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SHIVAJI THE GREAT

BY
BAL KRISHNA, M. A., PH. D.

Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, the Royal

Statistical Society, the Royal Economic Society, London;

Professor of Economics and Principal, Rajaram College,

Kolhapur, India

Vol.1

BOMBAY:

D. B. TARAPOREVALA Sons & Co.
" Kitab Mahal," Hornby Road

COPYRIGHT 1932
Reserved by the Author

Published by
Jal H. D. Taraporcvala

to-
D B Taraporevala Sons & Co.

Printed by K. R. Mohitc

AT THE ARYA BMANU PRESS, WILSON ROAD. KOI.HAPUR CITY.

To

His HIGHNESS

LT. COL. SIR RAJARAM, G. c. 1. E., G. c. s. i.,

CHHATRAPATI MAHARAJASAIIKB OF KOLHAPUK,

the only ruling representative of

the noble house of
SHIVAJI THE GREAT

FOR
HIS KIND PATRONAGE.

OTHER WORKS BY THE AUTHOR

(In English)

1. Commercial Relations between India and

England (Routledge, London) 14 /

2. Hindu Philosophers on Evolution Rs. 10

3. The Industrial Decline in India 3

4. Demands of Democracy 2

5. Commercial Survey of Kolhapur 1

6. From the Counter to the Crown (In prep.)

7. Hindu Economics (In preparation)

8. Vedic Psalms ( In the Press ) 2

9. Distribution of Real Property in Kolhapur City 1

(In Hindi)

10. The Principles of Economics. Vol. I 2-0-0

11. History of India. 2 Vols. 2-8-0

12. Ancient Polity 0-8-0

13. Modern Constitutions 1-4-0

14. Veda-the Word of God 1-8-0

15. Philosophy of Yajna 0-4-0

16. Sukraniti with notes and explanations 2-0-0

(In the Press)

( In Marathi )

17. History of India 3 parts (Oxford Univ.

Press. Bombay.) 2-8-0

Arya Book Depot, D. B. Tarapomala Sons & Co.,

BOMBAY.

FOREWORD

A vast literature has grown up in Marathi on the romantic
career of Shivaji. He is hailed by his admirers as the maker of
Maharashtra, the founder of the Maratha Empire, the liberator
of the Hindus, the destroyer of Muslim sovereignty in India, the
prophet of patriotism, the apostle of Hindu culture. His military
achievements have undoubtedly placed him in the galaxy of the
world-famous conquerors like Alexander, Caesar, Hannibal, and
Napoleon. The Great Shivaji underwent an apotheosis even in
his life time, and was looked upon as God Shiva who had
incarnated Himself for saving His devotees from the inhuman
oppressions of their alien rulers. It is indisputable that in him
the national spirit of Hindu India took a visible form. He
is one of the immortals of the world and has so thoroughly
captivated the imagination of Indians with his burning
patriotism that he has become the pole-star of Indian Swarajya.
It was natural that myths and legends should have fast
multiplied on the life of this superman, so that it has now
become difficult to distinguish facts from fables. In truth, there
is scarcely an event in his brilliant career, the veracity of whose
details recorded in the Marathi chronicles cannot be challenged.
Hence I considered it necessary to turn the torch-light of
foreign contemporary writings and records on the vernacular
literature to pick up the grains of truth lying scattered here
and there.

The archives [in London, at Bataviaand the Hague, in
Bombay, Goa, Pondichery, Madras, Tanjore, Satara and Poona
have been ransacked to secure every scrap of information on
the life of the hero.

The material of this book has been in process of collection
and preparation by the author for more than seven years.
During this period many difficulties were encountered in
securing documents, paintings, pictures, and plans, in getting
authentic translation of the Dutch, Portuguese and Persian
extracts, and in the printing of the three volumes from an
out- of- the way place like Kolhapur. Thus the book is the
outcome of an intensive study of the historical literature on the
life of Shivaji and of the personal knowledge of many parts of
the country which was the scene of his manifold activities.
Since nothing is rtiqre eloquent than f&cts, I have given foreign

$ FOREWORD

documents in extenso even at the risk of overburdening the book
with details, so that the reader may have the account of the events
in the very words of the contemporary writers themselves. I am
conscious of the difficulty which some readers will experience
in going through 17th century English, but care has been taken
to break the monotony of long letters by marginal headlines
and to make the topics dealt therein easy to understand.

My aim has been to construct the history of Shivaji and
his forefathers with original materials obtained through earnest
and scrupulous research, cautiously sifted and impartially used.
For the realization of this object, I have discarded anecdotic
and fragmentary history, and mainly relied on the genuine and
well -authenticated facts met with in the Indian and European
records. Being fully equipped with stern facts, the reader will
be able to judge for himself the validity of my conclusions and
will correct the assertions of various historians, if these should
seem unduly categorical.

I wish to express my deep sense of obligation to Their
Highnesses, the Maharajas of Baroda, Indore, Kolhapur, and
the Rajasaheb of Mudhol for their kind patronage. It gives
me much pleasure to acknowledge with gratitude the valuable
assistance received from the Superintendent of Records, India
Office, London ; Directors of the Archives at Batavia and the
Hague; the Superintendent of the Record Office, Bombay; the
Secretaries of the Shrishiva Charitra Office and Bharat Itihas
Sanshodhak Mandal, Poona; and the Rajasaheb of Mudhol who
gave me access to all the published and unpublished material
and permission to reproduce the same. My cordial thanks
are also due to Prof. E. C. Godce Molesbergen, Archivist at
Batavia, Mr. C. C. Rammerswaal of the Hague, and Prof. Brij
Narain of Lahore for their translation of the Dutch documents,
to Mr. P. Pissurlencar of Goa, Prof. A. X. Scares of Baroda and
Rev.S. Cotta of the Catholic Mission at Miraj for the translation
of the Portuguese extracts, to Rev. H. Heras, S. J. of Bombay,
for lending me the English translation of the Dagh-Register,
and to several friends who have assisted me in the publication
of these volumes.

Kolhapur,
5-5-32. BALKRISHNA.

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4 BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Fall of the Mogul Empire.
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Frencb

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Translation in the ' Nayaks of Madura/
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Dagh-Register. Vols. up to 1680.

Translation in Mss. kindly lent by Rev. H. Heras.

Some extracts were translated by my friends, Prof.

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S. M.

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ABBREVIATIONS

A. Dow. History of Hindustan Dow.
Basatin-i-Salatin B. 8.
English Factories E. F.
J. Grant Duff-History of the Marathas-Zto/,
Jonathan Scott. Ferishta's History of the Deccan-
Scot?* Deccan.

Hague Transcripts Series I at the India Office- - /, 0. D.
Records or Dutch Records,

Kinkaid ahd Parasnis. History of the Maratha People.

Vol. L- Kinkaid.

Letter Books or Despatches from the Court of Directors

to the Factories in the East L. B.
Manucci. Storia Do Mogor-*Manucci.
Original Correspondence- 0. C, ( India Office ) C. 0.

( Public Records Office. )
Patra Sar Sangrah-P. S. S.
Papers Unavailable at Bombay- -B. P. Cfnav.
R, Orme. Historical Fragments Orme.
Shiva Bharat St. Bh.

Shivaji the Great Vol. I. Part II. Shivaji Vol. I.
Shivcharitra Nibandhavali, Sh. Ch. If.
Shivacharitra Pradipa $~ Ck. Pr,
Sir J. Sarkar. Shivaji & His Times Sarkar.
Surat Factory Outward Letter Book 0* L. Book.

Vol. 1

Part ]

SHAHJI

CONTENTS

Foreword

Bibliography ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 3

Contents ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 15

CHAPTER I
Introduction ................. , ........... . 17

Nature and extent of the records, The Dutch Records, The Records in
London, Value of the Records at Bombay. Use of the European Records,
General value of the European Records. Light on Afzal Khan's tragedy.
Issues of Shaista Khan's surprise, Was Shaista Khan's daughter captured by
Shivaji ? Shivaji's audience with Aurangzeb. Imperfections of the Persian
and European material.

CHAPTER II

The Ancestry of Shivaji ........................ 35

The incorrectness of available geneologies. The ancestry of Sajjan
Sinha. Rana Sajjansinha of the Solar Dynasty. Rana Dilipsinha, a
commander of the Bahmani Kingdom. Heroic deeds of Sidhoji. Bhairoji or
Bhimaji, Rana Devaraj and Ugrasen. Dominion of the Bhosles in 1454.
The Ghorpades of Mudhol. Guerilla Warfare. Mudhol rulers under Bijapur,
The Bhosles of Devagiri. Maloji. Tentative chronology of Shivaji's
ancestors,

CHAPTER III

Shahji-The Kingmaker ........................ 57

Shahji's personality and education. Marriage of Shahji, Vicissitudes of
war in the Deccan. Jadhavrao's desertion to the Moguls ( 1621-30). Capture
of Poona by Shahji, 1621, The seige of Bijapur by Amber, Bijapur described,
The battle of Bhatvadi in 1624. Shahji in Bijapur service (1625-28 ). The
recall of Mahabat Khan. Estimate of Malik Amber. Demise of Ibrahim Adil
Shah, Desertion and return of Shahji. Shahji in Khandesh. The Imperial
#rmy in the Deccan, 1630. Arms of the Mogul army. Mode of Mogul warfare.
Method of Maratha warfare. Jadhavarao's murder. Revolt of Shahji,
Revolution at Daulatabad. Shahji's monarchy. Shall Jahan's war with
Bijapur. The Mogul retreat from Bijapur and Parenda, The end of the
Nizam Sbahi Kingdom. Shahji, the king-maker. The capture of Junner by
Shahji. Siege of Parenda by the Moguls, Internal discord at Bijapur. The
brutal murder of Murari Pandit. Stfiah Jahan against Bijapur, Treaty
between Shah Jahan and Adil Shah. Capture of Udgir and Ausa. The
submission of Shahji. Shahji's work. Chronology.

16 CONTENTS

CHAPTER IV
Shahji in the Karnatic .., ., ,. ... 103

A review of Shahji's position. Acquisition of new jagirs. Vijayanagar
in the throes of dissolution. Aggressions of the Naik of Ikkeri, The Royal
city of Ikkeri described. Muslim alliance against Vijayanagar. Rebellion
of Timmaraj. The first expedition into Malnad (1637-1638). Second
expedition into the Karnatic (1638). Third expedition in 1639. The result
of the campaign. Vigorous policy of Shriranga. Mir Jumla's defeat at
Vellore. Treaty between Vijayanagar andBijapur. Victories of Shriranga.
Conquests o| Mir Jumla.. Campaign against Shivappa of Ikkeri in 1644,
Expedition under the Khan-i-Khanan in 1644-5. Mustafa Khan's campaign
in 1646-48. Campaign against Ginji in 1648. Cause of Shahji's
imprisonment. Release of Shahji. Secret support to Swarajya. Shahji and
Baji Ghorpade. The burning of Mudhol. Chronology.

CHAPTER V

Shah ji in the Karnatic ( cont. ) 13S

Power of Mir Jumla. Shahji's victory over Mir Jumla in 1651-52.
Shriranga in the field, Situation in theDeccan. The last ten years of Shahji.
Tegenapatam captured by Shahji ( 1661 ). Porto Novo taken by Shahji,
The capture of Tegenapatam and after. The war between Shahji and
Lingama Nayak. Bahlolkhan's raid in Tanjore. War between Tanjore and
Madura. Horrible consequences of the war. Second rebellion and ,
imprisonment of Shahji. Shivaji, an independent King, Interview of father
and son, Shahji at Bangalore. Shahji's work in the Karnatic, Policy of
consolidation. The Maratha revenue system in the Karnatic. A veiw of
1'fe. Shahji, the inspirer of Shavaji. Chronology.

APPENDIX I Imperfections of the Bakhars, 173

APPENDIX II Shivaji's Ancestry. 184

APPENDIX III The Bhosles are Rajputs 189

APPENDIX IV Mudhol Sanads 192

APPENDIX V The English Records on Khan Jahan, 196

APPENDIX VI Composition of Shah Jahan's army, 201

APPENDIX VII The Dutch Records 203

APPENDIX VIII Shivaji's letter to Shahji 205

INDEX ... ... 207

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

frontispiece Shivaji The Great

Facing P. 40 Grants to Ranas Dilipsinha and Bhairavji
99 P. 41 Grant to Rana Ugrasen
P. 48 Grant to Karan Sinha and Shubh Krishna
Grant to Rana Bhimsinha

P. 49 Grant to Raja Kheloji

P, 64 Pfen of Old Bijapur City

P. 65 View of Bijapur

P. 72 Shahji and Malik Amber

P, 73 Shivneri and birth-place of Shivaji

P. 104 Grant of partition

5f P. 105 Grant to Baji Ghorpade

P. 128 Grant to Yashwantrao Wadwe

P. 129 Grant to Baji Raje's son

P. 144 Vellore Fort

P. 145 Fort of Jinji

P. 158 Forts of Daulatabad and Burhanpur^

P. 159 Interview of Father and Son

P. 200 Bijapur Kings

P. 201 Shah Jahan on his Peacock Throne

P. 208 Translations of the last four grants.

ERRATA

For

Read

P. 15 & 35

Geneologies

Genealogies

P. 35 & sub-)
sequent [
pages. /

.Geneological

Genealogical

P. 36 n

Todd

Tod

P. 40

Whose English
translation

The Eng. translation
of which

P. 52

Extensive tank

An extensive tank

P. 56

1645-1661 BajiRaje

1645-1664 Baji Raje

1661-1703 Maloji

1664-1700 Maloji

P. 110

Virshapattan

Vrishapattan

P. 133

Salatin-i-Basatin

Basatin-i-Salatm

P. 162

Kempa Gauda

Kemp Gauda.

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

1. Nature and extent of the records

The nature and scope of the historical sources utilized
in these volumes demand a close study at the outset. All
the indigenous and foreign sources available at persent have
been pressed into service for writing the history of Shivaji.
Several biographies written on the basis of Marathi chronicles
have been discarded, because these are more or less full
of fiction, fable, traditional lore, racial bias, romance,
chronological inconsistencies, and historical inaccuracies.
Since the learned historian Rajwade mercilessly exposed
the serious defects l of Marathi Bakhars, there has been
aroused a keen spirit of quest for original documents.
The efforts of the last thirty years have been finally
crowned with success. The eminent scholar Sir J.
Sarkar has thoroughly examined, criticised and adjudged
the value of the sources for the history of Shivaji. Their
intensive study led him to make a very cautious and sparing
use of the Marathi material and to rely on the contemporary
Persian and English Records. He has surely overstated the
claim of both the sources by writing that 'the only contemporary
records of Shivaji's and even Sharnbhuji's times that now
survive are in English and Persian and not at all in Marathi'.
The contemporary records are also in Dutch, French and
Portuguese, It is to the credit of Sir Jadunath to have
first utilized some material available in the last two ,European
languages?, Though on account of the sack $nd destruction
of the State archives during the long period of the Maratha
war of liberation (1682-1707), no State papers, letters, memoirs
or histories have survived, there* art diaries, letters. Firmans,

* ' - A ' - ' "'V ' '

1. See-appendices for a searching criticism of the Bakhars.
$,!

18 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

grant-deeds, legal documents and similar papers in Marathi
and Persian which are very helpful in the construction of the
history of the times of Shivaji. The learned and indefatigable
historians like Rajwade, Parasnis and Khare made the collection
of the Marathi material their life work. The B. I. S. Mandal
of Poona has laudably supplemented their efforts, so that
during the last thirty years many scholars and societies have
immensely enriched this source. Though this perplexing mass
of spurious and genuine literature requires a most careful and
impartial analysis and critical examination, its value cannot
now be underrated.

2. The Dutch Records

The Dutch material alone has not been tapped by Sir
Jadunath Sarkar. The Dutch Factory Records in the India
Office, both in English and Dutch, contain little material on
Shivaji. The Dagh-Register is a mine of information,
but being in the Dutch language, it remained a sealed book
to us for a long time. The relevant portions have now been
translated and are of great value in giving information, among
other things, on the career of Shahji in the Karnatic and in
constructing the history of the struggles between Bijapur and
Shivaji on the western coast of India. The English and
Persian material is not at all sufficient on the two preceding
topics. Moreover, but for letters preserved in the Dagh-Register
up to 1664, the history of the conquest of Kudal by Shivaji
would have remained incomplete. After 1*665 references to
Shivaji in the Dagh-Register become too meagre, as the
Indian letters were from that time copied into a different
register, known as " Incoming Letters." Some of these
letters concerning the activities of Shivaji are fortunately
preserved at Batavia and the Hague, All the relevant
documents available at Batavia have been secured by me.
Then the Hague Records Wfcre examined for several months,
and a list of all the documents dealing with Shivaji up to the
end of 1669 was snade. All these extracts have been translated

- INTRODUCTION 19

into English and included in these volumes. The search for
further documents covering the period of 1670 1680 will
require at least six months more. Hence these could not be
included in this edition.

3. The Records in London

The English Records are the most extensive, most
reliable and the best preserved of ,all the European records
available to us on Shivaji. These . consist of consultations
and diaries of the Councils, copies of the letters sent and
received from Surat, Bombay, Rajapur, Karwar, Fort St.
George, etc. There are many volumes of Letter Books
containing the despatches of the East India Company to
their settlements and agents in the East Indies. The
numerous volumes of original correspondence ( O. C.) in the
India Office and C. O. at the Public Records Office in London
have preserved copies of many important letters received by the
Company from all its settlements. Then the Miscellaneous
Records contain abstracts of letters from Surat, Bombay,
Persia, Gombroon, 1 etc.

4. Value of the Records at Bombay

Still the Bombay Record Office contains some material
on the period of 1630 to 1680. There are three manuscript
series in which matter on Shivaji's life is available to some
extent. These are:

Surat Diaries No. 1 (1659-1696).

Outwards or outward Letter Book of the Surat Factory
( 1630 1700) 4 Volumes.

Inwards Vpl. I (16461701).

The dearth of material is fortunately supplemented by
volumes known! as " Papers Unavailable in Bombay." These
are typescript copies of letters, consultations, etc., which
were available in the . India Office but missing in the

1. Ct S. A. Khan, Sources for the Hilary of British India in the 17th
Century.

20 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

Bombay Record Office. The cream was extracted by Mr*
Forrest in his Home and Maratha Series, there yet remains
a good deal in them relevant to our period. The presence
of these volumes partially obviates the necessity of getting
copies from the India Office.

5. Use of the European Records

More than a thousand extracts directly or indirectly on
the career of our hero have been reproduced verbatim or
referred to in these volumes. These are not only " very
important for fixing dates, and invaluable in corroborating *
facts, admitted by native historians/' but for filling up many
gaps in the life of Shivaji. In the absence of these records,
it would not have been possible to have any detailed and
reliable account of the conquest of Kudal, 3 the capture of
Rajapur and dealings of the Raja with the English, 3 the first
sack of Surat, 4 the frequent raids on Surat,* the negotiations
regarding compensation between Shivaji and the English, 8
the Karnatic campaign, 7 Shivaji's expeditions against 8
Janjira, the war between the Raja and the English for the
occupation of Khanderi, 9 and raids on Hubli, Karwar, and
many towns in Kanara and Khandesh. These have proved
to be of highest value ift supplying confirmatory evidence
on many doubtful subjects, like Shivaji's coronation, literacy
and marriages, Netaji's desertion and reclamation, Sambhaji's
revolt and return, Shivaji's flight to Rangana, ^nd so on*
Similarly, much light is shed on many other controversial
subjects.

6. General value of the European Records

Several important and extensive works have b^en written
on the life of Shivaji. Each schdlar has attempted * n his

1. Shivaj Chapter III. 2. x %&fji Chapter VJv

3, n . VI. 4. , Vff.

5. ., M XI. 6. ., Chafer* XII, XIII, XV, XVI.

7. >. XIX. a. *. Chapter XX,

9. ., Chapters XXI, XXIt

INTRODUCTION 51

own way to throw light on the main incidents and
deeds of the fcero, btit the details have like blind alleys
still to be lighted up. Every scholar must have performed
the insuperable task of selecting a certain version or
constructing a new story of some incident of the hero's
life. The psychological process of selection and construction
from a contradictory and confusing mass of details cannot
be usually laid bare by a writer. It is to burden the book
with details in which the ordinary reader is not interested.
But those who, out of curiosity, ciesire to test the veracity
of facts, require the complete material before them, so that
they may judge whether the task has been judiciously and
impartially performed by the various writers,

This point can be illustrated by selecting four thrilling
adventures of the career of Shiva ji, such as the murder
of Afzal Khan, surprise of Shaista Khan, audience with
Aurangzeb, and escape from Agra. There are several disputable
points in each story and these need solution. It will be
seen that the contemporary English Records furnish a
reliable evidence on the various phases of Shivaji's life.

7. Light on Afzal Khan's tragedy

(a) The ttrenpth of Afzal Khan's army The English
letter of 10th December 1660 states that the Khan was sent
with 10,000 horse and foot. This is borne out by Tarikh-i-AH
(II. 7), but Shivaji Pratapa, Rairi Bakhar, 91 Q. Bakhar,
Tarikh-i-Shivaji have 12,000 force.

Sabhasad says that there was infantry also besides
12,000 horse*

Chitnis, however, gives the figure of 30,000 men.

(b) DimtiitiGfr qf temple*--* There is no mention of it in
the English letters* The Dutch Dagh-Regfeter and the
Portuguese jpeqftfti* as given by Mr. Pissurlencar do not
refer to & : / *. ..

The Rairi Bakhar is silent on the matter.

22 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

The Chitnis B. and the Shiva frigvijaya remark that the
Goddess at Tooljapoor and the God at Pandharpur were
removed soon after the news that the Khan was going to
demolish them.

The Sabhasad B. and the Shivabharat allege that those at
Tooljapur and Pandharpoor were desecrated.

(c) SAwaji's treachery The contemporary English letter
of 10th December 1659 clears up the issue of the murder of
Afzal Khan. Its words are:

" Because the queen knew with that strength he was
not able .to resist Shivaji, she councelled him to pretend
friendship with his enemy; which he did, and the other
( whether through intelligence or suspicion it's not known )
dissembled his love toward him, and sent Ms mother as a
hostage, assuring him of his reality. "

This letter is explicit on the point that Afzal Khan was
advised by the queen to have recourse to dissimulation and
treachery and that Shivaji learning of the treacherous design,
endeavoured to counteract the plot by various methods in
self-defence. It was thus a fight of wits in which Afzal was
ultimately outwitted by the shrewd and courageous Shivaji.
Ravington did not consider the murder of Afzal Khan
as an act of treachery. This contemporary view of the tragedy
confirms the statements of the Marathi chronicles.

(d) Weapon* used for murder Did Shivaji seriously
injure Afzal Khan with his Waghnukh and dagger or did he
use his dagger only or the sword ? On analysis the evidence
filters down to this:

1. Sabhasad Waghnukh and dagger, while Khan's
bead was cut off by Sambhaji Kavji.

2. Shiva Digvijaya (169) Waghnukh and sword, while
the Khan's head was severed by Yesaji Rank. '

3. Chitnis (61) Waghnukh and sword, while the Khah
was beheaded by Yesaji Kank and Tanaji Malusare.

4. Jedhe Kariha Waghnukh fend sword.

INTRODUCTION 23

5. 91 Qalmi Bakhar (34) Dagger and sword; the
|Chan's head was cut into, twain by SJiivaji himself.

6. Tarikh-i- Shivaji Waghnukh, dagger, sword,
Shamsah and other weapons. Shivaji used the first two in
opening the stomach and then he cut the Khan into two
with his sword.

7. Shivabharat ( 20-16-23 ) The Bhawani sword only-
there is no mention of a Waghnukh at all.

8. Rairi B. Dagger concealed in his right arm.

9. English Letter Dagger from out of his bosom.

10. Fryer 'Slips a stiletto from under his coat sleeves/

11. KhafiKhan. Dagger only.

12. Manucci. A small and very short lancet.

13. Jedhe Sakavali. \ Wr> m *: m
*A r* *. 'el*' r No mention.

14. Basatm-i-Salatm. j

The last eight sources which are mainly contemporary
throw a doubt on the use of the well-known Waghnukh.

8 Inuet of Shaiita Khan's surprise

In the daring, exploit of Shivaji in which he surprised
Shaista Khan, the following questions still remain doubtful.
In case, of a fresh enquiry, the European records are of
great help.

(1) What was the strength of Shaista Khan's army ?

.(2) Did Shaista Khan put up in Shiva ji's house at Poona?

(3) With how many men did Shivaji or any one of his
captains, proceed to the Khan's camp ?
. (4) How was he surprised by Shivaji ?

(5) How did the Khan make his escape ?

(6) Where did the Khan receive injuries ?

. . (7) How many and which important personages died
in the scuffle ?

(8) Was Shaista's daughter captured by Shivaji ? .
, (9). Was Jaswant Singh won over by Shivaji and thus
persuaded to remain neutral during this night attack ?
Let us take up these questions

24 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

(1) Strength of Skaiito'* amy. Shivaji Pratap (p. 90)
says that Shaista and Randulla Khan were sent with a force
of 60,000, but according to the

91 Q. Bakhar(43)and

Rairi Bakhar (14) 80,000.

Sabhasad Bakhar (35) 1,00,000 horse, besides
elephants, camels, war-chariots, etc. An ocean-like army
with 32 crores of rupees was sent.

Chitnis (96)

Shiva Digvijaya
Mdnucci(II.25)
Carre
Thevenot

- Do not mention the number of troops.

Guarda

Grant Duff

Orme

Dow

(2) Shaista' s Residence, The evidence on this point

is analysed below:

Camp alone is mentioned in

(a) Shivaji's Letter quoted by Mr. Gyffard from Rajapur,
dated 12th April 1663, says that Shivaji ' got into his tent
to salam. '

(4) 4th May 1663 A trusty servant of Rustam Jamah
who was specially sent to enquire into the matters, makes the

same report.

(c) In a letter of 24th May 1663 from Kolhapur by the
English merchants: "Shivaji going into Shaista Khan's tent."

(d) 25th May 1663. Surat Letter to Madras ' Shivaji did
lately in his own person set upon the tent of Shaista Khan.' *

(e) Sabhasad ( Pp. 33-34 ) Nabob's tent and Nabob's

pavilion.

Sabhasad ( P. 49 ) " Shivaji is very expert in treachery;
when he entered my camp, he jumped forty, cubife from the
ground and entered the pavilion ? "j ,

(/) Chitnis (p. IS) and Chitragupta Several times the
the word " Tqnt " If as been used/ ^ '' r ' . " ,
I. See Shivaji Vol. I, ppi SO-&4. ' " '

INTRODUCTION 25

(?) Thevenot 1 Having been informe4 that on a certain
night he would be on guard near the tent of the General,
the Raja went there with his men, and being let in by
his Captain, he came to Chast Can.

(h) John L'Escaliot, in a letter dated 26th January
1664 " Hee therefore with 400 as desperate as himself
enters the army undiscovered, comes to the generalls tent,
falls in upon them, kills the guard. "

(*VyOrme (Fragments, p. 11) "They got into the tent of
Chasstt Khan after midnight, who escaped with a severe
wound in his hand. "

(j) Carre The Mughal General was far removed from
his army, in a camp badly fortified and near a seraglio where
he passed his time giving himself up to love and pleasures....
Shivaji conducted his troops up to the middle of the
enemy's camp. "

(*) Dow (III. 367 ; " Cutting their way through the
screens which surrounded the tents of Shaista Khan, they
entered that in which he slept."

Palace or House is the place of the incident:

1. Shiva Digvijaya(P. 220). The house where Shivaji
formerly lived.

2. Shivaji Pratap P. 90) Palace.

3. 91 Q. Bakhar '43\ Rairi Bakhar ( Pp. 14-15) and
Tarikh-i-Shivaji mention Lai Mahal, thus giving the impression
that the incident took place in Shivaji's palace.

4. De Guarda (P. 66) " He entered the lodging of
Sextaghan which was in the very houses that Neotagy and
Seuagy had built, and posted behind the walls of these houses
he began to affect a breach with hand pikes, a strong wind
prevented the noise which would otherwise follow, for
Sextaghan himself had slept in the house."

5. Scott (P. 10? " Passing without alarm to the Palace."

6. 'Grant Duff House built by Dadaji Kondeva*

7. Manucci (II. 104; " Outside it t he lived in a mud
house that he hid caused to be bitilt near a tank. "

S.4,

26 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

8. Sarkar (P. 88) " Took up his residence in the
unpretentious home of Shivaji's childhood. "

We cannot ignore the evidence of the authentic
contemporary letters. There could be no mistake in reporting on
such a simple point. It appears to me that Shaista Khan and
his personal retinue stayed in tents pitched in the compound
of the Lai Mahal. The " unpretentious house " of Shivaji
would have been too small for a rich grandee and a general
of the rank of Shaista Khan. Some persons might be
occupying the house itself, but the greater portion would
have put up in tents. The sudden attack might have been
led by Shivaji by jumping over or mining the compound
wall. Escaliot, Carre, Thevenot and Fryer confirm the
testimony of the English letters.

(3) The number of men accompanying SAivajiinfo's attempt
to surprise Shaista Khan Shivaji's own letter quoted by
Gyffard 12th April 1663 400 choice men.

24th May 1663400 men.
25th May 1663 Surat Letter 400 of his men.
There is unanimity in the English letters on this point,
but the evidence of the Bakhars is contradictory.
Chitnis (98; 2 to 3 hundred men.
Sabhasad (33) 2 hundred men.
Shivaji Pratap (98) 5 to 7 hundred men.
Shiva Digvijaya 1 220) 4 to 5 hundred men,
Tarikh-i-Shivaji-300 men.
Khafi Khan 2 hundred Marathas.
De Guarda Netaji and not Shivaji with 80 men.

(4) Shaista Khan's surprise The difference in the state-
ments on this point will be clear from the following evidence.

Shivaji's letter quoted by Gyffard " Shivaji got into
his tent to salam and presently slew all the watch. "

The Nabob was in bed Chitnis (98 >, Rairi (15), Khafi
Khan ( Elliot VII, p. 2ft) ), Scott (P. 1'0\ Sfanucci (II. 105).

The Nabab had not gone to bed, but was sitting in the
company of his wives. Sabhasad (P. 33 \

INTRODUCTION 27

The Khan was in bed, but his wife was first awakened
by the noise. Shiva Digvijaya (221), Sarkar (P. 90 \

" He came to Chasta Can, who being awakened "

Thevenot.

(5) Method of Man's escape. There is no mention of an
escape froip a window in the five contemporary letters, neither
in the Sabhasad, 91 Q. Bakhar ( 46 ) and Chitnis, nor in
Thevenot, Escaliot, Fryer, Carre, Manucci, Dow, Orme,
and Khafi Khan.

All these contemporary accounts are confirmed by De
Guarda, Sh. Dig. and Sh. Pratapa.

Rairi (15) says that " Shaista Khan leapt over a wall
that was in his way and got safe beyond it. "

Grant Duff seems to have given currency to this story
and it has been accepted by the later historians.

In face of the unanimous evidence from contemporary
writers, we cannot accept the statement of G. Duff.

f 6) The statements regarding the injuries received by
the Khan are also contradictory.

Khan's thumb was cut off Rairi (15), Khafi Khan,
De Guarda.

Khan's small finger was cut off-Shiva Digvijaya (222),
and G. Duff.

Khan's two fingers were cut off-Chitnis.

Khan's three fingers were removed-Sabhasad, Chitragupta
and Dow.

English letter-wounded.

Bernier (187) -severely wounded.

Thevenot-" wounded in the hand."

Escaliot-wounded Shaista.

Carre-wounded with two sword cuts.

This point, I hope, will soon be settled by a close enquiry
irom the accounts of Shaista Khan left by the English and
Dutch Factors who had personal interviews with him and
from the paintings available to us. For the present, we should
restrict ourselves to the use of the wdtd 'wounded' only.

28 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

(7 J Murder of Women:- A very detailed list of the killed
persons is given in the English Letters. Herein it is said that
several ladies and maids were murdered by Shivaji.

During the affray which took place in that pitch darkness
of the night, it is quite possible that a few ladies should have
fallen in the scuffle in which blows were being indiscriminately
given.

Sabhasad(83) remarks that it was Chimnaji Bapu who
performed this deed and not Shivaji.

Scott (P. 10 ) and Sarkar (P. 90)- "Some female servants
were also slain."
Chitnis,

Raire Bakhar
Shiva Digvijaya
Manucci

make no mention of the slaughter
of women.

and Grant Duff

De Guarda's opinion deserves attention:
"Neotagy offered no insult to the women, for this sex
is much venerated in Hindustan and they observe their
customs better than the Europeans. These soldiers (nestes)
had special reason for this, as it was the order of Sevagy who
while he lived was both obeyed and loved. 1 ' ( P. 69. )

9. Wai Shaista Khan's daughter captured by Shinji ?

Out of the five letters available on Shaista Khan's
surprise, the Surat letter of 25th May 1663 alone gives the
news of a daughter of the Khan having been carried away
by Shivaji. The same statement is made by Escaliot and
Thevenot, probably on the reports of the English Factors at
Surat. Both assert that Shivaji treated her with respect and
sent her back on getting a large sum of money as ransom.

The Bakhars of Chitnis, Sabhasad, Rairi, etc., make no
mention at all. Such a romantic event could not have been
ignored by the Maratha chronicles. HentQ the story does not
seem to be true* The incicfeht could not have escaped the
notice of Manucci who had personal acquaintance with Shivaji
as well as Shaista Khan.

INTRODUCTION 29

(9) Jdswant Singh, a great patriot at heart, was never
reconciled to Aurangzeb's rule. It is, therefore, natural that he
might have yielded to the overtures of one who was carrying
on a war of Hindu liberation against all odds.

The English letters, Manucci ( II. 104 ) , Dow ( III. 367 )
Orme (Fragments, p. II) and Scott (P. 10) refer to a secret
understanding between Shivaji and Jaswant Singh, but there is
no mention of it in Chitnis, Sabhasad and Shiva Digvijaya.

Rairi and 91 Q. Bakhars wrongly assert that Jai Singh
Mirza Raja was also sent along with Shaista Khan on this
service. De Guardahas left a glowing account of Shivaji's
diplomacy in this matter.

" Jassomptissinga was a Gentio. Sevagy took advantage
of this ( fact } for he was a ( Hindu) and sent him one night
a rich present of precious stones, a large quantity of gold
and silver with many rich and precious jewels. With these
marvellous cannons Sevagy fought and reduced that fortress."
(P. 64)

"Jassomptissinga was less devout and more ambitious
and so did not attend to these scruples; he was much obliged
for the presents and still more for the promises for which
he confederated with Sevagy promising not to obstruct his
cause and even to connive at what ( Quanto must be a
misprint for quando ) he might design anything against the
Mouros." ( P; 66 )

10. Shivaji't audience with Annngzeb

There seem to be as many versions as there are writers
regarding Shivaji's audience with Aurangzeb.

The account of Shimjts appearance in the Hall of
Audience at Agra is variously given in different histories:

Sabhasad ShiVaji made three salutes and offered a
Nazar. '

Chitnis Shivaji did not make any obeisance, but the
present was offered by Ram Singh on behalf of Shiviji.
" Shiva iMgvigaya Though Shivaji' had agreed to* salami

30 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

the king, yet he lost consciousness in rage and hence did
not bow before the throne.

91 Q. Bakhar and Rairi No salam was made either
on approaching near or returning from the throne.

Tarikh-i-Shivaji A low arch was put up to make
Shivaji bow his head before the throne, but Shivaji passed
through it with head backwards. He made no salam and was
dismissed without any ceremonies.

Dow Shivaji did not make the usual obeisance and
showed contempt and haughty demeanour. So he was dis-
missed, but through the intercession of Princess Zeb-un-Nisa
he was given a second audience. Shivaji again behaved rudely
and even asked the Princess* hand. Upon this Aurangzeb
ordered him as a mad man from his presence.

Alamgir Namah. He kissed the ground before the
throne and made a large present.

In my opinion, Shivaji was too shrewd to ignore
the simple truth that a defeated foe and an uncrowned
commander could not claim equality with the Emperor who
was also his conqueror. Besides, he would not give offence
to the Emperor from whom he had come to solicit the
viceroyalty of the Deccan, It is very unlikely that Shivaji
could jeopardise the chances of the success of his mission by
neglecting the ordinary formalities at the very outset of his
interview. Therefore, the version of the Sabhasad Bakhar
and Alamgir Namah is acceptable here.

SMvajt's place in the Durbar With regard to * the place
where Shivaji was asked to stand in the Durbar, there is as
usual much difference.

91 Q. Bakhar and Shiva Digvijaya Shivaji sat near
Rohilla Khan, the Prime Minister.

Rairi They stood by the side of Rahim Rhan, a Pathan.

Alamgir Namah He was given a seat near the throne
among .celebrated nobles.

Maaucci Instead of giving him the promised position,

INTRODUCTION 31

he assigned him the lowest place in the first circle of nobles
within the golden railing.

Sabhasad and Chitnis He was asked to stand behind
Jaswant Singh.

As the statement of Sabhasad and Chitnis is partially
borne out by the English letters, it is to be preferred to others.

The story of Skivaji's swoon The two contemporary
English letters do not make any mention of Shivaji's fainting
away in the Court. The Bakhars like the Sabhasad and
Chitnis have the same version. The account is confirmed by
Manucci, Thevenot, Carre, D'Orleans, Orme, Dow, Duff and
the authors of the Tarikh-i-Shivaji and Alamgir Namah.
The story of Shivaji's fainting is given by Shiva Digvijaya
and Khafi Khan and adopted by such historians as J. Scott,
Mill, Elphinstone, Beveridge, Montgomery, Martin, Douglas,
etc. All contemporary and ancient authorities are unanimous
on the point that Shivaji did not fall down in a swoon. Even
Khafi Khan has expressly stated that Shivaji pretended to
faint away.

Attempt to commit suicide The story of Shivaji's readiness
to commit suicide in the Durbar is given by Orme on the
authority of Thevenot. It is as unbelievable as the statement
of Sabhasad that Shivaji wanted to kill Maharaja Jaswant
Singh. The latter had done no wrong, on the contrary had
all along done very estimable service to Shivaji. Moreover, it
was no fault of the Maharaja to stand in the front rank.
Therfore Sabhasad's statement is most improbable.

The guard on Shivaji The Shiva Digvijaya and the Rairi
Bakhar state that Fulad Khan was appointed with 10,000 men
to keep watch on Shivaji. This number is reduced to half by
Sabhasad, and augmented to 25,000 by Chitnis. Manucci's
figure seems to be most moderate when he writes that three
corps of guards were posted round Shivaji's tent.

Shit a)? 3 escape -Sabhasad, Chitnis and Shiva Digvijaya
tell us the story of the baskets. It is confirmed by Fryer and
Manucci (II. 139). But the Rairi Bakhar states that Shivaji

32 SHIVAJI THE CHEAT

went out with the men who were carrying the fruits. The
contemporary English letters confirm the old Bakhars and
hence their version alone is acceptable.

Grant Duff has given the story that Shivaji and Sambhaji
after getting out of the baskets, were carried away by a fleet
horse to Muthra. This version might have been taken by
him from Manucci (II, 139). But it is unsupported by the
Bakhars. According to Shiva Digvijaya, Shivaji soon became
a Bairagi and took the road to Kurukshetra.

Sabhasad and Chitnis affirm that at two cosses outside
the city, they left the baskets and set cut on foot to the village
where Shivaji's Karkuns were. There they disguised them-
selves as Bairagis and went towards Muthra on foot. A similar
story is told in the Rairi Bakhar.

The escape on horses under the circumstances seems to
be very improbable, and I am inclined to believe the version
of the Bakhars as true.

Such details can be easily multiplied, but I hope that
it has been fully proved that even important points in the
career of Shivaji are yet disputable.

On close scrutiny, the structure of each incident, exploit
or expedition falls to the ground; only the foundation or basic
fact of a particular event having happened, remains in tact.
The details present such a kaleidoscopic variety that they even
become vague. For the sake of accuracy and definiteness of
details, the help of the English and European records of that
period, is of supreme necessity. These throw a flood of light
on numerous questions, though at times even these have to be
accepted with caution. As a detailed comparison of different
versions is sure to lead us to the right conclusions, there is an
urgent necessity of the publication of all available material on
the heroic life of the Maker of the Maharashtra.

11. Imperfection! of the Persian and European material

At the same time, we should ifot Exaggerate the
importance of the European records. In fixirtg the dates-,
the European despatches are surely useful in showing the

INTRODUCTION 33

lower and upper limits of the time of an event, but in
many cases they do not give the exact date. This has to
be searched from the Marathi material. For instance, the
exact dates of the capture of Mahuli, Salher, Jawhar,
Ramnagar, Satara, etc., of the murder of Afzal Khan, the
raid on Shaista Khan, of Shivaji's departure for Agra, of his
release from Agra, and even of his death, are not given.
The Marathi Chronologies remedy this defect of the European
records by giving many reliable dates.

II. The European extracts chronologically put together
are still isolated, or disintegrated facts, nay, even shreds
of facts, and are no better than so many unhewn and
irregular stones piled up in a chaotic heap. The historian
has to weave them together into a fabric, after a critical
analysis and a thorough search into their causal relation
to each other. In this constructive attempt it is found
that many necessary links are absolutely missing. Without
the help of the Marathi material, it is impossible to
construct an accurate and a thoroughly connected story
of Shivaji. Even a cursory study of the fourth, fifth
and eighth chapters on Shivaji, will make it evident that
the European records furnish a very scrappy information
on such important events as the murder of Afzal Khan,
the surprise of Shaista Khan, and Jaisingh's campaign
into the Deccan. Similarly, Shivaji's wars with the Deccan
Kingdoms and the Mogul Empire, are casually and erratically
referred to. Though the documents do not supply the
whole information on these topics, they shed light on
many obscure points.

III. These records are deplorably deficient in furnishing
an insight into or even a view of the religious, economic,
intellectual, social, or cultural life of the people, nor do they
present any picture of the financial organization and
administrative system of the time of Shivaji. Again, there is no
presentment of the individual life of the hero, his courtiers,
family members or the prominent men of his time. The

S.5.

34 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

extracts mainly deal with wars, political changes, revolutions
and their effect upon the maritime and internal trade that
was in the hands of the Europeans.

IV. It must be remembered that the European records
are not naturally expected to speak about the hero, till he
sprang into the lime light of fame by the total annihilation
of Afzal Khan's forces in 1659. These give no clue to the
hero's early career, nor do they speak of his ancestors. Thus
the Sanskrit, Marathi and Persian material alone is useful
for writing the history of Shivaji's ancestors. Prior to 1659
we do not get much confirmation of our data from the
European records.

V. The Persian histories like the Muhammad Namah, All
Namah, Basatin-i-Salatin, Badshah Namah, Khafi Khan's
Muntakhab-ul-lubab are all written by the proteges of
various sovereigns and hence they necessarily suffer from
the sins of omission and commission, such as, suppression
of impalatable facts, fulsome eulogy of the virtues and
exploits of the rulers and their favourites, and unmerited
condemnation of their enemies.

Of the same type are the works like the Shiva Bharat,
Radha-Madhava Vilas Champu, Pannal Parvat Akhyanam,
and Sh. R. Kalpataru.

They are expected to give a grandiloquent account of
the exploits of Shahji and Shivaji. They are also without any
chronological data. In fact, they are epics and are thus vitiated
by the defects inherent in this literature. It only means
that we must judiciously utilize all these works which are after
all interspersed with facts of considerable historical value.

In conclusion, it is superfluous to remark that both
the indigenous and foreign sources are indispensable as
confirmatory and supplementary to each other. It is now for
the reader to judge how far the author has endeavoured to
throw aside fables in favour <# truth 'by carefully carnparing,,
critically examining, judiciously investigating and impartially
interpreting the vast material at his disposal..

CHAPTER II

THE ANCESTRY OF SHIVAJI

1. The incorrectness of available geneologies

The Marathi chronicles on the life of Shivaji indulge in
fable and tradition in writing the history of his near
anncestors and they know almost nothing about the origin
of the family. The Chhatrapati Raja Pratap Sinha of
Satara, a descendant of Shavaji the Great, made a serious
attempt for reconstructing a geneological tree of his ancestors
in 1828. The original geneology made under his order by
Munshi Madhavrao is still available in the Historical Museum
at Satara. We learn that the information was collected from
many important works. 1

The geneology made after so much laborious research
was accepted as true till recently, but the new documentary
evidence shows its incorrectness. Moreover, no details of
the careers of the ancestors of Shivaji were known. This
gap can now be filled up on the basis of the unpublished
grants and the manuscript chronicle of the family of the
Mudhol rulers.

2. The ancestry of Sajjan Sinha

The Bhosles trace their lineage from the solar dynasty of
Ucjepur which is itself descended from the great conqueror,
Rama of the epic fame. In the 12th century the Solar
dynasty had its rule at Chittor and Sisod. One Karan Sinha,
Rawal of Chittor, had three sons. After his death, his

1. Persian books: Labbuttavatnkb, Firishta, Jarae jahannuma, Araya-
shamahfel, Kbawaif-i-Hindustan, Akber Naraab, Tawarikh-i-Bahamani*

Hindi books: Maharaja's Bakhar. Vairat Cbaritra, Jayapur Bakhar.
Ildepur Bakhar. Inscriptions on the Filter of Victory at Chittor, Hindustani
Cbaritra. Kirfcoi Yadi (Misc. List ).

Sanskrit book*: Bhagawat, Vishnu Puran, Manusmriti, Katyayana Sroritu
Ramayana, RajiwiH, fiajya ti&yuktia, Jyotisfc TOaStfk Saur Puran.

36 SHJVAJI THE GREAT

eldest son, Kshem Sinha ascended the throne of Chittor, white
the second son, Maham, became the ruler of Sisod. The
latter was succeeded by his younger brother Rahap. These
Sisodia rulers were known as Ranas. The eighth descendant
of Kshem Sinha was Ratnasinha or Ratnasi of Chittor, while
the 10th descendant of Rahap was Lakshman Sinha of Sisod.

It was this Ratnasi and not Bhimsinha or Lakhamsi
( Lakshman Sinha ) who was the husband of the far-famed
Padmini. We need not reiterate the story of the demoniac
passion of Alauddin Khilji to take a forcible possession of
Padmini, the peerless queen of Chittor and of the brave
resolve of 15,000 Rajput ladies to prefer death on the burning
pyre to the desecration of their bodies by the Muslims. "The
fair Padmini closed the throng, which was augmented by
whatever of female beauty or youth could be tainted by
Tartar lust. They were conveyed to the cavern, and the
opening closed upon them, leaving them to find security
from dishonour in the devouring element." J This gruesome
holocaust was followed by a terrible carnage of the bravest of
the Rajputs in the battles with the imperial army. During the
life and death struggle with Alauddin for the defence of
Chittor, Ratnasi was killed and so was his kinsman Lakshman
Sinha (Lakhamsi) with his seven sons. Thereupon Chittor
fell into the hands of the Khilji conqueror on 26th August
1303, but Ajaya Sinha (Ajeysi), the only surviving son of
Lakshman Sinha continued to rule at Sisod. *

To put a stop to the aggressions of the Sisodia Rana,
the Delhi Emperor put Chittor under the charge of Maldeva,
the Sonigra Chief of Jalor in 1314. Towards the close of
Alauddin's reign, the Rajputs of Chittor threw the Muslim
officers over the walls, devastated, the imperial territory, and
asserted their independence. These excursions were probably
made under the valourous lead of the famous Hamir, the

1. Todd,RajitbM>,I>p. 311.

2, OjbarHUtory of Rajputana, I, 44fr*; 456-73; 504-314.

THE ANCESTRY OF SHIVAJI 37

son of Ari Sinha who was the eldest brother of Ajaya Sinha.
This boy, as he was brought up by his uncle, gave in
early life proofs of an extraordinary dash and daring. The
two sons of Ajaya Sinha once failed to put down the
rebellion of a robber-chief, but Hamir, though very young,
succeeded in bringing his head as a trophy to his uncle.
Ajaya Sinha was so pleased with this exploit of his nephew
that he accepted him as his successor. In a few years this
noble scion of the solar dynasty, the ruler of Sisod, expelled
Maldeva Chavhan from Chittor and thus brought together
the territories of Sisod and Chittor under his sovereignty.
Since then the rulers of Chittor were known as Sisodia
Ranas; on the other hand, Ajaya Sinha's sons, Sajjan Sinha
and Kshem Sinha, being disinherited by their father, left
for the Deccan as soldiers of fortune. The elder brother
was destined to found a line which gave birth to Shivaji, the
founder of the Maratha Empire.

Ancestry of Sajjan Sinba

Rawal Karan Sinha of Chittor

/
Kshem Sinha Maham Rafaap

| ( became ruler (succeeded Maham
Ratnasi of Sisod. ) at Sisod)
( 8th descendant of I

.Kshem Sinha at Chittor) Lakshman Sinha
who was married to (10th descendant of Rahap
Padmani ). | at siaod )

I |

An Sinha Ajaya Sinha

Hamir

,o*8i064*txl Sajjan Sinha KAemSirfia

Chfttor.

jtwo bvottafes went to
Deccs.)

38 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

3. Ran* Sajjantinha of the Solar Dynasty

It has been seen that about 1320 A. D. Sajjansinha
came down to the Deccan with a devoted band of followers
to try his luck. A few years after he seems to have entered
into the service of Hasan Gangu who afterwards became
the founder of the Bahmani Kingdom. Muhammad Shah
Tuglaq, Emperor of Delhi, marched towards the south to
put down the rebellion of Hasan Gangu and other rebellious
captains. In one of the battles fought between the armies
of the imperialists and rebellious Sardars, Sajjansinha and
his son Dilipsinha distinguished themselves in the service
of their master.

Daulatabad was captured by the rebels who chose
the valourous Hasan as their king. After the successful
establishment of the Bahmani Kingdom in 1347, the first
king, Ala-ud-din Hasan Gangu Bahmani, conferred upon
the Ranas the jagir of several villages in Mirat, a district
in the province of Deogiri, the ancient capital of the
Yadavas, which was christened Daulatabad by Muhammad
Shah, This jagir is still in the enjoyment of the
descendants of Sajjansinha.

4, Rana Dilipsinha, a commander of the Bahmani Kingdom

Dilipsinha had another opportunity of proving his own
valour and the chivalry of his Rajput soldiers in the war
between the Kings of Gulbarga and Vijayanagar. The
Firman granted to him in November 1352 A. D. by the most
valiant and victorious Ala-ud-din Hasan Gangu Badshah, is
up to this day in the possession of the Rajasaheb of Mudhol
who is a direct descendant of Dilipsinha, The latter is
addressed as 'Rana* and *Sardar-i~Khaskhel/ The title of
' Rana ' proves that Dilipsinha was descended from the Sisodia
Rajputs. In the Firman he is called the grandson of
Ajayasinha. This name has been skipped over in the accepted
geneologies. Thus we have not to depend upon legends and

THE ANCESTRY OF SHIVA ji 39

fables, but on the stern and solid facts of history regarding
the ancestry of the Bhosles. The English translation of this
first Firman is given below:

"Being pleased with the valiant deeds displayed
on the battle-field by Rana Dilipsinga, Sardar-i-Khaskhel,
the son of Sajjansinha and grandson of Ajayasinha, ten
villages in Mirat, Taraf Devagadh (Deogiri), are granted
to him for the maintenance of his family. So in accordance
with his desire they should be given over to him. Dated
25th of the month of Ramzan. 753 A. H."

The Mss. Mudhol Bakhar adds that the jagir was first
conferred on Sajjansinha and then confirmed and continued
in the name of Dilipsinha. The latter is said to have ruled
for 15 years and died in 768 Hijri or 1367 A. D.

5. Heroic deeds of Sidhoji

Rana Sidhoji, the son of Dilipsinha, faithfully served the
Bahmani Kings. He was instrumental in putting down the
rebellion of Bahauddin, the commandant of the Sagar Fort,
and was therefore conferred the command of that territory.
After some time, Sidhoji or Sidhaji assisted Firozshah in
gaining the Bahmani throne. He was killed in a battle in
Hijri 789 (1388 A. D.) and his son Bkairoji fought very
bravely, though he too was ultimately overpowered by the
enemy.

The part played by Sidhoji is thus described by Firishta:
"Suddoo, a slave of the royal family commanded in Sagur.
He was rich and powerful, and received the Princes with open
arms omitting nothing to evince his attachment to them. On
the next day, Ahmud Khan and Feroze Khan addressed a
letter to Shums-ood-Deen Shah, as also other letters to the
principal nobility, stating that their design was only to
expel Lallcheen, whose treachery to the late king, and whose
other numerous crimes, which had cast dishonour on the
royal family, were known to all; They demanded, therefore,
that he should be punished, after which, the Princes

40 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

promised to pay due submisson to the authority of
Shums-ood-Deen Shah: declaring, till this object were
obtained, they would use every means in their power to
effect his destruction.

Shums-ood-Deen Shah, consulting his mother and
Lallcheen, sent back an answer which served only to inflame
the Princes, who with the assistance of the commander
of Sagur, having collected three thousand horse and foot,
and with the full confidence that other troops would join
them from the capital, marched towards Koolburga.
Disappointed in this expectation, they halted for some time
on the banks of the Bheema, without being aided by any
chief of consequence. It was, however, agreed that the
Princes should advance with the regal canopy carried over
the head of Feroz Khan. On this occasion his brother
Ahmad Khan was raised to the rank of Ameer-ool-Omra,
Suddoo to that of Meer Nobat* and Meer Feiz Oolla Anjoo to
to the office of Vakeel, or Minister." '

6. Bhairoji or Bhimaji

In a few years, Firozshah succeeded in gaining the
throne. In recognition of the devoted service of the father
and son, the King bestowed the township of Mudhol with
the adjoining 84 villages upon Rana Bhairoji in Hijri 800
(1398 A. D.). This territory is curiously enough even
now in the possession of the descendants of the Rana.
The details of the events relating to the grant of Mudhol
are mentioned in a Royal Firman whose English translation
is given below.

Firman of Firozshah Bahmani to Rana Bhairoji in 1398

"On account of the ignorance of the Ruler and
mis-government due to the short-sightedness of Amirs, some
servants of the Empire had, disregarding their duty, thrown

1. J- Briggs, Hist, of the Re of the Mahomedan Power in India Vol. If,
pp. 35S-359; Firisbta'f ftfetory of Defckaafry Jonathan Scott, Vol. I, pp. 6J-4B,

THE ANCESTRY OF SHIVA ji 41

off their allegiance and had become so bold as to sow the
seeds of treason in the Government of the Kingdom. In
this full attention and courage of this disciple of the
Almighty was wholly engrossed. To counteract this influence,
uproot it and sweep the dirt from the garden of the Empire
our action was delayed. So we were obliged to postpone it and
afterwards our crystal-clear mind and heart were the recipient
of the idea that with the counsel of some loyal and devoted
persons attached to us and of those who were gifted with
foresight, we should find out those that have full confidence
in our policy and are prepared to sacrifice their lives for it,
and (with their assistance), we should destroy the ungrateful.
Actuated by this resolve, we proceeded towards Fort Sagar
with an army and unfured the flag. Rana Siddhaji, Thanedar
of Sagar, on receipt of the news of our Imperial presence,
came to receive us and loyally joined our cause and girding
up his loins eagerly attached himself to us. Acquainting
himself of our unswerving resolve, he took great pains and
rendered service at the risk of his life. Whatever was
told him, was satisfactorily arranged by him. Whenever
the enemy tried to surprise us and do us harm, this
faithful soul was aware of it and was ready to resist the
same and thus he fell and sacrificed himself in the thick
of the fight. Shortly afterwards, by the grace of the Almighty
our object bore fruit and came within our realisation. At this
time I ascended my ancestral throne by great fortune and
luck. Siddhaji's son, Bhairava Sing who had fought shoulder
to shoulder with his father against our enemies and had
showed great courage and ability, attracted our Imperial
notice as one deserving of royal favours. So in recognition
of these qualities of one deserving recognition, and in view
of the sacrifice of his life, Mudhol and the adjoining 84
villages in the Taraf Raibag have been granted as a mark of
royal favour to the said Bhairavasingji. So he should take
possession of this jagir and enjoy the same from generation

S.6.

42 SHIVAJI THE GREAT *

to generation and should be diligent in rendering imperial
service in the cause of the Empire." 1

Dated 25th Rabiulakhir. Year 800 A. H. ( 15th January
1398).

It is this Bhairavji, Bhosaji or Bhosla, the first Rana of
Mudhol, from whom the family is said to have got the surname
of Bhosle. The Rana with his two sons quelled the
rebellion of the chiefs of Raibag. His elder son Karansinha
was killed in an engagement with the rebels in Hijri 80cS
( 1405/6 A. D. ) and two years later ( 1407/8 A. D. ) the
Rana himself died in the service of his master. Thus he
ruled Mudhol for ten years. 9

7. Rana Dewaj and Ugrasen

His second son, 3 Devaraj distinguished himself in the
service of the King for 16 years and then his heroic son,
Ugrasen, saved the life of his master Ala-ud-din Ahmadshah
Bahmani when the latter was surprised by a detachment of
the Vijayanagar King in his hunting expedition. In recognition
of this signal service, a Firman was issued in the Hijri
j'ear 827 ( 1424 A. D. ) in the name of Ugrasen which

1. As these Firmans were not available to Mr. C. V. Vaidya, the
distinguished historian of Maharashtra, he has indulged in wrong surmises in
giving a brief career of Sajjan Sinha and his successors in Sh. Ch. N. App.
Pp. 8, 10, 11.

2. In the Mss. Mudhol Bakhar ( Pp. 71, 83 ) he is also called Bhoraji and
Bharavsinha. He died at the age of 47. Hence he must have been born in
1360 A. D. In the Firman he is not called Bhosaji, but the Mudhol Chronicle
gives both the names. Mr. Raj wade's suggestion that the surname Bhosle was
adopted from the village Bhos or Bhose in the Paithan district, cannot be
accepted, unless it is proved that the village was the home of the family.

3. According to Chitnis (13), Devaraj, being the son of Bhosaji, was
known Bhosavant Bhosle. He came to the Deccan in 1200 Shaka and became-
a polygar of some tracts on the banks of the Ganga and Bhima. He also
secured the Patilship of Shingnapur. Afterwards the villages of Khanvat*
Hingani, Beradi, Dewalgaon, Verul, Wavi, Mungi were obtained by his
successors and thus they grew into pdwjer.

This traditional account is not at all confirmed by the Firmans or th&
Mudhol Chronicle. Some of the above-mentioned villages were granted to
Maloji by Nizam Shah as late as the end of the 16th century.

THE ANCESTRY OF SHIVA ji 43

is still in the possession of the Rajasaheb of Mudhol. Its
English translation is given here. It is important in
mentioning the names of the four generations of the
Bhosle rulers and the jagirs enjoyed by them.

From the Court of Sultan Ahmed Shah to Rana Ugrasen in 1424

" The generous mind of this humble servant of the
court of God ( i. e., the undersigned himself ) is always
inclined to this that the servants of this Kingdom who have
been in service for a long time, are faithful and are doers of
good action, may ahvays remain busy in performing their
proper and elevating duties and be happy and free from anxiety.
The purpose of introducing this expression is that Sidhji Runa,
Thanedar of Sagar and his son Bhairava Sinr/ y \vho are the
great- grand-father and grand-father of Rana Ugrasen, son of
Rajsingh Deo Rana, stood beside us in the period of Firoz
Shah Bahmani whose son was the refuge of brotherhood and
lias now got a resting place in Paradise. At the time of his
accession to the throne, Sidhji was of great use (i. e.,
sacrificed himself). Then in the battle with the Raja of
Vijayanagar Ugrasen also displayed great bravery and valour.
All that is engraved on our mind.

In the same manner from the beginning of this Kingdom,
the ancestors of his family have been faithful and life-
sacrificing for this great sovereignty. Therefore the cherishing
and sustaining of this family is very necessary and incumbent
on our high heart's desire, and for that purpose the Jagir
of Mudhol and 84 villages in the dependencies of Raibag
which \\ere granted to Bhairva Singh by the refuge
of brotherhood (i.e., our brother Firoz Shah) and
in the direction of Mirat and the environs of Pathri some
places have teen given from old days, all these we allow
Avith great pleasure, to continue on Ugrasen, so that he may
serve us with satisfaction.

Dated the 8th Shawal Year-827 A. H.-3 Sept. 1424"

It should be marked that the ancient Jagir in the

44 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

district of Mirat near Daulatabad was being enjoyed even
in 1424 A. D. by the Bhosles of Mudhol.

8. Dominion of the Bhoslei in 1454

Rana Ugrasen alias Indrasen with his brave brother
Pratapsinha was engaged for several years in carrying on a
war in the inaccessible parts of the Konkan. In one of the
battles, Ugrasen fell a captive in the hands of the Shirke
chief of Khelna, but was ultimately released by his heroic
sons ' ( 1453-5 A. D. ) For this service the brothers got
as jagir some part of the Wai Pargana. a Thus it will be
seen that by 1454, the Sisodia Bhosles enjoyed jagirs in
such distant places as Mudhol, Raibag, Wai and DevagirL
After Ugrasen's death, his two sons, Karansinha and Shubha
Krishna, faithfully served the Bhamani ruler for several years.
But on account of some misunderstanding, the younger
brother Shubha Krishna with his uncle Pratapsinha went to
the ancient family jagir in Devagiri and settled down there
about the year 1460. Thus the families of these two brothers
were separated.

9. The Ghorpades of Mudhol

The elder family which was ruling at Mudhol, obtained
the name of Ghorpade for scaling the fort of Khelna ( Vt&halgad)
with the help of ropes tied to an iguana ( Ghorpad ), and the
new title of ' Raja Bahadur ' in place of ' Rana ' was conferred
upon the rulers of Mudhol. This important event which
proved to be the turning point in the history of the family,
has been briefly described by no less a personage than the
Bahmani King himself in his Firman granted to Rana
Bhimsen. The unrestrained encomiums showered upon
this ' Tiger ' and * Rustum of his age ', exhibit the great
esteem in \vhich he was held by his master, Muhammad
Shah Bahmani. In the Kenkan wars this family came to be

1. Firman of Ala-ud-din II to Karna Sinha and Shubh Krishna in 1454 A.D.

2. Mss. Mudhol Bakhar, p. 120.

THE ANCESTRY OF SHIVAJI 45

attached to Usaf Adil Khan who afterwards became the
founder of the Bijapur Kingdom. Thus their fortunes were
for centuries afterwards bound up with the Bijapuri Kings.

Muhammad Shakes Firman to Rana Bhimsen who was
made Raja Ghorpade Bahadur

" In these auspicious times our lasting Empire is
spreading, and all our objects and wishes are fructifying by
the blessing of the Almighty. At such an auspicious juncture,
Sayad Azim Humayun, expert in the art of arms and
writing, faithful, one whose position has been recognized
by the world, the chosem of the Amirs of the Durbar, the
representative of the Empire, Malik-ul Tujar Muhammad
Gawan alias Khajp, Jahan, brought to our Imperial notice tha
ftana JBhimsing, the son oj Karaming and the grandson of
Ugrasen, the tiger in the forest of courage and bravery, the
soaring bird in the ocean of valour, the pre-eminent among
men, the mighty, the skilful man of actions, the leader
of warriors, the Rustum in conquering forts, the vanquisher
of tigers, the destroyer of military arrays, the greatest
well-wisher of the throne (Dowlat), ever ready to sacrifice his
life, a lover of truth, worthy of royal grace and favours,
the commander of three thousand foot and horse, displayed
wonderful manliness and uncommon bravery in conquering
the forts in the Konkan. Having secured hundreds of 'Samars'
called ' Ghorpads ' with the help of the Deccanees, and
having tied ropes round their waists, he made them ascend
at night the ramparts towering to the sky. By that very
means, the father and the son scaled the fortress with some
brave men when the watchmen were asleep, and they
suddenly presented themselves on the tops of the walls like
the God of Death himself. They unsparingly cut down
the guards and sent to the abode of the God of Death
with their swords all those that offered resistance and opened
the castle gates. Those brave men of the army that
waited outside the grates of the castle rushed in and with

46 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

the aid of their weapons sent the enemies to the next
world. Thus he conquered the fort and acquired fame and
glory. At this critical opportunity fCaransing was killed and
fell Mo the jatos of death on the battle-field.

Bhimsing's loyalty and his hard exertions from the
beginning of his life, his heroism and bravery have been
greatly appreciated by us and consequently in return for such
service, unequalled heroism and exertions, the possession of
Mudhol with its 84 villages has been given to him as heretofore,
with the object of perpetuating the House. Besides this, the
forts in the two Parganas of Raibag and Ben ( Wai) have been
handed over to him and in place of the title ' Rana ' the
high title of * Raja Ghorpadc Bahadur has been conferred
upon him and the flag with the sign of ' Ghorpad ' ( Iguana)
has also been given to him. Henceforth he should use it
( as his banner ).

He should ever remain grateful for these gifts and should
be ever ready and diligent in expanding the Empire and be
intent on service from generation to generation. 1

Dated the 7th day of Jamad-uHVwwal San 876-22

Oct. 1471.

10. Guerilla warfare

It should be remembered that the Prime Minister
Muhammad Gawan opened a campaign for the conquest of
the Konkan to avenge the disgraceful defeat and the total
annihilation of the Muslim army under his predecessor
Malik-ul-Tujar at the hands of Shirke of Khelna and the
Maratha ruler of Sangumeshwar in 1455. The method
of guerilla warfare for which the Maratha troops were
afterwards so famous under Malik Amber and Shivaji, is seen
at its best in the wars between the Bahmani forces and
the Konkan irregulars. It is worth noticing that the Muslim
army under Gawan was unable to capture Khelna or the

1. A detailed account of the capture of Khelna is given on pp. 139-143
of the Mss. Mudhol Bakhar, The Firman Is reproduced on pp. 145-46 of the
same Bakhar.

THE ANCESTRY OF SHIVA ji 47

Formidable Fort ( Vishalgad ). It was the Maratha force
under Karansinha and his son Bhimsing or Bhimsen that
ultimately succeeded in conquering the impregnable castle
from its Maratha ruler.

After the murder of Muhammad Gawan, the Bahmani
Kingdom fell into confusion, and the provincial governors
began to rebel against the imperial authority. During these
troublous times the help of the loyal rulers of Mudhol was
eagerly sought by the Bahmani Kings. ' At present some
evil-doers have started quarrels and are now showing
eagerness to fight. At this juncture, the presence of one
who has stood the test by trustworthiness and valour, is
highly desirable at the capital." l

11. Mudhol rulers under Bijapur

Two years after the establishment of a new monarchy
at Bijapur, the first Sultan Usaf Adilkhan confirmed the
ancient Jagir, Mansab and title on Raja Kheloji Bahadur
Ghorpade and made him ' Sarfraz ' in 1491 (Firman 6).
He most faithfully served his masters and even laid down
his life in defending Bijapur during the invasion of Amir
Barid in 1514 at the battle-field of Allapur. Later on, his
son Maloji who was then more than 30 years old, very
bravely saved the life of Sultan Ismail in a war against
Vijayanagar in 1520 and this exploit has been faithfully
described in the Sultan's Firman itself ( No. 9 ). In
consequence of his valour, he was exempted from performing
salutation in the court. The King also permitted the use
of the Morchals to the rulers of this family. Even after
four hundred years this emblem is still in vogue in this
distinguished house. Raja Karansinha, the grandson of
Maloji, took such an important part in the famous battle
of Talikot in 1565 that he had to sacrifice his life in the
cause of his master. For this faithful service his son

1. Firmans 7th and 8th of the Hijri year 901 or 1496 A. D. and 896 or
A. D. in the name of Raja Kheloji Ghorpade.

2. Mudhol Bakhar, Pp. 184-212. 3. Ibid. P. 213 et seq.

48 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

Cholraj was raised to the dignity of the commander of the
seven thousand horse and given Torgal and some territory
of the Raichur Doab for the expenses of this army*
( Firman 10 ). Later on, Cholraj and his uncle were
employed in subduing Bancapur and Sira which were under
the Vijayanagar Polygars. 26 villages in the Vijayanagar
Kingdom proper and 4 villages to the south of Sira were
conferred upon Cholraj. He finally laid down his life
in a Karnatic expedition in 1578. It is worth noticing that
the Bijapur kings were employing the Maratha Sardars
for conquering the Hindu rulers of the Karnatic after the
fateful battle of Talikot and they were conferring Jagirs
upon them for their faithful services. All the three sons
of Cholraj were long employed in subjugating the Polygars
of the Karnatic, who now and then gathered such a strength
as to inflict a defeat on the Imperial army and to capture
some part of the annexed territory. After a faithful service
of 20 years, Piraji was succeeded in 1598 by his son
Pratapsinha who won many distinctions in the Bijapur
Court ( Firman 11 ). The employment of Shahji for the
same purpose and the bestowal of a Jagir upon him
were merely a continuation of the same old policy of pitting
Hindus against Hindus. The Ghorpades and other Maratha
Sardars were also employed in the Karnatic expeditions
after 1636, as they had been frequently employed before*
When Shahji was surrounded in the fort of Mahuli in
1636 by the Bijapur army under Randulla Khan, Pratap
Sinha and his son Baji Raje Ghorpade, were serving
under the Bijapur commander. The very first opportunity
taken by Shahji to wreak vengeance upon his Ghorpade
kinsmen was to stir up the cousins of Raja Pratap Sinha for
requesting the King of Bijapur to grant them a share in
the ancestral Jagir which was being solely enjoyed by
the Ghorpades of Mudhol. By his influence Shahji secured a
portion of the Jagir for Pratapsinha's cousins Baharji
and Maloji, and thus weakened the Mudhol rulers. This and

THE ANCESTRY OF SHIVA ji 49

the other family feuds embittered the relations of the two
branches of the Bhosle family to such an extent that the
Ghorpades thwarted the Bhosles in their attempt to throw
off the Muslim yoke. They remained ultra loyal to the
Bijapur Kings up to their overthrow by Aurangzeb and then
they transferred their allegiance to the Mogul monarch
against the national interests. The Ghorpade family founded
principalities at Kapsi, Gajendragarh, Sondur, Dattwad, etc.
which have lasted up till now. The greatest contribution
of the Ghorpades during the war of independence against
Aurangzeb was in the form of the matchless general Santaji
Ghorpade whose very name struck terror into the hearts of

the Moguls.

12. The Bhosles of Devagiri

Having reviewed the history of the Ghorpades up to
the time of Shivaji, we take up the study of the younger
branch of the Bhosles. The famous Shivaji is a lineal
descendant of Shubha Krishna whose successors continued
to live in Devagiri for several centuries. In time they adopted
service as captains in the Nizam Shahi army and rose to
important positions by dint of their daring and valour. No
firmans are yet available with the scions of this family.
From the dynastic trees which have come down from various
sources, it appears that Rupasinha, Bhumendrasinha,
Dhopaji, Barhattji, Kheloji, Jankoji, Sambhaji, Babaji,
Maloji, and Shahji were the names of the direct ancestors
of Shivaji. This geneology is critically examined in the
appendix.

The preceding account makes it clear that Sajjansinha
migrated with his younger brother to the Deccan about
1320 A. D. Nothing is known about him till he got an
opportunity to serve Hasan Gangu in the fifties of the
fourteenth century. 1 There is no mention of the grant
of the Patilship of Shingnapur in the firmans. Chitnis

1. The famous Babmani Kingdcm waS fbutfded by Hasan Gangu in 1347 and
it was ably ruled by him till his death in 1358.

17.

50 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

knows nothing about the exploits of the Ranas described
here on the basis of the firmans. Keluskar and Takakhav,
as well as Kincaid and Parasnis who have followed Chitnis in
this account are ipsojacto incorrect.

Sarkar too has relied upon the traditional account and
made certain observations on Shivaji's ancestors, which, we
hope, will be revised by him in the light of these documents.

" Agriculture was their original occupation, as with
most Marathas. But the break up of the large monarchies
of Western India, ( namely, the Bahmani at the end of the
15th century and the Nizam Shahi at the beginning of the
1 7th ) opened to the ablest men among them the chance of
rising to military power and lordship over land. The history
of Shivaji's family illustrated this transformation of the tiller
of the soil by successive stages into the bandit, the captain
of mercenaries, the feudal baron, and the sovereign ruler,
which was so frequent during the troubled times that followed
the downfall of central powers like the Bahmani or the Delhi
empire and ended only with the establishment of British
paramountcy and British peace." l

The Firmans clearly prove that the Bhosles were neither
agriculturists nor bandits. They did not rise to power at the
close of the Bahmani Kingdom, but their fortunes shone from
its very beginning. Even in 1454 they possessed Jagirs in
Mudhol, Raibag, Wai and Devagiri, while later on Torgal and
some territories in the Karnatic were granted to them.

Nothing is known of the several descendants of Shubha
Krishna either from the Maratha chronicles or the documents
which have been discovered up till now. This gap is closed
up with the material available on the career of Maloji, the
grand-father of Shivaji.

13. Maloji

By referring to the geneological trees of Shivaji's
ancestors 5n the appendix, it will be seen that Sambhaji is
1, EhivajiP. 16.

THE ANCESTRY OF SHIVAJI 51

common in three lists and is shown as the father of Babaji in
two of them. Shedgaonkar Bakhar (P. 2), however, gives Maloji
as the name of Babaji's father. It is difficult to choose between
the two till same confirmatory evidence is available. Still a
recent Bakhar can not be much trusted. Babaji is said to have
been born in 1530, and to have lived up to 67th year of his
age ( Raj. V. 367 ). He had two sons Maloji and Vithoji who
were born in 1550 and 1553 ( Sh. Dig. and Chitnis ), but
in Shedgaonkar B. ( P. 2 ) Maloji's birth year is said to be
1552. It is said that Maloji entered into Jadhavrao's
service in 1577 A. D., i. e., at the age of 27 or 25 years
( Duff), but, according to Shiva Digvijaya, in the year 1599
A. D., that is, when Maloji \\as 49 years old. Further on,
it is alleged that Maloji's wife did not have any issue for
a number of years, hence she sought the benediction of a
Muslim saint Shah Sharif. When afterwards two sons were
born to her in 1594 and 1596/7, they were named Shahji and
Sharifji after the name of the saint ( Sh. Dig. 37-38 ). It
is evident now that, according to this account, Maloji
passed the first 49 years of his life at Verul as an agriculturist.
He and his brother migrated to Sinkhed for service and
became sentries or guards in Jadhavrao's mansion at
Sinkhed on a monthly pay of 5 pagodas. The contradictory
statements in the preceding account cannot be verified from
any other source. But we cannot believe that Vangoji
Naik Nimbalkar, the chief of Phaltan, would have given
away his sister Dipabai or Uma in marriage to Maloji, if
he were an ordinary cultivator or a sentry in the service
of Jadhavrao.

The Shivabharat introduces Maloji as a Maratha
ruler of the Solar dynasty in the Maharashtra. This
heroic son of Babaji was staying in the district of Poona
and tried to extend his po\\ cr over the territory adjoining
the banks of the Bhima and the mountainous region

52 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

of the Sahyadris. He married Vangoji Nimbalkar's sister
Uma l by name, built extensive tank on the Shambhu
Hill, constructed many mansions, gardens, wells, rest-houses,
etc.. He had grown so powerful that several feudatory
Rajas were at his command. This famous Sardar was
invited by the Nizam Shahi King to fight on his side
against the Bijapur Sultan and therefore he and, sometime
after, even his brother Vithoji went over to Devagiri
with their large armies. The brothers distinguished
themselves in the Nizam Shahi service and obtained a new
jagir from their master. The military services of Maloji
are recorded in the Tanjore Inscription. The fortress of
Ausa was besieged by the Bijapur general Dilawar Khan,
but it was most heroically defended by Maloji. Four
years later, the said Dilawar Khan joined Nizam Shah and
he carried fire and sword into the Bijapur territory. In
this destructive expedition the general was assisted by the
Nizam Shahi troops under Maloji. Then Ibrahim Shah's
brother Ismail became a rebel and raided the territories of
Kolhapur and Belgaum. He was helped by Nizam Shah with
troops under Maloji. For services like these the latter secured
the command of 5,000 horse, and thus became a great noble
of the Nizam Shahi State. We learn from a document of 1596
A.D. that Patgaon on the bank of the Bhima was in their jagir.
This town must have been really given to Babaji Bhosle
(Nos. 10-11 of P. S. S.), and it rose to very great prominence
in the days of Shivaji when the Mogul armies used to encamp
there. The Poona Jagir was entrusted by the brothers for
management a to their ministers. While Maloji was staying

1. Radba-Madhava Vilas Champu (267). the Tanjore Inscription and a
document ( Rajwade VIII. 71 ) confirm this name, but the Bakhars name her
Dipabai, That this latter name is incorrect is also clear from a letter of Shahji
in which he gives ' TImai as the name of his mother who seems to have been
living up to the end of 1644 ( No. 498 P. S. S, ). It is likely that Dipabai
might be her name before the marriage,

2. The names of the two brothers occur together as managers of the jagirs.
P. S. S. Nos. 26-29; 36, 92,

THE ANCESTRY OF SHIVAJI 53

at Davagiri, a son was born to him and he was named ShahjL
Two years after another son was born and he was named
Sharifji. These names are said to have been given in honour
of a saint whose name was Shah Sharif. In the 5th year
of Shahji's age, Maloji was sent with a large army to put
down a rebellion. However, in the battle of Indapur * he
was killed a in 1606 A. D. His wife was dissuaded from going
Satti with her husband for the sake of her sons. Vithoji
became the guardian of his nephews, and kept peace and
order in the estates which had been confirmed upon them
by King Murtiza Nizam Shah. It appears that Maloji and
Vithoji obtained the title of Sargiroh (Leaders of Armies )-
They were granted the three Parganas of Ellora, Dheradi r
Kannrad and some more villages in the districts of
Jafrabad, Daulatabad and Ahmadabad in 1606. 3 Thus it is
now evident that Maloji Raje held two large estates, one
at Poona and its surrounding regions, and the other in the
several places of the Nizam Shahi Kingdom. He was an
eminent Sardar even before migrating to Daulatabad, but
his status must have been much improved by the acquisition
of the new Jagirs. He is said to have constructed the temple
of Ghrisneshwara at Ellora which exists up till now. This
Maloji Raje Bhosle also constructed a tank at Shingnapur,
and granted some land and money to a religious
society there. 4 This town continued in the possession of
the family, as is borne out by a document of December
1611. fi There are some grants by Vithoji Raje Bhosle
of the year 1613. He must have died before 1621,

1. A ialuka in the Poona District,

2. Shedgaonkar Bakhar wrongly gives 1542 Sh. or 1620 A. D, as the year
of Maloji's death.

3. P. S. S. Nos. 26-29.

4. P. S.S. No. 33.

5. P. S. S, Nos, 53, 54, 55.

6. P. S. S. Nos. 62, 95.

54 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

though there are grants of his sons from 1616 to 1636. *
14. Tentative chronology of Shivaji'f ancestors

A. D. 1303 Ratansi and Lakshman Sinha died in the siege

of Chittor.

1320? Sajjan Sinha migrated to the Deccan.
1340? Sajjan Sinha entered into the service of Hasan

Gangu.

? Sajjan Sinha fought against the Imperial army.
1347 Sajjan Sinha got a grant of a few villages in

the Meerat district in the province of Devagiri.
1352 The grant of this jagir was confirmed upon

Dilipsinha.

1367? Sidhoji was made Mir Naubat.
1388 Sidhoji was killed in a battlle.
1398 Bhairoji or Bhosaji was granted Mudhol with

eighty four villages.
1405 Karansinha, the eldest son of Bhosaji, was

killed in a battle.

1. P, S. S. Nos. 72, 127, 130. The names of Vithoji's sons were:

Si. D,g. 36 Sh. Bh. Ill 3-4

Sambl aji, Khetaji, Sambhaji. Kheloji,

Parsoji, N?goji, Parsoji. Nagoji.

Mayaji, Trlmbakj', Mambaji, Trimbakji.

Makaji, Maloji. Vakkaji, Mallaji.

Rajua^e XV. 395 has Kakaji for Vakkaji oat of the seven names. 91 Q.
Bakbar (2) mentions ten sons and names Kheloji and Mambaji only,
P, S. S. has several rames mentioned in many grants:

Sambhaji Nos. 56 127, 176, 169, Ekoji No. 130 ?

Dasoji No. 72 ? Kheloji Nos. 317, 380, 382, 418.

Maloji Nos. 127, 178 Parsoji No.412.

Trimbakji Nos. 484, 485.

There is, however, one grant of Vithoji Raje ( No. 204 of P. S. S. ) in
1624 March to the Karkun of S'lirwal. If it is a genuine document, it will mean
that Vithoji was alive in 162 J, thougi he is said to have died before 1621
(No. 127 ), Though a large part of the administration of his jaghirs was handed
over to his sons and there was a division of gold among the brothers in February
1623. P. S. S, Nos. 177-78. The grant No. 204 is of the same type as No, 291 from
Malik Ambar in April 1629, though he had died in May 1626. Such are also
the grants Nos. 169 and 176, as Sambhaji died in 1621.

THE ANCESTRY OF SHIVAJI 55

A. D. 1407 Bhosaji died in the service of the King.

1423 Devaraj died.

1424 Ugrasen succeeded.

1454 Some villages in Wai Pargana were granted to

Ugrasen.

1455 ? Ugrasen died in taking a Konkan fort.
1460? Shubha Krishna went over to his jagir in

Meerat and left his elder brother Karansinha

in the enjoyment of the Mudhol Jagir.
1471 Karansinha was killed in conquering the fort

of Vishalgad.
1471 Bhimasinha became the first Raja Ghorpade

Bahadur. His family was to use a flag with

the emblem of Ghorpad ( iguana ) on it.
1491 Kheloji was made Surfraz.
1514 Kheloji was killed in an attack on Bijapur by

Kasim Barid.

1520 Maloji saved the life of Sultan Ismail.
1522 He was exempted from prostration in the court.
1530? Babaji Bhosle was born.
1550 or 1552? Babaji had a son whom he named

Maloji.

1553/4? Maloji's younger brother Vithoji was born.
1565 Raja Karansinha died in the battle of Talikot.

His son Cholraj was given Torgal and a

command of seven thousand horse.
1578 Cholraj died and was succeeded by Pilaji.
1596 Patgaon on the Bhima was under Babaji

Bhosle.

1598 Pratapsinha succeeded Pilaji.
1602 Shahji was born to Maloji's wife Uma.
1604 Sharifji was born.
1606 Maloji and Vithoji got new jagirs from Nizam

Shah.
1606 Maloji was killed in the battle of Indapur.

56 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

A. D. 1616-36 Various grants made by Vithoji's sons are

available.

1621 Vithoji died.
1636 Pratapsinha and his son Baji aided Randulla

Khan against Shahji.

The Bhosle and Ghorpade rulers of Mudhol

Years of rule.

1352 Sajjan Sinhadied. 1548-1565 Karansinha.

1352-67 Dilipsinha. 1565-1578 Cholraj.

1367-86 Sidhoji. 1578-1598 Pilaji.

1386-1407 Bhosaji. 1598-1645 Pratapsinha.

1407-23 Devaraj. 1645-1661 Baji Raje.

1661-1700 Maloji.
1424-1455? Ugrasen. (Mudhol Bakhar P. 120 makes it

1457, for he is said to have governed for

34 years).

1455-1471 Karansinha.
1471-1491 Bhimasinha.
1491-1511 Khcloji (Mudhol Bakhar P. 212 puts 25

years' rule).
1511-1531 Maloji.
1531-1548 Akhaiji.

CHAPTER III

SHAHJ1-THE KINGMAKER

1. Shahji's personality and education

Shahji, the son of Maloji, is said to have oval eyes, a
fine, parrot- like nose, a beautiful face, long arms and a
handsome body. He was generous, ' mild, wise, brave,
valorous, and deeply learned in Hindu law-books and
literature. His court-poet Jayarama has compared him to
Arjuna in bravery, to Vikramaditya in generosity and King
Bhoja in learning. 9 The poet has explicitly stated that a
part of a stanza was composed in Sanskrit by Shahji
himself for being completed by him as a test of ready
wit and power of versification. His sons, Sambhaji and
Ekoji, w r ere also fairly fond of poetry and literature. They
too composed lines to test the poetic powers of Jayarama.
The names of about 75 poets and Pandits who were at
one time or another in the service of Shahji, are mentioned
by the poet. This assembly of Indian intelligentsia recruited
from various parts of the country, represented a Babel of
tongues, such as Sanskrit, Prakrit, Persian, Kanada, Hindi,
Urdu, etc. Shahji living in the company of such learned
men who spoke thirty-five languages, must have become
a poly-linguist.

The poet has finally expressed Shahji's contribution to
the revival of the sacred Sanskrit literature in a couplet.
*" The Vedic word which had been lying insensate for a
long period, was brought to senses by the valour of Shahji.
She prayed Brahma to divide India into two parts between
Shahji and Shah Jahan. The former protected the Vedas
and other sacred literature against the inroads of the

1. Sh. Bh. II. 13-20.

2. Radba Madhava Vilasa Champu. 217-18.

S.8.

58 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

Mlechhas and revived the same by his generous donations."
It is now evident that Shahji was fairly educated in classics,
was intensely fond of the company of scholars and anxious
to revive the almost dead Hindu literature at a time when,
on account of the neglect or persecution of Muslim kings, it
had reached its lowest ebb.

2. Marriage of Shahji

At the time of the death of his father, Shahji was
four years old. Hence he must have been born in 1602.
Sharifji was two years younger. Both these sons were
brought up by their mother under the general supervision
of their uncle, Vithoji. J When Shahji grew to handsome
and lusty manhood, when he had shown himself to be a
generous and valiant youth endowed with excellent qualities,
he was married to Jijabai, the beautiful daughter of
Jadhavrao who is said to be as rich as Kubera, the God
of wealth. This Lakhoji Jadhavrao was descended from
the Yadava Kings of Devagiri or Daulatabad. He was
the Deshmukh of Sinkhed and had the right to
command 10,000 horse in the Nizamshahi Kingdom. Shahji's
brother Sharifjji was soon married to Durga, a daughter
of Vishwasraja, the chief, of Junner. ( Sh. Bh. VIII.
10-1 5; II. 65). Shahji's marriage must have taken place
in 1619-20, for then only he would be a youth of 17 to
18 years of age. * The Shiva Bharat states that this
valorous warrior Shahji \\ho was comparable to Bhishma
and Prithwiraj of old, soon afterwards rose to the first
rank among the Nizamshahi nobility.

1. Sh. Bh. II. 44, Kincaid ( I, 114 ) and G Duff ( P. 40 ) wrongly place the
birth years of the two brothers in 1594 and 1597 A. D.

2, Chitnis, G. Duff and Kbare place the marriage of Shahji in 1604 A. D.,.
while the dissension created in the Rangapanchami festival is said to have
occurred in 1599 (G. Duff 40-41). Sh. Dig (43) gives 1603 aud Shedg. mentions,
1605 as the year of Shahji's marriage. All the Bakhars wrongly state that this,
marriage took place in Daulatabad. G. Duff (P. 41 ) places the scene of marriage-
at Ahmadcagar. He too is wrong, as it was then in the possession of the Moguls*

SHAHJI THE KINGMAKER 59

It will be seen that the Shivabharata makes no reference
to the anecdotes of the Bakhars. For instance, it is not
said that on the day of the Rangapanchmi in the Holi
festival Lakhoji was very much impressed with the graceful
and charming figure of Shahji who was merely a boy of five
years; that he publickly expressed the desire that Shahji
and his daughter Jijabai would make a fine couple, and
that taking advantage of this public offer, Maloji pressed
his claims to the recognition of the betrothal. But the
ladies of Jadhavrao's household resented their connection
with an ordinary soldier in their own service. Thereupon
Maloji is said to have left Ahmadnagar on a pilgrimage to
Tuljapur. There he received the benedictions of the Goddess
Bhavani, and on his return invited Lakhoji to a duel. On
the other hand, the 91 Q. Bakhar and the Shedgaonkar
Bakhar relate the story that Maloji, to obtain the hand of
the daughter of Jadhavrao, proceeded with Nimbalkar of
Phaltan to Daulatabad w here they threw two dead pigs into
a mosque. The aggrieved Muhammedans approached the
King for redress. But it was found out that Maloji had
committed that atrocity to revenge himself on Jadhavrao.
The latter was called to the Court and reprimanded for not
giving his daughter in marriage to Shahji. In the meantime,
Maloji, instead of being punished, was conferred the dignity
and title of the lord of 5,000 horse ' and given Poona and
Supa 2 in fief, and made commandant of the forts of
Shivneri and Chakan with the title of Raja. Thereupon his
marriage was celebrated with great eclat in 1604.

This unreliable account has been followed by Waring,
Grant Duff, Kincaid, Takakhav and even by Sir J. Sarkar,

1. Sh. Dig. (P. 42). Other Bakhars mention a mansab of 12,000 horse being
conferred or. each one of the two brothers, Maloji and Vithoji. See Waring.

2. Sh. Dig. (P. 44) adds Paramati, Sangamner, Chandwad. Shevgaon,
Patode, Ambade and others; Nasik with its 27 forts; and ten Parganas and
Mahals in the province of Malwa, but there is no confirmatory evidence. It is
said that even the city of Burhanpur was given to Maloji This assertion is
wholly unreliable.

60 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

but the Sabhasad Bakhar or the contemporary letters and
authors like Jayarama and Parmanand do not refer to this
romance and hence we have discarded it.

3. Vicissitudes of war in the Deccan.

It is well-known that in 1600 Ahmadnagar was ceded to
Akbar after its most heroic defence by the illustrious Chand
Bibi and the ignoble murder of this amazonian queen by her
perfidious nobles. Malik Amber and others removed the new
king Murtaza Nizam Shah II first to Ausa and then to
Parenda forts. In 1607 Amber captured Junner and made
it the seat of Nizam Shahi Kingdom. 1 Then in 1610 he
founded the new city of Khirki a near Daulatabad and brought
the king to that city.

These successes of the Abyssinian minister exasperated
Jahangir who in 1610 appointed Khan Jahan Lodi, a general
of the relief forces, to help the Khan Khanan for crushing
the versatile Malik Amber. This Lodi was the second son
of Daulat Khan Lodi, a distinguished warrior of Akbar's
time, and rose to the high rank of 5,000 horse on account
of his martial talents. In spite of this additional force,
even Ahmadnagar had to be surrendered to the Deccanis.
Though Khan Jahan displaced the Khan Khanan as Viceroy,
yet he was no match for Amber who succeeded in cutting
off a large part of the Mogul army in the Konkan by
means of his guerilla bands. Jahangir, being enraged at the
incapacity of his generals, once more sent the Khan Khanan
in 1612 to the Deccan. During this campaign success
smiled upon the Imperialists on account of Muslem and
Maratha desertions from the army under Malik Amber.
The victorious Moguls captured and plundered the new
capital of Khirki, then demolished its magnificent buildings
and even burnt the city to ashes. The war was temporarily

1 , Brigg's Firishta III. 315-20.

2. Khirki or Kharki signifies the Rock City from ' Khark * which means
a rock. Its name was changed into Aurangabad by Aurangzeb. ( Basat
in-i-Salatin. P. 221 ).

SHAHJI THE KINGMAKER 61

brought to an end by Prince Khurram in 1617, when the
Malik bowed before the storm, ceded the Balaghat which
had been seized from the Moguls, surrendered Ahmadnagar
and other forts, and gave valuable presents to pacify the
Prince.

Three years after in 1620, the Malik broke the treaty
and once more vigorously began his offensive against the
Imperialists. After a severe struggle in which the Mogul
and Nizam Shahi territory was mercilessly devastated, the
Moguls were besieged in Balapur and Burhanpur. The
Maratha light horse even advanced as far as the environs
of Mandu itself. At such a critical time of national
disaster, all eyes turned towards Prince Khurrum, but he
refused to march until he was permitted to take his
eldest brother Khusrau a hostage with him. The extreme
necessity of saving his honour at that time of an impending
crisis, compelled Jahangir to comply with Khurrum 's
demand. Success soon smiled upon this prince. His
advance guard easily drove the Marathas from Mandu
and pursued them with great slaughter across the
Narbada. The Prince rapidly marched to the relief of
Burhanpur. The Deccanis raised its siege at the very
approach of the Imperial army, and were then pursued
to the very gates of Khirki, the capital of the Nizam
Shahi Kingdom. Malik Amber was defeated within sight
of Kharki in 1621. The capital was again captured and
demolished. Another Mogul division advanced to relieve
Ahmadnagar. Hard pressed from all sides, Malik Amber
offered submission to Shah Jahan. A peace was concluded
by which all the three Deccan monarchies accepted to
pay a tribute of 50 lakhs of rupees. It appears that
Jadhavrao, Shahji and Nimbalkar of Phaltan bravely fought
on the side of Amber in this war. Shahji by his
constant raids upon the Moguls, proved his valour, dash
and generalship for the first time.

The prince retired to Burhanpur, and busied himself

62 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

in the organization of the Deccan provinces. In that
very year ( 1621 ) he put to death his elder brother
Khusrau. This unnatural crime was condoned by Jahangir
for various reasons. Soon after the Persians laid siege to
Qandhar. As its fall was imminent, Shah Jahan was
commanded to hasten back from the Deccan. Being afraid
that Nur Jahan's junto would jeopardise his claim to the
throne during his absence in Afganistan, he refused to obey
the orders. His revolt, defeat and flight ' need not be
described here. It will suffice to see the result of this
internecine war on the Deccan. Malik Amber, freed from
the danger of a vigorous offensive of the Moguls, turned
his energies to the consolidation of the state. How r ever
the ill-fated Kingdom was dogged by a series of misfortunes,
the first of which was the desertion of the most prominent
noble Jadhavrao.

4. Jadhavrao's desertion to the Moguls ( 1621-30 )

Bitter enmity was accidentally created between the
Bhosles and Jadhavrao. One day at the end of a court levee
in 1621 there was a very great rush in the retinues of the
various war-lords. The elephant of one Sardar Khandagale
getting out of control, trampled several men. Jadhavrao's
son, Dattaji, ran to control the animal. In the scuffle,
Vithoji's sons Sambhaji and Kheloji and then Shahji too
advanced to save their friend Khandagale against Dattaji.
The latter was killed in this fight, and hence Jadhavrao
returned with his retinue and killed Sambhaji and wounded
his son-in-law Shahji. The king himself came upon the
scene and separated the two parties. He was disgusted

1. <( Concerning the Affairs of the Mogal with his Son, they said that
Sultan Chorrom, having been twice routed, had at last retreated with some few
followers into the Dominions 'of Cutab-Sciah; and that his Father had given over
pursuing him and, being retired to his own Court, left him there in quiet; that
Cutab-Sciah did not assist him out of his Territories out of respect to himself
but let tim enjoy the possession of a certain small circuit in his Country to
which he had retired*'. Travels of Petro Delia Valle in India, Vol. II. P. 419.

SHAHJI THE- KINGMAKER 63

with the pride, -power, and prestige of Jadhavrao and began
to mature schemes against this powerful lord. Thereupon
this premier Maratha chief with all his adherents left
Daulatabad in October 1621 and allied himself with the
Moguls against his master Nizam Shah 1 . The defection of
this Maratha baron was also the fruit of the policy of
Prince Shah Jahan who, as Viceroy of the Deccan, had been
sowing intrigues amongst the Nizam Shahi nobles. Up to
1630 Jadhavrao was with the Moguls as is stated in a Surat
letter and in the Maasir-ul-Umrav. 2 He was treated with
special honours. Even the princes of the royal blood did
not enjoy such an eminent position.

" The manner in which the Moghuls received and
rewarded him, is, in itself, a proof of the great power and
consequence which the Mahrattas had by that time attained.
A munsub of 24,000, with 15,000 horse, was conferred
upon him, and such of his relations as accompanied him
\vere all raised to high rank." 3

5. Capture of Poona by Shahji, 1621

In 1620 Poona seems to have been governed by one
Rayrao on behalf of Bijapur. This place was governed
from the fort of Bhuleshwar or Daulatamangal. At the
news of the termination of the friendly relations between
Adil Shah and Nizam Shah, Rayrao began to collect
money by oppressing the subjects. Shahji was despatched
against him by Malik Amber to turn him out of the

1. Sh. Bh. Chapter III; E. F. 1618-21, pp. 317 n, 318, 332 Cf. Jahangir's
Memoirs (II. 218):

" In the sixteenth new year (of Jahangir's reign i. e. 1621 A. D ) it was
reported to me ( Jahangir ) that Jadao Rao Kaitha ( or Kathia ) who is one of
the leading Sardars of the Deccan, by the guidance of good fortune and reliance
on God had elected for loyalty and had been enrolled amongst the loyal
servants. Bestowing on him a dress of honour and a jewelled dagger, I sent a
gracious Firman to him by the hand of Narayan Das Kathor."

2. E. F, 1624-9. p. 176, 6 February 1627.

3. G. Duff, p. 43 and confirmed by the Maasir-ul-Umrav.

64 SHIVA ji THE CHEAT

district. On the faithful performance of this service Shahji
obtained the Mokasa or superintending pbwers of the
Parganas of Poona and Shirwal from Nizam Shah:
This incident still more embittered the relations of the
two monarchies! *

6. The siege of Bijapur by Amber

The desertion of Jadhavrao and the conquest of
Poona were taken advantage of by the Moguls and the
Bijapur ruler in cementing their alliance and jointly
invading the Nizamshahi territory. Thereupon Malik Amber
concluded an alliance with Golconda, and by forced marches
surprised and defeated the Bijapur troops at Bidar. After
plundering that magnificent city, he hastened towards the
capital of Bijapur itself and laid siege to it. At the same
time he devastated the surrounding country, and raised the
siege only on the arrival of a large reinforcement from the
Imperial army. The allied Bijapuri and Imperial forces
then advanced into the Nizamshahi territory to wreak
vengeance upon the Malik, and encamped near the village of
Bhatwadi. a

7. Bijapur described

The great traveller Mandelslo who visited Bijapur in 1639
has left this impression of the city:

" The City of Visiapour is of puch a. largeness, that it
is above five Leagues in compass. The walls which are very
high, are of Free-Stone, encompassed with a great Ditch,
and several Fortifications, mounted with above a thousand
great Pieces, of all sorts, Iron and Brass. The Kings Palace
is in the midst of the City, from which it is divided by a
double wall, and two Ditches, being above 3500 paces in
compass. He who commanded there in the time of Sultan
Mamedh Ideshacn ( Muhammad Adil Shah ) the Son ot

1. Sh. Ch. Sahitya I, 16-17; 19-30.

2. Elliot VI, pp. 412. 415.

SHAHJI THE KINGMAKER 65

of Ibrahim, was called Mammouth-Chan ( Mahmud Khan )
by Countrey an Italian, born at Rome. His command
extended also over the City, and the 5000 men who kept
Garrison therein, besides the 2000 who were the constant
Garrison of the Castle. The City hath five distinct Suburbs,
where the principal Merchants have their habitations and
particularly in that of Schanpour, \\herc live most of the
Jewellers. The other Suburbs are called Gurapour,
Ibrahimpour, Alapour and Bomncnaly. The Inhabitants
are Decanins, that is, of the Kingdom of Decani, or Bcnjans,
Moguls, and Jentives, of \\hom an account hath been
given before." '

All these various suburbs and places of interest can be
seen in the accompanying plan of the city which has been
photographed from the original, now kept in the Bijapur
Museum.

8. The battle of Bhatvadi in 1624

The Shiva Bharata contains a detailed description of
this battle. It is said that the Bijapur army was under Mulla
Muhammad who was assisted by the feudal armies of Mustafa,
Masaud, Farhad, Sarja Yakoot, Khairat, the Brahmin
Dhundiraj, 2 Ghathe and many other Maratha chieftains.
The Mogul army was officered by such veterans as Lashkar
Khan, Jalal Khan, Khanjir Khan, Sikandar Khan, Bahadur
Khan, Brahman Udairam, Vishwanath, and Jadhavarao with
his three sons.

The Nizamshahi army was commanded by Malik Amber
Fateh Khan, Mansur, Atashkhan, Joharkhan Shahji, Sharifji,
sons of Vithoji, Hambirrao C ha van, Mudhoji Nimbalkar
Bramhan Nrisinha Pingle, Sundar Raja and others.

In October 1624 the invading armies of the two allies
were boldly faced at Bhatvadi or Bhaturi, 10 miles distant

1. Mandelslo's Trai'els into the East Indies. Pp 72-73.

2. J. Ch.; Sh. Bh. Chapter IV; Sh. Ch. Pr. Pp. 53-4. and Tanjore Inscription.

66 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

from Ahmadnagar, by the Nizamshahi war-lords. Many
Maratha Sardars distinguished themselves on the battlefield
of Bhatvadi. Sharifji, the younger brother of Shahji, was
killed in an action with a Mogul commander Manchehr by
name. Shahji particularly distinguished himself for his
generalship by ultimately routing the army of this commander.
Jadhavrao and Udairam are said to have fled away from
the field without striking a blow. Mulla Mahammad ] fell
at an early stage of the fight, and many officers of the
allied army including Ikhlas Khan and Farhad Khan of
the Bijapur forces, were made captives. Farhad Khan was
disgracefully executed, and his army broke up in utter disorder.
So were other chiefs of the imperial army imprisoned,
but Khanjar Khan with several other commanders made
an escape to Ahmadnagar which they prepared for a siege.
The rest of the fugitives sought refuge in Barhanpur. The
victorious Malik Amber lost no time in laying siege to
Ahmadnagar as well as Barhanpur, and in capturing the whole
Mogul territory of the Balaghat. This crushing defeat was
also followed by two great disasters to Bijapur. The rich
town of Sholapur which had long been a bone of contention
between Nizam Shah and Adil Shah, was stormed and
captured by the former. Moreover, the triumphant king
sent a large army, numbering 60,000 strong to once more
invest Bijapur itself. The metropolis escaped from the
fury of the besiegers, but they burnt down, destroyed
and razed to the ground the new and fine suburban city
of Nauraspur which had been lately built with a great
taste by Ibrahim Shah. a

The remarkable victories of Malik Amber over the
combined armies of the Delhi Empire and the Bijapur State
spread his fame far and wide. The world did little know
that the brilliant successes were not all due to the energy

1. This account from the Persian sorrces is not so reliable as that of
P. D. Valle who learnt the news at Goa only a few days after the battle.

2. J. Ch.; Sh. Bh. Chapter IV; P. S. S. No. 224. 18 September 1625.

SHAHJI THE KINGMAKER 67

of the octagenerian Amber, but were to be largely attributed
to the valour and tactics of Shahji and other Bhosle
commanders.

Malik Amber's chances of success in inflicting another
serious blow to the Imperialists grew more brilliant by the
union of Prince Shah Jahan who had retreated from the
north to take refuge in the Nizamshahi Sate. Shah Jahan
vigorously pressed the siege of Barhanpur for several months,
but the city was most heroically defended by the Rajput
levies. At last, a relieving force was brought by prince
Parvez and Mahabat Khan. Thereupon Shah Jahan and
Malik Amber raised the siege of Barhanpur and retired
towards the Balaghat. 1

Pietro Delia Valle, the famous Italian traveller has
referred to this battle of Bhatvadi in these lines:

" On October the one and thirtieth (1624) news came to
Goa that Melik Amber, who for a good while successfully
warr'd against Adil-Sciah, at length in a victory had taken
one Mulla Muhamed, General of Adil-Sciah's Army and
much favor'd by him; who by his ill demeanor towards the
said Melik ( even so far as to endeavour to get him poyson'd )
was the occasion of the present warr, wherein Melik's chief
intent was to revenge himself on the said Mulla Muhamed:
whom being thus taken, they say, he beheaded and caus'd
him in that manner to be carry'd about his Camp with this
Proclamation: that this Tray tor Mulla Muhamed, the cause
of the warr and present discords between Adil-Sciah and
Nizam Sciah, (to whom this Melik is Governour, otherwise
Friends and allies, was thus in the Name of his Lord
Adil-Sciah, as a Traytor and disturber of the publick Peace,
put to death. By which act Melik meant to signifie that he had
no evil intention against Adil-Sciah, but onely took up Arms
for the mischiefs done him by Mulla Muhamed, whom he

I. Beni Prasad, History of Jahangir, Pp. 390 95; E,F. 1624 9, Pp. 151-
353, 161, 316. Gladwin.P. 76, ...

68 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

desired to remove from the Government of Adil-Sciah and
from the world. Yet it was not known how Adil-Sciah
received this action, and what end the business would have.

In this warr, they say, the Mogol favoured Adil-Sciah
against Melik and supplied him with 20,000 Horse, but, be
that how it will, Adil-Sciah hath hitherto always gone by
the worst and sometimes been in great danger; Melik w r ho is
a brave Captain, having over-run all the State almost to the
Gates of Vidhiapor, which is the Royal City of Adil-Sciah
where he hath sometimes been forced to shut himself up as
if it were besieged. A few moneths before Adil-Sciah put
one of his principal Wives to death, for conspiracy which
she was said to hold with Melik, and for having been a party
in promoting this warr, out of design to remove Adil-Sciah
from the Government as one become odious to his own
people, either through his covetousness, or inability
( being infirm ), and to place his son in his room, who
therefore was in danger too of being put to death by his
Father when the conspiracy was discovered. " !

9, Shahji in Bijapur service ( 1625-28 )

In the campaigns against Sholapur and Nauraspur the
Bhosles performed signal service, but instead of giving
Shahji due honour and dignity, the Nizam Shahi government
rewarded his cousins for the victory. This act naturally
created a suspicion in his mind against Malik Amber, Nizam
Shah as well as his cousins. Mutual jealousy soon grew into
enmity among the cousins. In a short time, Shahji was
satisfied that his stay at the court was no longer safe. Like
his father-in-law Jadhavrao, he decided to retire from that
service. Ibrahim Adil Shah of Bijapur was raging for revenge
on Malik Amber for the brutal indignities piled upon him
and his general during the late war. He offered the honourable
post of Sarlashkar of the Bijapur army to Shahji and thus

1. The Travels of Pietro Delia Valle in India. Vol. II. Pp. 442-443.

SHAHJI THE KINGMAKER 69

a new alliance was made against Malik Amber. 1 This was
the first desertion of Shahji which has not been noticed by
many historians, but has been fully described by the
Shiva Bharat and confirmed from the Tanjore Inscription
and other sources. For instance, in the famous letter 2 written
by Shivaji to Maloji Ghorpade of Mudhol, it is said that
Shahji went to Bijapur in the reign of Ibrahim Shah before
the death of Malik Amber which happened on 14th May 1626.
Hence the desertion of Shahji must have ocurred in 1625.

In the beginning, Shahji Bhosle Adil Shahi began to
act as an independent chief in his Jajir of Shirwal, Poona
and Karyat Patas, but he suffered a terrible defeat at the
hands of Sabaji Anant, the commander of Nizam Shahi
troops which were sent to oust him from his possessions.
The Bijapur army which came to assist Shahji was cooped
up by the Nizamsahi forces in the Salpa pass in
December 3 1625. This reverse was soon after retrieved, as
he successfully resisted the armies of Malik Amber which
were again sent to capture his Jagir. 4

Thereafter Shahji showed a wonderful activity during the
brief period of his service in Bijapur. By his intervention he
secured from Adil Shah an order for the restoration of the
Jagir of Karyat Talib under the Governor of Fort Panhala, to
Sambhaji and Dhoraji Mohite in January 1626.

Impressed with the power, valour and determination of
Shahji, Ibrahim Adil Shah granted him the title of Sarlashkar,
showered favours upon him and employed him against Mudhoji
Nimbalker of Phaltan who was completely defeated. Then his
troops were employed in subduing the Karnatic, the Kerala
district and other tracts. 9 By his victories there, he brought
an immense booty to Bijapur and thus improved the prosperity
of the kingdom.

1. P. S. & Nos. 227. 226,. 28 July 1625, 16 January 1626; 4 February
1626. Sb. Bh. V. 1-13.

2. Shivaji Vol. II. p. 281.

?. P. S. S. Nos. 222. 225. 19 December 1625.
4. Sh. Bh. V. 1 4-15; Raj. XV. 345.

70 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

It is evident that Sarlashkar Shahji had won his laurels a
a general and statesman under Bijapur. Even under Malik
Amber he first held the Mokasa of Poona and Shirwal, and
lateron distinguished himself in thebattleof Bhatwadi andafterl
Hence his name could not first occur in recorded history
in 1628, nor was he a petty captain during the regency
of Malik Amber. 3 In a grant of 8th March 1628 Shahji called
himself Sarlashkar, ' Maharaja,' ' the shelter of ministry/
'and the refuge of valour.' 4 These titles must have been
bestowed upon him by the Adil Shahi state.

The political situation rapidly took a different turn by the
recall of Mahabat Khan in the beginning of 1626, the death of
the octagenerian Malik Amber in May 1626 and that of King
Ibrahim on 22nd September, 5 1627.

10. The recall of Mahabat Khan

The recall of an experienced general and a subtle
diplomat like Mahabat Khan to the north, had an adverse
effect on the situation in the Deccan. His successor Khan
Jahan Lodi did not possess the energy, diplomacy, generalship
and prestige of his predecessor to successfully withstand the
guerilla tactics of which Malik Amber was a consummate
master. The factions at the court, the succession disputes*
the coup (fe main of Mahabat Khan in capturing Jahangir as
well as Nur Jahan, and removing the Premier Asaf Jah
from the administration, the rebellion of Shah Jahan and
lastly, the death of the drunken Prince Parvez, very much
weakened the Imperial cause in the Deccan. A graphic
account of these events is given by President Kerridge in his
Surat Letter of 29th November 1626 to the Company.

1. P. S. S. Nos. 226 290.

2. Sh. Bh, V. 20.

3. Sarkar, Shivaji, P. 18; M. R. 1917 September. P. 284.

4. P.S. S.No. 262.

5. O. C. 1264. 4 January 1628. P. S. S, No. 431; Beni Prasad, Hi story of
Jahangir, 413, 422. '

SHAHJI THE KINGMAKER 71

" Asaph Chaun being father-in-lawe by marriage of his
daughter unto the Prince Charome, the Kings third sonne,
who ( as you have doubtlesse bin advertized ),
murthering his elder brother, (Khusrau) , rebelled
against his father and by force of armes
aspired unto the crowne; in which attempt having susteyned
sundry overthrowes, hee lastlie fledd from the King his army
unto Bengali, and thence by way of Musulopotan (Masulipatam)
unto Decan, where hovering under the protection of Malik
Amber hee submissively sought reconciliacion, which his
said father in-lawe ( being still in favour ; mediating by
intercession of his sister, the predominant
Queene, obtained that Mahobett Chaun,
gennerall of the King his army, Charoomes
feirce enimy, should bee dismissed from that charge; who
after long deniall resigneing and comeing unto the court,
the King being then some 40 course from Lahore in his
progresse towards Cabull, his pavillion with his family and
attendants being pitched on the side of a
river anc * kis n bles on the other, the said
Mahobett Chaun with 8 or 10,000 horse came
suddainly unto him, slewe all such as seemed to question
or dislike the manner of his coming, and, having accesse
unto the King his presence, tooke him imediatelie with
trim unto his owne tents; whereupon the Queene amasedlie
( amazedly ) fledd unto hir brother and friends on the other
side the river, by a bridge purposelie made for passage
to and from, which imediately after was cutt downe to
prevent others from going over. The King, after private
conference with the said Mahobett Chaun, was with great
reverence returned againe unto his pavillion, and the Queene
by his command sent for; who rendering all dutie, refused to
come untill a feild weare tryed twixt hir friends and enimyes;
which the next morning she with them put
in execution, and passing the river (hardlie
foordable ) were encountred by Mahobutt
Chauns armie on the Kings side, who, though by farre the
lesse nomber, with the slaughter of about 5,000 menn put the
Queene and hir friends to flight. She hirselfe, after assurance

72 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

given by Mahobet Chaun for hir safety, came into the King.
Hir brother recovered a castle of his owne with many of
his friends; some were slaine, but most,
pretending the Kings service, weare pardoned
and continewed in office. Assaph Chaun, being
beseidged in his castle (of Attock), surrendered on assurance
of life, and hath ever since untill verry latelie remained
closse prisoner in the custodie and charge of Mahobett Chaun,
not withstanding the Queenes uttmost dilligence and the
Kings perswadeing an accord twixt them; all
Disaffection which tyme Mahobett Chaun hath governed,
Mahabat. nothing having been granted without him,
and in such extremitie that the insolence of
his followers hath grieved not only the campe but the
inhabitants of Cabull also, who, instigated by some great
men, att a signe given slewe in an instant almost 2,000 of
his souldiers, that expected noc such massacre, and their
fellowes in revenge have since done divers outrages err both
sides could bee pacified, which the King lastly effected, and
being againe returned neere the river
Rel a e . of aforemencioned where the Queenes friends
weare overthrowne, she hath with sundry of
them reinforced hirselfe for the delivery of hir brother, in
such manner as the armies of both have been at point of
joyning battle, but still prevented by the Kings endeavours
to accord them, which ( as report newlie gives out ) is
seemingly effected, both the mencioned favorities having
exchanged hostages and Asaph Chaun delivered; yet newe
and greater stirrs suspected, Carome having passed with
3,000 horses onely from Decan through this
country unto Sindey, determining ( as was
supposed ) to have fledd into Persia; but
Sultan Parveis, the Kings second sonne and eldest then
living, who lately obteyned this cittie and the country
about it, being deceased within this 30 dayes att Brampore
( as is supposed by poyson ; and the army there under
command of Chan Irhan, an especiall friend of the Prince
Caromes, his hopes are agaiixe revived, and except the King doe
pardon his offences ( thereby endaungering his owne state

SHAHJI THE KINGMAKER 73

and life ) ncwe and great stirrs are like to bee raised, his
sonnes army daylie encreasing and hee on his

f jal !f n ' s returne from Sindce to Gusurat. Wee have
bid for me

throne. thought requisite to give you this particular

relacion of these troubles, as well for that
some circumstances in your business depend thereon as
that the inhabitants doe generally feare they are not yet
quieted, for the Prince Caromc his farther hopes will cause
great stirrs both in court and country, who although hee
bee nowe the eldest living of the Kings children, yett hath
hee a younger brother ( Shahriyar }, marryed
to the daughter of the beloved Queene
aforesaid, the sonne ( Dawar Bakhsh ) also
of his elder brother being a hopefull gentleman and
indubitate heire in favour of the King, and all of them
competi tours for the kingdome." '

1 1. Estimate of Malik Amber

The famous Dutch traveller, Petro Delia Valle has given
an interesting account of Malik [Amber and of the then
situation of the Deccan. It is not fully reliable, because
it is based upon hearsay. However, a popular view of
the personality of the great warrior, shrewd statesman and
the most enlightened financier of the Deccan was recorded by
him in 1620.

"The Nizam Sciah now reigning, is a boy of twelve

years old, who therefore doth not govern it, but an

Abyssine Slave of the Moors Religion,

MaUlTAmber. called Malik Amber, administers the state

in his stead, and that with such authority,

that at this day this Territory is more generally known and

call'd by the name of Malik's Country, than the Kingdom

of Nizam Sciah. Nevertheless this Malik Amber governs not

fraudulently, and with design to usurp, by keeping the King

shut up, as I have sometimes heard; but according as I

have better understood since from persons inform'd nearer

hand, he administers with great fidelity and submission

1. O. C. 1241. Surat to the Company. 29 November 1626. Cf. Elliot VI.
Pp. 425-30.

S. 10.

74 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

towards the young King, to whom nevertheless they say, he
hath provided, or already given to wife a Daughter of his
own, upon security that himself shall be Governour of the
whole state as long as he lives. This Malik Amber is a man
of great parts, and fit for government, but, as they say, very
impious, addicted to Sorcery; whereby 'tis thought that he
keeps himself in favour with his king, and that for works of
Inchantments, ( as to make prodigious buildings, and with
good luck, that the same may last perpetually and succeed
\\ ell ) he hath with certain superstitious us's in these countries
committed most horrid impieties and cruelties, killing
hundreds of his slaves' Children, and others; and offering them
as in Sacrifice to the invok'd Devils, with other abominable
stories which I have heard related; but because not seen by
myself, I affirm not for true. The Ambassador of this Nizam
Sciah in Persia, is that Habese Chun, an Abyssine also,
whom I saw at my being there.

Of strange things, they relate that Nizam Sciah hath, I

know not where in his Country a piece of Ordnance so vast,

that they say it requires 15,000 pound of

The Malik-i- Powder to charge it ; that the ball it carries,

Mai dan cannon

at Parenda almost equals the height of a Man, that the
metal of the piece is about two spans thick,
and that it requires I know not how many thousand Oxen,
besides Elephants to move it; which therefore is useless for
war, and serves oncly for vain pomp. Nevertheless this
king so esteems it, that he keeps it continually cover'd with

1. Another account of this cannon when it was in the possession of Adil
Shah, comes from the pen of Mendelslo.

" There is not any Prince in all those parts so well stored with Artillery as
the king of Cuncam ( Konkan in Bi japur ). Among others, he had one Brass
piece, which required a Bullet weighing eight hundred weight, with five
bundled and forty pound of fine powder; which did such execution, as was
reported, that at the siege of the Castle of Salapour ( Sholapur ), at the first
firing, it made a breach in the wall of forty-five foot in lengtb. The Caster of
it was a Roman born, and the most wicked of mankind; since he had the
inhumanity in cold blood, to kill his own son, to consecrate that monstrous
Piece, with his blood, and to cast into the fire, wherein he had melted his Metal,
one ef the Kings Treasurers, who would call him to account for the charge he
had been at therein. But it is time we prosecute our Voyage." Mendelslo' s.
Travels into the Indies. Lib. II. Pp 77-78. Cf. Cousens, Guide to Bi japur, p. 45.

SHAHJI THE KINGMAKER 75

rich cloth of Gold, and once a year comes in person to do it
reverence, almost adoring it; and indeed, although these
kings are Moors, yet they still retain much of the ancient
idolatry of the Countries, wherein Mahometism is little, or
not yet universally setled."

Even the Mogul historian, Motamad Khan who
frequently revels in abusing the 'dark, ill-fortuned,
Abyssinian slave/ has eloquently testified to his eminence.
"In warfare, in command, in sound judgment and in
administration, he had no rival or equal. He \\ell
understood that predatory warfare, which in the language
of the Deccan is called bargigiri. He kept down the
turbulent spirits of that country, and maintained his
exalted position to the end of his life and closed his
career in honour." l

12. Demise of Ibrahim Adil Shah

Ibrahim Adil Shah is said to have been a great patron
of scholars, poets, historians and musicians. He ardently
loved music and used to worship Saraswati, the Hindu
goddess of music. As he was often surrounded by Hindu
musicians and Brahmins and was given the title of 'Jagat
Guru* world-teacher by his Hindu admirers, he was disliked
by his Muslim co-religionists. This tolerant and learned
monarch was succeeded by his minor son Muhammad Shah
on 12th September 1627. At this time, the Bijapuri
army consisted of one lakh foot, 52,000 horse and
955 elephants.

13. Desertion and return of Shahji

The regency began to follow a reactionary policy. All
the Brahmin and Hindu Sardars were kept in custody. Shahji
too was afterwards insulted by the new Padshah, 9 and
consequently he thought it unsafe to continue there under

1. Beni Prasad, History of Jahangir. P. 423. Cf. J. Sarkar, Mod. Rev.
September 1909.

2. Sh. Bh. IX. 26-27; VIII. 5-8.

76 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

the altered conditions. Secondly, though on the one hand,
the death of Malik Amber and the desertion of the
two noble Maratha lords had weakened the Nizam Shahi
Kingdom, it was, on the other hand, resuscitated by the
cession of the territories formerly lost in the wars with the
Mogul. Khan Jahan Lodi, the Mogul Viceroy in the
Deccan, treacherously gave back to Murtaza Nizam Shah
all the territory that Akbar and Jahangir had wrested
from the dynasty with so much loss of men and money.
But the commandant of the Ahmadnagar fort refused to
obey the order of this Viceroy, and thus that fortress alone
did not pass into the possession of Nizam Shah. 1

The political situation changed with the inauguration of
Shah Jahan's rule. He proceeded in person to the Deccan
to put down the rebellion of his Viceroy, Khan Jahan Lodi,
and demanded the restoration of the imperial territory from
Nizam Shah. In case of refusal his Kingdom was threatened
with fresh invasions under the Emperor himself. The
Daulatabad court invited Shahji to return, and he gladly
accepted the offer to usefully serve 2 the state which had
been the patron of himself and his ancestors. On his way,
he took legal possession of his Poona Jagir for which a
grant was formally made by Nizam Shah in May 3 1628.

14. Shahji in Khandesh

In 1628 when the Moguls advanced against the fort
of Bir, the Sultan sent Shahji and a party of siledars
with 6,000 horse to make a raid in East Khandesh and
check the Moguls there. But Darya Khan Ruhela slew
many of the raiders and expelled them from the tract
lying between the Tapti and the Purna. About one year
after the return of Shahji to Daulatabad, his father-in-law
Jadhavrao also renounced the cause of the Moguls for the

1. KhaB Khan in Elliot. 2. Sh. Bh. VI. 8. 3. P. S. S. Nos. 262, 274.
275. It appears that Shirwal or Subhanmangal remained with Jayanapant Lingras
under Bijapur for some time to come. Sh. Ch. Sahitya I, pp. 22,24.

SHAHJI THE KINGMAKER 77

benefit of the old Nizam Shahi state, but unfortunately
he could not long live in peace there. 1

15, The Imperial army in the Deccan, 1630

Mendelslo has given a detailed composition of the
imperial army that marched to the south. The names of
the chief officers and the strength of the battalions under each
of them will be interesting ( Appendix ). In 1630 Shah Jahan
marched with an army of 144,500 horse, besides elephants,
camels, mules, and horses for transport. This force was
divided into four brigades and was respectively commanded
by Shaista Khan, Iradat Khan, Jai Singh and one by the
King himself.

However, Manrique puts the figure at 400,000 horse. a
According to him, the total strength of Shah Jahan's army
in 1640 was 10,61,330 horse under 7,250 Umras, Mansabdars
and Ahadies. There were besides 128,000 horse belonging to
the four highest lords and the royal princes themselves. Thus
the nominal strength of the cavalry alone was twelve lakhs.
Shah Jahan was at Burhanpur in April, 1630. 3

16. Arms of the Mogul army

The arms and weapons of the Moguls are thus described
by Manrique:

"The offensive Arms of the Horse are, the Bow, the
Quiver, having in it forty or fifty Arrows, the Javeline, or
a kind of long-headed Pike, which they dart with great
exactness, the Cymitar on one side, and the Ponyard on the
other; the defensive is the Buckler, which they have always
hanging about their necks."

17. Mode of Mogul warfare

The method of Mogul warfare as seen by this impartial
European, deserves our special attention.

1. Sh. Bh. VIII. 20; Orme Mss. Vol. 331. Rajvade is wrong in saying
that Jadhavrao returned to Daulatabad in 1625. R. M. V. Ch. P. 56.

2. Vol. II, 273, Pp. 275-278. 3. E. F. 1630-1636, Pp. 22, 33.

78 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

"They know nothing of the distinction of Van-guard,
main Battle, and Rear-guard, and understand neither Front
nor File, nor make any Battalion, but fight confusedly
without any Order.

Their greatest strength consists in the Elephants, which
carry on their backs certain Towers of Wood, wherein there
are three or four Harquenbuses hanging by hooks, and as
many Men to order that Artillery. The Elephants serve
them for a Trench, to oppose the first attempt of the Enemy,
but it often comes to pass that the Artificial Fires, which
are made use of to frighten these Creatures, put them into
such a disorder, that they do much more mischief among
those who brought them to the Field, than they do among
the Enemies. They have abundance of Artillery, and some
considerable great Pieces, and such as whereof it may be
said, the invention of them is as ancient as that of ours.
They also make Gun-powder, but it is not fully so good
as what is made in Europe. Their Timbrels and Trumpets
are of Copper, and the noise they make, in order to come to
some Military Action, is not undelightful. Their Armies do not

march above Cos, or Leagues, according to the measure of

the Country, in a day; and when they encamp, they take
up so great a quantity of ground, that they exceed the
compass of our greatest Cities.

In this they observe an admirable Order, in as much as
there is no Officer nor Souldier, but knows where he is to
take up his Quarters; nor can there be any City more
regularly divided into Streets, Markets and other publick
places for the greater communication and convenience of the
Quarters, and for the distribution of Provisions." J

18. Method of Maratha warfare

The Nizam Shahi and Adil Shahi states had Muslim as
well as Maratha feudal lords. For a long time Maratha

1. Travels of F. S. Manrique. P. 40,

SHAHJI THE KINGMAKER 79

levies seem to have followed the guerilla tactics of warfare
and their system had been adopted even by the Muslim forces*
so that Malik Amber was considered to be a consummate
master of predatory warfare. The Moguls of the time of Akbar
had no faith in the efficacy of this method and even slighted
it, till later on they learnt its value by terrible reverses in the
Deccan. Jahangir and Shah Jahan won over many Maratha
chiefs like Jadhavrao and his sons, Shahji and his relatives,
Kheloji and his brothers, and several Muslim war-lords
like Mukurrab Khan. The presence of their levies in the
Mogul armies taught the latter the supreme value of the
lightning and furious attacks on masses of the enemy forces
of carrying victories to their logical ends by way of hot
pursuit of the demoralised forces, of pillage and
destruction of the camps and transportation of the most
valuable booty, of an immediate and eccentric retreat, of
dispersing in all directions for avoiding war and afterwards
uniting in their place of bivouac. Rapidity, enterprise, energy,
courage, simplicity, perseverence in each individual soldier,
and bravery, discipline, versatility on the part of the whole
army are the virtues necessary for such a system of warfare. A
rapid succession of paralysing blows grows like an avalanche
in its destructive effects, so that the morale of the army is
reduced to its lowest level. Shivaji was a past master in the
art of predatory warfare. His successors faithfully followed
it in the long war with Aurangzeb who, though at the climax
of his power, could not maintain the morale of his troops
against the secret, furious and sudden attacks of the Marathas.
So that this system finally made the Hindus triumphant and
brought about the destruction of the Mogul Empire.

19. Jadbavrao's murder

Soon after the accession of the minor King
Muhammad Shah at Bijapur, Murtaza Nizam Shah saw
an opportunity of regaining his lost territory, and so he
commenced a war against Bijapur. But his army was
defeated first at Kayji Dharur and then at Kundri

80 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

Kannur in 1628. The Nizam Shahi premier Fateh Khan
had brought the misfortune of defeat upon his kingdom,
and yet he wielded an abundant influence upon the king.
The latter was persuaded by one minister Hamid Khan
to imprison Fateh Khan and then to arrest Jadhavrao who
was unjustly suspected of being at heart with the Moguls.
It was thought that in case the old experienced Jadhavrao
who knew all the secrets of the state, joined the Moguls,
he would cause irrepairable loss to the kingdom. The
plot was thus put into action. One day the king suddenly
withdrew from the Audience Hall and thereafter a few
Muslim courtiers under instructions from the king fell upon
Jadhavrao and his sons in the Court Hall. The latter bravely
fought to the last, so that Jadhavrao, his sons Raghuji and
Achaloji, and even his grandson Yeshwant Rao were killed
in June 1630. Thereupon Jadhavrao's brother Bhauji, 1 his
wife Girjabai and other members of the family, fled first
to Sindhkhed near Jalna and thence to the Moguls for
protection, 2 Hereafter they served the Moguls for the
destruction of the Nizam Shahi State.

20. Revolt of Shahji

The barbarous and cruel murder of the most
prominent Hindu noble of the Nizam Shahi Kingdom,
was full of important consequences. Other Hindu and
Muslim nobles found out that their lives and properties
were quite unsafe in the hands of the King. Shahii, the
son-in-law of Jadhavrao, w r as mortally afraid of the
coming conspiracies. He and his wife had every reason
to avenge the death of their nearest kinsman. So he
put up the banner of revolt and started from the
impregnable fort of Parenda on a plundering expedition. 3

1. In Bad. Kamah the names of the two brothers of Jadhavrao are given as
Jagdev and Bahadurji.

2. Urdu Basatin-i-Salatin, P. 229: Sh. Bh. VIII. 20-32. The names of
Jadhavrao's sons are given in Sh. Bh. IV. 26 as Raghuji, Achalaji. Jaswantrao
and Bahadur ji, hut Jaswant Rao should be replaced by Dattaji, the former was
his grandson. 3. Sh. Bh. VIII. 33.

SHAHJI THE KINGMAKER 81

He created a mighty disturbance in the Adil Shahi and
Nizam Shahi territories and strengthened Poona. From
seven other grants it appears that Poona was in his
possession 1 up to 1630.

Murar Jagdeva Pandit was sent with a large force
from Bijapur to subdue and punish Shahji. The Pandit
captured Poona and Indapur, set fire to the towns,
destroyed and burnt do\\n all in that district. 9 Then he
built a fort on the Bhuleshwar hill which is some thirty-
two miles distant from Poona. Abarao was appointed as a
commandant of this new fort called Daulatamangal to look
after the administration of the newly conquered district. In
two grants Murari Pandit is styled ' Maharaj, Rajadhiraj'
the Emperor and the King of Kings. 3 Meanwhile Shahji had
retreated to Shivneri and taken refuge \\ith Shrinvas Roa
alias Vijayaraj. There his son Sambhaji was married to
the chief's daughter Jayanti. 4 Then he left his family there
and thought out a plan to save himself from the persecution of
the Nizam Shahi and Adil Shahi Kingdoms. As Shahji had
taken an active part in supporting Khan Jahan Lodi, he
thought it proper for saving his Jagir of Poona and the new
conquests, to throw himself on the Emperor's mercy and
procure a promise of pardon for his past offences by accepting
the Mogul service. He entered into correspondence with Azam
Khan, the Mogul Viceroy who forthwith sent information to
the Emperor. Shah Jahan was fully aware of the bravery,
strategy and versatility of Shahji, and consequently he
welcomed this Maratha noble for the conquest of the Nizam
Shahi Kingdom. The alliance of the Deccan monarchies was to
be weakened by the separation of Shahji. 5 The Raja with two
thousand cavalry went to have a personal interview with the
Viceroy, and there he was granted the dignity of 5,000 horse,

1. P. S. S. Nos. 274-279, 282, 285, etc..

2. P. S. S. No. 332; Rajvade. 18. Pp. 29. 44.

3. P. S. S. Nos. 337-8, November 1631, No. 363. September 1633.

4. P. S. S. Nos. 264267; Sh. Bh. Vlll. 10-18,

5. E. F. 1630-36. Pp. 159-60. 10 June 1631.

S.11.

82 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

a robe, various other emblems of honour, and two lakhs-
of rupees. His son Sambhaji, relatives and dependents were
also similarly honoured. Many of his cousins as Kheloji,
Parsoji, Maloji, and Mambaji, as well as the sons of his
uncle Vithoji, were taken into service at this time. Then
he was deputed to conquer Junner, Sangamner and the
Konkan districts for the Moguls. ' Thus the Bhosles became
the vassals of the Moguls for some time and began to
capture territories for being annexed to the Delhi Empire.

Raja Chandar Rao More and Baji Valvale were sent by
the Bijapur court with their own contingents to conquer
the Konkan up to the port of Dabhol. They sieved Mahad,
Chodegaon, Nizampur and a few other places from Nizam
Shah. Siddi Marjan, the Subedar of Talkonkan, marched
out of Chaul to oppose them. He was defeated and slain, and
thus Chaul fell into the hands of the Adil Shahis. This victory
^as soon followed by a rout of the troops of Baji Valvale
who was slain at Kolar near Chaul by Siddi Saba Amber
Khani who had been reinforced with the troops of Ikhlas
Khan from Daulatabad. He re-took Chaul and other parts
previously captured by the Adil Shahis, and returned to
the Konkan. 2 We have no light on Shahji's activities in
that part. On the other hand, he seems to have been in
the party of the pursuers of Daria Khan \\ ho had revolted
against his master Shah Jahan. The rebel had made an
escape into Bundhelkhand, but even there he was brought to
bay by Shahji. In a fight the Maratha hero pierced him
with many arrows and despatched him to the other world.
Then Shahji returned to Shivneri 3 where for the first time
his heart \\as gladdened to see his newly borne babe who was
named Shivaji from the goddess Shivai after whose name the
fort was styled Shivneri. The Orme Mss. Vol. 331 records that
Shahji was invested by the Moguls with the Jagirs of Junner

1. Elliot Vll. 15-17.

2. Urdu Basatin i Salatin. P. 231.

3. Sh. Bh. VIII. 18; VI. 93.

SHAHJI THE KINGMAKER 83

Sangamner, Beejzapore (?) and Bugole (?) on the borders of
'Rajapur.

21. Revolution at Daulatabad

The murder of Jadhavrao, the rebellion of Shahji, the
invasion of the Moguls, and the alliance of Bijapur and Shah
Jahan forced Murtiza Nizam Shah to remove his prime
minister, Mukurrub Khan who, on being degraded, went over
to Shah Jahan. Malik Amber's son, Fateh Khan, was restored
to liberty and the dignities of the prime minister were
conferred upon him on 18th January 1 1631. He desired to
make an alliance with the Moguls, but many nobles were
against this policy. He was apprehensive of the king turning
against him on that point. Hence, that revengeful, impulsive
and passionate Abyssinian, instead of being grateful to his
generous master the king, is said to have put him to death 2 in
February 1632. Basatin i Salatin, however, does not
charge him with the crime and states that the King was
suddenly struck with insanity and soon succumbed to that
disorder. Fateh Khan set up Hussain Shah, the seven years
old son of Murtiza Nizam Shah, upon the throne. The premeir
was universally suspected of poisoning the King and was
therefore detested by the people and the nobility. 3

Sabaji Anant, Sewaji Pandit, Sakhoram and other
officers went over to the Moguls. Similarly, the Muslim
nobles deserted the cause of the prime minister, so that
he was reduced to extremities. To add to his miseries,
a severe famine desolated the country and created such a
scarcity of provisions and fodder that thousands began to
die of starvation. Under such circumstances he was unable
to oppose the Moguls. He petitioned Shah Jahan to extend
his protection to him. It was promised to him only when he

1. Sh. Ch. Pr. P. 54. 2. Sh. Ch. Pr. P. 54.

3. 'The whole of the nobility attached to the unfortunate prince, were put
to death by the ruffian. Grant Duff (P. 47) gives the name of Takurnb Khan
who disgusted by the change, and dreading the consequences to himself, went
over to the Moguls and got the rank of 6,000 horse.

84 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

delivered the jewels, elephants, etc. belonging to the King.
Then the Emperor restored his jagir which had been before
confiscated from him and conferred upon Shahji.

22. Shahji's monarchy

The latter deserted the Moguls, repaired and strengthened
the old fort of Payamgad (Pemgiri) , named it Shahgad and
laid the foundation of an independent monarchy. Thereafter
he raised an army and began to lay \vaste the adjacent country.
Within a short period he was able to conquer a large territory.
So that his new acquisition extended from Poona-Chakan to
the Konkan on one side and from Junner and Sangamner 1 to
the precincts of Ahmadnagar and Daulatabad. His rule
extended over Nasik and Trimbak. There is Shahji Raje's
grant of 31st December 1629 to the officer of Pandiapedgaon
(P. S. S. No. 302). There are other grants of July 1631
(P. S. S. Nos. 333-4; for the same town. Then two grants
relate to the continuance of the donation to a mosque at Nasik
in 1632 and 1634(Nos. 349, 375). Thus during 1632-36 he
had seized Nasik and Trimbak. It is evident that a large part
of the Nizam Shahi Kingdom was in the hands of Shahji even
up to the loss of Daulatabad.

He also succeeded in persuading the commandant of
Jalna to cede the fort to him, but the Moguls outbid him, and
hence it was delivered to them on 7th October 1632, so that
Shahji's troops had to retreat in disappointment. 9 He
appealed to the generosity of Muhammad Adil Shah. It was
impossible for the King to send any assistance as he had
entered into alliance with Shah Jahan through his ambassador
Shekh Muayyan-ud-din. 8 The aim of the mission was
to separate Bijapur from an alliance with the Lodi. No
sooner was the object fulfilled by the rout and death
of the Lodi than Shah Jahan changed his policy. He

1. P. S. S. No. 376-Shahji's grant of 1634. Orme Mss. Vol. 331,

2. Crme Mss. Vol. 331,

3. Muhammad Namah gives Shekh Mughanniya as his name.

SHAHJI THE KINGMAKER 85

treacherously hurled his force into the Bijapur territory.
As soon as the ambassador left the precincts of Bijapur,
news was brought of the Mogul raids on Dharur which
had been before captured by Bijapur from the Nizam
Shahi State. A detatchment was despatched under Malik
Amber Jan of Bidar after the Mogul ambassador who
was arrested and brought back to Bijapur. Shahji who
had been pushed aside since his assistance was no longer
necessary to the imperial arms, set up a new Hindu
monarchy. He now joined Adil Shah and thus saved the
Deccan monarchies from being swallowed up by the Mogul

Emperor.

23. Shah Jahan's war with Bijapur

Though Shah Jahan took Patch Khan under his wing, he
did not slacken his efforts of conquering the Nizam Shahi
Kingdom from the nobles who had rebelled against Fateh
Khan. Several armies were despatched one after another to
desolate the country and capture strong forts. For instance
Nasrat Khan was sent against Qandhar which was soon
delivered up to him.Iradat Khan laid siege to the impregnable
fort of Parenda, but being foiled in his attempt, he proceeded
to the fort of Dharur on the Krishna to capture it for the
Moguls, because it formely belonged to the Nisam Shahi
Kingdom. Bijapur was not ready for this treacherous attack,
hence the fort capitulated to the Mogul commander without
any serious fight. It has been seen that this attack on the
Bijapur territory was rightly looked upon as a violation
of the treaty. Therefore an alliance was concluded by
Muhammad Adil Shah with Qutub Shah and the Nizam
Shahi barons who were against Fateh Khan. Even the
Portuguese secretly assisted Bijapur with ammunition. 1

24. The Mogul retreat from Bijapur and Parenda

The news of the arrest of his ambassador by the Sultan
of Bijapur led the Emperor to appoint his father-in-law Asaf

1. E, F. 163036. Pp. 5960. 10 June 1631; P. S. S. Nos. 343, 345.

86 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

Jah as commander-in-chief of the war against the two
monarchies. The latter raided the country up to Gulbarga
with the troops of the principal nobles of the Empire and
then proceeded to lay siege to the Bijapur city itself. '
Many skirmishes took place on a small scale every day,
but at last on 13th February 1632 a bloody battle took
place wherein the Moguls were defeated, and five generals
of theirs were killed. On the other hand, the Bijapur army
lost one general Sikandar \\\ Khan. Yet the siege continued.
The Mogul army wantonly destroyed every thing in the
environs of the metropolis. These oppressions set the
Bijapuri nobles' blood boiling. On the 20th of February they
made a furious charge and fought with the courage of
despair, so that they inflicted a serious defeat on the besiegers.
The negotiations between the two parties broke down, and
hence the Moguls began to retire from the field. The
retreating army was pursued by 15,000 soldiers under Murari
Pandit till it was out of the borders of the Kingdom.
He then marched to the relief of Parenda in the Nizam
Shahi Kingdom. The troops engaged in its siege had already
beaten a hasty retreat, so that the Pandit stationed himself
near the fort. He was fortunate to soon get its possession
from the commandant Aga Ruzwan or Haibat Khan on
18th July 1632 by giving 10,000 huns as a reward. The
chief cause of the Mogul failure was the dearth of water,
fodder and provisions due to a terrible famine prevailing
throughout the Deccan in 1631 and 1632. 9

25. The end of the Nizam Shahi Kingdom

The crest-fallen Asaf Jah was replaced by Mahabat
Khan, the Governor of Lahor, as the Viceroy of the Deccan.
Circumstances in the south augured success in the campaigns.
Knowing that Fateh Khan had niether men nor provisions to
defend his capital, Shahji persuaded the Bijapur Government

1. G. Duff (P. 47 ) gives a different version.

2. Elliot. VII. 2-13 28-31, Urdu Basatin-i-Salatin.' 235-6; Sh. Bti. VII. 53-57.

SHAHJI THE KINGMAKER 87

for entering into alliance with him for despatching an army
under Randulla Khan and himself for capturing Daulatabad
and thus keeping the Moguls at arms length. On hearing of
the march of this army, Fateh Khan lost heart and proposed
to give up the fort to the Moguls, provided he could save the
rest of the Nizam Shahi monarchy with their help. Thereupon
a Mogul army marched under Khan Zaman towards
Daulatabad, but it found the fort already invested by the
Adil Shahis. The two armies began to fight against each
other, and each bombarded the castle to get its possession
first.

In the meantime, the Bijapuris opened negotiations with
Fateh Khan for not delivering the fort to the Moguls and
for accepting their support. On this condition Fateh Khan
readily accepted the offer, and without any declaration of war
suddenly opened fire on the Mogul army from the heights
of the fortress, while the Bijapur artillery also began to work
havoc in the Mogul lines. Mahabat Khan was naturally
enraged on this breach of faith on the part of the Abyssinian
premier. However, he bravely extricated himself from this
difficulty situation.

Money and provisions were first successfully given to
Fateh Khan by the Bijapurians after the negotiations. A bloody
war continued for months under the hill-fortress of Daulatabad
and in its environs. Shahji distinguished himself by his
valour on many occasions, but at last he was driven
away from Nizampur by Khan Zaman, the son of
Mahabat Khan. 1 The Mogul army then occupied the town
of Daulatabad. In the meantime Murari Pandit was sent with
large quantities of provisions and ammunition for the use
of the besieged. But his haughty and rash temper had
alienated the Bijapuri nobles who refused to fight with or

1, It is said in Orme Mss. Vol. 131 that during this siege, the wife and
daughter of Shafcji, with part of his treasure, were by the treachery of
Mukuludar Khan, betrayed into the hands of Khan Khanan. They were however
seat back through the intervention of the brothers of Jjiabai.

88 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

under him. Mutual discord obliged them to retire to a
distance of some sixteen miles and leave the field open for the
Mogul armies to capture the fortress. In spite of the
repeated requests of Fateh Khan, the Pandit refused to send
relief to the besieged, unless the fort was first delivered to
him. Fateh Khan, being disappointed of assistance from the
Adil Shahis, made up his mind to surrender the capital to
the Moguls and once more opened negotiations with Mahabat
Khan. The latter promptly sent large quantities of gold and
provisions with a message to Fateh Khan that on the delivery
of the fort, royal favours would be showered on him, and he
and his sovereign would be restored to their previous positions.
Fateh Khan delivered the fort in June 1633. But the treaty
was soon violated by the Viceroy, because the last King
Hussain Nizam Shah was sent as a prisoner to Gwalior, and
Fateh Khan too ended his life in a prison under the effects
of insanity. 1

The remnants of the territory of the Ahmadnagar State
were annexed to the Mogul Empire and thus the Nizam
Shahi dynasty came to an end. The most cherished
ambition of Shah Jahan was fulfilled, but little did the
excultant Emperor think that this extinct dynasty would
sphinx-like once more rise from its very ashes through the
efforts of Shahji. 2

26. Shahji, the king-maker

After the conquest of Daulatabad, Mahabat Khan
appointed Khan Duran Nasir Khan as the Governor of the
uew province and himself went over to Burhanpur. But
there were still several Nizam Shahi barons in possession
of small territories. Each one became independent for the
time being, on account of the disappearance of the Nizam
Shahi Government. 3 Siddi Raihan of Sholapur, Siddi
Amber of Danda Rajpuri, Siddi Saba Saifkhan of Kalyan,

1. G. Duff. P. 49. Pad. N. I, 531. 2. Sb. Bh. VIII. 34-73.

3. Urdu Basatin-i-Salatin, P. 245.

SHAHJI THE KINGMAKER 89

Shrinivasrao of Junner and Shahji of Shahgad began to rule
over the territories like independent chiefs. The first three
barons thought it safe to acknowledge the supremacy of
Muhammad Adil Shah and be confirmed in their jagirs by
him. Shrinivasrao remained in suspense, while Shahji chalked
out the plan of reviving the Ahmadnagar monarchy by his
genius and heroism. He first set up a puppet-king by the
name of Murtiza Nizam Shah in the hill fort of Shahgad or
Payamgad (Pemgiri) in September 1 1632. Secondly, this new
capital of the Nizam Shahi government was consequently made
the centre of rallying all the ancient and loyal soldiers,
Sardars and subjects of that monarchy. Thirdly, he was
successful in winning over the Bijapur Government for
assisting him in this work of resuscitating the dead carcass
of the Nizam Shahi Kingdom. Muhammad Adil Shah and his
nobles were conscious of the dangers of the Mogul advance.
They realized that their own safety lay in creating a buffer
state to bear the brunt of the direct aggressions of Mogul
imperialism. Shahji rightly wrote to the Bijapur Durbar
that out of 84 forts, one fort alone had been possessed by the
Moguls, and therefore the Nizam Shahi Kingdom could easily
be revived by bringing together the dismembered parts. Murari
Pandit who through his conceit and folly had extinguished the
Nizam Shahi State and lost Daulatabad, was now sent by the
premier Khavas Khan to back up Shahji in this enterprise.
The latter, depending upon his own resources alone, had already
raised seven or eight thousand horse. Now he obtained the
help of Bijapur in the form of 5 to 6 thousand horse under
Captain Umbar Khan who was placed by Murari Pandit under
the orders of Shahji. The Muslem Sardars of the Nizam
Shahi State were not willing to submit to the King-maker,
even though Murari Pandit, the reprensentative of Adil Shah,
persuaded some of them to show their allegiance to the
new sovereign.

i. ]. Shak. and Padshahnamah confirm this date, but Muhammad Namah
places the event of coronation at Junner.

S.12.

90 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

For instance, Siddi Saba Saif Khan of Kalyan ceded all
the country except the forts to Shahji and proceeded with two
thousand horse to Bijapur for service. The latter, though
master of the Konkan now, still wanted to punish Saif Khan
for his insurgence, in order that the other Sardars might
learn a lesson from his fate. Murari Pandit, on his way to the
capital, encamped at Pabal, situated on the confluence of the
Bhima and Indrayani. Here he made very generous donations
of land and precious articles to the Brahmins in the
performance of the various rites on the day of the solar eclipse. 1
He performed his weighing ceremony by being balanced against
seven metals, as if he were a king. During his stay here
the news was brought to him of the surprise and defeat of Saif
Khan's detatchment'by Shahji's troops at Kher, the capture
of Siddi Amber Atash Khan, the commander of Saif Khan's
army, and of the siege of the village wherein the Khan had
taken up his temporary residence. Murari Pandit promptly
despatched a force to the assistance of the Khan. Thereupon
the Maratha troops retired and the Khan being relieved
from the danger, proceeded to the bank of the Bhima and
then to Bijapur. It is really strange that neither Murari Pandit
nor the Bijapur Government protested against Shahji's
aggression on a nobleman who had sought their refuge.
Thay did not probably desire to break off their friendly
relations with him at that juncture. 9

It is related in the Basatin-i- Salatin 8 that Saif Khan
on being presented to the King, was given two lakhs of
pagodas and employed in putting down the rebellion of the
Naik of Harpan Halli. The latter was killed by a shot in the
battle, and thus the Khan was crowned with victory.

The most important means to put an end to the existence
of the new state was to remove Shahji from the scenes
of his activities. Hence the first attempt of the Moguls

1. P. S- S. Nos. 363, 372. The Bakhars are wrong in several details of
the part played by Murari Pandit in aiding Shahji.

2, & 3. Urdu Basatin-i-Salatin. P. 247.

SHAHJI THE KINGMAKER 91

was to win him over to their side by friendly means. It is
said that Iradat Khan, the new Commander of Daulatabad,
tried his best to conciliate Shahji to the Moguls through his
cousin Maloji Bhosle. He was promised very high dignities
for himself and his relations, because the commandant knew
that he would highly improve his own prospects, if he could
succeed in extinguishing the Nizam Shahi Kingdom without
a war. But Shahji, being the most ambitious, far-sighted
and clever man, did not fall into his trap. 1

Siddi Raihan of Sholapur distinguished himself for his
rare determination and bravery by so successfully resisting
the siege-operations conducted by the Mogul General Mahabat
Khan that the latter was obliged to beat a retreat from
Sholapur. Khawas Khan, the prime minister of Bijapur, made
a successful attempt to win over the Siddi to the service of
Bijapur. Raihan gave up the formidable fort of Sholapur
to Adil Shah and in return accepted the jagir of Kolhapur,
Khanapur, etc., yielding a revenue of a lakh of pagodas. He
was entrusted with the defence of the south-west frontier
of the kingdom. 9

Shahji could not prevent the loss of Sholapur, but he
captured all the territory in the Konkan and Talkonkan,
as well as some districts in Khandesh. Similarly, the rebellious
barons were brought into submission, and the Hindu nobles,
actuated by patriotic and religious motives, joined hands
with him. For these reasons, the Mogul hostility to him
grew to be fierce and malignant.

27. The capture of Junner by Shahji

The new Pemgiri or Shahgad fort was not so strong and
impregnable as that of Shivneri, the ancient Nizam Shahi
capital. No traditional love and sentiment were aroused by
the upstart capital begun by Shahji and named after himself.

1. Some chronicles state that be was offered the rank of 22,060 horse.

2. Urdu Basatin-i-Salatin. P. 245.

92 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

Even Shrinivas Rao, the chief of Junner-Shivneri, showed
slackness in supporting the cause of the new Sultan and would
not consent to hand over the fort to him. Shahji could nof
naturally brook recalcitrance among the nobles and on the
failure of his conciliatory methods, he was compelled to have
resort to a stratagem to oust the chief. He was successful
by some Machiavellian method in capturing the fort. The
fall of this invincible place, was followed by the acquisition ot
Jivadhan, Sunda, Bhorgad, Parasgad, Harshgad, Mahuli, Khoj
and other forts. Murtaza Nizam Shah, the eleven years old king,
was brought to Shivneri, and this strong castle subsequently
served as a centre for further acquisitions. Shahji secured
a large booty in these conquests and thereby he was able
to re-employ twelve thousand cavaliers who had been
discharged after the capture of Daulatabad. 1 He made
bold to plunder the environs of even Ahmadnagar,
Daulatabad and Bidar. In 1633 one Khawas Khan was
detatched with 3,000 horse towards Ahmadnagar to drive
him away. The Moguls also retaliated by ravaging
Chamargunda, 9 the home of the Bhosles, but for some
time they could not put any effective check to Shahji's
raids. These grew even worse after the death of Mahabat
Khan, the Viceroy of the Deccan, in October 1634.
However, the new governor, Khan Dauran, chased Shahji's
troops from Daulatabad, 3 Revdanda, Shivgaon, Amarpur,
and the pass of Muhri. On the way to Junner a very large
part of the baggage, provisons, arms, ammunition and cattle
were captured and some 3,000 men fell prisoners into the
hands of the victorious Moguls. Khan Dauran, having
inflicted heavy losses on Shahji, returned to Ahmadnagar
in February 1635.

1. Urdu Basatin-i-Salatin. Pp. 247-48.

2. It was situated near the frontier of Mogul Ahmadnagar.

3. Orme Mss. Vol. 331,

SHAHJI THE KINGMAKER 93

28 Siege of Parenda by the Moguls

These victories proved .to be pin-pricks to Shahji,
hence his destruction was considered to be a difficult task.
Mahabat Khan first planned to punish his allies for
recognizing the new monarchy and for inflicting serious
losses during the last Mogul retreat from Daulatabad. He
thought of winning over the Sultan of Bijapur to his side
through the fear of war. For instance, he sent Prince Shuja 1
to lay siege to the strong castle of Parenda in February 1634.
Shahji, Randulla Khan, Farhad Khan, Ankush Khan, Murari
Pandit and other war-lords had come over there to face the
Moguls. The Adil Shahi armies bravely defended the place
and counteracted all the plans of the Moguls. Murari
Pandit gave an effective relief to the fort. After four months
of an unsuccessful siege, the Mogul armies were withdrawn.
The Bijapuries under Randulla Khan pursued the Moguls up
to Burhanpur and killed many of their soldiers.* This
proved the strength of Bijapur and showed that as long as
its nobles were united at heart in its defence and service,
there would be little danger of its dissolution.

29. Internal discord at Bijapur

But the internal concord and mutual good will at
Bijapur soon gave way to discord and distrust. Nawab
Khan Baba Mustafa Khan was arrested with several friends
and relatives by order of Khawas Khan, and confined in
the fort of Belgaum. The new prime minister with unchecked
authority began to oppress the subjects. The King finally
made a plan to throw off his intolerable yoke. Khawas
Khan, on getting scent of the royal disaffection sought for
help from Shah Jahan. The discovery of this conspiracy
still further enraged the king against him.

1. Muhammad Namah has Dara Shikoh. G. Duff ( 49 ) and Pad, N. ( 536 >
have Shah Shuja.

2. Muhammad Namah and Basatin-i-Salatin.

04 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

Taking advantage of his growing unpopularity, he got
his minister murdered by Siddi Raihan in 1635. ' The
murderer was publickly honoured by the titles of Ikhlas
Khan and Khan a Muhammad Muhammad Shahi, and with
the post of a minister. Then Mustafa Khan was released
from his confinement and restored to his former dignities
and premiership. 8 He enjoyed an annual income of ten
million pagodas, ordinarily employed a thousand domestics
in his mansion, had three thousand horse at his own charge,
and besides kept a large number of soldiers to guard
his palace. 4

The contemporary evidence of Mandelslo on the
administration of Khawas Khan is against his condemnation
by the author of the Muhammad Namah. Being the protege
of Mustafa Khan, he is expected to denounce Khawas Khan.
But Mandelslo who visited the city only three years after the
murder of the premier, has praised his government. His regency
had the approbation of the people. Being over-confident
of the affection of his people " which he had made it
his main business to acquire by a liberality truly royal " and
" imagining that the people had so great an affection for him
as to proclaim him King, in case there were no other, he
resolved to make away with the Prince." Mandelslo first
describes his attempt to kill the King, and then states that
on his failure he was in return ordered by :the Prince
to be murdered/

30. The brutal murder of Mnrari Pandit

The Pandit was a very great friend and favourite of
Khawas Khan. He heard the news of his patron's death

1. In the Muhammad Namah the year of this murder is wrongly given as
1629. Basatin-i-Salatin gives a chronogram of the death and it confirms
the year 1635-6. The same year is given in the Haft Kursi. We are informed
in the B. S. (252) that Khawas Khan was minister for eight years, Hence it
means that his murder took place early in 1636.

2. He was also known as Muzaffar-ud-din Khan Muhammad,

3. Urdu Basatin-i-Salatin. Pp. 250-1.

4. Mandelslo's Travels into the East Indies, p. 77.

5. Mandelslo's Travels into the East Indies. Pp. 75-76.

SHAHJI THE KINGMAKER 95

at Dharwar, and realized that he was unsafe in the service of
Bijapur. On that very night he made for the fort of Halemal
( or Halihal ? ), but he was arrested by the local officer and
sent to the capital in chains. On being ill-treated, he used
abusive language against the King. Thereupon untold
barbarities were practised upon that Brahman lord. His
tongue was drawn out; he was dragged through the town,
and his body was hacked into pieces. Such was the pitiful
end of one of the greatest nobles of the land for his life-long
and faithful service under an irresponsible autocrat.
However, these murders did put an end to the civil war
for a time and the confusion and disturbances resulting from
the same. 1

Mandelslo's account of the murder of Murari differs from
the preceding one.

" One of Chauas-chans Creatures, whose name was
Morary, was advanc'd with ten thousand horse, within five
Leagues of the City of Visiapour; in so much that the
King fearing that General might assemble all the Friends
of the deceased, caused him to be proclaim'd a Traitor against
his Prince, and set his head at a certain price. His own
Army siez'd his person, and recieving intelligence, that
another Lord, named Rundelo, was coming up to the relief
of Chauas-chan, and intended to joyn with Morary, they
sent him by a by-way to the City, whither he came about
eight at night. He sent a Message to the King, proposing,
that if his Majesty would pardon him, and bestow on him
the Government of the Brammenes, he would pay him yearly
twenty thousand Pagodas; but those Propositions were
rejected, and the King ordered him to have his hands cut
off, and his tounge cut out, and that in that posture he
should be led all about the City; but he died by the way." 9

31. Shah Jahan against Bijapur

The defeat of the two premier nobles of the Empire,
Asafjah and Mahabat Khan, opened the eyes of the

1. Urdu Basatin-i-Salatin P. 252.

2. Mandelslo's Travels into the East Indies. Pp. 76-77.

96 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

Emperor to the gravity of the situation in the Deccan.
Moveover, Shahji's power was fast growing to the detriment
of the Empire. The shattered Nizam Shahi State was now
so re-organized by the Bhosle statesman as to present a
solid front. For the security of the Imperial prestige, it
was extremely necessary to put an end to the rising
Hindu power.

Having been encouraged by the late internal discords
prevailing at Bijapur and being invited by its premier, the
Emperor marched to the south with an army of 50,000 men,
and himself opened a vigorous campaign against Nizam
Shah and Adil Shah in February 1636.

Three Mogul armies proceeded against the Bijapur
Kingdom from three directions. One was sent under Sayad
Khan Jahan against Parenda which was defended by Randulla
Khan. The second marched under Khan Dauran against
Bahlol Khan at Bidar in the north-east, and a third advanced
under Khan Zaman against Bijapur itself. He entered into
the Adil Shahi territory, desolated the country with fire
and sword, captured Kolhapur, plundered Miraj and Raibag,
and then for sometime encamped on the ^bank of the
Krishna. The Sultan employed the most effective method
to baffle his barbarous ' foe who was working havoc in the
country in a remorseless manner. He ordered the whole
country round Bijapur up to the distance of twenty miles
to be desolated to such an extent that not a blade of grass
or a drop of water could be obtained by the enemy. The
Mogul army died by thousands for want of provisions and
its General jumped at the opportunity of entering into a treaty
with the Sultan.

32. Treaty between Shah Jahan and Adil Shah

According to it, Adil Shah was to pay an annual tribute
of twenty lakhs of rupees, and to acknowledge the suzerainty

1. Sarkars Aurangzeb Vol. I, Pp. 37-38. We are told that Khan Zaman
sold 2,000 prisoners into slavery in the Kolhapur district ales*.

SHAHJI THE KINGMAKER 97

of the Emperor. The Nizam Shahi Kingdom was to be put
an end to, and its territory was to be divided between the
Emperor and the Bijapur King. The latter was given the part
comprising the Sholapur and Wangi 1 Mahals, the parganas
of Bhalki and Chitagopa, and the Konkan including the
Poona and Chakan districts. Shahji Bhosle was not to be
taken up in the Bijapur service or even allowed to enter
its territory, unless he ceded the country in his possession.
This important treaty was ratified by the Emperor on 6th
May 9 1636. It marks the beginning of the end of the Adil
Shahi Kingdom, but augurs the fast-approaching extinction
of the Nizam Shahi State. The power of Shahii can be
judged from the three articles which were included in the
treaty itself:

(1) "The pretence of a Nizam Shahi Kingdom should
be ended and all its territories be divided between the
Emperor and the Bijapur king. Adil Shah should not violate
the new Imperial frontier, nor let his servants hinder the
Mogul officers in occupying and settling the newly annexed
districts.

(2) " Each side undertook not to seduce the officers
of the other from their master's service, nor to entertain
deserters, and Shah Jahan promised for himself and his sons
that the Bijapur King would never be called upon to transfer
any of his officers to the Imperial service." 3

(3) "Shahji Bhonsla, who had set up a princeling of
the house of Nizam Shah, should not be admitted to office
under Bijapur, unless he ceded Junner, Trimbak, and some
other forts still in his hands to Shah Jahan. If he declined,

1. Wangi, 1 mile East of Bhima and 21 miles S. W. of Parenda; Bhalki, 19
miles N. E. of Kaliani; Chitagopa, 21 miles S. E. Kaliani.

t . Sarkar, Aurangzeb I, pp. 38-40. Basatin-i-Salatin 253. The signing of
the treaty was done in May 1636 according to the Basatin-i-Salatin. but
the Muhammad Namah places it in May 1635. However, Jedhe Shakavali gives
Shak 1557 or 1635-6 and Haft Kursi has 1046 A. H. or 1636 A. D. Cf. E. F.
1630-36. Pp. 216-17; 260.

3. Sarkar, Aurangzeb Vol. I, pp. 38-39.

S. 13,

98 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

he was not to be harboured in Bijapur territory or even
allowed to enter it." *

33. Capture of Udgir and Ansa

There was an article in the treaty for the cession of the
forts of Ausa and Udgir. If their commanders were not
willing to surrender the same to the Emperor, though they
were given the concession of removing their families and
private property to wherever they liked, the imperial army
was to forcibly capture the forts from them.

It appears that the Nizam Shahi officers did not give up
the forts, and hence Khan Dauran was sent to capture
Udgir a which was defended by one Siddi Miftah. After
a continuous siege of three months the fort captitulated on
28th September 1636. The Habshi commandant was taken
into the imperial service under the title of Habsh Khan.

Another army was despatched under Rashid Khan to lay
siege to Ausa, but it was long defended by the heroic
commander Bhojpal. The victorious army set free from
Udgir arrived to strengthen the besiegers. Soon after, on
19th October 1636 the fort capitulated, and its commander
also was taken into the imperial service. 3

34. The submission of Shafaji

The treaty with Muhammad Adil Shah not only released
the Mogul forces, but brought the help of the Bijapur armies
also in the task of crushing the new monarchy set up by the
king-maker Shahji. Even before the treaty, he was dislodged
fromPedgaon, Chambhargunda, andLohgaon 4 on thelndrayani
river,and forced to take shelter in the hill forts of Kondana and

1. Sarkar, Aurangzeb Vol. I. P. 40.

2. Udgir, 35 miles south of Qandhar; Ausa. five miles south of the Towraj
river which flows into the Manjira.

3. Sarkar, Aurangzeb Vol. I. Pp 44-46.

4. Lohgaon. 10 miles North East of Poona and 3 miles south of the

Indrayani

SHAHJI THE KINGMAKER 99

Torna. Shahji's forces evacuated Sangamner, Nasik, Trimbak.
and several other hill-castles, when they were hard pressed by
Shaista Khan. Junner was for several months the seat of
a bloody warfare. The Marathas cut off the supplies of the
enemy by their guerilla tacticts. The Mogul army was then
recalled from that quarter to give assistance to the main army
fighting against Bijapur. The various divisions of the Imperial
army had not done much against the powerful Maratha lord
whom the late treaty did not unnerve, but instead enthused him
to stake his all on the fortunes of war. After the treaty Randulla
Khan, Malik Rehan, and Siddi Marjan were despatched by Adil
Shah against him. Kanhoji Jedhe, Pratapsinha and his son
Baji Ghorpade were serving under Randulla Khan. Shivneri
was invested by one division, and the rest of the army
was employed in hunting out the King-maker.

Shahji retired to Danda Rajpuri for some time and then
he came dow r n to Muranjana. Here he suffered a defeat from
Khan Zaman, and leaving behind all his heav> baggage,
he proceeded to Mahuli where he made the plan to resist the
Moguls for a long time.

According to the Shiva Bharata ( IX. 13-19 ), Shahji
saw God Shankar in his dream who told him that Shah
Jahan was invincible and therefore he should give up his
fight against him, but he should not be disappointed, because
his son Shiva who was the incarnation of Krishna, would
surely destroy the Mlechhas. According to the Jedhe
Chronology, Shahji went to Mahuli on 26th March 1636,
but it is wrong, because the treaty was concluded in May.
Shahji could not have been pursued before the treaty. The
Basatin-i-Salatin expressly states that Shahji was pursued
during the rainy season and that Mahuli too w"ks besieged
by the allied armies during the heavy rains. While on the
one side, Khan Zaman and Randulla Khan vigorously
pressed the siege, on the other, the Sultan and his mother
were against Shahji's policy of continuing the war and
were for surrendering themselves to the Moguls. Finding

100 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

that under those circumstances opposition was fruitless, he
consented in December 1636 to give up the shadowy
Sultan to the Moguls, ceded to them Junner and seven other
forts still held by him, and was himself permitted to enter
the service of Bijapur.

Muhammad Adil Shah confirmed the grant of the ancient
jagirs of Chambhargunda, Supa and Poona on Shahji, so that he
was to bear the brunt of future Mogul invasions on the Bijapur
territory. The Shiva Bharata(IX. 20-31)states that Shahji
was allowed to keep his jagir according to the terms of the
treaty, and was after some time invited by Muhammad Shah
to join his service, so that he might have such a brave,
resourceful, and redoubtable general to fight against the
Moguls. He was appointed to a very high office 1 in the
Bijapuri army. Thus the extinction of the Nizam Shahi State
apparently strengthened the Bijapur kingdom by the addition
of territory and the transfer of the services of the soldiers and
officers of the extinct State. 9

35. Shahji's work

The causes of Shahji's failure are not difficult to divine:

( 1 ) When the powerful kingdom of Golconda agreed to
pay a tribute and acknowledge the Mogul sovereignty without
a show of a fight, when a long and barbarous war forced
Bijapur to come to terms with the Mogul, Shahji alone could
not be expected to fight the allied armies of Bijapur and
Delhi. Yet the threat of an allied invasion did not intimidate
him as it did the Golkonda ruler. Shahji bade defiance to the
Emperor and did not submit without a long war.

(2) The Muslim lords of the old Nizam Shahi State had
renounced their allegiance to the new monarchy. The Hindu
Sardars like the Ghatges, Thomares, Kharates, Pandhares,
Ghorpades, Mohites, Mahadiks, Waghs, Ranks, Chavhans,
etc. had rallied round his banner. Shahji's effort to re-establish

12 Urdu Basatin-i-Salatin, P. 254; Orme Mss. Vol. 331,

SHAHJI THE KINGMAKER 101

the Nizam Shahi Kingdom appeared to be an attempt of
establishing Hindu swaraj. Hence the alliance of Shah Jahan
and Adil Shah can be said to be for the purpose of rooting
out the budding Hindu monarchy. This incomplete and
insuperable task of creating a Hindu State was afterwards
taken up by his son Shivaji who succeeded in carving out a
new kingdom comprising portions which were wrested from
the Mogul, Adil Shahi and Vijayanagar Empires.

36. Chronology

1607 Amber captured Junner and made it the capital.
1610 Khirki was founded. Khan Jahan Lodi was sent to

the Deccan.

1612 Khan Khanan was given command of the Deccan.
1617 Treaty between Malik Amber and Shah Jahan.
1619-20 ? Shahji married.
1920 War with the Moguls begun.
1621 Khirki demolished. Prince Khusrau murdered by

order of Shah Jahan. Desertion of Jadhavrao.

Capture of Poona by Shahji from Rayrao Adil

Shahi. Shahji's uncle Vithoji died.

1624 Battle of Bhatvadi.

1625 Desertion of Shahji to Adil Shah.

1626 Malik Amber died.

1626-27 Sarlashkar Shahji engaged in conquering the Karnatic,

1627 (Sept. ) Ibrahim Adi] Shah died.

1627 (Oct.) Death of Jahangir.

1628 Shahji returned to the Nizam Shahi State.

1628 Poona re-granted to Shahji by Nizam Shah. Shahji
raids Khandesh.

1629 Khan Jahan Lodi's revolt.

1630 Shah Jahan marched to the Deccan.

1630 Jadhavrao's murder. Shahji rebels and accepts
service under the Moguls. Poona burnt by Murari.

102 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

1630 Shivaji born at Shivneri. A terrible famine raged in
the Deccan.

1631 Fateh Khan was released and re-appointed prime
minister.

1632 Murtiza Nizam Shah murdered by order of Fateh
Khan. Shahji's jagirs restored to Fateh Khan. Hence
Shahji revolts against the Moguls, sets up a new
monarchy and makes alliance with the Bijapur
Sultan.

1632 Jalna secured by the Moguls.
Daulatabad captured by the Moguls.

Shahji sets up Murtiza as king of the Nizam Shahi
State. This succession is recognized by Adil Shah
and Shahji is assisted by Murari.

1633 Weighing ceremony of Murari Maharaj.
Shahji defeats Saif Khan's forces at Kher.

Shahji captures Junner and makes it his capital,
ravages the Mogul country up to Ahmadnagar,
Daulatabad and Bidar.

1634 Shahji sustains several defeats from Khan Dauran
Parenda invested by the Moguls, but they receive a
disgraceful repulse.

1635 Prime Minister Khawas Khan was murdered at
Bijapur, and so was Murari Pandit done to death
by order of Adil Shah.

1636 Shah Jahan opened a campaign against Adil Shah
and Shahji. Udgir, Ausa, Bidar and many other
places captured by the Moguls. Bijapur besieged.
Treaty concluded between *Adil Shah and Shah
Jahan. Shahji was besieged]^ in Mahuli. He delivers
Murtiza Nizam Shah to the Moguls, while he
himself accepts service under Adil Shah.

CHAPTER IV

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC

1. A review of Shahji's position

At the end of the war, Shahji with all his family,
followers and wealth was taken to Bijapur by Randulla
Khan and presented to the Sultan. The latter conferred
upon the Raja his jagir of Poona and Supa, and within
a short time deputed him for the conquest of the Karnatic
as second-in-command to Randulla Khan. Shahji had been
a virtual king of a part of the Nizam Shahi State for six years.
During this period he had assisted Bijapur in the reduction
of the fortresses of Daulatabad and Parenda, and was in
turn aided with men and money by the Bijapur government
against the Moguls.

The Raja staked his all for maintaining his position
against the greatest Muslim Empire of the world. The
murders of Khawas Khan and Murari Pandit in Bijapur had
removed the stalwart champions of maintaining the Nizam
Shahi Kingdom as a buffer state. The new premier Mustafa
Khan was for alliance with the Moguls. Hence the bait
of receiving a part of the Nizam Shahi territory was made
a sufficient excuse for not only renouncing the cause of
Shahji, but for openly allying with the Moguls for the
destruction of their former ally. This volte face brought
about the ruin of the Nizam Shahi State as well as of
its heroic defender. Shahji was naturally exasperated at
the treacherous defection of Bijapur in his hour of trial
and hence he did not wish to serve under it. The Sultan
of Bijapur had, however, made it a specific term of the
treaty that Shahji could not be taken up in the Mogul
service. So that even against his will he had to accept
service in the Bijapur Government. The latter was also
rightly apprehensive of the danger of allowing such a

104 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

daring and experienced statesman to remain in Poona. He
had made himself very popular by ruling the whole country
from Poona to Nasik. His presence in these parts which
were recently brought under the jurisdiction of Bijapur,
might have led to a revolt. So the Raja was ostensibly
sent for the conquest of the Karnatic, but in a way it was
an exile to him. One can easily imagine the attitude of
Shahji to the government of Bijapur. He could never be
reconciled to his new position of gilded slavery. He was
still in the prime of youth, and hence his righteous
indignation and passion for revenge might have taken a
subtle and subterranean turn in making his son Shivaji an
instrument for the re-conquest of the parts which were under
him as a virtual ruler of the Nizam Shahi State.

2. Acquisition of new jagirs

But before starting for the Karnatic, Shahji took a subtle
step of reducing the power of the Ghorpades and of enlarging
his own possessions. There is a firman of 1637 A. D. referring
to a partition deed. Shahji and Maloji who was the grandson
of Vallabhsing, complained to the Sultan of Bijapur against
Raja Pratapsinha of Mudhol for having withheld their share
from the family estates which then consisted of Mudhol with
84 villages, the Parganas of Torgal and Wai, and many
villages in Karad and the Karnatic. Shahji was granted the
rank and command of 5, 000 horse, 26 villages in Karad,
half the Pargana of Wai and half of the family possessions in
the Karnatic. Similarly, Maloji got a command of 2, 000
horse and 30 villages in the neighbourhood of Vijayanagar for
the maintenance of his rank. Thus Shahji was able to
revenge himself on the Ghorpades who had helped Randulla
Khan in reducing the fort of Mahuli. To his original estate of
Poona and Supa the new jagirs in the Wai and Karad
Parganas were 1 added. The adjacent jagirs of the Ghorpades
and Bhosles became a source of frequent disputes between
1. See Persian Grant and its translation No. 1.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 105

the two branches. It appears that Raja Pratapsinha, while he
was living in his jagir of Wai, was shot dead by some secret
junta in 1646. His ashes were interned at Shilewadi. This
tragic death has been mentioned in another Firman which
was issued in 1647 to give assurance to his son Baji
Ghorpade that in future no jagirs would be conferred upon
his kinsmen in the neighbourhood of Anagundi and Kampli.
Baji was made a minister, and command of 7, 000 horse was
confirmed upon him. 1 The rest of Shahji's life is spent in
the Karnatic. The Bakhars have recorded almost nothing about
it, but the Shivabharat, Radha Madhav Vilas Champu and
the Tanjore Inscription usefully supplement the data obtained
from the Persian, English, Dutch and Portuguese sources.
The part played by Shahji in the history of the Karnatic for
one generation can be understood only when the complicated
events of the dying Empire of Vijayanagar are studied in
detail.

3. Vijayanagar in the throes of dissolution

Vijayanagar, the greatest Hindu Empire of Southern
India, passed through the throes of dissolution from 1614
onwards. Revolutions at court, civil wars, factions of the
nobility, murder of princes, frequent revolts of satraps, a
series of crimes and catastrophies, depopulation and
desolation, these undermined the Emperor's power and
exhausted his financial resources. During the short period
of 28 years, eight Emperors rapidly succeeded each other
on the tottering throne of the Empire. 8

4. Aggressions of the Naik of Ikkeri

The Ikkeri kings had ruled in the Shimoga district and
along the coast from the beginning of the 16th century.

1. See Persian Grant and its translation No. 2.

2. Sewell, Forgotten Empire, pp. 222-23 1. Sewell gives this list; Ranga
{ 1619 ), Rama ( 1620-22 ), Ranga ( 1623 ), Venkata ( 1623 ), Rama ( 1629 ),
Venkata ( 1636 ). It was this Venkatpati Raja who made a grant of Madraspatam
to the English in 1639. O. C. Nos 1690. 1695, 1718. 1751.

S. 14.

106 ' SHIVA ji THE GREAT

Their territory included Aranga and Gutti below the Ghats
in South Kanara. Keladi was their capital up to 1560, and
Ikkeri up to 1639. Then they made Bednur or Nagar their
chief place. Its walls were of great extent, forming three
concentric enclosures. In the citadel was the palace, of
mud and timber, adorned with carving and false gilding. A
bird's-eye view of the weakening of the central government
and of the mutual dissensions of the provincial governors
is given by the famous Dutch traveller, P. D. Valle who
visited Ikkeri in company with the Portuguese ambassador
in 1623.

" The Prince Venk -tapa Naieka, was sometimes Vassal
and one of the Ministers of the great king of Vidia-Nagar
which the Portugals corruptly call Bisnaga; but after the
downfall of the king of Vidia-Nagar, who a few years age
by the Warrs rais'd against him by his neighbours, lost
together with his life a great part of his Dominion, and
became in a manner extinct; Venk-tapa-Naieka, and also
many other Naieki, who were formerly his Vassals and
ministers, remain'd absolute Prince over that part of the
state, whereof he was governor; which also being a good
souldier, he hath much enlarg'd, having seiz'd by force
many territories of divers other Naieki, and Petty princes
his neighbours; and in brief, is grown to that reputation,
that having had Warr with the Portugals too, and given them
a notable defeat, 1 he is now held for their Friend, and for
the establishment of this friendship they send this Embassage
to him in the name of the king of Portugal, the Ambassador
being styl'd, Ambassador of the State of India."

1. He extended his dominions on the north and east to Masur, Shimoga,
Kadur, and Bhuvanagiri ( Kavaledurga ), and on the west and south to the sea
at Honore ( North Kanara ), by victory over the queen of Gersoppa, the pepper
queen of the Portuguese, who was a feudatory of Bi japur. By espousing the
cause of the queen of Olaya against the Bangar raja, he came into collision with
the Portuguese who call him Venkapor, king of Canara. " Mysore and
Coorg, p. 157.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 107

5. The royal city of Ikkeri described

As the royal city of Ikkeri or Hikeri remained a storm
centre of war in subsequent history, its realistic description
by P. D. Valle who stayed there for a few days in 1623 or so,
will be very interesting.

" After a small journey further we arrived at Ikkeri*
which is the Royal City of Venka-tapa Naiek where he holds
his court; having travelPd since morning from Ahinala to
Ikkeri but two Leagues; This city is seated in a goodly plain,
and as we entered we pass'd through three gates with forts
and ditches, but small, and consequently, three inclosures;
the two first of which were not \\alls, but made of very high
Indian canes, very thick and close planted in stead of a wall,

and are strong against foot and horse in any , hard to

cut, and not in danger of fire; besides, that the herbs which
creep upon them, together with themselves, make a fair and
great verdure and much shadow. The other inclosure is a
wall, but weak and inconsiderable; But having pass'd these
three, we pass'd all. Some say, there are other within,
belonging to the Citadel or Fort where the Palace is; for
Ikkeri is of good largeness, but the Houses stand thin and
are ill built, especially without the third Inclosure; and most
of the situation is taken up in great and long Streets, some of
them shadow'd with high and very goodly Trees growing near
lakes of water, of which there are many large ones, besides
Fields, set full of Trees, like Groves, so that it seems to
consist of a city, Lakes, fields, and Woods mingled together,
and makes a very delightful sight. We were lodg'd in
the House, as they said, wherein the king of Delight lodg'd,
I know not whether Kinsman, Friend, or Vassal to Venk-ta-pa
Naieka, but probably one of the above mentioned Royolets;
and to go to this House we went out of the third Inclosure,
passing through the inmost part of the City by another
gate opposite to that by which we enter'd. The House
indeed was such as in our Countries an ordinary Artisan

108 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

would scarce have dwelt in, having very few, and those small
and dark Rooms, which scare afforded light enough to read
a Letter; they build them so dark as a remedy for the
greater heat of Summer; However, this must needs have
been one of the best, since it was assigned to the said King
first, and now to our Ambassador; although as we pass'd
through the midst of the City I observed some that made a
much better show."

6. Muslim alliance against Vijayanagar

Bijapur and Golconda, taking advantage of this internal
discord and exhaustion, opened a vigorous offensive for its
dismemberment in 1637. The treaty of peace with Shah
Jahan, the cession of a part of the Nizam Shahi territory
and the transfer of the valuable services of an experienced
general and a ripe administrator like Shahji, had immensely
strengthened the position of Bijapur. Its ruler exhibited a
great sagacity in using the new forces and opportunities
for the conquest of a crumbling empire and making a pact
\vith the King of Golconda by which the latter was to
conquer the Imperial territory on the Coromandel Coast,
while the central and western portions were to be captured
by Bijapur. Moreover, Muhammad Adil Shah, King of
Bijapur, desired to strengthen and glorify the Islamic religion
in the Hindu Kingdom, and to win for himself the titles of
Mujahid and G/wzi. l The opportunity for a campaign was
offered by the mutual jealousies of the petty satraps of the
Hindu Empire.

7. Rebellion of Timmaraj

The \vars between the Emperor Kodand Rama and his
commander Timma Raja are thus described in the Dagh
Register of 1631-34.

I. Urdu Basatin-i-Salatin, p. 254,

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 109

The Emperor imprisoned by Timmt Raja

" That the Commander Tijmerage still kept the King of
Carnatica in arrest and that there were no signs that he
would be released.

That the Tijmerage, Commander of the King of Carnatica,
who had revolted against the king and arrested him, and
except a few fortresses, had conquered the whole country,
had also conquered the fortress Talamver. He hoped that
the country would now become quiet, and that the trade
would regain a better aspect." 1

The Emperor was released from captivity

" The Tijmoragie would most likely have to open the
roads that he had kept closed so far round Paliacatte and
in the kingdom of Carnatica, because the King of Carnatica,
who now by the influence and interference of several raides
of nobles had been released from captivity, was lying in camp
with a big army and pursued the Tijmoragie, and according
to everybody'd opinion he would chase him out of his
incorporated and usurped countries, if he did not leave them
on his own accord." 9

Peace between the Emperor and Timma Raaj

" Peace was made between the King and the Tijmerage.
The latter thereby surrendered to the king all fortresses
which he had possessed ( except two' 1 , and people said that
the capture of the two said fortresses had been the only
cause that had forced the Tijmerage to come to an
understanding and make peace. Let us hope that the
countries may live up again and become prosperous again as
before, for which the Almighty may give His blessings." 8

1-3. Dagh-Register 1631-34. Pp. 145, 241, 364. Mr. Sewell merely remarks
that the king was devoid of energy, and that one Timma Raya had revolted
against him. ( Forgotten Empire, p. 233. ) On the contrary, the chronicle
Ramarajiymu describes him to be quite energetic and heroic. Sources of
Vijayanagar History, p. 312.

110 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

8. The first expedition into Malnad (1637-1638)

Vira Bhadra Nayak of Ikkeri was enlarging his territory
by conquering the neighbouring districts of various rulers.
One of them was Kenge Nayak of Basvapattan 1 (Virshapattan
of the Sanskrit writers) who, to take revenge for his previous
routs and losses of territory, invited the Bijapur King to
pounce unawares on the Nayak of Ikkeri. Randulla Khan,
under the title of Rustum Zaman was sent with Shahji,
Malik Raihan, and others to carry on this war in the
spirit of Jihad or religious crusade. With the help of the
traitor, Kenge Nayak, 8 the Bijapur army suddenly arrived
at Ikkeri. The ruler succumbed to this unexpected attack
and fled away to his fort of Kasnauldrug. Rustam Zaman
captured Ikkeri, remained there for a month, gave one
lakh of huns to the traitor, and then proceeded to attack
Kasnauldrug. Vira Bhadra, unable to resist such a vast
army, made peace by ceding half of his kingdom and
giving 18 lakhs of huns.*

Rustam Zaman returned in triumph to Bijapur, but
two years after when Vira Bhadra threw off the yoke of
submission by refusing to'pay up the balance of the stipulated
indemnity, the Bijapur forces proceeded against him and
in a short time completely subjugated him. However, he was

1. The founder of the Basvapatan family is said to be Dhuma Raja whose

son built the fort of Basvapatan and subdued a territory extending from
Harihar and Kumasi to Taridere aad Bagur. His successor Hanumappa
Nayak was confirmed in these possessions by the Vijayanagar
Sovereign and he founded Sante Bennur. Mysore Gaz. II. 437, 447.

2. Muhammad Namah and Sh. Bh. IX, 35 name the ruler as Keng
Nayak, but Dr. Aiyangar says that he was Kenge Hanumma, the
son of Kenge Nayak, Rustam was assisted by the Rajas of Sunda,
Bilige, Tarikere and Banawar. Mysore and Coorg by Rice,
p. 158.

3. Urdu Basatin 4 -i-Salatin (p. 254) mentions 30 lakh huns. out of
which 16 lakhs were paid in cash and the rest was to be
given in instalments.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 111

restored to his principality through the intervention of Shahji. 1
Since then he became a vassal of the Bijapur Kingdom and
removed his capital to Bednur. 9

9. Second expedition into the Kamatic (1638)

In this expedition Rustam Zaman ( Randulla Khan )
with Shahji Raje marched for the conquest of Bangalore,
while he deputed Afzal Khan to capture the fort of Sira.
Its Nayak came out to negotiate with the commander,
Afzal Khan, but was treacherously killed by him during
the interview. The people heroically defended the fort for
some time, but finally had to surrender it to the superior
forces of Bijapur. Sira was first remorselessly plundered
and then handed over to the traitor, Kenge Nayak, This
treacherous Nayak was afterwards instrumental in
intimidating Kemp Gouda, the chief of Bangalore, into
submission. He gave up the fort with all its property to
Rustam Zaman who appointed Shahji Raje as the governor
of this part of the country, while the Gouda retired to his
stronghold on Savandurga. Then the Bijapur army proceeded
to conquer Shrirangpatam. Its ruler, Kantirava Narasa Raja
Wodeyar, was subdued by Shahji whose valour was much
appreciated by the commander- in chief, Rustam Zaman.
Five lakhs of huns were taken as an indemnity and the
fort was left in the possession of its ruler. Then the Nayaks
of Madura and Kaveripattan were won over to the side
of Bijapur. (Sh. Bh. 11. 4-5. ).

10. Third expedition in 1639

On the retirement of the Muslim forces to Bijapur
Kenge Nayak began to collect troops and seek alliance of
other Nayaks. He soon revolted against the Bijapur
authority. Thereupon Rustam Zaman advanced from Bijapur

1. Sh.Bh . XI. 6.

2. S. K, Aiyangar, Ancient India. 293-94.

112 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

with forced marches to put down his rebellion. At the same
time he invited Vira Bhadra, the enemy of Kenge Nayak, to
assist him in conquering Basvapatan. This town is said
to have been defended by 70,000 warriors of Kenge Nayak.
The Bijapurian army consisting of the levies of all the
principal war-lords besieged the town. Afzal Khan, Shahji,
Badaji (Madaji) and other officers were sent against the
main gate of the fort; Siddi Raihan Sholapuri, Peshjang
Khan, and Hussaini Ambar Khan, against the second gate;
and Ankush Khan, 1 Yaqut Khan and some other generals
against the third gate. The garrison is said to have fired
80,000 rounds at the besiegers, but Afzal Khan heroically
captured a part of the Peth. Thent he simultaneous advance
of other generals broke down the opposition, some 3,700
soldiers of the Nayak were killed in the action and thus after
a very severe struggle the entire town was captured. Thereupon
Kenge Nayak surrendered the fort and gave 40 lakhs of
huns to Rustam Zaman. According to the Shivabharat (IX.
37 ) the laurels of this victory were won by Shahji.

11. The result of the campaign

The fall of Basvapattan was followed by the conquest
of Chiknayakan Halli, 9 Belur 3 (Velapuri), Tumknr, Kandal
(Kuningal?; and Balapur, A vast booty was captured in
these places and hence Bijapur rapidly advanced in pomp
and prosperity. The beautiful suburban towu of Badshahpur
and one memorable Palace of Justice* (Dad Mahaly were
built in the metropolis at that time. It is evident that
the Muslim arms succeeded everywhere against the petty
Nayaks, each of whom had to fight single-handed against
the overwhelming hosts of Bijapur. Now and then some

1. These very names are found in the Shivabharat. IX. 34-35.

2. 30 miles South West of Sira,

3. 20 miles distant from Halbid or Dwarasmudra. Belur might have
been plundered, but it remained in the possession of the Bednur ruler for
a long time.

4. It is now known as Asar Mahal.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 113

defeated chief like Kenge Nayak raised his head against the
Muslims. Similarly, Shivappa Nayak, the successor of Vira
Bhadra, made bold to surprise the Bijapuri commander
stationed at Ikkeri, took the fort from him and strongly
fortified it in 1643. Still within seven years the Bijapur.
generals had succeeded in capturing a large part of the
Karnatic, depriving the country of vast amounts of wealth,
spreading Islam in the Hindu Kingdom, doing away with
several Nayaks, and in reducing the power of the Hindu
Emperors. The Muhammad Namah has thus depicted the
result of the campaigns:

"As the King thought of spreading and strengthening the
true faith, he brought Ram Raja and all other Rajahs of the
South under subjection, and the strong temples, which the
infidels (Kafirs) had erected in every fort, were completely
depopulated. The whole country was conquered in three
years and the citadel of dualism and idol worship was given
such a rude shock that the knots of the sacred thread-wearers
of Setu Band Rameshwar were severed." 9

12. Vigorous policy of Shriranga

The Emperor Shriranga ascended the throne of Vijayanagar
in 1642. He was young, energetic and jealous of his honour.
He realized that it was impossible for him to stem the tide
of Muslim advance from Golconda and Bijapur, unless all
his satraps co-operated with him by being brought under
his hegemony. But Tirumal Nayak of Madura was totally
against the resuscitation of the defunct Empire. He brought
about a triple alliance of the states of Tanjore, Ginji and
Madura, but his secret plots were disclosed to the Emperor
by the loyal ruler of Tanjore.

13. Mir Jumla's defeat at Vellore

Tirumal Nayak, to avoid the Imperial wrath, treacherously,
called in the aid of Golconda. Its commander, Mir Jumla

1. It is now known as Asar Mahal.

2. Muhammad Namah.

s. is.

114 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

made Vellore the objective of his attack and succeeded in
surprising it. But the Emperor with the assistance of Shivappa
Nayak of Ikkeri-Bednur was able to expel Mir Jumla's forces
from this impregnable fort and make prisoners of a part of
the garrison. The Emperor very gratefully conferred many
titles and abundant wealth upon Shivappa who, to further
assist his lord, defeated several recalcitrant feudatories. 1
Hardly was the Muslim invader repelled, when the two
ministers of Shriranga's predecessor who had been dismissed by
him, intrigued with Golconda. The East India Company's
records mention that one of these, Damerala Venkata who
was imprisoned by the Emperor for his treachery, was likely
to be released 9 on account of the pressure being put on
him by Mir Jumla. It was at this time that Shriranga
sought the assistance of Bijapur by promising to pay
150,000 pagodas and 24 elephants. 3

14. Treaty between Vijayanagar and Bijapnr

The Mahammad Namah mentions a treaty made between
the Rayal of Vellore and Rustam Zaman which appears
to be incredible. But it is possible that, having been
exasperated against his insurgent governors whom he alone
could not bring into subjection and who were yet falling
a prey to the Muslims, the Rayal might have devised the
plan of issuing a threat to them by announcing that he
would be seeking the help of Bijapur in their reduction.
The forces of the Emperor of Vijayanagar and the King
of Bijapur were to make conquests conjointly and whenever
a fort was to be captured, its moveable property was to be
taken by the Bijapurians and the immoveable was to go
into the RayaTs possession. Thus the latter could save his
country from passing into the hands of the enemy. But
the threat had the desired effect, because the treaty was

1. Sources of Vijayanagar History, p. 347.
2-3. E. F. 1642-45, pp. SO, 111.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 115

not observed by the Rayal who rather made common cause
with the local Rajas, refused to be coerced by the Bijapurians,
and prepared to oppose them.

15. Victories of Shriranga

Having got some respite from the invasions of the two
Muslim states by his vigorous policy and having won a few
governors to his cause, Shriranga turned his attention to the
subjection of the rebellious Nayaks of Madura, Ginji and
Mysore. We learn from a letter of October 1645 that the
Emperor had brought his enemies under control and had
restored himself to his original position. 1

16. Conquests of Mir Jumla

But he had no time to restore peace and order to the
harassed land. The enemies were always knocking at his
doors. Bijapur and Golconda made a common cause against
him and the war began more vigorously than before. Mir
Jumla succeeded in capturing Udayagiri, the capital of the
eastern parts from the Governor Mallaya. Its account is
recorded in the two extracts of the East India Company:

" Having now answered the Surat letters they will conclude
with an account of ' How the warres stand betwixt the king
of Vinagar ( Vijayanagar ) and the Hollanders. Ever since
the seige of Pullacatt, which was begune the 12th August last,
he hath bine in warres with the kinq of Vizapore ( Bijapur )
and in the civil warres with three of his great ffagites\
soe that he to this time never had opportunitie to send a
considerable foorse against Pulicatt, more then 4,000 souldiers
that lay before it to stopp the wayes that no goods should
goe in or out. And now the King of Gulcondah hath sent
his generall, Mier Gumlack ( Mir Jumla ) with a great armie
to oppose this king; who is advanced to the Jentues cuntry
where the King hath sent Mallay, who hath got togeather
50,000 souldiers (as report saith), whereof 3,000 he sent

1. E. F. 1642-45. p. 290.

116 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

for from Pullacatt, to keep the Moors from intrenching upon
this Kings country. Soe there is now remaining before
Pullacatt but one thousand. 1

"This countre is at present full of warrs and troubles
for the King and three of his Nagues are at varience, and
the King of Vijapoores armie is come into this country on
the one side and the King of Gulkondah uppon the other,
both against this King. The Meir Jumlah is Generall for the
King of Gulcondah, whoe hath allreadie taken three of the
Kings castles whereof one of them is reported to bee the
strongest hould in his kingdome; where Molay (Malaya) was
sent to keepe it, but in short tyme surrendered it unto the
Meir Jumlah, uppon composition for himselfe and all his
people to goe away free; but how hee will be received by the
king we shall advice you by the next, for this newes came
unto us but yesturday." 2

The allied troops laid siege to Vellore itself and
completely defeated the Rayal. Subsequent to its fall, all
the eastern portions of the Empire fell like ripe fruits into the
hands of Mir Jumla. Thereupon the English East India
Company obtained the renewal of their grant from Mir Jumla,
the Suzerain of Madras. Similarly, the Dutch who were
given freedom to reside and trade in Tegenapatam, were
granted the farm of the town of Palicat by the Vijayanagar
King. This town seems to have passed into the possession of
Mir Jumla in 1645 and of Bijapur in 1651. The details of
these events are told in various Dutch documents. 3

17. Campaign against Shivappa of Ikkeri in 1644

Let us now turn our attention to the activities of the rulers
of Bcdnur. Virabhadra was defeated but not crushed by
the Muslem army. His younger brother and general Shivappa

1. E. F.1646-1650. P. 25. Fort St. George to Surat. 21 January 1646,
O. C. 1974.

2. E. F. 1646-1650. P, 26. Fort St. George to Surat. 10th February 1646.
O. C. 1975. Of. O. C. Nos. 1653, 1696. 1718. 1859, 1952, 2046.

3. Dutch Records, Series I, Vol. 15, No. 484; Vol. 17, Nos. 518, 532;
Vol. 18. No. 539. Mack. Mss. 201, pp. 10, 24, 25, 27, 31, 32 38,46, 62.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 117

subsequently subdued Bhairasa of Karkala, invaded Malayalam
and entered Coorg. Swelled by his victories, he murdered 1
Virabhadra, and himself ascended the throne. He was one
of the most distinguished kings of the line. He raided
Manjrabad, Vastara, Sakkarepattan and Hassan. He greatly
enlarged Bednur ( Bidnur or Bidanur ) and made it a central
emporium of trade. " Being in the direct course of trade
by the Hosangadi ghat, it rapidly increased in size and
importance, until there was a prospect of the houses reaching
the number of a lakh, which would entitle it to be called a
Nagara. The walls were 8 miles in circumference, and had
10 gates, named the Killi, Kodial, Kavaledurga, &c. The
palace was on a hill in the centre, surrounded with a citadel,
and the whole city was encircled by woods, hills and fortified
defiles, extending a great way in circumference. " a

Father Leopardo Paes, then travelling in Kanara, says
that Shivappa had amassed enormous treasure, that his
possessions extended from the Turdy river to Kasargod or
Nilesvar, and that he had a standing army of from forty to
fifty thousand men. There were more than thirty thousand
Christians among his subjects, originally natives of Goa
andSalsett. 3

On learning the news of the fall of Ikkeri into the hands
of Shivappa Nayak, Muhammad Adil Shah resolved to
proceed to Malnad in person. So he left Bijapur at the head
of a large army on 3rd January 1644. But he encamped
at Bankapur, the famous outpost of his kingdom, called
Dar-ul-Fath, 'the capital of victory' since llth January
onwards. He despatched Nawab Khan Baba Mustafa Khant
and Muzaffar-ud-din Khan-i-Khanan for the conquest of
Ikkeri. Shivappa is said to have mightily strengthened the

1. But Shivatattvaratnakara. a history of the Keladi Kings, states that
Virabhadra became an ascetic and gave his kingdom to his uncles, Shivappa
and Ventappa, Sources of Vi jayanagar History, p. 346.

2. Mysore Gazetteer Vol. II. P. 464.

3. Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions. Pp. 158-59.

118 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

fortifications of the place, but to have left its defence to
his generals. The garrison heroically defended the fort for
five days, but when a tower was raised by the enemy to
mount their cannon for the bombardment of the hill-castle,
the defenders were disheartened and they surrendered the
fort. Sagar, another important town at the distance of four
miles from Ikkeri, was also captured. Khan Baba was left
to consolidate this conquest and the main part of the army
returned to Bankapur and then marched on with the King
to Bijapur. Thus in less than three months the campaign
against Ikkeri was over. 1

18. Expedition under the Khan-i-Khanan in 1644-5

At the end of the rainy season of 1644 another expedition
was sent into the Karnatic under the Khan-i-Khanan with all
the principal officers who had distinguished themselves there
in previous campaigns. Yet the vast force could hardly make
any headway for full one year, on account of either the treaty
of peace with Shriranga or his vigorous opposition. As the
campaign was centred in the Karnul district which was
included in the Golkonda Kingdom, it is evident that Khan-i-
Khanan was assisting Shriranga against Mir Jumla. All
the force was first concentrated to capture the strong fort
of Nandiyal 2 which fell after a severe fight lasting for
four days.

The fall of this important place was followed by the capture
of eight places whose names are thus given in the Muhammad
Namah: " Sriwal, Kopgonda, Obhali, Porlor, Parkanpulast,
Kanigiri, Kardelmast, Chabakalmarbast. 3 Khaljalm and
Kanikgiri." The king was much gratified with these conquests
and honoured the Khan-i-Khanan with the high-sounding
title of Khan-i-Muhammad Muhammad Shahi. It appears
that some treaty was concluded between the two Muslim

1. Muh. Namah and Basatin-i-Salatin.

2. It is written Nandbhal in the Muhammad Namah.

3. Muhammad Namah.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 119

tnonarchs and hence Abdullah Qutub Shah sent a rich present
to Mahammad Shah to close the war and seal his friendship.

19. Mustafa Khan's campaign in 1646-48

This was the most brilliant of all the campaigns in
the Karnatic. Nawab Mustafa Khan was sent as
commander-in-chief along with other premier nobles on
5th June 1646. On the way he captured the Gumti Fort
on the Palri river. It was a stronghold of the robbers
who were laying waste the neighbouring country. Passing
through Gadag and Lakmeshwar, the Muslim army reached
Honhalli, 12 miles to the west of Basvapatan. Here
Rustam Zaman was deprived of his command and property
for his disloyalty to the King, but was afterwards restored to
his former honours through the intercession of the Nawab.
Here the latter was met on 3rd October by Shahji Raja and
Asad-ul-Khawanin who had been sent ahead to secure the
frontiers against a rebellion of the Hindu princes. Here
too came Shivappa Nayak with a contingent of 3,000 cavalry.
He was sent to keep watch on the Raja of Shrirangapatam
with more than 30,000 force. Dadu Nayak, the Raja of
Harpanhalli, joined the army with a force of 30,000 horse
and 2,000 foot, Then came Husaini Ambar Khan, Jujhar
Rao, Abaji Ghatge, a brother of Kengc Nayak, Balaji ( son
of Haybat Rao), the Desais of Lakmeshwar and Kopal.
The last two alone are said to have brought 20,000 foot
with them.

Strengthened with the troops of so many Maratha and
Muslim chiefs and of the local Nayaks, the Bijapuri army
advanced like an irresistible sea. It was greeted at Shivaganga
in the Tumkur district by the envoy of Shriranga and the
ambassadors of the rulers of Madura, Ginji and Tanjore
who had revolted against the authority of Shriranga Rayal,
the Emperor of Vijayanagar. Thereupon the latter too opened
negotiations with the Nawab to request him to abstain from
invasion and to renounce his alliance with Golconda.

120 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

While the pourparlers of peace were going on, the Emperor
forthwith marched against the rebellious Nayaks with three
lakhs infantry, 12,000 horse and 100 elephants. The Nayak
of Ginji was soon subdued, but the other two rulers offered
a stubborn resistence.

The Nawab turned deaf ears to the terms of the Emperor's
ambassador and demanded the immediate withdrawal of
the invading army from the Nayak's country. Thereupon
the ambassador conveyed to his master the preliminary
condition of the peace, so that the Emperor was compelled
against his will to return to his capital without punishing the
rebels. The ambassador was permitted to return with the
Bijapuri envoy Mulla Ahmad to his master for settling the
terms of the treaty. The Nawab was anxious to keep the
Brahmin envoy in his camp as a hostage, but through the
intervention of Shahji he was allowed to go back to Vellore.
The Nawab's army was encamped at the head of the
Nayakamere Pass, some 28 miles from Vellore. It has been
seen that the rulers of the southern principalities like Ginji,
Madura and Tanjore, as well as the Nayaks of Harpanhalli
and Ikkeri, were with the immense Bijapuri army consisting
of Maratha levies and Muslim troops. Even then Shriranga
decided not to submit like a coward, but to await the
decision of the sword.

He organised the defence, fortified the passes and
proceeded to oppose the advance of the Bijapuri army
through Jagdeva's territory of the Baramahals in the Salem
district. Shriranga had come up to the strong fort of
Krishnadrug with an army of one lakh foot and 12,000 horse.
The Nawab probably wanted to surprise the Rayal from the
rer.r. In the meantime a furious battle was fought in January
1646 between the advance guards under Jagdeva, the Raja
of Kaveripattan, 1 and the Bijapuri army under Shahji and
Asad Khan. As the latter was away from the field, Shahji
alone was in command of the small force. Though the main
1. Sh. Bh. XL 40.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 121

armies did not take any part in this battle, yet Jagdeva was
defeated and obliged to take refuge in Krishnadrug, while the
Emperor seems to have fallen back towards his capital.

The version of the Basatin-i- Salatin is just the opposite
of what is recorded in the Muhammad Namah. It is said
that Shahji was defeated, and the elephant on which he sat
at the time of the battle and his bag and baggage were taken
away by the enemy. On hearing of Shahji's defeat, Mustafa
Khan despatched the heavy baggage to Bangalore and
rapidly advanced to Shahji's assistance. It appears that the
defeat was very crushing, because the premier at once wrote
to the King for more troops. Thereupon Khan Muhammad
and Malik Raihan were ordered to postpone the operations
on the Gunji Kotah side and to immediately join Mustafa
Khan with all their forces. It is said that Malik Raihan was
unwilling with his exhausted troops to proceed to the assistance
of the main army, but the king repeated his peremptory
orders by presenting his own portrait to him. Then the Malik
hastened to the premier's camp which was situated between
Banikalur and the Masti 1 Pass. The version of the contemporary
Muhammad Namah ought, however, to be preferred to that
of the Basatin-i-Salatin which was compiled later on.

After the approach of the main army under the Nawab, a
plan was made to subdue the whole country under Jagdeva.
Krishnadrug, Virabhadra Durg, (the capital of Jagdeva),
Deva Durg, Anandbar, Amravati, Gudiyatam, Waranjpur
(Vrinchipuram), Ranpur, Taranpur (Tirupatur), Kaveripattan,
Hasan Raidurg, Raidurg,' -Ratnagiri, Kanakgiri, Wfalg'iri,
Arjunkot, Dhalenkot and others were captured after stubborn
resistance from the defenders, so that the whole territory was
overrun in one year.

After annexing a large part of the Baramahals, the

Bijapuri army marched for the reduction of Vellore. A furious

battle was first fought on the plain before the walls of the

capital. Therein Shahji, other Hindu Vazirs and Muslim

1. Masti Pass 30 miles E. of Bangalore.

S.l.

122 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

lords played a distinguished part. Shahji backed by his Muslim
colleague Asad Khan, commanded the right wing of the
Bijapuri army. A tumultuous battle lasted for several
hours. Sometimes the Muslims were hurled back, at others,
the Hindus. All of a sudden the Vijayanagar General,
Damalvar who was a very famous hero, fell upon the army
of Shahji. In the onslaught General Asad Khan was wounded
and dismounted from his steed. The army seemed to fall
back, but it was rallied by Malik Raihan. The Vijayanagar
General advanced on his elephant further to the place
occupied by Mustafa Khan, but he was closely followed by
Malik Raihan. The premier even thought of getting down
from his elephant, but he was dissuaded from doing so by
a Maratha Sardar Tembaji Saheb. Soon after, the forces
under the Vijayanagar General Damalvar and Malik Raihan
came to grip with each other. In this battle the Hindu
forces were defeated and thus the whole Hindu army was
dispersed after a terrible slaughter. It is said in the
Muhammad Namah that 5,800 soldiers lay dead on the
field. The General himself was wounded by Mustafa Khan
with an arrow and thereafter he fled away with his army.
Thereupon the Bijapurians invested the fort. After some
resistance, the Rayal submitted and agreed to pay 50 lakh
huns and 150 elephants as an indemnity, and the hostilities
were temporarily suspended. The Nawab left Shahji and
Asad Khan for the government of che conquered Karnatic and
returned home laden with an immense booty and rarest
presents. He was highly honoured by the King who marched
up to the river Krishna to receive the victorious Premier.

20. Campaign against Ginji in 1648

Nawab Mustafa Khan was again appointed to the
command of the Karnatic campaign to crush Shriranga. He
started from Hasanabad, a suburb of Bijapur, on 12th
January 1648. The Nawab was received on the way by
Shahji and Asad Khan who had been left for the administration

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 123

of the Karnatic. The Nawab, with the assistance of Shahji,
achieved a unique victory by the capture of the strong forts
of the Jangama pass. The presence of Shahji at the siege
ofjangama is attested by a Firman of llth January 1648
issued to Jaswant Rao Wadwe for going to Jangama Kanvi
with his contingent and joining Maharaj Farzand Shahji
Bhosle. He was exhorted to live in agreement and concord
with the Maharaj and to remain loyal to the government.

Thus it is evident that by this time Shahji was conferred
the high titles of ' Maharaj ' and ' Son of the King of
Bijapur.' The full text of the Firman is given in the
Appendix. This obviously shows that his services in the
Karnatic had been very much appreciated by the Sultan.

It is true that the Muhammad Namah does not often
refer to the achievements of Shahji. But it should not be
ignored that this history was written by Zahur who was the
protege of Nawab Mustafa Khan. He is thus expected to
sing the encomiums of his patron in and out of season and
to ignore all others, particularly those who were not of his
patron's party. Shahji belonged to the opposite faction
which had been instrumental in confining Mustafa Khan in
the Belgaum Fort. It is evident that the services of other
generals like Asad Khan are also not mentioned by the
author of the Muhammad Namah. Similarly, this history is
often silent on the part palyed by Golconda in these wars.
Just as some English, Dutch and Portuguese documents
supplement the account recorded in the Muhammad Namah,
similarly the Shivabharat and Marathi sources are to be
relied upon to fill up the gaps.

Having been urged by Tirumal Nayak of Madura, Mir
Jumla advanced to the formidable fort of Ginji. Vijayaraghava
Nayak, son of Raghunath Nayak of Tanjore, being panick-
stricken by the approach of a large army, surrendered to the
enemy. This Nayak " knew that he could not give pitched
battle to an enemy, whose mere number had created so much
terror; but, he could no longer count on his ally of Madura,

124 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

whom he had scandalously betrayed. Obliged to take sides r
he did what one would always do, under the influence of
terror; he decided on the most senseless and disastrous
step: he delivered himself up to the king of Golconda and
concluded with him a treaty by which he surrendered at
discretion." ' Tirumal Nayak soon repented of his short-
sighted policy and desired to amend matters by having
recourse to an alliance with the Bijapur king who immediately
sent him an army of 17,000 horse for his assistance. With
this imposing cavalry and 30,000 infantry of his own, he
marched to relieve Ginji from the forces of Mir Jumla. But
the Muslim armies soon came to an understanding among
themselves. Tirumal Nayak, being deserted by his Muslim
friends, hurled himself with all his army into the fort of Ginji
for its defence. "The fortress, protected by its advantageous
position, was, besides, defended by good fortifications,
furnished with a strong artillery and by a numerous army,
provisioned for a considerable time; it could, accordingly
defy all the efforts of the besiegers. But soon disagreements
and divisions sprang up among these men ( the besieged ) so
diversified in nationality and manners. A revolt broke out
in the midst of the general confusion, the gates of the citadel
were thrown open to the enemy, who rushed into it and
delivered the town, the richest in all these countries, to
pillage. The booty was immense, consisting of silver, gold,
pearls, and precious stones of inestimable value." 9

This account by father Proenza is supplemented by that
recorded in the Muhammad Namah and the Basatin-i-Salatin.

Finding it impregnable, Mir Jumla succeeded in securing
the assistance of the Bijapur army. Thereupon, Tirumal Nayak
of Madura deserted by his Muslim friends began to actively
help the besieged. He also succeeded in fanning the flames of
enmity between Golconda and Bijapur, and the result of
his diplomacy was the raising of the siege by Mir Jumla. The

1. La Mission Du Madure III. P. 45.

2. La Mission Du Madure III. P. 46.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 125

latter retired to make new acquisitions in the Kadappa district
and to consolidate his previous conquests. Thus the Bijapuri
army was left alone to conduct the siege. There was a
further trouble ahead. The principal commanders like Shahji,
Khairiyat Khan and Siddi Raihan were dissatisfied with
Mustafa Khan, and their rebellion naturally prolonged the
operations. Sometime after, Mustafa ' himself succumbed to
old age and died in harness there on 9th November 1648.
The command passed on first to Malik Raihan, and then
to Muzaffar-ud-din Khan-i-Khanan Khan Muhammad.*
With the heroic assistance of Afzal Khan, the fort is said to
have been ultimately reduced in December 1648.

Mir Jumla who had his camp at Gunji Kotah, taking
advantage of the sudden death of Mustafa Khan and of the
mutual discord of the generals of the Bijapuri army, called
upon Malik Raihan to raise the siege. This is confirmed by
the Muhammad Natnah wherein it is said that the ungrateful
Abdullah Shah whose forces had been defeated by the Rayal
and who could not have won an inch of the Karnatik without
Bijapuri support, had formed a secret alliance with the
Rayal, and sent his general Mir Jumla to assist the Hindus
in the siege of Ginji.

It appears that the King of Golconda was dissatisfied
with the Bijapuri generals for violating the treaty. The two
kings were to conjointly conquer the Hindu territory and to
divide the booty in the proportion of two to one, i. e.,
two-thirds was to be taken by Adil Shah and one-third by
Qutb Shah. The latter even complained to Shah Jahan against
Bijapur for the unjust appropriation of the share due to him. 3

1. The death of Mustafa to whom a part of Rajapur belonged was noticed
by the English Factors in their letter of 31 Jan. 1649, O. C. 2115.

2. Basatin-i-Salatln makes no mention of this general. Under the adverse
Circumstances, the Malik had to retire from Ginji to Waswati. a place 14 miles
from Vellore. There he waited the arrival; of the new commander-in-chief.
Then both proceeded to renew the siege.

3. Sir J. Sarkar in Modern Review 1929 July No.

126 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

According to the Basatin-i-Salatin, Rup Nayak, the Raja
of Ginji, was very proud and wealthy. His family had been
in possession of the fort for seven hundred years. Being
given to a licentious and luxurious life, he had neglected
the affairs of his kingdom. As he was not helped by the
neighbouring chiefs during the siege and because his provisions
and fodder were exhausted, he was ultimately forced to
surrender the fort to the Bijapurians on 28th December
1648. Besides the vast amounts of wealth plundered by the
soldiers for themsleves, the Bijapuri army got hold of all the
accumulated riches of the Ginii rulers. It amounted to four
krores of huns or 20 krores of rupees in cash and jewels.

" The country which had nothing except idol worship
and infidelity for thousands of centuries was illuminated with
the light of Islam through the endeavours and good wishes
of the King. The treasures, gems, jewels and other property
worth four crores of huns was added to the imperial treasury.
Mosques were erected in the cities which were full of
temples and the preachers and criers were appointed in
order to propagate the Muhammedan religion." 1

All the Muslim army was not employed in reducing the
fort of Ginji. It appears from the English Records that in
this campaign the Bijapur King employed the well-known
Pindarics for the wanton desolation and devastation of the
land. This fact is worth noticing, since afterwards Shivaji
followed in the footsteps of Muslim rulers in some of his
policies. His system of plunder was surely more humane
than the one that was used by the Bijapuri war-lords in the
Karnatic.

" Nations who lye within two daies journey one of
another with powerful armies, watching all advantage upon
each other, yet both strive to make a prey of this miserable
and distracted or divided people. These are the Gulcandah
and the Vizapoore ( Bijapur) Moores, the latter of which
hath brought in 8,000 freebooters who receave noe pay but
plunder what they can; whose incursions, roberies, and

1. Muhammad Namab, P. 126*

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 127

devastations hath brought a desolacion on a great part of the
country round about, specially the three prime cloth ports,
Tevenapatam, Porto Novo, and Pullacherey ( Pondichery )
of which the two last are in a manner ruin'd, the other
hardly preserveing itselfe in a poore condition with
continueall presents." 1

Flushed with the conquest of Ginji, the Muslim lords
advanced into the territories of Madura and Tanjore. Both
the craven-hearted Nayaks shut themselves up in inaccessible
forests and allowed the enemy to plunder and devastate the
country in the manner described above. Finally, they opened
negotiations and submitted to the Muslims. Thus after subduing
two powerful Nayaks, gathering incalculable treasures, and
without losing a single soldier, the army returned to Bijapur.*

21. Cause of Shahji's imprisonment

The Marathi Bakhars and Basatin-i-Salatin are unanimous
in attributing Shahji's arrest to the rebellious conduct
of Shivaji. He had taken possession of some forts and
territories, had killed several Bijapuri officers, had surprised
the escort below the Bhor Ghat and captured the royal
treasure which was being conveyed from Kalyan to Bijapur.
Besides his conquest of Kalyan and the hill forts of
Rajmachi, Lohgad etc. frowning the Ghats below, had
highly incensed the King of Bijapur. It was naturally
concluded that these disloyal acts must have been done by
the young Shivaji with the advice and instigation of his
father. Hence secret orders were issued to arrest Shahji.

There are many versions of the method of his
imprisonment. ( i) The Sabhasad records that a letter was
written to Shahji directing him to keep his son under proper
control. Thereupon the Maharaja replied that his son was
no longer under his control and His Majesty might
consequently deal with him in any manner he liked. This

1. O. C. 2085. E. F. 1646-1650, P. 215.

2. Nayaks of Madura, p. 266,

128 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

incident has been wrongly connected with the appointment
of Afzal Khan to punish Shivaji, so that the Sabhasad makes
no mention of the imprisonment and release of Shahji in 1649.
(ii) The Chitragupta and Shiva Pratap Bakhars, though
they make the details more spicy, commit the same
mistake ( Sabh. 12; Chitragupta 7; Shiva Pratap, 77).
(iii) According to Chitnis (36-37), Shahji wrote a letter to
Shivaji censuring his conduct and ordering him to go to
Bijapur. Thereupon Shivaji sought the advice of his wife,
Sai Bai Saheb as well as of his officers and nobles, and
thereafter despatched curt replies to his father as well as
the King that he was ready to take the consequence of his
deeds, but could not be thus diverted from his course. The
King did not believe the Raje. As he had harboured a
suspicion in his heart against Shahji, he ordered Baji
Ghorpade to arrest Shahji by any means and bring him to
the metropolis from Trivapi near Tanjore. (iv) The Shiva
Digvijaya ( 133-138 ) reproduces all the letters mutually
sent by Shivaji, Shahji and the King. Shivaji is said
to have consulted his mother, his officers, his wife and
his inspiring Goddess Bhawani before sending replies to his
father and the King. The latter deputed Baji Ghorpade
and Sarje ( Sharza ) Khan to persuade the Raje for
fully controlling his son. The Nabob excused himself on
the ground of his friendship with Shahji, but Ghorpade
consented to carry out the order of the King to arrest
Shahji. (v) The Muhammad Namah has a different story
altogether. During the siege of Ginji some incidents
happened which caused ill-will between the Nawab and
Shahji. Instead of showing obedience to the premier and
chief command, Shahji had the temerity to disavow his
authority. Hence the Nawab thought out plans to arrest him.
" As the siege lingered on, Shahji Rajah who always
changes sides like the dice of the gamblers, sent his
chamberlain to the Nawab, requesting his permission to go to
his own dominion, so that his soldiers may get some rest.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 129

The Nawab replied that it amounted to creating
-disturbance if he were to break off at that critical time*
Thereupon Shahji Raja again sent a word to him that in
the camp grain was very dear and the soldiers could no
longer put up with hardships and trouble, that under those
circumstances there was no need of taking any permission
and that he would leave for his country without any
permission.

When the Nawab found that Shahji Raja was bent on
kicking up a row, and through fox-like cunningness wished
to mar the game, he used extreme prudence and skill and
imprisoned him in such a manner that out of his ministerial
property not a single tasu was lost, and all his wealth
and property were taken into possession by the imperial
authorities."

Sir J. Sarkar suggests that the arrest of Shahji was due
to his disloyal intrigues. ' He was coquetting with the
Rayal and Qutb Shah, and the latter sovereign divulged
the fact to Adil Shah.' The evidence for suspecting Shahji's
loyalty is to be seen in the fact that he allowed Venkayya
Somaji, the ambassador of the Ra>al, to return to his
master against the wishes of the chief command, and secondly
in a letter of 23rd December 1647 from Qutb Shah to his
envoy at Bijapur that he had received a petition from Shahji
Bhonsle, begging to be taken under his protection, but that
he had then and repeatedly before this rejected Shahji 's
prayer and told him to serve Adil Shah. l

Sarkar's suspicion is based upon slender evidence. Let
it not be forgotten that Shahji as Governor was a virtual
king of the Karnatic, that he possessed large estates in the
Karnatic and Maharashtra under Bijapuri jurisdiction, that
he had enjoyed the unbroken confidence of his king for
ten years without any evidence of a rupture between them,
and that he was conferred the titles of Maharaj and the Son

I. Modern Review 1929. July No.

S. 17.

130 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

of the Sultan of Bijapur. It is unlikely that under such
circumstances Shahji could have thought of leaving his
personal and ancestral jagirs for an insecure service under
Kutb Shah. The real cause of the rupture with Mustafa
Khan seems to be his protest against the treacherous policy
of the Khan in terminating his alliance with the puissant
prince of Madura and making a common cause with Mir Jumla.
It has been seen that the new treaty did not help Bijapur,
because the Nayak of Madura made things hot for Muslims.
Shahji's view of relieving Ginji from the siege of Mir Jumla
with the assistance of the Najak was justified. It is also
possible that Mustafa Khan might have forestalled a strong
Hindu League consisting of the Nayaks of Madura, Ginji,
Tanjore, Mysore, Kaveripattan and Bednur, of Shriranga
of Vijayanagar and of Shahji Raje against the Muslims.
These seem to have been the causes of the rupture, and of
the subsequent imprisonment of Shahji.

22. Release of Shahji

The account of Shahji's imprisonment being the same
in the Basatin-i-Salatin and the Shiva Bharat, seems to be
reliable, while the story of the Bakhars is quite contradictory.
It has been said in the Shiva Bharat that one day early
in the morning when the sun was about to peep out,
Dilawar 1 Khan, Masud Khan, Ambar Khan, Rajahs of
Adoni and Karnpur, Farhad Khan, Khairat Khan, Yaqut
Khan, Azam Khan, Bahlol Khan, Malik Raihan Khan,
Balal, son of Haybat Raja, Sidhoji, Mambaji Pawar,
Mambaji Bhosla, and some other nobles, besieged the
camp of Shahji. As his soldiers had kept awake that night,
they had no idea of such a sudden attack and were
unprepared, and so there was a great disorder and tumult
in their camp. Masud Khan himself was commanding the
forces. Then Khandoji, Ambaji, Manaji, Baji Raje

1. Basatin-i-Salatin gives the names of only three Sardars Baji Rao
Ghorpade, Yashwant Rao Wadhwe, and Asad Khan.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 131

Ghorpade, Yeshwant Rao Wadhwe, and others entered the
camp of Shahji and thus awakened him. Shahji ordered
all his nobles to be prepared. Then he rode on a powerful
horse and attacked Baji Raje Ghorpade. His faithful nobles
stood on all sides to protect him. Then a close fight began
and Shahji exchanged blows with the Ghorpade, but finally
he swooned, fell down wounded, and was arrested by the
Ghorpade himself. The three thousand horse of Shahji soon
dispersed, and much plunder was secured from the camp.

The traditional account according to which Shahji was
invited by Baji Raje Ghorpade of Mudhol in his house for a
banquet and was treacherously put under arrest, is obviously
wrong. 9 No treachery or stratagem was at all practised by
the Ghorpade. In obedience to the orders of his commander,
like so many others, he too pursued Shahji and after a tough
fight succeeded in capturing him. It has been seen that
Yaswant Rao Wadhwe bore some enmity to Shahji and the
Ghorpade too was not on good terms with him. Even near
kinsmen like Mambaji and Trimbakji Bhosle were in the
pursuing party, as were Sidhoji and Mambaji Pawar. Baji *
Raje was really accompanied with seven Maratha Sardars.

The vast booty acquired in the fort of Jinji and Shahji
were brought to Bijapur under the vigilant escort of Afzal
Khan who was received with a great pomp in the Kalyan
Mahal by the King. The Muhammad Namah thus relates
the imperial treatment meted out to Shahji.

" Shahji Raja who was brought in chains was sent to
the prison of example ( ordinary confinement ), and at this

2. This romance has been accepted without doubting its veracity by
Kincaid, I. 142.

3. Kincaid ( I, 142 ) is grossly wrong in asserting that ' the King ( Adil
Shah ) bad recently conferred the fief of Mudhol on Baji Ghorpade and he was
now expected to show that he had deserved his promotion. * Mudhol was
conferred on Rana Bhairavsinba for the first time in 1398 and since then the
grant used to be confirmed to each successor. Thus Mudhol had been in the
possession of Baji's ancestors for 250 years and yet it is said by Kincaid to bs
recently cw/erred on Baji.

132 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

kind treatment of the King towards Shahji, the nobles and
the residents of the city were surprised, because they thought
that Shahji Raja deserved capital punishment and no favour
in the form of a guard or watch. As he was put in
confinement, they thought that he might be pardoned and
liberated. Some of the councillors did not like his release
in the least, because he was very cunning and resourceful.
Another party were unanimous that to bestow liberty on that
treacherous and reckless fellow would be tantamount to
trampling the tail of a snake, or opening the knot of the
tail of a scorpion with one's own hand with full knowledge
(of) and after seeing clearly (the danger involved in the
adventure). It is not the way of the wise to regard a
a porcupine as a heap of mud and a wasp's abode as a fit
pillow for the head.

The King, who was ever ready to pardon the crimes
of the created beings, entrusted Shahji Raja with the
instructions that if he would give up to the imperial
authorities the strong fort of Kondwana (which fell into
his son's hands through treachery after the death of Dadaji
Kond Deva), ^ith the forts of Kundarpi and Bangalore, he
would be honoured with his former position.

Khan Ahmad Khan accordingly carried Shahji to his
own house and kept him in confinement. Then he broached
to him the glad tidings of the royal kindnesses and left no
stone unturned in sympathising with him and soothing his
heart. When Shahji saw that his black deeds had brought
forth white flowers on account of the showers of royal
favour, he agreed readily to obey implicitly. He sent
letters to his two sons who were firmly seated in the above
mentioned forts. " As soon as these few sentences reach
you, you should deliver the forts of Kondwana, Bangalore
and Kundarpi to the trusty agents of the king." They
abided by this behest of their father immediately.

The King called Shahji Raja into his presence and
honoured him with the robe of Vizarat, and restored to
him his former country."

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 133

Even a cursory reading of this detailed account brings
out the facts that (1) Shahji's arrest was not connected
with the rebellion of Shivaji, as is asserted by the Bakhars;
(2) that he was not thrown into any cell, but was kept as
an honourable guest in the custody of a nobleman at
Bijapur; (3) that there is no foundation in the tragic story
relating that a wall was raised round the body of Shahji
and he was threatened with death till his rebellious son
Shivaji made himself over to the King; (4) that the intercession
of Shah Jahan was not the cause of his release from the
brick coffin; (5) that the services of Randulla and Murar
Jugdeva for securing his release are not mentioned at all;
(6) that none of his sons, Sambhaji or Ekoji, was in captivity
with him at Bijapur, because Sambhaji defended Bangalore
from the Bijapur forces and afterwards Shahji wrote letters
to his sons to give up the forts to the Imperial officers; and
lastly, (7) that the forts of Kondwana and Bangalore were
taken back by the King probably to test the submission of
Shahji, hence these were restored to him soon after his
release. Some of these points require elucidation.

Had there been a grain of truth in the story of Shahji's
confinement in a stone dungeon which was completely closed
up except for a small aperture, the writers of Muhammad
Namah and Salatin-i-Basatin on one side, and the authors of
the Shiva Bharat, Shivabhushan and Radha Madhava Vilas
Champu would have most romantically narrated it. Since all
these works are silent on the point, it must be concluded that
the event never happened.

Though a few letters passed between Shivaji and Prince
Murad Baksh, the Bakhars have brought in- the intercession
of Shah Jahan who probably knew nothing of Shahji's
imprisonment. Sir J. Sarkar is right in concluding that
notwithstanding these promises the Mogul government did
not probably in the end actually intercede for Shahji. None
of the contemporary sources corroborate the evidence of
the letters regarding Shah Jahan's intervention. (i) It is

134 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

certain from Murad's letterrs, that a dress of honour was
despatched to Shahji. Even this much favour must have
had a great effect. The Sultan clearly saw that he could not
long keep Shahji in captivity without incurring the wrath
of the Emperor and furnishing him with an excuse to
pounce upon his territory, (ii) Shahji's release without
reconciliation would have sent him and his sons to the
Mogul Court, where they would have been highly instrumental
in conquering Bijapur. (iii) The death of Mustafa Khan
who had personal grievances against the Raja, must have
improved the matters, (iv) The affairs in the Karnatic too
required a strong and an experienced governor to maintain law
and order in the new conquests, (v) The crushing defeats
inflicted by the sons of Shahji on the imperial forces should
be considered as an effective cause of reconciliation. On the
news of his father's arrest, Sambhaji strengthened the defences
of Bangalore and prepared to fight the forces that advanced
under Tanaji Dure, Vithal Gopal and Farhad Khan. Another
army was despatched against Shivaji who had fortified
Purandhar. As both the armies were routed by the undaunted
brothers, Adil Shah thought of saving his prestige by
securing the possession of Bangalore and Sinhagarh in lieu
of Shahji's release. 1

Sir J. Sarkar is wrong in asserting that Shahji was kept
in prison along with his eldest son. (i) Neither the Persian
histories like the Basatin-i-Salatin and Muhammad Namah,
nor the Shiva Bharat and Jedhe Shakavali make any mention
of the imprisonment of any of his sons. All these books
would have taken special pleasure in mentioning that fact,
(ii) Murad's letter should not be literally but metaphorically
translated. His sons were to be released from anxiety and
not from imprisonment, (iii) From Murad's letter it is clear
that Shivaji requested him to secure the freedom of his
father but not of his brothers. Hence Shahji was arrested
alone and he was kept under surveillance at Bijapur and not

1. Sh Bh, XV 15-53.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 135

in any prison, (iv) Shahji sent letters to his sons for
delivering the forts.

The Bakhars are full of chronological confusion. Randulla
Khan had died in 1643 ! and Murar in 1635. Yet both these
are said to have interceded with the King in favour of Shahji
in 1648. Sarkar, following the Bakhars, has strangely written
that ' it is therefore historically true that the release of Shahji
was due to the friendly mediation of Sharzah Khan, and the
bail of Randaula Khan, two leading nobles of Bijapur." a

23. Secret support to Swarajya

According to the Jedhe Chronology, Shahji was arrested
with two of his chief secretaries. All the three were deported
to Bijapur and kept in confinement there. After their release,
Shahji gratefully thanked Kanhoji Naik Jedhe and Dadaji
Krishna Lohokare for all the hardships of captivity and
told them that he had been given a territory of twelve
gaves ( 120 miles ) and the province of Bangalore yielding 5
lacs of hons. As he was ordered to undertake an
expedition into the Karnatic, he entrusted to them the
guardianship of his son Shivaji who was in charge of
Khedebare and Poona. As they wielded great power in the
Mawals, they were to remain there with their forces and
see that all the Mawal Deshmukhs submitted to him and
carried out his orders. Should any Mogul or Adil Shahi army
come against him, they were to be loyal to him and fight
against the enemy. To seal their loyalty to each other's
cause, Shahji and Jedhe took an oath to mutually support
each other. Thereafter Shahji presented them both with
dresses of honour and sent them to Shivaji with confidential
letters. It is evident that Shahji soon expected hostilities
against Shivaji from both the Moguls and the Bijapur ruler.
To ward off the danger he gave his son two of his most
influential and trusted friends for assistance.

1. P. S. S. 488; KincaidI, 143; Rairi Bakbar.

2. Shivaji, p. 38.

136 SHJVAJI THE GREAT

24. Shahji and Baji Ghorpade

It has been seen that Baji Raje Ghorpade had taken
a prominent part in arresting Shahji and hence their enmity
had been deepened. Adil Shah councelled Shahji to be
indulgent to Baji Raje, because he had done the deed under
royal orders. To put an end to their quarrels, Ghorpade's
jagir in the Karnatic was exchanged with Shahji's jagir in
the Wai Parganna, so that the Ghorpades would have no
cause to fear from Shahji who as Governor of the Karnatic
might have troubled them.

25. The burning of Mudhol

Shahji could not forget and forgive the part played by
Baji Ghorpade in arresting him. Hence he wrote to his
son to be on the lookout for wreaking vengeance on him.
The opportunity came only in 1661. The Savants of
Savantvadi proposed to the Bijapur Court to co-operate with
them in crushing Shivaji. Thereupon troops were sent under
Baji Ghorpade and Bahlol Khan to assist the Savants. But
before the coufederates could unite, Shivaji first swooped down
upon Mudhol, entered the mansion at night, and killed
Baji Raje. All his sons, wives, kith and kin whoever fell
into his hands were executed. Terrible was the slaughter
in the town. After ; extinguishing the whole family, he
desolated the town and plundered the whole territory*
Fortunately for Mudhol, one Rani with her son Maloji had
gone to her father's house in the north. This young boy
was brought back to Bijapur where the King conferred the
old ancestral jagirs upon him. Maloji soon after distinguished
himself in the service of Bijapur. There is no European
document on the Mudhol tragedy, but we have first an
important letter to Shahji from Shivaji himself ( Appendix )
and then the Adil Shahi Firman granted to Maloji wherein
his father Baji is described to have died a martyr in the
cause of the Kingdom. 1

1. See Persian grant and its translation No 4.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 137

26. Chronology

1623 P. D. Valle visited Ikkeri.

1631-33 Struggle between Timma Raja and the Emperor of
Vijayanagar.

1637 Ikkeri captured. Indemnity taken from the ruler.

1638 Virabhadra of Ikkeri rebelled. Bijapur annexed
Ikkeri and made the Nayak a vassal.

Sira conquered and given to Kenge Nayak. Bangalore
captured and given to Shahji.

The ruler of Shrirangpatam defeated and compelled
to give an indemnity.

1639 Basvapattan conquered by Bijapur. Several other
towns were plundered.

1642 Accession of Shriranga.

1643 Ikkeri captured by Virabhadra.

1644 Ikkeri and Sagar conquered by Bijapur.

1645 Vellore saved from Mir Jumla.

Treaty between Rayal Shriranga and Rustam Zaman.
Capture of Golconda territory. Shriranga defeats
southern Nayaks. Mir Jumla captures Udagiri.

1646 Gumti fort captured by Bijapur. Shahji's victory
over Jagdeva. Jagdeva's territory and the Kutb
Shahi forts were captured by the Bijapur forces.
Vellore again besieged and captured.

1648 Mustafa Khan leads an expedition into the Karnatic.
Shahji's victory at Jangam, Ginji invested.
Nayak of Tanjore surrendered to Mir Jumla.
Nayak of Madura invited Bijapur to take Ginji.
Bijapur and Golconda allied themselves against
the Hindus. Shahji's threat to leave the siege and
his arrest. Mustafa Khan died. Ginji finally fell.

1649 Shahji released.

1651 The Dutch obtained a grant of Tegnapatam from

Mir Jumla.
S. 18.

CHAPTER V

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC (Cont.)
1. Power of Mir Jumlt

The incarceration of Shahji, the fatal illness of Muhammad
Adil Shah and the threatening attitude of the Moguls made the
Bijapur Court suspend its activities in the Karnatic. On the
other hand, Nabob Mir Jumla who had annexed a territory
300 miles long and 50 miles broad, containing many fortresses,
strongholds, prosperous ports and rich mines and yeilding an
annual revenue of 40 lakhs of hons, had become almost an
independent king. He made peace with Shriranga and entered
into correspondence with Adil Shah and Aurangzeb for holding
this rich kingdom as a fief under their suzerainty. Thus
instead of adopting an offensive policy, Mir Jumla was busy
consolidating his position. In a letter of 17th January 1651
sent from Fort St. George to the Company, the power and
position of this renowned general are thus described by
Walter Littleton and Venkata Brahmani who had been sent
as envoys to the Nabob.

" The whole kingdom of Gulcunda is governed by him of
whome the people stand in feare and subjection unto as to the
King himselfe. The revenues that hee yearly brings the
King in, amounts unto twentye hundred thousand pagodaes*
Alsoe he hath conquered and subjugated the major part of the
kingdom of the Carnatta and is on election of all in a short
tyme under his government it being the onely country you
trade in for matter of all sortes of cloth. There is allsoe bezar,
dyamonds, yron, steel, and saltpeter, of which he told us he
could make and procure a great quantitie annually. The
revenew that he hath taken from the Jentue in the aforesayd
country is to the somme of fortie hundred thousand pagodaes
per annum. Hee hath of his proper owne foure thousand
horse, three hundred elephants, four or five hundred cammels

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 139

tenn thousand oxen, which transporteth his goods up to
severall countryes as Gulcundah, Vizapore ( Bijapur ) and into
dyvers partes of the Great Maguls country, with whome hee
is in much favoure, the Great Magull himself e esteeming
and respecting him as a very near man unto him in all
which place he hath alwaies his factors and merchants.
Concerning forrain-negotiation hee hath trade to Pegue,
Tennassaree, Acheen, Rackan (Arakan), Persiai Bengalla,
Moka, Peruck, Maldeevaes, and Macassar. He hath ten
vessells of his owne and intends to augument them makeing
much preparatyon for building of more." 1

2. Shahji's victory over Mir Jumla in 1651-52

The kings of Bijapur and Golconda could not agree with
regard to the division of the Karnatic, hence a war broke
out at the end of 1651. The rout of Mir Jumla is referred
to in a Fort St. George letter of January 1652.

" Warrs being commenced betwecne the Moors of
Gulcondah and Vizapore, who, haveing shared this afflicted
kingdome, are now bandying against each other, whilst the
poore Jentue hopeing their mutuall destruction watches
oppertunity to breake off his present miserable yoke. In the
interim many bickerings have bin within two daies journey
of this place and ' tis reported that the Nabob with his whole
armey is besieged among the hills of Gulcondah whither hee
retired for the more safety, by the Vizaporians; which hath
soe distracted this country that wee could not adventure your
monies abroad without too much hazard." a

There is no mention of Shahji in this despatch, but
Jairama has given a vivid description of the crushing
defeat sustained by Mir Jumla who was considered to be
the richest grandee and the greatest general of his time.
Such a proud and powerful noble was compelled to buy
peace by paying down 6 or 9 lakh pagodas to Shahji.
This brilliant victory exhibited his martial genius, spread
liis fame throughout India and immensely enhanced his
prestige in the Bijapur Court.

1. O. C. 2199. 17 January 1651.

2. E. F. 1651-54. P. 99. O. C. 2246. January 1652.

140 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

This success gave a new vigour to the campaigns of
Bijapur. Shahji and Ikhlas Khan advanced against Shriranga
and defeated him at Jankal. Their forces captured the
important fortress of Penugonda which had been the capital of
Vijayanagar for many years.lt was natural that the loss should
have greatly alarmed the Hindu Rajas.

3. Shriranga in the field

It has been seen that Shriranga Rayal of Vijayanagar,
having lost his eastern possessions and Penugonda in
particular, had sought refuge in the territory of Mysore.
After 1650, he was attempting to form a confederacy against
the Muslim conquerors. The opportunity came to him
when Prince Aurangzeb was appointed as Viceroy of the
Deccan in 1653. He sent his agent Ramrao to the Prince
for asking protection against the Deccani Sultans, but
Aurangzeb did not like to save a Hindu King from the
onslaughts of the Muslims. Shriranga was not disheartened
by this disappointment. With the help of the Mysore army
alone, he reconquered a part of his territory and even
regained Vellore from the Bijapurians. The latter once more
invested the fort, and after a long siege captured it. Then
a treaty was concluded with the Rayal by which Chandragiri
with the revenue of certain districts was left to him. 9 Even
the Golconda army was repulsed by the Rayal, but he
was soon betrayed by the treacherous Nayak of Madura
who opened the passes to the combined Muslim armies
against Mysore. 3 Shriranga was routed and compelled to
seek refuge in the forests where he led a miserable life.

1. O. C. 2257. 12 February 1652. Radha Madhav Vilas Champu, pp.
92-93, 96.

2. Dutch Records, Transcripts, Series i, Vol. XIX, no. 550 (i). The issue
of all this is told in a letter from Batavia of November 7, 1654 which states that
the Bijapur general had, after a long siege, captured Vellore and concluded a.
treaty with the Raja by which Chandragiri was left to the latter, with the
revenues of certain districts ( ibid., no. 551 ).

3. The Nayaks of Madura, p. 267,

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 141

It appears that he lost even Chandragiri and Chingalpat
to the forces of Golconda, and hence ultimately sought ! the
protection of Shivappa Nayak of Bednur. The latter gave
him the government of Belur and Sakkarepatana, and even
adventured to besiege Shrirangpatam in his behalf to punish
the Raja for not espousing the cause of the Emperor. But in
this war Shivappa was defeated. Hereafter the Emperor
could not be restored to his eastern possessions which had
finally fallen into the hands of the Muslims.

Proenza has truly remarked that the Emperor was made
unhappy by the folly of his vassals, though his personal
qualities rendered him worthy of a better fate. Even in
this campaign large contributions were raised by the Muslim
invaders from the short-sighted Nayaks of Madura and
Tanjore, and the Khan-i-Khanan returned to Bijapur full
of riches.

The war of the noses

Soon after the departure of the enemy, Kantirava
Narasa Raja of Mysore poured forth his hordes into the
kingdom of Madura for wreaking vengeance by plunder
and devastation. The district of Satyamangalam fell into his
hands, yet most barbaric outrages were perpetrated on the
inhabitants. Trichnopoly, the capital of Madura, was saved only
by the intrepidity of the Maravas. This war was characterized
with an inhuman * cruelty and passionate revenge. Both
the armies took delight in disfiguring the people by cutting
off their noses. On account of its notorious barbarity in
this respect, it is known as ' the War of the Noses.'

In the meantime, Shriranga was anxious to save the
remnants of his Empire through the assistance of Aurangzeb.
He offered him very tempting presents and a large tribute,

1. The Mysore Gaz, puts the flight of the Emperor to Belur in 1646, but it
should be put in 1656 or so.

2. The Nayaks of Madura, p. 136 n,; J, H. Grose, A Voyage to the East
ladies, p. 347; J. T, Wheeler, Madras in the Olden Time, I, p, 104.

142 bHiVAji THE GREAT

and even promised to turn Muslim with all his relatives and
dependents, provided he could save his remaining Kingdom
from the Deccani Sultans. Aurangzeb sent his ambassador
to give him protection, but really he was to extort presents
from the Rayal and the Sultans. In fact, Shriranga was
left to his own fate. ' This episode,' says Sarkar, ' proves that
the Mogul Empire was only a thinly veiled system of
brigandage.' 1

Shriranga Rayal was not the man to be easily disheartened*
He put up a most stubborn resistence to the advance of his
enemies. Sphinx-like he rose up again and again from his ruins
to face the Muslims. In November 1656 he was seen besieging
Pulicat which was under Mir Jumla. It appears from the
Dutch Records that Koneri Chetti, the general of Shriranga,
who was carrying operations near Pulicat, betrayed his
master and went over to T. Krishnappa, the lieutenant of
Mir Jumla. Strengthened with this defection, the latter was
able to score a victory 2 over Shriranga in September 1657.
Later on, there was a war between the forces of Golconda
and of Mir Jumla under T. Krishnappa for the possession
of the Karnatic. 3

4. Situation in the Deccan

For four years of 1654-58, there was no serious war
in the Karnatic, because Golconda was first weakened by
the revolt and defection of Mir Jumla and then sacked
and devastated by the Moguls. The miseries of the people
of the Karnatic and the result of the rebellion of Nabob
Mir Jumla are depicted in a letter of 18th September 1654.

" It hath been no small miserye that this poore heatheen
country hath suffered any tyme these ten years almost,
since the Moores of Vizapore on one side and those of
Gulcondah on the other side first made inroads upon it. And
now, when wee hoped all would have beene put in some
good posture of government, to continue still those miseries

1. Sarkar. Auraogzeb, I, p. 251; Ruqat-Alamgir. Pp. 150-57.

2. E. F, 1655-60, pp. 97-99. 3, E. F. 1655-60. p. 176.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 143

(or rather to adde a greater burthen to it ) our Nabob (Mir
Jumla ) is lately up in armes against the King of Gulcondah
his master, whose commands hee slighted intending (soe
farre as is conceived) to keepe what part of the country
hee hath conquered to himselfe; which he can accomplish,
hee will soone bee as great a king as his master, and his
yearly revenew little inferriour * to it. What the issue to
these things wilbee the Almighty only knoweth; in the
meane tyme wee that live here amongst them shalbe sure
never to want troubles on every side." a

Similarly, Bijapur was in the agonies of a revolution
brought about by the death of Muhammad Adil Shah on
4th November 1656, the succession of Ali, a youth of 18
years, the revolt of many polygars in the Karnatic, and the
mutual discords among the courtiers corrupted as they were
with the gold of Aurangzeb. In 1657 the latter declared an
unjust war to annex the kingdom from the boy-king. The
impregnable fortresses of Bidar and Kalyani were captured,
and even Bijapur was invested. It would have soon fallen
into his hands, had he not been peremtorily called back
by Shah Jahan. Still the King of Bijapur agreed to pay an
indemnity of li krores of rupees, to cede Bidar, Kalyani,
and also Parenda with all its territory, all the forts in the
Nizam Shahi Konkan, and the district of Wangi. This treaty
of 1657 very much reduced the power of Bijapur, though its
independence was not effected.

5. The last ten years of Shahji.

Shahji had regained the confidence of Muhammad Adil
Shah as is borne out by a Portuguese letter of 16 April 1654.

" The persons acceptable to the King Idalxa and according
to his belief loyal to him are Fatecan, Xagi ( Shahji ) and
Meliqne Acute 3 ( Malik Yaqut )" ...

1, Mir Jumla continued to stay in the Karnatic up to July 1656. . F,
1635-60, p. 91,

2, O. C, 2419, 18th September 1654.

3, Pissurlenkar, Shvaji, p, 33.

144 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

Shahji, as Governor of the Karnatic, was engaged in the
difficult task of subduing the refractory Polygars during the
revolutionary period. The polygar of Kanakgiri revolted
against the authority of Bijapur. Thereupon Afzal Khan
was sent from the capital and Sambhaji marched from
Bangalore for the reduction of the rebel. During the siege
operations Sambhaji was shot dead by a cannon-balL
Thereupon Shahji himself proceeded to take revenge of his
son's death and brought the place and the polygar to
submission.

He blamed Afzal Khan for not supporting his son,
and thus their enmity was still more deepened. 1 In 1658
Ekoji was sent to capture the country round Shri Shail
Malikarjuna. In his company was poet Jairama who has
described the successful operations of this expendition.

The Nayak of Madura, Muttu Virappa, threw off the
Muslim yoke by refusing to pay the tribute, fortifying
Trichinopoly and by making vigorous preparations for
resisting the Muslim armies. Shahji won over the Nayak
of Tanjore to the side of Bijapur against Madura. The
Adil Shahi troops rapidly advanced under Shahji and
Mulla Mahammad up to the very gates of Trichinopoly,
but being terrified by the preparations of the Nayak of
Madura, they unexpectedly fell upon Tanjore itself on 19th
March 1659. The fort was most heroically defended by
the Kshatriya warriors called Rajas, and they preferred a
glorious death to a dishonourable life. The victorious army
of Shahji proceeded southward, captured Mannarkovil and
Vallamkottai. This hill- fort situated on a steep rock with
high ramparts and erected with incredible expense, labour
and art, was the last refuge of the Nayak, but on the
approach of the enemy, the coward ruler fled away to the

1. Radha-Madhav Vilas Champu, P. 93. Rajwade places Sambhaji's
death in 1655. There is no confirmatory evidence. Sambhaji left a son whose
grants of the years 1665 and 1666 are 'quoted by Wilks. After this nothing can
be traced of his line.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 145

forests. * The Muslims have already been for several months/
writes Proenza, ' in possession of this beautiful and fertile
country, no one knows now what their ulterior designs are,
whether they will establish themselves there, or will content
themselves with collecting the riches they can find there.' 1

Soon after a terrible famine and a fatal pestilence
increased the mortality among the people and Bijapur
forces. A second attempt to capture Trichinopoly failed, and
hence Mulla retreated after receiving a moderate tribute
from the Madura Nayak.

Muttu died soon after his victory and was succeeded
by Chokanatha Nayak in 1660. This energetic prince
reversed the policy of Tirumal and made preparations for
the restoration of the Vijayanagar dynasty to its former glory
and for the conquest of Ginge from Bijapur. A triple alliance
was made among the Nayaks of Tanjore, Madura and
Gingi. In 1662 the Madura Commander, Lingama Nayak
led an army of 40,000 men to drive Shahji from Ginji,
but the Madura ministers were so bought up by Shahji as
to hatch a plot to dethrone the young Nayak. The Nayak
of Tanjore was also separated from the alliance. Chokanatha
still proved more than a match for them. One of the
treacherous ministers was murdered, another blinded, but
the third Lingama joined Shahji and brought him to invest
Trichinopoly. Even the new commander of Chokanatha's
army was corrupted by Shahji. Thereupon the young King,
though betrayed a second time, boldly assumed the command
of his forces. His boldness electrified the soldiers. They
fought with the courage of despair. Shahji, seeing no chances
of success, withdrew to Tanjore. After sometime, Chokanatha
followed him there with a well-disciplined army of more
than 70,000 warriors. Thereupon Shahji returned to Ginji
and the Nayak of Tanjore made an abject surrender to the
Madura ruler.

t . The Nayaks of Madura. P. 272.

S. 19.

146 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

6. Tegenapatam captured by Shahji ( 1661 )

The people of Shahji laid siege to the town of
Tegenapatam on 15th December 1660 with the result that the
Dutch Company's business was at a standstill there, but the
residents hoped nevertheless to have 200 bales of carpets ready
for Batavia about the middle of February, 1662.

" We further note from the letter of Governor Pit written
to Seylon ( which we have already mentioned several times
before ) that Sahagte's men have looted the town Carcal a few
days before the letter was closed and that they had robbed the
inhabitants of not less than 1,700 pardaux. Although he was
short of cash, the Governor has sent 3, 000 pardaux to
Negapatnam to pay the garrison there.

The war round the fort Tegenapatnam is finished and the
fort has been delivered to Sahagie's men on the 4 th February
1661, so that Tegenepatnam and the premises of the Company
there are now under the command of Sahagie. This looks
serious, but the Governor does not believe that he will trouble
us, because he is aware that the Company can rely on the strong
forces at Porto Novo, which would make his profits useless.
It would be possible to transfer the trade to Poolesere
( Phulchari or Pondichery ), about 4 miles from Tegenapatnam,
and to leave the premises at Tegenapatnam under the
supervision of an assistant and 3 or 4 soldiers, but the
merchants would not dare come out of fear for Sahagie; and
Kistapaneyak, ( Krishnappa Nayak ) who is an upper-regent of
Poolesere on behalf of Mir Jumla, would not be able to protect
us against him, so that discharging cargo at Paelesere would
only cause trouble to the Company, " '

7. Porto Novo taken by Shahji

By October 1661 Shahji was successful in capturing Porto
Novo and it was made the base of his depredations into
Tanjore. 1 Shahii's policy was to bring the port towns into his

1. Dagh-Register, 1661. P. 126 16 May 1661. Even in Aug. 1654 a
Farman was obtained from the Sultan of Bijapur for Dutch privileges at
Tegenapatam and the neighbouring ports. Hague Transcriptions, series I, Vol.
18. Nos. 550, 551, 556-7.

2. E. F, 1661-1664, pp. 50-51.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 147

possession and thus carry the Bijapur flag to the extreme east.
All those ports were under Mir Jumla before, but the desertion
of that general to the Moguls created an interregnum, The
King of Golconda claimed all the parts governed by Mir Jumla
as his own, and hence sent his agents for ousting the men of
the latter. On the other hand, Aurangzeb ordered Qutb Shah
to recall his officers from the Karnatic. The latter were
extremely loth to yield these rich towns. Qutb Shah was
often rebuked and threatened for his double-dealing. It was
only after Aurangzeb had firmly seated himself on the throne
of Delhi that he could enforce the surrender of the Karnatic. 1
During this period of confusion, Shahji saw an opportunity to
extend his power, and he sieved as many places as he could.

8. The capture of Tegenapatam and after

The details of the war with Madura and Tanjore are
given in the following Dutch letters:

" After spending a short time in his capital, the Neyck
of Tansjouwer has left it again and has placed himself under
the protection of the Nayak of Madura in the fortress of
Siretenapalle ( Trichinopoly ). And after these two rulers
had made an alliance, the commander Lingamaneyk has
proceeded in the end of June with an army of 40 thousand
footmen and 2000 horsemen to Sillenbron, 2 miles south
of Porto Novo, where Shahgie was lying in camp and daily
robbed the province of Tansjouwer. Before taking up the
arms, Lingamaneyk tried to have a conference with him,
but seeing that he was short of water, he drove him out
from there and from several other castles into the interior.
The robber therefore retired to his strong fortress of Arni.
The young Amberchan or his tutor Antosie Plontele who
is still staying in the capital Singier ( Ginji ) has promised to
deliver the castle Ami to the Nayak of Madura, if Shahgie
is driven out from there. If this could be done, the bigger
part of the province Singier would be freed of the Visiapour
Moors. The castle of Tegenepatnam which is also occupied

i. Sackar, Aurangzeb I, pp. 146-47.

148 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

by Sahagie's men has so far been left alone by Lingamaneyk,
because he had to follow up Sahagie closely. In the
meantime he has written to Governor Pit that as soon
as he has driven out Sahagie, he will send forces to
Tegenepatnam to release the son of the Nayak of Tansjouwer
and two other sons of two Gentu nobles who are being kept
there as hostages by Sahagie's men. He promises that he
will see to it that our people residing there will not be
troubled by the soldiers.

On the other hand, the Governor is afraid that the
Moors if they see an army marching against them will pilfer
the premises of the Company, especially as they keep a
"Champan" ready either to flee if necessary or to abduct
the said hostages. Therefore the galleon "Tayoan" will
remain for some time in front of Tegenepatnam to safeguard
the capital which the Company has got there.

It is apparent that the Ruler of Tansjouwer when he will
have completely recovered, will not drop his claim of the
balance of the present, although he has not reminded Governor
Pit since January last.

Mr. Ranvel Kistapaneyk, ex-regent of Paelesera, has
joined Sahagie, but has afterwards left him again and has
gone into the forest behind Tegenepatnam, however without
joining either of the parties. Therefore the proposal
made before to transfer the office of the Company from
Tegenepatnam to Poelesera is automatically cancelled, For
as long as the Jentus remain masters in the Sigier province
and when they have taken the castle of Tegenepatnam, it is
best that the residency remains at Tegenepatnam, especiatlly
because there is no Government at Poelesera which could
protect the Company against possible looting or violence from
outside the town.

As soon as Sahagie had been driven back into the interior,
people at once noticed more activity in the trade, at
Tegenepatnam. The cloths have since been in better supply,
On the other hand, the war between Lingamaneyk against
Sahagie has caused such a panic in Porto Novo that the
leading inhabitants of the country have fled and are staying
on the ships, so that perhaps this year nothing will be sent
from there to other places. Governor Pit has therefore not

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 149

been asked yet for passports from Porto Novo to Malacca,
Queda and Achin, except by Armocta Chitti for his ship
which will sail to Malacca and which passport we shall give
him, provided he first pays the Company the value of the
goods taken from the stranded jollyboat which he had readily
bought from the robbers. The said jolly-boat has got in
the sand on the Colleroon riff so badly that nothing can be
saved from her anymore. And of the fair things that have
been saved, Sahagie would only give 56 pieces of canvas
cover, some cooking pots and some lamps." l

9. The war between Shahji and Lingama Nayak

" The Commander Lingamaneyk, mentioned above,
has not made so much progress against Sahagie, as was
expected in the beginning. He and his army were led
round the whole province of Singier by the cavalry of
Sahagie, so that, not being able to pursue him close enough,
he had returned in the end to take the castle of Tegenepatnam.
But when he had approached to the ditch, Sahagie appeared
with 8,000 horsemen and cut off the communications of
his enemy, so that Lingamaneyk was forced to break up
the siege and to resist Sahagie. But later on, on the 2nd
September the two parties made an agreement that Sahagie
would retain the countries which he has possessed before,
viz., Porto Novo and Tegenapatnam till further orders from
the king of Visiapore and that he would no longer do any
damage in the countries of Tanasjouwer and Madura; and
that he would release the son of the Neyk of Tansjouwer r
provided the father would pay 50 thousand Rials. The
Neyks of Tansjouwer and Madura who were displeased
with this contract imprisoned Lingamaneyk in the castle
Tritsienapille ( Trichinopoly. ) with the intentions of nuking-
further war against Sahagie. But after thinking matters
over, the Neyk of Madura released him and gave him nice
presents. The Neyk of Tansjouwer joined in this, the
contract was confirmed and until further confirmation lit was
arranged that the Neyk of Tansjouwer would a ": marry* the
daughter of Lingamaneyk and that Lingamaneyk^would

1. Dagh-Register 1661. P. 320. 18 October 1661.

150 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

marry the sister of the Neyk. Whereupon Lingamaneyk
went to his master, the Neyk of Madura and left his servant
behind with 3000 men to receive the said 50 thousand Rials*
But afterwards he received a letter from Antosie Pontele
that Sahagie would not wait for the money any longer and had
therefore broken the contract. This meant that they were
again up against each other. Before Lingamaneyk had
come near the castle Tegenepatnam, the men from the
castle had been twice in Porto Novo, had looted the town
and driven the inhabitants into the country and dispersed
them. Seeing how many troubles the Company had to go
through in this heavy war, Governor Pit had ordered
the residents that they would embark with the valuable
merchantdise in the gallot Tayoan which was lying in the
roadstead for that purpose, and that if the troubles would
not have ceased on the 25th September they should go to
Palleacattc, leaving the premises for a short time under
protection of the Company's soldiers. But if peace had
been concluded, this would not been necessary. They had
already loaded some of the merchandise in the said Gallot,
but had unloaded it again. Sahagie is very much satisfied
that we have remained neutral in this affair." J

10. BahlolkWs raid in Tanjore

A brief account is recorded in a Dutch letter. " Balbulachan
keeps his Visiapore army ready to cross the river Colleron
into Tansiower. An advance of 2000 horsemen invaded
this country already and carried off many men and cattle,
but they were driven back over the said river by Linga-
maneyk who is now commander-in-chief of the Neyck of
Tansiower. The Neyck of Madura is on the alert, but is
not much concerned over the difficulties of his neighbour.
And the trade of Tegenepatnam having been very bad for
the last 6 or 7 months and the merchants having left
the town during the siege in order not be robbed by
the chief of the Visiapores, who has taken the castle of
Tegenepatnam. " a

1. Dagh-Kegister 1661. P. 404. 30th November 1661.

2, M 1663. P. 109. 31 St March 1663.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 151

11. War between Tanjore and Madura

The payment of the subsidy to Shahji gave rise to
complications which ended in a war between the allies. The
details of this war are to be found in the Dagh-Register.

" Let us start with Tegenaptnam. On page 147 we
mentioned already that the Visiapore commander-in-chief
had come to an agreement with the Neyk of Tansiower,
\v-hereby it was arranged that the Neyk should pay 300
thousand pardaux to the commander-in-chief. From the
letter of 23rd March written by Governor Pit to Mr. Van
Goens which we received along with the enclosures, it
appears that the said commander-in-chief died and that his
son called Nirnemya has succeeded him. The contract
drawn up by the Neyks of Tansiower and Madura on
one side and the Commander of the Visiapore on the
other side provides for a payment of 9 lakhs pardaux, out
of which the Neyk of Madura has to pay 6 and the
Neyk of Tansiower 3. It further appears that a dispute
had arisen between the castle-keepers of Tegenapatnam and
Singier and that the one of Singier with 200 horsemen
and 400 footmen raided and looted the town of Tegenapatnam
about the middle of March, but that the quarters of the
Company and the houses of the native merchants with
whom the Company were doing business were left unharmed.
It is further mentioned in the letter that the said Commander
of Bisiapore seeing that the Neyks mentioned above were
rather slow in paying off the tribute has turned back and
has made an agreement with the robber Sahagie, whereby
the place Tegenapatnam, Porto Novo and others will be
delivered to Sahagie and that they will both turn their
arms against the above-mentioned Neyks especially against
the Neyk of Madura, The said contract with the Neyks
has thereupon been broken and the castle Tritsenepilly,
(Trichinopoly) being one of the bigger towns in the country
of Madura is under siege. The Neyk of Madura shows
much courage against the invaders, but the Neyk of Tansiower
keeps idle and feeds the Visiapore army now and then
with 40 or 50 thousand pardaux. In the meantime our
residents in Tegenapatnam have received orders to be on

152 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

the alert and the Company keeps a big ( boat ) ready to keep
the silver, the money and valuables in safety. " l

' The Visiapore Commander, Babbulachan (Bahlol Khan)
ordered by the King of Visiapore to make war in the country
of Canara, has already proceeded there. " a

" In the province of Tansiower there is again a dispute
going on between the Neyks of Tansiower and Madura about
the payment of 500 thousand pardaux to the Commander
of Visiapore, the Neyk of Madura pretending that he paid
more than was due by him. As the Neyk of Tansiower is
not willing to contribute anything, the Neyk of Madura
has crossed the river Colleroon with a fairly big army and
marched to the capital Tansiower. As regards the town
and fortress of Nagapatnam, the Governor has made a proposal
to reduce the defence-works." 3

" In the sourthern districts everything remains as it
is. The war between the Neyks of Tansiower and Madura
is not yet finished and the first mentioned Neyk is being
besieged in his capital by his enemy." *

" The Neyk of Tansjouwer has closed peace with the
Neyk of Madura at the price of 500,000 pardeaux which is a
big sum of money. And therefore he has asked the Company
to lend him some money, offering to give some addeas or
villages as security, but the Governor has declined it. The
said Neyk had also asked for payment of the tax of the
villages, as half the toll, etc. Although he asked 3,000
pagodas, the Governor has promised to pay 1,000 pagodas
for the last 2 years, this being the bigger half, we fixed
so high with a view to the present difficulties of the
Neyk. The Governor has made a certain proposal to the Neyk
regarding the town of Negapatam and if the Neyk agrees,
he expects that the Company will get good accommodation
and will also benefit otherwise, but he is of opinion that it
will not come off. The merchants of the Company are now

1, Dagh-Register 16*3. P. 365. 31 July 1663.

2. . M ? <? !3 September 1663.
3 1661. P. 433. 9th October 163.

4 P. 549, 14th November 1SS3.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 153

idle there. Lingamaneyk has joined the forces of the
Madurese. The regents in Tegenepatnam with whom we
have got to deal, are not doing well. Anatchan has thrice
been deposed from the governorship and everytime he has
been reinstated, but last time the deposition was final. Our
people had made a contract with him for 5 years for the
lease of the revenues of the town Tegenepatnam at the price
of 2,700 pardaux a year, but the next day he cancelled
the contract again, because he had a dream foreboding evil,
which dream proved to be quite true, because the king of
Visiapour who was staying only 15 days journey from there,
had deposed him for the third time." '

" The armies of Visiapore had almost completely chased
the Neyck of Canara, but now they had concluded peace
with him again." *

" The Neyk of Madura is at war with the Tenver,
but it looks as if it will be over soon. The country of
Madura extends further than people would think. The
profit at Tuticurin amounts to 22, 916 guilders." 3

" Ali Adelsiah, King of Visiapour, has invaded the
country of Canara with his army and has already practically
conquered it. But being out mostly for booty, he has
arranged with the Neyk that the conquered countries would
be given back to him on condition that he would pay the
said King 1, 500 thousand pagodes of 5 guilders each.
And the said Majesty has therefore returned to Visiapour
triumphantly in January last." 4

" The advices from Canara mention that the Badrapaneyk
has been poisoned and that his brother, a child of 8 years,
has succeeded him. On account of the lack of prestige
big quarrels and feuds have started amongst the nobles, in
which the Court merchant Narna Malse has been wounded." 5

" It was further reported that the ruler of Visiapour came
down to Canara again and that a few nobles at the Court of
Bidnur had conspired to deliver the country to that ruler." fl

1. Dagh-Register 1664. P, 154. 12 May 1664.

2 P. 147. 12 May 1664.

3 P, 205. 17 May 1664.

4. ,. .. P. 322. 13 August 1664.

5*6. ., .. P. 325. 13 August 1664.

S.20.

154 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

12. Horrible consequences of the war

The country, however, terribly suffered from the
cruelties committed by the Bijapurian army and the desolation
universally wrought by them. Hundreds of people were
sold as slaves by the Dutch, and thousands were carried away
by famine and pestilence. The people could hardly get a
breathing time when in 1663 the tide of Muslim deluge
once more advanced under Vanamian, the most valiant
captain of Ali Adil Shah, and laid siege to Trichinopoly.

" The general of the enemy tried at first to frighten the
king by his threats and show of power; seeing that he
gained nothing by these methods, he successively delivered
several attacks, and was constantly repulsed with loss by
the artillery of the fort. But, by his attacks, he destroyed
all the suburbs. After making fruitless attempts against
the citadel, the besiegers broke out on the country, devastated
the harvest, burnt the villages, and captured the inhabitants
to be made slaves. It is impossible to describe the scenes
of horror which then enveloped this unhappy country. The
Indian nobility, thinking it infamy to fall into the hands of
these despicable beings, did not fear to seek refuge in death,
less frightful, in their eyes, than such a dishonour. A large
number, after slaying their women and children, plunged
the sword into their own bodies and fell on their corpses.
Entire populations were seen resorting to this tragic death.
In other villages the inhabitants gathered together in several
houses, to which they set fire and perished in the flames." 1

The result of the conquest and occupation of the country
by Bijapur is recorded by an eye-witness in these words:

" But nothing can equal the cruelities which the
Muhammadans employ in the government of Gingi;
expression fails me to recount the atrocities which I have
seen with my eyes; and if I were to describe them, truth
would be incredible. To the present horror are added the
fears of what is to happen; for it is announced that Idel
Khan sends a strong army to raise the contributions, which
the Nayaks had promised, by force.*

1. The Nayaks of Madura. P. 276.

2. .. M i. P. 279.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 155

13. Second rebellion and imprisonment of Shahji

From the Dagh-Register it appears that Shahji made
an effort of becoming independent in the Karnatic in 1659-60.

" The Neyk of Tansjouwer had returned to his capital
Tansjouwer, and had demanded the remaining donation
from our men residing at Negapatnam, but they courteously
refused. Afterwards news arrived that the Neyks of Madure,
Tansjouwer and Lingamaneyk had concluded a treaty with
the rebellious chiefs of Visiapour, Sahagie and Anthosie
Pantoelooe ( Antoji Pantole ), to help each other against
any force from outside. So that he ( the Nayak of Tanjore )
will probably grow to be stronger." '

It appears that the extraordinary success of his son
in despatching Afzal Khan and a large part of his army
to the other world, created the belief in Shahji that the
Adil Shahi Kingdom was drawing to its end and that
he could sound its death-knell by first declaring his
independence in the Karnatic and then by capturing the
metropolis itself. Thus both Shivaji and Shahji were to
lead their armies for the siege of Bijapur. Revington's
letter from Kolhapur to the Company dated 10th December
1659, contains the significant news that " One months
tyme more will, wee believe, put an end to his trouble;
for Sevagyes father, Shawjee, that lyes to the southward
is expected within eight dayes with his army consisting of
17,000 men, and then they intend for Vizapore ( Bijapur ),
the King and Queenes residence, whose strength consists
onely in men and they are not above 10, 000 souldyers;
so that in all probability the kingdome will be lost.*' f
Though Shahji was not successful in invading Bijapur, he
seems to have maintained his independence up to 1663
as is evident from the two succeeding documents.

" The Neyks of Madura and Tansjouwer and the
commander Sahagie, Antosie Pantele and Lingamaneyk have

1, Dagh-Register 1661. P. 40.

2, Shivaji The Great Vol. 1, 53.

156 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

met to conclude an offensive and defensive contract, which
is a serious thing to us. And therefore the Governor has
excused the intended visit of the Masulepatnam settlement.
But afterwards the Governor was informed that the contract
mentioned above had been cancelled and that the Neyks
had secretly conferred to attack Sahagie." *

It appears that Bahlol Khan of Bankapur was deputed
by the King to put down the rebellion of Shahji and to take
possession of the countries conquered by him. The latter
was to be dislodged from his strongholds of Ami and
Bangalore.

"The said residents further advice that the Neyk of
Tansiower had come to an agreement with Balbulachan,
the commander-in-chief of Visiapore whereby he promised
to pay 300 thousand pardaux. And the said commander-in
chief will now proceed to the fortresses Arny and Wingeloer
( Bangalore ) against the rebel Sahagie." a

An astute diplomat like Shahji won over the Bijapur
commander to his side. The King was fear-stricken at the
approach of Shaista Khan's army and left his capital for
taking refuge in Bancapur. At such a critical time both
Shahji and Bahlol Khan were to be pardoned for their
crimes of treason, but when they came to wait upon the
king, they were arrested and put in chains.

This rebellion of Shahji is confirmed by an English
letter of 20th July 1663 sent from Goa. Bahlol Khan and
Shahji were both imprisoned near Bancapur. ' This Jassud
( spy ) sweares before he came out of Bunckapore he saw
irons put on Bussall Ckan and Shagee ( Shahji ) but taken
off of the latter in two dayes: who is now with the King
without any command.' 3 The detailed account is given on
P. 95 of Part II of this volume. Shahji seems to have
been won over by the King and restored to the Governorship
of the Karnatic. While he was luckily restored to his

1. Dagh-Register 1661. P. 126. 16 May 1661.

2 1663. P. 147. 11 April 1663.

3, Shiraji The Great, Vol. I, 95.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 157

"former dignities and estates, Bahlol Khan was murdered by
order of the King. The Maharaja did not live long to peacefully
enjoy the vicerolyalty of the kingdom of the Karnatic. In 1664
he joined the Bijapur army for assisting it in reducing some
refractory polygars in the Shimoga District. He had a serious
fall from his horse while he was hunting near Basvapatan
on the bank of the Tungbhadra. Here on 23 January 1664 at
the age of 63 an active and useful life was suddenly cut short. 1
At his death he governed a territory which included at least
Bangalore, Balapur, Kolar, Nandi, Basvapatan, Arni, Gingi,
Tegenapatam, Huskota, and Porto Novo in Tanjore. In
all these places he was succeeded by his youngest son
Vyankoji as Jagirdar and Governor. The latter was also
the fortunate possessor of the personal property of his
father in the Karnatic. In a few years by his valour
and diplomacy he added the kingdom of Tanjore to his
possessions.

14. Shivaji, an independent Kin;

Shahji's dream of the establishment of Swarajya by his
son was realized before his death and it was fortunate that
he himself was the instrument of putting a seal upon his
independence. The young king Ali was much distressed
by the lightning blows dealt by Shivaji in the Konkan, by
the rebellion of his father Shahji and of Bhadrappa Nayak
of Bednur, and the insurgence of the Muslim lords like Siddi
Jauhar, Siddi Yaqut, Siddi Masud and Bahlol Khan. The
rebellion of all these nobles was put down after much bloodshed,
but Shivaji was too strong for Ali. In that situation he was
mortally afraid of Aurangzeb who was sure to find one excuse
or another for pouncing upon Bijapur. To bring peace to
the distracted land, a secret treaty was made with Shivaji
by which his independence was acknowledged by the Bijapur

1. Jedhe Ch.

158 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

King, the whole country of Konkan 1 and a long strip of
territory in the Deccan were ceded to him, and his ambassador,
was permitted to stay at the capital. Shivaji agreed not
to molest Bijapur any more. The Marathi chronicles record
that he was to be given an annual subsidy of seven lakh huns
The Dutch Diary gives a different version: " Siwasi has made
a present to His Majesty of 30 thousand pagodas, 2 elephants
and 80 beautiful horses. He asked thereby to slacken the
war against him a little. He advised the king with many
persuasive words to revolt against the Mogol and offered him
30 thousand pagodas yearly if he would do that. They say
that a more close and secret alliance has been made between
those two rulers. And many say that the king cannot go on
pretending any longer and that he would rather draw sword
against Eurengxeeb than against Siwasi." 9 Shivaji was no
longer a jagirdar of Bijapur, but an independent sovereign
who, on a basis of equality, entered into a compact with
his erstwhile suzerain.

15. Interview of father and son

The Bakhars assert that Shahji was deputed by AH
Adil Shah to confirm the treaty and counsel his son to
keep peace in the Kingdom. Shahji had not visited his
jagir and worshipped his family gods for the last twenty-five
years. He jumped at the opportunity afforded him by his
sovereign to see with his own eyes the work of the wonderful

1. This term is confirmed by a Rajapur letter of 6th February 1663 to
Surat ( Shivaji The Great Vol. I. p. 150; Basatin-i-Salatin, p. 302 ). Tal Konkan
was given to Shivaji before August 1661. P. S. S. No. 857. This treaty is said
to be concluded in 1662, but it is most unlikely Shivaji surprised Shaista Khan
on 5th April and by the middle of that month he started for the conquest
of Kudol and Vingurla. He is not expected to declare war after a few months of
the conclusion of the treaty, I should prefer the end of 1663 as the time of
the treaty.

2. Shivaji The Great, Vol. I. pp. 115-16.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 159

exploits of his famous son. 1 He proceeded to Poona with
his second wife Tukabai and her son Vyankoji. On the
way he visited the sacred places of pilgrimage like Tuljapur,
Shingnapur, Pandharpur and Jejuri. At the last place he
was received by his son with great humility and royal
pomp. We are told that Shivaji prostrated himself at Shahji's
feet, that he held his father's slippers in his hands and
walked by the side of the palanquin wherein Shahji was
being taken to Shivaji's camp, and that in the levee
subsequently held, the father was seated on the divan,
bat the son stood reverently with folded hands and frequently
asked forgiveness for the troubles given by him to his
father. Moved with emotion at the touching scenes of
filial love, humility and reverence, Shahji joyfully praised
the glorious deeds of his son and showered blessings upon
him for his future success. The four months of the
rainy season were spent in a round of festivities at Poona.
Then Shahji was taken to all the important fortresses
like Sinhagad, Purandhar, Rajgad, Rairi, Torna, Pratapgad,
Panhala, Vishalgad, Rangna. The experienced general and
ripe administrator like Shahji advised Shivaji to select
Rairi as his capital. This high hill surrounded on ever}' side
by a sea of mountains, bids defiance to all the world.
From the top of this everlasting mountain he could challenge
the Empires of Bijapur and Delhi and say- " this rock shall
fly from its base as soon as I." f

" Shahji, highly gratified, returned to Bijapur, the bearer
of presents from Shivajee to the King, and, what strengthens

1. Sh. Dig. 200-204; Takakhav, 204-212.

It is worth noticing that the Basatin-i-Salatin, Shivabaarat, Jedhe
Chronology, Jedhe Karina, Tankh-i-Shivaji, Rairi, 91 Q. Bakhar, do not
mention the fact of Shahji's visit to his son in 1663. We must wait for a
confirmatory evidence of the statement of the Bakhar s. Shahji's visit is tradi-
tionally placed in 1662. Then Chakan and Poona were in the hands of
Shaistakhan. and Shivaji was engaged in a life and death struggle with him*
Hence 1663 has been preferred by me.

2. Shivaji The Great Vol. II, pp. 1-2.

160 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

the supposition of Shajee's having been the mediator,
hostilities from that time were suspended between Sivajee
and Beejapoor during the life of Shahjee; nor, when they
were renewed, was Sivajee the aggressor." 1

16. Shahji at Bangalore

The prosperous city of Bangalore was defended by a
deep moat, strong ramparts, and high towers adorned
with numerous cannon, and was well-guarded by a large
army. The capital presented a very beautiful sight with
its stately mansions, lofty and superb temples, lovely groves
and green bowers in its exquisitely laid gardens, numerous
tanks, broad streets and everflowing fountains. The painted
walls in the palaces were designed with wonderous art.
Such a poetic description savours of exaggeration, yet it is
literally true of modern Bangalore, the Paris of India, and
may give us a real picture of tho city under its popular
ruler Kemp Gauda and under an experienced administrator
like Shahji. 9 It was the capital of the Bijapur Karnatic
for a generation under Shahji.

Living in such a charming place, the Raja used to spend
his time in hunting, military exercises, in visiting armouries
and magazines, in reviewing troops, in singing, dancing
and flirting with beautiful damsels; nay, even in visiting
Sadhus, studying books aud performing meditative practices.
Both Shahji and Shah Jahan gave themselves up to a life
of ease, amusement, even of voluptuous luxury after 1637,
though each of them had led a very hard and sturdy life
before that year.

17. Shahji'* work in the Karnatic

Shahji was appointed to govern the districts subdued
by the Bijapur forces in Karnatic and Dravida, named

1. G. Duff. P. 85.

2. Sh. Bh.; Mysore and Coorg Gaz. Pp. 21-22.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 161

Bijapurian Karnatic. Hisjagir included Bangalore, 1 Kolar,*
Hoskota, 3 Dod-Ballapur, 4 and Sira. 5 Each one of these
places had been the residence of a ruling Nayak. Shahji
used to stay sometimes at Ballapur and sometimes at Kolar.

Though in the beginning of this conquest, fanaticism
was shown by the Muslim commanders in demolishing
temples and building mosques in their places, 6 the

1. Kemp Gauda founded Bangalore in 1537, and his son of the same
name gained possession of the Magadi country and Savandurga.

2. More prominent were the Sugatur-nad Prabhus, who usually had
the name Tamme-Gauda. Their territory included a great part of the
Kolar District, and they founded Hoskote. For his aid in defeating the
Mussalman attack on Penugonda, the chief received the title of Chikka-Rayal,
and his possessions were extended from Anekal to Punganur. The inscriptions
of the Sugatur Prabhus date from 1451 to 1693. "When Kolar and Hoskote
were taken by the Bijapur army, the chief retired to Anekal, but was
expelled when this place was taken by Haider All. Shahji bestowed the
Punganur district upon Chikka Rayal Timme Gauda in place of Kolar, the
charge of which he committed to his own son Sambhaji, on the death of
whom, his son Soorut Singh managed Kolar, and subsequently it formed
part of the territories of Venkoji or Eccoji.

3. Hosa-Kota, * new fort, ' so called to distinguish it from Kolar
was built about 1595, by Timme Gauda, the chief of Sugatur, who had
recently settled at Kolar and obtained from the Penugonda sovereign the
title of Chikka Rayal. ( Mysore, Vol. II, p. 68. )

4. Malla Baire Gauda of Devanhalh founded Ballapur. With the
help of the Vijayanagar Emperor, he speedily subdued the neighbouring
-country, so that this principality yielded a revenue of a lakh of pagodas.
His descendants continued to rule this dominion until it was reduced by
the Bijapur army. ( Mysore. Vol. II, p. 68. )

5. The foundation of the town and fort is attributed to Rangappa
Kayak, the chief of Rantnagiri. Before the fort was completed, Sira and
its dependencies were conquered by Randulla Khan. One Malik Husen
who was appointed governor, completed the fort and enclosed the towi>
with mud walls. Malik Rihan was Subadar from 1638 to 1650 ( Mysore,
Vol. II, p. 198. )

6. After the capture of Basavapatna the town of Sante Bennur was
taken by the Muspalman forces of Bijapur, under Randulla Khan, who
-destroyed the temple and erected in its place a mosque of very large
^dimensions. Hanumappa Nayak who had been forced to retire to Tarikere
and Kaldurga, was greatly incensed at this, and watching his opportunity
planned a night attack, in which be put to death the Muhammadan Governor,
.and desecrated the mosque with the blood of bogs, pulling out a stone

from the wall of each compartment, ( Mysore, Vol. II, p. 469. )

S.21.

162 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

inconoclastic spirit was definitely checked by the appointment
of Shahji as Governor of the Karnatic. On the other
hand, he became the champion of the Hindu Rajas, 1
of Hindu supremacy and of Hindu culture and literature-
Then Marathi became the court language and Marathas
were appointed as revenue clerks and collectors. Thus
Shahji, during the long viceroyalty extending over one
generation, Marathaized the Kanarese population. The
administrative system set up by him was faithfully followed
by his successors in those parts. To sum up, he was the
founder of Greater Maharashtra in the Karnatic.

18. Policy of consolidation

Shahji followed a most remarkable policy of conciliation
and consolidation. While he took possession of the capital
town of every dispossessed chief and administered the
revenues of each principality through his own agents, he
granted the ousted chief an estate in some less productive
part of his territory. This resulted in bringing under
cultivation and attracting population to the more neglected
tracts of the country. Thus Basavapattan and its possessions
being retained, Tarikere was given to the polygar; Bangalore
was taken, but Magadi was left to Kempa Gauda. Similarly,
Hoskota was taken and Anekal granted; Kolar was captured
but Punganur returned; Sira was taken and Ratnagiri 1 was
retained with the chief. Thus all the ruling Hindu families
were continued in existence, and yet these were bound by
ties of gratitude to Shahji.

19. The Maratha revenue system in the Karnatic

The Bijapurian Karnatic was distributed into parganasr
Each of these districts was devided into samats, tarajs.
mauge, and mujare Jamadars or collectors were appointed.

1. Sh. Bh. XI. 7; XV. 9.

2. Mysore Gazetteer, Vol. I, p. 359.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 163

for each pargana. "In the time of the Rayals, the accountants
had been called Samprati, but the Mahrattas introduced
the different offices of Deshpande, Deshkulkarni, Sar-Nad-
"Gaud, Deshmukh and Kanungo, by whom the accounts
of the country were kept; they also appointed Sheristedars
to all the parganas. When jagirs were granted to the Killedars
and Mansubdars by the Sarkar, the revenue accounts of the
districts for the last years were previously examined, and
the new revenue rated annually on the jagir to be granted. In
'fixing the revenue thus established, the inams or free gift
lands, land customs, &c., were discontinued or deducted, and
the net revenue, more or less than the former, ascertained
by means of the Jamadars.

The Deshkulkarni was to write the kaulpatta, the
contract or lease for the revenue; the Deshpande was to
sign it in Mahratti characters at the bottom of the paper;
the Deshmukh, Kanungo and Sar-Nad-Gaud were also
to add their signatures to the written deed, and the Amildar
finally to seal it. The particular accounts of the parganas
were kept as follows: The Shanbhog was to keep the written
accounts of the mauje or village, the Deshkulkarni to keep
the accounts of the samats, the Deshpande the accounts
of the parganas, and the Kanungo to sign the patte or revenue
agreements. He was also to keep a written register of the
revenue of the district, to be delivered to the Sarkar. It was
the duty of the Deshmukhi and Sar-Nad-Gaud to control
and inspect all accounts, and report them to their superiors;
they were also to inquire and report generally on all affairs,
and the settlement of the district." *

"The accounts of all kinds were accidently kept in
Kannada, but after the Mahratta chiefs attained power in
the Carnatic, many Deshasts or natives of their countries
followed them, who introduced their language and written
characters into the public accounts. Even in the samsthans
of the Palegars, where the revenue and military accounts
Ihad been kept in Karinada alone, some of them beginning
1. Mysore Gazetteer. Vol. I, pp. 588-589. "

164 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

then to entertain large bodies of horse, employed Mahratta
accountants to check the pay accounts in that language
for the satisfaction of the horsemen of that nation. After
the Moguls came into the country and established the Suba
of Sira, the Persian language came into use." *

20. A view of Shah ji's life

The salient features of the political career of Shahji are
now summarized to enable the reader to have a clear view of
the same. In 1621 Shahji captured Poona from the Bijapur
officer and obtained the Mokasa of Poona and Shirwal from
Malik Amber. After the desertion of his father-in-law Jadhavrao,
Shahji and the other Bhosles were the great feudal lords left
in the Nizam Shahi State. This is clear from the list of
officers who took part in the battle of Bhatwadi in 1624. Shahji
distinguished himself in this battle, while his younger
brother was killed in an action. He must have then
held a high position, because he manfully maintained his
independence in his jagir against all the power of Malik
Amber in 1625. The Bijapur Court conferred upon Shahji
the rare titles of Sarlashkar and Maharaj. He was employed
in the conquest of the Karnatic and in putting down the
rebellion of the chief of Phaltan. After his return to the
Nizam Shahi service, we find him as the Subedar and
Commandant of the most important fortress of Parenda in
1630. When he joined the Moguls in this year, he was
given the dignity of 5,000 horse and even his cousins were
made commanders of 2,000 horse. He was granted the estate
of Fateh Khan, the prime minister of the Nizam Shahi
Kingdom. After deserting the Moguls, he remained a petty
independent ruler. With his own forces he assisted Randulla
Khan in conquering Daulatabad. Then he became the King-
maker or the actual ruler of the Nizam Shahi State for three-
years. Even Shah Jahan after hurling vast hordes against Shahji
found it impracticable to subdue him, till he had completely

1. Mysore Gazetteer, Vol. I, pp. 589-590,

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 165

t>rottght under him^the Golconda and Bijapur Kingdoms. Then
the allied forces of Bijapur and Delhi hunted out Shahji from
all places and finally compelled him to surrender himself and
his puppet-king at Mahuli. It was one of the terms of the
treaty that this great man must be given to Bijapur, because
in the Mogul service he would have been an effective
instrument for the conquest of the Deccan, just as afterwards
Mir Jumla was the cause of the conquest of Golconda in 1656.
Such a ripe administrator, shrewd statesman and a wealthy
lord could not but be taken into the rank of the highest
nobility in Bijapur. There is evidence of Basatin-i-Salatin
< p. 254 ) that- Shahji was appointed to a high post in the
Bijapur army.

As Shahji Raje had won over the confidence of the
iommander-in-chief Randulla Khan by his achievements,
he was appointed Governor of the Karnatic and given a
very big jagir there. It is said that the General carried
on the administration with the advice of Shahji. Similarly,
after the death of Randulla Khan, each successive general
who went for the conquest of the Karnatic, naturally
followed the advice and policy of Shahji, 1 the man
on the spot. He continued to fill this post up to his
imprisonment in 1648 and even after his release up to his
death in 1664. He used to stay at Bangalore, Kolar, or
Ballapur and had Nandi as his summer captial in the Karnatic.

In the war with Shriranga Rayal near Vellore we find
him commanding the right wing of the Bijapur army with
Asad Khan as his assistant.

In a legal document bearing the seal of the Sultan,
Shahji is addressed as Farzand ( Son ) and Maharaj."
Both these honours which were conferred on him by Bijapur
are confirmed by another Royal Firman issud to the revenue
officer of Poona on 7 September 1649.

1. Sh. Bh. xi, pp. 8-10.

2. See B. I. S. M. Quarterly, Vol. X, No. 3, p. 131. In a document
of November 1654, he is addressed as Mabaraj.

166 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

In 1659 when he commanded the campaign into Tanjore,
Mulla Muhammad was his second-in-command. In 1653 he
was one of the three greatest lords of Bijapur; so also in
1659 he is described as being of the same rank as Rustam-i-
Zaman and Bahlol Khan. From 1661 he is named as the
commander-in-chief of the Bijapur forces in the Karnatic*
He attempted to set up an independent kingdom in the
south during 1659-1663, but the result is not clear from
the available sources. His policy, diplomacy and wars so
mortally weakened the Tanjore state that it fell an easy
prey into the hands of his son Vyankoji. His successors
continued to enjoy the fruits of Shahji's labours for
generations. In fact, Shahji deserves to be styled the
founder of the Maratha rule in Southern India, as his famous
son, Shivaji, proved to be the founder of the Maratha
Empire in India.

21. Shahji, the inspirer of Shivaji

Shahji ought to be given the full credit for bringing about
favourable circumstances for a successful rebellion of his
son against the foreign rule. We should not be put on a
wrong scent by believing the words of this subtle statesman
which he is said to have written to the Bijapur Court that
his young son was a rebel against his authority, and that he be
severely dealt with by the King in any way which was thought
desirable. The following points ought to be kept in view:

(1) Shahji failed twice in 1630 and 1633-36 in establishing
an independent kingdom. He played the role of a king-maker
and a real ruler. As such he measured swords with Adil
Shah and Shah Jahan.

(2) Shivaji was sent to look after the Poona jagir with
Dadoji Kond Deva and other veteran statesmen. They were
entrusted with the insuperable task of defending the estate
from the encroachment of the Moguls and Bijapurians.

(3) When Shivaji was a mere boy, Chakan was captured
by his officers and men who were in name under the boy

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 167

Shivarai. This offensive could not have been taken by
Jiim without the consent of his father.

(4) The real cause of the arrest of Shahji in 1648 is
said by the author of the Shiva Bharat to be his ambition to
establish an independent Kingdom in the Karnatic. Mustafa
Khan was deputed by the King to imprison Shahji on the
basis of this suspicion.

(5) After his release from captivity in 1649, Shahji
entered into a sacred alliance with Kanhoji Naik Jedhe
which the latter solemnly observed even at the risk of his
jagir. Jedhe and Lohokare were to bring all the Mawal
Deshmukhs under the authority of Shivaji and to repel the
invasions of the Adil Shahi and Mogul forces on Poona. We
will be justified in concluding that all the Maval Deshmukhs
of the Konkan were to be subdued after 1649, and that this
work was really undertaken by Shivaji under the orders of
his father.

(6) Rataji Rupaji Yadav Deshmukh of Aund, and
Vangoji Mudhoji Nimbalkar of Phaltan rebelled against the
jBijapur Kingdom. They took the fort of Karad and plundered
the rich districts'round about. It is confirmed by Jedhe who
was requested by Nimbalkar to help him. This Jedhe,
being in the service of Shivaji, could now and then goad
him to rebellion. It is said by him that after the rebellion
of Vangoji Mudhoji Nimbalkar, Shivaji revolted against the
King. The attempt to establish Swarajya is called rebellion
in contemporary Marathi letters. The European and Muslim
writers, one and all, looked upon the attempts of Shivaji
to throw off the foreign yoke as a rebellion against the
established government. He has been frequently called,
' the arch rebel of the Deccan. '

(7) In 1662-63 Shahji became the mediator between
his son and the Bijapur King for concluding a treaty between
them:, By this subtle act he safeguarded the interests of
Shivaji ;and protected the tender plant of Hindu Swarajya.

(8) Chitnis supplies us with another proof. It is said

168 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

that Shahji had taken a vow to donate a golden idol worth
one lakh of rupees to the temple at Jejuri for the fulfilment
of Shivaji's mission of founding an independent Kingdom,
of protecting gods, cows and Brahmins and of establishing
the ancient religion. Shahji got a beautiful figure made in
the Karnatic and presented it to the temple on the brilliant
susccess of his son.

(9) Then, Gagabhat who as the most eminent scholar
of his age, performed the installation rites of Shivaji, calls
Shahji ' the new incarnation of the duties of the military
class' for protecting the weak and destroying the wicked-
(Shivaraj-prashasti )

(10) Even at the close of his life, Shahji tried his best
for some three years to throw off the Adil Shahi yoke and
govern the Karnatic as an independent King; but even
this time he could not realize his ambitious dreams. It is
thus evident that a life full of romantic adventures,
extraordinary fortitude, wisdom and foresight, and distinguished
with statesmanship and generalship of a high order, could
not but serve as an illustrious example to Shivaji. He had
indeed a rich inheritance and a powerful incentive from his
father for establishing Hindwi Swarajya.

22. Chronology

1651 War between Mir Jumla and Bijapur. Mir Jumla.

defeated by the Bijapurians.

1652 Peace between Mir Jumla and Bijapur.

1653 Aurangzeb came as Viceroy to Burhanpur in October

and to Daulatabad in November.

1654 Vellore captured and lost by Shriranga, and treaty with

Bijapur. Mir Jumla rebelled against Golconda.

1655 Golconda army defeated by Shriranga but the latter

was ultimately routed.

The war of the Noses between Mysore and Madura.

1656 Pulicat besieged by Shriranga. Mahammad Adil Shah

died on 4th November and Ali II succeeded.

SHAHJI IN THE KARNATIC 169

1657 Shriranga defeated by the lieutenant of Mir Jumla.

Aurangzeb declared war against Bijapur. A treaty
between Ali and Aurangzeb.

1658 Shahji invaded Madura and Trichinopoly.

1659 Shahji suddenly entered into the territory of Tanjore f

and captured its capital and other important towns.
Shahi rebelled and marched to the north to join
Shivaji.

1660 Second siege of Trichinopoly failed. Treaty with

Madura.

1661 Triple alliance of the rulers of Madura, Tanjore and

Jinji.

Tegenapatam and Porto Novo captured by Shahji.
1662-3 War between Shahji and the allies. The former

ultimately driven from Madura and Tanjore.

Tegenapatam besieged by Lingama, but relieved by

Shahji. Treaty concluded between Shahji and

Lingama, but it was finally disregarded. A Bijapur

army under Bahlol Khan raided Tanjore.

Bahlol Khan marched against Shahji to expel him

from Arni and Bangalore.

War between Tanjore and Madura, concluded by the

payment of an indemnity by Tanjore.

Bahlol Khan and Shahji made a common cause

against the King. Both of them were imprisoned.

Bahlol Khan was murdered, but Shahji was restored

to his governorship. Shahji brought about a

reconciliation between Shivaji and the Bijapur State.
1664 Bednur conquered, but restored to its ruler.

Succession disputss at Bednur and the interference

of Bijapur in them.

Death of Shahji.

S. 22.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX I

( See p. 1 of this Part )
Imperfections of the Bakhars

The distinguished historian Rajwade submitted the
Marathi Bakhars to a scathing criticism some thiry years
back. He summarized his conclusions in Marathi on pp.
67-69, 105-107, 133-239 of Vol. IV of the ' Sources of the
History of the Marathas. ' Sir J. Sarkar has done the same
thing in a general manner. In spite of this, he frequently
relies upon the Rairi Bakhar and Tarikh-i-Shivaji. A recent
attempt has been made by Mr. V. S. Vakaskar of Baroda
to defend this group of Bakhars. In this section I have
consequently selected a few passages relating to the life of
Shahji alone and shown their unreliability. *

The 91 qalmi Bakhar, the Short Chronicle of the Maratha
Empire, and Tarikh-i-Shivaji (History of Shivaji in Persian)
are related to each other. The last two are based upon the
first one. Moreover, there are three different recensions of the
91 qalmi Bakhar: the one printed by Rajwade, the other by
Parasnis and the third used by Forrest for translation into
English. All these six works supplement each other, but
they contain only a few grains of truth buried under the debris
of myths and fables. Facts have been jumbled up in such a
manner that truth has been murdered, chronology sacrificed
and history mutilated. We can scarcely rely on these for
the history of Shivaji's ancestors, the life-story of Shahji
or the early career of Shivaji.

1. Vakaskar. Shirachhalrapatichi 91 Qalmi Bakhar; Sahvichar. Opt,
1931.

174

SHIVAJI THE GREAT

Section !- Babaji Bhosla
was a Patil of the village of
Hingni Berdi and Devalgaon
in the district of Poona, but
his sons being dissatisfied
with their homes, emigrated
to the village of Elora. They
supported themselves by
agriculture and then went
to Sindkhed for service
under Jadhavrao. They were
appointed door-keepers at 5
huns pgr month each.

Section ? :- It is saidr'that
Jadhavrao had no son.

Sections 3-5:-:^relate":the
story of the Rangpanchami
Holi festivities [from the
antics of Shahji and Jijabai
who were only 5 and 3 years
old to the discovery of a large
treasure by Maloji.

Sections 0-7;-, The two
brothers asked the help of
Jagpal Nimbalkar who was
already making depredations
in the Nizam's territory.
They were given two thou-
sand horse. With a force of
three thousand horse, the
brothers proceeded to Daula -

The 91 Bakhar does not go
beyond Babaji; it gives no
real cause for the emigration of
his sons to Elora, nor any
explanation why Elora was
selected for their residence*
The whole story is made up to
show the low origin of Maloji
and his phenomenal rise through
divine grace. We have seen
that the contemporary sources
present an entirely different
picture. Pp. 50-53 supra.

He had several sons and
grandsons. The names of
Raghuji, Dattaji, Achaloji,
Bahadurji are known from
several sources. P. 80.

The baselessness of these
events has been shown on pp.
58-60.

One need not explode the
ugliness of this baseless story.
Maloji did not need three
thousand horse for putting two
dead hogs in a mosque at night.
After this childish act had been
done, the brave Maloji was so
mortally afraid pf the royal
wrath that he returned with

IMPERFECTIONS OF THfe BAKHARS

tabad aiid th* etf two hogs in
a mosque arid tied a letter to
each of thfem. Having per-
formed this deed, they re-
turned to Phaltan.

Sections &-3:~All the three,
Maloji, Vithoji and Shahji
ivere granted the ranks of
12,000 horse each, so that
they became the equals of
Jadhavrao and the marriage
was celebrated at Daulatabad
in 1603-4.

Section JJf:-When Shahji
reached the age of 25 years,
both his father and uncle
died. Soon after he had his
first Soft who was named
Sambhaji. In that year Nizam
Shah Bahiri died leaving two

post-haste to Phaltan. Then it
is simply incredible that the*
King should have been &> much
unherved and feteii^stricken it
this incident that, instead of
punishing Maloji, he should
haVei sent for Jadhavrao froirt
Sindkhed and asked him to
pacify the evil-doers. The whole
story is no better than a fable
to amuse the children.

It is most unlikely that
favours should have been shown
to the rebels, that the highest
lords including Jadhavrao him-
self should have been sent to
receive the two brothers who,
three years before, were mere
door-keepers of Jadhavrao, and
that each of the three should
have been given the highest
rank in the nobility. Secondly.
Daulatabad was not the capital
of the Nizam Shahi at that
time. The royal family took
refuge first in Ausa and then
in Parenda up to 1610. P. 60.

(1) Shahji is said to have
been born in 1594 and to have
become a minister in 1619/20
after the death of Nizam Shah.
The latter died in 1627 and not
in 1619. Hence if Shahji was
really 25 years old at the death

17,6

SHIYAJI TJHS GREAT

ons who were seven yeiars
old. Sabaji Anant recom-
mended Shahji for the post
of prime ministership, and
the Begums conferred the
post on him and entrusted
the care of their princes to
Shahji.

Section 12-- The rise of
Shahji to the post of prime
ministership and the cere-
mony of performing obei-
sance to him in the open court
annoyed Jadhavrao. So the

of Nizam Shah, he must have
been born in 1602, the year
assigned by me on an altogether
independent evidence. P. 58.

(2) InSh. Dig. (65-66) it is
said that sometime before his
death, Amber requested the
Bijapur Court to return Shahji
or to lend the services of Sabaji.
The latter is represented to have
introduced all the financial
reforms for which Amber is so
well-known. If Sabaji came
to Daulatabad in 1625-6, he
could not have made Shahji
Vazir in 1619.

(3) Shahji was in the Bijapur
service from 1625 to 1628 and
thus came to Daulatabad two
years after the demise of Nizam
Shah. Pp. 68-70.

(4) The Muslim chronicles do
not name Sabaji as the Karbhari
before or after the demise of
Nizam Shah.

Thus this whole section is a
concoction.

Jadhavrao left the Nizam
Shahi service in 1621 and
returned to it in 1 630, four years
after the death of Murtiza
Nizam Shah. He was soon
murdered there. It was Patch

IMPERFECTIONS OF THE BAKHARS

177

Khan and not Shahji who was
then the Chief Minister. Hence
there was no occasion for
Jadhavrao being offended with
Shahji. The Bakhars place the
desertion of Jadhavrao some six
or seven years after it had
actually taken place. Pp. 62,79.

In 1626 Jadhavrao was no
doubt in the Mogul service,
but there is no mention in
Persian or English sources of
the siege of Mahuli. No
authentic history speaks of Mir
Jumla as commander of the
Mogul forces in 1626-27.

latter with a few other
Sardars 1 went over to the
Moguls and brought the
Mogul army under Mir Jumla
to conquer Daulatabad.

Sections 13-14: When
Jadhavrao and Mir Jumla
advanced against Daulatabad,
Shahji with the royal family
took refuge in the impregnable
fort of Mahuli. The invaders
hotly pursued the Raja and
laid siege to the fort. For six
months the siege continued.
Shahji suffered much hardship
and hence he opened negotia-
tions with the Bijapur Court
for being taken up in service
there. 9 Having obtained a
Kaul, he escaped from the
fort with his wife and son.
His wife, being pregnant,
could not go far on horseback.
She was left with 100 horsemen
to look after herself. Jadhav-
rao soon arrived at the scene

1. The same story is repeated in Sh, Dig. ( Pp. 45-46). It names Shirke
and Mahadik among the rebellious Sardars.

2. Sh. Dig. ( 48-49 ) has the same version. There is some extra
information. Asharam Khoja entered into a plot with the Begams against
Shahji. Naro Trimal and Mazumdar Hanmante were sent as vakils or envoys
-of Shahji.

S. 23.

178

SHIVA ji THE GREAT

and moved by the appeals of
his followers and of his
daughter, senthertoShivneri
which was in the possession
of Shahji.

Section 16 : Shahji left the
fort of Mahuli and went
to Bijapur. There he waited
upon Sultan Sikander Shah.
He was given the command
of 12,000 troops and a jagir
in the Karnatic. Mir Jumla,
failing to seize the Raja,
returned disappointed to
Delhi.

Section 17 : This section
is full of the most eggregious
blunders and the most
unreliable fables. It is said
that after Shahji's departure
from Mahuli and the raising
of the siege by the Moguls,
the Nizam Shahi royalty was
brought to Daulatabad by
Sabaji Anant. He was
asked by the Begums to
find out a most suitable man
for being the prime minister.
The Pandit was one day
going through a street and

Even the name of the Bijapur
King is not known, nor is the
name of the Mogul Commander.
How can we rely on such a
history for true details ? Sane's
edition mentions the command
of 10,000 horse being given to
Shahji.

Malik Amber was serving the
Nizam Shahi State from the
time of Chand Bibi and he
died in May 1626, while Shahji
is said to have left Mahuli in the
beginning of 1627. Thus these
Bakhars allege that Amber began
service in the Nizam Shahi
State one year after his own
death and that too in the
wonderful manner described
in the 91 Q. Bakhar. He is
represented to have again
defeated Mir Jumla near
Asirgarh. *

1. Sh. Dig. ( P. 55 ). Mir Jumla was reprimanded by the Emperor for
finishing the war without the complete conquest of the Nizam Shahi State.
Hence he again returned with a resolve to capture Daulatabad this time.
Further on Pp. 56-58, Amber is represented to have defeated Mir Jumla once
more and even Prince Aurangzeb himself, These are fibs and not historic truths.

IMPERFECTIONS OF THE BAKHARS

179

lie accidentally came across a
Fakir lying on the ground.
By looking at the beggar for
some time, he found out that
he would be a most capable
minister. So he was given
a bath, brought before the
Begums, and appointed prime
minister. The beggar was no
other than Malik Amber who
had been a servant of
Changiz Khan, a minister of
the kmg of Bijapur.

Sections 18-19:- It is said
that Malik Amber proceeded
against Bijapur, but was
defeated and pursued up to
the bank of the Bhima.
Though the river was in
flood, it gave way to Amber's
troops, but again rose high at
the approach of the pursuing
army. Thus the saintly chara-
cter of Amber has been proved.

In Sane's Bakhar it is said
that Malik Amber dispersed

The Malik was never^defeat-
ed near Bijapur. He burnt
down the suburb ef Nauraspur
and raided the territory to his
heart's content in 1624. P. 66.

The battle was fought in
1624, the weighing ceremony

the Bijapur armyjtt Bhatvya- took place in 1633 and Shahji
di; at that time Sahaji went was sent to the Karnatic in
to the Karnatic ' and that on 1637. These three different

1. Sh. Dig. (Pp. 59-60) has the following: Malik Amber and Jadhav raided
Poona, etc. Shahji bravely fought in defence. Finally, he defeated both the aaid
generals, and pursued them for four Koses. He could not go further on occount

of the floods. They encamped at Koregaon on the Bhima. On the day of the solar
eclipse, Murari went to Nangar Gaon ( Tulapur ) and performed the weighing

-ceremony. The way of weighing the elephant was told by Shah ji. In reward for
this service, Shahji was made Sursubha of the Karnatic. His son Sambhaji was

-already there.

180

SHIVAJI THE GREAT

his return from this battle,
Murari performed the weigh-
ing ceremony.

Section 20 : Poona is said
to be the stronghold of the
robber chief, Martand Deo.
Murari plundered the town,
razed it to the ground and
caused its soil to be ploughed
by asses. As the country
was greatly desolated, Murari
conferred the whole tract
from the frontier of Poona
and the fort of Chakan to
that of Wai, Sarwai (Shir-
wal), Supa and Indapur as
jagir on Shahji after the
weighing ceremony at Tula-
pur. According to Sane's
edition, even Junner fort
was included in Shahji's

KondDeva, theKulkarni of
Hangni Berdi was appointed
Karbhari and he was asked
to look after Jijabai and
Shivaji.

Section 21 : (1) Shahji
made a resolution never to
see Jijabai or his son Shivaji,
and he consequently married
Tukabai, daughter of one

events have been jumbled up
into one by the chronicle.

The weighing ceremony took
place in 1633 and Shivaji and
his mother are represented to
have come to Poona in that
year, but it is not borne out
by other chronicles. Shahji
was in the grip of difficulties
and could never have hazarded
to place his family at Poona in
1633. Murari was sent against
Shahji who had revolted after
his father-in-law's murder in
1630, to expel him from Poona.
After the burning of the place
by Murari, Shahji returned to
Shivneri and took shelter with
its ruler. Three years after,
Murari was sent to help Shahji
against the Moguls and to revive
the Nizam Shahi monarchy.
It was during this expedition
that the weighing ceremony
was performed. But the 91 Q.
Bakhar has made a mess of both
these expeditions and added the
unreliable news that Murari
conferred a jagir upon Shahji.

( 1 According to the Sh. Dig.,.
Shahji married Tukabai at
Bijapur in 1549 Shaka ( 1627 )
before Shivaji was born. It
means a difference of more than

IMPERFECTIONS OF THE BAKHARS

181

"Mobile after Shivaji was
placed under Dadaji Kond-
deva.

(2) Sultan Sikandar died
in the year when Shahji sent
a present to Dadaji Konddeva
for his exemplary honesty.
Both Murari Jagadev and
Shahji were then at Bijapur.

(3) Later on Murari was
put to death by order of the
Begums. 1

(4) Soon afterwards the
Begums sent a large army
against Daulatabad. They
were met at Bhatari by
Malik Amber.

ten years. The same chronicle
(Pp. 53,62 ) says that Sambhaji
was born at Daulatabad in 1545
Shaka (1622 A. D.) and he was
killed at the age of eight at
Kanakgiri. This statement is
wrong, because Shahji left off
the service of Bijapur in 1628
and returned to Daulatabad. He
again joined Bijapur service in
1637. 91 Q. Bakhar (sect. 21)
says that after the death of
Sambhaji, his son Umaji Raja
who had married a daughter of
the house of Jintikar continued
to tight with the Polygar.

(2) Even the name of the
king of Bijapur is not known to
the author. It was Muhammad
Shah and not Sikandar Shah.
He died in 1656, Malik Amber
in 1626 and Murari in 1635.
Yet the latter two are said to
have been living after 1656.

(3 1 Murari was put to death
by order of Muhammad Shah
in 1635, and not by his Begums
after 21 years.

(4 1 The battle of Bhatavadi
was fought in 1624 and yet the
event is placed after 1656.

1. Sh. Dig. (P. 72 ) has the same anachronism that Murari was disgraced
and put to death by the Begums, inspite of his becoming a Sanyasi and
renouncing the world.

182

SHIVA ji THE GREAT

Section 22:- It is said that
after the death of Murari,
Shahji established himself in
the Karnatic, assisted the
Nayak of Madura, killed
Vijayaraghava, captured Tan-
jore and appointed his son
Venkoji to rule the country.

Section 23:- 1) Malik Amber
and Sabaji died in that
year at Daulatabad. Shah
Jahan lost no time in sending
Aurangzeb.

( 2 ) Shah Jahan sent
Aurangzeb and Mir Jumla to
the Deccan.

(3) The object was to
conquer Daulatabad which
they soon captured.

(4) Aurangzeb is said to
have changed the name of
Khirki to Aurangabad in
1653.

(5) Aurangzeb is said to
have been defeated by the
Bijapuri forces and to have

After the conquest of Ginj?
the Muslims entered Tanjorc
and wrought incalcuable havoc,
but were finally repelled up to
Ginji. Shahji was a prisoner at
Kanakgiri and hence could have
no part in plundering Tanjore*
Vijayaraghava died in 1674,
ten years after the death of
Shahji. Tanjore was conquered
by Ekoji in that year. Therefore
Shahji had no hand in the
conquest of Tanjore. '

(1 ) Malik Amber died in May
1626. Shah Jahan had not
come to the throne till Jan.
1628, yet he is said to be
sending Aurangzeb to conquer
Daulatabad.

(2} Prince Aurangzeb was
appointed Viceroy of the
Deccan on 14th July 1636 and
continued in that office for
eight years up to 28th May
1644. Mir Jumla was not with
him. That General was then in
the Golconda service.

13) Daulatabad had already
been captured by the Moguls in
1633.

(4 It was in his first vice-

1. History of the Nayaks of Madura, pp. 130, 165-70.

IMPERFECTIONS OF THE BAKHARS 185

returned to Aurangabad royalty that this change was

where he stayed for some made and not in 1653.

years in administering the (5) Heledhisarmy intothe
affairs of the Deccan.

1657, conquered the most
impregnable forts of Bidar and
Kalyani, so that Bijapur was
forced to sue for peace.
Aurangzeb was soon called back
to the north on account of the
severe illness of Shah Jahan.

To ascribe the composition of this Bakhar to 1685 is an
aggregious blunder. 1 It is incredible that the author writing
this history of Shivaji only five years after his death, should
not know the elementary facts of his life. He places the
death of Afzal Khan in 1652 and the Karnatic expedition
before the coronation in 1673 (Pp. 147/150, 154). We are
told that Raigad was made capital before the death of
Chandrarao More, i.e. in 1654 (P. 57). Shahji is said to
have been seized by Baji Ghorpade after the death of Afzal
Khan, and to be released from imprisonment (say in 1661)
through the intercession of Randulla Khan who had died in
1643 (P. 116). He is represented to be living at the time
of the imprisonment of Shivaji at Agra (P. 101). It is
asserted that the Raja performed the coronation ceremony
soon after his release from Agra (P. 105 >. The Mogul
offensive of 1669-72 is placed after the desertion of Sambhaji
in 1679 (P. 110). Shivaji is said to have gone on an
expedition to chastise Shivappa of Bednur when Rajaram
was born. Shivappa was murdered in 1662 and Rajaram
was born in 1670. Yet the two events are made
synchronous (P. 112). Finally, the author reveals the time
of the composition of the Bakhar when he says that the

1, Vakaskar, Shivachhatrapatichi 91 Q. Bakhar, p. 2. The references to
pages in this para are to 1939 edition of this book,

184 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

two sons of Ekoji died without any issue, but Tukoji the
youngest son, had one issue 'whose descendants art still
reigning at Tanjore' (P. 45). So the Bakhar might have
been written in the reign of Pratapsingh ' (1739-1763) and
not in 1685.

Thus it is evident that the 91 Q. Bakhar and the other
five chronicles dependent upon it are full of anachronisms,
inconsistencies and improbabilities, and hence their accounts
are mostly incorrect and unreliable.

APPENDIX II

(See p. 37 supra)
Shivaji's Ancestry.

A geneological tree^ of the ancestors of Shivaji was
prepared after much k research by order of Raja Pratapsinhji
of Satara. Therein the order of names is as under:

Pratapsen, Suhagsinha, Samarsinha, Lakshmansinha,
Rajansinha, Dilipsinha, Sinhaji, Bhosaji, Deorajaji,Indrasenaji,
Shubhakrishnaji, Rupasinhaji, Bhumindraji, (Ba)paji, Barhadji,
Khelaji, Karnasinha, Sambhaji, Babaji Maharaj, Maloji, Shahji
Maharaj, Shivaji Maharaj.

In this geneology based on the information supplied by
the Bhats, Lakshmansinha has been shown as the son of
Samarsinha. But Ratnasinha or Ratnasi was really the
son and successor of Samarsi, and he and his wife Padmini
laid down their lives in defending Chittor from the Muslim
hosts. Lakshmansinha belonged to a different branch and
was not a descendant of Samarsi or Samarsinha.

Even the ancestors of Samarsinha are wrongly given in the
Satara geneology. From the four inscriptions of the Vikram
Era 1330, '342, 1496 and 1517, used by Gauri Shankar
Ojha, it aj. e;irs that Padmasinha, Jayasinha, Tejsinha
and Samars. iha were the successive ancestors of Ratnasi.

1. K, R< S". iramanian, Maratha Rajas of Tanjore, Madras, 1928 .

SHIVAJI'S ANCESTRY

185

Mr. Ojha has constructed the following geneology of the
two branches of the solar dynasty on the basis of
inscriptions. l

Karnasinha

bwals of Chittor \

RanasofSisod

Kshemsinha Mahap
Kumarsinha
Samansinha

i

Mathansinha

i

Rahap
Narapati

Dinkar

1
Jaskaran

1
Padmasinha

1
Jaitra or Jayasinha
1

Nagpal
Purnapal

Tejsinha

Prithivimalla

Samarsinha ( Samarsi )

/

Ratnasinha (Ratansi)

Bhuvansinha

Bhimsinha

I
Jayasinha

Lakshmansinha

i
Arisinha

.1

Ajayasinha (Ajaisi)

I I

Sujjansinha Kshemsinha a

(These migrated to the Deccan)

Hamir

( captures Chittor from
the Muslims and unites
Chittor and Sisod under
one rule )

1. The History of Rajputana, Vol. I, pp. 441, 522.

2. In the Mudhol Bakhar his name is Ajab Sinha, He is said to have
committed suicide,

S.24.

186 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

The geneological trees of Shivaji's ancestors

1. Kolhapur Durbar 2. Tod 3. Chitnis and 4. Stone inscrip-

Satara Museum lion of

Tanjore

1. Lakshmnsinha 1. Ajeysi 1. Lakshmansinha 1. Yekoji

died 1303

2. Sajjansinha 2. Sujunsi 2. Sajjansinhaji 2. Sharbhji
cametoSonda-

vada in 1310

3. Dilipsinha 3. Duleepji 3. Dilipsinhaji

4. Shivaji 4. Seoji 4. Sinhaji

5. Bhosaji 5. Bhoraji 5. Bhosaji

6. Devarajji

7. Ugrasen

8. Mahulaji

9. Kheloji

10. Janakoji

11. Sambhaji

12. Babaji

13. Maloji

14. Shahji

15. Shivaji

came to the
South

3. Mahasen

4. Ekashiva

5. Ram-
chandra

6. Deoraj 6. Devarajji came 6. Bhimarai

into the South
in 1415

7. Oogursen 7. Indrasenji 7. Ekoji

8. Mahoolji 8. Shubhakrishna 8. Varah

9. Khailooji 9. Rupasinhaji 9. Ekoji
10. Junkoji 10. Bhumindraji 10. Brahmaji

11. Suttooji 11. Dhapaji

12. Sambaji 12. Barbataji

11. Shahji

12. Ambaji-
Revavu

13. Parasoji

13. Sevaji 13. Khelakarna
or Kheloji

14. Karnasinha 14. Babaji-
or Jaykarna Revavu

15. Sambhaji 15. Maloji-

Uma

16. Babaji 16. Shahji

17. Maloji 17. Ekoji.

18. Shahji

SHIVA ji's ANCESTRY 187

Jintikar 1 Bhonsle of Gwalior gives the names of only six
ancestorsr-Bakhataji came into the south; then followed
Nagoji (Sh. 1379), Vyankoji, Babaji, Vithoji ( Sh. 1430),
Maloji, Shahji. .

The geneology given in the Tanjore Inscription is
hopelessly wrong and worthless. The geneological trees of
Kolhapur and Chitnis are wrong in skipping over Ajaysinha
or Ajaisi, the son of Lukhamsi (Lakshman Sinha) and the
father of Sujjansinha. Both are incorrect in having the 4th
descendant as Shivaji and Sinhaji. In the Sanad, he is
called Sidhaji. The 7th descendant is called by Chitnis
Indrasen. The Mudhol Bakhar (P. 88) says that Indrasen
was known as Ugrasen for the terror that he struck in the
hearts of his enemies. He was also known as Ugra Sinha.
But we should stick to Ugrasen only, as this name is found
in the Sanads. The names from the 8th degree are different
in all the four trees, but the last three names of Babaji,
Maloji and Shahji are the same in all the five gcneologies.
The names of these immediate ancestors of Shivaji are
borne out by various documents. The intermediate names
must remain doubtful till some genuine grants and
letters can throw light on them. The correct geneology is
given below:

1, Jintikar Bhosles are descendants of Shahji
Shahji

Sambhaji

Umaji Raje ( B. 25th Nov. 1654. )

ParsojH adopted),

Jintikars of Gwalior.

Mr. M. G. Dongre has given two more geneologies prepared by Mr.
Bbide and Rao Bahadur Sane, but they are of no value. (The Geneological
Tree of the Bhonsla Family. Pp. 5-6. ) The geneological tree preserved
in the Satafe Museum is identical with the one given by Chitnis in his
chronicle. Ibid.

188

SHIVAJI THE GREAT

On the basis of
Sanads

Tentative-

Documents-

Tree ancestry of Shivaji

Lakshmansinha

Ajayasinha

Sujjansinha departed for the South in

Dilipsinha about 1320 A. D.

Sidhoji

Bhairoji or Bhosaji

Devarajji

Ugrasen

Shubhakrishna

Rupsinha
Bhumendraji
Dhopaji
Barhatji
Kheloji l

Parsoji

Babaji
Maloji
Shahji
Shivaji

It is incredible that the author of the
Shahi Makrand writing about the
ancestry of his patron Shahji in 1650
should have committed any mistake in.
naming his immediate ancestors.

The Senior Branch of the Bhosles of Mudhol

Ugrasen ^
Karansing
Bhimsing

Sanad 5

Kheloji. Sanad 6
Kheloji Sanads 7-8
Maloji Sanad 9

1. These have been preferred to the names given in other geneologies, In
the Bhosal Vanshavali Parsoji is said to be the father of Babajh

THE BHOSALES ARE RAJPUTS 189

Abhaising

Karansing

Sanad 10

Cholraj

Pilaji Sanad 11

Pratapsinha Sanad 11

Bajiraje Sanad 19

Maloji Sanad 22

( See p. 56 supra. )

APPENDIX HI
The Bhosles are Rajputs

The Kshatriya origin of the family of Shivaji has been
proved from the sanads. A few other contemporary evidences
may be mentioned here:

1. Shiva Bharat I. 41-42; II. 59; XXIV. 74. Maloji and

Shahji are described as belonging to the
Solar dynasty.

2. Parnal Partatgrahan Akhyan gives Sisodia as the family

of Shivaji.

3. Sabkasad (P. 82): Pure Kshatriya Sisodia family of the

north.

4. B/iu&han's Shivaraj: Maloji is born of the best Kshattriya

Solar family of the Sisodias. 5-6 couplets.

5. Shahji calls himself a Rajput in a letter addressed

to the King of Bijapur. Doc. 710 in P. S. S.

6. Bhundhela Memoirs, Scott's History of the Dekkan, p. 4:-

Sisodia Rajputs.

7. Khafi Khan: Descended from the Ranas of Chittor.

8. RamchandrapanC* Royal Edict: Describes Shivaji as an

ornament of the Kshattriyas.

9. Radha-Madhav-Vilas Champui This book was written by

Jayaram between 1654-58 and its testimony
is most trustworthy.

190 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

Shahji Bhosla descended from Sisodia
Rajputs-pp. 257, 268, 269, 270.
That he belongs to the solar dynasty, is
mentioned on pages 267, 269.

10. Gaurishankar-Ojhai in his History of Rajputana Vol. II,

514 on the basis of Rajput sources traces
the Bhosles to the Sisodias

11. An English letter: O f 28th November 1659 describes Sevagy

" a great Rashpoote." Shivaji Vol. I. P. 54;
Nos. 20, 24 of P. S. S.

12. An English letter, of 10th December 1659: Rashpootes

are differentiated from other Hindus.
Shivaji Vol. I. P. 51.

13. Tod's Rajasthan Vol. I. gives the geneological tree of

Shivaji wherein Ajeysi or Ajayasinha is
the founder of this new branch. ( Pp. 225,
288. Madras Edition 1873).

14. RusseVs Castes and Tribes of C. P. Vol. IV. P. 200:

11 In 1836 Mr. Enthoven states the Sesodia
Rana of Udepur, the head of the purest
Rajput houses, was satisfied from the
inquiries conducted by an agent that the
Bhonsles and certain other families had a
right to be recognized as Rajputs. "

15. A letter of the Maharana of Udepur:

This result of the enquiry is to be had in
the two letters published in the Sidhanta
Vijaya by Mr. Dongre. There is a letter
from the Maharana of Udepur and another
from the Royal Priest Amreshwar of
Udepur to Maharaj Shri Pratapsinha of
Satara. Therein it is said that " you are
our near kindred. No difference regarding
matters of that and this place is to be kept
in mind. Originally we are one."

THE BHOSALES ARE RAJPUTS 191

16. Historical Sketch of the Native States of India byCol. G.B.

Malleson ( 1875 ). Pp. 254-255:
"According to Maratha tradition Shivaji
claimed descent from that branch of the
Royal Family of Udaipur, which reigned
in Dongarpur. One of the disinherited
sons of the thirteenth ruler of that family
left his father's house for Bijapur, entered
the services of the king of that place,
and was recompensed for his services by
the grant of the district of Mudhol
comprising eighty-four villages and the
title of Raja. This man who was called
Sujunshi had four sons, from the youngest
of whom, Sugaji, Sivaji claims to be
directly descended. "

17. Historical Sketch of the Princes of India by Clunes. P. 130:

" One of the latter, named Sujansee, came
to the Deccan and entered the service of
the king of Bijapur, who conferred upon
him the district of Moodhul comprising 84
villages with the title of Rajah. Sujunsee
had four sons; Bajee Raja, in whose line
descended the Mudholkar Estate; the
second died without family; from Wolubsye
is Ghorpuray of Kapsi; Sugajee, theyoungest,
had a son named Bhosajee, from whom are
derived all the Bhonslays. 1 He had ten sons,
the eldest settled at Deoolgaor, near Patus,
the Patel of which Maloojee Raja, was an
active partisan under the king of Ahmednagar,
and had a jahageer conferred upon him,

1. Even the very name ' Bhosla' is indicative of the origin of the dynasty,
as it is an abbreviation of Bhaswatkula on the authority of the 'Shahendra Vilasam,
and Sangita Saramritam. In an other couplet he is described as a descendant
ol Rama and his successors. The Sahitya Manjnsha tells us that Shivaji belong-
ed to the Kaushika gotra. Maloji is called an ornament of the Solar race in
the San&ta Makraiida ( Shivaji Nibandhavali I, p. 33). Bhosla can be a deriva-
tion ot 'Bhaswatkula' on the analogy of Deva-Kula= Devula, the 't' being
dropped as in PratipadaPadwa. Then Bhasa- ula Bhasola= Bhosala.

192 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

which descended to his son Shahajee,
afterwards a principal Maratha leader, under
the Bijapoor dynasty. He acquired, in the
Jahagir, nearly the whole of what now
forms the Collectorship of Poona, together
with the part of the territory now under
Satara and it was in these valleys that his
son, Shivaji, matured his plan of Hindu
independent sovereignty."

There are many inaccuracies in this account, yet the
central fact of Shivaji's Rajput origin is undisputed.

APPENDIX IV

(See p. 47 supra.)

Mudhol Sanads
No. 6. Kheloji confirmed in his jagirs and titles

" Our exalted and holy mind has been convinced of the
fact that Raja Kheloji Bahadur Ghorpade, the son of Raja
Bhimasing and the grandson of Raja Karnasing Ghorpade, has
acquired Mudhol and its surrounding 84 villages and the Forts
in the Pargana of Ben (Wai) and the Mansab and the title
by his most arduous, whole-hearted and excellent services in
the Royal cause during the Bahamani Rule. We have
confirmed the same Jagir, Mansab and the ancient title
of Raja Kheloji Bahadur Ghorpade and have made him
' Sarfaraz '. Following in the wake of his father, grand-father
and ancestors, therefore, he should serve faithfully and
arduously for the welfare of this Dowlat, and retaining
Mansab, Jagir and Forts should enjoy them, so that he may
be eligible for promotion in future. 896 A. H." 1491 A. D.

No. 7. Seal of Kasim Barecd

After wishing the welfare of Raja Kheloji Ghorpade the
one in the enjoyment of Royal favour: At present some evil-
doers have started quarrels and are now showing eagerness to

MUDHOL SANADS 193

fight, so have done damage to the foundation of the Empire.
So, at this juncture, the presence of one who has stood the
test by trustworthiness and valour at the capital is highly
desirable. Hence immediately on receipt of this you should
be present at the capital with the troops under your command
and be expectant of royal favours. Dated the 13th day of
Safar Hijri year 901 = 1496 A. D.

No. 8. Seal of Sultan Mhmud Bahamani

Raja Kheloji Ghorpade, the one expectant of Royal favour,
is hereby informed that due to the cropping up of certain
matters in our empire the attendance at Court of the
well-wishers like you is necessary. Hence you should report
yourself immediately on receipt of this and get the benefit
of our Imperial audience. The forces under your command
should accompany you; it is necessary. Your House has
stood the test for reliability in this ancient Bahamani Empire.
Hence further explanation on this subject is here superfluous.
Dated 22nd Rajab Hijri 896 31 May 1491.

No. 9. Finnan of Ismail Adil Shah to Maloji

This auspicious Firman is issued to Raja Maloji
Ghorpade-highly distinguished for valour, one ever ready
to risk his life, the leader of the brave, the chosen wielder
of the sword, the pearl in the ocean of distinction, a jewel
set in the ring of victory, the weapon to destroy the shield
of the enemy, the thrower of the lasso on the parapet
of victory and fame, the unparalleled in valour and strength,
the foremost in the battlefield of unwavering loyalty, the fully
devoted well-wisher, the chief and brilliant gem in the crown
of the Imperial grace, one closely acquainted- with heavenly
Government and enjoying the fullest confidence, one ready
to risk his own life-to Raja Maloji Ghorpade Bahadur; that
after the massacre of Kamalkhan of unripe mind, Amir
Kasim Barid overstepped the boundary of dignity at the
S.25.

1-94 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

assistance of Nizamshah, Kutubshah and Imadshah, and
advanced with an army towards our territory, as a result of
which he had to take part in the tremendous fight at Allapur
in the neighbourhood of Bijapur. It can only be compared
with the deluge. On this critical occasion your father
fell on the field after working havoc in the ranks of the
enemies and left a name of valour and bravery on the page
of time. When on the banks of Krishna in the action
against Timraj of Vigayanagar's army, we had to slightly
withdraw our army, owing to the numerical superiority of
the enemy, when the ways of safety to the river-crossing
were blockaded from all directions, we were very uneasy at
the situation, on that occasion you, the treasure of our
confidence, without the least regard for your life, by thousands
of repeated rushes at the enemy, relieved us from the life-
destroying whirlpool and escorted us to the shores of
safety. For this grand deed praises were showered on you
from both heaven and earth. It was a great exploit by
which you have been brought to the Imperial notice that you
in return for your exploit have made yourself deserving of a
great many royal favours. It was opened to our luminous
mind that you the faithful have your devoted mind reduced
among your equals on account of the formality of " Kurnish "
and " Zamin Bosi; " so we have excused you from the
labour of this formality. Because to sacrifice one's own
self and to risk one's own life are quite different from-
formalities. It is unjust to burden faithful persons with
customary and formal services. The chamberlains of the
Court are informed of the fact that they should not trouble
you with these obligations, so that you should strive for the
prosperity of the Empire with a happy mind and a satisfied
heart. In addition to this we have given you permission
to use two Morchels. Dated 928 Hijri- 1522 A. D.

No. 10. Firman of Ali Adilshah to Cholraj
The following Firman is issued by Ali Adilshah to
Cholraj, the son of Karnasing and grandson of Akhaising:-

MUDHOL SAN ADS 195

All the valour and bravery exhibited by your forefathers
in the great war, and their endless exertions in
the destruction of the enemy, have come under our holy
observation. On the said critical occasion your father
Karnasing gave up his life only after slaughtering a
great many of the enemies, and thus enlisted his name
in the roll of the valiant and faithful heroes of the
world. Keeping in mind all these services and valour, we
have bestowed on you the Jagir of Mudhol including the
eighty four villages, and the tracts round about Raibag,
Hukeri, and the forts and forty villages situated in the
Paragana of Ben (Wai), which have been continued to this day
in your family from ancient times, along with Pargana Torgal.
And we have conferred on you the rank of the " Commander
of Seven Thousand " and for the expenses of the armies at
Mudhol you are granted villages near " Kallur ". So you
should always keep yourself in possession of these grants,
authority, Jagir, villages and forts, and exert yourself to
the utmost in the service of this Kingdom. You should also
know that herein lies your welfare. Dated Hijari year 972
1564 A. D.

No. 11. Firman of Ibrahim Shah to Pratapsinha

This devoted servant of God came to learn on this
occasion through petition from Sardars of this ( Gadi )
Kingdom and the defenders of this Empire that Raja Cholraj
Ghorpade's son, Raja Pilaji Ghorpade, after discharging the
duties of the Royal service, faithfully and whole-heartedly
went to the other world as God willed. His son Pratapsinha
Ghorpade is exerting himself arduously in the service in place
of his father and is brave and faithful. Remembering the
claims of his father's services, the grant of Kasaba Mudhol
and 84 villages and his father's Mansab of 7000 and Jagirs
have been recognised and confirmed upon him and he is thus
honoured. Following the path of his ancestors, he should

196 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

be dutiful, faithful, honest and ardent in service and should
enjoy the Mansab and Jagir and other Royal favours. He
should realize that in our gratification lies his welfare. Dated
11 Rabilaval 1007 A. H. 1598 A. D. 1

APPENDIX V

(See p. 76 supra)
The English Records on Khan Jahan

Shah Jahan came to Burhanpur in the beginning of the
year 1630 to put down the rebellion of his Viceroy, Khan
Jahan Lodhi, and to reconquer the parts of the Nizamshahi
State which were ceded back by the Viceroy without the
order of the Emperor. During his stay of two years in the
Deccan, he rooted out the rebellion, overawed the Deccan
kingdoms, and had the satisfaction to see that his rebellious
Viceroy was despatched to the other world. These events have
been referred to in the following contemporary English letters:

" The Country is in peace and quietness, and the
King in Barampore (Burhanpur), intending a warre against
the Deccannees. " *

" Our project against Damon and Diu is growne cold;

wee doubt through sinister informaciouns of this Governoor,

inclined more to the Portugall then to us, as

M Daman nd we S ather ty some P ass ages between them.

threatened. Yett is the King now in Brampore, and ( it is )
said hee will fall uppon the Rajaes of Mullier
and Abnagar, bordering uppon Damon; whoe, although they
pay him yearely tribute and acknowledgement of homage
were never truly subdued nor will surrender their fortresses
or castles into the Kings hands, as hee hath required.
These brought into subjeccion, itt is likely hee will bee
doing with the Portugalls country about .Damon or Bassein,.
though the cittie and cittadell of Damon ittselfe bee not
pregnable without forces by sea, to keepe them from succor

1, No. 11 of Mudhol Mss.

2. O. C. 1306. Swally Marine. 13 April 1630.

THE ENGLISH RECORDS ON KHAN JAHAN 197

and releife. Others say hee will fall into Decan, pretending
a conquest of that country; which is likeliest. Soe soone as
the raines are past, wee shall see. what are his intents.
His owne country is in peace and quietness, and for ought
wee understand likely soe to continue, having pollitickly
wrought his owne securitie by cutting off all the blood
royall, without leaving any butt his owne sonnes that canne
lay claime to his crowne; and then impoverishing his amrawes
-or nobles by taking from them all their treasure and livings,
allowing noe more then will maintaine them barely in an
ordinary state. " *

" Wee can expect noe lovely vend thereof, especially
by reason of the present warrs with Decan, which wee hope
are now drawing to their period by the subtill contrivance
of Assuff Chaun, the great favorite, who with a powerfull
armye is gon out with pretended show to

effect that b y force which betwixt him and the
great ambrawas of that councell they intend to
performe by an underhand composition of peace, thereby to
save ( as much as in them lyes ) the honour of the King, who
shalbee made beleeve that his power, and not his secret
pollicie, shall have brought to passe soe great a victory
aymed at. " a

" Will now wait for better markets, in view of the
expected termination of the wars in the Deccan. "*

" The King still prosecutes his warrs with Decan, and
hath lately atcheived a petty victory against Ckaun Jehaun. "*

A direfull famine and a continuous war in the Deccan
have put a stop to trade in 1630.

" This direfull tyme of dearth and the Kings continued
warrs with the Decans disjoyned all trade out of frame; the
Famine in 1630. former calamitie haveing fild the waies with
desperate multitudes, who, setting their lives
att nought, care not what they enterprise soe they may but
purchase meanes for feeding, and will not dispence with the

1. O. C. 1306. Swally Marine. 13 April 1630,

2. Surat Factory Outward Letter Bk. Vol. I. P. 74. 12 Nov. 1630

3. Ibid. Vol. I. P. 103. Surat to Ahmadabad, 30 Nov. 1630

4. Ibid. Vol. I. P. 112. Surat to Masulipatam. 3 Dec. 1630

198 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

nakedest passenger not soe much as our poore pattamars with
letters, who, if not murthered on the way, doe seldome
escape unryfled and thereby our advises often miscarried on
the other side. The warrs with Decan haveing stopped up
all passages, and accustomed conflewence of marchants to
and from those parts are intercepted whereby the vend, not
only of your currall ( whose greatest expence is in Decan )
wilbe hindered, but likewise your fraight and customes iii
Persia much lessened by the want of those finer goods out
of Decan, in whose liew your ships are only fraught with
these of groser quallitie." '

" The king being now resolved ( or at least likely ) to
continew his residence in that place, for it seemes he
prosecutes the warrs with Decan. " a

The letter of 10th June 1631 gives an account of the
heroic death of Khan Jahan Lodhi, of the triple alliance of
the Deccan States against Shah Jahan and of the expected
invasion of a pretender for the throne of Delhi.

" The warrs with Decan are yett still contynued, but
with slowe mocion and small successe or performance. Ckaun
Jehaune, in his flight from thence towards
Honourable h; s owne countrey being interrupted in his
passage and persued by Abdela Ckaun with
advantage of nomber, encountered the terrour
of his desperate fortunes and with admirable courage preffred
an honourable death ( which the marks of 15 wounds well
testified ) before that life that must have suffred the scorne
and contempt of his persecutors, and so finished his daies
amongst the thickest of his enemyes fighting. The Kinge
nevertheles desists not in his aymes against
Triple alliance ) ecan whose three kings are now strongly

of Deccan kings. ' /

confederated which before were partely
devided. And in the interim Balsuneber, the sonne of
Jehaunguires brother, who of the bloud royall being the
only man that surviveth, and having formerly conveyed

1. O. C. 1335. Surat to Company. 31 December 1630.

2. O. C. 1342. From Surat, 23 February 1631.

THE ENGLISH RECORDS ON KHAN JAHAN 199

himselfe into the Tartarian territoryes is there linckt in

matrimony with the King of ( blank ) his

A Deihrthronc! r daughter and assisted by his father in lawe

both with men and moneys, layes clayme to

Cabull, Multan, and all those parts towards Lahore; which

is thought will begett a peace with the Decans and divert the

thoughts of this kinge that wave. " J

The war in the Deccan was coming to an end, but
the calamities resulting from the famine were intensified.

"The warre with Decan is at a pawse and a peace now in
treaty, though the armies on neither side dismissed, (and?)
the King still in Brampore; which preventing the supplies
of corne to these parts from those others of
Beater plenty, and the raynes hereabout
having falen superfluously, which with bad
government is cause of the highest extreame of scarcity,
wheate and rice being rissen to 2J sere for a mamoodee,
butter at a scare and a quarter, a hen at 4 or 5 Ma
(moodees) and rare it is to see one ; and to aflict the
more, not a family throughout either here or Broach
that hath not been vissited with agues, feavours, and
pestilentiall diseases. God avert these judgements from us,
and give us strength to suffer His chastisements
with patience." a

"This base Kinge contynueth ungratefully his warrs on

Decan and prosecuteth them most wilfully, tho the famine

and their good successe hath hitherto

The war con- , , . , . ,

tinued in 1632. made him much the looser. Now lately he
hath sent Asaph Caun upon them (against
his will ) with 40 or 50,000 horse which will be to little
purpose. The Shawe his embassadour is dispeeded from
Brampore, where the Kinge is; and (as is reported) the
Governor of Agra beares him company as embassadour
back again." 8

"The King, being in Brampore, hath taken up 800
camells of ours. You must prevent the comying out of

1. F. R. Surat Vol. 34. P. 3. Surat to Persia. 10 June 1631.

2. O. C. No. 1374. Surat to Bantam. 8 September 1631.

3. O. C. No. 1416. Surat to Persia, 23 January 1632.

200 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

such as Capt. Quaile is; at home you may look to the
security he hath given to the King." 1

The cessation of war in the Deccan is referred to in
several letters. One of these is important in mentioning the
name of Raja Chhatrasall of Bundi who owed some money
to the English for purchasing tapestry.

" Nothing is said here about Saif Khan; but it is
supposed that the King will winter at Ahmadabad, ' and
so hee may bee ecclipsed by the greater light. " a

" Newes at present is that the Mogull and the Kinge
of this place hath concluded a peace, and that the Mogull
hath sent out his firemen to have his armies returned back. " 8

" Steel is so much dearer, owing to the Deccan wars
and the difficulty of transportation, that its price is nearly
the same as in England; they have sent patterns of different
sorts and, if these are approved, they hope, by the time
they receive fresh instructions, to find it cheaper here or to
procure it from Dabhol, which is nearer to the spring head
from whence it is derived. " *

" The Kinge is yett at Dowlattabad ( Daulatabad ), from
whence it is not yett divulged whether ( i. e. wither ) he will
remove to winter. Mandoo is the likliest place; some say
Amadavad. ' Had almost resolved to visit him at either place,
carrying thither some Persian horses, scarlet and violet
broadcloth, and some China Commodities,) with confidence to
have at least received the debt owinge by Cuttor Saile
(Chhatrasal) for the tapestrie belonging to Sir Francis
Craine, and to have setled our businesse in India according
to the conveniencie of the present times. " *

" Here is writeing from Vizapore ( Bijapur ) that the
Mogull hath concluded a peace with the Kinge of this country
and that his army is returned back. " 6

1. O. C. No. 1428. Surat to Company. 24 April 1632.

2. F. R, Surat. Vol. LXXXIV part Hi, p. 80. Surat to Ahmadabad. 27
February 1636.

3. F. R. Surat. Vol. I. P. 454. Dabhol to Surat. 20 April 1636.
4-5. O. C. 1558. Surat to the Company. 28 April 1636.

6. F. R. Surat, Vol. I. P. 631. Dabhol to Surat. 19 May 1638.

SHAH JAHAN'S ARMY IN 1630 201

" In return he has promised that, if Chhatarsal fails to
pay, his wakil in the royal camp shall be imprisoned. Hopes
to receive the royal farman in four or five days: it ' wants
but the Kings choop ' ( stamp : Hindi. Chhap ). " *

APPENDIX VI

(See p. 77 supra)
Composition of Shah Jahan's army in 1630

The first was commanded by Schaast Chan ( Shaista
Khan ), the Son of Assaph-Chan, and consisted of several
Regiments, to wit, that of Schaast-Chan, which was of five
thousand Horse. 5000

That of his Father consisting of

five thousand Horse, all Rasboutes. 5000

Sadoch Chan. 3000

Myrsa Sedt Madaffer 3000

Giasar Chan. 2500

Seid Jaffer. 2000

Jafter Chan. 2100

Mahmud Chan. 1000

Alawerdi Chan. 1000

Sasdel-Chan Badary 2000

Myrsa-Seer-Seid. 700

Baaker-Chan. 500

Whereto were added besides, four thousand six hundred

Mansebdars, in several loose Companies.

The Second Body, under the Command of Eradet-Chan,

consisted of the following Regiments.

That of Erade-Chan, of 4000

Rau-Donda(RamDhonda) 1000

Dorcadas ( Durgadas ) 1200

Kerous. 1200

1. F. R. Surat, Vol. I. P. 647. Royal Camp at Karbada to Surat. 25
August 1636.

S.26.

202 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

Ram Tschend Harran ( Ram Chand Hada ) 1200

Mustapha-Chan 1000

Jakout-Chan (Yakut Khan) 2000

Killously. 3000

Sidi Fakir 1000

Eca Berkendas 1000

Jogi-Rasgi, the Son of Lala Betting 7000

Teluk-Tschaud ( Trilokchand ) 400

Jakoet-Begf Yakut Beg) 400

Three other Lords commanded each two hundred

Horse 600

Aganour, Chabonecan, Babouchan,
Seid-Camel, Sidiali, and Sadaed-Chan, each

five hundred Horse 3000

So that this Body consisted of 28,000

The third Body, under the Command of Raja Gedsing r

consisted of the following Regiments:

Raja-Gedsing ( Jaisinha ) 3000

Raja-Bideldas 3000

Oderam ( Uderam ) 3000

Raja-Biemsor ( Bhimsen ) 2000

Madosing, Son of Ram Rattung ( Madhusinha )... 1000

Raja-Ros-Assou. 1000

Badouria Raja-Bhozo ( Bhoj ) 1000

Raja-Kristensing ( Krishnasinha ) 1000

Raja-Sour 1000

Raja-Chettersing ( Chhatrasinha ) 500

Wauroup. 500

Raja-Odasing ( Udai Sinha ) 5000

And under several other Rajas 4500

That Brigade, which was about the Kings Person at

Barampour, and to be as it were a Reserve, consisted of one

and forty thousand Horse; to wit,

Haddis and Berken-Dasse 15,000

Asaf Chan 5000

Rauratti 4000

THE DUTCH RECORDS 203

Wasir-Chan 3000

Mobat-Chan 3000

Godia Abdul Hessen 3000

Astel-Chan. 2000

Serdar-Chan 2005

Raja-Jessing. 2000

Feddey-Chan ( Fidh Khan > 1000

Jaffer. 1000

Mockly-Chan. 1000

Serif-Chan 1000

Seid-Chan 1000

Amiral. 1000

Raja Ramdas 1000

Tork Taes-Chan 1000

Mier Jemla 1000

Myrsa Abdulac 500

Muhmud-Chan 500

Myrsa Maant Cher 500

Ghawaes-Chan 1000

Moried-Chan. - 1000

And under the Command of several other Lords, of

their quality, whom they call Ommeraudes 10,000

The total of the Horse 1 62,500

APPENDIX VII

( See p. 85 supra )

The Dutch records on the extinction of the Nizam Shahi

" The said Mogul further intended to make war with
the Decan to bring this country under his obedience and
had left with his army for Barampour." *

"Further that His Majesty had proceeded with a
mighty army from Agra to Doltabath, where he still stayed.
There was no certainty yet what the object was, but there

1. MandelsWs Travels into the E. Indies. Pp 39-40.

2. Dagh - Register 1636. P. 50.

204 SHIVAJI THE GREAT

were rumours that the king had already taken possession
of the countries of the kings of Golconda and Vissapour
without striking a blow and had sent his governors there
as viceroys and had given the said kings a pension." 1

"From Danou the six Portuguese galleons (together
having 230 big guns and 1700 men amongst which many were
ill) went to Bombaij, in order to spend the winter there and
to watch the movements of the Mogol. They were afraid
that he might attack their fortresses in Bassijn and Chaul,
because he kept a big army in those districts and they were
also afraid that we might make an alliance with the Mogol.

The Mogol still stays in Doltabath and has three
armies in the field, viz. two sent to Visiapore to attack
that state from two sides and to bring it to his obedience,,
and another army sent to the Deccan to make his
youngest son (whom he has made governor there) take
possession of that country. The King of Golconda has
willingly submitted to the Mogol giving a big present,
and remains in his kingdom. The King of Visiapore has
also offered this, but Sja Jean would not accept any
reasonable conditions and detained tbe Visiapore ambassador.
In the meantime the King of Visiapore had also come
into the field with a mighty army, had but to fight one
of the Mogol's armies, killed many and had taken 6 or
7 Mogul leaders as prisoners to Visiapour." 9

"The great Mogol still stays in Doltabat and there

.are persistent rumours that he has made a contract with the

King of Visiapour, whereby the latter would pay him

50, 00,000 ropias in gold and jewels, but this has not been

confirmed. " ( Dagh-Register 1636. P. 273. )

The merchandise and spices had not been sold since
September, on account of the unsafe roads between Golconda
and Berampour, which were continually occupied by the
Mogul and had not yet been opened; and they remained
warehoused, although there were plenty of merchants in
Masilipatan with much money who would not probably buy
if the roads and by-roads were open.

1. lagh-Register 1636. P. 114.

2. do. do. 1636. P. 250.

SHIVAJI'S LETTER TO SHAHJI 205

The king of Colconda, from whom the Mogul king
of Industan had asked a tribute of 900, 000 pagodas, had
already paid to His Majesty 500,000 pagodas, viz. 300,000
in cash and 200, 000 in diamonds. 1

" The two vessels had tested the river Dabul and found
it to be 18 fathoms deep when coming in at half tide, and
6, 7 or 8 fathoms further up, and they found it capable of
sheltering a thousand ships without seeing the sea." a

"In the Guserat Districts no particular changes had
occured. The king has defeated the rebellious ragie's
Jougerat, has conquered the whole of his country and has
subdued the whole of Deccan. He has appointed his son
viceroy in Dolatabath, has received big tributes from the
kings of Golconda and Visiapour, from the defeated ragie
Sjougerat and from Deccan, altogether amounting to about
200 lakhs of 100, 000 rupees per lakh. He set out victorious
from Doltabath to Mandu and from there to Agra." 3

" In Dabul, which had been such a flourishing place but
had suffered severely from epidemics and had declined very
much as a mercantile town, Mr. Van Twist could not find
merchants, who could buy such a big cargo as he had brought
or even part of it, and he therefore sent the ship and the
yacht back to Goa with some cows and other refreshments
for strengthening the fleet."*

APPENDIX VIII

(See p. 136 supra)
Shivaji's letter to Shahji

"In your last letter you wrote to me as follows:

Far from helping the cause of his faith, Baji Ghorpade
of Mudhol became party to the insidious schemes of the
Mahomedans and Turks, and by foul and treacherous means

1. Dagh-Register 1631-1634. P. 241.

2. Dagh-Register. 1637. P. 75.

3. Ibid P. 106.

4. Ibid P. 254.

206 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

he brought us to Bijapur. What terrible danger faced us
there, you well know. It seems that the Almighty has in his
infinite wisdom decided to carry out your aspirations, to
establish the Maratha power and protect the Hindu religion.
Therefore it was that the peril was averted.

At present, inspired by malignant motives, Khawas Khan
has marched against you, and ready to serve him Baji
Ghorpade of Mudhol and Lakham Savant and Khem Savant
are with him. May God Shankar ( Shiva ) and Goddess
Bhavani grant success to you.

Now it is our desire that we should be fully revenged
upon them and as we are fortunate to have such an obedient
son, ready to carry out the wishes of his father, we command
you to do this work. Baji Ghorpade has gone ahead to
Mudhol with his men."

On hearing this from you, we went with an army to
Mudhol, left the territory in ruin and took his thanas
(garrisons). On learning this, Baji Ghorpade gave battle
to us, in which he with other notable men fell. It was a
great battle. We marched up and down the country and
plundered it. Our gain on this occasion was enormous.
We then proclaimed peace and broaght the territory under
our control. At this time Khawas Khan was coming upon us.
With our army we fell upon him, defeating him and
turning him back sad and despondent to Bijapur. Our next
work was to crush the Savants. Fort after fort came into our
possession. On we went, completely devastating their
territory. They ceased to receive help from Goa, but the
killedars of Phonda fought for them. By means of explosives,
we blew up one of the bastions of the fort. Thus we
became masters of their territory.

We next turned our arms aga .*sr the Portuguese and
took a part of their territory. Ti -jy sued for peace and
presented us with guns. The ^ ivants could no longer
consider themselves safe in Portugu sc territory. For they
sent one Pitambar as their Vakil co us. " We are," they
pleaded, " likewise the descendants f the house of Bhosle
and you ought to care for our intere u You should take half
the revenue of our possession and the other half we shall

RULING DYNASTIES OF THE DECCAN 207

devote to the expenses of our troops with which we shall serve
you. Their requests are granted. Thus it is by your blessings
that everything ended as you desired and I have great pleasure
in submitting this account to you. 1

APPENDIX IX

Ruling Dynasties of the Daecan
(I) The Bahmani Kin**

Year of accession Year of accession

1347 Ala-ud-din Bahmani 1. 1435 Ala-ud-din II.

1358 Muhammad I. 1457 Humayun Shah Zalim.

1375 MujahidShah. 1461 Nizam Shah

1378 Daud 1463 Muhammad Shah

1378 Mahmud 1482 Mahmud II.

1397 Ghiyas-ud-din. 1518 Ahmad II.

1397 Shams~ud-din 1520 Ala-ud-din III.

1397 FirozShah 1522 Wali-Ullah Shah.

1422 Ahmad I. 1526 Kalim Ullah

(2) TheAdil Shahs of Bijapur

1490 Yusuf Adil Shah 1580 Ibrahim Adil Shah II.

1510 Ismail 1627 Muhammad Adil Shah

1534 Malu ., 1656 Ali Adil Shah II.

1535 Ibrahim I. 1673-86 Sikandar Adil
1557 Ali Adii Shah I. Shah.

( 3 ) The Nizam Shahs of Ahmadnagar

1490 Ahmad Shah 1595 Ibrahim Shah

1508 Burhan Shah I. 1595 Ahmad II.

1553 Hussain Shah 1596 Bahadur

1565 Murtaza 1600 Murtaza II

1588 Miran 1631-33 Hussain Shah II

1589 Ismail 1633-36 Murtaza N. Shah

1590 Burhan II. III.

1. A History of the Maratha People. Kinoaid and Paraanis, Vol. I. P. 178*

208 SHIVA ji THE GREAT

( 4 ) The Qutb Shahs of Golconda

1512 Quli Qutb Shah 1580 Muhmammad Quli Shah

1543 Jamshid 1612 Muhammad Shah

1550 Subhan Quli 1626 Abdullah

1550 Ibrahim 1672-87 Abul Hassan Shah

(5) The Rulers of Ikkeri-Bednur

1. Chaudappa Nayak, son of Hulibailu Basappa 1499-1513

2. Sadasiva son of 1 1513-1545

3. Sankanna I, son of 2 1545-1558

4. Sankanna II, younger brother of 3. 1558-1570

5. Ramaraja son of 3. 3570-1582

6. Venkappa I, younger brother of 5. .. 1582-162^

7. Virbhadra grandson of 6, and son of

Bhadrappa Nayak 1629-1645

8. Sivappa grandson of 4, and son of

Siddappa Nayak 1645-1660

9. Venkatappa II, younger brother of 8 1660-1661

10. Bhadrappa son of 8. ... 1661-1663

11. Somasekhara I, younger brother of 10. 1663-1671

12. Channamaji, * widow of 11 1671-1697

* Mysore and Coorg. P. 157. Mysore Gaz. II. P. 432; Sarkar observes
that Shivappa ruled from 1618 to 1662. He is wrong in the light of this
genealogy. Several English letters mention Shivappa living in 1662. ( Pp.
82, 83, 95, 99. Shivaji the Great Vol. I. ) Ventappa ( Venkatappa ) is said to
rule for one year in this genealogy, but from the Dagh-Register he appears to
have reigned for two years. Ali Adil Shah really advanced against Bhadrappa
and not Shivappa. I too have mentioned the latter on the basis of the English
letters. The Dutch documents reproduced on pages 99-100 of Vol. I clearly
state that Ali Adil Shah advanced against Bhadrappa. It is confirmed by the
Basatin-i-Salatin. Pp. 299-300. Cf. Mysore Gaz. P. 434. This Bhadrappa
was succeeded by his brother Somasekhara in 1663 and the latter by
Channamaji in 1671.

{ 1 1 THE DEED OF PARTITION,

Raja Sahajee Bhonsla recently represented to the
lofty Court that the grandson of Cholraj Raja,
Prataprao Ghorpade Bahadur, has by force withheld his
half share from ancient times in the Mudhol Jagir,
the townships of Pargana Ben and the forts therein
and the possessions in Karad; also no share is given
to Rao Malojeo, the grandson of Vallabhsing. But he
has given a share to Mansingand Ambaji in the villages
of Mudhol, hence his ( Shahaji's ) own share and that of
Malojec, the grandson of Vallabhsing, be granted by the
holy Sarkar. This representation has been considered
by our holy Great Mind and our attention has been
drawn to it, for it is a matter of our Imperial policy to
see that the requirements of this honest and obedient
ancient house are provided for; this has ever been our
policy in accordance to which the following agreeable
Firman is issued: Raja Prataprao, the grandson of Raja
Cholraj, should feel himself satisfied with Mudhol with
the 84 Moujas ( towns or villages ) and the Pargana of
Torgal and half the township of the family possessions of
Karnatak and Karad and the command and rank of 7,000.
Raja Sahajee should have half the villages of Pargana Ben
and 26 townships of Karad and half the family posses-
sions in the Karnatik as his portions with the rank and
command of 5,000, and Malojee, the son of Bhairava-
sing, the son of Valabhsingh, has been granted 30 villages
in the neighbourhood of Vijayanagar with the command
of 2,000. Separate Sanads have been issued From
this all the members of the family should be satisfied

[2]

with the liberal grants conferred and they should be all
attention to the welfare^of the ever-increasing Empire
and the services pertaining to it

Dated 1047 Shuhur-1056 A.H. or 19th August 1646 A.D.

(2) BAJI GHORPADE MADE VAZIR AND COMMANDER OF 7000.
NO MORE PARTITION.

Shaheddin JXCuhammad Ibrahim.

Rao Raje Hajiran Bahadur, Officer Commanding,
being under Royal favour should note this thai at the
present juncture your father the rcpositoiy of our con-
fidence was killed on account of the intrigues of some
of our courtiers. This has worked upon our mind and
has created great inconvenience. Your ancestors have
been faithfully serving the Empire regardless of the
amount of trouble since the time of the Bahamani
Badashahs to this present day, and your family has ever
been enjoying our trust and confidence. Hence being
aware of the fact that you are deserving our Royal favour,
the rank of the Commander of 7,000 with 7,000 horse
and all the territory held in connection with it and the
half share of the Jagir in the Karnatik and Ben Pargana
that was continued in your branch has been as in olden
times granted and continued to you; along with it you
are also invested with the office of a Vazir. Henceforth
to avoid disputes in future no Jahgirs will be granted to
any of your kinsmen or partners adjoining to or in the
neighbourhood of Anagundi ( Vi jayanagar ) and Kampli

[3]

where your Jagirs are situated. You should be pleased
with Royal favour and be diligent to your duties.

19 Shaban al-muazzam San Saba and Khamsen
and Alaf. ( Shuhur 1057). 1

( Banda Sultan Muhammad )

(3) YASHWANTRAO WADWE TO ASSIST SHAHJI MAHARAJ
IN THE KARNATIC.

The auspicious farman has acquired the honour of
being issued that Mashhur-ud-Dawla (famous in the
Sovereignty) Yashawantarao, being strengthened and
hopeful by the extreme! ess imperial kindnesses, may
know that the Navvab with (a court worth)' of, the angles)
the thresholds as high as the sky-having the Magnani-
mity of the sky, 'pivot of the kingdom, the asylum
of authority and rule, the support of glory and
grandeur, strengthener of the regulations of success,
cstablisher of the customs of kingship, highly honoured
moon of fame, gem of the mine of prosperity, accepted by
the great Sultans, famous amongst the respected nobles,
strengthener of the foundations of Caliphate, possessor
of the rank of Asaf, wisdom of Aristotle, reason of
Plato, insight of Ptolemy, distinguished prime minister,
honoured, generous and obliger, the gem of the ring of
position and pomp, a statesman of the climes of the earths,
a pearl of the ocean of liberality, centre of M the circle of
existence, the place of the rising of the sun of perfec-
tion, source of the help of All-Glory, Cultivator <jf the

L It means 1067 A. H. or 23 May 1657 A. D f

[4]

garden (?) of creation, light of theso cket of sight, sun
of the sky of greatness, star of the zodiacal sign of great-
ness, hoister of the banners of the exaltation of ranks,
decorator of the signs (?) or the dignity of eulogies,
the best couplet of the ode of mankind, the centre of
the circle of kindness and obligation ( ? ), model for
the exalted nobles, the purest and best among the great
and renowed persons of the age, means of safety
and peace, gracious and high-titled Nawab Khan
Baba has written to him that he should go to
the Jangmakanvi pass (?) with a party of soldiers and
followers, join the support of honour and bravery, the
chief of the faithful well-wishers, model for the well-
meaning loyal persons, the best amongst the tribes and
brethren, the purest and best amongst the peers and
contemporaries, pillar of the powerful government,
Maharaj, our son (?) Shahji Bhonsla, and being sincere
and harmonious with the Maharaj, should give expres-
sion to the signs of loyalty. It is incumbent upon him
not to trespass the order of the above-mentioned emi-
nent Nawab to the extent of a hair-tip even. He should
betake himself to the Maharaj very quickly and in this
he should think that his honour will be increased.
Written on 25th Zu-hijjeh, 1057 A. H. ( llth January
1648 A. D.)

(4) BAJI GHORPADE--A MARTYR.

In the name of the compassionate and merciful God. The Kingdom
belongs to God.

An ink seal as follows.
Najaf Shah, a devoted servant of the valiant king Alt,

the son of Sultan JVCuhammad Shah.
(This) auspicious (royal) farman (has) obtained the

w

honour of being issued ( to ) the one possessed of bravery
and heroism, Maloji Raja Bahadur Ghorpaday of the
Adil Shahi. From (one of) the months of the year
one thousand and sixty- eight of Shuhur san ( 1068
Shuhur= 1668 A. D. ;, (upto) this time it has become
manifest in the exacted court of the asylum of the world
as follows: Your father Baji Raja Ghorpaday of the
Adil Shahi, possessed of bravery and heroism, with
(good) faith of heart ( sincerity ) served the special
( ? noble ) and illustrious Sarkar bearing the marks of
bounty, for many days. And a dispute and fight also
took place between the supreme ( and ) most holy Sarkar
and Shivaj i Raja Bhonsle; in the fight your father having
displayed gallantry and heroism and self -sacrifice, and
having ( thus proved himself ) useful in every respect to
the most holy Sarkar , died like a martyr. In former times
there was a Jagir held by him. For these reasons, we^
having shown you perfect kindness, (and) having been
pleased to direct our attention to the former services,
have exempted (you) from service and have been pleased
to confer (on you) five parganas:-( namely ) Mudhol,
Jamgay, Dohulesar, Macheknur and Lokapur; ( in ) all
five parganas as Inam, the grant being ( made ) by
the presence ( which ) is full of light and which affords
protection to the people by way of Royal favour and
excess of kingly kindness, i e., we have been pleased /a
give the same (as) Inam (to you) in perpetuity. It is
proper that you and your children and grand
children ( from ) back to back ( i. e. generation to
generation), having taken (said) Inam in your possession;

[6]

should remain pleased. Accordingly, for each of the
five parganas, a separate stringent farman has been
caused to be given 1 Written on the 15th day of
Jamadi-ul-akhir in the holy Hijri year 1081. (20th
October 1670 A. D.)

( Seals follow )

1. The Rajasaheb of Mudhol has all these five Firmans
with

INDEX OF PLACES

PAGE

Achin ( Acheen), 139, 149.

Ahmadnagar, 57, 60, 66, 84, 92.

Amarpur. 92.

Ambade, 59n.

Amravati, 121.

Anandbar, 121.

Anekal, 161,162, 178.

Annagundi, 105.

Arakan, 138, 139, 140.

Arjunkot, 121.

Ami, 147, 156-7.

Asirgarh, 178, 182.

Aurangabad, 182.

Ausa, 60, 98, 175.

Balapur. 61, 112, 157.

Bangalore, 111, 121, 132, 156,
157, 160, 161n, 162.

Bancapur, 48, 156

Baramahals, 120-21.

Baramati, 59n.

Basavapatan, 110, 112, 119, 157,
161, 162.

Bednur, description, 117; its ruler
gives protection, 141; Ali
against, 153.

Belgaum, 52, 93, 123.

Belur. 112,141.

Bengalla, 138,139, 140.

Bhairasa, 117.

Bhalki, 96.

Bhima, 90.

Bhor Ghat, 127.

Bhuleshwaror Daulat manga! ,63.

Bidar, 85,92, 96, 143, 183.

Bijapur, Afzal's tragedy examin-
ed, 21*22; Shahji in Bijapur

PAGE

service, 48; captures Poona
from, 63: besieged by Amber,
64; described, 64; defeated at
Bhatwadi; 65; Shahji in Bija-
pur service, 68; big cannon,
74; demise of Adil Shah, 75;
Shabji deserts, 75; conquest
of Konkan, 82; Shah Jahan
invades in 1632, 85; Mogul
retreat from Bijapur, 85: helps
Nizam Shah, 86; assists
Shahji, 8S; Mogul loss at
Parenda, 93; discord at Bija-
pur, 93; Murari murdered, 94;
Shah Jahan against Bijapur,
95; Shah Jahan, 97; treaty
with Shriranga, 114; with
Shivappa, 117, 118; war and
treaty with Golconda, 118-9;
treaty with Tirumal, 124; war
against Tirumal, 124; con-
quers Ginji, 124-26; subdues
Madura and Tanjore, 127;
invaded by Aurangzeb, 143;
peace with Aurangzeb, 144;
war on the Coromandel coast,
146; Bahlol sent to Tanjore,
!50,-54; Shahji'srebellion,155-
57; Shivaji's Swarajya, 157-
60; Bijapur Karnatik,160-166.

Burhanpur, 59n, 61, 66, 93, 196.

Ceylon (Seylon) 146.

Chabakalmarbast, 120.

Chakan, 59, 159n, 166.

Chambargonda, 98, 100.

Chandragiri, 140, 141.

l Chandwadi 59tu

210

Ghiknayakanhalli,

Chinglaput.

Chitagopa,

Chittor,

Chodegaun,

Colleroon,

Coorg,

Dabhol,

Daman,

Dattwad,

PAGE

112.

141.

96.
35, 37n.

82.
149-50.

117.
82, 205.

196.

49.

Daulatabad or Deogiri, 38, 44,
52,58,63,82,89,92,182,200.

Deva Durg, 121.

Devalgaon, 174, 180,

Devanhalli, 161n.

Dhalenkot, 121.

Dharur, 79, 85,

Dharwar, 95.

Diu, 196.

Dod Ballapur, 161.

Dravida, 160.

Dwarasmudra or Hale bid, 112.

Ellora, 53, 174, 180.

Fort St. George, 138, 140.

Gadag, 119.

Gajendragad, 49

Gingi, 124, 126, 147, 154, 157,

Goa, 117, 156,

Golconda, submits to Shah Jahan
100; sent Jumla into Karnatic,
115; war and treaty with Bija-
pur, 118-19: victories in Ginji
and Tanjore, 123-4; conflict
with Bijapur, 125; Mir Jumla
against, 138; war with Bijapur,
140; against Jumla, 1*2; devas-
tated by Moguls, 142; subdued

PAGE

by Shah Jahan, 165; tribute to
Shah Jahan 205; kings of, 208.

Gudiyatam, 121, 138, 140, 142.

Gulburga, 38, 40.

Gumti, 119*.

Gunji Kotah, 121, 125.

Harpanhalli, 90, 119,120.

Harshagad, 92,

Hasanabad, 122.

Hasangadi Ghat, 117.

Hasan Raidurg, 121*

Higni Berdi, 174, 180.

Historical Museum of Satara,
35, 187.

Honahalli, 119.

Hubli, 20.

Hukeri, 195,

Huskota, 157, 161, 162.

Hussan, 117,141.

Ikkeri, capital, 106: description,
107; invasion of, 110; con-
quered by Bijapur, 112; Shi-
vappa retook the fort of, 113,
116; his work, 117, captured
by Mustafa, 118; assists Bija-
pur, 120; chronology, 137.
rulers of, 208.

Indapur, 53, 180.

Indrayani, 90.

Jalna, 80, 84.

Jangam Pass or Kanvi, 123.

Jankal, 140.

Janjira, 20.

Jejuri, 168.

Jivadhan, 92.

Junner, 58, 60, 84, 97, 99, 1 00,
101, 180.

211

Kabul,

Kadappa,

Kaldurga,

Kalyan,

Kalyani,

Kampli,

PAGE

71.

125.

161n.

127.

97n, 143, 183.
105.

Kanara, 20, 117, 152, 153.

Kanakgiri, 118,121,144.

Kandarpi, 132.

Kanigiri, 118.

Kapshi, 49.

Karad, 104, 167,

Kardelmast, 118.
Karkal ( Carcal ), 117, 149.

Karnatic Expedition, 183.

Karnul, 118.

Karwar, 20.

Kasargad, 117.

Kaveripatam, 111, 120, 121.

Keiadi, 106.

Khaljalm, 118.

Khanapur, 91.

Khanderi, 20.

Khandesh, 20, 91.
Khelna or Vishalgad, 44, 46, 47.

Khedebare, 135.

Kher, 90.

Khirki, 60, 61, 101, 182.

Khoj, 92.

Kolar, 82, 157, 160.
Kolhapur, 52, 91, 96, 99, 187.

Kondana, 98.

Kondwana, 132, 133.

Kopal, 119.

Koregaon, 179n.

Krishnaldurg, 120-21.

Kudal. 20, 117, 158n.

Kundal, 112.

Lai Mahal,

Lohgad,

Lohgaon,

Macassar,

Madras,

Madura,

Mahad,

PAGE

26.
127.

98.
139.

116.

111.

61, 82.

Mahuli, 92, 99, 104, 177, 178.

Malacca, 149.

Maldeevaes, 139.

Malgiri, 121.

Malnad, 117.

Malyalam, 117.

Mannarkovil, 144.

Mandu, 61.

Manjrabad, 117..

Masti Pass, 121.

Masulipatam, 71, 156.

Mawals, 135.

Miraj, 96.

Moka, ( Mocha ), 139.

Mudhol Rajasaheb, 4; Bakhar,
35, 42, 44, 46, 47, 185, 187:
Ghorpades, 44; rulers, 47, 56,
189; Sanads, 192, 196.

Mugadi, 16 In.

Muhri, 92.

Mulhir, 196.

Mysore, 140.

Nandi, 157.

Nandiyal, 118.

Nasik, 59n, 84, 99.

Nayakmere Pass, 120.

Nauraspur, 66, 179.

Negapatam, 146.

Nileswar, 117.

Kullur, 195.

Lakmeshwar, 119.

212

PAGE

Nizampur, 82.

Obhali, 118.

Pabal, 90.

Palicat (Pullacatt), 116 142.
Palri River, 119.

Pandharpur, 22, 159.

Panhala, 159.

Parasgad, 92.

Parenda, 85,93, 96,103, 143, 175.
Parkanpulast, H8.

Patgaon or Pedgaon, 52, 98.
Patode, 59n.

Pegue, 139.

Pemgiri ( Shahgad ). 89,

Penugonda, 140, 16 In.

Persia, "8, 139, 140.

Peruck, 139.

Phaltan, 51,59,61,65,69,

Pondichery C Pullacherey ),
J27, 146.

Poona 51,59,64,69,76,81,
100, 135, 159n, 166, 174.

Porlor, 1 1 8 *
Porto Novo, 127, 146, 149, Io7.

Pratapgad, l59 -

Punganur, 161, 162.

Purandhar. 139-

Queda, 149 '

Quandhar, ^ 85

Ragadi, 16 <-

Raibag, 42, 44, 50, 96, 195.

Raichur,

Raidurg, !

Rairi, 139 -

Rajapur, 20, 125n.

Rajgad, 159, 183.

Rajmachi, 127.

Rangana. 2

PAGE

Ranpur, 121

Ratnagiri, 121, 161ru

Revdanda, 92*

Sagar, 39. 43, 118.

Sakkarepatan, 117, 14U

Salsett, 117.

Salem, 12 U

Sangamner, 59n, 95, 99.

Sangameshwar, 46.

Satyamanglam, 141.

Savandurg, 111, 16 In.

Shahgad, 89, 91.

Shimogai 157.

Shignapur, 49, 53, 159.
Shirwal, 69, 76 f 118, 164, 180.

Shivaganga, 119.

Shevgaon, 59n, 92.
Shivneri, 59,81,8291. 92, 178.

Sholapur, 66,74,91,96

Shrirangpatam, 111, 119, 141.

Sillenbron, 147.

Sinhagad, 159.
Sinkhed, 58, 80, 174, 180,
Sira, 48, 111,161,164.

Sondur, 49.

Sugatur, 161n.

Sunda, 92.

Supa, 59, 180.

Surat, sack of, 20.

Suvarndurga, 161n.

Talikot, 47.

Taranpur, 121,

Tardy, 117.

Tarikere, 161n, 162.

Tegenapatam, 116..

Tenasserim, 138, 139, 140.

Tevenapatan. 127, 146, 148,.
150, 157.

213

PAGE

Tergal, 48, 50, 55, 195.

Torna, 99, 159.

Trichnopoly, 141, 144, 147, 154.

Trimbak, 84, 97, 99.

Trivapi, 128,

Tulapur, (or NangarGaon)179n.

Tuljapur, 22, 159.

Tumkur, 112, 119.

Tunjore, Tanjore, Tansiower,
Tansjouwer, 4,52, 113, 119,
120, 127, 130, 137, 141, 144-
152, 155-57, 166, 169.

Tuticurin, 153.

Udepur, 35.

Udgir, 98.

Vallamkottai, 144.

Vastara, 117.

Vellore, 114, 116, 120, 121, 137,
140, 165, 168.

Vidia-Nagar, Bisnaga, Vinagar
or Vi jayanagar, 106, 115.

Vijayanagar, RanaDilipsinhain
a war with Vij., 38 ; Ugrasen
saves Ahmadshah from being
captured by Vij., 42; Maloji
saves the life of Ismail in a
war with, 47; battle of Tali-
kot, 47; Bijapur conquests in,

PAGE

48; Bbosles get jagirs in, 104;
dissolution of the empire, 105-
106; kings, 105n ; alliance
against, 108; rebellion of
Timma Raja, 108-9; Shri-
ranga's policy, 113; treaty
with Bijapur, 114; victories of
Shriranga, 115; Mir Jumla's
successes in, 115; Bijapur

advance in, 116-127; losses
of, 140; negotiations with
Aurangzeb, 141 ; miseries of
the people, 142; Shah ji's vic-
tories, 143-150; Bahlol's ad-
vance, 150; Ismail's war
against, 194.

Vingurla, 158n.

Virbhadra Durg, 121.

Vishalgad or Khelna, 44, 46,

47, 159.

Wai, 44, 50, 10*, 180, 195.
Wangi, 96, 143.

Waranjpur, 121.

Waswati, 125n.

Wingeloor (Bangalore,)! 11, 113,

132, 133, 137, 144, 156, 157*

160-1, 162, 165.

SUBJECT INDEX

PAGE

Abaji Ghatge, 119.

Abbreviations, 1 2,

Abhaising, 189.

Adilshahs of Bijapur, 207.

Afzal Khan, strength of Afzal
Khan's army i 21; demolished
temples, 21; Afzal Khan's
treachery, 22; weapons used
for murdering, 22; conquers
Sira, 111; at Basvapatan,
112; against Shivaji, 128;
escorted Shahji, 131; Sam-
bhaji killed at Kanakgiri
through his negligence, 144;
death of, 183.

Ahmad Khan, 132.

Ahmad Shah, 42-43.

Ajab Sinha, 185n.

Ajaya Sinhaf Ajaisi), 37, 185,188.

Akhaiji Ghorpade, 56.

Akbar, conquers Ahmadnagar,

60.

Akbar Namah, 35n.

Alamgir Namah, 30.

Ala-ud-din,Emperor of Delhi,36.

Alauddin Hasan Gangu, 49.

Ali Adil Shah, 153,154, 157, 194.

Ali Namah, 34.

Ambaji, 130

Amber, Malik, see Malik Amber.

Amber (Ambar) Khan, 112, 119,
130, 147.

Ancestry, of Shivaji, 35, 184;
of Sajjan Sinha, 35 37.

Antosie Pantole, 147,150,155.

Arisinha, 37, 185.

Armocta Chitti, 149.

PAGE'

Asad-ul-Khawanin or Asad-
Khan, 119,120, 122,165.

Asaf Jah (Asaf Khan), 85, 86, 95,
197,201.

Asharam Khoja, 177n.

Aurangzeb (Eurengzeeb), Shi-
vaji 's appearance at court, 29;
his place in court, 30; Shi-
vaji 's swoon, 31; Shivaji's
attempt at suicide, 31; his
guard and his escape, 31-32;
war of independence against,
49; as Viceroy, 140; his
terror in Bijapur, 157-8.

Babaji, 49, 52, 55, 174, 184,
186, 188.

Bahlol Khan ( Balbulachan or
Baseal Khan), 136, 150, 152,
156-7, 166.

Bahmani Kings, 207.

Baji Ghorpade, rule, 56; arrests
Shahji, 128, 131; exchange of
Jagir, ] 36; killed by Shivaji
and his country devastated,
136, 206; Firman to, 105; wrong
date of S hah ji's arrest, 183.

Baji Valvale. 82.

Bakhars, 16-34; names, 173;
imperfections, 174-184; time
of composition, 183.

Balaji or Balal, son of Haybat-
rao, 119, 130.

Bapaji (Dhapaji, Dhopaji), 184,
186, 188.

Barhattji, 49, 184, 186, 188.,

Basatin-i-Salatin, 23, 34, 60n^
61,80,82,86,88,90,91,92,

213

PAGE

94,97, 100, 108, 110, 125ri,

126, 127, 130.

Batavia Records, 3.

Beni Prasad, 67n, 70n, 75n.
Bhairoji or Bhosaji, 39; 40; 42:

54, 184, 186, 188.
Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Man-

dal, 18.

Bhimarai, 1 -86

Bhimsen, 44 -46.

Bhimsinha, 36, 185.

Bhimsingh of Mudhol, 188.
'Bhojpal, 98.

Bhosles, origin, 42; dominion,

44; of Devagiri, 49, 50; are

Rajputs, 189-192; derivation,

42n, 191n.
Bhumendrasinha, 49, 184, 186,

188.

Bhuvansinha, 185.

Bibliography, 3-10.

Bombay Record Office, 3, 10.
Brahma ji, 186.

Briggs, J. 40n, 60n.

Chand Bibi, 60, 178.

Chandra Rao More, 82, 183.
Chhatrasal of Bundi, 200.

Chavans, 100.

ChangizKhan, ]?9.

Chokanath Nayak, his policy,

145; war with Shahji, 145-154.
Cholraj, 48, 189, 194.

Chronology, 54-56; 101, 137,

168.

Contents; 15-16.

Dadaji Kond Deva, 132, 166,

180-81. :....
fosidu Nayak, . 119.

Daulat Khan Lodi,

Damalvar,

Deshkulkarni,

Deshmukh,

Deshpande,

PAGE

60, 84.
122.
163.
163.
163.

Devraj, 42, 54, 184, 186, 188.

Dhopaji, 49, 186.

Dilipsingh, 38, 184, 186, 188.

Dilawar Khan, 130.

Dinkar, 185.

Dipabai or Uma, 51-52.

Dongre, M. G., 187n.

Duff, J. Grant, 24, 25, 27,
28, 32, 58-9n f 63, 83, 86, 88,
160.

Dutch Records, 3-4, 9, 18,
203-5.

Ekashiva, 186.

Ekoji (Vyankoji),son of Shahji,
fond of poetry, 57; captures
Malikarjuna, 144, succeeds
father, 157, goes to Poona,
159; his dominion, 161n,
ancestry, 186.

European Records. 20, 32.

Famine of 1630, 197, 199.

Farhad Khan, 134.

Firishta (Farishta^, 35n, 39.

Fateh Khan, 83, 87, 143, 164.

Firoz Shah, 39, 40.

Foreword, 1-2.

French works, 9*

Gaga Bhat, 168.

Gauri Shankar Ojha, 36n; 184.
190.

Gawan, Muhammad, 45-47.

Geneology of Shivaji, incorrect,.
35; Satara tree wrong, tttt-5,,

216

PAGE

various trees,

geneology,
German works,
Ghatges,
Girjabai

Guerilla warfare,
Hague Records,
Haider AH,
Hakluyt Society,
Hamir,
Hanmante, M.,

186;

true
188.
9.

100.
80.
46.

2, 3, 18.

161n.

4.

26, 37, 185.
177n.

Hanumappa Nayak, ] 6 1 n.

Hasan Gangu, 38, 49.

Hindi books, 11, 35n.

Hindu league against Bijapur,

130.

Historical Museum ofs Satara,
35, 186, 1S7.

Hussain Shah, 83.

Ibrahim Adil Shah, 65, 66, 68,
70, 75.

Ikhlas Khan, 94, 140.

India Office London, 3, 4, 19.

Indrasen ( Ugrasen ), 42, 44, 45,
54, 184-188.

Iradat Khan, 91.

Ismail Adil Shah, 47, 193

Jadhavrao, employs Maloji, 51,
58; at Khirki. 61,62: desertion
to Moguls, 63; return to Ni-
zamshahi, 76; murder, 79; Ba-
khar story examined, 174-82.

Jagdeva of Kaveripatan, 120,121.

Jagpal Nimbalkar, 174

Jahangir, 60, 61, 63n, 72,

76, 196.

Jairara ( Jayaram , 57 f 60, 139,

144,

Jaisingh,

Jaitra,

Jamadars,

Jankoji,

Jaskaran,

PAGE

47,202,203.
185.
162.
49. 186.
185,

Jaswantrao ( Yeshwantrao )

Wadwe, 123, 131.
Jaswant Singh, 29.

Jaysimha. 185.

Jaykarna, 186.

Jedhe, K. N. 99, 135, 167.

Jijabai,58,59,87n,81-2,174, 180.
Jintikar Bhosles, 167*

JujharRao, 119.

Junkoji, 186.

Kanarese works, 1 1 .

Kanks, 100.

Kantirao N.Raja Wod.,111,141.
Kanungo, 163.

Karansing of Mudhol, 58, 188-9.
Kama Sinha, 42, 45, 47,

54-56, 184, 185

Kasim Barid, 192.

Kaulpatta, 163,

Kemp GaudaJ 11, 160, 16 In, 162.
Kenge Nayak,! 10, 111, 112. 119.
Khan Khan, 23, 26, 27, 76, 82,

91, 94, 189.

Khairiyat Khan, 125, 130.

Khan Dauran, 98.

Khandagale, 62.

Khandoji, 130.

Khan Jahan Lodi, 60, 81, 101.

196-201.

Khan Muhammad, 118, 121. 125.
Khan, Dr. Sh, A. 6, 19n.

Khare, Vasudeva 58.

Kharates,

217

PAGE

TCbawas Khan, 89, 91, 94, 95,
89, 102, 103.

Khelaji (KhelojO, 184, 186, 188.

Kheloji, 47, 49, 55, 192.

Khurrum, Prince, 61, 62n, 73.

Khusrau, Prince, 61, 62, 71.

Kincaid, 50,58, 59, 131n, l35n.
205-209.

Kistapa (Krishnappa) Nayak,
142, 146, 148.

Konerichetti, 142.

KshemaSinha, ?6-37, l85.

Kumarsinha. 185.

Lakhamsi \Lakshtnansinha\ 36,
&7, 185.

Lallcheen, 39-40.

Lakshman Sinha, 36, 37, 54.

Lingama Nayak, 145, 147-150,
153, 155.

Lohokare, Dadaji Krishna,
135. 167.

Maasir-ul-Umrav, 63.

Mahabat Khan, 70, 71, 72, 86,
91,93,95.

Maham ( Mahap ), 36, 37, 185.

Mahadiks, 100.

Maharana of Udaipur, 190.

Mahulaji, 186.

Mallaya, 115-116.

Maldeva of Jalor, 36.

Malik Amber, strengthens
Nizam Shahi, 61-62; sends
Shahji to capture Poona, 63;
besieges Bijapur, 64; victori-
ous at Bhatvadi, 65; left by
Shahji, 68; gives refuge to
Shah Jaban, 72f; estimate, 73;
chronology, 101; Mokasa to

PAGE

Shahji, 164; Bakhar account
examined, 176*182.

Malik Husen, 161n.

Malik Raihan (Rehan, Rihan),
99, 110, 121, 122,130, 161n.

Malik Yaqut, 143.

Malla, B. Gauda. 161n.

Maloji, 50-54, 57, 59, 184,186-
189.

Maloji, grandson of Vallabha-
sing, 104. 188, 189.

Maloji Ghorpade, 69, 188, 189.

Maloji, son of Kheloji, 47, 91.

Mambaji Bhosle, 130-131.

Mambaji Pawar, 1 30-1 11 .

Manaji, 130.

Mandelslo, 64, 65n, 74n, 77, 94,
95,201-203.

Manrique. 77, 78.

Maratha warfare, 78.

Marathi books, 9-11.

Maravas, 141.

Martand Deo, 180,

Masud Khan, 130.

Mathansinha, 185.

Mifr Jtttnla, ( Mir Jumlack, Meir
Jumlah), defeated at Vellore,
113; and Damerala, 114; cap-
tures Udaya'giri, 115; other
gains, 116; grants to the Eng-
lish and Dutch, 116; against
Bijapur, 118-119; advance
against Ginji, 123; Tanjore
submits, 124; against Ginji,
125, 130; his power, 138;
routed by Shahji, 139; war
wftfr Shriranga, 142; against
Golconda, 142 ; advance

218

PAGE

against Daulatabad, 177 ;

could not defeat Shahji, 178;

returns to Daulatabad, 178n;

sent with Aurangzeb, 182.
Mogul army, 77.

Mogul warfare, 77.

Mokite, Sambhaji and Dbaroji,

69.

Mohites, 100.

Mudhoji Nimbalkar, 69.

Muhammad Adil Shah, 84, 89,

98, 108, 119, 138, 143, 166,

181, 207.
Muhammad Namah, 34, 84, 89,

93,94,110,113,114,118,121,

122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 128,

131, 133.

Muhammad Shah Bahmani, 45.
Mukarrab Khan, 83.

Mulik-I-Maidan cannon, 74.
Mulla Ahmad, 120.

Mulla Muhammad, 65, 66, 67,

144, 145, 166.

Munshi Madhavrao, 35.

Murad Baksh, 133-4.

Murari or Murar Jagdeo Pandit,

81, 86, 89, 90, 93, 94, 103,

133, 180, 181.
Murtiza N. Shah, 53, 60, 82,

89, 176, 207.
Mustafa Khan, conquers Ikkeri,

117; his expedition into Kar-

natic, 119-121; battle with

Rayal, 122; at Ginji, 122-124;

died, 125; Hindu league, 130;

his death hastened reconcilia-
tion, 134.
Masud Khan, 130.

PAGE

Muttu Virappa, abandons Mus-
lim alliance, 144; war with
Shahji, 144-145.

Muzaffar-ud-din, 117 f 118, 125.

Nagoji, 187.

Nagpal, 185.

Narapati, 185..

Narayan Das Rathor, 63n.

Narna Malse, 153.

Naro Trimal, 177.

Netaji Palkar, 26.

Nizam Shah Bahiri, 175.

Nizam Shahs, 207.

Nur Jahan, 62, 71.

Padmasinha, 185.

Padmini, 36.

Paes, Father L., 117.

Pandhares, 100.

Parasnis, D. B., 18.

Parsoji, father of Babaji, 186,
188.

Parsoji, son of Umaji, 187.

Parvez, Prince, 67, 70, 72.

Persian works, 11, 32, 35.

Pilaji. 189.

Pindaris used by Bijapur, 126.

Piraji (Pilaji), 48, 56, 189.

Pissurlencar, P., 21, 143n_

Pitt, Governor, 146, 148,150,151.

Portuguese works, 11.

Pratapsen, 184^

Pratap Sinha, 44, 51, 98, 99,
104, 105, 184.

Pratap Sinha Ghorpade, 189.

Pratap Sinha, Raja of Satara,.
35, 184.

Prithivimalla, 185-

Proenza, - 'HI, 145.

219

PAGE

Public Records Office, 3.

Purnapal, 185.

Qutb Shahs, 208,

Radha Madhava Vilas Champu,

34,52,57,105, 133, 144n, 189.
Raghunath Nayak, 123.

Rajaram, son of Shivaji, 183.
Rahap, 36, 37.

Rama of epic fame, 35.

Ramchandra, 186.

Ramraja, 113.

Ramrao, 140.

Randulla Khan, 87, 93, 95, 96,

99, 104, 110-12, 133-35,

161n, 165, 183.

Rangappa Nayak, 16 In.

Rashid Khan, 98.

Rataji Rupaji Yadav, 167.

Ratna Sinha, 36, 37, 54, 185.
Rayrao, 63.

Records, Marathi, 17; Dutch,

18; London, 19; Bombay, 19;

European, 20; Persian, 33.
Revavu, 186.

Revington, 155.

Rup Nayak of Ginji, 126.

Rup Sinha, 49, 184, 186, 188.
Ruqat-Alamgir, 142n.

Rustum Zaman, 110,111, 112,

114, 119, 166.

Sabaji Anant, 69, 83, 176, 178.
Saibai* wife of Shivaji, 128.
Sajjan Sinha, 37, 38, 44, 54,

184, 185, 186, 188.
Samarsinha, 184, 185.

Sambhaji, son of Shahji, fond
of poetry, 57; marriage, 81;

killed, 144; his son Soorut

PAGE

Singh, 161n; birth, 175, 181 f
187;in Karnatic, 179.

Sambhaji, father of Babaji, 49,
51, 184.

Sambhaji, son of Shivaji, 20,183.

Samprati, 163.

Sane, Rao Bah. 179.

Sanskrit works, 11, 36.

Santaji Ghorpade, 49.

Sarkar, Sir J., eminent scholar,
17, 173; not used Dutch mate-
rial, 18; criticised, 50, 59, 70,
129, 134, 208; quoted, 75n, 96.
97, 98, 133. 142.

Sar-nad-Gaud, 163.

Scott, J , 25, 28, 40n.

Shahji, Xagi, Sahagie, Shawjee,
Shahgee, Shajee, his con-
quests, 48; birth, 53; per-
sonality, 57 ; marriage, 58;
at Khirki, 61 ; wounded, 63;
captures Poona, 63 ; battle
of Bhatvadi, 65; in Bijapur
service, 68; defeated at Salpa,
69 ; retains Poona, 69: Sar-
lashkar, 69 ; defeats Mudhoji,
conquers parts of Karnatic*
70 desertion of Bijapur
service, 75; in Khandesh, 76;
revolt against Nizam Shahi,
80; kills Darya Khan, 82;
Shivaji born, 82; fortifies
Shahgad) 84; conquests, 84 ;
retreat from Jalna, 84; against
Daulatabad, 87; king-maker,
88; treaty with Bijapur, 89 ;
war with Saif Khan, 90 ; cap-
tures Shivneri 92 ; defeated

22Q

PAGE

by Khan Dauran, 92; his
power 96*97; his submission,
98 ; his work, 100 ; review of
Shahji 's position, 103 ; new
Jagirs, 104; against Ikkeri,
110; against Bangalore, 111;
joins in conquest of Ikkeri,
112; receives Mustafa Khan,
119; gains a victory over
Jagdeva, 120-121 ; battle with
Rayal, 122; again receives
Mustafa Khan, 122; victory,
123; at Ginji, 125; cause of
imprisonment, 127-130; im-
prisonment, 130 ; release,
132-34; Bangalore defended
by Sambhaji, 134; Purandhar
defended by Shiva, 134; enters
into secret friendship with
Jedhe, 135; his letter to Shi-
vaji, 136,205; Shivaji's letter
to him, 136; defeats Mir
Jumla, 139; routs Shriranga,
140; wins over Adil Shah,
143; against Kanakgiri, 144;
enmity with Afzal, 144;
against Trichinopoly, 144;
conquest of Tanjore, 144 ;
war with Madura, 145 ; cap-
tures Tegeoapatam and Porto
Novo, 146 ; war with Linga-
ma, 149 ; Shahji independent,
155; Bahlol Khan sent against,
156; pardoned, 156; Bahlol
Khan won over, 157; died,
157 ; interview with Shivaji,
158; &t Bangalore, 160;
work, 160-64 ; a view of his

PAGE

life, 164-66; inspirer of Shi-
vaji, 166-168; 184,204.

Shah Shuja, 92.

Shah Jaban, divides India with
Shahji, 57; Khurrum in the
Deccan, 61; revolt, 62; Ja-
dhavrao joins Shah Jahan, 63 ;
assists Amber, 67 ; wander*
ings, 72 : bid for throne, 73 ;
in the Deccan, 76-79; sends
Shahji against Darya Khan.
82 ; wins over Nizam Shahi
ministers, 83-4 ; peace a*id
war with Bijapur, 85-6 ; con-
quers Nizam Shahi, 87-8 ;
war against Shahji, 89-93;
against Bijapur, 95-98; against
Shahji , 98 - 100, his inter-
cession for Shahji's release,
133 ; accession, 182 ; English
account of, 196-200; his army,
201-203 ; Dutch account,
20 J-205.

Shaista Khan, strength of army,
23: Poona residence, 24, l9n;
Shivaji's force, 26 ; how sur-
prised, 26, 158n; his escape, 27;
murder of his women 28 ; his
daughter captured, 28 ; in
Deccan, 77 : king retires to
Bancapur on his advance,
156 ; commander of Shab Ja-
han 's army, 201.

Shanbhog, 163*

Sbamsuddin, 40.

Sharabhji, 186

Sharif ji, son of Maloji, 51, 53,
58, 56.

221

PAGE

Sheristedars, 163.

Sharza Khan, 123, 135.

Shiva Bharat, 23, 34, 57, 58,
63n, 65, 66, 69, 70, 75, 77, 80,
81, 82, 99, 110, 111, 112, 123,
133, 160, 162, 165, 189.

Shivabhushan, 133.

Shivaji ( Siwasi, Sivajee ) f trea-
chery against Afzal, 22 ; wea-
pons for murdering Afzal, 22 ;
appearance at court, 29 ; place
in court, 30 ; his swoon, 31 ;
attempt at suicide, 31 ; guard
on, 31 ; escape of, 31 ; founder,
37 ; and guerilla warfare, 79;
born, 82 ; system of plunder,
126; cause of his father's
imprisonment, 127; against
Bijapur, 155 ; independent,
157 ; secret treaty with Bija-
pur, 157-8 ; interview with
father, 158 ; inspired by father,
166-168 ; use of Bakhars on,
173-183 ; his ancestry, 184-
189 ; his Rajput origin, Ifc9-
192 ; his letter to Shahji,
205-7.

Shivappa Nayak, regains Ikkeri,
113 ; assists Shriranga, 114 :
conquests, 116- US ; war with
Bijapur, 119-12C; Rayai given
refuge, 141 ; his rule, 208n.

Shrinivas Rao, 92

Shriranga, Emperor, 113 ; con-
quests, 115; loses Udayagiri.
115 ; other losses, 116 ; loses
Vellore, 116, 1 22; helped Bija-
pur, 121 ; defeated by Shahji,

PAGE

140; regained and lost Vel-
lore, 140: negotiations with
Aurangzeb, 140; an exile, 140;
against Jumla, 142 ; chrono-
logy, 168.

Shubha Krishna, 44, 49, 55, 184,
186, 188.

Siddi Jauhar, 157.

Siddi Marjan, 82, 99.

Siddi Miftah, 98.

Siddi Masud, 157.

Siddi Raihan, 91, 125.

Siddi Saba Saif Khan, 88, 90.

Siddi Yaqut, 157.

Sidhoji, 39. 41, 43, 54, 130, 188.

Sikandar Shah, 178, 181.

Sinhaji, 184, 186.

Sisodia Rajputs, 36, 37, 189, 190.

Sons of Jadhavrao, 80n, 174.

Soorut Singh, 161.

Suhagsinha, 181.

Sultan Mahmud, 193.

Suttooji, 186.

Takakhav, N. S., 50, 59, 159n.

TanajiDure, 134.

Tembaji Saheb, 122.

Tejsinha, 186.

Thomares, 100.

Timme-Gauda, 16 In.

Timmaraja or Tim ma Ray a,
108, 109.

Tirumal Nayak of Madura, calls
Jumla against Vijayanagar,
113, 114 ; Shriranga subdues
Tirumal, 115 ; Jnmla assists
Tirumal, 115-6: joins BLjapur
against Sbriranga, 119-123;,
turns against Bijapur, 124- 127^

222

PAGE

joins Muslim army against

Shriranga, 140; war of the

Noses with Mysore. 141 ;

succeeded by Muttu, 144./
Tod, Col., 36n, 186, 190.

Treaty with Shah Jahan, lOb;

with Golconda, 108, 139, 140,

166, 181.

Trimbakji Bhosle, 131.

Tukabai, wife of Shahji, 159,

180.

Tukoji, 184.

Udairam, 66.

Ugrasen (Jlndra^n), 42, 4 s ,

184, 186, 188.
Uma or Depabai, 51, 52, 54,

186.

Umaji, 187.

Usaf Adil Khan, 47, 207.

Vanamian, 154.

Vaidya, C. V , 42n.

Vakaskar, V^S. f 173, 183n.

PAGE
Valle, P. D., 62n f 66n, 67, 68,

106, 107.
Vangoji Mudhoji Nimbalkar,.

5i, 52, 167.

Varah, 186.

Venkata Brahmani , 138.

Vanktapa Naieka, 106-107.
Ventappa, 117n.

Vijayaraghava Nayak, 123, 182.
Virabhadra, 110,112,113,116,

117,208.

Viswas Raja, 58-

Vithal Gopal, 134.

Vithoji, son of Babaji, 51, 52,

53, 54n, 58, 187.
Waghs, 100.

Walter Littleton, 138.

War of the Noses, HU

Waring, Scott, 59.

Yadvas, 38.

Yekoji, 186.

Yeshwantrao Wadave, 123, 131.

223

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