain Haraden* was so
kind as to send a gentleman whom he captured of late to redeem
me, and I am under great obligations for his kindness. Mr.
Scott came to the prison on the twenty-fifth of July but he gave
me no assistance nor have I heard from him since. Had he
but helped me to the value of five guineas it would have done
more toward my liberty than to send five hundred men, for the
English will not let any of us go upon that condition, for their
hearts are very bloody towards what few of us they have got
under their command."

"FEBRUARY 24th, 1780.
"MOST AFFECTIONATE FRIEND:

"I take this opportunity to write you a few lines to acquaint
you of my welfare which is very poor at present for here we lie
* Captain Jonathan Haraden of Salem. See Chapter V.

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

in prison in a languishing condition, and upon short allowance,
surrounded by tyrants and with no expectation of being re-
deemed at present, for we seem to be cast out and forsaken by
our countrymen, and no one to grant us any relief in our distress;
and many of our noble countrymen are sick and languishing
for the want of things to support Nature in their low estate of
health, and many of them have gone to the shades of darkness.
"We seem to have very poor accounts of the noble Doctor
Franklin, who has neglected the great and important business
of our redemption; the neglect of which, we are told, is his
fault altogether. By what we learn we might have been ex-
changed long ago had he sent the Agent's name with the pass-
ports. Many of my countrymen that had money have made
their escape, and I should have done the same if I had money
or friends."

One hundred and thirty years ago William Russell was
earning a humdrum livelihood as an usher in a " public school "
of Boston taught by one Master Griffith. Whatever else he
may have drilled into the laggard minds of his scholars, it is
certain that the young usher did not try, by ferrule or precept,
to inspire loyalty for their gracious sovereign, King George and
his flag. It is recorded that " he was of an ardent temperament
and entered with great zeal into the political movement of
the Colonies," and was early enrolled among the "Sons of
Liberty," which organization preached rebellion and resistance
to England long before the first clash of arms. At the age
of twenty-three this undignified school teacher was one of the
band of lawless patriots who, painted and garbed as red Indians,
dumped a certain famous cargo of tea into Boston Harbor.

When a British fleet and army took possession of seething
Boston, Master Griffith had to look for another usher, for
William Russell had "made himself obnoxious to the 'authori-

122

Journal of William Russell

ties, ' " and found it advisable to betake himself with his family
to places not so populous with red coats.

His active service in the cause of the Revolution did not
begin until June of 1777, when the Massachusetts State's Train
of Artillery for the defense of Boston was reorganized, and the
first entry in the regimental orderly book was in the hand-
writing of Sergeant Major William Russell; a roll of the officers
which included the name of "Paul Revere, Lieutenant Colonel."

Sergeant Major Russell was later appointed adjutant of this
regiment and served in the Rhode Island campaign until the
end of the year 1778. Thereafter that " ardent temperament "
in his country's cause led him to seek the sea, and the artillery
officer entered the naval service as a captain's clerk on board
the Continental ship Jason under the famous Captain John
Manley of Marblehead. They were sure of hard fighting who
sailed with John Manley. While in command of the frigate
Hancock he had taken the British twenty-eight-gun frigate
Fox after a severe and bloody action. Later, in the privateer
Cumberland, he had suffered the misfortune of being carried
into Barbados by the British frigate Pomona, but breaking
out of jail with his men at night he seized a British government
vessel, put her crew in irons, and sailed her to the United States.
Reaching Boston, Captain Manley was given the fine Conti-
nental cruiser Jason, of twenty guns and a hundred and twenty
men.

It was this vessel and its dashing commander which lured
young William Russell from his military service. But the
Jason was captured during Captain Manley 's first cruise in her
by the swift British frigate Surprise after a hammer and tongs
engagement in which the American loss was thirty killed and
wounded. Carried as prisoners to England, the officers and
some of the men of the Jason were thrown into Old Mill Prison
at Plymouth where William Russell kept the journal which is

123

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

by far the most complete and entertaining account of the ex-
perience of the Revolutionary privateersmen and naval seamen
who suffered capture that has been preserved.

After two and a half years' confinement in a British prison,
William Russell, having left a wife and children at home, was
exchanged and sent to Boston in a cartel, or vessel under a
flag of truce. He enjoyed his homecoming no more than
a few days when he re-entered the service of his country as a
privateersman and was again captured during his first cruise,
and sent to the notorious prison ship Jersey in New York
harbor. He was not paroled until the spring of 1783, when
with health shattered by reason of his years of hardship as a
prisoner of war he returned to Cambridge and endeavored to
resume his old occupation of teaching. He mustered a few
scholars at his home in the "Light House Tavern," but con-
sumption had gripped him and he died in the following year,
on March 7, 1784, at the age of thirty-five. He had given the
best years of his life to his country and he died for its cause
with as much indomitable heroism and self-sacrificing devotion
as though musket ball or boarding pike had slain him.

The Journal of William Russell's long captivity in Mill
Prison begins as follows:*

" Dec. 19, 1779. This morning the Boatswain told us to get
ready to go on shore to be examined. Went to the Fountain
Inn Dock. Examined by two Justices and committed to Mill
Prison in Plymouth for Piracy, Treason and Rebellion against
His Majesty on the High Sea.f This evening came to the

* From manuscripts in the possession of the Essex Institute, Salem.

t The commitment proceedings in the case of William Russell were conducted
by two justices, and their findings read in part as follows:

"For as much as appears unto James Young and Ralph Mitchell, two of
the Justices of our Lord the King, assigned to keep the Peace within the said
county (of Devon) on the examination of William Russell, Mariner late of the
Colony of Massachusetts Bay in North America, a Prisoner brought before us,
charged with being found in Arms and Rebellion on the High Seas on board the

124

V? -s- « "5 V » «1 .~S v i >\ "S '•«. »' ^"N" i "

Journal of William Russell

Prison, finding 168 Americans among whom was Captain Manley
and some more of my acquaintances. Our diet is short, only
f pound of beef, 1 Ib. of bread, 1 qt. of beer per day per man."

Much of this vivacious journal is occupied with the stories of
attempted escapes from the prison. The punishment was
severe, but nothing could daunt the high spirits of these Yankee
seamen who were continually burrowing through the walls,
gnawing their way to liberty like so many beavers, and now
and then scoring a success. This appears to have been their
chief diversion, a warfare of wits waged against their guards,
with considerable good humor on both sides. Less than two
weeks after his commitment William Russell records, January
1, 1780: "Made a breach in the wall of the Prison, with the
design of escaping, but it was discovered by the Sentinel on the
other side. The masons were sent to mend it but it being
dinner time they left for dinner and two Sentinels were placed
to prevent our escape. Eight of our men put on frocks and
took mortar and daubed their clothing, going through the hole
as workmen. One of them came back into the yard undis-
covered, but the rest were taken or gave themselves up.

" Jan. 7th. Began another hole at the south end of the
prison. The dirt was put in our bread sacks which was the
occasion of our being found out. The masons were scut for
and the hole stopped again. Richard Goss, Jacob Vickary,
Samuel Goss and John Stacey were put upon one half diet and
confined to the Black Hole for forty days.

Jason ship American Privateer, sailed out of Boston in North America, and
commissioned by the North American Congress, which was taken by the Sur-
prise, English Frigate;

" That the said William Russell was taken at Sea in the High Treason Act
committed on the High Seas, out of the Realm on the 29th day of September
last, being then and there found in Arms levying War, in Rebellion and aiding
the King's Enemies, and was landed in Dartmouth in the County of Devon,
and the said William Russell now brought before in the Parish of Stock Dem-
ereall aforesaid, charged with and to be committed for the said oflense to the
Old Mill Prison in the Borough of Plymouth."

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

" Jan. 28th. Began upon the same again and tho' the two
Sentinels were kept with us all night, and two lamps burning,
we went on with it with great success. The weather being
very rainy and frost in the ground which thawed just as we
were going through, the Sentinel marching on his post broke
into the hole that ran across the road. Immediately the guard
was alarmed and came into the prison, some with guns, some
with cutlasses. However we got to our hammocks and laughed
at them. One of the prisoners threw a bag of stones down
stairs and liked to have killed a drummer. The hole was
mended next day and all hopes of our escape is at an end.
Very bad weather and very dark times."

The attention of these energetic prisoners was diverted from
more attempts to break through the walls by the tidings of the
arrival of a cartel or vessel sent to take home exchanged Ameri-
cans. The list of "Pardons," as the journal calls them, did
not include Captain Manley and the men of the Jason, and on
March 5th it is related :

" One hundred embarked to-day in the cartel for France, we
remained in good spirits. I wrote a petition to the Honourable
Commissioners for taking care of Sick and Hurt Seamen at
London, in Captain Manley's name, to obtain His Majesty's
pardon for nineteen Americans that came after the 168 that
were pardoned, that we might be ready to go in the next draft.
The cartel sailed and we are awaiting her return writh great
expectation of being released from this disagreeable confine-
ment."

The story of their bitter disappointment is told in a letter
written by William Russell to his wife in Boston at this time.
This true-hearted patriot was much concerned about the for-
tunes of his fighting countrymen, news of whom was filtering
into Mill Prison in the form of belated and distorted rumors.
He wrote:

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Journal of William Russell

"My DEAR:

" I transmit these few lines to you with my best love, hoping
by the blessing of God they will find you and my children, with
our Mother, Brother and Sisters, and all relations in as good
state of health as they leave me, but more composed in mind.
I desire to bless Almighty God for the measure of health I have
enjoyed since this year came in, as I have not had but one
twenty-four hours' illness, tho' confined in this disagreeable
prison, forgotten as it seems by my Countrymen.

" My dear, in my last letter sent by Mr. Daniel Lane, I men-
tioned my expectation of being at home this summer (but how
soon are the hopes of vain man disappointed), and indeed
everything promised fair for it till the return of the Cartel from
France which was the 20th of last month. We expected then
to be exchanged, but to our sorrow found that she brought no
prisoners back. She lay some weeks in Stone Pool waiting for
orders, till at last orders came from the Board at London that
she was suspended until such time as they knew why the pris-
oners were not sent. Then all hope of our being exchanged
was and still is at an end, except kind Providence interposes.

" It is very evident that the People here are in no wise blame-
able, for they were ready and willing to exchange us, had there
been anybody sent from France. We have been informed by
one of our friends that saw a letter from Doctor Franklin
which mentioned that the reason of our not being exchanged
was owing to the neglect of Monsieur Le Sardine, Minister at
France. If so I shall never love a Frenchman. However, God
only knows!

"I understand Mr. John -Adams has superseded Doctor
Franklin at France, to whom I am going to write if he can't
get us exchanged this Fall. If he don't I think many in the
yard will enter into the King's service. And I should myself,
was it not that (by so doing) / must sell my Country, and that

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

which is much more dearer to me, yourself and my children, but
I rely wholly on God, knowing He will deliver me in His own
good time.

" I am extremely sorry to hear that Charleston is taken. Had
our people beat them there the War would have been over, for
that was all their dependence. They would have readily
granted us our Independence for they are sick of the War.
It is not too late yet if the people in America would turn out in
good spirit, as they might soon drive them off the Earth."

The foregoing letter was written in April, 1780, and Charles-
ton was not captured by General Clinton's army until May
12th. It was a false report, therefore, which brought grief to
the heart of William Russell and his comrades, and must have
been bom of the fact that Clinton was preparing to make an
overland march against Charleston from his base at Savannah.
The history of two and a half years of the Revolution as it was
conveyed to the Americans in Mill Prison in piecemeal and
hearsay rumors was a singularly grotesque bundle of fiction
and facts.

No sooner was the hope of exchange shattered than the
industrious Americans were again absorbed in the game of
playing hide-and-seek with the prison guard. On April llth,
William Russell goes on to say in his matter-of-fact fashion:

"This evening Captain Manley and six others got over the
sink dill wall and went across the yard into the long prison sink
and got over the wall, except Mr. Patten who seeing somebody
in the garden he was to cross was afraid to go down the wall
by the rope. He came back and burst into the prison by the
window, frightening the Sentinel who was placed to prevent
escapes. He in turn alarmed the guard, but by this time the
rest had got into Plymouth, and being late at night they took
shelter in Guildhall. The guard finding a rope over the wall
knew that somebody had made their escape. They surrounded

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Journal of William Russell

Plymouth, made a search and found Captain Manley, Mr.
Drummond, Knight, Neagle and Pike, and put them into the
Black Hole that night."

A more cheering item of news found its way into the journal
under date of June 27th:

"Somerset Militia mounted guard. Have just heard from a
friend that Captain Paul Jones had taken two Frigates, one
Brig and a Cutter."

There is something fine and inspiriting in the following
paragraph which speaks for itself:

" July 4, 1780. To-day being the Anniversary of American
Independence, the American prisoners wore the thirteen Stars
and Stripes drawn on pieces of paper on their hats with the
motto, Independence, Liberty or Death. Just before one o'clock
we drew up in line in the yard and gave Thirteen Cheers for
the Thirteen United States of America and were answered by
the French prisoners. The whole was conducted in a decent
manner and the day spent in mirth."

It is the more to be regretted that Mr. Patten and one John
Adams should have chosen this day to turn traitor and enlist
on board the British sixty-four guri ship Dunkirk " after abusing
Captain Manley in a shameful manner." To atone for their
desertion of their flag, however, there is the shining instance
of one Pike as told on July 26th:

"When we were turning in at sunset some high words arose
between the soldiers and our people. An officer and two men
came to the window and asked if we were English, and began
to use uncivil language. Upon which Pike said he was an
Englishman and was taken by the Americans in the first of the
war, and would fight for them as long as they had a vessel
afloat. They called him a rascal and threatened to put him in
the Black Hole. We laughed at them and told them there were
more rascals outside than in. They went out of the yard and

129

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

soon returned with six or seven more soldiers to put Pike into
the Black Hole, but not knowing him they seized on several
and let them go. They searched the prison, and we told them
that if they confined one they should confine all. Whereupon
they went out again and we clapped our hands at them and
gave them three Cheers."

Late in July the master, mate and crew of the American
Letter of Marque Aurora were brought into the prison, increas-
ing the number of American prisoners to an even hundred.
That England was fighting the world at large during this period
appears in the muster roll of Mill Prison which included also
£87 French and 400 Spanish seamen.

The capture of Henry Laurens, formerly President of the
Congress of the United States and recently appointed Minister
to Holland, was a matter of great interest to the Yankee seamen
in Mill Prison, and the diarist has this to say about it in his
journal for September, 1780:

" 10th. A frigate arrived last Friday at Dartmouth from
New Foundland and brought three Americans as prisoners.
One was Henry Laurens, Esq., of South Carolina who was
taken in a tobacco-laden vessel which sailed with a fleet of
twelve from Virginia.

"Mr. Laurens, Esq., late President of the Congress of the
United States but now Ambassador to Holland, and his clerk,
were committed to the Tower after a spirited speech."

"Sept. 30, 1780. To-day I am twelve Months a Prisoner
and fourteen Months since I left Home."

Thus ends the chronicle of the first year of William Russell's
wearing exile in Old Mill Prison, the story of a brave and
patient man who showed far more concern for the cause of his
fellow patriots at home than for his own hapless plight and
separation from his loved ones. Crew after crew of American
privateering vessels had been brought into the prison, and

130

Journal of William Russell

most of this unfortunate company seem to have been of a
dauntless and cheerful temper. They had tried one hazard
of escape after another, only to be flung into the "Black Hole"
with the greatest regularity. And whereas in other British
jails and in their prison ships there were scenes of barbarous
oppression and suffering, these sea-dogs behind the gray walls
at Plymouth appear to have been on terms of considerable
friendliness with their guards, except for the frequent and
painful excursions to the "Black Hole." The Americans,
however, took their punishment as a necessary evil following
on the heels of their audacious excursions over and through
the prison walls.

Christmastide of 1780 brought a large addition to the prison
company, eighty-six Frenchmen from Quebec and nine Ameri-
cans belonging to the privateerships Harlequin and Jack of
Salem and the Terrible of Marblehead. All hands found cause
for rejoicing that war was declared between Holland and Eng-
land, and the journal makes mention on December 25th:

" To-day being Christmas and the happy news of the Dutch
War, I drew up the Americans in the yard at one o'clock
to Huzza in the following manner: Three times for France;
three times for Spain; and seven times for the seven states of
Holland. The French in the other yard answered us and the
whole was performed in a decent manner.

"28th. Captain Samuel Gerrish made his escape over the
wall into the French prison. He remained in the French prison
all night and went off about eight o'clock this morning. We
were informed that Captain Gerrish got the French barber to
dress his hair this morning in the prison. A little while after,
Mr. Cowdry with some French officers came into the yard, and
when they retired Captain Gerrish placed himself among them,
and went out bowing to the Agent who did not know him.
He has not been heard of since. The Agent ordered all the

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

prisoners shut up at noon. After dinner we were all called over,
but no Captain Gerrish. The Agent is pretty good-natured.
Mr. Saurey brought us our money, and says he has enough for
us all winter.

"Dec. 31st. We have now 122 Dutch prisoners. The year
closes at twelve o'clock midnight; and we still in prison.

"1781. Jany. 1st. A Sentinel informed Captain Manley
to-day that a Minister in Cornwall had been in a trance and
when he came out said that England would be reduced and
lose two Capital places or Cities, and that in the run of a year
there would be Peace.

"3d. To-day eighteen or twenty of the Americans innocu-
lated themselves for the Small Pox. Mr. Saurey came to-day
and brought our money which is augmented to a Shilling a
week and to be continued during our confinement. Such as
are necessitated for clothes Captain Connyngham is to make a
list of and Mr. Saurey* will send it to Mr. Diggsf at London
in order to obtain them.

"Feb. 4th (Sunday). This morning Captain Manley com-
municated to me that he had received a great deal of abuse
from Captain Daniel Brown and was determined to have satis-
faction by giving him a challenge to fight a duel with pistols,

* In his "History of Prisons," published in 1792, John Howard, the philan-
thropist, mentions in an account of a visit to Forton Prison near Portsmouth
during the Revolution:

"The American prisoners there had an allowance from the States paid by
order of Dr. Franklin."

The small payments of cash doled out to the American seamen in Mill
Prison were entrusted to this Miles Saurey, of London, by Benjamin Franklin,
at that time in France as Minister.

t Under date of " Passy, 25 June, 1782," Franklin wrote his friend Robert
R. Livingston:

"I have long suffered with these poor brave men who with so much public
virtue have endured four or five years' hard imprisonment rather than serve
against their country. I have done all I could toward making their situation
more comfortable but their numbers were so great that I could do little for each,
and that very great villain, Digges, defrautled them of between three and four
hundred pounds, which he drew from me on their account."

Journal of William Russell

and desired me to load them. Accordingly Captain Manley*
went into the chamber and took his pistols with ammunition
and put them on the table and told Captain Brown that he had
been ill-treated and desired him to fight like a Gentleman or
ask his pardon. Brown said he would not ask his pardon and
refused to accept the challenge, upon which Captain Manley
told him he was no Gentleman but a great Coward, and bid
him have a caution how he made use of his name again.

"28th. Read the speech of Sir P. Clark in the House of
Commons, reported in the Sherbourne Gazette, who said that
the American refugees, instead of a Prison ought to have a
Halter.

"An Agent from Congress with proposals is undoubtedly in
London at this time and it is whispered that his terms will be
agreed to by the English Cabinet.

"March 4th. Wrote a letter to my wife and mother."

The letter referred to has been preserved and reads in part :

"MILL PRISON, MARCH 4, 1781.

"Notwithstanding my long confinement, I bless God that I
have not experienced the want of any of the necessaries of life
in this prison, for with my industry! and what I am allowed,
I live comfortably for a prisoner.

"The usage we receive, if I am any judge, is very good, for
we are allowed the liberty of the yard all day and an open
market at the gate to buy or sell, from nine o'clock in the morn-

* The diarist, oddly enough, fails to explain how Captain Manley secured
"his pistols with ammunition" while in prison.

t William Russell had organized a school among the prisoners soon after
his arrival at Plymouth. This school he taught during the two years of his
captivity and the small store of pence received as "tuition fees" enabled him
to buy many extras in the way of food and clothing. There were many youngsters
in the prison who had been taken out of privateers as cabin-boys, powder-boys,
etc., and lads of twelve and thirteen were then shipping as full-fledged seamen
to "fight the British." The prison schoolmaster helped keep these small fire-
brands out of mischief.

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

ing to two in the afternoon, besides we have comfortable lodg-
ings. I have never been in the Black Hole once, for I have
made it my study to behave as a prisoner ought and I am
treated accordingly. Last year before this time we had the
pleasing prospect of an Exchange and one hundred went, but
to my inexpressible grief I see but little hope of being exchanged
now till the war is at an end. Where to lay the blame I'm at a
loss, tho' I think our People might do more than they do.
However, I keep up good spirits and still live in hopes as we
are informed that something is doing for us tho' very slowly."

In a letter written a week later and addressed also to his
wife in Boston, William Russell said:

"You can't imagine the anxiety I have to hear from home,
for my spirits are depressed and I grow melancholy to think in
what situation you must be, with three young children to
maintain. But I hope you will be carried through all your
trouble and remember that there is a God that never suffers
such as put their trust in Him to want."

"May 4, 1781. Samuel Owens informed the Agent of the
people's innoculating themselves for the Small Pox, upon which
the Agent and Doctor of the Royal Hospital came into the
yard and searched the arms of such as had been innoculated
and took the names of the others to report to the Board of
Commissioners.

"May 5th. Samuel Owens, Informer, was cut down* last
night upon which he told the Agent that Mayo and Chase were
the persons and that they had threatened his life. The Agent
threatened to put Mayo in irons. However, upon Mayo's
shaking hands with Owens the matter was settled.

"9th. An account from New York says that Connecticut
and Massachusetts are in the greatest disorder and almost
starved, that their Treasuries are exhausted and their Taxes
* Meaning that the lashings of his hammock were cut.

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Journal of William Russell

so high that the People refuse to pay them ; that George Wash-
ington has advertised his Estate for Sale. Thus far for you, ye
Lying Gazette!

"Yesterday Captain Manley dressed himself with an intent
to go out at the Gate behind the Doctor. Just as he got past
through the Gate, the Turnkey looked him in the face, which
prevented his escape. In the afternoon Joseph Adams was
dressed for the same purpose, which would have been effected
had not Captain Connyngham prevented. To-day a lugger's
crew was brought to Prison, forty in number, mostly Americans.
Nothing more remarkable except the digging of a hole being
discovered.

"May 18th. Lieutenant Joshua Barney made his escape
over the gate at noon, and has not been missed yet. Mr. James
Adams got over the paling into the little yard in order to escape
but making too great a noise, was discovered by the guard and
was obliged to get back.

" 19th. A tailor brought a suit of clothes to the prison for
Lieutenant Barney by which means his escape was discovered
and we were mustered. The Agent says he saw him at 12
o'clock this day, and has ordered us to be locked in the yard all
day, dinner time excepted. The way we concealed his escape
was when we were counted into the prison we put a young boy
out through the window and he was counted twice. So much
for one of our Mill Prison capers!"

This Lieutenant Joshua Barney, after whom one of the
torpedo craft of the modern American navy is named, made a
brilliant sea record, both as an officer of the naval service and
as a fighting privateersman. His escape from Mill Prison was
perhaps the most picturesque incident of his career. Although
the story of his flight came back to William Russell and his
comrades only as a scanty report that he had made way to sea,
it is known from other sources that after leaving the prison

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Lieutenant Barney found refuge in the home of a venerable
clergyman of Plymouth who sympathized with the American
cause. There he was so fortunate as to find two friends from
New Jersey, Colonel William Richardson, and Doctor Hind-
man, who had been captured as passengers in a merchant vessel
and were seeking an opportunity to return home. They had
bought a fishing smack in which they proposed sailing to France
as the first stage of their voyage.

Barney disguised himself as a fisherman and safely joined the
smack as pilot and seaman. They put to sea past the fleet of
British war vessels off Plymouth, and stood for the French coast.
Alas, a Guernsey privateer overhauled them in the Channel
and insisted upon searching the smack. Barney played a
desperate game by throwing off his fisherman's great coat and
revealing the uniform of a British officer. He declared that
he was bound for France on a secret and urgent business of an
official nature and demanded that he be suffered to proceed on
his course. The skipper of the privateer was suspicious and
stubborn, however, and the upshot of it was that the smack was
ordered back to Plymouth.

Making the best of the perilous situation, Barney insisted
that he be taken aboard the flagship of Admiral Digby, wrhere
"his captor would find cause to repent of his rash enterprise."
Once in Plymouth harbor, however, the American officer
escaped to shore and after wandering far and wide amid hair-
breadth escapes from recapture found a haven in the heavily
wooded grounds of Lord Edgecomb's estate. From this hiding
place he managed to return to the home of the clergyman
whence he had set out. Three days later, in another kind of
disguise he took a post chaise to Exeter, and from there fled by
stage to Bristol, and so to London, France and Holland.

In Holland Lieutenant Barney secured passage in the private
armed ship Smith Carolina, bound to Bilboa. In his diary,

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Journal of William Russell

John Trumbull, the famous American painter, pays a fine trib-
ute to the seamanship of Joshua Barney. The South Carolina
was caught in a terrific storm which strewed the English Chan-
nel with shattered shipping. The vessel was driving onto the
coast of Heligoland, and almost helpless. "The ship became
unmanageable," writes Trumbull, "the officers lost their self-
possession, and the crew all confidence in them, while for a
few moments all was confusion and dismay. Happily for us
Commodore Barney was among the passengers — he had just
escaped from Mill Prison. Hearing the increased tumult aloft,
and feeling the ungoverned motion of the ship, he flew upon
deck, saw the danger, assumed command, the men obeyed, and
he soon had her again under control."

Shortly after reaching America, Lieutenant Barney was
offered command of the Hyder Ally, a ship commissioned by the
Pennsylvania Legislature, mounting sixteen six-pounders and
carrying one hundred and twenty men. In this converted
merchantman, hastily manned and equipped, Barney won one
of the most brilliant naval victories of the Revolution against
the General Monk off the Capes of the Delaware.

137

CHAPTER VIII

THE JOURNAL OF WILLIAM RUSSELL (continued)

(1779-1783)

WHILE the ship's clerk and diarist, William Russell,
made almost no complaint during the first year
and a half of his captivity, and while there seems
to have been an astonishing amount of good humor in the
relations between the prisoners and their jailors, certain griev-
ances suffered with a brave and dogged hardihood were brought
at length to the attention of the English Government. Singularly
enough, as it appears from our far distant view-point, the
initiative in the effort to make the situation of the American
prisoners more endurable was undertaken by an English noble-
man, the Duke of Richmond, a leader in the councils of the
Whig party, who favored granting absolute independence to
the American Colonies. Early in June of 1781 William Russell
wrote in his journal:

" Received a letter from the Duke of Richmond in an answer
to the one we sent. He says we had best petition for Cloathing
and more victuals, and more Prison room, and omit mentioning
Committee, War, Exchange and our being Committed, as it would
cause debate in the House* and take their attention from the
other parts of the Petition."

The Parliamentary records show that the petitions drawn up
in Mill Prison as the result of this advice were made the subject
of debate in the latter part of June. The Duke of Richmond

* Whether they were rebels or prisoners of war.

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The Journal of William Russell

laid a memorial before the House of Lords, together with the
prisoners' petitions, of which action the British Parliamentary
Record for 1781 records:

" Several motions were grounded on these petitions, but those
proposed by the Lords and gentlemen in the Opposition were
determined in the negative, and others, to exculpate the Govern-
ment in this business, were resolved in the affirmative. It
appeared upon inquiry that the American prisoners were
allowed half a pound of bread less per day than the French and
Spanish prisoners. But the petitions of the Americans produced
no alterations in their favor, and the conduct of the Administra-
tion was equally impolitic and illiberal."

In the House of Commons the pleas of the Americans in Mill
Prison were first debated on June 20, 1781, their petitions
representing that they were "debarred of the many benefits
which are usually and generally shown to all other prisoners
and captives, almost naked and barefooted, and in their being
allowed and supplied with only two-thirds the quantity of
bread usually and daily allowed the prisoners of France, Spain
and Holland, etc."

The petitions were ordered to be considered on June 29th,
on which date a physician from the Sick and Hurt Office of the
Old Mill Prison was called to the Bar of the House as a witness.
"He informed the House that the prisoners had an allowance
per day per man of 1 Ib. of bread, f of a Ib. of meat, 1 pot
of beer, ^ an oz. of butter or cheese, together with about \ pint
of peas or greens. This was not so much as the French, Spanish
or Dutch Prisoners, but this allowance was made for the Ameri-
cans before the War with France."

The British navy ration during this period was as follows:

Sunday, 1 Ib. of biscuit, 1 gallon of Small Beer, one (1) Ib.
of pork and half a pint of pease.

Monday, one Pound of Biscuit, one Gallon of Small Beer, one

139

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Pint of Oatmeal, two Ounces of Butter, and four Ounces of
Cheese.

Tuesday, one Pound of Biscuit, one Gallon of Small Beer,
and two pounds of Beef.

Wednesday, One pound of Biscuit, one Gallon of Small Beer,
half a Pint of Pease, a pint of Oatmeal, two Ounces of Butter
and four Ounces of Cheese.

Thursday, same as Sunday.

Friday, same as Wednesday.

Saturday, same as Tuesday.

The difference between the allowances of the American
prisoners and the British sailor may be tabulated as follows:

FULL WEEKLY ALLOWANCE

Rations per man
Americans English Navy

Biscuit or Bread 7 pounds 7 pounds

Beer If gallons 7 gallons

Pork ) ., , ( 2 pounds

T, , > 5t pounds

Beef ) ( 4 pounds

Pease 3£ pints 1 quart

Oatmeal 3 pints

Butter ) Ol (6 ounces

™ >• 34 ounces

Cheese I 12 ounces

Or to compare the total weight of rations, exclusive of beer,
the Americans received fifteen pounds and four ounces of food
per week per man, and the British sailors sixteen and one-half
pounds, two ounces. The prisoners were compelled to follow
a confined and sedentary habit of life, while the British tar was
hard at work in the out-of-doors. Bearing this fact in mind,
it would appear that the seamen in Old Mill Prison fared as
well as the sailors and marines behind Britain's walls of oak.

This apparent fairness of treatment in the matter of rations,
however, needs qualification. It is known that the allowances

140

The Journal of William Russell

were often below the scheduled weight and amount. John
Howard in his History of Prisons states of his visit to Forton
Prison, Portsmouth:

"At my visit Nov. 6, 1782, I found there was no separation
of the Americans from other prisoners of war, and they had the
same allowances of bread, viz., one pound and a half each.
. . . The wards were not cleaned. No regulations hung up.
I weighed several of the 6 Ib. loaves, and they all wanted some
ounces of weight."

William Russell's journal goes on to relate:

5fC 5JC ?|C 5fC JjC •)€

"June 18th. I was abused by Benj. Stetson, and am very
sorry to say that my Countrymen are void of the feelings of
humanity (after serving them at all times as I have done, to
suffer me to be ill-treated by so absurd a fellow), or they would
have resented my abuse ; however, being fully determined during
my Confinement, whether longer or shorter, upon any occasion
whatsoever, never more to have anything to do with the affairs
of the prison, either directly or indirectly; and am sorry to find
a set of Men, who call themselves Americans so void of virtue.

"This afternoon Mr. Silas Talbot* got into the cookroom,

* Silas Talbot went to sea as a cabin boy in his thirteenth year, and won his
way to the merchant quarterdeck while in his teens. At twenty-one he had
built himself a home in Providence, in 1772. He was commissioned a captain
in a Rhode Island regiment in 1775, and after the operations around Boston
he was ordered to New York. While on the way he joined the squadron of
Captain Ezek Hopkins at New London as a volunteer, helped the snips reach
Providence and then proceeded to New York. There he was given command
of a fireship, several of which had been equipped to be sent against the British
fleet. Captain Talbot launched his inflammable craft against the sixty-four-
gun ship of the line Asia, and was so badly burned that he was blind for some
time. For his gallantry Congress made him a major.

He was wounded in the attack on Fort Mifflin in November, 1777, and went
home to recuperate. In the campaign of the next year he was assigned to build
and assemble a fleet of boats for transferring General Sullivan's army to Rhode
Island as part of a plan to drive the British from that region. A little later this
versatile officer fitted out a coasting schooner, the Hawk, with sixty men, and
attacked and captured the brig Pigot .against heavy odds, cutting her out from
under the guns of a Rhode Island fort. For this exploit Captain Talbot was

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

and went out at the Gate, and set out for Plymouth, but was
discovered, brought back and confined in the Black Hole.

" July 4, 1781. This being the fifth anniversary of American
Independence the American prisoners in this Prison wore
Cockades in their Hats with thirteen Stripes and Stars, and at
12 o'clock at noon drew up in the yard and gave thirteen cheers
and hoisted an ensign with thirteen Stripes at large. We
were answered by the French and Spanish with display of
colours to the great mortification of our enemy. The whole
was conducted in a decent manner and the day spent in mirth.

"5th. Captain Talbot came into our prison in order to
escape through a hole to be opened to-night. Captain Manley
wanted the same favor but was denied. We thought the hole
was discovered, but it was not.

" 6th. This morning our people at about two o'clock opened

promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel (for he was still a nominal soldier),
and Rhode Island gave him a sword.

Late in 1778 he tried to destroy the fifty-gun ship Renmm by attacking her
with a fireship of fairly infernal design, but both vessels became frozen in for
the winter before he could fetch alongside. In the Spring of 1779 Captain
Talbot took the little sloop Argo to sea as an army privateer manned by volun-
teer soldiers, and captured three British privateers in rapid succession. Next
he went after the stout privateer King George, which was manned by Tories,
and took her into New London. As an "army privateersman," Captain Talbot
had taken five vessels and now showed his men hard sea fighting by laying
alongside the formidable English privateer Dragon of three hundred tons and
eighty men. He fought her until most of his men on deck were killed or wounded
but made her strike. Before there was time to repair damages he met, fought
and captured the brig Hannah, of twice his size and force.

Congress now saw fit to give this successful soldier-seaman a commission
as captain in the navy. In the Argo he made prize after prize, and fought her
as if she had been a frigate. In fact he did not have a craft worth calling a
war vessel until the private cruiser General Washington was given him in 1780.
She mounted twenty six-pounders and carried HO men. In his first cruise in
her Captain Talbot took a large merchantman from Charleston to London, but
soon after this he had the misfortune to be overhauled and captured by the
fleet of Admiral Arbuthnot off Sandy Hook. He was first confined in the
prison ship Jersey, but toward the end of 1780 was taken to Mill Prison, Eng-
land. In October, 1781, he was released and made his way home by way of
France. After the Revolution Captain Silas Talbot was on the regular navy
list, and commanded the Constitution in 1799. One of the new torpedo craft
has been named in his honor.

The Journal of William Russell

the hole through the wall into a pasture on the southeast side
of the prison. It not being large enough at the farther end by
reason of a rock, few could get out without stripping. Mr.
Thomas Farless of Salem, Samuel Hubbell, Samuel Simons,
Zachariah Bassett, W. B. Fogg, and Isaac Chauncey got out.
The Relief going to the hole saw one of the men, and the Sen-
tinel fired, which alarmed the Guard. They were pursued, and
Farless, Bassett, Hubbell and Simons were retaken and con-
fined in the Black Hole. Fogg and Chauncey escaped without
Coats or jackets and are not heard of yet.

" 12th. We heard a flying report that we are to be exchanged
for the Snake Packet's crew taken by the American Privateer
Pilgrim. This morning we were locked out in the yard owing
to boys begging at holes in the prison. The Agent called
Captain Manley into the Office and informed him that there
was a probability of some of us being exchanged for those men
set at liberty by the Pilgrim and advised him to write to his
friends about it. Mr. Turner informed Captain Henfield that
fifty-seven of us would be exchanged if no more, and they
expected to hear on Tuesday next. Pie did not doubt that the
whole would go soon for he understood there were prisoners
enough in France and Spain to exchange all the Americans in
England.

"20th. Francis Henry de la Motte was tried at the Old
Bailey last week for Treason and found guilty. He wras sen-
tenced to be hanged by the neck, not dead, his bowels to be
taken out, and burnt before his face, his head severed from his
body, his body cut in four quarters and them with his head to
be at the King's disposal. The above La Motte was a Spy
and had furnished the French with intelligence.

"This morning fourteen men belonging to the ship Essex
and Brig Phenix of Boston were committed here and two
brought in by the Galatia from Carolina. Received the agree-

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able news by Mr. Stratton of Boston or Cambridge of my Wife
and family's health, that Brother Moses (Richardson) was
married to Miss Sally Clark, that Elias (Richardson) was out
of the Army and that Hard Money and Provisions was plentiful
in Boston.

" 24th. This morning James Bryant of Philadelphia entered
on board of a Man of War. This P.M. twenty Americans were
brought to the Justices and committed. Ten of them said
they were not taken in arms. These were ordered on board
different (British) ships of war, the remaining ten belonging to
various ships were committed, viz., more of ship Essex, Brig
Eagle and sloop Hunter (taken at Eustacia).

"25th. This afternoon eight Americans entered the British
service, viz., Noah Power, Benj. Go win, James Hickey, M.
McGraw, Jno. Ennis, Jas. Johnstone, George Roshford. This
P.M. the whole Prison was brought to an allowance of Water,
one quart per man, and that took from a Ditch, very thick and
dirty, resembling Water from our Frog Ponds. Be astonished,
Heavens, and tremble, oh Earth, when thou contest to hear of
People on an allowance of Water in an Inhabited Land. May
the All Wise God whose Omnipotence and Omnipresence is
Universal quickly extricate us from the cruel and tryannical
Power of Britain who wantonly sports with our Calamity and
like Pharoah of old will not let us go. However, we hope to have
some rain to flow in the Springs.

"25th. We have the agreeable news of Lord Cornwallis
being defeated and himself and Army being made Prisoners,
but don't give much credit to it.*

"30th. Thomas Campbell of Virginia, William Leach of
Maryland, and John Williams, an Englishman, entered on
board a Man of War, Williams had been transported some

* Cornwallis did not surrender his army at Yorktown until October 19, 1781,
or three months later than the date of this rumor.

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time gone for stealing. Whilst here he stole sixteen dollars from
one of his fellow prisoners which occasioned him to quit our
Company. The Soldiers found a hole we had begun to dig
under the stairs and took away our trowel and digging instru-
ments. The Agent was huffy and threatened us very much.

"August 1, 1781. This morning all hands were turned out
into the yard and the Prison locked. Cowdry has ordered no
Beer to come to the Gate and is as full of spite as an Infernal
Fiend could be. A letter from Captain Connyngham at France
says that no blame is to be laid to Doctor Franklin concerning
our Exchange; that the French had tried to .persuade the
British Minister to exchange us for Englishmen taken by
them. But they return for answer that they'll exchange for
none but such as are taken under the American flag. He
further states that provision is made and Prisons provided for
the Americans to confine their prisoners in France, so we hope
that something will be done for us. He says also that we had
been allowed a Shilling per week per man, Officers one and
six, which we have not received.

" 2d. Mr. Cowdry gave orders that such as drew Cloathing
some time gone to produce the same. We went through an
Examination and the newcomers were put down for Cloathes.
The Prison was opened all day and Strong Beer allowed to
come to the Gate.

"5th. Captain Edward Chase, Officer of the Guard (East
Devon Militia), ordered his Sentinels to use us with the greatest
civility, and gave permission for each man to have a pint of
Strong Beer and ordered the Soldiers to fetch us Water, the
Waiters not supplying us as they ought to. The Captain will
report both them and the Agent to the General.

"6th. This morning before the old guard marched off, I
returned the thanks of our Ward to the Captain of the Guard
for his civilities whilst on Guard, viz:

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

"MiLL PRISON, Monday Morning, 6th August, 1781.

" (Ward, Letter B.)
"HONOR'D SIR:

" We return you our warmest thanks for the many favors we
have experienced from you whilst on Guard, especially in
ordering and seeing that we was supplied with Water, and the
Indulgence, in permitting us to refresh ourselves by purchasing
a Drink of Strong Beer, which is not allowed us on Sunday,
for which kind favors we shall ever retain a grateful acknowl-
edgment.

"Signed) AMERICAN PRISONERS.
" To Capt. of Guard.

" 8th. Adoniram Hidden of Rowley died with the Small Pox.
There are twenty down with it now. Nothing material to-day,
except a few words between Mr. Cowdry and the Sergeant of
the Guard.

"9th. Mr. Saurey brought our money, and said he had no
Orders to give us any more than Sixpence, the money being
exhausted, and what we received came from Doctor Franklin.
Mr. Saurey went away in a great passion.

"The ungrateful in our Ward accused Capt. Manley with
knowing in what manner the money was used. Mr. Appledale
waited upon him, and Captain Manley satisfied him. After
dinner one Peter Aspinwall took it upon himself to handle
Captain Manley 's character very slender, which highly incensed
me, and occasioned me to take the part of my Captain, which I
did, and told them they were no Men, to talk against a gentle-
man behind his back; and told them if they had anything against
him I would call him out, and let them say it before his face.
A number of high words passed, but I soon silenced them, but
shall ever hold them in detestation.

" 10th. The Officer of the Guard ordered his Sergeants to

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see we had clean water; the water being very dirty in the tub,
the sergeant overset it. Mr. Turner sided in with them, and
the waiters were obliged to fetch that which was clean. The
Officer and his Guard treated us very kind.

" 13th. This morning Mr. Cowdry turned us all out, and
locked the Prison. We had a great deal of noise with him.
P.M. All hands turned out. The Agent came into the Yard,
and called for the whole Guard, except the Officers. We
formed a Circle around him and had a deal of talk; one of our
People threw a stone at him which lodged in his hat whereupon
he ordered the Soldiers to draw their Bayonets, and seize the
man by the collar and bring him before him. The Soldiers
did not obey through fear — we laughed, and the Agent turn'd,
and went out of the Yard. We gave three cheers after him and
he went into his Office and talked from his Window, threatening
us very hard. He said he'd put us on one half diet, and said
we should not be allow 'd to purchase anything after hours,
however he let the Woman come to the Gate with milk. In
all his actions he seemed as if he would burst with spite, and
what angered him the most was we would not listen to his
discourse. What set him in this frenzy we can't tell, unless it
was his Old Friend and Ally, the Devil, by whom he acts. Noth-
ing more remarkable.

" 14th. This morning we were turned out of our Prison to
have it smoked by the Agent's orders. 188 men are on half
diet. P.M. The Turnkeys and Soldiers came to turn us out
of the long Prison, and lock the door. Our People refused
and told the Corporal they would not go out, that Mr. Cowdry
had done as much as he could by putting them on half allow-
ance, and shewed the meat which was not four ounces. The
Corporal said it was a shame, and he'd acquaint his Officer.
He went out and the Soldiers with him. About two hours
after the Officers came into the Yard and Lieut. Brown

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

and the other Gentlemen behaved very pretty, and did not
insist upon our turning out. We asked the liberty for a drink
of Strong Beer and it was granted us. The Agent came hi at
the same time. Opening his window, he told us he was sorry
that the innocent were punished with the guilty, but he was
determined to keep us on hah0 allowance 'till we gave up the
man who threw the stone (in short Mr. Cowdry talked well).
At last seeing it would not do to stand out, and as he seemed
pliable, we told him we had drawn lots, and had a man ready
for him to be given up (which we had not). Mr. Cowdry said
if that was the case he would not take him, but would restore
us to full diet, and give us the back allowances and restore us
to our former liberties, and if we would keep the Prison clean
and the Hammocks turned back, we should not only have the
Prison open to us, but he would do anything for us that lay in
his power. He granted the liberty of purchasing Beer, and
said the fellow that abused him might go, like a rascal!

" 15th. Mr. Cowdry seems very good natured. I went into
the Office for him to inspect a couple of letters for me to America;
he only looked on the Directions and sealed them and gave
them to me to deliver to the person myself who is to convey
them.

"Mr. Cowdry gave me liberty to improve my Hammock in
the day time, at School Hours, and desired me to set the example
by turning it back after I had done.

" 16th. Doctor Ball came to see if the Prison was clean and
the Hammocks turned back. He made a great deal of noise
about the stairs, and threatened us with one-half allowance,
tho' the Prison was very clean considering there is nigh 200 men
in it, but they must do something to show their despotic power
over a few Americans, whom they hate as they do the Devil. I
hope God will soon extricate us out of their hands.

"21st. This morning Mr. Danforth, the lawyer, son of the

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late Judge Danforth, of Cambridge, came here to offer his
Services to any belonging to Boston, Charleston, or Cambridge,
that were confined unjustly. By what authority, or who sent
him, I can't understand.

"We have heard the melancholy news of our money being
out, and we in a miserable condition ; no news of an exchange,
and our People daily entering the British Service.*

"24th. To-day being His Most Christian Majestie's Birth-
day, the French Prisoners displayed their Colors and in the
afternoon gave three cheers, which was answered by the Ameri-
cans as we were counted in, but the Guard made a miscount,
and we were ordered out again, and immediately drew up in
the yard and gave thirteen cheers for the United States of
America which was answered by our Friends and Allies the
French.

$ $ $ $ $ $

"Sept. 30, 1781. This year two years gone, I was captured
by the Surprise Frigate (commanded by one Reaves) on the
Banks of New Foundland, in the Ship Jason, John Manley,
Esq., Commander, and carried into St. Johns.

"Oct. 1st. This morning as a dead man was being carried
out for burial, Mr. Absalom Tindall intended to remove him
and go out in the Coffin but had not time to effect it, otherwise
he would have made his escape.

* In a letter to his English friend, David Hartley, Franklin discusses these
grievances as follows:

"I am sony you have had so much trouble in the affairs of the prisoners.
You have been deceived as well as I. No cartel ship has yet appeared, and it
is now evident that the delay has been one of design; to give more opportunity
of seducing the men by promises and hardships to seek their liberty by engaging
against their country; for we learn from those who have escaped that there are
persons continually employed in cajoling and menacing them; representing to
them that we neglect them; that your (British) Government is willing to ex-
change them and that it is our fault if it is not done; that we shall be conquered
and that they will be hanged if they do not accept the gracious offer of being
pardoned on condition of serving the king."

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" We have received an answer to our Petition from the Board
of Commissioners who have granted leave for a Minister to come
to us on Sundays and if a person runs away and is taken he
is to be put on two-third allowance in the Black Hole. They
will not build a Shed in the Yard, and say the Prison must
hold 800 men.

"4th. We learn from yesterday's papers that the Kings cf
Prussia, Sweden and Denmark have agreed that North and
South America shall have their Independence, and that Wash-
ington is augmented with seventy pieces of Cannon and that
his Army consists of 32,835 men.

" 17th. This morning one Ward was detected stealing
Potatoes. Our People took him and hung them about his neck
and made an example of him in the Yard. One of our men
lost two Crowns and a pair of shoes last night, and found them
in Thomas White's Hammock. White denied taking them.
Frederick Blanchard of Carolina was examined and found
guilty. He was sentenced to stand on a stool in the Yard for
twenty minutes, five minutes each facing the four points of the
Compass, with the shoes around his neck and to say in a loud
voice that he was the Thief. Afterwards he was to be taken out
to the Lamp Post and receive six strokes on his Naked Breech
with the Shoes. The whole was performed among a crowd of
spectators.

# $ $ $ # $

"Oct. 19, 1781. To-day the Captains had a Dinner in their
Ward on hearing of the defeat of the English in America.

"24th. There is a Newspaper Quarrel between General
Vaughan and Admiral Rodney concerning the taking of Eustacia
in the West Indies. The Public have them in their Picture shops,
drawn at a dice table and gambling for a pair of Dutch sleeve-
buttons which they had plundered at Eustacia. Rodney throws
his dice and cries: 'Six and four. A good heave, by God.'

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The Journal of William Russell

" There is great talk of making Peace with America.

"25th. To-day being the Anniversary of George the Third's
Accession to the Throne, the Forts displayed their Colours and
fired at one o'clock. Mr. Cowdry hoisted St. George's Jack
at the Gate and fired several Swivels. The sixty that were to
be exchanged have fallen to fifty-three and the Essex crew are
to be included which leaves me to spend my days in a disagree-
able, loathsome Prison.

"28th. Sunday. This afternoon the Rev. Mr. Gibbs
preached to us from 16 Chap. 15 v. of St. Mark's Gospel : ' And
He saith unto them, go into the world and preach the Gospel
to every creature.' Our people behaved in a very decent
manner. After service he returned us thanks. Mr. Cowdry
was very polite and let the People out of the Black Hole.

"29th. Samuel Knapp of Salem who entered on Board the
Echo Sloop of War (British), was taken in the Black Princess
(American), and committed to Prison, was this morning taken
out by a File of Marines, to be tried by a Court Martial for his
Life, by order of the Board of Admiralty.

"I am under the dreadful apprehension of being left out of
the present exchange for I'm informed it's to be a partial one;
when we shall have a chance to get from this awful place, God
alone knows, for I see not the least prospect. Our number
increases daily and we are now 442 Americans, and are daily
expecting 200 more from Ireland. We have no one to blame
but our own Countrymen, who wickedly let their Prisoners
go when captured. Neither has Congress made any provision
for prisoners in France; therefore, we have not the least pros-
pect of being Exchanged till the War is over. For when Capt.
McCarty of the Black Princess carried a number of Pris-
oners into France, and applied to Doctor Franklin for a Prison
to keep them on his account and expense, he was ordered to
give them up to the French Agent and they went for French-

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

men. So we have been served ever since the War by the
negligence of our People in America.

" Is there not some chosen Curse, some hidden Thunder, in the
stores of Heaven, red with uncommon Wrath, to Blast the Men
who owe their greatness to their Country's ruin?

"Nov. 6, 1781. Last night as our people were digging under
the Prison Wall, the Earth broke in and discovered their light
to the Sentinel on the outside, who alarmed the Guard who
came in and found the hole. A Sergeant had his sword broke
and scabbard cut up by our People. One of the officer's
servants, being with the Soldiers, used high words and threatened
to knock us down, whereupon one of our People threw a stone
at him which broke his leg. Mr. Cowdry has debarred us
from the privilege of the market to-day, and demands two men
for digging the hole and a man for throwing the stone at the
servant, and says when the Black Hole is full, he'll put us in
Irons on board the Guard ship, and that everyone that is detected
in digging shall be put back on the list and lose his turn in the
Cartel.

"We are informed by a letter from France that they have a
number of British Privateers now, and hope soon to Exchange,
and that Dr. Franklin is expecting an Agent from Congress,
who will come to England to supply us with money, &c. We
also learn that Mr. Thomas Diggs has wronged us out of 400
Guineas,* and that 500 prisoners had been set on Shore and
Receipts taken, but it was doubtful whether the Ministry would
allow them to be Exchangeable.

"Yesterday, two Years, I sailed on board the Charlotte (a
Snow) one Pigsley, Commander, for Dartmouth, England.

"8th. Last night I had a Dream, that I was in a room

fronting the street, with two windows, each having seats. I

sat myself down and desired a Young Woman (the express

* See footnote on page 132.

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The Journal of William Russell

image of my wife), to sit on my knees. She seemed to refuse; —
I threw my left leg into the window seat, and then desired her
to sit down. She set down in the window seat and I gave her
my right hand, and desired her to give me hers. Accordingly
she did (I had a ring on my middle finger of my right hand
with a stone and four sparks, two on each side of it). I desired
her to give me her heart. She seem'd lovely and every way
like the true possession of my Soul. Would to God I could in a
Dream be sent into the arms of my beloved and adored wife; for
my apprehensions are such that I shall never see her; or at
least find some alteration in my family. May the Lord fit and
prepare me for His wise and holy purposes.

" 9th. The Exeter Journal gives an account of the treacher-
ous Arnold destroying New London, but we don't hear much
of Cornwallis. It's said that the Americans have sued for Peace,
and their proposals are liked by the Ministry. 'Tis likewise
stated that Washington has gone to join Lafayette and Wayne.

" 10th. This morning Mr. Green, White, Brown and Cap-
tain Kemp went out with the Tubs in order to get some brandy
which they purchased with the Sergeant's consent. When
they got back to the Prison gate the Sergeant, with the Sen-
tinel, searched Mr. White, and took from him his liquor and
would have from the rest but they were too quick for him.
Our people threw mud and water at the Sergeant and hooted
him out of the Yard. The fellow was only a lance Sergeant,
by name Ricketts. Richard Tibbets was robbed by the same
Sergeant. However our Smugglers, have had great luck, con-
sidering the number of English Cruisers around.

"llth. Sunday. This P.M. the Rev. Mr. Gibbs preached
a Sermon to us in our Ward from the 15th Chap, of St. Matthew
and 10th verse. 'And He saith unto the Multitude, hear ye,
and understand.' He made an excellent discourse, and a very
fine prayer.

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

"Nov. 14th. Rained very hard last night. Several of our
People taking the opportunity of the rain, intended to make
their escape. As soon as the men were come down by the
rope and had paid the Sentinel, the Guard were alarmed and
the Officer and Soldiers took them as they came out at the end
of the Alley. This is the second time this Officer has done
this dirty action.

"Samuel Knapp of Salem who was retaken in the Black
Princess, after he had entered from this Prison in the Echo
English Sloop of War and deserted her and who was carried
from this Prison on the 30th of October on board the Guard
Ship and put in Irons to be tried for his life, has been set on
shore destitute and naked.

" Great Mars with me, come now and view, this more than Hellish crew!
Great Vulcan send your thunder forth, and all their fields bestrew!
Rain on their heads perpetual fire in one eternal flame:
Let black destruction be their doom, dishonor'd be their name:
Send mighty bolts to strike the traitors, North and Mansfield, dead:
And liquid fires to scald the crown from royal George's head:
Strike all their young posterity, ivith one eternal curse.
Nor pity them, no more than they, have ever pitied us!

" Willm. Russell. Mill Prison, Nov. 23, 1781, 3 P.M.

"25th. Capt. John Malcolm came here to see us to-day;
by whom we received the Agreeable News of the Capture of
Earl Cornwallis by the Army of the United States of America.
'Tis currently reported for truth. We had no preaching to-day,
by reason of the Parson being sick.

"Great are our Expectations, from this Noble Achievement of
Genl. Washington, by which u'e hope to obtain our liberties.

" 27th. One of the 50th Regt. whilst on Sentry in the Prison
last night stole two shirts from Mr. Toombs, who entered a
complaint this A.M. to the Officer who promised a search
should be made. Just before the Guard was reliev'd, one of
the soldiers, in sweeping the Guard room, was seen to put the

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Shirts under the Guard bed. The fellow was immediately
confined and the shirts returned. Mr. Cassaday went into the
office to the agent concerning the billet he wrote and matters
were settled.

" Dec. 31st. Mr. Jos. M * of Nantucket wrote a letter to

us from on Board a British Man of War advising our People to
enter British Service, telling them they will not be exchanged
'till the War is over, and says that he has lost the use of one
arm. It is a pity it ivas not his Neck, for what business had he
to sell his Country, and go to the worst of Enemies. For my part
I wish that every one that joins them may meet with worse fate.

"This is the last day of the year. I am twenty-nine months
from my Dear Wife and Family, and twenty-seven months in
captivity. May the Great and Allwise God, in the Midst of His
Judgments remember Mercy; and point out such ways and means
for our deliverance that we may like Israel (of Old) enjoy the
Promised Land (America) where we may sit down with our Wives
and Families, each under their own vine and fig tree, and the
Sons of Violence not make them afraid.

" 1782, January 1st. This morning, Thos. V * of Brain-
tree was detected in stealing his fellow prisoner's bread. A
Court Martial was called and he plead guilty. He was sen-
tenced to stand on a table in the Yard with the bread in his
hand one-half hour, and to be taken to the Lamp Post, and
whipped twenty-six strokes on the Naked Breech with a Cat.
The above sentence was immediately put in execution by
Mathew Chambers.

"Jan. 4th. This morning our names were called over, and
we were asked if we were taken in Armed Vessels, and whether
anybody swore against us, or if we were Committed by our own
confession. We can't tell what they are going to do with us.

"Mr. Laurens is paroled from the Tower, and it is said
* Illegible in manuscript.
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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

allowed six months after being called for to return in. Whilst
he remained in the Tower, the Keeper charged him, and pre-
sented his Bill for Fees of £95 10s to which Mr. Laurens replied:
'Sir, I believe I must change my lodgings, you grow too dear
for me.'

"Last week a Marine Officer, who had been under arrest
(and discharged) was at the Play. A Colonel seeing him with
a sword on, sent for the Guard to take him. The Marine
Officer drew his Sword on the Colonel, the Soldiers drew their
Bayonets, and a number of Marines being there, they drew
likewise. The Action became general until the People inter-
posed, and parted them, tho' several got wounded.

" 10th. Read in the Plymouth Paper of the 31st December
that last Saturday ' sailed from this place in a Cartel a number
of French and American prisoners, among whom was that
Noted Rebel Commodore Manley,* who took the Fox, and was
afterwards taken by the Rainbow.

" 16th. We learn that Capt. Linsey in a forty-Gun Ship
was risen upon by sixty Prisoners who took the Ship, and threw
him overboard, and towed her into Martinique. The said
Linsey married one of Mr. Inman's daughters of Cambridge.

" 17th. This afternoon went into the Office to see Capt.
Williams t who sails for France to-morrow in a Cartel. This
evening I wrote to my wife and Capt. Manley; likewise to
Mr. Edes.

# * * * * *

"March llth. Captain Green and several of the Gentlemen
made a Frolic, and invited the Officers, eighty in number, to

* " Within a few days past several persons came to town from Philadelphia,
arriving there in 29 days from France. They were lately prisoners in England,
some of whom have been confined since 1777, and have now been exchanged.
The brave but unfortunate Captain J. Manley is one of the number." (Salem
Gazette, April 4, 1782.)

f Captain John Foster Williams of the Continental Cruiser Protector. See
Page 108.

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dinner. A hog that weighed four and one-half score pounds
was barbecued in the yard, a sight never seen in Mill Prison
before. We dined at two o'clock. After dinner a number of very
good Toasts were drunk and the day spent in jollity and mirth.

" 12th. All hands Merry and myself rather Groggy still kept
it up, fiddling and dancing all day in our Ward, everything
conducted peaceably.

" 17th. Sunday. Last Friday Mr. Saury brought us forty-
eight jackets and three great-coats, a present from our friends.
Captain Green began to distribute them, but the Prisoners were
dissatisfied, and would have them divided among the States,
accordingly they were taken back from the men.

" 19th. Yesterday a gentleman came to the Office (who left
London Saturday) for Captain Smith and Mr. Collins as
witnesses in favour of Captain McCarty who is to be tried the
last of this month at the Old Bailey for being found in Arms
against his Majesty while a subject of Great Britain. It is
said that McCarty belongs to France and has a wife and chil-
dren there. Mr. Priest who came down for Captain Smith
informs us that the Bill for our Exchange passed on the 15th,
the third Reading in the House of Commons, and became an
Act and was sent up to the House of Lords. Mr. Saury brought
our money and confirmed the above news.

"20th. The 'Bill for Making a Peace with America,' was
read the first time on the 14th inst. and ordered to be printed.

"21st to 23d. This afternoon the jackets and coats which
was to be divided amongst those most in need, were put to vote,
whether it should be by Lottery, or no. The Lottery carried
the vote but some of the People seiz'd on them, and gave them
to such as stood most in need.

"25th. Benedict Arnold was introduced last week into the
House of Commons and room made for him in the Gallery.
After he was seated, the Speaker arose, and said no business

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

could be done with that man Arnold in the House. The
People turned him out. It's said that Arnold and Elizabeth
his Wife have a pension of £1,000 a year settled on them.

"27th. Mr. John Marsh of Marblehead was brought to
prison in Irons; he has laid in Exeter Goal nigh a year.

"31st. This morning Capt. John Greene rec'd a letter from
Mr. Saurey, informing him that Mr. Henry Laurens arrived in
Plymouth last evening, at the King's Arms Tavern, and intended
to visit the Prison at one-half past two o'clock. Mr. Laurens
came at the time appointed and we turned out to receive him,
each State by themselves. Capt. Greene presented each
State, and the Gentlemen belonging to them to Mr. Laurens,
who discoursed very familiarly with us, and informed us that
he had full power to settle our Exchange, which would be in a
short time. He had received a letter from London for him to
return for that purpose, and should leave to-morrow. He
advised us not to attempt an Escape, but to make ourselves
easy, for he would do everything in his power for us, and did
not doubt we should be away by the 1st of May. We are to be
exchanged for the Grenadiers and Light Infantry of Corn-
wallis' Army which has enough to Exchange every American
Prisoner in this Kingdom, Ireland, Scotland, and all Public
Prisons, and then have 7,000 and some hundred left.

"The People behaved very well and shewed that respect
which was due to so venerable a Person as Mr. Laurens; and
he deserves all the respect that Mortals can show. To speak
of him words fail me. Capt. Greene deserves applause for
his politeness, and the Yard in general were well satisfied with
him. He introduced a number of Gentlemen in the Yard to
Mr. Laurens who had considerable conversation with them.
The gentlemen that came with Mr. Laurens intends to give
each man a pair of shoes.

"April 1, 1782. A new Ministry has been formed, and they

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have desired his Majesty to declare America Independent. He
desires longer time to consider it.

" 3d. This P. M. Mr. Saurey brought a letter from Mr.
Hodgson informing us of our Exchange immediately. We are
to be Cloathed, and furnished with necessaries for our voyage in
a decent manner. He speaks very prettily of the New Ministry
and advises Cowdry to use us well as a Means to recommend him-
self to the New Ministry, as his Severity did to the Old. He
desires us not to attempt an Escape, as it will be to the highest
degree a Folly, inasmuch as we are likely to get home in a man-
ner much more commodious than if we were our own providers.
The New Ministry seem to make great Changes in this Kingdom,
and are determined to use us different from the Old, by granting
us every Indulgence. We are preparing facts to break Cowdry.

" 5th. This morning Capt. Kemp and six others who escaped
with him were missed; we were called over but we were
determined to throw the blame of the running away on the
50th Regmt. who were then on Guard, because they have used
us so badly, firing and wounding our People several times;
wherefore we would not conceal it any longer.

"8th. We expect some Americans here from Ireland. We
are now 584 in these Prisons, and all in good spirits, in daily
expectation of our liberty.

"9th. This P. M. seventy American prisoners were brought
here from Ireland. They were escorted by the Gloucester
Militia, as prisoners of War, with Musick, &c. They are the
first Americans that's been put to Prison, without being Committed
by a Magistrate, which acknowledges America a Power.*"

* In a letter to the Committee of Foreign Affairs of the American Congress,
Franklin wrote:

"The late Act of Parliament for exchanging American prisoners as Prisoners
of War according to the law of nations (anything in their Commitments notwith-
standing), seems to me a renounciation of their pretensions to try our people
as subjects guilty of high treason, and to be a kind of tacit acknowledgment of
our Independence."

159

CHAPTER IX

THE JOURNAL OF WILLIAM RUSSELL (concluded)

(1779-1783)

JUNE 5, 1782. Yesterday was 'George the Foolish V
Birthday. The Shipping and Forts fired Salutes at
noon; Cowdry hoisted an English Jack, and a French
one under it, and fired his Battery. In the afternoon the
Officers of the Guard took some of their men, and fired the
Cannon a number of times. In loading a piece, they did not
stop the vent, and fire took the cartridge before the rammer
was out, and killed one and wounded three of their men. A
very melancholy circumstance has happened, two to three
hundred of us taken ill with a violent cold, myself included.
I still remain unwell, but something better; the men in general
are improving. I was taken with a violent pain in my head,
back, stomach and legs with a dry cough, but knowing the
Doctor would give me but one sort of medicine, let the ail be
what it may, I thought to use none of his drugs, but to trust the
Physician of Physicians, and use such means as I might think
proper.

" One of our Men said to the Doctor,
"Doctor, I've a violent pain in my Head.'

" Reply : ' Take some Mixture. '

"'Doctor, I've a sour Stomach.'

" Reply : ' Take some Mixture.'

"Doctor, 'I've a violent Fever on me every Night.'

" Reply : ' Take some Mixture. '

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The Journal of William Russell

"In short let the disease be what it will, you must take his
Mixture, or Electuary. N. B., — This Medicine is Salts and
Jalap; his Electuary, Conserve of Roses and Balsam. How-
ever, we have styled it Doctor Ball's Infallable Cure for all
Manner of Diseases.

"6th. This morning the Doctor came and bled one of our
men, and went out without doing up his arm, or even saying
what quantity of blood should come from him. This is the
second man he has stuck his lance in, and left bleeding. I
remain very ill, and the whole Prison is put on Hospital diet,
which is: 1 Ib. of white bread, ^ pint of milk, ^ Ib. of mutton,
^ Ib. of cabbage, and 1 quart of beer. By not hearing anything
of the Transports and with the violent pain in my head, I am
almost beside myself."

Under date of Dec. 22, 1781, William Russell had set down
in his journal : " Mr. Burke in the House of Commons, speaking
of Hon. Mr. Lauren's ill treatment in the Tower, was told by
Lord Newhaven, that if he (Newhaven) had said as much, he
should have expected to be put in Mr. Lauren's place. To
whom Mr. Burke replied that he did not aspire to such places,
being a poor man he could not afford it; as for his Lordship,
he being a man of Fortune, such places would suit him best,
but a meaner prison would do for him, and he should think
himself very happy in any place, if he had such agreeable
Companions with him as Mr. Laurens and Doctor Franklin.

" General Burgoyne being asked in the House of Commons
concerning his not being Exchanged for Mr. Laurens said he
would sooner return to America, and spend his days in a Dun-
geon there than ask a favor of the Ministry."

After his surrender at Saratoga Major General Burgoyne was
permitted to return to England as a prisoner of war on parole.
When the British Government refused to release Henry Laurens
from his imprisonment in the Tower of London, the Congress

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

of the United States demanded that General Burgoyne be sum-
moned to return to America to save his parole. This retali-
atory measure and the unusual circumstances of Mr. Lauren's
confinement were discussed in Parliament in the debate re-
ferred to in the foregoing entry of the journal.

"8th. This morning we had a quarrel with the old Guard.
The Sergeant was very insolent and went out and brought in a
number of the Guard, primed and loaded, but we did not
value them, but took our own time in turning out, after which
we stoned and hooted them out of the Yard. They presented
twice but the Officer would not let them fire. We had a sermon
preached to us from the 22d Chap. 21st verse of Job, by My
Lady Huntingdon's Chaplain, who came down from London
on purpose to preach our farewell sermon. Mr. Miles Saurey
came with him, and brought letters from Mr. Laurens to Cap-
tain Greene, informing him that Lord Shelborn says we are to
be sent away as soon as possible to our respective States, and
that such as have property in France are to be paroled to leave
for France.

"Mr. Laurens is to be Exchanged for Lord Cornwallis,*
and will leave the Kingdom in a few days. Mr. Laurens
writes that we are to be provided with necessaries for our
voyage, and wishes us a good passage, and safe return to our
Native Land.

" 14th. Mr. Saurey brought a letter from the Rev. Mr.

* "Mr. Laurens having been constituted one of the five Commissioners to
negotiate a Peace, the New Administration consulted with Mr. Laurens, and
after the first conference he was released from his Parole, as well as his securities.
Earl Cornwallis was released from his parole in consideration of the favors
granted Mr. Laurens." (From a London Newspaper of May 8th, 1782.)

In a letter from Sir Guy Carelton and Admiral Digby to General Washington,
dated at New York August 2, 1782, they stated:

"With respect to Mr. Laurens we are to acquaint you that he has been dis-
charged from all engagements without any conditions whatever; after which
he declared of his own accord, that he considered Lord Cornwallis as free from
liis Parole."

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The Journal of William Russell

Wren of Portsmouth; the purport of which is that a Ship is
Victualed and at Portsmouth to carry the Americans belonging
to the North to Boston, and the men belonging to the South-
ward are to come around to Plymouth and join the men in our
Prison. They are expected to embarque in a week or ten
days.

"Mr. Pollard received a letter from Mr. John Joy formerly
of Boston, informing him that the Cartels were fitting out and
were to sail the next day, wind permitting. We are in high
spirits, and hope soon to be delivered from this Castle of Despair.
I'm afraid we shall be detained by contrary winds, for the wind
keeps to the Westward and blows fresh, which is against the
vessels coming from the Downs.

" 15th. We are informed by a letter from Mr. Joy to Jacob
Homer, that His Majesty has been pleased to pardon us, in
order for our Exchange, and that we are to be immediately
delivered from this Awful place of Confinement.

"We had an excellent sermon, by the Rev. Mr. Sampson, a
Dissenter, belonging in Cornwall, from 61 Chap, of Isaiah, 1st
and 2d verses. In reading the last Hymn, when he came to
the word Rebel, he made a stop, and compar'd the Rebel to the
Prodigal spoken of in the New Testament, and lest we should
be offended at using the Word, altered it to Children and Stub-
born. His discourse was very suitable to our circumstances.
The manner in which he delivered himself drew the greatest
attention. When he spoke of our Parents, Wives and Children
and the tears they had shed for us whilst in this deplorable
place, and when I come to reflect on the precarious situation
we were in some months gone, in a strange land, not knowing
what might happen, and then to comprehend the reality of the
Transporting News, of being released from this dismal place
of exile and suffering, / am compelled to cry out, O God, in the
midst of Thy Judgments, Thou has remembered Mercy!

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

" 9th. Capt. Malcolm came to see us, and informed us that
the air is infected with this Disorder that is among us. Some
persons have experimented by flying a kite in the air with a
piece of beef to the tail. When it came down the beef was
tainted. I desire to thank God that the pain in my head is
somewhat abated, and the people in general are getting better.

"No news from any Quarter. Dark times, low in Spirits
and low in purse.

" 17th. Fair, a grand wind E. by N. for our Transports to
come from Torbay. This morning Thomas Adams of Old York
died in the Hospital. I have greatly recovered from my sick-
ness, and find myself able to embarque, was the vessel ready
to receive me.

"19th. Only one Cartel has arrived, and she is for the
Southward, her Captain named Maxwell, who informed me
that the Cartel for the North (the Lady's Adventure) could not
get out of Torbay last Monday. We are in daily expectation
of seeing them as a signal is now hoisted for a Fleet from the
East.

" This day I am thirty months a Prisoner in this disagreeable
place.

"We have had the happiness of receiving the joyful news of
the arrival of the Northern Cartel. The men for the South-
ward embarque on Saturday, and the men for the North on
Monday or Tuesday next. The long-looked for day is come at
last for us to leave these Gloomy Walls, where nothing but
Horror and Despair reigns. This afternoon we were Honor'd
with a visit from the Duke of Richmond, and a number of
generals and other Officers.

"His Grace asked if we had any complaints against Mr.
Cowdry. Capt. Greene reply 'd to the Duke 'that Cowdry
was a dirty fellow.' The Duke reply 'd: 'Government keeps
dirty fellows, to do their dirty Work.'

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The Journal of William Russell

" His Grace said to us, that we had gained what we had been
fighting for, and we should find it so when we arrived in America.

"21st. This morning Mr. Cowdry ordered the Men bound
South to get ready to embarque to-morrow at 10 o'clock. Slops
are to be served this afternoon, and the Prisoners to be examined
at 6 o'clock in the morning.

" I desire to bless God that I once more have my health, but t
am in a Miserable condition for want of cash, and what I am
to do for Sea-stores I am at a loss.

"22d. Yesterday the Cloathing was served out to the
South 'ard Men, and instead of 20 shillings they drew only 16/3.
One O'Hara and John Cooper abused the Agent and broke
his Windows for which they were put in the Black Hole. Mr.
Cowdry embarqued 215 men on board the Cartel for the
South 'ard.

"23d. We are to hold ourselves in readiness to embarque
to-morrow at 2 o'clock. Cowdry sent a Paper into the Prison
for our People to sign, that he had used us with marks of kind-
ness, &c. It was immediately torn up.

" June 24th. The Escort came and the Agent opened the
Gate of the Castle of Despair, and 400 Americans marched out
to the Water side, where we found four Launches, and a Cutter
waiting to receive us, I went on board the Cutter, and in a
short time was on board the Good Ship Lady's Adventure, a
Cartel bound to Boston. We had our complement on board
by 6 o'clock. The Agent came off and received a Receipt for
400 Men and wished us a good Voyage.

"We immediately hove up anchors, and at 8 o'clock made
sail. I was transported with Joy at my deliverance from a
loathsome Prison, where I've been confined thirty Months and
five days, almost despairing of ever seeing my Native Country,
my Loving Wife and Dear Children and my relatives and
friends who are so dear to me; but ' Glory to God in the Highest '

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

for His goodness unto us. I thank God I've a prospect now
before me of seeing America, that Land of Liberty, and on my
arrival of finding all connected with me in health and happiness.

"The Rev. Robert Heath and Mr. Saurey took their leave of
us. The Ship is 700 Ton with accommodations, and well
found, the Captain and crew are very civil, and now I've taken
my departure from Old Mill Prison, and hope never to see it
again.

"We have fine Wind, and May God grant us a quick passage,
and guide the Ship to her desired Port."

Thus ends the Journal written in Mill Prison. During the
voyage to the United States, William Russell kept a detailed
diary, or log, of the working of the Lady's Adventure, which
makes dry reading for landlubbers. Here and there, however,
he jotted down a paragraph having to do with the company on
board the Cartel, after the manner of the following extracts:

"Thursday, July 4, 1782. Our People requested the Owner
to let them have an allowance of Brandy, it being the Anniver-
sary of our Independence. Accordingly it was granted, and he
gave two quarts to a man to a Mess. I was desired to acquaint
the Captain that we meant to give thirteen cheers for the thir-
teen United States of America, if agreeable to him. He was
agreed and accordingly the men came on deck, and manned
the Yards and Tops, and gave thirteen Cheers, and then three
cheers for the Captain. He was very polite and sent for me
down to the Cabin, where I was kindly entertained. The
People behaved very well, and very few drunk : Myself Merry.
I desired one Lieutenant Weeks and Captain Henfield to take
the command, but they refused and I was obliged to officiate
myself. Whether Lieutenant Weeks thought himself too good
or not, I can't say, but Captain Henfield was very excusable.

" July 9th. Hoisted out the boat to catch turtle. Captains
Henfield and Hamilton very angry because we kept the ship on

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The Journal of William Russell

her course and did not heave to. Captain Hamilton said he
was a lousy rascal that kept her away. Mr. John Washburn
replied: 'I was at the wheel and am no more lousy than your
Honour.' Upon that Captain Hamilton struck Mr. Washburn,
and Mr. Brewer resented it and made a strike at Hamilton.

"August 7th. Discovered land under our leebow, and made
it to be Cape Sable. A man at the Mast Head discovered a
Light House off Cape Sambro bearing East by South, and a
number of Islands around us, from the weather bow to the
lee quarter. Set jib, foretopmast staysail and spritsail topsail.
Captain Trask (one of our Company) took charge of the ship
as Pilot, filled the topsails and bore down for the northern part
of the Rock bound Island. Saw a small vessel under the lee
of the Island (a privateer) which immediately made sail and
ran out. Later saw a boat (Shallop) with three men which
made a Signal of Distress. They came alongside but their
Skipper was very much afraid, and wouldn't believe we were
a Cartel until he was taken into the cabin. The Captain had
some discourse with him by which we were informed that the
American War is not over, that five American Privateers from
Salem lately demolished the Forts at Chester* and Malagash,*
and plundered the town, but used the prisoners with humanity.
Came to anchor in seven fathoms. The American Sod appears
very comforting to a person whose anxious desires for three
years past have been to see the land where Freedom reigns.

" Dined on Halibut, went on shore and picked and ate Goose-

* "In the month of July, 1782, four privateers, two of them, the Hero and
the //ope of Salem, attacked Lunenburg in Nova Seotia. They landed ninety
men who marched to the town against a heavy discharge of musketry, burnt
the commander's dwelling and a blockhouse. Their opponents retreated to
another blockhouse upon which one of the privateers brought her guns to bear
and forced them to surrender. The captors carried a considerable quantity
of merchandise to their vessel and ransomed the town for one thousand pounds
sterling. The Americans had three wounded." (From Felt's "Annals of
Salem.")

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

berries. Washed and Loused myself, and made great fires in
the woods. The boats were employed in bringing the People
on board."

The party spent several days ashore, catching and cleaning
fish, cutting spars, gathering firewood and enjoying their free-
dom after the long and trying voyage. At length the foretopsail
was cast loose as a signal for sailing, the ensign hoisted with a
wisp to recall the boats and the Lady's Adventure got under
way for the southward. William Russell's journal relates under
date of August 12th:

"Spoke a fishing schooner three days out from Plymouth
which enquired for John Washburn. We told the captain he
was on board whereupon the old man gave three cheers with
his Cap and then threw it overboard. No tongue can express
the Heart-feeling Satisfaction it is unto us to have the happiness
of a few moments' conversation with an American so short
from Home. Cheer up, my Heart, and don't despair for thy
Deliverance draweth near.

"August 13th. At one half past six o'clock discovered land,
Cape Cod over our lee quarter. Stood in for Boston Light
House Island. The men are very uneasy, and clamour, some
for Marblehead, some for Boston, and can't agree. Captain
Humble is very willing the ship should go to Boston this evening,
if any man will take charge of her. None will venture, so
Captain Humble ordered the Ship to stretch off and on till
morning."

Thus ends the sea journal of William Russell, but the Salem
Gazette of August 15, 1782, contains the following item under
the head of Shipping Intelligence:

"By an arrival of two Cartel Ships at Marblehead from
England, 583 of our Countrymen have been restored to their
Families and Friends. One of the Ships which arrived on
Sunday last had an eight weeks' passage from Portsmouth and

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The Journal of William Russell

brought in 183 prisoners. The other which arrived in fifty-
two days from Plymouth sailed with 400 and one died on the
passage."

It makes the story of this humble sailor of the Revolution
much more worth while to know that after three years of the
most irksome captivity, he was no sooner at home with his
"dear wife and family" than he was eager and ready to ship
again under the Stars and Stripes. Ill-fated as was his superb
devotion to his Country, he had suffered his misfortunes in Old
Mill Prison with a steadfast courage. It was so ordered, how-
ever, that he should be free no more than thirty days after his
glad homecoming in the Lady's Adventure. He must have re-
entered the American naval service a few days after reaching
Boston, for we know that he was captured in a privateer on
September 16th, by a British Man of War and taken into Halifax.
On November 28th he was committed to the Jersey Prison ship
in New York harbor. Here he found himself in a far worse
plight than in Mill Prison with its genial routine of escape and
its friendly relations with the Agent, the Guard, and the French
and Spanish prisoners. All that is known of this final chapter
in the case of William Russell, patriot, must be gleaned from a
few letters to his wife and friends. The first of these is ad-
dressed to "Mrs. Mary Russell, at Cambridge," and says in
part:

"On Board the Jersey Prison ship, New York, November
21st, 1782.

" I write with an aching heart to inform you of my miserable
condition. I'm now in the worst of places and must suffer if
confined here during the Winter, for I am short of cloathing
and the provisions is so scant that it is not enough to keep
body and soul together. I was two months on board the Man
of War and have been almost to Quebec. This is the awfullest
place I ever saw, and I hope God will deliver me from it soon.

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

I conclude, praying for your support in my absence, and the
prosperity of an Honoured Mother and family."

To his mother, "Mistress Mary Richardson, Light House
Tavern, Cambridge," he wrote on November 25th:

"HONOURED MAMA:

"I present these Lines with my Duty to you hoping they'l
find you with the family and all connected in perfect health.
I was taken on the 16th Sept. and brought to New York, the
13th inst., and put out on board this ship the 18th. Indeed it is
one of the worst places in the World, and the Prisoners are
suffering; Sickly and dying daily, not having the common
necessaries of life. I have seen Mr. Welsh who promised to
assist me but have heard no more from him since the 18th inst.
Mr. Chadwell has tried to get me exchanged but has not made
out. He talks of taking Mr. Stone and me ashore and will
assist us whilst confined. You will give my kind love to my
Wife and family, likewise to my Brothers and Sisters, and
desire Moses to write to me, and try to get me exchanged. My
love to all relations and friends.

" May God preserve you in health and all with whom we are
connected, is the earnest prayer

" of your Dutiful Son

M. RUSSELL."

Two weeks later the Captain addressed to his friends, "Messrs.
Edes and Sons, Printers, Boston," a moving appeal for help in
the following words:

" JERSEY PRISON SHIP, New York Harbor,

"Dec. 7th, 1782.
"Mr. EDES,

"Dear Friend:

" I write you a few lines to inform you of my miserable situa-
tion, and at the same time to beg your assistance. I am again

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The Journal of William Russell

by the fortune of War thrown into the Enemies' hands, where
our scanty allowance is not sufficient to support nature, and
part of that we are cheated out of. I had the promise of a
Gentleman's friendship at York, to get me Paroled or Exchanged
but find that Admiral Digby is so inveterate against Privateers-
men that he'll not allow any Paroles. Therefore, Sir, I most
earnestly intreat of you to use your influence with Maj. Hop-
kins to send to Mr. Sproat Commissioner of Prisoners at New
York, for Mr. John Stone and me, which he may do very
easily, and pray send in the first Flag some British Prisoner to
release me. I suppose my Brother has arrived and brought some
in."

Some happy shift of fortune seems to have bettered the
situation of the prisoner in January of 1783, for he wrote to his
wife in a wholly different strain to inform her of his deliverance
from "that horrid pit" below the decks of the prison ship.
Although still confined aboard the Jersey, he was able to say:

" My Dear, my situation is greatly altered. I am aft with a
gentleman where I want for nothing, but live on the best, with
good Tea night and morning and fresh meat every day. In
short I am used like a gentleman in every respect both by Mr.
Emery and his wife. Indeed, my Dear, I am happy in getting
from between decks, out of that horrid pit where nothing but
Horror is to be seen. My duty to my Mother, love to my
Brothers and Sisters, and hope ere long to enjoy your agreeable
company. Your affectionate husband,

"WM. RUSSELL."

On March 21, 1783, after more than six months of this second
term of imprisonment, the influence and persistency of his
friends in Boston obtained for him a three months' parole.*

* The following is the text of the parole issued, granted to William Russell:
"We the Subscribers, having been captured in American Vessels and brought
into this Port, hereby acknowledge ourselves Prisoners of War to the King of

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Without going home William Russell at once endeavored to
repair his shattered fortunes by embarking in a "venture"
aboard a merchant vessel in order that he might return to
Boston with money for the support of his family. The following
letters to his wife explain his plans and purposes. He had
obtained passage from New York to New Haven in the Lady's
Adventure, the same merchant vessel which had fetched him
from Plymouth six months before. Her Master, Captain
Humble, proved himself a staunch friend of our most unfortu-
nate but undaunted seafarer. Writing from New Haven on
March 23, 1783, William Russell told his wife:

"NEW HAVEN, Connecticut, 23d March, 1783.
"MRS. RUSSELL:

"By the assistance of good friends I am once more in the
land of Freedom and Independence, for which I've fought, Bled
and Suffered as much as any without exception on the Con-
tinent, but the greatest of my concern has (as ever) been for you
and our little ones.

Great Britain; and having permission from His Excellency, Rear Admiral
Digby, Commander in Chief, etc., etc., etc., to go to Rhode Island, Do Pledge
our Faith and most Sacredly promise upon our Parole of Honour that we will

Exchanged

the date hereof, and deliver up again to the Commissary General for Naval
Prisoners, or to the Person acting for or under him; And do further promise
upon our Honour that we will not in future enter on Board, or otherwise be
concerned in an American Privateer.

"In Testimony whereof we have hereunto set our hands and Seals, at New
York, this 21st day of March, 1783.

"Present WM. RUSSELL (seal)

"Wn. WEIR SAMUEL THOMPSON (seal)

"Bachus, a Negro Boy, their Servant, is also to go with them.
"These are to certify that the above is a true Copy of the Original Parole,
signed by the Persons above named and filed in this Office; and that they have
leave to pass by the way of Ix>ng Island to Connecticut.

"Commisary's Office for Naval Prisoners at New York.

"March 21, 1783.
"To Whom it may Concern. THOS. D. HEWLINGS,

"D. C. M. P.

172

The Journal of William Russell

" On the 20th inst. Capt. D. Adams came on board the Lady's
Adventurer (Capt. Humble) with an order from the Admiral
for me. You can't think the joy I must feel (without you had
been in my place) on seeing my townsman, my Captain and
Friend. True friendship is never known till we are in adversity,
and then experience the assistance of the Advocate, who steps
forward to our defence. Capt. Adams has been at great
cost in getting me from New York, and I have no way to make
satisfaction without my remaining on Board his vessel will
effect it. Our circumstances are such that for me to come
home with my fingers in my mouth would be of little consolation
to those who have been without my help for almost four years.
Therefore I think it my duty to try what I can do, and hope by
the assistance of Capt. Adams to obtain a small Adventure
and try my luck at a Merchant Voyage, and if Fortune smiles,
expect to see you in a short time.

"I recover my health slowly, and hope that Salt water will
do what the Physician could not effect.

" I am grieved at not hearing from you. Though out of sight,
and the enjoyment of liberty might make you forgetful, I'm
not so."

(To Mrs. Mary Russell, Cambridge.)

"HALIFAX, Nova Scotia, May 16, 1783.
"I doubt not you thought it strange I did not come home
when Paroled from New York, but the fever left me so low I
could not stand the fatigues of so long a journey, and at the
same time was destitute of money to support me on the road.

"Capt. Daniel Adams gave me a kind offer to go with him
and laid me in a Venture which don't at present seem to succeed
so well as I would wish. However, I shall bring you home
something for yourself and hope to see you soon. I desire if
any person should make any inquiry where we are, you would

173

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

answer at the Eastwd. for I don't know whether the trade is
opened among you or not. However, we are not the only
vessel that's here from the Thirteen States.

"We are treated very politely by his Excellency, and the
Inhabitants, and I've a number of old friends here, and shall
give you an acct. of them on my return."

During the summer of 1783, William Russell returned to
Cambridge, broken in health, with a scanty reward from his
trading venture. He tried to gather together enough pupils to
form a small school in his living quarters at the " Light House
Tavern," Cambridge. This endeavor was short-lived, for he
was fast wasting with consumption. He died in the spring
following his return from the sea whereon he had suffered
greatly for his Country. He was no more than thirty-five years
old when his untimely end came, but his life was exceedingly
\vorth while even though it was his lot rather to endure than to
achieve. Nor could he have desired any more worthy obituary,
nor wished to preach a more inspiring doctrine to later genera-
tions of free-born Americans than was voiced in these words
sent to his wife from Old Mill Prison, England, one hundred
and twenty-six years ago :

" I think many in the Yard will enter into the King's service.
And I should myself, was it not that (by so doing) I must sell
my Country, and that which is much more dearer to me, yourself
and my children, but I rely wholly on God, knowing He will
deliver me in His own good time."

174

CHAPTER X

RICHARD DERBY AND HIS SON JOHN

(1774-1792)

THE first armed resistance to British troops in the Ameri-
can colonies was made at Salem and led by Captain
Richard Derby of the third generation of the most
notable seafaring family in this country's annals. Born in
1712, he lived through the Revolution, and his career as a
shipmaster, merchant and patriot covered the greater part of
the American maritime history of the eighteenth century.
Until 1757, when he retired from active service on the sea, his
small vessels of from fifty to one hundred tons burden were
carrying fish, lumber and provisions to the West Indies and
fetching home sugar, molasses, cotton, rum and claret, or bring-
ing rice and naval stores from Carolina. With the returns
from these voyages, assorted cargoes were laden for voyages
to Spain and Madeira and the proceeds remitted in bills
on London, or in wine, salt, fruit, oil, lead and handkerchiefs
to America.

Captain Richard Derby's vessels ran the gauntlet of the
privateers during the French War from 1756 to 1763, and their
owner's letters to his London agents describe them as mounting
from eight to twelve cannon, mostly six-pounders, "with four
cannon below decks for close quarters." Accustomed to
fighting his way where he could not go peaceably, Richard
Derby and the men of his stamp whose lives and fortunes were
staked on the high seas, felt the fires of their resentment against

175

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

England wax hotter and hotter as her shipping laws smote their
interests with increasing oppression.

In fact, the spirit of independence and protest against inter-
ference by the mother country had begun to stir in the seaport
towns a full century before the outbreak of armed revolution.
It is recorded in Salem annals that "when it was reported to
the Lords of Plantations that the Salem and Boston merchants'
vessels arrived daily from Spain, France, Holland, and the
Canaries (in 1763) which brought wines, linens, silks and fruits,
and these were exchanged with the other colonies for produce
which was carried to the aforesaid kingdoms without coming to
England, complaint was made to the Magistrates that these
were singular proceedings. Their reply was 'that they were
His Majesty's Vice-Admirals in those seas and they would do
that which seemed good to them. ' '

The spirit of those "Vice Admirals" who proposed to do
what seemed good to them continued to flourish and grow
bolder in its defiance of unjust laws, and the port of Salem was
primed and ready for open rebellion long before that fateful
April day at Lexington and Concord. In 1771, four years
before the beginning of the Revolution, the Salem Gazette pub-
lished on the first anniversary of the "Boston Massacre," the
following terrific proclamation framed in a border of black in
token of mourning :

" As a Solemn and Perpetual Memorial :

" Of the Tyranny of the British Administration of Government
in the years 1768, 1769, and 1770;

"Of the fatal and destructive Consequences of Quartering
Armies, in Time of Peace, in populous cities;
" Of the ridiculous Policy and infamous Absurdity of supporting
Civil Government by a Military Force.

176

Richard Derby and his Son John

" Of the Great Duty and Necessity of firmly opposing Despotism

at its first Approaches ;

" Of the detestable Principles and arbitrary Conduct of those

Ministers in Britain who advised, and of their Tools in America

who desired the Introduction of a Standing Army in this Province

in the year 1768;

" Of the irrefragible Proof which those ministers themselves

thereby produced, that the Civil Government, as by them

Administered, was weak, wicked, and tyrannical;

" Of the vile Ingratitude and abominable Wickedness of every

American who abetted and encouraged, either in Thought,

Word or Deed, the establishment of a Standing Army among his

Countrymen ;

" Of the unaccountable Conduct of those Civil Governors, the

immediate Representatives of His Majesty, who, while the

Military was triumphantly insulting the whole LEGISLATIVE

AUTHORITY OF THE STATE, and while the blood of the Massacred

Inhabitants was flowing in the Streets, persisted in repeatedly

disclaiming all authority of relieving the People, by any the

least removal of the Troops :

" And of the Savage cruelty of the IMMEDIATE PERPETRATORS :

" Be it forever Remembered

" That this day, THE FIFTH OF MARCH, is the Anniversary of
BOSTON MASSACRE IN KING ST. BOSTON,

NEW ENGLAND, 1770.

"In which Five of his Majesty's Subjects were slain and six
wounded, By the Discharge of a number of Muskets from a
Part of Soldiers under the Command of Capt. Thomas Preston,

" GOD Save the People !
"Salem, March 5, 1771."

The fuse was laid to the powder by the arrival of Lieutenant
General Thomas Gage as the first military governor of Massa-

177

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

chusetts in May, 1774. He at once moved the seat of govern-
ment from Boston to Salem which was the second town in
importance of the colony, and Salem began to exhibit symptoms
of active hostility. Gage's change of administrative head-
quarters was accompanied by two companies of the Sixty-fourth
Regiment of the line, Colonel Alexander Leslie, which were
encamped beyond the outskirts of the town. The presence of
these troops was a red rag to the people of Salem, and further-
more, Gage outraged public opinion by proposing to choose his
own councillors, which appointments had been previously con-
ceded to the Provincial Assembly. A new Act of Parliament,
devised to suit the occasion, eliminated the councillors who had
been named by the Assembly or General Court, and Gage ad-
journed this body, then in session in Boston, and ordered it to
reconvene in Salem on June 7th.

When the Assembly met in Salem it passed a resolution
protesting against its removal from Boston, and acted upon no
other political measures for ten days when the House adopted
a resolution appointing as delegates to the Congress at Phila-
delphia, James Bowdoin, Thomas Gushing, Samuel Adams,
John Adams, and Robert Treat Paine "to consult upon meas-
ures for the restoration of harmony between Great Britain and
the Colonies." This action angered General Gage, and he at
once prepared a proclamation dissolving the General Court.
His secretary posted off to the Salem "town house" to deliver
said proclamation, but he was refused admittance, word being
brought out to him that the " orders were to keep the door fast."
Therefore the defeated secretary read the document to the
curious crowd outside and afterwards in the empty council
chamber. So ended the last Provincial Assembly of Massa-
chusetts under a British Governor.

Having moved his headquarters to Salem, General Gage let
it be known that he regarded the odious Boston Port Bill as a

178

Kiduinl Di-rbv

Richard Derby and his Son John

measure which must be maintained by military law and an
army of twenty thousand men if needs be. He also suppressed
the town meetings, appointed new councillors, and heaped up
other grievances with such wholesale energy that Salem flew up
in arms and defied him. A town meeting had been called for
August 24th to choose delegates to a county convention, and the
people of the town refused to harken unto the order prohibiting
their most jealously guarded institution of local government, the
town meeting. Gage hurried back from Boston, took command
of his troops, and ordered the Fifty-ninth Regiment of foot to
make ready for active service. It is recorded that he showed
"Indecent passion, denounced the meeting as treasonable and
spoke with much vehemence of voice and gesture, threatened the
committee of the town whom he met at the house of Colonel
Brown, and ordered up his troops."

The citizens thereupon held a meeting in the open air, chose
their delegates to the county convention, and dispersed. Timothy
Pickering, afterwards Washington's Secretary of War, and other
members of the Committee were placed under arrest for their
part in this town meeting. Before nightfall of the same day
three thousand men of Salem and nearby towns had armed them-
selves with muskets and were ready to march to the rescue if
their town meeting should be further molested, or British troops
employed to enforce any further punishments.

General Gage had declared with an oath that he would
transport every man of the Committee, and the "embattled
farmers " and sailors feared lest these fellow townsmen of theirs
might be carried on board the frigate Scarboro which was making
ready to sail for England. An express rider was sent out from
Boston at midnight to carry the warning of the proposed sailing
of this man-of-war, and with the threat of transportation bracing
their resolution, the men of Salem replied that "they were ready
to receive any attacks they might be exposed to for acting in

179

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

pursuance to the laws and interests of their country, as becomes
men and Christians."

The issue was not forced by General Gage and having made
a failure of the campaign and a blunder of the transfer of the
seat of government he returned to Boston with his troops in
September. In February of the following year, 1775, he was
informed that the Provincial Congress had stored a large amount
of munitions and a number of cannon in Salem, and he ordered
Colonel Leslie to embark in a transport with a battalion of
infantry, disembark at Marblehead, march across to Salem and
seize this material of war. These troops, two hundred and fifty
strong, sailed from Boston at night and landed on the Marble-
head beach Sunday afternoon. Major Pedrick, a patriot of the
town, at once mounted a horse and galloped to Salem, two miles
away, to carry warning of this invasion. The British infantry
marched along the turnpike until they came to the North River,
a small, navigable stream making up from Salem Harbor. This
was spanned by a drawbridge, and Colonel Leslie was much
disturbed to find the drawbridge raised and a formidable
assemblage of Salem citizens buzzing angrily at the farther side
of the stream. The British officer had no orders to force the
passage, and the situation was both delicate and awkward in
the extreme. Timothy Pickering had been chosen colonel of
the First Regiment of militia and forty of his armed men were
mustered, drawn up ready to fire at the order. Colonel Leslie
threatened to let loose a volley of musketry to clear the road, and
was told by Captain John Felt of Salem :

" You had better not fire, for there is a multitude, every man
of whom is ready to die in this strife."

Some of the more adventurous patriots climbed to the top of
the raised drawbridge and hurled insulting taunts at the British
infantry, yelling "Fire and be damned to you." Rev. Thomas
Barnard of the North Church tried to make peace and addressed

180

Richard Derby and his Son John

Colonel Leslie: "You cannot commit this violation against
innocent people, here on this holy day, without sinning against
God and humanity. Let me entreat you to return."

At the head of the crowd of armed men of Salem stood Captain
Richard Derby. He owned eight of the nineteen cannon which
had been collected for the use of the Provincial Congress and he
had not the slightest notion of surrendering them. There was
a parley while Colonel Leslie argued that he was in lawful use
of the King's highway. The Salem rejoinder was to the effect
that the road and the bridge were private property to be taken
from them only by force and under martial law. At this junc-
ture, when bloody collision seemed imminent, Captain Richard
Derby took command of the situation, and roared across the
stream, as if he were on his own quarterdeck:

" Find the cannon if you can. Take them if you can. They
will never be surrendered."

A fine portrait of this admirable old gentleman has been
preserved, and in a well-powdered wig, with a spyglass in his
hand, he looks every inch the man who hurled this defiance at
Great Britain and dared a battalion of His Majesty's foot to
knock the chip off his stalwart shoulder. Colonel Leslie made
a half-hearted attempt to set his men across the river in boats,
and it was at this time that the only casualty occurred, a Salem
man, Joseph Whicher, receiving a bayonet thrust. Meanwhile
the Marblehead regiment of patriot militia had been mustered
under arms, and the Minute Men of Danvers were actually on
the march toward the North River bridge. Perceiving that to
force a passage meant to set the whole colony in a blaze, and
unwilling to shoulder so tremendous a responsibility without
orders from General Gage, the British colonel delayed for fur-
ther discussion. At length Captain Derby and his friends pro-
posed that in order to satisfy Colonel Leslie's ideas of duty and
honor, he should be permitted to cross the bridge and immedi-

181

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

ately thereafter return whence he came. This odd compromise
was accepted, and after marching to the farther side of the river
the troops faced about and footed back to their transport at
Marblehead, without finding the cannon they had come out to
take. It was a victory for Captain Richard Derby and his
townsmen and well worth a conspicuous place in the history of
the beginnings of the American Revolution.

Another prominent figure in this tremendously dramatic
situation was Colonel David Mason, a veteran soldier who had
commanded a battery in the French War in 1756-7, and a
scientist of considerable distinction who had made discoveries
in electricity of such importance that he was requested to
journey to Philadelphia to discuss them with Doctor Franklin.
Colonel Mason was a man of great public spirit and patriotism,
and in November, 1774, he had received an appointment as
Engineer from the " Massachusetts Committee of Safety, " which
was the first military appointment of the Revolutionary War.
He was from this time actively engaged in collecting military
stores for the use of his country and making secret preparation
for the approaching contest with England. He had obtained
from Captain Derby the cannon which Colonel Leslie wished
to confiscate and had given them to a Salem blacksmith to have
the iron work for the carriages made and fitted.

Colonel Mason resided near the North Bridge and Doctor
Barnard's church. When he heard the British troops wrere
drawing near he ran into the North Church and disrupted the
afternoon service by shouting at the top of his voice: "The
regulars are coming and are now near Malloon's Mills." He and
others in authority among their fellow-townsmen tried to control
the hotheads and avert hostilities. But the task was made diffi-
cult by defiant patriots who bellowed across the drawbridge:

"Soldiers, red jackets, lobster coats, cowards, damn your
government."

182

Richard Derby and his Son John

A high-spirited dame, Sarah Tarrant by name, poked her head
out of a window of her cottage overlooking the scene and shrilly
addressed the British colonel:

" Go home and tell your master he has sent you on a fool's
errand, and broken the peace of our Sabbath. What? Do you
think we were born in the woods to be frightened by owls? Fire
at me if you have the courage, but I doubt it."

John Howard of Marblehead, who was one of the militia men
under arms, stated in his recollections of the affair at the North
Bridge that there were eight military companies in Marblehead
at that time, comprising nearly the whole male population
between sixteen and sixty years of age. They were all promptly
assembled under Colonel Orne, to the number of a thousand
men. Their orders were "to station themselves behind the
houses and fences along the road prepared to fall upon the
British on their return from Salem, if it should be found that
hostile measures had been used by them ; but if it should appear
that no concerted act of violence upon the persons or property
of the people had been committed, they were charged not to
show themselves, but to allow the British detachment to return
unmolested to their transport."

The episode was taken seriously in England as shown by an
item in the Gentleman's Magazine of London of April 17, 1775,
which reported : " By a ship just arrived at Bristol from America,
it is reported that the Americans have hoisted the standard of
liberty at Salem."

William Gavett of Salem wrote an account of the affair of
which he was an eye-witness and described certain lively inci-
dents as follows:

" One David Boyce, a Quaker, had gone out with his team to
assist in carrying the guns out of reach of the troops, and they
were conveyed to the neighborhood of what wras then called
Buff urn's hill, to the northwest of the road leading to Danvers

183

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

and near the present estate of Gen. Devereux. My father
looked in between the platoons, as I heard him tell my mother,
to see if he could recognize any of the soldiers who had been
stationed at Fort William on the Neck, many of whom were
known to him, but he could discover no familiar faces and was
blackguarded by the soldiers for his inquisitiveness, who asked
him, with oaths, what he was looking after. The northern
leaf of the draw was hoisted when the troops approached the
bridge, which prevented them from going any further. Their
commander (Col. Leslie) then went upon West's, now Brown's,
wharf, and Capt. John Felt followed him. He then remarked
to Capt. Felt, or in his hearing, that he should be obliged to fire
upon the people on the northern side of the bridge if they did
not lower the leaf. Capt. Felt told him if the troops did fire
they would be all dead men, or words to that effect. It was
understood afterwards that if the troops fired upon the people,
Capt. Felt intended to grapple with Col. Leslie and jump
into the river, for said he, ' I would willingly be drowned myself
to be the death of one Englishman.' Mr. Wm. Northey,
observing the menacing attitude assumed by Capt. Felt, now
remarked to him, ' don't you know the danger you are in oppos-
ing armed troops, and an officer with a drawn sword in his
hand?' The people soon commenced scuttling two gondolas
which lay on the western side of the bridge and the troops also
got into them to prevent it. One Joseph Whicher, the foreman
in Col. Sprague's distillery, was at work scuttling the Colonel's
gondola, and the soldiers ordered him to desist and threatened
to stab him with their bayonets if he did not — whereupon he
opened his breast and dared them to strike. They pricked his
breast so as to draw blood. He was very proud of this wound
in after life and was fond of exhibiting it."

It was a son of this Captain Richard Derby who carried to
England the first news of the Battle of Lexington in the swift

184

Richard Derby and his Son John

schooner Quero, as the agent of the Provincial Congress. No
American's arrival in London ever produced so great a sensa-
tion as did that of this Salem sailor, Captain John Derby, in
May, 1775. He reached England in advance of the king's
messenger dispatched by General Gage, and startled the British
nation with the tidings of the clash of arms which meant the
loss of an American empire.

Three days after the fight at Lexington, the Provincial Con-
gress met at Concord, and appointed a committee "to take
depositions in perpetuam, from which a full account of the
transactions of the troops under General Gage in the route to
and from Concord on Wednesday last may be collected to be
sent to England by the first ship from Salem."

Captain Richard Derby was a member of this Congress, and
he offered his fast schooner Quero of sixty-two tons for this
purpose, his son Richard, Jr., to fit her out, and his son John
to command her for this dramatic voyage. Old Captain Rich-
ard, hero of the North River bridge affair, was a sturdy patriot
and a smart seaman. He knew his schooner and he knew his
son John, and the news would get to England as fast as sail
could speed it.

General Gage had sent his official messages containing the
news of the Lexington fight by the "Royal Express-packet"
Sukey, which sailed on April 24th. Captain John Derby in the
Quero did not get his sailing orders from the Provincial Congress
until three days later, on April 27th. These orders read as
follows :

"Resolved: that Captain Derby be directed and he hereby
is directed to make for Dublin, or any other good port in Ireland,
and from thence to cross to Scotland or England, and hasten to
London. This direction is given so that he may escape all
enemies that may be in the chops of the Channel to stop the

185

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

communication of the Provincial Intelligence to the agent. He
will forthwith deliver his papers to the agent on reaching London.

"J. WARREN, Chairman.

"P. S. — You are to keep this order a profound secret from
every person on earth."

The letter which Captain John Derby carried with his dis-
patches read as follows :

"!N PROVINCIAL CONGRESS, WATERTOWN,

"APRIL 26, 1775.
"To THE HON. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, ESQ., LONDON:

"SiR: From the entire confidence we repose in your faithful-
ness and abilities, we consider it for the happiness of this Colony
that the important trust of agency for it, on this day of un-
equalled distress, is devolved on your hands; and we doubt not
your attachment to the cause of the liberties of mankind will
make every possible exertion in our behalf a pleasure to you,
although our circumstances will compel us often to interrupt
your repose by matters that will surely give you pain. A single
instance hereof is the occasion of the present letter; the contents
of this packet wrill be our apology for troubling you with it.
From these you will see how and by whom we are at last plunged
into the horrours of a most unnatural war. Our enemies, we
are told, have despatched to Great Britain a fallacious account
of the tragedy they have begun; to prevent the operation of
which to the publick injury, we have engaged the vessel that con-
veys this to you as a packet in the service of this Colony, and we
request your assistance in supplying Captain Derby, who com-
mands her, with such necessaries as he shall want, on the credit
of your constituents in Massachusetts Bay. But we most
ardently wish that the several papers herewith enclosed may be
immediately printed and dispersed through every Town in
England, and especially communicated to the Lord Mayor,

186

RicJiard Derby and his Son John

Aldermen, and Common Council of the City of London, that
they may take such order thereon as they may think proper, and
we are confident your fidelity will make such improvement of
them as shall convince all who are not determined to be in ever-
lasting blindness, that it is the united efforts of both Englands
that must save either. But whatever price our brethren in one
may be pleased to put on their constitutional liberties, we are
authorized to assure you that the inhabitants of the other, with
the greatest unanimity, are inflexibly resolved to sell theirs only
at the price of their lives.

"Signed by order of the Provincial Congress,

" Jos. WARREN, President pro tern."

John Derby cracked on sail like a true son of his father, and
made a passage across the Atlantic of twenty-nine days, hand-
somely beating the lubberly "Royal-Express packet" Sukcy,
which had sailed from Boston four days ahead of him. It is
supposed that he made a landing at the Isle of Wight, went
ashore alone, and hurried to London as fast as he could. The
tidings he bore were too alarming and incredible to be accepted
by the statesmen and people of Great Britain. Nothing had
been heard from General Gage and here was an audacious
Yankee skipper, dropped in from Heaven knew where, spread-
ing it broadcast that the American colonists were in full revolt
after driving a force of British regulars in disastrous rout. From
the office of the Secretary of State, Lord Dartmouth issued this
skeptical statement, May 30th :

"A report having been spread and an account having been
printed and published, of a skirmish between some people of
the Province of Massachusetts Bay, and a detachment of His
Majesty's troops, it is proper to inform the publick that no ad-
vices have as yet been received in the American Department of
any such event. There are reasons to believe that there are

187

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

dispatches from General Gage on Board the Sukey, Captain
Brown, which though she sailed four days before the vessel that
brought the printed accounts, is not arrived."

On the following day, Hutchinson, who had preceded Gage
as Governor of Massachusetts, wrote from London to his son
in Boston :

"Captain Darby, in ballast arrived at Southampton from
Marblehead the 27, and came to London the next evening. I
am greatly distressed for you. Darby's own accounts confirm
many parts of the narrative from the Congress, and they that
know him say he deserves credit and that he has a good charac-
ter; but I think those people would not have been at the expense
of a vessel from Marblehead or Salem to England for the sake
of telling the truth."

On June 1st, Lord Dartmouth wrote General Gage as follows:

"WHITEHALL, 1st June, 1775.

"Sin: Since my letter to you of 27th ult. an account has been
printed here, accompanied with depositions to verify it, of
skirmishes between a detachment of the troops under your com-
mand and different bodies of the Provincial Militia.

" It appears upon the fullest inquiry that this account, which
is chiefly taken from a Salem newspaper, has been published by
a Capt. Darby, who arrived on Friday or Saturday at Southamp-
ton in a small vessel in ballast, directly from Salem, and from
every circumstance, relating to this person and the vessel, it is
evident he was employed by the Provincial Congress to bring
this account, which is plainly made up for the purpose of con-
veying every possible prejudice and misrepresentation of the
truth.

" From the answers he has given to such questions as has been
asked, there is the greatest probability that the whole amounts
to no more than that a Detachment, sent by you to destroy

188

Richard Derby and his Son John

Cannon and Stores collected at Concord for the purpose of
aiding Rebellion, were fired upon, at different times, by
people of the Country in small bodies from behind trees and
houses, but that the party effected the service they went upon,
and returned to Boston, and I have the satisfaction to tell you
that, the affair being considered in that light by all discerning
men, it has had no other effect here than to raise that just indig-
nation which every honest man must feel at the rebellious con-
duct of the New England Colonies. At the same time it is
very much to be lamented that we have not some account from
you of the transaction, which I do not mention from any sup-
position that you did not send the earliest intelligence of it, for
we know from Darby that a vessel with dispatches sailed four
days before him. We expect the arrival of that vessel with great
impatience, but 'till she arrives I can form no decisive judg-
ment of what has happened, and therefore can have nothing
more to add but that I am, &c., DARTMOUTH."

Alas for British hopes and fears, the eagerly awaited arrival
of the Sukey confirmed the disastrous news revealed by Captain
John Derby, as may be learned from the following article in
The London Press:

" To THE PUBLICK.

"LONDON, June 12, 1775.

"When the news of a massacre first arrived, the pensioned
writer of the Gazette entreated the publick 'to suspend their
judgment, as Government had received no tidings of the mat-
ter.' It was added that there was every reason to expect the
despatches from General Gage, by a vessel called the Sukey.
The publick have suspended their judgment; they have waited
the arrival of the Sukey; and the humane part of mankind have
wished that the fatal tale related by Captain Derby might prove
altogether fictitious. To the great grief of every thinking man,

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this is not the case. We are now in possession of both the
accounts. The Americans have given their narrative of the
massacre; the favorite servants have given a Scotch account
of the skirmish. In what one material fact do the two relations,
when contrasted with each other, disagree? The Americans
said 'that a detachment of the King's Troops advanced toward
Concord ; that they attempted to secure two bridges on different
roads beyond Concord ; that when they reached Lexington they
found a body of Provincials exercising on a green; that on dis-
covering the Provincial militia thus employed, the King's Troops
called out to them to disperse, damned them for a parcel of
rebels, and killed one or two, as the most effectual method
intimidating the rest.' This the writer of the Scotch account in
the Gazette styles, 'marching up to the rebels to inquire the
reason of being so assembled.' Both relations, however, agree
in this, that a question was asked ; the pensioned varnisher only
saying that it was asked in a civil way, attended with the loss of
blood.

"Thus far, then, the facts, in every material circumstance,
precisely agree; and as yet, we have every reason to believe
that the Salem Gazette is to the full as authentick as our Gov-
ernment paper, which, as a literary composition, is a disgrace to
the Kingdom.

"The Salem Gazette assured us that the King's Troops were
compelled to return from Concord; that a handful of militia
put them to rout, and killed and wounded several as they fled.
Is this contradicted in the English Gazette? Quite the contrary;
it is confirmed. The Scotch account of the skirmish acknowl-
edges that 'on the hasty return of the troops from Concord,
they were very much annoyed, and several of them were killed
and wounded.' The Scotch account also adds 'that the Pro-
vincials kept up a scattering fire during the whole of the march
of the King's Troops of fifteen miles, by which means several of

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Richard Derby and his Son John

them were killed and wounded.' If the American Militia
'kept up a scattering fire on the King's Troops, of fifteen miles,'
the Provincials must have pursued, and the regulars must have
fled, which confirms the account given in the Salem Gazette,
wherein it is asserted that the Regulars 'were forced to retreat.'
Whether they marched like mutes at a funeral, or whether they
fled like the relations and friends of the present ministry who
were amongst the rebel army at the battle of Cullodon, is left
entirely to the conjecture of the reader; though it should seem
that a scattering fire, poured in upon a retreating enemy for
fifteen miles together, would naturally, like goads applied to the
sides of oxen, make them march off as fast as they could."

The newspaper account which Captain Derby carried to
London was printed in The Essex Gazette of the issue of " from
Tuesday, April 18, to Tuesday, April 25." The Salem Gazette
had suspended publication the day before the great events of
Concord and Lexington, and therefore it was The Essex Gazette
of Salem which was taken to England, the slight error in the
name of the journal being immaterial. This edition of the
little four-paged weekly newspaper which shook the British
Empire to its foundations, was not made up after the pattern of
modern "scarehead" journals. The story of Concord and
Lexington was tucked away on an inside page with no head-
line, title or caption whatever, and was no more than a column
long. It may be called the first American Avar correspondence
and no "dispatches from the front" in all history have equaled
this article in The Essex Gazette as a stupendous "beat" or
"scoop," measured by the news it bore and the events it fore-
shadowed. The Gazette carried on its title page the legends,
"Containing the freshest advices, both foreign and domestic";
" Printed by Samuel and Ebenezer Hall at their Printing-Office
near the Town House."

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

The article in question read, for the most part, as follows:

"SALEM, April 25.

"Last Wednesday, the 19th of April, the troops of his Britan-
nick Majesty Commenced Hostilities upon the People of this
Province, attended with circumstances of cruelty not less brutal
than what our venerable Ancestors received from the vilest
savages of the Wilderness. The Particulars relative to this
interesting Event, by which we are involved in all the Horrors
of a Civil War, we have endeavoured to collect as well as the
present confused state of affairs will admit.

"On Tuesday Evening a Detachment from the Army, con-
sisting, it is said, of 8 or 900 men, commanded by Lieut. Col.
Smith, embarked at the Bottom of the Common in Boston, on
board a Number of Boats, and landed at Phip's farm, a little
way up Charles River, from whence they proceeded with Silence
and Expedition, on their way to Concord, about 18 miles from
Boston. The People were soon alarmed, and began to assemble,
in several towns, before Day-light, in order to watch the Motion
of the Troops. At Lexington, 6 miles below Concord, a Com-
pany of Militia, of about 100 Men, mustered near the Meeting
House; the Troops came in Sight of them just before Sun-rise,
and running within a few rods of them, the Commanding Officer
accosted the Militia in words to this Effect:

"'Disperse, you Rebels — Damn you, throw down your Arms
and disperse.'

"Upon which the Troops huzza 'd, and immediately one or
two Officers discharged their Pistols, which were instantaneously
followed by the Firing of 4 or 5 of the Soldiers, and then there
seemed to be a general discharge from the whole Body; Eight of
our Men were killed, and nine wounded. In a few minutes
after this action the Enemy renewed their March for Concord;
at which Place they destroyed several Carriages, Carriage

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Richard Derby and his Son John

Wheels, and about 20 barrels of Flour; all belonging to the
Province. Here about 150 Men going toward a Bridge, of
which the Enemy were in Possession, the latter fired and killed
2 of our Men, who then returned the Fire, and obliged the
Enemy to retreat back to Lexington, where they met Lord
Percy, with a large Reinforcement, with two Pieces of Cannon.
The Enemy now having a Body of about 1800 Men, made a
Halt, picked up many of their Dead, and took care of their
Wounded. At Menotomy, a few of our Men attacked a Party
of twelve of the Enemy (carrying stores and Provisions to the
Troops), killed one of them, wounded several, made the Rest
Prisoners, and took Possession of all their arms, Stores, Pro-
visions, &c., without any loss on our side. The Enemy having
halted one or two Hours at Lexington found it necessary to
make a second Retreat, carrying with them many of their Dead
and Wounded, who they put into Chaises and on Horses that
they found standing in the Road. They continued their Re-
treat from Lexington to Charlestown with great Precipitation;
and notwithstanding their Field Pieces, our People continued
the Pursuit, firing at them till they got to Charlestown Neck
(which they reached a little after Sunset), over which the Enemy
passed, proceeded up Bunker Hill, and soon afterward went into
the Town, under the protection of the Somerset Man of War of
64 guns."

There follows a list of the names of the Provincial Casualities,
numbering 38 killed and 19 wounded, with accusations of savage
and barbarous behavior on the part of the British troops. The
writer then goes on to say:

"I have seen an account of the Loss of the Enemy, said to
have come from an officer of one of the Men of War; by which
it appears that 63 of the Regulars, and 49 Marines were killed,
and 103 of both wounded; in all 215. Lieut. Gould of the 4th

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Regiment, who is wounded, and Lieut. Potter of the Marines,
and about twelve soldiers, are Prisoners. . . .

"The Public most sincerely sympathize with the Friends
and Relations of our deceased Brethren, who gloriously sacri-
ficed their Lives in fighting for the Liberties of their Country.
By their noble, intrepid Conduct, in helping to defeat the Forces
of an ungrateful Tyrant, they have endeared their Memories to
the present generation who will Transmit their Names to Pos-
terity with the highest Honour."

The opposite page of The Gazette contained an editorial, or
communication, signed " Johannes in Ermo," which Captain
John Derby must have enjoyed spreading broadcast in London.
It was a battle-hymn in prose, the voice of a free people in arms,
indomitable defiance at white-heat. This was the message it
flung to the mother country over seas :

" Great Britain, adieu ! no longer shall we honour you as our
mother; you are become cruel; you have not so much bowels
as the sea monsters toward their young ones; we have cried to
you for justice, but behold violence and bloodshed ! your sword
is drawn offensively, and the sword of New England defensively;
by this stroke you have broken us off from you, and effectually
alienated us from you. O, Britain, see you to your own house !

" King George the third, adieu ! no more shall we cry to you
for protection, no more shall we bleed in defense of your person.
Your breach of covenant ; your violation of faith; your turning a
deaf ear to our cries for justice, for covenanted protection and
salvation from the oppressive, tyrannical, and bloody measures
of the British Parliament, and putting a sanction upon all their
measures to enslave and butcher us, have Dissolved our Allegi-
ance to your Crown and Government! your sword that ought
in justice to protect us, is now drawn with a witness to destroy us !
Oh, George, see thou to thine house!

"General Gage, pluck up stakes and be gone; you have

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Richard Derby and his Son John

drawn the sword, you have slain in cool blood a number of inno-
cent New England men — you have made the assault — and be it
known to you, the defensive sword of New England is now drawn,
it now studies just revenge; and it will not be satisfied until your
blood is shed — and the blood of every son of violence under your
command — and the blood of every traitorous Tory under your
protection; therefore, depart with all your master's forces —
depart from our territories, return to your master soon, or
destruction will come upon you ; every moment you tarry in New
England, in the character of your Master's General, you are
viewed as an Intruder, and must expect to be treated by us as
our inveterate enemy.

" O, my dear New England, hear thou the alarm of war! the
call of Heaven is to arms ! to arms ! The sword of Great Britain
is drawn against us ! without provocation how many of our sons
have been fired upon and slain in cool blood, in the cool of the
day. . . .

"I beseech you, for God's sake, and for your own sake, watch
against every vice, every provocation of God Almighty against
us; against intemperance in drinking — against profane language
and all debauchery! — and let us all rely on the army of the
Most High. ..."

That after a safe homeward voyage Captain Derby reported
to General Washington in person* on the 18th of July, appears
from the Essex Gazette for that month as follows :

" CAMBRIDGE, July 21.

"Capt. John Derby, who sailed from Salem for London a
few Days after the Battle of Lexington, returned last Tuesday,

* (July 18, 1774.) "Captain John Derby who carried to England the tidings
of Lexington battle, appears at headquarters in Cambridge and relates that the
news of the commencement of the American war threw the people, especially
in London, into great consternation, and occasioned a considerable fall of
stocks; that many there sympathized with the Colonies." (Felt's Annals of
Salem.)

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

and the same Day came to Head-Quarters in this Place. Very
little Intelligence has yet transpired — we only learn, that the
News of the Commencement of the American War through the
People in England, especially the City of London, into great Con-
sternation, and occasioned a considerable Fall of the Stocks.
That the Ministry (knowing nothing of the Battle till they saw
it published in the London papers) advertised, in the Gazette,
that they had received no Account of any Action, and pretended
to believe that there had been none. That the Parliament was
prorogued two Days before Capt. Derby arrived, but it was said
would be immediately called together again. That, when he
left London, which was about the 1st of June, no Account of
Hostilities had been received by the Ministry from General
Gage, notwithstanding the Vessel he dispatched sailed four
Days before Capt. Derby. That our friends increased in Num-
ber; and that many who had remained neuter in the dispute,
began to express themselves warmly in our Favor: That we,
however, have no Reason to expect any Mercy from the Min-
istry, who seem determined to pursue their Measures (long
since concerted) for ruining the British Empire.

" Capt. Derby brought a few London Papers, some as late as
the 1st of June, but we have not been able to obtain a Sight of
them. We are informed they contain very little News, and
scarce any Remarks on American Affairs."

It was singularly appropriate that this same Captain John
Derby who carried the news to England of the beginning of the
American Revolution should have been the shipmaster to carry
home to the United States the first tidings of peace in 1783, when
he arrived from France in the ship Astrea with the message
that a treaty had been signed.

This Captain John Derby won a claim to further notice in the
history of his times as one of the owners of the ship Columbia
which sailed from Boston in 1787, circumnavigated the globe,

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Richard Derby and his Son John

and on a second voyage discovered and named the mighty
Columbia River on the northwest coast of America. The vast
territory which includes the states of Oregon, Washington and
Idaho was then an unknown and unexplored land, claimed by
Spain because her navigators discovered it, by Great Britain
because Francis Drake had sailed along the coast in 1759, by
Russia because Bering had mapped the North Pacific and pre-
pared for the opening in 1771 of the fur trade from Oregon to
China. But no nation had established a foothold in this terri-
tory and its extent and natural features were wrapped in mystery.

In 1783, a young American seaman who had sailed with Cap-
tain Cook on an exploring voyage of the North Pacific, published
a chart and a journal of the voyage, and first brought to the
attention of American shipowners the importance of the North-
west fur trade. Ledyard was called an enthusiast, a visionary,
until his story attracted the serious consideration of the leading
shipping merchants of Boston and Salem. John Derby joined
three men of Boston in the venture and the quartette of partners
subscribed what was then a huge capital of fifty thousand dollars
to equip and despatch a ship to the northwest coast and open an
American trade in furs with the Indians.

The Columbia was chosen, a ship of two hundred and thirteen
tons, small even for that period, mounting ten cannon. Captain
John Kendrick was given the command. As consort and tender
for coastwise navigation and trade a sloop of ninety tons, the
Lady Washington, Captain Robert Gray, was fitted out.

Besides the ship's stores, the two vessels carried a cargo of
hardware, tools, utensils, buttons, toys, beads, etc., to be bar-
tered with the Indians. The State and Federal Governments
granted special letters to the captains, and " hundreds of medals
signalizing the enterprise were put aboard for distribution wher-
ever the vessel touched. Years afterward some of these medals
and cents and half-cents of the State of Massachusetts were to

197

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

be found in the wake of the Columbia among the Spaniards of
South America, the Kanakas of Hawaii and the Indians of
Oregon." *

The two little vessels fared bravely around Cape Horn, and
steered north until they reached the fur wilderness country of
the great Northwest. After many hardships and thrilling
adventures the Columbia returned to Boston with a cargo of
tea from China. It was a famous voyage in the history of
American commercial enterprise, but it brought so little profit
to the owners that Captain John Derby and one other partner
sold out their shares in the Columbia. She was refitted, how-
ever, and again sent to the Northwest in 1790 in command of
Captain Gray. On this voyage Captain Gray discovered the
Columbia River shortly after he had met at sea the English
navigator, Vancouver, who reported passing the mouth of a
small stream " not worthy his attention." By so close a margin
did Vancouver miss the long-sought great river of Oregon, and
the chance to claim the Northwestern America for the British
flag by right of discovery.

On May 19, 1792, Captain Gray landed with his seamen,
after sailing twenty-five miles up the river and formally named
it the Columbia. "It has been claimed for many men before
and since Marcus Whitman that they saved Oregon to the
United States. But surely the earliest and most compelling
title to this distinction is that Captain Robert Gray of Boston,
and the good ship Columbia. They gave us the great river by
the powerful right of discovery, and the great river dominated
the region through which it ran. . . . The voyage of the
Columbia was plainly and undeniably the first step which won
for the United States a grip on the Oregon territory that no
diplomatic casuistry and no arrogant bluster could shake.
Twelve years after Gray sailed into the great river and named
* "The American Merchant Marine," by Winthrop L. Marvin.

198

Richard Derby and his Son John

it for his ship and claimed it for his flag and country, Lewis and
Clark's hardy band of explorers entered the upper Columbia
and floated down to the Sea." *

As venturesome a voyage as that of the Columbia, but one
unknown to fame, was that of the Salem ship Margaret, Captain
James Magee, which sailed to the northwest coast after furs
in 1791, and was the second American ship to risk the hazards
of these unknown waters. f A journal kept on board the
Margaret records meeting the Columbia on the Oregon coast
and contains this interesting passage:

"Monday, ye 7th (May, 1792). One of our officers with a
party of men were daily employed on Shore sawing boards. At
Eleven O'clock in the forenoon we saw a sail standing into the
harbour where we lay, and Mr. Lamb was sent in the whale
boat to discover what Vessel it was. He very shortly return 'd
and inform 'd us it was the Sloop Adventure Commanded by
Mr. Robert Haswell, a Vessel about forty-seven Tons burden,
being a Tender to the Ship Columbia commanded by Captain
Robert Gray from Boston. In the Evening after Mr. Haswell
had got in and secur'd his Vessel within us, he favoured us with
his Company on board the Margaret, and gave us the following
Interesting Intelligence :

" That Mr. Caswell, the second officer of the Columbia and

two seamen were killed the season before, in a harbour in B

Sound as they were fishing in a boat out of sight of the Ship.
Likewise that Captain Hendricks as he was laying in this
Harbour, the last season, was attacked by the natives of the
adjacent Village under the command of Coyah, the Chief of

* "The American Merchant Marine," by Winthrop L. Marvin.

f " Upwards of seventy sail of vessels sailed from this port on Monday last for
all parts of the world. Among them was the ship Margaret, James Magee,
Esq., Commander, bound on a voyage of observation and enterprise to the
northwest coast of this Continent. This vessel is copper-bottomed, and is said
to be the best provided of any one that ever sailed from this port." (The Inde-
pendent Chronicle, Boston, Oct. 27, 1791.)

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

the Tribe, and in his defense he killed about forty-five according
to the best of his judgment, and wounded several, Coyah among
the rest. In the attack there were between one and two hundred
on board and alongside. In the first place those on deck took
his Arm Chest from him which was upon the quarterdeck.
Therefore he was obliged to flee with his men to the Cabbin
where luckily he happened to have a few Muskets and some
Ammunition, and Arming himself and his Officers and Men
with them and some Cutlasses, they rushed on deck and having
discharged their Pieces they exercised their Cutlasses so dexter-
ously that they immediately clear'd the Ship of the Indians,
and then plying them so warmly with his Cannon and Musketry
that they immediately fled to the shore after having received the
above loss. The reason of this attack probably might have
arisen from Captain Hendricks having taken some of ye Natives
previously and put them in Irons for repeated Thefts that were
committed by the Natives on board."

200

CHAPTER XI

ELIAS HASKET DERBY AND HIS TIMES

(1770-1800)

ELIAS HASKET DERBY, the son of Captain Richard
Derby, and a brother of Captain John Derby, was the
most conspicuous member of this great seafaring family,
by reason of his million-dollar fortune, his far-seeing enterprise
and his fleet of ships which traded with China, India, Mauritius,
Madeira, Siam, Arabia and Europe. He was the first American
to challenge the jealous supremacy of the East India, the Hol-
land, the French and the Swedish chartered companies in the
Orient. He made of commerce an amazingly bold and pic-
turesque romance at a time when this infant republic was still
gasping from the effects of the death grapple of the Revolution.
He was born in 1739, went to sea as had his father and his
grandfather before him, and like them rose to the command
and ownership of vessels while still in his youth. As told in a
previous chapter, he was the foremost owner of Salem privateers
during the Revolution, and finding the large, swift and heavily
manned ship created by the needs of war unfitted for coastwise
and West India trade, he resolved to send them in search of
new markets on the other side of the globe.

No sooner was peace declared than he was making ready his
great ship, the Grand Turk, for the first American voyage to the
Cape of Good Hope. The Grand Turk had been built in 1781
for privateering and as a letter of marque. She was of three
hundred tons burden, the largest vessel built in a Salem ship-
yard until after the Revolution, and Elias Hasket Derby was

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

proud of her speed, her beauty and her record. During the
Revolution she mounted twenty-two guns and fought them
handily. On her second cruise as a privateer she captured two
rich prizes, took them into Bilboa, and more than paid for
herself. Later the Grand Turk made several cruises in West
India waters and, among other successes, captured a twenty-gun
ship, the Pompey, from London.

This was the ship with which Elias Hasket Derby blazed a
trail toward the Orient, the forerunner of his pioneering ven-
tures to the East Indies. Of the methods and enterprise of
Elias Hasket Derby, as typified in such voyages as this of the
Grand Turk, one of his captains, Richard Cleveland, wrote in
his recollections of the methods and enterprise of this typical
merchant of his time :

"In the ordinary course of commercial education, in New
England, boys are transferred from school to the merchant's
desk at the age of fourteen or fifteen. When I had reached
my fourteenth year it was my good fortune to be received in
the counting house of Elias Hasket Derby of Salem, a merchant
who may justly be termed the father of American commerce to
India, one whose enterprise and commercial sagacity were
unequalled in his day. To him our country is indebted for
opening the valuable trade to Calcutta, before whose fortress
his was to be the first vessel to display the American flag; and
following up the business, he had reaped golden harvests before
other merchants came in for a share of them. The first Ameri-
can ships seen at the Cape of Good Hope and the Isle of France
belonged to him. His were the first American ships which
carried cargoes of cotton from Bombay to China, and among
the first ships which made a direct voyage to China and back
was one owned by him. Without possessing a scientific knowl-
edge of the construction and sparring of ships, Mr. Derby
seemed to have an intuitive faculty in judging of models and

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Elias Hasket Derby and his Times

proportions, and his experiments in several instances for the
attainment of swiftness in sailing were crowned with success
unsurpassed in this or any other country.

" He built several ships for the India trade immediately in the
vicinity of the counting house, which afforded me an oppor-
tunity of becoming acquainted with the building, sparring and
rigging of ships. The conversations to which I listened relating
to the countries then newly visited by Americans, the excitement
on the return of an adventure from them and the great profits
which were made, always manifest from my own little adven-
tures, tended to stimulate the desire in me of visiting those
countries, and of sharing more largely in the advantages they
presented."

The Grand Turk, "the great ship," as she was called in
Salem, was less than one hundred feet long, yet she was the
first of that noble fleet which inspired a Salem historian, Rev.
George Bachelor, to write in an admirable tribute to the town
in which his life was passed:

"After a century of comparative quiet, the citizens of this
little town were suddenly dispersed to every part of the Oriental
world and to every nook of barbarism which had a market and
a shore. . . . The reward of enterprise might be the dis-
covery of an island in which wild pepper enough to load a ship
might be had almost for the asking, or of forests where precious
gums had no commercial value, or spice islands unvexed and
unvisited by civilization. Every shipmaster and every mariner
retuming on a richly loaded ship was the owner of valuable
knowledge.

"Rival merchants sometimes drove the work of preparation
night and day when virgin markets had favors to be won, and
ships which set out for unknown ports were watched when they
slipped their cables and sailed away by night, and dogged for
months on the high seas in the hope of discovering the secret

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

well kept by owner and crew. Every man on board was allowed
a certain space for a little venture. People in other pursuits,
not excepting the merchant's minister, intrusted their savings
to the supercargo, and watched eagerly the results of their
ventures. This great mental activity, and profuse stores of
knowledge brought by every ship's crew, and distributed,
together with India shawls, blue china, and unheard of curiosi-
ties from every savage shore, gave the community a rare alertness
of intellect."

It was the spirit as is herein indicated that achieved its finest
flower in such merchants as Elias Hasket Derby. When his
ships took their departure from the Massachusetts coast they
vanished beyond his ken for one or two years. His captains
were intrusted with the disposal of the cargo to the best advan-
tage. There was no sending orders by mail or cable. It was
this continual sense of facing unknown hazards, of gambling with
the sea and hostile, undiscovered shores that prompted those old
shipmasters to inscribe on the title pages of their log books:

"A Journal of an Intended Voyage by God's Assistance
. . . Cape Ann bore W.N.W. from whence I take my
departure. So God send the good ship to her Desired Port in
Safety. Amen."

When the Grand Turk made her first voyage to the Cape of
Good Hope in 1784, commanded by Captain Jonathan Inger-
soll, the scanty navigating equipment of his time is said to
have consisted of " a few erroneous maps and charts, a sextant
and a Guthrie's Grammar."* The Grand Turk made her

* The edition of 1800 of this popular compendium of knowledge bore on the
title page: " A New Geographical, Historical and Commercial Grammar and
Present State of the Several Kingdoms of the World. Illustrated with a Cor-
rect Set of Maps, Engraved from the Most Recent Observations and Draughts
of Geographical Travellers. The Eighteenth Edition Corrected and Consider-
ably enlarged. London. 1800."

The work contained " Longitude, Latitude, Bearings and Distances of Prin-
cipal Places from London " as one of its qualifications for use among mariners.

204

Ellas Hasket Derby and his Times

passage in safety and while she lay in Table Bay, Major Samuel
Shaw, an American returning from Canton, sent a boat aboard
for Captain Ingersoll and later wrote of this Salem venture:

"The object was to sell, rum, cheese, salt, provisions and
chocolate, loaf sugar, butter, etc., the proceeds of which in
money with a quantity of ginseng, and some cash brought with
him, Captain Ingersoll intended to invest in Bohea tea; but as
the ships bound to Europe are not allowed to break bulk on the
way, he was disappointed in his expectations of procuring that
article and sold his ginseng for two-thirds of a Spanish dollar
a pound, which is twenty per cent, better than the silver money
of the Cape. He intended remaining a short time to purchase
fine teas in the private trade allowed the officers on board
India ships, and then to sail to the coast of Guinea, to dispose
of his rum, etc., for ivory and gold dust; thence without taking
a single slave to proceed to the West Indies and purchase sugar
and cotton, with which he would return to Salem. Notwith-
standing the disappointment in the principal object of the
voyage and the consequent determination to go to the coast of
Guinea, his resolution not to endeavor to retrieve it by pur-
chasing slaves did the captain great honor, and reflected equal
credit upon his employers, who, he assured me, would rather
sink the whole capital employed than directly or indirectly be
concerned in so infamous a trade."

The Grand Turk returned by way of the West Indies where
the sales of his cargo enabled her captain to load two ships for
Salem. He sent the Grand Turk home in charge of the mate
and returned in the Atlantic. During the voyage Captain
Ingersoll rescued the master and mate of an English schooner,
the Amity, whose crew had mutinied while off the Spanish
Main. The two officers had been cast adrift in a small boat to
perish. This was the first act in a unique drama of maritime
coincidence.

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

After the castaways had reached Salem, Captain Duncanson,
the English master of the Amity, was the guest of Mr. Elias
Hasket Derby while he waited for word from his owners and an
opportunity to return to his home across the Atlantic. He
spent much of his time on the water front as a matter of course,
and used to stand at a window of Mr. Derby's counting house
idly staring at the harbor.

One day while sweeping the seaward horizon with the office
spyglass, the forlorn British skipper let fly an oath of the most
profound amazement. He dropped the glass, rubbed his eyes,
chewed his beard and stared again. A schooner was making
across the bar, and presently she stood clear of the islands at the
harbor mouth and slipped toward an anchorage well inside.

There was no mistaking her at this range. It was the Amity,
his own schooner which had been taken from him in the West
Indies, from which he and his mate had been cast adrift by
the piratical seamen. Captain Duncanson hurried into Mr.
Derby's private office as fast as his legs could carry him. By
some incredible twist of fate the captors of the Amity had sailed
her straight to her captain.

Mr. Derby was a man of the greatest promptitude and one of
his anchored brigs was instantly manned with a heavy crew, two
deck guns slung aboard, and with Captain Duncanson striding
the quarterdeck, the brig stood down to take the Amity. It
was Captain Duncanson who led the boarders, and the mutineers
were soon overpowered and fetched back to Salem jail in irons.
The grateful skipper and his mate signed a crew in Salem, and
took the Amity to sea, a vessel restored to her own by so marvel-
ous an event that it would be laughed out of court as material
for fiction.

In November, 1785, the Grand Turk was cleared, in command
of Captain Ebenezer West for the Isle of France, but her owner
had it in his mind, and so instructed his captain, to continue

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Ellas Hasket Derby and his Times

the voyage to Batavia and China. In June of 1787, she returned
to Salem with a cargo of teas, silks, and nankeens; a notable
voyage in seas when the American flag was almost unknown.
Her successful commerce with Canton lent a slightly humorous
flavor to the comment of the Independent Chronicle of London,
dated July 29, 1785:

" The Americans have given up all thought of a China trade
which can never be carried on to advantage without some
settlement in the East Indies."

Captain Ebenezer West who took the Grand Turk to the
Orient on this voyage was a member of so admirable a family
of American seamen and shipmasters that the records of the
three brothers as written down in the official records of the Salem
Marine Society deserves a place in this chapter.

"Captain Nathaniel West was born in Salem, Jan. 31, 1756,
and died here December 19, 1851. His elder brother, Ebenezer,
and his younger, Edward, as well as himself, were possessed
of great energy and enterprise, and all three early selected the
ocean for their field of action. Ebenezer was for nearly four
years during the Revolution a prisoner of war, and was ex-
changed shortly before peace was proclaimed. He subsequently
had command of E. H. Derby's famous ship, the Grand Turk,
and in her completed the second voyage by an American vessel
to Canton, returning to Salem in 1786.

"Capt. Edward West, the youngest, was in command of his
brother Nathaniel's ship, Hercules, seized in Naples in 1809,
and had the good fortune to obtain her release in order to trans-
port Lucien Bonaparte and family to Malta, thus saving his
ship from confiscation. He died at Andover, June 22, 1851,
six months before his brother Nathaniel, at the age of ninety-one.

"In 1775, Nathaniel, at the age of nineteen, being in command
of a merchant vessel in the West India trade, was captured by
a British frigate, and was soon recognized by Capt. Gayton, her

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

commander, as the son of an old friend, and was compelled to
serve as midshipman on board a British seventy-four, under the
command of Capt. Edwards. Of their personal kindness he
often spoke in after life. Being on shore as officer of a press
gang, he effected his escape in London, and made his way to
Lisbon, where he embarked on board the Oliver Cromwell, a
Salem privateer of sixteen guns, and returned to this port.
On the passage, having been closely pursued for three days,
he narrowly escaped being captured by a British frigate. Aware
of his impending fate, if taken, he encouraged and stimulated
the crew to the use of the sweeps, himself tugging at the oar,
and by his energy and incessant diligence was mainly instru-
mental in saving the ship.

"He made several cruises in the Oliver Cromwell and other
armed vessels, and took many prizes. He participated with the
famous Captain of the privateer Black Prince, carrying eighteen
guns and one hundred and fifty men. On one occasion, with
Capt. Nathaniel Silsbee as his Lieutenant, he put into Cork
on a dark night and cut out and took away a valuable prize.

"Capt. West subsequently embarked in commerce and pur-
sued it with continued success until he had amassed a large
fortune. He was among the pioneers in various branches of
trade, the Northwest, China, East India, etc. — and knew their
origin and progress through their various stages. In 1792, he
built and despatched the schooner Patty, commanded by his
brother, Capt. Edward West, and she was the first American
vessel to visit Batavia. His ship Prudent (in 1805) was among
the first of the very few American vessels that visited the Dutch
Spice Islands, Amboyna, etc. His ship Minerva was the first
Salem vessel to circumnavigate the globe, having sailed from
here in 1800 for the N. W. coast and China. His ship Hercules,
under his brother Edward's command, on the conclusion of the
war with Great Britain in 1815, was the first vessel to sail from

208

Xatliunid West

Elias Hasket Derby and his Times

the United States for the East Indies, under the terms of the
treaty. The Hercules, built for Capt. West in 1805, was a few
years since doing good service as a whaler out of New Bedford,
and is, we believe, still in existence.

" His age so nearly approximated an hundred years that we
may say he flourished during four generations of his race, in
the most active and enterprising walks of life. In person, Capt.
West was of fine figure, and of a majestic mien and gait. He
never forgot the dignity which belonged to his years and station.
He was a gentleman of the old school in manners and dress,
and adhered with scrupulous tenacity to the costume of his
early years. His physical powers were so little impaired, even
in his extreme old age, that he was frequently seen driving along
in his gig, or walking with vigorous and elastic step, until a very
short time before his death; and many of our readers can recall
his commanding and dignified appearance in our streets. He
united in himself personal frugality, economy, and untiring
industry; and his favorite maxim was, 'without these none can
be rich, and with these few would be poor. ' '

When Mr. Derby decided to push out for a share of the East
India commerce he sent his eldest son, Elias Hasket, Jr., to
England and the Continent as soon as he was graduated from
Harvard College. There the young man remained until he
had become a linguist and had made a thorough study of the
English and French methods of trade with the Far East.
Having laid this thorough foundation for his bold venture,
Elias Hasket, Jr., was now sent to India where he lived three
years in the interests of his house, and firmly established an
immensely profitable trade which for half a century was to
make the name of Salem far more widely known in Bombay
and Canton than that of New York or Boston. A little later
the Derby ship Astrea was showing the American flag to the
natives of Siam.

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

How fortunes were won in those brave days may be learned
from the record of young Derby's activities while in the Far
East. In 1788 the proceeds of one cargo enabled him to buy a
ship and a brigantine in the Isle of France (Mauritius) in the
Indian Ocean. These two vessels he sent to Bombay to load
with cotton. Two other ships of his house, the Astrea and the
Light Horse he filled with cargoes at Calcutta and Rangoon,
and sent them home to Salem. Then he returned in still
another ship, the brig Henry.

When the profit of these several transactions were reckoned it
was found that more than $100,000 had been earned by this
little fleet above all outlay. Soon after his return young Derby
sailed for Mocha, an Arabian port in the Red Sea, to pick up a
cargo of coffee. The natives had never heard of America, and
the strange vessel was a nine days' wonder.

In 1788 Mr. Derby decided to send a ship for a direct voyage
to Batavia, another novel commercial undertaking. While the
purely business side of these enterprises is not thrilling, it holds
a certain interest as showing the responsibilities of the ship-
masters upon whose judgment depended the results of the
voyage. For this first American voyage to Batavia, the instruc-
tions of the captain and supercargo from the owner, Mr. Derby,
read as follows:

"SALEM, February, 1789.
"CAPTAIN JAMES MAGEE, Jr.,

" MR. THOMAS PERKINS (supercargo)

"Gents: The ship Astrea of which James Magee is master
and Mr. Thomas Perkins is supercargo, being ready for sea, I
do advise and order you to come to sail, and make the best of
your way for Batavia, and on your arrival there you will dispose
of such part of your cargo as you think may be the most for my
interest.

" I think you had best sell a few casks of the most ordinary

210

Ellas Hasket Derby and his Times

ginseng, if you can get one dollar a pound for it. If the price
of sugar be low, you will then take into the ship as much of
the best white kind as will floor her, and fifty thousand weight
of coffee, if it is as low as we have heard — part of which you
will be able to stow between the beams and the quintlings, and
fifteen thousand of saltpeter, if very low; some nutmegs, and
fifty thousand weight of pepper. This you will stow in the
fore peak, for fear of its injuring the teas. The sugar will
save the expense of any stone ballast and it will make a floor for
the teas, etc., at Canton.

"At Batavia you must if possible, get as much freight for
Canton as will pay half or more of your charges; that is, if it
will not detain you too long, as by this addition of freight it
will exceedingly help the voyage. You must endeavor to be
the first ship with ginseng, for be assured you will do better alone
than you will if there are three or four ships at Canton at the
same time with you.

" Captain Magee and Mr. Perkins are to have five per cent,
commission for the sales of the present cargo and two and one-
half per cent, on the cargo home, and also five per cent, on the
profit made on goods that may be purchased at Batavia and
sold at Canton, or in any other similar case that may arise on
the voyage. They are to have one-half the passage money —
the other half belongs to the ship. The privileges of Captain
Magee is five per cent, of what the ship carries on cargo, exclusive
of adventures. It is ordered that the ship's books shall be
open to the inspection of the mates and doctor of the ship, so
that they may know the whole business, as in case of death or
sickness it may be of good service in the voyage. The Phila-
delphia beer is put up so strong that it will not be approved of
until it is made weaker; you had best try some of it first.

" You will be careful not to break any acts of trade while you
are out on the voyage, to lay the ship and cargo liable to seizure,

211

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

for my insurance will not make it good. Be very careful of the
expense attending the voyage, and remember that a one dollar
laid out while absent is two dollars out of the voyage. Pay par-
ticular attention to the quality of your goods, as your voyage very
much depends on your attention to this. You are not to pay any
moneys to the crew while absent from home unless in a case of
real necessity, and then they must allow an advance for the
money. Annexed to these orders you have a list of such a cargo
for my own account as I at present think may do best for me,
but you will add or diminish any article as the price may be.
" . . . Captain Magee and Mr. Perkins — Although I have
been a little particular in these orders, I do not mean them as
positive; and you have leave to break them in any part where
you by calculation think it for my interest, excepting your
breaking Acts of Trade which I absolutely forbid. Not having
to add anything, I commit you to the Almighty's protection,
and remain your friend and employer,

"ELIAS HASKET DERBY."

The captain was expected to " break his orders in any part,"
if he could drive a better bargain than his employer had been
able to foresee at a distance of ten thousand miles from the
market. Merchants as well as navigators, the old-time ship-
master found compensation for these arduous responsibilities
in the "privileges" which allowed him a liberal amount of
cargo space on their own account, as well as a commission on
the sales of the freight out and back. His own share of the
profits of two or three voyages to the Far East might enable him
to buy and ship and freight a vessel for himself. Thereafter, if
he were shrewd and venturesome enough, he rose rapidly to
independence and after a dozen years of the quarterdeck was
ready to step ashore as a merchant with his own counting house
and his fleet of stout ships.

Ellas Hasket Derby and his Times

In 1793, Captain Jonathan Carnes of Salem was looking for
trade along the Sumatra coast. Touching at the port of Ben-
coolen, he happened to learn that wild pepper might be found
along the northwest coast of Sumatra. The Dutch East India
Company was not as alert as this solitary Yankee shipmaster,
roaming along strange and hostile shores.

Captain Carnes kept his knowledge to himself, completed his
voyage to Salem, and there whispered to a merchant, Jonathan
Peele, that as soon as possible a secret pepper expedition should
be fitted out. Mr. Peele ordered a fast schooner built. She
was called the Rajah, and carried four guns and ten men.
There was much gossiping speculation about her destination,
but Captain Carnes had nothing at all to say. In November,
1795, he cleared for Sumatra and not a soul in Salem except
his owner and himself knew whither he was bound. The cargo
consisted of brandy, gin, iron, tobacco and dried fish to be
bartered for wild pepper.

For eighteen months no word returned from the Rajah, and
her mysterious quest. Captain Carnes might have been
wrecked on coasts whereof he had no charts, or he might have
been slain by hostile natives. But Jonathan Peele, having
risked his stake, as Salem merchants were wont to do, busied
himself with other affairs and pinned his faith to the proven
sagacity and pluck of Jonathan Carnes. At last, a string of
signal flags fluttered from the harbor mouth. Jonathan Peele
reached for his spyglass, and saw a schooner's topsails lifting
from seaward. The Rajah had come home, and when she let
go her anchor in Salem harbor, Captain Jonathan Carnes
brought word ashore that he had secured a cargo of wild pepper
in bulk which would return a profit of at least seven hundred
per cent, of the total cost of vessel and voyage. In other words,
this one " adventure " of the Rajah realized what amounted to a
comfortable fortune in that generation.

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

There was great excitement among the other Salem merchants.
They forsook their desks to discuss this pepper bonanza, but
Captain Jonathan Games had nothing to say and Mr. Jonathan
Peele was as dumb as a Salem harbor clam. The Rajah was
at once refitted for a second Sumatra voyage, and in their
eagerness to fathom her dazzling secret, several rival merchants
hastily made vessels ready for sea with orders to go to that
coast as fast as canvas could carry them and endeavor to find
out where Captain Carnes found his wild pepper. They
hurried to Bencoolen, but were unsuccessful and had to proceed
to India to fill their holds with whatever cargoes came to hand.
Meanwhile the Rajah slipped away for a second pepper voyage,
and returned with a hundred and fifty thousand pounds of the
precious condiment.

There was no hiding this mystery from Salem merchants for
long, however, and by the time the Rajah had made three
pepper voyages, the rivals were at her heels, bartering with
native chieftains and stowing their holds with the wild pepper
which long continued to be one of the most profitable articles
of the Salem commerce with the Orient. It was a fine romance
of trade, this story of Captain Carnes and the Rajah, and char-
acteristic of the men and methods of the time. For half a
century a large part of the pepper used in all countries was
reshipped from the port of Salem, a trade which flourished
until 1850. During the period between the first voyage of
Captain Carnes and 1845, the Salem custom house records
bore the entries of almost two hundred vessels from the port of
Sumatra.

While Sumatra and China and India were being sought by
Salem ships, Elias Hasket Derby in 1796 sent his good ship
Astrea on a pioneer voyage to Manila. She was the first
American vessel to find that port, and was loaded with a rich
cargo of sugar, pepper and indigo, on which twenty-four

214

Elias Hasket Derby and his Times

thousand dollars in duties were paid at the Salem Custom
House.

To carry on such a business as that controlled by Elias
Hasket Derby, enlisted the activities of many men and industries.
While his larger ships were making their distant voyages, his
brigs and schooners were gathering the future cargoes for the
Orient; voyaging to Gothenburg and St. Petersburg for iron,
duck and hemp; to France, Spain and Madeira for wine and
lead; to the West Indies for rum, and to New York, Phila-
delphia and Richmond for flour, provisions, iron, and tobacco.
These shipments were assembled in the warehouses of Derby
wharf, and paid for in the teas, coffee, pepper, muslin, silks
and ivory which the ships from the far East were bringing
home. In fourteen years Mr. Derby's ships to the far Eastern
ports and Europe made one hundred and twenty-five voyages,
and of the thirty-five vessels engaged in this traffic only one
was lost at sea.

In one of the most entertaining and instructive chapters of
"Walden," Thoreau takes the trouble to explain the business
of a successful shipping merchant of Salem. The description
of his activities may be fairly applied to Elias Hasket Derby
and his times.

"To oversee all the details yourself in person; to be at once
pilot and captain, and owner and underwriter; to buy and sell
and keep the accounts; to read every letter received, and write
or read every letter sent ; to superintend the discharge of imports
night and day; to be upon many ports of the coast almost at
the same time — often the richest freights will be discharged
upon a Jersey shore; to be your own telegraph, unweariedly
sweeping the horizon, speaking all vessels bound coastwise;
to keep up a steady dispatch of commodities for the supply of
such a distant and exorbitant market ; to keep yourself informed
of the state of the markets, prospects of war and peace every-

215

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

where, and anticipate the tendencies of trade and civilization.
Taking advantage of the results of all exploring expeditions
using new passages and all improvements in navigation; charts
to be studied, the position of reefs and new lights and buoys to
be corrected, for by the error of some calculator the vessel often
splits upon a rock that should have reached a friendly pier;
universal science to be kept pace with, studying the lives of all
great discoverers and navigators, great adventurers and mer-
chants, from Hanno and the Phoenicians down to our day;
in fine, account of stock must be taken from time to time, to
know how you stand. It is such a labor to task the faculties
of a man — such problems of profit and loss, of interest, of tare
and tret, and gauging of all kinds in it, as demand a universal
knowledge."

There is to-day nothing at all comparable with the community
of interests which bound all Salem in a kinship with the sea
and its affairs. Every ship for China or India carried a list
of "adventures," small speculations entrusted to the captain
or supercargo, contributed by boys and girls, sweethearts,
brothers, mothers and wives. In the log of Mr. Derby's ship,
the Astrea, for a voyage to Batavia and Canton are the following
"memoranda" of "adventures," which were to be sold by the
captain and the profits brought home to the investors :

" Captain Nathaniel West. 15 boxes spermacetti candles. 1
pipe Tenefriffe wine."

"James Jeffry. 1 cask ginseng."

"George Dodge. 10 Dollars. 1 pipe Madeira wine."

In searching among the old logs for these "adventures," the
author found "on board Ship Messenger of Salem, 1816":

"Memorandum of Miss Harriet Elkin's Adventure.
" Please to purchase if at Calcutta two net bead with draperies ;
if at Batavia or any spice market, nutmegs, and mace, or if at

216

Elias Hasket Derby and his Times

Canton, Two Canton Crape shawls of the enclosed colors at
$5 per shawl. Enclosed is $10. Signed.

"HENRIETTA ELKINS."

"Memorandum of Mr. John R. Tucker's Adventure.
"Mr. C.STANLEY, Sir:

"I hand you a bag containing 100 Spanish dollars for my
adventure on board the ship Messenger which please invest in
coffee and sugar, if you have room after the cargo is on board.
If not, invest the amount in nutmegs, or spice as you think best.
Please do for me as you do for your own, and oblige your obt.

"JOHN R. TUCKER.
"To EDWARD STANLEY, master."

Captain Stanley kept an itemized record of his transactions
with Mr. J. Tucker's one hundred Spanish dollars, and it may
be interesting to note how such an "adventure" was handled
to reap profits for the waiting speculator in faraway Salem.
The captain first bought in Batavia ten bags of coffee for $83.30,
which with boat hire, duty and sacking made the total outlay
$90.19. This coffee he sold in Antwerp on his way home for
$183.75. Arriving at Salem he paid over to Mr. Tucker the
sum of $193.57, or almost one hundred per cent, profit on the
amount of the "adventure." This is enough to show why this
kind of speculative investment was so popular in the Salem of a
century ago.

The same ship carried also "Mrs. Mary Townsend's adven-
ture," to wit:

" Please to purchase lay out five dollars which I send by you,
Vizt:

"One Tureen 14 by 10 Inches, China. One Nett bead and
you will oblige."

Almost every household of Salem had its own menfolk or
near kinfolk on the sea, not in the offshore fisheries, nor in the

217

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

coastwise trade where the perils of their calling might be some-
what atoned for by the frequent visits of these loved ones. The
best and bravest men of Salem were in the deep-water, square-
rigged vessels which vanished toward the Orient and to the
South Seas to be gone, not months but years on a voyage.

After open hostilities had fairly begun between France and
the United States, in 1798, our ports began to send out priva-
teersmen and the merchants' fleets sought refuge. Elias
Hasket Derby, with a revival of his bold Revolutionary spirit,
decided to risk a cargo of sugar and coffee to meet the urgent
demands of the Mediterranean ports. For this particular
mission he built the ship Mount Vernon, a notable combination
of commercial and naval fitness. She was the last venture of
this great merchant, and with characteristic enterprise he took
the chances of evading the French and the Algerine pirates with
a cargo whose profits would be enormous if the Mount Vernon
could make the passage in safety. This fine ship was only one
hundred feet long, but she carried fifty men and twenty guns.
She was built for speed as well as fighting ability, and she made
Cape Vincent on her outward passage in sixteen days from
Salem. Her voyage was a brilliant success, although her
owner died before she came home. The Mount Vernon on
this one voyage paid to the Derby estate a profit of one hundred
thousand dollars on a total investment for ship and cargoes of
$43,000. The letter book of the Mount Vernon for this notable
voyage in the history of the American merchant marine tells
how she fought her way across the Atlantic. Captain Elias
Hasket Derby, junior, was in charge of the vessel, and he wrote
his father as follows:

" GlBRALTER, 1st, August, 1799.

"E. H. DERBY, Esq., Salem:

" Honored Sir : I think you must be surprised to find me here
so early. I arrived at this port in seventeen and one-half days

218

Elias Hasket Derby and his Times

from the time my brother left the ship (off Salem). In eight
days and seven hours were up with Carvo, and made Cape St.
Vincent in sixteen days. The first of our passage was quite
agreeable; the latter light winds, calm, and Frenchmen con-
stantly in sight for the last four days. The first Frenchman we
saw was off Tercira, a lugger to the southward. Being uncer-
tain of his force, we stood by him to leeward on our course and
soon left him.

" July 28th in the afternoon we found ourselves approaching
a fleet of upwards of fifty sail, steering nearly N. E. We run
directly for their centre; at 4 o'clock found ourselves in their
half-moon ; concluding it impossible that it could be any other
than the English fleet, continued our course for their centre,
to avoid any apprehension of a want of confidence in them.
They soon dispatched an 18-gun ship from their centre, and
two frigates, one from their van and another from the rear to
beat towards us, being to windward.

"On approaching the centre ship under easy sail, I fortu-
nately bethought myself that it would be but common prudence
to steer so far to windward of him as to be a gunshot's distance
from him; to observe his force, and manoevering. When we
were abreast of him he fired a gun to leeward and hoisted
English colors. We immediately bore away and meant to pass
under his quarter, between him and the fleet, showing our
American colors. This movement disconcerted him and it
appeared to me he conceived we were either an American sloop
of war or an English one in distress, attempting to cut him off
from the fleet. While we were in the act of wearing on his beam,
he hoisted French colors and gave us his broadside.

" We immediately brought our ship to the wind and stood
on about a mile, wore towards the centre of the fleet, hove about
and crossed on him on the other tack about half grape shot
distance and received his broadside. Several of his shot fell on

219

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

board of us, and cut our sails — two round shot striking us,
without much damage. All hands were active in clearing ship
for action, for our surprise had been complete.

" In about ten minutes we commenced firing our stern chasers
and in a quarter of an hour gave him our broadside in such a
style as apparently sickened him, for he immediately luffed in
the wind, gave us his broadside, went in stays in great confusion,
wore ship afterwards in a large circle, and renewed the chase
at a mile and a half distance — a manoever calculated to keep
up appearances with the fleet and to escape our shot. We
received seven or eight broadsides from him, and I was mortified
at not having it in my power to return him an equal number
without exposing myself to the rest of the fleet, for I am per-
suaded I should have had the pleasure of sending him home
had he been separate from them.

"At midnight we had distanced them, the chasing rocket
signals being almost out of sight, and soon left them. We
then kept ourselves in constant preparation till my arrival here ;
and indeed it had been very requisite, for we have been in con-
stant brushes ever since. The day after we left the (French)
fleet we were chased till night by two frigates whom we lost
sight of when it was dark. The next morning off Cape St.
Vincent in the latitude of Cadiz, were chased by a French lateen-
rigged vessel apparently of 10 or 12 guns, one of them an
18-pounder. We brought to, for his metal was too heavy for
ours, and his position was to windward, where he lay just in a
situation to cast his shot over us, and it was not in my power
to put him off. We of course bore away, and saluted him with
our long nines. He continued in chase till dark and when we
were nearly by Cadiz, at sunset, he made a signal to his consort,
a large lugger whom we had just discovered ahead. Having a
strong breeze I was determined to pass my stern over him if
he did not make way for me. He thought prudent so to do.

220

Elias Hasket Derby and his Times

" At midnight we made the lights in Cadiz city but found no
English fleet. After laying to till daybreak, concluded that the
French must have gained the ascendency in Cadiz and thought
prudent to proceed to this place where we arrived at 12 o'clock,
popping at Frenchmen all the forenoon. At 10 A.M. off Algeciras
Point were seriously attacked by a large latineer who had on
board more than 100 men. He came so near our broadside as
to allow our six-pound grape to do execution handsomely. We
then bore away and gave him our stern guns in a cool and
deliberate manner, doing apparently great execution. Our
bars having cut his sails considerably he was thrown into con-
fusion, struck both his ensign and his pennant. I was then
puzzled to know what to do with so many men; our ship was
running large with all her steering sails out, so that we could
not immediately bring her to the wind and we were directly off
Algeciras Point froto whence I had reason to fear she might
receive assistance, and my port (Gibralter) in full view.

"These were circumstances that induced me to give up the
gratification of bringing him in. It was, however, a satisfaction
to flog the rascal in full view of the English fleet who were to
leeward. The risk of sending here is great, indeed, for any
ship short of our force in men and guns — but particularly
heavy guns.

" It is absolutely necessary that two Government ships should
occasionally range the straits and latitude of Cadiz, from the
longitude of Cape St. Vincent. I have, now while writing to
you, two of our countrymen in full view who are prizes to these
villains. Lord St. Vincent, in a 50-gun ship bound for England,
is just at this moment in the act of retaking one of them. The
other goes into Algeciras without molestation.

" You need have but little apprehension for my safety, as my
crew are remarkably well trained and are perfectly well disposed
to defend themselves; and I think after having cleared our-

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

selves from the French in such a handsome manner, you may
well conclude that we can effect almost anything. If I should
go to Constantinople, it will be with a passport from Admiral
Nelson for whom I may carry a letter to Naples.
"Your affectionate son,

"ELIAS HASKET DERBY."

That the experience of Captain Elias Hasket Derby, Jr., in
the Mount Vernon was not an unusual one is indicated by the
following letter written by Captain Richard Wheatland and
published in a Salem newspaper of 1799 under these stirring
headlines:

" A sea Fight gallantly and vigorously maintained by the Ship
Perseverance, Captain Richard Wheatland of this port against
one of the vessels of the Terrible Republic. The French Rascals,
contrary to the Laws of War and Honor, fought under false
colours, whilst the Eagle, true to his charge, spreads his wings on
the American flag."

"Snip PERSEVERANCE,
"Old Straits of Bahama, Jan. 1, 1799.

"Dec. 31st. Key Remain in sight, bearing south, distance
four or five leagues. A schooner has been in chase of us since
eight o'clock, and has every appearance of being a privateer.
At one o'clock P.M. finding the schooner come up with us very
fast, took in steering sails, fore and aft and royals; at half -past
one about ship and stood for her; she immediately tacked and
made sail from us. We fired a gun to leeward and hoisted the
American ensign to our mizzen peak; she hoisted a Spanish
jack at maintop masthead and continued to run from us. Find-
ing she outsailed us greatly, and wishing to get through the
Narrows in the Old Straits, at two o'clock P.M. we again about
ship and kept on our course. The schooner immediately wore,
fired a gun to leeward, and kept after us under a great press of

Elias Ihisket Derby mansion (1799-1S1U)

Prince House. Home of Richard Derby. Built about 17.>(>

Elias Hasket Derby and his Times

sail. At half-past two she again fired a gun to leeward, but
perceiving ourselves in the Narrows above mentioned, we kept
on to get through them if possible before she came up with us,
which we effected.

" At three o'clock finding ourselves fairly clear of Sugar Key
and Key Laboas, we took in steering sails, wore ship, hauled
up our courses, piped all hands to quarters and prepared for
action. The schooner immediately took in sail, hoisted an
English Union flag, and passed under our lee at a considerable
distance. We wore ship, she did the same and we passed each
other within half a musket. A fellow hailed us in broken Eng-
lish and ordered the boat hoisted out and the captain to come
on board with his papers, which he refused. He again ordered
our boat out and enforced his orders with a menace that in case
of refusal he would sink us, using at the same time the vilest
and most infamous language it is possible to conceive of.

"By this time he had fallen considerably astern of us; he
wore and came up on our starboard quarter, giving us a broad-
side as he passed our stern, but fired so excessively wild that he
did us very little injury, while our stern-chasers gave him a
noble dose of round shot and lagrange. We hauled the ship
to wind and as he passed poured a whole broadside into him
with great success. Sailing faster than we he ranged consider-
ably ahead, tacked and again passed, giving us a broadside and
a furious discharge of musketry which they kept up incessantly
until the latter part of the engagement.

" His musket balls reached us in every direction, but his large
shot either fell short or went considerably over us while our
guns loaded with round shot and square bars of iron, six inches
long, were plied so briskly and directed with such good judg-
ment that before he got out of range we had cut his mainsail
and foretopsail all to rags and cleared his decks so effectively
that when he bore away from us there were scarcely ten men

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

to be seen. He then struck his English flag and hoisted the
flag of the Terrible Republic and made off with all the sail he
could carry, much disappointed, no doubt, at not being able
to give us a fraternal embrace.

"The wind being light and knowing he would outsail us,
added to a solicitude to complete our voyage, prevented our
pursuing him; indeed we had sufficient to gratify our revenge
for his temerity, for there was scarcely a single fire from our
guns but what spread entirely over his hull. The action which
lasted an hour and twenty minutes, we conceive ended well,
for exclusive of preserving the property entrusted to our care,
we feel confidence that we have rid the world of some infamous
pests of society. We were within musket shot the whole time
of the engagement, and were so fortunate as to receive but very
trifling injury. Not a person on board met the slightest harm.
Our sails were a little torn and one of the quarterdeck guns
dismounted.

"The privateer was a schooner of 80 or 90 tons, copper
bottom, and fought five or six guns on a side. We are now
within forty-eight hours sail of Havana, where we expect to
arrive in safety; indeed we have no fear of any privateer's
preventing us unless greatly superior in force. The four
quarterdeck guns will require new carriages, and one of them
was entirely dismounted.

"We remain with esteem,
" Gentlemen,

" Your Humble Servant,

" RICHARD WHEATLAND."

CHAPTER XII

PIONEERS IN DISTANT SEAS

(1775-1817)

THE name of Joseph Peabody takes rank with that of
Elias Hasket Derby as an American who did much to
upbuild the commerce, wealth and prestige of his
nation in its younger days. It may sound like an old-fashioned
doctrine in this present age of concentration of wealth at the
expense of a sturdy and independent citizenship, to assert that
such men as Joseph Peabody deserve much more honor for the
kind of manhood they helped to foster than for the riches they
amassed for themselves. They did not seek to crush competi-
tion, to drive out of business the men around them who were
ambitious to win a competence on their own merits and to call
themselves free citizens of a free country. Those were the
days of equal opportunities, which shining fact finds illustra-
tion in the career of Joseph Peabody, for example, who, during
his career as a ship owner, advanced to the rank of master ^
thirty-five of his fellow townsmen who had entered his employ
as cabin boys or seamen. Every one of these shipmasters, " if
he had the stuff in him," became an owner of shipping, a mer-
chant with his own business on shore, an employer who was
eager, in his turn, to advance his own masters and mates to
positions of independence in which they might work out their
own careers.

During the early years of the nineteenth century, Joseph
Peabody built and owned eighty-three ships which he freighted

225

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

on his own account and sent to every corner of the world. The
stout square-riggers which flew the Peabody house flag made
thirty-eight voyages to Calcutta, seventeen to Canton, thirty-
two to Sumatra, forty-seven to St. Petersburg, and thirty to
other ports of Europe. To man this noble fleet no fewer than
seven thousand seamen signed shipping articles in the counting
room of Joseph Peabody. The extent of his commerce is
indicated by the amount of duties paid by some of these ships.
In 1825 and 1826, the Leander, a small brig of two hundred and
twenty-three tons, made two voyages to Canton which paid
into the Salem Custom House duties of $86,847, and $92,392
respectively. In 1829, 1830, and 1831, the Sumatra, a ship of
less than three hundred tons, came home from China with
cargoes, the duties on which amounted to $128,363; $138,480,
and $140,761. The five voyages named, and all of them were
made in ships no larger than a small two-masted coasting
schooner of to-day, paid in duties a total of almost six hundred
thousand dollars.

Typical of the ships which won wealth and prestige for
Joseph Peabody, was the redoubtable George which was the
most successful vessel of her period. For twenty -two years she
was in the East India trade, making twenty-one round voyages
with such astonishing regularity as to challenge comparison
with the schedules of the cargo tramps of to-day. She was only
one hundred and ten feet in length, with a beam of twenty-
seven feet, but during her staunch career the George paid into
the United States Treasury as duties on her imports more than
six hundred thousand dollars.

She was built in 1814 by a number of Salem ship carpenters
who had been deprived of work by the stagnation of the War
of 1812. They intended to launch her as a co-operative priva-
teer, to earn her way by force of arms when peaceable merchant-
men were driven from the high seas. But the war ended too

226

Pioneers in Distant Seas

soon to permit these enterprising shipwrights to seek British
plunder and they sold the George to Joseph Peabody. She
sailed for India in 1815, with hardly a man in her company,
from quarterdeck to forecastle, more than twenty-one years of
age. Every man aboard of her could read and write, and most
of the seamen had studied navigation.

Not always did these enterprising and adventurous Salem
lads return to their waiting mothers. In the log of the George
for a voyage to Calcutta in 1824, the mate has drawn with
pencil a tombstone and a weeping willow as a tribute to one
Greenleaf Perley, a young seaman who died in that far-off
port. The mate was a poet of sorts and beneath the headstone
he wrote these lines :

"The youth ambitious sought a sickly clime,
His hopes of profit banished all his fears;
His was the generous wish of love divine,
To sooth a mother's cares and dry her tears."

Joseph Peabody began his sea life when a lad in his teens in
the hardy school of the Revolutionary privateersmen. He
made his first cruise in Elias Hasket Derby's privateer, Bunker
Hill, and his second in the Pilgrim owned by the Cabots of
Beverly. A little later he became second officer of a letter of
marque ship, the Ranger, o\vned by Boston and Salem shipping
merchants. It was while aboard the Ranger that young Pea-
body won his title as a fighting seaman. Leaving Salem in the
winter of 1781-82, the Ranger carried salt to Richmond, and
loaded with flour at Alexandria for Havana. Part of this cargo
of flour was from the plantation of George Washington, and the
immortal story of the hatchet and the cherry tree must have
been known in Cuba even then, for the Spanish merchants
expressed a preference for this brand of flour and showed their
confidence by receiving it at the marked weight without putting
it on the scales.

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

The Ranger returned to Alexandria for another cargo of
flour, and on July 5th, 1782, dropped down the Potomac, ready
for sea. Head winds compelled her to anchor near the mouth
of the river. At three o'clock of the following night, the seaman
on watch ran aft, caught up a speaking trumpet, and shouted
down to the sleeping officers in the cabin that two boats were
making for the ship. Captain Simmons and Lieutenant Pea-
body rushed up the companionway, and as they reached the
deck, received a volley of musketry from the darkness. Captain
Simmons fell, badly wounded, and Peabody ran forward in his
night clothes, calling to the crew to get their boarding pikes.
He caught up a pike and with a brave and ready seaman named
Kent, sprang to the bows and engaged in a hand to hand fight
with the boarding party which was already pouring over the
rail from the boat alongside.

The Ranger's crew rallied and held the deck against this
invasion until a second boat made fast in another quarter and
swept the deck with musket fire. The first officer was in the
magazine below, breaking out ammunition, the captain was
wounded, and the command of this awkward situation fell
upon Lieutenant, or Second Officer Peabody, who was a con-
spicuous mark in his white nightshirt. He ordered cold shot
heaved into the boats to sink them if possible, and one of them
was smashed and sunk in short order.

Peabody then mustered his crew against the boarding party
from the other boat, and drove them overboard. After the
Ranger's decks had been cleared in fierce and bloody fashion
and the fight was won, it was found that one of her crew was
dead, three wounded, the captain badly hurt, and although
Peabody had not known it in the heat of action, he had stopped
two musket balls and bore the marks of a third. One of the
very able seamen of the Ranger had seen a boarder about to
fire point-blank at Peabody and with a sweep of his cutlass he

228

Joseph IValxxly

Pioneers in Distant Seas

cut off the hand that held the pistol. For this service Peabody
made the seaman a life-long pensioner, showing that his heart
was in the right place in more ways than one.

The Ranger carried twenty men and seven guns at this time,
and the enemy attempted to carry the ship with sixty men in
two barges, their loss being more than forty in killed and
wounded. They were later ascertained to be a band of Tories
who had infested the bay of the mouth of the Potomac for some
time, and had captured a brig of ten guns and thirty men a few
days before this. The Ranger sailed up to Alexandria to refit
and land her wounded, and the merchants of the town presented
the ship with a silver mounted boarding-pike in token of their
admiring gratitude for her stout defense. This trophy became
the property of Joseph Peabody and was highly prized as an
adornment of his Salem mansion in later years.

When the Ranger went to sea again, Thomas Perkins of
Salem, her first officer, was given the command and Peabody
sailed with him as chief mate. Thus began a friendship which
later became a business partnership in which Perkins amassed
a large fortune of his own. Peabody sailed as a shipmaster
for a Salem firm for several years after peace came, and at
length bought a schooner, the Three Friends, in which he traded
to the West Indies and Europe. The story of his career there-
after was one of successful speculation in ships and cargoes and
of a growing fleet of deep-water vessels until his death in 1844,
a venerable man of large public spirit, and shining integrity, a
pillar of his state and town, whose fortune had been won in the
golden age of American enterprise in remote seas.

William Gray completed the triumvirate of Salem ship owners
of surpassing sagacity and success, his name being rightfully
linked with those of Elias Hasket Derby and Joseph Peabody.
He served his apprenticeship in the counting room of Richard
Derby and was one of the earliest American shipping merchants

229

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

to seek the trade of Canton and the ports of the East Indies.
In 1807 he owned fifteen ships, seven barks, thirteen brigs, and
one schooner, or one-fourth of the tonnage of the port. He
became the lieutenant governor of the Commonwealth and left
a princely fortune as the product of his far-sighted industry.

For the information of those unfamiliar with the records of
that epoch on the seas, the rapidity with which these lords of
maritime trade acquired their fleets and the capital needed to
freight and man them, it may be worth while to give a concrete
example of the profits to be won in those ventures of large risks
and larger stakes. A letter written from the great shipping
house of the Messrs. Perkins in Boston to their agents in Canton
in 1814, goes to show that the operations of the captains of
industry of the days of Derby and Gray and Peabody would
have been respected by the capitalists of this twentieth century.
Here is the kind of Arabian Night's Entertainment in the way
of dazzling rewards which these old-time merchants planned to
reap:
"To MESSERS. PERKINS AND Co. CANTON, Jan. 1, 1814.

"You say a cargo laid at Canton would bring three for one
in South America, and your copper would give two prices back.
Thus, $30,000 laid out in China would give you $90,000 in
South America, one half of which laid out in copper would give
one hundred per cent, or $90,000, making $135,000 for $30,000.

"60,000 pounds of indigo even at 80 cents, $48,000; 120 tons
of sugar at $60, or $7,200, and cotton or some other light freight,
say skin tea, $20,000, in all $75,000, would be worth $400,000
here, and not employ the profits of the voyage to South America.
Manila sugar is wTorth $400 or $500 per ton here, clear of duty.
The ship should be flying light, her bottom in good order, the
greatest vigilance used on the voyage and make any port north
of New York.

" (signed) THOMAS II. PERKINS and JAMES PERKINS."
230

Pioneers in Distant Seas

It was the heyday of opportunity for youth. Robert Bennett
Forbes, by way of example, was the nephew of this Thomas
Perkins of Boston, and likewise became a wealthy merchant and
ship owner. Young Forbes went to sea before the mast as a
boy of thirteen. He has told how his mother equipped him
with a supply of thread, needles, buttons, etc., in his ditty-bag,
also some well-darned socks, a Testament, a bottle of lavender
water, one of essence of peppermint, a small box of broken
sugar and a barrel of apples. " She wanted to give me a pillow
and some sheets and pillow cases," he writes, " but I scorned the
idea, having been told that sailors never used them, but usually
slept with a stick of wood with the bark on for a pillow. My
good mother who had been at sea herself and fully realized the
dangers and temptations to which I should be exposed, felt that
there could be but one more severe trial for her, and that was
to put me in my grave. My uncle contributed a letter full of
excellent advice, recommending me to fit myself to be a good
captain and promising to keep me in mind. William Sturgiss,
who had much experience of the sea, took an interest in me and
gave me this advice :

" ' Always go straight forward, and if you meet the Devil cut him
in two and go between the pieces; if any one imposes on you, tell
him to whistle against a northwester and to bottle up moonshine. ' "

Forbes was 15 years old when Mr. Gushing, of the firm's ship-
ping house in Canton, wrote to Thomas H. Perkins in Boston:

"I have omitted in my letters per Nautilus, mentioning
our young friend Bennet Forbes, recommending his being pro-
moted to be an officer on the return of the Canton packet. He
is without exception the finest lad I have ever known, and has
already the stability of a man of thirty. During the stay of the
ship I have had him in the office and have found him as useful
as if he had been regularly brought up in the business; he has
profited so much by the little intercourse he has had with the

231

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Chinese that he is now more competent to transact business
than one half of the supercargoes sent out."

The Crowninshield family of Salem earned very unusual
distinction on salt water and a national fame as men of affairs
and statecraft. There were six brothers of them, born of a sea-
faring father and grandfather, and this stalwart half dozen
Crowninshields one and all, went to sea as boys. One died of
fever at Guadaloupe at the age of fourteen while captain's clerk
of a Salem ship. The five surviving brothers commanded ships
before they were old enough to vote, and at one time the five
were absent from Salem, each in his own vessel, and three of
them in the East India trade.

"When little boys they were all sent to a common school
and about their eleventh year began their first particular study
which should develop them as sailors and ship captains. These
boys studied their navigation as little chaps of twelve years old
and were required to thoroughly master the subject before being
sent to sea. It was common in those days to pursue their
studies by much writing out of problems, and boys kept their
books until full. Several such are among our family records and
are interesting in the extreme, beautifully written, without blots
or dog's ears, and all the problems of navigation as practised
then, are drawn out in a neat and in many cases a remarkably
handsome manner. The designing of vessels was also studied
and the general principles of construction mastered.

"As soon as the theory of navigation was mastered, the
youngsters were sent to sea, sometimes as common sailors, but
commonly as ship's clerks, in which position they were enabled
to learn everything about the management of a ship without
actually being a common sailor."*

* From "An Account of the Yacht Cleopatra's Barge." by Benjamin W.
Crowninshield, Historical Collections of the Essex Institute, from which much
of the information in this chapter is derived.

lion. Jacob Crowninshield

Pioneers in Distant Seas

This method of nautical education was of course open only
to those of considerable influence who wished to fit their sons
to become merchants as well as shipmasters. It seems to have
been remarkably efficient in training the five Crowninshields.
One of these shipmasters, Benjamin W., became Secretary of
the Navy under Jefferson, and United States Congressman,
while another brother, Jacob, was a Congressman from 1803
to 1805 and had the honor of declining a seat in Jefferson's
Cabinet. Jacob Crowninshield, however, earned a more popu-
lar kind of fame by bringing home from India in 1796, the first
live elephant ever seen in America. It is probable that words
would be wholly inadequate to describe the sensation created
by this distinguished animal when led through the streets of
Salem, with a thousand children clamoring their awe and jubila-
tion.* It is recorded that this unique and historical elephant
was sold for ten thousand dollars.

The eldest of these brothers, Captain George Crowninshield,
who served his years at sea, from forecastle to cabin, and then
retired ashore to become a shipping merchant, was the patriotic
son of Salem who chartered the brig Henry, manned her with a
crew of shipmasters and sailed to Halifax to bring home the
bodies of Lawrence and Ludlow after the defeat of the Chesa-
peake by the Shannon. Those \vho knew him have handed
down a vivid description of his unusual personality. He was

* (1797) "Aug. 30.— Went to the Market House to see the Elephant. The
crowd of spectators forbade me any but a general and superficial view of him.
He was six feet four inches high. Of large Volume, his skin black as tho' lately
oiled. A short hair was on every part but not sufficient for a covering. His
tail hung one third of his height, but without any long hair at the end of it. His
legs were still at command at the Joints but he could not be persuaded to lie
down. The Keeper repeatedly mounted him but he persisted in shaking him
off. Bread and Hay were given him and he took bread out of the pockets of
the spectators. He also drank porter and drew the cork, conveying the liquor
from his trunk into his throat. His Tusks were just to be seen beyond the flesh
and it was said had been broken. We say his because this is the common
language. It is a female, and teats appeared just behind the fore legs." (From
the Diary of Dr. William Bentley.1)

233

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

robust and daring beyond the ordinary, and a great dandy in
his small clothes and Hessian boots with gold tassels. "His
coat was wonderful in cloth, pattern, trimmings and buttons,
and his waistcoat was a work of art. He wore a pigtail and on
top of all a bell-crowned beaver hat, not what is called a beaver
to-day, but made of beaver skin, shaggy like a terrier dog."

Captain George has the distinction of being the first American
yacht owner. As early as 1801 he had built in Salem a sloop
called the Jefferson in which he cruised for several years. She
was turned into a privateer in the War of 1812. While the
Jefferson was beyond doubt the first vessel built for pleasure
in this country, and the first yacht that ever flew the Stars and
Stripes, her fame is overshadowed by that of the renowned
Cleopatra's Barge, the second yacht owned by Captain Crown-
inshield, and the first of her nation to cruise in foreign waters.
The Cleopatra's Barge was a nine-days' wonder from Salem to the
Mediterranean, and was in many ways one of the most remark-
able vessels ever launched.

Her owner found himself at forty-nine years in the prime of
his adventurous energy writh his occupation gone. The ship-
ping firm founded by his father had been dissolved, and this
member of the house fell heir to much wealth and leisure.
Passionately fond of the sea and sailors he determined to build
the finest vessel ever dreamed of by a sober-minded American,
and to cruise and live aboard her for the remainder of his days.
There were no other yachts to pattern after, wherefore the
Cleopatra's Barge was modeled and rigged after the fashion of a
smart privateer, or sloop-of-war.

When she was launched in Salem harbor in 1817, at least a
thousand curious people visited her every day she lay in port.
Her fittings were gorgeous for her time, what with Oriental
draperies, plate glass mirrors, sideboards, and plate. She was
eighty-seven feet long, and in dimensions almost the counter-

234

Pioneers in Distant Seas

part of the famous sloop Mayflower of modern times. When
she was ready for sea, this yacht had cost her owner fifty
thousand dollars. She was rigged as a brigantine, and car-
ried a mighty press of sail, studding-sails on the fore-yards,
sky-sail, "ring-tail," "water-sail," and other handkerchiefs
now unknown.

With that bold individuality of taste responsible for the
yellow curricle in which Captain George was wont to dazzle
Salem, when he drove through the streets, he painted his yacht
in different colors and patterns along her two sides. To star-
board she showed a hull of horizontal stripes laid on in most
of the colors of the rainbow. To port she was a curious " her-
ring-bone" pattern of brilliant hues. Her stern was wide and
pierced with little cabin windows.

With his cousin Benjamin as skipper, and a friend, Samuel
Curwen Ward, the owner sailed for the Mediterranean on what
was destined to be a triumphant voyage. He had prepared
himself with no fewer than three hundred letters of introduction
to eminent civil, military and naval persons of Italy, Spain and
other countries. The cook of the Cleopatra's Barge was a master
of his craft, the stock of wine was choice and abundant, and if
ever an open-handed yachtsman sailed the deep it was this
Salem pioneer of them all.

The vessel was the sensation of the hour in every port. Her
journal recorded that an average of more than three thousand
visitors came aboard on every pleasant day while she was in for-
eign ports, and that in Barcelona eight thousand people came
off to inspect her in one day. Wherever possible the owner
chartered a band of music or devised other entertainment for
his guests. His yacht was more than a pleasure barge, for he
had the pleasure of beating the crack frigate United States in
a run from Cartagena to Port Mahone, and on the way to
Genoa she logged thirteen knots for twelve hours on end.

235

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

It was at Genoa that an Italian astronomer of considerable
distinction, Baron von Zack, paid a visit on board and several
years later recorded his impressions of the Cleopatra's Barge in
a volume, written in French, and published in Genoa in 1820.

" How does it happen that the Commanders of French vessels,
with thirty-four schools of Hydrography established in the
Kingdom, either know not, or do not wish to know, how to
calculate the longitude of their vessels by Lunar distances, while
even the cooks and negroes of American vessels understand it?

" I will now relate what I once witnessed on board an Ameri-
can vessel, the Cleopatra's Barge, which arrived in the month
of July, 1817, at the port of Genoa from Salem, one of the
handsomest Towns in the State of Massachusetts, U. S. A.,
Lat. 42° 35' 20" N., Long. 73° 9' 30" W. All the city crowded
to see this magnificent palace of Neptune; more than 20,000
persons had visited this superb floating palace, and were aston-
ished at its beauty, luxury and magnificence. I went among
others. The owner was on board ; he was a gentleman of for-
tune of Salem, who had amassed great riches during the late
war with Great Britain. He was brother to the Secretary of
the Navy of the United States.

" This elegant vessel was built for his own amusement, after
his own ideas, upon a plan and model new in very many respects,
and was considered the swiftest sailer in America. He had
traveled or sailed for his pleasure in this costly jewel (bijou)
that -appeared more the model of a cabinet of curiosities than a
real vessel. He had left America in this charming shell (coquille)
for the purpose of visiting Europe and making the tour of the
Mediterranean & had already touched at the ports of Spain,
France, Italy, the Archipelago, Dardanelles, coasts of Asia,
Africa, etc. We have since heard of the death of this gentle-
man, a short time after his return to Salem. His name was
George Crowninshield — he was of German origin — his ancestor

236

Benjamin Crowninshield

Pioneers in Distant Seas

was a Saxon officer who, having the misfortune to kill his adver-
sary in a duel, sought refuge in America. The captain of this
beautiful vessel was a lively old gentleman, a cousin to Mr.
Crowninshield — his son, a young man, was also on board. I
shall not here enter into detail concerning the remarkable con-
struction of this vessel, still less her splendor — the public journals
have already noticed them.

"In making some enquiries respecting my friends and cor-
respondents in Philadelphia and Boston, among others I men-
tioned Dr. Bowditch. ' He is the friend of our family, and our
neighbor in Salem,' replied the old Captain. 'My son, whom
you see there, was his pupil; it is properly he, and not myself,
that navigates this vessel ; question him and see if he has profited
by his instructions.'

"I observed to this young man, 'you have had so excellent a
teacher in Hydrography that you cannot fail of being well
acquainted with the science. In making Gibralter what was
the error in your longitude?' The young man replied, 'Six
miles.' 'Your calculations were then very correct; how did
you keep your ship's accounts?' 'By chronometers and by
Lunar observations.' 'You then can ascertain your Longitude
by Lunar distances?'

"Here my young captain appearing to be offended with my
question, replied with some warmth, 'What! I know how to
calculate Lunar distances! Our cook can do that!' 'Your
cook!' Here Mr. Crowninshield and the old Captain assured
me, that the cook on board could calculate Longitude quite well ;
that his taste for it frequently led him to do it. 'That is he,'
said the young man, pointing to a Negro in the after part of the
vessel, with a white apron about his waist, a fowl in one hand,
and a carving knife in the other.

"'Come here, John,' said the old Captain to him, 'this gen-
tleman is surprised that you understand Lunar observations.

237

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Answer his questions.' I asked, 'By what method do you
calculate Lunar distances?' The cook answered, 'It is imma-
terial— I use some time the method of Maskelyne, Lyons, or
Bowditch, but I prefer that of Dunthorne, as I am more accus-
tomed to it.' I could hardly express my surprise at hearing
that black-face answer in such a manner, with a bloody fowl
and carving knife in his hands.

" ' Go,' said Mr. Crowninshield, ' lay aside your fowl and bring
your books and journal and show your calculations to the gen-
tleman.' The cook returned with his books under his arms,
consisting of Bowditch's Practical Navigator, Maskelyne's
Requisite Tables, Hutton's Logarithms and the Nautical
Almanack, abridged from the Greenwich Edition. I saw all
the calculations this Negro had made on his passage, of Lati-
tude, Longitude, Apparent Time, etc. He replied to all my
questions with admirable precision, not merely in the phrases of
a cook, but in correct nautical language.

" This cook had sailed as cabin-boy with Captain Cook in his
last voyage round the world and was acquainted with several
facts relative to the assassination of the celebrated navigator at
Owhyhee, February, 1779. 'The greatest part of the seamen
on board the Barge,' said Mr. Crowninshield, 'can use the sex-
tant and make nautical calculations.'

"Indeed Mr. Crowninshield had writh him many instructors.
At Genoa he had taken one acquainted with Italian — he had
also on board an instructor in the French language, a young
man who had lost his fingers in the Russian campaign. What
instruction! what order! what correctness! what magnificence
was to be observed in this Barge; I could relate many more
interesting particulars concerning this true Barque of Cleo-
patra."

The editor of the Diario di Roma newspaper of Rome con-
sidered the Cleopatra's Barge worthy of a eulogistic notice, a

238

Pioneers in Distant Seas

translation of which was printed in the Essex Register of
October 11, 1817:

" Soon after the visit of the fleet, there anchored in our port
a schooner from America, of a most beautiful construction,
elegantly found, very light, and formed for fast sailing, and
armed like our light armed vessels. It was named the Cleo-
patra, belonging to a very rich traveller, George Crowninshield,
of Salem, who constructed her for his own use, and for the voy-
ages he had undertaken in company with Captain Benjamin
Crowninshield, his cousin. Besides the extreme neatness of
everything about the vessel to fit her for sea, her accommoda-
tions were surprising and wonderful. Below was a hall of
uncommon extent, in which the luxury of taste, the riches and
elegance of the furniture, the harmony of the drapery, and of
all the ornaments, inspired pleasure and gallantry. The apart-
ment of the stern was equally rich and interesting. Five con-
venient bed chambers displayed with that same elegance, were
at the service of the Captain, with an apartment for the plate
of every kind, with which it was filled. Near was another
apartment wrhich admitted all the offices of a kitchen, and in it
was a pump \vith three tubes which passed through the vessel,
to supply water from the sea, or discharge what they pleased,
with the greatest ease.

"The rich and distinguished owner had with him beside his
family servants, several linguists, persons of high talent in music,
and an excellent painter. Everything to amuse makes a part
of the daily entertainment. The owner and Captain were
affable, pleasing and civil, and gave full evidence of the talents,
the industry and the good taste of their nation, which yields to
none in good sense and true civility. The above travellers having
complied with the usual rules of the city, upon receiving a par-
ticular invitation, he visited the Cleopatra in company with many
persons of distinction, and partook of an elegant collation."

239

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

The Salem Gazette of Sept. 26, 1817, contained the following
** extract of a letter from a gentleman on board the Cleopatra's
Barge":

"BARCELONA, June 8.

"You have undoubtedly heard of our movements in the
Mediterranean; indeed you must have heard of us, from every
place at which we have touched — for the Cleopatra's Barge is
more celebrated abroad than at home. Even the Moors of
Tangier visited us tho' they abhor the Christians. At Gibralter
the Englishmen were astonished. In Malaga, Carthagena and
this place the Spaniards have been thunderstruck. For these
four days past the whole of this great city has been in an uproar.
They begin to crowd on board at daylight, and continue to
press upon us till night. This morning the Mole was so crowded
with people waiting to come on board, that we have been obliged
to get under weigh, and stand out of the Mole, yet the boats,
with men, women and children, are rowing after us. Thus it
has been in every place we have visited. In Port Mahon we
were visited by all the officers of our squadron."

Further tidings were conveyed to the admiring townspeople
of Salem by means of an article in the Essex Register under date
of Oct. 25th:

"Having noticed the attention paid to the American barge
Cleopatra, at Rome, we could not refuse the pleasure of assuring
our friends that Capt. G. Crowninshield had been equally
successful in arresting attention in France. The following is
an extract from a Letter dated at Marseilles, 14th July, 1817,
from a person long residing in France : ' Capt. G. Crowninshield
left this port in the beginning of this month, for Toulon and
Italy. During his stay here, thousands of both sexes were on
board of his beautiful Vessel. Every day it was like a continual
procession. It gave me the utmost pleasure, as the universal

240

Ship I'lysses — This painting shows a jury rudder about to be put in place at sea, in 18()(i.
So ingenious was the display of seamanship in the rising of this emergency rudder
that her commander, Capt. Win. Meyford, was awarded a medal by the American
Philosophical Society

Yacht Clenpatra'x Bar(/e. 1!)1 tons, built in salem. 181(i. shows the "herring-bone"
design painted in bright colors on side of the yacht

Pioneers in Distant Seas

opinion was that no vessel could compare with this Vessel. I
felt proud that such a splendid specimen of what could be done
in the United States was thus exhibited in Europe. We con-
sider it as an act of patriotism. The Vessel was admired. The
exquisite taste in her apartments greatly astonished the French
for their amour propre had inclined them to believe that only
in France the true gout was known. ' '

The Cleopatra's Barge returned to Salem in triumph, but
Captain George Crowninshield died on board while making
ready for a second voyage abroad. She was sold and converted
into a merchantman, made a voyage to Rio, then rounded the
Horn, and at the Sandwich Islands was sold to King Kame-
hameha to be used as a royal yacht. Only a year later her
native crew put her on a reef and the career of the Cleopatra's
Barge was ended in this picturesque but inglorious fashion.

In reading the old-time stories of the sea, one is apt to forget
that wives and sweethearts were left at home to wait and yearn
for their loved ones, for these logs and journals deal with the
day's work of strong men as they fought and sailed and traded
in many seas. Few letters which they sent home have been
preserved. It is therefore the more appealing and even touch-
ing to find in a fragment of the log of the ship Rubicon, the
expression of such sentiment as most of these seamen must have
felt during the lonely watches in mid-ocean. It is a curious
document, this log, written by a shipmaster whose name cannot
be found in the bundle of tattered sheets rescued from the
rubbish of an old Salem garret.

On the fly leaf is scrawled :

"Boston, May the llth, 1816. Took a pilot on board the
Ship Rubicon and sailed from Charlestown. 12th of May at
3 P.M. came to an anchor above the Castle, the wind S.E."

The ship was bound from Boston to St. Petersburg, and after
he had been a week at sea, her master began to write at the

241

The Skips and Sailors of Old Salem

bottom of the pages of his log certain intimately personal senti-
ments which he sought to conceal in a crude cipher of his own
devising. The first of these entries reads as follows as the
captain set it down, letter by letter:

"L nb wvzi druv what hszoo R dirgv go uroo gsrh hsvvg R droo
gvoo blf gszg R ollp blfi ovgvih levi zmw levi zmw drhs nv rm blf

zinh yfg R dzng rm kzgrvmxv gsnnprmt 1m Z szkb nvvgrmt R zn

dvoo."

It is not easy to fathom why the captain of the good ship
Rubicon should have chosen to make such entries as this in the
log. This much is clear, however, that he longed to say what
was in his heart and he wished to keep it safe from prying
eyes. He left no key to his cipher, but his code was almost
childish in its simplicity, and was promptly unraveled by the
finder of the manuscript, David Mason Little of Salem. The
old shipmaster reversed the alphabet, setting down "Z" for
"A," "Y" for "B," and so on, or for convenience in working
it out, the letters may be Dlaced as follows :

A— Z N— M

B— Y O— L

C— X P— K

D— W Q— J

E— V R — I

F— U S — H

G— T T— G

H — S U— F

I -R V— E

J— Q W-D

K— P X— C

L— O Y— B

M— N Z —A

Reading from the top of the column, the letters of the reversed
alphabet are to be substituted for the letters standing opposite

Pioneers in Distant Seas

them in their normal order. The passage already quoted
therefore translates itself as follows:

" O, Dear Wife, what shall I write to fill this sheet. I will
tell you that I look your letters over and over and wish me in
your arms, but I wait in patience, thinking on a happy meeting.
I am well."

Other messages which this sailor wrote from his heart and
confided to his cipher in the log of the Rubicon read in this wise :

"My Heart within me (is) ashes. I want to see my loving
Wife and press her to my bosom. But, O, my days are gone
and past no more to return forever."

"True, undivided and sincere love united with its own
object is one of the most happy Passions that possesses the
human heart."

HS sfc 5): ifc # $

" Joanna, this day brings to my mind grateful reflections.

" This is the day that numbers thirty years of my Dear's life.
O, that I could lay in her arms to-night and recount the days
that have passed away in youthful love and pleasure."

* * * * * *

"The seed is sown, it springs up and grows to maturity, then
drops its seed and dies away, while the young shoot comes up
and takes its place. And so it is with Man that is born to die."

Now and then a sea tragedy is so related in these old log books
that the heart is touched with a genuine sympathy for the
victim, as if he were more than a name, as if he were a friend
or a neighbor. It is almost certain that no one alive to-day has
ever heard of Aaron Lufkin, able seaman, who sailed from
Calcutta for the Cape of Good Hope in the year 1799. The
ship's clerk, William Cleveland of Salem, who kept a journal
of the voyage, wrote of this sailor in such a way that you will

243

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

be able to see him for what he was, and will perhaps wish no
better epitaph for yourself :

"Aaron Lufkin, one of the most active of our seamen held
out till he was scarcely able to walk, but as this appeared to be
fatigue, his case was not particularly observed by the Captain
nor officers. When he first complained he said he had been
unwell for some days but that there were so few on duty he
would stand it out. Unfortunately his zeal for his duty cost
him his life, for on the 17th of April he died after lingering in
torment for several days. He was often out of his head and
continually on the fly when no person was attending him, and
constantly talking of his father, mother and sisters, which
shewed how fond he was of them. Indeed his little purchases
in Calcutta for his sisters were a sufficient proof. He was the
only son of a respectable tradesman in the town of Freeport
(Maine) and the brother of eight or nine sisters, all of which
were younger than himself, though he was but twenty years
old."

The death of an able seaman, under such peaceful circum-
stances as these, was a matter of no importance except to his
kindred and his shipmates. It is significant of the spirit and
singularly dramatic activity of those times that the loss of a
whole ship's company might be given not so much space in the
chronicles of the town as the foregoing tribute to poor Aaron
Lufkin. Indeed "Felt's Annals of Salem" is fairly crowded
with appalling tragedies, told in a few bald lines, of which the
following are quoted as examples of condensed narration:

"News is received here that Captain Joseph Orne in the
ship Essex had arrived at Mocha, with $60,000 to purchase
coffee, and that Mahomet Ikle, commander of an armed ship,
persuaded him to trade at Hadidido, and to take on board 30
of his Arabs to help navigate her thither while his vessel kept
her company; that on the approach of night, and at a concerted

244

->Wl>$/r^n f~^ •*%-*& ^

Log of the good ship Rubicon, showing the captain's cipher at the bottom of the page

fioneers in Distant Seas

signal, the Arabs attacked the crew of the Essex, and Ikle laid
his ship alongside, and that the result was the slaughter of
Captain Orne, and all his men, except a Dutch boy named
John Hermann Poll. The Essex was plundered and burnt.
The headless corpse of Capt. Orne and the mutilated remains
of a merchant floated on shore and were decently buried. It
was soon after ascertained that the faithless Mahomet was a
notorious pirate of that country. He kept the lad whose life
he had spared, as a slave until 1812, when Death kindly freed
him from his cruel bondage."

On the 13th of November, 1807, "the ship Marquis de
Somereulas* arrives hither from Cronstadt and Elsinore. She
brings in eleven men, a woman called Joanna Evans, and her
child, which were picked up Oct. 28th in a longboat. The rest
being eight in number, were rescued at the same time on board
a ship from Philadelphia. They had been in the boat six
days, during which seven of their company died of starvation.
The living, in order to sustain themselves, fed upon the dead.
They were the remains of one hundred and ten souls on board
an English transport which was waterlogged and then blew up

*"A narrative dated Sept. 18, 1806, is published. It relates that the ship
Marquis de Sumereulas, Captain William Story, on the coast of Sumatra, had a
narrow escape from being surprised by some of the natives. Two proas came
alongside with fourteen men who were allowed to come on board. Only five
of the ship's company were left on deck. The mate and rest of the hands were
stowing the cargo. The captain, being in the cabin, heard Mr. Bromfield, the
clerk who was above, exclaim that he was cresed. The saihnaker ran to his
rescue, but was dangerously wounded and jumped down the hatchway. All
the hands below were ordered to gain the deck, though they had scarcely any
arms. The captain, while endeavoring to ascend the companionway, was
attacked with boarding pikes. His men attempted to get up but were repulsed
with several of them wounded. They were rallied and another effort was
about to be made. The injunction was given that if they did not succeed,
and the Malays took possession of the ship, a match should be applied to the
magazine to blow her up. In the meanwhile the natives had retreated, which
was immediately discovered by the crew who got on deck with the expectation
of a deadly contest. Mr. Bromfield was found dead. The carpenter and
cook were missing, but these two had escaped in a boat and soon returned to
unite with their comrades." (Felt's " Annals of Salem.")

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

and foundered. The captain and some of his men, being in a
small boat, by some means or other separated from those in the
long boat and were never afterwards heard of. After the sad
story of these shipwrecked sufferers was generally known among
our citizens, they experienced from them the most kindly
sympathy and substantial aid to the amount of between two
and three hundred dollars."

A more cheerful story, and one which may be called an old-
fashioned sea yarn, was told with much detail by a writer in the
Salem Evening Journal in 1855, who had received it at first
hand from a shipmate of the hero. In 1808, when England
was nominally at peace with the United States, but molesting
her commerce and impressing her seamen with the most perni-
cious energy, the bark Active, of Salem, arrived at Martha's
Vineyard and Captain Richardson reported that "while on his
course for Europe he was captured by an English letter-of-
marque, whose commander put seven men on board with Cap-
tain Richardson and three of his crew, the rest of his men being
taken from him and the bark ordered to Nevis. When near
that port the Americans seized upon the arms of the English,
confined them in irons, and put away for home where Captain
Richardson afterwards arrived in safety."

"A few years ago," narrates the loquacious contributor to
the Salem Evening Journal of 1855, "the writer heard from one
who was on board the barque Active on the above mentioned
voyage a somewhat amusing account of one of the crew, who
came down from New Hampshire, when she was about ready
to sail, and not being able to find any work on shore, shipped
with Capt. Richardson and went to sea. As a matter of course,
our country friend, as far as regarded nautical phrases and the
'ropes' generally, was extremely verdant. To use his own
words, he 'didn't really know t'other from which." Capt.
Richardson knew all this beforehand, but he also knew that

246

Pioneers in Distant Seas

our Yankee friend was a tall, stout, and very smart young man
and so he did not hesitate at all about taking him on board his
vessel. The chief mate, however, not being so well aware of
Peleg's verdancy as the Captain, and observing that he stood
with his hands in his pockets gazing curiously around the ship,
whilst the rest of the crew were engaged in getting the anchor
secured, addressed him thus:

"'Who are you?'

'"Peleg Sampson, from away up in Moultonboro, State of
New Hampshire. I say, it's a dernation mighty curious place
this, ain't it?'

"Rather surprised at the familiar manner of our Yankee
friend, the mate replied:

' ' I guess you'll find it curious enough before the voyage is up.
Lay forward there and help cat that anchor.'

"Whilst the mate stepped on the forecastle for the purpose
of superintending this necessary operation, Peleg began to
search all around the deck with a minuteness that would have
done honor to an experienced gold-hunter. After he had been
for a few minutes thus engaged, he followed the mate to the
forecastle deck and said :

"'I say, mister, I cack'late there ain't any of them critters
here.'

"'What critters? You d — n land-lubber,' said the mate.

"Cats,' returned Peleg, with an innocent gravity of tone
and manner, which made the sailors turn from their work and
gaze, open-mouthed, upon their verdant shipmate.

' ' Who the — — said anything about cats?' asked the mate.

"Why you, you tarnal goslin,' returned Peleg somewhat
tartly. 'Didn't you tell me to help cat the anchor, and before
I could do that ere, hadn't I got to find the animal to do it with,
hey, what?'

" On hearing this reply to the mate's question, the old salts

247

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

burst out in a loud, uproarious guffaw, in which the chief
officer most heartily joined, as he had by this time become most
fully aware that Peleg was nothing more nor less than a 'green
hand.'

" About a week afterwards, when the Active had got well out
to sea, and Peleg had recovered from a severe fit of seasickness
so as to be able to be about the decks, the mate, being in want
of an article from aloft, said to Peleg:

'' ' Go up in the maintop there, and bring down a slush bucket
that's made fast to the topmast rigging.'

"'What, up these rope-ladders do you want me to go?' asked
Peleg, with a scared look at the main-rigging.

" Yes,' returned the mate, 'and be spry about it, too.'

"Can't do any such business,' returned Peleg, in a very
decided tone of voice. 'Why don't you tell me to run over-
board. I should jest as soon think on't, really. Now I'm
ready to pull and haul, or wrestle, back to back, Indian hug, or
any way you like, fight the darnation Englishers till I'm knocked
down, or do anything I kin do, but as to going up them darna-
tion littleish rope-ladders, I can't think of it nohow.'

" Thinking it would be as wrell not to urge the matter farther
at that time, the mate sent another hand for the slush bucket,
and thus the affair ended. Afterwards, however, as we learned
from the same authority, Peleg became one of the smartest
sailors on board the vessel, and in the affair of retaking the ship
from English, did most excellent and efficient service."

In Felt's Annals of Salem, it is related under date of Feb-
ruary 21,1802, "the ships Ulysses, Captain James Cook; Brutus,
Captain William Brown, owned by the Messrs. Crowninshield ;
and the Valusia, Captain Samuel Cook, belonging to Israel
Williams and others sailed for Europe (on the same day).
Though when they departed the weather was remarkably
pleasant for the season, in a few hours a snowstorm commenced.

248

Pioneers in Distant Seas

After using every exertion to clear Cape Cod the tempest forced
them the next day upon its perilous shore. The most sad of
all in this threefold catastrophe was the loss of life in the
Brutus. One hand was killed by the fore-yard prior to the
ship striking; another was drowned while attempting to reach
the shore, and the commander with six men perished with the
cold after they had landed, while anxiously seeking some shelter
for their wet, chilled, and exhausted bodies."

Doctor Bentley, in his diary, had some interesting and lively
comments to make concerning the singular coincidence of the
loss of the three fine Salem ships which, sailing from port on the
same day, had met common disaster twenty-four hours later.
On March 1st (1802) he wrote:

" Arrived in town W. Rowell, one of the hands from Brutus.
He tells us that the ship struck at \ past 7 on Monday night,
that they discharged so much of their coffee into the sea as to
lighten her, that she began to come to pieces at \ past nine
and then by the help of the main-mast all but one reached the
shore. They took their way across the Cape and at length
Captain Brown failed and advised them to sit down and die
together. They helped him as long as they were able and then
left him. He was thin clad. The second mate failed, Mr.
Ayres. He had lost his boots and so their number continued
to diminish till daybreak. Two of the negroes were found
locked together in each others arms. They first discovered
the ship Volusia, but she was so covered with ice that they did
not know her. They hailed, but no person was on board. At
length they found a fence and from that discovered the light-
house at which they had assistance. The men were found
next day and brought to the same house, and next day buried
from the meeting house in Truro. Captain Brown was buried
in Province Town.

"Young Rowell thinks it would have been impossible to

249

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

tarry on the beach or to have erected any shelter in their ex-
hausted state. He says that if he stopped only a few minutes
he fell down oppressed with sleep and all the dc:ad were found
upon their faces and the mate with one arm under his head.
The cold by thermometer in Truro was below zero and the
snow and sand blew incessantly. Ober, who survived till next
day and was taken up alive, was almost choked with sand and
died soon after the attempt to relieve him. He remembered
to have heard them walking round him, was buried in snow,
and stretched out his hand that it might be seen above the
snow, but it was not discovered. A boy found him next
morning."

On the following Sunday, Doctor Bentley read aloud in his
pulpit a memorandum of "Thomas Rowell and wife and chil-
dren, thanks to God for the remarkable preservation of their
son William in the most distressing situation of the shipwreck
when Captain Brown and the greater part of the crew perished
on Cape Cod." Writing in his diary for March 14th, Doctor
Bentley observed:

"Our friends shipwrecked on Cape Cod, both at Province
Town and Truro, do not speak favorably of the talents of the
clergymen as displayed to alleviate their calamaties. Tho' no
impeachment of humanity can be laid, they derived little aid
from their devotion as guardians of sympathy.

"There was nothing done which they could call pleasing
accommodation in the public solemnities. Speaking of the
great humanity to the persons of the sufferers but the gross
violation of property, as characteristic of all the Cape Cods in
the world, or places in which shipwrecks are common, it had
been told of old Mr. Lewis of Wellfleet, that on a stormy Sunday
morning, upon seeing a wreck on shore from the pulpit window,
he closed his book, put on his outside garment and descended
from the pulpit, not explaining his intention till he was in the

250

Pioneers in Distant Seas

aisle, and then he cried out 'Start fair,' and took to his legs.
The congregation understood him and soon followed."

More fortunate than the luckless seamen of the Brutus was
the resurrected sea cook of Salem who insisted upon being alive
to the consternation of his former shipmates, whereas he had
been declared as dead as a herring by due formality of law.
His return to his native town is thus recorded in its annals :

" (1819) July 16. A few days since one of our sailors was
exceedingly frightened by meeting in the street what he really
believed to be the ghost of a shipmate. This person was Peter
Jackson whose worth as a cook was no less because he had a
black skin. He had belonged to the brig Ceres. As she was
coming down the river from Calcutta, she was thrown on her
beam ends and Peter fell overboard. Among the things thrown
to him was a sail-boom on which he was carried away from the
vessel by the rapid current. Of course all on board concluded
that he was drowned or eaten by crocodiles, and so they reported
when reaching home. Administration had been taken on his
goods and chattels and he was dead in the eye of the law. But
after floating twelve hours he was cast ashore and as soon as
possible hastened homeward. Notwithstanding he had hard
work to do away with the impression of his being dead, he
succeeded and was allowed the rights and privileges of the
living."

251

CHAPTER XIII

THE SUFFERINGS OF DANIEL SAUNDERS

(Shipwrecked on the Coast of Arabia)
(1792)

ON April 30, 1793, Rev. William Bentley of Salem made
this entry in his diary :

"The Ship Commerce has been stranded on the
coast of Arabia. She belonged to Boston. The greater part
of the men perished or were left upon the road travelling from
the place of their misfortune toward Muscat. Two have
arrived, one Saunders belonging to this town. The event
happened July 10, 1792."

This Daniel Saunders, who escaped with his life after the
most remarkable sufferings and adventures in the Arabian
Desert, wrote his own story in the year following his return home.
It was printed by Thomas C. Gushing of Salem in 1794, and
the rudely bound little book added a unique chapter to the long
list of autobiographies of the seafarers of Salem a century and
more ago. "Its publication," wrote Daniel Saunders in a
very modest preface, "is in consequence of repeated solicitation
for that purpose since his (the Writer's) return to Salem. And
he sincerely hopes that no mariner may ever have occasion to
relate misfortunes and sufferings like those which befell the
Company of the Ship Commerce."

He began his story with this explanation of how he happened
to be in the Commerce:

252

The Sufferings of Daniel Saunders

" On the 4th of May, 1791, I sailed from Salem in the State
of Massachusetts in the capacity of second mate on board the
snow Grand Sachem, Jonathan Carnes, master, bound to the
Cape of Good Hope, where we arrived safe after a passage of
one hundred and sixteen days, which brought it to the 30th of
August. We tarried at the Cape till the 9th of October when
we departed for the Isle of France where we arrived on the
16th of November, all well. I remained with Captain Carnes
till the 25th of December; but having found my situation on
board less agreeable than I wished, I preferred going as a mariner
on board the Ship Commerce of Boston, John Leach, master,
which was then at the Isle of France. For this purpose I
obtained my discharge from Captain Carnes, who received a
man from on board the Commerce instead."

The Commerce sailed for Madras on the 27th of January,
1792, at which port Captain Leach left the ship and Captain
Samuel Johnson of Rhode Island took his place. On the 28th
of April, 1792, the Commerce departed from Madras bound to
Bombay "on the coast of Malabar." The ship met contrary
winds and was blown out of her course. Captain Johnson lost
his bearings and on July 10th, while supposing himself to be
off the coast of Malabar and laying his course for Bombay, the
ship went ashore in the night.

Seaman Daniel Saunders may be allowed to take up the
narrative at this point. In his words: "The consternation we
were thrown into by this unexpected shock — the darkness of
night which surrounded us — the dashing of the waves against
our stranded ship and the prospect of immediate death before
us, created a scene of horror past description. Continuing yet
dark and in momentary expectation of the ship going to pieces
we waited impatiently the approach of day which soon ap-
peared, and in some measure alleviated our anxiety when we
found ourselves only two or three miles from the shore which

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

presented to our view a white sandy beach, the extent of which
we could not see on one end or the other; and not a house, a hut,
a tree or even a bush was to be seen. Having handed our sails,
and finding the ship had not made much water, and the sea
being considerably fallen, we hoisted out our boats, and carried
an anchor out astern, with the hope of heaving the ship off again;
but that and every other effort proving ineffectual, nothing
remained for us but to prepare for leaving the ship, and taking
to the boats. We accordingly went to work to procure masts
and sails for the boats, with provisions, water, and as many
other necessaries as the boats would conveniently carry.

" Our Captain, in the meantime, with several of the hands,
went on shore in the pinnace, where they found twelve or four-
teen savages, but neither house or habitation of any kind.
The gestures of these barbarians indicated an inhuman and
hostile disposition; and their conduct soon proved that it was
not prudent to put ourselves in their power; for one of our
people, who was Jess wary, or more venturesome, than the rest,
going within their reach, they immediately caught him, and
tied his hands; but he found means to disengage himself, with
a knife which he had in his pocket, and returned to the boat.

" By this time every one was convinced that we were not on
the coast of Malabar, but on the inhospitable shore of Arabia.
Finding nothing on shore but what served to augment our
misfortunes, and added to the deplorableness of our condition,
the Captain returned to the ship, and concluded there was
nothing now to be done but to go into the boats, placing our-
selves as much to advantage as we could, in order to steer for
Muskat, it being the nearest seaport on the coast that has trade
with the Europeans.

" Having everything ready we really wanted which our boats
would admit of carrying from the ship, we accordingly got
them equipped with all possible expedition, and at three o'clock

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The Sufferings of Daniel Saunders

in the afternoon we got into the three several boats, being
thirty-four souls in number, viz.: twenty Whites, thirteen
Lascar sailors, and one African black. The ship by this time
having bilged, her hold was full of water when we left her.

"Leaving the ship, with the wind in the southward quarter,
we steered along the coast to the eastward till night, when,
finding ourselves much fatigued, it being likewise hazardous
to run in the night, we came to an anchor at a convenient dis-
tance from the shore. The water being somewhat smooth, and
the wind light, we had a tolerable night's rest.

"Wednesday, July 11. Finding ourselves much refreshed
by our night's rest, at four o'clock in the morning we weighed
our anchors, and proceeded along the coast, with a pleasant
breeze from the southwest, as before. At twelve o'clock we
tried for an observation; but it being cloudy prevented our
getting one to be depended on. We continued our course
along shore until night, when we came to an anchor again in
very shoal water, it not exceeding three or four feet; but being
protected from the fury of the sea by a point that projected
without the other part of the beach, we lay very securely all
night.

"Thursday, July 12. At five o'clock in the morning we
weighed anchor again, and proceeded along the coast, wind
and weather still favourable, until three o'clock in the after-
noon, when we stood off, to clear a long point that ran a con-
siderable distance out into the sea; but the wind headed us so
much that we could by no means clear the land; and the sea
had by this time rose to such an height, that we could not
venture upon the other tack without danger of being driven on
shore by the surf; in consequence of which we came to an
anchor. The sea at length ran so high, that it was writh diffi-
culty we kept the boats above water; we therefore took the
people out of the yawl, and let her drive on shore; the danger

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

we were then in leading us to apprehend that it would not be
long before we must follow her; our apprehensions and horrors
increasing, as the boats began to drive towards the shore, and
as we had no means left to prevent it, we were kept awake all
night ; but by good Providence our boats kept afloat till another
morning.

" Friday, July 13. Being reduced to two boats for the whole
number, at daylight we made sail, in hopes to get out to sea
far enough to keep our boats clear of the surf, which ran very
high in shore; but every effort proving fruitless, we were obliged
to put the boats before the wind for the shore, trusting to Provi-
dence to alleviate our misfortunes, and soften those hardships
on the land, which we could no longer sustain at sea. Being
now before the wind, which blew strong, and having a heavy
swell, we soon got on shore in the long boat; and by God's
assistance we were, every man, landed safe, being twenty-
seven in number.

" When we had saved as many things as we could that were
in the long boat, we stood upon the beach, waiting the landing
of the pinnace; she being yet some distance off, and seemingly
in great danger, being less qualified for encountering with the
sea than our boat. Our anxiety and apprehensions increased
as she drew nearer the shore ; nor were they without foundation,
for, when she was about half a mile from the shore, we had the
mortification to see her turned stern over head, which over-
whelmed all that were in her, being seven in number, four of
whom with difficulty reached the shore, and three were drowned,
viz.: King Lapham, carpenter; Ebenezer Grant, mariner, and
Nathaniel Seaver, jun., the merchant's son. The grief of the
father, who stood an unhappy spectator of this melancholy
catastrophe, finding his son to be among the number of those
who perished, may be more easily imagined than described.

" Having saved some of our sails from the long boat, and the

256

The Sufferings of Daniel Saunders

spars having drifted on shore, the morning being misty, we
went to work to raise a tent, to keep ourselves as much as we
could from the inclemency of the weather, which we soon
effected. About nine o'clock, the sun made its appearance,
which afforded us an opportunity of drying our clothes, and
other things we had collected on the beach, which came on
shore from the boats. In walking the beach, we found a
musket and powder horn, by means of which we kindled a fire,
and, made shift to cook a small pig that had swam on shore
from the long boat; it proved a very delicious meal, being the
first we had eat from the time of the ship's going on shore.

"Having thus refreshed ourselves, and thinking we were
pretty secure, not having seen a living creature since our landing,
and being much fatigued, having had no rest the preceding
night, we lay down to sleep; but, to our great surprise and
misfortune, about three o'clock in the afternoon, we were
alarmed by eighteen savages, on camels, armed with spears,
cutlasses and knives, who rushed upon us, before we were aware
of them; and, being in a very ordinary state of defence, we
could make but a weak resistance. Our Captain, however, &
some others, exhorted us to defend ourselves, and protect our
property; and in resisting them when they attempted to strip
him, he received several slight cuts, but suffered no material
injury thereby.

"Being in no condition to oppose them, they robbed us of
every thing we had, even stripping the shirts from off our backs;
and to get from one of us his hair ribbon, they cut off the hair
close to his head. We importuned them, by signs and gestures,
to leave us some old clothes to cover us, to prevent the sun from
burning our skin; which, after some hesitation, they did, finding
the spoil more than they could conveniently carry away; so
that every man was left with some article of clothing; some
had a shirt — some a jacket — some a pair of trowsers — and one

257

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

nothing but a strip of canvas to tie round him, except a hat on
his head, which every man had, there being a number in a
trunk which came ashore, and which the Arabs seemed to
disregard.

"They now separated the Blacks from the Whites; and
finding that the African (named Juba Hill, who came out from
Boston cook of the ship) spoke the same language we did, they
took him from the rest, bound him, and kept him; he crying to
us in the greatest distress, to attempt his release; but this was
entirely out of our power, and we expected every moment to
be treated in the same manner ourselves, or to be instantly put
to death if we made any resistance. Under this anxiety of
mind, we laboured awhile, in doubt of what would be done to
us, or what to do ourselves; at length we determined, if they
seized on any one of us, to rescue him, or die in the attempt.

" Soon afterwards came three or four more Arabs, whom we
supposed, by their appearance and conduct, to be some of their
merchants who traded in the country; these assisted in collect-
ing the spoils, and loading the camels with it. Having thus
far waited the result of their proceedings with various thoughts
and suggestions, about five o'clock in the evening, they per-
mitted us, with the thirteen remaining blacks, to leave them,
but not without sending two of their number, armed, as a
guard, along with us, to see us to a short distance, probably
conjecturing we might have something hid in the sand.

"When the guard left us, they informed us, as well as we
could understand them, that we might travel to Muskat in
five days. This, however, was far from being true, as we were
then four or five hundred miles in a direct line from it, and the
shortest route by land was doubtless twice that length; add to
this, that our way lay through fields of burning sands, and over
mountains of rocks and precipices, affording neither food to eat
or water to drink — exposed, naked, in the day time to a scorching

258

The Sufferings of Daniel Saunders

.sun, and in the night, to cold and heavy dews — and to the con-
tinual depredations of thieves and robbers — with no other guide,
a great part of the journey, than the heavenly bodies, and the
course of the sea — and without even the pity of man to soften
our fate.

"Rejoiced, however, that these inhuman plunderers had
quitted us, we began our wearisome journey, clothed with the
remnants which the Arabs had left us, and in as good health as
could be expected after our fatigues, excepting Mr. Seaver,*
who had been ill a great part of the passage, and was now quite
weak, but who preserved a courage and firmness which gave
spirits to the rest, and did honour to himself. We travelled
along the beach till dark, when, finding ourselves much fatigued,
we lay down in the sand to sleep.

"Saturday, July 14. We rose again, and proceeded on our
journey. About nine o'clock we saw three Arabs, fishing, who
seemed to shew some fear at our approach, and a wish to avoid
us; we passed them without taking any further notice of them.
About an hour after, we observed at the head of the beach,
several paths which seemed to lead into the country. We
followed these paths some way, till we lost sight of the beach,
and coming to a valley, saw some vines, which bore something
very much resembling our watermelons, both outside and in;
but on tasting them we found them so bitter that we could not
eat them.

"There was now a difference of opinion, whether it would be
better to keep on in these paths, or return to the beach in hopes,
that by keeping inland, they might find inhabitants, who would
shew them more compassion than we had met with on the sea
shore; while others apprehended it would be an imprudent
and dangerous experiment, and were of opinion that it would
be best to keep along the beach, which tended to lead us most
* Merchant and part owner of the Commerce.

259

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

to the eastward, and which was the course we were pursuing.
Contemplating awhile on the circumstances, the Captain, Mr.
Robert Williams,* Benjamin Williams,! Thomas Barnard, J
and all the Blacks, took the inland road; and the remainder
of us chose to travel the beach.

"About noon, we saw three Arabs, fishing; we made what
signs we could to them, to make them understand that we
wanted water, and they walked along with us, until they brought
us to a place where were two more of their fishermen. Being
now five of them in number, each having a large bludgeon,
they went about to search if we had any money; finding them-
selves disappointed in that, they robbed us of some books and
papers, and from one they took an old piece of canvas with
which he had covered his nakedness. Having done this, they
let us go, and we proceeded on, without getting any water.
After travelling some time, we discovered a spot on the upper
part of the beach, that appeared as if there was water wanting
to force its way up; we therefore began to dig and scrape as
well as we could with our hands. Having dug to some depth,
and finding no water, we gave over the object, and betook our-
selves to our journey again; but the sun being intensely hot,
the sand scorching our feet, and having had nothing to allay
our hunger, or quench our thirst, the preceding nor all that
day, it was with much difficulty the major part of us could walk
at all.

" Providence at this time directing to our view a single Arab,
we stopped him, and made him understand that we wanted
water. He pointed us to the top of a precipice which was at
some distance before us, where, as we understood him, we could
find water. We accordingly hastened with all possible diligence
toward the hill, and in a short time gained its summit, where,
after some search, we found a small well which contained some
* Merchant and part owner of the Commerce. f Ship's cooper. f Seaman.

260

The Sufferings of Daniel Saunders

brackish water; but being very thirsty, we drank our fill, and
found ourselves much refreshed by it. After resting ourselves
a little while at this place, we again resumed our journey, but
had not walked far before we saw at some distance a number
of men coming toward us, whom we at first took to be savages ;
but stopping a while to view them more attentively, we were
happy to find them to be our own people, who had parted with
us in the morning.

"Sunday, July 15. At day light we found some of the
blacks were missing, and the remaining ones (excepting the
captain's servant) parted from us soon after, taking the road
to travel they most approved of; the rest of us continued walk-
ing the beach along until nine o'clock, when we ascended a
mountain in hopes of finding water; having gained the top of
the mountain, we saw at some distance behind us, a number of
savages, who seemed to be coming after us in some haste;
but not overtaking us, we conjectured they had gone another
way. We continued walking across the mountain till twelve
o'clock, but finding nothing either to eat or drink, nor the
least prospect of getting any thing, we divided ourselves, rather
by accident, into three parties, each hoping to find a road that
might bring them to something which might save them from
perishing with hunger and thirst. Our party consisted of
Captain Johnson, Mr. Robert Williams, Benjamin Williams,
John Daniels,* William Leghorn,* John Howe,* Thomas
Barnard,* James Leatherby,* John Quincy,* myself, and
Manno, the captain's servant. Charles Lapham,* Valentine
Bagley,f Solomon Buthby,* Samuel Laha* and Gilbert Foss,*
formed another party; and Mr. Seaver and Mr. Ockington,J
choosing to go by themselves, made the third.

"This was the last I saw of these two, and of some of the
others. The other parties left us, and went their way. We
* Seamen. f Carpenter. f First mate.

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

(being eleven in number) saw at some distance a rock, whose
head reached considerably above the other part of the mountain
and afforded some shade that would shelter us from the sun,
whose heat was almost insupportable; under this rock we lay
down until the sun had declined, and become somewhat more
tolerable.

"Monday, July 16. At day light we rose again, and pro-
ceeded along the mountain to the eastward, until about 9 o'clock.
By this time the rays of the sun had become so intensely hot,
and we so weak and faint for wrant of food and water, that it
was with difficulty that any of us could walk at all; and Ben-
jamin Williams, William Leghorn and Thomas Barnard, whose
bodies were exposed naked to the scorching sun, finding their
strength and spirits quite exhausted, lay down, expecting
nothing but death for relief. In this deplorable, melancholy
condition we left them, without being able to afford them the
least help or consolation, nature calling for all our exertions to
preserve our own lives. We therefore continued our journey,
but not without being much disheartened and dismayed at
seeing our poor fellow sufferers exhausted with hunger and
fatigue, giving over the thought of living any longer, and resign-
ing themselves to the arms of death.

"About an hour after this Capt. Johnson and his servant
left us, and took another way, more inland. The remainder
of us (being now but six in number) still pursued our usual
track, until near twelve o'clock, when we reached a shady
place at the side of a rock, where we lay down till about three
o'clock; we then got up, and proceeded on again until near six
o'clock, when Mr. Williams, John Rowe and John Daniels
took another way by themselves. The three of us that were
left walked once more down to the beach, where we saw several
old fishing nets, but nothing in them. Having been two days
without a morsel of any thing to eat, or a drop of any thing to

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The Sufferings of Daniel Saunders

drink but salt water, we grew very weak and faint ; however, we
walked on till night, and then lay down on the beach and went
to sleep.

"Tuesday, July 17. At day light we rose again and pro-
ceeded on our journey. Having a long, hard, sandy beach to
walk, the traveling was somewhat less painful than that of the
mountains. About nine o'clock we met Mr. Robert Williams,
John Rowe and John Daniels again, who, we found, had fared
no better than ourselves. About an hour afterwards we came
to a rocky point that projected into the sea, about which we
found many crabs and cockels, which afforded us great relief.
James Leatherby now left us, and walked up to the mountain
again, in hopes of getting water. The rest of us walked along
the beach until about eleven o'clock, when, looking up to the
top of the mountain, I saw Leatherby, and made use of some
endeavours to persuade them all to go up to him; but they all
declined, except Mr. Williams and myself, who parted with the
rest of the company, and ascended the mountain as fast as we
could, but could see nothing of him. When we had reached
the top of the hill, Mr. Williams thought it was best to keep the
inland road, or rather find our road over the mountains. We
descended the mountain, and travelled across a neck of land,
which our companions upon the beach must have walked
round, which shortened our distance considerably. We travelled
until about one o'clock, when I became so weak with fatigue
and want of bodily nourishment, and the sun so hot, that I
could no longer support myself, and fell to the ground, and
began to despair of ever rising again. But, by the blessing of
God, my strength revived, and I was enabled to rise again in
about half an hour, Mr. Williams having been so good as to
stay by me during this conflict. When I rose, we walked down
toward the beach, and I went immediately and bathed myself
in the salt water, which afforded me great relief; then walking

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

back to the head of the beach, I took off what rags I had on,
and spread them to dry. Mean while Mr. Williams and I lay
down under the rock, and slept for a while tolerably easy.

"When I woke, I went down to the sea side and caught a
few crabs, which afforded us a tolerable good meal. Although
we found ourselves considerably refreshed, yet, so desperate
were our circumstances, that I proposed to Mr. Williams to
remain and end our existence at this place; but he having still
some hope of getting to Muskat, we concluded to set out again.
About five o'clock, we met Captain Johnson and his servant,
who informed us that he had seen Mr. Seaver and Mr. Ocking-
ton, whom he left in a very low condition. Soon after, James
Leatherby overtook us, and we walked together till near sun
down, when we saw a parcel of small rocks in a low, watery
marsh, where we found a quantity of small fish in nets; but our
mouths were so parched and dried for want of water, that we
could not eat any of them. We imagined there must be fresh
water near, from this being a place of fishing, and the Captain
went back toward the country in search of some, and left us on
the beach, to wait his return; but it growing dark, and no
appearance of his coming we followed him, and walked until
it was very dark, in quest of him. Now missing Mr. Williams,
I returned in search of him, and found him asleep at the side
of a rock. I awoke him, and we soon overtook our party, but
could find nothing of the Captain.

"Wednesday, July 18. About five o'clock we began our
usual hard labour, somewhat more inland; and, walking until
noon, we met two women with a goat skin full of water; we
importuned them some time for some of the water to drink ; at
length they understood what we wanted, and gave us about
three pints of water each, and made us understand where we
might get more. We immediately plied ourselves along the
road they directed us; and after travelling some distance, we

The Sufferings of Daniel Saunders

met two men and six women, who at first treated us very hospita-
bly, and gave us as much water as we wanted; they gave us
also three small fishes each; but, our mouths being so sore for
want of continual moisture, we could not eat them. Their
thievish disposition now began to make its appearance, for
one of the women, taking a fancy to Mr. Williams 's shoes, went
immediately and took them off his feet; they took from James
Leatherby his shirt, and from me my hair ribbon, and, the men
standing over us with large bludgeons in their hands, we durst
make no resistance.

"Having gratified their curiosity, and taken from us what-
ever attracted their attention, they made signs to us to go away,
which we did; and walking down toward the beach, we over-
took the Captain, who informed us that he had got water, since
he left us, of some of the Arabs; but that in return they had
taken from him his trowsers. We travelled along the beach
until about 4 o'clock, when, seeing a number of trees and
bushes, we went among them, in hopes of finding some water,
but unfortunately found none. James Leatherby, Manno, the
Captain's servant, and myself, laid down under a bush and
tried to sleep, leaving the Captain and Mr. Williams to go on
before us, as we could overtake them in a short time, being
more accustomed to walk barefooted than they were, we having
been destitute of shoes the whole journey. Having laid about
an hour, we got up again, and took the road the Captain and
Mr. Williams had gone before; we travelled in this track over
nearly three miles of land, the surface of which was covered
with broken flint stones, which rendered our travelling very
irksome and painful indeed. Having at length with much
difficulty passed it over, we discovered, at a distance before us,
Captain Johnson supporting Mr. Williams as he walked, who
having lost his shoes, and not being accustomed to go without
them, his feet were so tender, and so wounded with the stones,

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

that he was scarcely able to walk at all. We soon overtook
them ; and not long after we met three savages with one camel ;
perceiving they had water on their camel, we made signs to
them that we would be very thankful for a little of it; they
accordingly filled us a cup that contained about a pint, which
was all we could persuade them to afford us; this we divided
among ourselves with a shell of a fish, which we carried with us
for the purpose of drinking water out of. The Savages then
taking a liking to a jacket which the Captain's servant had on,
they took it from him and went their way. At sun-set we saw
at a distance a number of wild date trees, which we went to,
but not without much fear of meeting with Arabs among them ;
but not discovering any living creature there we began to search
for water, and soon found a small well, which appeared to have
been lately dried up; we dug down some little depth, and found
water; but it was very muddy, and proved of very ill conse-
quence to us.

266

CHAPTER XIV

THE SUFFERINGS OF DANIEL SAUNDERS (continued)

THURSDAY, July 19. Mr. Williams' strength and spirits
failed him so much that he was unwilling we should
leave this place when we did; and now he was so
exhausted, that he fell considerably in the rear, and appeared
scarcely able to walk, and almost insensible of his condition;
and we concluded that it was not in his power to contend any
longer with us against the hardships of the journey, more
especially as there was no prospect of its having an end, nine
days having already elapsed since our misfortune in the ship
began, and not the least appearance of drawing near Muskat,
or any other place of refuge from the cruelty of the barbarians.
We therefore with reluctance left him to the mercy of God,
suffering ourselves all the horrors that fill the mind at the near
approach of death.

" Friday, July 20. At daybreak, we sat out again along the
beach but Captain Johnson's sinews and nerves had been so
contracted by the sun in the day time, and chilled by the dews
at night, that he found himself unable to travel any longer; he
therefore concluded he must make his grave at that place, and
told us that he could not wish us to make any delay for him,
but advised us to make the best of our way along. We there-
fore took leave of him, and left him in a similar condition to
those we had left before, and a point we had to go round soon
hid him from our sight. We traveled along till about nine
o'clock, when we came to a grove of small trees and bushes, a
little distance from the beach, where we found as many as an

267

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

hundred and fifty people, who were constant inhabitants of
this dreary abode, without a hut or roof of any kind, except
what was formed by the trees, for shelter.

" Here was their baggage, their cooking utensils, and a great
number of fish, which appeared to have been lately caught. In
the midst of this grove was a good spring. Here we found one
of our Lascar sailors, who had been at the place four days, and
appeared to be in as good health as when he left the ship. The
greater part of these people were women; & from the females
we had met with, we had commonly received kinder usage than
from the men. They gave us as much fish and water as we
could eat and drink, and even gave us fish to carry away, for
which we thanked Heaven and our benefactors. Having
refreshed ourselves greatly from this piece of good fortune, we
found our strength considerably restored, and our spirits
greatly revived; we then took leave of our hospitable friends,
and proceeded along the seaside again, the Lascar choosing
to remain behind.

" About one o'clock, we discovered a man lying on the beach,
with very little signs of life in him, and coming to him, found
it to be Charles Lapham, in a most deplorable condition, having
no water since he left us, which was five days; we told him
where he could get water, at about two miles distance; after
many efforts, he got upon his feet, and endeavored to walk.
Seeing him in so wretched a condition, I could not but sym-
pathise enough with him in his sufferings to go back with him
(though it retarded my progress in my journey enough to do
myself material injury), which both my other companions
refused to do. Accordingly, they walked forward, while I went
back a considerable distance with Lapham, until, his strength
failing him, he suddenly fell down on the ground; nor was he
able to rise up again, or even speak to me; finding it in vain to
stay with him, I covered him with sprays and leaves which I

268

The Sufferings of Daniel Saunders

tore from an adjacent tree, it being the last friendly office I
could do him.

"Thus I left him, and about an hour after, overtook my
companions again. Travelling along the beach, about four
o'clock we saw a man, a woman, and three children, of whom
we got a little water, but not enough to quench our thirst.
Leaving them, we walked until near sunset. Our travelling on
the beach being obstructed by reason of the rocks running into
the sea some distance, and very high, we ascended the moun-
tains again, on the side of which we found a vast number of
withered date trees, under and about which appeared to have
been the habitation of some of the natives, which was now
evacuated. We found nothing here that afforded us any satis-
faction; and, leaving it, we walked along the side of the moun-
tain some distance, when, coming to a rock, whose craggy side
hung over and formed a sort of cave, we discovered two of our
late shipmates, viz., Solomon Buthby and Valentine Bagley,
lying down by a little stream of water that issued from the rock,
which was the first they had found since their parting from us.
We were happy to find each other yet alive, and concluded to
travel together for the future, as long as it should please God
that we should be enabled to encounter with the hardships of
the journey. The mantle of day being now withdrawn, and
night having spread her shades around us, we all lay down and
slept tolerably well during the night.

"Saturday, July 21. At daybreak, we rose again, much
refreshed by our night's rest, and applied ourselves to our daily
toil and travel, being now five in number. We walked along
together, relating to each other what had befallen us in the
time of our separation; by which we found that Charles Lapham
had been left by Bagley and Buthby, the preceding day, in the
place where we found him, according to their description.
About nine o'clock, we very fortunately got some crabs and

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cockles, which proved a very seasonable relief; having eat as
much as satisfied us, we lay down among some bushes that
grew at a little distance from the beach, the sun being so intensely
hot that we could by no means walk, or scarcely stand, and
the sand had also scorched our feet in a shocking manner.
Here we lay until about three o'clock.

" Leaving the side of the mountain, we had to travel across a
neck of low land, which projected so far toward the sea that
we could not see its extent, upon which we met two Arabs,
who were good enough to give us water. We left them, and
soon after reached the eastern side of the land, where we found
it formed a deep bay, bounded by a sandy beach, which we
walked till near five o'clock, when we met seven camels, with
the same number of Arabs attending them. We endeavoured
to obtain of them some information respecting the distance of
Muskat, and understood them that they had been only one
day from thence. However we might misunderstand them,
this created new spirits in us, and we began to think our greatest
hardships at an end. We made them understand that we
wanted something to eat and drink; and they gave us a handful
of dates, which is a fruit that grows in that country, and pre-
serve themselves when they are gathered ripe; this was all we
could get of them to eat; they gave us a plenty of water to
drink, for which we were very thankful. Being about to take
our leave of them, they robbed Solomon Buthby of his hat,
which it was not in our power to prevent, and then suffered us
to depart. We followed the tracks of the camels over the
mountains until it was quite dark, and then lay down upon a
sand bank to sleep, when came an Arab, who surveyed us,
and muttering something we did not understand, he left us,
and we lay without further molestation all night, covering our
bodies with the sand to protect us from the cold.

"Sunday, July 22. Awaking at daylight from our sleep,

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The Sufferings of Daniel Sounders

and finding ourselves much refreshed, and that we had derived
considerable benefit from covering ourselves with sand, we once
more began our daily travel, and walked till about nine o'clock,
when we found a well with very good water, where we drank
our fill, and proceeded on our journey, still following the camels'
tracks, till, about eleven o'clock, when, finding we were going
too much inland, we turned to the right hand again, in order
to gain the beach once more, which we found very hard to
accomplish, having most tremendous hills of sand to climb
over, which appeared like mountains of snow; and the sand
was so loose, that it gave way at every footstep, so that it was
with great difficulty we could get over them; the rays of the
sun, and the reflection from the sand, being so hot, that it
scorched our skins from head to foot.

" Having at length attained the shady side of these hills, we
lay down, and I believe slept about two hours. When we
awoke, it being about four o'clock, we descended the hills into
the valley seaward, where we fortunately found two huts, or
small dwelling places, in one of which was an old man, in the
other an old woman, who gave us a quantity of broiled crabs,
which proved to us a delicious meal; but they could give us
no water, having none in the huts, and the water of which they
drank being at a great distance. After returning our humble
thanks for what they had so hospitably afforded us, we took
our leave, and proceeded down the valley until near sunset,
when we met with two men who took us to an adjacent place,
where they gave us as much water as we would drink.

"After many signs and gestures concerning Muskat they
understood that we wanted to go thither, and agreed to provide
camels and guides to take us there for twenty-five dollars per
man, making signs with their fingers to express the number,
and calling the pieces of money fluish, which we found were
dollars. It growing dark, we left them for the night, and

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walking to the side of an adjacent bank in the side of the moun-
tain, we went to sleep.

"Monday, July 23. Early in the morning we renewed our
discourse with the Arabs, and agreed with them to give them
their price to carry us to Muskat, in hopes on our arrival there
to find some more Christianlike people, who would advance the
money for our labour in their service, until we could clear
ourselves of the bondage. Having got some water of the Arabs,
about seven o'clock we sat out with one of them, who was to
conduct us to an island, where were more of their company,
who were to furnish us with camels for our journey to Muskat.
Having walked down the side of the hill, we found ourselves
on a white beach, the most beautiful to appearance that I ever
beheld, the end of which we could not see to the westward;
and taking our way eastward, we walked about seven miles,
but could not see its end to the eastward. It was about two
miles in breadth, and the surface of it as fair to look upon as a
looking glass, and so hard that the hoofs of the laden camels
made no impression on it.

''At length we came opposite to the island we were to go
over it, which was about two miles from us, and which it ap-
peared almost impossible ever we could wade to or near it,
there being a very strong current running by which we were
in danger of being carried away, being so weak that we could
scarcely walk the ground where there was nothing to obstruct
us. However, our guide taking the water, at which he was
very expert, we followed after; and wading through from two
to three feet of water, we at length reached the island, where we
found near thirty more Arabs, unto whom our guide com-
municated our business; upon which they shewed us some signs
of civility.

" Here we staid all day, without having anything to eat but a
little salted shark, which is the most of their food; and there

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The Sufferings of Daniel launders

being no water on the island, we suffered much for want of it,
especially in the excessive heat of the day. Late in the after-
noon they gave us a little water, which was brought over to the
island by an Arab, who was soon after followed by another,
bringing Captain Johnson with him, in a very deplorable
condition indeed, the sun having bred insects under his skin,
which were destroying the flesh on his bones. Captain Johnson
having fallen in with this Arab, he had agreed with him to give
him fifty dollars to carry him to Muskat; and for that purpose
he was brought to this island, as we had been. The sun having
declined, the Arabs shewed us a cave in the island, where we
retired and went to sleep.

" Tuesday, July 24. At daylight they made signs to us that
we were to go to a neighboring island, for the readier attaining
to the camels when they were ready; and having the one for a
guide that conducted the captain hither, wre began our route,
and walked a considerable way through soft mud, that had
been created by the flowing of the water, which fatigued us
very much, the sun at the same time having its full power on
our heads. We, however, at length reached the water, through
which we had to wade about a mile, it being full three feet deep,
which rendered it very difficult. But notwithstanding our being
so weak, by God's assistance we reached the shore we were
plying for. This island we found very thickly inhabited, dis-
covering at our first arrival as many as two hundred in number,
who came down to the beach to meet us. The catching and
curing of fish appeared to be the business of these islands, and
with their fish they carried on a traffick to Muskat.

" Our guide having informed them of our business, they
received us somewhat civilly; they gave us dates to eat and
water to drink, of which we stood in great need, and from which
we found ourselves much refreshed. But finding no kind of
shade from the sun we were very often in fear that we should

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

die with its heat, it having blistered our skin from our heads to
our feet; and our mouths were so parched, and our lips so
swollen, that we could scarcely open them to admit of eating
or drinking enough to keep us alive. Finding no shade to keep
us from the heat of the sun (the savages not permitting us to go
under their tents, or to eat or mix with them) we sauntered up
and down the side of the island, not without being viewed and
examined, as objects of curiosity, by the savages, who passed
all day at intervals. Towards sunset they gave us some dates
and water; and to lay upon and cover ourselves withal, they
gave us a large mat, on which we lay tolerably well all night.

"Wednesday, July 25. About five o'clock they awoke us,
and gave us some dates and water, which we with difficulty
swallowed. We walked or rather sauntered about the island
the greater part of the day, to pass away the tedious time,
which seemed to us to move very slowly. At noon they gave
us sharks' fins to eat, which they had broiled upon the fire, and
water to drink, the remaining part of the day we passed as the
former; at sunset we had broiled sharks' fins, dates and water,
and at night we lay down to rest, in the former manner.

"Thursday, July 26. When we awoke in the morning the
Arabs brought us our usual fare, and the time seeming very
tedious and irksome to pass, this being the third day of our
being upon the island, and no prospect of the camels coming
to deliver us from the burden we laboured under, we made
signs to our conductors to know when we should go; and they
gave us to understand that we should not go in less than three
days, as they should not be ready for the journey in less time.
They promised us we should fare every day as we had the
preceding one, while we staid on the island. The sun in these
two last days had blistered our skins in so shocking a manner,
that our condition seemed to be more deplorable than ever;
we could not walk, nor sit or lie down, without enduring all

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The Sufferings of Daniel Saunders

the torment our weakness would bear. Thus we passed this
day as the former ones, and at night lay down to rest as usual,
but found ourselves very incapable of sleeping.

"Saturday, July 28. Attempting to rise in the morning, we
found we could not stand, the flies in the course of the night
having made holes in our skin, and filled them full of their
insects, which made us so sore that we could scarcely endure
the pain. Thus labouring under evils which grew heavier now
than ever we had felt them before, we spent this day after the
preceding ones, and at night lay down, in hopes the ensuing
day to be removed, if it should please God to enable us to sur-
vive the night.

"Sunday, July 29. The day having appeared, we were
called by the Arabs, who informed us we must prepare for our
departure, there being a boat provided for carrying us over to the
main continent, where the camels were ready to carry us to
Muskat. We summoned all our strength together, and began
our walk to the boat, where we embarked, but without receiving
anything to eat or drink. Having reached within two miles
of the shore, the boat struck the ground, nor would go any
farther, the water being too shoal; we were all accordingly
obliged to get out of the boat, and wade through the water,
which was two feet deep.

" This was a task that from our weak and sore condition we
were afraid we should hardly accomplish; however, with much
toil and suffering we reached the dry land, being most spent,
the savages showing us no pity nor affording us any assistance ;
but having with difficulty got on shore, they gave us some dates
and water. Here we staid, waiting for the camels until three
o'clock, when they came, being three in number, viz., one for
the Captain, who had made a separate agreement, as before
mentioned; and two for the rest of us, who were five in number;
and each camel had a driver. The savages having laden the

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

camels with salt shark, they put us on the top of it, and began
the journey, and travelled over the mountains till near sunset;
then stopped in order to let the camels feed; they made a fire
also, and broiled some salt shark for us, and gave us the usual
quantity of dates and water. It being by this time quite dark,
we lay down to sleep.

" Monday, July 30. About five o'clock in the morning, the
savages having laden the camels again, we proceeded and
travelled till ten o'clock, when we came to a pond of fine water,
where they unloaded the camels again, and mixed some fish,
with a sort of meal not unlike oatmeal, with water, and gave us
to eat. After refreshing ourselves, and stopping awhile to let
the camels feed, they loaded them again, and we continued our
route and travelled till near sunset, when coming to a grove of
trees, they delivered the camels of their burden, as they always
did when they stopped ; they then gave us our usual quantity of
dates and water; and it growing quite dark, and this being a
tolerably comfortable place to what some were which we had
met with, we lay pretty easy all night.

"Tuesday, July 31. At two o'clock in the morning, the man
to whose care I fell, and whose name we found was Ishmael,
took one of the camels and went to an adjacent village for dates,
and, returning about ten o'clock, brought a quantity of dates,
and gave us to understand that in his way he saw one of our
people almost dead ; but having parted with so many, we could
not conjecture who it was. Here we tarried till near sunset,
the day being so excessively hot that the camels could not travel ;
but the day being nearly elapsed, they loaded the camels, and
we travelled till about eleven o'clock at night, when, coming to
a level piece of ground on a mountain, where were a quantity
of bushes on which the camels feed, they unloaded the camels
as usual, and we lay down among the bushes and went to sleep.

"Wednesday, August 1. About four o'clock the Arabs mus-

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The Sufferings of Daniel Saunders

tered us. The camels being ready, we set out ; and about eight
o'clock, having descended the mountain, we came to a low
marsh, which was covered with a strong, dry reed, which grew
there as we imagined in the rainy season; we had to pass
through this cane patch, and found it a very tedious under-
taking; the tops of the reeds, reaching the camels' bellies,
retarded our progress in a great measure; however, about ten
o'clock we had passed this troublesome part of the journey,
and about eleven o'clock, it being so hot that the camels could
travel no longer, we stopped in a place where we found three
several springs; but the place we staid in afforded us little
relief, there not being the least shade or refuge from the sun.
"Our man Ishmael, going to one of the springs, caught
twelve or fourteen small birds, which he broiled on a fire they
had made, and brought them to us to eat ; but one of the Arabs,
begrudging us our meal, took some of the birds from us. From
his freedom, we were encouraged to ask him for water, which
he as readily denied us. The water in the springs so near us
not being fit to drink, our thirst and the heat became intolerable;
notwithstanding which, we were obliged to content ourselves
until five o'clock in the afternoon, when, having laden the
camels, we mounted again, and travelling till about seven
o'clock, we met seven camels, with the same number of savages
attending them, whom we knew to be some of the people we
had seen on the island the day of our landing there, and who
had been to Muskat with the same kind of commodity that our
camels were loaded with, viz., salt shark, and brought cotton
and dates in return; the dates being their food, and the cotton
they made their fishing nets of. We could not rightly under-
stand how long they had been from Muskat; but we under-
stood from them that there were a number of ships there, which
gave us new life. Our conductors having exchanged some of
the camels with them, we parted, and proceeded on till about

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

eleven o'clock at night, when we stopped by the side of two fine
springs, where were a number of savages, with twenty camels,
watering.

"Thursday, August 2. About three o'clock in the morning
the Arabs called us, and we mounted to proceed on our journey,
in hopes it was soon to have an end. We travelled until about
eleven o'clock, when we stopped among a number of sand hills
upon the mountain, where there was no screen from the sun;
and the reflection of it from the sand hills, whose heads were so
high that they deprived us of the benefit of the wind that blew,
rendered it so hot that it was with difficulty we could breathe
as we lay down, for we could by no means stand upon our feet.
While we were in this place, we saw three or four small girls
and boys driving a large flock of goats, consisting apparently
of several hundreds; but they did not come within two or three
hundred yards of us. Having laid down some time, our man
Ishmael brought us some broiled fish, with dates and water,
which gave us some refreshment; after which, we lay down
again till five o'clock, when they reloaded the camels, and set
out again, and travelled till near one o'clock in the morning;
when, coming to a number of bushes on which the camels feed,
we stopped, and the savages unloading the camels as usual,
we lay down among the bushes, and slept till about five
o'clock.

" Friday, August 3. We proceeded on our journey again,
and travelled until about eleven o'clock, the usual time, when,
coming to a large well, where we saw between twenty and
thirty savages watering a number of camels, we stopped, and
of them we got some dates, all that we had being consumed;
it proved a seasonable relief, and having drank our fill of
water, we lay down until four o'clock in the afternoon, when
we set out again, and travelled till about ten o'clock, when,
coming to a thicket of bushes upon small hills of hard, sandy

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The Sufferings of Daniel Saunders

soil, this being a convenient place for feeding our camels, we
lay down to rest.

"Saturday, August 4. About five o'clock in the morning
we continued our route again, and about nine o'clock we passed
by a large grove of date trees, which were the first we had seen
bearing fruit, and which encompassed a village, as our guide
informed us, containing a number of inhabitants; but we did
not go into it. Passing by this, we travelled until near eleven
o'clock, when we came to a fine village, where we found the
inhabitants very hospitable; it being surrounded by a number
of date trees, whose fruit was ripe, they gave us a large quantity
of them; and it being the first time, for a long while, that we
had had an opportunity of eating our fill, we cat more than did
us good, for it put us in excessive pain the whole day. We
laid among these remarkably civil people until four o'clock in
the afternoon. Our men having laden the camels again, we
were going away, when the friendly Arabs brought us a quantity
of dates, which they gave us to serve us on our journey. We
now set out and travelled till about nine o'clock at night, when
we stopped in the open road, without the least thing for shelter.

"Sunday, August 5. About four o'clock in the morning we
began our day's journey once more, in hopes we could not be
far from Muskat, of which we were quite ignorant, as our guides
would give us no satisfaction respecting it. Travelling till
eleven o'clock, we came to a village that was evacuated, by
reason of the date trees being barren. Our man Ishmael, with
the other Arabs, leaving us here, with part of the camels' load-
ing, they went to a large village which we saw in the distance,
with some of the fish to sell, leaving us some dates to eat, and
water to drink; which after we had eat and drank, we went
into a house in this deserted village, that appeared to have been
a place of worship, where we lay down to sleep; and our man
not returning till near night, we were not disturbed until he

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

came and brought two of our black sailors along with him,
whom he had met with in his way. These sailors informed us
that the Arabs had sold Juba Hill for sixty pieces of silver;
but by what means they knew this, I cannot say. They staid
with us a short time, and then left us, appearing to be in pretty
good health.

" Monday, August 6. Having slept till about two o'clock in
the morning, our man came to us, and informed us that the
camels were laden and waited for us; we accordingly hastened
with him to the camels. Having mounted, we set out again.
About four o'clock, we passed by another village, and travelled
till near ten, when we came to a very large one, containing a
great many houses and stores, and vast numbers of inhabitants ;
the males, from the age of seven or eight years, to the oldest
among them, being armed with spears, cutlasses, and long
knives. At our first entering the village, we alighted from the
camels, our curiosity prompting us to see the place, and being
desirous to get something to eat and drink, if we could find any
among them humane enough to give us anything; flattering
ourselves, that from the kind reception we had met with in the
village we stopt in on the Saturday preceding, we should be
civilly treated here also. But we were much mistaken in our
suggestions; for, going among a number of them, importuning
them for something to eat, they laid hands on us, and locked
us up in a house. We now began to reflect upon the indiscretion
of our leaving the camels, not knowing what might be the
result of our error, as we now found it to be.

" Ruminating some time on our confinement, we were alarmed
lest the camels and our guide should pass through the village,
and imagining we would follow them, give himself no concern
on the occasion; but in a little time we had the pleasure of
seeing him gain admittance into the place, and we were immedi-
ately set at liberty. Having now our guide with us, who we

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The Sufferings of Daniel Saunders

supposed had related our circumstances and condition to them,
they gave us a quantity of dates, and shewed us many signs of
civility. Our guide then took us to a market place, where we
saw onions, dates, and vegetables of different kinds, for sale.
They gave us each three pieces of copper coin, called pice, which
is current in most parts of the East Indies; and some onions,
which we eat with a good appetite. We tarried here till near
sunset, when some of the inhabitants gave us some more onions.

"Sunday, August 12. Early in the morning we set out
again, and travelled the beach to the southward. Soon after
sunrise, our Arabs, finding the beach was not the way by which
we were to get to Muskat, once more altered their course; and
travelling toward the mountain sometime, we passed a small
village, and about three hours after we discovered, as we entered
on a plain, at some distance to the southward and eastward, a
town, which made but a slender appearance. As we drew
near the place, we saw over the houses a ship's mastheads,
whence we concluded it was Muskat. But its appearance
seemed to afford us little hope of meeting with the succour or
consolation we had promised ourselves, although the sight of a
seaport gave us some relief, as we flattered ourselves we might
perchance find an European ship which would enable us to dis-
charge the obligation we were under to our conductors. We
plied forward for the town, found it was called Matterah. The
inhabitants were very numerous, and flocked about us in great
numbers to view us, until we came to the beach opposite where
the ship lay, when we were accosted by a man in the English
tongue, who asked us many questions relative to our circum-
stances; and having told him our story, he informed us that he
acted as factor for the English ships that came to Muskat to
load, which had a safer harbour than Matterah; that the chief
of what he procured for the English was preserved dates and

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

small shells, which they call cowrie, and which are used for
money in many parts of the East Indies.

"We told him that we were concerned about getting money
to pay the men who had brought us to this place; on which he
proffered us what money we wanted, and said he was com-
missioned so to do. But he informed us that Muskat was not
more than three miles distant, and that if we chose he would
carry us thither in boats; we thankfully accepted his offer;
and he accordingly hired two boats, one of which he went in
himself, taking part of our company with him, and the rest
going into the other boat, we put off, and soon reached Muskat,
having only a short neck of land to row round. On landing at
Muskat, the Factor recommended us to the care of a man whom
he met, and proceeded himself to the Governor, directing the
man, in whose care he had left us, to follow him with us.

" We soon arrived at the place of destination, where we were
very well received by the Governor and his attendants. From
there we were conducted to the house of a man, who acted as
Consul for the English, and who spoke the English language.
This man, having heard our story, told us he would procure a
ship to carry us to some English port in the East Indies. He
informed us that there were then two of our ship's crew in
Muskat, besides us, under his protection, one white man and
one black. He then conducted us to a house, in which was a
hall, where were a number of persons, whom we found by the
Consul to be the magistrates and officers of the town, and who
asked the Consul many questions concerning us, which he duly
answered. We then went with the Consul to another house,
which we imagined to be the bank, where he paid the Arabs,
who brought us to Matterah, 35 dollars, which was far short
of what we had agreed to give them; but the Consul insisting
it was enough, they took it and went their way. He next took
us to a house near the sea side, where he ordered victuals and

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drink for us; and we were soon served with dates, fish, bread,
and water.

"Having refreshed ourselves by this good man's bounty,
and having a view of the ships in the harbour, we began to feel
new life, and almost to think ourselves restored to our former
strength & vigour; tho' in reality we were still in a most deplor-
able condition. We were anxious to see our former shipmate,
to know who it was that was so fortunate as to survive the
journey, as well as ourselves; and soon after we found it to be
Samuel Laha, as we saw him going in a boat on board of a ship.

" Having made another good meal, we felt our spirits greatly
revived, though our strength was still low, and our bodies very
sore. We now waited with impatience the return of the Consul
who had promised to procure us some clothes, as we were
almost naked, and could not go out of the house on that account.
He sent us a barber, who shaved us, and combed our hair,
having seen neither razor nor comb since the time of our ship
wreck till now. While this was performing, we had the pleasure
of seeing our old shipmate, Laha, come in, who informed us
that he had been in Muskat four days; that he had suffered
much in his journey, having walked all the way, without the
least assistance; and that he was going to work his passage to
Bombay in an English snow. Having waited till near night
for the Consul, we began to conjecture that he had forgot his
promise; and it being late by this time, we were obliged to
content ourselves for the night, and wait the result of the
morning.

" In the Tnorning (Aug. 13) Captain Johnson sent a letter
to the Master of the English snow in which Laha was going to
Bombay, acquainting him with our distresses, and imploring
his sympathy and assistance in contributing to our relief; and
in a short time after, an answer was returned by the generous
Englishman, accompanied with several suits of clothes for

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The Ships and Sailors o] Old Salem

Captain Johnson, and one for each of the rest of us. Having
received so bountiful a donation from a man we had never seen,
gratitude bade us make him the first offer of our services. The
Consul came to us early this morning, and removed us to a
house near the middle of the town, and told us he had clothes
making for us. There was not an European or white man of
any nation in the harbour, who did not come to see us, so that
we did not want for company the whole day; among other
visitors was an Arabian, who commanded a ship that wanted
a carpenter; and he took our carpenter's mate, Valentine
Bagley, along with him, and gave him some very good clothes.

"The Consul took care to have victuals provided for us this
day, as he had the preceding one; and about sunset we had the
pleasure of seeing our benefactor, the Master of the English
snow, who came on shore to make us a visit, attended by his
clerk, who appeared to sympathize with us. On offering him
our service, he told us he was going away very soon, and advised
us to stay on shore till we were stronger, and our health per-
fectly restored. We thanked him for his goodness, and he
took his leave of us.

"Thus we lived two days longer; and finding ourselves
much stronger, and thinking it advisable to get clear of ex-
penses if possible, we agreed to go on board different ships in
the harbour to work, till an opportunity offered of going to
some English port in India. I went on board an Arabian ship,
where I found three French sailors, who were very kind to me,
and gave me a shirt and trowsers, which were very serviceable
to me; and I staid on board five days, and was well treated by
everyone on board. On the sixth day, Captain John Christian
Gaddis, of the ship Laurel, of Bengal, bound to Bombay,
offered us a passage thither, which we all readily accepted,
saving Bagley, who had gone carpenter in an Arabian ship.
Capt. Johnson, Leatherby, Buthby, and myself, accordingly

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went on board the Laurel, and sailed the same night. Capt.
Johnson gave us our bill of expenses at Muskat, for which he
said he was responsible; it amounted to 11 dollars each, viz.,
for camel's hire 7, one shirt and trowsers 2, and provisions 2
more. But the bills were of little more consequence than to
remind us that after all our hardships and sufferings we were
in debt and without a single farthing to discharge it with, or
even to help ourselves.

"On the 30th of August we arrived at Bombay, much re-
cruited in health, thro' the goodness of God, and the unspeakable
kindness of Capt. Gaddis and his chief officer. Thus, after a
term of 51 days, in which we had suffered hardships and trials
seldom known to human nature, snatched from the very jaws
of death, thanks to the Supreme Disposer of all events, we were
once more placed in a situation to seek a living in this variegated,
troublesome world.

" On our arrival we found our old shipmate Laha had got
there before us; he came on board directly to see us, and in-
formed us what ships in the harbour wanted hands; and Buthby
went immediately on board the Queen, bound to England, but
Leatherby and myself concluded to go on board the ship Fame,
of Boston, Captain Standfast Smith, bound to the Isle of France
and Ostend. This ship laid in dock at Massegon, a considerable
distance up the harbour. We communicated our intention to
Captain Gaddis, who approved of it, and calling us into his
cabin, he gave us each five dollars; the Chief Mate also gave
each of us one dollar, two shirts, two trowsers, and one jacket.

"Capt. Gaddis's goodness did not stop here, for he hired a
boat to carry us to Massegon, where, having arrived, we agreed
with Capt. Smith, and immediately entered on board his ship,
which being then under repair, we did not sail until the 26th of
September. On the 12th of November we arrived at the Isle
of France, where I left Captain Smith, and took a third Mate's

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

birth on board the American ship Robert Morris, Captain John
Hay, bound to Madras; for which place we sailed on the 3d
of December, and arrived there the 9th of February, 1793;
sailed again on the 25th for Calcutta, where we arrived on the
9th of March. Here, to my great joy, I was informed of the
safe arrival of Mr. Robert Williams at Bombay, contrary to
every expectation, considering the shocking condition in which
we left him. On the 17th of March we dropped down the
river, and on the 12th of June sailed for Ostend. On the 27th
of September we fell in with a Dutch cruiser, with two prizes,
bound into Cape of Good Hope, where we all arrived together
the 1st of October. Our ship being leaky, we tarried there till
the 25th to repair; and we arrived at Ostend on the 20th of
January, 1794. Here the hands were all discharged, as the
ship was going to England to repair.

" Finding no American ship there, I entered into the transport
service, to keep clear of expenses till I could get a passage to
America; and afterwards was pressed on board a King's ship,
where I was kept several weeks, and then made my escape,
and got to Blackwell in England, and thence back to Ostend;
soon after which arrived the snow Enterprise, Captain William
Ward, from Calcutta, bound to Salem; in which vessel I
sailed on the 9th of June, and arrived at Salem on the 17th of
August following, when I had the happiness of being once more
restored to my friends, after an absence of about forty months.

" Soon after my arrival, I saw my fellow sufferer, Mr. Robert
Williams, who informed me, that after we parted with him he
went back to the spring we had left, where he caught some
frogs, and staid till he was a little recruited, and finally got
along to Muskat ; and that at Muskat he met with Mr. Ocking-
ton whose unfortunate friend, Mr. Seaver, had failed in the
journey.

"Thus, out of 17 white persons who began the journey, I

286

The Sufferings of Daniel Saunders

am knowing to 8 who got through & survived it, viz., Capt.
Johnson, Mr. Robert Williams, Mr. Ockington, Valentine
Bagley, Solomon Buthby, James Leatherby, Samuel Laha, and
myself. The Lascars being always accustomed to going naked,
and living abstemiously, it is supposed they suffered but little,
and either got to Muskat or continued in the country, as they
chose. It was the fate of Juba Hill, the black man from Bos-
ton, to be detained among the Arabs, probably as a slave."

287

CHAPTER XV

THE BUILDING OF THE ESSEX
(1799)

TWENTIETH century battleships are built at a cost of
six or seven millions of dollars with the likelihood of
becoming obsolete before they fire a gun in action.
It is a task of years to construct one of these mighty fabrics,
short-lived as they are in service, and crammed with intricate
machinery whose efficiency under stress of war is largely
experimental.

One hundred and ten years ago there was launched from a
Salem shipyard a wooden sailing frigate called the Essex. She
was the fastest and handsomest vessel of the United States
navy and a dozen years after she first flew the flag of her country
she won immortal renown under Captain David Porter. There
is hardly a full-rigged sailing ship afloat to-day as small as the
Essex, and in tonnage many modern three-masted coasting
schooners can equal or surpass her. Yet her name is one of the
most illustrious in the list of a navy which bears also those of
the Constitution, the Hartford, the Kcarsarge and the Olympia.

It was the maritime war with France at the end of the eigh-
teenth century which caused the building of the Essex. When
American commerce was being harried unto death by the
frigates and privateersmen of "the Terrible Republic" as our
sailors called France, our shadow of a navy was wholly helpless
to resist, or to protect its nation's shipping. At length, in 1797,
Congress authorized the construction of the three famous
frigates, Constitution, Constellation and United States, to fight

288

The Building of the Essex

for American seamen's rights. The temper and conditions of
that time were reflected in an address to Congress delivered
by President John Adams on November 23, 1797, in which he
said:

"The commerce of the United States is essential, if not to
their existence, at least to their comfort, growth and prosperity.
The genius, character and habits of our people are highly com-
mercial. Their cities have been formed and exist upon com-
merce; our agriculture, fisheries, arts and manufactures are
connected with and dependent upon it. In short, commerce
has made this country what it is, and it cannot be destroyed or
neglected without involving the people in poverty or distress.
Great numbers are directly and solely supported by navigation.
The faith of society is pledged for the preservation of the rights
of commercial and seafaring, no less than other citizens. Under
this view of our affairs I should hold myself guilty of neglect of
duty if I forebore to recommend that we should make every
exertion to protect our commerce and to place our country in a
suitable posture of defence as the only sure means of preserv-
ing both."

The material progress of this country has veered so far from
seafaring activities that such doctrine as this sounds as archaic
as a Puritan edict for bearing arms to church as a protection
against hostile savages. One great German or English liner
entering the port of New York registers a tonnage equaling
that of the whole fleet of ships in the foreign trade of Salem in
her golden age of adventurous discovery. Yet the liner has
not an American among her crew of five hundred men, and not
one dollar of American money is invested in her huge hull. She
is a matter of the most complete indifference to the American
people, who have ceased to care under what flags their com-
merce is borne over seas.

On the other hand, the shipping of Salem and other ports was

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

a factor vital to national welfare a century ago. But when
John Adams preached the necessity of resorting to arms to
protect it, the country was too poor to create a navy adequate
for defense. Forthwith the merchants whose ships were being
destroyed in squadrons by French piracy offered to contribute
their private funds to build a fleet of frigates that should rein-
force the few naval vessels in commission or authorized.

It was a rally for the common good, a patriotic movement in
which the spirit of '76 flamed anew. The principles that
moved the American people were voiced by James McHenry,
Secretary of War in 1789, in a letter to the Chairman of the
Committee of the House of Representatives for the Protection
of Commerce:

"France derives several important advantages from the sys-
tem she is pursuing toward the United States. Besides the
sweets of plunder obtained by her privateers she keeps in them
a nursery of seamen to be drawn upon in conjunctures by the
navy. She unfits by the same means the United States for
energetic measures and thereby prepares us for the last degree
of humiliation and subjection.

" To forbear under such circumstances from taking naval and
military measures to secure our trade, defend our territories in
case of invasion, and to prevent or suppress domestic insurrec-
tion, would be to offer up the United States a certain prey to
France . . . and exhibit to the world a sad spectacle of
national degradation and imbecility."

In June of the following year, Congress passed an act "to
accept not exceeding twelve vessels on the credit of the United
States, and to cause evidences of debt to be given therefor,
allowing an interest thereon not exceeding six per cent." It
was in accordance with this measure, which confessed that
the United States was too poor to build a million dollars' worth
of wooden ships of war from its treasury, that subscription

290

The Building of the Essex

lists were opened at Newbury, Salem, Boston, New York,
Philadelphia, Baltimore and Norfolk, the citizens of each of
these seaports making ready to contribute a frigate as a loan
to the government. Even the infant city of Cincinnati sub-
scribed toward equipping a galley for the defense of the Mis-
sissippi against the French.

At Salem, Elias Hasket Derby and William Gray, the two
foremost shipping merchants of the town, led the subscription
list with the sum of ten thousand dollars each, and in a few
weeks $74,700 had been raised in contributions as small as
fifty dollars.

The Salem Gazette of October 26, 1798, contained this item :
" At a meeting in the Courthouse in this town Tuesday evening
last, of those gentlemen who have subscribed to build a ship
for the service of the United States, it was voted unanimously
to build a Frigate of thirty-two guns and to loan the same to
the Government; and William Gray, jr., John Norris and
Jacob Ashton, Esqr., Captain Benjamin Hodges and Captain
Ichabod Nichols were chosen a committee to carry the same
into immediate effect." Captain Joseph Waters was appointed
General Agent, and Enos Briggs, a shipbuilder of Salem, was
selected as master builder.

The Master Builder inserted this advertisement in the Essex
Gazette:

"THE SALEM FRIGATE
"TAKE NOTICE.

"To Sons of Freedom! All true lovers of Liberty of your
Country. Step forth and give your assistance in building the
frigate to oppose French insolence and piracy. Let every man
in possession of a white oak tree be ambitious to be foremost
in hurrying down the timber to Salem where the noble structure
is to be fabricated to maintain your rights upon the seas and

291

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

make the name of America respected among the nations of the
world. Your largest and longest trees are wanted, and the
arms of them for knees and rising timber. Four trees are wanted
for the keel, which altogether will measure 146 feet in length,
and hew 16 inches square. Please to call on the subscriber
who wants to make contracts for large or small quantities as
may suit best and will pay the ready cash.

"ENDS BRIGGS.
"Salem, November 23, 1798."

So enthusiastic was the response to the call for material that
Master Builder Enos Briggs was obliged to have this adver-
tisement printed:

"THE SALEM FRIGATE

" Through the medium of the Gazette the subscriber pays his
acknowledgements to the good people of the county of Essex
for their spirited exertions in bringing down the trees of the
forest for building the Frigate. In the short space of four
weeks the complement of timber has been furnished. Those
who have contributed to their country's defence are invited
to come forward and receive the reward of their patriotism.
They are informed that with permission of a kind Providence,
who hath hitherto favored the undertaking,

Next September is the time

When we'll launch her from the strand
And our cannon load and prime
With tribute due to Talleyrand.

"ENOS BRIGGS.
"Salem, Jan. 1, 1799."

The great timbers for the ship's hull were cut in the "wood
lots " of Danvers, Peabody, Beverly and other near-by towns of
Essex county and hauled through the snowy streets of Salem
on sleds drawn by slow-moving oxen, while the people cheered

292

The Building of the Essex

them as they passed. The keel of the frigate was laid on the
13th of April, 1799, and she was launched five months and
seventeen days later, on the 30th of September, Master Builder
Briggs saving his reputation as a prophet by the narrowest
possible margin.

The Essex was a Salem ship from keel to truck. Her cordage
was made in three rope walks. Captain Jonathan Haraden,
the most famous Salem privateersman of the Revolution, made
the rigging for the mainmast at his factory in Brown Street.
Joseph Vincent fitted out the foremast and Thomas Briggs the
mizzenmast in their rigging lofts at the foot of the Common.
When the huge hemp cables were ready to be carried to the
frigate, the workmen who had made them conveyed them to
the shipyard on their shoulders, the procession led by a fife and
drum. Her sails were cut from duck woven for the purpose at
Daniel Rust's factory in Broad Street, and her iron work was
forged by the Salem shipsmiths. Six months before she slid
into the harbor her white oak timbers were standing in the
woodlands of Massachusetts.

The glorious event of her launching inspired the editor of the
Salem Gazette to this flight of eulogy:

"And Adams said : * Let there be a navy and there was a navy. '
To build a navy was the advice of our venerable sage. How far
it had been adhered to is demonstrated by almost every town
in the United States that is capable of floating a galley or a
gun-boat.

"Salem has not been backward in this laudable design.
Impressed with a sense of the importance of a navy, the patriotic
citizens of this town put out a subscription and thereby obtained
an equivalent for building a vessel of force. Among the fore-
most in this good work were Messrs. Derby and Gray, who set
the example by subscribing ten thousand dollars each. But
alas, the former is no more — we trust his good deeds follow him.

293

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

"Such was the patriotic zeal with which our citizens were
inspired, that in the short space of six months they contracted
for the materials and equipment of a frigate of thirty-two guns,
and had her complete for launching. The chief part of her
timber was standing but six months ago, and in a moment as
it were, ' every grove descended ' and put in force the patriotic
intentions of those at whose expense she was built.

" Yesterday the Stars and Stripes were unfurled on board the
frigate Essex and at 12 o'clock she made a majestic movement
into her destined element, there to join her sister craft in repelling
foreign aggressions and maintaining the rights and liberties of a
* Great, Free, Powerful and Independent Nation.'

"The concourse of spectators was immense. The heart-felt
satisfaction of the beholders of this magnificent spectacle was
evinced by the concording shouts and huzzas of thousands
which reiterated from every quarter.

"The unremitting zeal of Mr. Briggs, the architect of this
beautiful ship, cannot be too highly applauded. His assiduity
in bringing her into a state of such perfection in so short a time
entitles him to the grateful thanks of his Country and we fondly
hope his labors have not been spent in vain, for we may truly
say that he has not ' given rest to the sole of his foot ' since her
keel was first laid. At least he will have the consolation of
reflecting on the important service he has rendered his country
in this notable undertaking."

The guns of the frigate had been planted on a near-by hill,
and as she took the water they thundered a salute which was
echoed by the cannon of armed merchant vessels in the harbor.
This famous frigate, literally built by the American people,
their prayers and hopes wrought into every timber of her writh
the labor of their own hands, cost a trifle less than $75,000
when turned over to the Government. The Essex was a large
vessel for her time, measuring 850 tons. She was 146 feet in

The Building of the Essex

length "over all," while her keel was 118 feet long. Her beam
was 37 feet and her depth of hold 12 feet 3 inches. The height
between her gun deck and lower deck was only 5 feet 9 inches.
Her mainmast was 85 feet long with a head of 12 feet. Above
this was a topmast 55 feet long with a head of 1\ feet, and
towering skyward from the topmast her topgallant mast of
40 feet with a head of 15 feet. Her mainyard was 80 feet long.
Rigged as a three-masted ship, with an unusual spread of
canvas, the Essex must have been a rarely beautiful marine
picture when under way. The handling of such a majestic
fabric as one of these old-time men-of-war is mirrored in the
song of " The Fancy Frigate " which describes how such a ship
as this noble Essex was manned by the hundreds of tars who
swarmed among her widespread yards:

"Now my brave boys comes the best of the fun,
All hands to make sail, going large is the song.
From under two reefs in our topsails we lie,
Like a cloud in the air, in an instant must fly.
There's topsails, topgallant sails, and staysails too,
There is stu'nsails and skysails, star gazers so high,
By the sound of one pipe everything it must fly.
Now, my brave boys, comes the best of the fun,
About ship and reef topsails in one.
All hands up aloft when the helm goes down,
Lower way topsails when the mainyard goes round.
Chase up and lie out and take two reefs in one,
In a moment of time all this work must be done.
Man your head braces, your haulyards and all,
And hoist away topsails when it's 'let go and haul,'
As for the use of tobacco all thoughts leave behind,
If you spit on the deck then your death warrant sign.
If you spit overboard either gangway or starn
You are sure of six dozen by way of no harm."

But before this " fancy frigate " of the American navy could
get to sea, there was much to be done. Captain Richard Derby
of Salem had been selected to command her, but he was abroad

295

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

in one of his own ships and could not return home in time to
equip the frigate for active service. Therefore, Captain Edward
Preble of the navy was offered the command, which he accepted
and hastened to Salem to put his battery and stores aboard
and recruit a crew. It is related that when Captain Preble
saw the armament that had been prepared for his ship he found
the gun carriages not at all to his liking.

"Who built those gun carriages," he angrily demanded of
Master Builder Briggs.

"Deacon Gould," was the answer.

" Send for Deacon Gould to meet me at the Sun tavern this
evening," ordered Captain Preble.

Deacon Gould made his appearance and found Captain
Preble waiting with somewhat of irritation in his demeanor.
The deacon was a man of the most dignified port and he asked :

"What may be your will, Captain Preble?"

" You do not know how to make gun carriages, sir," exclaimed
the fighting sailor.

"What's that you say, Captain Preble. What's that you
say?" thundered Deacon Gould. "I knew how to make gun
carriages before you were born, and if you say that word again
I will take you across my knee and play Master Hacker* with
you, sir."

Both men were of a hair-trigger temper and a clash was
prevented by friends wrho happened to be in the tavern. Cap-
tain Preble proceeded to have the gun carriages cut down to
suit him, however, as may be learned from the following entry
in his sea journal kept on board the Essex:

"26 12-pound cannon were taken on board for the main
battery; mounted them and found the carriages all too high;
dismounted the cannon and sent the carriages ashore to be
altered."

* Master Hacker was a Salem schoolmaster of that time

296

The Building of the Essex

The battery of the Essex consisted of 26 12-pounders on the
gun decks; 6 6-pounders on the quarter deck; 32 guns in all.
During his first cruise at sea Captain Preble recommended to
the Secretary of the Navy that 9-pounders replace the 6-pound
guns on the quarterdeck which he thought strong enough to
bear them, a tribute to honest construction by Master Builder
Enos Briggs.

The official receipt of the acceptance of the Essex in behalf
of the Government of the United States which Captain Preble
gave the Salem committee reads as follows:

"The Committee for building a frigate in Salem for the
United States having delivered to my charge the said frigate
called the Essex, with her hull, masts, spars and rigging com-
plete, and furnished her with one complete suit of sails, two
bower cables and anchors, one stream cable and anchor, one
hawser, and kedge anchor, one tow line, four boats and a full
set of spare masts and spars except the lower masts and bowsprit,
I have in behalf of the United States received the said frigate
Essex and signed duplicate receipts for the same.

"EDWARD PREBLE, Captain, U. S. N.

"Salem, Dec. 17, 1799."

This receipt was not given until Captain Preble had taken
time to make a thorough examination of the vessel, for his
first letter to the Secretary of the Navy concerning the Essex
was written on November 17th, more than a month earlier
than the foregoing document. He reported on this previous
date:

"Sir. I have the honor to inform you that I arrived here
last evening and have taken charge of the Essex. She is now
completely rigged, has all her ballast on board, and her stock
of water will be nearly complete by to-morrow night. . . .

297

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

I am much in want of officers to attend the ship, and the recruit-
ing service. I shall be obliged to open a rendezvous to-morrow
to recruit men sufficient to make the ship safe at her anchors in
case of a storm. I presume the Essex can be got ready for sea
in thirty days if my recruiting instructions arrive soon. The
agent, Mr. Waters, and the Committee are disoosed to render
me every assistance in their power.

"Very respectfully,

" Your obedient servant,

"EDWARD PREBLE, Capt.

" To the Hon. Secretary of the Navy, etc., etc."

In another letter with the foregoing address Captain Preble
wrote :

" I beg leave to recommend Mr. Rufus Low of Cape Ann for
Sailing Master of the Essex. He has served as captain of a
merchant ship for several years and has made several voyages
to India and sustains a good reputation. His principal induce-
ment for soliciting this appointment is the injuries he has
sustained by the French."

The crew of the Essex, officers and men, numbered two hun-
dred and fifty when she went to sea. It was a ship's company
of Americans of the English strain who had become native to
the soil and cherished as hearty a hatred for the mother country
as they did the most patriotic ardor for their new republic.
There were only two "Macs" and one "O"' on the ship's
muster rolls, and men and boys were almost without exception
of seafaring New England stock. In a letter of instructions to
Captain Preble, the Secretary of the Navy, Benjamin Stoddard,
wrote of the proposed complement of the Essex:

"Sixty able bodied seamen, seventy-three ordinary seamen,
thirty boys, fifty marines including officers. Able seamen $17
per month, ordinary seamen and boys $5 to $17."

298

The Building of the Essex

Captain Preble was greatly pleased with the behavior of the
frigate in her first "trying out" run from Salem to Newport.
He wrote from sea to Joseph Waters:

"The Essex is a good sea boat and sails remarkably fast.
She went eleven miles per hour with topgallant sails set and
within six points of the wind."

He also wrote the Secretary of the Navy after leaving
Newport :

" I have the honor to acquaint you that the Essex in coming
out of the harbor sailed much faster than the Congress, and is,
I think, in every respect a fine frigate."

Nor was this admiration limited to her own officers, for from
the Cape of Good Hope, on her first deep-water cruise, Captain
Preble wrote home:

. " The Essex is much admired for the beauty of her construc-
tion by the officers of the British Navy."

In company with the frigate Congress the Essex sailed in
January, 1800, for Batavia to convoy home a fleet of Ameri-
can merchantmen. Six days out the Congress was dismasted
in a storm which the Essex weathered without damage and
proceeded alone as the first American war vessel to double
the Cape of Good Hope. Ten months later she reached the
United States with her merchantmen. The Essex had not the
good fortune to engage the enemy, for a treaty of peace with
France was signed in February, 1801.

Captain Preble left the ship because of ill health, and in com-
mand of Captain Win. Bainbridge, she joined the Mediter-
ranean squadron of Commodore Richard Dale. She made
two cruises in this service until 1805, and played a peaceful part
on the naval list until the coming of the War of 1812. At that
time the eighteen-gun ship Wasp was the only American war
vessel on a foreign station. A small squadron was assembled
at New York under Commodore Rodgers, comprising the

299

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

President, Hornet and Essex. Captain David Porter had been
given command of the Essex and he sailed with this squadron
which was later reinforced by the ships assembled with the
pennant of Commodore Decatur. The Essex took several
prizes, and fought a fierce single-ship action with H. B. M. ship
Alert of twenty guns and 100 men, which he captured.

The immortal cruise of the Essex under David Porter began
when he was ordered to meet Bainbridge's ships, the Constella-
tion and Hornet in South American waters. Failing to find
the squadron at the rendezvous in the South Atlantic, in April
David Porter headed for Cape Horn and the Pacific in search
of British commerce. Early in 1813 he was able to report:

"I have completely broke up the British navigation in the
Pacific; the vessels which had not been captured by me were
laid up and dared not venture out. I have afforded the most
ample protection to our own vessels which were on my arrival
veiy numerous and unprotected. The valuable whale fishery
there is entirely destroyed and the actual injury we have done
them may be estimated at two and a half million dollars, inde-
pendent of the vessels in search of me.

" They have furnished me amply with sails, cordage, cables,
anchors, provisions, medicines, and stores of every description;
and the slops on board have furnished clothing for my seamen.
I have in fact lived on the enemy since I have been in that
sea, every prize having proved a well-found store ship for
me."

In letters from Valparaiso Captain Porter was informed that
a British squadron commanded by Commodore James Hillyar
was seeking him. This force comprised the frigate Phoebe of
thirty-six guns, the Raccoon and Cherub, sloops of war, and a
store ship of twenty guns. " My ship, as it may be supposed
after being near a year at sea," wrote Captain Porter, " required
some repairs to put her in a state to meet them ; which I deter-

300

The Building of the Essex

mined to do and to bring them to action if I could meet them
on nearly equal terms."

With this purpose in mind Captain Porter went in search of
the British squadron. In his words: " I had done all the injury
that could be done the British commerce in the Pacific, and
still hoped to signalize my cruise by something more splendid
before leaving that sea."

"Agreeably to his expectation," as Captain Porter phrased it,
the Phoebe appeared at Valparaiso shortly after the arrival of
the Essex in that port. But instead of offering a duel on even
terms between the two frigates, the British Commodore brought
with him the Cherub sloop of war. These two British vessels
had a combined force of eighty-one guns and 500 men, as com-
pared with the thirty-six guns and fewer than 300 men of the
Essex. "Both ships had picked crews," said Captain Porter,
" and were sent into the Pacific in company with the Raccoon of
32 guns and a store ship of 20 guns for the express purpose of
seeking the Essex, and were prepared with flags bearing the
motto, 'God and Country; British Sailors Best Rights; Traitors
Offend Both.' This was intended as reply to my motto, 'Free
Trade and Sailors' Rights,' under the erroneous impression
that my crew were chiefly Englishmen, or to counteract its
effect on their own crew ... In reply to their motto, I
wrote at my mizzen: ' God and Our Country; Tyrants Offend
Them.'"

Alongside the Essex lay the Essex, Junior, an armed prize
which carried twenty guns and sixty men. For six weeks the
two American vessels lay in harbor while the British squadron
cruised off shore to blockade them, "during which time, I
endeavored to provoke a challenge," explained Captain Porter,
"and frequently but ineffectually to bring the Phoebe alone to
action, first with both my ships, and afterwards with my single
ship with both crews on board. I was several times under

301

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

way and ascertained that I had greatly the advantage in point
of sailing, and once succeeded in closing within gun shot of the
Phoebe,' and commenced a fire on her, when she ran down for
the Cherub which was two miles and a half to leeward. This
excited some surprise and expressions of indignation, as previous
to my getting under way she hove to off the port, hoisted her
motto flag and fired a gun to windward. Com. Hillyar seemed
determined to avoid a contest with me on nearly equal terms
and from his extreme prudence in keeping both his ships ever
after constantly within hail of each other, there were no hopes
of any advantages to my country from a long stay in port. I
therefore determined to put to sea the first opportunity which
should offer."

On the 28th of March, 1813, the day after this determination
was formed, the wind blew so hard from the southward that
the Essex parted her port cable, and dragged her starboard
anchor out to sea. Not a moment was to be lost in getting sail
on the ship to save her from stranding. Captain Porter saw a
chance of crowding out to windward of the Phoebe and Cherub,
but his maintoprnast was carried away by a heavy squall, and
in his disabled condition he tried to regain the port. Letting
go his anchor in a small bay, within pistol shot of a neutral
shore, he made haste to repair damages.

The Phoebe and Cherub bore down on the Essex, which was
anchored in neutral water, their "motto flags," and union jacks
flying from every masthead. The crippled Essex was made
ready for action, and was attacked by both British ships at
three o'clock in the afternoon. Describing the early part of the
engagement Captain Porter reported to the Navy Department:

" My ship had received many injuries, and several had been
killed and wounded; but my brave officers and men, notwith-
standing the unfavorable circumstances under which we were
brought to action and the powerful force opposed to us, were

302

The Building of the Essex

in no way discouraged; and all appeared determined to defend
their ship to the last extremity, and to die in preference to a
shameful surrender. Our gaff with the ensign and the motto
flag at the mizzen had been shot away, but 'Free Trade and
Sailors' Rights ' continued to fly at the fore. Our ensign was
replaced by another and to guard against a similar event an
ensign was made fast in the mizzen rigging, and several jacks
were hoisted in different parts of the ship."

After hauling off to repair damages both the Phoebe and the
Cherub stationed themselves on the starboard quarter of the
Essex where her short carronades could not reach them and
where her stern guns could not be brought to bear, for she was
still at her forced anchorage. All the halyards of the Essex
had been shot away, except those of the flying jib and with this
sail hoisted the cable was cut and the stricken Yankee frigate
staggered seaward with the intention of laying the Phoebe on
board and fighting .at close quarters.

For only a short time was Porter able to use his guns to
advantage, however, for the Cherub was able to haul off at a
distance and pound the Essex while the Phoebe picked her own
range and shot the helpless frigate to pieces with her long
eighteen-pounders. In the words of David Porter which seem
worthy of quotation at some length:

"Many of my guns had been rendered useless by the enemy's
shot, and many of them had their whole crews destroyed. We
manned them again .from those which were disabled and one
gun in particular was three times manned — fifteen men were
slain in the course of the action. Finding that the enemy had
it in his power to choose his distance, I now gave up all hope
of closing with him and as the wind for the moment seemed to
favour the design, I determined to run her on shore, land my
men, and destroy her."

But the wind shifted from landward and carried the Essex

303

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

toward the Phoebe, " when we were again exposed to a dreadful
raking fire. My ship was now totally unmanageable; yet as
her head was toward the enemy and he to leeward of me, I still
hoped to be able to board him." This attempt failed, and a
little later, the ship having caught fire in several places, "the
crew who had by this time become so weakened that they all
declared to me the impossibility of making further resistance,
and entreated me to surrender my ship to save the wounded,
as all further attempt at opposition must prove ineffectual,
almost every gun being disabled by the destruction of their
crew.

" I now sent for the officers of division to consult them and
what was my surprise to find only acting Lieutenant Stephen
Decatur M 'Knight remaining ... I was informed that
the cockpit, the steerage, the wardroom and the berth deck
could contain no more wounded, that the wounded were killed
while the surgeons were dressing them, and that if something
was not speedily done to prevent it, the ship would soon sink
from the number of shot holes in her bottom. On sending for
the carpenter he informed me that all his crew had been killed
or wounded . .

"The enemy from the smoothness of the water and the im-
possibility of reaching him with our carronades and the little
apprehension that was excited by our fire, which had now
become much slackened, was enabled to take aim at us as at a
target; his shot never missed our hull and my ship was cut up
in a manner which was perhaps never before witnessed; in
fine, I saw no hopes of saving her, and at 20 minutes after
6 P. M. I gave the painful order to strike the colours. Seventy-
five men, including officers, were all that remained of my whole
crew after the action capable of doing duty and many of them
severely wounded, some of them whom have since died. The
enemy still continued his fire, and my brave, though unfortu-

304

The Building of the Essex

nate companions were still falling about me. I directed an
opposite gun to be fired to show them we intended no farther
resistance, but they did not desist; four men were killed at
my side, and others at different parts of the ship. I now be-
lieved he intended to show us no quarter, that it would be as
well to die with my flag flying as struck, and was on the point
of again hoisting it when about 10 minutes after hauling down
the colours he ceased firing."

Of a crew of 255 men who went into action, the Essex lost in
killed, wounded, and missing no fewer than 153 officers, seamen
and marines, including among the list of "slightly wounded"
no less a name than that of " David G. Farragut, midshipman,"
who was destined to serve his country a full half century longer
on the sea before his great chance should come to him on the
quarterdeck of the Hartford in the Civil War.

Captain David Porter had been overmatched, fighting his
crippled ship against hopeless odds until his decks were such
an appalling scene of slaughter as has been recorded of few
naval actions in history. But the Salem-built frigate Essex
had fulfilled her destiny in a manner to make her nation proud
unto this day of the men who sailed and fought her in the harbor
of Valparaiso, many thousand miles from the New England ship-
yard where a patriotic town of seafarers had united with one
common purpose to serve their country as best they could.

There was grief and indignation beyond words when the
tidings reached Salem that the Essex had been taken, and
bitter wrath against England was kindled by the conviction,
right or wrong, that Commodore Hillyar had not played the
part of an honorable foe in pitting both his fighting ships against
the Yankee frigate. This impression was confirmed by that
part of Captain Porter's official report which read:

"We have been unfortunate but not disgraced — the defence
of the Essex had not been less honourable to her officers and

305

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

crew than the capture of an equal force; and I now consider
my situation less unpleasant than that of Com. Hillyar, who
in violation of every principle of honour and generosity, and
regardless of the rights of nations, attacked the Essex in her
crippled state within pistol shot of a neutral shore, when for
six weeks I had daily offered him fair and honourable combat
on terms greatly to his advantage. The blood of the slain
must rest on his head; and he has yet to reconcile his conduct
to heaven, to his conscience, and to the world."

In a later letter to the Secretary of the Navy Captain Porter
added these charges :

" Sir : There are some facts relating to our enemy and although
not connected writh the action, serve to shew his perfidy and
should be known.

" On Com. Hillyar's arrival at Valparaiso he ran the Phoebe
close alongside the Essex, and inquired politely after my health,
observing that his ship wras cleared for action and his men pre-
pared for boarding. I observed: 'Sir, if you by any accident
get on board of me, I assure you that great confusion will take
place; I am prepared to receive you and shall act only on the
defensive.' He observed coolly and indifferently. 'Oh, sir, I
have no such intention'; at this instant his ship took aback of
my starboard bow, her yards nearly locking with those of the
Essex, and in an instant my crew was ready to spring on her
decks.

"Com. Hillyar exclaimed in great agitation: 'I had no inten-
tion of coming so near you; I am sorry I came so near you.'
His ship fell off with her jib-boom over my stern; her bows
exposed to my broadside, her stern to the stern fire of the
Essex, Junior, her crew in the greatest confusion, and in fifteen
minutes I could have taken or destroyed her. After he had
brought his ship to anchor, Com. Hillyar and Capt. Tucker of
the Cherub visited me on shore ; when I asked him if he intended

306

The Building of the Essex

to respect the neutrality of the port: 'Sir,' said he, 'you have
paid such respect to the neutrality of this port that I feel myself
bound in honour, to do the same. ' '

The behavior of Commander Hillyar after the action was most
humane and courteous, and the lapse of time has sufficed to
dispel somewhat of the bitterness of the American view-point
toward him. If he was not as chivalrous as his Yankee foeman
believed to be demanded of the circumstances, he did his stern
duty in destroying the Essex with as great advantage to himself
as possible. Captain Porter had shown no mercy toward
English shipping, and he was a menace to the British commerce,
which must be put out of the way. The inflamed spirit of the
American people at that time, however, was illustrated in a
"broadside," or printed ballad displayed on the streets of
Salem. This fiery document was entitled:

"CAPTURE OF THE ESSEX
" Free Trade and Sailors' Rights.

"Or, the In-glorious victory of the British with the Phoebe,
Frigate, of 36 guns and 320 men and the Cherub, sloop of war,
with 28 guns, and 180 men over the unfortunate Essex, Frigate of
32 guns and 255 men. Commanded by Captain David Porter.
An action fought two hours and 57 minutes against a double
complement of Men and force, by an enterprising and veteran
Crew of Yankees."

The closing verses of this superheated ballad were:

"The ESSEX sorely rak'd and gall'd;
While able to defend her
The Essex Crew are not appall 'd
They DIE but don't SURRENDER!
They fearless FIGHT, and FEARLESS DIE!
And now the scene is over;

307

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

For Britain, Nought but Powers on high

Their DAMNING SINS can Cover.

They MURDER and refuse to save!

With Malice Most infernal! !

Rest, England's Glory in the Grave,

'Tis INFAMY — ETERNAL! ! !

Brave HULL, and LAWRENCE fought your Tars

With honorable dealings;

For great as JOVE and brave as MARS

Are hearts of Humane Feelings

Our tears are render'd to the brave,

Our hearts' applause is given;

Their Names in Mem'ry we engrave,

Their spirits rest in Heaven;

Paroled see PORTER and his crew

In the ESSEX JUNIOR coasting;

They home return — hearts brave and true.

And scorn the Britons boasting —

Arrived — by all around belov'd,

With welcome shouts and chanting,

Brave Tars — all valiant and approv'd,

Be such Tars never Wanting.

Should Britain's Sacrilegious band

Yet tell her in her native land

Her Deeds are like her Daring,

That should she not with WISDOM haste

Her miscreant CRIMES undoing,

Her Crown, Wealth, Empire, all must waste

And sink in common RUIN."

One of the seamen of the Essex returned to his home at the
end of the cruise and told these incidents of his shipmates as
they have been preserved in the traditions of the town :

" John Ripley after losing his leg said : ' Farewell, boys, I
can be of no use to you,' and flung himself overboard out of the
bow port.

" John Alvinson received an eighteen-pound ball through the
body; in the agony of death he exclaimed: 'Never mind, ship-
mates. I die in defence of 'Free Trade and Sailors' Rights'
and expired with the word ' Rights ' quivering on his lips.

308

"^"^•••••••••"•••^l^Bli^i^BB^^BBBMBi^^MBBIMBMBfMMMBMBMBMM

Broadside ballad published in Salem after the news was received of

the Essex

The Building of the Essex

" James Anderson had his left leg shot off and died encourag-
ing his comrades to fight bravely in defence of liberty. After
the engagement Benjamin Hazen, having dressed himself in a
clean shirt and jerkin, told what messmates of his that were
left that he could never submit to be taken as a prisoner by the
English and leaped into the sea where he was drowned."

309

CHAPTER XVI

THE DAY'S WORK ON BLUE WATER

(1790-1802)

THE diary* of Dr. William Bentley, for many years a
notable Salem clergyman, contains vivid glimpses of
the life of the town as it had to do with the sea.
He used to watch for incoming vessels, spyglass in hand, in a
tower raised on the highest hill overlooking the harbor entrance.
This lookout was built for him by one of his parishioners, Cap-
tain George Crowninshield. Above it was a flagstaff, from
which waved the signals telling the safe arrival of some expected
vessel. Sometimes it hung at half-mast to notify the towns-
people of sorrowful news impending.

In his diary Doctor Bentley frequently made notes of those
of his flock who desired special prayers said for their dear ones,
and these entries have each its story of anxious separation with
the gray sea rolling between. Under date of April 24, 1785,
the list of prayers requested reads:

* In his diary Doctor Bentley achieved one masterpiece of characterization
which, although it does not pertain to seafaring matters deserves record as
illuminating the intellect of this doughty fighting parson of Salem. Under the
date of December 23, 1800, he wrote:

"This morning died in Warner Street, Hubartus Mattoon, set. 78. He was
as far from beauty as he could be without deformity, and as brutal in his zeal
as he could be without persecution. He was ignorant, noisy, petulant, but
happily neither his organs nor his abilities made him intelligible. He was a
blacksmith with the same fame as he was religious. There was no polish, no
invention and no praise in what he did, more than in what he said. He declined
at last into intemperance, dishonesty, and derangement, and died of a cancer
which took away all of his face and made him as ghastly to behold as he was
terrible to hear. His wife was glad he was dead and even Charity had not a
tear, though she comforted him in his sickness and carried him to his grave.
The race is extinct and like the Mammoth nothing is left but his bones."

310

The Day's Work on Blue Water

"Sunday, Notes for Martha Hodgdon, sick and Brother at
Sea. Hannah Bushnel, for Sister's death and Brother at sea.
Hannah Archer death of daughter and friend at Sea. Mary
Whitford, death of Sister and friend at Sea. David Newhall,
sick and son at Sea.

" August 13. Mary Lauchlin, delivery, and husband at Sea.
Martha Gale, death of husband and brother at Sea. Mary
Crowninshield, death of son-in-law, and Sons at Sea.

"July 3, 1791. Anna Bowditch, death of Husband, and
prayer for her Brethren at Sea.

"Mary Bowditch, and children, death of her son, and for
Sons at Sea. Mary Batten, sudden death of her only Son and
for Son-in-law at Sea. Sarah Batten, sudden death of her
husband and prayer for Brethren at Sea. Elizabeth Cotton,
death of her Brother, and for her Husband and Brother at Sea.
Elizabeth Mason, death of youngest child and prayer for hus-
band and friends at sea . . . Preserved Elkins returns
thanks for the remarkable preservation of her husband, asks
prayers for his safe return and for absent Brethren."

Doctor Bentley enjoyed visiting his seafaring parishioners,
from the wealthy shipowner to the humble retired seaman
whose parlor floor was carpeted with white sand fancifully
" heringboned " in patterned squares. Then the aged house-
wife would set out her best china which her husband had
brought from Canton, and make a " nimble cake " to be served
with hot sauce. After rounds of salty gossip, the pastor would
set down in his diary items like these:

" Dec. (1786). News of the death of Captain Adam Wellman.
There is something singular in this event. Wellman is the third
Captain who has been part owner with Captain White in the
same vessel and who has died in succession within the space of
one year."

"Aug. 9, 1790. The Ship Columbia came in from around

311

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

the world; the first adventure from America and it is hoped
with pleasing success."

" We are told that Mr. Derby expressed great dissatisfaction
from the results of his Voyages, with the several persons em-
ployed by him."

" Oct. 27, 1790. Strange disorders in Manchester last Sun-
day. A Bradford of Rowley preached all day and in the
evening discoursed upon the servant of Abraham sent to bring
a wife for his son. He turned to the women and asked them
whether they did not want a husband to go home Married to. A
Crazy Man named Lee cried out: 'All want for a husband.'
And Women fell into fits, and shrieks were heard, while an
honest Tar standing by exclaiming, ' The Devil of a Wedding,
Hollo, Boys, Hollo.'"

"Nov. 12, 1790. It is reported that Sinclair has returned
from a Guinea voyage with the loss of all his crew. Notwith-
standing the laws of the Commonwealth, there is not one man
of spirit to stand forth and make inquiry into these detestable
practices. I am informed that this daring Wretch who has
made so much Mischief is engaging in another such a voyage."

"Dec. 5, 1790. This day sailed another Guinea-man com-
manded by one Grafton, a Man of Contemptible Character.
It is said to be the property of Joseph White, Stone, Waters and
the former master, one Sinclair."

" Jan. 20, 1791. Had some information respecting Coro-
mandel Coast and Bengal from Captains B. Crowninshield and
Gibant. The first testifies that he saw the funeral of a husband
in which the wife was consumed. She was feeble, led round
the pile by two Bramins, appeared wild and was suspected of
taking opium. The fire was quickened by brimstone, etc., and
the ashes swept into the River. She was very Young."

"April 7 (1791) the sale of India Goods closed this day at
noon. The strangers retired after the first day, complaining

The Day's Work on Blue Water

that they did not expect to purchase at retail, on account of the
Small Lots. The third day was of sales upon the wharf,
raisins, Teas, etc. The Sales of Tea were few. About 12
chests of Bohea. The fruit sold at a moderate advance. The
usual artifice was employed of a Bidder for the owner which
must leave much of the Goods unsold. From the care to
spread the Advertisements, it was expected that a great Con-
course of people, etc. Few rich merchants appeared."

" July 8 (1791). In consequence of the various distresses
which we have suffered, numerous reports are spreading respect-
ing the state of our absent friends, so that it has become a time
of general disquietude. All are expecting ill news from their
friends (at sea). Some of our fears we realize. Mr. Smith
who married Lydia King has arrived from the East Indies,
from Bengal, with Captain Rich of Boston and brings the news
of the death of Mr. William Cotton, a most worthy young man
who died at Batavia in Java of the fever in that place. He and
Mr. Smith were Adventurers in the service of India Merchants
upon high wages. The one has paid with his life and the
other gives but poor recommendation to such temporary employ-
ment. He asserts that he has buried 12 hands of his crew and
that he was sick in person nearly five months."

"July 30, 1791. Entertained by a Curious Captain Patrick
Blake who told the story of his Pilot Nutting falling overboard
drunk and having hold of the Tiller-rope, was by bringing to
suddenly thrown into the Wake of the Vessel. And while they
were anxiously fearing lest he should be sunk, without saying a
word he was climbing up the side of the Vessel, and after his
obtaining the deck he was cursing the loss of an old hat. Such
an example of intemperance is one of the many proofs of its
effect upon the understanding."

"Aug. 20th. Captain Hosmer assured me that Warden, an
English sailor, who has acquired a handsome property, but was

313

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

enticed by an infamous house called Newtons, and was in a
delirium taken from it, was sent by Mr. Gray on board his
vessel as a foremast hand, and that a few nights after his depar-
ture from this Port he cut his throat, but being alarmed ceased
in time to save his life."

"April 14, 1798. Tom Bowling, another Sailor was buried
this day. Tom kept it up till the last breath, swearing, raving,
praying and the last came in only by the edges. He was a true
Sailor, lost one hand in the American service, knew a ship well,
and had all the true manners of a Ship of War. The song,
Tom Bowling, was sung in private houses by his friends, and
what his true name was I never could learn."

In a list of 176 heads of families attending the East Meeting
House of Salem in 1790, Doctor Bentley's diary shows that no
fewer than forty-two of these were sea captains, thirty-three
were mariners, and twenty-two were ship carpenters, rope
makers, sail makers, boat builders and fishermen, or one hun-
dred heads of families, in round numbers, who gained their
living from the sea and its allied industries, considerably more
than half the total enrollment of the parish.

The references to " Guinea men " in the foregoing quotations
seem to demand some further account of Salem 's share of the
slave trade during her golden age. While Newport and Bristol,
of all the New England ports, did the most roaring trade in
slaves and rum with the west coast of Africa, Salem appears to
have had comparatively few dealings with this kind of com-
merce. Slavers were fitted out and owned in Salem, but they
were an inconsiderable part of the shipping activity, and almost
the only records left to portray this darker side of seafaring
America in the olden times are fragmentary references such as
those already quoted and these which follow. There has been
preserved a singularly pitiful letter from a Salem boy to his
mother at home. It reads:

314

The Day's Work on Blue Water

"CAYENNE, April 23, 1789.
"HONOUE'D PARENT:

" I take this Opportunity to write Unto you to let you know
of a very bad accident that Happen 'd on our late passage from
Cape Mount, on the Coast of Africa, bound to Cayenne. We
sailed from Cape Mount the 13th of March with 36 Slaves on
bord. The 26th day of March the Slaves Rised upon us. At
half-past seven, my Sire and Hands being foreward Except the
Man at the helm, and myself, three of the Slaves took Possession
of the Caben, and two upon the Quarter Deck. Them in the
Caben took Possession of the fier Arms, and them on the quarter
Deck with the Ax and Cutlash and Other Weapons. Them in
the Caben handed up Pistels to them on the quarter Deck.

" One of them fired and killed my Honoured Sire, and still
we strove for to subdue them, and then we got on the Quarter
Deck and killed two of them. One that was in the Caben was
Comeing out at the Caben Windows in order to get on Deck,
and we discovered him and Knock'd him overbord. Two being
in the Caben we confined the Caben Doors so that they should
not kill us.

" Then three men went foreward and got the three that was
down their and brought them aft. And their being a Doctor
on bord, a Passenger that could Speak the Tongue, he sent one
of the boys down and Brought up some of the fier Arms and
Powder. And then we Cal'd them up and one came up, and
he Cal'd the other and he Came up. We put them In Irons
and Chained them and then the Doctor Dres'd the People's
Wounds, they being Slightly Wounded. Then it was one
o'clock.

" They buried my Honoured Parent, he was buried as decent
as he could be at Sea, the 16th of this Month. I scalt myself
with hot Chocolate but now I am abel to walk about again. So
I remain in good Health and hope to find you the Same and

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

all my Sisters and Brothers and all that Inquires after Me.
We have sold part of the Slaves and I hope to be home soon.
So I Remain your Most Dutiful Son,

"WM. FAIRFIELD.

"Addressed to Mrs. Rebecca Fail-field,
"Salem, New England."

Under date of 'May 29, 1789, Doctor Bentley wrote in his
diary:

"On Wednesday went to Boston and returned on Friday.
News of the death of Captain William Fairfield who com-
manded the Schooner which sailed in Captain Joseph White's
employ in the African Slave Trade. He was killed by the
Negros on board."

This following letter of instructions to one of the few Salem
captains in the slave trade was written in 1785, under date of
November 12th:

" Our brig of which you have the command, being cleared at
the office, and being in every other respect complete for sea, our
orders are that you embrace the first fair wind and make the
best of your way to the Coast of Africa and there invest your
cargo in slaves. As slaves, like other articles when brought to
market, generally appear to the best advantage, therefore too
critical an inspection cannot be paid to them before purchase;
to see that no dangerous distemper is lurking about them, to
attend particularly to their age, to their countenance, to the
strength of their limbs, and as far as possible to the goodness or
badness of their constitutions, etc., will be very considerable
objects.

" Male or female slaves, whether full grown, or not, we cannot
particularly instruct you about, and on this head shall only
observe that prime male slaves generally sell best in any market.
No people require more kind and tender treatment to exhilarate

316

The Day's Work on Blue Water

their spirits than the Africans, and while on the one hand you
are attentive to this, remember that, on the other hand, too
much circumspection cannot be observed by yourself and people
to prevent their taking advantage of such treatment by insur-
rection and so forth. When you consider that on the health
of your slaves almost your whole voyage depends, you will
particularly attend to smoking your vessel, washing her with
vinegar, to the clarifying your water with lime or brimstone,
and to cleanliness among your own people as well as among
the slaves."

These singularly humane instructions are more or less typical
of the conduct of the slave trade from New England during the
eighteenth century when pious owners expressed the hope that
" under the blessing of God " they might obtain full cargoes of
negroes. The ships were roomy, comparatively comfortable
quarters were provided, and every effort made to prevent losses
by disease and shortage of water and provisions. It was not
until the nations combined to drive the traffic from the high seas ,
that slavers were built for speed, crammed to the hatches with
tortured negroes and hard-driven for the West Indies and
Liverpool and Charleston through the unspeakable horrors of
the Middle Passage.

Salem records are not proud of even the small share of the
town in this kind of commerce, and most of the family papers
which dealt with slave trading have been purposely destroyed.
It is true also that public sentiment opposed the traffic at an
earlier date than in such other New England ports as Bristol
and Newport. Slaves captured in British privateers during
the Revolution were not permitted to be sold as property but
were treated as prisoners of war. The refusal of Elias Hasket
Derby to let his ship Grand Turk take slaves aboard on her first
voyage to the Gold Coast was an unusual proceeding for a
shipping merchant of that time. Nor according to Doctor

317

The Ships ami Sailors of Old Salem

Bentley was the slave trade in the best repute among the people
of the place.

While Salem commerce was rising in a flood tide of enter-
prising achievement in the conquest of remote and mysterious
markets on the other side of the globe, and the wounds left by
the Revolution were scarcely healed, her ships began to bring
home new tales of outrage at the hands of British, French and
Spanish privateers and men-of-war. There was peace only in
name. In 1790, or only seven -years after the end of the Revo-
lution, seamen were bitterly complaining of seizures and im-
pressments by English ships, and the war with France was
clouding the American horizon. The Algerine pirates also had
renewed their informal activities against American shipping,
and the shipmasters of Salem found themselves between several
kinds of devils and the deep sea wherever they laid their courses.

The history of the sea holds few7 more extraordinary stories
than that related of a Salem sailor and cherished in the maritime
, chronicles of the town.

" On the 14th of August, 1785, a French vessel from Mar-
tinique, bound to Bordeaux came up writh the body of a man
floating at some fifty rods distance. The captain ordered four
men into the boat to pick it up. When brought on board, to
the great surprise of the crew the supposed dead body breathed.
Half an hour afterwards the man opened his eyes and exclaimed :
'O God, where am I?' On taking off his clothes to put him
to bed it wras discovered that he had on a cork jacket and
trousers. It was afterwards ascertained that he had sailed
from Salem in a brig bound to Madrid. The brig was attacked
by Sallee pirates and captured. This sailor, pretending to be
lame, was neglected by the Moors who had captured him.
About 11 o'clock at night, having put on his cork apparatus,
he let himself down from the forechains into the water unper-
ceived. He swam about two days when he being quite ex-

318

The Day's Work on Blue Water

hausted, his senses left him, in which state he was discovered
by the men from the Frigate. On his arrival at Bordeaux he
was presented by the Chamber of Commerce with a purse of
300 crowns."

On February 10th, 1795, the following appeal was posted in
the streets of Salem :

"For the purpose of taking into consideration the unhappy
situation of the unfortunate prisoners at Algiers, and to de-
vise some Method for carrying into effect a General Collection
for their Relief on Thursday, the 19th day of the present
Month!

" The Meeting is called by the desire of the Reverend Clergy
and other Respectable Citizens of this Town who wish to have
some System formed that will meet the Acceptance of the
Inhabitants previous to the Day of Contribution.

"The truly deplorable fate of these miserable captives loudly
calls for your Commiseration, and the Fervent Prayers they
have addressed to you from their Gloomy Prisons ought to
soften the most Adamantine Heart. They intreat you in the
most Impassioned Language not to leave them to dispair, but
as Prisoners of Hope, let those of them who still survive the
Plague, Pestilence, and Famine, anticipate the day that shall
relieve them from the Cruel scourge of an Infidel, and restore
them to the Arms of their long-bereaved Friends and Country.

"It is hoped the Humane and Benevolent will attend that
Charity may not be defeated of her intended Sacrifice in the
auspicious Festival, when the New World shall all be assembled,
and the United States shall offer her tribute of Praise and
Thanksgiving at the Altars of God."*

An item of the date of February 16th, 1794, records that
"information is received that Edward Harwood, mate, James

* The 19th of February, 1795, was a day of National Thanksgiving ordered
by proclamation of President Washington.

319

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Peas and Samuel Henry of Salem, lately returned from Algerine
captivity were apportioned shares of a benefit previously taken
for such sufferers at the Boston Theatre."

War between France and England for more than a decade
involved American commerce in continued and severe depreda-
tions under pretext of violating the paper blockades or official
decrees issued by one or another of the contestants. What this
high-handed system of piracy and plunder meant to American
shipping may be glimpsed from the following bits of news as
they found place in the Salem annals of the time :*

" 1787. Great excitement is caused among our commercial
community by the report that English privateers in the West
Indies had forced our seamen out of their vessels and impressed
them into the British service.

"On the 15th of March, 1791, it is stated that our people in
consequence of the vexations and spoliations committed on our
commerce by the subjects of Great Britain and other foreign
countries, meet and petition Congress to adopt suitable measures
of redress."

A writer in the Salem Gazette of March 18, 1791, remarks:

"The last week has been a scene of general gloom and
anxiety in this town. Every day has brought with it fresh
intelligence of insults to our flag, abuse to our seamen, and
destruction to our commerce. Our merchants have suspended
their business, our sailors are wandering about for want of
employment, and our laborours will soon be starving in idle-
ness."

" 1791. The schooner Ruth arrived here the 21st of March

and her captain, Joseph Wood, reports that he was taken at

St. Moran with others by the English and ordered to Port

Royal, but afterwards he became accidentally separated from

the brig-of-war that guarded them. Having two of his own

* Felt's Annals of Salem.

320

The Day's Work on Blue Water

men left and two of the British on board he coolly told the
latter he should shape his course homeward which he accord-
ingly did."

"Captain Thomas Ashley comes home about this time and
tells a great tale of what his own and other crews have suffered
in the West Indies, after being captured by the British. It is
calculated that the English have condemned 400 American
vessels in the West Indies, of which Salem is said to have had
a very full proportion.

" Committees of merchants in this and other towns meet on
the 25th of April to consult upon means for the restoration of
property captured by the English. They agree to memorialize
Congress. Captain Ropes comes home as passenger in a vessel
by which he had been picked up at sea. He reports that bis
vessel after a long detention was cleared at Dominica. All his
crew had been previously taken from him except the mate and
a boy. With these he sailed for home. Soon afterwards his
vessel leaked and floundered, but they took to their boat and
were providentially saved."

"The schooner Swallow, Captain Baker, arrived here the
first week in July. He reported having been captured on our
coast by a Bermudean privateer who took out most of his men,
and put on board a prizemaster and five hands. He, however,
bravely made an attempt to overcome them and succeeded in
retaking his vessel."

" 1794. Captain Flint of the schooner Cynthia is captured
by a privateer and all but himself taken out of his vessel, and
eight others put on board to supply their places. With so
great odds, he succeeded in gaining over three Bermudians.
Thus assisted he confined the rest in the cabin, and kept on
deck night and day until he reached home."

" Many complaints are made during the month of May that
our vessels continue to be a prey to French and English priva-

321

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

teers and our men victims to British press gangs. Many Salem
ships with valuable cargoes have been captured whilst on their
return from East Indian and other Foreign ports, their cargoes
confiscated and with the vessels appropriated by the French
to their own use."

"Information is received here August 16th from William
Thomas with other impressed seamen on board the British
frigate Assistance in Halifax, stating that ' he was flogged daily
because some of the others had run away, and that he should
die under such cruel severity unless soon released.' It is
reported under date of Dec. 20th that James Barnes, a native
of Salem and having a family here had recently escaped from
an English Frigate in the West Indies. He was held in their
vile durance seven months. When impressed he was second
mate of the ship Astrea of New York. At the point of the
sword he was forced into several battles with the French.
Once he swam with a messmate to an American vessel whose
captain did not dare to take them on board. They were com-
pelled to return and whilst in the act of so doing Barne's com-
panion was killed by a shark. To all such sufferers 'Free
Trade and Sailors' Rights' are no unmeaning sounds."

"News from St. Eustacia is received here on the 20th of
January, 1794, that in an unsuccessful attack of the English
there one of their Frigates ran down a sloop commanded by
Benjamin Diamond of Salem who had been carried thither by
a French privateer. He being on shore was saved while his
mate and three others were drowned. His heart, he states,
was greatly pained to see one of them waving a handkerchief
on the top of a mast for relief, and sink before any boat could
get to his rescue. March 4th, tidings are received here that
among the several captures of our vessels by the French was
the ship Eliza, Captain George Hodges, bound to Canton.
It is also stated under the same date that complaint is louder

322

The Day's Work on Blue Water

and more bitter; that our neutral position is grossly violated
by the two belligerents.

" July 24th, this year, a curious statement is made of Captain
Jonathan Carnes of the schooner Rajah, then on the coast of
Sumatra. It appears that the commander of a French priva-
teer, supposing that Carnes was an Englishman attacked him
in the night. Captain Carnes thought them to be Malays and
a desperate conflict immediately ensued. The mistake was not
discovered till one of his men had a hand cut off, and a French
lieutenant was killed. Afterwards as the result of a parley,
the French apologized and was suffered to depart in peace."

April 10, 1798. "The subject of arming our merchant
vessels is being often and excitedly discussed. Many fear that
if done this will lead to a desolating war. Others contend that
it should be resorted to as the only means of effectually pre-
venting farther and more frequent aggressions on our maritime
rights."

"Information is received here that on the 27th of April,
Captain George Ropes in the brig Patty on his passage to the
Spanish Main is taken by a French privateer. Only himself
and two boys were left, under the guard of seven Frenchmen.
He soon succeeded in overpowering and forcing them into a
boat, with which on the 5th of May they reached St. Thomas.
But the gallant Captain did not long enjoy his freedom, as he
was soon afterwards taken by another French privateer. Under
the threat of death one of the boys disclosed the fact that Capt.
Ropes had recaptured his own vessel, which led to his being
very cruelly treated, however, he reached his home in safety."

"Captain Josiah Orne is reported as sailing June 19th, 1798,
in the ship Ulysses with 10 guns and 25 men for Batavia. About
the same time wooden guns are advertised as scarecrows for our
merchantmen. With the mixture of a few iron ones they make
a very formidable appearance."

323

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

In 1799 the ship Concord sailed on one of the earliest round-
the-world voyages made by an American vessel. She was
fitted out for sealing among the islands off the Southern Pacific
coast of South America, thence taking her cargo of skins to
China. A youth of the crew, Nathaniel Appleton of Salem,
kept a log, which is to be found among the old sea journals
stored in the Essex Institute. The chronic desire of the seamen
of the time to play Robinson Crusoe and set up kingdoms on
far-away islands played hob with discipline and caused the
captains many anxious hours. The Concord's log, written
somewhat more than a century ago, holds within its tattered
covers such illuminating entries as the following:

" This is by far the worst weather that ever I saw ; however,
the moon changes to-morrow; the sailors seem to have great
faith in that. I hope they will not be disappointed, for I am
heartily sick of this plaguey, dirty, good for nothing weather.
I would advise no one to come around Cape Horn for pleasure.

" March 15 (1800) Island of Mocha and St. Mary's in Olive
Bay for water. Saw a great many apple trees but no apples,
strawberry vines but no berries, blue berries unripe. There
is a garden here which I suppose some of the whalers planted,
pease, beans, cabbages, potatoes, just come up.

" 17th. In the course of the night Glover and Drown, two
of our seamen stole the yawl and run on shore with all their
clothes. We found the boat, but can't find the men.

" 18th. Saw those two fellows that run ashore, but there is
so much wood and swamp that it is impossible to catch them.

" 2()th. Glover, the fellow that run away, came and said he
was very sorry, etc.

"22d. Sent the boat on shore to fill three barrels of water
which were empty. Moser, one of our hands, gave us the slip.
We supposed at first that he went to take a walk and did not
come back in time to come off in the boat. After the boat

324

The Day's Work on Blue Water

came on board we saw him on the beach, sent the boat after
him, but he ran into the woods. The people are all dissatisfied
that two men are gone, that they will have to do the work and
have no benefit. And as they have been mutinous of late, I
have engaged, provided they can't catch the men, to give each
his proportion according to the days they ship.

" March 23rd. Sent two boat crews on shore to try to catch
those Infernal Rascals. Caught Drown but Moser kept his
distance. Night calm, some hands ashore to catch the Villian.
No Moser to be found. The fellow must be a plagy fool, for
he's got no clothes but what he has on — no fire works,* nor
nothing of the kind.

"24th. The captain with a boat's crew on shore to try to
find Moser but all in vain. At eleven saw Moser on the beach
making signals to come off. Sent the boat to fetch him. We
have got all the crew again to my great joy.

" (Masafuero), St. Ambrose. April 12th. Drown, one of
the fellows that run away, swears by all that's good that he will
not work. I suppose we must tie him in the shrouds and give
him a plagy flogging which is very disagreeable, but there is
no help for it.

"At Islands of St. Felix and St. Ambrose, April 15th. Mr.
Bunker, the mate, says that Warner, the master of the sealing
gang left here by a Boston ship, had been giving our people
grog, etc., till they were tipsy, then telling them how ungenerous
it was to come here to seal when he had got possession of ye
island first. A glass of grog will get a sailor over to your side
any time, and the people refused to work. However, by using
a few harsh wrords and threats they came to and things appear
to be quiet at present. This voyage will end somehow or
other — but I can't tell at present how.

"From Pisco towards Island of Lobos. June 21st. They
* Flint and steel.
325

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

have no rain here, but the dew from Heaven waters their plants.
If I had not heard it was the dew from Heaven I should think
it was the fumes of Hell. 'Tis the most disagreeable weather
that ever I saw."

In such homely chronicles as these is reflected one phase of
the spirit of the coastwise towns of old New England. Able
seamen Drown and Moser, "the plagy rascals," had got it in
their noddles that a desert island already planted with fruit
and vegetables would be a rare habitat for a couple of Yankee
sovereigns, but they lacked the temper of such adventurous
solitaries as John Young and Isaac Davis, who were living with
the natives of the Sandwich Islands almost a hundred years
ago, or of David Whepley, the Yankee wrhaler who ruled as a
chief among the Fijis in the early days of South Pacific trade.

The sea journal of Captain John White, who went to China
in the brig Franklin in 1819, contains the condensed narrative
of another attractive figure in Salem shipping history, a sailor
"who would be king" of a remote speck of an island in the
South Atlantic, between Cape Horn and Good Hope:

"On the twelfth of March, we saw and passed the island
of Tristan d'Acunha. This island was taken formal posses-
sion of in 1814 by Jonathan Lambert of Salem. He issued a
proclamation setting forth his rights to the soil, and invited
navigators of all nations, whose routes might lie near the island,
to touch at his settlement for supplies needed on a long passage;
and which he anticipated his industry would draw from the
earth and the adjacent sea. He signified his readiness to
receive in payment for his products, which consisted of vege-
tables, fruit and fish, whatever might be most convenient for
his visitors to part with, which could in any way be useful to
him and his associates in their solitary abode.

"For the purpose of being able to fully carry out his plans,
Mr. Lambert took with him to the island various implements

326

The Day's Work on Blue Water

of husbandry, seeds of the most useful culinary plants which
grew in the United States, tropical trees for transplanting, etc.
After Lambert had been on the island about two years, it was
apparent that his efforts would be crowned with success, but
unfortunately he was drowned soon after, while on a visit to
one of the adjacent islands. Disheartened by this unfortunate
occurrence, Lambert's associates, shortly after his death, left
the islands in a ship which touched there."

Those boys whose ambitions turned seaward at an age when
the youngsters of to-day are in grammar school took the day's
work as they found it without complaint. The diary of one
of them has fortunately been preserved in Salem, and its pictures
of life aboard ship more than a century ago have a genuine
appeal. Charles Francis Waldo was the lad's name, and he
sailed from Boston in the ship Indus in 1802 for Canton and
Batavia. He wrote in his sea journal of such incidents as the
following :

" Thus after having sustained innumerable hardships, having
escaped from the very jaws of death, having the misfortune to
be dismasted; the ship's springing a leak, seven feet of water
in the hold and a number of our people disabled; arriving at
Batavia with our cargo principally damaged, and under the
necessity of discharging it; of remaining upwards of three
months in that unhealthy climate, and of losing one of our
people, we have at last the pleasure of bidding a final adieu
to the farther Indies, and of being once more under sail for
Boston . . .

"Since leaving Batavia we have experienced a material
difference in the treatment on board and find the misfortunes
of the Voyage have considerably added to the asperity of the
captain's temper, he being most generally out of sorts and
nothing pleasing him. A laughable circumstance took place
the other day respecting him. Missing his hat, he made

327

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

diligent search for it, and likewise ordered one of the people
to look for it. Not being able to find it, he flew into a violent
passion, accusing him of secreting it, and threatening to horse-
whip him if it was not immediately produced. At length after
a very strict search and more noise, happening to put his hand
upon his own poll, he found it there . . .

"Another proof of the captain's good humor took place the
other day. Between the cook and steward, two quarts of rice
was boiled and carried upon the table for breakfast. The rice
on account of our water being thick was rather coloured, which
displeased the Captain who thought it was the Cook's fault.
He called him down below and obliged him to eat the whole
of it, able or unable, upon pain of a severe flogging, and enforced
his command with horsewhip in hand, which he in the mean
time occasionally laid across the steward's back for bringing
the rice. The poor fellow threw it up in a short time, or I
know not what would have been the consequences of such an
unmerciful cramming. . . .

" As a fresh proof of the Captain's good nature, after making
sail and finding the ship Herald considerably beating us, he
called all hands, reefed the topsails, sent down the topgallant
yards, and a gale ensueing, continued to keep all hands upon
deck during the whole of it. And on the following Sunday not
being able to find anything else, made us set up the lower fore
rigging. So much for him ! However, we are all in good spirits,
homeward bound, and in the prospect of seeing Boston in two
months.

" During the preceding days our situation had been very dis-
agreeable having but three casks of water on board. Continued
calms or head winds, and no rain falling, wre have the dreadful
prospect of soon perishing with thirst if not favoured with a
fair breeze or a sufficiency of rain. Indeed our allowance of
every other article is rather short. Those that live on shore

328

The Day's Work on Blue Water

and have an abundance of that most necessary article of life
know not what a luxury a sufficiency of water is to a sailor.
To be confined within the limits of a ship, with a very small
quantity of water on board, without winds or rain and no
possible way of obtaining even one drop more with the prospect
of soon perishing with thirst, the most horrid of all deaths, is a
situation that surpasses description. . . . Thanks to the
Almighty Ruler of the Seas, we are again favoured with a breeze
and the prospects of soon being at St. Helena. . . ."

329

CHAPTER XVII

THE FIRST AMERICAN VOYAGERS TO JAPAN

(1799-1801)

IT it commonly assumed that until the memorable visit of
Commodore Perry's squadron in 1853 shattered the
ancient isolation of Japan, no American ship had ever
been permitted to trade or tarry in a port of that nation. More
than half a century, however, before the tenacious diplomacy
of Matthew C. Perry had wrested a treaty "of friendship and
commerce," at least three Yankee vessels had carried cargoes
to and from Nagasaki.

It was in 1799 that the ship Franklin, owned in Boston and
commanded by Captain James Devereux of Salem, won the
historical distinction of being the first American vessel to find
a friendly greeting in a harbor of Japan. In 1800, the Boston
ship Massachusetts sailed to Nagasaki on a like errand, and
her captain's clerk, William Cleveland of Salem, kept a detailed
journal of this unusual voyage, which record, because of its
length, is dealt with in a separate chapter following this account
of the adventures of the Franklin, and of the Salem ship Margaret
which went from Batavia to Nagasaki in 1801. Aboard the
Margaret, Captain S. G. Derby, was a crew of Salem men,
among them George Cleveland, captain's clerk, brother of
William Cleveland, who filled a similar berth in the Massa-
chusetts and also kept a journal.

In the logs and journals of these three voyages, as written
by three seafarers of Salem more than a century ago, has been
preserved a wealth of adventure, incident and description which

330

from tlie log of the Mary.iret, clescribiiig her arrival at Nagasaki ar.d tlie
prodigious amount of saluting required

The good ship Fran/din

The First American Voyagers to Japan

to-day sound as archaic as a chapter of the history of the Middle
Ages in Europe. Excepting a handful of Dutch traders, these
three ships visited a land as strange and unknown to the outside
world as was the heart of Thibet a dozen years ago. They
sailed to the Orient as pioneers of American commerce, and
while at Batavia seeking cargo were chartered by the Dutch
East India Company for the annual voyage to Japan.

When the ship Franklin set sail from Batavia for Nagasaki, in
1799, only the Dutch were permitted to hold foreign intercourse
with the land of the Shoguns and the Samurai. They had main-
tained their singular commercial monopoly for two centuries
at a price which was measured in the deepest degradation of
national and individual dignity and self-respect. The few
Dutch merchants suffered to reside in Japan were little better
off than prisoners, restricted to a small island in Nagasaki
harbor, leaving it only once in four years when the Resident, or
chief agent, journeyed to Yeddo to offer gifts and obeisance to
the Shogun. At this audience, which took place in the " Hall
of a Hundred Mats," the Dutch Resident "crept forward on
his hands and feet, and falling on his knees bowed his head
to the ground and retired again in absolute silence, crawling
exactly like a crab." To add insult to injury, the Shogun
usually sat hidden behind a curtain.

After this exhibition the envoys were led further into the
palace and ordered to amuse the Court. " Now we had to rise
and walk to and fro, now to exchange compliments with each
other," wrote one of them, "then to dance, jump, represent a
drunken man, speak broken Japanese, paint, read Dutch,
German, sing, put on our cloaks and throw them off again,
etc., I, for my part, singing a German love ditty."

Of their life on the islet of Dezima, where the little colony
of Dutch traders was guarded and confined, this same chronicler,
Kaempfer, remarks:

331

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

" In this service we have to put up with many insulting regula-
tions at the hands of these proud heathens. We may not keep
Sundays or fast days, or allow our spiritual hymns or prayers
to be heard ; never mention the name of Christ, nor carry with
us any representation of the Cross or any external sign of
Christianity. Besides these things we have to submit to many
other insulting imputations which are always painful to a noble
heart. The reason which impels the Dutch to bear all these
sufferings so patiently is simply the love of gain."

In return for these humiliations the Dutch East India Com-
pany was permitted to send one or two ships a year from Batavia
to Japan and to export a cargo of copper, silk, gold, camphor,
porcelain and bronze which returned immense profits.

This curious system of commerce was in operation when the
ship Franklin cleared from Boston for Batavia in 1798. His
owner's letter of instructions ordered Captain Devereux to load
Java coffee in bulk and to return with all possible expedition.
As was customary, the ship's company wras given a share in the
profits of the voyage, as defined in a letter to the captain :

"We allow your first and second officers two and one-half
tons privilege, and one ton to your third mate, your sailors will
be allowed to bring their adventures in their chests and not
otherwise. Your own privilege will be five per cent, of the
whole amount which the ship may bring and 'tis our orders
that she be completely filled."

When Captain Devereux arrived at Batavia in April, 1799,
he learned that the Dutch East India Company was in need
of a ship to make one of the annual voyages to Japan. The
Salem shipmaster and his supercargo perceived that a large
extra profit could be gleaned in such a venture as this, after
which the ship might return for her cargo of coffee and go
home to Boston as planned.

This Batavia charter wras an attractive adventure which

The First American Voyagers to Japan

promised to fatten both the owner's returns and the "privi-
leges " of the ship's company, and after considerable preliminary
skirmishing between the hard-headed Dutchmen and the keen-
witted Yankee seafarers, an agreement was reached which has
been preserved in the log of the Franklin. It is a valuable frag-
ment of history in itself, for it recites the elaborate formalities
and restrictions imposed upon foreign visitors by the Japanese
of a century and more ago. The document is entitled:

"The Ship Franklin's Charter Party for a Voyage from
Batavia to Japan, June the 16th, 1799."

It begins as follows :

"We, the undersigned, Johannes Siberg, Commissary Gen-
eral, etc., etc., on the one part, and Walter Burling, supercargo
of the American ship Franklin at present at anchor in this
Road, of the burthen of 200 tons, commanded by James Dever-
eux, on the other part, do Declare and Certify to have agreed
with respect to the Charter of said ship as follows."

It is then stipulated in the articles that the Franklin shall
carry to Japan a cargo of cloves in sacks, cotton yarns, pieces
of chintz, sugar, tin, black pepper, sapan-wood, elephants'
teeth, and mummie, and supplies for the Company's agents in
Nagasaki. The vessel is to bring back to Batavia a cargo of
copper, camphor, boxes and boards. Her charter price or
freight is to be paid Captain Devereux in coffee, sugar, black
pepper, cloves, indigo, tin, cinnamon and nutmegs.

After no fewer than ten numbered articles of instruction it is
provided that "the Capt., James Devereux, as soon as the
cargo shall be on board and his ship's company in a proper
situation, shall proceed with his said ship to the port of her
destination and there being discharged and reloaded shall
continue his voyage with the utmost diligence toward this
metropolis, and that he shall not under any pretext whatever,
approach or enter into any other port, either on his passage to

333

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Japan or on his return, unless he is forced by urgent necessity
which he must justify on his return in a satisfactory manner."

It would seem that not even the Dutch were always certain
of a hospitable reception at the hands of the haughty Japanese,
for in "article 13th" it is stated that "if by any unforeseen cir-
cumstances the ship should not be allowed to enter the port of
Japan, and by that reason the Captain should be obliged to
return with the cargo he took from here, then after his arrival
here, and having discharged the cargo he took away, the freighter
shall pay the freight agreed upon, of thirty thousand piasters
in produce as mentioned in article 4th."

The thrifty Dutch inserted an article to read :

"If any of the ship's company should be sick at Japan they
may be received in the Hospital on condition that they shall be
taken on board the ship at the time of her departure, and the
expense incurred will be for account of the letter (the ship)."

Having endeavored to protect themselves against every
chance of loss or delay in a document well nigh as long as the
Declaration of Independence, the officials in Batavia drew up
the following letter:

"Instructions from the Dutch East India Company for
Captain James Devereux on his arrival at Japan :

" When you get to the latitude of 26 or 27, it will be necessary
to have everything in readiness to comply with the ceremonies
which the Japanese are accustomed to see performed by the
ships of the Company.

" 1st. You will have all your colors in order to dress the
ship on her entrance into port.

"2nd. There must be a table prepared on the quarterdeck
which must be covered with a piece of cloth and two cushions
for the officers to sit upon when they come on board.

"3rd. It is indispensably necessary to have a list of all the
people on board, passengers and officers, their stations and age.

334

The First American Voyagers to Japan

"4th. All the books of the people and officers, particularly
religious books must be put into a cask and headed up; the
officers from the shore will put their seals upon the cask and
take it on shore, and on the departure of the ship will bring it
on board without having opened it.

"Before your arrival at Japan you must make the people
deliver you their money and keep it until your departure; this
will not be attended with inconvenience as at Japan nothing
is bought for cash, but they may change their specie for cam-
bang money, and then make their trade, but this must be done
by the Captain.

"6th. When you are in sight of Japan, you must hoist a
Dutch pendant and ensign in their proper places as if you
were a Dutch ship.

"7th. When the Cavalles are on your starboard hand and
the Island of Japan on your larboard you must salute the
guard on the Cavalles with nine guns.

" 8th. After that you pass on the larboard side of Papenburg
and salute with nine guns.

"9th. You then pass the guards of the Emperor on the
starboard and larboard nearly at the same time, and salute them
with 7 or 9 guns, the first all starboard guns, the second all
larboard.

" 10th. You then advance into the Road of Nangazacky
(Nagasaki), and after anchoring salute with 13 guns.

"llth. When you enter the Cavalles, the Commissaries of
the Chief will come on board and you must salute them with
9 guns; at the same time, if it is practicable, hoist some colors
to the yards as a compliment to them; it is immaterial what
colors you dress your ship with except Spanish or Portuguese
— it is, however, necessary to recollect that the Dutch colors
must be always in their proper place as if the ship was of that
nation.

335

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

" 12th. When the Commissaries return on shore, you must
salute them with nine guns.

" 13th. You must be very particular in letting the boats
which are around the ship know when you are going to fire
as if you were to hurt any of them the consequences would be
very important.

" 14th. After you have anchored and saluted the harbor,
the officers examine the list of your people and compare them
with the number on board. After having received them those
who wish it can go on shore, but before the Japanese land, all
the arms and ammunition must be sent on shore, and it will
be proper that everything of the kind should be landed, as they
search the ship after she is unloaded. On your departure they
will return it all on board. If there should by any mistake be
any powder or firearms left on board, you must be very careful
that not so much as a pistol be fired until the return of the
ammunition which was landed.

" The agents of the Company will instruct you respecting the
other ceremonies to be observed."

Captain Devereux's log records that he burned the prodigious
amount of powder required and successfully steered a course
through the other complex ceremonies, nautical and commercial,
without ruffling Japanese dignity in any way. The Franklin
lay in Nagasaki harbor for almost four months after which she
returned to Batavia, to the satisfaction of the East India Com-
pany. Thence she sailed for Boston with so large a cargo of
coffee, sugar and spices that it overflowed the hold and filled
the after cabin. The captain and officers berthed in a make-
shift "coach-house" knocked together on deck, but made no
complaint as their several "adventures" had been richly in-
creased by the voyage and trading with the Japanese.

In more than one stout old Salem mansion are treasured
souvenirs of the voyage of the Franklin. According to a

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The First American Voyagers to Japan

memorandum of "a sale of sundries received by ship Franklin
from Japan, Captain Devereux brought home as part of his
adventure, "cabinets, tea trays, boxes of birds, waiters, boxes
of fans, nests of pans, camphor wood, mats, kuspidors, together
with inlaid tables and carved screens."

In 1801, or two years later, the Margaret of Salem lay in
Nagasaki as a chartered trader. George Cleveland, of a
famous family of Salem mariners, who sailed as the captain's
clerk, kept the log and journal of this voyage, and his narrative
contains much of interest concerning the early relations between
the Japanese and the people of other countries.

"In the autumn of 1800," he wrote soon after his return,
"the ship Margaret, built by Mr. Becket of this town, and
owned by the late Col. Benj. Pickman, John Derby, Esq., and
Captain Samuel Derby who was to command her, was launched.
On the 25th November we left Salem harbor bound for the
East Indies, and probably a finer, a better-fitted or better-
manned ship never left this port before. We carried 6 guns and
20 men ; most of the crew were fine young men in the bloom of
youth. I will enumerate those who lived many years after,
namely: S. G. Derby, captain; Thomas West, second mate;
L. Stetson, carpenter; Samuel Hay, Joseph Preston, Israel
Phippen, Anthony D. Caulfield and P. Dwyer, Thatcher and
myself.

"We soon found on leaving port what a fast sailing ship the
Margaret was. When we were out eleven days we fell in with
the barque Two Brothers, Captain John Holman, who had left
Salem some days before us, bound for Leghorn. We made
him ahead in the afternoon steering the same course we were,
and before night we were up alongside and spoke him. The
next day we fell in with a fleet of merchantmen, convoyed by a
frigate which was under very short sail, and kept all snug until
she had got into our wake, when she set sail in chase, but we

337

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

distanced her so much that in a very short time she gave it up
and took in her sails and rejoined the fleet.

"On the 4th of February, 1801, we anchored in Table Bay,
Cape of Good Hope. We saluted the Admiral's flag, which
civility was returned. On the 10th February we left, bound to
Sumatra, and found it difficult to get to the westward as winds
and currents were against us. After a tedious passage we
anchored in Bencoolen Roads, 136 days from Salem, including
our stoppage at the Cape. As nothing could be done to advan-
tage here we proceeded to Batavia and arrived there on the
25th of April.

" Captain Derby soon made a bargain with the agents of the
East India Company to take the annual freights to and from
Japan, and as it was the custom from time immemorial that
the Japan ship should sail on a certain day, and as that day
was some time ahead, it was necessary to find some employment
for the vessel previously, as it was dangerous to the health of
crews to be lying any time in Batavia Roads. The Company
offered Captain Derby a freight of coffee from a port a short
distance to the eastward, which he readily accepted. This
wore away twelve or fourteen days of the time, and added to
the profits of the voyage.

" The cargo for Japan consisted of a great variety of articles,
such as the Dutch had been in the habit of shipping for nearly
two centuries. It was composed of sugar, spices, sapan wood,
sandal wood, rattans, glassware, cloths, medicines, and various
other articles, and as everything was to be done according to a
prescribed rule, and as we were not to sail until a certain day
in June, we had time enough to do all things right as regards
receiving and stowing the cargo.

"We weighed anchor at 8 A. M., on the 20th June, 1801.
We had as passenger a young Dutchman who was going out
as clerk to the establishment in Japan. On the morning of

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The First American Voyagers to Japan

July 16th, we made the islands of Casique and St. Clara which
are near the harbor of Nangasacca (Nagasaki), our destined
port. On the 18th two fishing boats came alongside and
supplied us with fish. On Sunday, 19th, we were so near that
we hoisted twenty different colors and in the afternoon entered
the harbour of Nangasacca. We had much ceremony to go
through in entering this port, which is considered indispensable,
among other things to fire several salutes.

" The day after our arrival I landed on the Island of Decima,*
a little island connected with the city of Nangasacca by a bridge.
It is walled all round and here the Dutch residents are obliged
to pass their lives. Provisions are very dear and everything had
to be passed through the hands of a compradore and he, no
doubt, put upon them a large profit. We had excellent sweet
potatoes and mackerel, and sometimes pork and fowls, and the
bread was as good as any country could produce.

"Captain Derby, Mr. West and myself carried several
articles of merchandise on our own account. This has always
been allowed to the Dutch captains, but then the sale of these
articles must be made by the Japanese government. All these
articles were landed on the island, opened and displayed in a
warehouse and on certain days the (Japanese) merchants were
allowed to go on the Island to examine them. Nothing could
exceed the minuteness with which they examined everything.
Among other articles we had a quantity of tumblers and wine
glasses; these they measured with the greatest care, running
their fingers over every part to determine what irregularities
there were on the surface, and then holding each piece up to
the light to see the colour. They also made drawings of the
different description of pieces.

* The name of this island is spelled Decima, Disma, Deshima, by the sailor
diarists. In the official records of Commodore Perry's voyage it is spelled
Dezima.

339

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

" After this investigation they marked on their memorandums
the number of the lot and the results of their investigations.
Everything we had to sell went through a similar ordeal so that
to us, who were lookers on and owners of the property, nothing
could be more tedious. After the goods had been sufficiently
examined, a day was appointed for a sale, in the city of Nan-
gasacca, and was conducted with the greatest fairness. Captain
Derby and myself went into the city attended by the requisite
number of officers, and proceeded to what the Dutch call
the Geltchamber where we found one or more of the upper
Banyoses* seated in their usual state, and a general attendance
of merchants. We were placed where we could see all that
was going on and received such explanations as were requisite
to an understanding of the whole business. The goods being
all disposed of, we were escorted back to the Island with much
formality, not however, until a day had been appointed by
the great men for the delivery of the goods.

"Delivering these adventures was a great affair, and it was
a number of days before the whole was taken away. No person
in this country (who has not traded with people who have so
little intercourse with the world) can have an idea of the trouble
we had in delivering this little invoice which would not have
been an hour's work in Salem. We finally, after a great trial
of our patience, finished delivering goods, and articles that did
not come up to the pattern were taken at diminished prices.

" On the 20th September, 1801, we went into the city of
Nangasacca. The first place we went to was Facquia's, an
eminent stuff merchant. Here we were received with great
politeness and entertained in such a manner as we little expected.
We had set before us for a repast, pork, fowls, eggs, boiled fish,
sweetmeats, cakes, various kinds of fruit, sakey and tea. The
lady of the house was introduced, who drank tea with each of
* Magistrates or police officers.

340

....

The First American Voyagers .to Japan

us as is the custom of Japan. She appeared to be a modest
woman.

" The place we next visited was a temple to which we ascended
by at least two hundred stone steps. We saw nothing very re-
markable in this building excepting its size, which was very
large, though in fact we were only admitted to an outer apart-
ment as there appeared to be religious ceremonies going on
within. Adjoining this was the bury ing-ground. In this
ground was the tomb of one of their Governors, which was
made of stone and very beautifully wrought. We next visited
another temple also on the side of a hill and built of stone. The
inside presented a great degree of neatness. It consisted of a
great many apartments, in some of which were images; in one,
a kind of altar, was a lamp which was continually burning. In
another were several long pieces of boards, painted black with
an inscription to the memory of some deceased Emperor or
Governor. Before each of these was a cup of tea which they
informed us was renewed every day. There were other apart-
ments which the priests probably occupied, as there were many
of them passing in and out. They are dressed like the other
Japanese, excepting that their outside garments were all black
and their heads shaved all over.

" From this we went to the glass house which was on a small
scale, thence to a lacquer merchants where we were entertained
with great hospitality. Thence we went to a tea-house or hotel
where we dined. After dinner we were entertained with various
feats of dancing and tumbling. Toward dark we returned to
the Island and so much was the crowd in the streets to see us
pass that it was with difficulty that we could get along. The
number of children we saw was truly astonishing. The streets of
the city are narrow and inconvenient to walk in as they are cov-
ered with loose stones as large as paving stones. At short dis-
tances vou have to go up or down flights of stone steps. At the

341

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

end of every street is a gate which is locked at night. They have
no kinds of carriages, for it would be impossible to use them in
such streets.

" The houses are one or two stories, built of wood ; the exter-
ior appearance is mean, but within they are very clean and neat.
The floors are covered with mats, and it is considered a piece
of ill manners to tread on them without first taking off the
shoes. The Japanese dress much alike. That of the man
consists first of a loose gown which comes down as low as the
ankles; over this is worn a kind of petticoat which comes as low
as the other; these are made of silk or cotton. The petticoat
does not go higher than the hips. Over the shoulders they wear
a shawl, generally of black crape, and around the waist a band
of silk or cotton. Through this band the officers of the govern-
ment put their swords, and they are the only persons allowed
to carry these instruments.

"The middle part of the head is all shaved, the remaining
hair which is left on each side and behind, is then combed to-
gether and made very stiff with gum mixed with oil, and then
turned up on top of the head in a little club almost as large as
a man's thumb. This is the universal fashion with rich and
poor, excepting the priests.

"The poorer classes do not wear the silk petticoat and the
coolies and other laborers at the time we were there, threw all
their clothing off excepting a cloth around their middle when
at work. The dress of the woman is the long gown with large
sleeves, and is very like that of the men. They suffer the hair
to grow long, which is made stiff with gum and oil and then is
turned up on top of the head where it is secured with various
turtle-shell ornaments.

"The Japanese observed one fast when we were there. It
was in remembrance of the dead. The ceremonies were princi-
pally in the night. The first of which was devoted to feasting,

The First American Voyagers to Japan

at which they fancy their departed friends to be present ; the
second and third nights the graves which are lighted with paper
lamps and situated on the side of a hill make a brilliant appear-
ance. On the fourth night at 3 o'clock the lamps are all brought
down to the water and put into small straw barques with paper
sails, made for the occasion, and after putting in rice, fruit,
etc., they are set afloat. This exhibition is very fine. On the
death of their parents they abstain from flesh and fish forty-
nine days and on the anniversary they keep the same fast, but
do not do it for any other relations.

" As the time was approaching for our departure we began to
receive our returns from the interior brought many hundred
miles. These consisted of the most beautiful lacquered ware,
such as waiters, writing desks, tea-caddies, knife boxes, tables,
etc. These were packed in boxes so neat that in any other
country they would be considered cabinet work. We also re-
ceived a great variety of porcelain, and house brooms of superior
quality. The East India Company's cargo had been loading
some time previous.

"The Company's ships have been obliged to take their de-
parture from the anchorage opposite Nangasacca on a certain
day to the lower roads, no matter whether it blew high or low,
fair or foul, even if a gale, and a thousand boats should be re-
quired to tow them down. We of course had to do as our
predecessors had done. Early in November we went to this
anchorage and remained a few days when we sailed for Batavia
where we arrived safely after a passage of one month."

Thus did one of the first Americans that ever invaded Japan
with a note-book record his random impressions. He and his
shipmates saw the old Japan of a feudal age, generations before
the jinrickshaw and the Cook's tourist swarmed in the streets of
Nagasaki. Japanese customs have been overturned since then.
The men no longer wear their hair "turned up on top of the

343

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

head in a little club," but have succumbed to the scissors and
the cropped thatch of the European. In the modern Japan,
however, which builds her own battleships and railroads, there
still survives the imaginative sentiment that sets afloat the
"little straw barques with paper sails," illumined with "paper
lamps" freighting offerings to the memories and spirits of the
dead. The twentieth century tourist on the deck of a Pacific
liner in the Inland Sea may sight these fragile argosies drift-
ing like butterflies to unknown ports, just as young George
Cleveland watched them in Nagasaki harbor.

The Yankee seamen were more cordially received than other
and later visitors. Six years after the voyage of the Margaret
the English sloop-of-war Phaeton appeared off the coast of
Nagasaki. It happened that the inhabitants of that city had
been expecting the arrival of one of the Dutch vessels from Ba-
ta via, and were delighted when a ship was signaled from the
harbor entrance. When the mistake was discovered the city
and surrounding country were thrown into great excitement.
Troops were called out to repel the enemy, who disappeared
after taking fresh water aboard. As a tragic result of the inci-
dent the Governor of Nagasaki and five military commanders
who had quite upset the province during this false alarm, com-
mitted suicide in the most dignified manner as the only way
of recovering their self-respect.

Again in 1811, the Russian sloop-of-war Diana lay off the Bay
of Kunashiri to fill her water casks. Cannon shot from a neigh-
boring fort and the hasty arrival of troops were followed by a
series of protracted explanations between ship and shore, after
which the commander and five of his crew were invited to a con-
ference. First they were entertained with tea and saki and later
made prisoners and led in chains to Hakodate. After some de-
lay they were released and put on board the Diana to continue
the cruise without apology of any kind from the Japanese.

344

The First American Voyagers to Japan

The Salem ship-masters, under the Dutch flag, were fortunate
enough to be welcomed when the French, Russian and English
were driven from the coasts of Japan as foemen and barbarians.
They were the first and last Americans to trade with the Jap-
anese nation until after Perry had emphasized his friendly mes-
sages with the silent yet eloquent guns of the Susquehanna,
Mississippi, Saratoga and Plymouth.

The Margaret, "than which a finer, better fitted or better
manned ship never left the port of Salem," deserved to win
from the seas whose distant reaches she furrowed, a kindlier
fate than that which overtook her only eight years after her
famous voyage to Japan. Her end was so rarely tragic that it
looms large, even now, in the moving annals of notable ship-
wrecks. There exists a rare pamphlet, the title page of which,
framed in a heavy border of black, reads as follows :

" Some Particulars of the Melancholy Shipwreck of the
Margaret, William Fairfield, Master, on her

Passage from Naples to Salem.

Having on board Forty-six Souls.

To which is Added a Short Occasional Sermon

and a Hymn
Printed for the Author 1810."

The little pamphlet, frayed and yellow, makes no pretence
of literary treatment. It relates events with the bald brevity of
a ship's log, as if the writer had perceived the futility of trying
to picture scenes that were wholly beyond the power of words.
The Margaret left Naples on the 10th of April, 1810, with a
crew of fifteen, and thirty-one passengers. These latter were
the captains, mates or seamen of American vessels which had
been confiscated by Napoleon's orders in the harbors of the
Mediterranean.

345

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Aboard the Margaret were masters and men from Salem and
Beverly, Boston and Baltimore, all of them prime American
sailors of the old breed, shorn of all they possessed except
their lives, which most of them were doomed to lose while
homeward bound as passengers. "They passed the Gut of
Gibralter the 22nd of April," says the pamphleteer, " — nothing
of importance occurred until Sunday the 20th of May, when
about meridian, in distress of weather, the ship was hove on her
beam ends and totally disabled. Every person on board being
on deck reached either the bottom or side of the ship and held
on, the sea making a continual breach over her. During this
time their boats were suffering much damage, being amongst
the wreck of spars; they were with great difficulty enabled to
obtain the long-boat, which by driving too the butts, and filling
the largest holes with canvas, rendered it possible for them to
keep her above water by continual bailing, still keeping her
under the lee of the ship. It was now about 7 o'clock in the
evening, the boat being hauled near the ship for the purpose of
getting canvass, oakum, etc., to stop the leak, as many men
as could reach the long boat jumped into her, and when finding
the boat would again be sunk if they remained near the ship
they were obliged to veer her to the leeward of the ship about
15 or 20 fathoms. They had not lain there long before one man
from the ship jumped into the sea and swam for the boat, which
he reached and was taken in. But finding at the same time
that all were determined to pursue the same course they were
obliged to veer the boat still further from the ship.

"They remained in this situation all night. The morning
following was moderate and the sea tolerable smooth, at which
time the people on the wreck were about half of them on the
taff rail and the remainder on the bowsprit and windlass, every
other part being under water. And they kept continually en-
treating to be let come into the boat. At this time casks of

346

The First American Voyagers to Japan

brandy and other articles of the cargo were drifting among the
spars, etc., from amongst which they picked up a mizzen top
gallant sail, 2 spars, 5 oars, 1 cask of Oil, 1 (drowned) pig, 1
goat, 1 bag of bread, and they hove from the wreck a gallon keg
of brandy. They then fixed a sail for the boat from the mizzen
top gallant sail.

"It was now about eleven o'clock when the people on the
wreck had secured 2 quadrants, 2 compasses, 1 hhd. of water,
bread, flour and plenty of provisions, as they frequently in-
formed those in the boat, but would not spare any to them
unless they consented to come alongside the ship, which they
refused to do fearing their anxiety for life would induce them to
crowd in and again sink the boat. One of them jumped into the
sea and made for the small boat which he reached, but finding
they would not take him in, he returned to the wreck.

"At about meridian, finding they were determined to come
from the wreck to the long boat, they cut the rope which held
them to the wreck. The wind being to the southward and
westward and moderate, they made their course as near as pos-
sible for the islands of Corvo or Flores, having two men con-
tinually employed in bailing the boat. In this situation they
proceeded by the best of their judgment (having neither com-
pass nor quadrant) for five days until they fell in with the brig
Poacher of Boston, Captain Dunn from Alicant, who took them
on board, treated them with every attention, and landed them
in their native land on the 19th of June.

" When the long boat left the wreck there remained on board
31 souls. They immediately made preparations for their re-
maining days by securing on a stage they had erected for that
purpose, all the necessaries of life they could obtain from the
wreck. For the first week, they had a plenty of salt meat, pork,
hams, flour, water, etc. They also caught a turtle and having
found a tinder box in a chest they kindled a fire in the ship's

347

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

bell and cooked it, making a soup which afforded them a warm
dinner, and the only one they were able to cook.

"They remained under the direction of Captain Larcom,
whom they had appointed to act as their head, until Sunday,
the 27th of May (seven days), when the upper deck came off by
the violence of the sea. At this time they lost both the pro-
visions and the water they had secured on the stage. In this
distressing situation, Captain Larcom and four others took the
yawl, shattered as she was. The other twenty-six went forward
on the bowsprit with two gallons of wine and a little salt meat,
where another stage was erected on the bows. At this time the
water being only knee-deep on the lower deck they were enabled
to obtain hams, etc., from below but which for want of water
were of little service. And the wine before mentioned was their
only drink for seven days.

"They procured a cask of brandy from the lower hold, of
which they drank so freely (being parched with thirst) that
fourteen of them died the succeeding night. They made one
attempt to intercept a sail (four having passed) from which the
boat returned unsuccessful. Captain Larcom with four others
took the boat, there being only three others in a situation to
leave the wreck, and the others preferring to remain on it rather
than venture in the boat. They (Captain L. and 4 others) left
the wreck, by observation 39°, 12', and steering N. W. when
after twenty-three days had elapsed, and two of them having
died, the boat was picked up by Captain S. L. Davis from
Lisbon for Gloucester, where they arrived on the 18th of July."

In this abrupt manner the story ends, and perhaps it is just
as well. Those left alive and clinging to the submerged wreck
numbered ten, and there they perished without voice or sign
to tell how long they struggled and hoped against the inevitable
end. "The Ten left Alive on the Wreck," says the record,
" were John Janvin, late master of the schr. Syren of Newbury-

348

The First American Voyagers to Japan

port; Wm. Burrell, seaman of do.; do.; John Merrill, seaman
of schr. Peace, do. ; Jacob Fowler, seaman of brig Two Betsy's of
Beverly; Alexander Marshall, seaman of brig Nancy of New-
buryport; Henry Tucker, supercargo of ship Francis of Salem;
Benj. Peele, seaman of brig Victory of Salem; Edmund Wingate,
seaman of schr. Peace of Newburyport; James Sinclair, 2nd.
mate of schr. Kite of Baltimore; Nathaniel Sheffield, seaman
of schr. Ousetonack of Derby."

The " occasional hymn " which fills the last page of this pam-
phlet, was composed as a tribute to the memory of the Margaret
and her company, and the sorrow of many a New England
home was voiced in these verses:

"We read thine awful book of fate,
A record there we see.
Death to fulfil thy last command
Has called our friends to thee.

"Not all the virtue they possessed
Could still the angry wave.
But in thy book thou did'st ordain
To them a watery grave."

The three survivors who escaped in the yawl lived for twenty-
three days almost without food or water. When they were
landed they told how "previous to their departure from the
Margaret they went under the bowsprit and joined in prayer
for deliverance with Captain Janvin of Newburyport. This
gentleman who remained behind had conducted a similar serv-
ice daily for his companions since their shipwreck, and many
of them united in his petitions quite seriously. Then the five
men in the yawl took a solemn leave of the ten survivors, of
whom no farther tidings has ever reached us. With two and a
half gallons of brandy and a little port, the adventurers in so
small a boat for sixteen days pursued their anxious and afflic-
tive course. Then they caught rain in their handkerchiefs and

349

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

by wringing them out succeeded in partially allaying their
thirst. Later they caught some rudder fish and eat them."

There are old men living in Salem who can recall John Very,
second mate of the brig Romp, who was one of the three that
lived to be picked up in the yawl. When the boys used to ask
him to spin the yarn of the wreck of the Margaret he would
shake his head and become morose and sad. These were
memories that he wished to forget, and it is pleasanter even to a
later generation to recall the Margaret, the fine ship newly
launched, with her crew of stalwart young men "in the bloom
of youth," bravely setting sail on her maiden voyage to find
the way to mysterious Japan in the faraway year of Eighteen
Hundred and One.

350

CHAPTER XVIII

JAPAN AS WILLIAM CLEVELAND SAW IT

(1800)

THERE were three seafaring Cleveland brothers of Salem.
The eldest, Capt. Richard J. Cleveland, who lived a
veritable Odyssey of adventurous achievement, is given
a later chapter in these chronicles. Of George, who went to
Japan in the Margaret, and William, who sailed thither in the
Massachusetts, Captain Richard wrote in a letter addressed to
his wife, in 1797, while he lay at Havre:

" It would have given me pleasure to have returned home and
helped Bill or George to a berth on board a ship, which at the
present moment I suspect is very difficult to obtain."

Young " Bill " and young George found their berths, however,
and these three brothers, all in their early twenties, were afloat
at the same time in different ships, hoping to run across one
another in what were then the most remote corners of the globe.
From Calcutta, Captain Richard wrote home in March, 1800:

"I flatter myself that I may fall in with Bill and George
before I return to America. Accounts of the tremendous gale
at the Cape of Good Hope reached us and among the most
fortunate of the unfortunate vessels that were caught in it I find
is the brig Hannah, Captain Wyman. George in this instance
experienced a more disastrous gale and was witness to a more
distressing scene than perhaps was ever known there, but he
has yet many more dangers to encounter on our boisterous
winter coast. The reflecting on dangers, however, is generally
as unpleasant as the experience of them."

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Salem historians have long taken it for granted that the
Margaret of Salem was the second American ship to visit Japan.
Her claim to this distinction has been set aside, however, by
the recent discovery of parts of a sea journal written by William
Cleveland in 1800. The binding and many pages of the journal
are missing, but it is certain that it was the Massachusetts in
which he sailed to Nagasaki as captain's clerk, in 1800. His
journal describes with much greater detail the months spent in
this part of the old Japan than the narrative of his brother
William quoted in the preceding chapter.

The account runs, in part, as follows:

" JAPAN, Wednesday, July 16th, 1800.

" After a passage of one month from Batavia we find ourselves
at anchor at Nangassacky* Harbour, Empire of Japan, relieved
from much anxiety. We have been several days landlock'd and
doubtful whether we were in the Bay which leads to our destin'd
port, and harassed with contrary winds, calms, rains, etc. Hav-
ing obtained a good observation yesterday Captains Smith and
Hutchings judged the Point which bore about W. N. W. of us to
be the point which formed the Eastern and Southern Cape of the
Bay of Nangassacky. Messrs. Gunnimant and Dufff insisted
that we were then in Nangassacky Bay and pointed out several
openings which they said would lead directly to the town but,
having however, a fine breeze from the S.W. we ran out clear of
the Point and a government boat came alongside which informed
us that the Point before mentioned was Nonbourg, which we
soon cleared and stood up the Bay of Nangassacky. We saw
a great number of fishing boats standing in but none of them
dared come along side as it is positively forbid by the Japanese

* Nagasaki appears to have been spelled according to the taste of the indi-
vidual diarist.

f Dutch passengers from Batavia.

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Japan as William Cleveland Saw It

Government (probably to prevent any smuggling as I am told
the government is extremely strict). The Dutch passengers
told Captain Hutchings that it would be necessary to collect
the Books from the people and deposit them in a box ready to
be delivered to the Japanese and likewise to have all the cash
on board the ship to be collected by himself or Mate, ready to be
sent to the Treasury, as all the cash found in possession of the
people would be seized.

" The land appears very rough and mountainous on approach-
ing it, but we have formed a high opinion of the country from
the description of the Dutch, tho' we are taught to believe the
Japanese to be an haughty and reserved people. Two or three
government boats joined and accompanied us up toward the
harbour. On passing an island with the Dutch flag flying we
fired a Salute of 9 guns, at the same instant displayed twenty
different colours at our mast-heads and yard-arms. A second
salute of 9 guns was fired at Papenburg, a third and fourth at
the Emperor's Watch Towers and two or three in the Harbour.
On passing the island with the Flag a most beautiful and pic-
turesque scene opened, several fine islands, lofty and highly
cultivated, with now and then a small village and a vast crowd
of small boats which came out to welcome us and assist us by
towing in case of a Calm. We made preparations for receiving
the representative of the governor by placing the large Coops
aft and spreading a Carpet for his feet. On his coming on
board he went immediately and seated himself on his heels
without noticing anybody. Other persons whose dress and ap-
pearance was the same went aft and made him obedience by
a very low bow. After they had all paid their compliments they
looked about the ship. Four Dutch gentlemen with Captain
Stewart* and his two mates likewise came on board. We were

* Master of a chartered brig in the Dutch employ. Two vessels were
permitted to make the annual trading voyage from Batavia at this time,

353

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

astonished to see the ease of the Japanders and no less so to see
Captains Smith and Stewart, Messers. Duff and Gunnison, etc.,
so familiar with them.

" After anchoring Mr. Wadner,* (the Dutch upper Huff who
came with us), with his suite went on shore, after paying their
Compliments to the person on the Carpet. Their things were
all searched before they were put into the Boat, and every per-
son even the sailors that rowed the Boat, were searched before
they were suffered to go into the boat. When Mr. Wadner was
paying his Compliments we supposed him to be renouncing the
Christian Religion, f as he was a long time in a stooping pos-
ture, but we were afterwards assured that it was only a Compli-
ment. Captain Stewart and the other gentlemen with all their
servants were searched by a person who stood in the Gangway
for that purpose. The Japanders signified their desire that our
Boats might be hoisted up and took our Powder with them on
shore.

" A great number of boats were continually coming from the
town to view the Ship, crowded with men, women and children,
but none came on board except those that had business or be-
longed to the government. Toward night the Japanders left
the Ship for the shore, every one going first to pay his respects
to the person on the Carpet who was the last that left the ship.
A guard boat was stationed at a little distance from the ship.
This is always the custom. There are five Chinese junks and
a brig in the harbour. Captain Stewart has been here twice
before, and was supposed at Batavia to be lost. His ship

* Waardenar, the chief trader of the Dutch factory.

t " Every Japanese official whose business it is with the Dutch at the factory
is bound twice or thrice a year to take a solemn oath of renunciation and hatred
of the Christian religion, and is made to trample under his feet crosses and
crucifixes. It is not tme, however, as has been stated, that the Dutch also are
required to perform this act; but they dare not openly say they are Christians.
A story is told of one who in the time of the great persecution at Nagasaki, being
asked by the Japanese priest at Nagasaki if he were a Christian, replied: 'No, I
am a Dutchman.'" (From the Official Narrative of the Perry Expedition.)

354

Japan as William Cleveland Saw It

foundered last season on his passage from Ibis place to Batavia,
himself, officers and ten or twelve Lascars saved themselves by
taking to the Pinnace, and got to some place not far from Manila
where they purchased the afore-mentioned brig and came out
to Japan again. The other persons belonging to the ship were
supposed to be lost. They were about thirty in number.

" Thursday, July 17th, 1800. Nothing remarkable this day.
Employed in mooring ship, hoisting out the Long-Boat and
some necessary jobs. Toward night the Japanese took away
our Long-Boat. Captain Smith mentioned last evening that
if we want the Long-Boat at any time we must hoist a Dutch
Flag at the Foremast head, or if we want water hoist a white
Flag, which signals will be attended to and our wants supplied
as quick as possible. The harbour of Nangassacky is about
ten or twelve miles from the Sea, of easy access and very well
covered from the Sea. The ground, it is said, is exceeding good
holding ground, and the ships anchor at about a mile or half a
mile distance from the town in from three to seven fathoms
Water. It is thought a thousand Sail of ships might ride here
with safety.

"The town is situated on the E. and N. side of the Harbour,
in the form of a crescent, and makes a very handsome appear-
ance. It contains between 30,000 and 40,000 inhabitants, the
houses are built of Wood and have much the appearance of
American building. The town is backed by some very fine
cultivated Mountains which form almost a circle around the
harbour. There appear to be several small white buildings
back of the town, nearly to the summit of the Mountains.

" The Dutch who reside here are cooped up on a small Island
(Disma)* of made land and separated from the town by a Bridge
of only five paces which, however, they are not permitted to
pass without an order from the Governor. There is a wall all

*Dezima.

355

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

around it, the gates of which are opened only when the Banyos*
are on the Island. (The person on the Carpet before spoken
was an Upper Banyo). At such times the Dutch colours are
hoisted. The Dutch are permitted to go into town by send-
ing to the governor for a liberty, but it is so expensive to pay
attendance and for provisionsf that they seldom avail them-
selves of the privilege. The Chinese are confined very much
in the same way as the Dutch, tho' their settlement is much
larger and their habits more like the Japanese.

" Boats in great numbers (all of which are sculled instead of
being rowed) are continually passing, many of which are pleas-
ure or passage boats, which are distinguished by their having
little open houses in them, the floors of them covered with fine
mats. Men, women and children come around the ship to view
her and appear to be much pleased. The figure-head, which
is an Indian warrior, particularly attracts their attention. The
lights in the Town and dispersed among the Mountains afforded
a very fine evening scenery. The deep tones of the bells which
appeared something like the tolling of bells in America with
about half a minute pause between them, rendered the scene
solemn as well as beautiful. Oh! Home, How I Love Thee!

"Friday, July 18th. 1800. We observed the Dutch Flag
flying on the Island of Disma which we knew to be in conse-
quence of the Banyos being there. We made preparations for
receiving them on board ship by placing the Carpet as before.
About 9 o'clock the Banyos came off. The Colours were

* Magistrates or police officers.

f If a member of the factory wishes to walk into the country in the neighbor-
hood of Nagasaki he must petition the governor of Nagasaki twenty-four hours
beforehand. Leave is granted, but the Dutchman is accompanied by a swarm
of interpreters, policemen and other official spies to the number of some twenty-
five or thirty persons. Each of these may invite as many of his acquaintances as
he pleases and the unfortunate Dutchman must entertain them all. This
heavy expense is doubtless designed by the Japanese to prevent the members
of the factory from leaving Dezima. (From the Official Narrative of the Perry
Expedition.)

356

Japan as William Cleveland Saw It

hoisted on the Banyos coming on board. Two Upper Banyos
came on board first and placed themselves on the Carpet.
Then came several Under Banyos, then the Talks,* Cook,
Counters, etc. The Under Banyos and Talks repaired aft and
paid the Compliments as before, after which all hands were
called to muster. The people passed round before the Upper
Banyos and were counted by a person whose business it is.
As some of the people were unwell and not able to come on
Deck the Banyos and Talks went below to see that they were
on board and make report to the upper Banyos. Every Re-
quest, Report or information to the Upper Banyos is made in
a stooping posture.

"On their being satisfied of all hands being on board we
commenced business, and sent ashore some adventures, pas-
sengers' stores, an Orang Outang, Sheep, Goats, Poultry, etc.
A person from the ship was sent in every boat to prevent the
Boatman and Coolies from stealing. They were all searched
before leaving the ship and on their return, also on shore before
they were permitted to go inside of the gates, and before they
were suffered to go into the Boats again. When the Japanese
made ready to go ashore we were again called to muster after
which they repaired on board their boats. After paying com-
pliments to their Upper Banyos, the servants went first into the
boats, then the Talks, then the Banyos and then the Upper
Banyos, who are always the first on board the ship and the
last out, probably to see the beginning and ending of all the
business so as to prevent smuggling.

"There appears to be little distinction in the dress of the
Banyos and Talks except the first wear two swords and the latter
one only. It is said that persons of the highest distinction dress
in the same way as the Banyos. They are taught to offend
with one sword and defend with the other at the same time.
* Customs inspectors.

357

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Their swords are said to be the best in the world. I have been
told that they will cut off a spike nail without injuring or
making the least gap in the Blade. The sheaths are elegantly
lacquered.

"Captain Stewart dined with us to-day. He told us that
the captain of one of the Chinese junks had been smuggling a
few nights previous and that sixty persons concerned with him
had been taken up. Captain Stewart said they would all be
beheaded which is the most common capital Punishment here.
The Crucifixion is considered the most ignominious Punishment.
Captain Stewart observed that the Japanese have such an
aversion to Christianity that they have a figure of Jesus Christ
which is placed in some public places and there stamped upon,
and some of them even will cut their fingers and rub the blood
on the image which they consider as the highest indignity.

"Saturday, July 19th. 1800. The Banyos came on board
this morning with their Attendants. After going through the
usual ceremonies of counting, etc., we commenced hoisting out
the Cargo. All goods on Private Account that were put on
shore were marked with the word, Cambang, to distinguish
them from the Company's goods. Mynheer Egues and Cap-
tain Stewart came on board to-day and dined with us. The
former takes account of the Cargo for the Company as it comes
out. Many of the Japanese are assidious in their endeavour
to learn the Dutch and American languages. Some of them
speak very good Holland and write tolerably well. They are
of quick apprehension and it is easier for an American to make
them understand than to be understood by a Dutchman or
Malay. Their manners are very respectful and engaging and
every person on board is much pleased with them, notwith-
standing a strong prejudice against them which was formed
long previous to coming here in consequence of the repeated
(and we now think unnecessary) cautions of the Dutch passen-

358

Japan as William Cleveland Saw It

gers to guard against their pilfering, and which we now under-
stand to be by the Coolies or lowest Cast in Society, which is
common in all countries.

" We were taught to look upon the Japanese as a cruel people
before coming here. Many stories we now think exaggerated
and some entirely unfounded. It is not easy to conjecture what
motives of Policy the Dutch could have in endeavouring to
blind us.

"The Japanders have little moveable cook-houses in which
they boil their tea and rice. They are very neat in their cook-
ing as well as in their persons. I observed a Boatman (he lay
alongside the ship for some time today) put a little wad in a hole
in his leg just above the calf and set fire to it. This he did
repeatedly in both legs and seemed to do it to form some kind of
a cure. The other persons in the Boat paid no more attention
to it than to anything else that is common.

"After mustering etc., the Banyos went on ashore. The
Upper Banyos have a kind of Spontoon which is covered with
lacquer and which is always stuck up in the Boat which they
come off in. After the Banyos get on board the ship their Boat
moors off a little distance and these Spontoons are left in them.
When they are ashore it is said that they are carried before them
by some other person. One guard boat continually keeps near
the ship and generally in the night two, which pass around the
ship occasionally to prevent smuggling. We often hear the
deep tones of excellent smooth sounding Bells at midnight,
sometimes several at a time in different parts of the city. Cap-
tain Hutchings mentioned that we shall not be allowed to go
out of the harbour till the fifth of November, at which time we
shall be obliged to go even if it blows a gale of Wind.

" Sunday, July 2nd, 20th. 1800. We have seen some boats
pass us up to a public landing place, writh blue Sails with a
large white figure something in the shape of Trees, but uniform.

359

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

The boatmen were likewise in striped blue and white uni-
form. They are probably from the Emperor's Watch Towers
below. Many boats we have seen with sails half blue and
half white. The guard boats wear a small colour of white or
blue with Japanese characters painted on them, and in the even-
ing Lanthorns with Characters which show at a great distance.

"Monday, July £lst. The Banyos came on board early this
morning and we made preparations for receiving the Governor's
Secretary who, we understood, was coming to muster the Ship's
Company and for which purpose Messers. Wadner, Ross, Duff
and the other gentlemen came on board. At about 10 o'clock
the Secretary came on board at which time the Ship was dressed
with Colours. The Ship's Company with the Dutch gentlemen
were summoned on the Quarter-deck to answer to their names
after which the orders and regulations of the place were read to
us in Dutch and nailed to the Main-mast, the purport of which
was that there should be no private trade carried on with the
Japanese to defraud the Government of their duties, (35 per
cent) upon pain of confiscation of property, and that no insults
should be offered to any Boats along side etc. After business
the Secretary looked around the Ship and appeared to be much
pleased and then went on shore as did the Dutch gentlemen,
Banyos, etc. Captain Hutchings obtained leave to move his ship
further inshore and requested permission to hire some Coolies.

"A great proportion of the Mountains back of the Town
which appeared to be Seats, gardens, etc., we now understand to
be the burying places of the inhabitants of Nangassacky and
the buildings which we supposed to be country seats we now
find to be the inclosures and monuments of the dead. They
make a handsome appearance from the ship and are crowded
and extensive. Towards evening boats generally come from
the shore with men and women to see the ship. In almost
every boat they have a musical instrument which they play

360

Japan as William Cleveland Saw It

on, thumbing it with two pieces of Ivory which are affixed to the
thumb and forefinger of their right hands, their left at the same
time holding the instrument and fingering the strings. They
accompany it by singing and make the most simple and* indif-
ferent music I ever heard.

"Tuesday, July 22nd. Rose early and prepared for remov-
ing the Ship further inshore. At 7 A. M. our Long Boat was
sent off and at 8 the Banyos came on board with a number of
Coolies to assist us in weighing our anchors, which we did with-
out much difficulty and removed our Ship about a cable's
length further inshore. The Coolies were stout, strong fellows.
The Japanese are extremely well built and tho' not so tall as
Europeans they are stout and handsome, their complexions
rather lighter than the Chinese, and their features entirely dif-
ferent. Their hands and feet are beautiful.

" It is astonishing what a low opinion the Japanders have of
America. Some of them inquired today whether America wras
as large as Nangassacky and on being shown a Map of the
World were astonished at the extent of America and the diminu-
tive appearance of the Dutch dominions. The Dutch being the
only foreigners, except the Chinese, that are permitted to trade
here, have it in their power to prejudice the Japanders against
any foreign nation of whom they may be jealous, but as the
Americans hold no place in India I cannot conceive of any
motives of policy that can be offered for diminishing the im-
portance of America, unless it is to make the Japanese think
they possess the most extensive country in the western wrorld.

" The English have been so successful in dislodging the Dutch
from most places in India, both by force and intrigue, that
they have every reason to be jealous of them, and it is not to be
wondered at if they use every means in their power to prejudice
the inhabitants of this Country against them. It is thought by
some that should an English Vessel put in here every soul would

361

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

instantly be put to death. It is said that a few years since a
Japan barque was blown off the Coast and was necessitated to
go into Russian Tartary from which place they could not return
as the Monsoon had changed. They, however, went by land to
St. Petersburg and were sent home by the Government of Rus-
sia, and on their arrival in this, their native country, they were
confined and not permitted to see even their wives and children.
This precaution they think necessary to prevent all foreign in-
fluence.

" The Japan barques are awkward vessels and peculiar to the
Country. They are of various sizes under one hundred tons.
They have two masts, the principal one of which is very far aft
on which they have a large square Sail. The other is a very
small stooping Mast which serves either for Mast or Bowsprit
and on which they spread a square also. Their largest Sail
seems to be very unwieldly. They generally prefer towing or
sculling their Vessels to hoisting the Sail unless they are going a
considerable distance. They have a sheet to every cloth in the
Sail and an uncommon proportion of Bowlines.

"Wednesday, July 23rd., 1800. The Banyos came on board
and brought twelve coolies with them to assist us in discharging
our Cargo. They were placed at the tackle-fall for hoisting out
Sugar and worked with great spirit in the forenoon but towards
night they lagged considerably and shewed their hands to us
which were considerably blistered. The blistering was not a
little increased by wetting their hands, which they often did to
cool them. They are very noisy in their work. All of them
sing out in time of working to keep regular strokes.

" Thursday, July 26. After the usual ceremony of counting,
etc. the Elder Upper Banyo (a man of very respectable appear-
ance) delivered a long Charge to one of the Talks. He received
it in an humble, stooping posture with now and then a reply of
a monosyllable only. This Talk, (immediately after the Upper

362

Japan as William Cleveland Saw It

Banyo had done) communicated it to the Coolies who fell on
their knees and elbows with their faces to the ground and con-
tinued thus until he had done speaking when they arose and
went to their work. At night a similar charge was given. This
we understood to be in consequence of complaint from the
Dutch of their not working fast enough.

"Thursday, January 29th. This morning employed in un-
reeving Rigging, etc. Captain Hutchings received a note from
the Wall requesting the assistance of an Officer and some of the
people in weighing copper. I was ordered on that duty with
four men. We sat off after breakfast. They searched us in
the boat and again at the Landing where we met Messrs. Duff,
Ross, and Captain Stewart. Mr. Duff informed me that they
wanted the people to watch the Coolies when weighing the
copper. They had commenced weighing before we came on
the Island. They were as exact in the weight as if it had been
gold, making always an even scale. The copper was emptied
from a box into the scale, from which two bars were taken (pre-
vious to the adjustment of the scale), one of which was given
to one of our people appointed for the purpose and the other to a
Japander. The scores were kept by both parties. After the
weighing the copper was put into other boxes and sent off. The
coolies in emptying the scale sung out as one some words in
their own language which I did not understand. The copper
was in small bars, about six or seven inches long and an inch
through, Some of them looked like gold, others were red. It
is said to be the finest copper in the world.

"Friday, April 1st. This day employed in clearing out the
Orlop deck and coiling the cables anew. We sometimes seen a
considerable building illuminated. We don't know whether this
is a place of worship or not. We have heard that the first and
fifteen day of the month are kept as Sundays, but have seen no
distinction between these and other days. It is said that there

363

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

are 300 Temples in Nangassacky. What their Modes of
Worship are or what they Worship I cannot learn. It is said
that they pull off their shoes when they enter their Temples. I
have endeavoured to learn what qualification is necessary to
be made an Upper Banyo but can get no other information
than that they are of noble families. Captain Smith observed
to me the other day that the Governor of Nangassacky intended
to visit the Ship before we leave this place and that even the
Captain will not be allowed to stay in his cabin while he is there
except only long enough to pay his respects which he must do
by falling on his face, at which time one of the Talks will repeat
something. He told me likewise that the Governor lived in
Style and that probably his income is 150,000 or 200,000 Taels,
(a tael is 75 cents).

"Sunday, August 3rd. Employed in discharging sugar and
block tin and in taking on copper. We expected to finish dis-
charging our Cargo today, but as we were not ready to be
searched a Talk advised the Captain to retain a small part for
to-morrow which would give us an opportunity to hide any-
thing we wish to conceal from the Japanese, such as Books,
small Arms, etc.

"Monday, August 4th. Employed this morning in stowing
things in the Gun-room, Light-house, etc., the gangways of
which we blocked up with Sails to make the Japanders think
it was a Sail-room. The Banyos came off at eight o'clock with
Coolies. We finished our Cargo, and they searched the Ship
with Lanthorns in the hold. They also searched our chests.
They took nothing except a chest of Small- Arms and about 20
boarding-pikes together with the box of books which was put
up for that purpose, but which I think might have been kept
as I had some books on top in my chest which were not taken
notice of. This searching appears to be more a form than any-
thing else.

364

Japan as William Cleveland Saw It

" Thursday, Sept. 2nd. We observed many people about the
burying ground and soon after the Sun retired behind the hills we
discovered an innumerable number of lights which appeared
like Gold at first but as it grew dark the lights appeared brighter.
We counted upwards of twenty burying places, some in front,
some on the sides, and others half retired behind the Moun-
tains. There appeared to be scarcely any space between the
lights and which we judged, must have covered two or three
miles. They were very bright; some persons judged that there
were a million, others two, but they were innumerable, and
when it is considered that this country is very ancient and that
a light is placed for every deceased person it must be supposed
that they were vast in numbers. It is a religious ceremony per-
formed by the friends and descendants of the deceased. The
illumination decreased gradually until midnight, at which time
there was scarcely a light to be seen.

"Wednesday, Sept. 3rd. The illumination this night was
as great as last night and the appearance grand beyond descrip-
tion. Towards morning the Watch awakened us to inform us
that they believed the Japandcrs were about to begin setting
off the Fire-boats. We went on deck and saw the shore before
the Town lined with lanthorns which were in constant motion.
There was a great shouting of the people, yelping of dogs, and
jingling of bells, pans, etc. without remission. We observed a
number of lights in motion on the water, some of which passed
very near us. Mr. Ingersoll thought prudent to have the jolly-
boat lowered down for fear of any accident from their fire. The
lad in the boat took one of their fire-boats which he handed
inboard. It was made of straw, about two or three feet long,
was rigged in the Japan fashion, and had several paper Lan-
thorns hanging pendent from the rigging. The harbor was in a
short time almost covered with them.

"Thursday, Sept. 4th. The straw boats drifting about

365

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

formed a novel and beautiful scene. Many were taken by the
people from the ports. They were loaded with rice, melons,
pears and almost every eatable. One that was taken inboard
had some copper money, others were dressed with flowers, lac-
quered ware, etc. There were many thousands from two to
three feet long. The storm of today had wrecked many of
them. They were scattered about in fleets in the eddies of the
tide and form a picturesque appearance, not unlike our ideas of
shipwreck. Several people we saw in some of the largest of
these boats, cruising about and plundering them of their treas-
ures.

"Saturday, Sept. 7. Two large covered Boats ornamented
with silk Curtains passed by the ship to the Landing at the
upper part of the Town. In one of them sat a person of dis-
tinction on a kind of throne which appeared to be made of
lacquered wood enriched with gilding. The largest boat had a
number of people and in the stern of her was placed a number
of things which we took to be implements of war and musical
instruments. There was a number of small boats in attendance.

"Thursday, Sept. llth. There are many public licensed
brothels in the city of Nangassacky. This by all accounts is
not uncommon in most large Towns, but when we consider one
sex of the human species held of so little consequence that even
a parent will publicly sell his own child for the trifling sum of
two or three dollars to one of these houses for twenty years, to be
exposed to disease and infamy, we cannot but pity the misfor-
tunes of the Japan females and think with affection of our own
Country and of the fond sisters of America who are so necessary
to our happiness. It is said that these girls are frequently sold
into these houses at the ages of three or five years where they
are kept to wait on the elder girls till they are ten or twelve
years old. The females of these houses are confined in a partic-
ular part of the Town and are not even allowed to go to see

366

Japan as William Cleveland Saw It

their friends except on particular occasions. Their houses, it
is said, have much the appearance of Prisons, the windows hav-
ing strong iron gratings. At the age of twenty-five they are
considered to be free and it is not uncommon for them to get
married.

"Tuesday, Sept. 16th. In the evening we generally amuse
ourselves with music on the ship. The people amuse them-
selves in various ways, in writing, cyphering, navigation, etc.,
others in fiddling, drumming and dancing on deck. Thus we
contrive to pass the time away, often thinking and sighing for
Home!

"Saturday, Sept. 20. Employed in removing twelve-pound
cannon in the after-hold against the magazine. We saw some
persons (we supposed the captains), go on board the Chinese
junks today with great parade. They had yellow Umbrellas
with curtains spread over their heads. The umbrellas were
placed on the poop of the junks immediately on their going on
board. Notice was given by the dinging of their gongs. The
Chinese perform a religious ceremony on board their junks,
which is done by beating for a minute or two upon their Gongs
with great force, at the same time holding something like a
lighted Candle over the side, the fire of which is thrown into
the Water immediately on the cessation of the Gongs. This
ceremony is regularly performed by all the junks.

" Saturday, Sept. 27. All hands up chests and hammocks to
clean the gun-deck. At noon Prince came off with a letter
from the Captain informing us of copper coming off tomorrow,
and of the Japan Governor's intention of visiting the ship on
Monday, and also sent word that our shipmate David White's
life is despaired of.

" Sunday, Sept. 28th. Captain Hutchings sent word for the
carpenter and some of the people to go ashore, that David
White departed this life yesterday between 2 and 3 o'clock

367

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

P. M. He caught a fever in Batavia and has never been well
since. Towards night the Carpenter and people returned on
board. They informed us that they were not permitted to
follow the corpse of D. White any further than the bridge.
The coffin was opened at the bridge and searched to prevent smug-
gling.

"Monday, Sept. 29th. Employed in reeving top-ropes to
get the top-masts on end and also in bending colours to hoist for
the Governor of Nangassacky who we understand will come off
with the magnificence of a prince. In the forenoon we ob-
served two large boats dressed with colours, curtains, etc., com-
ing from the upper part of Nangassacky towards a temple on the
opposite side of the river with a great number of small boats.
We supposed the Governor was there and hoisted our colours
as they passed us as did Captain Stewart and the Chinese junks.
We afterwards saw a great number of persons coming over the
hills towards the Boats. This we were afterwards told was the
Governor and attendants. Towards noon Captains Hutchings,
Smith and Stewart came on board. Soon after, the Boats set
off from the shore with the Governor and retinue. The Gov-
ernor was in the largest covered Boat and went on board one of
the Chinese junks to pay a visit there first. The other dressed
boat with some of the attendants came on board us at the same
time to make preparations for receiving him by spreading
Carpets, setting the table, etc. A ladder was brought from
the shore, the foot of which was placed in the dressed Boat
before mentioned and the other end made fast to the ship's gun-
wale. After it was secured a servant wiped it down with a cloth.

" The carpet in the cabin was of fine cloth elegantly flowered.
The table linen, towels, etc., were very fine and the table was
set with every dainty, sweetmeats, cakes, liquors, etc. Every
utensil used was put on board for the purpose. Their vessels
for drinking, eating, etc., were of silver. After the governor

368

Japan as William Cleveland Saw It

had spent a short time on board of the junk he came to our ship.
Before he came on board the Banyos placed themselves in a
row to pay him homage as he passed. They also desired the
Captains to do the same. As he passed them they bowed
almost touching the ship's deck with their faces. He went im-
mediately into the cabin where Captain Hutchings and Smith
were sent for to pay him Compliments, after which Ceremony
they were obliged to retire immediately.

"Upon his wishing to go round the ship notice was given
for the people to leave the gun deck which he went round first,
attended by a great number of Banyos, after which he came
on the upper deck and the people were ordered below. He
expressed a wish to see Peter Guss, our cook, who is a very
large black man. Peter was ordered on deck and the Governor
was pleased. Probably he never saw an African before. After
he had satisfied his curiosity he went into the Boat and as she
shoved off we gave him three cheers which pleased the Japan -
ders very much. The Boat in which the Governor sat was
about forty or fifty feet long, in the forepart of which a kind of
throne was built of handsome Wood. About four or five steps
from the ceiling which was spread with fine mats a piece of
crimson silk was placed for the Governor to sit upon. His
two Secretarys were on the Bench with him and several Upper
Banyos on the steps beneath. The colours of the Boats made a
very pretty appearance, being of red and white silk placed
round a hoop and hoisted about half-staff high. The staffs
had each a golden ball on top. The Governor appeared to be
about sixty years of age. A servant followed him around the
ship with something covered up which we understood to be a
badge of distinction, some called it a sceptre.

'Monday, Oct. 13th. We learn from Mr. Gunniman that
the Chinese captain who was caught in smuggling goods is for-
bidden the country. This it seems is the punishment for a

369

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

crime of this nature. The Japanese concerned in the business
no doubt will lose their heads, and if the Chinese captain had
been caught smuggling swords or fire-arms he would have for-
feited his head. We have heard much of the city of Jeddo, and
in questioning Mr. Gunniman he informed us that Jeddo is situ-
ated in a bay of the same name, is surrounded by water and is
the seat of the Emperor. It is of vast extent and is two or three
times as big as London.* Mr. Gunniman observed that this
was not the largest city, however, but that Meacco, the residence
of the Great or Religious Emperor, was vastly larger.* He
also observed that there were many large cities, and that no
Country in the world was so rich with inhabitants as the Island
of Japan. The Dutch agents are obliged to visit Jeddo once
in four years. f Formerly they were allowed the liberty of
travelling about the country to dispose of their goods, but being
repeatedly detected in disposing of goods without paying the
customary duties to the government, they were restricted to
their present humble place of abode on the Island of Disma.

" Of the banishment of the Portugese from Japan we have
often heard and it is not an easy matter to learn the particulars.
The Portugese were the first Europeans who came to Japan.
They were permitted to traverse the country without much re-
striction and were allowed every indulgence. They were even
permitted to build forts. The religious zeal of the Portugese at
that time induced them to send missionaries to Japan for the
purpose of converting the inhabitants to the Christian Religion.
They were very successful and made converts in great numbers,
and their success so elated them that they refused to pay the
customary respect to the Princes of the country. This was
considered as the highest insult, and the government began to

* Kaempfer writes in his description of Yeddo that he "was one whole day
riding at a moderate pace from Sinagawa, where the suburbs begin, along the
main street, which goes across, a little irregularly, to the end of the city."

t During the preceding century this visit had been made annually.

370

Japan as William Cleveland Saw It

be alarmed at their influence which was daily gaining ground.
They therefore resolved to extirpate all who had embraced the
Christian Religion, to restrict the Portugese to Nangassacky,
for which purpose they built the Island of Disma (the present
habitation of the Dutch). They invited the Dutch who had
engratiated themselves into favour by an opposite conduct to
assist them, which was readily done. The massacre of the
Japanese Christians was immense. If the father of a family
was a Christian it was sufficient to condemn the whole house.
Some say that nearly one half of the inhabitants of these Islands
were cut off. This I cannot ascertain, but all agree that the
massacre was great.

"A few remaining Portugese were suffered to stay but a
short time in the little Island of Disma, when they were ordered
off and were shortly succeeded by the Dutch who have since,
with the Chinese, had the exclusive privilege of trading under
great restrictions.

"Sunday, Nov. 2nd. The Banyos came on board with Cap-
tain Stewart, Messrs. Duff, Egues, Fisher, and Seaman by
whom Mr. Ingersoll received a permission for himself, myself
and Eben Hough to go ashore to the Cram. Accordingly we ac-
companied them on shore with our beds, etc. We found Cap-
tains Hutchings and Smith delivering goods. We walked into
the Cram* with Mr. Seaman where we saw a variety of lacquered
wares, pictures and curiosities, after which we called on the
Upper Huff to pay our respects. In the evening I amused my-
self in reading the travels of a German Priest through some parts
of England.

"Monday, Nov. 3rd. I took an early walk into the Cram,

but the shops were mostly shut up. Mr. Ingersoll and myself

picked out some pieces of silk at the silk shop for a musterf to

be sent to Captain Smith whom we depend on to fix the price.

* Mercantile, or business quarter. f Sample.

371

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Employed part of the forenoon in weighing pig-iron. Went
several times into the Cram, but found it difficult to make them
understand, and the price so high that we thought prudent to
not buy anything without first sending them to Captain Smith,
who knowing the value of the articles would judge better than
myself. I picked out a number of things at one of the lacquer
stores to send to the house as a muster. With the assistance of
Mr. Duff I fixed on the price and engaged 200 boxes of fans to
be delivered tomorrow. We shall be obliged to go on board to-
morrow or next day, as the ship is to go down to the Papenburg
on Wednesday, consequently I shall have but a short time to
lay out my money. Business is done with as much difficulty
and vexation in this country as in any I ever heard of. Cap-
tain Stewart's property, I understand, is seized for debt. How-
ever, the Upper Huff has given him permission to victual his
vessel for Batavia and liberty to do the best he can with her.
He himself is ordered to go in the Massachusetts. Captain
Hutchings and Smith proposed to charter her for Manila and
Batavia. The prospect is good and Mr. Ingersoll and myself
are engaged to be concerned.

"Tuesday, Nov. 4th. Engaged in examining goods at the
Cram. The people picked out a number of articles and sent
them to the captain's house for the purpose of settling the price.
Captains Smith and Hutchings devoted the forenoon to this
business. One hundred boxes of the fans I had spoken for
were brought today, but Captain Hutchings wished me to let
the people take as many as they wanted of them as there were
no more at present in the Cram. Consequently I have only
five boxes left. I purchased about 18 or 20 pieces of silk and
several articles of lacquered ware and afterwards carried them
to confront the innumerable examinations, checks, etc., to pre-
vent smuggling. They are vexing beyond measure and I am
heartily sick of the Cram.

372

Japan as William Cleveland Saw It

"Wednesday, Nov. 5th. Engaged in getting ready to em-
bark. Purchased two pieces of flowered gauze. Carried our
things before the Upper Banyos where they were overhauled,
every little compartment in the writing desks opened, and
everything taken out separately to prevent smuggling. We
embarked about 12 o'clock with the people. After dinner
unmoored ship and got in readiness for going down tomorrow.

"Wednesday, November 19th. (At anchor off the Papen-
burg). We received a visit from a great man. He came off in
an elegant boat and was attended by several small boats but as
there were no Banyos on board he was obliged to lay off till he
could send a boat to town for Banyos which boat did not return
till afternoon. He was an elderly man, of rather small stature,
and of a remarkable pleasant countenance. He visited several
parts of the Ship and appeared to be much pleased, made many
enquiries into the uses of things which he saw, also of the num-
ber of people on board, and expressed some surprise that fifty
persons were sufficient to navigate such a ship as this. Mr.
Bolam spent the evening with us. Some observations were
made on the visit of the person before spoken of which led to
many remarks, questions, etc., of the laws, and customs, of the
country.

" Mr. Gunniman observed that no person, not even the Em-
peror himself, can be permitted to go on board the ship until
the Banyos are on board; that the Governors are not permitted
to leave their habitations except at certain times and on particu-
lar occasions. The Emperor is permitted to pass the walls
of Jeddo only when called to pay his respects to the Diary*

* "Japan presents the singular feature of having two Emperors at the same
time, the one secular, the other ecclesiastical; but it is a mistake to suppose
that this duplicate sovereignty was established from the beginning, as one of
the original elements of her civil polity; it has resulted from historical events
that occurred long after Japan had a system of government.

"The conqueror of Nippon, about the year 600 B.C., with which authentic
history begins, built a temple palace, dedicated to the sun goddess and properly

373

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

or Religious Emperor at Meacco. He, however, is obliged to
attend at the Temple once in twelve days, as are the Princes and
Governors of the Country. The present Emperor has refused
to visit the Diary according to the customs of the country, and
this may be a step towards shaking off the yoke, as some of the
Princes of Europe have of the Pope. The Princes of the country
pay their stated visits to the Emperor at Jeddo, although he
dreads the power of some Princes, especially the Prince of
Saxemy, who pays his visits with great pomp. His attendants
are mostly armed with firelocks which in this country is not
common. It is said that he can raise 300,000 men. This
Prince speaks Dutch and last year while the Dutch Upper
Huff was on his way to Jeddo he came out of the city in disguise
to see and converse with him. The Diary is acknowledged as
the first person of the Country, by the best information I can
get. His power is something similar to that of the Pope of
Rome formerly. His residence is at Meacco, a city of great
extent and magnificence. It was consumed by fire a few years
since. It is said the sun never shone on the Diary. The
handsomest girls of the country are sent to the Diary and if he
liked them they are immediately marked in the forehead for his
use. After receiving the mark they are permitted to go at
liberty, but it is death to anyone that should presume to touch
them.

"Saturday, Nov. 22nd. Mr. Adamson, with four or five
people and myself took the jolly boat to pay a visit to some

called a dairi; his own title was Mikado, though the two terms were frequently
confused by foreign observers and writers.

"The power of the Mikado gradually declined until it had no grip on things
temporal. One of the Mikados was imprisoned as a result of civil war and
was delivered by the immortal hero Yourimato who made him regent and took
the power into his own hands. In this way was first established the power of
the Shoguns or temporal sovereigns. The Mikado's rulership was reduced to
a shadow by the Shoguns until it amounted to no more than an ecclesiastical
supremacy. One empire was simultaneously under two sovereigns, although
the Shoguns were nominally vice-regents." (From the Official Narrative of the
Perry Expedition.)

374

Japan as William Cleveland Saw It

of the small islands below us. We landed at a town called
Foko-Foree, where we were soon surrounded by men, women
and children, who followed us as in great numbers through the
town. We passed through a number of streets. Those occu-
pied by fishermen were dirty, but those in the back part of the
town were cleanly swept. We visited a burying ground where
there was a number of stone images, monuments, etc., before all
of which little stone troughs, cups, etc., were placed for victuals
and drink for the dead. We went into a Temple which was
composed of three or four small buildings in which were a
great number of coarse paintings, the most of which appeared
to be battles, some wild boars, horses, etc.

"After visiting most parts of the town we went down to the
Boat. We conjectured that about 200 people were collected
to see us. On turning quickly around the children ran as tho'
chased by mad dogs, screaming with fear."

375

CHAPTER XIX

THE FIRST YANKEE SHIP AT GUAM

(1801)

THAT minute dot on the map of the Pacific known as
Guam has appealed to the American people with a
certain serio-comic interest as a colonial possession
accidentally acquired and ruled by one exiled naval officer
after another in the role of a benevolent despot and monarch
of all he surveys. This most fertile and populous of the Ladrone
Islands, which are spattered over a waste of blue water for four
hundred miles and more, was casually picked up as the spoils
of war, it will be remembered, by the cruiser Charleston soon
after hostilities with Spain had been declared in 1898. The
Spanish Governor of Guam was rudely awakened from his
siesta by the boom of guns seaward and, with the politeness of
his race, hastened to send out word to the commander of the
American cruiser that he was unable to return the salute for
lack of powder. Thereupon he was informed that he was not
being saluted but captured, and the Stars and Stripes were run
above the ancient fort and its moldering cannon which had
barked salvos of welcome to the stately galleons of Spain bound
from South America to Manila two centuries before.

The sovereignty of Castile being eliminated in this hilarious
and harmless fashion, the hard headed legatees who wore the
blue of the American navy sought to reform what had been a
tropical paradise, where no man worked unless he wanted to,
where simple, brown-skinned folk dwelt in drowsy contentment
without thought of the morrow. The gospel taught by the late

376

The First Yankee Ship at Guam

Captain Richard Leary as naval governor of Guam aimed to
make these happy islanders more industrious and more moral
according to the code of the United States. His successors have
labored along similar lines and Captain Dorn, governor of
Guam in the year of 1908, proclaimed such commendable but
rigorous doctrine as this :

"Every resident of the island having no apparent means of
subsistence who has the physical ability to apply himself or
herself to some lawful calling; every person found loitering
about saloons, dram shops or gambling houses, or tramping or
straying through the country without visible means of support;
every person known to be a pickpocket, thief or burglar, when
found loitering about any gambling house, cockpit or any
outlying barrio, and every idle or dissolute person of either sex
caught occupying premises without the consent of the owner
thereof, shall on conviction be punished by a fine of $250, or
imprisonment for one year or both."

A brighter picture of the life of these islanders wras painted
several years ago by W. E. Safford, who wrote of them in a
paper contributed to the American Anthropologist:

"Everybody seemed contented and had a pleasant greeting
for the stranger. It seemed to me that I had discovered Arcadia,
and when I thought of a letter I had received from a friend
asking whether I believed it would be possible to civilize the
natives, I felt like exclaiming: 'God forbid."

The same visitor relates of these people and their ways :

"There are few masters and few servants in Guam. As a
rule, the farm is not too extensive to be cultivated by the family,
all of whom, even to the little children, lend a hand. Often
the owners of neighboring farms work together in communal
fashion, one day on A's corn, the next on B's, and so on, laugh-
ing, skylarking, and singing at their' work and stopping whenever
they feel like it to take a drink of tuba from a neighboring

377

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

cocoanut tree. Each does his share without constraint, nor
will one indulge so fully in tuba as to incapacitate himself for
work, for experience has taught the necessity of temperance,
and every one must do his share of the reciprocal services. By
the time the young men have finished their round the weeds
are quite high enough once more in A's corn to require atten-
tion. In the evening they separate, each going to his own
ranch to feed his bullock, pigs and chickens; and after a good
supper they lie down on a Pandanus mat spread over the elastic
platform of split bamboo."

A pleasant picture, this, of toil lightened by common interest ;
an idyllic glimpse of what work ought to be, perhaps worthy
the attention of socialists, labor unions, and those that scorn
the heathen in his blindness.

Almost a hundred years before Guam became a United
States possession, the island was visited by a Salem bark, the
Lydia, the first vessel that ever flew the American flag in the
harbor of this island. There has been preserved in manuscript
an illustrated journal of the first mate of the Lydia, William
Haswell, in which he wrote at considerable length the story
of this historical pioneering voyage, and his impressions of the
island and its people under Spanish rule in the far-away year
of 1801. As the earliest description of a visit to Guam by an
American sailor or traveler, the manuscript has gained a timely
interest by the transfer of the island from under the Spanish

However arduous may be the restrictions imposed by the
conscientious naval governors of to-day, the journal of First
Mate Haswell of the Lydia shows that the islanders were
released from a condition of slavery and merciless exploitation
by the memorable arrival of the cruiser Charleston and the
subsequent departure from the stone palace of the last of the
Dons of Spain.

378

The First Yankee Ship at Guam

The very earliest experience of these islanders with Christian
civilization must have inspired unhappy tradition to make them
far from fond of their rulers. The Marianne or Ladrone
Islands were discovered by Magellan on March 6, 1521, after
a passage of three months and twenty days from the strait
which bears his name. Among the accounts written of this
voyage is that of Antonio Pigafetta, of Vicenza, which relates
the terrible sufferings endured across an unexplored ocean.
After there was no more food the crews were forced to eat rats,
which brought a price of half a crown each, "and enough of
them could not be got." The seamen then ate sawdust, and
the ox hide used as chafing gear on the rigging of the main-
yards. The water was yellow and stinking. Scurvy devastated
the expedition, and nineteen men died of it, while twenty-five
or thirty more fell ill "of divers sicknesses, both in the arms
and legs and other places in such manner that very few remained
healthy."

In this desperate plight, Magellan sighted two islands on
which there were no natives nor any food, and passed by them
to find an anchorage off what was later called Guam. The
natives came out to welcome the ship, skimming over the water
in wonderful canoes or proas, and brought gifts of fruit. The
ships' sails were furled and preparations made to land wrhen a
skiff which had ridden astern of the flagship was missed. It
may have broken adrift, but the natives were suspected of
stealing it, and Captain-General Magellan at once led forty
armed men ashore, burned forty or fifty houses and many boats,
and slaughtered seven or eight native men and women.

"Before we went ashore," writes Pigafetta, "some of our
people who were sick said to us that if we should kill any of
them whether man or woman, that we should bring on board
their entrails, being persuaded that with the latter they could
be cured. When we wounded some of those islanders with

379

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

arrows which entered their bodies, they tried to draw forth the
arrow, now in one way, now in another, in the meantime regard-
ing it with great astonishment, and they died of it, which did
not fail to cause us compassion. Seeing us taking our depart-
ure, then, they followed us with more than a hundred boats
for more than a league. They approached our ships, showing
us fish and pretending to wish to give them to us; but when
they were near they cast stones at us and fled. We passed
under full sail among their boats, which, with great dexterity,
escaped us. We saw among them some women who were
weeping and tearing their hair, surely for their husbands killed
by us."

After this bloodthirsty and wicked visitation no attempt was
made to colonize these islands until a Jesuit priest, Padre
Diege Luis de Suavitores, landed at Guam in 1668, when a
mission was established. The Spanish Jesuits held full sway
until they were expelled in 1769 and their place taken by the
Friars.

When the Salem bark, Lydia, visited Guam, therefore, in
1801, the Spanish administration was in its heyday and had
been long enough established to offer a fair survey of what
this particular kind of civilization had done for the natives.
The Lydia was in Manila on a trading voyage when she was
chartered by the Spanish Government to carry to Guam the
new governor of the islands, his family, his suite and his luggage.
The bark sailed from Manila for Guam on October 20, 1801,
and two days later, while among the Philippine Islands, the
first mate wrote in his journal:

"Now having to pass through dangerous straits, we went to
work to make boarding nettings, and to get our arms in the best
order, but had we been attacked, we should have been taken
with ease. The pirates are numerous in their prows* and we

* Proas.
380

«=«^

> i -

The First Yankee Ship at Guam

have but eleven in number exclusive of our passengers, viz.,
the captain, two officers, cook, steward, and six men before
the mast. The passengers are the Governor of the Marianna
Islands, his Lady, three children and two servant girls, and
twelve men servants, a Friar and his servant, a Judge and two
servants, total passengers twenty-four and we expected but
eight. Too many idlers to drink water, and to my certain
knowledge they would not have fought had we been attacked.
However, we passed in safety.

" These passengers caused a great deal of trouble when their
baggage came on board. It could not be told from the cargo
and, of course, we stowed it all away together below, so that
every day there was a search for something or other which
caused the ship to be forever in confusion."

There was more excitement while passing between the
islands of Panay and Negros, where the bark was becalmed
close to land, "and all our passengers were in the greatest
confusion for fear of being taken and put to death in the dark
and not have time to say their prayers." Next day the Lydia
anchored at the island of Sambongue and the "Governor, his
Lady and children" went on shore to visit the officers of the
Spanish settlement. Captain Barnard of the bark did not
like the appearance of this port, and "put the ship into the
highest state of defence possible, got all the boarding nettings
up, and the arms loaded and kept a sea watch. This night a
Spanish launch, as it proved to be afterwards, attempted to
come on board, but we fired at it and ordered it to keep off."

Cordial relations were soon established between ship and
shore, however, and the Spanish Governor of Sambongue and
his sons went on board to make a friendly call. "We had
made every preparation in our power to receive them with the
greatest respect," says the journal. "His sons were as bad as
Indians. They wanted everything they saw. Captain Barnard

381

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

presented them with a day and night glass. They in turn sent
a boat-load of cocoanuts, upwards of a thousand, and some
plantain stalks for the live stock, some small hogs, two sheep,
a small ox and goat, but the live stock was for the passengers.
The same evening the Governor's sons returned on board and
brought with them six girls and their music to entertain us, but
the ship was so full of lumber that they had no place to show
their dancing. However, we made shift to amuse ourselves
till three in the morning. The current then turning and a
light breeze from the northward springing up, we sent them all
on shore, they singing and playing their music on the way."

The following day, November 7th, saw the Lydia under way
and William Haswell, with cheerful recollections of this island,
found time to write:

"The town of Sambongue is a pleasant place and protected
by fifty pieces of cannon, the greatest part of them so concealed
by the trees that they cannot be seen by shipping. This proved
fatal to two English frigates that attempted to take it. They
landed their men before the Spaniards fired. The Spaniards
destroyed two boats and killed, by their account, forty men, one
of them a Captain of Marines. The English made the best of
their way back to the ships. One of them got aground abreast
of the Fort and received great injury. This is their story, but
we must make allowance. One thing is certain, the British
left the greater part of their arms behind them. The English
account is, the Fox, four killed and twelve wounded, the Sybillc,
two killed and six wounded.

" The English have so much of the Malay trade that but little
comes to the share of the Spaniards, and in the words of the
Governor's wife there is plenty of cocoanuts, water and girls
at Sambongue, but nothing else. I was well pleased with the
inhabitants, as they did everything in their power to serve us.

"November 8th. We had fine weather, light winds and

The First Yankee Ship at Guam

those easterly, so that it rendered our passage long and tedious.
Our passengers were very anxious to arrive at the island where
they were to be the head commanders, a station they had never
before enjoyed. The Friar was praying day and night but it
would not bring a fair wind.

" . . . Jan. 4th. 4 P. M. we set all steering sails and
stood to the westward and got sight of the Islands of Guam
and Rota. Next day we had light winds and calms. We
steered for the north end of the island and at five P. M. found
it was too late to get in that night. Reeft the topsails and stood
off and on all night. At 4 P. M. set all sail to get round to the
S. W. side. At 10 A. M. saw the town of Aguana* and at one
we entered the harbour at Caldera. A gun was fired from the
Island Fort, at which we came to and handed sails, the ship
rolling very heavy. A small boat came on board to enquire
who we were. As soon as they were informed that the new
Governor was on board, they set off in the greatest hurry to
carry the information to Don Manuel Mooro, the old Governor.

" The breeze continuing, we got under weigh and beat up the
harbour. They placed canoes on the dangerous places and by
6 P. M. the ship was up and anchored in sixteen fathoms of
water, sails handed, boats and decks cleaned. At midnight
the Adjutant came on board with a letter from Don Manuel
wishing our passenger, Don Vincentz Blanco, joy on his safe
arrival and informing him that the boats would attend him in
the morning.

" Jan. 7th. Accordingly at 6 A. M. three boats came on
board, one of them a handsome barge, the crew in uniform, a
large launch for baggage, and a small boat for the Judge and
his two servants. At ten the Governor, his Lady, and suite
left the Ship. We saluted with nine guns and three cheers-
We then went to work to clear ship."

*The name of the capital or chief town of Guam is spelled "Agana" to-day.

383

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

At this place in his narrative the first mate of the Lydia turns
aside from the pomp and fine feathers of the new Governor's
reception to tell of the hard fate of another vessel.

"We saw a ship heaving in sight and not able to find the
passage over the Reef. I took a small boat and went out and
found her to be an English ship in distress. I piloted them in
and brought them to anchorage near the Hill Forts in thirty
fathoms of water. Their story is as follows, that the ship was
taken from the Spaniards on the coast of Peru and carried to
Port Jackson, New Holland, and condemned. The present
owners bought her there and went with her to New Zealand
to cut spars which they were intending to carry to the Cape of
Good Hope. But the ship going on shore and bilging herself,
delayed them some time which occasioned a greater expenditure
of provisions than what they expected.

" They at length got the ship repaired and loaded and went
to the Friendly Islands to get provisions, but they were dis-
appointed as the natives were at war with one another and
nothing to be got but yams of which they got a slender stock.
They set off again, but the ship got aground on some rocks which
made her leaky. They got her off and stopt the leak on the
inside with clay as well as they could. Their men then mutinied
and insisted on carrying the ship to Macao, but not being able
to reach that place, they put in here for provisions, thinking
the Spaniards would let them go out again. But their ship was
so bad that she never left this place. They could not get at
the leak any other way than by heaving the keel out and that
was a work of time. I sent them some salt beef and pork
on board and took an officer and fifty Indians and a bower
anchor and cable with me to get her up the harbour which we
were some time about, but plenty of men made light work,
and I warped her up abreast of the Lydia, and there moored
her.

384

The First Yankee Ship at Guam

"Next day eight of the English ship's men took a boat and
went to town to the Governor to enquire how much he would
give them to carry the ship to Manila, but he ordered them to
be put in irons for mutiny."

Meanwhile the Lydia was discharging cargo and filling her
water casks. When the wind blew too hard for the boats to
make a landing at Agana, Mate Haswell writes: "I used to
take my gun and two or three Indians with me and wander into
the woods, but in all my stay on the Island I shot only one
small deer and some hogs and a few birds amongst which was
a large Bat near three feet from tip of wing to wing. The
woods are so full of underbrush that it is hard labour to one
that is not used to it to get forward, but the Indians travel as
fast as I can on clear ground. I frequently went into inland
Indian villages and always found them hard at work with the
tobacco which all belongs to the King. As soon as dried it
must be carried to the Governor and he sells it all at an enormous
price. Everything else they have, even the cattle, belongs to
the King.

"The houses are small, but very cleanly, and are built of a
kind of basket work, with cocoanut leaves and are about twelve
feet from the ground. Their furniture consists of two or three
hammocks of net work, and the same number of mats, a chest,
one frying pan, a large copper pan, and a few earthen jars.
Near their houses is a large row of wicker baskets in piles six
feet high for their fowls to lay their eggs and set in, the breed
of which they are very careful to preserve. The fire place is
under a small shed near the house to shelter it from the rain.
Their food is chiefly shell fish and plantains, cocoanuts and a
kind of small potatoes which they dry and make flour of, and
it makes good bread when new.

"But to return to the Lydia. She was bountifully supplied
with fresh provisions, beef, pork, fowls, all at the King's expense

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

and in the greatest plenty so that we gave three-quarters of it
away to the English ship, who had nothing allowed them but
jerked beef and rice. As our crew was small we had a great
deal of duty a-going on, I often got assistance from the English
ship and with this supply of men the work was light. I kept
the long boat constantly employed bringing on board wood and
water. Four men were on shore cutting wood, and some hands
repairing the rigging, painting ship, etc., and getting ready for
sea as soon as possible.

" About this time Captain Barnard came on board and went,
accompanied by himself and the second officer, to make a
survey of the hull of the English ship, her hull, rigging, sails,
etc., and found her not fit to perform a passage without some
new sails, a new cable and a great deal of new rigging and a
new boat, as hers were lost. The leak we thought could be
reduced on the inside, but all the seams were very open and
required caulking. A report of our opinions being drawn out,
I was sent to town with it.

"The Governor hinted it was impossible to get what was
required, but yet wished to send the ship to Manila. The poor
owners hung their heads in expectancy of the condemnation of
the ship."

After the Lydia had been made ready for her return voyage
to Manila, Mr. Haswell relates that he went to town, Agana,
for a few days, and passed " the time in a very pleasant manner.
I found them preparing our sea stock, which was to be in the
greatest abundance. It consisted of eight oxen, fifty hogs,
large and small, but in general about thirty pounds each, twenty-
four dozen of fowl, five dozen of pigeons, two live deer and a
boat load of yams, potatoes, watermelons, oranges, limes, cocoa-
nuts, etc. The way we came to be so well provided for was
that both the Governors and the Lieutenant Governor insisted
on supplying us with stock, but that was not all, for the Friars

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The First Yankee Ship at Guam

and the Captains of the Villages near the seaside all sent presents
on board, some one thing, some another.

"Thus the ship's decks were as full as they could be with
live stock, hen coops from one end of the quarterdeck to the
other, the long boat and main deck full of hogs, and the fore-
castle of oxen. This great stock of provisions was more than
half wasted, for the heat of the weather was such that more
than half of it was spoiled. It would not keep more than
twenty-four hours without being cooked and then not more
than two days, so that if we killed an ox of five hundred pounds,
four hundred of it was hove overboard, which was a pity, but
we had no salt.

"All of the English gentlemen and some of the Spanish
officers came down to the waterside to see us embark. I then
went in company with Captain Barnard and bid the kind
Governor farewell and found scarcely a dry eye in the house.
The Governor's Lady would not make her appearance, but
she waved a handkerchief from the balcony of the Palace as
we embarked in the boats.

"Captain Barnard was disappointed as he expected to have
carried the old Governor back to Manila with us, and only
required half the sum we had for going out, which was 8,000
dollars, but the old man thought 4,000 dollars was too much
and offered 2,000 which was refused, the Captain thinking that
he would give it at last. Don Manuel had the precaution to
embark all the old Governor's goods and the remains of his wife
on board the Lydia by which Captain Barnard thought he would
come up to his price, and so took them on board for the small
sum of two hundred dollars. Nothing was left behind but the
old Governor and servants. He expected to the last moment
that we would stop for him, but as soon as he saw us under
weigh, he wanted to stop us, but it was too late as we were gone
before his messenger reached the fort.

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

" We left the Harbour de Calderon with a fine breeze N. E.
and as soon as we were at sea a man belonging to the English
ship that had secreted himself on board, came on deck and
shewed himself. We had also an Otaheita Indian that was
under the care of Captain Barnard as his servant. We had but
one passenger, a Friar, and he was a good man, his behaviour
was very different from the one we carried out with us. He
was so bad that we were forced to send him to Coventry, or
in other words, no one would speak with him."

Having finished this running chronicle of the voyage to
Guam, the first mate of the Lydia made a separate compilation
of such general information as he had been able to pick up.
His account of the treatment of the natives by their Spanish
overlords is in part as follows:

"They are under the Spanish martial law. All (native)
officers are tried by the Governor and the King's officers of the
army. They have the powrer to inflict any punishment they
think proper. When a man is found worthy of death he must
be sent to Manila to be condemned and then brought back again
to be executed. There was only one lying in irons for murder,
but Captain Barnard would not take him with us. The whole
island belongs to the King of Spain whom the Governor per-
sonates, and the inhabitants must pay a yearly rent for their
houses and lands and all the cattle are the property of the
Crown and can be taken from them at the pleasure of the King's
officers, nor dare they kill their cattle but with the permission
of the Governor or the Friars, and then never kill a cow till she
is very old. The only things they have are the milk and butter
and the labour of the beast, and a small piece when it is killed.

"They are called free-men, but I think contrary. If the
Governor wants a road cut he calls on all the men and sets
them about it and only finds them rice till it is done. The old
Governor carried too far and was called a great Tyrant. He

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The First Yankee Ship at Guam

made them build two forts and a bridge and cut a road through
a high rock, build a school house and some other things and
never allowed them to be idle, but for want of a supply of food
from Manila the poor men were near starving as he did not
give them time to cultivate the land.

" The Church also has its modes of trial. They have a kind
of Inquisition or trial by Torture established but I never heard
of their punishing any person. The poor Indians respect the
Friars highly, but the Governor will not let the Friars meddle
with the affairs of Government, as they often want to do. They
were at variance about a man that had committed murder and
fled to the Church for protection. One of the Officers took him
from under the altar. The priests resented this but were forced
to hold their tongues. They sat on trials before, but now they
are excluded and the Governor takes care of things temporal.
But we carried out a Judge with us to examine into the Gov-
ernor's behaviour and to hear the complaints of the poor to see
them redressed.

" On the arrival of the new Governor the ship that brings
him salutes him when he leaves the ship and on his landing all
the forts fire except the Citadel which fires on his entering the
church. The road was lined with the militia without arms
and he was received at the landing place by the Lieutenant
Governor and Adjutant and the Guards under arms. There
was a handsome carriage and four horses for the children and
two chair palanquins for him and his Lady, but he mounted
the Adjutant's horse, and rode under triumphal arches of
flowers and leaves of trees to the church which he entered with
all his family. The forts then fired and the Guards received
him on his leaving the church and conducted him to the Palace
where the old Governor received him and the Guards fired
three volleys.

" A grand entertainment was provided of which all the officers

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

partook and in which the old Governor shewed his taste. His
table was covered with the best of provisions, consisting of
beef, venison, fowls, fish, turtle, etc. All was in the greatest
style, and the old man still had good wines and chocolate
though he had been five years without supplies from Manila.
The feast he gave was grand and by far surpassing what was to
be expected on a barren island. The next day all the officers
waited on the Governor's Lady to pay their respects. All of
them brought presents, viz., butter, eggs, fowls, fruit, but the
Adjutant's wife gave her a pair of ear-rings of pearls, the largest
that I ever saw. They were entertained with music and dancing
and had beverages served round to them, but some of the head
ones had chocolate, wine, cakes, etc.

"In their dances the natives imitate the Spaniards as near
as possible. Their voices are soft and harmonious, their songs
are short and agreeable, their language borders on the Malay
but not so that they can understand one another. These people
are very hospitable and on your entering their huts they offer
you young cocoanuts and will get any kind of fruit they have in
a few moments. They are in general healthy and strong but
a certain malady introduced among them by the Spaniards
has made sad ravages and they had no medicines in the Island
at the time of our arrival, and they have no person that is
acquainted with medicines or with disorders of any kind. It
is a great pity that the Spanish Government does not send a
man sufficiently qualified to put a stop to that dreadful disorder.

"The Roman Catholic religion is universally established in
all its Terrors. I could not find out whether the Indians had
any of their own, but they pay great respect to some large flat
stones of an oval shape that are often found near their villages
and are engraved with characters like Malay, but there was no
person on the Island that could decipher them, as all kinds of
learning have been long lost by the poor Indians. The Spaniards

390

The First Yankee Ship at Guam

have established a school to teach them to read and write, but
there are few of them who learn more than to read the Prayers
which are given them by the Friars.

" In the inland places the men and women go naked, but they
have clothes and on the appearance of a European they run and
put them on and are proud of being dressed, but they cannot
buy clothes to wear in common because they are so dear, for
the Governor gains eight hundred per cent, on all he sells them.
And no other person is allowed to trade. They are very obedient
to government and it is seldom that there is any disturbance.

"Of the troops one company is of colored men formerly
brought from Manila but now more than half Indians. They
are well clothed and make a good appearance with bright arms
and a good band of music. Of militia there is one regiment
of one thousand men. Their arms are in bad order, so rusty
that when the Militia paraded to receive the new Governor
they were not armed but sat about cleaning them. The pay-
ment of this militia is the only cash in circulation on the Island.
Every man has ten dollars a year to keep himself in readiness.
When pay day comes it causes a kind of market. The Gov-
ernor's secretary pays them and they carry the money to the
dry goods store and lay it out in Bengal goods, cottons, and in
Chinese pans, pots, knives, and hoes, which soon takes all
their pay away so that the cash never leaves the Governor's
hands. It is left here by the galleons in passing and when the
Governor is relieved he carries it with him to Manila, often to
the amount of eighty or ninety thousand dollars.

"The population is estimated at 11,000 inhabitants* of which
twelve only are white and about fifty or sixty mixed. The
Governor and four Friars are the only Spaniards from old
Spain, the others are from Peru, Manila, etc. The city or

* The first American census of Guam reported a native population of between
9,000 and 10,000.

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

capital of the Island is on the north side in a large bay, but
there is no anchorage for shipping. It is a pleasant town and
contains five hundred houses of all sorts and one thousand
inhabitants of all descriptions. It is on a small plain under a
hill which protects it from the heavy gales that sometimes
blow from the eastward. The town consists of six streets, one
of them three-quarters of a mile long. The buildings of the
Governor and Chief Officers are of stone and are good houses.
The Palace is two-story and situated in a very pleasant part of
the town with a large plantation of bread-fruit trees before it,
and a road from it to the landing place. It is in the old Spanish
style. The audience chamber is near a hundred feet long,
forty broad and twenty high and well ornamented with lamps
and paintings. At each end of it are private apartments. In
the front is a large balcony which reaches from one end of the
house to the other. Behind the palace are all the outhouses
which are very numerous. Close to the Palace are the barracks
and guard-room. It is a large building and is capable of con-
taining five hundred men with ease. To the northward stands
the church, built like one of our barns at home. It has a low
steeple for the bells. On the inside it is well adorned with
pictures, images, etc. On the south east and near the church
is the free school which has a spire. Here the alarm bell is
hung, also the school bell. The scholars never leave the house
but to go to church."

In this rambling fashion does Mr. William Haswell, mate of
the Salem bark Lydia, discourse of Guam as he saw it in the
year of Our Lord, 1801. He dwells at some length also on
the remarkable abundance of fish, shells and beche de mer,
the animals wild and tame, "the finest watermelons I ever
saw," and the proas or " Prows " which he has seen " sail twelve
knots with ease." Of one of these craft he tells this tale:

"There is a Prow that was drove on shore in a southerly

392

The First Yankee Ship at Guam

gale from the Caroline Islands with only one man alive. She had
been at sea fourteen days, and ten of them without provisions.
There were three dead in the boat and the one that was alive
could not get out of the boat without assistance. She had but
one out-rigger which they shifted from side to side. In other
ways she was like the Guam Prows. The man that came in
her was well used and has no desire to go back. He looks a
little like a Malay, but there was no person in the Island that
understood his language."

Mate William Haswell has left unfinished certain incidents
of his voyage to the bewitching island of Guam. Why was the
Friar of the outward voyage sent to Coventry? Did the thrifty
" old Governor " finally overtake the remains of his wife which
sailed away to Manila without him? One might also wish to
know more of the brilliantly successful methods of the Governor
as a captain of industry. The system by which he kept all the
cash in the island in his own pockets, paying his militia in
order that they might immediately buy goods of him at a profit
of eight hundred per cent., seems flawless. It has not been
surpassed by any twentieth century apostle of "high finance."

Whatever sins of omission may be charged against the literary
account of First Mate William Haswell, it is greatly to his credit
that he should have taken pains to write this journal of the
Lydia, a memorial of the earliest voyage under the American
flag to that happy-go-lucky colony of Uncle Sam which in
more recent years has added something to the gaiety of nations.

393

CHAPTER XX

NATHANIEL BOWDITCH AND HIS " PRACTICAL NAVIGATOR "

(1802)

HAIL to thee, poor little ship, Mayflower, of Delft
Haven," wrote Thomas Carlyle, "poor common
looking ship, hired by common charter-party for
coined dollars — caulked with mere oakum and tar — provisioned
with vulgarest biscuit and bacon — yet what ship Argo or miracu-
lous epic ship, built by the sea gods, was other than a foolish
bumbarge in comparison!"

This fine rhapsody is of a piece with many another tribute
to the memory of the Pilgrim Fathers and their immortal ship,
and yet it would seem that some measure of praise were due
that sturdy English seaman, Thomas Jones, the master of the
Mayflower, who dared to make his blundering way across
the Atlantic three centuries ago. Nor can one go wrong in
admiring the courage and resourcefulness of any of these bold
seamen who crossed oceans, made their landfalls and destined
ports in safety and rolled home again with the crudest knowl-
edge of navigation and almost no instruments for accurately
charting their courses. Even a century ago shipmasters voyaged
to far-away havens without chronometers, trusting to the log-
line and compass to find their longitude by dead reckoning, and
keeping track of their latitude with the quadrant and a " Navi-
gator" or "Seaman's Friend." Nathaniel Silsbee of Salem
records that as late as 1827 he made a passage in a brig to
Rotterdam when they had no chronometer, and knew nothing

394

Nathaniel Bowditch and his "Practical Navigator"

of lunar observations, but navigated by dead reckoning, or the
estimated speed of the ship. On his first voyage of eighteen
months beyond the Cape of Good Hope, " the only spare canvass
for the repair of a sail on board the vessel was what was on
the cover of the log-book."*

Before informing the landsman who Nathaniel Bowditch
was, and what this self-taught astronomer and mathematician
of Salem did to aid the great multitudes of those that go down
to the sea in ships, it may be worth while to tell something of
how our forefathers found their way from shore to shore. The
real beginnings of the science of navigation as it is known to-day,
are to be sought no further away than the seventeenth century
which first saw in use the telescope, the pendulum, logarithms,
the principles of the law of gravitation and instruments for
measuring minute angles of the heavens. The master of the
Mayflower in 1620 was hardly better equipped for ocean path-
finding than Columbus had been two centuries before him.
Columbus in his turn had made his voyages possible by employ-
ing the knowledge gained by the earlier Portuguese exploring
expeditions of the fifteenth century.

* The Boston ship Massachusetts sailed for the East Indies in 1790. She
was the largest merchant vessel built in the United States up to that time, and
was especially designed and equipped for the Oriental trade, measuring six
hundred tons and carrying a crew of eighty men. \Vinthrop L. Marvin's
American Merchant Marine states:

" In view of the importance of the Massachusetts it is astonishing to learn from
Delano's Narrative that she went to sea without a chronometer, and without a
single officer who could work a lunar observation. This compelled her to
creep down the coast of Africa, feeling her way along, as it were, by the dis-
colored current. She tried to sight the Cape Verde Islands to correct her
reckoning, but missed them, and standing too far back toward the East came
near bringing up on the inhospitable sands of South Africa. But the worst
miscalculation of all was the missing of Java Head, that great landmark of
East India voyagers. This blunder compelled the Massachusetts to make at
least fifteen extra degrees of 'easting' and cost her about three weeks' time.
If a great ship like the Massachusetts were so ill-provided with the instruments
of navigation, it is inexplicable how the small ships of poorer owners ever found
their way around the Cape of Good Hope, and through the labyrinths of the
East Indian Archipelago."

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

In fact, up to the time of the voyages undertaken under the
patronage of Prince Henry of Portugal which led to the dis-
covery of the Cape Verde Islands in 1447, and of Sierra Leone
in 1460, thousands of years had passed without the slightest
improvement in aids to navigation except the introduction of
the mariners' compass or magnetic needle among European
nations at the beginning of the fourteenth century. The
civilization which bordered the Mediterranean had known only
coastwise traffic, and the vast ocean beyond the Pillars of
Hercules was mysterious and unfurrowed by the keels of trading
galleys. Ancient discoveries in astronomy had taught that
the altitudes of the sun and stars varied with respect to the
location of the observer according to fixed laws, but the sailor
had not dreamed of making use of these laws to find his latitude
or longitude, except for the tradition that the adventurous
Phoenician traders guided their vessels by means of the known
position of the constellation of Ursa Minor, or of the Pole star.

Prince Henry of Portugal resolved to collect and systematize
all the knowledge of nautical affairs obtainable in the early
part of the fifteenth century, preparatory to sending forth his
intrepid seamen as explorers of the Atlantic, and established an
observatory near Cape St. Vincent in order to obtain more
accurate tables of the declination of the sun, by which the
mariner obtained his latitude in clumsy and unreliable fashion.
The sun's " declination " is its angular distance from the celestial
equator, or the angle that a line drawn to the sun from any
point at sea or on the earth's surface makes with the plane of
the celestial equator. In other words, the most important
early discovery in navigation, next to the use of the magnetic
needle, was the use of an instrument by which these angles
could be determined and then utilized by means of astronomical
tables to find a ship's distance north or south of the earth's
equator, in degrees and fractions thereof.

396

Nathaniel Bowditch and his "Practical Navigator'9

John II of Portugal, grand-nephew of this enlightened and
ambitious Prince Henry, endeavored to make further advance-
ment in the same field and employed a " Committee on Naviga-
tion " to collect new data and make more calculations to lessen
the errors in the tables of the sun's declination. They turned
their attention also to the instrument then in use for taking
observations at sea, the cross-staff, and recommended that the
astrolabe should be employed instead. The shipmaster of
Columbus' time went to sea with a cross-staff or astrolabe, a
compass, a table of the sun's declination, a table for connecting
the altitude of the pole star and occasionally a very incorrect
chart. The first sea chart ever seen in England was carried
there in 1489 by Bartholomew Columbus. The log-line had
not been invented and it was not until 1607 that any means
was known of measuring a ship's course through the water.

The cross-staff, as used by Columbus and Vasco da Gamma,
consisted of two light battens or strips of wood, joined in the
shape of a cross, the observer taking his sights from the ends
of the " cross " and the " staff," on which the angles were marked
in degrees. As a device for measuring altitudes, the cross-staff
had been known to ancient astronomers, although unknown to
their seamen. The astrolabe was a copper disk, suspended
from above with a plumb line beneath, and was found to be
more convenient for taking altitudes than the cross-staff, and
gradually superseded it.

The problem of finding longitudes at sea was far more baffling
than that of latitude. It was early discovered that the only
accurate and satisfactory method must be by ascertaining the
difference in time at two meridians at the same instant, but
until the invention of the chronometer this could be done only
by finding, at two different places, the apparent time of the
same celestial phenomena. The most obvious phenomena
occurring to the early navigators were the motions of the moon

397

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

among the fixed stars, which was first suggested in 1514. Better
instruments and a sounder theory of the moon's course were
needed before its motions could be predicted with accuracy
and recorded beforehand in an almanac in order to give the
mariner a basis of comparison with his own observations, and
the very principal of such a theory was, of course, unknown
until Newton's great discoveries, after which the problem of
lunar observations began to have a chief place in the history
of navigation.

The cross-staff and astrolabe gave place in time to the
quadrant, which was a much more accurate instrument for
observation and was used by the mariners of the eighteenth
century. It, in its turn, was discarded for the sextant during
the nineteenth century, which instrument, as improved and
perfected, is in universal use at sea to-day for helping to find
a ship's position by means of the measurement of angles with
respect to the sun and stars.

The chronometer, for finding longitudes, has taken the place
of lunar observations, and the story of the struggle to invent a
time-keeping mechanism of requisite accuracy for use at sea
is one of the romances of science. Watches were unknown
until 1530, but before the end of that century efforts had been
made to ascertain the difference in time between two places
by means of two of these crude timepieces which, however,
were too unreliable to be of any practical service to navigation.
The study of the problem was stimulated by the offer of a
reward of a thousand crowns by Philip III of Spain, in 1598,
to him who should discover a safer and more accurate method
of finding longitude at sea than those in use. The States- General
of Holland followed this with the offer of ten thousand florins,
and in 1674 England became actively interested in the problem
and Greenwich Observatory was established for the benefit of
navigation and especially to calculate the moon's exact position

398

Nathaniel Boivditch and his "Practical Navigator"

with respect to the fixed stars a year in advance and so make
the "lunar observation" method of determining longitude a
safer guide for the seamen than was the case with the tables
then existing.

The pressing need of such investigation was brought home
to England by a series of great disasters to her naval force
because of blundering navigation. Several men-of-war were
wrecked off Plymouth in 1691 through a mistake in their landfall
and Sir Cloudesley Shovel, one of Great Britain's immortal
admirals, was lost with his fleet of ships off the Scilly Islands
in 1707 because of a mistake in reckoning position. The govern-
ment became convinced that the whole theory and practice of
navigation needed a radical overhauling, and in 1714 a "royal
commission for the discovery of longitude at sea " was appointed
and at the same time a series of splendid prizes was offered
for the invention of an accurate chronometer; five thousand
pounds for a chronometer that would enable a ship six months
from home to find her longitude within sixty miles; seven
thousand five hundred pounds if the limit of error were within
forty miles; ten thousand pounds if the position were correct
within thirty miles. Another clause of this bill as enacted by
Parliament offered a "premium" of twenty thousand pounds
for the invention of any method whatever by means of which
longitude at sea could be determined within thirty miles. Two
years later the Regent of France offered a hundred thousand
francs for the same purpose with similar stipulations.

There lived in Yorkshire a young watchmaker, John Harrison,
who learned to make better watches than anybody else in
England, and he had followed with keen interest the experi-
ments which attempted to find longitude by means of watches
set to keep Greenwich Observatory time as nearly as possible.
He determined to attack the problem in his way and to compete
for these royal prizes if it meant the devotion of a lifetime to

399

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

the art of making chronometers. He spent years in making
one instrument after another until in 1736 he carried to Green-
wich a "gridiron pendulum clock" which was placed on board
a ship bound for Lisbon. It proved to be accurate enough to
correct the ship's reckoning of observations by several miles, and
was a notable improvement on any other timepiece of the day.

The Royal Commission urged Harrison to drop all other
work and make a business of competing for the prizes, and
offered to supply him with funds. For twenty-four years John
Harrison strove to make a chronometer that should win the
twenty thousand pounds. He was sixty-eight years old when,
in 1761, he wrote the Commission that he had a chronometer
which he was willing to send on a trial voyage, and asked that
his son William be allowed to go with it to take care of the
precious instrument.

The Commission sent the chronometer out in a ship bound
to Jamaica in order that its mechanism might be tested by
extremes of climate and temperature. On arriving at Jamaica
the chronometer had varied but four seconds from Greenwich
time. When the ship returned to England after an absence
of 147 days, the total variation was found to be less than two
minutes, or eighteen miles of longitude. The Commission
demanded that the chronometer be given another trial, and it
was sent to Barbados on a voyage five months long, at the end
of which it showed a variation of only sixteen seconds from
Greenwich time, which meant that John Harrison's chronometer
had lost or gained an average of about two-thirds of a second a
week.

The Yorkshire watchmaker, after a lifetime of service, had
won a momentous victory, but more exacting tests were de-
manded of his masterpiece and he was threatened with death
from old age before he was finally given the twenty thousand
pounds. Thenceforth the chronometer slowly made its way

400

Nathaniel Bowditch, author of "The Practical Navigator"

Nathaniel Bowditch and his "Practical Navigator"

among ship owners as a necessary article of the captain's
equipment and the most important contribution to navigation
since the magnetic compass.

Old-fashioned mariners with an eye to expense continued to
find their longitude by means of lunar observations for half a
century and more after the chronometer had been perfected,
and in American merchant vessels the chronometer may be
said to belong to the nineteenth century era of navigation.
" Dead reckoning " and lunar observations were the main-stays
of the Salem sea captains in the days of their greatest activity
over distant seas, and their fellow-townsman, Nathaniel Bow-
ditch, author of "The Practical Navigator," was a far greater
man, and more useful to them, than John Harrison of York-
shire.

The log-line and sandglass have been discarded on steamers
of to-day in favor of the patent log with its automatic registering
mechanism, but the old-fashioned method of measuring the
ship's course is used on sailing vessels the world over. It gave
to the language of the sea the word " knot " for a nautical mile,
and the passenger on board the thirty-thousand-ton express
liner of the Atlantic " steamer lanes " talks of her six hundred
and odd knots" per day without knowing how the word came
into use, or that at the taffrail of the white-\vinged bark or ship
passed in midocean the logline and glass are being used to
reckon the miles in genuine old-fashioned "knots," just as they
were employed a century ago.

The "log" is a conical-shaped canvas bag, or a triangular
billet of wood so attached to the "log-line" that it will drag
with as much resistance as possible. The line is wound round
a reel, and is divided at regular intervals into spaces called
"knots." These are marked on the line by bits of rag or
leather; at the first knot is a plain piece of leather, at the second
a piece of leather with two tails; at the third a knot is tied in

401

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

the line, and so on according to a simple system which enables
the observer to identify the sequence and number of the "knots."
The glass is like an hourglass, but the sand is carefully measured
to run through in exactly fourteen or twenty-eight seconds.
The logline and its knots are carefully measured to correspond
with the glass. That is, if the sand runs out in twenty-eight
seconds, the distance between two knots of the line bears the
same ratio to the length of a real "knot," or nautical mile as
the twenty-eight seconds for which the sandglass is set bears to
an hour of time. Therefore the number of "knots" of the
line unreeled out over the stern of the ship while the sand is
running in the glass gives the number of miles which she is
traveling per hour.

When the speed is to be read, one man throws overboard the
"log" and line, while another stands ready with the glass.
The first twenty or thirty fathoms of line are allowed to pay
out before the knots are counted. When the drag has settled
quietly in the sea astern and anchored itself, a white rag tied
to the line marks the instant for turning the glass. As the bit
of white rag flashes over the rail the man with the reel begins
to count the knots that slip past, the glass is set running, and
when the last trickle of sand has sifted through, the man holding
it shouts "stop her." The other man with the log reel notes
the number of knots paid out, and down on the ship's logbook
go the figures as the number of miles per hour the ship is
making through the water.

The log and sandglass, along with the sounding lead, are
survivals of a vanished age of sea life, perhaps the only necessary
aids to navigation which are used to-day precisely as our fore-
fathers used them. For this reason, and also because the log
and glass played so vital a part in the day's work of the naviga-
tors of such ports as Salem, they have been discussed at some
length in this introduction to a sketch of the life of Nathaniel

402

Nathaniel Bowditch and his "Practical Navigator"

Bowditch, for his place among the truly great men of his time,
great in benefactions to humanity, cannot be perceived by the
landsman without some slight knowledge of the conditions
which then existed in the vastly important science of deep-
water navigation.

The nineteenth century had to thank this seafaring astron-
omer of Salem for its most valuable working treatise on navi-
gation which illustrates with singular aptness the fact, often
overlooked, that the ship captain is a practical astronomer
and this his calling has been more and more safeguarded by
methods of applied science. Or as Professor Simon Newcomb
has expressed it:

"The usefulness of practical astronomy and the perfection
it has attained may be judged from this consideration: take an
astronomer blindfolded to any part of the globe, give him the
instruments we have mentioned, a chronometer regulated to
Greenwich or Washington time, and the necessary tables, and
if the weather be clear so that he can see the stars, he can, in
the course of twenty-four hours tell where he is in latitude and
longitude within a hundred yards."

For more than a century the name of Nathaniel Bowditch has
been known in the forecastle and cabin of every American and
English ship, and a volume of "The Practical Navigator" is to
be found in the sea kit of many a youngster who aspires to an
officer's berth. The book is still one of the foremost authorities
in its field, a new edition being published by the United States
Hydrographic Office every three or four years. A multitude
of landlubbers who have no knowledge of seafaring as a calling
have heard of " Bowditch" as a name intimately linked with the
day's work on blue water. At his death in 1838, his fellow
mariners of the East India Marine Society, of which he had
been president, spread upon their records a resolution which
voiced the sentiment of shipmasters in every port and sea:

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

" Resolved, That in the death of Nathaniel Bowditch a public,
a national, a humane benefactor has departed; that not this
community, nor one nation only, but the whole world has
reason to do honor to his memory; that when the voice of eulogy
shall be still, when the tear of sorrow shall cease to flow, no
monument will be needed to keep alive his memory among
men, but as long as ships shall sail, the needle point to the
north, and the stars go through their appointed course in the
Heavens, the name of Dr. Bowditch will be revered as one who
helped his fellowmen in time of need, who was and is to them
a guide over the pathless ocean, and of one who forwarded the
great interest of mankind."

This ocean pathfinder of Salem, Nathaniel Bowditch, made
no important discoveries in the science of navigation, but with
the intellect and industry of a true mathematical genius, he
both eliminated the costly errors in the methods of navigation
used in 1800, and devised much more certain and practicable
ways of finding a ship's position on the trackless sea. So
important were the benefits he wrought to increase the safety
of shipping that when the news of his death was carried abroad,
the American, English and Russian vessels in the port of Cron-
stadt half-masted their flags, while at home the cadets of the
United States Naval School wore an official badge of mourning,
and the ships at anchor in the harbors of Boston, New York
and Baltimore displayed their colors at half-mast. The London
Atheneum said of " The Practical Navigator," in the days when
no love was lost between British and American seamen:

" It goes, both in American and British ships, over every sea
of the globe, and is probably the best work of the sort ever
published."

What Nathaniel Bowditch did was to undertake the revision
of a popular English handbook of navigation by John Hamilton
Morse in which his acute mind had detected many blunders

404

Nathaniel Bowditch and his "Practical Navigator9'

which were certain to cause shipwreck and loss of life if mariners
continued to use the treatise. This work was found to be in
need of so radical an overhauling that in 1802 Bowditch pub-
lished it under his own name, having corrected no fewer than
eight thousand errors in the tables and calculations, including
such ghastly and incredible mistakes as making 1800 a leap
year in reckoning the tables of the sun's declination and thereby
throwing luckless shipmasters as many as twenty-three miles
out of their true position at sea. It was declared at the time
that several ships had been lost because of this one error.

Expert opinion hailed the work of Bowditch with such
eulogies as the following :

" It has been pronounced by competent judges to be, in point
of practical utility, second to no work of man ever published.
This apparently extravagant estimate of its importance appears
but just, when we consider the countless millions of treasure
and of human lives which it has conducted and will conduct in
safety through the perils of the ocean. But it is not only the
best guide of the mariner in traversing the ocean ; it is also the
best instructor and companion everywhere, containing within
itself a complete scientific library for his study and improvement
in his profession. Such a work was as worthy of the cultured
author's mind as it is illustrative of his character, unostenta-
tious, yet profoundly scientific and thoroughly practical, with
an effective power and influence of incalculable value."

At a meeting of the East India Marine Society on May 6, 1801,
"to examine a work called 'The New American Practical Navi-
gator,' by Nathaniel Bowctftch, a committee of sagacious and
experienced shipmasters, veterans of the seas beyond the Cape
of Good Hope and the Horn, submitted the following report:

"After a full examination of the system of navigation pre-
sented to the Society by one of its members (Mr. Nathaniel

405

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Bowditch), they find that he has corrected many thousand
errors in the best European works of the kind ; especially those
in the tables for determining the latitude by two altitudes, in
those of difference of latitude and departure, of the sun's right
ascension of amplitudes, and many others necessary to the
navigator. Mr. Bowditch has likewise in many instances
greatly improved the old methods of calculation, and added
new ones of his own. That of clearing the apparent distance
of the moon, and sun or stars from the effects of parallax and
refraction is peculiarly adapted to the use of seamen in general,
and is much facilitated (as all other methods are in the present
work), by the introduction of a proportion table into that of
the corrections of the moon's altitude. His table nineteenth,
of corrections to be applied in the lunar calculations has the
merit of being the only accurate one the committee is acquainted
with. He has much improved the tables of latitudes and
longitudes of places and has added those of a number on the
American coast hitherto very inaccurately ascertained.

"This work, therefore, is, in the opinion of the committee,
highly deserving of the approbation and encouragement of the
Society, not only as being the most correct and ample now
extant, but as being a genuine American production; and as
such they hesitate not to recommend it to the attention of
navigators and of the public at large.

Jonathan Lambert
Benjamin Carpenter
John Osgood
John Gibant
Jacob Crowninshield

Committee

"Approved, Benjamin Hodges, President.
"Moses Townsend, Secretary.

"Salem, May 13, 1801."
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Nathaniel Bowditch and his "Practical Navigator"

This report is dry reading for the landsman, but it concerned
matters of the most vital import to many thousand sea captains,
who later blessed the name of this astronomer and mathe-
matician of Salem.

As a shipmaster, Nathaniel Bowditch made a somewhat
incongruous figure among the sturdy, full-blooded, simple-
minded seamen of his port and his time. He was an intellectual
prodigy, a thinking machine, and his tastes were not at all those
of the practical navigator and trader overseas. He served his
time at sea, and acquitted himself successfully, largely because
he was trained for the calling of his father, Habakkuk Bowditch,
who had begun his career on shipboard.

The family was in straitened circumstances when Nathaniel
came into the world in 1773, and his period of schooling was
exceedingly brief. At the tender age of seven he was sent to a
Salem "seminary of learning," the master of which drilled his
pupils' minds by making them spell at frequent intervals that
uncouth monster of words "honorificabilitudinity." The Bow-
ditch offspring survived this ordeal and at twelve years was
apprenticed to a ship chandler. In this tarry environment
he learned algebra and "could not sleep after his first glance
at it." An old British sailor taught the lad what he knew of the
elements of navigation after hours in the ship chandler's shop.
The precocious love for mathematics had set the lad's brain
on fire and he reveled in problems which would have baffled
the wisest old heads of Salem.

While Nathaniel was still in his teens his ambition received
a mighty impetus by the discovery of a treasure trove of learning,
the philosophical library of Dr. Richard Kirwan,* a famous

* Dr. Richard Kirwan (1733-1812) was born in Cloughballymore, Ireland.
He was a distinguished investigator and writer in the fields of mineralogy,
chemistry, and meteorology, a member of the Edinborough Royal Society, the
Royal Irish Academy, and a number of foreign academies. He received an
honorary degree of LL.D. from the University of Dublin, and declined a bar-

407

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Irish scientist. This precious collection of abstruse literature
had come to Salem in a manner highly characteristic of the
time and place. While cruising off the British coast during the
Revolution, an audacious privateer of Beverly snapped up a
merchant vessel and took out her cargo as lawful prize of war.
Among the plunder was the library of this luckless Doctor
Kirwan, which he had been in the act of shipping from Ireland
to England. The privateer came home to Beverly and her
booty was sold, according to custom. Several gentlemen of
Salem clubbed together, purchased the books, and used them
to found the library of the Salem Atheneum, which institution
lives even unto this day and is housed in a beautiful new building
of colonial design on Essex Street.

Nathaniel Bowditch never forgot his youthful obligation to
this source of learning and wrote in his will:

"It is well known that the valuable scientific library of the
celebrated Dr. Richard Kirwan, was during the Revolutionary
War, captured in the British Channel on its way to Ireland,*
by a Beverly privateer and that by the liberal and enlightened
views of the owners of the vessel, the library thus captured was
sold at a very low rate, and in this manner was laid the founda-
tion upon which has since been established the Philosophical

onetcy offered him by Lord Castlereagh. His works were translated into
Russian, German and French. The capture of Doctor Kirwan's library was a
misfortune of sufficient importance to find mention in the National Dictionary
of Biography which relates :

"In 1776, Kirwan, having conformed to the established church, was called
to the Irish bar, but threw up his studies after ten years, and pursued scientific
studies in London, exchanged for Greek at Cregg in 1773. He resided in
London from 1777 to 1787, and became known to Priestley, Cavendish, Burke,
and Home Tooke. He corresponded with all the savants of Europe; his
Wednesday evenings in Newman St. were the resort of strangers of distinction;
the Empress Catharine of Russia sent him her portrait. His library, dispatched
from Galway to London on 5th Sept., 1780, was captured by an American
privateer. Elected a fellow of the Royal Society on 24th Feb. 1780, he received
the Copley medal in 1782 for a series of papers on chemical affinity."

* A probable error of memory as the library was on its way to England
according to other sources of information.

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Nathaniel Eowditch and his "Practical Navigator"

Library so-called, and the present Salem Atheneum. Thus in
early life I found near me a better collection of Philosophical
and Scientific books than could be found in any other part of
the United States nearer than Philadelphia, and by the kindness
of its proprietors I was permitted freely to take the books from
that library and to consult and study them at pleasure. This
inestimable advantage has made me deeply a debtor to the
Salem Atheneum, and I do therefore give to that institution
the sum of one thousand dollars, the income thereof to be for-
ever applied to the promotion of its objects, and the extension
of its usefulness."

Dr. Richard Kirwan had the shadowy consolation of being
compelled to furnish enlightenment to this hostile port of Salem,
but the most important benefit reaped by this singular priva-
teering adventure was the stimulus it conveyed to the mind of
young Nathaniel Bowditch. He became wholly submerged in
the volumes of the Transactions of the Royal Society of London.
Indeed, he copied one book after another, making these manu-
scripts with infinite pains in order that he might possess them
and carry them to sea with him. He was in his teens when he
copied "A complete collection of all the Mathematical Papers
of the Philosophical Transactions; Extracts from various
Encyclopedias and from the Memoirs of the Paris Academy;
a complete copy of Emerson's Mechanics, a copy of Hamilton's
Conies; extracts from Gravesand's and Martyn's Philosophical
Treatise; extracts from Bernoulli, etc., etc."

At the age of seventeen Bowditch began to learn Latin without
a teacher in order that he might read Newton's Principia, and
when he was old enough to vote " he was unsurpassed in mathe-
matical attainments by any one in the Commonwealth." But
he must needs earn his bread and go to sea, and so in 1795
Nathaniel made his first voyage as captain's clerk in the Salem
ship Henry, Captain Prince, to Mauritius. His sea life covered

409

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

a period of nine years, during which he made five voyages, one
of them to Manila in 1796-7, in the ship Astrea, as supercargo
with Captain Prince. The Astrea was the first American ship
to fly the stars and stripes in the harbor of Manila, a fact of
some historical worth. The American trade to the Orient was
then in its beginnings and it was Elias Hasket Derby, who, with
characteristic enterprise, sent the Astrea to Manila in search
of sugar, pepper and indigo, of which she fetched home a large
and valuable cargo.

Nathaniel Bowditch kept a journal of this voyage as was
required by the laws of the East India Marine Society,
and his journal, written in a precise and delicate hand, is
preserved in the Society's collection of records. His impres-
sions of the capital city of the Philippines in 1797 read in
part as follows:

" The city of Manila is about three or four miles in circum-
ference, is walled all around, and cannon are placed at proper
intervals, but we were unable to get much information with
respect to the state of the place, as they were shy of giving any
information to foreigners. The buildings within the wall are
all of stone, and none except the churches is more than two
stories high, on account of the violent earthquakes which they
generally have at the breaking up of the monsoons. The month
of March is when they most expect them, but on the fifth of
November, 1797, we experienced several violent shocks at
about 2 P. M. which came from the northward, and proceeded
in a southerly direction, continuing with violence nearly two
minutes. It threw down a large house half a league from the
city, untiled several buildings, and did much other damage.
It was not observed on board the ship lying off the bar. The
motion of the earthquake was quicker than those usual in
America, as the latter are generally preceded by a rumbling
noise; the former was not.

410

—
is

NatJianiel Bowditch and his "Practical Navigator"

"The suburbs of Manila are very extensive; most of the
business is done there. The houses of the wealthier class are
of two stories, built of bamboo with thatched roofs. No house
can be built in the suburbs without the particular permission
of the Governor, fearing if they were too high an enemy might
make use of them, as was the case when the English took the
place formerly, for one of the churches near the walls was very
serviceable to them

"All the women have a little of the Indian blood in their
veins, except the lady of the Governor and two or three others,
though by a succession of intermarriages with Europeans they
have obtained a fair complexion. The natives (like all other
Malays) are excessively fond of gaming and cock-fighting.
A theatre is established for the latter business from which the
government draws an immense revenue, the diversion being
prohibited at any other place. Sometimes there are five or six
thousand spectators, each of whom pays half a real. A large
sum arises from the duties on tobacco and cocoa wine. Tobacco
is prohibited, but if you smuggle any on shore it cannot be
sold for more than the ruling cost in America, notwithstanding
the price is very high. Particular people, licensed by the King,
are the only persons allowed to deal in it.

" All the natives chew dreca and betel, though not mixed with
opium as in Batavia. This with chewing and smoking tobacco
make their teeth very black. The segars used by the women,
and which they smoke all day, are made as large as they can
possibly get into their mouths. The natives are about as
honest as their neighbors, the Chinese; they stole several things
from us, but by the goodness of the police we recovered most of
them.

"On the second of December, 1797, thieves broke into the
house where we lived, entered the chamber where Captain
Prince and myself were asleep, and carried off a bag containing

411

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

$1,000 without awakening either of us, or any of the crew of the
longboat sleeping in an adjoining chamber.

" The guard boat discovered them as they were escaping and
pursued them. They, in endeavoring to escape, ran afoul of a
large boat, which, upsetting them, the money went to the
bottom, and, what was worse, the bag burst and the money
was all scattered in the mud, where the water was eight feet
deep. However, by the honesty of the captain of the guard,
most of it was recovered. The thieves were caught, and,
when we were there in 1800, Mr. Kerr informed us that they
had been whipped, and were to be kept in servitude several
years.

"The same day another robbery was committed, equally as
daring. The day the indigo was shipped, the second mate
came ashore with several of the people to see it safe aboard.
The boats we had provided, not taking all of it, we sent the
remainder aboard with a black fellow as a guard, who was
esteemed by Mr. Kerr as an honest man, but he had been con-
triving, it seems, to steal a couple of boxes. When the cases
containing the indigo had passed the bar, a small boat came
aboard with two boxes filled with chips, stones, etc., appearing
in every respect like those full of indigo, and, pretending that
we had put on board two wrong boxes, they exchanged their
boxes for two real boxes of indigo, but, in bringing them ashore,
they were detected and the indigo returned.

" There are great numbers of Chinese at Manila. It is from
them most of the indigo is purchased. They trade considerably
with China; their junks arrive at Manila in January, and all
their goods are deposited in the custom-house. Some of these
cargoes are valued at a million of dollars, the duties on which
amounted to nearly $100,000. The Chinese at Manila retain
all the customs of their country, excepting those respecting
religion and a few other things of small moment."

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Nathaniel Bowditch and his "Practical Navigator"

When the Astrea arrived at Manila on this voyage, Captain
Prince was asked by another shipmaster how he contrived to
find his way in the face of the northeast monsoon by dead
reckoning. He replied that "he had a crew of twelve men,
every one of whom could take and work a lunar observation, as
well for all practical purposes, as Sir Isaac Newton himself,
if he were alive."

During this dialogue Nathaniel Bowditch, the supercargo,
who had taught these sailors their navigation while at sea, " sat
as modest as a maid, saying not a word but holding his slate
pencil in his mouth," according to Captain Prince who also
used to relate that "another person remarked there was more
knowledge of navigation on board that ship than ever there
was in all the vessels that have floated in Manila Bay."

During his seafaring years this singular mariner, Nathaniel
Bowditch, learned French thoroughly, and studied Italian,
Portuguese and Spanish. One who sailed with him said, "all
caught a zeal to learn on board his ships. The whole crew of
twelve men on board the Astrea later became captains, first and
second mates. At sea his practice was to rise at a very early
hour in the morning, and pursue his studies till breakfast,
immediately after which he took a rapid walk for half an hour,
and then went below to his studies till half-past eleven o'clock,
when he returned and walked till twelve o'clock, the hour at
which he commenced his meridian observations. Then came
dinner, after which he was engaged in his studies till five o'clock;
then he walked till tea time, and after tea was at his studies
till nine o'clock in the evening. From this hour till half -past
ten o'clock he appeared to have banished all thought of study,
and while walking he would converse in the most lively manner,
giving us useful information, intermixed with amusing anec-
dotes, and hearty laughs, making the time delightful to the
officers who walked with him, and who had to quicken their

413

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

pace to accompany him. Whenever the heavenly bodies were
in distance to get the longitude, night or day, he was sure to
make his observations once and frequently twice in every
twenty-four hours, always preferring to make them by the
moon and stars on account of his eyes. He was often seen on
deck at other times, walking rapidly and apparently in deep
thought, when it was well understood by all on board that he
was not to be disturbed, as we supposed he was solving some
difficult problem. And when he darted below the conclusion
was that he had got the idea. If he was in the fore part of the
ship when the idea came to him, he would actually run to the
cabin, and his countenance would give the expression that he
had found a prize."

In keeping with this picture is the story of Bowditch's behavior
when during his third voyage, from Cadiz to Alicante, his ship
was chased by a French privateer. The Yankee captain de-
cided to make a fight of it and Bowditch was assigned to hand
powder on deck from the magazine. One of the officers, going
below after the vessel had been cleared for action found the
supercargo sitting on a keg of powder with his slate in his lap,
absorbed in making calculations.

In 1803, Bowditch was in the ship Putnam which came home
from Sumatra with a cargo of pepper. He formed a poor opinion
of the trading methods of the native chiefs of that savage coast,
and wrote in his journal:

"On your arrival at Sumatra you contract with the Datoo
for the pepper and fix the price. If more than one vessel is at
the port, the pepper which comes daily to the scales is shared
among them as they agree. Sometimes the Datoo contracts
to load one vessel before any other vessel is allowed to take
any, and he holds to this agreement as long as he finds it to his
interest to do so and no longer, for a handsome present or an
increase in his price will prevent the pepper from being brought

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Nathaniel Bowditch and his "Practical Navigator"

in for several days, and the person who made the agreement
must either quit the port or else give an additional price."

Two years later, in November, 1805, the Putnam was attacked
and captured by Malays while seeking pepper on the coast of
Sumatra, seven of her crew being wounded, and the ship lost
to her captain notwithstanding his efforts to retake her with the
half-hearted assistance of two English trading ships. Nathaniel
Bowditch had left the Putnam, however, after one voyage in
her as master and part owner. Navigation appealed to his
unusual intellect only in its scientific aspects. Even while he
was engaged in seafaring he went ashore from his ship which
was anchored in Boston harbor to attend the Harvard com-
mencement of 1802 and was surprised to hear his name read as
the recipient of the honorary degree of Master of Arts.

Nathaniel Bowditch had made the sea serve him, both to
gain a livelihood and to test his theories of practical navigation
for the benefit of his fellow seamen. But he did not consider
"The Practical Navigator" to be an achievement by which his
intellectual powers should be measured. His magnus opus,
the fond labor of his best years was the translation and commen-
tary of the monumental work of the great French astronomer,
La Place, entitled " M ecanique Celeste" (Celestial Mechanics).
So much of his own learning appeared in his exhaustive notes,
that the American edition of four volumes was a lasting memorial
to the industry, knowledge and researches of Nathaniel Bow-
ditch, and was the foremost American achievement in scientific
letters during the early nineteenth century. It won a solid
fame for Nathaniel Bowditch, both at home and abroad. Where
one American, however, has heard of his edition of Mecanique
Celeste, a thousand have studied the pages of his "Practical
Navigator," which is a living book to-day.

Shortly after he retired from the sea, Doctor Bowditch was
elected president of the Essex Fire and Marine Insurance Com-

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

pany and continued in that office until 1823, declining pro-
fessorships at Harvard, West Point and the University of
Virginia. In 1823 he was persuaded to move his residence to
Boston as actuary of the Massachusetts Hospital Life Insurance
Society which position he held until his death in 1836. A self-
taught scientist, a notable benefactor of mankind, Nathaniel
Bowditch was with singular fitness, a son of Salem in the days
when its splendid race of navigators were his fellow-townsmen.
He loved the storied seaport in which he was born, and he was
generally beloved for those very genuine qualities characteristic
of the shipmasters among whom he lived. There was a rare
simplicity and an absence of all false pride in the reasons which
he gave to his executors for making a bequest to the Salem
Marine Society.

"He told us, and all our children," his sons wrote to the
officers of the society, " at the time of executing his will that his
father, Habakkuk Bowditch, for nearly twenty years received
from your charity fund the annual sum of fifteen dollars or
thereabouts, so that his own food and clothing when a boy
were in part derived from this source. Under these circum-
stances, we felt with him, that he had incurred a debt of grati-
tude toward your society which justified and indeed required
from him an acknowledgement in return."

416

CHAPTER XXI

LOGS FROM THE MYSTERIOUS EAST

(1792-1819)

ON the fly leaf of the log of the ship Hercules is pasted a
clipping from a Salem newspaper, a "letter to the
Editor" dated September 26, 1823. It is the tribute
of a friend to the memory of Captain Benjamin Carpenter who
had died ten days before. The writer sketches the outline of a
typical American seaman of his time in these words:

" He followed the seas the principal part of thirty years with
the character of an intelligent, generous and very active man.
He commanded the first cartel sent to England in our Rev-
olutionary War, with captured British officers, which, for a
time, puzzled the government there — whether to condemn the
vessel, send her commander to Newgate as a rebel, or pur-
chase his ship. They preferred the latter and thus evaded the
nice question of American Independence. The examination of
Captain Carpenter by Lord Sandwich, and other Lords of the
Admiralty, was curious, spirited and humorous, and ought to
be preserved in history.

" But Captain Carpenter's exertions were not confined to the
planks of a ship. He was one among two or three sea captains
who founded that beautiful Museum which adorns the town
of Salem. The idea of depositing curious articles brought
from abroad in one place, instead of scattering them here and
there, as heretofore, arose in a small club of which he was an
influential member. Hence originated that neat collection of
curiosities in value and in art at Salem.

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

"Wherever Captain Carpenter went he bore about him the
pride of Country. Undeviating Republicanism marked his
sagacious and manly character. From its dignified principles,
no temporary advantage, family consideration, immediate
flattering prospects, or specious argument could ever for a
moment swerve him. In every region he felt like an American,
judged like a man of sense, and acted like an honest one.

"A deep and aggravated domestic loss (his only son was
left to perish on a wreck at sea) broke down a strong constitu-
tion. Captain Carpenter died at Cambridge this 16th inst.
in the 72nd year of his life, leaving behind him a pleasant and
untainted memory."

In the Marine Room of the Peabody Museum there hangs a
striking portrait of this Captain Carpenter, an unusually hand-
some man, in a brave scarlet coat, the beau ideal of the adven-
turous, resolute master mariner of the eighteenth century. In
the log of the Hercules, dated 1792, he has left to posterity the
most beautiful specimen of a sea journal of the olden time
that is anywhere preserved. Among the thousand log books
in the collection of the Essex Institute it stands alone for fault-
less penmanship and illustration. The drawings of harbors,
landfalls and ports, as made by Captain Carpenter while at
sea have the delicacy and fineness of engravings, even as repro-
duced herewith.

The appearance of the journal is proof that he liked to have
things done as handsomely as possible, and the records of his
voyages show that smartness, discipline and thoroughness ruled
his conduct afloat and ashore.

This log is inscribed "Journal of my intended voyage (by
God's assistance) from Boston to the East Indies in the good
ship Hercules, May 14th, 1792."

There is a certain satisfaction to be found in scanning the
record of this voyage of a typical master and ship's company

418

Logs from the Mysterious East

in the finest days of the American merchant marine. It may
be worth while even to run over the names of this crew, thirty-
nine of them all told, for the sake of knowing what was the
breed of men that toiled and dared in those long-vanished
forecastles and cabins. Here they are, then, a true-blue Yankee
crew in the year of our Lord, 1792, outward bound for the
East Indies, and every name of the thirty-nine, from captain
to cabin boys, an honest, sterling Anglo-Saxon name to be proud
of; in its humble way, a roll of honor:

Benjamin Carpenter, Samuel Gerrish, Jr.,

William Claghorn, Ben. K. Churchhill,

Joshua Walker, M. M. Burdick,

Unity Dodge, John Reeves,

Andrew Truelove, George Jackson,

Joshua Breck, Alexander Arthur,

Benjamin Daniels, William Willis,

Spencer Cole, Robert Haines,

Daniel Cheever, Patrick Fleming,

William Fadden, John Cook,

Samuel Snowden, Joshua White,

Reuben Knowles, William Bacon,

John Newton, David Robertson,

James Cutler, John Cummings,

Thomas Redfield, Frank Hector,

William Poor, John Doane,

John Brown, John Hovey,

Benjamin Roberts, Chester Dodge,

Benjamin Gerrish, Henry Eldridge,
William C. Potter,

This crew, thrice the number needed to navigate a ship of
the tonnage of the Hercules in these piping times of peace,
comprised the captain, three mates, the boatswain, boatswain's

419

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

mate, carpenter, carpenter's mate, steward, cabin cook, ship's
cook, cooper, two cabin boys and twenty-five able seamen.
They were young men, surprisingly young. The average age
of the mates was twenty-three years. The average age of the
twenty-five able seamen was twenty-two years and six months.
Captain Carpenter was well pleased with this lusty Yankee
ship's company for he entered in his log on the first day of the
voyage:

"Set the watch with the best crew I ever put to sea with
from Boston, being thirty-nine of us, most of them young, active
men."

On the first Sunday at sea, the captain made this note in the
log:

" At 10 A. M. the hands appeared on the quarterdeck in a
very tidy dress while the captain read several selected prayers,
during which time the most becoming solemnity and attention
marked the countenance of every man. The same regulations
will be strictly attended to during the voyage."

The ancient ceremonies of welcoming Neptune aboard when
a ship "crosses the Line," have not been suffered to become
obsolete even in the age of "the ram-you, damn-you liner with
a brace of bucking screws." These rude festivities belong
with the age of sail, however, when there were real seamen
instead of paint-scrubbers, to perform the boisterous rites of
initiation over the luckless greenhorn who was making his first
passage to the southward of the Equator. It may be fairly
assumed that as far away as 1792, this briny custom was in the
height of its glory, and the rites as described by Captain Car-
penter have a sound historic value because they took place
according to the firmly established maritime code of the eigh-
teenth century. His account, written on board the Hercules,
reads as follows:

"These twenty-four hours brisk breezes and clear weather.

420

Captain Benjamin Carpenter of the Hercules,

Logs from the Mysterious East

Having crossed the Line, the usual ceremony of ducking began
about 2 P. M. The ship was hailed by the Old Man of the
Tropics, who being desired by the officer of the deck to come
on board, entered over the bow, attended by his wife, whence
they were drawn in their Chariot by a number of sailors, as
Tritons, to the quarterdeck where the Captain and Gentlemen
received them. Their appearance was truly ludicrous, having
their faces blackened and painted, a blanket over their shoulders,
by way of royal robes, and a large swab on their heads, instead
of a crown, the long strands of which hanging down to their
waist, served for hair. After paying their compliments to the
Captain and welcoming the ship to their domain, they observed
she was a new ship, that had never been there before, and that
there was a number of new faces which they had never before
seen.

" The Captain, having given his word that both the ship and
Gentlemen should be properly entered, they returned forward
and proceeded to business. A half hogshead having been
previously filled with water, and a bucket of tar and grease
mixed together, the men who had never crossed the tropic were
brought up singly and blindfolded. They were welcomed
with great ceremony and a kiss by old Neptune who told them
that he was glad to see them and would take the liberty to have
them shaved before they went any farther. The candidate was
then placed on a seat across the half hogshead and his feet
kept from the water where, still blindfolded, he was lathered
with the tar and grease and shaved with a notched iron hoop.
As soon as he was done the oath was administered, viz., ' That
he will to the best of his ability prove himself a good fellow, that
he will never drink small beer when he can get strong, except he
likes the small beer best, nor eat brown bread when he can get
white, but under the same promise; that he will never kiss the
maid when he can kiss the mistress without he likes the maid

421

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

best; that he will never sail in an old ship when he can get a
new one, unless he knows he is born to be hanged; that he will
never forsake the pumps until they suck, and in fine, that he will
never suffer any man, where he maybe, to pass the Tropic or
Equinoctial Lines, for the first time, without going through the
same ceremonies.'

" This done, a speaking Trumpet was put in his hand and he
was told to hail the Tropic. As soon as he got the trumpet to
his mouth, in an almost perpendicular elevation, a bucket of
water was thrown into it, and at the same instant the seat
being pulled from under him he fell backward into the water,
where he was very handsomely washed by the bystanders,
which closed the ceremony. Seven or eight went through this
operation which was conducted with good humour and followed
by the parties joining in drinking the grog given for the ship
and the gentlemen who entered the Tropic for the first time."

The first port of call on the outward voyage was at Teneriffe
in the Canary Islands. Captain Carpenter's impressions of
the place and its society were most agreeable, for he wrote :

"After the business of the day was ended, a servant came
to make me acquainted where the Harmonious Club spent the
evening, with compliments to the stranger and hoping he would
favor them with his company. The Club spent the evening in
music, dancing and cards till eleven o'clock which is the hour
at which they break up. This is the way they spend most of
the evenings in the year, the climate being very mild and pleas-
ant. The island abounds in the good things of life and those
that have money may live very gay."

Quite different were Captain Carpenter's impressions of the
next port at which he touched, Port Praya, Santiago, of the
Cape Verde group of islands. In fact his opinions of this
Portuguese Colony and its people and their opera bouffe govern-
ment are scathing in the extreme. He says of them :

422

Logs from the Mysterious East

" Of all the places I have ever landed at, this seemed to be
the poorest. After walking thro' the sand of a burning hot day,
I ascended a precipice that never carriage did ascend, nor do I
think ever will, as you are obliged to jump from one rock to
another. Not a green thing to be seen, nothing but poor
miserable half-starved negros on your right and left, leading
hogs, goats, and monkeys to sell for old clothes, bread or any-
thing they can get in exchange. At the top of the hill at the
gate is a sentry placed, but for what reason would puzzle any-
body to tell.

"Of all creatures I think these people are the laziest on
earth, for if a hog comes into the house and they are lying down
they will not rise to drive it out, but lie in the room till they
have their nap out, or some one is seen passing the door of
their hovel and asked to look after the hog. Their bed for the
afternoon nap stands near the door of their room in order that
they may, if lying down, see the Governor when he comes out
to walk. Every afternoon about five o'clock he makes his
appearance dressed in a red coat, as meagre as a person that
had been running express for a long time and had nothing to
support nature. He is attended by five or six gentlemen of
copper and jet black complexion, making a group that I should
be sorry to meet on a dark night without being well armed
and having a safe retreat.

" I applied to the Lieutenant Governor for leave to purchase
some hogs and goats, etc., which he readily granted, as I sup-
pose he puts considerable of the price in his own pocket. His
house was of one story and had a kind of board floor, but one
window and that without glass. In one corner of the only
furnished room were some green cocoanuts and oranges, two
chairs and something like a table. When I first went in his
dress was a pair of silk breeches and a coarse white shirt open
at the neck and wrists, without shoes or stockings. It was three

423

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

o'clock when I arrived at his house, which was the time His
Excellency, the Governor, went to rest. The Lieutenant Gov-
ernor proposed that I should wait on the Governor at 5:30,
but his Excellency, rising sooner than common, came out to
walk by that time, so I was disappointed of being introduced
to him, as his Lieutenant told me it would be improper to
speak to him in the street, but that he would put on his regi-
mentals and acquaint him of my attentions which would answer
for my intended compliments."

At the Isle of France, now called Mauritius, Captain Car-
penter writes that he found "everything in the greatest con-
fusion. Liberty is the cry and every man has his uniform and
sword by his side. No prospect of a market for our tobacco,
and all business is at a standstill. Nothing else but a reforma-
tion of Government will appease the Democrats."

With painstaking care the master of the Hercules continues
his journal at Ceylon, as a guide to fellow mariners of Salem
who may come that way. Of the first anchorage on the coast
of Ceylon he says:

" On your arrival at Point de Gale, it is customary to visit the
Dutch Governor, the Lieutenant Governor and officials. You
will find Mynheer Sluisker, the Governor, a pleasant man, free
of access, and by no means ostentatious. You will probably
dine with him once or twice a week, and on every Thursday
evening you will receive an invitation to his concert. If you
will endeavour to render yourself agreeable you will never be
at a loss for society, nor obliged to eat dinner alone at a hotel.
It is necessary that you should give the Governor the refusal
of your cargo. He will probably trade with you, but if he
should not, it can be of no detriment (to offer him the refusal
of it) and it is a show of respect which always pleases men in
high office. Don't omit giving the minor officials some trifling
present. By this means you gain friendships and then little

424

Logs from the Mysterious East

matters are overlooked. I have always made this a rule, let
me be in what port I may, not to neglect such attentions. From
the Governor to the meanest citizen I have made it my study
to please. Let a man's occupation be what it will, you may
have occasion for his aid, and I have known a small present of
ten shillings to be the means of saving one hundred pounds.
Good language will have the same effect. Therefore exert
yourself as much as possible in this way and set apart twenty
pounds for these purposes. I know of no place where this
kind of attention is so necessary as in India. A degree of
address without familiarity in conversation and attention to
your person are no less necessary."

Captain Carpenter made of this log a unique and valuable
record of the details of a kind of commerce now unknown to
American merchants. With a vast amount of detailed instruc-
tion, including a formidable array of calculations, he wrote out
the program to be followed by an American ship engaged in
trade among the ports of the East Indies more than a century
ago. The foregoing extracts from his journal serve to show
that the successful American shipmaster of that time possessed
tact and diplomacy, and had a clear idea of how he ought to
carry himself when ashore in strange lands. The following sum-
mary of his commercial instructions will show how thoroughly
equipped were these navigators to do business as merchants,
acting wholly on their own responsibility. Captain Carpenter
begins these latter chapters of the log of the Hercules:

" A person of abilities and in the mercantile line with a ship
of 300 to 500 tons, copper bottom, and a fast sailor, may be
sure to do well in the country trade, provided dispatch is made
and economy observed. He must be determined to stay in
India two or three years and to make himself well acquainted
with navigation and the prevailing winds. He will be sure to
behave himself in such a manner as to gain the acquaintance of

425

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

the principal merchants and pay the strictest attention to keeping
his ship in order. By this means you will not only have the
refusal of freights, but very frequently get a number of passen-
gers. There are so many advantageous ways of employing
such a ship in India that I scarcely know which to recommend.
I will here mention several which I know from my own experi-
ence must prove very beneficial. Although freights are high
and the profits are certain, I should rather prefer to load the
ship on my own account. In the latter case it would be advis-
able to embrace the opportunity to let your ship sail from
Bengal at the first of November with a cargo of rice. She will
proceed to Point de Gale (Ceylon), where if she meets a good
market, you will dispose of this cargo and take in return arrack,
oil and some spices, and with these articles proceed on to Bom-
bay where you will sell your goods.

" You may then take a freight of cotton for Madras. After
you have delivered your cotton, you will take freight of salt
for Bengal, where after it is discharged, and all accounts settled,
you will have finished your first voyage. This voyage will
take three and a half months, provided you sail the latter end
of one and the beginning of the other monsoon. You will then
have time for another such voyage before the cotton season is
over. You will then take in your cargo of rice at Bengal and
proceed exactly as you did on your former voyage. By the
time you have finished your second voyage, it will be June
which is the end of the Bombay and the beginning of the Pegu
(Rangoon) trade. You will doubtless, after being some months
at sea, need some few repairs which may detain you at Bengal
till the first of July, which is the best time for a voyage to Pegu.*

* "In 1793, the ship Astrea, on a trading voyage from Madras to Pegu, was
seized by the king of the latter place as a transport for stores to his army to
Siam which had gone thither to attack its forces. Captain Gibant and his
second mate were detained as hostages for for the performance of the voyage."
(Historical Sketch of Salem.)

426

Logs from the Mysterious East

In a voyage from Bengal to Ceylon you have advantages
arising from the general demand for rice at every port on the
Malabar coast. For instance, suppose you were disappointed
in a market at Point de Gale, you have Colombo, Angengo,
Comorin, and Cochin. These are places where you may never
be at a loss to sell a cargo of rice. It is not necessary for your
ship to anchor at any of these ports, unless you have a prospect
of sales, but when you arrive in sight of the place, hoist your
boat and go on shore to learn the state of the market. If you
should meet with encouragement you may bring your ship to."

Captain Carpenter then adds a tabulated statement of outlay,
receipts and net profits for the voyages described. The amounts
are in rupees and it is not easy to turn rupees into dollars and
estimate the fair equivalent of their relative values in 1792.
It is possible, however, to discover that the profits of such com-
mercial venture were well worth the long outward-bound
voyage from Salem or Boston. The cargo of rice with which
the ship was laden on the first leg of the route cost ten thousand
rupees, which is the amount of capital invested in the under-
taking. After deducting all expenses, including insurance and
wear and tear on the vessel, the net profits for the round voyage
of three and a half months was estimated at 28,335 rupees, or
almost two hundred per cent. Captain Carpenter's program
comprised two of these voyages in seven months' time, yielding
a total net profit of 56,670 rupees on an original investment for
cargo of 10,000 rupees. Of the returns from this foregoing
venture Captain Carpenter observes with his usual sagacity:

"If you wish to perform another northern voyage 10,000
rupees will answer your purpose. You can then either remit
the rest of your money home, or lend it in Bengal at twelve
per cent."

For the voyage to Pegu or Rangoon, the shipmaster was
advised to carry a cargo of coarse blue cloths, cutlery, tobacco,

427

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

sword blades, hatchets, pewter spoons, small looking-glasses,
"and a few other trifling matters with about 500 rupees in gold.
Having all things in readiness you will make the best of your
way for the Nicobar Islands, where you will purchase a full
cargo of cocoanuts. From thence you will proceed to Rangoon.
This cargo of nuts will purchase at Rangoon a full load of
timber which will net a handsome profit on the Coromandel
coast or at Bengal.

"On your arrival at Rangoon you will meet with a number
of the natives who will want to trade with you. Pay no atten-
tion to them till you have settled the duties and have permission
from the Prince so to do. The first thing after your arrival
will be to procure a linguist. Enquire for an old man by the
name of Francisco. He is an honest fellow, speaks the English
tongue perfectly and will serve you faithfully. He will immedi-
ately on your arrival take you to the Prince or Mahoon, to
whom you will render an exact list of your ship company, stores,
guns, and the invoice of your cargo. After he has examined
your invoice, etc., he will ask you if you wish to trade. If you
do he will demand one or two of your topsails, and sometimes
your rudder as security for your good behaviour and to prevent
your going off without paying the duties. These being in his
custody and some trifling presents made him, he will grant you
liberty to sell your cargo and to purchase timber or anything
else except precious stones which, notwithstanding the country
abounds with them, they are not allowed to send away.

"Be careful to be very condescending while in the presence
of the Prince and not to assume any haughty airs during your
stay there. If you strictly attend to this conduct you may
expect to find the greatest hospitality. But should you offer
the least insult to any one of the inhabitants you must expect
to be severely handled. Your cargo, when landed, is put in the
king's go down, and when you have finished unloading several

428

Jrjfn <••/' GlJT G!*_ll£ on tir

From the log of tin- ITcrrulcft, showing the beautiful ]>eimi;uiship with whifh
Captain Caqienter adorned his sea journals

Logs from the Mysterious East

officers will go on board to search your ship. Endeavour to
find out the day they intend to visit you and make some little
preparation to give them a good reception. This business
being over, you will go with them to the Prince and settle the
duties which will amount to about thirteen per cent. They
have no coin at Pegu. Their pieces of metal money are all in
different shapes and values as in China."

The voyage of Captain John White of Salem in the brig
Franklin to Saigon, Cochin China, while somewhat later in
time than Captain Carpenter's trading adventures at such pic-
turesque ports as Rangoon, was also the undertaking of a pio-
neer navigator, and belongs with the same era of activity. It
was much easier, however, to have dealings with the " Mahoon
of Pegu," even though he did take one's topsails and rudder
as security for good behaviour, than with the Mandarins and
other erratic potentates who ruled the kingdom of Anam a
century ago.

In 1804 the Salem ship Fame, Captain Jeremiah Briggs, came
home from a voyage to the Orient and he wrote in his journal a
glowing description, very much after the style of the Arabian
Nights, of the kingdom of Cochin China whose shores he had
visited in search of sugar. He seems to have had no difficulty
in getting into the ports he sought, and makes no mention of
the arduous difficulties which beset Captain White, who came
along in the Franklin fifteen years later. Before quoting the
troubled narrative of Captain White, it is perhaps worth while
to afford the reader a few glimpses of Cochin China as pictured
by Captain Jeremiah Briggs in 1804.

"The King of Cochin China," he writes, "has about five
hundred vessels of war of all denominations, principally boats
from about forty to ninety feet long, a number of junks and
four ships carrying thirty guns each, about four hundred tons,
rigged and sailed by European method. The boats that are

429

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

reserved for the use of the royal family are the most elegant
work that I ever saw; the painting was superb. The one which
is called the King's is one hundred feet long and not a butt in
her. She mounts eight guns, six-pounders, and one twenty-
four-pounder. I saw a great number of brass cannon, eighteen
and twenty-four-pounders, that were cast in the country.
Elephants are kept to the number of five hundred, trained for
war. The first Mandarin is captain of two companies and
likewise of these animals. They are manoevered by a boy
sitting on their heads with a hook with which he turns them.

"The citadel or fort, is about three-fourths of a mile in
circumference. It has a wall of twenty-five feet, which the
present King is now extending two miles. The streets are laid
out in European style. He has now one hundred thousand
men at work laying out the roads, building the walls, etc. The
king himself attends every day. He is mounted on an elephant.
His dress is yellow silk and he is attended by a guard of two
hundred men armed with spears, each spear with hair upon
it, dyed red. He keeps thirty-two concubines. They all live
together in one house, which they are not allowed to leave.
It is built upon the water and communicates with the land by
a bridge. The king is thirty-one years old, a man very well
informed."

Perhaps this Jeremiah Briggs had a more optimistic temper-
ament than Captain John White who ascended the Donnai
River in 1819, in the Franklin brig, but was unable to get as
far as Saigon for lack of a permit from the government of the
country. After trying in vain to secure a pilot, Captain White
conferred with the native chiefs of the villages abreast of his
anchorage and was told that he must await word from the
viceroy or governor of the district before venturing any nearer
Saigon. Thus began a series of misadventures and delays
which ended in the Captain's giving up in disgust his plan of

430

Logs from the Mysterious East

finding cargo in Saigon and without even clapping eyes on that
city he turned his ship about and headed for Manila. On a
later voyage he succeeded in reaching Saigon, but the story of
his failure is the more entertaining, and he related it as follows :

"On this first interview with the natives of the country we
were much surprised to find their manners so different from
what we had been led to expect. We were now convinced that
the Cochin Chinese were in many respects but little removed
from a state of deplorable barbarism. The military chief was
a withered, gray-headed old man, possessing, however, a great
deal of vivacity. He had several attendants who were promptly
obedient to his orders. One of the attendants carried a huge
umbrella with which he followed the old man to all parts of
the ship, and when invited into the cabin he would not descend
without the umbrella, so tenacious was he of every circumstance
of state and appearance. Another attendant was a handsome
boy of about fifteen years of age, who carried in two blue silk
bags the areka nut, betel leaf, and chunan and tobacco, of
which they chew immense quantities. Another servant carried
a fan. Our risability was not a little excited on seeing the old
fellow strutting about the deck, prying into the cook's coppers,
embracing the sailors on the forecastle, dancing, grinning, and
playing many other antic tricks, followed by the whole train
of fanners, umbrella bearers, and chunan boys.

"After visiting every part of the ship, the old mandarin
began to court my favor with the most unyielding pertinacity,
hugging me around the neck, attempting to thrust his betel nut
into my mouth from his own, and leaping upon me like a dog,
from which I was nearly suffocated. I finally succeeded in
extricating myself from the ardor of his caresses, and getting
to the windward side of him, which I maintained, notwithstand-
ing his efforts to dislodge me. At first we could not account for
this sudden and violent fit of unsolicited friendship, but in a

431

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

short time the mystery was completely unravelled. One of the
inferior chiefs intimated a wish to descend to the cabin, which
was granted. No sooner had we entered it than, pointing to
the looking-glass, he gave us to understand that he must have
it for the old chief. Being somewhat surprised at this demand,
we smiled and endeavoring to divert his attention, presented
him a bottle of brandy and a glass to help himself, which he
did not hesitate to do most abundantly, and then giving us to
understand that he considered the vessels as a present, passed
them to his attendants who after swallowing the liquor de-
posited them under his robes. The mandarin then renewed
his solicitations, nor was there a single article in sight that he
did not demand, and in a manner to impress us with the idea
that a refusal would give great umbrage to the chief on deck.

"We were forced to purchase peace and good will at the
expense of a pair of pistols to the old chief, 25 cartridges, 12
flints, one six pound canister of powder, two pairs of shoes, a
shirt, six bottles of wine, three of rum, and three of French
cordial, a cut glass tumbler and a Dutch cheese. Nor were
the attendants neglected in the general amnesty, and each of
them received some trifling article of clothing as a propitiatory
offering.

" Old Heo, the mandarin, was now in high spirits again, and
in the wantoness of his benevolence, took off his old blue silk
robe with which he very graciously invested me, at the same
time shrugging and intimating that he was cold. I took the
hint and sent for a white jacket, which I assisted him in putting
on. At this attention he appeared highly gratified. A demand
was now made for some refreshment, and we spread before
them some biscuits, cold beef, ham, brandy, fruit and cheese.
Of the biscuits and cheese they ate voraciously, seasoning their
repast with bumpers of raw spirits.

" It was now proposed by the chiefs that the charges of our

432

Logs from the Mysterious East

guns should be drawn, and that the commander should accom-
pany them on shore. We refused to comply with the first
proposition. I, however, prepared to accompany them to the
village, taking with me Mr. Bessel, a young gentleman who
acted in the capacity of clerk. On our approach to the shore,
our olfactory nerves were saluted with the rankest compound
of villainous smells that ever offended nostril; and the natives
of the place, consisting principally of men, women, children,
swine, and many dogs lined the muddy banks of the Stygian
stream to welcome our landing.

"We passed immediately to the house of the chief. This
house stood at a little distance from the compact part of the
village, and was somewhat larger and in better style than the
huts we had passed in approaching it. Here I feel myself
incompetent to do justice in portraying the scene which ensued.
My descriptive powers are totally inadequate; nothing but the
pencil of a Hogarth, or a Teniers could convey an adequate
idea of the original. So irresistibly ludicrous was the scene
that it was with the utmost difficulty that we could keep our
risible muscles in subjection. The apartment into which we
were ushered was about twenty-five feet square, and this we
found was the usual hall of audience. The floor was composed
of a mixture of sand and clay, which by constant attrition had
become very hard and solid. The walls were decorated with
rusty swords, shields, matchlocks, gongs and spears.

" On each side of the entrance was an enormous brass drum
mounted on a clumsy wooden frame, and struck at stated
intervals with a bamboo by a soldier on guard. On a raised
platform were seated two miserable looking objects undergoing
the punishment of the caungue or yoke. This punishment is
inflicted by placing over the culprit's neck and resting upon
his shoulders, two pieces of bamboo about ten feet in length
each, and secured parallel to each other by two strong wooden

433

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

bars which pass by each side of the neck, embracing it very
closely, and giving the criminal the appearance of carrying a
ladder on his shoulders. Directly back of this platform was
an entrance to another apartment devoted to domestic purposes
before which was hung a coarse screen of split bamboo, closely
woven, which concealed from our view the women, children
and pigs behind it which were amicably and jointly partaking
of the contents of a huge wooden tray placed in the middle of
the floor.

" On each side of a recess in gaudy colors were displayed
several paintings of prodigious monsters, and in the centre
stood a table on which was placed a censer of brass and a basin
of the same material rilled nearly to the top with ashes in which
were stuck a great number of matches, the ends of which had
been burnt, and a little bronze joss or god.

" Seated upon a platform was a venerable looking object, his
arms akimbo and his legs crossed like a tailor's. We were led
up directly in front of the throne, and received by this august
personage. He asked us to be seated, or rather motioned to two
vacant chairs, and then addressed us in their language, but not
a word of it could we understand, yet the voice sounded familiar
to us, and on a nearer scrutiny we recognized our recent guest,
but now most dignified host, old Heo. The grim and sable
visages of the attendants, the grave and solemn deportment of
the mandarins, the grotesque assemblage of monsters in the
recess, and the discordant noises of the human and brute con-
cert with which we were still regaled, transported us in idea to
other regions. Such a scene must have been in the mind's eye
of Milton when he wrote his animated and minute description
of the Court of Pandemonium.

"A table was set before us, on which were placed a China
tea equipage, a large dish of boiled rice, together with a piece
of boiled fresh pork, very fat and oily. The old chief then

434

Logs from the Mysterious East

began tearing the food in piecemeal with his long claws and
thrusting it into our mouths, between every thrust holding a
large bowl of tea to our lips with the most cruel perseverance,
till finally losing all patience at his tormenting hospitality, and
finding prayers and utterances of no avail I stepped back and
clapped my hand on my dirk, darting at him at the same time
a frown of displeasure. He desisted from any further impor-
tunity, and we were permitted to help ourselves in our own
way.

" A bottle of rum and another of cordial, a part of the pillage
from our ship, were now produced and a glass of the latter we
were glad to take as an antidote to the effects of our meal. The
old man now applied himself most vigorously to the liquors,
and in a few moments had dispatched the cordial, and then
opened the bottle of rum. On our refusal to partake with him
he applied it to his own lips, and we were struck with admira-
tion to see 'how long, how deep, how zealously, the precious
juice he quaffed.'

"Perceiving that the mandarin would shortly be unfit to
transact business, I hastened to communicate my wishes of
being supplied with a pilot, and immediately ascending the
river, which he seemed to understand, and shaking his head,
drew his hand across his throat and then across mine, as if to
intimate that we should both lose our heads if the request was
complied with.

"I said I would go up in my boat; at this the signs were
repeated. He, however, gave me to understand that he would
transmit to Saigon an account of a strange vessel being in the
river and demand permission for her to come up to the city,
and that an answer would be returned in two days. Some
orders were given to an officer, who at once retired as I under-
stood for the purpose of dispatching a messenger to Saigon.
We then left our host who was in a state of inebriety.

435

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

" We afterwards saw the chief civil magistrate and demanded
permission to proceed up the river, but with the same ill success
as before. Subsequently we saw the Mandarin again, and he
informed us that he would prepare the despatch to be sent to
Saigon immediately and noted down the number of men on
board the brig, armament, etc., with an assurance that in two
days the messenger would return. We now expressed a wish
to take leave, when we were informed by the Mandarin that he
intended to go on board with us, and had sent orders to pre-
pare a boat for that purpose. We immediately embarked, and
in a short time arrived on board.

" We were now somewhat better prepared for the visit of the
Mandarin than at first, and had our movables placed out of
sight; but the steward, happened to open the door of a state-
room, where part of our arms were deposited; they quickly
caught the eye of our visitor, who entered the room, and taking
a musket from the stand, passed it to an attendant. In this
design he was prevented and an inferior one offered him. He
then became very surly and we were obliged to conciliate him
at the expense of the best musket, a yard of red cloth, several
bottles of sweet wine, shoes, ammunition, etc. And here it
may be well to observe that on this and every other occasion
of visits from these people, while we were in the country, their
demands were made in a most systematic manner; the inferior
chiefs play the jackal for their superior, who reciprocates the
favor in the same manner. We found them a set of sturdy
beggars, never expressing any gratitude for the presents which
they received or omitting any opportunity of taking every ad-
vantage of us or stealing whatever lay in their way.

" Old Heo visited us on the following day, and invited us to
go on shore to a feast, but as we were quite satisfied with our
regale on the preceeding day it was thought best to decline.
The next morning a message came from the civil magistrate

436

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Logs from the Mysterious East

that we should shortly be favored with a visit, and accordingly
at about 11 o'clock we saw him leave the creek and in a few
moments he was alongside of us. A repetition of their shame-
less and insolent conduct was again displayed, and nothing but
fear of acting contrary to our own interests prevented us from
turning them out of the ship. We therefore concealed the
resentment and contempt with which they had inspired us, and
permitted them to drink deep of the Lethean draught which
was to drown all their cares and was the object of their fondest
desires. We considered, also, that the sooner they were intoxi-
cated, the sooner we should be rid of their importunity; nor
were our hopes in this respect defeated, for in about half an
hour they took to their boat and pulled off, leaving a small pig
and some fruit, assuring us on their departure that we should
receive our pass in two days.

"The following day Heo visited us again. He had a large
number of his chiefs and people in the boat with him. As we
did not feel altogether safe with so many coming on deck, we
had all hands called to quarter, and preparations were made
to act on the defensive. Heo looked around, and, seeing our
warlike attitude, appeared to be somewhat embarrassed. He
slipped his arm under mine and took several turns with me,
measuring his steps with great exactness, to keep time with me.
I again demanded the pass to proceed to Saigon, and informed
him that we suspected they were merely amusing themselves,
that we would inform the great mandarin at Saigon how we
had been treated, and that he would know how to punish them
as they deserved. He appeared considerably surprised at this
declaration, but, as if the subject were a disagreeable one, he
soon waived it in favor of a new demand upon us to go on shore
to a great buffalo hunt, which was exemplified at the chief's
instance, by one of the attendants, who, first pointing the fore-
finger of each hand up on each side of his head, and then, getting

437

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

down on all fours, galloped round the deck, pursued by the
whole train in full cry, to our no small amusement. Heo was
now assailed by us with a new proposition. I demanded to
embark immediately with him and his boat, and go up to the
city, to which he replied, that if we would throw out the long-
boat, and go on shore with the whole ship's company to the
hunt, on the morrow he would grant us permission to go up
the river. Struck with astonishment at this declaration, we
demanded of him to inform us if our arrival had been made
known at the city, on which he tacitly acknowledged that it
had not, and assured us that the option of granting or refusing
our demands was his, but he refused to assign any cause for
keeping us so long in ignorance of his power in this respect.
They now left us, with the promise of an early visit on the
following day.

"At about 10 o'clock our visitors made their appearance.
Dissatisfaction and mutual dislike of each other were now
evidently making rapid progress in our minds, and our excite-
ment became shortly so great as to restore us in some measure
to the use of our signs again. And they motioned that we
should draw the charges from our guns. Our refusal to do it
was given in a way to impress them with the belief that we
expected soon to have use of them. Apparently undismayed
at this intimation, they pointed down the hatchway, repeating
the word 'baak' (meaning money or silver). Pretending not
to notice them, we made one more effort to draw the attention
of the chief to the subject of our pass, but we could get no
answer but a shake of the head, and a motion alternately across
our throats.

"Towards the close of the day we observed an unusual
number of boats enter the creek, and a great bustle was noticed
on shore. In the evening, the confused noise of gongs, tom-
toms, and voices had increased to a considerable degree. We

438

Logs from the Mysterious East

could not imagine the cause of the din, unless it were to demon-
strate their joy at the capture of a smuggler on the previous day.
We weighed anchor and stood out towards the cape, and at
daylight on the 13th we were clear of the land, and shaped our
course to the northward."

439

CHAPTER XXII

THE VOYAGES OF NATHANIEL SILSBEE*

(1792-1800)

NEITHER myself nor the chief mate of the ship for that
voyage (Mr. Charles Derby) had attained the age of
twenty-one years when we left home. I was not then
twenty years of age, and it was remarked by the naval officer on
taking the ship's papers from the Custom House that it was the
first instance in which papers had been issued from that office
to a vessel bound to the East Indies, the captain and chief mate
of which were both minors."

This is what young Nathaniel Silsbee was able to record of
the year 1792 when he took command of the new ship Benjamin,
one hundred and sixty-one tons, laden with a costly cargo of
merchandise and bound out from Salem for the Cape of Good
Hope and India, "with such instructions as left the manage-
ment of the voyage very much to my own discretion." It was
only four years earlier than this that the Salem ship Atlantic
had flown the first American flag ever seen in the harbors of
Bombay and Calcutta, and the route to those distant seas was
still unfamiliar to these pioneers who swept round the Cape
of Good Hope to explore new channels of trade on the other
side of the world.

* Historical Collections of the Essex Institute, Vol. XXXV, Jan., 1889.
Biographical Notes : By Nathaniel Silsbee. (A paper written by him, " for
the perusal of his family," between 1836 and 18.50, and from which most of
the material for this chapter was obtained.)

440

The Voyages of Nathaniel Silsbee

In these latter times a nineteen-year-old lad of good family
is probably a college freshman without a shadow of responsi-
bility, and whose only business care has to do with the allowance
provided by a doting parent. He is a boy, and is ranked as
such. When our forefathers were creating a merchant marine
whose achievements form one of the finest pages of American
history, seafaring lads were men at twenty, ruling their quarter-
decks and taming the rude company of their forecastles by
weight of their own merits in brains and pluck and resourceful-
ness.

Nathaniel Silsbee, a captain in the India trade at nineteen,
was not a remarkably precocious mariner a century and more
ago. He could say of his own family :

" Connected with the seafaring life of myself and my brothers,
there were some circumstances which do not usually occur in one
family. In the first place each of us commenced that occupation
in the capacity of clerk, myself at the age of fourteen years; my
brother William at about fifteen, and my brother Zachariah at
about sixteen and a half years of age. Each and all of us ob-
tained the command of vessels and the consignment of their
cargoes before attaining the age of twenty years, viz., myself
at the age of eighteen and a half, my brother William at nine-
teen and a half, and my brother Zachariah before he was twenty
years old. Each and all of us left off going to sea before reach-
ing the age of twenty-nine years, viz., myself at twenty-eight
and a half; William at twenty-eight, and Zachariah at twenty-
eight and a half years."

In other words, these three brothers of Salem had made their
fortunes before they were thirty years old and were ready to
stay ashore as merchants and shipowners, backed by their own
capital. A splendid veteran of their era, Robert Bennet Forbes
of Boston pictured his very similar experience in this manner:

"At this time of my life (1834), at the age of thirty, I had

441

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

become gray and imagined myself approaching old age. I had
attained the summit of my ambition. I was what was then
thought to be comfortably off in worldly goods; I had retired
from the sea professionally and had become a merchant; I had
contributed something toward the comfort of my mother; I
had paid off large debts contracted in building my ship, and
I began to think more of myself than I ever had done. Look-
ing back to 1824 when I was content in the command of a
little ship of 264 tons, on a salary of six hundred dollars per
annum, I conceded that I had arrived at the acme of my
hopes. I had been blessed with success far beyond my most
ardent expectations.

"Beginning in 1817, with a capital consisting of a Testament,
a 'Bowditch,' quadrant, chest of sea clothes and a mother's
blessing, I left the paternal mansion full of hope and good
resolution, and the promise of support from my uncles. At the
age of sixteen I filled a man's place as third mate; at the age of
twenty I was promoted to a command ; at the age of twenty-six
I commanded my own ship; at twenty-eight I abandoned the
sea as a profession, and at thirty-six was at the head of the
largest American house in China."

Nathaniel Silsbee, therefore, was in tune with the time he
lived in when at fourteen he embarked on his first voyage, from
Salem to Baltimore as a captain's clerk in a small schooner.
His father had been an owner of several vessels in the West
India trade, but losses at sea and other commercial misfortunes
compelled him to take the boy from school and launch him in
the business of seafaring. Three voyages in a coaster were fol-
lowed by several months of idleness during which he "was
uneasy and somewhat impatient " until a chance was offered to
ship as supercargo of the brig Three Sisters bound on one of the
first American voyages around the Cape of Good Hope in the
winter of 1788. His wages for that voyage were five dollars a

442

The Voyages of Nathaniel Silsbee

month, and all the property which his father could furnish as
an " adventure " or private speculation, was six boxes of codfish
worth eighteen dollars, " most of which perished on the outward
passage."

The Three Sisters went to Batavia, thence to China where she
was sold, and her crew came home in another Salem ship, the
Astrea. Young Silsbee studied navigation in his spare time at
sea, and gained much profit from the instruction of the captain.
His strenuous boyhood seems remote in time when one finds in
his memoirs that " while absent on that voyage the present con-
stitution and form of the government of the United States which
had been recommended by a convention of delegates from the
several states, held in 1787, was adopted by eleven of the then
thirteen United States, and went into operation on the fourth
day of March, 1789, with George Washington, as President and
John Adams as Vice-President of the United States."

A week after his return from China Nathaniel was setting out
with his father in a thirty-ton schooner for a coasting trip to
Penobscot, these two with brother William comprising the ship's
company. They made a successful trading voyage, after which
the youthful sailor sailed to Virginia as captain's clerk. He was
now seventeen, a tough and seasoned stripling ready to do a
man's work in all weathers. At this age he obtained a second
mate's berth on a brig bound to Madeira. When she returned
to Salem he was offered the command of her, considerably in
advance of his eighteenth birthday. The death of his mother
recalled him to Salem and deferred his promotion.

In the same year, however, we find him captain of a sloop and
off to the West Indies with specie and merchandise. The boyish
skipper was put to the test, for a succession of furious gales
racked his vessel so that she was sinking under his feet, and he
"endured such incessant and intense anxiety as prevented my
having a single moment of sound sleep for thirteen entire days

443

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

and nights." He made a West Indian port, however, and his
vessel was declared unseaworthy by a survey of shipmasters
and carpenters. "At a somewhat later age," he confesses and
you like him for it, "I should probably have acceded to that
decision and abandoned the vessel, but I then determined other-
wise, caused some repairs to be made on the vessel, which I
knew to be entirely uninsured, invested the funds in West
India produce, and proceeded therewith to Norfolk, and thence
to Salem where the vessel was considered unfit for another
voyage, and where I had the good fortune to be immediately
offered by the same owner the charge of a brig and cargo for
the West Indies."

It was after this next voyage that Captain Silsbee, veteran
mariner that he was at nineteen, was given the ship Benjamin
already mentioned. In those early foreign voyages of one and
two years duration, the captain was compelled to turn his hand
to meet an infinite variety of emergencies. But he usually
fought or blundered a way through with flying colors, impelled
by his indomitable confidence in himself and the need of the
occasion. This young shipmaster of ours had somehow quali-
fied himself as a rough-and-ready surgeon, or at least he was
able to place one successful and difficult operation to his credit.
He was already living up to the advice of another New England
mariner whose code of conduct was: "Always go straight for-
ward, and if you meet the devil, cut him in two and go between
the pieces." This is how Captain Silsbee rose to the occasion:

" In an intensely cold and severe storm on the first night after
leaving home, our cook (a colored man somewhat advanced
in age) having preferred his cooking-house on deck to his berth
below for a sleeping place, had his feet so badly frozen as to
cause gangreen to such an extent as to render amputation of all
his toes on both feet absolutely necessary for the preservation
of his life. Having neither surgical skill nor surgical instru-

444

The Voyages of Nathaniel Silsbee

ments on board the ship, the operation was a very unpleasant
and hazardous one, so much so that no one on board was wil-
ling to undertake the direction of it. I was most reluctantly
compelled to assume, with the aid of the second mate, the re-
sponsibility of performing the surgical operation with no other
instruments than a razor and a pair of scissors, and which, in
consequence of the feeble state of the cook's health required
two days to accomplish.

" The cook was very desirious to be landed and left at one of
the Cape de Verde Islands, and for that purpose I proceeded to
the Island of St. Jago, where I found an English frigate at
anchor. Her surgeon came on board our ship at my request
and examined the cook's feet and to my great satisfaction, pro-
nounced the operation well performed, assured me that there
remained no doubt of his recovery, and advised me by all means
to keep him on board ship under my own care in preference to
putting him ashore. With the cook's approbation I followed
the surgeon's advice and in the course of a few weeks the cook
was able to resume his duties, recovered his usual health and
made several subsequent voyages."

After dispatching the business of the cook, the boy skipper
proved his ability as a merchant of quick adaptability and
sound judgment. While on the passage from the Cape of Good
Hope to the Isle of France (Mauritius) he fell in with a French
frigate which gave him news of the beginning of war between
France and England. When this news reached the Isle of
France prices rose by leaps and bounds and the cargo of the
Benjamin was promptly sold at a profit that dazzled her com-
mander. As fast as payments were made he turned the paper
currency into Spanish dollars. Then for six months an embargo
was laid on all foreign vessels in port. Captain Silsbee sat on
his quarter deck and refused to worry. During this time in
which his ship lay idle, his Spanish dollars increased to three

445

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

times the value of the paper money for which he had shrewdly
exchanged them, while for lack of an outlet the products of the
island had not advanced in cost.

He therefore abandoned his plan of keeping on to Calcutta,
sold his Spanish dollars, loaded his ship with coffee and spices
at the Isle of France, and made a bee line for Salem. He pro-
ceded no farther than the Cape of Good Hope, however, where
he scented another opportunity to fatten his owner's pockets.
" I found the prospect of a profitable voyage from thence back
to the Isle of France to be such," said he, "that I could not
consistently with what I conceived to be my duty to my em-
ployer, (although no such project could have been anticipated
by him, and although attended with considerable risk) resist
the temptation to undertake it. At that time the Cape of Good
Hope was held by the Dutch who had joined England in the
then existing war against France, and it so happened that I
was the only master of a foreign vessel then in port of whom
a bond had not been required not to proceed from thence to a
French port. . . . There being two other Salem vessels
in port by which I could send home a part of my cargo, I put
on board those vessels such portion of my cargo as I knew would
considerably more than pay for the whole cost of my ship and
cargo at Salem, sold the residue of the merchandise, and in-
vested the proceeds in a full cargo of wrine and other articles
which I knew to be in great demand in those islands."

At the Isle of France the captain sold this cargo for three
times its cost, and again loaded for Salem. When he wras
almost ready to sail, it was reported that another embargo was
to be laid forthwith. Hastily putting to sea he was obliged to
anchor at Bourbon next day to take on provisions. Here he
had a rather mystifying experience which he related thus:

" Just as I was about stepping from the wharf into my boat
the French Governor of the island ordered me to his presence,

446

The Voyages of Nathaniel Silsbee

which order I obeyed with strong apprehensions that some
restraint was to be put upon me. On meeting the Governor he
asked me, 'How long do you contemplate staying in Bourbon?'
My answer was, 'Not more than a day or two.' 'Can't you
leave here to-night?' he asked. I replied, 'If you wish it.' He
then added, ' As you had the politeness to call on me this morn-
ing, and as I should be sorry to see you injured, hearken to my
advice and leave here to-night if possible.' He cautioned me
to secrecy, and I was in my boat and on board my ship as soon
as possible after leaving him. There was a war-brig at anchor
in a harbor a little to windward of my own vessel; toward mid-
night I had the anchor hove up without noise, and let the ship
adrift without making any sail until by the darkness of the
night we had lost sight of the war-brig, when we made all sail
directly from the land. At daylight the war-brig was sent in
pursuit of us, under a press of sail but fortunately could not
overtake us, and toward night gave up the chase."

The Benjamin arrived at Salem after a voyage of nineteen
months. Nathaniel Silsbee had earned for his employer, Elias
Hasket Derby, a net profit of more than one hundred per cent,
upon the cost of the ship and cargo. The captain was given five
per cent, of the outward, and ten per cent, of the value of the
return cargo, as his share for the voyage besides his wages, and
he landed in Salem with four thousand dollars as his perquisites,
"which placed me in a condition to gratify the most anxious
and at that time almost the only wish of my heart, which was
to increase and secure the comforts of my mother, sisters and
brothers." And one of his first acts was to purchase the house
and land formerly owned by his father, at a cost of fifteen hun-
dred dollars and placed the whole of it at his mother's disposal.

Being now twenty-one years old, and with a capital of two
thousand dollars to risk as an "adventure" of his own account,
Captain Silsbee took the Benjamin to Amsterdam, bound for

447

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

India, with a cargo double the value of his first venture in her.
He carried with him as clerk his brother William, aged fifteen,
and furnished him with a sum of money as an " adventure " for
his own account. Again the Isle of France lured him from the
path to the Indies, and he sold his cargo there for " enormously
high prices." The young merchant navigator was so rapidly
finding himself that he loaded his own ship and sent her home
in command of her mate and then bought at the Isle of France
another ship of four hundred tons for ten thousand dollars out
of his employer's funds. She was a new vessel, the prize of a
French privateer and proved a good investment. Loading her
with coffee and cotton and shipping a new crew he sailed for
Salem in the wake of the Benjamin.

This homeward voyage was varied by an episode of such
frequent occurrence in that era that it was commonplace. "A
short time before our arrival in Boston," Captain Silsbee re-
lated, "we were for two days in company with and a few miles
from a schooner which we suspected to be a privateer watching
for a favorable opportunity to attack us. Having on board the
ship six guns and twenty-five men, I was determined to resist,
as far as practicable the attack of any small vessel. On the
afternoon of the second day that this vessel had been dogging
us, she bore down upon us with the apparent intention of ex-
ecuting what we had supposed to be her purpose, which we
were, as I imagined, prepared to meet. But on calling the
crew to quarters, I was informed by one of my officers that there
were four or five seamen who were unwilling thus to expose
themselves, alleging that they had neither engaged nor expected
to fight.

"On hearing this, all hands being on deck, I ordered every
passage-way which led below deck to be securely fastened ; then
calling to me such of the crew as had not engaged to fight, I im-
mediately sent them up the shrouds to repair the ratlin and to

448

Captain Nathaniel Silslx-c

The Voyages of Nathaniel Silsbee

perform other duties which they had engaged to do, in the most
exposed part of the ship. Finding themselves thus exposed to
greater danger than their shipmates, they requested, before the
schooner had come in gunshot of us, to be recalled from their
situation and allowed to participate in the defense of the ship,
which request was granted. All our six guns were placed on
one side of the ship, and we succeeded by a simultaneous dis-
charge of the whole of them, as soon as the schooner had ap-
proached within reach of their contents, in causing her to haul
off, and hasten from us."

Captain Silsbee was handling his employers' ventures so
shrewdly that his own shares in the cargoes was amounting to
what seemed to him a small fortune. At twenty-two years of
age, in 1795, he was able to purchase one-fourth part of a new
ship called the Betsy. In this vessel as commander he sailed to
Madras, Malaysia and Calcutta and returned after an absence
of seventeen months. While at Madras he was a witness of
and an actor in an incident of the kind which directly led to
the second war between America and Great Britain, a colli-
sion at that time only sixteen years away. He tells it in these
words, which clearly portray the lawless impressment of Amer-
ican seamen which was in operation on every sea.

" I received a note early one morning from my chief mate that
one of my sailors, Edward Hulen, a fellow townsman whom I
had known from boyhood, had been impressed and taken on
board of a British frigate then lying in port. Receiving this
intelligence I immediately went on board my ship and having
there learned all the facts in the case, preceded to the frigate,
where I found Hulen and in his presence was informed by the
first lieutenant of the frigate that he had taken Hulen from my
ship under a peremptory order from his commander to visit
every American ship in port and take from each of them one
or more of their seamen.' With that information I returned

449

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

to the shore and called upon Captain Cook, who commanded
the frigate, and sought first by all the persuasive means that
I was capable of using and ultimately by threats to appeal
to the Government of the place to obtain Hulen's release, but
in vain. I then, with the aid of the senior partner of one of
the first commercial houses of the place, sought the inter-
ference and assistance of the civil authorities of Madras, but
without success, it being a case in which they said they could
not interfere.

" In the course of the day I went again to the frigate and in the
presence of the lieutenant, tendered to Hulen the amount of his
wages, of which he requested me to give him only ten dollars
and to take the residue to his mother in Salem, on hearing which
the lieutenant expressed his perfect conviction that Hulen was
an American citizen, accompanied by a strong assurance that
if it was in his power to release him he should not suffer another
moment's detention, adding at the same time that he doubted
if this or any other circumstance would induce Captain Cook
to permit his return to my ship.

" It remained for me only to recommend Hulen to that pro-
tection of the lieutenant which a good seaman deserves, and to
submit to the high-handed insult thus offered to the flag of my
country which I had no means of either preventing or resisting,
beyond the expression of my opinion to Captain Cook in the
presence of his officers, and in terms dictated by the excited state
of my feelings. After several years detention in the British
Navy and after the Peace of Amiens, Hulen returned to Salem
and lived to perform services on board privateers armed in
Salem in the late war between this country and England."

The extraordinary hazards of maritime commerce in the
last years of the eighteenth century are emphasized in the story
of the voyages made by Captain Silsbee to the Mediterranean in
his next ship, the Portland, of which he owned one third. In

450

The Voyages of Nathaniel Silsbee

the winter of 1797, he sailed from Boston with "brother William"
as second mate, and stopping at Cadiz, learned of the decrees of
the French government which made liable to condemnation
every vessel of whatever nation, on board of which might be
found any articles of the production or manufacture of Great
Britain or any of its territories. While these decrees greatly
increased the risk of capture in the Mediterranean, they also
vastly enhanced the prices of Colonial merchandise. It seemed
a commercial gamble worth the risk and Nathaniel Silsbee de-
termined to make for Genoa or Leghorn. First, however, he
erased from his nautical instruments the name of their English
maker, put on shore a quantity of English coke from the cook's
galley, and weeded out everything else which could be considered
as having a British pedigree.

He was no more than five days from Cadiz when a French
privateer brig from Marseilles captured and carried the Portland
into Malaga. The harbor was filled with American and other
foreign vessels all flying the French flag, a depressing picture
for the Salem crew. Every one of the vessels with their cargoes
was condemned by the French, except the good ship Portland,
Nathaniel Silsbee, master. His escape was due to his own bull-
dog persistence and resolute bearing in this grave crisis of his
fortunes.

After anchoring at Malaga no boat was allowed to approach
his ship, nor was he allowed to go ashore or to communicate
with anyone until a day had passed. Then he was taken ashore,
under guard of a squad of French soldiers, to the office of the
French consul. The owner and commander of the privateer
were present, and, single-handed, the American shipmaster was
questioned in the most minute manner regarding every article
of merchandise on board his vessel. Where were they pro-
duced? How and by whom imported into the United States?
How came they into the possession of the owners of his ship?

451

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

In his recollection of this extraordinary interview Captain
Silsbee stated:

"And I was commanded by that mighty man, for at that
time the French consul held the Spanish authorities of the
place in as much subjection as he did the humblest domestic,
to answer each and all his lengthy and precise interrogatories
in 'five words.' . . .

" After the examination was closed the record of it was placed
with the ship's papers on the shelves of the consular oifice with
similar papers appertaining to thirty or forty other vessels then
under sequestration. At about eleven o'clock at night I was
informed that I might return to my ship in charge of the same
guard which brought me ashore. I then asked the Consul
when I might expect his decision upon my case. He said the
decision must be 'in turn,' and that as there were many cases
before mine, which would require possibly twro or three months,
but certainly not less than one month, mine could not be de-
cided short of that time. . . . After some disputation upon
that point I told the Consul that I would not leave his office,
unless taken from thence by force, until his decision was made.
Toward midnight the Consul and his clerk, together with the
owner and officer of the privateer, went out of the office, leaving
me there in charge of two porters and a watchman with whom I
remained during that night, and saw nothing more of the Con-
sul until about 9 o'clock in the morning. He expressed some
surprise at finding me there, and asked if I could give him a
written order to my officers directing them and the crew to
assist in unclosing such parts of the cargo as would enable a
survey which he would immediately appoint."

The Yankee skipper cheerfully complied with this encourag-
ing request, but stood by his guns in the consular office, nor
did he budge until after a siege of twenty-four hours. He then
deserted his post only to seek a notary under guard and enter a

452

The Voyages of Nathaniel Silsbee

formal protest. Late in this second day the French consul re-
ported that the survey showed every article of the cargo to be
a production of British colonies, and therefore damned beyond
repeal. Silsbee ingenuously replied that he had expected such
a verdict but that along with other false statements, he begged
leave to ask whether mace was considered the product of a
British colony? This appeared to stagger the Consul, and
Silsbee sought his bench and prepared to spend another night
in the office. At nine o'clock in the evening the harassed
Consul capitulated, handed the ship's papers to the master and
told him to take his ship and go to the devil with her, or any-
where else he pleased.

Although he had been forty hours without sleep, the happy
victor hastened to make ready for sea and escape from Napo-
leon's clutches as soon as ever he could. Head winds baffled
him, however, and while waiting at anchor he called to see
the American consul whom he had not been permitted to visit
or send for during his detention. So astonished was the repre-
sentative of our infant republic that he refused to accept the
word of the captain until he had seen the French consul in con-
firmation. It seemed preposterous that this Salem younker
could have slipped out of the trap while a dozen or more Ameri-
can ships had been waiting for weeks and months doomed to
condemnation. The Frenchman privately admitted that "the
apparent determination of this terrible fellow not to leave his
office until his case was decided, had not been without some
effect on the time and character of his decision."

It was out of the frying pan into the fire, for soon after reach-
ing Genoa, a French army entered that port, declared an em-
bargo, and began to fit out one fleet of the expedition which was
to carry Napoleon's legions to Egypt. The Generals in charge
hired such vessels as they could and requisitioned such others as
they wanted to use as transports. The Portland being the best

453

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

and most comfortably fitted ship at Genoa, was selected, with-
out the consent of her captain, for the transport of the Staff of
the Army. Captain Silsbee failed to appreciate this honor, and
after trying in vain to effect a release, decided to try to bribe
his way clear. He had carried from home sufficient salt beef
and pork for an India voyage, and he accidentally learned that
the Bonaparte expedition was in great need of salted meat for
the transports.

With sound strategy, Captain Silsbee had forty barrels of
" salt horse " conveyed by night to a secure hiding place several
miles beyond the outskirts of the city. Then he called upon
the French General and asked him if he did not want to buy
some provisions for the fleet.

"He answered affirmatively," wrote Captain Silsbee, "and
added, 'you know it is in my power to take it at my own price.'
I told him he should have every barrel of it at his own price, or
even without price, if he would release my ship, that those were
the terms, and the only terms on which he could or would have it.
The general angrily threatened to take my provisions and
make me regret having insulted him. Two days later he sent
an order for me to appear before him which I did, when he de-
manded me to ' inform him promptly ' where my forty barrels
of provisions were, intimating a doubt of my having it, as his
officers had not been able to find it. I told the General very
frankly that if the ship which I commanded belonged wholly
to myself, I might have felt not only willing but highly gratified
to convey a part of the Staff of such an army on such an expedi-
tion, but that a large part of the ship and the proceeds of a valu-
able cargo belonged to other persons who had entrusted their
property to my charge. . . . That avowal from me was
met by a threat from the General to coerce me not only into
a delivery of the provisions, but to the performance of any and
every duty which he might assign to me; not only the ship, but

454

The Voyages of Nathaniel Silsbee

likewise her captain, officers and crew had been placed under
requisition by the French Republic; a requisition not to be frus-
trated, he said, by any human being, while a subaltern officer
who was present added with enthusiasm, ' Yes, sir, suppose God
had one ship here, and the French wanted it, He must give it."3

The Salem seafarer gave not an inch, but declared that a
release of the ship was the only price which would drag the
"salt horse" from its hiding place. On the following day,
the General sent word that he was ready to yield to these terms.
Napoleon's veterans could not get along without salt pork, and
Captain Silsbee triumphantly dragged his forty barrels into
town. His ship was restored to him, the General even prom-
ised to pay for the stores, and the hero very rightly summed it
up, " I could not but consider that a more beneficial disposal of
forty barrels of beef and pork had probably never been made
than in this instance."

During the two years following Nathaniel Silsbee stayed
ashore in order to promote his rapidly growing commercial
ventures. He became tired of the inactivity of life on land,
however, and in 1800 bought part of the ship Herald and
loaded her for India with a crew of thirty men and ten guns.
His memoranda of that voyage affords a fresh insight into the
business methods of a typical Salem shipmaster of the old
school. The Herald sailed " with a stock of sixty-three thousand
dollars in specie and merchandise, and with credits authorizing
drafts on England or the United States for about forty thousand
dollars, making together over one hundred thousand dollars,
which at that time was considered a very large stock. Of this,
as in my previous voyages to India I furnished, besides my in-
terest as owner of one fourth part of the vessel and cargo, five
per cent, of the cost of the outward cargo, for which I was to
take ten per cent, of the return cargo at the close of the voyage
as my compensation for transacting the business thereof."

455

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

The master's account of that voyage contains some spirited
passages. He took with him his other brother, Zachariah, who
was now sixteen years old and eager to follow in the elder's foot-
steps. He left Calcutta in company with four other American
ships with the captains of which he had entered into an agree-
ment to keep company until they should have passed the south-
ern part of Ceylon. Each of these ships carried from eight
to twelve guns and sailing in fleet formation they expected to be
able to defend themselves against the several French privateers
which were known to be cruising in the Bay of Bengal. Of this
squadron of American Indiamen Captain Nathaniel Silsbee,
now an elderly man of twenty-seven, was designated as the
Commodore.

" On the morning of the third day of November," as he tells
it, "two strange sails were discovered a few leagues to wind-
ward of us, one of which was soon recognized to be the East
India Company's packet ship Cornwallis of eighteen guns,
which had left the river Hoogly at the same time with us. At
about eight o'clock, A. M., the other ship stood toward the
Cornwallis, soon after which the latter bore down upon us
under full sail, commencing at the same time a running fight
with the other ship which then displayed French colors. We
soon perceived that they were both plying their sweeps very
briskly, that the Frenchman's grape was making great havoc
on the Cornwallis, and that the crew of the latter ship had cut
away her boats and were throwing overboard their ballast and
other articles for the purpose of lightening their ship and thereby
facilitating their escape. The sea was perfectly smooth, and
the wind very light, so much so that it was quite mid-day before
either of the ships was within gunshot. By this time we five
American ships were in a close line, our decks cleared of a large
stock of poultry, (which with their coops could be seen for a
considerable distance around us) and every preparation made

456

The Voyages of Nathaniel Silsbee

to defend ourselves to the extent of our ability. This display of
resistance on our part seemed to be quite disregarded by the
pursuing ship, and she continued steering directly for my own
ship which was in the center of the fleet, until she was fully and
fairly within gunshot, when my own guns were first opened
upon her, which were instantly followed by those of each and
all of the other four ships.

"When the matches were applied to our guns, the French
ship was plying her sweeps, and with studding-sails on both
sides, coming directly upon us; but when the smoke of our
guns, caused by repeated broadsides from each of our ships, had
so passed off as to enable us to see her distinctly, she was close
upon the wind and going from us. The captain of the Corn-
wallis which was then within hailing distance, expressed a wish
to exchange signals with us, and to keep company while the
French ship was in sight. She was known by him to be La
Gloire, a privateer of twenty-two nine-pounders and four hun-
dred men. His request was complied with and he having lost
all his boats, I went on board his ship where our signals were
made known to him and where were the officers of the Corn-
wallis, who acknowledged the protection which we had afforded
them in the most grateful terms. The Cornwallis continued
with us two days, in the course of which the privateer approached
us several times in the night, but finding that we were awake,
hauled off and after the second night we saw no more of her."

At the close of this voyage, in his twenty-eighth year, Captain
Nathaniel Silsbee was able to say that he had " so far advanced
his pecuniary means as to feel that another voyage might and
probably would enable him to retire from the sea and to change
his condition on shore." He married the daughter of George
Crowninshield and began to build up a solid station in life as
one of the most promising merchants and citizens of Salem.
He had launched his two younger brothers in life and they were

457

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

masters of fine ships in the India trade " with as fair prospects
of success as young men thus situated could hope for."

He made only one long voyage after he had his own home
and fireside, but his interests were weaving to and fro between
Salem port and the faraway harbors of the Orient, the South
Seas and Europe. The Embargo Acts of 1808 and 1812 oc-
casioned him heavy losses, but these were somewhat repaid
by the success of the privateers in which Nathaniel Silsbee
is recorded as holding shares.

By 1815, he had risen to such prominence as a representative
American merchant that he was named by the United States
Government as one of the commissioners to organize the Bos-
ton branch of the "Bank of the United States." He became
one of the Massachusetts delegation to Congress, and was a
United States Senator from 1826 to 1835, representing his state
in company with Daniel Webster.

Dying in 1850, Nathaniel Silsbee left bequeathed to his home
town the memory of his own life as a tribute to the sterling
worth and splendid Americanism of the old-time shipmasters
of Salem. Trader and voyager to the Indies as a captain in
his teens, retired with a fortune won from the sea before he was
thirty, playing the man in many immensely trying and hazard-
ous situations, this one-time Senator from Massachusetts was
a product of the times he lived in.

458

CHAPTER XXIII

THE VOYAGES OF CAPTAIN RICHARD CLEVELAND

(1791-1820)

PERHAPS the finest type of the Salem shipmaster of the
age when her seamen were the vikings of American
commerce, was Captain Richard Cleveland who wrote
as capably as he sailed and fought and whose own record of
his voyages inspired the London Literary Examiner to comment
in 1842:*

" Few things in De Foe, Dana, or any other truth teller are
more characteristic than Mr. Cleveland's account of his voyage
from Havre to the Cape of Good Hope. Surely never before
was there such an Indiaman and with such a cargo and such a
crew."

Captain Cleveland was born in 1773 and he reached manhood
and the height of his career of the most romantic adventure
when Salem commerce was also at the zenith of its prosperity.
He was the eldest son of a father worthy to have such a son,
Captain Stephen Cleveland, whose life at sea began when at the
age of sixteen he was kidnapped by a British press gang in the
streets of Boston, in 1756. This redoubtable sire served for
several years on board a British frigate, was promoted to the
rank of midshipman and fought the French fleet off the Chan-
nel ports. He had returned to live in Salem when the Revolu-

* Captain Cleveland's "Narrative of Voyages and Commercial Enterprises"
was published in 1842 at Cambridge, Mass. In 1880 appeared a small vol-
ume, "Voyages of a Merchant Navigator," compiled from his letters and
journals by his son, H. W. S. Cleveland.

459

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

tion began and became active in fitting out privateers to harry
the British flag which he hated most heartily for having been
compelled to serve under it. He built the Pilgrim brig which
alone captured more than fifty British prizes and was one of the
fastest armed ships sent out of Salem. From the Continental
Congress he received a commission only a month after the Dec-
laration of Independence to command the brig Despatch* in
a voyage to Bordeaux after military stores and guns for the
patriotic forces. His was the first government vessel to fly the
new American flag in a harbor of Europe and he returned in
safety with a cargo which greatly helped the struggling cause
in his country in the early days of the war.

His son, Richard, hero of this narrative, followed the sea as
a matter of course, being an ambitious Salem lad as well as the
son of his father. At the age of fourteen he entered the count-
ing house of Elias Hasket Derby, as told in a previous chapter.
He learned the mercantile side of a seafaring life and with the
other lads in the employ of that famous old house, risked his
little savings as " adventures " in the vessels which were sailing
to the Far East. His education, beyond the counting house,
was limited to a few years in the public schools of Salem before
he had much more than passed into his teens. Yet this Richard
Cleveland, mariner, by virtue of his native ability and the in-
fluences of the times that bred him, made himself a man of the
most liberal education, in the finest sense of the phrase, and in
addition to this, he could lay claim to more genuine culture
than most college university graduates of to-day.

He was only eighteen when his father thought him old enough
to go to sea. As captain's clerk, he sailed his first voyage with
Captain Nathaniel Silsbee, and became second mate before the
ship returned to Salem. This was the East Indiaman whose
captain was not twenty years old ; the chief mate, nineteen ; and
* See Appendix C.

460

The Voyages of Captain Richard Cleveland

Richard Cleveland, second mate, at the same age. These rosy-
cheeked lads carried the Herald to the Cape of Good Hope,
thence into the Indian Ocean when warring powers and their
privateers menaced every neutral vessel. Well might Richard
Cleveland write of this remarkable beginning of his sea life:

"The voyage, thus happily accomplished, may be regarded,
when taken in all its bearings, as a very remarkable one; first,
from the extreme youth of all to whom its management had
been entrusted; secondly, from the foresight, ingenuity, and
adroitness manifested in averting and escaping dangers; in per-
ceiving advantages and turning them to the best account; and
thirdly from the great success attending this judicious manage-
ment, as demonstrated by the fact of returning to the owner
four or five times the amount of the original capital. Mr.
Derby used to call us his boys, and boast of our achievements,
and well might he do so, for it is not probable that the annals of
the world can furnish another example of an enterprise, of such
magnitude, requiring the exercise of so much judgment and
skill, being conducted by so young a man, (Nathaniel Silsbee),
aided only by still younger advisers, and accomplished with the
most entire success."

In 1797, at the age of twenty-three, Richard Cleveland was in
command of the bark Enterprise of Salem, bound for Mocha
after a cargo of coffee. He had to abandon this plan, however,
after reaching Havre, and his ship was ordered home. Her
young master had no mind to lose the profits which he had
hoped to reap from this venture, wherefore he decided to remain
abroad, to send the ship home in command of the mate, and not
to go back to Salem until he had played for high stakes with the
fortunes of the sea. Thus began a series of voyages and adven-
tures which were to take him around the globe through seven
long years before he should see home and friends again. At
Havre he bought on two years' credit, a "cutter-sloop" of only

461

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

forty-three tons, in size no larger than the yachts whose owners
think it venturesome to take them beyond the sheltered reaches
of Long Island Sound on summer cruises.

His plan was, in short, to fit out and freight the absurd cockle
shell of a merchantman for a voyage from Europe to the Cape
of Good Hope and thence to the Isle of France, in the Indian
Ocean, a fertile and prosperous colony which at that time was
a Mecca for Yankee ships.

His cutter, the Caroline, was driven ashore and wrecked
before the coast of France was passed on his outbound voyage.
The dauntless skipper got her off, however, worked her back
to Havre and made repairs for a second attempt. This experi-
ence ought to have convinced any ordinary mariner that his
little craft was not fit for a voyage half round the world, but
Richard Cleveland, turning loss into profit, was able to note
of this disaster:

" My credit, however, has not suffered in the least on this ac-
count, for I have not only found enough to repair the damages,
but shall put in $1,000 more, so that my cargo, although in a
vessel of only forty tons, will amount to $7,000. I now wait
only for a wind to put to sea again."

While at sea during the three months' voyage to the Cape of
Good Hope, Captain Cleveland described in his journal the
crew with which he had undertaken to navigate the Caroline
to her faraway destination. "It was not until the last hour I
was at Havre," said he, "that I finally shipped my crew. For-
tunately they were all so much in debt as not to want any time
to spend their advance, but were ready at the instant, and with
this motley crew, (who, for aught I knew, were robbers and
pirates), I put to sea.

" At the head of my list is my mate, a Nantucket lad, whom I
persuaded the captain of a ship to discharge from before the
mast, and who knew little or nothing of navigation, but is now

462

The Voyages of Captain Richard Cleveland

capable of conducting the vessel in case of accident to me.
The first of my fore-mast hands is a great, surly, crabbed,
raw-boned, ignorant Prussian, who is so timid aloft that the
mate has frequently been obliged to do his duty there. I
believe him to be more of a soldier than a sailor, though he
has often assured me that he has been a boatswain's mate of
a Dutch Indiaman, which I do not believe as he hardly knows
how to put two ends of a rope together. He speaks enough
English to be tolerably understood.

" The next in point of consequence is my cook, a good-natured
negro and a tolerable cook, so unused to a vessel that in the
smoothest weather he cannot walk fore and aft without holding
onto something with both hands. This fear proceeds from the
fact that he is so tall and slim that if he should get a cant it
might be fatal to him. I did not think America could furnish
such a specimen of the negro race (he is a native of Savannah),
nor did I ever see such a perfect simpleton. It is impossible to
teach him anything, and notwithstanding the frequency with
which we have been obliged to take in and make sail on this
long voyage, he can hardly tell the main-halliards from the
mainstay. He one day took it into his head to learn the com-
pass, and not being permitted to come on the quarter-deck to
learn by the one in the binnacle, he took off the cover of the till
of his chest and with his knife cut out something that looked
like a cartwheel, and wanted me to let him nail it on the deck
to steer by, insisting that he could ' 'teer by him better 'n
tudder one.'

"Next is an English boy of seventeen years old, who from
having lately had the small-pox is feeble and almost blind, a
miserable object, but pity for his misfortunes induces me to
make his duty as easy as possible. Finally I have a little ugly
French boy, the very image of a baboon, who from having
served for some time on different privateers, has all the tricks

463

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

of a veteran man-of-war's man, though only thirteen years old,
and by having been in an English prison, has learned enough
of the language to be a proficient in swearing.

" To hear all these fellows quarrelling, (which from not un-
derstanding each other, they are very apt to do) serves to give
one a realizing conception of the confusion of tongues at the
Tower of Babel. Nobody need envy me my four months' ex-
perience with such a set, though they are now far better than
when I first took hold of them. . . . Absence has not ban-
ished home from my thoughts; indeed I should be worse than
a savage were I to forget such friends as I have, yet such is
now my roving disposition that were it not for meeting them,
I doubt if I should ever return."

In the last lines quoted, Richard Cleveland, with such a crew
on such a venture, was able to find contentment with his lot.
It is evident from his graphic description that he was the only
capable officer or seaman on board his cutter, yet he navigated
her without serious accident to the Cape of Good Hope, and
would not have touched there except for the urgent need of
fresh water. The French Directory had given him official
dispatches to carry to the Isles of France and Bourbon, and
while this private mission might protect him against capture by
French privateers, it laid him open to the grave risk of con-
fiscation by whatever English authorities he chanced to fall
athwart of. He successfully concealed these dispatches, but the
officials of the Cape viewed him with suspicions for other rea-
sons. They could not but believe that so hazardous a voyage
in so small a craft must be somehow in the secret behalf of the
French government, and although they could find no evidence
after thoroughly overhauling the Caroline and her papers, they
decided to make an end of this audacious voyage by purchas-
ing the vessel. Of the excitement caused by his arrival at the
Cape, Captain Cleveland relates:

464

Captain Richard Cleveland

The Voyages of Captain Richard Cleveland

" The arrival of such a vessel from Europe naturally excited
the curiosity of the inhabitants of the Cape; and the next morn-
ing being calm, we had numerous visitors on board, who could
not disguise their astonishment at the size of the vessel, the
boyish appearance of the master and mate, the queer and
unique characters of the two men and boy who composed the
crew, and the length of the passage we had accomplished.
Various were the conjectures of the good people of the Cape as
to the real object of our enterprise. While some viewed it in
its true light as a commercial speculation, others believed that
under a mask we were employed by the French government for
the conveyance of their dispatches, and some even went so far
as to declare their belief that we were French spies, and as such
deserving immediate arrest and confinement. Indeed our enter-
prise formed the principal theme of conversation at the Cape
during the week after our arrival."

Captain Cleveland's private letters, log, and all other docu-
ments found on board were taken ashore to the English admiral
by whom he was treated very politely, " but the extreme impor-
tance of the blustering lieutenants was in the highest degree
disgusting." After much parleying, the young skipper was
given permission to export ten thousand dollars worth of cargo
in another venture. He had realized a profit on his vessel
without going to the Isle of France and was inclined to think
himself well out of an awkward situation when fresh trouble
arose because the merchant to whom he sold his cargo fell afoul
of the Custom House regulations, which entanglement resulted
in the seizure both of the cutter and the goods on board.

Facing ruin through no fault of his own, Captain Cleveland
determined to appeal directly to Lord McCartney, governor of
the Cape, explaining that the loss must fall on him as the luck-
less merchant could not make good the losses. "But how to
write a suitable letter (to Lord McCartney) embarrassed me,"

465

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

said he. "I had no friends with whom to advise. I was en-
tirely ignorant of the proper manner of addressing a nobleman,
and at the same time was aware of the necessity of conforming
to customary rules. In this dilemma I remembered to have
seen, in an old magazine aboard my vessel, some letters ad-
dressed to noblemen. These I sought as models and they were
a useful guide to me. After completing my letter in my best
hand I enclosed it in a neat envelope and showed it to the
admiral's secretary who appeared to be friendly to me. He
approved of it and advised my taking it myself to his lordship
immediately. As the schoolboy approached his master after
having played truant, so did I approach Lord McCartney on
this occasion."

The frank and straightforward appeal of the boyish Ameri-
can ship master moved the autocratic governor to interfere and
the matter was decided in favor of the petitioner with trifling
loss. "The success of my letter was the theme of public con-
versation in the town," he commented, "and was the means of
procuring me the acquaintance of several individuals of the
first respectability."

Four months passed before he was able to get passage on a
merchant vessel bound for Batavia, where he intended looking
about for another venture upon which to stake his capital.
Finding nothing to his liking in the Dutch East Indies, Captain
Cleveland proceeded to Canton. At this port he made up his
mind to attempt a voyage to the northwest coast of America to
buy furs from the Indians. As soon as this daring project was
fairly under way he wrote home in a much more optimistic vein
than the circumstances warranted:

"We have every possible advantage, a vessel well calculated
for inland navigation, the best articles of trade that can be
carried, a linguist who speaks the Indian language as well as
his own, and officers experienced in the business. Should we

466

The Voyages of Captain Richard Cleveland

fail of success with all these advantages, it will be very extraor-
dinary ill-fortune, and such as I don't choose to expect."

As a matter of fact, his vessel was a small cutter no larger
than the Caroline, and his crew as worthless a set of beach-
combing ruffians as ever disgraced a forecastle. The captain
was twenty-five years old when he set sail from Canton in the
winter of 1799, with a cargo of merchandise worth almost $20,-
000, representing all his cash and credit. His only chart for
beating up the Chinese coast was a map drawn by a navigator
whom he chanced to meet in port. Until he could weather the
northern end of Formosa his course lay directly in the teeth of
the northwest monsoon, with imminent danger of being stran-
ded or battered to pieces by the wind. He paid his crew this
handsome compliment:

" Having all hands on board twenty-one persons, consisting —
except two Americans — of English, Irish, Swedes and French,
but principally the first, who were runaways from the men-of-
war and Indiamen, and two from a Botany Bay ship who had
made their escape, for we were obliged to take such as we could
get, served to complete a list of as accomplished villians as ever
disgraced any country."

For a month on end the cutter fought her way up the Chinese
coast, her company weary, drenched, and \vretched, until the
sailors had enough of such an infernal enterprise, and broke
out in a full-fledged mutiny. With a handful who remained
loyal, including the ungainly black cook previously described,
Captain Cleveland locked up the provisions, mounted two four-
pounders on the quarter-deck, crammed them with grape-shot,
and armed his squad with flintlock muskets and pistols. A
man with a lighted match was stationed beside each cannon,
and the skipper told the mutineers that if they attempted to get
provisions or to come above the hatches, he would blow them
overboard. For one whole day the hostile companies were at

467

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

a dead-lock, until hunger gnawing, the mutineers asked that
they be put ashore believing that once out of the vessel they
could dictate their own terms.

Captain Cleveland landed and marooned them. For two
days the cutter lay off shore while the mutineers tried to patch
up a truce. One man weakened and was taken aboard. Of
what happened as the final chapter of this grim episode, Captain
Cleveland wrote in his journal:

"At nine o'clock (A. M.) we hoisted the colors, fired a 4-
pound cannon, and weighed anchor when they all came out
from behind a rock, where they had doubtless been watching
our motions. I then ordered the boat out, and with my second
officer and four hands, well armed, went as near the beach as
the surf would permit. I called them all down to the water side
and told them I was then going away; that I knew there were
several of them desirous of returning to their duty, but were
deterred by the others ; that if they would come forward I would
protect them, and would fire at any one that tried to prevent
them.

" They replied that they were all ready and willing to return
to their duty, but the ringleaders (whom I had determined not
to take on any account) were more ready than the others, and
when they were rejected they swore none of the others should
go, and presented their knives at the breasts of two of them,
and threatened to stab them if they attempted to do so ; a third
seemed indifferent and a fourth was lying drunk on the beach.
Having secured three, and one yesterday, which was four of
them, and which, with a little additional precaution, was secur-
ing the success of the expedition, I did not think proper to put
into execution my threat of firing on them.

" After dinner I sent the second officer with four hands, well
armed, to make a last effort, but by this time those whose fate
was decided, had persuaded the others to share it with them,

468

The Voyages of Captain Richard Cleveland

and had carried the drunken man out of reach, declaring that
we dare not go on the coast of America with so feeble a crew,
and we should take them all or none.

" Having now a light breeze from the westward and a favor-
able current, I concluded to have no further altercation with
them, and immediately hoisted in the boat and made sail, leav-
ing on the island of Kemoy, (which is about three hundred and
fifty miles northeast of Canton) six of my most able men. This
was such a reduction of our numbers as would require unceasing
vigilance, and extraordinary caution to counteract, as the risk
of being attacked by the Indians was of course increased in
proportion to our diminished power of resistance."

The mariners in Canton had told Captain Cleveland that he
could never win his way clear of Formosa and into the Pacific
during the winter or monsoon season, but the staunch cutter,
after mutiny, stranding, and fighting her way inch by inch for
thirty-one days steered out across the open ocean. On her
northerly course the weather was so heavy that the seas washed
over her day after day, and Captain Cleveland scarcely knew
what it was to wear dry clothes, have a meal cooked in the
wave-drenched galley, or snatch a whole night's sleep.

After fifty-odd days of racking hardships the cutter fetched
the Northwest coast and anchored in Norfolk Sound. Bul-
warks or screens of hides were rigged along the decks in order
to hide from the Indians the scanty muster-roll of the ship's
company, lest they take her by boarding. For two months
Captain Cleveland cruised among the bays and inlets along
this wilderness coast, trading for sea-otter skins, and averting
hostile attacks by the ablest vigilance, diplomatic dealings, and
a show of armed force when it became necessary.

His hold was nearly filled when his cutter went hard aground
on a sunken ledge, and was tilted, nose under, at an angle of
forty-five degrees. "This position, combined with a rank heel

469

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

to starboard, made it impossible to stand on deck," wrote her
skipper. "We therefore put a number of muskets into the
boat, and prepared to make such resistance in case of attack as
could be made by fifteen men crowded into a sixteen-foot boat.
Our situation was now one of the most painful anxiety, no less
from the prospect of losing our vessel and the rich cargo we had
collected with so much toil, than from the apprehension of being
discovered in this defenceless state by any one of the hostile
tribes by whom we were surrounded. A canoe of the largest
class, with thirty warriors well-armed had left us but half an
hour before we struck, and they were now prevented from see-
ing us only by having passed around a small island. Should
the vessel bilge, there existed scarcely any other chance for the
preservation of our lives than the precarious one of falling in
with some ship before we were discovered by Indians. . . .

" More than ten hours passed in this agonizing state of sus-
pence, watching the horizon to discover if any savages were
approaching; the heavens, if there were a cloud that might
chance to ruffle the surface of the water; the vessel, whose
occasional cracking seemed to warn us of destruction; and
when the tide began to flow, impatiently observing its appar-
ently sluggish advance, while I involuntarily consulted my
watch, the hands of which seemed to have forgotten to
move."

The cutter was floated during the following night, conveyed
to a beach and careened until her crew could repair her damaged
copper and planking. Soon after this Captain Cleveland set
sail for the return passage to China, via the Sandwich Islands,
and " indeed the criminal who receives a pardon under the gal-
lows could hardly feel a greater degree of exultation." When
he arrived at Canton, " several of the gentlemen who had pre-
dicted our destruction from, attempting the voyage at the season
we did, presumed, when they saw the cutter arrive, that we had

470

The Voyages of Captain Richard Cleveland

failed, which indeed they had anticipated from the arrival in
Canton several months before of the mutineers whom we had
left on the coast of China, and the sad stories they told of hard-
ship, danger and cruel usage."

Captain Cleveland had secured his sea-otter skins at the
rate of one flint-lock musket for eight prime pelts, and his cargo
was worth sixty thousand dollars in the Canton market. For
this return he had risked eleven thousand dollars, and his share
of the profits amounted to two-thirds of the whole, or forty
thousand dollars. He sold the cutter, and went to Calcutta
in her as a passenger, with forty-six thousand dollars as his
capital for another fling at fortune. He had been away from
Salem a little more than two years, and at the age of twenty-five
had wrested from the seas a competence sufficient to have com-
fortably supported him ashore. But he had no intention of
forsaking the great game he was playing with such high-hearted
assurance.

During the voyage from Canton to Calcutta while the cutter
was off Malacca, " we saw a fleet of eleven Malay proas pass by
to the eastward, from whose view \ve supposed ourselves to have
been screened by the trees and bushes near which we were
lying. On perceiving so great a number of large proas sailing
together, we felt convinced they must be pirates, and immedi-
ately loaded our guns and prepared for defence; although con-
scious of the fact that the fearful odds between our crew of ten
men and theirs, which probably exceeded a hundred for each
vessel, left us scarce a ray of hope of successful resistance.

" We watched their progress therefore, with that intense inter-
est which men may naturally be supposed to feel whose for-
tunes, liberty and lives were dependent on the mere chance of
their passing by without seeing us. To our great joy they did
so, and when the sails of the last of the fleet were no longer
visible from our deck, and we realized the certainty of our

471

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

escape, our feelings of relief were in proportion to the danger
that had threatened us. On arriving at Malacca, the curiosity
of the people was greatly excited to know how we had escaped
the fleet of pirates which had been seen from the town."

Arriving at Calcutta Captain Cleveland was disappointed in
his expectations of sending home a cargo of goods upon terms
which should swell his profits, so he began to plan a voyage in
which the rewards might be in fairer proportion to the risks he
was ready to undertake. The East India Company forbade
communication between Bengal and the Isle of France, but
Captain Cleveland foresaw an opportunity to pick up at a bar-
gain the rich prizes and cargoes that French privateers were
carrying into the latter port. Therefore, he bought a mite of a
twenty-five ton pilot boat, had her sent to the Danish settle-
ment of Serampore, put her under the Danish flag, and stole
away into the Indian Ocean. For forty-five days he held on
his course blistering under a tropic sun, and as he ingenuously
explained to account for his foolhardiness : "Pleasing myself
with the idea that all will turn out for the best, time passes as
lightly with me as with most people, and I am persuaded that
few people enjoy a greater share of happiness than myself, if
you can conceive of there being any happiness in building airy
castles and pursuing them nearly around the globe till they
vanish, and then engaging in a fresh pursuit."

The youthful merchant navigator fared safely in his cock-
boat to the Isle of France and was again disappointed in his
commercial air-castles. The privateers had sold their prizes
and were winging it out to sea in search of more British plun-
der. For ten months he waited in the hope of a reopening of
trade between America and the French colonies. At length he
loaded seven thousand bags of coffee on board a Danish ship
bound for Copenhagen, and sailed as a passenger. With him
went Nathaniel Shaler of Connecticut, a sterling American

472

The Voyages of Captain Richard Cleveland

merchant whom he had met in the Isle of France and who was
a partner in this coffee adventure to Copenhagen.

They sold their cargo for a large profit, and then began to
look about for a vessel suitable to undertake a voyage to the
west coast of South America, a project which the twain had
worked out during their companionship at sea. They found at
Hamburg a fast and roomy Virginia-built brig, the Lelia Byrd,
which they bought. Shaler was made captain by the toss of a
coin, Captain Cleveland signing the ship's papers as supercargo.
While in Hamburg they had formed a warm friendship with a
youthful Polish nobleman, Count de Rousillon, who had been
an aide-de-camp to Kosciusko. His personality was most
engaging, his love of adventure ardent, and his means slender,
wherefore he embraced with enthusiasm the invitation to join
the two young Americans in their voyage to South America.
Alas, the glamor of such romance as was their fortune to enjoy
has long since vanished from commerce, afloat and ashore.
They were three seafaring " Musketeers " all under thirty years
of age, setting forth to beard the viceroys of Spain.

Richard Cleveland had now been a cheerful exile from Salem
for four years, following the star of his destiny in almost every
ocean, escaping dangers uncounted with the skin of his teeth
and by his sagacity, resolution and shrewdness finding himself
richer for every audacious voyage. For two and a half years
longer, he was to sail in the Lelia Byrd among the Spanish
peoples of the South American coast before his wranderings
should lead him home to Salem.

From Hamburg the brig went to Rio Janeiro where they were
not allowed to trade, and thence doubled Cape Horn and
reached Valparaiso in February in 1802. They were startled
and alarmed to find four American vessels under detention by
the Spanish government. After spirited correspondence with
the Captain General at Santiago the Lelia Byrd was permitted

473

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

to buy supplies sufficient for resuming her voyage and to sell so
much of the cargo as would pay for the same. While at anchor
in the bay, Captain Cleveland and his friends witnessed a tragedy
which convinced them that the sooner they could get to sea the
better. The American ship Hazard of Providence, Captain
Rowan, which had touched for provisions, had on board several
hundred muskets shipped in Holland and consigned to the
Northwest Coast. The Governor ordered Captain Rowan to
deliver up these arms as violating treaty stipulations. The
American skipper saw no good reason why he should obey and
refused to let a file of Spanish soldiers on board his ship.

The Governor flew into a violent passion, ordered every
American merchant ashore to be locked up in the castle, and
commanded an eighteen-gun Spanish merchant ship to bring her
broadside to bear on the Hazard and demand Captain Rowan's
surrender under pain of being sunk at his moorings. The skip-
per replied that they might fire if they pleased, and nailed his
stars and stripes to his masthead.

Shaler, Rousillon, and Cleveland, happening to be ashore,
were swept up by the Governor's drag-net order and sent to the
castle as prisoners. Next day they were offered liberty without
explanation, but the indignant trio from the Lelia Byrd refused
to be set free until a proper apology had been made them. It
was finally agreed that as Captain Shaler was nominal master
of the brig, he should stay in prison while his comrades made
matters hot for the offending Governor.

This official refused to let them send a messenger to the Cap-
tain General and asked why in the devil they did not put to sea,
and be grateful that they had escaped the dungeons or worse.
To which young Richard Cleveland made reply (which the
gifted Count turned into fluent and fiery Spanish) that they
wanted satisfaction for being locked up without cause, and
that Captain Shaler proposed to languish behind the bars until

474

The Voyages of Captain Richard Cleveland

he was informed why he had been put in. A day later, the
situation remaining in statu quo, the Governor sent for Cleve-
land, asked if he were not second in command and angrily or-
dered him to extract his recalcitrant skipper from jail and go to
sea on the instant. The Yankee replied that the apology or
explanation was still lacking, and that the Lelia Byrd was only
waiting for her captain who was a prisoner in the castle.

Meanwhile a letter had arrived from the Captain General
ordering Captain Rowan of the Hazard to deliver up the arms
which comprised part of his cargo, and make a second declara-
tion respecting their lading. The muskets were sent ashore,
and the supercargo sent to the Governor with the customs cer-
tificate made out in Amsterdam. Captain Rowan did not
understand that he was expected to make this report in person,
but the Governor considered himself and his Spanish dignity
again insulted by the failure of the captain to appear.

Early in the morning, two hours before Americans were per-
mitted to land, and therefore before Captain Rowan could
obey another summons, two hundred Spanish soldiers who
were no better than brigands, boarded the Hazard and took
her from an unarmed crew of twenty-three men who had no
forewarning. In the words of Captain Cleveland:

"This was done by order of the Governor, who stood on
shore opposite the vessel and was a witness to the horrid scene
of assassination and rapine that followed. Captain Rowan's
life was saved by the humanity of the captain of a Spanish brig,
who got into the cabin in advance of the rabble, as he had not
time to save himself as the other officer had done, by retreating
to the lazaretto. The plunder which ensued for the remainder
of the day and the following night was such as to lighten the
ship nearly a foot. Nor were the officers of rank backward in
taking part in the pillage; and the custom house guards, far from
preventing, were as eager as the rest in the work of robbery."

475

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Captain Cleveland rushed to the Governor's palace and
demanded with forceful Anglo Saxon threats, that he be allowed
to send a statement overland to the Captain General, but he
was told that if he did not want to share the fate of the Hazard,
he had best put to sea. The persistence of this indomitable
young Yankee at last wore down the Governor's resistance, and
the message was sent to Santiago by courier.

The answer was to the surprising effect that Captain Cleve-
land and his comrades should receive the most complete satisfac-
tion for the injuries done them, at which Nathaniel Shaler, still
cooling his heels in the castle, consented to emerge with his self-
respect untarnished. After days and days of further complica-
tions due to red-tape and an invincible hostility toward all other
than Spanish vessels trading in those waters, Captain Cleveland
and his doughty shipmates were able to bid a glad farewell to
the Governor of Valparaiso, His Illustrious Excellency, Don
Antonio Francisco Garcia Carrasco.

" The notoriety they had attained by these protracted quarrels
with an ignorant, conceited, and pusillanimous official, rendered
it injudicious to attempt to enter any other port of Chili or
Peru," wherefore the Lelia Byrd was steered for the coast of
Mexico, after gathering these proofs to convince far less astute
shipmasters that the markets for American enterprise on the
South American coast were not up to expectations. They
made their first landing at San Bias, where the subordinate
Spanish officials cordially received them. Rousillon went to
the interior capital of Tipec to confer with the Governor, and
alas, this peppery gentleman flew into a rage because his deputy
at San Bias had dared to make a trading agreement with the
Yankee brig without consulting him. Thus was brewed a
tempest in a teapot, the upshot of which was that His Passionate
Excellency at Tipec sent word that the Lelia Byrd must leave
port or be attacked by a Spanish gunboat-

476

The Voyages of Captain Richard Cleveland

The diplomatic Rousillon thereupon undertook to go to the
City of Mexico and solicit permission from the Viceroy to sell
a part or the whole of the cargo. Captain Cleveland, finding
the harbor of San Bias too hot to hold him, sailed for Three
Marias Islands, sixty miles to the westward, there to wait until
word was received from his emissary to the Viceroy. Three
weary months passed in this empty fashion, at the end of which
the two captains, Shaler and Cleveland, decided to risk a return
to San Bias in the hope of finding some tidings of the myster-
iously vanished Rousillon. They stole into the coast by night,
and next day saw an Indian in a canoe who paddled out to them
and delivered a letter from their absent comrade. He had suc-
ceeded in obtaining a concession to sell ten thousand dollars
worth of goods at San Bias, and after two weeks of delay this
part of the cargo was put ashore.

The sales dragged on with such interminable waste of time,
however, that it was deemed best to leave Rousillon in Mexico
to finish these transactions. He died before his mission was
ended, and his friends and fellow seafarers mourned the loss
of one who had become very dear to them and who had stood
the test of their arduous life together.

The Lelia Byrd next proceeded to San Diego in search of sea-
otter skins.* At this port they caught another Spanish Tartar

* "Several American trading craft made their appearance on the California
coast this year, creating not a little excitement in some instances by attempts
at smuggling in the success of which the people were hardly less interested
than the Yankee captains. The Leila Byrd was fitted out at Hamburg by
Capt. Richard J. Cleveland, of Salem, Massachusetts, who had just made a
fortune by a four years' voyage or series of commercial adventures in the Pacific,
during which he had touched the northern coast of America, but not of Cali-
fornia, in partnership with William Shaler, and sailed in November, 1801.

"An amusing feature of this and other similar narratives is the cool frankness
with which the Americans and English present the evasion of all Spanish
commercial and revenue regulations as an action altogether praiseworthy, and
the efforts of the officials to enforce those regulations as correspondingly repre-
hensible." (From The History of California, by Herbert Howe Bancroft.
Vol II. Page 10.)

477

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

in the person of the Commandant, Don Manuel Rodriguez,
who boarded them with a file of dragoons, and left a guard on
the ship, the sergeant of which volunteered the discouraging
information that the Boston ship Alexander had left port a
few days before, after being robbed by the Commandant of
several hundred sea-otter skins which her captain had pur-
chased ashore. With this warning Captain Cleveland kept an
eye out for squalls. He was able to obtain several valuable lots
of furs, and made ready to go to sea without more delay. One
more consignment of skins was to be delivered and the night be-
fore sailing the first officer and two men were sent ashore for
them. They did not return and daylight showed the boat hauled
out on the beach and the men from the brig in the hands of a
squad of soldiers.

Captain Cleveland manned a boat with his armed sailors,
pulled for the beach and promptly took his men away from
their captors. As soon as the crew was on board, the Com-
mandant's guard was unceremoniously disarmed, and with a
fair wind the Lelia Byrd moved out to sea. "Before we got
within gunshot of the fort," wrote Captain Cleveland in his
journal, "they fired a shot ahead of us. We had previously
loaded all our guns, and brought them all on the starboard side.
As the tide was running in strong, we were not abreast the fort
— which we passed within musket shot — till half an hour after
receiving the first shot, all of which time they were playing away
upon us; but as soon as we were abreast the fort we opened
upon them, and in ten minutes silenced their battery and drove
everybody out of it. They fired only two guns after we began,
and only six of their shot counted, one of which went through
between wind and water; the others cut the rigging and sails.
As soon as we were clear we landed the guard, who had been in
great tribulation lest we should carry them off."

Thirty years later Richard Henry Dana, author of Two

478

The Voyages of Captain Richard Cleveland

Years Before the Mast, found the story of this exploit still
current in San Diego and the neighboring ports and missions.
Shortly after the transfer of California to the United States,
Commodore Biddle referred to the "Battle of San Diego" as
giving Captain Cleveland a fair claim to the governorship of
the territory which claim he had won in the Lelia Byrd long
before Fremont's invasion.*

After some further adventures in search of trade along the
Mexican coast the adventurers laid their course for the Sand-
wich Islands. They had purchased a horse on the coast and
landed the beast on the island of Owyhee. There were only
two European inhabitants on the Sandwich Islands at that time,
John Young and Isaac Davis. Young came on board the brig
and wanted to buy the mare as a present for King Tamaahmaah,

* "Another version is that of Rodriguez in his report to the Governor
dated April 10th. About the fight the two narratives do not exactly agree.
Rodriguez says that suspicious of contraband trade he made a round in the
evening, surprised the Americans of one boat trading with Carlos Rosa at La
Barranca, arrested them and wsnt on to the Battery where he seized some goods
left in payment for forty otter skins. Next morning when Cleveland came
ashore to see what had become of the men one of the guards, Antonio Guillean
— he was the husband of the famous old lady of San Gabriel, Eulalia Perez,
who died in 1878 at a fabulous old age — came also, escaped, and hastened to
warn the corporal in command of the battery that the Americans were going
to sail without landing the guard. The corporal made ready his guns, and
when the Lelia Byrd started, raised his flag, fired a blank cartridge and then a
shot across her bows as Cleveland says. Then another shot was fired which
struck the hull but did no damage. This may have been the effective shot.

"Thereupon Sergt. Arce shouted not to fire as they would be put ashore
and the firing ceased. But when the vessel came opposite the fort on her way
out she reopened the fire. The battery followed suit and did some damage, but
stopped firing as soon as the vessel did, no harm being done to the fort or its
defenders. It is, of course, impossible to reconcile these discrepancies. Rod-
riguez, an able and honorable man engaged in the performance of his duty,
and making a clear straightforward report is prima facie entitled to credence
against a disappointed and baffled smuggler.

"Cleveland ridiculed Rodriguez for his exceeding vanity, his absurd display
of a little brief authority, and the characteristic pomp with which this arrant
coxcomb performed his duties. I cannot deny that Don Manuel may have
been somewhat pompous in manner, but the head and front of his offending
in the eye of the Yankees was his interference with their schemes of contraband
trade." (From The History of California, by Herbert Howe Bancroft.
Vol II, page 11.)

479

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

but when his blase Majesty saw the animal cantering up and
down the beach he expressed little curiosity or interest, although
this was the first animal larger than a pig ever seen by the
natives of the Sandwich Islands. The king's subjects were
wildly excited, however, and when one of the sailors mounted
the mare and tore up and down the beach, the spectators were
much concerned for the rider's safety, "and rent the air with
shouts of admiration."

From the Sandwich Islands the Lelia Byrd was carried to
China, arriving off Canton on the 29th of August, 1803. Here
the cargo of sea-otter skins was sold, and the two captains,
Shaler and Cleveland, parted company for the time. Shaler
loaded the brig for a return voyage to the California coast and
Richard Cleveland took passage around the Cape of Good
Hope, homeward for Boston.

At the age of thirty years this Salem mariner returned to his
kinfolk and friends after an absence of seven and a half years
at sea. He had left home a lad of twenty-three with two
thousand dollars as his total capital. He had been twice around
the world, had accomplished three most extraordinary voyages
in tiny craft, from Europe to the Cape of Good Hope, from
India to the Isle of France and from China to the Northwest
coast of America. He had fought and beaten mutineers and
Spanish gunners by force of arms, his invincible pluck and
tenacity had won him victories over Governors and Viceroys
from Africa to the Mexican coast, he had succeeded in a dozen
hazardous undertakings where a hundred men had failed, and
at thirty years of age he had lived a score of ordinary lives. He
had increased his slender capital to seventy thousand dollars
by the cleanest and most admirable exertions, and as fortunes
were counted a hundred years ago, he was a rich man.

The achievements of modern so-called "Captains of Indus-
try," who amass millions in wresting, by methods of legalized

480

The Voyages of Captain Richard Cleveland

piracy, the riches that other men have earned, raise a prodigious
clamor of comment, admiring and otherwise. But, somehow,
such an American as Richard Cleveland seems to be a far more
worthy type for admiration, and his deeds loom in pleasing
contrast with those of a railroad wrecker or stock juggler, even
though a fortune of seventy thousand dollars is a bagatelle in
the eyes of the twentieth century.

Captain Cleveland believed that his affairs were so prosper-
ously shaped that he could retire from the sea. He built him a
home in Lancaster, Mass., where with his wife and brother, his
well-stored mind and simple tastes enjoyed the tranquil life of
a New England village. But much of his fortune was afloat
or invested in foreign shipping markets, and misfortune over-
took his ventures one after the other. Three years after his
home-coming he was obliged to go to sea again to win a new
treasure in partnership with his old friend, Nathaniel Shaler.
For almost fifteen years longer he voyaged from one quarter of
the globe to the other, winning large profits only to risk them
in more alluring undertakings, always turning a resolute and
undaunted front to whatever odds overtook him. In his elder
years, after a series of cruel maritime reverses, he wrote as a
summary :

"On making an estimate of my losses for the twenty years
between 1800 and 1820, 1 find their aggregate amount to exceed
$200,000, though I never possessed at any one time a sum to
exceed $80,000. Under such losses I have been supported by
the consoling reflection that they had been exclusively my own,
and that it is not in the power of any individual to say, with
truth, that I have ever injured him to the amount of a dollar.
With a small annual sum from the Neapolitan indemnity I have
been able to support myself till this was on the point of ceasing
by the cancelling of that debt, when I was so fortunate as to
obtain an office in the Boston Custom House, the duties of

481

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

which I hope to perform faithfully and in peace during the few
remaining years or months or days which may be allotted to me
on earth."

From an obituary notice in the Boston Courier of December
8, 1860, this tribute to the memory of Richard Cleveland is
quoted, because it was written by one who knew him:

" While in the planning of commercial enterprises he showed
rare inventive qualities, and in the execution of them wonderful
energy and perseverance, he was somewhat deficient in those
humbler qualities which enable men to keep and manage what
they have earned. . . . But this reverse of fortune served
to bring out more and more the beauty of Captain Cleveland's
character, and to give him new claims to the affection and
esteem of his friends. It was gently, patiently, heroically borne;
never a word of complaint was heard from his lips, never a
bitter arraignment of the ways of Providence, never an envious
fling at the prosperity of others. And the wise, kind, cheerful
old man was happy to the end."

Thus lived and died an American sailor of the olden-time,
a brave and knightly man of an heroic age in his country's
history.

CHAPTER XXIV

THE PRIVATEERS OF 1812

THE War of 1812 was a sailors' war, fought by the United
States for "Free Trade and Sailors' Rights." Amer-
icans of this century cannot realize the bitterness of
feeling against England which was at white heat in all the
Atlantic seacoastwise towns during a period of forty years before
the second war waged by the young republic against the mother
country. To the men of New England, in the words of Josiah
Quincy, the land was " only a shelter from the storm, a perch
on which they build their eyrie and hide their mate and their
young, while they skim the surface, or hunt in the deep." In
1806 and 1807, according to the files of the State Department,
six thousand American seamen were virtual captives in British
war vessels. " The detection of an attempt to notify an Amer-
ican Consul of the presence of Americans on board an English
ship was sure to be followed by a brutal flogging," writes the
historian McMaster.

President Jefferson shrank from war and sought a retaliatory
compromise in the Embargo of 1808 which forbade the departure
of an American merchant vessel for any foreign port. This
measure which paralyzed American trade, was so fiercely op-
posed in New England that an insurrection was feared, and
the ports were filled with dismantled ships, empty warehouses,
deserted wharves and starving seamen. When war came, it
was welcomed by forty thousand native American merchant
seamen who, eager for revenge for the wrongs they had suffered,
were ready to crowd the ships of the navy and overflow into the
fleets of privateers that hurried from every deep-water port.

483

The Ships omd Sailors of Old Salem

England's high-handed claims to right of search and im-
pressment and the continual menace from French and Spanish
marauders had developed a much faster and more powerful
class of merchant vessels than had been armed for service in the
Revolution. During the war Salem placed in commission forty
privateers of which more than half had been built in her own
yards. Of these the most famous and successful was the ship
America, whose audacious cruising ground was from the Eng-
lish Channel to the Canary Islands. The art of building fast
and beautiful ships had been so far perfected a hundred years
ago that Salem vessels were crossing the Atlantic in twelve and
thirteen days for record passages, performances which were not
surpassed by the famous clipper-packets of half a century later.
The America, as shown in the interesting data collected by B.
B. Crowninshield, although built in 1803, was faster with the
wind on her quarter, than such crack racing machines as the
Vigilant, Defender and Columbia. This noble privateer made
a speed record of thirteen knots, with all her stores, guns, fittings,
boats and bulwarks aboard, which is only one knot behind the
record of the Defender, in short spurts, and when stripped in
racing trim. The America frequently averaged better than ten
knots for twelve hours on end, which matches the best day's
run of the Vigilant in her run to Scotland in the summer of 1894.
This privateer, which carried a crew of one hundred and fifty
men and twenty-two guns was no longer than a modern cup
defender.

This splendid fabric of the seas was the fastest Yankee ship
afloat during the War of 1812, and her speed and the admirable
seamanship displayed by her commanders enabled her to
cruise in the English Channel for weeks at a time, to run
away from British frigates which chased her home and back
again, and to destroy at least two million dollars worth of
English shipping.

484

The Privateers of 1812

Michael Scott, in "Tom Cringle's Log" described such a
vessel as the America in the following passage dealing with the
fate of a captured Yankee privateer at the hands of British
masters :

"When I had last seen her she was the most beautiful little
craft, both in hull and rigging, that ever delighted the eyes of a
sailor; but the dock-yard riggers and carpenters had fairly
bedeviled her — at least so far as appearances went. First they
replaced the light rail on her gunwale by heavy, solid bulwarks
four feet high, surmounted by hammock nettings at least an-
other foot; so that the symmetrical little vessel, that formerly
floated on the foam light as a sea gull, now looked like a clumsy,
dish-shaped Dutch dogger. Her long slender wands of masts,
which used to swing about as if there were neither shrouds nor
stays to support them, were now as taut and stiff as church
steeples, with four heavy shrouds on a side, and stays, and back-
stays, and the devil knows what all."

The America was built for the merchant service and her career
before the war was not lacking in picturesque flavor. She was
the pride of the great shipping family of Crowninshield, built by
Retire Becket of Salem, under the eye of Captain George Crown-
inshield, Jr. With a crew of thirty-five men and ten guns she
sailed on her first voyage, to the Dutch East Indies, in the sum-
mer of 1804, commanded by Captain Benjamin Crowninshield,
Jr. Touching at the Isle of Bourbon in the Indian Ocean, it was
learned that a cargo of coffee might be obtained at Mocha in the
Red Sea. The America shifted her course and proceeded to
Mocha, where she dropped anchor only seven years after the Re-
covery had first shown the stars and stripes in that port. Having
taken on coffee, goat skins, gum arabic, and sienna, the ship
went to Aden carrying as a passenger Mr. Pringle, the English
consul. A few days later Captain Crowninshield was informed
that Mr. Pringle had taken passage for England from Aden in

485

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

the ship Alert, which had been captured by Arabs, the captain
and fifteen men murdered and the vessel carried off to India.

Meanwhile a rumor had reached Salem that the America,
instead of obeying orders and going to Sumatra had veered away
to Mocha after coffee. The owners had implicitly enjoined
Captain Crowninshield after this imploring fashion :

" Now you've broken orders so often, see for once if you can't
mind them."

When the ship was sighted off Salem harbor, the owners and
some of their friends hastily put off in a small boat, wholly in the
dark as to where their skipper had been and what he had fetched
home, and not at all easy in their minds. If he had secured
coffee, then they stood to wrin a small fortune, but if the cargo
was pepper, which they had ordered him to get, well, the bottom
had dropped out of the pepper market a short time before and
the prospect was not so pleasing. It was a sea lottery of the
kind that lent excitement to the return of most Salem ventures
beyond the seas. As the owners neared the ship they began
to sniff the wind. They thought they could smell coffee, but
the old salt at the tiller suggested that the fragrant odor might
be blown from a fresh pot of the beverage in the galley, and
hopes fell below par. As soon as they were within fair hailing
distance Captain Benjamin Crowninshield, one of the owners,
shouted through a speaking trumpet, "What's your cargo?"

"Pep-p-er-r," came the doleful response from the skipper on
the quarter deck.

"You're a liar, blast your eye, I smell coffee," roared back
the agitated owner through his triumpet.

The Captain had had his little joke, and he was effusively
forgiven, for he had brought back a cargo that harvested a clean
profit of one hundred thousand dollars when sold in Holland.

As soon as war was declared the owners of the America
hastened the task of fitting her out as a privateer. Her upper

486

The Privateers of 1812

deck was removed, and her sides filled in with stout oak timber
between the planking and ceiling. Longer yards and royal
masts gave her an immense spread of sail, and, square-rigged
on her three masts she was a stately cloud of canvas when under
full sail. Her guns were eighteen long nine-pounders, two six-
pounders, two eighteen-pound carronades, and for small arms,
forty muskets, four blunderbusses, fifty-five pistols, seventy-
three cutlasses, ten top muskets, thirty-six tomahawks or board-
ing axes, and thirty-nine boarding pikes.

Her crew of one hundred and fifty men comprised a com-
mander, three lieutenants, sailing master, three mates, surgeon,
purser, captain of marines, gunner, gunner's mate, carpenter,
carpenter's mate, steward, steward's mate, seven prize masters,
armorer, drummer, fifer, three quartermasters, and one hun-
dred and twenty-two seamen. This was the organization of a
man-of-war of her time, and discipline was maintained as
smartly as in the navy. Flogging was the penalty for offenses
among the seamen, as shown by the record of a court martial
on one of her cruises. A seaman had stolen a pair of shoes from
a marine, for which he was sentenced to a dozen lashes. A
poet of the privateer's gun deck described this event at some
length, including these pithy lines:

"The Boatsw'n pipes all hands to muster,
No time for whining, plea or bluster,
The Judge announces the just sentence
And many stripes produce repentance;

"For the low cur, who'd meanly cozen
A poor Marine, must take his 'dozen.'"

On her first cruise the America was commanded by Captain
Joseph Ropes, son of that Revolutionary privateersman, Cap-
tain David Ropes, who was killed in a bloody action aboard the
Jack, off Halifax. Joseph Ropes was also a kinsman of Na-

487

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

thaniel Hawthorne, and of Nathaniel Bowditch, the two sons
of Salem whose fame is world-wide. This captain of the Amer-
ica had sailed in her as a merchantman to the Mediterranean,
and it is related that he made so favorable an impression upon the
Sultan of Turkey that the potentate wished to negotiate through
him a commercial treaty with the United States.

Tradition says that the only thing in the world Captain Ropes
feared was reproof from his mother. She hated the sea because
the boy's father had lost his life upon it, and young Joseph ran
away on his first voyage to the West Indies when he was little
past the spankable age. He took care to send her as a peace
offering a barrel cf molasses before he dared return home and
face her sorrowing indignation. Captain Ropes made only one
cruise in the America, after which he retired from the sea. He
captured six prizes on the Atlantic, valued at $158,000, all of
them merchantmen which could make no resistance to the
heavy battery of the privateer.

Her second cruise was in command of Captain John Kehew,
who had been a first lieutenant under Captain Ropes. The
America was at sea four months and took ten vessels without
notable incident. The third, fourth and fifth cruises of the
privateer were entrusted to Captain James Chever, Jr., who won
a name for himself as one of the ablest and most daring sailors
of the war. He had been in the America from her first voyage
to Mocha, when he was an infant of twelve years, acting as
cabin boy. He came of a sterling fighting and seafaring stock.
His father, Captain James Chever, was a lieutenant of the firsjt
Grand Turk, privateer during the Revolution, which ship, among
other notable achievements, captured a large cargo of military
supplies intended for Cornwallis. These stores were delivered
to Washington and were a great assistance in the siege of York-
town. The son rose to be a master of merchant vessel before
he was twenty, and when he was given command of the America

488

Captain James W. Chever, commander of the
privateer America

The privateer America under full sail

The Privateers of 1812

privateer in 1813, he was twenty-two years old, with one hun-
dred and fifty men to take his orders and one of the finest and
fastest ships afloat to win him fame and fortune.

From the log of his first cruise in the America the following
extracts are chosen, as showing the daily life and business aboard
a Yankee privateer a century ago:

" Dec. 14 (1813) Latter part, strong breezes and clear weather.
At 11 A.M. saw a sail bearing E. by N. Called all hands and
made sail in chase; and sent up Top Gallant yards. At 3 P.M.
coming up with our chase very fast. He hoisted English colors
and hauled up his courses. At half past 3 P.M. we hauled
down our English colors; gave him a gun; and hoisted Ameri-
can colors. Passed within pistol shot of him, to windward,
firing continually; exchanged three broadsides; in a few
minutes afterward we past round his bow and gave him a rak-
ing fire. Our guns under water. There being a great sea and
our decks full of water, and perceiving him to be a light trans-
port of about six hundred tons, mounting 28 or 30 guns and
full of men, we concluded if we took him we should not reap any
advantage as he could not be of much value; therefore, thought
it prudent to leave him. During the action received a number
of shot, one of which cut away part of the maintopsail yard.
The topsail being double reefed the shot went through both
reefs; another shot went through our fore topsail; another cut
away one of our fore-shrouds. John Mclntire, a marine,
while in the act of loading his musket, was shot through the left
breast and expired instantly. From 4 to 6 P.M. employed
sending down the main topsail and yard and getting up another.
At half past six sent up the main topsail; while bending it lost
a man out of the main top-mast rigging by the name of Ebenezer
Osgood. It being very dark and a long sea, thought it impru-
dent to get the boat out. At 8 set the maintopsail close reefed.
Close reefed the fore topsail and took in the mizzen topsail and

489

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

mainsail; at 9 took in the foresail; at 10 took in the fore topsail;
at 11 took in the maintopsail and mizzen staysail and lay to
under the fore and main staysail. Strong gales and cloudy
weather. At ^ past 1 A.M. sent down the top-gallant yards.
At 3 set the mizzen staysail. At 7 set the fore and mizzen top-
sails. A gun bursted."

"Dec. 25. Commences with light breezes and pleasant
weather. At 2 P.M. took in the staysails and jib. At 3 all
hands to quarters ; exercise the guns. At 4 let two reefs out of
the topsails. At half past four hands aft while the carpenter
repaired the copper on the cutwater."

" Jan. 18th. At 1 P.M. coming up with our chase very fast
found him to be a schooner. At 4 P.M. gave him a gun, and
he hove to and hoisted English colors. Boarded him and found
him to be the English schooner Martha, Wm. Williams, master,
from Waterford, bound for Cadiz. Cargo dry goods, butter,
bacon, Beef, etc. Put on board Wm. C. Hooper as prize master,
with six men and ordered her for America. Took Mr. Wilson,
mate, and three men. Left no one on board of her except the
captain. Sent on board schooner 150 pounds bread, 10 do.
chocolate, 4 gallons rum, 110 gallons water. Received from
her five firkins butter. At 6 P.M. parted from her. At 10
hauled up the mainsail."

In a way, this capturing small merchant vessels, the loss of
which spelled beggary for their masters, seemed a cruel and
unnecessary part of war between nations. It had its stern use
however, in crippling England's commercial strength, and in
employing her navy to protect her trading fleets. The America
swooped among these deep-laden craft like a hawk in a dove
cote, snatching them from convoys, or picking them up in the
English Channel almost within sight of their own shores. Her
logs are filled with such entries as these:

" Jan. 23. He proved to be the British ship Diana, George

490

The Privateers of 1812

W. Carlton, master, from London bound for Madeira, cargo,
deals. From 2 to 6 P.M. boats employed in taking our articles
from the ship as the captain contemplated burning her. During
the afternoon received on board all the Dianas company con-
sisting of 15 in number and one passenger, likewise a quantity
of duck, rigging, etc. At 3 P.M. after taking all necessary
things out of the Diana, set fire to her."

"Jan. 26th. At 2 P.M. saw a sail bearing N.N.W.; called
all hands to make sail in chase. At 3 sent up Royal masts and
yards; and set all necessary sail. At 8 came up with the chase;
it proved to be the British brig Sovereign from Cork bound for
Liverpool, John Brown commander. Took on board the
prisoners and put on board Mr. Hall, prize master with six men
and ordered her to America. Her cargo consisted of coals,
crates, butter, etc."

" Jan. 27th. A number of our men on board the Sovereign
fitting a new foremast and doing other necessary work. At
4 P. M. saw a sail on the lee bow. Made a signal for our boats
and all hands to repair on board. Instantly got in the boats
and made all necessary sail in chase. At 5 nearing the chase
very fast. At half past 9 lighted our side lanterns and called
all hands to quarters. At 10 within gunshot of him; Fired and
brought him to. Got out the gig and brought the captain on
board with his papers. She proved to be the British ship
Falcon, Atkinson, master, from Liverpool via Lisbon, bound
to the Canaries, with a very valuable cargo of merchandise. At
11 took on board the prisoners. Put on board Mr. Cleaves as
prize master with 12 hands."

"Jan. 28. At 8 A.M. saw a sail in the lee bow. A signal
was made for the boat and all hands to repair on board. Made
sail in chase. At 4 P.M. discovered him to be a brig. At half
past 9 gave him a gun; he not regarding it soon after gave him
another and he rounded to. Got out the boat and boarded him.

491

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

The captain came on board with his papers. She proved to be
the British brig Ann of London, Appleton, master, from Oporto
bound to Bayhei in ballast ; not being of much value, permitted
him to pass, after putting all our prisoners on board of him,
being forty-six in number including the brig's crew, and directed
him to land them in Teneriffe and there to report to the proper
officer. At 4 P.M. got all the prisoners on board and ordered
him to make sail."

Prize after prize was thus entered in the log, for the America
overhauled everything she sighted and made chase after, and
managed to keep in the track of the richest trade bound to and
from England, nor could British frigates find and drive her off
her station. Other entries for this third cruise include the fol-
lowing :

" Feb. 19th. Coming up with our chase very fast. At | past
3 took in studding sails and Royals. At 4 fired a gun and
brought him to and boarded him. He proved to be the British
brig Sisters from Malaga, cargo wine and fruit, prize to the
American privateer, Young Wasp of Philadelphia. At 5 parted
with him."

"Feb. 20th. All hands to quarters and exercise the great
guns, Boarders, etc. Started two Hogsheads of salt water for-
ward to trim ship by the stern."

" Feb. 24th. At 9 A.M. got out the launch to scrub the bot-
tom. All hands employed in setting up and tarring down the
rigging. At 7 P.M. put all prisoners in Irons for bad Con-
duct."

" March 1. At 9 A.M. saw a sail bearing about S.W. Hauled
up for him and set the mainsail, jib and mizzen. At 10 per-
ceived the sail to be a ship of war, apparently a frigate; wore
ship to the N.N.W. Set top gallant sails, stay sails and top
mast studding sails, and sent up the Royal yards. At \ past 11
fired a lee gun and hoisted our colors.

492

The Privateers of 1812

" March 2. Lost sight of the ship astern at 1 P.M.

"March 6. At ^ past 2 all hands to quarters for exercise.
Got out the boat and carried an empty water cask from the ship,
about 60 yards to fire at. Blew off one Broadside. All the
shots went very near. At 4 went in swimming."

On this cruise the America took an even dozen prizes. Touch-
ing at Portsmouth, N. H., to gather her crew, which had been
dangerously reduced by manning prizes, the privateer refitted
and sailed on her fourth cruise, Oct. 31st, 1814. This was her
only unlucky voyage. She ran into a submerged derelict at sea,
and was so badly damaged that Captain Chever returned to
Salem for repairs before any capture had been made. Depart-
ure was made from Salem for the fifth and last cruise on
Nov. 25, 1814. " On this cruise," writes B. B. Crowninshield
in an interesting summary of the America's log, " the sea seemed
to be full of English men-of-war and much of the America's
time was taken up in dogging and running away from frigates,
and the crew no doubt realized that danger of capture to which
they were continually exposed ; at all events the log on Jan 8th
and on each succeeding Sunday records that 'all hands were
called to prayers,' although prayers were in no way allowed to
interfere with the management of the ship or the furtherance
of the purpose for which she was fitted out. They attended
prayers at intervals before, and had returned thanks for a Merci-
ful Providence Dec. 11."

On Feb. 27, the America fell in with the English packet, Prin-
cess Elizabeth, of 188 tons, armed with six nine-pound carron-
ades, two long brass nine-pounders, and manned by thirty-two
men. She proved to be a rarely plucky foeman, and during
the hot engagement that followed, Captain Chever 's crew exhib-
ited a skill in gunnery comparable with that of the tars of the
Constitution and American frigates. Captain Chever describes
the action in these words:

493

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

" At half past 4 P.M. saw a sail on our weather bow, made all
sail in chase of her. At \ past six P.M. lost sight of the above
ship. At 9 P.M. wore ship to the S. and E., judging that after
he lost sight of us he would keep his former course to the East-
ward. Hauled up our main course. At 6 A.M. saw the above
ship to the west. Wore ship and stood after him. At 8 A.M.
still in chase of the above ship, coming up with him very fast.
He hauled down his signals, fired a gun and hoisted an English
Ensign and Pennant. At the same time we fired a gun and
hoisted English colors. At 9 A.M. nearly on his lee quarter,
hauled down English and hoisted American colors. He im-
mediately bore away before the wind and gave us a broadside
which we returned by giving him another, when the action
became general. At 12 minutes past nine, seeing his colors
hanging overboard, concluded that he had struck and ceased
firing, but in two minutes, seeing his fire, commenced firing
again. At 18 minutes past 9 he surrendered, we receiving no
loss on board the America neither in men, rigging, sails, or hull.

" At \ past nine boarded him; he proved to be H. B. M. Ship
Packet Princess Elizabeth, John Forresdale commander, mount-
ing 8 carriage guns and 32 men, from Rio Janeiro bound to Fal-
mouth. Her loss was 2 killed and 13 wounded; among the
latter was the Capt. by a grape shot through the thigh. The
Packet was very much cut to pieces. She had 8 shot holes
between wind and water, 3 nine-pound shot in her mainmast,
just above deck, one in her mizzen mast, and one in her main
topmast, and one in her fore topmast, with his braces, bowlines
and part of his shrouds and stays cut away, and about 700 shot
holes thro' his sails besides a large number through his bul-
warks. On our approaching them they thought us to be some
cunning ship with 12 or 14 guns and the rest Quakers. But
they found their mistake so as to convince them that Quakers
were not silent at all times. Took out her guns, muskets,

494

The Privateers of 1812

pistols, cutlasses, powder and shot on board the America, and
gave her up to her original crew, to proceed on to Falmouth,
after putting on board 6 prisoners, and a quantity of bread,
as they had on board only 15 pounds for 25 men. Sent our
Doctor on board to dress the wounded."

After taking thirteen prizes on this cruise the America re-
turned to Salem and the last entry in her log reads:

" April 18. (1814.) At 4 P.M. came to with the best bower in
seven fathoms and handed all sails and fired a salute of forty
guns. People all discharged to go on shore. So ends the ship
America's last cruise."

During her career as a privateer she had sent safely into port
twenty-seven British vessels, but her captures much exceeded
this number. Six of her prizes were retaken on their way to
America and many more were destroyed at sea. Her officers
and crew divided more than one half million dollars in prize
money. More than this, with an American navy so small that
it could not hope to take the offensive against England's mighty
sea power, the America had played her part well in crippling
that maritime commerce which was the chief source of English
greatness. This beautiful ship never went to sea again. For
reasons unknown and inexplicable at the present time, she was
allowed to lay dismantled alongside Crowninshield's wharf in
Salem until 1831, when she was sold at auction and broken up.
The Essex Register of June 16th of that year contains this
melancholy obituary in its advertising columns:

"Hull, etc. of Ship America

AT AUCTION

On Thursday next at 10 o'clock,
(Necessarily postponed from Thursday)
Will be sold by auction at the Crowninshield Wharf,
The Hull of the Privateer Ship America,

495

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

very heavily copper-fastened, and worthy attention

for breaking up.

Also — about 1000 pounds of Powder,

consisting principally of cannon and musket

cartridges.

A quantity of old Iron, Rigging, old Canvas, Blocks
Spars, — a complete set of Sweeps with a variety of
other articles.

The sale will commence with the materials, June 16.

GEORGE NICHOLS, Auct'r."

Long after the war Captain Chever, master of a merchant
vessel, became acquainted in the harbor of Valparaiso with Sir
James Thompson, captain of the British frigate Dublin. This
man-of-war had been fitted out with the special object of cap-
turing the America in 1813. While the two captains chatted
together in cordial friendliness, Sir James Thompson fell to
telling stories of his service afloat in chase of the famous Yankee
privateer. "I was almost within gun-shot of her once, just as
night was coming on," said he, "but by daylight she had out-
sailed the Dublin so devilish fast that she was no more than a
speck on the horizon. And by the way, I wonder if you know
who it was commanded the America on that cruise?" Captain
Chever was glad to answer such an absurdly easy question as
this, and his former foeman enjoyed the singular coincidence of
this amicable meeting.

Even during the years of conflict the Yankee privateersman
had more sympathy for than hatred of the prisoners whose
ships they took or destroyed. Far more than the patriot lands-
man they could feel for these hapless victims of warfare on the
seas, for they had suffered similar misfortunes at the hands of
Englishmen, year after year. In an era of nominal peace the
British navy alone had confiscated more American vessels than

496

The Privateers of 1812

were captured from under the English flag by Yankee privateers
in the War of 1812. And if the merciless ravages of such fleet
sea hawks as the America beggared many a British skipper
whose fate in no way touched the issue of the war, it should be
remembered, on the other hand, that in every American seaport
there were broken captains and ruined homes whose irremedi-
able disasters had been wrought by British authority.

In order to gain a more intimate realization of the spirit of
those times, it may be worth while to review a typical incident
which befell Captain Richard Cleveland of Salem. In 1806 he
was in command of the ship Telemaco in which he had staked
all his cash and credit, together with the fortune of his friend
and partner, Nathaniel Shaler. Their investment in ship and
cargo amounted to more than fifty thousand dollars won after
years of maritime risk and adventure in every sea of the globe.*
He sailed from Rio Janeiro for Havana, and said of the prospects
of this voyage in a letter to his wife :

"With what a series of misfortunes have I not been assailed
for the past three years, and with what confidence can I now
expect to escape the pirates in the West Indies? I expect to
meet the British ships of war, but do not fear them, as my busi-
ness is regular, and such as will bear the nicest scrutiny by
those who act uprightly; but should I meet with any of those
privateers the consequence may be serious as they respect the
property of no one."

In his published narrative Captain Cleveland made this
additional comment :

" But these were precarious times for neutrals, when the two
great belligerents (England and France) agreed in nothing else
than plundering them . . . On the presumption, however,
that such neutral commerce as did not, even in a remote degree,
prejudice the interests of the belligerents would be unmolested,
* See Chapter XVIII.

497

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

I felt that I had little else than sea-risk to guard against, and
was therefore free from anxiety on the subject of insurance."

Near the equator Captain Chever was overhauled by a British
frigate, and later by a sloop of war, the commanders of both of
which vessels satisfied themselves of the legality of his voyage
and very civilly permitted him to go on his way. Convinced
that he was in no danger from this quarter, Captain Cleveland
expected a safe arrival in Havana. Near Martinique he hove in
sight of a British fleet, of which Admiral Cochrane was in com-
mand on board the Ramillies seventy-four. The American
shipmaster was summoned on board the flagship, his papers
carefully examined by the captain, and no cause found for his
detention. He was sent aboard his ship, and made sail on his
course with a happy heart. Scarcely was he under way when
Admiral Cochrane signalled him to heave to again, and without
deigning to question him or look at his papers ordered the ship
seized and taken to the Island of Tortola for condemnation
proceedings. These formalities were a farce, the Telemaco
was confiscated with her cargo and after fruitless efforts to
obtain a fair hearing, Captain Cleveland wrote:

"I am now on the point of embarking for home, after being
completely stripped of the fruits of many years hard toil . . .
To have practised the self-denial incident to leaving my family
for so long a time; to have succeeded in reaching Rio Janeiro
after being dismasted and suffering all the toils and anxieties
of a voyage of forty-three days in that crippled condition; to
have surmounted the numerous obstacles and risks attendant
on the peculiarity of the transactions in port; to have accom-
plished the business of lading and despatching the vessels in
defiance of great obstacles, and to perceive the fortune almost
within my grasp which would secure me ease and independence
for the remainder of my life, and then, by the irresistable means
of brute force, to see the whole swept off, and myself and family

498

The Privateers of 1812

thereby reduced in a moment from affluence to poverty, must
be admitted as a calamity of no ordinary magnitude. . .
After the villainy I have seen practised, at Tortola, by men
whose power and riches not only give them a currency among
the most respectable, but make their society even courted,
I blush for the baseness of mankind and almost lament that I
am one of the same species."

In the list of Salem privateers of 1812, one finds that few of
them were in the same class with the splendid and formidable
America. Indeed, some were as audaciously equipped, manned
and sailed as the little craft which put to sea in the Revolution.
For example, among the forty-odd private armed craft hailing
from Salem during the latter war, there were such absurd
cock-sparrows as :

The Active 20 tons 2 guns (4 Ibs.) 25 men

Black Vomit (boat) 5 " muskets 16

Castigator (launch) 10 " 16 Ib. earronade 20 "

Fame 30 " 26lb. " 30 "

Orion (boat) 5 " muskets 20 "

Phoenix 20 " 1 6lb. " 25 "

Terrible (boat) 5 " muskets 16 "

The schooner Helen was a merchant vessel loaned by her
owners to a crew of volunteers for the special purpose of cap-
turing the Liverpool Packet, a venturesome English privateer
which for several months had made herself the terror of all
vessels entering Massachusetts Bay. She clung to her cruising
ground off Cape Cod and evaded the privateers sent in search
of her. At last the seamen of Salem determined to clip her
wings, and the notion was most enthusiastically received. The
Helen was fitted out and seventy volunteers put on board in
the remarkably brief time of four hours. Captains Upton
and Tibbetts, the leaders of the expedition, organized a parade
through the Salem streets, led by a flag bearer, a fifer and

499

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

drummer, and had not made the circuit of the town before the
full crew was enlisted. Four six-pounders were borrowed from
the privateer John, and before nightfall of the same day the
Helen was heading for sea. Some of her crew leaped aboard
as she was leaving the wharf and signed articles while the
schooner was working down the harbor. They failed to over-
haul the Liverpool Packet which had sailed for Halifax to refit,
but their spirit was most praiseworthy. The English privateer
was captured later by another Yankee vessel.

The Grand Turk was one of the finest privateers of the war,
an East India ship of 310 tons, fitted out with eighteen guns
and one hundred and fifty men. Her commanders were
Holten J. Breed and Nathan Green who made brilliantly suc-
cessful cruises. After one cruise of one hundred and three days
she returned to Salem with only forty-four of her crew on board,
the remainder having been put into prizes of which she had
captured eight, one of them with a cargo invoiced at a hundred
and fifty thousand dollars. Her log describes several astonish-
ing escapes from British cruisers in which she showed a nimble
pair of heels that won her the name of being one of the fastest
armed ships afloat. During her last cruise, Captain Nathan
Green made the following entries:

"Friday, March 10 (1815), at daylight the man at the mast-
head descried a sail in the eastern quarter. Called all hands
immediately and made sail in chase. Soon after saw another
sail on the weather bow. Still in pursuit of the chase and
approaching her fast. At 6:30 passed very near the second
sail, which was a Portuguese schooner standing W.S.W. At
7 :00 saw third sail three points on our lee bow, the chase a ship.
At 8:00 discovered the third to be a large ship by the wind to
the north and westward. At 10:00 being f of a mile to wind-
ward discovered the chase to be a frigate, endeavoring to decoy
us. Tacked ship and she immediately tacked and made all

500

Capt. Holten J. Breed, commander of the
privateer Grand Turk

The privateer Grand Turk

The Privateers of 1812

sail in pursuit of us. Soon perceived we had the superiority of
sailing, displayed the American flag and fired a shot in defiance.
At 11:00 the wind hauled suddenly to the westward. The
frigate received a favorable breeze which caused her to lay
across and nearing us fast. At 11:30, the frigate within gun-
shot, got out our sweeps and made considerable progress,
although calm and a short head sea. Frigate commenced
firing, got out her boats and attempted to tack four different
times but did not succeed. Hoisted our colors and gave her a
number of shot. A ship to leeward, a frigate also. At noon
swept our brig round with her head to the northward, and
having the wind more favorable, left the chaser considerably.
The day ends with extreme sultry weather and both ships in
pursuit of us.

"Saturday, March 11, at dark, frigates using every exertion
to near us.

" Sunday, March 12, at 1 :30 P.M. saw two sail two points on
our lee bow, soon discovered them to be the two frigates still
in pursuit of us and much favored by the breeze. At 5 P.M.
light variable winds with us and the enemy still holding the
breeze. Took to our sweeps. At dark the enemy's ships
bore S.S.W.

" Monday, March 13, at 2 P.M. the enemy having been out
of sight 4^ hours, concluded to get down the foretopmast and
replace it with a new one. All hands busily employed. At
4 descried a second sail ahead standing for us. At 5 :30 got the
new foretopmast and top gallant mast in place, rigging secured,
yards aloft and made sail in pursuit of the latter. At 7 came up
and boarded her; she proved to be a Portuguese brig bound
from Bahia to Le Grande with a cargo of salt. Finding our-
selves discovered by the British cruisers, and being greatly
encumbered with prisoners, concluded to release them and
accordingly paroled five British prisoners and discharged ten

501

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Spaniards and put them on board the brig after giving a neces-
sary supply of provisions.

"Saturday, March 18, at 2 P.M., came up and spoke a Portu-
guese brig from Africa bound to Rio Janeiro with a cargo of
slaves. Filled away in pursuit of a second sail in the N.W.
At 4:30 she hoisted English colors and commenced firing her
stern guns. At 5 :20 took in the steering sails, at the same time
she fired a broadside. We opened a fire from our larboard
battery, and at 5:30 she struck her colors. Got out the boats
and boarded her. She proved to be the British brig Acorn
from Liverpool for Rio Janeiro, mounting fourteen cannon and
having a cargo of dry goods. At 5 :30 we received the first boat
load of goods aboard. Employed all night in discharging her.

"Sunday, March 19, at daylight saw two frigates and a brig
on the lee beam in chase of us. Took a very full boatload of
goods on board, manned out the prize with Joseph Phippen
and eleven men and ordered her for the United States. As the
prize was in a good plight for sailing, I have great reason to
think she escaped. One of the frigates pursued us for three-
quarters of an hour, but finding that she had her old antagonist
gave up the pursuit. Having on board one hundred and sixty-
odd bales, boxes, cases and trunks of goods, which I conceive
is very valuable, and the brigs copper and rigging being very
much out of repair, and the water scant, concluded to return
home with all possible dispatch. As another inducement I
have information of a treaty of peace being signed at Ghent
between the United States and Great Britain, and only remains
to be ratified by the former.

"Wednesday, March 29, at 4 A.M. saw a sail to windward
very near us, and tacked in pursuit of her. At 8:30 came up
with and boarded her. She proved to be a Portuguese ship
from Africa bound to Maranham with 474 slaves on board.
Paroled and put on board eleven British prisoners.

502

The Privateers of 1812

" Saturday, April 15, boarded the American schooner Commit
of and from Alexandria for Barbadoes with a cargo of flour.
They gave us the joyful tidings of peace between America and
England, which produced the greatest rejoicing throughout the
ship's company.

"Saturday, April 29, 1815, at 7:30 A.M. saw Thatchers
Island bearing N.W. At 8 saw Bakers Island bearing west.
At 9:30 came to anchor in Salem harbor, cleared decks, and
saluted the town. This ends the cruise of 118 days."

Captain Nathan Green was a modest man, and his log, if
taken alone, would indicate that his escapes from British frigates
were most matter of fact incidents. The fact is, however, that
these events of his cruise were made notable by rarely brilliant
feats of seamanship and calculated daring. The scene of
action began off the coast of Pernambuco, in which port Captain
Green had learned that eight English merchant vessels were
making ready to sail. He took prize after prize in these waters,
until the English assembled several cruisers for the express
purpose of capturing the bold privateer. The frigates which
chased him were part of this squadron, and he not only eluded
their combined attempts, but continued to make captures almost
in sight of the enemy. His log shows that the pursuit, in which
both the Grand Turk and the frigate were towed by their boats,
and sweeps manned for a night and a day was as thrilling and
arduous a struggle as that famous escape of the Constitution
from a powerful British squadron in the same war. The two
ships were within firing distance of each other for hours on end,
and after a second frigate joined in the hunt, the Grand Turk
managed to keep her distance only by the most prodigious pluck
and skill.

The records of the Salem Marine Society contain the following
compact account of the most spectacular engagement of an
illustrious fighting privateersman of Salem :

503

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

" Capt. Benjamin Upton commanded the private armed brig
Montgomery, one hundred and sixty-five tons, armed with
eighteen guns. While on a cruise off Surinam, December 5,
1812, at 3 P.M., made a sail standing northward, which proved
to be a large English packet brig with troops. She hauled up
her courses and stood toward the Montgomery, which was pre-
pared to receive her at 7 P.M. After exchanging shots and
wearing, the Montgomery ordered her to send a boat on board,
which she refused to do. Then commenced a terrible conflict.
The Montgomery delivered her broadside, which was returned,
and continued till 8 o'clock, when her antagonist laid the Mont-
gomery aboard on the starboard waist, his port anchor catching
in after gun port, his spritsail yard and jib-boom sweeping over
the waist guns. In this situation the Montgomery kept up a
fire of musketry and such guns as could be brought to bear,
which was returned with musketry by regular platoons of sol-
diers. In this way the fight continued for fifty minutes. The
Montgomery finally filled her foretop-sail and parted from the
enemy, breaking his anchor, making a hole in the Montgomery's
deck, breaking five stanchions and staving ten feet of bulwark,
with standing rigging much cut up. She hauled off for repairs,
having four men killed and twelve wounded, among whom were
Capt. Upton and Lieut. John Edwards of this society. It was
thought prudent to get north into cooler weather, on account of
the wounded. The enemy stood to the northward after a part-
ing shot. On the Montgomery's deck were found three board-
ing pikes, one musket and two pots of combustible matter, in-
tended to set fire to the Montgomery, and which succeeded, but
was finally extinguished. This was one of the hardest contests
of the war. The Montgomery was afterwards commanded by
Capt. Jos. Strout, and captured by H. M. ship of the line, La
Hoge, and taken to Halifax. When Capt. Strout with his son,
who was with him, were going alongside of the ship in the

504

The Privateers of 1812

launch, another son, a prisoner on board, hailed the father and
asked where mother was, which would have comprised the whole
family."

By the end of the year 1813 the prizes captured by Salem
privateers had been sold for a total amount of more than six
hundred thousand dollars. Many of the finest old mansions
of the Salem of to-day, great square-sided homes of noble and
generous aspect, were built in the decade following the War of
1812, from prize money won by owners of privateers. While
ship owners risked and equipped their vessels for profit in this
stirring business of privateering, the spirit of the town is to be
sought more in such incidents as that of Doctor Bentley's ride to
Marblehead on a gun carriage. The famous Salem parson was
in the middle of a sermon when Captain George Crowninshield
appeared at a window at the old East Church, and engaged in an
agitated but subdued conversation with Deacon James Brown,
whose pew was nearest him. Doctor Bentley's sermon halted
and he asked :

" Mr. Brown, is there any news?"

" The Constitution has put into Marblehead with two British
cruisers after her, and is in danger of capture," was the startling
reply.

"This is a time for action," shouted Doctor Bentley. "Let
us go to do what we can to save the Constitution, and may God
be with us, Amen."

At the head of his congregation the parson rushed down the
aisle and hurried toward Marblehead. The alarm had spread
through the town, and Captain Joseph Ropes had assembled
the Sea Fencibles, a volunteer coast guard two hundred strong.
Doctor Bentley was their chaplain, and his militant flock
hoisted him on board the gun which they were dragging with
them, and thus he rode in state to Marblehead. Meantime,
however, Captain Joseph Perkins, keeper of the Baker Island

505

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Light, had put off to the Constitution in a small boat, and offer-
ing his services as pilot, brought the frigate inside the harbor
where she was safe from pursuit by the Endymion and the
Tenedos.

The ill-fated duel between the Chesapeake and the Shannon
was fought off Boston harbor, and was witnessed by thousands
of people from Marblehead and Salem who crowded to the
nearest headlands. They saw the Chesapeake strike to the
British frigate after a most desperate combat in which Captain
Lawrence was mortally hurt. The captured American ship
was taken to Halifax by the Shannon. Soon the news reached
Salem that the commander whose last words, " Don't give up
the Ship," were to win him immortality in defeat, was dead in
a British port, and the bronzed sea-dogs of the Salem Marine
Society resolved to fetch his body home in a manner befitting his
end. Capt. George Crowninshield obtained permission from
the Government to sail with a flag of truce for Halifax, and he
equipped the brig Henry for this sad and solemn mission.
Her crew was picked from among the shipmasters of Salem,
some of them privateering captains, every man of them a proven
deep-water commander, and thus manned the brig sailed for
Halifax. It was such a crew as never before or since took a
vessel out of an American port. They brought back to Salem
the body of Capt. James Lawrence and Lieut. Augustus Ludlow
of the Chesapeake, and the brave old seaport saw their funeral
column pass through its quiet and crowded streets. The pall-
bearers bore names, some of which thrill American hearts to-day;
Hull, Stuart, Bainbridge, Blakely, Creighton and Parker, all
captains of the Navy. A Salem newspaper thus describes the
ceremonies:

" The day was unclouded, as if no incident should be wanting
to crown the mind with melancholy and woe — the wind blew
from the same direction and the sea presented the same unruffled

506

The Privateers of 1812

surface as was exhibited to our anxious view when on the memor-
able first day of July, we saw the immortal Lawrence proudly
conducting his ship to action. . . . The brig Henry, con-
taining the precious relics, clad in sable, lay at anchor in the
harbor. At half-past twelve o'clock they were placed in barges,
and, preceded by a long procession of boats filled with seamen
uniformed in blue jackets and trousers, with a blue ribbon on
their hats bearing the motto of " Free Trade and Sailors' Rights,"
were rowed by minute-strokes to the end of India Wharf, where
the bearers were ready to receive the honored dead. From the
time the boats left the brig until the bodies were landed, the
United States brig Rattlesnake and the brig Henry alternately
fired minute guns.

"The immense concourse of citizens which covered the
wharves, stores and house tops to view the boats, the profound
silence which pervaded the atmosphere, broken only by the
reverberations of the minute-guns, rendered this part of the
solemnities peculiarly grand and impressive.

"Conspicuous in the procession and in the church were a
large number of naval and military officers, also the Salem
Marine and East India Marine Societies, wearing badges, with
the Masonic and other organizations.

" On arriving at the Meeting house, the coffins were placed in
the center of the church by the seamen who rowed them ashore,
and who stood during the ceremony leaning upon them in an
attitude of mourning. The church was decorated with cypress
and evergreen, and the names of Lawrence and Ludlow ap-
peared in gilded letters in front of the pulpit.

The remains of Lawrence rested in the Salem burying ground
until 1849 when they were removed to New York, where in
the churchyard of Old Trinity, his monument bears the line
that can never die:

"DON'T GIVE UP THE SHIP."
507

CHAPTER XXV

THE TRAGEDY OF THE "FRIENDSHIP"

(1831)

THE first American vessel to load pepper on the coast of
Sumatra was the Salem schooner Rajah in 1795, and
the last ship under the stars and stripes to seek a cargo
on that coast was the Australia of Salem in 1860. Between
these years the trade with that far off island was chiefly in the
hands of the merchants and shipmasters of Salem. When the
United States frigate Potomac was ordered to the East Indies
seventy-five years ago with instructions to prepare charts and
sailing directions of the Sumatra coast to aid American mariners,
her commander reported that "this duty has been much more
ably performed than it could have been with our limited ma-
terials. For this important service our country is indebted to
Captain Charles M. Endicott and Captain James D. Gillis of
Salem, Massachusetts. The former, who was master of the
Friendship when she was seized by the Malays at Quallah-
Battoo has been trading on this coast for more than fifteen years,
during which period he has, profitably for his country, filled up
the delay incident to a pepper voyage, by a careful and reliable
survey of the coast, of which no chart was previously extant
that could be relied on."

Captain Endicott of the Friendship not only risked his vessel
amid perils of stranding along these remote and uncharted
shores, but also encountered the graver menaces involved in
trading with savage and treacherous people who were continu-

508

The Tragedy of the Friendship

ally on the alert to murder the crews and capture the ships of
these dauntless American traders. Notwithstanding all of
Captain Endicott's precautions and shrewdness born of long
experience, he was at length overtaken by the fate which befell
others of these pioneers in Malaysian waters. The story of the
tragedy of the Friendship is typical of the adventures of the
Salem shipmasters of the long ago, and Captain Endicott, like
many of his fellow mariners, possessed the gift of writing such a
narrative in a clean-cut, and vigorous fashion which makes it
well worth while presenting in his own words. Perhaps because
they told of things simply as they had known and seen and done
them, without straining after literary effect, these old-fashioned
sea captains of Salem were singularly capable writers, self-taught
and educated as they were, jumping from school to the fore-
castle at twelve or fourteen years of age.

For the entertainment of his comrades and friends of Salem,
Captain Endicott put pen to paper and told them what had
happened to him and his ship on the coast of Sumatra in the
year of 1831. Somewhat condensed, this virile chapter of salt-
water history runs as follows :

"The ship Friendship, of this place, under my command,
sailed from Salem for the west coast of Sumatra, with a crew of
seventeen men, including officers and seamen, on the 26th of
May, 1830. On the 22d September following we touched first
at the port of Qualah Battoo (i.e., in English, Rocky River),
in Lat. 3.48 m. North. This place is inhabited by natives from
the Pedir coast, on the north of the island (of Sumatra), as well
as Acheenise, and is therefore governed jointly by a Pedir and an
Acheenise Rajah. We remained here for the purposes of trade,
until the 5th of November following, at which time, having
obtained all the pepper of the old crop, and the new pepper not
coming in until March or April, we left that port, and in prosecu-

509

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

tion of our voyage visited several others, and finally returned
to Pulo Kio (i.e., in English, Wood Island), about two miles
from Qualah Battoo, the latter part of January, 1831, intending
to remain there until the coming in of the pepper crop.

"One bright moonlight night, shortly after our arrival at
this place, I was awakened by the watch informing me that a
native boat was approaching the ship in a very stealthy manner,
and under suspicious circumstances. I immediately repaired
on deck, and saw the boat directly in our wake under the stern,
the most obvious way to conceal herself from our observation,
and gradually approaching us with the utmost caution, without
the least noise or apparent propelling power, the oars being
struck so lightly in the water that its surface was scarcely ruffled.
Having watched their proceedings a few minutes, we became
convinced it was a reconnoitering party, sent to ascertain how
good a look-out was kept on board the ship, and intending to
surprise us for no good purpose.

" We therefore hailed them in their own dialect, asking them
where they came from, what they wanted, and why they were
approaching the ship in such a tiger-like manner. We could
see that all was instantly life and animation on board her, and
after a few moments we received an answer that they were
friends from Qualah Battoo, with a load of smuggled pepper,
which they were desirous to dispose of to us. We, however,
positively forbade them to advance any nearer the ship, or to
come alongside; but, after considerable discussion, we at
length gave our consent for them to come abreast the ship at a
respectful distance, and we would send some of our own men
on board to ascertain if their story was correct, and if there was
nothing suspicious about her, on their giving up their side arms
we would rig a whip upon the main yard, and in this way take
on board their pepper, and allow one man to come on board
ship to look after it.

510

The Battle of Qualah Battoo

An old broadside, relating the incidents of the battle of Qualah Battoo

The Tragedy of the Friendship

"All our own crew had, in the mean time, been mustered
and armed, and a portion of them placed as sentinels on each
side the gangway. In this manner we passed on board some
fifty or sixty bags of pepper. We were afterwards informed by
the second officer, that while this was going forward, the chief
officer, who subsequently lost his life, was secretly scoffing at
these precautions, attributing them to cowardice, and boasting he
could clear the decks of a hundred such fellows with a single
handspike. This boat, we ascertained, was sent by a young
man named Po Qualah, the son of the Pedir Rajah, for the
express purpose which we had suspected; the pepper having
been put on board merely as an excuse in case they should be
discovered. It was only a sort of parachute, let off to see from
what quarter the wind blew, as a guide for their evil designs
upon us.

" Ascertaining, however, by this artifice, that the ship was too
vigilantly guarded, at least in the night, to be thus surprised,
they set themselves at work to devise another plan to decoy
us to Qualah Battoo, in which, I am sorry to say, they were
more successful.

" A few days after this occurrence, a deputation was sent to
invite us to Qualah Battoo, representing that the new crop of
pepper was beginning to make its appearance, and they could
now furnish us with from one or two hundred bags per day,
and would no doubt be enabled to complete loading the ship in
the course of forty days. Being in pursuit of a cargo, and
having been always on friendly terms with the natives of this
place, whom I did not consider worse than those of other parts
of the coast, and feeling beside some security from the fact
that we had already been warned by some of our old friends not
to place too much confidence in any of them, we considered the
danger but trifling, and therefore concluded a contract with
them, and proceeded at once with the ship to Qualah Battoo.

511

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

" Strict regulations were then established for the security and
protection of the ship. In the absence of the captain, not more
than two Malays were to be permitted on board at the same
time; and no boats should be allowed to approach her in the
night time upon any pretence whatever, without calling an
officer. Then mustering all hands upon the quarterdeck, I
made a few remarks, acquainting them with my apprehensions,
and impressing on their minds the importance of a good look-out,
particularly in the night, and expressed my firm conviction,
that vigilance alone would prevent the surprise and capture of
the ship, and the sacrifice of all our lives. Having thus done all
we could to guard against surprise, and put the ship in as good
a state of defence as possible, keeping her entire armament in
good and efficient order, and firing every night an eight o'clock
gun, to apprise the natives that we were not sleeping upon our
posts, we commenced taking in pepper, and so continued for
three or four days, the Malays appearing very friendly.

"On Monday, February 7, 1831, early in the morning, while
we were at breakfast, my old and tried friend, Po Adam, a
native well-known to traders on this coast, came on board in a
small canoe from his residence at Pulo Kio, in order to proceed
on shore in the ship's boat, which shortly after started with
the second officer, four seamen and myself. On our way Po
Adam expressed much anxiety for the safety of the ship, and also
an entire want of confidence in Mr. Knight, the first officer,
remarking in his broken English, ' he no look sharp, no under-
stand Malay-man."

" On being asked if he really believed his countrymen would
dare to attack the ship, he replied in the affirmative. I then
observed to the second officer that it certainly behooved us, the
boat's crew, who were more exposed than any of the ship's com-
pany, to be on our guard against surprise and proposed when
we next came on shore to come prepared to defend ourselves.

512

The Tragedy of the Friendship

"When we reached the landing we were kindly received,
as usual. The natives were bringing in pepper very slowly;
only now and then a single Malay would make his appearance
with a bag upon his head, and it was not until nearly three o'clock
in the afternoon that sufficient was collected to commence weigh-
ing; and between three and four o'clock the first boat started
from the shore. The natives were, however, still bringing in
pepper, with a promise of another boat load during the day.
This was a mere subterfuge to keep us on shore.

" As the boat was passing out of the river, I noticed her stop
off one of the points, and believing it to be the object of her
crew to steal pepper, and secrete it among the neighboring high
grass, two men were sent down to look after them. They soon
returned, remarking that there appeared to be nothing wrong.
The ship lay about three-fourths of a mile from the shore, and
between the scale-house and the beach there was a piece of
rising ground, so that standing at the scales we could just see
the ship's topgallant yards.

" I had observed a vessel in the offing in the course of the day,
apparently approaching this place or Soosoo, and, being at
leisure, I walked towards the beach to ascertain if she had
hoisted any national colours. The instant I had proceeded far
enough to see our ship's hull, I observed that the pepper-boat,
which was at this time within two or three hundred feet of her,
appeared to contain a large number of men. My suspicions
were instantly aroused, and I returned to question the men who
were sent down to the mouth of the river.

"I was then informed, for the first time, that as they had ap-
proached the boat six or seven Malays jumped up from the high
grass and rushed on board her; and as she passed out of the
river, they saw her take in from a passing ferry boat about the
same number; but as they all appeared to be 'youngsters,' to
use their own expression, they did not think the circumstance

513

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

of sufficient importance to mention it. They were reprimanded
for such an omission of duty, accompanied with the remark :

" * Your youngsters, as you call them, will, I suspect, be found
old enough in iniquity, to capture the ship, if once admitted
upon her decks.'

" The words of Po Adam, that morning, that ' Mr. Knight no
look sharp, no understand Malay-man,' now struck me with
their full force and a fearful foreboding, and I appealed to
Mr. Barry, the second officer, for his opinion as to what would be
Mr. Knight's probable course, remarking 'he certainly will not
disobey his orders.' Mr. Barry, however, expressed his fears
as to the result, remarking he knew so well the contempt which
Mr. Knight entertained for these people, * that he will probably
conclude your precautions to be altogether unnecessary, and
that he can allow them to come on board with impunity, without
your ever knowing anything of the circumstances, and no harm
will come of it. '

" This view of the case certainly did not allay my anxiety, and
I observed, 'if your predictions prove correct, the ship is taken,'
but concluding it to be altogether too late for us on shore to
render any assistance to the ship, and still clinging to the hope
that Mr. Knight would, after all, be faithful to his trust, Mr.
Barry and two men were directed to walk towards the beach with-
out any apparent concern, and watch the movements on board.

"I should have remarked, that on my own way up the beach,
just before I passed near a tree under the shade of which a
group of ten or twelve natives were apparently holding a con-
sultation, all conversation ceased. The object of this meeting,
as I was afterwards informed, was to consider whether it would
be better to kill us before attempting to take the ship or after-
wards; and the conclusion arrived at was to be sure of the ship
first, the killing of us appearing to them as easy, to use their own
simile, as cutting off the heads of so many fowls; the manner

514

The Tragedy of the Friendship

how had already been decided, the time when was all there was
to be considered — a native having been already appointed, and
the price fixed for the assassination of each of the boat's crew.
The price set upon my life was one thousand dollars, for the
second officer's, five hundred dollars, and for each of the seamen
one hundred dollars.

"As soon as Mr. Barry has reached an elevation where he
could fairly see the ship's hull, he turned short round, and
walked, without hastening his steps, directly towards me — pass-
ing me, however, without discovering any emotion, and said,
'there is trouble on board, sir."

"To the question 'What did you see?' he replied, 'men
jumping overboard.'

" Convinced at once, of our own perilous situation, and that
our escape depended on extremely cautious and judicious
management, I answered :

"'We must show no alarm, but muster the men, and order
them into the boat.'

"We deliberately pushed off from the shore, the Malays
having no suspicion of our design, thinking it to be our intention,
by our apparently unconcerned manner, to cross the river for a
stroll in the opposite Bazar as was our frequent custom. The
moment the boat's stern had left the bank of the river, Po Adam
sprang into her in a great state of excitement, to whom I ex-
claimed :

"What! do you come, too, Adam?'

" He answered : ' You got trouble, Captain, if they kill you,
must kill Po Adam first.'

" He suggested we should steer the boat as far as possible from
the western bank of the river, which was here not more than one
hundred feet wide, when I remarked to the boat's crew:

"Now spring to your oars, my lads, for your lives, or we
are all dead men.'

515

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

"Adam exhibited the utmost alarm and consternation,
encouraging my men to exert themselves, and talking English
and Acheenise both in the same breath — now exclaiming in
Acheenise, 'di-yoong di yoong hi!' And then exhorting them
to ' pull, pull strong !'

" As we doubled one of the points we saw hundreds of natives
rushing towards the river's mouth, brandishing their weapons,
and otherwise menacing us. Adam, upon seeing this, was
struck with dismay, and exclaimed ' if got blunderbuss will kill
all,' but luckily they were not provided with that weapon.

" A ferry-boat was next discovered with ten or twelve Malays
in her, armed with long spears, evidently waiting to intercept
us. I ordered Mr. Barry into the bows of the boat, with Adam's
sword, to make demonstrations, and also to con the boat in
such a manner as to run down the ferry boat, which I concluded
was our only chance to escape. With headlong impetuosity we
were rushing towards our antagonist, nerved with the feeling of
desperation. With profound stillness and breathless anxiety
we awaited the moment of collision.

"The points of their pikes could be plainly seen. Already
I observed Mr. Barry with his sword raised, as if in the act of
striking. But when we had approached within some twenty
feet, her crew appeared completely panic-struck, and made
an effort to get out of our way. It was, however, a close shave
— so close that one of their spears was actually over the stern
of our boat. The Malays on the bank of the river appeared
frantic at our escape, and ran into the water to their armpits in
their endeavors to intercept us, waving their swords above their
heads, and shouting at the top of their voices.

" We had now time calmly to contemplate the scene through
which we had just passed, with hearts, I trust, grateful to God
for his kind protection and safe guidance in the midst of its
perils. This was the part of their plan, otherwise well con-

516

The Tragedy of the Friendship

ceived, which was defective — they had taken no measures to
prevent our escape from the shore, never doubting for a moment
that our lives were at their disposal, unprotected and defenceless
as they saw us.

" Our doomed ship lay tranquilly in the roads, with sails
furled, and a pepper boat alongside, with a multitude of natives
in every part of her, and none of her own crew visible, with
the exception of a man on the top gallant yard, and some ten or
twelve heads just even with the surface of the water.

" The pirates were conspicuous in every corner of the Friend-
ship's deck, waving their cloths, and making signals of success
to the natives on shore. My first impulse was to propose
boarding her but I was very properly reminded that if the ship
with her full armament had been taken with so many of her
crew on board, we could do nothing in our unarmed state toward
her recapture.

"We continued, however, to row towards the ship until we
could see the Malays pointing her muskets at us from the
quarterdeck, and they appeared also to be clearing away the
stern chasers, which we knew to be loaded to their muzzles
with grape and langrage. At this moment, three large Malay
boats crowded with men were seen coming out of the river,
directly towards us. While debating whether it would not be
best to proceed at once to Muckie for assistance, which was
some twenty-five miles distant, where we knew two or three
American vessels were laying, heavy clouds commenced rolling
down over the mountains, and the rumbling of distant thunder,
and sharp flashes of lightning gave sure indications that the land
wind would be accompanied with deluges of rain, rendering the
night one of Egyptian darkness, in which it would be almost
impossible to grope our way safely along shore towards that
place.

"Under these discouraging prospects, Po Adam advised us

517

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

to proceed to Pulo Kio, and take shelter in his fort. Submitting
ourselves almost wholly to his guidance, we at once pulled away
for that place, but before we reached it his heart failed him,
and he represented his fort as not sufficiently strong to resist
a vigorous assault, and he would not therefore be responsible
for our lives, but suggested we should proceed to Soosoo, some
two miles further from the scene of the outrage. We accord-
ingly proceeded for Soosoo river, which we had scarcely entered
when Po Adam's confidence again forsook him, and he advised
us not to land. We therefore only filled a keg with water from
the river and came out over the bar, intending to make the
best of our way to Muckie.

" The night now came on dark and lowering, and just as we
left Soosoo river, the land wind, which had been some time
retarded by a strong sea breeze overtook us, accompanied with
heavy thunder and torrents of rain, which came pelting down
upon our unprotected heads. Sharp flashes of lightning occa-
sionally shot across the gloom, which rendered the scene still
more fearful. We double manned two of the oars with Mr.
Barry and Po Adam, and I did the best I could to keep the
boat's head down the coast, it being impossible to see any
object on shore, or even to hear the surf by which we could
judge our distance from it. Having proceeded in this way
until we began to think ourselves near North Tallapow, off
which was a dangerous shoal, it became a matter of concern
how we should keep clear of it. We frequently laid upon our
oars and listened, to ascertain if we could hear it break. Directly
we felt the boat lifted upon a high wave, which we knew must
be the roller upon this shoal, which passing, broke with a
fearful crash some three or four hundred feet from us.

"Having thus providentially passed this dangerous spot in
safety, the weather began to clear a little, and here and there a
star appeared. The off shore wind, too, became more steady

518

The Tragedy of the Friendship

and the rain ceased. We ripped up some gunny bags which
were left in the boat, and tied them together for a sail, under
which we found the boat bounded along quite briskly; we
therefore laid in our oars, all hands being quite exhausted, and
proceeded in this way the rest of the distance to Muckie, where
we arrived at about one o'clock, A. M.

" We found here the ship James Monroe, Porter, of New York,
brig Governor Endicott, Jenks, of Salem, and brig Palmer,
Powers, of Boston. On approaching the roads, we were first
hailed from the Governor Endicott, and to the question 'What
boat is that?' the response was 'the Friendship, from Qualah
Battoo,' which answer was immediately followed with the ques-
tion 'Is that you, Capt. Endicott,' 'Yes,' was the answer, 'with
all that are left of us.'

" Having communicated with the other vessels, their comman-
ders repaired on board the Governor Endicott, when it was
instantly concluded to proceed with their vessels to Qualah
Battoo, and endeavor to recover the ship. These vessels were
laying with most of their sails unbent, but their decks were
quickly all life and animation, and the work of bending sails
proceeded so rapidly that before 3 o'clock all the vessels were
out of the roads and heading up the coast towards Qualah
Battoo. It was our intention to throw as many of the crews of
the Governor Endicott and Palmer on board the James Monroe,
as could be prudently spared, she being the largest vessel, and
proceed with her directly into the roads, and lay her alongside
the Friendship, and carry her by boarding — the other vessels
following at a short distance. But as soon as we had completed
all our arrangements, and while we were yet several miles
outside the port, the sea breeze began to fail us, with indications
that the land wind, like that of the day before, would be accom-
panied with heavy rain. We, however, stood on towards the
place until the off shore wind and rain reached us when all

519

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

three vessels were obliged to anchor and suspend further opera-
tions until the next morning.

" Before dark I had taken the bearings of the ship by com-
pass, intending, if circumstances favored it, to propose a descent
upon her during the night; but the heavy rain continued the
most part of it and we were baffled in that design.

" Daylight found us upon the decks of the Monroe, watching
for the ship, which, in the indistinct light, could not be discovered
in the roads. The horizon in the offing was also searched
unsuccessfully with our glasses, but we at last discovered her
close in shore, far to the westward of her late anchorage, inside
a large cluster of dangerous shoals, to which position, as it then
appeared, the Malays must have removed her during the night.
One thing was certain we could not carry out our design of
running her alongside in her present situation; the navigation
would be too dangerous for either of the ships. At this moment
we saw a prou, or Malay trading craft, approaching the roads
from the westward, with which I communicated, hired a canoe,
and sent a messenger on shore to inform the Rajahs that if they
would give the ship up peaceably to us we would not molest
them, otherwise we should fire both upon her and the town.

"After waiting a considerable time for the return of the
messenger, during which we could see boats loaded with plunder
passing close in shore from the ship, this delay seemed only a
subterfuge to gain time, and we fired a gun across the bows of
one of them. In a few minutes the canoe which we had sent
on shore was seen putting off. The answer received, however,
was one of defiance: 'that they should not give her up so
easily, but we might take her if we could.'

" All three vessels then opened fire upon the town and ship,
which was returned by the forts on shore, the Malays also
firing our ship's guns at us. The first shot from one of the
forts passed between the masts of the Governor Endicott, not ten

520

The Glide (See Chapter XXVI)

The Friendship

The Tragedy of the Friendship

feet above the heads of the crew, and the second struck the water
just under her counter. This vessel had been kedged in close to
the shore within point blank shot of the fort, with springs upon
her cable, determined on making every gun tell. The spirited
manner in which their fire was returned soon silenced this fort,
which mounted six six-pounders and several small brass pieces.

"It appeared afterward, by the testimony of one of my crew,
who was confined here, that the firing was so effectual that it
dismounted their guns and split the carriages. The other two
forts, situated at a greater distance from the beach, continued
firing, and no progress was made towards recapturing the ship,
which, after all, was our only object. It was now between
three and four o'clock, and it was certain that if the Malays were
allowed to hold possession of the ship much longer, they would
either get her on shore or burn her. We then held a council
of war on board the Monroe, and concluded to board her with
as large a force as we could carry in three boats; and that the
command of the expedition should, of course, devolve upon me.
At this juncture the ship ceased firing. We observed a column
of smoke rise from her decks abreast the mainmast, and there
appeared to be great confusion on board. We subsequently
ascertained that they had blown themselves up by setting fire to
an open keg of powder from which they were loading the guns
after having expended all the cartridges.

"The ship lay with her port side towards us, and, with the
intention of getting out of the range of her guns, we pulled to
the westward at an angle of some 33 deg., until we opened her
starboard bow, when we bore up in three divisions for boarding,
one at each gangway, and the other over the bows. We were
now before the wind, and two oars in each boat were sufficient
to propel them; the rest of the crew, armed to the teeth with
muskets, cutlasses and pistols, sat quietly in their places, with
their muskets pointed at the ship as the boats approached.

521

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

" The Malays now, for the first time, seemed to comprehend
our design, and as we neared the ship, were struck with con-
sternation, and commenced deserting her with all possible
dispatch, and in the greatest confusion. The numerous boats
of all descriptions alongside were immediately filled, and the
others jumped overboard and swam for the shore. When we
reached the ship, there was to all appearances no one on board.
Still fearing some treachery, we approached her with the same
caution, and boarded her, cutlasses in hand. Having reached
her decks and finding them deserted, before we laid aside our
arms a strict search was made with instructions to cut down
any who should be found and give no quarter. But she was
completely forsaken — not a soul on board.

" Her appearance, at the time we boarded her defies descrip-
tion ; suffice it to say, every part of her bore ample testimony to
the violence and destruction with which she had been visited.
That many lives had been sacrificed her blood-stained decks
abundantly testified. We found her within pistol shot of the
beach, with most of her sails cut loose and flying from the
yards. Why they had not succeeded in their attempts to get
her on shore, was soon apparent. A riding turn on the chain
around the windlass, which they were not sailors enough to
clear, had no doubt prevented it. There had been evidently
a fruitless attempt to cut it off. While we were clearing the
chain, and preparing to kedge the ship off into the roads, the
Malays, still bent upon annoying us and unwilling to abandon
their prize, were seen drawing a gun over the sandy beach upon
a drag directly under our stern, which, being fired, it jumped
off the carriage and was abandoned. It was the work of a short
time for us to kedge the ship off into deep water and anchor her
in comparative security alongside the other ships in the roads.

" The next morning a canoe was seen approaching the James
Monroe from Pulo Kio, with five or six men in her whom we

522

The Tragedy of the Friendship

took, as a matter of course, to be natives; but we were soon
hailed from that ship, and informed that four of the number
were a part of our own crew. Their haggard and squalid
appearance bespoke what they had suffered. It would seem
impossible that in the space of four days, men could, by any
casualty, so entirely lose their identity. It was only by asking
their names that I knew any of them. They were without
clothing other than loose pieces of cotton cloth thrown over
their persons, their hair matted, their bodies crisped and burnt
in large, running blisters, besides having been nearly devoured
by musquitos, the poison of whose stings had left evident traces
of its virulence; their flesh wasted away, and even the very tones
of their voices changed. They had been wandering about in
the jungle without food ever since the ship was taken. Their
account of the capture of the ship was as follows :

"When the pepper-boat came alongside, it was observed by
the crew that all on board her were strangers. They were also
better dressed than boatmen generally, all of them having on
white or yellow jackets, and new ivory-handled kreises. No
notice appeared to be taken of these suspicious circumstances
by the mate, and all except two men, who were left to pass up
pepper, were admitted indiscriminately to come on board.
One of the crew, named Wm. Parnell, who was stationed at the
gangway to pass along pepper, made some remark, to call the
mate's attention to the number of natives on board, and was
answered in a gruff manner, and asked if he was afraid. " No,'
replied the man, ' not afraid, but I know it to be contrary to the
regulations of the ship.'

"He was ordered, with an oath, to pass along pepper and
mind his own business. The natives were also seen by the
crew sharpening their kreises upon the grindstone which stood
upon the forecastle, and a man named Chester, who was subse-
quently killed while starting pepper down the fore hatch, asked

523

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

them in pantomine what so many of them wanted on board and
was answered in the same way, that they came off to see the
ship. He was heard by one of the crew to say, ' we must look
out you do not come for anything worse,' at the same time
drawing a handspike within his reach.

The Malays had distributed themselves about the decks in
the most advantageous manner for an attack, and at some
preconcerted signal a simultaneous assault upon the crew was
made in every part of the ship. Two Malays were seen by the
steward to rush with their kreises upon Mr. Knight, who was
very badly stabbed in the back and side, the weapons appearing
to be buried in his body up to their very hilts. Chester at the
fore hatch, notwithstanding his distrust and precaution, was
killed outright and supposed to have fallen into the hold. The
steward at the galley was also badly wounded, and was only
saved from death by the kreis striking hard against a short rib,
which took the force of the blow. Of the two men on the stage
over the ship's side, one was killed and the other so badly
wounded as to be made a cripple for life.

" The chief officer was seen, after he was stabbed, to rush aft
upon the starboard side of the quarterdeck and endeavor to
get a boarding pike out of the beckets abreast the mizzen
rigging, where he was met by Parnell to whom he exclaimed,
'do your duty.' At the same instant two or three Malays rushed
upon him and he was afterwards seen lying dead near the
same spot, with a boarding pike under him.

"On the instant the crew found the ship attacked, they
attempted to get aft into the cabin for arms but the Malays
had placed a guard on each side of the companion-way which
prevented them; they then rushed forward for handspikes and
were again intercepted; and being completely bewildered,
surprised and defenceless, and knowing that several of their
shipmates had already been killed outright before their eyes,

524

The Tragedy of the Friendship

and others wounded, all who could swim plunged overboard,
and the others took to the rigging or crept over the bows out
of sight. The decks were now cleared and the pirates had
full possession of the ship.

"The men in the water then consulted together what they
should do, concluding it certain death to return to the ship;
and they determined it would be the safest to swim on shore,
and secrete themselves in the jungle; but as they approached
it they observed the beach about Qualah Battoo lined with
natives, and they proceeded more to the westward and landed
upon a point called Ouj'ong Lamah Moodah nearly two miles
distant from the ship. On their way they had divested them-
selves of every article of clothing, and they were entirely naked
at the time they landed.

" As it was not yet dark, they sought safety and seclusion in
the jungle, from whence they emerged as soon as they thought
it safe, and walked upon the beach in the direction of Cape
Felix and Annalaboo, intending to make the best of their way
to the latter place, with the hope of meeting there some American
vessel. At daylight they sought a hiding-place again in the
bushes, but it afforded them only a partial protection from
the scorching rays of the sun from which, being entirely naked,
they experienced the most dreadful effects. Hunger and
thirst began also to make demands upon them; but no food
could anywhere be found. They tried to eat grass, but their
stomachs refused it. They found a few husks of the cocoanut,
which they chewed, endeavoring to extract some nourishment
from them but in vain.

"They staid in their hiding-place the whole of this day, and
saw Malays passing along the beach but were afraid to discover
themselves. At night they pursued their journey again, during
which they passed several small streams, where they slaked
their thirst but obtained no food. About midnight they came

525

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

to a very broad river, which they did not venture to cross. The
current was very rapid, and having been thirty-six hours without
food of any kind, they did not dare attempt swimming it. Here,
then, they were put completely hors de combat; they found for
want of food their energies were fast giving way, and still they
believed their lives depended on not being discovered.

"Since further progress towards Annalaboo appeared im-
possible, they resolved to retrace their steps, endeavor to pass
Qualah Battoo in the night without being discovered and reach
the hospitable residence of Po Adam, at Pulo Kio. They
accordingly took up their line of march towards that place,
and reached, as they supposed, the neighborhood of Cape
Felix by the morning, when they again retreated to the jungle,
where they lay concealed another day, being Wednesday,
the day of the recapture of the ship, but at too great distance to
hear the firing. At night they again resumed their journey,
and having reached the spot where the Malays landed in so
much haste when they deserted the ship, they found the beach
covered with canoes, a circumstance which aroused their
suspicions but for which they were at a loss to account.

"They now concluded to take a canoe as the most certain
way of passing Qualah Battoo without discovery, and so proceed
to Pulo Kio. As they passed the roads, they heard one of the
ship's bells strike the hour, and the well-known cry of 'All's
Well,' but fearing it was some decoy of the natives, they would
not approach her but proceeded on their way, and landed at
Pulo Kio, secreting themselves once more in the jungle, near the
residence of Po Adam until the morning, when four naked and
half-famished white men were seen to emerge from the bushes
and approach his fort with feeble steps. As soon as recognized
they were welcomed by him with the strongest demonstrations
of delight; slapping his hands, shouting at the top of his lungs,
and in the exuberance of his joy committing all kinds of extrava-

526

The Tragedy of the Friendship

gances. They now heard of the recapture of the ship, and the
escape of the boat's crew on shore, who, it had never occurred
to them, were not already numbered with the dead.

" Having refreshed themselves (being the first food they had
tasted in seventy-two hours), they were conveyed by Adam and
his men on board the James Monroe in the pitiful condition of
which we have before spoken.

"In the course of the latter part of the same day, another
canoe, with a white flag displayed, was observed approaching
the fleet from the direction of Qualah Battoo, containing three
or four Chinamen who informed us that four of our own men,
two of whom were wounded, one very severely, were at their
houses on shore, where their wounds had been dressed and
they had been otherwise cared for; and that we could ransom
them of the Rajahs at ten dollars each. To this I readily
agreed, and they were soon brought off to the ship in a sampan,
and proved to be Charles Converse and Gregorie Pedechio,
seamen, Lorenzo Migell, cook, and William Francis, steward.

"Converse was laid out at full length upon a board, as if
dead, evidently very badly wounded. The story of the poor
fellow was a sad one. He, with John Davis, being the two
tallest men in the ship, were on the stage over the side when
she "was attacked. Their first impulse was, to gain the ship's
decks, but they were defeated in this design by the pirates who
stood guard over the gangway and making repeated thrusts at
them. They then made a desperate attempt to pass over the
pepper-boat, and thus gain the water, in doing which they
were both most severely wounded. Having reached the water,
Converse swam round to the ship's bows and grasped the
chain, to which he clung as well as he was able, being badly
crippled in one of his hands, with other severe wounds in various
parts of his body. When it became dark, he crawled up over
the bows as well as his exhausted strength from the loss of blood

527

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

would permit, and crept to the foot of the forecastle stairs, where
he supposed he must have fainted, and fell prostrate upon the
floor without the power of moving himself one inch further.

"The Malays believing him dead, took no heed of him, but
traveled up and down over his body the whole night. Upon
attempting to pass over the boat, after being foiled in his en-
deavor to reach the ship's decks, a native made a pass at his
head with his 'parrung,' a weapon resembling most a butcher's
cleaver, which he warded off by throwing up his naked arm,
and the force of the blow fell upon the outerpart of his hand,
severing all the bones and sinews belonging to three of his
fingers, and leaving untouched only the fore finger and thumb.
Besides this he received a kreis wound in the back which must
have penetrated to the stomach, for he bled from his mouth
the most part of the night. He was likewise very badly wounded
just below the groin, which came so nearly through the leg as
to discolor the flesh upon the inside.

" Wonderful, however, to relate, notwithstanding the want of
proper medical advice, and with nothing but the unskillful
treatment of three or four shipmasters, the thermometer ranging
all the time, from 85 to 90 deg., this man recovered from his
wounds, but in his crippled hand he carried the marks of
Malay perfidy to his watery grave, having been drowned at
sea from on board of the brig Fair America, in the winter of
1833-4, which was, no doubt, occasioned by this wound which
unfitted him for holding on properly while aloft.

" The fate of his companion Davis, was a tragical one. He
could not swim, and after reaching the water was seen to struggle
hard to gain the boat's tackle-fall at the stern, to which he clung
until the Malays dropped the pepper boat astern, when he was
observed apparently imploring mercy at their hands, which the
wretches did not heed, but butchered him upon the spot.

"Gregory was the man seen aloft when we had cleared the

528

The Tragedy of the Friendship

river, cutting strange antics which we did not at the time com-
prehend. By his account, when he reached the fore top-
gallant yard, the pirates commenced firing the ship's muskets
at him, which he dodged by getting over the front side of the
yard and sail and down upon the collar of the stay, and then
reversing the movement. John Masury related that after being
wounded in the side, he crept over the bows of the ship and
down upon an anchor, where he was sometime employed in
dodging the thrusts of a boarding pike in the hands of a Malay,
until the arrival of a reinforcement from the shore when every
one fearing lest he should not get his full share of plunder,
ceased further to molest the wounded.

" The ship, the first night after her capture, according to the
testimony of these men, was a perfect pandemonium, and a
Babel of the most discordant sounds. The ceaseless moaning
of the surf upon the adjacent shore, the heavy peals of thunder,
and sharp flashings of lightning directly over their heads, the
sighing of the wind in wild discords through the rigging, like
the wailings of woe from the manes of their murdered ship-
mates; and all this intermingled with the more earthly sounds
of the squealing of pigs, the screeching of fowls, the cackling
of roosters, the unintelligible jargon of the natives, jangling
and vociferating, with horrible laughter, shouts and yells, in
every part of her, and in the boats alongside carrying off plunder,
their black figures unexpectedly darting forth from every unseen
quarter, as if rising up and again disappearing through the
decks, and gambolling about in the dark, must have been like
a saturnalia of demons.

"It is the general impression that Malays, being Musselmen,
have a holy horror of swine, as unclean animals; the very
touch of which imposes many ablutions and abstinence from
food for several days together, but, according to the testimony
of my men, it was perfectly marvellous how they handled those

529

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

on board our ship, going in their pens, seizing, struggling, and
actually embracing them, until they succeeded in throwing
every one overboard.

"The morning succeeding the capture of the Friendship,
affairs on board appeared to be getting to be a little more settled,
when several Chinamen came off and performed the part of good
Samaritans, taking the wounded men on shore to their houses,
and dressing their wounds with some simple remedies which at
least kept down inflammation. In doing this, however, they
were obliged to barricade their dwellings, to guard them against
the insulting annoyances of the natives.

" Qualah Battoo bazar that day presented a ludicrous spec-
tacle. Almost every Malay was decked out in a white, blue,
red, checked, or striped shirt, or some other European article
of dress or manufacture stolen from the ship, not even excepting
the woolen table cloth belonging to the cabin, which was seen
displayed over the shoulders of a native, all seemingly quite
proud of their appearance, and strutting about with solemn
gravity and oriental self-complacency. Their novel and gro-
tesque appearance could not fail to suggest the idea that a tribe
of monkeys had made a descent upon some unfortunate clothing
establishment, and each had seized and carried off whatever
article of dress was most suited to his taste and fancy.

" The ship was now once more in our possession, with what
remained of her cargo and crew. She was rifled of almost
every movable article on board, and scarcely anything but her
pepper remaining. Of our outward cargo every dollar of
of specie, and every pound of opium had, of course, become a
prey to them. All her spare sails and rigging were gone — not
a needle or ball of twine, palm, marling spike, or piece of rope
were left! All our charts, chronometers and other nautical
instruments — all our clothing and bedding, were also gone;
as well as our cabin furniture and small stores of every descrip-

530

The Tragedy of the Friendship

tion. Our ship's provisions, such as beef, pork and most of
our bread, had, however, been spared. Of our armament
nothing but the large guns remained. Every pistol, musket,
cutlass, and boarding pike, with our entire stock of powder,
had been taken.

" With assistance from the other vessels we immediately began
making the necessary preparations to leave the port with all
possible dispatch, but owing to much rainy weather we did not
accomplish it for three days after recapturing the ship, when
we finally succeeded in leaving the place in company with the
fleet bound for South Tallapow, where we arrived on the four-
teenth of February. When we landed at this place with the
other masters and supercargoes, we were followed through the
streets of the bazar by the natives in great crowds, exulting and
hooting, with exclamations similar to these :

"'Who great man now, Malay or American?' 'How many
man American dead?' 'How many man Malay dead?'

"We now commenced in good earnest to prepare our ship
for sea. Our voyage had been broken up, and there was
nothing left for us but to return to the United States. We
finally left Muckie, whither we had already proceeded, on the
twenty-seventh of February, for Pulo Kio (accompanied by the
ship Delphos, Capt. James D. Gillis, and the Gov. Endicott, Capt
Jenks), where I was yet in hopes to recover some of my nautical
instruments. With the assistance of Po Adam, I succeeded in
obtaining, for a moderate sum, my sextant and one of my
chronometers, which enabled me to navigate the ship. We
sailed from Pulo Kio on the fourth of March, and arrived at
Salem on the sixteenth of July.

"The intense interest and excitement caused by our arrival
home may still be remembered. It being nearly calm, as we ap-
proached the harbor we were boarded several miles outside by
crowds of people, all anxious to learn the most minute par-

531

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

ticulars of our sad misfortune, the news of which had preceeded
us by the arrival of a China ship at New York which we had
met at St. Helena. The curiosity of some of our visitors was
so great that they would not be satisfied until they knew the
exact spot where every man stood, who was either killed or
wounded. Even the casing of the cabin, so much cut up in
search of money or other valuables, was an object of the greatest
interest.

"But the feeling of presumptuous exultation and proud
defiance exhibited by the natives, was of brief duration. The
avenger was at hand. In something less than a year after this
outrage, the U. S. Frigate, Potomac, Com. Downes, appeared
off the port of Qualah Battoo, and anchored in the outer roads,
disguised as a merchantman. Every boat which visited her
from the shore was detained that her character might not be
made known to the natives. Several amusing anecdotes were
told, of the fear and terror exhibited in the countenances of the
natives, when they so unexpectedly found themselves imprisoned
within the wooden walls of the Potomac, surrounded by such a
formidable armament, which bespoke the errand that had
attracted her to their shores. They prostrated themselves at
full length upon her decks, trembling in the most violent manner,
and appearing to think nothing but certain death awaited them.

"A reconnoitering party was first sent on shore, professedly
for the purpose of traffic. But when they approached, the
natives came down to the beach in such numbers that it excited
their suspicions that the frigate's character and errand had some-
how preceded her, and it was considered prudent not to land.
Having, therefore, examined the situation of the forts and the
means of defence, they returned to the Potomac. The same
night some 300 men, under the guidance of Mr. Barry, the
former second officer of the Friendship, who was assistant sail-
ing-master of the frigate, landed to the westward of the place

532

The Tragedy of the Friendship

with the intention of surprising the forts and the town, but by
some unaccountable delay the morning was just breaking when
the detachment had effected a landing, and as they were march-
ing along the beach towards the nearest fort, a Malay came out
of it, by whom they were discovered and an alarm given.

" They pushed on, however, and captured the forts by storm
after some hard fighting, and set fire to the town which was
burnt to ashes. The natives, not even excepting the women,
fought with great desperation, many of whom would not yield
until shot down or sabred on the spot. The next day the frigate
was dropped in within gunshot, and bombarded the place, to
impress them with the power and ability of the United States
to avenge any act of piracy or other indignity offered by them
to her flag.

" When I visited the coast again, some five months after this
event, I found the deportment of the natives materially changed.
There was now no longer exhibited either arrogance or proud
defiance. All appeared impressed with the irresistible power
of a nation that could send such tremendous engines of war as
the Potomac frigate upon their shores to avenge any wrongs
committed upon its vessels, and that it would be better policy
for them to attend to their pepper plantations and cultivate
the arts of peace, than subject themselves to such severe retri-
bution as had followed this act of piracy upon the Friendship.

" Perhaps, in justice to Po Adam, I ought to remark that the
account circulated by his countrymen of his conniving at, if not
being actually connected with this piracy (a falsehood with
which they found the means of deceiving several American ship-
masters soon after the affair), is a base calumny against a worthy
man, and has no foundation whatever in truth. The property
he had in my possession on board the ship, in gold ornaments
of various kinds, besides money, amounting to several thousand
dollars, all of which he lost by the capture of the ship and

533

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

never recovered, bears ample testimony to the falsity of this
charge. His countrymen also worked upon the avarice and
cupidity of the king by misrepresentations of his exertions to
recover the ship, thereby preventing them from making him a
present of her which they pretended was their intention. His
sable majesty, in consequence, absolved every one of Po Adam's
debtors, all along the coast, from paying him their debts. He
also confiscated all his property he could find, such as fishing-
boats, nets and lines and other fishing tackle, and appropriated
the proceeds to his own use, so that Po Adam was at once reduced
to penury. All this was in accordance with commodore Bieu-
lieu's account, upwards of two hundred years before, viz: 'If
they ever suspect that any one bears them an ill will, they
endeavor to ruin him by false accusations.'

"The king also sent a small schooner down the coast, soon
after, to reap further vengeance upon Po Adam. Arriving at
Pulo Kio, while Adam was absent, they rifled his fort of every-
thing valuable and even took the ornaments, such as armlets
and anklets, off the person of his wife. Intelligence having been
conveyed to Po Adam of this outrage, he arrived home the
night before the schooner had left the harbor, and incensed, as
it was natural he should be, at such base and cowardly treat-
ment, he immediately opened a fire upon her and sunk her in
nine feet of water. She was afterwards fished up by the Potomac
frigate and converted into fire-wood.

" We do not know if Po Adam is now living, but some sixteen
years since, we saw a letter from him to one of our eminent
merchants, Joseph Peabody, Esq., of Salem, Mass., asking for
assistance from our citizens and stating truthfully all the facts
in his case. I endeavored at the time, through our represen-
tative to Congress, to bring the matter before that body but
from some cause it did not succeed, and the poor fellow has
been allowed to live, if not die, in his penury. We will, however,

534

The Tragedy of the Friendship

permit him to state his own case, in his own language, which he
does in the following letter, written at his own dictation :

"'Qualah Battoo, 7th October, 1841. Some years have
passed since the capture of the Friendship, commanded by my
old friend, Capt. Endicott.

"It perhaps is not known to you, that, by saving the life of
Capt. Endicott, and the ship itself from destruction, I became,
in consequence, a victim to the hatred and vengeance of my
misguided countrymen ; some time since, the last of my property
was set on fire and destroyed, and now, for having been the
steadfast friend of Americans, I am not only destitute, but an
object of derision to my countrymen.

" ' You, who are so wealthy and so prosperous, I have thought,
that, if acquainted with these distressing circumstances, you
would not turn a deaf ear to my present condition.

' ' I address myself to you, because through my agency many
of your ships have obtained cargoes, but I respectfully beg that
you will have the kindness to state my case to the rich pepper
merchants of Salem and Boston, firmly believing that from their
generosity, and your own, I shall not have reason to regret the
warm and sincere friendship ever displayed towards your Cap-
tains, and all other Americans, trading on this Coast. . . .

' ' Wishing you, Sir, and your old companions in the Sumatra
trade, and their Captains, health and prosperity, and trusting
that, before many moons I shall, through your assistance, be
released from my present wretched condition, believe me very
respectfully,

"Your faithful servant,
" (Signed) 'Po ADAM' (in Arabic characters)."

535

CHAPTER XXVI

EARLY SOUTH SEA VOYAGES

(1832)

FIFTY years ago two English missionaries in the Fijis
wrote a book in which they said that the traffic in
sandalwood, tortoise-shell and beche-de-mer among
those islands "has been, and still is chiefly in the hands of
Americans from the port of Salem." No corner of the Seven
Seas seems to have been too hostile or remote to be overlooked
by the shipmasters of old Salem in their quest for trade. The
first vessels of the East India Company to touch at the Fijis
made a beginning of that commerce a little more than a hundred
years ago. No more than four years after their pioneer voyage,
however, Captain William Richardson in the Salem bark
Active was trading with the natives and continuing his voyage
to Canton in 1811. During the next half century the untutored
people of the Fijis pictured the map of America as consisting
mostly of a place called Salem whose ships and sailors were
seldom absent from their palm-fringed beaches.

When Commodore Wilkes sailed on his exploring expedition
of the South Seas in 1840, his pilot and interpreter was Captain
Benjamin Vandeford of Salem. He died on the way home
from this famous cruise and Commodore Wilkes wrote of him :
"He had formerly been in command of various vessels sailing
from Salem, and had made many voyages to the Fiji Islands.
During our stay there he was particularly useful in superintend-
ing all trade carried on to supply the ship." It was another
Salem skipper of renown, Captain John H. Eagleston, who

536

Early South Sea Voyages

carried one of Commodore Wilkes' vessels safely into port in
1840 among the Fijis by reason of his intimate knowledge of
those waters.

South Sea trading in that era was a romance of commerce,
crowded with perilous adventure. The brig Charles Doggett of
Salem, commanded by Captain George Batchelder was lying
off Kandora in the Fijis in 1833, when her crew was attacked
by natives. Five of the seamen and the mate were killed and
most of the others wounded. On her way to Manila in the
same voyage the brig touched at the Pelew Islands and was
again attacked, in which affray a cabin boy was killed. The
Charles Doggett had previously played a part in one of the
most romantic chapters of ocean history, the mutiny of the
Bounty. In 1831, Captain William Driver took the brig to
Tahiti whither, a short time before, the Bounty colony had been
transported by the British Government from its first home on
Pitcairn Island. There were eighty-seven of these descendants
of the original mutineers, and they had been taken to Tahiti
at their own request to seek a more fertile and habitable island.
They were an Utopian colony, virtuous, and intensely pious,
and soon disgusted with the voluptuous immoralities of the
Tahitians, they became homesick for the isolated peace of
Pitcairn Island, and begged to be carried back. When Captain
Driver found them they besought him to take them away from
Tahiti, and he embarked them for Pitcairn Island, fourteen
hundred miles away. They had been gone only nine months
and they rejoiced with touching eagerness and affection at
seeing their old home again. Captain Driver went on his way
in the Charles Doggett, with the satisfaction of having done a
kindly deed for one of the most singularly attractive and pic-
turesque communities known in modern history. *

*The following letter was sent to Capt. Driver and signed by George
H. Nohbs, Teacher, and three of his fellow-voyagers of the company of the
Bounty:

537

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Another kind of sea-story was woven in the loss of the Salem
ship Glide which was wrecked at Tackanova in 1832, after her
company had been set upon by natives with the loss of two
seamen. The South Sea Islands were very primitive in those
days, and the narrative of the Glide as told by one of her crew
portrays customs, conditions and adventures which have long
since vanished. The Glide was owned by the famous Salem
shipping merchant Joseph Peabody, and commanded by Cap-
tain Henry Archer. She sailed for the South Pacific in 1829,
with a crew of young men hailing from her home port. While
at New Zealand a journal kept on board records that "the
presence of several English whale ships helped to relieve the
most timid of us from any feeling of insecurity because of the
treachery of the natives. Among the visitors on board was a
chief supposed to have been concerned in the massacre of the
ship Boyd's crew in the Bay of Islands. Some of the particulars
of this tragedy were related to us by foreigners resident at New
Zealand. The chief was a man of very powerful frame, and of
an exceedingly repulsive appearance, The cook said : ' There,
that fellow looks as though he could devour any of us without
salt.'"

A little later in the voyage the Glide hit a reef and her captain
decided that she must be hove down and repaired. How small
these old-time vessels were is shown in this process of heaving
them down, or careening on some sandy beach when their
hulls needed cleaning or repairs. In the Peabody Museum

" Pitcairns Island,

Sept. 3rd., 1830.

This is to certify that Captain Driver of the Brig Chas. Doggett of Salem
carried sixty-five of the inhabitants of Pitcairns Island from Tahiti back to their
native land during which passage Capt. Driver behaved with the greatest kind-
ness and humanity becoming a man and a Christian, and as we can never re-
munerate him for the kindness we have received, we sincerely hope that through
the blessing of the Almighty he will reap that reward which infallibly attends
the Christian."

538

Captain Driver

Letter to Captain Driver from the "Bounty" Colonists after he had carried them
from Tahiti back to Pitcairn Island. (See foot note on page 538.)

of Salem there is a painting done by one of the crew, of the Salem
brig Eunice which was hauled ashore on a South Sea island.
After stripping, emptying her and caulking her seams, the crew
discovered that it was a task beyond their strength to launch her
again. What did they do but assemble all the spare timber,
cut down trees and hew planks, and after incredible exertion
build a huge cask around the brig's dismantled hull. It was
more of a cylinder than a cask, however, from which the bow
and stern of the craft extended. Lines were passed to her boats
and the windlass called into action as she lay at anchor close to
the beach.

Then with hawsers rigged around the great cask, every
possible purchase was obtained, and slowly the brig began to
roll over and over toward the sea, exactly as a barrel is rolled
down the skids into a warehouse. In this unique and amazing
fashion the stout Eunice was trundled into deep water. As
soon as she was afloat, the planking which encased her was
stripped off and she was found to be uninjured. Then her
masts were stepped and rigged, her ballast, stores and cargo
put aboard, and she sailed away for Salem. The painting of
this ingenious incident tells the story more convincingly than
the description.

The account of the heaving down of the Glide is not so unusual
as this but it throws an interesting light upon the problems of
these resourceful mariners of other days. "To heave down
the ship was an undertaking requiring great caution and abil-
ity," the journal relates. "A large ship to be entirely dis-
mantled; a large part of her cargo to be conveyed ashore; a
floating stage of spars and loose timbers constructed alongside;
ourselves surrounded by cannibals, scores of which were con-
tinually about the vessel and looking as if they meditated mis-
chief. It was well for the Glide that her captain not only knew
the ropes but had been a ship carpenter and could use an axe.

539

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

He had not, like many masters of vessels nowadays, climbed
up to the captain's berth through the cabin window. He was
fully equal to this emergency."

The ship, having been hove down without mishap, was
made ready for opening a trade in beche-de-mer, a species of
sea slug, which was dried and carried to China as a delicacy in
high repute among the people of that country. A safe anchorage
was found, and the king of the nearest tribe "made pliable"
by numerous gifts after which a contract was made with him
for gathering the cargo. He assembled his people and set
them at work erecting on the beach the row of buildings needed
for storing and curing the sea slugs.

When this was done the warriors of nearby friendly tribes
began to appear in canoes, bringing their wives and children.
They built huts along the beach until an uproarious village
had sprung up. Its people bartered tortoise shell, hogs and
vegetables for iron tools, and whales' teeth, and helped gathei
beche-de-mer in the shallow water along the reefs. Two of
the ship's officers and perhaps a dozen of the crew lived ashore
for the purpose of curing the cargo. Their plant was rather
imposing, consisting of a "Batter House," a hundred feet long
by thirty wide in which the fish was spread and smoked; the
" Trade House " in which were stored muskets, pistols, cutlasses,
cloth, iron-ware, beads, etc., and the "Pot House" which con-
tained the great kettles used for boiling the unsavory mess. In
putting up these buildings the king would make a hundred of
his islanders toil a week on end for a musket — and he kept the
musket.

" The business aboard, the din of industry ashore, the coming
and going of boats and the plying of hundreds of canoes to and
from the sea reef, gave much animation to things," writes the
chronicler of this voyage of the Glide.

" Indeed I could not but regard the scene, among islands so

540

Early South Sea Voyages

little known to the world, as highly creditable to the commercial
enterprise of the merchants engaged in the trade. Where next,
thought I, will Salem vessels sail? North or south, around
Good Hope or the Horn, we find them, officered and manned
by Salem men. The Glide's company were thirty men, most of
whom were young, strong and active, a force sufficient with our
muskets, pistols, cutlasses, etc., to resist any attack from the
natives. Though without a profusion of ornamental work, the
Glide was a beautiful model, as strong as oak and ship carpenters
could make her. At anchor in the harbor of Miambooa, she
had a war-like appearance. Heavy cannon loaded with a
cannister and grape shot projected from the port holes on each
side. In each top was a chest of arms and ammunition. On
deck and below, weapons of defense were so arranged as to be
available at short notice. Boarding nettings eight or ten feet
high were triced up around the ship by tackles, and whipping
lines suspended from the ends of the lower yard-arms."

Before the journal deals with the tragedy and loss of the
Glide, the author jots down such bits of information as this:

" One of the most powerful chiefs on this island (Overlau)
at the time of our visiting it, was Mr. David Whepley, an
American, and, I believe, a native of New Bedford, whence
he had sailed some years before in a whale ship. For some
cause, on the arrival of the vessel here, he took sudden leave
and ultimately became distinguished among the natives. He
was a young man apparently about thirty years of age."

The career of a trader in the South Seas three-quarters of a
century ago was enlivened by incidents like the following:

"When passing within a few miles of Pennrhyn's Island, we
noticed some canoes filled with savages coming off to the ship.
Wishing to procure some grass for our live-stock, we hove to
and awaited their approach. Their numbers and strength
made it prudent to put ourselves in a defensive position; each

541

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

man was armed and our cannon, loaded with grape-shot, were
run out at the port holes.

"Presently there were alongside fifty or sixty of the most
repulsive monsters that I ever beheld ; very tall, of complexion
unmixed black, with coarse stiff hair like dog's bristles, and
their language, if such it was, more resembling dogs barking
than articulate speech. Their whole aspect was truly terrific.
They were not permitted to come on board, but only to clamber
up the sides of the vessel. The ship's channels fore and aft
on both sides were filled with them. The Glide's company
was armed, yet our situation was very perilous.

" Whilst Captain Archer was selecting some articles of trade,
a spear was hurled at him by a savage standing in the larboard
mizzen channels. I stood within four or five feet of the captain,
and saw the savage, but his movement was so quick that I could
not in season give the alarm. The captain was leaning over
the larboard hencoop, his back was toward the savage, and but
for a providential turning of his head, the spear would have
pierced his neck. As it was, it grazed his neck and inflicted a
slight wound.

"This seemed to be a signal for attack; the savages became
exceedingly clamorous. The captain commanded 'Fire.' It
was a fearful order and fearfully obeyed. Five or six savages,
among them the one who had hurled the spear, were shot and
fell back with a death shriek into the sea. Others were severely
wounded by our boarding pikes, and cutlasses. Two or three
of the crew were slightly injured in keeping the natives from
the deck. Had the captain's orders been a moment delayed,
the savages must have gained the better of us. As soon as the
captain's order had been given I let go the weather main-brace.
A six knot breeze was blowing and the yards having been quickly
rounded, the motion was soon sufficient to embarrass the
savages, and we were enabled to drive them from the ship.

542

Early South Sea Voyages

"As the Glide moved on, we left them astern in the utmost
confusion. Their situation was truly pitiable. The sun had
set ; there was a heavy sea, and the wind was freshening. They
were five miles from their island. Some were swimming about
hither and thither to recover their canoes which had been upset
by the ship's progress; some went soon to the bottom, and
others who had gained their canoes sat hideously bemoaning
the desolation around them. Their eyes rolled wildly as they
hurled their spears toward the ship, and they howled and
gnashed their teeth like so many fiends of darkness. We
passed within a mile of the island, and observed numerous fires
kindled along the shore, probably as beacons to guide back
the natives who had attacked us."

Captain Archer's ship filled her hold with beche-de-mer and
took it to Manila, returning to the Fijis for a second cargo. Ar-
riving once more at the island of Overlau, the first and third offi-
cers with part of the crew were sent in a boat to Lakamba, an
island twenty-five miles distant to conduct the traffic in beche-
de-mer. Because of shoal water the ship could not follow them
and she carried on a trade at her anchorage in tortoise shell and
sandal wood. "Knowing that on the completion of our second
cargo," reads the journal, "we were to leave the Fijis the party
at Lakamba worked with zeal. The men aboard ship were
no less industrious. The armorer and his mate manufactured
knives, chisels, and other cutlery for exchange. The carpenter
was busy at his bench. Above some were repairing the rigging;
on deck others were mending sails, and making matting bags
to pack beche-de-mer. The sun shone not on a more faithful
crew. The captain traded with the natives when they came
alongside, and directed all matters aboard. Thus prosperously
passed several weeks.

" We were frequently visited by David Whepley, the American
chieftain at Overlau; sometimes accompanied by two or three

543

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

of his warriors. He was usually dressed as a sailor and had
with him a loaded rifle whose good qualities were the main
topic of his conversation. He also told us much concerning his
singular life, and his adopted people, over whom he seemed to
have great influence owing to his superior wisdom, and the good
terms existing between him and the powerful king of Bou. The
king of Bou sometimes visited us. When this old chief, whose
complexion was darkness visible out of which peered two deep-
set glaring eyeballs with a grizzly beard tapering to a point a
foot below his chin, came alongside in his large double canoe,
the spectacle was impressive. This canoe was of curious and
imposing structure, able to hold a hundred or more persons,
with a triangular matting sail as large as the Glide's main-
topsail. He was accompanied by forty or fifty vigorous black
warriors, huge but symmetrical in build, with elegant white
turbans on their heads, and ornaments hanging from their ears.
They were girt with some white tapas, and held massive clubs
and spears which they use with terrible effect.

" One morning about forty of the savages of Overlau brought
some fruit off the ship, ostensibly for trade. Only two or three
of them were allowed to come on board at a time. Nine or ten
of the crew were variously occupied in different parts of the
ship. The armorer and myself were at work together on the
forecastle. In a short time our suspicions were excited by
seeing our visitors engaged in close conversation among them-
selves, and counting the men, ' Rua, Tola, Fa, Leema, Ono,
Vetu,' etc. (one, two, three, four, five, six, seven, etc.). The
armorer was going aft to inform the captain of the circumstances
when our second officer, on looking over the ship's side, saw
some savages busily passing up weapons to others standing in
the channels. The men aloft, having also perceived this
manoevre, hurried down on deck and discharged a volley of
musketry over the heads of the visitors which dispersed them.

544

Early South Sea Voyages

Some leaped into the sea, others into their canoes, and swam
or paddled ashore in great consternation."

But the company of the Glide were not to escape scot-free
from the hostility of the Fijians. A few days after the foregoing
incident, the second officer, carpenter, and six of the foremast
hands were sent ashore to cut an anchor-stalk of timber. As
usual, the boat was well supplied with arms and ammunition.
A boy of the party was left in charge of the boat on the beach,
and the others went into the nearest woods. Presently a score
of natives appeared and tried to trade, but the sailors were too
busy to deal with them, whereupon they sauntered off to the
beach and began to annoy the lad who had been left behind.
Before long they were stealing articles from the boat and the
young sentinel raised an alarm.

" The men hearing the cry were making for the boat," relates
the diarist of the Glide, "when the savages in a body rushed
towards them. Our sailors, levelling their loaded muskets,
retreated backward to the beach, avoiding with great difficulty
the clubs and spears hurled at them. Thus all but two reached
the boat. One of these as he came down to the water's edge,
imprudently discharged his musket, and was instantly attacked
and overpowered. He succeeded in throwing himself into the
water, and after swimming a few strokes was seen to lift his
head streaming with blood, and with his hand beckon feebly for
the boat which, amidst the excitement, had been shoved off
into deep water. He was followed by the savages, again
attacked, dragged ashore and slain. The other unfortunate
man rushed from the woods, hewing his way with the butt of
his musket through the crowd of savages and fell dead on the
beach.

"Whilst the crew on board was busily engaged in washing
decks, the fearful war-cry of the natives fell upon our ears.
David Whepley, who was sitting with some members of his

545

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

tribe upon the taffrail, cried out, 'There is trouble with your
shipmates ashore.' Seeing the flash and hearing the report of
the musket, I ran aft to give the alarm to Captain Archer who
hastened on deck and after scanning the beach with the glass,
ordered a boat away in which Whepley himself went.

"Our feeling may be imagined as we went over the ship's
side and watched in silence the first boat making towards us,
having on board only six of the eight men who had left the
ship. Who had been left behind we knew not, until on a
nearer approach one of the crew exclaimed: 'I do not see
Derby or Knight.' *

" The lifeless bodies of the two men were found by the second
boat's company lying on the beach stripped of their clothing
and dreadfully mangled. They were wrapped in garments,
brought on board and laid out upon the quarterdeck. About
eleven o'clock of the same day they were committed to the
care of David Whepley, who carried them to his end of the
island and buried them. Although no funeral services were
formally held, yet in the hearts of all that looked upon the
dead, and walked the deck in sadness, were solemn thoughts of
death and earnest hopes that this severe and unexpected stroke
might influence for good our after lives."

Not long after this tragedy the Glide sailed for the island of
Miambooa, which was destined to be the scene of her loss.
The story of the wreck and the experience of the survivors
among a tribe of singularly friendly Fijis seems worthy a place
in the history of Salem seafarers.

"Every boat load of beche-de-mer that came off from the
shore (at Miambooa)," runs the story, "was greeted with joy,

* Joshua Derby and Enoch Knight, both of Salem. By a most extra-
ordinary coincidence, this Enoch Knight's brother, who was first officer of the
ship Friendship of Salem, Captain Endicott, was killed in the same month of
the same year by the natives of Qualah Battoo on the coast of Sumatra when
the vessel was captured by Malay savages.

546

Early South Sea Voyages

for it added something to the cargo which was fast being com-
pleted. Friendly relations existed between the natives and
ourselves, so that the trade was undisturbed. The ship was in
good order and we were almost ready to leave the islands. At
evening the officers walked the quarterdeck with lighter step,
and the crew, well and happy, assembled upon the forecastle
which resounded with their mirth and songs. One of these
songs was 'Home Sweet Home,' and under a clear starlit sky,
enjoying after hard work the grateful ocean breeze, the inspiring
chorus of this song burst forth from our hearts, and recalled to
memory long past and distant scenes. Our shipmates ashore
also caught our pealing chorus as it floated over the still water
to their ears and they sent it back to the ship like an echo.

"On March 31, (1831), the sky began to lower, and sudden
gusts of wind blowing violently down the high land which
eastward overhangs the town of Bonne Rarah, caused the
ship to careen and gave token of a coming storm. The signal
guns at their usual hour announced 'all's well,' but in the
gloomy light the wind increased to hurricane force and after
making a gallant fight of it the Glide dragged her anchors and
was driven on a reef. The crew got ashore in daylight, but
after being twenty-two months absent from port, was wrecked
the Glide, one of the stateliest ships that ever sailed from Salem."

"Among those who left the ship in the same party with me,"
wrote our survivor, "was a young man who communicated to
me some interesting particulars of his life. His name was
William Carey. He had sailed, some years before, from Nan-
tucket in the whale-ship Oreno, which was wrecked near Turtle
Island, one of the Fijis. The officers and crew escaped from
the wreck, but Carey, noticing a disturbance between his ship-
mates and the natives, concealed himself, fearing the issue. He
remained in safe seclusion two or three days, not venturing to
go out lest he should suffer what he supposed to be and what

547

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

was, the fate of his companions, and he stealthily crept from
his concealment in search of food. He was seen by a native,
and, conscious of being discovered, he seated himself on a
rock, and turning his back toward the savage, awaited the
result in powerless despair. The native approached him, bade
him rise and conducted him to the Boore.* The natives held
an animated conference at which it was decided to spare his
life, and he was taken by the chief into his family, and ever
afterwards well provided for and kindly treated.

"Several years after the loss of the Oreno, the Salem ship
Clay, Captain Vanderford, of Salem, arrived at the same
island. Carey's acquaintance with the language and customs
of the natives enabled him to render important services in the
way of trade. After the departure of the Clay from the islands
Carey shipped on board the brig Quill, Captain Kinsman of
Salem. With this vessel he remained until her cargo was com-
pleted when he was induced to take a berth in the Glide. Thus
was he twice wrecked at the Fijis, and twice subjected to a
residence among the savages without meanwhile visiting home.

"In the course of two or three days after the wreck of the
Glide, the king permitted a part of the crew with several natives
to go off to the ship to get the salt provisions and bread. Fifty
or sixty savages were ransacking the wreck in every part,
stripping the rigging from the spars, unhinging the cabin doors,
hacking timber to extract nails and spikes, beating in barrels
and hogsheads, dragging up our chests from the forecastle,
jabbering all the while like monkeys yet working with the
steady gravity of old caulkers. The sight was painful, yet their
eagerness to outdo each other in securing booty was amusing.

" In my chest was a small package of letters valuable to me
alone, which I was now, in my misfortune, especially desirous
to keep. As I went towards the chest to get them I was repulsed
* The council-house and temple.

548

Early South Sea Voyages

by a savage who raised his club over my head and bade me
begone or he would slay me. ' Sah- lago, sah- senga, ne- logo,
sah- moke.' I desisted from my purpose, and in a few minutes
saw my chest with every token of home in it tumbled over the
ship's side.

"Our beche-de-mer about half filled the hold and by the
bilging of the ship, had become a putrid mass. At the foot of
the mainmast was a barrel of cast iron axes whose position the
natives had somehow learned. Their desire for this tempting
prize overcame their reluctance to use the only means of securing
it, and down they dove into the loathsome mass at the risk of
suffocation, often plunging in vain several times and crawling
back on deck covered with slime. One native in diving came
in contact with some mortar formed by a cask of lime that was
broken by the motion of the ship. Grasping a handful he
returned dripping with beche-de-mer and asked what the
strange substance was. 'The white man's bread,' answered
one of the crew. The native took a large mouthful which well
nigh strangled him and spat it out with many wry faces and
ludicrous motions amid the loud laughter of his friends.

"Soon after the complete plundering of the ship, a council
respecting us was held in the Boore by the king, priests and
warriors. It was told me that on the arrival of the first boat's
company at Bonne Rarah, the captain was thus questioned by
the king. 'Should Fijians be cast ashore among your people,
how would you treat them?' ' Kindly,' was the reply. ' Then,'
rejoined the king, ' I will treat you kindly. Go with your men
to the Boore, and I will protect you.' Nevertheless the con-
sultation caused us many misgivings. The king urged that
our services would be very valuable in showing them the use
of muskets and in repairing them, in making bullets, etc. One
chief thought that we should eat too much, and hence prudently
suggested our being dispatched at once. The high priest arose

549

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

to give his judgment, which was awaited with great interest.
This man was very black, of monstrous size, and most unpleas-
ant to look at. He recommended that they make hogs of us,
alluding to the practice of killing these animals by blows on
me head, cooking and eating them. This advice was consistent
with the reputation of this priest. It was said that on the
morning before the wreck of the ship, he stood outside his hut
yelling and writhing. The natives declared that he shouted
or bewitched the vessel ashore.

"After much discussion the better counsel of the king pre-
vailed. The decision was made known to us all by natives
who ran and embraced us crying ' Sambooloa booloa papalangi.'
(The white men will not be hurt.)

"Soon after the breaking up of the council the king as a
reassurance of his favor, returned to us a few of our belongings.
His method of distribution showed either his supreme contempt
for maritime rank or a great error in valuation, for whilst to
the crew generally he gave garments or other things very needful
and acceptable, upon Captain Archer he bestowed with the
utmost dignity and condescension a wornout chart and a useless
fragment of an old flannel shirt. The interest of the king in
our welfare constantly showed itself during our three months'
residence at Bonne Rarah. Almost daily he looked in upon
us to learn our wants, and kept in his house for our sole use
quantities of tea, coffee and tobacco, which he distributed to
us as need required. If we met him in our walks about the
village the salutations ' sah-andra, touronga-lib,' (welcome king),
* sah-andra papalangi,' (welcome white man), were amicably
exchanged. There was withal about him a dignity which well
comported with his kingly character, and showed that any
violations of loyalty on the part of the natives or of due respect
on ours would not go unpunished.

" On the 28th of March, Captain Archer, Carey and two or

550

three of our men sailed in our boat by the king's consent, to
the island of Bou, the capital of the Fijis. This, our first
separation, though on many accounts painful, was prudently
planned, as a vessel was rumored to be in the vicinity of Bou.
After exchanging farewells and cheers of mutual encouragement
they started on their perilous adventure of sailing two hundred
miles in a small boat, exposed to many dangers, and, not the
least, attacks from savages.

"The singular use made of our clothing by the natives was
often ludicrous. Some wore our jackets buttoned down behind,
others had on our trousers wrong side before; one little fellow
strutted along in a ruffled shirt which had belonged to one of
the officers, the ruffles flaring on his back. Amongst the booty
from the ship were many casks of powder, of whose explosive
nature the natives had little knowledge. In one dwelling
which we visited were a large number of kegs of powder promis-
cuously placed on the floor, in the centre of which a fire was
kindled. The family was cooking their usual food, loose powder
was scattered about, and the proprietor himself, dressed in a
sailor's jacket and with a Scotch cap on his head, sat on a keg
of powder before the fire, composedly smoking his pipe. We
were somewhat amazed at the sight. Indeed it may be doubted
whether Damocles himself (whose famous sword has become
much blunted by its frequent use in illustration) had more
cause to be ill at ease at his feast than we had while paying
our native friend the civilities of the season. Our visit was not
protracted and we took leave before the dinner in preparation
was ready to be eaten.

"Occasionally we invited the king to share our provisions
with us. Whenever he was graciously pleased to accept the
invitation he brought with him a chair, plate, knife and fork
(which he had obtained from the ship), and after seating himself
with becoming dignity, grasped the knife in his left hand at

551

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

such an angle that as soon as one piece of food entered his
mouth two fell back upon his plate. He also used his fork as
a toothpick, thus confirming the notion that this practice com-
ports better with the manners of savage than of civilized life.

" An odd volume of Shakespeare saved from the wreck, moved
us to get up a dramatic entertainment, the subject of which was
the voyage of the Glide. The play began with the captain
engaged in shipping a crew at a sailor's boarding house, and
holding forth all those eloquent attractions usually set off by
this class of men. Following this scene were various mishaps
of the voyage. The king and a crowd of natives were seated
before us on mats, and paid wondering attention, at a loss to
understand most of our sayings and doings until in the course
of the play, our arrival at the Fijis was pictured. The traffick-
ing and haggling with the natives was mimicked by an officer,
playing the part of a Fijian, and a common sailor as the trading
master. Our drift was more clearly comprehended now, and
the progress of the action more eagerly watched. And when
the efforts of the natives to cheat us were baffled, the sense of
the whole matter flashed upon the audience, and the Boore
resounded with an uproar of savage delight. Through the
remainder of the play, involving the wreck and our hospitable
reception by the king, to whom and his people many compli-
ments were paid by the actors, we were followed with intense
interest, and at the close by expressions of royal satisfaction."

The life of these islanders, as enjoyed by the crew of the
Glide was a kind of tropical idyl, and the white trader had
not yet blighted them with rum and disease Our sailor nar-
rator wrote of this Eden into which he was cast by a kindly
fate: " One day, I was invited by a chief, whom I had frequently
visited, to accompany him on an excursion to the interior of
the island. We passed through a defile of the mountains, and
then struck into a well-beaten path leading through a rather

552

Early South Sea Voyages

uneven region. The beautiful diversity of prospect from the
higher portions of our course, the mild air of the delightful
day, birds of brilliant plumage singing in the trees about us,
the ripe and grateful fruit easily procured, patches of sugar
cane here and there pleasant to see and taste, agreeable con-
versation, and the kind civilities of natives whom we met, made
our walk the source of intense and various enjoyment.

"At sunset, we reached our journey's end, a small village of
about thirty rudely constructed huts, and were heartily wel-
comed by the chief of the tribe, who conducted us to his house,
and soon set before us a repast of baked pig, fruit and vege-
tables. In the evening, about twenty natives, invited by our
host, assembled, among whom were several that I had seen on
board the ship, and who recognized me with apparent delight.
A general conversation was held, relating, beside many other
topics, to the lost ship, the white men and their country, through-
out which it was gratifying to observe mutual kindness and
courtesy prevailed. The social party was highly interesting,
occasionally enlivened with good-humored mirth.

"In the morning we visited the Boore, which was similarly
constructed, though in every respect inferior, to that at Bonne
Rarah. In the centre of the apartment, where we held the
religious ceremonies, which were about to commence when we
reached the building, was a very large bowl of angona or avaroot,
of which, after being properly prepared, all the natives assembled
repeatedly partook, the intervals between the potations being
occupied by the priest pronouncing certain forms of speech, to
which the audience who were seated around the apartment,
now and then responded. Near the door were arranged in
open sight, several small, round blocks of wood, singularly
ornamented with sennit and carved work, to which the natives,
as they came in and retired, made low obeisance. As usual,
no females were present. After the conclusion of the service,

553

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

which held an hour, we rambled about the village, being kindly
welcomed wherever we called; and, at length, returned to the
house of the hospitable chief, whence, having partaken of
another ample feast, and thanked our host for his kind attention,
we departed for Bonne Rarah. My excursion surprised both
me and my shipmates, to whom I gave an account of it, for
we had previously heard much said of the ferocity of the inland
savages.

" In the latter part of April, a festival which we were kindly
invited to attend, was held at a village about forty miles from
Bonne Rarah. As the place, though on the island of Tacanova,
was easiest of access by sailing, my shipmates, it was determined,
should accompany the king in his double canoe; and I went
with the chief with whom I had made the inland excursion, in his
single canoe. My patron I found to be very loquacious, for}
instead of our holding a pleasant conversation together, he took
upon himself to give me a lecture of what was to be expected
at the coming festival, diversifying his discourse with ' solib,'
grand feast; 'leebo, leebo,' great, great; 'benacka, benacka,'
good, good; ' mungety-leelo' plenty of provisions; 'pookah,'
pigs; ' ouvie,' yams; 'aooto,' bread-fruit; 'boondy,' plantains,
all which expressions, of course, deeply impressed my imagina-
tion. Now and then he asked, whether I comprehended what
he said. Whatever was my response, he was none the less
talkative, for when he questioned me, 'sah gala guego,' do you
understand? if I answered 'sah- senga,' no, he labored long
and hard to make his meaning clear to my mind; and, if my
reply was 'sah gala qu ow,' 'I do understand,' he took courage
from the honest confession, and at once proceeded to give me
more information.

"Soon after sunset, having landed at a small island midway
between Bonne Rarah and the place to which we were bound,
we were well received by the natives, who conducted us to

554

Early South Sea Voyages

their Boore, near the top of a high hill, and presently furnished
us with a generous repast. Here, in less than an hour, the
report of our arrival drew together many savages, from whose
evident astonishment, as they gazed upon me, I conjectured
that most of them had never seen a white man. Though we
were kindly invited to spend the night here, yet the curiosity
of the natives made them reluctant to retire from the Boore, and
leave us to sleep. Our singular situation, exposure to attacks
from savages, over whom kindness and ferocity hold rule by
turns, and a consciousness of our almost complete helplessness
in such a case, occasioned in me unquiet feelings, which, in
truth, were not allayed by my dear friend, the cannibal-chief,
who frequently started up from his mat in great excitement,
and paced rapidly to and fro, with his war-club at his side.
The chief, at length, explained his singular conduct by telling
me that the savages designed to detain me on their island, and
that he had been anxiously devising some way to defeat their
purpose. At his suggestion, early in the morning, before the
natives were stirring, we silently left the Boore. I placed
myself on the chief's broad shoulders, and held in one hand his
war-club, and in the other his canoe-paddle. Thus we stole
softly down the steep hill, and when we came to the beach, to
our amazement, our canoe was no where to be seen. The chief
in the height of his vexation, brandished his club towards the
Boore, and poured forth a torrent of imprecation. Fearful
that his wild anger would soon arouse the natives, I looked
about for the canoe, and after careful search, found it secreted
in a thicket near the shore. We dragged it with difficulty to
the water, hoisted our three-cornered sail, and unmolested sailed
away from the island.

"The sun had just risen, when we reached the landing-
place, about a mile from the spot chosen for the festival. We
were among the first comers. On the glittering waves at some

555

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

distance, we saw hundreds of canoes, some boldly advancing
on the open sea, others more wary keeping nearer the shore,
and others now and then emerging into sight from behind
points of land and small islands, all bound, with their shouting
crews, for the general feast. They soon drew nearer and com-
panies of natives from neighboring islands and remote villages
of Tacanova, landed, in quick succession, at the beach, and
made the hills echo with their loud rejoicing.

'" The plain selected for the feast was of many acres, covered
with liveliest verdure, surrounded by groves in which were
many fruit trees, and through it coursed brooks of pure water
from adjacent highlands. In its centre was a pyramid, appar-
ently eight feet square at the base, and tapering fifteen feet to a
point of yams; and near it was a smaller one, of angona root.
Hanging from gnarled branches of ironwood trees, in another
part of the field, were large quantities of plantains, cocoanuts
and bread-fruit. At one end were several pens, filled with
swine, of which there were at least a hundred, while the men,
profusely annointed with cocoanut oil, decorated with garlands
of beads and flowers, having on their heads very large white
turbans and around their waists elegant maros, were proudly
strutting about the place, displaying their fashionable attire;
and the women were meekly and laboriously cooking food.

" After the completed preparation, the different tribes of the
numerous assemblage arranged themselves on the grass in
semicircles, about ten paces in front of which were seated their
respective king, chiefs and priests, and between these dignitaries
and the people were placed their appointed provisions. The
tribes all first drank angona, and then, four or five natives, who
attended each tribe as waiters, began dividing the food, and
another taking on a plantain leaf a parcel of it, advanced to the
master of the feast for the division, and asked 'quotha,' (for
whom), when the name of some one being spoken aloud, the

556

person thus designated clapped his hands to make known his
position, and, being at once supplied with his portion, began
eating it with strips of bamboo sharpened on one edge and
pointed. This ceremony was repeated until all received their
shares, reference being made to rank in the order of distribution.

"In the afternoon two or three hundred young females,
wearing girdles of variegated grass and leaves, and necklaces
of colored beads and flowers, danced with liveliest and modest
mien across the plain, loudly singing and waving beautiful fans
over their heads with easy uniformity and grace; and then
adroitly wheeling about, retraced their way, with fans flourishing
in the air, echoing song and sprightly dance.

" Next came forward a party of men, with hair frizzled in the
highest style of Fijian art, tapering beards, long tapas of snowy
native cloth, contrasting with their own swarthy color and
trailing on the grass, their arms and faces shining with cocoanut
oil, camnng their stout and polished war-clubs; and, having
arranged themselves in two divisions, a pace apart, in open
distance, they raised with united voices a piercing war song,
in time with which all made the same impressive gestures.
Now they bent back their bodies, elevating their war-clubs in
the air, in seeming preparation for attack; then, with faces of
determined courage, lifting higher their shrill, fierce chorus, all
leaped as one man onward, as if about to meet a furious foe;
and, at last, as if they had achieved a noble victory changing
to triumphal notes their yell of onset, with fiend-like grimaces
they danced wildly about in a thousand intricate and changeful
steps.

"Our company, being requested by several chiefs, on the
second day of the festival, to amuse in our turn the assembled
crowds, concluded to perform a few military manoeuvres. We
chose one of us captain, recalled what we knew of soldiers'
tactics, and keeping time by a whistled time, in lack of better

557

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

accompaniment, advanced in open order, and charged bayonets ;
marched with muskets shouldered in lock-step and solid column ;
formed a hollow square, and, finally wheeled into line. All
our movements were watched with eager eyes by the natives
who expressed their pleasure by loud plaudits, to which, of
course, like true soldiers, we gave slight heed, but with face
unmoved, proceeded through the manual exercise. When
the order came 'make ready — aim — fire,' one of our muskets
happening to be loaded, discharged its contents over the heads
of scores of seated savages, whose dismay now equalled their
previous approbation. Their earnest inquiries were hardly
evaded by assuring them that the piece was overcharged with
powder.

"Towards evening the festival was concluded and the com-
pany began to disperse. Those who had sailed to the place,
started to the shore where the canoes were secured and em-
barked in their little fleets in various directions. Our party
sailed in pleasant company with others bound for Bonne Rarah.
When we came within a few miles of this town, a burning object
was discovered on the water, which, on a nearer approach, we
found to be our beautiful ship to which fire had been set by
the savages who had remained behind for the sake of her iron
work. This was a sad conclusion to the enjoyment experienced
at the festival. The satisfaction that we had felt in looking
out from our lonely abode upon the hull of the Glide was now
taken away, and we felt more than ever deprived of remem-
brances of home.

" A few weeks after the departure for Bou of Captain Archer,
a large double canoe arrived at Bonne Rarah, from which we
learned that the captain and his party were safe; that the brig
Niagara, Capt. Brown, of Salem, had been wrecked on a reef
midway between Overlau and Bou and that her crew were
now staying at this latter island. Thus, the two only vessels

558

Early South Sea Voyages

at the Fijis at this time were wrecked on the same day, and in
the same storm; and, very remarkably, no member of either
crew was afterwards slain by the natives.

" A part of the crew, with our second officer and Mr. Carey,
left us on the return of this canoe to Bou, thus reducing our
number to sixteen men. The separation seemed like bidding a
mutual farewell for life, narrowed the circle in which our
spirits were chiefly sustained by common sympathies and hopes,
and deepened that feeling of loneliness which previously parting
with others had occasioned. To miss a single face which we
were wont to see, was deeply felt. The officers and crew of the
Glide, once held together by duties on shipboard, and, after-
wards by the still stronger community of suffering, were dis-
persing in various directions whilst the lot of those who went
away, and of those who staid behind was enshrouded by the
same cloud of dark uncertainty. Some were about to suffer
many more trials before reaching home; and of the return of
others to their native land there has yet been no account."

Strangely enough the journal of the wreck of the Glide ends
in this abrupt fashion as if it were "to be continued in our
next." Curious to learn in what manner the crew was rescued
from its long exile in the Fijis a search was begun among the
log-books of other Salem ships trading with those islands in the
thirties. It was like hunting a needle in a haystack, but the
mystery was uncovered by the log of the bark Peru of Salem,
Captain John H. Eagleston. Under date of June 7th, 1831,
he wrote while among the Fiji Islands:

"Visited by a double canoe with about 50 natives, and a
boat from a town called Lebouka. Got 9 turtle out of the ca-
noe, 3 for a musket. Was informed by the chiefs in the canoe
of Captain Archer of ship Glide being cast away at Muddy-
vater and Captain Brown in the Niagara at Bou, and that they
had lost everything belonging to them. Which I had every

559

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

reason to believe as the canoe had several trunks and chests in
it. Got up the boarding netting. At 3 A. M. sent the whale
boat up to Bou, with the interpreter and 5 Lebouka men with
a large present to the king and a letter to Captain Brown which
was from his wife. People employed in putting arms in order.
" June 8 — at 9 A. M. our boat returned from Bou with 2
boats in company which belonged to the Brig. Took on board
Captain Brown, Captain Vandeford, officers and crew of the
Brig (Niagara) and 2 officers and 2 men belonging to the Glide.
Most of them belonging to Salem and in all 15. Many of them
without shirts to their backs or shoes to their feet and some
with a small part of a pair of trousers. On learning that Cap-
tain Archer had left Bou a few days before for Goro, he being in
distress and suffering, I thought it my duty to send word to
him that I was here.

"June 10th. Archer with 2 of his men came from Bou."
The whereabouts of the other men of the Glide being dis-
covered in this way, they were later picked up and brought
home, and their story ended happily, as it should, for they
deserved fairer prospects after the ill-fortune which laid them
by the heels in the Fijis as those islands were in those far away
years when the white man had first found them out.

CHAPTER XXVII

THE LOG OF THE "EMERALD"

(1834-5)

SALEM ships had first shown the American flag in a harbor
of Japan in the years 1799-1801, and it so happened
that after Commodore Perry and his squadron had
sailed in 1853 to open the ports of that hermit nation to the
commerce of the world, the first vessel to clear from any port
in the United States direct for Japan and the market secured
by Perry's treaty, was the Salem bark Edward Koppisch, Cap-
tain John H. Eagleston. This Captain Eagleston, although
he flourished in the latter days of Salem commerce, was a
splendid specimen of the navigator, trader and pioneer of the
earlier era, and he did more than any other man to win for his
country's flag the commerce of the South Sea Islands. His sea
journals deal with primitive conditions of life which have
vanished from the Fijis and the other tropical beaches where
he sought his cargoes of beche-de-mer and pearl shells.

In 1834-5 he was in command of the Salem ship Emerald on
a voyage which carried him around the globe, by way of the
South Seas, Manila, Singapore and St. Helena. His clerk,
George N. Chever, was wisely intrusted with the task of writing
the ship's journal, which undertaking he considered worth
doing as thoroughly as possible. So well did he perform the
task that the stout manuscript volume contains impressions,
descriptions, and stories of every port and island visited, and,
standing by itself, is a valuable contribution to the literature

561

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

of American sea life and activities of three-quarters of a century
ago.

Outward bound from Salem the Emerald rounded Cape
Horn and made her first port at the Bay of Islands, New Zea-
land, an unlovely settlement which was one of the early outposts
of missionary zeal in that clime. The journal has to say of
conditions on shore:

" The natives in general are a miserable set, rendered perhaps
more so by the residence of a few whites among them, whose
only occupation is selling grog. These whites, I believe, are
chiefly runaways from Sydney. I do not include the merchants
in this class of white faces. On the contrary they are very
respectable gentlemen and reside by themselves in different
parts of the Bay. On the second day after our arrival Warren
and myself visited the principal missionary settlement under
the superintendence of the Rev. Mr. Williams. He received
us very politely, introduced us to one of the brother missionaries
and walked round with us an hour or two and gave us a descrip-
tion of the establishment as it now is. There is also a settle-
ment of natives here, who are not so licentious as those on the
opposite side of the Bay. I believe on the whole the missionaries
are not very desirous of the visits of strangers, particularly
from the shipping, for they believe the sailors to be evil disposed."

While trading among the Fiji Islands on this voyage, the
ship's clerk was a witness of the following barbaric eruption:

"During my short stay at Rava, I had the satisfaction of
seeing their ceremonies over an enemy slain in battle. The
dead man was a great chief and had the fight been in the day-
time he would not have been killed. But the scrape happening
in the night, they could not tell 't'other from which.' He was
brought into town this morning. He was lashed to a pole and
carried in the centre of the fighting men thro' the town as a
show. After ' trampoosing ' him round in this manner for about

562

The Log of the Emerald

five hours, they finally made their appearance in the open space
in front of the King's house where His Majesty awaited their
arrival. About sixty fighting men variously armed (mostly
with clubs), singing their war song, advanced very slow and
regular toward the King with their victim in the centre orna-
mented with a white flag. I had not then had a fair view of
the dead man, but at last two of the men brought him forward
and offered him as a present to the King, which was accepted.
The fighting men then retired a short space and squatted. The
King went forward to them, presented them with two handsome
spears and to the one that killed the poor fellow a whale's tusk
was awarded. The King also reeled off himself about a hundred
fathoms of tappa, a native cloth, which he presented to the
assembled military. After receiving their presents the fighting
men arose and struck their clubs on the ground which Mr.
King told me was much as to say, ' I will be true to my country. '

" The dead man was knocked in the head with a club and had
the appearance of being literally beaten to a jelly. After a short
speech, the amount of which was destruction to the enemies
of Rava, a proposition was started: 'shall we eat him or not?'
His sister who was married to a Rava man came forward and
began a lamentation over him. One chap spoke up : ' Give
him to me. I will eat him. Never mind his sister.' The dead
man being a chief, however, the King with the concurrence of the
majority of his council, gave up the body to his relations and he
was buried. At night the fighting men again assembled, also the
wives of the chiefs, in numbers altogether about one hundred.
They commenced singing and kept it up till daylight, the most
part of the time during a heavy rain. I slept but little that
night owing to their noise. They fight like bushwhackers and
receive most of their wounds in the back; consequently they
rejoice like cowards."

The Emerald sought Tahiti for trade and ship's clerk George

563

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Chever, was stationed on shore for some time. This was
during the reign of Queen Pomare, before the native sovereignty
had been taken away from these islanders and their rulers, and
the Emerald found the old romantic regime in full sway. The
impressions of Tahiti as recorded in this journal are therefore
of a vanished kingdom.

"These natives are extremely hard to deal with," wrote
Chever. " It requires a large stock of patience to combat their
numerous whims and caprices. When Captain Eagleston left,
the cocoanut oil measures had been decided upon by both natives
and others interested. The measure I now use was regulated in
this manner — another measure which had previously fixed was
filled with water and turned into mine, and where the surface
came a small peg was driven thro' the side and this settled it.
But I have had more than a dozen disputes since, occasioned
by the natives refusing at first to give more than half the peg,
and at last more than to the under side of the peg. I held out
for the measure and came to a full stop at one time for more
than an hour till at last it was settled by Mr. Pritchard and
they were to cover half the peg. This circumstance of itself
appears very trivial but seems to show their nature. Some
persons having told them that cocoanut oil shrinks when cold,
they will very seldom sell it in that state, but will go to the
trouble of making a fire to warm their bamboo cups, and spend
perhaps the best part of a day. If the ground on which the
measure stands should happen to be not exactly level they
would turn the measure till the peg came to the lowest side.

"In measuring their cloth many that have long arms will
hold out for an hour to fix their own measure rather than take
the regular allowance for a fathom. I always make them
decide upon the cloth before measuring their oil, as it saves
considerable trouble and if I show them more than three different
pieces they are completely upset in their opinions.

564

The Log of the Emerald

"Every one that happens to pass by is called in to pass
judgment on the cloth. They have so little idea of arithmetic,
despite the efforts of the missionaries, that four men have been
shockingly puzzled to divide ten fathoms of cloth among them-
selves. But it being chalked out to them in a diagram they
were satisfied. Some few know the multiplication table and
can write a good hand, but hardly one would realize that 5x2
were 10 without laying out five parcels of stones, with two in
each, and counting them.

" On the 8th of this month (September) the British sloop-of-
war Challenger arrived from the Sandwich Islands bringing the
British Consul, his intention being to settle some affairs with
the natives concerning outrageous depredations committed on
the persons of British subjects and plundering them of their
property. An instance of this kind happened two or three
years ago at the Pomuta Islands. The Truro, a small vessel
under the British flag was taken and robbed and two white
men killed. This affair being represented to the Queen of
Tahiti by the whites then residing here, measures were taken
for bringing the aggressors to punishment, to which the Queen
was obliged to consent, as she claimed the Pomutas as subject
to her. The culprits were taken, brought here, tried and
condemned to cut some timber for a vessel then about to be
built for the Government. This affair with others which have
happened both here and at the Sandwich Islands having been
represented to the British Government, this vessel was sent out
on purpose to redress these wrongs. Two natives were hung
at Woahoo for murder and six more were demanded to be de-
livered up when the war vessel returned.

" A meeting of the Queen and Government officers was called
together here by the Consul and satisfaction demanded for the
loss of the Truro and the murder of the white men, to which
the Queen consented, promising to deliver the murderers and

565

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

pay damages to the amount of $2,800. This sum was to be
paid in shells and other property provided she cannot raise the
money, and delivered up for the benefit of the owners of the
lost vessel. To the above she signified her assent by signing
papers to that effect. The Consul also informed Her Majesty
that it was the advice of the British Government that she
should relinquish her claim to the above named islands, as for
all like offenses committed in the future she would be made
answerable.

"This piece of information required talk amongst them-
selves, for the Queen had (about the time of the Truro affair)
with the advice of a certain white man then and now acting as
her counsellor, tabooed all the pearl shells on those Islands for
her own use and benefit, i.e., prohibited all vessels except those
in her employ from going there for shells without a permit
signed by her, and $50 as permission money. This white man
counsellor had the privilege, however, of shelling for himself,
which of course gave him the advantage over other shellers
who were obliged to go to the Gambies, etc. The Queen also
reaped great benefit from the shells before they decreased in
value and saw, of course, that it was to her advantage to main-
tain her authority over them. But after a long conference the
Queen at last gave up the Islands to themselves and relinquished
her claims altogether, so that now any vessel can go there for
shells.

"It was the law before the arrival of the war vessel that no
white man could own a piece of land or remain on it longer
than the pleasure of the native owner permitted. This was
overturned as follows: Captain Henry, a white man born on
the Island, received from a former sovereign (the present
Queen's father, I believe) a grant of a certain lot of land and
to said grant affixed his name, etc. On the strength of this,
Captain Henry had built houses, etc., laid out sugar plantations

566

The Log of the Emerald

from which he derived considerable profit and owned a great
number of cattle. These natives, seeing his improvements and
growing jealous, probably of his riches, saw fit to set aside his
claim on the land, declaring the Island was their own and no
white man should own the land. But Captain Henry repre-
sented this to the Consul and he in turn declared to the natives
that as Captain Henry had a substantial claim the land was
his own. If they took it from him or attempted to do anything
to his property, such offenses should be severely revenged by
the British Government. He also asked them if they respected
their signatures or if they would own their own names, to which
having affirmed, they finally acknowledged the justice of Captain
Henry's claim.

" This vessel brings information that a British armed schooner
is to be sent out to cruise among these Islands for further
protection of vessels and property. Such a proceeding is al-
lowed by all to be very necessary, as the natives are getting
rather insolent and require to be held in check occasionally.
I do not mean to say that the natives on this Island would
injure a white man personally, but they take every advantage
of him in their power. Formerly they encouraged the visits of
shipping and were pleased to have the whites reside among
them, but owing to their recent laws and behaviour the foreigners
have been gradually leaving so that now scarcely a dozen
remain, exclusive of the missionaries. They have been told
that vessels will go elsewhere for provisions, but no, they must
see this exemplified before they will believe it.

"Either this Island was once a perfect paradise, or it has
been grossly misrepresented, but true it is now that the natives
without one exception are a set of thieves and beggars and the
Royal family are the greatest beggars, thinking no one wants
to refuse a request from them. Soon after my arrival I was
visited by the Nobs, male and female, who came with thc-

567

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

pretence of looking at cloth, etc. But the gentleman I board
with on shore requested me to be on the lookout or they would
steal from me. During their various visitations, I have detected
them (the blood royal), in various little thefts, hardly worth
noticing, but which I thought proper to inform them I knew
about, that they might not think me devoid of eye sight. They
have begged till they find it is no longer any use.

"The Queen's emissaries have come several times for little
things, saying: 'It's for the Queen.' My answer is ' where 's
the money?' Which sends them off sometimes in a pet.

"It might be proper in some cases to make presents, but in
refusing them I am not without advice from others who are
well acquainted with them. The gentleman I live with has
frequently given them little things of small value and in return
for his generosity they have stolen many articles from him of
ten times the value and never presented him with one thing of
the least importance.

"Some natives were at one time looking at some cloth (for
oil I was about buying) and they called in a chief of some note,
who happened to pass, to express his opinion. During the
time he was in the room he stole a knife from me. I detected
him and requested him to return it. He said he had taken it
and would bring me the money bye and bye. 'No, I don't
trust,' said I, and he gave it up.

"The Queen's mother came to me one morning and asked
for a bar of soap. I gave it to her and asked for the money.

"'It's for Pomare (the Queen),' said she.

"'I can't help it. I must have the money,' and off she went
without it. I am advised that it is the better way, neither to
give nor to receive favors at their hands, for neither party is
then under obligations."

This hard-headed young Yankee trader, George Chever, who
could refuse credit to the Queen of Tahiti for a bar of soap,

568

The Log of the Emerald

was not a sentimental person, nor could he perceive that Queen
Pomare, last of her line, was a woman who strove to protect her
people against the greedy, demoralizing invasion of the whites.
The Emerald's journal has already shown that she was endeavor-
ing to save her islands arid her islanders : " Owing to their
recent laws and behavior the foreigners have been gradually
leaving so that now scarcely a dozen remain, exclusive of the
missionaries." Furthermore, Pomare was trying to check the
ravages of New England rum and other poisonous liquors which
were landed on her beaches by the trading vessels. George
Chever, even though he was lamentably ungallant in the matter
of the bar of soap, pays the following tribute to the high-minded
endeavors of the ruling race of Tahiti in the last days of its
sea-girt independence before France annexed the islands and
ended the sovereignty of Pomare and her kindred in 1836.*.

"I am informed that things were quite different when rum
and liquors of all kinds were allowed on the Island. Then
provisions could be bought for liquor and such was their love
for it that one bottle of rum would go further than five dollars
now. But the beach, it is said, exhibited a shocking spectacle
of drunkards, men, women and children to the number of fifty
having been seen drunk at once, the blood royal not excluded.

* Queen Pomare was a half-sister of King Pomare II, who died of drink in
1824. In 1836, French Catholic missionaries attempted to establish a mission
in Tahiti, and Queen Pomare, advised by the English missionaries and the
British Consul, Pritchard, refused her consent, and banished by force a French
priest, who had made a secret landing. In 1838, a French frigate appeared at
Tahiti and extorted from Pomare permission for any and all Frenchmen to
settle on her islands. Other acts of French interference followed and in 1842,
Admiral du Petit-Thours procured the Queen's signature to a treaty placing
the islands under .French protection, but reserving to the Queen and her chiefs
full authority of government. In 1843, Admiral Petit-Thours reappeared,
summarily deposed Queen Pomare, and took possession of the islands for
France. His high-handed action was not formally sanctioned by his govern-
ment, but it did not undo the wrong committed. The Tahitians fought to
preserve their liberty and were in arms two years before the island of Tahiti
was subdued, while the western islands of the kingdom were never conquered.
Later Tahiti was proclaimed a Fretjch Colony.

569

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

I am told they took the lead in all substantial liquor riots.
Enormous quantities were consumed by the natives in general.
Thus all their money and other resources passed into the hands
of the whites and money was made by a few. Since the month
of May last, at which time they abolished this drinking, their
laws against it have been enforced with vigor against people of
both colors and sexes. A good road, called the Broom Road,
has been constructed by the criminals, and is kept in order by
them. It is built in the vicinity of the beach and extends nearly
round the island, affording a fine accommodation for travelers,
either on foot or on horseback."

From the South Seas the Emerald sailed to Manila to sell
her cargo of beche-de-mer, pearl shell, and cocoanut oil. In
this great Spanish port of the Orient, now held by the Yankee
school teacher and Uncle Sam's troopers in khaki, George
Chever found much to interest him and to fill many pages of
his journal. While at anchor in Manila Bay, he picked up a
chapter of South Sea history, brought by a small schooner
which had been trading in the Fijis under the direction of
Captain Eagleston. The journal tells the story as follows:

" This morning saw a small schooner in the Bay outside the
shipping showing American colours which we soon made out
to be the Coral at anchor. She got under way during the
forenoon with a light breeze and having distinguished the
Emerald from the rest of the shipping Captain Clark came to
anchor at 3 P. M. under our stern. We did not expect to see
her quite so soon, but it appeared she left the islands about
twenty days before the time specified by Captain Eagleston had
expired, in consequence of difficulties with the natives and the
shell being about all gone for the season. Mr. Clark had a
row with the natives of Raa at which place he went ashore to
trade, in the course of which he lost two of the schooner's hands
and narrowly escaped himself. He received a wound from a

570

The Log of the Emerald

spear and had his own musket taken from him by the natives.
The two hands were John T. Berry and a John Russell, white,
residing on the Island, and commonly called Jack.

" The affair happened at a place called Betterowrous, some-
where about the northwest extremity of the Beta Lib land.
Mr. Clark had been told by the natives that there was plenty
of shell to be got there, and accordingly he went and anchored
there. The natives not coming off as is usual, he went ashore
in the boat to see what they had. They brought him one shell
and having nothing but a little small trade, he returned on
board the schooner for a musket, leaving Jack and Berry on
shore and taking a native with him as hostage. He returned
on shore with the musket, leaving the hostage on board. Some
altercation took place in the course of trading which finally
was settled. Meanwhile Mr. Clark fired his piece at some
birds which were nearby which the natives seeing discharged,
and not fearing him then, one of them immediately seized him.
But being too strong for him he beat him off and kept the
others at bay as well as he could, retreating all the time towards
the boat which he finally succeeded in reaching and returned
on board the schooner. The natives, however, detained Jack
and Berry. The hostage also attempted to make his escape
by jumping overboard and pulling for shore, but was overtaken
by the boat and brought on board again with a good beating
for his pains.

"Shortly after the affair ashore, Mr. Young, mate of the
schooner (from whom I had the account), went back in the boat
with muskets and other trade to ransom the two prisoners,
taking at the same time the hostage who was chained to one
of the boat's thwarts. The natives would not part with either
of the prisoners at any price and at the earnest solicitations of
Jack, who was brought down to interpret, the hostage was set
at liberty, the natives threatening death to the two if he was not.

571

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Mr. Young also stated that he could have liberated Jack by
shooting the chief in whose charge he then was and who was
considerably in advance of the rest. By so doing Jack would
have saved himself by running for the boat, but at the same
time it would have been attended with dangerous consequences
to the other (Berry). Mr. Clark at last was obliged to leave
them, no art or persuasion being sufficient to induce the natives
to deliver them up. The reason assigned for this is that never
having had a white man amongst them and seldom or never
seeing one, they were anxious to get one in their possession.
At any rate, it is probable that the two regret their situation
but little, for Jack intends remaining among the Islands his
lifetime and consequently it matters but little to him where he
resides. As for the other, he is rendered notorious for previous
misdemeanors on board the ship and he has reason to rejoice
that he has got clear of both ship and schooner. The natives,
no doubt, will treat them well."

While ashore in Manila, young Chever let no opportunity
slip to "see the sights," and his account of a legal execution
under Spanish rule in 1833, is given considerable space in his
narrative of this voyage around the globe.

"In this place I witnessed the execution of two criminals
convicted of murder," he writes. "They were natives of the
Island and their crime was committed at the massacre which
happened about ten years since. They had lain in prison
during this long interval. I happened to be on shore the day
of execution and having ascertained where it would take place,
in company with two others proceeded to the spot. It was the
first time we had visited the city, but we were at no loss in
finding our way, having only to follow the crowd, conjecturing
they were bound the same way with us.

"We arrived on the ground an hour before the execution.
A great number had assembled and crowds were continually

572

The Log of the Emerald

arriving. The executioners apparatus was a large square
platform raised about ten feet from the ground and ascended
by steps. Two square posts projected six or eight feet above
the platform and were each furnished with a small bench from
which we concluded they were to be put to death in a sitting
posture. On each post at a suitable distance from the bench
was an iron ring composed of two parts, of dimensions just
sufficient to admit the neck. A screw and wrench affixed to
this ring completed the apparatus of death. Before the arrival
of the criminal a party of native Horse commanded by a Spanish
officer arrived and surrounded the platform. Shortly after, a
party of native foot soldiers made their appearance escorting
one of the criminals. He was blindfolded, seated on a buffalo
which was guided by two attendant priests and to the neck of
of the animal was suspended a convent bell or some other
jingler about as sacred. On one side of him walked a fat,
rosy-faced, barnacle-nosed, haughty padre, bawling to the
Virgin Mary in the ear of the prisoner who, grasping a crucifix
in both hands, as loudly repeated it. Another priest was the
bearer of a sacred brass kettle containing about a pint of holy
water, and another a painting of the Crucifixion.

" The prisoner was clothed in a long white robe and his head
and face enveloped in a cap or cowl of the same colour. Arriv-
ing at the foot of the platform he was assisted to dismount and
after some other religious exercises he ascended, accompanied
by the Padre, sheriff and executioners. He was first seated
on the bench attached to the post, then his neck was inserted
in the iron band which was closed, fastened, and the screw
apparatus put in readiness. After this his arms, legs and body
were firmly lashed to the post which finished the preparations.
Upon a signal being given by the sheriff a few turns of the
wrench by the executioner closed his earthly career. The
Padre continued loudly to implore Sancta Maria and the

573

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

prisoner as loudly to repeat as long as breath lasted in his body,
the attendant priest meanwhile profusely showering holy water.
He was so firmly fixed in his position that he died without any
apparent struggle and the only sign that life was extinct was
the dropping of the crucifix he held in his hands.

"After this one was dispatched, the other arrived guarded
and attended in like manner. The same preparations having
been made and the same ceremonies gone thro', the signal was
given and he was likewise screwed up, receiving such a shower
of holy water that would effectually quench any fire that Purga-
tory might be on the point of kindling about him.

" If anything bordering on the ridiculous formed part of the
ceremonies of so solemn an occasion, it certainly was the per-
formance of the clergy, at least so it appeared to me, but without
doubt it was all right in the eyes of the multitude who are
taught to look up to those men with the most profound reverence
and respect and the haughty overbearing demeanor with which
they receive these customary attentions has certainly but little
to do with the meek, unassuming manner ascribed elsewhere to
true disciples. Unless appearances greatly belied them these
priests actually scorned the religion, the consolation of which
they were administering to the dying, but good fat livings are the
price of their labours and what will not man do for money?

"As the holy procession moved to and from the scene of
action it was hats off as they passed the crowd, and those that
were so negligent as not to comply with this customary mark
of respect to the heads of the church generally had their hats
knocked off by others.

"Another annoyance to foreigners, if anything connected
with religion can be called such, is the custom here prevalent
of suspending all outdoor occupations, whether of business or
pleasure, during the time of Vespers. If riding or walking, all
stop in either case and off hats till service is over, the beginning

574

The Log of the Emerald

and end of which is announced by the tolling of a bell and
lasts but a few minutes.

"But an annoyance still greater is when the Host is carried
in procession thro' the streets. This sacred object is well
attended by the holy in office and guarded by a file of soldiers.
When this heaves in sight you not only have to off hats, but
down on your knees till it passes. If you are well in the offing,
however, you have some chance of making good your retreat,
thereby very often saving two or three pieces to the washer-
woman. It is some consolation, however, to know that the
Nobs of the land comply with all those customary forms, but
still were it not for the natives (to whom religion is law) I
hardly think the great ones would be so strict in their observ-
ances. This falls heavily on the poor natives on whose part
anything like refusal to comply is followed with severe punish-
ments, and who believe they are obliged to kneel when so sacred a
thing as a Bishop's Robe passes, never mind who wears it.
Our South Sea missionary friends might well call this ' a deluded
multitude. '

" We had on board a contraband article in the shape of Spanish
Protestant Bibles which were given Captain Eagleston for
distribution by the Quakers at Tahiti. Some gentlemen ashore
in Manila hearing of it, and anxious to possess themselves of
one of these, requested Captain Eagleston to bring some ashore,
which he accordingly did, taking two or three in a bundle.
Stopping at the Custom House wharf the burden attracted the
eye of the chap on duty, who wished to examine it. Captain
Eagleston was constrained to offer him a dollar or two which
he took and asked no further questions. A heavy fine and all
the vengeance of the Padre to boot is levied on any one found
guilty of bringing books of this description into the city, for the
religion being exclusively Catholic, books of other persuasions
of course are not tolerated."

575

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

This consignment of "Spanish Protestant Bibles" finds
further mention after the Emerald had left Manila, homeward
bound. While passing through the Straits of Bernadino
among the Malaysian Islands, the ship was boarded by a
sociable flock of natives, and Mr. George Chever unblushingly
confesses that the Bibles were traded for fresh provisions,
although he tries to put a good face on the transaction.

"While lying at Tahiti," he goes on to explain, "Captain
Eagleston became acquainted with an elderly gentleman and
his son (Quakers), owners of a small cutter, who were out
visiting the various mission stations in the South Seas. These
gentlemen, understanding we were bound to Manila, requested
Captain Eagleston to oblige them by distributing a few Spanish
Protestant Bibles and some other little books amongst the
natives when convenient, to which Captain Eagleston consented.
Accordingly the good old gentleman sent his books, to the
number of about one hundred, on board accompanied with his
thanks for the favor we should render him. The thought
struck us when the natives came off from St. Jacinta that these
books would take with them. Accordingly we had them brought
to light, when no sooner had these poor, ignorant people set
their eyes on the books, than they were seized with a sudden
thirst after knowledge. They offered all the trade they had
for some books. I will not say we traded, but distributed a few
amongst them, and such was the gratitude of the poor people
that they immediately made suitable returns of such as they
had, consisting of cocoanuts, bananas, sweet potatoes, and
molasses, fighting cocks, toggery and even the hats off their
heads. We were constrained to take what they offered in
return, lest they should consider their knowledge as too cheaply
purchased and consequently undervalue it."

The Emerald encountered a typhoon soon after this incident,
and the description of the ship's clerk makes it appear remark-

576

The Log of the Emerald

able that the ship should have survived the ordeal. "The
weather had been thick and hazy during the afternoon, with
rain occasionally," he writes. "The typhoon came on so
suddenly that we had not time to shorten sail. The fore-tack
first parted; the clew garnet was manned immediately but it
blew so heavy that sail could not be hauled up, and it soon
split in pieces. Next went the fore-topmast stay-sail which
blew clear from the bolt-ropes. By this time topsail halliards
were let go and the sail clewed down. Attempted to clew up
main and mizzen-topsails in order to get her before the wind,
but immediately upon starting the sheets the sails became
unmanageable and blew to pieces. About the same time went
the main royal mast and mizzen top-gallant mast by the board.
To get her off, we cut away the larboard quarter boat, mizzen
topmast back-stays and topmast rigging, but of no avail. She
would not pay off, neither would the mizzen topmast go over
the side. A heavy puff shortly after carried away the main-
topmast, about half way down and throwing her down the sea
carried away the starboard quarter-boat. The wind was now
blowing with that violence it was impossible to go aloft. The
fore-topsail yet stood, and at about half -past seven, during a
momentary lull, she paid off but almost immediately broached
to, on the other (starboard tack) which brought the fore topsail
aback, and it was impossible to work the head yards on account
of the wreck of the fore topmast having fouled the fore braces.
At half-past eight she went off before the wind, up to
which time from the commencement of the gale, she had been
under no command, but lay close to the wind with the helm
hard up and nearly on her beam ends. After getting her before
the wind there were four of us at the wheel with relieving
tackles. All the sails with the exception of the fore topsail were
blown to pieces."

The Emerald made the best of her way to Singapore for

577

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

repairs, but before she could make port, lightning struck her
during a squall. The bolt "descended the main mast and
John McCannon who was standing on the lee side close to the
mast was struck and instantly killed. Mr. Young and John
Wallace, who were standing on the weather side, were knocked
down and much injured. McCannon was taken into the cabin
and means tried to recover him, but of no avail. The vital
spark had fled. Mr. Young was taken below senseless and
Wallace nearly so. Both recovered, however, in a short time.
A large hole was perforated in McCannon 's hat, about the size
of a dollar. He turned black in the face almost immediately."

Refitting at Singapore, the Emerald pursued her voyage
around the Cape of Good Hope and to break the long Atlantic
journey touched at St. Helena for water and fresh provisions.
The ship's clerk, of course, visited the grave of Napoleon whose
ashes had not then been carried to France. He wrote in his
journal:

" I visited the tomb with Captain Eagleston and the captain
and supercargo of the brig Ann. With any other object in
view our ride would have been entirely devoid of interest, the
island being little more than a constant succession of steep
hills and deep, narrow valleys, with but scanty patches of
vegetation to enliven the uniform barren aspect. It will not
be supposed that our excursion in point of scenery presented
much to interest us who had so recently left the beautiful,
fertile islands of the South Seas. But we were going to visit
the tomb of Napoleon!

"The road is constructed in a zigzag direction, in other
words we had to tack ship and beat up hill. On the brow of a
tremendous precipice we came to another track descending the
mountain-side, and here our horses came to a full stop. Alight-
ing from the carriages we descended by the footpath to a little
fertile valley which, surrounded as it is by stupendous moun-

578

The Log of the Emerald

tains, appears shut out from the rest of the world. Here in this
sequestered little spot, in the centre of a simple enclosure, over-
shadowed by a few willows, we saw the tomb of Napoleon.
The old Corporal, as he is called, had seen us approaching at a
distance, and was already in waiting, and although we were not
furnished with a permit from the Governor, as is customary,
he let us into the enclosure.

"Three plain stone slabs laid level with the earth and sur-
rounded by an iron railing mark the spot where repose his
ashes. Not a letter or figure by way of inscription is imprinted
on the slabs. The French have frequently petitioned, but
the titles of Emperor, etc., which they wished to inscribe, the
English would not allow. Two willows on either side were
pointed out to us as the ones from the limbs of which he was
lowered into the grave. One of these limbs has been sawed
off and sent to England and deposited among the relics in the
Royal Museum. One of these trees, either from the effects of
age or wind, has fallen over and rests on the iron railing, and
the tops of two or three of the rails have become firmly imbedded
in the body of the tree.

"A sprig of laurel has lately been planted at the head and
a sprig of geranium at the foot of the grave, but neither is in a
very flourishing condition. We were furnished with sprigs of
willow from the trees that overhang the grave and some slips
from the same which the old Corporal keeps constantly on hand
for visitors who may wish such to transplant in their own
country. A small fountain, clear and still, is hard by, just on
the outside of the enclosure, from which we all took a draught.
This fountain, we were told, is the one from which Napoleon
always had his water brought. A house servant used to come
here every day with two silver tankards which were filled for
Napoleon's own drinking.

" The Corporal was here during his residence and at the time

579

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

of his death. He says that an immense concourse of spectators
assembled to witness his interment and when the body was
lowered into the grave, three companies of artillery stationed
in the road on the hillside adjoining, paid the only military
honors of the occasion. He says that Frenchmen, who revere
the memory of Napoleon, when they visit his tomb, always take
off their hats when they enter the enclosure and kneel at his
tomb."

580

CHAPTER XXVIII

THE LAST PIRATES OF THE SPANISH MAIN
(1832)

IN December of 1906 died Captain Thomas Fuller, the oldest
shipmaster of Salem, in his ninety-fourth year. He was
the survivor of an era on the sea that seems to belong
with ancient history. Before 1830 he was a cabin boy in a
brig of less than a hundred tons in the Cuban trade. At
eighteen he was sailing to South America and Europe, and his
shipmates, then in the prime of life, were veterans of the fighting
privateers of the War of 1812. He lived well into the twentieth
century to tell the tale of the last piracy of the Spanish Main,
for he was one of the crew of the brig Mexican. Captured by a
swarthy band of cut-throats in their "rakish, black schooner,"
while on a voyage to Rio Janeiro, the Mexican carried the
period of organized piracy down to the year 1832. Six of the
pirates were hanged in Boston three years later, and their
punishment finished for good and all, a peril to American
shipping which had preyed along the coast for two full centuries.
The Mexican sailed from Salem on the 29th of August, 1832,
commanded by Captain John G. Butman and owrned by Joseph
Peabody. She was a brig of two hundred and twenty-seven
tons register, with a crew of thirteen men, including able seaman
Thomas Fuller, nineteen years old. There was also on board
as a seaman, John Battis of Salem, who before his death many
years after, wrote down his memories of the voyage at the
request of his son. His story is the most complete account of

581

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

the famous piracy that has come down to us, and in part it
runs as follows:

"I was at Peabody's store house on the morning of the day
of sailing and others of the crew came soon after. After waiting
quite a while, it was suggested that we go after the cook, Ridgely,
who then boarded with a Mrs. Ranson, a colored woman living
on Becket street, so we set out to find him. He was at home
but disinclined to go, as he wished to pass one more Sunday
home. However, after some persuading he got ready, and we
all started out of the gate together. A black hen was in the
yard and as we came out the bird flew upon the fence, and
flapping her wings, gave a loud crow. The cook was wild
with terror, and insisted that something was going to happen;
that such a sign meant harm, and he ran about in search of a
stone to knock out the brains of the offending biped. The
poor darkey did not succeed in his murderous design, but
followed us grumbling.

" At about ten o'clock we mustered all present and accounted
for, and commenced to carry the specie, with which we were
to purchase our return cargo, on board the brig. We carried
aboard twenty thousand dollars in silver, in ten boxes of two
thousand dollars each; we also had about one hundred bags of
saltpetre and one hundred chests of tea. The silver was stored
in the 'run' under the cabin floor, and there was not a man
aboard but knew where the money was stored.

"At last everything being ready we hove anchor and stood
out to sea in the face of a southeast wind. As soon as we got
outside and stowed anchor we cleared ship and the captain
called all hands and divided the crew into watches. I was in
the first mate's watch and young Thomas Fuller was in the
captain's watch. On account of the several acts of piracy
previously committed on Salem ships, Captain Butman un-
doubtedly feared, or perhaps had a premonition of a like hap-

582

Captain Thomas Fuller, last survivor of the crew of the bri<r Mexican
(Died Dec., 1906)

The brig Mexican attacked by pirates, 1832

The Last Pirates of the Spanish Main

pening to his vessel, for the next day while he was aft at work
on the main rigging, I heard the captain and first mate talking
about pirates. The captain said he would fight a long while
before he'd give his money up. They had a long talk together,
and he seemed to be very much worried. I think it was the
next day after this conversation between Captain Butman and
Mr. Reed that I was at the wheel steering when the captain
came and spoke to me. He asked me how I felt about leaving
home, and I replied that I felt the same as ever, 'all right.'
I learned afterwards that he put this question to the rest of the
crew.

" We sailed along without anything occurring worthy of note
until the night of the nineteenth of September. After supper we
were all sitting together during the dog-watch (this being between
six and eight o'clock P. M.) when all seemed bent on telling
pirate yarns, and of course got more or less excited. I went
below at twelve o'clock and at four next morning my watch
was called. Upon coming on deck the first mate came forward
and said that we must keep a sharp look-out, as there was a
vessel 'round, and that she had crossed our stern and gone to
the leeward. I took a seat between the knight-heads, and had
been sitting there but a few minutes when a vessel crossed our
bows, and went to the windward of us.

" We were going at a pretty good rate at the time. I sang out
and the mate came forward with a glass, but said he could not
make her out. I told him he would see her to the windward
at daylight. At dawn we discovered a top-sail schooner about
five miles off our weather quarter, standing on the wind on the
same tack we were. The wind was light, at south southwest,
and we were standing about southeast. At seven o'clock the
captain came on deck and this was the first he knew of the
schooner being about us.

" I was at the wheel when the captain came out of the cabin ;

583

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

he looked toward the schooner, and as soon as he perceived
her, he reached and took his glass and went into the main-top.
He came down and closing his glass, said : ' That is the very
man I've been looking for. I can count thirty men on his deck.'
He also said that he saw one man on her fore-top-gallant yard,
looking out, and that he was very suspicious of her. He then
ordered us to set all sail (as the schooner didn't seem to sail
very fast), thinking we might get away from her.

" While I was up loosing the main-royal I sat on the yard, and
let them hoist me up to the truck so that I could have a good
look around. I saw another vessel, a brig, to the eastward of
us, way ahead and reported it. The schooner had in the
meanwhile sailed very fast, for when I started in to come down
she was off our beam. From all appearances and her manner
of sailing we concluded afterwards that she had a drag out.
We then went to breakfast, the schooner kept ahead of us, and
appeared to be after the other vessel. Then the captain altered
the brig's course, tacking to the westward, keeping a little off
from the wind to make good way through the water to get
clear of her if possible. After breakfast when we came on deck
the schooner was coming down on us under a full press of sail.
I noticed two kegs of powder alongside our two short carronades,
the only guns we had. Our means of defense, however, proved
utterly worthless, as the shot was a number of sizes too large
for the gun.

"A few moments before this, the schooner had fired a shot
at us to heave to, which Captain Butman was on the point of
doing as I came on deck. The schooner then hoisted patriotic
colors (Columbian flag), backed her main top-sail, and laid
to about half a mile to the windward. She was a long, low,
straight top-sail schooner of about one hundred and fifty tons
burthen, painted black with a narrow white streak, a large
figure-head with a horn of plenty painted white; masts raked

584

The Last Pirates of the Spanish Main

aft, and a large main-top-mast, a regular Baltimore clipper.
We could not see any name. She carried thirty or more men,
with a long thirty-two pound swivel amidships, with four brass
guns, two on each side.

" A hail came in English from the schooner, asking us where
we were from and where bound and what our cargo was. Cap-
tain Butman replied 'tea and salt-petre.' The same voice from
the schooner then hailed us for the captain to lower a boat and
come alongside and bring him his papers. The boat was got
ready and Captain Butman and four men — Jack Ardissone,
Thomas Fuller, Benjamin Larcom and Fred Trask — got in
and pulled to the schooner. When they started Captain But-
man shook hands with the mate, Mr. Reed, and told him to do
the best he could if he never saw him again.

" The Mexican's boat pulled up to the gangway of the schooner
but they ordered it to go to the f orechains where five of the pirates
jumped into our boat, not permitting any of our men to go on
board the schooner and pushed off, ordering the captain back
to the brig. They were armed with pistols in their belts and
long knives up their sleeves. While at the schooner's side, after
getting into our boat, one of the pirates asked their captain in
Spanish what they should do with us, and his answer was:
'Dead cats don't mew — have her thoroughly searched, and
bring aboard all you can — you know what to do with them.'
The orders of the captain of the schooner being in Spanish, were
understood by only one of the Mexican's crew then in the boat,
namely Ardissone, wrho burst into tears, and in broken English
declared that all was over with them.

" It was related by one of our crew that while the Mexican's
boat was at the forechains of the schooner, the brig before
mentioned was plainly seen to the eastward, and the remark
was made to Thomas Fuller that it would be a good thing to
shove off and pull for the other vessel in sight, to which proposi-

585

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

tion Fuller scornfully answered 'I will do no such things. I
will stay and take my chances with the boys.'

" Our boat returned to the brig and Captain Butman and the
five pirates came on board; two of them went down in the
cabin with us, and the other three loafed around on deck. Our
first mate came up from the cabin and told us to muster aft and
get the money up. Luscomb and I, being near the companion-
way, started to go down into the cabin when we met the boat-
swain of the pirate coming up, who gave the signal for attack.
The three pirates on deck sprang on Luscomb and myself,
striking at us with the long knives across our heads. A Scotch
hat I happened to have on with a large cotton handkerchief
inside, saved me from a severe wounding as both were cut
through and through. Our mate, Mr. Reed, here interfered
and attempted to stop them from assaulting us whereupon
they turned on him.

"We then went down into the cabin and into the run; there
were eight of us in all; six of our men then went back into the
cabin, and the steward and myself were ordered to pass the
money up which we did, to the cabin floor, and our crew then
took it and carried it on deck. In the meantime, the pirate
officer in charge (the third mate) had hailed the schooner and
told them they had found what they were looking for. The
schooner then sent a launch containing sixteen men, which
came alongside and they boarded us. They made the crew
pass the boxes of money down into the boat, and it was then
conveyed on board the pirate.

"The launch came back with about a dozen more men, and
the search began in earnest. Nine of them rushed down into
the cabin where the captain, Jack Ardissone, and myself were
standing. They beat the captain with their long knives, and
battered a speaking trumpet to pieces over his head and shoul-
ders. Seeing we could do nothing, I made a break to reach the

586

The Last Pirates of the Spanish Main

deck by jumping out of the cabin window, thinking I could
get there by grasping hold of the boat's davits and pulling myself
on deck. Jack Ardissone, divining my movement, caught my
foot as I was jumping and saved me, as I should probably have
missed my calculation and gone overboard. Jack and I then
ran and the pirates after both of us, leaving the captain whom
they continued to beat and abuse, demanding more money.
We ran into the steerage. Jack, not calculating the break of
the deck, soon went over into the hold and I on top of him.
For some reason the pirates gave up the chase before they
reached the break between the decks, or they would have
gone down with us. By the fall Jack broke two of his ribs.
Under deck we had a clean sweep, there being no cargo, so we
could go from one end of the vessel to the other.

"The crew then got together in the forecastle and stayed
there. We hadn't been there long before the mate, Mr. Reed,
came rushing down, chased by the boatswain of the pirate,
demanding his money. The mate then told Luscomb to go
and get his money, which he had previously given Luscomb to
stow away for him in some safe place; there were two hundred
dollars in specie, and Luscomb had put it under the wood in
the hold. Luscomb went and got it, brought it up and gave
it to the pirate, who untied the bag, took a handful out, retied
the bag, and went up on deck and threw the handful of money
overboard so that those on the schooner could see that they
had found more money.

"Then the pirates went to Captain Butman and told him
that if they found any more money which we hadn't surrendered,
they would cut all our throats. I must have followed them
into the cabin, for I heard them tell the captain this. Previous
to this, we of the crew found that we had about fifty dollars,
which we secured by putting into the pickle keg, and this was
secretly placed in the breast-hook forward. On hearing this

587

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

threat made to the captain I ran back and informed the crew
what I had heard, and we took the money out of my keg and
dropped it down the air-streak, which is the space between the
inside and outside planking. It went way down into the
keelson. Our carpenter afterwards located its exact position
and recovered every cent of it. Strange to say the first thing
they searched on coming below was the pickle keg. The
search of our effects by the pirates was pretty thorough, and
they took all new clothes, tobacco, etc. In the cabin they
searched the captain's chest, but failed to get at seven hundred
dollars which he had concealed in the false bottom; they had
previously taken from him several dollars which he had in his
pocket, and his gold watch, and had also relieved the mate of
his watch.

" About noon it appeared to be very quiet on deck, we having
been between decks ever since the real searching party came on
board. We all agreed not to go on deck again and to make
resistance with sticks of wood if they attempted to come down,
determined to sell our lives as dearly as possible. Being some-
what curious, I thought I'd peep up and see what they were
doing; as I did so, a cocked pistol was pressed to my head, and
I was ordered to come on deck and went, expecting to be thrown
overboard. One took me by the collar and held me out at
arm's length to plunge a knife into me. I looked him right
in the eye and he dropped his knife and ordered me to get the
doors of the forecastle which were below. I went down and
got them, but they did not seem to understand how they were
to be used, and they made me come up and ship them. There
were three of them and as I was letting the last one in I caught
the gleam of a cutlass being drawn, so taking the top of the door
on my stomach, I turned a quick somersault and went down
head first into the forecastle. The cutlass came down, but
did not find me; it went into the companionway quite a depth.

588

The Last Pirates of the Spanish Main

Then they hauled the slide over and fastened it, and we were
all locked below.

"They fastened the aft companionway leading down into
the cabin, locking our officers below as well. From noises that
came from overhead, we were convinced that the pirates had
begun a work of destruction. All running rigging, including
tiller ropes, was cut, sails slashed into ribbons, spars cut loose,
ship's instruments and all movable articles on which they could
lay their hands were demolished, the yards were tumbled down
and we could hear the main-boom swinging from side to side.
They then, as appears by later developments, filled the caboose
or cook's galley, with combustibles, consisting of tar, tarred
rope-yarn, oakum, etc., setting fire to the same, and lowered
the dismantled mainsail so that it rested on top of the caboose.

"In this horrible suspense we waited for an hour or more
when all became quiet save the wash of the sea against the
brig. All this time the crew had been cooped up in the darkness
of the forecastle, of course unable to speculate as to what would
be the next move of the enemy, or how soon death would come
to each and all of us.

"Finally at about three o'clock in the afternoon, Thomas
Fuller came running forward and informed us that the pirates
were leaving the ship. One after another of the crew made
their way to the cabin and on peering out of the two small stern
windows saw the pirates pulling for the schooner. Captain
Butman was at this time standing on the cabin table, looking
out from a small skylight, the one means of egress the pirates
had neglected to fasten. We told him that from the odor of
smoke, we believed they had fired the brig. He said he knew
it and ordered us to remain quiet. He then stepped down
from the table and for several moments knelt in prayer, after
which he calmly told us to go forward and he would call us
when he wanted us.

589

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

" We had not been in the forecastle long before he called us
back, and directed that we get all buckets under deck and fill
them with water from casks in the hold. On our return he
again opened the skylight and drew himself up on deck. We
then handed him a small bucket of water, and he crept along
the rail in the direction of the caboose, keeping well under the
rail in order to escape observation from the schooner. The
fire was just breaking through the top of the caboose when he
arrived in time to throw several handfuls of water on top so as
to keep it under. This he continued to do for a long time, not
daring to extinguish it immediately lest the pirates should notice
the absence of smoke and know that their plan for our destruc-
tion had been frustrated.

"When the fire had been reduced to a reasonable degree of
safety, he came and opened the aft companionway and let us
all up. The schooner, being a fast sailer, was in the distance
about hull down. The fire in the caboose was allowed to burn
in a smouldering condition for perhaps a half-hour or more,
keeping up a dense smoke. By this time the pirate schooner
was well nigh out of sight, or nearly topsails under, to the
eastward. On looking about us, we found the Mexican in a
bad plight, all sails, halyards and running gear were cut, head-
sails dragging in the water, and on account of the tiller ropes
being cut loose, the brig was rolling about in the trough of the
sea. We at once set to work repairing damages as speedily as
possible and before dark had bent new sails and repaired our
running gear to a great extent.

"Fortunately through the shrewdness and foresight of Cap-
tain Butman, our most valuable ship instruments, compass,
quadrant, sextant, etc., had escaped destruction. It seems that
immediately on discovering the true character of the stranger,
he had placed them in the steerage and covered them with a
quantity of oakum. This the pirates somehow overlooked in

590

The Last Pirates of the Spanish Main

their search, although they passed and repassed it continually
during their visit.

"The brig was then put before the wind, steering north,
and as by the intervention of Divine Providence, a strong
wind came up, which before dark developed into a heavy squall
with thunder and lightning, so we let the brig go before the
fury of the wind, not taking in a stitch of canvas. We steered
north until next morning, when the brig's course was altered,
and we stood due west, tacking off and on several courses for
a day or two, when finally a homeward course was taken which
was kept up until we reached Salem, October 12, 1832."

Thus ends the narrative of able seaman, John Battis. If the
valor of Captain Butman and his crew be questioned, in that
they made no resistance, it must be remembered that they were
under the guns of the pirate which could have sunk the Mexican
at the slightest sign of trouble aboard the brig. And although
the decks of the Mexican were not stained with the slaughter
of her crew, it is certain that her captors expected to burn them
alive. These nineteenth century pirates were not a gentle
brood, even though they did not always make their victims
walk a plank. In 1829, only three years before the capture of
the Mexican, the brig New Priscilla of Salem was found appar-
ently abandoned within a day's sail of Havana. The boarding
party from the ship that sighted her found a boy of Salem, a
lad in his teens, spiked to the deck, an act of wanton torture
committed after every other soul on board had been thrown
overboard.

The capture of the pirates of the Mexican was an extraordi-
nary manifestation of the long arm of Justice. A short time
after the return of the brig to Salem, the ship Gleaner
sailed for the African coast. Her commander, Captain Hunt
happened to carry with him a copy of the Essex Register which
under a date of October, 1832, contained the statement of

591

The Ships and. Sailors of Old Salem

Captain Butman in which he described in detail the model,
rig and appearance of the pirate schooner. Captain Hunt
perused the statement with lively interest and without doubt
kept a weather eye out for a rakish black schooner with a white
streak, as he laid his course to the southward. He touched at
the island of St. Thomas and while at anchor in the harbor saw
a topsail schooner come in from seaward. The stranger an-
chored near-by, and Captain Hunt sat on his quarter-deck with
a copy of the Essex Register in his fist. The more he studied,
first the journal and then the schooner, the stronger grew his
suspicions that this was the sea robber which had gutted the
Mexican. There was her "large main-top-mast, but with no
yards or sail on it," "her mainsail very square at the head, sails
made with split cloth and all new," and "the large gun on a
pivot amidships," the brass twelve-pounders gleaming from her
side, and "about seventy men who appeared to be chiefly
Spaniards and mulattos."

Having digested these facts, Captain Hunt went ashore and
confided in an old friend. These two invented an excuse for
boarding the schooner, and there on the deck they spied two
spars painted black which had been stolen from the Mexican.
Captain Butman had told Captain Hunt about these black
spars before they parted in Salem. The latter at once decided
to slip his cable that night, take the Gleaner to sea and run
down to the nearest station where he might find English war
vessels. There was a leak somewhere, for just before dark,
the suspicious schooner made sail and under a heavy press of
canvas fled for the open sea. As she passed within hailing
distance of the Gleaner a hoarse voice shouted in broken Eng-
lish that if he ventured to take his brig to sea that night, he and
his crew would have their throats slitted before daylight.

Captain Hunt stayed in harbor, but his chagrin was lightened
when he saw a British frigate come in almost before the schooner

592

The Last Pirates of the Spanish Main

had sailed beyond sight. Manning a boat he hurried aboard
the frigate, and told her commander what he knew about the
Mexican and what he more than guessed about the rakish
schooner. The frigate put about and made sail in chase but
the pirate eluded her in the night and laid a course for the
African coast.

Shortly after this, the British war brig Curlew, Captain
Henry D. Trotter, was cruising on the west coast of Africa, and
through the officers of the frigate which had chased the pirate
out off St. Thomas, she received the story of the Mexican and
a description of the schooner. Captain Trotter cogitated and
recalled the appearance of a schooner he had recently noticed
at anchor in the River Nazareth on the African coast where
slavers were wont to hover. The description seemed to fit so
closely that the Curlew sailed at once to investigate. When
she reached the mouth of the river, Captain Trotter with a
force of forty men in boats went upstream, and pulled alongside
the schooner at daybreak, ready to take her by storm. The
pirates, however, scrambled into their own boats, after setting
fire to their schooner and escaped to the shore where they took
refuge in the swamps and could not be found. A few days
after a prize crew had been put aboard the schooner she was
accidentally blown up, killing two officers and two men of the
Curlew. The mysterious rakish schooner therefore vanishes
from the story with a melodramatic finale.

The stranded pirates meantime had sought the protection of
a native king, who promised to surrender them when the
demand came from Captain Trotter. After much difficulty,
four of the pirates were taken in this region. Five more were
captured after they had fled to Fernando Po, and the vigilance
of the British navy swelled the list with seven more of the
ruffians who were run down at St. Thomas. The pirates were
first taken to England, and surrendered to the United States

593

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

Government for trial in 1834. On August twenty-seventh of
that year the British brig of war Savage entered Salem harbor
with a consignment of sixteen full-fledged pirates to be delivered
to the local authorities.

There was not a British flag in Salem, and the informal
reception committee was compelled to ask the British com-
mander for an ensign which might be raised on shore in honor
of the visit. The pirates were landed at Crowninshield's
Wharf and taken in carriages to the Town Hall. Twelve of
them, all handcuffed together, were arraigned at the bar for
examination, and "their plea of not guilty was reiterated with
great vociferation and much gesticulation and heat." One of
them, Perez, had confessed soon after capture, and his statement
was read. The Pinda, for so the schooner was named, had
sailed from Havana with the intention of making a slaving
voyage to Africa. When twenty days out they fell in with an
American brig (the Mexican), which they boarded with pistols
and knives. After robbing her, they scuttled and burned an
English brig, and then sailed for Africa.

"The hall was crowded to suffocation," says the Salem
Gazette of that date, " with persons eager to behold the visages
of a gang of pirates, that terror and bugbear of the inhabitants
of a navigating community. It is a case, so far as we recollect,
altogether without precedent to have a band of sixteen pirates
placed at the bar at one time and charged with the commission
of the same crime."

The sixteen pirates of the Pinda were taken to Boston to
await trial in the United States Court. While in prison they
seem to have inspired as much sympathy as hostility. In fact,
from all accounts they were as mild-mannered a band of cut-
throats as ever scuttled a ship. A writer in the Boston Post,
September 2, 1834, has left these touches of personal description :

"Having heard a terrific description of the Spaniards now

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The Last Pirates of the Spanish Main

confined in Leverett Street jail on a charge of piracy, we availed
ourselves of our right of entree and took a birdseye glance at
the monsters of the deep but were somewhat surprised to find
them small and ordinary looking men, extremely civil and good-
natured, with a free dash of humor in their conversation and
easy indifference to their situation. The first in importance as
well as in appearance is the Captain, Pedro Gibert, a Castilian
38 years old, and the son of a merchant. In appearance he did
not come quite up to our standard for the leader of a brave
band of buccaneers, although a pleasant and rather a handsome
mariner."

Captain Pedro Gibert is further described as having " a round
face, ample and straight nose, and a full but not fierce black
eye." Francisco Ruiz the carpenter, was "only five feet three
inches high, and though not very ferocious of aspect will never
be hung for his good looks." Antonio Farrer, a native African
had several seams on his face resembling sabre gashes. These
were tattoo marks, on each cheek a chain of diamond-shaped
links, and branded on the forehead to resemble an ornamental
band or coronet." With a red handkerchief bound about his
head Antonio must have been ferocious in action.

In October, November, 1835, the trial was begun before
Justice Joseph Story and District Judge John Davis. The
prisoners at the bar were Captain Gibert, Bernado de Soto,
first mate; Francisco Ruiz, Nicola Costa, Antonio Ferrer,
Manuel Boyga, Domingo de Guzman, Juan Antonio Portana,
Manuel Castillo, Angel Garcia, Jose Velasquez, and Juan
Montenegro. Manuel Delgardo was not present. He had
committed suicide in the Boston jail some time before.

The pirates conducted themselves with a dignity and courage
that showed them to be no mongrel breed of outlaw, and their
finish was worthy of better careers. The trial lasted two weeks
and the evidence, both direct and circumstantial was of the

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

strongest kind against seven of the pirates. Five were acquitted
after proving to the satisfaction of the jury that they had not
been on board the Pinda at the time of the Mexican affair.
Thomas Fuller of Salem was a witness, and he upset the decorum
of the court in a scandalous manner. When asked to identify
the prisoners he stepped up to one of them and shouted :

"You're the scoundrel that was first over the rail and
you knocked me endwise with the flat of a cutlass. Take
that."

The impetuous young witness caught the prisoner on the jaw
with a fist like an oaken billet and drove him spinning across
the room by way of emphatic identification.

Before sentence was pronounced Captain Gibert rose and
said in Spanish:

"I am innocent of the crime — I am innocent." With that
he presented a statement drawn up by himself in a " remarkably
well written hand" which he desired might be read. After
denouncing the traitor Perez, who had turned State's evidence,
the captain stated that Delgardo, before he had cut his throat in
jail, had avowed his determination to commit suicide because
his extorted and false confession had involved the lives of his
companions. He alleged that his boatswain had been poisoned
by Captain Trotter on Fernando Po for denying the robbery,
and had exclaimed just before his death:

" ' The knaves have given me poison. My entrails are burn-
ing,' after which he expired foaming at the mouth."

The first mate, de Soto, presented a paper addressed to the
presiding "Senor," in which he protested his innocence, "before
the tribunal, before the whole universe, and before the Omnipo-
tent Being." He went on to say that he was born at Corunna
where his father was an administrator of the ecclesiastical rank ;
that he had devoted himself to the study of navigation from the
age of fourteen, and at twenty-two had "by dint of assiduity

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The Last Pirates of the Spanish Main

passed successfully through his examinations and reached the
grade of captain, or first pilot, in the India course. He had
shortly after espoused the daughter of an old and respectable
family."

(At this point the clerk, Mr. Childs became much affected,
shed tears and was obliged for a time to resign the reading of
the document to Mr. Bodlam.)

The memorial of Bernado de Soto closed in this wise :

"Nevertheless I say no more than that they (the witnesses)
have acted on vain presumption and I forgive them. But let
them not think it will be so with my parents and my friends who
will cry to God continually for vengeance on those who have
sacrificed my life while innocent."

Manuel Castillo, the Peruvian, "who had a noble Rolla
countenance," exclaimed with upraised hands:

" I am innocent in the presence of the Supreme Being of this
Assembly, and of the Universe. I swear it and I desire the
court will receive my memorial."

The mate de Soto obtained a respite after telling the following
story which investigation proved to be true :

He had been master of a vessel which made a voyage from
Havana to Philadelphia in 1831, and was consigned to a "respect-
able house there." During the return voyage to Havana he dis-
covered the ship Minerva ashore on one of the Bahama reefs,
and on fire. The passengers and crew were clinging to the
masts and yards. He approached the wreck at great danger to
himself and vessel and took off seventy-two persons, whom he
carried safely to Havana. He was presented with a silver cup
by the insurance office at Philadelphia as token of their appre-
ciation of his bravery and self-sacrifice. The ship Minerva
belonged in Salem, and the records showed that the rescue
performed by de Soto had been even more gallant than he
pictured it to the Court. For this service to humanity he

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The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

escaped the death penalty for his later act of piracy and was
subsequently pardoned by President Andrew Jackson.

When his comrades were called for sentence by Judge Story
they showed the same firmness, self-possession and demeanor
of innocence which had marked their conduct throughout the
trial. The death sentence for the crime of piracy on the high
seas was announced in these words:

"The sentence is that you and each of you, for the crime
whereof you severally stand convicted, be severally decreed,
taken and adjudged to be pirates and felons, and that each of
you be severally hung by the neck until you be severally dead.
And that the marshal of this District of Massachusetts or his
Deputy, do on peril of what may fall thereon, cause execution
to be done upon you and each of .you severally on the 1 1th day
of March next ensueing, between the hours of 9 and 12 of the
same day; that you be now taken from hence to the jail in
Boston in the District aforesaid, from whence you came; there
or in some other safe and convenient jail within the District to be
closely kept until the day of execution; and from thence to be
taken on the day appointed for the execution as aforesaid to
the place aforesaid; there to be hanged until you are severally
dead. I earnestly recommend to each of you to employ the
intermediate period in sober reflection upon your past life, and
conduct, and by prayers and penitence and religious exercises
to seek the favor of Almighty God for any sins and crimes which
you may have committed. And for this purpose I earnestly
recommend to you to seek the aid and assistance of the Ministers
of our holy religion of the denominations of Christians to which
you severally belong. And in bidding you, so far as I can
presume to know, an eternal farewell, I offer up my earnest
prayer that Almighty God may in his infinite goodness, have
mercy on your souls."

The Salem Gazette records that " after the sentence was read

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The Last Pirates of the Spanish Main

in English by the Judge, it was translated into Spanish. Cap-
tain Gibert did not waver a particle from his most extraordinary
firmness of manner, and the commanding dignity of all his
movements. The muscles of de Soto's face quivered, and he
seemed subdued. Castillo looked the same high scorn with
which he appears to have regarded the whole proceeding. The
rest gave no particular indication of their feelings. The Judge
ordered the prisoners to be remanded and they were ironed and
carried out of court, the crowd assembled being much excited
by this moving scene. Immediately after pronouncing the
sentence Judge Story left the court, appearing deeply affected
by the painful duty which he has evidently most reluctantly
performed under the highest sense of responsibility."

The local chronicle thus closes the story of the piracy of the
Mexican, six months after the trial :

" Five of the pirates, the captain and four of the crew were
executed this morning at half past ten. We have already men-
tioned the temporary reprieve of the mate de Soto on account
of rescuing the crew of an American vessel, and of Ruiz, the
carpenter, on the score of insanity. They were accompanied
to the gallows by a Spanish priest, but none of them made
any confession or expressed any contrition. They all pro-
tested their innocence to the last. Last night Captain Gibert
was discovered with a piece of glass with which he intended
to commit suicide. And one of the men (Boyga) cut his throat
with a piece of tin, and was so much weakened by loss of blood
that he was supported to the gallows, and seated in a chair
on the drop when it fell. It would seem from their conduct
that they retained hopes of pardon to the last moment."

De Soto, the mate, who escaped the noose, returned to Cuba
and was for many years in the merchant marine in those waters.
More than a generation after the Mexican affair, a Salem
shipmaster, Captain Nicholas Snell, had occasion to take

599

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

a steamer that traded between Havana and Matanzas. He had
attended the trial of the pirates in Boston and he recognized
the captain of the steamer as de Soto. The former buccaneer
and the Salem captain became friends and before they parted
de Soto related the story of the Pinda's voyage. He said that
he had shipped aboard her at Havana where she was represented
as a slaver. Once at sea, however, he discovered that the
Pinda was a pirate, and that he must share her fortune. He
frankly discussed the capture of the Mexican, and threw an
unholy light upon the character of Captain Gibert. The night
after the capture the officers of the Pinda were drinking reck-
lessly in the cabin, and one of the mates held up his glass of
rum and shouted: "Here's to the squirming Yankees."

The captain had taken it for granted that the crew of the
Mexican had been killed to a man before the brig was set on
fire, and when the truth came out, he was fairly beside himself.
With black oaths he sprang on deck, put his vessel about, and
for two days cruised in search of the Mexican, swearing to slay
every man on board if he could overhaul her in order to insure
the safety of his own precious neck. In truth, that gale with
thunder and lightning before which the Mexican drove all that
thick night was seaman John Battis' "intervention of Divine
Providence."

When the word was brought to Salem that de Soto was to be
found on the Cuban coast, more than one Salem skipper, when
voyaging to Havana or Matanzas, took the trouble to find the
former pirate and spin a yarn or two with him over a cool glass
and a long, black cigar.

600

CHAPTER XXIX

GENERAL FREDERICK TOWNSEND WARD *

(Leader of the Chinese "Ever Victorious Army")

THE career of Frederick Townsend Ward flashes across
the later day history of Salem like a meteor. After a
youth crowded with astonishing adventure this mer-
chant sailor and soldier of fortune became the organizer and
first leader of the "Ever Victorious Army" of the Chinese
Imperial forces in the Tai-ping Rebellion and was killed while
storming a walled city at the head of his troops in his thirtieth
year. So memorable were his services in this, the most disas-
trous armed conflict of modern times, that to this day his ashes
which rest at Sung Kiang, are yearly honored by offerings of in-
cense and solemn rites. A temple and a shrine mark his burial
place and by an edict of their Emperor the Chinese people are
commanded forever to worship and do reverence to the spirit of
this foreign soldier who died ten thousand miles away from
the New England seaport in which he was born and where his
forefathers sleep.

* This sketch of the life of Frederick Townsend Ward is taken for the most
part, from the Essex Institute Historical Collections, Vol. XLIV, Jan. 1908,
to which Hon. Robert S. Rantoul contributed a most complete and authoritative
account of General Ward's family history and achievements. Mr. Rantoul
included also the Chinese decrees, and other documentary material which are
made use of as Chapter XXX of this book, and the author desires to make clear
his obligations, both to the researches and literary labor of Mr. Rantoul and to
the Essex Institute for permission to make use of this material as properly
belonging in a record of the deeds of the Salem men of seafaring stock and
training.

601

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

In this extraordinary man were focused at white heat the
spirit of high adventure and the compelling desire to seek
far distant seas and play the game of life for high stakes which
had made Salem famous in her golden age. Frederick Town-
send Ward came of old seafaring stock which had fought and
sailed through one generation after another for more than two
centuries of Salem history. As far away as 1639 his ancestor,
Miles Ward, had been a commissioned officer at the siege of
Louisburg and had served with Wolfe at the storming of Quebec.
His paternal grandfather, Gamaliel Hodges Ward, of a family
of fifteen children, had one brother who served as a lieutenant
in the American navy during the War of 1812 and another who
was naval officer of the Port of Salem. This grandfather
married Priscilla Lambert Townsend, thus uniting three strains
of militant seafaring blood. Captain Moses Townsend had
died in England as a prisoner of war during the Revolution, his
son of fifteen sharing his captivity as a patriotic seaman. On
the records of the Salem Marine Society, founded in 1766, are
the names of nine Wards and three Lamberts, and among the
members of the Salem East India Marine Society are to be found
six Wards, six Hodges and a Townsend all of whom must have
doubled Cape Horn or the Cape of Good Hope as shipmasters
or supercargoes in order to qualify for admission to the Society.

The father of Frederick Townsend Ward was a shipmaster
and the son born in 1831 passed his boyhood in Salem at a
time when, although the world-wide commerce had begun to
ebb, the old town still had its schools of navigation, its nauti-
cal instrument dealers, its shipyards and ropewalks, its East
India warehouses, its sailors' lodging houses, dance halls and
slop shops crowded along the water front. The wharves were
still thronged with the activities of voyagers inbound from and
outbound to the uttermost parts of the earth. Although the
railroads had begun to build up the larger deep water ports and

602

General Frederick Townsend Ward

to sap the life of such lesser ports as Salem, yet even in those
days to be born in Salem was to be born a sailor. The harbor
still knew the fleets which kept it in touch with scores of remote
and romantic ports and the marvelous tales of sea-tanned
sailors tempted boyhood to dream of exploring regions little
known in books.

"The stick the schoolboy whittled shaped itself into a hull,
a rudder, a bowsprit or a boom. When in school he drew lines
on his slate to relieve the tedium of the rule of three, his sketches
took form in yards and shrouds and bob-stays. Give him a
box of water colors and the private signals of the East India
merchants were its earliest products. If he were too little to
pull a pair of oars, he sculled a dory with one, and he was no
more than in breeches when he knew every ring-bolt, block and
gasket from cut-water to stern-post of the East Indiamen dis-
charging at Derby Wharf. If he could muster a few shillings,
some kindly mariner took charge of them as a venture and
brought him home in a twelve month or so their value trebled
in nutmegs or pepper-corns or gum copal. If, on leaving
school, he did not ship before the mast he tried to sail as cabin
boy or ship's clerk, or supercargo.

"When he had won his fight on the sea and came at last to
live in comfort on shore, if he built himself a den in which to
doze and smoke and read and chat, it was apt to be shaped
like a ship's cabin, to have a swinging light overhead, transoms
for bunks, and spyglass, compass and barometer handy. The
dust and cobwebs under the eaves of his attic concealed camphor
and cedar trunks stuffed with camel's hair shawls, pongee silks
and seersucker suits. A log or two of sandalwood, brought
home for dunnage, might sizzle on the andirons and fill his house
with the spicy breath of Arabia.

"When a family returned from residence in foreign lands it
was not unusual for them to bring Chinese cooks, nurse maids

603

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

and house servants. The high-bred Parsee merchant with his
lofty head-dress of figured taffeta and buckram was no stranger
in Salem, nor was the turbanned Indian or Arab unknown."

Such was the atmosphere in which young Frederick Townsend
Ward was reared and the spirit of the place lured his daring and
romantic fancy to dream of enterprises on blue water. He
sailed in all kinds of small craft about Salem harbor before he
was in his teens and was noted as the boldest lad and best seaman
of the company of ardent friends whom he chose as his com-
panions. He sought and found employment at sea when he
was no more than fifteen years old and it sounds extraordinary
in these times to learn that at this age he went out on his first
voyage as second mate of the clipper ship Hamilton bound from
New York to China. This stripling mate of fifteen years was
placed in a position of authority over his watch of rugged fore-
castle hands, some of whom had been going to sea before he was
born. Young Ward's father was known as a stern disciplinarian
of the quarterdeck, and the son won a reputation for the same
quality of resourceful manhood. His captain found him to be
a smart, efficient and capable officer and so reported him to the
owners of the ship. At eighteen years of age he was first mate
of the ship Russell Glover commanded by his father, on a voyage
from New York to San Francisco. In the latter port the ship
was laid up for a long time and young Ward was kept on board
as ship-keeper. His impetuous temperament could not long en-
dure such monotony as this and it was at San Francisco that he
forsook the sea for a time to lose himself in a haze of stormy ad-
ventures as a soldier of fortune in Spanish American countries.
It is known that during this period he gained the friendship of
Garibaldi, who for eleven years previous to 1848 had been
fighting in behalf of the revolutionary cause of Brazil.

In 1851, at the age of twenty, the family records show that
Ward was sailing as first mate of a bark from San Francisco to

604

General Frederick Townsend Ward

Shanghai where he left the ship and took a berth for a short
time, on board one of the vessels moored in the river to prevent
opium smuggling. In the following year he appears in the
American merchant service once more as first mate of the ship
Gold Hunter from Shanghai to Tehuantepec.

Upon reaching Nicaragua his restless temperament must
have impelled him to leave the quarter-deck, for somewhat
later than this he joined a filibustering expedition of William
Walker. The tragic history of this attempt to found an empire
in Central America need not be told in detail. If Walker had
succeeded he would have been called a man of military genius
and a farsighted maker of destinies. He was shot by order of a
drum-head court martial at daybreak on September 3, 1860, and
the shattered remnants of his force were brought home to New
York in the United States ship Wabash.

Frederick Townsend Ward could not have remained long
with Walker, however, for from Central America he made his
way into Mexico and is said to have been offered a command
in the Mexican army. His plans seem to have gone all wrong,
for he set out penniless and alone to cross the country to lower
California. Back in San Francisco once more he took a berth
as first officer of the clipper ship Westward Ho of New York.
It is claimed that between 1854 and 1856 Ward was on the Cri-
mea as lieutenant in the French army, fighting against the Rus-
sians. His sister has related that she was at boarding school
during that period and that Frederick called on her there to
take his leave, as he told her, " on his way to the Crimean War,"
but the dates are conflicting.

This page of his life, like those immediately preceding it, is
more or less vague so far as details are concerned. It is certain,
however, that Frederick Townsend Ward was picking up here
and there as a soldier of fortune a knowledge of men and of
military matters which were to stand him in service when the

605

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

grand chance offered. He landed at Shanghai in the autumn of
1859, probably as first mate of an American sailing ship. He
was without money, without influence and without prospects,
but he was determined to carve a place for himself among the
Chinese people. The Tai-ping Rebellion had begun in 1851
and had raged for eight years when Ward landed at Shanghai.
This tremendous upheaval which was to continue six more
years, and to cost the lives of twenty millions of Chinese, was
threatening Shanghai and repeated attempts had been made
to invest and capture this great port of foreign commerce and
shipping.

The Imperial Government had been unable to make effective
headway against the vast hordes of rebels who had flocked to
the standards of the Rebel leader, who called himself the
" Heavenly King of the Great Dynasty of the Heavenly King-
dom." By 1860 the Tai-pings had swept across the populous
and fertile regions of two of the three watercourses of China
and their chief end now was to regain the mastery of the Yang-
tsze Kiang. The destruction of property and population within
the three months since their sally from the captured metropolis
of Nanking, revived the stories told of the devastation caused by
Attilla and Tamerlane. In August of this year Shanghai was
threatened by a force of somewhat less than twenty thousand
rebels and would have been captured if it had not been protected
by British and French troops landed to protect the foreign
interests of the port.

Ward was twenty-seven years old at this time and found his
first employment as an officer on one of the river steamers
which plied up and down the Yang-tsze. He showed his
mettle while engaged in this traffic, for a merchant of Shang-
hai who took passage on Ward's steamer, relates that she
grounded and was in danger of capture by Chinese pirates.
The captain believed that destruction was so certain that he

606

General Frederick Townsend Ward

talked of suicide. Ward took his place, put heart into the
crew, stood the pirates off and got the steamer afloat.

Meanwhile the foreign merchants and bankers of Shanghai
were working hand in hand with the natives to strengthen the
defense of the city. Large amounts of money were raised to
equip gunboats and artillery and a foreign contingent was
drilling as a volunteer infantry force. Ward obtained a com-
mission as first officer of the American-built gunboat Confucius,
which was one of a flotilla organized to fight the rebels on the
water. His commander, Captain Gough, made young Ward
acquainted with an influential Chinese banker, Taki, who co-
operated in behalf of the Chinese Imperial Government with
the foreign residents of Shanghai who were furnishing arms and
gunboats and money to attack the rebels. Ward made a
brilliant record as a fighting officer in this gunboat service and
won the admiration and confidence of this Taki, who was the
confidential adviser of Li Hung Chang, then fast coming into
prominence as the strong man of the demoralized Manchu
Government at Peking.

Douglas, the British biographer of Li Hung Chang, has
placed it to the credit of the great Viceroy that he should have
been astute enough to recognize the ability of this young Ameri-
can wanderer who appeared upon the scene from nowhere in
particular. This writer states that Ward was given employment
as a military officer by the Association of Patriotic Merchants
of Shanghai "at Li's instigation." It is certain that Ward did
not let the grass grow under his feet. The Imperialists were in
desperate straits and were seeking foreign aid. Wasting no
words, Ward submitted a proposition to the Government
through Taki, that he would, for a large cash price, undertake
the capture of Sung Kiang, the capital city of the Shanghai
district, and a great rebel stronghold, a few miles up the Yang-
tzse. Once in possession of Sung Kiang he would make it his

607

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

headquarters for operations by land and water, as a diversion
to draw the Tai-pings away from Shanghai.

This audacious proposition was accepted and funds were
granted to make a beginning. A company of one hundred
foreigners was enlisted by Ward, his recruits being picked from
among the deserters and discharged seamen and other desperate
riffraff of the naval and merchant fleets. With this handful of
men hammered into some kind of discipline and well armed,
Ward led the way to the walls of Sung Kiang beyond which the
rebels were mustered in thousands. A desperate assault was
made, but Ward had no artillery and could not batter a breach
in the great walls. His men tried to take the place by a straight
assault, but were beaten back, the motley legion badly cut up,
and compelled to straggle back to Shanghai.

Ward paid off and discharged this company and recruited his
next force largely from among the native sailors of Manila who
were always to be found in Shanghai. With only two white
officers and less than one hundred men the American adven-
turer made a second attack on the rebel stronghold and surpris-
ing the garrison at night managed to open one of the gates and
charge into the city. The Tai-pings were unable to withstand
the headlong assault of this small column and surrendered the
place, which was looted and the plunder given to the men who
had captured it.

Ward had carried out his contract and the Chinese Imperial
Treasurer paid him his price. He had established a base and a
fortress to hold and there were funds in his war chest. His
success attracted many capable foreign fighting men and his
force grew until General Frederick Townsend Ward was able
to organize a formidable body of drilled soldiers to which the
name of Chang-Shing Kiun, or "Ever Victorious Force," was
given by the Chinese. Its composition was heterogeneous, but
the energy, tact and discipline of the leader soon molded it into

608

General Frederick Townsend Ward

something like a martial corps, able to serve as a nucleus for
training a native army.

"Foreigners generally looked down upon the undertaking
and many of the allied naval and military officers regarded it
with doubt and dislike. It had to prove its character by works,
but the successive defeats of the insurgents during the year
1862 at Kiangsu and Chehkiang clearly demonstrated the might
of those drilled men over ten times their number of undisciplined
braves.

"Soon after his first success General Ward decided to move
against Tsing-pu, a Rebel stronghold thirty miles from his base.
The flower of his fighting force for this expedition consisted of
five drill-masters and twenty-five deserters, mostly English,
whom he had secretly enlisted at Shanghai. Added to these
was his small command of Manila-men, now two hundred in
number and a body of five thousand Chinese from the highly
paid, picked troops of the foremost Chinese general, Li Ai Tang,
a corps distinguished by the title of "Imperial Braves." *

In September of 1861 Ward launched this force against
Tsing-pu, which was garrisoned by two thousand rebels, who
were commanded by a brilliant English officer named Savage.
The defense conducted by this opposing soldier of fortune was
so successful that Ward's little army was crumpled up by
volleys of musketry poured from the walls and totally defeated
in an engagement which lasted not more than a quarter of an
hour. Half of the attacking force was killed or wounded and
Ward himself was five times hit by bullets. While he was under
the surgeon's care in Shanghai he gave it out that his force had
been disbanded because the foreign allies set up the claim that
he had been guilty of a breach of neutrality. His enlistments
and drills went on in secret, however, and his chief supporter,
Taki, put him in possession of several batteries of artillery.
* The Middle Kingdom, by S. Wells Williams.

609

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

When Ward was allowed to leave the hospital he mustered all
the men he could find of his old corps and made ready to take
the field. Again he sallied out against Tsing-pu, but the second
attack was even more disastrous than the first. He lost his
guns and his gunboats and many of his men and returned to his
headquarters at Sung Kiang beaten and discredited. Taki,
representing the Imperial Government, had lost confidence in
Ward as a soldier, but Li Hung Chang still had faith in him
and was ready to support him in further movements.

Ward's funds were at a low ebb at this time, for Admiral Sir
James Hope, of the British Navy, put him under arrest and held
him a close prisoner on the flagship Chesapeake. The Admiral
made an effort to bring \Vard to trial on the charge of recruiting
deserters from the British Navy, but the American soldier
proved that he was a naturalized subject of China and the
Admiral had no other resource than to keep this troublesome
interloper a prisoner on board the flagship. He made his
escape by jumping overboard and swimming ashore. After a
series of thrilling adventures he once more returned to the task
of recruiting British deserters for his garrison at Sung Kiang.

The jealousy and animosities of the British and other foreign
naval men soon led Ward to change his tactics and he bent his
efforts to recruit a native force to be commanded by European
officers and drilled in the European school of arms. Neither
the Imperial Government of China, nor its European allies
could take exceptions to these methods and Sung Kiang became
a military school for the training of the first modern Chinese
Army.

"On a personal inspection of the Camp of Instruction at
Sung Kiang to which he had been invited, Sir James Hope was
well received by the troops and reported favorably. He saw,
for the first time in his life, a large force of native Chinamen
paraded in European uniforms and showing themselves expert

610

General Frederick Townsend Ward

in European drill. In view of such results and of the possibilities
which they disclosed, he found it best to wink at the harboring
of a few deserters from his fleet, and Ward was promised every
facility in his new attempt.

" In the opening months of 1862 the time had come when the
Allies were ready to throw off the mask of nominal neutrality,
and to take open ground against the Rebellion. Humanity and
civilization itself seemed to demand it. The Tai-ping move-
ment was a little past its zenith, but still most disastrous to
commerce and to the general interests of China as most foreign-
ers saw them. The compact between the Imperialists and the
Rebels had provided that the latter should not come within
thirty miles of Shanghai and that the Allies should not interfere
within that radius. It was limited to a year and the limit had
expired. Ward at this time commanded a force of ten thousand
men. He seems at last to have come to terms of perfect under-
standing with the authorities, both native and foreign.

" On February 21, 1862, General Ward took the offensive with
a thousand men, supported by Admiral Hope and the French
Admiral Protet, in a movement to enforce the observances of
the thirty-mile limit. This movement involved many encoun-
ters and was a brilliant success. From it Ward won great
credit for his courage and strategic sense, together with the
high appreciation of both his naval supporters. Of the six
thousand Rebels who were expected to make of the fortified
town they were defending an impregnable fortress, a large part
were captured and turned over to the mercies of the Shanghai
Imperialists, who proceeded to decapitate them, with every
circumstance of barbarity, in the public square of the city.
Ward succeeded in arresting the slaughter as soon as it was
brought to his knowledge.

" This victory was hailed with great enthusiasm, and earned
for Ward's corps the compliments of an Imperial decree. Its

611

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

numbers were doubled, and Admiral Hope found it in his great
heart to forgive his quondam prisoner and to praise him warmly.
In March, 1862, a memorial to the British Consul-General from
representative citizens of Shanghai, shows that progress was
making, though slowly, for the relief of the port.

"At this time Ward discovered that the Rebel leaders were
contracting for gunboats in the United States. On learning
from him this fact, Li Hung Chang made an effective protest
to the American Minister, and applauded the loyalty which
prompted Ward's information and which defeated the Rebel
plan. But gunboats and implements of war were a necessity
to both parties and Ward, through his brother who had joined
him in China, and through his father, now a ship broker in
New York, was in a position to supply the Imperialists with
muskets, artillery and river steamers, and this he did.

"On April 26th, an attack was planned on a strong walled
town twenty miles from Shanghai. A half-dozen armed steamers
and transports furnished by the Allies, together with thirty little
Chinese gunboats, moved up the river in support of Ward's
force, which consisted of three battalions with howitzers, and
of a body of three thousand Chinese troops. The city fell and
was looted, mainly, it was charged, by French sailors.

" On May 6th, the English and French Admirals took their
turn at the work and the French Admiral Protet, universally
esteemed, was killed. A bronze statue commemorates the
distinguished Frenchman at Shanghai, and Imperial honors
were accorded him in an edict commanding gifts "to comfort
the departed soul of the faithful," and sacrifices to be arranged
by Li Hung Chang, "to the manes of the French Admiral."
A detachment of the "Ever Conquering Legion" was present
at the military mass celebrated in his honor at the Cathedral
of Shanghai.

"On May 13th, Ward made his fourth attempt to capture

General Frederick Townsend Ward

Tsing-pu and this time with complete success. No looting was
permitted. Ward received in hand the stipulated thirty thou-
sand taels as the price of this important capture, returning at
the head of his victorious troops to the Sung Kiang headquarters.
He had now equipped his men with arms bought from the
English Army in India and with Prussian rifles. He had been
supported in this attack by English and French troops and by a
French gunboat carrying a heavy rifled gun which, after a three
hours' bombardment, effected a breach and let in his force.
But his men were later dislodged by an overwhelming Rebel
horde, after a most creditable defense.

" General Ward and his troops earned great distinction in an
action on May 19th. Ward's ambition at this time seems to
have been to lead a corps of twenty-five thousand men of all
arms, and to be empowered by the Emperor to operate with a
free hand, independently of English and French Allies, and to
be responsible directly to him. The London Times, in a notice
of his death, intimates that he had achieved this object.

" At last, in August, 1862, he started out without support for
a fifth attack upon the stronghold of Tsing-pu. A reward was
offered for the first man to enter the city and a Manila-man,
Macanaya, General Ward's devoted aid-de-camp, secured it.
The 'Legion' succeeded at last in taking and holding the
town. Probably this was the action so feelingly described by
the one great captain among all the hosts enlisted under the
Rebel flag. He complains that Li Hung Chang was employing
" devil soldiers " against him, and found it necessary to march in
person against these "Foreign Devils" at the head of ten
thousand picked men. "Imagine it," he says, "a thousand
devils keeping in check my ten thousand men! Who could
put up with such a thing !"

"Ward's relations with Taki were at this time most cordial,
and they were now joint owners of two American-built gunboats.

613

The Ships and Sailors o) Old Salem

With other gunboats chartered by them, the banker and Gen-
eral Ward — he was now a Chinese Admiral as well — fitted out
an expedition against the river pirates. Bombarding failed
to dislodge them from their stockades, but Ward disembarked
a force and they fled before him.

"Ward's success in disciplining the Chinese was beginning to
stimulate the Allies. The French in turn raised a native legion
and put a French officer at the head of it, and when an expedi-
tion was organized against a force of Rebels threatening Ning
Po, with the support of Captain Rhoderick Dhu commanding
the Encounter whose draught of water forbade a near approach,
a French lieutenant leading a corps of the new Franco-Chinese
contingent was taken into action on board the river boat Con-
fucius, while Ward's men, in equal numbers, were towed in
launches up the river by the British gunboat Hardy. At the
end of a six hours' struggle Ward fell back with the loss of eight
officers and a hundred and fifty men. Next day the attack was
renewed with success and the Rebels fled to Tsz Ki."

The story now approaches the closing scene of Ward's career.
He was now ordered to Ning Po to take command. The order
reached him at dusk. Late as the hour was, he at once paraded
his troops, reviewed them, and expressed the highest satisfaction
with accouterments and drill. He was never to marshal them
again. More devoted following no captain ever had. It was
their pride to be known as "Ward's disciplined Chinese."
He reached Ning Po with only the life-guard of Manila-men who
were always near him, and at once made his dispositions for
driving the Rebels out of Tsz Ki.

On the morning of September 20th he took five or six hun-
dred men up the river and opened an attack on the fort at Tsz Ki
with howitzers. A storming party passed him on its approach
to the wall it was to scale, and he said to Captain Cook who
led it : " You must do it with a rush, or we shall fail, for they

614

General Frederick Townsend Ward

are very numerous. " He was shot and carried to the rear before
the scaling ladders could be placed. His command was largely
made up of troops which were strangers to him, and it has been
hinted that he may have been shot by his own men. The
assault prevailed. Tsz Ki fell, and the Legion held the town.
Ward's comrade in arms, Forrester, has thus described the
closing scene:

"We now turned our attention to Tsz Ki. Ward being
anxious to capture the city with the least possible delay, we
started out together to reconnoitre the field. We had become
so accustomed to the enemy's fire that we had grown somewhat
careless. While we were standing together inspecting the
position Ward put his hand suddenly to his side and exclaimed :
' I have been hit.' A brief investigation showed that the wound
was a serious one, and I had him carried on board the Hardy
where surgical attendance was promptly given. I then held a
consultation with the officers of the expedition. It was decided
to carry out Ward's plan and attack the city at once. Ladders
were quickly thrown across the moat which were then drawn
over and placed against the walls, and, before the garrison fully
recognized what we were about, our troops were in possession
of the city.

'"As soon as I had my troops properly housed and posted, I
set out with General Ward for Ning Po. Arrived there, the
General was removed to the house of Doctor Parker, a resident
physician, and every precaution taken. But he had been grad-
ually sinking, and he died that night.

"Early the next morning I ordered his body conveyed on
board the Confucius, that we might reach Shanghai at the
earliest possible moment. The captain of the boat (Lynch by
name, afterwards with Semmes in the Alabama} proved insub-
ordinate. At nine o'clock we were ten miles out at sea and
short of coal. I had the captain put in irons and turned over

615

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

the command to the lieutenant. We were then in such a strong
current that I gave up hope of getting the steamer back to
Ning Po, determined rather to work our way to a port near
Shanghai. By the middle of the afternoon we ran alongside a
British ship flying Dent and Company's flag. I knew this
firm to be warm supporters of the Imperial Government, and
so had no hesitance in boarding the vessel and obtaining a
supply of coal. The funeral of General Ward at Shanghai was
a most impressive one. A great number of civil and military
officers accompanied his body to Sung Kiang, where it was
interred with great pomp, and enjoyed the extraordinary honor
of a resting place in the Confucian Temple."

Captain Rhoderick Dhu, of the flagship Encounter, in trans-
mitting Lieutenant Bogle's report of Ward's death to Sir
James Hope, wrote : " It is now my painful duty to inform you
that General Ward, while directing the assault, fell, mortally
wounded. The Hardy brought him down the same evening
to Ning Po, and he died the next morning in Doctor Parker's
house. During a short acquaintance with General Ward I have
learned to appreciate him much, and I fear his death will cast
a gloom over the Imperial cause in China, of which he was the
stay and prop."

How cordially Sir James responded to these generous senti-
ments from a gallant British sailor appears from his dispatch
to Minister Burlingame, transmitting the announcement of
Ward's death, which the American Minister embodied in his
dispatch to Washington :

"I am sure you will be much grieved to hear of poor Ward's
death. The Chinese Government have lost a very able and
gallant servant, who has rendered them much faithful service,
and whom it will not be easy for them to replace."

Of the events immediately following the death of Frederick
Townsend Ward and the appointment of Colonel Peter Gordon

616

General Frederick Townsend Ward

(" Chinese " Gordon) to the command of the " Ever Victorious
" Legion," Dr. S. Wells Williams in his monumental work, The
Middle Kingdom, writes as follows :

" The death of General Ward deprived the Imperialists of an
able leader. The career of this man had been a strange one,
but his success in training his men was endorsed by honorable
dealings with the mandarins who had reported well of him at
Peking. He was buried at Sung Kiang, where a shrine was
erected to his memory and incense is burned before him to this
day."

It was difficult to find a successor, and the command was
entrusted to his second, an American named Burgevine, who
was accepted by the Chinese, but proved to be incapable.
He was superseded by Holland and Cooke, Englishmen, and
in April, 1863, the entire command was placed under Colonel
Peter Gordon of the British army.

"During the interval between May, 1860, when Ward took
Sung Kiang, and April 6, 1863, when Gordon took Fushan, the
best manner of combining native and foreign troops was gradu-
ally developed as they became more and more acquainted with
each other and learned to respect discipline as an earnest of
success. Such a motley force has seldom if ever been seen,
and the enormous preponderance of Chinese troops would
have perhaps been an element of danger had they been left idle
for a long time. The bravery of the " Ever Victorious " force in
the presence of the enemy had gradually won the confidence of
the Allies, as well as the Chinese officials in whose pay it was;
and when it operated in connection with the French and British
contingent in driving the Tai-pings out of Ning Po prefecture,
the real worth of Ward's drill was made manifest."

General Gordon wron a far greater fame in China than
Frederick Townsend Ward, but the Salem soldier of fortune
might have done much bigger things than the inscrutable fates

617

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

permitted if he had been suffered to live his allotted years. He
was cut off in the flower of his youth, in the flush and glory of
romantic success against the most desperate odds, and he had
played the game of life astonishingly well. Until death over-
took Ward at thirty his career singularly paralleled that of
"Chinese" Gordon. Gordon served as a lieutenant in the
Crimean War before he was twenty; next acquitted himself
most ably on the Russo-Turkish frontier in Asia; began his
career in China at the age of twenty-seven and had won his
fame in the Tai-ping Rebellion at thirty, when it was said of
him in a letter presented to him by the foreign merchants of
Shanghai :

"In a position of unequalled difficulty, and surrounded by
complications of every possible nature, you have succeeded in
offering to the eyes of the Chinese nation, no less by your loyal
and disinterested line of action, than by your conspicuous
gallantry and talent for organization and command, the example
of a foreign officer serving the government of this country with
honorable fidelity and undeviating self-respect."

618

CHAPTER XXX

CHINA'S TRIBUTE TO THE MEMORY OP WARD

THAT the young American soldier, Frederick Townsend
Ward, won the respect and admiration of the Chinese
officials with whom he dealt and with their Government
at Peking, is grateful proof to his countrymen that he was more
than a swashbuckling, " soldier of fortune " or mere adventurer.
The Chinese tributes to his memory were both eloquent and
sincere, and as presented in official decrees make a unique
tribute from an alien people, such as has been bestowed by
China upon no other American. The death of Ward was con-
veyed to the notice of the Emperor of China by Li Hung Chang
whose memorial read:

"Li Hung Chang, Governor of Kiangse, on the 6th day of
the intercalary 8th moon, in the first year of the reign Tungche,
memorializes the Throne. ... It appears that Brigadier
Ward is a citizen of New York, in the United States, who, in
the tenth year of the reign Hienfung came to China. After-
wards he was employed by Wuhyu, Taotai of Shanghai, to take
command of a contingent of men from India to follow the
regular army in the attack on Kiating and Taet'sang, and twice
to the capture of Sung Kiang, as well as to the repeated attack
on Tsingpu, where, leading his officers and men, he was several
times seriously wounded. Later, after the contingent of Indians
had, by an Imperial decree been dismissed, Ward petitioned
the Tautai, stating that he was willing to become a Chinese
subject; whereupon Wuhyu retained him and gave him com-
mand of the Ever Victorious Army, to support the Imperial
troops in the defence of Sung Kiang.

619

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

" In the first moon of the present year Ward defeated, with
500 troops, above 100,000 rebels at Yin-hai-pang, Tienmashan,
and other places in the Prefecture of Sung Kiang. Thus with
few he overcame the many; a meritorious deed that is very
rare. Again he arranged for the destruction of the rebel forti-
fications of Kau Keaou, Sian fang, Chow-pu, Nanking, Che-
ling, Wang-keasze, and Lung-chuan, having the cooperation
of British and French troops. From a petition of Wuhyu it
appears that in the early part of spring of the present year,
Sung Kiang and Shanghai were threatened by the rebels, and
that the turning away of the danger and the maintenance of tran-
quility in those places was chiefly due to the exertions of Ward.

" By Imperial favor he was repeatedly promoted — from the
fourth rank with the peacock's feather to the decorations of the
third rank, again to the rank of titulary Futsiang, Brigadier,
and again to Futsiang gazetted for employment in office; and
praise was repeatedly bestowed on him by your Majesty's
decree. From the time of the arrival of Your Majesty's Minis-
ter, Li Hung Chang, at Shanghai, to take charge of affairs, this
Futsiang Ward was in all respects obedient to the orders he
received, and whether he received orders to harass the city of
Kinshwanei or to force back the rebels at Linho, he was every-
where successful. Still further, he bent all his energy on the
recapture of Tsing-pu, and was absorbed in a plan for sweeping
away the rebels from Soochan. Such loyalty and valor, issuing
from his natural disposition, is extraordinary when compared
with these virtues of the best officers of China; and among
foreign officers it is not easy to find one worthy of equal honor.

"Your Majesty's Minister, Li Hung Chang, has already
ordered Wuhyu and others to deck Ward's body with a Chinese
uniform, to provide good sepulture, and to bury him at Sung
Kiang, in order to complete the recompense for his valiant
defence of the dynasty. Brigadier Ward's military services at

620

China's Tribute to the Memory of Ward

Sung Kiang and Ning Po are conspicuous. At this time he
lost his life by a wound from a musket ball. We owe him our
respect, and our deep regret. It is appropriate, therefore, to
entreat that your Gracious Majesty do order the Board of Rites
to take into consideration suitable posthumous rewards to be
bestowed on him, Ward ; and that both at Ning Po and at Sung
Kiang sacrificial altars be erected to appease the manes of this
loyal man.

"In addition to the communication made to the Tsungli
Yamen, your memorialist, Li Hung Chang, consulted Tseng
Kwo Fan, Governor General of the Two Kiang, and Tso-
Tsung-Lang, Governor of Chehkiang, with regard to the recap-
ture of Tsze Kee by the rebels, and their spying out the ap-
proaches to the city of Ning Po; also with regard to the newly
appointed acting Taotai of Ning Po, She Chengeh, putting this
city in a state of defence, and the levying of contributions at
Shanghai, to be forwarded to Ning Po; and further, with regard
to Brigadier Ward's recapture from the rebels of Tsz Ki,
where he perished from a wound by a musket ball, and for which
reason Your Majesty is entreated to bestow on him posthumous
honours; and finally, with regard to dispatching with all haste
this memorial, and laying it before Your Majesty's Sacred
Glance for approval and further instruction."

With a promptness unusual in Oriental procedure, this
memorial was followed in twelve days by the issue of an Im-
perial Edict, of which the record obtained for the Essex Insti-
tute at the Tsung-li- Yamen in Peking by the late Minister
Conger, is as follows:

"The following Imperial Rescript was received on the 18th
day of the Intercalary Eighth Moon of the First Year of the
Reign of Tung Chih.

"Li Hung Chang in a memorial has acquainted Us of the
death of Brigadier Ward, who perished from the effects of a

621

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

bullet-wound received at the capture of Tsz-Ki, and has asked
Our sanction for the building of a temple to him as a sincere
expression of Our sorrow at his death. Ward was a native of
the United States of America. Having desired to become a
Chinese subject, and offered his services to Us, he joined the
Imperial Troops at Shanghai, and took Kading, Tai-Tsan, and
Sung Kiang, and later defeated the rebels at Yin-hai-pang,
Tien-ma-shan, and other parts, in the district of Sung Kiang.
He also, in company with other foreign officers, destroyed the
rebel fortifications at Kaou-Keaou and elsewhere. We, admir-
ing his repeated victories, had been pleased to confer upon him
special marks of Our favor, and to promote him to the rank of
Futsiang gazetted for service.

"According to the present memorial of Li Hung Chang,
Ward having learned of the designs upon Ning Po of the Chi-
Kiang rebels who were in possession of Tsz-Ki, at once advanced
with the Ever Victorious Army to destroy them. While in
person conducting the movements he was fatally wounded in
the chest by a rebel bullet fired from the top of the city wall.
The bullet came out through his back. It grew dark to the
General instantly, and he fell. The City of Tsz-Ki was already
taken by his Ever Victorious Army. Ward returned to Ning-
Po, where he died of his wound the next day.

" We have read the memorial, and feel that Brigadier Ward,
a man of heroic disposition, a soldier without dishonor, deserves
Our commendation and compassion. Li Hung Chang has
already ordered Wu-Shi and others to attend to the proper
rites of sepulture, and We now direct the two Prefects that
special temples to his memory be built at Ning Po and Sung
Kiang. Let this case still be submitted to the Board of Rites,
who will propose to Us further honors so as to show our extraor-
dinary consideration towards him, and also that his loyal spirit
may rest in peace. This from the Emperor! Respect it!"

622

China's Tribute to the Memory of Ward

On October 27, 1862, Minister Burlingame forwarded to
Washington his official communication announcing Ward's
death, which read as follows:

" Legation of the United States,
"Peking, Oct. 27, 1862.

"Sir: It is my painful duty to inform you of the death of
General Ward, an American, who had risen by his capacity
and courage to the highest rank in the Chinese service. He
was shot and mortally wounded while reconnoitering, before its
capture, Tsz-Ki, a place near Ning-Po. The incidents attend-
ing his wound and death please find in the edict of the Emperor.

" General Ward was originally from Salem, Massachusetts,
where he has relatives still living, and had seen service in
Mexico, the Crimea, and, he was sorry to say, with the notorious
Walker.

" He fought countless battles, at the head of a Chinese force
called into existence and trained by himself, and always with
success.

"Indeed, he taught the Chinese their strength, and laid the
foundations of the only force with which their government can
hope to defeat the rebellion.

"Before General Ward died, when on board of her Majesty's
steamer Hardy, he made his will, and named Admiral Sir James
Hope and myself his executors.

" In a letter communicating the fact to me, Sir James writes :

"'I am sure you will be much grieved to hear of poor Ward's
death.

" ' The Chinese government have lost a very able and gallant
servant, who has rendered them much faithful service, and
whom it will not be easy for them to replace.'

" On account of my absence from Shanghai, I shall authorize
our consul, George F. Seward, Esq., to act for me.

623

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

" General Ward was a man of great wealth, and in a letter to
me the last probably he ever wrote, he proposed through me to
contribute ten thousand taels to the government of the United
States, to aid in maintaining the Union, but before I could
respond to his patriotic letter he died.

" Let this wish, though unexecuted, find worthy record in the
archives of his native land,, to show that neither self -exile nor
foreign service, nor the incidents of a stormy life, could extin-
guish from the breast of this wandering child of the republic
the fires of a truly loyal heart.

"After Ward's death, fearing that his force might dissolve
and be lost to the cause of order, I hastened by express to inform
the Chinese government of my desire that an American might
be selected to fill his place, and was so fortunate, against con-
siderable opposition, as to secure the appointment of Colonel
Burgevine.

"He had taken part, with Ward, in all the conflicts, and
common fame spoke well of him.

" Mr. Bruce, the British minister, as far as I know, did not
antagonize me, and the gallant Sir James Hope favored the
selection of Burgevine. Others did not.

" I felt that it was no more than fair that an American should
command the foreign-trained Chinese on land, as the English
through Osborne, would command the same quality of force on
sea. Do not understand by the above that in this, or in any
case, I have pushed the American interests to the extent of
any disagreement. On the contrary, by the avowal of an
open and friendly policy, and proceeding on the declaration
that the interests of the Western nations are identical, I have
been met by the representatives of the other treaty powers
in a corresponding spirit, and we are now working together
in a sincere effort to strengthen the cause of civilization in the
East.

624

China's Tribute to the Memory of Ward

" I have the honor to be your obedient servant,

"ANSON BURLINGAME.
"Hon. William H. Seward,

" Secretary of State, Washington."

The Imperial edict called forth from Secretary of State
Seward this feeling response:

"You will express to Prince Kung the President's sincere
satisfaction with the honors which the Emperor of China has
decreed to be paid to the memory of our distinguished fellow
citizen. He fell while illustrating the fame of his country in an
untried, distant, and perilous field. His too early death will,
therefore, be deeply mourned by the American people."

The whole correspondence was called for by the United
States Senate, upon motion of Senator Sumner, and was duly
transmitted under cover of a message from President Lincoln.

Of the proposed memorial temples, one has been erected and
was dedicated with impressive ceremonies on March 10, 1877.
It is still guarded with religious care and is the scene of elaborate
rites on each New Year's Day in February.

The consecration of this temple was described in the North
China Mail as follows:

" The dedication of the Tsze t'ang, or Memorial Hall, recently
erected by Feng, Taotai of Shanghai, at Sung Kiang in com-
memoration of the late General Ward, of the " Ever Victorious
Army," was performed on Saturday, with religious rites, in
accordance with Chinese custom in such cases. The Taotai
had, through the United States Consul-General, expressed his
intention of conducting the ceremony himself, and requested
that a limited number of invitations should be given to persons
interested, to accomnany him. The Customs' cruiser 'Kwa-
shing,' Captain Anderson, was prepared to convey His Ex-
cellency and his guests, and seven a. m. was the hour fixed to

625

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

commence the trip up the river Hwangpoo. Precisely at that
time there were assembled at the Custom House jetty Consul
General Myers, Dr. Yates, Dr. Macgowan, Dr. Kreyer; Mr.
P. G. von Mollendorff of the German Consulate, the Hon. H. N.
Shore, of H. M. S. Lapwing, Captain Ditmar, of the German
corvette Louise, Mr. C. Deighton-Braysher and a few others,
but the start was not made until about 8.10 in consequence of
the non-arrival of the Taotai before that hour. By the time
breakfast was over, the vessel had sped considerably beyond
the well-known Seven-mile Reach; and presently Ming-hong
was sighted, nearly opposite to which is the creek leading to
Nai-jow, the scene of the fight in which the French Admiral
Protet, to whose memory a statue stands in the compound of
the French Municipal Hall, received his death wound. The
reaches of the river beyond this place were new to all on board
except Mr. Deighton-Braysher, who kindly undertook to pilot
the vessel from Ming-hong to the mouth of the Sung Kiang
Creek; and he also lightened the tedium of the voyage by
pointing out and describing the scenes of greatest interest in
connection with the Taiping rebellion, this part of the country
having been overrun by the rebels. Feck-shung wras next
reached, opposite to which is the creek up which H. B. M.'s
gunboat Stirling was navigated to attack the stronghold known
as Yeh-sieh, which she quickly demolished.

" There not being sufficient depth of water in the Sung Kiang
creek to float the Kwashing, she was anchored off its mouth,
and some Chinese houseboats and a couple of steam launches,
provided by the Taotai's directions, were brought alongside.
The passengers being trans-shipped to the houseboats, were soon
spinning up the creek, towed by one of the steam launches, the
distance to the city of Sung Kiang, from the river, being about
four miles. The creek becomes very narrow as the city is
neared, and is spanned not far from the walls by one of those

626

China's Tribute to the Memory of Ward

light-looking, picturesque stone bridges for the construction of
which the Chinese are famous. Here, on both banks, the
people had assembled in large numbers, and it soon became
evident that the sight of so many foreigners together was a
novelty to them, and the Taotai's bodyguard were useful in
clearing a way along the bank to where some dozen or so of
sedans with bearers were in waiting for the guests. The Taotai
and others having taken their seats, the procession moved off
amid the banging of crackers and bombs, and the animated
gesticulations of the people, numbers of whom kept up with it
to the scene of the day's ceremony. The way led along a narrow
road through the suburbs, skirting the wall of the city, until the
gate was reached through which the city was entered. A wide
expanse of unoccupied ground had first to be crossed, which
before the rebellion was covered with houses. Here and there
ruins of houses are still to be seen, but the greater part of the
waste is scattered over with grass-grown mounds and heaps of
refuse, presenting a dreary aspect. The way next led along the
bank of a small creek and past the yamen of some military
mandarin, a large and peculiar building, or rather series of
buildings, having all the appearance of huge cages, each being
enclosed with very lofty rail fencing, and differing in several
respects from the architecture of any official residence in the
vicinity of Shanghai. Several unpretentious-looking pilaus
were also passed enroute, and in the distance, to the right, a
lofty pagoda was visible. The Memorial Hall was at length
reached, surrounded by a low wall of considerable extent, and
entered by a gateway in the usual joss-house style.

" Turning sharply to the right after leaving the gateway, the
main building is at once seen to be very similar in construction
to the open hall facing the entrance to the Mixed Court in the
Maloo. Immediately opposite the open front stands the shrine
containing the memorial tablet of the deceased General; blue

627

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

in colour with the inscription in gold. Facing this are two small
square tower-like structures, on which are other inscriptions
testifying to the merits of the deceased and stating that the
Memorial Hall was erected by Feng Taotai, by Imperial com-
mand. Passing round the back of the shrine, a large square
space is reached, in the centre of which is the grave-mound
beneath which are the deceased's remains and also the stone
that used to mark the site of the grave. The surrounding space
is thickly planted with young trees and shrubs.

" At the Hall the Taotai, on alighting from his chair, was met
and greeted by the magistrate of the district of Sung Kiang.
A number of other officials of lesser grade were present; and
numerous soldiers, in addition to the Taotai's bodyguard
thronged the compound. The greetings over, the Taotai led
the way to the shrine, and both he and the other dignitaries then
donned their official robes. Although it was broad daylight,
twelve lighted lamps were suspended from the roof, eight in one
row and one at each of the four corners of the shrine. Besides
these, there were four large red wax candles burning, and incense
sticks smouldering. The ceremony being one of sacrifice there
were offered to the manes of the deceased the entire carcass of
a goat, a large pig, a small roasted pig, a ham, seven pairs of
ducks, pairs of fowls, etc., and about twenty dishes of fruits,
confectionery, and vegetables, these being also in pairs.

"The Taotai and the two district magistrates being fully
attired, they advanced to the front of the shrine, and in obedience
to the direction of a sort of master of the ceremonies the Taotai
commenced the oblation by offering several small cups of wine,
which were deposited on a shelf in front of the tablet. Then,
all three kneeling, the Taotai stretched forth his hand towards
the tablet, and offered the food, the mandarins subsequently
bowing their heads nine times to the ground. A little music
was also played, and the ceremony, which scarcely occupied

628

China's Tribute to the Memory oj Ward

twenty minutes, was concluded by loud discharges of fireworks
and the crash of gongs. It cannot be said to have been im-
pressive, though its novelty and picturesqueness were beyond
dispute; but it was interesting from the fact of its being intended
to honour the memory of a foreigner, and including precisely
the same observance awarded in the case of high Chinese
officials.

"At the conclusion of the ceremony, the whole of the food
offerings were packed away in boxes, slung on poles, and taken
back to the ship, thence to be re-conveyed to the Taotai's
yamen.

" There was no speaking either at the grave or in the Temple,
except by Dr. Macgowan, who as a private citizen said a few
words to the Taotai in Chinese, apropos of the occasion, and,
after three photographic negatives of the scene in and around
the Temple had been taken, haste was made for the return trip
in order to reach home before dark.

" On the return passage down the creek, the Taotai read from
a paper he held in his hand, the following statement, which was
translated as he proceeded by Dr. Kreyer: ' I remember reading
the rescript in the Peking Gazette of how the late Emperor
regretted General Ward's death. At that time I was only a
Chuyen (recipient of a second-class literary degree), and did not
know I should ever be Taotai of Shanghai and live to take part
in the dedication of a temple to Ward's memory. When Ward
came to China it was thought in this district that the whole
country had been lost to the rebels — that, in fact, it could not be
recovered. But owing to the exertions of Ward, the rebels
were defeated and the country saved. The cities and places
that were captured were Kading, Tai-Tsan, Sung Kiang,
Ming-liu-ping, Tien-mashan, Kau Shan, Sian T'ang, Chow-
pu, Che-ling, Wang Keasze, Lung-chau — all these being
retaken by Ward before Li Hung Chang came on the scene.

629

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

After Li came into these districts Ward re-took Kinshan-wei,
Liu Ho, Tsing-pu, and Tsz' Kzi. The greatest credit was
therefore due to General Ward, as nearly all those places were
re-captured by him long before Li Hung Chang came here. The
name of General Ward was such a terror that whenever the
rebels heard that he was coming they ran away without fighting.
General Ward's idea was to go straight on to Soo-chow, and
re-take that city; but before going there he marched to Ning
Po, and at Tsz Ki, a little town about fifteen miles distant from
Ning Po, he was shot by the enemy. His Chinese clothes were
changed for foreign ones at Ning Po, where he died, his body
being brought to Sung Kiang for burial. The Imperial intention
is to build two large temples to his memory — one at Sung Kiang
and the other at Tsz Ki, where he received his death wound,
and in each of which his statue will be placed. All this is
intended to be in accordance with Li Hung Chang's petition to
the Throne, and with the Imperial rescript, issued in the first
year of Tsung-chi, 8th moon, 18th day.' In conclusion, the
Taotai said, in answer to a question by Mr. Consul-General
Myers, that the sole credit of Shanghai not having been taken
by the rebels was due to General Ward. It was also explained
that the present small temple at Sung Kiang was only a tem-
porary structure, and would be replaced as soon as possible by
a large and permanent one."

" The two inscriptions on columns at the right and left of the
entrance to the shrine have been thus rendered into English:

" A wonderful hero from beyond the seas, the fame of whose
deserving loyalty reaches round the world, has sprinkled China
with his azure blood."

"A happy seat among the clouds," (the ancient name of Sung
Kiang means 'among the clouds') "and Temples standing for a
thousand Springs, make known to all his faithful heart."

Arthur D. Coulter, an American mining engineer, recently

630

China's Tribute to the Memory of Ward

visited the temple and shrine of Frederick Townsend Ward and
described the scene as follows:

" Toward the eastern end of the walled city stands one of the
most beautiful pagodas to be found anywhere in the Orient.
It is perfectly preserved, and overlooks the country for many
miles. Passing toward the eastern gate and crossing the mouth
of the canal which follows the city wall by an arched bridge —
one of those typical stone bridges, finely cut and very old, which
span the canal — the way leads toward the military grounds, at
the present time occupied by a considerable force of Chinese
soldiers, and it is in the vicinity of this fort that Ward's resting-
place is located and where his shrine is built. The place seems
to have been fittingly selected by the Chinese to give a military
setting to this memorial of their military saviour. A wide path
along the bank of the canal leads by the beautiful bamboo
groves a distance of about three hundred yards from the walled
city to the soldiers' compound. The temple proper is situated
within a hundred feet of the outer walls of the fort. It is built on
a plot of ground which has been maintained as an open park.
In accordance with the Chinese idea of filial piety a grave must
be maintained above ground. In almost all instances among
the better classes the receiving vaults are built of brick or stone
and covered with tiling, and these are maintained for many
years, the obligation being handed down from father to son.

"The temple compound which has been dedicated to Ward
stands within four walls built of brick. These walls are about
ten feet in height and well preserved. The area is about one
hundred feet square. At the main entrance of the compound
is built the caretaker's house. He, with his wife and family,
are maintained by the Chinese Government as they have been
since the building of the shrine. Immediately after passing
through the caretaker's rooms, one comes into an open court-
yard facing the temple proper, which is built across the middle

631

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

of the hollow square formed by the enclosure walls. Entrance
to the temple proper is through three doors, which, when
open, leave the shrine or altar exposed to view from the outside.
This is in accordance with the prevailing arrangement of temples
throughout the Empire.

"The altar stands about ten feet removed from the door
which it faces, and is about six feet wide by ten feet high.
Across from this altar is a space paved with brick throughout,
in a very good state of preservation and well kept. The most
important decorations are the tablet and the writing in Chinese
which adorn the sides and top of the altar. On the top of the
altar may be seen the braziers for the burning of joss and incense
by the Taos priests. The attendance upon the temple by the
Mandarins and Officials of Mandatories from the Chinese Gov-
ernment has been maintained since the building of the shrine.
They are commanded to appear there during each month for
worship. Immediately behind is a door leading out to what
may be correctly termed the graveyard. This is an open space
surrounded on the one side by the walls of the temple and on the
other three sides by the walls of the compound already described.
In the central background, away from the temple, is located the
mound where Ward's remains were placed. Behind this
mound, and on both sides, extending out to the side walls, the
ground is covered with a thick growth of young bamboo trees,
making a very beautiful setting for the grave.

"The memory of Ward is held sacred to this day by those
with whom or with whose fathers he was closely associated.
He had endeared himself to the Taotai and the Chinese people
principally through his military career and his more personal
relations with Shanghai. The full significance of Ward's
martyrdom for the Chinese people has not been forgotten to
this day by this class of Chinese."

While traveling in Italy in February, 1897, Mr. Francis H.

632

China's Tribute to the Memory of Ward

Lee, of Salem, chanced to meet Rear-Admiral Bogle, retired,
of the English navy. The interview is thus described by Mr.
Lee:

" I am going to send an interesting account of the doings of
Gen. Ward in the Chinese Rebellion. It was a strange co-
incidence my stumbling on this information. I was coming out
of the dining-room at Hotel Eden in Rome at lunch time and
saw Rear-Admiral Bogle, now on the retired list, but for over
forty years in the English Navy, in the act of showing two bullets
to a gentleman. I had become acquainted with the Admiral,
and I said: 'What are these?' He said: 'There is the bullet
that killed General Ward.' I pricked up my ears and thought at
once of General Ward of Salem, who bore a part in suppressing
the Chinese Rebellion. I found it was our Ward, and that he
was in the fight with him and knew him very well, as you will
discover if you read the recollections I got him to jot down for
me.

"I received them since I reached Florence and have written
him that I shall send this account to the Essex Institute."

Rear- Admiral Bogle's letter to Mr. Lee reads as follows:

" General Ward was known at Shanghai when the Tai Ping
rebels first appeared near the coast line and threatened the rich
Treaty Ports. Ward told me he first lived by doing 'pilot'
for small steamers — then as chief of a small band he was paid
to watch for the approach of Tai Pings at night.

"A perfect panic took possession of the Chinese authorities
of Shanghai in the autumn of 1861. Ward saw his chance,
and volunteered to enlist a force of fighting men to keep the
Tai Pings out of the neighborhood. The Taotai or Provincial
Governor accepted his offer — made terms as to pay — and Ward
easily enlisted a few hundred of the scum of all nations then in
Shanghai River. Later on Ward got together a bodyguard of
Manila-men, all armed with rifles. The Provincial Govern-

633

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

ment paid regularly for all this small army, and also for the
small river steamer, on board which Ward generally lived —
stationed some thirty to forty miles above Shanghai.

" In January and February, 1862, being in command of a gun-
boat in that part of the river, I frequently met Ward and at
times cooperated with him. He was most loyal to his em-
ployers and ever zealous in his work. Ward must have assisted
in capturing eight or ten small walled towns, or fortified places,
in the spring of 1862.

"Early in the Spring, the Tai Ping main army approached
Shanghai, and the British Admiral, for the protection of com-
merce and of the foreign residents, undertook to drive this force
back fifty miles and to clear all the neighborhood. In the late
spring, H. M. S. Hardy was detached with others to operate in
Ning Po River, under Captain Roderick Dhu, C.B., in the
Encounter, when Ning Po was first taken and then Yu-You.
Numbers of the rebels, driven from the North, swarmed down
on the upper part of Ning Po River. About August General
Ward appeared with some three hundred or four hundred
troops, and Captain Dhu arranged to attack and storm Tsz Ki,
up a narrow but deep canal off the river. The Hardy, with an
extra ' small company ' of fifty men was to steam up the Canal,
pass under the old bridge (masts out, funnel and boats down),
clear approaches, and wait the arrival of General Ward and his
men, who marched across country. A delay occurred as the
expected extra company never came aboard, being detained
by a threatened attack on Ning Po itself; but, after waiting an
hour, and fearing to miss the rendezvous with Ward's force,
we entered the canal and steamed up in a downpour of rain.
On nearing the bridge, we saw it thickly occupied by men in
all manner of bright colors, such as the Tai Pings usually show.
We nearly opened fire. But fortunately in time we recognized
Ward's men in new and bright blankets on account of the rain.

634

China's Tribute to the Memory of Ward

Ward came on board the Hardy, and we had a pleasant evening
and arranged a plan of attack for daylight.

" I never saw Ward with a sword or any arm ; he wore ordi-
nary clothes — a thick, short cape, and a hood, and carried a
stick in his hand, and generally a Manila cheroot in his mouth.

"At daylight the Hardy opened fire with shell on the West
gate and part of Ward's force made a sham move to the South
face. Later on, Ward himself led in direct attack on the West
gate, our guns still firing shot over the heads of the storming
party.

The gate was taken and the walls stormed, but General Ward
was wounded at close quarters and carried back and placed
aboard the Hardy in a cot swung to the mizzen-boom. We had
no regular medical officer, for he was with the missing company,
but as soon as the town was completely occupied and the rebels
driven by our shell over the near hills, I at once started under
full steam for Ning Po — Ward suffering from the trembling of
the vessel. On our run down, Ward asked me to make out his
will, which I did. He left all pay, etc., due him to his Chinese
wife, and he appointed the British Admiral, Sir James Hope,
K.C.B., as his executor and trustee.

" On arriving late at Ning Po, the General was immediately
attended to by our senior surgeon, Irwin, of the Encounter, and
placed in bed at the British Mission House where he had every
comfort. The bullet had entered in front, about the second
or third lower button of the waistcoat, and had nearly passed
out behind; it was easily extracted.

" General Ward was alive and conscious when he was landed
from the Hardy in the evening. The bullet (which I still have)
was most surely fired from a rebel firearm of some sort; it is
very small and quite unlike any ammunition used by Ward's
men, who all had good rifles. Ward was hit in front in leading
his men, a special company of Manila-men, his own bodyguard,

635

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

all devoted to him. These fifty men always went with Ward,
quite apart from any Chinese Troops; Ward was always 'well
to the front' in leading and directing. He was certainly shot
by the Rebel Tai Pings.

" General Ward's will made by me on board the Hardy, was
forwarded at once to our Commander-in-chief, Admiral Sir
James Hope (since dead), as Ward mentioned Sir James Hope,
K.C.B., and the United States Minister to China as his trustees.
Two years later I was serving in the Duncan, under the Admiral
at Halifax and in the West Indies, and we spoke about this will
of Ward's, and I then understood that the Chinese Government
had done justice to Ward's wishes — namely, to 'pay all arrears
and provide for Ward's wife.' He had married a Chinese lady
whom I have myself seen."

636

CHAPTER XXXI

THE EBBING OF THE TIDE

WHEN the Embargo of 1807 was proclaimed as a
counter-blow to England's "unofficial war on
American commerce and her wholesale impress-
ment of American seamen," the house-flags of Salem merchants
flew over one hundred and fifty-two vessels engaged in foreign
trade. The Embargo fell with blighting effects upon this
imposing fleet and the allied activities interwoven throughout
the life and business of the town, and the square-riggers lay
empty and idle at the wharves. In 1808 the foreign commerce
of the United States decreased from $246,000,000 to $79,000,000,
and a British visitor, writing of New York, described what
might have been seen in Salem:

" The port indeed was full of ships, but they were dismantled
and laid up; their decks were cleared, their hatches fastened
down, and scarcely a sailor was to be found on board. Not a
box, bale, cask, barrel, or package was to be seen upon the
wharves. Many of the counting houses were shut up or adver-
tised to be let, and the few solitary merchants, clerks and
porters, and laborers that were to be seen, were walking about
with their hands in their pockets. The coffee houses were
almost empty; the streets near the waterside were almost
deserted; the grass had begun to grow upon the wharves."

The Embargo was removed in the spring of 1809 and Yankee
ships hastened to spread their white wings on every sea. Salem
merchants loaded their vessels with merchandise and dispatched

637

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

them to skim the cream of the European market. It was out
of the frying-pan into the fire, however, for Napoleon had set a
wicked trap for these argosies and so ordered it that all American
shipping found in the ports of France, Spain, Italy, Denmark,
Prussia and Norway was confiscated and plundered under
flimsy pretext of violations of paper blockades, and what not,
of which these unsuspecting American shipmasters were wholly
unaware. Thiers states that Napoleon wrote to the Prussian
Government :

"Let the American ships enter your ports. Sieze them
afterwards. You shall deliver the cargoes to me, and I will take
them in part payment of the Prussian war debt."

John Quincy Adams declared that fifty American vessels
were thus taken in Norway and Denmark. In 1809-10, fifty-
one of our ships were seized in the ports of France, forty-four
in the ports of Spain, twenty-eight in Naples, and eleven in
Holland, with a total loss to helpless American owners of at
least ten million dollars. Felt's Annals of Salem states that
"on the 19th of August (1809), the ship Francis, Capt. William
Haskell, arrives. She was purchased of the Neapolitan govern-
ment by our consul there, to bring home the crews of Ameri-
can vessels confiscated by their order. Two hundred and
fourteen persons came in her, many of whom belonged to
this town. Their treatment is said to have been very cruel.
The amount of Salem vessels and their cargoes condemned at
Naples was 783,000 dollars."

The stout-hearted merchants of Salem rallied bravely and
when the War of 1812 began, they owned one hundred and
twenty-six ships, fifty-eight of them East Indiamen. The war
played havoc with this fleet, notwithstanding the activity of
Salem privateers, and in 1815, there were left only fifty-seven of
these ships in foreign commerce, a loss of a hundred sail in seven
years. The tide had begun to ebb, the golden age was waning,

638

The Ebbing of the Tide

and yet in 1816 the Salem Custom House cleared forty-two
square-riggers for the East Indies and other ports of the Orient.
But the pioneering, path-finding era was almost over, except for
ventures to the South Seas, Madagascar, and some of the ports of
Africa and South America. The trade with the Orient in which
Salem ships had blazed the way was now shared with the ships
of other American ports.

The richest decade in this picturesque and adventurous
traffic with the coasts and islands of strange, far-distant climes
had been from 1800 to 1810, during which the duties paid on
foreign cargoes amounted to $7,272,633, and the entries num-
bered 1,758, or an average of almost three ships a day signalling
their home-coming from beyond seas.

During the years from 1820 to 1840 Salem continued to hold
fast to her foreign trade, although overshadowed by Boston,
and the old warehouses on the wharves were filled with the
products of Zanzibar, Sumatra, Calcutta, Manila, Leghorn, the
Rio Grande, Cayenne, Siam, Ceylon, and the Gold Coast.
In 1850 the beginning of the end was in sight, and the " foreign
entries " from Nova Scotia far outnumbered those from all the
other ports in which the natives had once believed the map of
America to consist chiefly of a vast commercial metropolis
called Salem. The end of the history of the port, except for
coastwise trade may be read in the Custom House records, as
follows :

"In 1860 the foreign entries were: from Nova Scotia 215,
Java, 7, Africa 25, Cayenne 10, Montevideo 2, Zanzibar 4,
Surinam 2, Rio Grande 2, Buenos Ayres 2, and one each from
Mozambique, Shields, Sunderland, Port Praya, Newcastle and
Trapani.

"In 1870 the foreign entries were: from the British provinces
117, Cayenne, 3, Newcastle 2, and one each from Zanzibar,
Rio Grande, Cape Verde Islands, and Sunderland.

639

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

" In 1878 the foreign entries were : from the British Provinces
53, and none from any other ports."

Although in these latter days the romances of shipping had
somewhat departed, yet now and then a Salem square-rigger
brought home a tale to remind the old salts of the thrilling days
of yore. There was the Sumatra, for example, Captain Peter
Silver, which came from Batavia in 1842. While at sea she fell
in with a bark which flew signals of distress yet appeared to be in
good order below and aloft. There was no crew on deck, how-
ever, no living soul to be seen except a woman who implored help
with frantic gestures. Running down close, Captain Silver
made out the vessel to be the Kilmars of Glasgow, and he sent a
boat aboard to pick off the lone woman. She proved to be a girl,
only eighteen years old, wife of the master of the bark, almost
out of her wits with hysteria and exhaustion. She said that
the Kilmars had sailed from Batavia two months previously
with a cargo of sugar for Europe. The crew, shipped in the
Dutch East Indies, were a desperate and unruly lot of beach-
combers, several of them released convicts.

A few days before the Sumatra came in sight, the captain of
the Scotch bark had discovered that his crew was planning
mutiny and were about to make their attack and gain possession
of the vessel after ridding themselves of the officers. This
captain was a man of the right mettle, for he promptly picked
out the ringleader, charged him with the conspiracy, and after
a brisk encounter shot him with a pistol, and removed him
from the scene for the time. The mates were suspected of
disaffection and the captain succeeded in locking them in the
after cabin, after which he sailed into his crew, drove all hands
below and fastened the hatches over them. The decks being
cleared in this most gallant fashion, the captain, with the help of
two boys undertook to navigate the bark back to Batavia.

This proved to be a bigger undertaking than he could handle,

640

The Ebbing of the Tide

and while passing in sight of land, the captain decided to go
ashore in a boat with the two boys and find help, the weather
being calm and the mutineers securely bottled up below. He
expected to be gone no more than a few hours, but the day
passed, night came down, and his boat was missing. The
young wife was alone, distraught and helpless, and she took
her stand by the rail, determined to throw herself overboard if
the mutineers should regain the deck. Next morning she
sighted the Sumatra and was saved. But while the crew of the
Sumatra was making sail to resume the voyage, no more than
a few minutes after the boat had fetched the girl on board, the
ruffians confined on the bark broke out from their prison,
swarmed on deck, and took possession of their bark.

Captain Peter Silver of the Sumatra was not disposed to give
them a battle, and they got the Kilmars under way and steered
off on a course of their own. Upon reaching Batavia Captain
Silver landed the young wife and gave her in charge of the
Dutch officials who took care of her with sympathetic hospitality
and sent her home to her kinfolk in Scotland. Sometime later
the Kilmars entered the port of Angier where the mutineers
were promptly captured and tried, and the bark was returned
to her owners.

The captain of the Kilmars and the two boys were picked up
adrift in the Straits of Sunda, and it was discovered that he had
become insane from overwork and anxiety which explained
why he had abandoned his wife and set off to find help on a
strange coast. He was later restored to health and it is pre-
sumed that this plucky shipmaster, his girl wife and his bark
were safely reunited after being parted from one another under
these very extraordinary circumstances.

It is a coincidence worth noting that the first commanding
figure in the maritime history of Salem, Philip English, was
born in the Isle of Jersey, and that John Bertram, the last of

641

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

the race of great shipping merchants of the port hailed from
the same island. Two centuries intervened between their
careers, John Bertram living until 1882, and witnessing the
passing of the foreign commerce of Salem and the coming of
the age of steam upon the high seas. As a young man he saw
an average of a hundred square-rigged ships a year come home
to Salem from the Orient, Africa, South America, Europe and
the South Sea Islands. In his latter years he saw this noble
commerce dwindle and American seamen vanish until in 1870
the bark Glide from Zanzibar recorded the last entry in the
Salem Custom House of a vessel from beyond the Cape of Good
Hope, and, in 1877, the Schooner Mattie F. crept in from
South America as the last vessel to fetch home a cargo from
anywhere overseas. The Manila trade had become a memory
in 1858, the farewell voyage to Sumatra was made in 1860.
Until the end of the century Salem shipowners were interested
in the trade with the Philippines and other distant ports, but
their vessels departed from and came back to Boston.* The
Salem firm of Silsbee, Pickman and Allen built a fleet of fast
and noble ships for the hemp trade, among them the Sooloo,
Panay and Mindoro, but they never knew their own port, and
in 1896 the last of this fleet, the Mindoro, was towed to Derby
Wharf in Salem harbor to rot in idleness until she was cut
down to a coal barge.

John Bertram deserved to be classed with the older generation
of Elias Hasket Derby and Joseph Peabody, because he pos-
sessed the same high qualities of foresight, daring and sagacity,
a type of the militant leader of commerce on the firing line of

*"July 1, 1833. Nearly half our commercial capital is employed in other
ports. During the past year there sailed from Salem 14 ships, 10 of them for
India, 2 on whaling voyages to the Pacific; 5 barks, 4 of which for India; 94
brigs, 14 of them for India; and 23 schooners. Fourteen ships, 6 barks, 27
brigs and 6 schooners belonging to this place sailed from other ports on foreign
voyages." (Felt's Annals of Salem.)

642

From the oil painting l»v Kdt-ar Park

Captain Jolm Bertram

The Ebbing of the Tide

civilization. Like theirs, his was a splendid American spirit
which created, builded, and won its rewards by virtue of native
ability inspired and impelled by the genius of its time and
place. He was in a privateer in the War of 1812, and lived to
see his country's flag almost vanish from blue water, its superb
merchant marine dwindle to almost nothing, but while it was
in its glory he played well his part in carrying the stars and
stripes, over his own ships, wherever the mariners of other
nations went to seek commerce. This John Bertram came to
Salem in his boyhood and in 1813 was sailing out of Boston as a
cabin boy in the schooner Monkey. A little later shipping out
of Charleston in a privateer, he was taken prisoner and confined
in British prison ships at Bermuda and Barbadoes. Having
learned to speak French in his early years on the Isle of Jersey
he persuaded his captors that he was a French subject and was
released but was again captured and carried off to England
while homeward be nd to Salem. His was the usual story of
lads with brains and ambition in that era, at first a sailor
and shipmaster, then an owner of vessels and a merchant on
shore.

John Bertram served a long apprenticeship before he forsook
the quarterdeck. In 1824 he sailed for St. Helena in the char-
tered schooner General Brewer, and when a few days at sea over
hauled the Salem brig Elizabeth, Captain Story, also headed for
St. Helena. Commerce was a picturesque speculation then,
and each of these skippers was eager to make port first with his
cargo and snatch the market away from his rival.

The weather was calm, the wind was light, and Captain
Bertram invited Captain Story to come on board and have a
cup of tea, or something stronger. The skippers twain sat on
deck and eyed each other while they yarned, each assuring the
other that he was bound to Pernambuco. St. Helena? Non-
sense! Captain Story was rowed back to his brig, the two

643

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

vessels made sail and jogged on their course. When nightfall
came, however, John Bertram threw his whole deck load of
lumber overboard in order to lighten his schooner and put her
in her best trim for sailing, cracked on all the canvas he could
cany, and let her drive for St. Helena as if the devil were after
him. He beat the Elizabeth to port so handsomely that his
cargo had been sold at fancy prices and he was standing out of
the harbor, homeward bound when the brig came creeping in
with a very long-faced Captain Story striding her poop.

Soon after this Captain Bertram determined to go after a
share of the South American trade, and after a voyage to the
Cape of Good Hope in the Velocity, he carried her to the Rio
Grande and the Coast of Patagonia to trade in hides. He went
ashore, leaving Captain W. B. Smith to pick up hides during
short coastwise voyages, and finding the adventures prosperous,
bought a Salem brig at Pernambuco and kept both vessels busy.
For three years Captain Bertram lived on the coast of Patagonia
directing the operations of his little fleet and taking this exile
as a routine part of the education of an American shipping
merchant.

After his return to Salem his activities were shifted to Zanzibar
where the American flag was almost unknown. Madagascar
had been opened to American trade in 1821 by the Salem brig
Beulah on her way home from Mocha. Zanzibar was a small
settlement with no foreign trade, gum-copal, the principal staple
product, being carried to India in the Sultan's vessels. In 1826
the Salem brig Ann called at Zanzibar and showed the natives
the first American flag they had ever seen, but no attempt was
made to establish commerce with the port until John Bertram
set sail in the Black Warrior in 1830. He scented a pioneering
voyage with gum-copal as the prize, an import in great demand
by makers of varnish and up to that time imported by way of
India at great cost. When the Black Warrior arrived at Zanzi-

644

The Ebbing of the Tide

bar the Sultan was on the point of dispatching a vessel loaded
with the coveted gum-copal to India, but this typical Salem
navigator would not let such a chance slip through his fingers.
He boarded the Sultan and made him an offer in shining silver
dollars for the cargo, and the dazzled potentate set his slaves
at work to transfer the cargo to the hold of the Black Warrior.

Thence John Bertram sailed home, and sold his gum-copal
for a handsome profit. Other ships followed in his wake and
for many years the Zanzibar trade in gum-copal was chiefly
carried on in ships out of Salem which controlled the supply of
this commodity as it had won and held the pepper trade with
Sumatra and the coffee trade with Mocha during an earlier
generation.

When the news of the California gold discoveries swept the
East like wildfire in 1848, John Bertram was one of the first
shipowners to grasp the possibilities of the trade around Cape
Horn to San Francisco. Before the end of 1848 he had sent out
a ship to carry the advance guards of the argonauts. This
bark Eliza cleared from Derby Wharf in December with
assorted cargo and passengers, and was cheered by an excited
crowd which swarmed among the East India warehouses and
listened to the departing gold-seekers sing in lusty chorus the
"California Song" which later became the favorite ditty of
many a ship's company bound round the Horn. It ran to the
tune of "Oh! Susannah" and carried such sentiments as these:

"I come from Salem City
With my wash-bowl on my knee;
I'm going to California
The gold dust for to see.
It rained all day the day I left,
The weather it was dry;
The sun so hot I froze to death,
Oh, brother, don't you cry.
645

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

CHORUS

Oh, California;

That's the land for me,

I'm going to California

With my wash-bowl on my knee.*

For this roaring California trade John Bertram and his
partners built a famous American clipper, the John Bertram, of
eleven hundred tons, at East Boston. The remarkable feature
of this undertaking was that the ship was launched sixty days
after the laying of her keel and ninety days from the time the
workmen first laid tools to the timbers she was sailing out of
Boston harbor with a full cargo, bound to San Francisco. The
John Bertram was a staunch, able, and splendidly built ship,
notwithstanding this feat of record-breaking construction.
Thirty years after her maiden voyage she was still afloat in the
deep-water trade, although under a foreign flag, a fine memorial
of the skill and honesty of New England shipbuilders.

After winning a handsome fortune in his shipping enterprises
John Bertram had foresight and wisdom to perceive that Ameri-
can ships in foreign trade were doomed to make a losing fight.
Their day was past. He turned his energies into other and
more profitable channels, and keeping pace with the march of
the times, engaged in railroad development and manufacturing
enterprises, a shipping merchant of the old school who adapted
himself to new conditions with a large measure of success.

* Captain John H. Eagleston took the brigantine Mary and Ellen out to
California two months ahead of the Eliza, in October, 1848, loading with a
general cargo to sell to the gold-seekers. While at San Francisco in June, 1849,
he met the Eliza, and later wrote, in an account of the voyage:

"On board the Eliza there were quite a number of passengers. Several of
these remaining in San Francisco, pitched their tent in Happy Valley where
Mr. Jonathan Nichols, stored as he was with fun and song, assisted by his
social and free-hearted companions, made their quarters at all times inviting
and pleasant. I was often with them, and under the beautiful evening sky, the
echoes of good singing pleased the squatters that composed the little beehive
villages which dotted the valley, especially ' The Washbowl on my Knee,' which
was the usual wind-up."

646

The Ebbing of the Tide

Much of his fortune he gave to benefit his town of Salem in
which his extensive philanthropies keep his memory green.

In 1869, Robert S. Rantoul of Salem, while writing of the
town's maritime history made this brave attempt to convince
himself that her glory had not yet departed :

"While our packets ply to New York and our steam tug
puffs and screams about the harbor; while marine railways are
busy and shipyards launch bigger merchantmen than ever;
while coal comes in upwards of four hundred colliers yearly,
and our boarding officers report more than fifteen hundred
arrivals, * while our fishing fleets go forth, and our whalers still
cruise the waters of the Indian Ocean and the North Pacific,
while we turn over $100,000 to $125,000 per year to the Federal
Treasury from import duties and enter a large part of the dates,
gum, spices, ivory, ebony and sheepskins brought into this
country, it is no time yet to despair of this most ancient seaport
of the United States of America."

This was in a way, a swan-song for the death of Salem
romance. The one steam tug which "screamed about the
harbor," was the forerunner of a host of her kind which should
trouble the landlocked harbor that once swarmed with priva-
teers and East Indiamen. The coal barge and the coasting
schooner were henceforth to huddle in sight of crumbling
Derby Wharf, and the fluttering drone of the spindles in the
cotton mill to be heard along the waterfront where the decks
of the stately square-riggers had echoed to the roaring chanties
of "Whiskey Johnny," "Blow the Man Down," and "We're
Off for the Rio Grande."

Nathaniel Hawthorne wrote an epitaph of Salem as a deep-
water seaport, and thus it appeared to him, the greatest of its
children, as he viewed it sixty years ago :

"In my native town of Salem, at the head of what, half a
* Coastwise schooners and vessels from the Canadian provinces.

647

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

century ago, in the days of old King Derby, was a bustling
wharf, but which is now burdened with decayed wooden ware-
houses, and exhibits few or no symptoms of commercial life;
except, perhaps, a bark or brig, half way down its melancholy
length, discharging hides; or, nearer at hand, a Nova Scotia
schooner pitching out her cargo of firewood — at the head, I say,
of this dilapidated wharf, which the tide often overflows, and
along which, at the base and in the rear of the row of buildings,
the track of many languid years is seen in a border of unthrifty
grass — here, with a view from its front windows adown the not
very enlivening prospect, and thence across the harbor, stands
a spacious edifice of brick. . . .

"The pavement round about the above-described edifice —
which we may as well name at once as the Custom House of
the port — has grass enough growing in its chinks to show that
it has not, of late days, been worn by any multitudinous resort
of business. In some months of the year, however, there often
chances a forenoon when affairs move onward with a livelier
tread. Such occasions might remind the elderly citizen of
that period before the last war with England, when Salem was
a port by itself; not scorned, as she is now, by her own merchants
and ship-owners, who permit her wharves to crumble to ruin,
while their ventures go to swell, needlessly and imperceptibly,
the mighty flood of commerce at New York or Boston. On
some such morning, when three or four vessels happen to have
arrived at once — usually from Africa or South America — or to
be on the verge of their departure thitherward, there is a sound
of frequent feet, passing briskly up and down the granite steps.
Here before his own wife has greeted him, you may greet the
sea-flushed shipmaster, just in port, with his vessel's papers
under his arm in a tarnished tin box. Here, too, comes his
owner, cheerful or somber, gracious or in the sulks, accordingly
as his scheme of the now accomplished voyage has been realized

648

The Ebbing of the Tide

in merchandise that will readily be turned into gold, or has
buried him under a bulk of commodities such as nobody will
care to rid him of. . . ."

It is unmanly to mourn over old, dead days as better than
the present times, to say that men were stronger, simpler, braver
in the beginning of this Republic. Every age or generation,
however, hammers out in the stress of its day's work some
refined metal of experience, some peculiarly significant heritage
to help posterity in its struggle to perpetuate the things most
worth while. It was not the rich freightage of silks, spices,
ivory and tea which the ships of Salem fetched home, nor the
fortunes which built the stately mansions of the elm-shaded
streets, that made this race of seamen worthy of a page in the
history of their country's rise to greatness. They did their
duty, daringly and cheerfully, in peace and in war. They let*
their deeds speak for them, and they bore themselves as "gentle-
men unafraid," in adversity and with manly modesty in pros-
perity. They believed in their country and they fought for
her rights, without swashbuckling or empty words. They
helped one another, and their community worked hand in hand
with them, on honor, to insure the safety of their perilous
ventures. The men who wove the duck, the sailmakers who
fashioned it to bend to the yards, the blacksmith, the rigger, the
carpenter, and the instrument-maker did honest work, all co-
operating to build and fit the ship their neighbor was to command
so that she might weather the hardest blow and do credit to
those who made and sailed her.

Every shipmaster had as good a chance as any other to \vin a
fortune. Independence, self-reliance, initiative and ambition
were fostered. It was clean-handed competition, aggressive,
but with a fair chance for all. Whether it was the Atlantic
daring to show American colors to the East India Company in
Calcutta in 1788, or the Endeavor, with Captain David Elwell

649

The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem

on her quarterdeck making the first passage of an American
ship through the Straits of Magellan in 1824, or the Margaret
at anchor in Nagasaki harbor half a century before another
American vessel visited a port of Japan, these adventurers of
commerce were red-blooded frontiersmen of blue water, as
truly and thoroughly American in spirit and ambition as the
strong men who pushed into the western wilderness to carve out
new empire for their countrymen.

Judged by the standards of this age, these seamen had their
faults. They saw no great wrong in taking cargoes of New
England rum to poison the black tribes of Africa, and the
schooner Sally and Polly of Salem was winging it to Senegal
as early as 1789. Rum, gunpowder and tobacco outbound,
hides, palm oil, gold dust and ivory homeward, were staples of
a busy commerce until late into the last century. But the
pioneering trade to the Orient, which was the glory of the port,
was free from the stain of debasing the natives for gain.

Salem is proud of its past, but mightily interested in its
present. Its population is four times as great as when it was
the foremost foreign seaport of the United States and its activities
have veered into manufacturing channels. But as has hap-
pened to many other New England cities of the purest American
pedigree, a flood of immigration from Europe and Canada has
swept into Salem to swarm in its mills and factories. Along the
harbor front the fine old square mansions from which the lords
of the shipping gazed down at their teeming wharves are ten-
anted by toilers of many alien nations. But the stately, pillared
Custom House, alas, no more than a memorial of vanished
greatness, stands at the head of Derby Wharf to remind the
passer-by, not only of its immortal surveyor, Nathaniel Haw-
thorne, but also of an age of which the civic seal of Salem bears
witness in its motto, " Divitis Indiae usque ad ultimum sinum '
(To the farthest port of the rich East.)

650

•gTVH

| ?•' -|j ., ' ' {j it

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

THE SPECTER SHIP OF SALEM *

The tradition of a specter ship was common along the New
England coast in the seventeenth century. In 1647, the Colon-
ists of New Haven built a fine ship and freighted it for England
but it never made port and after waiting long for some word
of the missing vessel, its apparition appeared in the harbor as
described by a writer of that time :

" After a great thunderstorm about an hour before sunset a
ship of like dimensions, with her canvas and colors abroad,
appeared in the air coming up the harbor against the wind for
the space of an hour. Many," says the Rev. Mr. Pierport,
"were drawn to behold this great work of God, yea, the very
children cried out: 'There is a brave ship.' When so near that
a man might hurl a stone on board, her maintop seemed blown
off, then her mizzen top; then her masting seemed blown away
by the board ; she overset, and so vanished into a smoky cloud.
The vision was given, in the opinion of the beholders, that
they might understand the tragic end of the ship and their
friends."

This story became a legend which was made use of by Long-
fellow in "The Phantom Ship," and in prose form by Washing-
ton Irving. It assumed another garb as a tale called "The
Specter Ship of Salem," which was first published in Black-
wood's Magazine (Edinburgh), in 1830, over the signature
"Nantucket." The narrative was reprinted in several Ameri-

* For the compilation of this material the author is indebted to a pamphlet
privately printed for George Francis Dow (1907).

653

Appendix A

can publications of that time, including the Salem Gazette, and
was later credited to the pen of Hawthorne, although without
any tangible evidence to sustain the surmise. Whittier's poem
"The Spectre Ship of Salem," with a prefatory note was first
published in "American Anecdotes" (Boston, 1830). The tale
as printed in Blackwood's Magazine was as follows:

The Rev. Cotton Mather, D.D. and R.F.S., an eminent
clergyman of Boston, in Massachusetts, who flourished about
the end of the seventeenth century, wrote a curious book,
entitled "Magnalia Christi Americana," in which he has
exhibited, not only his own, but the prevalent superstitions of
the times in which he lived. The country had been, in the
language of that period, exposed to "war from the invisible
world," during which the inhabitants were inflicted with demons,
and so wrought upon by spectres, as to pine, languish, and die
under excrutiating torments. Sometimes the demons attacked
one part of the country and sometimes another; and the object
of the learned and Reverent Doctor's book is to authenticate
the very tragical instances in which they infested the houses,
and afflicted the persons of the inhabitants.

"Flashy people," says he, "may burlesque these things, but
when hundreds of the most sober people in a country, where
they have as much mother-wit certainly as the rest of mankind,
know them to be true — nothing but the absurd and froward
spirit of sadducism can question them. I have not mentioned
so much as one thing, that will not be justified, if it be required,
by the oaths of more consistent persons than any that can
ridicule these odd phenomena."

And certainly few facts, if we may judge by the evidence,
have been better established than the existence of witchcraft,
and the wars of prodigious spirits in the provinces of New
England, during the time of Doctor Mather. We have accounts
of trials conducted with all the forms and implements of juris-
prudence, in which many persons were convicted of holding
communion with demons and we have, what is still more
remarkable, voluntary confessions of parties, acknowledging
themselves in league with the devil. So far, therefore as the

654

Appendix A

records and archives of courts of law can verify the truth of any
investigation, we must believe that many of the things which
Doctor Mather has set forth, are not only true as historical
events, but also naturally incident, however rarely, to the
condition and fortunes of men.

It is not us, however, to argue this matter, but many of the
Doctor's stories are usually striking, reviewing them merely as
connexions of fancy, and some of the phenomena which he
describes, and boasts of having witnesses to confirm, have in
different ages been seen in similar forms and in countries far
remote from New England. The prodigy of the Cross, which
Constantine and his army beheld in the air, is of this description ;
and the apocalypse vouchsafed to Godfrey, in the Crusade, is
of the same character. Doctor Mather describes noises and
hurtlings heard in the air, a short time prior to the Indian war
of 1675, accompanied with the beating of drums, as in a battle.
But without entering into any particular disposition concerning
these omens and auguries, we shall hear present a version of
his story of the naval apparition, only premising that it contains
several particulars which the Doctor has not noticed, but which,
we are persuaded, are not less true than those he has related.

A ship, called Noah's Dove, was preparing to sail from the
port of Salem for " Old England," when a young man, accom-
panied by his bride, came and engaged berths for himself and
her, as passengers. No one in all Salem was in the slightest
degree acquainted with this handsome couple, nor did they
themselves seek any acquaintance in the town, but until the
vessel was ready, lived in the most secluded state. Their con-
duct was perfectly blameless, and their appearance was highly
respectable; but the sharp-sighted people of Salem knew the
pretigious appearances of the demons which afflicted the
country, and they discerned something about them which could
not be deemed otherwise than mysterious.

Many persons intending to revisit their friends in the old
country, took passages also in the Noah's Dove; but the friends
of some of them thought they were rash in doing so, and that it
would be as well to learn something of their two questionable
fellow passengers, before hazarding themselves at sea with
persons so unknown and singular. These admonitions gave

655

Appendix A

occasion to much talk in Salem; but instead of having the
effect intended, a fatal obstinacy became prevalent, and pre-
vented every one who proposed to sail with the vessel, from
paying the slightest attention to them. This strange infatuation
only served to deepen the interest which the town took in the
departure of the ship.

At last, the day appointed for her sailing arrived. Never
had such a solemn day been seen in Salem; and, moreover, it
happened to be a Friday; for the Captain was not such a godly
man as the mariners of Salem generally were in those days.
A great multitude crowded the wharves to see their relations
embark — all were sorrowful and many in tears. At last, the
ship hoisted the signal for sailing, and, wonderful to tell, at the
same time that the flag was unfurled, a black bird, much like
a raven, lighted on the hand of the town clock, and by its weight
pushed it forward, some said full ten minutes. Every one who
witnessed this sight, was struck with horror, and some laid
hands upon their relations to prevent them from embarking.
But those who had engaged to go with the fated vessel, were
wilful, and would not be controlled.

During these struggles, the two unknown strangers came also
to embark, and she that was the bride was in tears, weeping
bitterly. However, they stepped on board, and a sudden gust
of wind at that moment (the ship being cast loose from her
moorings), made her yaw off, and she was almost instantly at
sea. The crowd, however, remained anxiously watching her
progress, until she was out of sight. They then returned to
their respective homes; and the whole conversation of Salem
for that evening, was saddened with presentiments and fore-
bodings concerning the Noah's Dave.

In the course of the night, the breeze freshened into a gale,
which before the morning was heightened to a tempest. The
sea raged with tremendous fury, and the wrack of clouds that
careered in the heavens, was scarcely less tumultuous than the
waves of the angry ocean below. All the inhabitants of Salem
were persuaded that the hurricane had something to do with the
mysterious passengers in the Noah's Dove. Many were
instinctively convinced, that the ship had perished, and resigned
themselves to grief. For three days and three nights, the wrath

656

Appendix A

of the storm was unmitigated. On the contrary, it seemed to
increase; for although it was then midsummer, dreadful showers
of hail, mingled with fire and thunder, louder than had ever
been heard before, pealed continually. No man could doubt
the fate of the Noah's Dove. Indeed it was the persuasion of
all that every vessel which was so unfortunate as to be within
the sweep and frenzy of the winds and waves, could not survive
the vehemence of their distraction.

The sun, on the morning of the fourth day, burst through the
clouds with great splendour — the winds almost instantly became
calm — the hail ceased — the thunder was mute — and the billows,
from raging surges, rolled themselves into a noiseless swell.
A change so abrupt convinced the pious citizens of Salem that
the doom of the vessel was sealed ; and although it was in vain
to expect that the sea would present them of any sight of her
wreck, or of that of other vessels, they hastened in great numbers
down to the shore, where they stood until sunset, gazing and
wondering, with anxiety and sorrow.

Just as the sun disappeared, a sound of exclamation and
hurry, accompanied by a bustling movement, arose from a
group of persons who were standing on the top of a rock, con-
siderably elevated above the crowd, and some one cried that a
vessel was in sight. The whole multitude, on hearing this,
were thrown into commotion, and fluctuated to and fro, eager
to catch a glimpse of this unexpected phenomenon. It was,
however, long before she became distinctly in sight, for any
wind which was then blowing was off the shore, and against the
vessel; insomuch that an old gray-headed sailor among the
spectators, declared that it was impossible she could work into
the harbour that night. But, to their astonishment, she still
came forward, with her yards squared and her sails full, not-
withstanding she was steering in the wind's eye; before her hull
could be properly seen, it was the opinion of all who beheld her
that it was the Noah's Dove.

By this time the twilight was much faded, but it began to be
observed that the ship brightened, as if some supernatural light
shone upon her, and upon her alone. This wonderful circum-
stance was not long matter of doubt, or question, for, when the
stars appeared, she was seen as distinctly as if she had been

657

Appendix A

there in the blaze of noonday, and a panic of dread and terror
fell upon the whole multitude.

The Rev. Zebedee Stebbin, who was then in the crowd, an
acute man, and one who feared the Lord, knew that the apparent
ship was a device of the prestigious spirits, and that it behooved
all present to pray for protection against them; he therefore
mounted upon a large rock, and called on the spectators to join
him in the forty-sixth Psalm, which he himself began, repeating
the line aloud and then singing. The shores echoed with the
solemn melody, and the rising wind wafted it along the increasing
waves.

Whilst the worship was going on, the sound of sudden cries
and lamentations, as of persons in jeopardy, was heard in the
air; the ship at the same time came straight on into the harbour,
and being illuminated as described, was seen rigged out in every
part exactly like the Noah's Dove. Many of the spectators saw
their friends on board, and would have shouted to them with
joy, but there was something dismal and strange in their appear-
ance, which awed them to remain silent. The stranger young
man and his bride were seen tenderly embracing each other,
but no noise or voice was heard on board. At that moment
the masts and rigging fell into the sea as if they had been struck
down with lightning, and signals of distress were displayed,
but still no sound was heard.

The multitude suspended their breathing, convinced that the
vision before them was the unsubstantial creation of the pres-
tigious spirits. This belief entered all the minds simultaneously,
and in the same moment the mighty spectre vanished.

The Noah's Dove was never heard of, and it was believed
that in that hour, rivened by lightning and tempest, she had
foundered.

"Count me not," says the Rev. Dr. Mather at the conclusion
of his narration, " struck with the Livian superstition, in report-
nig prodigies for which I have such incontestable proof."

NANTUCKET.

658

THE SPECTRE SHIP OF SALEM

By JOHN GREENLEAF WHITTIER

The morning light is breaking forth

All over the dark blue sea —
And the waves are changed — they are rich with gold,

As the morning waves should be;
And the rising winds are wandering out,

On their seaward pinions free.

The bark is ready — the sails are set,

And the boat rocks on the shore —
Say where do the passengers linger yet? —

Is not the farewell o'er?
Do those who enter that gallant ship

Go forth, to return no more?

A wailing rose by the water-side,

A young, fair girl was there —
With a face as pale as the face of death

When its coffin-lid is bare: —
And an eye as strangely beautiful

As a star in the upper air.

She leaned on a youthful stranger's arm,

A tall and silent one —
Who stood in the very midst of the crowd.

Yet uttered a word to none:
He gazed on the sea and waiting ship —

But he gazed on them alone!

659

Appendix A

The fair girl leaned on the stranger's arm,

And she wept as one in fear;
But he heeded not the plaintive moan,

And the dropping of the tear; —
His eye was fixed on the stirring sea,

Cold, darkly and severe!—

\
The boat was filled — the shore was left —

The farewell word was said —
But the vast crowd lingered still behind,

With an over-powering dread;
They feared that stranger and his bride,

So pale, and like the dead.

And many said that an evil pair
Among their friends had gone, —

A demon with his human prey,
From the quiet graveyard drawn;

And a prayer was heard that the innocent
Might escape the Evil One.

Away — the good ship sped away,
Out on the broad high seas —

The sun upon her path before —
Behind, the steady breeze —

And there was naught in sea or sky
Of fearful auguries.

The day past on — the sunlight fell

All slantwise from the west,
And then the heavy clouds of storm

Sat on the ocean's breast;
And every swelling billow mourn 'd,

Like a living thing distressed.

660

Appendix A

The sun went down among the clouds,

Tinging with sudden gold,
The pall-like shadow of the storm,

On every mighty fold; —
And then the lightning's eye look'd forth,

And the red thunder rolled.

The storm came down upon the sea,

In its surpassing dread,
Rousing the white and broken surge

Above its rocky bed;
As if the deep was stirred beneath

A giant's viewless tread.

All night the hurricane went on,

And all along the shore
The smothered cry of shipwreck 'd men

Blent with the ocean's roar; —
The gray-haired men had scarcely known

So wild a night before.

Morn rose upon a tossing sea,
The tempest's work was done;

And freely over land and wave
Shone out the blessed sun —

But where was she — that merchant-bark,
Where had the good ship gone?

Men gathered on the shore to watch

The billow's heavy swell,
Hoping, yet fearing much, some frail

Memorial might tell
The fate of that disastrous ship, —

Of friends they loved so well.

661

Appendix A

None came — the billows smoothed away —

And all was strangely calm,
As if the very sea had left

A necromancer's charm, —
And not a trace was left behind,

Of violence and harm.

The twilight came with sky of gold —

And curtaining of night —
And then a sudden cry rang out,

"A ship — the ship in sight!"
And lo! — tall masts grew visible

Within the fading light.

Near and more near the ship came on

With all her broad sails spread —
The night grew thick, but a phantom light

Around her path was shed;
And the gazer shuddered as on she came,

For against the wind she sped.

They saw by the dim and baleful glare

Around that voyager thrown,
The upright forms of the well-known crew,

As pale and fixed as stone —
And they called to them, but no sound came back,

Save the echoed cry alone.

The fearful stranger youth was there,

And clasped in his embrace,
The pale and passing sorrowful

Gazed wildly in his face;
Like one who had been wakened from

The silent burial-place.
662

Appendix A

A shudder ran along the crowd —
And a holy man knelt there,

On the wet sea-sand, and offered up
A faint and trembling prayer,

That God would shield his people from
The Spirits of the air!

And lo! — the vision passed away —
The Spectre Ship — the crew —

The stranger and his pallid bride
Departed from their view;

And naught was left upon the waves,
Beneath the arching blue.

It passed away — that vision strange —

Forever from their sight;
Yet, long shall Naumkeag's annals tell

The story of that night —
The phantom-bark — the ghostly crew,

The pale encircling light.

663

APPENDIX B

One of the Salem privateersmen of the Revolution was
Samuel Crowell (Croel) whose commission as commander of
the schooner Greyhound, signed by John Jay, President of the
Continental Congress, was preserved by his children and reads
as follows:

"IN CONGRESS.

" The Delegates of the United States of Newhampshire, Mas-
sachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New
Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North
Carolina, South Carolina & Georgia.

" To ALL unto whom these presents shall come, Send Greeting
— KNOW YE,

" That we have granted & by these Presents do grant Licence
& Authority to Samuel Croel Mariner, Commander of the
Schooner called the Greyhound of the Burthen of forty tons or
thereabouts, belonging to Aaron Waitt & others — mounting six
carriage guns & navigated by eleven Men, to fit out & set forth
the said Schooner in a warlike Manner, & by & with the said
Schooner & the crew thereof, by Force of Arms, to attack,
subdue, & take all Ships & other Vessels whatsoever carrying
Soldiers, Arms, Gunpowder, Ammunition, Provisions, or any
other contraband Goods to any of the British Armies or Ships
of War employed against these United States; And also to
attack, seize & take all Ships or other Vessels belonging to the
Inhabitants of Great Britain, or to any Subject or Subjects
thereof, with their Tackle, Apparel, Furniture & Ladings on
the High Seas, or between high & low water Marks (the In-
habitant or Inhabitants of Bermuda, Providence, & the Bahama
Islands, & such other Ships & Vessels bringing Persons, with
Intent to settle & reside within any of the United States, or
bringing Arms, Ammunition or warlike Stores to the said

664

Appendix B

States for the Use thereof, which said Ships or Vessels you shall
suffer to pass unmolested, the Commanders thereof permitting
a peaceable Search, & giving satisfactory Information of the
contents of the Ladings & Destination of the Voyages, only
excepted). And the said Ships or Vessels so apprehended as
aforesaid, & as Prize taken, to carry into any Port or Harbor
within the Dominions of any neutral State willing to admit the
same, or into any Port within the said United States, in order
that the Courts there instituted to hear & determine Causes
Civil & Maritime, may proceed in due Form to condemn the
said Captures, if they be adjudged lawful Prize, or otherwise
according to the Usage in such Cases at the Port or in the State
where the same shall be carried. The said Samuel Croel
having given Bond, with sufficient Sureties that Nothing be
done by the said Commander of Schooner or any of his Officers,
Marines, or Company thereof contrary to or inconsistent with
the Usage & Customs of Nations, & that he shall not exceed
or transgress the Powers & Authorities contained in this Com-
mission. And We will & require all Our Officers whatsoever
in the Service of the United States to give Succor & Assistance
to the said Samuel Croel in the Premises. This Commission
shall continue in force until the Congress shall issue Orders
to the contrary. Dated at Boston 14th Day of October 1779
& in the 4th year of the Independence of the United States
of America. *

" By Order of the Congress,

" JOHN JAY, President.
"JOHN AVERY, Attest. CHAS. THOMPSON, Sec."

* Copied from the Essex Institute Historical Collections, Vol. XXI.

665

APPENDIX C

Captain Stephen Cleveland of Salem was entrusted with a
secret mission abroad in behalf of the American Congress in
1776, very shortly after the signing of the Declaration of Inde-
pendence. His letter of instructions from the Government at
Philadelphia for his voyage is among the records of the Salem
Marine Society and reads as follows, under date of July 30,
1776:

"Captain Stephen Cleveland. Sir: We have been regularly
informed by John Bradford, Esq., of his Purchasing, loading
and fitting the Brig Despatch in consequence of our orders, and
we approve of his having appointed you to the command of
that Brig, in the Continental Service as he gives you an extreme
good character of which we hope and expect to find you very
deserving.

"The Honorable Continental Congress, of which we are
members, authorized us as a committee to Purchase the Brig
and to order her on such a voyage, as would answer certain
purposes to the United S. of America.

" You will receive this by the hands of John Philip Markle,
Esq., and are to be governed by the following instructions
during the present Voyage, or untill you receive others from
Congress :

" Mr. Bradford will require bills of Lading from you, for the
entire cargo on board the Despatch consigned to John P. Markle
(who is to go passenger in the Brig), at her discharging port
in Europe. Such bills of lading you are to sign, receive
said Markle on board, assist him in providing sea stores, and
then proceed with the utmost diligence for the coast of France,
avoiding most carefully all vessels at sea, and put into the first
convenient port you can make in that Kingdom, Nantz or
Bordeaux, may perhaps be the safest, and you must then deliver
to Mr. Markle, any part of the cargo he may find it convenient

666

Appendix C

to sell on the whole if he chooses it. We enclose to Mr. Brad-
ford a packet directed to Messrs. Samuel and S. H. Dunlap,
merchants in Bordeaux. Mr. Bradford will deliver that packet
to you and we require your utmost care of it. Should you have
the misfortune to be taken, you must throw it overboard, slung
with a weight that will sink it, for on no account must this fall
into the hands of the enemy. On the contrary if you can get
safe into Bordeaux deliver it yourself to Mess. Samuel and
S. H. Dunlap merchants there. If you go into any other port,
forward it to them by post or special messenger, as you may be
advised is safest. You must also advise those gentlemen what
other ports or places Mr. Markle intends to order you for, and
desire those gentlemen to write you a few lines telling you how
to direct letters to Silas Deane, Esq., so that they will certainly
fall into his hands. We expect that Mr. Markle will order you
to proceed from France to Amsterdam and you must obey his
orders, delivering to him the rest of the cargo, at any port or
ports that he may desire; he is not to pay any freight, but will
supply you with all things necessary for the Brig, and money to
pay charges for all you receive in money or stores, outfits, etc.
You will grant him proper receipts, and when you have dis-
charged entirely the present cargo you are to receive from him,
all such goods and merchandise, arms and ammunition as he
may think proper to ship, granting him bills of lading for what
he may think proper to ship on board.

" We also give you liberty to arm the Brig in the most com-
plete manner and with as many four-pound cannon, swivells,
blunderbusses, cutlasses, etc., as may be proper for such a vessel.

" You may also ship as many good seamen as you can con-
veniently accommodate obtaining them upon the best terms in
your power, lay in a suitable stocke of provisions, a sufficient
stocke or quantity of ammunition, etc., the cost and charges of
all which Mr. Markle will defray, taking your receipts. Whilest
this business is transacting, you will write immediately after
your arrival at the port where it is to be done to Major Samuel
and S. H. Dunlap of Bordeaux, and also to Silas Dean, Esq.,
if you obtain from them in time his address, tell him to direct
letters to you, and when you expect to sail, and we expect you
will receive back from them, letters and Packets for us. If you do

667

Appendix C

the utmost care must be taken of them, don't let them be seen
by any person whatever. Sling them with a weight, ready for
sinking, and if taken be sure to let them go overboard in time,
but we hope you will have better fortune and bring them safe.

"When your vessel is completely fitted, the cargo on board,
and you have received your dispatches from Mr. Markle, you
are to put to sea, and make the best of your way back to America.
We think it best not to fix on any one place to aim at, but leave
it to you to push into the first harbour you can make in any of
the United States of America, and on your arrival apply to the
continental agent, if there are any in or near the place, if not,
to the person in authority there, desiring their advice and
assistance to forward with the utmost expedition to us, all the
packets, letters, etc., you may bring. You will also write us
the state and condition of your vessel, and we shall return orders
for your further proceedings. We send you herewith a com-
mission and a book of regulations respecting captures, etc., and
a list of continental agents for your government, if you should
take any prizes, but you are to remember, prizes are not your
object. We wish you to make an expeditious and safe voyage
and for this reason desire you will make all possible dispatch,
both at sea and in port. We expect you will be careful of your
Brig, her stores and materials, allow your people plenty of good
provisions, but suffer no waste, and be as frugal as is consistent
with true economy, in your expenses and charges. These
things duly observed, we'll recommend you to the governing
powers in America, and in time your utmost ambition may be
gratified, inasmuch as merit leads the way to promotion. If
any American masters or mates of ships, or seamen, want
passages, you may accommodate them, free of any charge or
expense. Probably Mr. Markle may find it proper to make
your vessel a French or Dutch bottom and clear you out for the
West Indies.

"In such case, you will do what is needful on your part to
answer his views, and we hope you will be attentive to accommo-
date and please him during the passage. We are, Sir, your
most humble servants. "BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

"BENJAMIN HARRISON.
"ROBERT MORRIS."

668

APPENDIX D

LISTS OF THE PRIVATE ARMED SHIPS OF SALEM IN THE
REVOLUTION AND THE WAR OF 1812

The following list of the armed ships of Salem from 1776
to 1783 includes both privateers and letters-of-marque. As
defined in international law " letters-of-marque " as issued by a
Government are privateering commissions, but in practice a
distinction was made between the two classes of ships. A priva-
teer cruised in pursuit of the enemy's commerce and went to
sea for no other purpose, while a letter-of-marque vessel carried
a cargo to a destined port or ports, taking prizes if they came
in her way and defending herself against the enemy as a regu-
larly commissioner private ship of war under heavy bonds to
her government to obey the rules of warfare.

The Naval Records of the Revolution, as compiled and pub-
lished by the Library of Congress, contains a list of the letters-
of-marque issued by the Government, and includes no fewer
than one hundred and ninety of these commissions granted to
Salem shipowners, and commanders, designating them all as
"private armed ships of war." The most accurate catalogues
of this kind that were compiled many years ago by local his-
torians and shipmasters agree upon one hundred and fifty-eight
as the total number of vessels of all kinds which actually engaged
in privateering out of the port of Salem during the Revolution.
The Government records show, however, that this reckoning
falls far short of the total number of craft commissioned by
means of letters-of-marque to prey upon England's commerce as
private ships of war. Even these Government records are not
complete, however, the names of several well-known privateers

669

Appendix D

being absent from the list, while on the other hand the name of
one vessel may be recorded two, three, or four times, a new
commission being granted and a new bond demanded when the
ship, schooner, or brig changed commanders or owners. The
bond required in all cases was in the sum of $20,000.

From the Naval Records of the Revolution, and from all lists
made and preserved in Salem archives and from other sources
the following catalogue has been compiled, as the most nearly
complete record of the private armed ships of Salem during the
Revolution that has been published:

Name Class Commander Guns Men

William Ross.. . .

Johnson Briggs..
Adventure. «-'- i J. Gardner 4 10

Active brigantine | William Ross 14 60

• - -brig j

Jonathan Tucker

America schooner Geo. Williams 8 80

Atalanta brig Cornelius Thompson 10 25

American Hero ship W'illiam Fail-field 16 25

Astrea ship John Derby 20 50

Aurora brigantine Geo. Williams, Jr 6 12

Aurora brig Caldwell 10 75

Black Prince ship Nathaniel West 18 160

Banter sloop Henry White 8 50

Belisaurus ship

Bloodhound brig 14 55

Brutus ship John Leach 18 100

Bunker Hill ship John Turner 20 110

Blackbird schooner William Groves 8 20

Black Snake sloop William Carleton 12 60

Bloom schooner Silas Smith 6 25

Beaver schooner 10 swivels

Boicdoin sloop 8

Buckaneer ship Jeremiah Hacker 18 150

Centipede schooner 6

Charming Potty brig D. Bigelow

Captain brigantine John Donaldson 10 45

Johnson Briggs

Goto brig.

James Pickman 16 60

Jesse Pearson

670

Appendix D

Name Class Commander Guns Men

Chace brigantine Cornelius Thompson 10 35

Concord brig Ephraim Emerton

Cutter schooner.. . j Silas Smith 8 20

( Joseph Strout

Cutter brigantine Geo. Ashby, Jr 10 45

Cicero ship Hugh Hill 20 100

Commerce sloop John Baptist Millet 10 25

Commerce brigantine Ephraim Emerton 6 12

Columbia schooner J. Greeley 12 30

Comet brigantine Samuel Waters 6 15

Comet schooner Richard Eldredge 9 29

Creature Terrible brig Robert Richardson 14 43

Catchall schooner Moses Chase 6 15

Civil Usage brig.. j Greag Powers 14 45

| Peter Martin

Congress ship David Ropes 20 130

Cyrus ship Jonathan Mason, Jr 10 20

Dispatch ship .John Felt 10 60

David Ropes

Dolphin schooner..

William Gray

Greag Powers 8 30

David Felt, Jr.

Frank Benson

Dart schooner Zenas Cook 6 22

Delight schooner J. Temple 4 40

Don Galvez brig Silas Jones 6 16

Disdain ship William Patterson 20 100

Diana brigantine Robert Barker 6 16

Defense brigantine John Barr 10 16

Eagle brig John Leach 20 1 10

Exchange ship. . , . \ Simon Forrester- • - - .20 60

( John Collins

Experiment brigantine Samuel Ingersoll 6 14

Essex ship John Cathcart 20 150

Elizabeth brig. . . J Cford B>Tnf" ' 4 10

| Ichabod Clarke

Exchange schooner Henry Tibbets .... 2 15

Franklin ship Silas Deval. 18 25

Fame brig Samuel Hobbs 16 50

Freedom brig Benjamin Ober 7 15

Fortune brig Benjamin Ives 14 60

Favourite brigantine William Patterson 11 50

671

Appendix D

Name Class Commander Guns Men

Fanny brigantine Samuel Tucker 4 12

Felicity brig 8 20

Flying Fish brigantine. . , . Hohn Gavett

( Anthony Divers

Fly.. . .schooner. . . | Christ°Pher Babbidge 6 25

( William Mallory

Fox... . .schooner. . . J Jeremiah Lansvay 6 75

( Jonathan Neall

Friendship ship Gideon Henfield 6 20

General Putnam schooner S. Mascotte 8 66

General Gates brig Skinner 8

General Lincoln brig John Carnes

General Greene ship . .Aaron Crowell 16 90

Grand Turk ship ( Thomas Simmons 28 140

j Joseph Pratt

GreyHound schooner j Jacob Wilds g 35

( John Cooke

Good Luck ship Jonathan Neall 8 20

General Galvez ship Thomas Smith. 18 40

Griffin brig Gideon Henfield

Gamecock schooner Richard Smith. . 8 30

General Montgomery.. brigantine Samuel Hobbs 14 60

Harlequin schooner Jonathan Tucker. . 6 16

Hornet schooner Robert Brookhouse. . . 10 swivels

Henry schooner John Baptist Millet 4 10

Hasket & John brig Benjamin Crowninshield

Hero brig Silas Smith 12 50

Hynde brig Francis Boardman 8 16

Hector ship John Carnes 18 150

Hector schooner John Cartright 6 15

Hope schooner Robert Wormsted 8 25

Hyder Alley brigantine Francis Boardman 8 16

Hind brigantine Benjamin Dunham 8 16

Nathaniel Coit Webb. . . 8 25

Hazard sloop-schooner. .

Benjamin Knight

Edward Smith, Jr.

Hugh Helme

Hound brig. . . .John Adkinson 14 50

Harkey galley Phineas Smith 2 18

Hawke. . . .schooner. . . . \ John Barbaroux 6 15

1 Jacob Wilde

Iris ship Robert Rantoul 9 18

672

Appendix D

Name
Jack

Class
. . .ship

Junius Brutus. . . .
Jason

. . . ship
. . .ship

Julius Caesar. . . .

. . .ship J

Junius
Juno

. . . ship.
. . brig. .

Jackall. .

. .schooner. . . J

James

John

Jupiter

Joseph

Kendrick.. .

.ship

. ship

.ship

brig

.ship

Languedock schooner.. .

Lexington brig

Lively brig

Live Oak sloop

Lion brig

Lark schooner.. .

Lee schooner. . .

Lincoln brig

Louis le Grande ship

Lucy brig

Liberty . . .sloop

Manete. . . .schooner.. .

Marquis de Lafayette. ship

Mermaid brig

Minerva sloop

Massachusetts brig

Mars ship

Monmouth brigantine.

Montgomery brigantine.

Morning Star sloop

Commander Guns Men

David Ropes 14 60

John Brooks 20 120

Charles Hamilton 16 70

Thomas Benson 14 40

Jonathan Haraden

Nathaniel West 10 25

John Felt 12 16

Adam Wrellman 8 45

Thomas Holmes

. .John Clarke 11 25

. .Jonathan Ingersoll

. .William Orne 14 40

. .Henry Higginson 8 15

. .Thomas Benson 18 100

John Augusta Dunn

Reuben Yoemens 4 25

Jeremiah Hegerty.

David Smith, Jr 10 20

George Ashby

John Augusta Dunn 8 35

Nathaniel Brookhouse

. . . Samuel Tucker 6 20

j Jonathan Mason 16 50

( Benjamin Warren

. . N. Tilden 10 swivel-* . .

. . . Daniel \Vaters

. . .John Carnes

18 100

...S. Clay 12 25

. . . Eben Pierce 6 25

. . John Daccaretta 6 10

j Ebenezer Reed 10 100

( John Buffington

. . .Jonathan Tucker 14 30

. . Nchemiah Buffington 6 10

j John Fisk 16 30

( Jonathan Haraden

. . .William Woodbury 16 75

.. .David Ingersoll 6 20

j John Carnes 8 20

( James Barr, Jr.

. . .Francis Roch 8 12

673

Appendix D

Name Class Commander Guns Men

Macaroni brig 14 ...

New Adventure brig Jonathan Neall 14 50

Nancy schooner George Leach 6 25

William Woodbury, Jr.

Neptune ship Hugh Smith 14 65

i Silas Smith

i Benjamin Cole

Oliver Cromwell ship Nathaniel West 16 100

James Barr, Jr.

Pallas ship Gamaliel Hodges 10 20

Panther schooner Samuel Masury 8 35

Patty sloop Nathan Nichols 4 16

Simon Forrester

Patty ship John Derby 8 20

David Smith

Penguin . . .schooner Samuel Foster 10 40

Pickering ship Jonathan Haraden 16 50

Porus ship Samuel Crowell 22 100

Pilgrim ship Joseph Robinson 18 100

Pompey schooner. . . Silas Smith

Putnam ship Nathan Brown 18 90

Plato brig

Pompey schooner W. Thomas 6

Port Packet ship Simon Forrester 8 20

Race Horse schooner Alexander Story 8 25

Rainbow schooner Oliver Webb 6 25

Rattlesnake ship Mark Clark 20 85

Raven schooner David Needham 12 40

Recovery brigantine j ^ud lug^oll. .

( William Dennis

Revenge. . . .schooner j Benjamin Knight 8 40

( Samuel Foster

Revolt brig Henry Phelps 8 20

Resolution schooner Joseph Trask 8 20

Roebuck ship Gideon Henfield 14 90

Joshua Grafton

Romulus brig Joseph Waters 14 25

Thomas Palfrey

Rover ship James Barr, Jr 24 100

Rover schooner Thomas Morgridge 10 30

Retaliation brig E.Giles 10 70

Revenge sloop Benjamin Dean 10 ...

674

Appendix D

Name Class Commander Guns Men

Ranger schooner Thomas Simmons 10 20

Rambler brig Benjamin Lovett 16 40

Rhodes brig N. Buffington 20 90

Resolution ship Samuel West 20 130

Robust ship Jonathan Tucker 12 25

Salem brig.. j Henry Williams 12 30

( Edward Stanley

Salem Packet ship i JosePh Cooke 12 30

( John Brewer

Satisfaction schooner Edward Stanley 6 30

Speedwell brigantine John Murphy 10 50

Scourge brigantine Parker 20 80

Sharke sloop 10 swivels . . .

Spanish Packet ship Thomas Dalling 10 20

Sturdy Beggar brig. . . . -j Janiel Hathorne 8 60

( Edward Rowland

Shaker brig Stacey 6 40

Spitfire schooner William Perkins 11 20

Spy schooner Thomas Philips 8 20

P • ( Nathaniel Perkins. . . 8 35

Surprize schooner 1

( Germain Langevain

Surprize brig. Benjamin Cole 14 70

Swift brig Israel Johnson 14 70

Scorpion schooner Israel Thorndike 16 60

Swett schooner Joseph Pearson 12

Spring Bird schooner John Patten 4 25

Saucy Jack schooner

Tartar schooner Thomas Dexter 10 18

Thomas ship Francis Boardman 10 20

Thrasher schooner.. ...... Benjamin Cole 8 80

Titus sloop John Buchmore 4 11

m T3 ., i • ( William Gray 25

Two Brothers ship 1 /

( Daniel banders

Tyger brig Samuel Crowell 14 70

Thorn ship Samuel Tucker

Trenton ship Joseph Nati 12

True American schooner Israel Thorndike 6 50

John Blaekler

Union schooner Jonathan Gardner, 3d 8 25

Isaac Smith

Union. sloop John Pearson 6 30

Venus. ship Thomas Nicholson 10 20

Appendix D

Name Class Commander Guns Men

Viper. . . .ship i Jonathan Neall. . . 14 65

( Benjamin Hilton

Washington brig. Edmond Lewis 7 15

Willing Maid schooner John Savage 4 25

Wild Cat brig Daniel Ropes 14 75

Warren schooner I. Thorndike 6 50

WUliam schooner Joseph Fearson 8 25

PRIVATE ARMED SHIPS OF SALEM IN THE WAR OF 1812

Name Class Commander Guns Men

Active schooner Benjamin Patterson. 12 25

Alexander ship.. T. Williams, Jr 18 140

Alfred ship Benjamin Crowninshield 16 110

Joseph Ropes

America ship

JohnKehoe... ..20 150

Jas. W. Chever

Black Vomit boat John Upton muskets 16

Buckskin schooner I. Bray. 5 50

Cadet schooner .William Galley 2 40

Cartgato, launch ( Stephen G.Clarke 6 20

( Spencer Hall

/John Upton
Cossack schooner | Wm. Davis 1 45

( Abner Poland

Dart.. ..schooner. . . { T. Symonds.. .2 40

( John Green

Diomede schooner Jacob Crowninshield 3 100

Dolphin schooner.. Jacob Endicott 1 70

Enterprize schooner John R. Morgan 4 100

Fair Trader schooner.. . John R. Morgan 1 35

Abner Poland
Fame... ..schooner..

John Upton 2 30

Webb

Frolic schooner Nathan Green 1 60

J. B. H. Ordione

Galliniper schooner. .

Timothy Wellman 1 30

Andrew Tucker

General Putnam schooner John Evans 2 60

General Stark schooner John Evans 3 50

r, j rr i u- i Holten J. Breed. . ..18 150

Grand Turk bng -<

Nathan Green

•brig j

676

Appendix D

Name Class Commander Guns Mtn
Growler schooner Samuel B. Graves . 105

Helm schooner J Nathaniel Lindsay 4 70

( John Upton

Halkar. .. .. boat. . , . j John Kehoe muskets 16

( Samuel Lamson

Jefferson sloop.. ( S. Giles Downie 1 20

| T. Wellman, Jr.

John. . . . .ship J James Fairfield- •;••••

( Benjamin Crowninshield

John & George schooner John Sinclair, Jr 1 50

Lizard schooner Samuel Loring 2 30

Montgomery brig. . . J Holten J. Breed 10 100

( Ben. Upton

Onion... ..boat... j John Upton muskets 20

( Jonathan Blythe

Owl boat William Duncan muskets 14

Phoenix schooner Stephenson Richards 1 25

Polly sloop Samuel C. Hardy 1 CO

Recovery schooner Joseph Peele 2 20

Regulator schooner James Mansfield 50

Revenge schooner John Sinclair, Jr 1 50

Scorpion sloop Stephenson Richards 1 20

Swift schooner Harney Choate ... 1 25

o -u ( Stephen Clarke. . . . 1 20

Swiftsure launch J

( Charles Berry.

Terrible boat John Green muskets 10

Viper schooner Joseph Preston 1 20

fKosp sloop Ernest A. Erwin. 2 35

RECAPITULATION

REVOLUTIONARY WAR WAR OF 1812

Ships 56 Ships 4

Brigs and Brigantines. 69 Brigs and Brigantines .... 2

Sloops 14 Sloops 4

Schooners 56 Schooners 21

Galley 1

196 Total number of guns 147

Total number of guns 1,965 Total number of men 2,081

Total number of men 7,631 Total number of vessels. ... 31

Total number of vessels. ... 196

677

APPENDIX E

The manuscript records of the Social Insurance Company of
Salem contain a large number of accounts of the confiscations
suffered by vessels out of this port at the hands of the kingdom
of Naples in 1809-10 at the instigation of Napoleon I. These
losses are described in detail in the protests filed by the
plundered shipmasters with the helpless American Consular
offices at Mediterranean ports. The following is one of many
similar protests, as copied in the books of the Social Insurance
Company:

(Translation)

" On the fifth day of the month of April, one thousand eight
hundred and ten, at Naples. In the Chancery of the Consul
General's office of the American Nation in this City and King-
dom before me Carlo Scala qv Liboris, Chancellor for the
Consulate of the Nation aforesaid, personally appeared Mr.
John Derby, son of the late John, an American citizen, born in
Salem in the State of Massachusetts, in the thirteen States of
America, and now arrived in this City Captain of the American
schooner Mary, of Salem, belonging to Messrs. John Fairfield
& Company . . . upon interpretation faithfully made,
declared :

"That on the fifteenth day of December of the past year
1809, he took possession of the said schooner Mary; from the
tenth to the twenty-eighth of said December the above named
John Fairfield & Company, being in good faith American
citizens, as also appears from the Bills of Lading which prove
the property, under the faith of the Proclamation made by His
Majesty, the King of the Two Sicilies, in the month of July,
1809, determined to load and did load the said schooner Mary
with a cargo for Naples, consisting of sugar, cotton, campeachy

Appendix E

wood, salt fish, pepper, gum, Peruvian bark and coffee, and
after having secured the hatches of said schooner and put a
tarpaulin over the same and also round the masts and pumps,
and the said schooner being strong, staunch, well manned with
seven seamen, provided with everything necessary, and fit for
any navigation, on the first day of the month of January of the
current year being ready with the said schooner, the said Captain
set sail from Salem with her and with the aforesaid cargo, with
favourable winds and with all the documents necessary for the
cargo and vessel according to law and also with a certificate of
origin from the Consul of France and having given security
as the laws required, bound for this port of Naples. During
the voyage nothing remarkable happened to him, nor did he
touch at any Country or Port, or speak with any Vessel, except
an American Vessel from Boston off the coast of Barbary. On
the sixteenth day of February of the current year, having
arrived in safety in the Gulph of Naples (Bay of Naples), off
the Island of Ischia and Capri; pursuing his route to Naples
on the northern part of Ischia, there was in the N.N.W. quarter
about 3 miles distant a Neapolitan privateer, which fired upon
him, made sail for him and boarded him and took possession of
the schooner as a prize, and carried her into Bia, where they
visited the Vessel and all the papers concerning the Vessel and
cargo were taken possession of.

" The next day, the seventeenth of said month, they weighed
anchor and made sail for Naples where he was put under quarin-
tine and sequestration. There remained on board a Prize-
Master and a seaman, after having examined him respecting
the above particulars. On the twenty-fourth day of said month
they put on board a soldier belonging to the Custom-House.
On the seventeenth day of the past month of May of the current
year, the Board of Health caused the cotton to be carried to the
Lazaretto. On the sixteenth of said month the Agent of the
Privateer that had taken her, demanded of him to unload the
cargo; to whom he refused to deliver it, nevertheless the Govern-
ment proceeded immediately and took it by force. On the
eighteenth day they put on board six persons. On the twentieth
of said month they finished discharging the cargo which all
came out in good order agreeable to the manifest and bills of

679

Appendix E

lading; notice of all of which was given to me, the said Chan-
cellor, to be registered in the acts of the said Chancery. On
the thirtieth day of said month he was admitted to free praticque
when the Vessel was vigourously examined by the Board of
Health, and the guards of the Custom House, and there was
plundered from her a quintal and a half of salt fish, which was
part of her stores. The Prize-Master and his seamen, together
with the soldier, left the schooner, and put on board another
soldier, who on the thirty-first day had not gone ashore.

"All which the said Captain makes oath to, on the Holy
Evangelist, and thereupon calls for witnesses to be examined
by me the said Chancellor: Isaac Haskell, Benjamin Knowlton,
Isaiah Osgood, Officers and Mariners of the said schooner, and
the said Captain protests that all which is above set forth is
true, and he declares that the said schooner was laden by
American citizens for Naples under the faith of the Decree of
his Majesty of the month of July last and was provided in
every respect conformable to the letter of the said Decree, of
which no part has been infringed or violated, for which cause
he had every reason to believe that he should be treated amica-
bly. Wherefore in the most solemn form he protests against
the Captain, Officers, and crew of the Privateer, as also against
the Government for the sequestration, and the cargo taken
thus forcibly from the said Schooner Mary, contrary to all
right and in a special manner contrary to the said Decree,
copies of which are in circulation dated the twelfth of May,
1810, signed Joachim Napoleon, in which the Schooner Mary
and her cargo are comprehended as among the Vessels and
cargoes confiscated. And he protests against all persons con-
cerned, and against every other proceeding of the said Privateer
and Government aforesaid against the said Schooner Mary,
and also for all the Papers and documents withheld from him,
he being left deprived of the whole, and also for all damages
and interest and every other thing proved and to be proved
on account of the unjust seizure and discharge of the cargo, and
of his not having been able to discharge the same pursuant to
the Bills of Lading, he not intending to be held accountable for
any thing, as the Government discharged it without his consent,
and the whole is to be placed to the responsibility of those to

680

Appendix E

whom of right it belongs, the same not having happened by
the fault or neglect of himself, nor by the fault or neglect of
the crew of the said Schooner (every man having in this respect
done everything which he ought and like good seamen), but
by reason of the confiscation aforesaid. And so the caid Cap-
tain declares, requests and again protests, not only in the
present, but every other and better manner, reserving to himself
full power to add and protest anything and at any time and
place he may think useful and advantageous, or to which he
may be advised by the Consul.

" (Signed) JOHN DERBY."

On May 8th Captain Derby filed an additional protest,
"against the insult done him on the third day of the current
month when, being with his crew on board of said Schooner,
the Master of the Port (harbour Master) came on board of
said Schooner Mary with seven persons by order of the Minister
of War and the Marine Department, and after having driven
him on shore with all his crew, left them destitute and abandoned
in a foreign country, without any means of support, and unbent
his cable."

CONFISCATION OF THE "VICTORY"

"On this seventeenth day of August, A. D., one thousand
eight hundred and ten before me, John Saunders, Notary
Public, duly admitted and sworn and dwelling in Salem afore-
said, personally came Earnest A. Erwin, late second Mate of
the Brigt. called the Victory of Salem, Joseph Felt, 3rd, Master,
and on oath declared : — that on or about the fourteenth day of
October last, said Brigt. sailed from Salem aforesaid bound to
Naples, laden with sundry merchandise; that on or about the
ninth day of December following, when in the Bay of Naples,
were captured by a French Privateer and carried into the Port
of Bia, near Naples, where they were detained ten days, from
thence on the nineteenth of the same month, they were carried
to Naples and the Brigantine put in Quarintine for forty days,
during which time the whole of the cargo of said Brigt was

681

Appendix E

forcibly taken out and landed — that about the last of Feb. or
first of March following, a Decree was issued by the Govern-
ment of Naples confiscating the said Brigantine and her cargo,
of all which proceedings a regular protest was made by Capt.
Felt and signed by him, the Chief Mate, himself, and several
of the crew of said Brigantine and which Protest was on board
the Ship Margaret of this Port at the time she was wrecked
and was lost. Wherefore the said Earnest A. Erwin did declare
to Protest, and I the said Notary, at his request, do solemnly
Protest, against the officers and crew of the said Privateer, the
Prize Master of said ship, his agents or servants, as well as
against the authors of said decree and all persons who were in
any manner aiding, abetting and assisting in enforcing or
executing thereof, for all Losses, Damages, expenses and
charges, which have arisen, or may hereafter arise by reason
of the said Capture and Confiscation of said Brigantine and
her cargo and the taking away the same as aforesaid.

" (Signed) EARNEST A. ERWIN.

"And further the appearer on oath declares that nothing
material occurred to said Brigantine on her Passage to Naples,
that they did not stop at any Port until they were captured.

" (Signed) EARNEST A. ERWIN."

A "PROTEST" AGAINST BRITISH SEIZURE

(Extract from the Register of the Consulate of the United States
of America in Malta.)

"By this public Instrument of Protest be it known that on
this twelfth day of February 1810, Personally appeared before
me, Joseph Pubis, Esq., Consul of the United States of America
at Malta, Nathaniel Haskell, Jun'r, Michael Larcom, Mate,
and Thomas Eliot, seaman, of and belonging to the American
Brig Latona, who being duly sworn depose and say that they
sailed from Beverly in the State of Massachusetts in the U. S.
of America on the fifteenth day of December, 1809, and had a
fine passage as far as the Island of Maforea of thirty-two days,
and then met with some heavy gales from the Eastward — that

682

Appendix E

in nine days after that period hove in sight of the Island of
Sardinia, the gale from the Eastward still continuing, where
they fell in with his Brittanick Majesty's Brig of War Weasel,
Samuel Prescott, Esq., Commander, who having boarded, took
possession of the said American Brig Latona with all her papers,
taking from her six of her crew and replacing them with nine
men belonging to said Brig of War and brought her into Malta.
In consequence whereof the said Nathaniel Haskell, Jun'r,
master of said Brig Latona, hath entered this, his solemn Protest
against his Brittanick Majesty's Brig of War Weasel, Samuel
Prescott, Esq., Commander, and against all damages, hin-
drances, demurrages, or losses of any sort or kind whatever
that have occurred, or may occur in consequence of such deten-
tion, or that in any way are derivative therefrom."

683

INDEX

Active, bark, Captain Richardson, di-
verting tale of a green seaman, 246 ;
first American trader in the Fijis,
536.

Adams, President John, address to
Congress urging protection of mari-
time commerce, 289.

Adventure, brig, founders at sea, mar-
velous escape of her captain, 33.

Adventures, list of, sent in Salem
ships to the Orient, 216-17.

Atheneum, Salem, founded with li-
brary captured by privateer, 408.

America, privateer in War of 1812;
her trading voyages to the Red Sea,
485; fighting equipment and com-
plement, 487; first cruise in com-
mand of Captain Joseph Ropes,
487; second cruise under Captain
James Kehew, 488; log of cruises
in command of Captain James
Chever, 489-92; fight with packet
Princess Elizabeth, 494.

Appleton, Nathaniel, journal of voy-
age in the Concord (1799), 324-6.

Archer, Captain Henry, wreck of his
ship Glide in Fijis, 538.

Ashton, Philip, journal of captivity
among pirates, 46-59.

Astrea, first American ship to visit
Manila, 410.

Atlantic, first ship to show American
colors to East India Company, 649.

Bancroft, Hubert Howe, version of
Captain Richard Cleveland's sea
fight with Spanish at San Diego, 479.

Barbary Pirates, attacks on Salem
commerce and seamen held in
bondage (1661), 22; remarkable es-
cape of Salem seamen from, 318;
appeal posted in Salem for funds to
ransom captives from, 319.

Barney, Lieutenant Joshua, escape
from Mill Prison, 135-7.

Barr, James, commanding privateer
Rover, 67.

Battis, John, narrative of the piracy of
the brig Mexican, 582-91.

Beal, Captain John, capture of his ship
Essex by French privateers (1690),
21.

Bentley, Rev. William, diary of; ac-
count of Madame Susannah Ha-
thorne's recollections of witchcraft
persecutions, 26; loss of ship Bru-
tus, 249-51; enumeration of sea-
faring parishioners, 314; prayers
for those at sea, 311; maritime
items of singular interest, 312-14;
rides to Marblehead on a gun-
carriage to help save the Constitu-
tion, 505.

Betsey, schooner, taken by French
frigate (1759), 31.

Boardman, Francis, his quaint sea
journals, 35; his poetry, 37; his
superstitions, 38.

Bertram, John, the last great shipping
merchant of Salem, 642; his ven-
tures to South America and Zanzi-
bar, 644-5.

John Bertram, ship, built and
launched in sixty days for Califor-
nia trade, 646.

Bowditch, Nathaniel, his precocious
youth as a prodigy of learning, 407;
obligations to the captured library
of Dr. Richard Kirwan, 408-9; sea
life and voyages including journal
of stay in* Manila, 410-15; his
"Practical Navigator" and expert
opinions regarding its great value
405; honors paid him after death,
404; his bequest to Salem Marine
Society, 416.

687

Index

Bowditch, William, held in bondage
by Barbary pirates (1700), 22.

Breed, Holten J., captain of privateer
Grand Turk, 500.

Briggs, Enos, master builder of the
Essex frigate, 292.

Briggs, Jeremiah, journal of voyage to
Cochin China, 429-30.

Brutus, ship, harrowing details of
shipwreck of, 249-51.

Burlingame, Anson, U. S. Minister to
China, his account of the death of
Frederick Townsend Ward, 623-5.

Butman, Captain John G., com-
mander of brig Mexican, 581.

Carey, William, his life as a castaway
in the Fijis, 547.

Games, Captain Jonathan, fetches
home first cargoes of wild pepper
from Sumatra (1795), 213; his des-
perate conflict with a French priva-
teer, 323.

Caroline, cutter, hazardous voyage of
Captain Richard Cleveland in,
462-65.

Carpenter, Captain Benjamin, log of
voyage to the Orient, 420-28.

Chever, Captain James, his brilliant
career as a privateersman, 488-96.

Chever, George N., journal of a voy-
age to the South Seas, Manila, and
St. Helena, 562-80.

Chronometer, invention and perfec-
tion of, 399^iOO.

Cleveland, George, journal of voyage
to Japan, (1800), 337-343.

Cleveland, Captain Richard, his recol-
lections of methods and enterprises
of typical Salem merchants, 202;
journal and description of his voy-
ages, 459-82; obituary notice of,
482; captured in ship Telemanco,
by a British frigate, 497.

Cleveland, Captain Stephen, letter of
instruction from American Govern-
ment during Revolution, 666-8.

Cleveland, William, journal of his
voyage to Japan, 352; account of
the death of an able seaman, 244.

Cleopatra's Barge, first American
yacht, voyage of, 235-41.

Cochin China, journal of voyages to,
429-30.

Commerce, decline of foreign, 17;
British restrictions on American,
29; instructions for trading in East
Indies, 425^290.

Commerce, ship, wrecked on coast of
Arabia, 253.

Conant, Roger, his settlement of
Salem, 18.

Concord, ship, an early voyage around
the world (1799), 324.

Crowell, Samuel, commission as a
Revolutionary privateersman,
664-5.

Crowninshield, six brothers at sea,
232; Benjamin W., Secretary of
Navy, 233; George, builds first
American yacht, 234; his notable
voyage to the Mediterranean, 235-
241 ; brings body of Captain James
Lawrence from Halifax in brig
Henry, 506; Benjamin, Jr., voyage
to Mocha in America, 485; Jacob,
U. S. Congressman, imports first
elephant to America, 233.

Custom House, Nathaniel Haw-
thorne's description of, 17, 647-48;
receipts during flood-tide of foreign
commerce, 160; decline of shipping
business, 639.

Dana, Richard Henry, mentions ex-

Eloits of Captain Richard Cleve-
ind on coast of Lower California,
478.

Derby, Elias Hasket, foremost in
equipping Salem privateers of Revo-
lution, 98; sends Grand Turk on
first American voyage to Cape of
Good Hope, 201; recaptures
schooner Amity and restores ner to
her skipper, 205; education as a
merchant and successful voyages,
209-10; sends Astrea on first Amer-
ican voyage to Manila (1796), 214;
contributes $10,000 to building
Essex frigate, 291.

Derby, Elias Hasket, Jr., narrative of
the brilliant voyage of the Mount
Vernon (1799), 218-20.

Derby, Captain John, carries first
news of Lexington and Concord to
England in Quero, 185-195; one of
owners of ship Columbia which ex-
plored Northwest coast and dis-

688

Index

covered Columbia River, 196; pro-
test against seizure of ship at Naples
678-80.

Derby, Captain Richard, voyage to
the West Indies in the Volatile
(1741); copy of instructions from
owners, 30.

Derby, Captain Samuel, voyage to
Japan in Margaret (1800), 337.

Derby Wharf, its privateering activity
during Revolution, 66 ; its vanished
greatness, 17.

Desire, West Indiaman, first ship
trading from Salem (1640), 20.

De Soto, pirate, gallant rescue of crew
of Minerva, 597.

Devereux, Captain James, voyage
to Japan in Franklin (1799), 332-6.

Dike Anthony, master mariner, frozen
to death with crew after shipwreck
on Cape Cod, 32.

Doygett, Charles, brig, carries descend-
ants of Bounty mutineers from Ta-
hiti to Pitcairn Island, 537.

Driver, Captain Michael, his misfor-
tunes at the hands of privateers and
freebooters, 31.

Driver, Captain William (see Charles
Doggett, brig), 537.

Dutch intercourse with Japan in 1799,
331; restrictions of trade with
Japan, 355.

Eagleston, Captain John H., career in
South Seas, 537; rescues crew of
Glide in Fijis, 559; voyage to Japan
in Edward Koppwch, 561 ; to South
Seas, Manila, and St. Helena, in
Emerald, 562-80.

East India Marine Society, history
and purpose, 10; resolutions adopt-
ed at death of Nathaniel Bowditch,
404; report of committee to exam-
ine "Practical Navigator," 406.

Embargo, disastrous effects of, 637-8.

Emerald, journal of a voyage in,
562-80.

Endicott, Captain Chas. M., capture
of his vessel, the Friendship, by
Malay pirates, 568.

Endicott, John, first governor of
colony, 18.

Endeavor, first American ship to pass
through Straits of Magellan, 649.

English, Philip, first great shipping
merchant of Salem; copy of bill of
lading, 24; his mansion, 25; trial
of his wife for witchcraft, 25-28;
letter of instructions to one of his
ship-masters, (1722), 28.

Essex, ship, loses boatswain in sea
fight (1695), 21.

Essex, frigate, popular subscription
raised to build, 291: details of her
building, 293; dimensions, 295;
first American war vessel to pass
Cape of Good Hope, 299; fight
with the Phoebe and the Cherub,
301-306; broadside ballad des-
cribing her gallant end, 307.

Exchange, ketch, taken by French
ship off Block Island (1695), 21.

Fame, ship, journal of voyage to
Cochin China, 429-30.

Fairfield, William, letter written on
board a Salem slaver, 316.

Fellowship, ketch, taken by French
privateers (1690), 21.

Felt, Captain John, defies British at
North Bridge, 184.

First Church of Salem, its records of
the town's troubles with pirates
(1677), 22.

Foote, Caleb, letters to his wife from
English prison during Revolution,
120.

Forbes, Robert Bennett, his remin-
iscences of life at sea, 231, 442.

Fox, Ebenezer, an account of recruit-
ing for State cruiser in Revolution,
70.

Franklin, ship, voyage to Japan
(1799), 332-6;

Friendship, tragedy of the, 508.

Fuller, Captain Thomas, seaman in
brig Mexican, 581; captured by
pirates, 584-91; incident of trial of
pirates, 596.

Gardner, Samuel, diary of voyage to
Gibraltar (1759), 33-5.

Gazette, Salem, denounciation of Bos-
ton Massacre, 176; account of
Lexington and Concord fights, 192 ;
description of launching of frigate
Essex, 293; trial of pirates of Pin-
da, 594.

689

Index

Gage, General Thomas, transfers seat
of Colonial government from Bos-
ton to Salem, 177-79.

George, ship, remarkably successful
career of, 226-7.

Gillis, Captain James D., his services
to navigation, 508.

Glide, wreck of, 538-60.

Gordon, "Chinese," 617.

Grand Turk, ship, first American ves-
sel at Cape of Good Hope, 201-205.

Grand Turk, privateer of 1812, log of
cruises under Captain Nathan
Green, 500.

Gray, William, lieutenant of privateer
Jack (1782), 76; owns great fleet of
ships in foreign trade, 230; contri-
butes $10,000 to building Essex
frigate, 291.

Green, Captain Nathan, masterful
escape from British squadron, 502.

Guam, description of (1801), 385-91.

Haraden, Jonathan, privateersman,
first commission as lieutenant of
Tyrannicide, 80; commands the
Pickering in spectacular battle with
the Achilles, 82-86; captures three
British armed vessels in one en-
gagement, 87; stories of his gal-
lantry and brilliant seamanship,
89-91; his fight with the king's
packet, 92; makes rigging for Essex
frigate in his rope-walk, 293.

Haswell, William, journal of a voyage
to Guam, 380.

Hawthorne, Nathaniel, in the Salem
Custom House, 6; his father's log,
7 ; descriptions of Salem as a decay-
ing port, 647-8.

Heaving down a ship, description of,
539.

Henry of Portugal, Prince, encourages
improvement in science of naviga-
tion, 396.

Hercules, ship, journal of voyage to
the Orient, 427.

Howe, Captain Ephriam, lives eight
months alone on a desolate island,
32.

Ingersoll, Captain Jonathan, makes
first American voyage to Cape of
Good Hope, 204.

Insurance, marine, premium rates of
eighteenth century, 30.

Jones, John Paul, proclamation call-
ing for seamen for Ranger, 74;
ballad celebrating escape of Ranger
from British squadron, 73.

Kehew, Captain John, commanding

privateer America, 488.
Kirwan, Dr. Richard, capture of his

library by Beverly privateer, 408.

Lambert, Jonathan, his reign as soli-
tary lord of island of Tristan
d'Acunha, 326.

Lawrence, Captain James, com-
mander of Chespeake, his funeral in
Salem, 506.

Laurens, Henry, United States Min-
ister to Holland, his capture and
imprisonment, 130.

Leach, Captain John, master of ship
Commerce, wrecked on coast of
Arabia (1792), 253.

Lee, Francis II., his account of an
interview with Admiral Bogle con-
cerning the death of Frederick
Townsend Ward.

Li Hung Chang, his faith in Frederick
Townsend Ward, 607; his official
tribute to memory of Ward, 620.

Leslie, Colonel, his retreat from
North Bridge, Salem, 180.

Little, Captain Luther, adventures as
a merchant sailor, 100-07; on
board the Protector in her fight with
the Admiral Duff, 168.

McHenry, James, Secretary of War,
letter urging naval measures to pro-
tect American commerce, 290.

Magellan, journal of his discovery of
the Marianne Islands (Guam),
379.

Manila, first American voyage to,
journal of Nathaniel Bowditch,
410; journal of Geo. N. Chever,
570-6.

Manley, Captain John, dashing career
as naval officer and capture by
British frigate, 123; challenges fel-
low prisoner to duel, 132.

690

Index

Margaret, ship, Captain James Magee,

voyage to Northwest coast (1792),

199; voyage to Japan, 337; wreck

of, 345.
Marine Museum, unique relics and

collections in, 140.
Marquis de Somereulas, ship, rescues

remnant of company of English

transport, 245.
Martineau, Harriet, describes Salem

of seventy-five years ago, 130.
Mason, Colonel David, takes leading

part in opposing British at North

Bridge, 182.
Mather, Rev. Cotton, narrative of a

specter ship, 654-8.
Minerva, ship, gallant rescue of her

crew by pirate de Soto, 597.
Montgomery, privateer, fight with

English packet, 504.
Morse, Prof., Edward S., director of

Peabody Museum, 16.

Napoleon, description of tomb at St.

Helena, 678-80.
Navigation, early instruments and

methods of, 396-403.
New Priscilla, brig, crew butchered

by pirates, 591.
North Bridge, Salem, scene of first

armed clash of Revolution, 180.

Orne, Captain Joseph, slain with his
crew by Arabs, 244.

Osgood, John, lieutenant of priva-
teer Fame, quells mutiny, 96; cap-
tured by British frigate, 97.

Parliament, debate concerning ill
treatment of American Revolution-
ary prisoners, 139.

Peabody Academy of Science, rare
collections of, 14.

Peabody, Joseph, career as shipping
merchant, 225; repulse of British
boarding party on Ranger, 227-9;
owner of brig Mexican, 581.

Perkins & Co., letter to agents in
Canton, showing immense rewards
of commercial daring, 230.

Perkins, Thomas, supercargo, letter
of instructions, 210-212.

Pickering, Timothy, takes part in
affair with British at North Bridge,
180.

Pilgrim, ship, fight with Spanish
frigate, 98.

Pirates, expedition against (1689), 41;
ketch Margaret destroyed by, 42;
brigantine Charles captured by
Quelch, 43; execution of Quelch
and others, 44; notorial records
describe encounter of ship Hopewell
with, 43; protest of Captain John
Shatuck relating capture by, 45;
adventures of Philip Ashton while
in the hands of Ned Low, 46-59;
fiendish cruelty of, 591; capture of
brig Mexican, 584; trial and execu-
tion of eleven pirates, 594-99.

Pomare, Queen of Tahiti, 568.

Porter, Captain David, takes com-
mand of Essex frigate, 300; fights
the Phoebe and the Cherub, 301-7.

Ports, foreign, in which Salem ships
traded, (1810-1830), 15.

Portugese, banishment of, from Japan,
370.

Potomac, frigate, bombardment of
Malay settlement of Quallah Bat-
too, 532.

Preble, Captain Edward, first com-
mander of Essex frigate, 296.

Privateers, number of Salem vessels in
Revolution, 60; copy of bill of sale
of prize shares, 66; recruiting with
fife and drum, 69; tavern bill for
rendezvous of crew, 70; in War of
1812, 483-507; small craft em-
ployed, 499; articles of agreement,
67; list of Salem privateers in
Revolution, 670; in War of 1812,
676.

Quero, schooner, carries first news to
England of Lexington and Concord
fights, 185-187.

Quill, brig, Captain Kinsman, in
South Seas, 548.

Rantoul, Robert S., narrative and
documents concerning General
Frederick Townsend Ward, 601 ;
eulogy of Salem commerce, 647.

Richardson, Captain William, voyage
to the Fijis, 536.

691

Index

Rousillon, Count de, voyages and ad-
ventures with Captain Richard
Cleveland, 473.

Ropes, Captain David, death in priva-
teering action, 74; Captain George,
recaptures his vessel from French
privateer, 323; Captain Joseph,
commander of privateer America in
War of 1812, 487.

Rowan, Captain, plunder of his ship
by Governor of Valparaiso, 474.

Row, Custom House boatman, tarred
and feathered by Salem mob (1768),
39.

Rubicon, ship, captain's sentimental
cipher in log, 241-3.

Russell, William, capture in ship
Jason, 123; account of life in Old
Mill Prison, 125-73; his return
home, 168; reinlistment and captiv-
ity in the Jersey prison ship, 169;
untimely death, 172.

Sailor's Vade Mecum, instructions for
preparing merchant ships for action,
62.

Salem Marine Society, its foundation
and records, 11-12.

Salem Packet, captures French ship,
21.

Spectre Ship of Salem. Poem by
Whittier, 659; narrative account
of, 653.

Saunders, Daniel, sufferings of, in
Arabian desert, 252.

Scorpion, privateer schooner, quaint
log of, 78.

Silver, Captain Peter, rescues skip-
per's wife from bark Kilmars, 640.

Silsbee, Nathaniel, beginning of his
sea life at fourteen, 441; a captain
at eighteen, 443; commands ship
Benjamin on voyage to the Orient
at nineteen, 444; encounters a pri-
vateer, 448; impressment of one of
his seamen by British frigate, 449;
his ship Portland confiscated by the
French at Malaga, and released be-
cause of his remarkable sagacity
and courage, 451; commands a
merchant fleet in attack by French
privateer, 456; United States Sena-
tor from Massachusetts, 458.

Slave trade, letter of boy on board
Salem slaver to his mother, 315.

Smith, Resolved, his dreadful experi-
ence as British prisoner, 99.

Snell, Captain Nicholas, his meeting
with pirate de Soto, 599.

Social Insurance Society, protests filed
in its record against seizures of ships
in French ports, 678.

Story, Justice Joseph, trial of pirates
of Pinda, 595.

Success, letter of marque, singular
entry in log of, 78.

Tahiti, journal of voyage to, 564.

Talbot, Captain Silas, his career as a
soldier and sailor of the Revolu-
tion, 141.

Thomas, William, impressment and
cruel treatment on a British man-
of-war, 322.

Thoreau, Henry D. describes the busi-
ness of a successful Salem shipping
merchant, 215.

Tory, letter from a, describing condi-
tions in Salem during Revolution,
95.

Turner, Captain John, captures Brit-
ish ship after hard fight, 98.

Ulysses, ship, one of three Salem
vessels wrecked in same storm on
Cape Cod, 248.

Upton, Captain Benjamin, his des-
perate fight in privateer Mont-
gomery, 504.

Vandeford, Captain Benjamin, in the
South Seas as pilot for Commodore
Wilkes, 356; at the Fijis in ship
Clay, 548.

Victory, confiscation of, by French
privateer, 681.

Waldo, Charles Francis, journal of
voyage in ship Indus, 327.

Ward, Frederick Townsend, his fore-
bears, 602; life as a mariner, 604;
with Walker, the filibuster, 605;
leader of the Chinese "Ever Vic-
torious Army," 606; death in bat-
tle, 615; tributes of foreign officers
to his valor, 616; Imperial decree

692

Index

defying his memory, 621-22; ded- of, 207; Captain Edward, 208;

ication of Chinese temple in his Captain Nathaniel, 208-9.

honor, 025; Admiral Bogle's ac- Whepley, David, his life among the

count of his death, 633. Fiji Islanders, 541.

Warehouses, cargoes that filled them White, Captain John, journal of

a century ago, 16. voyage to Cochin China, 430.

Waters, John, bill of sale of privateer- Wilkes, Commodore, in the South

ing shares, 67. Seas, 536.
Weld, Dr. Charles G., gift of building

to Peabody Academy, 15. Young, John, one of first white men

West, Captain Ebenezer, biography to dwell in Sandwich Islands, 479.

693

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES

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