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Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, the Royal 

Statistical Society, the Royal Economic Society, London; 

Professor of Economics and Principal, Rajaram College, 

Kolhapur, India 



" Kitab Mahal," Hornby Road 

Reserved by the Author 

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the only ruling representative of 

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A vast literature has grown up in Marathi on the romantic 
career of Shivaji. He is hailed by his admirers as the maker of 
Maharashtra, the founder of the Maratha Empire, the liberator 
of the Hindus, the destroyer of Muslim sovereignty in India, the 
prophet of patriotism, the apostle of Hindu culture. His military 
achievements have undoubtedly placed him in the galaxy of the 
world-famous conquerors like Alexander, Caesar, Hannibal, and 
Napoleon. The Great Shivaji underwent an apotheosis even in 
his life time, and was looked upon as God Shiva who had 
incarnated Himself for saving His devotees from the inhuman 
oppressions of their alien rulers. It is indisputable that in him 
the national spirit of Hindu India took a visible form. He 
is one of the immortals of the world and has so thoroughly 
captivated the imagination of Indians with his burning 
patriotism that he has become the pole-star of Indian Swarajya. 
It was natural that myths and legends should have fast 
multiplied on the life of this superman, so that it has now 
become difficult to distinguish facts from fables. In truth, there 
is scarcely an event in his brilliant career, the veracity of whose 
details recorded in the Marathi chronicles cannot be challenged. 
Hence I considered it necessary to turn the torch-light of 
foreign contemporary writings and records on the vernacular 
literature to pick up the grains of truth lying scattered here 
and there. 

The archives [in London, at Bataviaand the Hague, in 
Bombay, Goa, Pondichery, Madras, Tanjore, Satara and Poona 
have been ransacked to secure every scrap of information on 
the life of the hero. 

The material of this book has been in process of collection 
and preparation by the author for more than seven years. 
During this period many difficulties were encountered in 
securing documents, paintings, pictures, and plans, in getting 
authentic translation of the Dutch, Portuguese and Persian 
extracts, and in the printing of the three volumes from an 
out- of- the way place like Kolhapur. Thus the book is the 
outcome of an intensive study of the historical literature on the 
life of Shivaji and of the personal knowledge of many parts of 
the country which was the scene of his manifold activities. 
Since nothing is rtiqre eloquent than f&cts, I have given foreign 


documents in extenso even at the risk of overburdening the book 
with details, so that the reader may have the account of the events 
in the very words of the contemporary writers themselves. I am 
conscious of the difficulty which some readers will experience 
in going through 17th century English, but care has been taken 
to break the monotony of long letters by marginal headlines 
and to make the topics dealt therein easy to understand. 

My aim has been to construct the history of Shivaji and 
his forefathers with original materials obtained through earnest 
and scrupulous research, cautiously sifted and impartially used. 
For the realization of this object, I have discarded anecdotic 
and fragmentary history, and mainly relied on the genuine and 
well -authenticated facts met with in the Indian and European 
records. Being fully equipped with stern facts, the reader will 
be able to judge for himself the validity of my conclusions and 
will correct the assertions of various historians, if these should 
seem unduly categorical. 

I wish to express my deep sense of obligation to Their 
Highnesses, the Maharajas of Baroda, Indore, Kolhapur, and 
the Rajasaheb of Mudhol for their kind patronage. It gives 
me much pleasure to acknowledge with gratitude the valuable 
assistance received from the Superintendent of Records, India 
Office, London ; Directors of the Archives at Batavia and the 
Hague; the Superintendent of the Record Office, Bombay; the 
Secretaries of the Shrishiva Charitra Office and Bharat Itihas 
Sanshodhak Mandal, Poona; and the Rajasaheb of Mudhol who 
gave me access to all the published and unpublished material 
and permission to reproduce the same. My cordial thanks 
are also due to Prof. E. C. Godce Molesbergen, Archivist at 
Batavia, Mr. C. C. Rammerswaal of the Hague, and Prof. Brij 
Narain of Lahore for their translation of the Dutch documents, 
to Mr. P. Pissurlencar of Goa, Prof. A. X. Scares of Baroda and 
Rev.S. Cotta of the Catholic Mission at Miraj for the translation 
of the Portuguese extracts, to Rev. H. Heras, S. J. of Bombay, 
for lending me the English translation of the Dagh-Register, 
and to several friends who have assisted me in the publication 
of these volumes. 

5-5-32. BALKRISHNA. 


India Office Manuscript Records 

Factory Records: 

Bombay. Vols. 1, 2, 3, 6, 8, 19, 105, 106. 
Fort St. George. Vols. 1, 18, 27, 28. 
Master Papers No. 10. 
Masulipatam. Vol. 10. 
Miscellaneous. Vols. 2, 4, 11. 

O. C.-Original Correspondence. Vols. 21, 28, 29, 30 f 
31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40. 
Orme Mss. Vols. 1, 114, 116, 155, 174, 263, 331. 
Rajapur Vol. I. 

Surat. Vols. 2, 3, 4, 19, 66, 69, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 
90, 91, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 166. 
Finch Mss. Vol. I. 
Letter Books. Vols. 1-6. 
Mackenzie Mss. Vol. 201. 

Public Record Office, London 

C. O. Original Correspondence. Vols. 77 IX; 77X; 

77 XIII; 107 XII. 
State Papers for Turkey. Vol. 18. 

Bombay Record Office 
Papers Unavailable. Vols. I-VII. 
Surat Factory Diary No. I. 
Surat Factory Outwards Nos. 1, 1 A, 1, 2 3. 

Dutcb Records 

The Hague: 

Dagh-Register-AH Vols. up to 1680 A. D. 

Kol. Archives. Vols. 1122, 1123, 1124, 1132, 1133, 1136, 

1137, 1142,1143, 1144,1145, 1146,1152, 1156, 

1159, 1160. 

Letter Books. Vols. 1660-1, 1661-2, 1663-4, 1664-5, 

1665-6, 1668-9, 1670-1, 1671-2, 1672-3, 1673-4^ 

1674-5, 1675-6, 1676-7, 1677-8, 1680-1, 1681-2*, 


India Office, London: 

Hague Transcripts. Series I. Vols. 15, 17, 18, 23, 24, 27, 

Sanswati Mahal Library, Tanjore 
Bhosal Vanshavali in Sanskrit No. 5021. 
Raj Ranjan Puran No. 1430. 

Sangita Makranda or Shahi Makaranda by Veda. No. 662.3. 
Sangita Saramritam by Tulaja Raja. No. 6629. 
Shahendra Vilasa by Shridhara Venkatesa. No. 10261. 
Bundle No. 117/595 

Rajasaheb of Mudhol 
Chronicle of Mudhol in Marathi. 
Persian Sanads 

Published Records 

Court Minutes. All the Vols. 

English Factories. Vols. 1-13 for the years 1619-1669. 

F. R. Fort St. George-Diary and Consultation Bk. 

1672-78; 1678-9. 

Sir G. Forrest, Home Series. Vol. I. 
Sir G. Forrest, Maratha Series. Vol. I. 

Publications of the Haklnyt Society 

First Series: 

70-71. The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten 

to the East Indies. 

74-75. The Diary of William Hedges, Esq. 
84-85. The Travels of Pietro della Valle to India. 
Second Series: 

I 2. The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to the Court 

of the Great Mogul. 

17,35,45. The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe 
and Asia. 

List of Books 


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Aiyangar, S. K. Sources of Vijayanagar History. Madras. 
Anderson, P. The English in Western India. Bom. 1854, 
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Baldaeus, Philip. A true and exact Description of the East 

India Coasts of Malabar, Coromandel and Ceylon. 
Balkrishna, Dr. Commercial Relations between India 

and England. London 1924. 
Ball, V. Tavernier's Travels in India. 2 Vols. 
Beni Prasad. History of Jahangir. 1922. 
Bernier, F. Travels in the Mogul Empire, ed. by Constable. 
Bhandarkar, Dr. Sir R. G. Commemoration Vol. Poona. 
Bharat I. S. Mandal, Poona. Varshik Itivritta; Sammelan 

Vritta; Ahaval. 

Briggs, John. History of the Rise of the Mahomedan 
Power in India. 4 Vols. London 1829. 

Brown, Sir Thomas. The Works. 4 Vols. London 1846. 
Bruce, J. Annals of the E. I. Co. 3 Vols. London 1810. 
Buchanan, F. Mysore, Canara and Malabar. 2 Vols. 
Cambridge, R. O. Account of the War etc. Lond. 1761. 
Careri, G. F. Gmelli. A Voyage round the world. 
Clunes, Capt. John. Historical Sketch of the Princes of 
India. London 1815. 

Courtney, W. Memoir on the Sawantwaree State. 
Cousens, H. Bijapur and its Architectural Remains. 

Dampier, Capt. William. A new Voyage round the 
World. London 1699. 

Danvers, F. C. The Portuguese in India. 2 Vols. 

Dellon, M. D. A Voyage to the East Indies. London 1698. 

Diary of Strenshyam Master. 3 Vols. 

Douglas, J. Bombay and Western India, 2 Vols. London. 

Dow, Alexander. History of Hindustan. 3 Vols. 

Du Jarric, Pierre S. J. Histoire des choses plus 

memorables advenues tant es Indes, etc. 
Duff, J. Grant. History of the Mahrattas. Bombay 1873. 


Elliot, H. M. and Dowson, John. The History of India 

as told by its own Historians. 8 Vols. London* 
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Poona 1931. 

Forbes, James. Oriental Memoires. 2 Vols. London 1834, 
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Grose, J. H. A Voyage to the East Indies. 2 Vols. 

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Harmilton, Capt. A. A New Account of the E. I. Lond. 

Hedges, Sir W. Diary during his Agency in Bengal. 

3 Vols. London. 1887-89. 
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of the Konkan. Calcutta 1840. 

Journal/of the Bombay Historical Society.. Vols. II, IIL 
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Malleson, Col. G. B. Historical Sketch of the Native 

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the East Indies. London 1669. 
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Potdar and Mujumdar. Hist. Miscellany. 
Puntambekar, S. V. A Royal Edict on the Principles of 

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Shivaji the Great Vol. I. Part II. Shivaji Vol. I. 
Shivcharitra Nibandhavali, Sh. Ch. If. 
Shivacharitra Pradipa $~ Ck. Pr, 
Sir J. Sarkar. Shivaji & His Times Sarkar. 
Surat Factory Outward Letter Book 0* L. Book. 

Vol. 1 

Part ] 




Bibliography ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 3 

Contents ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 15 

Introduction ................. , ........... . 17 

Nature and extent of the records, The Dutch Records, The Records in 
London, Value of the Records at Bombay. Use of the European Records, 
General value of the European Records. Light on Afzal Khan's tragedy. 
Issues of Shaista Khan's surprise, Was Shaista Khan's daughter captured by 
Shivaji ? Shivaji's audience with Aurangzeb. Imperfections of the Persian 
and European material. 


The Ancestry of Shivaji ........................ 35 

The incorrectness of available geneologies. The ancestry of Sajjan 
Sinha. Rana Sajjansinha of the Solar Dynasty. Rana Dilipsinha, a 
commander of the Bahmani Kingdom. Heroic deeds of Sidhoji. Bhairoji or 
Bhimaji, Rana Devaraj and Ugrasen. Dominion of the Bhosles in 1454. 
The Ghorpades of Mudhol. Guerilla Warfare. Mudhol rulers under Bijapur, 
The Bhosles of Devagiri. Maloji. Tentative chronology of Shivaji's 


Shahji-The Kingmaker ........................ 57 

Shahji's personality and education. Marriage of Shahji, Vicissitudes of 
war in the Deccan. Jadhavrao's desertion to the Moguls ( 1621-30). Capture 
of Poona by Shahji, 1621, The seige of Bijapur by Amber, Bijapur described, 
The battle of Bhatvadi in 1624. Shahji in Bijapur service (1625-28 ). The 
recall of Mahabat Khan. Estimate of Malik Amber. Demise of Ibrahim Adil 
Shah, Desertion and return of Shahji. Shahji in Khandesh. The Imperial 
#rmy in the Deccan, 1630. Arms of the Mogul army. Mode of Mogul warfare. 
Method of Maratha warfare. Jadhavarao's murder. Revolt of Shahji, 
Revolution at Daulatabad. Shahji's monarchy. Shall Jahan's war with 
Bijapur. The Mogul retreat from Bijapur and Parenda, The end of the 
Nizam Sbahi Kingdom. Shahji, the king-maker. The capture of Junner by 
Shahji. Siege of Parenda by the Moguls, Internal discord at Bijapur. The 
brutal murder of Murari Pandit. Stfiah Jahan against Bijapur, Treaty 
between Shah Jahan and Adil Shah. Capture of Udgir and Ausa. The 
submission of Shahji. Shahji's work. Chronology. 


Shahji in the Karnatic .., ., ,. ... 103 

A review of Shahji's position. Acquisition of new jagirs. Vijayanagar 
in the throes of dissolution. Aggressions of the Naik of Ikkeri, The Royal 
city of Ikkeri described. Muslim alliance against Vijayanagar. Rebellion 
of Timmaraj. The first expedition into Malnad (1637-1638). Second 
expedition into the Karnatic (1638). Third expedition in 1639. The result 
of the campaign. Vigorous policy of Shriranga. Mir Jumla's defeat at 
Vellore. Treaty between Vijayanagar andBijapur. Victories of Shriranga. 
Conquests o| Mir Jumla.. Campaign against Shivappa of Ikkeri in 1644, 
Expedition under the Khan-i-Khanan in 1644-5. Mustafa Khan's campaign 
in 1646-48. Campaign against Ginji in 1648. Cause of Shahji's 
imprisonment. Release of Shahji. Secret support to Swarajya. Shahji and 
Baji Ghorpade. The burning of Mudhol. Chronology. 


Shah ji in the Karnatic ( cont. ) 13S 

Power of Mir Jumla. Shahji's victory over Mir Jumla in 1651-52. 
Shriranga in the field, Situation in theDeccan. The last ten years of Shahji. 
Tegenapatam captured by Shahji ( 1661 ). Porto Novo taken by Shahji, 
The capture of Tegenapatam and after. The war between Shahji and 
Lingama Nayak. Bahlolkhan's raid in Tanjore. War between Tanjore and 
Madura. Horrible consequences of the war. Second rebellion and , 
imprisonment of Shahji. Shivaji, an independent King, Interview of father 
and son, Shahji at Bangalore. Shahji's work in the Karnatic, Policy of 
consolidation. The Maratha revenue system in the Karnatic. A veiw of 
1'fe. Shahji, the inspirer of Shavaji. Chronology. 

APPENDIX I Imperfections of the Bakhars, 173 

APPENDIX II Shivaji's Ancestry. 184 

APPENDIX III The Bhosles are Rajputs 189 

APPENDIX IV Mudhol Sanads 192 

APPENDIX V The English Records on Khan Jahan, 196 

APPENDIX VI Composition of Shah Jahan's army, 201 

APPENDIX VII The Dutch Records 203 

APPENDIX VIII Shivaji's letter to Shahji 205 

INDEX ... ... 207 


frontispiece Shivaji The Great 

Facing P. 40 Grants to Ranas Dilipsinha and Bhairavji 
99 P. 41 Grant to Rana Ugrasen 
P. 48 Grant to Karan Sinha and Shubh Krishna 
Grant to Rana Bhimsinha 

P. 49 Grant to Raja Kheloji 

P, 64 Pfen of Old Bijapur City 

P. 65 View of Bijapur 

P. 72 Shahji and Malik Amber 

P, 73 Shivneri and birth-place of Shivaji 

P. 104 Grant of partition 

5f P. 105 Grant to Baji Ghorpade 

P. 128 Grant to Yashwantrao Wadwe 

P. 129 Grant to Baji Raje's son 

P. 144 Vellore Fort 

P. 145 Fort of Jinji 

P. 158 Forts of Daulatabad and Burhanpur^ 

P. 159 Interview of Father and Son 

P. 200 Bijapur Kings 

P. 201 Shah Jahan on his Peacock Throne 

P. 208 Translations of the last four grants. 




P. 15 & 35 



P. 35 & sub-) 
sequent [ 
pages. / 



P. 36 n 



P. 40 

Whose English 

The Eng. translation 
of which 

P. 52 

Extensive tank 

An extensive tank 

P. 56 

1645-1661 BajiRaje 

1645-1664 Baji Raje 

1661-1703 Maloji 

1664-1700 Maloji 

P. 110 



P. 133 



P. 162 

Kempa Gauda 

Kemp Gauda. 



1. Nature and extent of the records 

The nature and scope of the historical sources utilized 
in these volumes demand a close study at the outset. All 
the indigenous and foreign sources available at persent have 
been pressed into service for writing the history of Shivaji. 
Several biographies written on the basis of Marathi chronicles 
have been discarded, because these are more or less full 
of fiction, fable, traditional lore, racial bias, romance, 
chronological inconsistencies, and historical inaccuracies. 
Since the learned historian Rajwade mercilessly exposed 
the serious defects l of Marathi Bakhars, there has been 
aroused a keen spirit of quest for original documents. 
The efforts of the last thirty years have been finally 
crowned with success. The eminent scholar Sir J. 
Sarkar has thoroughly examined, criticised and adjudged 
the value of the sources for the history of Shivaji. Their 
intensive study led him to make a very cautious and sparing 
use of the Marathi material and to rely on the contemporary 
Persian and English Records. He has surely overstated the 
claim of both the sources by writing that 'the only contemporary 
records of Shivaji's and even Sharnbhuji's times that now 
survive are in English and Persian and not at all in Marathi'. 
The contemporary records are also in Dutch, French and 
Portuguese, It is to the credit of Sir Jadunath to have 
first utilized some material available in the last two ,European 
languages?, Though on account of the sack $nd destruction 
of the State archives during the long period of the Maratha 
war of liberation (1682-1707), no State papers, letters, memoirs 
or histories have survived, there* art diaries, letters. Firmans, 

* ' - A ' - ' "'V ' ' 

1. See-appendices for a searching criticism of the Bakhars. 


grant-deeds, legal documents and similar papers in Marathi 
and Persian which are very helpful in the construction of the 
history of the times of Shivaji. The learned and indefatigable 
historians like Rajwade, Parasnis and Khare made the collection 
of the Marathi material their life work. The B. I. S. Mandal 
of Poona has laudably supplemented their efforts, so that 
during the last thirty years many scholars and societies have 
immensely enriched this source. Though this perplexing mass 
of spurious and genuine literature requires a most careful and 
impartial analysis and critical examination, its value cannot 
now be underrated. 

2. The Dutch Records 

The Dutch material alone has not been tapped by Sir 
Jadunath Sarkar. The Dutch Factory Records in the India 
Office, both in English and Dutch, contain little material on 
Shivaji. The Dagh-Register is a mine of information, 
but being in the Dutch language, it remained a sealed book 
to us for a long time. The relevant portions have now been 
translated and are of great value in giving information, among 
other things, on the career of Shahji in the Karnatic and in 
constructing the history of the struggles between Bijapur and 
Shivaji on the western coast of India. The English and 
Persian material is not at all sufficient on the two preceding 
topics. Moreover, but for letters preserved in the Dagh-Register 
up to 1664, the history of the conquest of Kudal by Shivaji 
would have remained incomplete. After 1*665 references to 
Shivaji in the Dagh-Register become too meagre, as the 
Indian letters were from that time copied into a different 
register, known as " Incoming Letters." Some of these 
letters concerning the activities of Shivaji are fortunately 
preserved at Batavia and the Hague, All the relevant 
documents available at Batavia have been secured by me. 
Then the Hague Records Wfcre examined for several months, 
and a list of all the documents dealing with Shivaji up to the 
end of 1669 was snade. All these extracts have been translated 


into English and included in these volumes. The search for 
further documents covering the period of 1670 1680 will 
require at least six months more. Hence these could not be 
included in this edition. 

3. The Records in London 

The English Records are the most extensive, most 
reliable and the best preserved of ,all the European records 
available to us on Shivaji. These . consist of consultations 
and diaries of the Councils, copies of the letters sent and 
received from Surat, Bombay, Rajapur, Karwar, Fort St. 
George, etc. There are many volumes of Letter Books 
containing the despatches of the East India Company to 
their settlements and agents in the East Indies. The 
numerous volumes of original correspondence ( O. C.) in the 
India Office and C. O. at the Public Records Office in London 
have preserved copies of many important letters received by the 
Company from all its settlements. Then the Miscellaneous 
Records contain abstracts of letters from Surat, Bombay, 
Persia, Gombroon, 1 etc. 

4. Value of the Records at Bombay 

Still the Bombay Record Office contains some material 
on the period of 1630 to 1680. There are three manuscript 
series in which matter on Shivaji's life is available to some 
extent. These are: 

Surat Diaries No. 1 (1659-1696). 

Outwards or outward Letter Book of the Surat Factory 
( 1630 1700) 4 Volumes. 

Inwards Vpl. I (16461701). 

The dearth of material is fortunately supplemented by 
volumes known! as " Papers Unavailable in Bombay." These 
are typescript copies of letters, consultations, etc., which 
were available in the . India Office but missing in the 

1. Ct S. A. Khan, Sources for the Hilary of British India in the 17th 


Bombay Record Office. The cream was extracted by Mr* 
Forrest in his Home and Maratha Series, there yet remains 
a good deal in them relevant to our period. The presence 
of these volumes partially obviates the necessity of getting 
copies from the India Office. 

5. Use of the European Records 

More than a thousand extracts directly or indirectly on 
the career of our hero have been reproduced verbatim or 
referred to in these volumes. These are not only " very 
important for fixing dates, and invaluable in corroborating * 
facts, admitted by native historians/' but for filling up many 
gaps in the life of Shivaji. In the absence of these records, 
it would not have been possible to have any detailed and 
reliable account of the conquest of Kudal, 3 the capture of 
Rajapur and dealings of the Raja with the English, 3 the first 
sack of Surat, 4 the frequent raids on Surat,* the negotiations 
regarding compensation between Shivaji and the English, 8 
the Karnatic campaign, 7 Shivaji's expeditions against 8 
Janjira, the war between the Raja and the English for the 
occupation of Khanderi, 9 and raids on Hubli, Karwar, and 
many towns in Kanara and Khandesh. These have proved 
to be of highest value ift supplying confirmatory evidence 
on many doubtful subjects, like Shivaji's coronation, literacy 
and marriages, Netaji's desertion and reclamation, Sambhaji's 
revolt and return, Shivaji's flight to Rangana, ^nd so on* 
Similarly, much light is shed on many other controversial 

6. General value of the European Records 

Several important and extensive works have b^en written 
on the life of Shivaji. Each schdlar has attempted * n his 

1. Shivaj Chapter III. 2. x %&fji Chapter VJv 

3, n . VI. 4. , Vff. 

5. ., M XI. 6. ., Chafer* XII, XIII, XV, XVI. 

7. >. XIX. a. *. Chapter XX, 

9. ., Chapters XXI, XXIt 


own way to throw light on the main incidents and 
deeds of the fcero, btit the details have like blind alleys 
still to be lighted up. Every scholar must have performed 
the insuperable task of selecting a certain version or 
constructing a new story of some incident of the hero's 
life. The psychological process of selection and construction 
from a contradictory and confusing mass of details cannot 
be usually laid bare by a writer. It is to burden the book 
with details in which the ordinary reader is not interested. 
But those who, out of curiosity, ciesire to test the veracity 
of facts, require the complete material before them, so that 
they may judge whether the task has been judiciously and 
impartially performed by the various writers, 

This point can be illustrated by selecting four thrilling 
adventures of the career of Shiva ji, such as the murder 
of Afzal Khan, surprise of Shaista Khan, audience with 
Aurangzeb, and escape from Agra. There are several disputable 
points in each story and these need solution. It will be 
seen that the contemporary English Records furnish a 
reliable evidence on the various phases of Shivaji's life. 

7. Light on Afzal Khan's tragedy 

(a) The ttrenpth of Afzal Khan's army The English 
letter of 10th December 1660 states that the Khan was sent 
with 10,000 horse and foot. This is borne out by Tarikh-i-AH 
(II. 7), but Shivaji Pratapa, Rairi Bakhar, 91 Q. Bakhar, 
Tarikh-i-Shivaji have 12,000 force. 

Sabhasad says that there was infantry also besides 
12,000 horse* 

Chitnis, however, gives the figure of 30,000 men. 

(b) DimtiitiGfr qf temple*--* There is no mention of it in 
the English letters* The Dutch Dagh-Regfeter and the 
Portuguese jpeqftfti* as given by Mr. Pissurlencar do not 
refer to & : / *. .. 

The Rairi Bakhar is silent on the matter. 


The Chitnis B. and the Shiva frigvijaya remark that the 
Goddess at Tooljapoor and the God at Pandharpur were 
removed soon after the news that the Khan was going to 
demolish them. 

The Sabhasad B. and the Shivabharat allege that those at 
Tooljapur and Pandharpoor were desecrated. 

(c) SAwaji's treachery The contemporary English letter 
of 10th December 1659 clears up the issue of the murder of 
Afzal Khan. Its words are: 

" Because the queen knew with that strength he was 
not able .to resist Shivaji, she councelled him to pretend 
friendship with his enemy; which he did, and the other 
( whether through intelligence or suspicion it's not known ) 
dissembled his love toward him, and sent Ms mother as a 
hostage, assuring him of his reality. " 

This letter is explicit on the point that Afzal Khan was 
advised by the queen to have recourse to dissimulation and 
treachery and that Shivaji learning of the treacherous design, 
endeavoured to counteract the plot by various methods in 
self-defence. It was thus a fight of wits in which Afzal was 
ultimately outwitted by the shrewd and courageous Shivaji. 
Ravington did not consider the murder of Afzal Khan 
as an act of treachery. This contemporary view of the tragedy 
confirms the statements of the Marathi chronicles. 

(d) Weapon* used for murder Did Shivaji seriously 
injure Afzal Khan with his Waghnukh and dagger or did he 
use his dagger only or the sword ? On analysis the evidence 
filters down to this: 

1. Sabhasad Waghnukh and dagger, while Khan's 
bead was cut off by Sambhaji Kavji. 

2. Shiva Digvijaya (169) Waghnukh and sword, while 
the Khan's head was severed by Yesaji Rank. ' 

3. Chitnis (61) Waghnukh and sword, while the Khah 
was beheaded by Yesaji Kank and Tanaji Malusare. 

4. Jedhe Kariha Waghnukh fend sword. 


5. 91 Qalmi Bakhar (34) Dagger and sword; the 
|Chan's head was cut into, twain by SJiivaji himself. 

6. Tarikh-i- Shivaji Waghnukh, dagger, sword, 
Shamsah and other weapons. Shivaji used the first two in 
opening the stomach and then he cut the Khan into two 
with his sword. 

7. Shivabharat ( 20-16-23 ) The Bhawani sword only- 
there is no mention of a Waghnukh at all. 

8. Rairi B. Dagger concealed in his right arm. 

9. English Letter Dagger from out of his bosom. 

10. Fryer 'Slips a stiletto from under his coat sleeves/ 

11. KhafiKhan. Dagger only. 

12. Manucci. A small and very short lancet. 

13. Jedhe Sakavali. \ Wr> m *: m 
*A r* *. 'el*' r No mention. 

14. Basatm-i-Salatm. j 

The last eight sources which are mainly contemporary 
throw a doubt on the use of the well-known Waghnukh. 

8 Inuet of Shaiita Khan's surprise 

In the daring, exploit of Shivaji in which he surprised 
Shaista Khan, the following questions still remain doubtful. 
In case, of a fresh enquiry, the European records are of 
great help. 

(1) What was the strength of Shaista Khan's army ? 

.(2) Did Shaista Khan put up in Shiva ji's house at Poona? 

(3) With how many men did Shivaji or any one of his 
captains, proceed to the Khan's camp ? 
. (4) How was he surprised by Shivaji ? 

(5) How did the Khan make his escape ? 

(6) Where did the Khan receive injuries ? 

. . (7) How many and which important personages died 
in the scuffle ? 

(8) Was Shaista's daughter captured by Shivaji ? . 
, (9). Was Jaswant Singh won over by Shivaji and thus 
persuaded to remain neutral during this night attack ? 
Let us take up these questions 


(1) Strength of Skaiito'* amy. Shivaji Pratap (p. 90) 
says that Shaista and Randulla Khan were sent with a force 
of 60,000, but according to the 

91 Q. Bakhar(43)and 

Rairi Bakhar (14) 80,000. 

Sabhasad Bakhar (35) 1,00,000 horse, besides 
elephants, camels, war-chariots, etc. An ocean-like army 
with 32 crores of rupees was sent. 

Chitnis (96) 

Shiva Digvijaya 

- Do not mention the number of troops. 


Grant Duff 



(2) Shaista' s Residence, The evidence on this point 

is analysed below: 

Camp alone is mentioned in 

(a) Shivaji's Letter quoted by Mr. Gyffard from Rajapur, 
dated 12th April 1663, says that Shivaji ' got into his tent 
to salam. ' 

(4) 4th May 1663 A trusty servant of Rustam Jamah 
who was specially sent to enquire into the matters, makes the 

same report. 

(c) In a letter of 24th May 1663 from Kolhapur by the 
English merchants: "Shivaji going into Shaista Khan's tent." 

(d) 25th May 1663. Surat Letter to Madras ' Shivaji did 
lately in his own person set upon the tent of Shaista Khan.' * 

(e) Sabhasad ( Pp. 33-34 ) Nabob's tent and Nabob's 


Sabhasad ( P. 49 ) " Shivaji is very expert in treachery; 
when he entered my camp, he jumped forty, cubife from the 
ground and entered the pavilion ? "j , 

(/) Chitnis (p. IS) and Chitragupta Several times the 
the word " Tqnt " If as been used/ ^ '' r ' . " , 
I. See Shivaji Vol. I, ppi SO-&4. ' " ' 


(?) Thevenot 1 Having been informe4 that on a certain 
night he would be on guard near the tent of the General, 
the Raja went there with his men, and being let in by 
his Captain, he came to Chast Can. 

(h) John L'Escaliot, in a letter dated 26th January 
1664 " Hee therefore with 400 as desperate as himself 
enters the army undiscovered, comes to the generalls tent, 
falls in upon them, kills the guard. " 

(*VyOrme (Fragments, p. 11) "They got into the tent of 
Chasstt Khan after midnight, who escaped with a severe 
wound in his hand. " 

(j) Carre The Mughal General was far removed from 
his army, in a camp badly fortified and near a seraglio where 
he passed his time giving himself up to love and pleasures.... 
Shivaji conducted his troops up to the middle of the 
enemy's camp. " 

(*) Dow (III. 367 ; " Cutting their way through the 
screens which surrounded the tents of Shaista Khan, they 
entered that in which he slept." 

Palace or House is the place of the incident: 

1. Shiva Digvijaya(P. 220). The house where Shivaji 
formerly lived. 

2. Shivaji Pratap P. 90) Palace. 

3. 91 Q. Bakhar '43\ Rairi Bakhar ( Pp. 14-15) and 
Tarikh-i-Shivaji mention Lai Mahal, thus giving the impression 
that the incident took place in Shivaji's palace. 

4. De Guarda (P. 66) " He entered the lodging of 
Sextaghan which was in the very houses that Neotagy and 
Seuagy had built, and posted behind the walls of these houses 
he began to affect a breach with hand pikes, a strong wind 
prevented the noise which would otherwise follow, for 
Sextaghan himself had slept in the house." 

5. Scott (P. 10? " Passing without alarm to the Palace." 

6. 'Grant Duff House built by Dadaji Kondeva* 

7. Manucci (II. 104; " Outside it t he lived in a mud 
house that he hid caused to be bitilt near a tank. " 



8. Sarkar (P. 88) " Took up his residence in the 
unpretentious home of Shivaji's childhood. " 

We cannot ignore the evidence of the authentic 
contemporary letters. There could be no mistake in reporting on 
such a simple point. It appears to me that Shaista Khan and 
his personal retinue stayed in tents pitched in the compound 
of the Lai Mahal. The " unpretentious house " of Shivaji 
would have been too small for a rich grandee and a general 
of the rank of Shaista Khan. Some persons might be 
occupying the house itself, but the greater portion would 
have put up in tents. The sudden attack might have been 
led by Shivaji by jumping over or mining the compound 
wall. Escaliot, Carre, Thevenot and Fryer confirm the 
testimony of the English letters. 

(3) The number of men accompanying SAivajiinfo's attempt 
to surprise Shaista Khan Shivaji's own letter quoted by 
Gyffard 12th April 1663 400 choice men. 

24th May 1663400 men. 
25th May 1663 Surat Letter 400 of his men. 
There is unanimity in the English letters on this point, 
but the evidence of the Bakhars is contradictory. 
Chitnis (98; 2 to 3 hundred men. 
Sabhasad (33) 2 hundred men. 
Shivaji Pratap (98) 5 to 7 hundred men. 
Shiva Digvijaya 1 220) 4 to 5 hundred men, 
Tarikh-i-Shivaji-300 men. 
Khafi Khan 2 hundred Marathas. 
De Guarda Netaji and not Shivaji with 80 men. 

(4) Shaista Khan's surprise The difference in the state- 
ments on this point will be clear from the following evidence. 

Shivaji's letter quoted by Gyffard " Shivaji got into 
his tent to salam and presently slew all the watch. " 

The Nabob was in bed Chitnis (98 >, Rairi (15), Khafi 
Khan ( Elliot VII, p. 2ft) ), Scott (P. 1'0\ Sfanucci (II. 105). 

The Nabab had not gone to bed, but was sitting in the 
company of his wives. Sabhasad (P. 33 \ 


The Khan was in bed, but his wife was first awakened 
by the noise. Shiva Digvijaya (221), Sarkar (P. 90 \ 

" He came to Chasta Can, who being awakened " 


(5) Method of Man's escape. There is no mention of an 
escape froip a window in the five contemporary letters, neither 
in the Sabhasad, 91 Q. Bakhar ( 46 ) and Chitnis, nor in 
Thevenot, Escaliot, Fryer, Carre, Manucci, Dow, Orme, 
and Khafi Khan. 

All these contemporary accounts are confirmed by De 
Guarda, Sh. Dig. and Sh. Pratapa. 

Rairi (15) says that " Shaista Khan leapt over a wall 
that was in his way and got safe beyond it. " 

Grant Duff seems to have given currency to this story 
and it has been accepted by the later historians. 

In face of the unanimous evidence from contemporary 
writers, we cannot accept the statement of G. Duff. 

f 6) The statements regarding the injuries received by 
the Khan are also contradictory. 

Khan's thumb was cut off Rairi (15), Khafi Khan, 
De Guarda. 

Khan's small finger was cut off-Shiva Digvijaya (222), 
and G. Duff. 

Khan's two fingers were cut off-Chitnis. 

Khan's three fingers were removed-Sabhasad, Chitragupta 
and Dow. 

English letter-wounded. 

Bernier (187) -severely wounded. 

Thevenot-" wounded in the hand." 

Escaliot-wounded Shaista. 

Carre-wounded with two sword cuts. 

This point, I hope, will soon be settled by a close enquiry 
irom the accounts of Shaista Khan left by the English and 
Dutch Factors who had personal interviews with him and 
from the paintings available to us. For the present, we should 
restrict ourselves to the use of the wdtd 'wounded' only. 


(7 J Murder of Women:- A very detailed list of the killed 
persons is given in the English Letters. Herein it is said that 
several ladies and maids were murdered by Shivaji. 

During the affray which took place in that pitch darkness 
of the night, it is quite possible that a few ladies should have 
fallen in the scuffle in which blows were being indiscriminately 

Sabhasad(83) remarks that it was Chimnaji Bapu who 
performed this deed and not Shivaji. 

Scott (P. 10 ) and Sarkar (P. 90)- "Some female servants 
were also slain." 

Raire Bakhar 
Shiva Digvijaya 

make no mention of the slaughter 
of women. 

and Grant Duff 

De Guarda's opinion deserves attention: 
"Neotagy offered no insult to the women, for this sex 
is much venerated in Hindustan and they observe their 
customs better than the Europeans. These soldiers (nestes) 
had special reason for this, as it was the order of Sevagy who 
while he lived was both obeyed and loved. 1 ' ( P. 69. ) 

9. Wai Shaista Khan's daughter captured by Shinji ? 

Out of the five letters available on Shaista Khan's 
surprise, the Surat letter of 25th May 1663 alone gives the 
news of a daughter of the Khan having been carried away 
by Shivaji. The same statement is made by Escaliot and 
Thevenot, probably on the reports of the English Factors at 
Surat. Both assert that Shivaji treated her with respect and 
sent her back on getting a large sum of money as ransom. 

The Bakhars of Chitnis, Sabhasad, Rairi, etc., make no 
mention at all. Such a romantic event could not have been 
ignored by the Maratha chronicles. HentQ the story does not 
seem to be true* The incicfeht could not have escaped the 
notice of Manucci who had personal acquaintance with Shivaji 
as well as Shaista Khan. 


(9) Jdswant Singh, a great patriot at heart, was never 
reconciled to Aurangzeb's rule. It is, therefore, natural that he 
might have yielded to the overtures of one who was carrying 
on a war of Hindu liberation against all odds. 

The English letters, Manucci ( II. 104 ) , Dow ( III. 367 ) 
Orme (Fragments, p. II) and Scott (P. 10) refer to a secret 
understanding between Shivaji and Jaswant Singh, but there is 
no mention of it in Chitnis, Sabhasad and Shiva Digvijaya. 

Rairi and 91 Q. Bakhars wrongly assert that Jai Singh 
Mirza Raja was also sent along with Shaista Khan on this 
service. De Guardahas left a glowing account of Shivaji's 
diplomacy in this matter. 

" Jassomptissinga was a Gentio. Sevagy took advantage 
of this ( fact } for he was a ( Hindu) and sent him one night 
a rich present of precious stones, a large quantity of gold 
and silver with many rich and precious jewels. With these 
marvellous cannons Sevagy fought and reduced that fortress." 
(P. 64) 

"Jassomptissinga was less devout and more ambitious 
and so did not attend to these scruples; he was much obliged 
for the presents and still more for the promises for which 
he confederated with Sevagy promising not to obstruct his 
cause and even to connive at what ( Quanto must be a 
misprint for quando ) he might design anything against the 
Mouros." ( P; 66 ) 

10. Shivaji't audience with Annngzeb 

There seem to be as many versions as there are writers 
regarding Shivaji's audience with Aurangzeb. 

The account of Shimjts appearance in the Hall of 
Audience at Agra is variously given in different histories: 

Sabhasad ShiVaji made three salutes and offered a 
Nazar. ' 

Chitnis Shivaji did not make any obeisance, but the 
present was offered by Ram Singh on behalf of Shiviji. 
" Shiva iMgvigaya Though Shivaji' had agreed to* salami 


the king, yet he lost consciousness in rage and hence did 
not bow before the throne. 

91 Q. Bakhar and Rairi No salam was made either 
on approaching near or returning from the throne. 

Tarikh-i-Shivaji A low arch was put up to make 
Shivaji bow his head before the throne, but Shivaji passed 
through it with head backwards. He made no salam and was 
dismissed without any ceremonies. 

Dow Shivaji did not make the usual obeisance and 
showed contempt and haughty demeanour. So he was dis- 
missed, but through the intercession of Princess Zeb-un-Nisa 
he was given a second audience. Shivaji again behaved rudely 
and even asked the Princess* hand. Upon this Aurangzeb 
ordered him as a mad man from his presence. 

Alamgir Namah. He kissed the ground before the 
throne and made a large present. 

In my opinion, Shivaji was too shrewd to ignore 
the simple truth that a defeated foe and an uncrowned 
commander could not claim equality with the Emperor who 
was also his conqueror. Besides, he would not give offence 
to the Emperor from whom he had come to solicit the 
viceroyalty of the Deccan, It is very unlikely that Shivaji 
could jeopardise the chances of the success of his mission by 
neglecting the ordinary formalities at the very outset of his 
interview. Therefore, the version of the Sabhasad Bakhar 
and Alamgir Namah is acceptable here. 

SMvajt's place in the Durbar With regard to * the place 
where Shivaji was asked to stand in the Durbar, there is as 
usual much difference. 

91 Q. Bakhar and Shiva Digvijaya Shivaji sat near 
Rohilla Khan, the Prime Minister. 

Rairi They stood by the side of Rahim Rhan, a Pathan. 

Alamgir Namah He was given a seat near the throne 
among .celebrated nobles. 

Maaucci Instead of giving him the promised position, 


he assigned him the lowest place in the first circle of nobles 
within the golden railing. 

Sabhasad and Chitnis He was asked to stand behind 
Jaswant Singh. 

As the statement of Sabhasad and Chitnis is partially 
borne out by the English letters, it is to be preferred to others. 

The story of Skivaji's swoon The two contemporary 
English letters do not make any mention of Shivaji's fainting 
away in the Court. The Bakhars like the Sabhasad and 
Chitnis have the same version. The account is confirmed by 
Manucci, Thevenot, Carre, D'Orleans, Orme, Dow, Duff and 
the authors of the Tarikh-i-Shivaji and Alamgir Namah. 
The story of Shivaji's fainting is given by Shiva Digvijaya 
and Khafi Khan and adopted by such historians as J. Scott, 
Mill, Elphinstone, Beveridge, Montgomery, Martin, Douglas, 
etc. All contemporary and ancient authorities are unanimous 
on the point that Shivaji did not fall down in a swoon. Even 
Khafi Khan has expressly stated that Shivaji pretended to 
faint away. 

Attempt to commit suicide The story of Shivaji's readiness 
to commit suicide in the Durbar is given by Orme on the 
authority of Thevenot. It is as unbelievable as the statement 
of Sabhasad that Shivaji wanted to kill Maharaja Jaswant 
Singh. The latter had done no wrong, on the contrary had 
all along done very estimable service to Shivaji. Moreover, it 
was no fault of the Maharaja to stand in the front rank. 
Therfore Sabhasad's statement is most improbable. 

The guard on Shivaji The Shiva Digvijaya and the Rairi 
Bakhar state that Fulad Khan was appointed with 10,000 men 
to keep watch on Shivaji. This number is reduced to half by 
Sabhasad, and augmented to 25,000 by Chitnis. Manucci's 
figure seems to be most moderate when he writes that three 
corps of guards were posted round Shivaji's tent. 

Shit a)? 3 escape -Sabhasad, Chitnis and Shiva Digvijaya 
tell us the story of the baskets. It is confirmed by Fryer and 
Manucci (II. 139). But the Rairi Bakhar states that Shivaji 


went out with the men who were carrying the fruits. The 
contemporary English letters confirm the old Bakhars and 
hence their version alone is acceptable. 

Grant Duff has given the story that Shivaji and Sambhaji 
after getting out of the baskets, were carried away by a fleet 
horse to Muthra. This version might have been taken by 
him from Manucci (II, 139). But it is unsupported by the 
Bakhars. According to Shiva Digvijaya, Shivaji soon became 
a Bairagi and took the road to Kurukshetra. 

Sabhasad and Chitnis affirm that at two cosses outside 
the city, they left the baskets and set cut on foot to the village 
where Shivaji's Karkuns were. There they disguised them- 
selves as Bairagis and went towards Muthra on foot. A similar 
story is told in the Rairi Bakhar. 

The escape on horses under the circumstances seems to 
be very improbable, and I am inclined to believe the version 
of the Bakhars as true. 

Such details can be easily multiplied, but I hope that 
it has been fully proved that even important points in the 
career of Shivaji are yet disputable. 

On close scrutiny, the structure of each incident, exploit 
or expedition falls to the ground; only the foundation or basic 
fact of a particular event having happened, remains in tact. 
The details present such a kaleidoscopic variety that they even 
become vague. For the sake of accuracy and definiteness of 
details, the help of the English and European records of that 
period, is of supreme necessity. These throw a flood of light 
on numerous questions, though at times even these have to be 
accepted with caution. As a detailed comparison of different 
versions is sure to lead us to the right conclusions, there is an 
urgent necessity of the publication of all available material on 
the heroic life of the Maker of the Maharashtra. 

11. Imperfection! of the Persian and European material 

At the same time, we should ifot Exaggerate the 
importance of the European records. In fixirtg the dates-, 
the European despatches are surely useful in showing the 


lower and upper limits of the time of an event, but in 
many cases they do not give the exact date. This has to 
be searched from the Marathi material. For instance, the 
exact dates of the capture of Mahuli, Salher, Jawhar, 
Ramnagar, Satara, etc., of the murder of Afzal Khan, the 
raid on Shaista Khan, of Shivaji's departure for Agra, of his 
release from Agra, and even of his death, are not given. 
The Marathi Chronologies remedy this defect of the European 
records by giving many reliable dates. 

II. The European extracts chronologically put together 
are still isolated, or disintegrated facts, nay, even shreds 
of facts, and are no better than so many unhewn and 
irregular stones piled up in a chaotic heap. The historian 
has to weave them together into a fabric, after a critical 
analysis and a thorough search into their causal relation 
to each other. In this constructive attempt it is found 
that many necessary links are absolutely missing. Without 
the help of the Marathi material, it is impossible to 
construct an accurate and a thoroughly connected story 
of Shivaji. Even a cursory study of the fourth, fifth 
and eighth chapters on Shivaji, will make it evident that 
the European records furnish a very scrappy information 
on such important events as the murder of Afzal Khan, 
the surprise of Shaista Khan, and Jaisingh's campaign 
into the Deccan. Similarly, Shivaji's wars with the Deccan 
Kingdoms and the Mogul Empire, are casually and erratically 
referred to. Though the documents do not supply the 
whole information on these topics, they shed light on 
many obscure points. 

III. These records are deplorably deficient in furnishing 
an insight into or even a view of the religious, economic, 
intellectual, social, or cultural life of the people, nor do they 
present any picture of the financial organization and 
administrative system of the time of Shivaji. Again, there is no 
presentment of the individual life of the hero, his courtiers, 
family members or the prominent men of his time. The 



extracts mainly deal with wars, political changes, revolutions 
and their effect upon the maritime and internal trade that 
was in the hands of the Europeans. 

IV. It must be remembered that the European records 
are not naturally expected to speak about the hero, till he 
sprang into the lime light of fame by the total annihilation 
of Afzal Khan's forces in 1659. These give no clue to the 
hero's early career, nor do they speak of his ancestors. Thus 
the Sanskrit, Marathi and Persian material alone is useful 
for writing the history of Shivaji's ancestors. Prior to 1659 
we do not get much confirmation of our data from the 
European records. 

V. The Persian histories like the Muhammad Namah, All 
Namah, Basatin-i-Salatin, Badshah Namah, Khafi Khan's 
Muntakhab-ul-lubab are all written by the proteges of 
various sovereigns and hence they necessarily suffer from 
the sins of omission and commission, such as, suppression 
of impalatable facts, fulsome eulogy of the virtues and 
exploits of the rulers and their favourites, and unmerited 
condemnation of their enemies. 

Of the same type are the works like the Shiva Bharat, 
Radha-Madhava Vilas Champu, Pannal Parvat Akhyanam, 
and Sh. R. Kalpataru. 

They are expected to give a grandiloquent account of 
the exploits of Shahji and Shivaji. They are also without any 
chronological data. In fact, they are epics and are thus vitiated 
by the defects inherent in this literature. It only means 
that we must judiciously utilize all these works which are after 
all interspersed with facts of considerable historical value. 

In conclusion, it is superfluous to remark that both 
the indigenous and foreign sources are indispensable as 
confirmatory and supplementary to each other. It is now for 
the reader to judge how far the author has endeavoured to 
throw aside fables in favour <# truth 'by carefully carnparing,, 
critically examining, judiciously investigating and impartially 
interpreting the vast material at his disposal.. 



1. The incorrectness of available geneologies 

The Marathi chronicles on the life of Shivaji indulge in 
fable and tradition in writing the history of his near 
anncestors and they know almost nothing about the origin 
of the family. The Chhatrapati Raja Pratap Sinha of 
Satara, a descendant of Shavaji the Great, made a serious 
attempt for reconstructing a geneological tree of his ancestors 
in 1828. The original geneology made under his order by 
Munshi Madhavrao is still available in the Historical Museum 
at Satara. We learn that the information was collected from 
many important works. 1 

The geneology made after so much laborious research 
was accepted as true till recently, but the new documentary 
evidence shows its incorrectness. Moreover, no details of 
the careers of the ancestors of Shivaji were known. This 
gap can now be filled up on the basis of the unpublished 
grants and the manuscript chronicle of the family of the 
Mudhol rulers. 

2. The ancestry of Sajjan Sinha 

The Bhosles trace their lineage from the solar dynasty of 
Ucjepur which is itself descended from the great conqueror, 
Rama of the epic fame. In the 12th century the Solar 
dynasty had its rule at Chittor and Sisod. One Karan Sinha, 
Rawal of Chittor, had three sons. After his death, his 

1. Persian books: Labbuttavatnkb, Firishta, Jarae jahannuma, Araya- 
shamahfel, Kbawaif-i-Hindustan, Akber Naraab, Tawarikh-i-Bahamani* 

Hindi books: Maharaja's Bakhar. Vairat Cbaritra, Jayapur Bakhar. 
Ildepur Bakhar. Inscriptions on the Filter of Victory at Chittor, Hindustani 
Cbaritra. Kirfcoi Yadi (Misc. List ). 

Sanskrit book*: Bhagawat, Vishnu Puran, Manusmriti, Katyayana Sroritu 
Ramayana, RajiwiH, fiajya ti&yuktia, Jyotisfc TOaStfk Saur Puran. 


eldest son, Kshem Sinha ascended the throne of Chittor, white 
the second son, Maham, became the ruler of Sisod. The 
latter was succeeded by his younger brother Rahap. These 
Sisodia rulers were known as Ranas. The eighth descendant 
of Kshem Sinha was Ratnasinha or Ratnasi of Chittor, while 
the 10th descendant of Rahap was Lakshman Sinha of Sisod. 

It was this Ratnasi and not Bhimsinha or Lakhamsi 
( Lakshman Sinha ) who was the husband of the far-famed 
Padmini. We need not reiterate the story of the demoniac 
passion of Alauddin Khilji to take a forcible possession of 
Padmini, the peerless queen of Chittor and of the brave 
resolve of 15,000 Rajput ladies to prefer death on the burning 
pyre to the desecration of their bodies by the Muslims. "The 
fair Padmini closed the throng, which was augmented by 
whatever of female beauty or youth could be tainted by 
Tartar lust. They were conveyed to the cavern, and the 
opening closed upon them, leaving them to find security 
from dishonour in the devouring element." J This gruesome 
holocaust was followed by a terrible carnage of the bravest of 
the Rajputs in the battles with the imperial army. During the 
life and death struggle with Alauddin for the defence of 
Chittor, Ratnasi was killed and so was his kinsman Lakshman 
Sinha (Lakhamsi) with his seven sons. Thereupon Chittor 
fell into the hands of the Khilji conqueror on 26th August 
1303, but Ajaya Sinha (Ajeysi), the only surviving son of 
Lakshman Sinha continued to rule at Sisod. * 

To put a stop to the aggressions of the Sisodia Rana, 
the Delhi Emperor put Chittor under the charge of Maldeva, 
the Sonigra Chief of Jalor in 1314. Towards the close of 
Alauddin's reign, the Rajputs of Chittor threw the Muslim 
officers over the walls, devastated, the imperial territory, and 
asserted their independence. These excursions were probably 
made under the valourous lead of the famous Hamir, the 

1. Todd,RajitbM>,I>p. 311. 

2, OjbarHUtory of Rajputana, I, 44fr*; 456-73; 504-314. 


son of Ari Sinha who was the eldest brother of Ajaya Sinha. 
This boy, as he was brought up by his uncle, gave in 
early life proofs of an extraordinary dash and daring. The 
two sons of Ajaya Sinha once failed to put down the 
rebellion of a robber-chief, but Hamir, though very young, 
succeeded in bringing his head as a trophy to his uncle. 
Ajaya Sinha was so pleased with this exploit of his nephew 
that he accepted him as his successor. In a few years this 
noble scion of the solar dynasty, the ruler of Sisod, expelled 
Maldeva Chavhan from Chittor and thus brought together 
the territories of Sisod and Chittor under his sovereignty. 
Since then the rulers of Chittor were known as Sisodia 
Ranas; on the other hand, Ajaya Sinha's sons, Sajjan Sinha 
and Kshem Sinha, being disinherited by their father, left 
for the Deccan as soldiers of fortune. The elder brother 
was destined to found a line which gave birth to Shivaji, the 
founder of the Maratha Empire. 

Ancestry of Sajjan Sinba 

Rawal Karan Sinha of Chittor 

Kshem Sinha Maham Rafaap 

| ( became ruler (succeeded Maham 
Ratnasi of Sisod. ) at Sisod) 
( 8th descendant of I 

.Kshem Sinha at Chittor) Lakshman Sinha 
who was married to (10th descendant of Rahap 
Padmani ). | at siaod ) 

I | 

An Sinha Ajaya Sinha 


,o*8i064*txl Sajjan Sinha KAemSirfia 


jtwo bvottafes went to 


3. Ran* Sajjantinha of the Solar Dynasty 

It has been seen that about 1320 A. D. Sajjansinha 
came down to the Deccan with a devoted band of followers 
to try his luck. A few years after he seems to have entered 
into the service of Hasan Gangu who afterwards became 
the founder of the Bahmani Kingdom. Muhammad Shah 
Tuglaq, Emperor of Delhi, marched towards the south to 
put down the rebellion of Hasan Gangu and other rebellious 
captains. In one of the battles fought between the armies 
of the imperialists and rebellious Sardars, Sajjansinha and 
his son Dilipsinha distinguished themselves in the service 
of their master. 

Daulatabad was captured by the rebels who chose 
the valourous Hasan as their king. After the successful 
establishment of the Bahmani Kingdom in 1347, the first 
king, Ala-ud-din Hasan Gangu Bahmani, conferred upon 
the Ranas the jagir of several villages in Mirat, a district 
in the province of Deogiri, the ancient capital of the 
Yadavas, which was christened Daulatabad by Muhammad 
Shah, This jagir is still in the enjoyment of the 
descendants of Sajjansinha. 

4, Rana Dilipsinha, a commander of the Bahmani Kingdom 

Dilipsinha had another opportunity of proving his own 
valour and the chivalry of his Rajput soldiers in the war 
between the Kings of Gulbarga and Vijayanagar. The 
Firman granted to him in November 1352 A. D. by the most 
valiant and victorious Ala-ud-din Hasan Gangu Badshah, is 
up to this day in the possession of the Rajasaheb of Mudhol 
who is a direct descendant of Dilipsinha, The latter is 
addressed as 'Rana* and *Sardar-i~Khaskhel/ The title of 
' Rana ' proves that Dilipsinha was descended from the Sisodia 
Rajputs. In the Firman he is called the grandson of 
Ajayasinha. This name has been skipped over in the accepted 
geneologies. Thus we have not to depend upon legends and 


fables, but on the stern and solid facts of history regarding 
the ancestry of the Bhosles. The English translation of this 
first Firman is given below: 

"Being pleased with the valiant deeds displayed 
on the battle-field by Rana Dilipsinga, Sardar-i-Khaskhel, 
the son of Sajjansinha and grandson of Ajayasinha, ten 
villages in Mirat, Taraf Devagadh (Deogiri), are granted 
to him for the maintenance of his family. So in accordance 
with his desire they should be given over to him. Dated 
25th of the month of Ramzan. 753 A. H." 

The Mss. Mudhol Bakhar adds that the jagir was first 
conferred on Sajjansinha and then confirmed and continued 
in the name of Dilipsinha. The latter is said to have ruled 
for 15 years and died in 768 Hijri or 1367 A. D. 

5. Heroic deeds of Sidhoji 

Rana Sidhoji, the son of Dilipsinha, faithfully served the 
Bahmani Kings. He was instrumental in putting down the 
rebellion of Bahauddin, the commandant of the Sagar Fort, 
and was therefore conferred the command of that territory. 
After some time, Sidhoji or Sidhaji assisted Firozshah in 
gaining the Bahmani throne. He was killed in a battle in 
Hijri 789 (1388 A. D.) and his son Bkairoji fought very 
bravely, though he too was ultimately overpowered by the 

The part played by Sidhoji is thus described by Firishta: 
"Suddoo, a slave of the royal family commanded in Sagur. 
He was rich and powerful, and received the Princes with open 
arms omitting nothing to evince his attachment to them. On 
the next day, Ahmud Khan and Feroze Khan addressed a 
letter to Shums-ood-Deen Shah, as also other letters to the 
principal nobility, stating that their design was only to 
expel Lallcheen, whose treachery to the late king, and whose 
other numerous crimes, which had cast dishonour on the 
royal family, were known to all; They demanded, therefore, 
that he should be punished, after which, the Princes 


promised to pay due submisson to the authority of 
Shums-ood-Deen Shah: declaring, till this object were 
obtained, they would use every means in their power to 
effect his destruction. 

Shums-ood-Deen Shah, consulting his mother and 
Lallcheen, sent back an answer which served only to inflame 
the Princes, who with the assistance of the commander 
of Sagur, having collected three thousand horse and foot, 
and with the full confidence that other troops would join 
them from the capital, marched towards Koolburga. 
Disappointed in this expectation, they halted for some time 
on the banks of the Bheema, without being aided by any 
chief of consequence. It was, however, agreed that the 
Princes should advance with the regal canopy carried over 
the head of Feroz Khan. On this occasion his brother 
Ahmad Khan was raised to the rank of Ameer-ool-Omra, 
Suddoo to that of Meer Nobat* and Meer Feiz Oolla Anjoo to 
to the office of Vakeel, or Minister." ' 

6. Bhairoji or Bhimaji 

In a few years, Firozshah succeeded in gaining the 
throne. In recognition of the devoted service of the father 
and son, the King bestowed the township of Mudhol with 
the adjoining 84 villages upon Rana Bhairoji in Hijri 800 
(1398 A. D.). This territory is curiously enough even 
now in the possession of the descendants of the Rana. 
The details of the events relating to the grant of Mudhol 
are mentioned in a Royal Firman whose English translation 
is given below. 

Firman of Firozshah Bahmani to Rana Bhairoji in 1398 

"On account of the ignorance of the Ruler and 
mis-government due to the short-sightedness of Amirs, some 
servants of the Empire had, disregarding their duty, thrown 

1. J- Briggs, Hist, of the Re of the Mahomedan Power in India Vol. If, 
pp. 35S-359; Firisbta'f ftfetory of Defckaafry Jonathan Scott, Vol. I, pp. 6J-4B, 


off their allegiance and had become so bold as to sow the 
seeds of treason in the Government of the Kingdom. In 
this full attention and courage of this disciple of the 
Almighty was wholly engrossed. To counteract this influence, 
uproot it and sweep the dirt from the garden of the Empire 
our action was delayed. So we were obliged to postpone it and 
afterwards our crystal-clear mind and heart were the recipient 
of the idea that with the counsel of some loyal and devoted 
persons attached to us and of those who were gifted with 
foresight, we should find out those that have full confidence 
in our policy and are prepared to sacrifice their lives for it, 
and (with their assistance), we should destroy the ungrateful. 
Actuated by this resolve, we proceeded towards Fort Sagar 
with an army and unfured the flag. Rana Siddhaji, Thanedar 
of Sagar, on receipt of the news of our Imperial presence, 
came to receive us and loyally joined our cause and girding 
up his loins eagerly attached himself to us. Acquainting 
himself of our unswerving resolve, he took great pains and 
rendered service at the risk of his life. Whatever was 
told him, was satisfactorily arranged by him. Whenever 
the enemy tried to surprise us and do us harm, this 
faithful soul was aware of it and was ready to resist the 
same and thus he fell and sacrificed himself in the thick 
of the fight. Shortly afterwards, by the grace of the Almighty 
our object bore fruit and came within our realisation. At this 
time I ascended my ancestral throne by great fortune and 
luck. Siddhaji's son, Bhairava Sing who had fought shoulder 
to shoulder with his father against our enemies and had 
showed great courage and ability, attracted our Imperial 
notice as one deserving of royal favours. So in recognition 
of these qualities of one deserving recognition, and in view 
of the sacrifice of his life, Mudhol and the adjoining 84 
villages in the Taraf Raibag have been granted as a mark of 
royal favour to the said Bhairavasingji. So he should take 
possession of this jagir and enjoy the same from generation 



to generation and should be diligent in rendering imperial 
service in the cause of the Empire." 1 

Dated 25th Rabiulakhir. Year 800 A. H. ( 15th January 

It is this Bhairavji, Bhosaji or Bhosla, the first Rana of 
Mudhol, from whom the family is said to have got the surname 
of Bhosle. The Rana with his two sons quelled the 
rebellion of the chiefs of Raibag. His elder son Karansinha 
was killed in an engagement with the rebels in Hijri 80cS 
( 1405/6 A. D. ) and two years later ( 1407/8 A. D. ) the 
Rana himself died in the service of his master. Thus he 
ruled Mudhol for ten years. 9 

7. Rana Dewaj and Ugrasen 

His second son, 3 Devaraj distinguished himself in the 
service of the King for 16 years and then his heroic son, 
Ugrasen, saved the life of his master Ala-ud-din Ahmadshah 
Bahmani when the latter was surprised by a detachment of 
the Vijayanagar King in his hunting expedition. In recognition 
of this signal service, a Firman was issued in the Hijri 
j'ear 827 ( 1424 A. D. ) in the name of Ugrasen which 

1. As these Firmans were not available to Mr. C. V. Vaidya, the 
distinguished historian of Maharashtra, he has indulged in wrong surmises in 
giving a brief career of Sajjan Sinha and his successors in Sh. Ch. N. App. 
Pp. 8, 10, 11. 

2. In the Mss. Mudhol Bakhar ( Pp. 71, 83 ) he is also called Bhoraji and 
Bharavsinha. He died at the age of 47. Hence he must have been born in 
1360 A. D. In the Firman he is not called Bhosaji, but the Mudhol Chronicle 
gives both the names. Mr. Raj wade's suggestion that the surname Bhosle was 
adopted from the village Bhos or Bhose in the Paithan district, cannot be 
accepted, unless it is proved that the village was the home of the family. 

3. According to Chitnis (13), Devaraj, being the son of Bhosaji, was 
known Bhosavant Bhosle. He came to the Deccan in 1200 Shaka and became- 
a polygar of some tracts on the banks of the Ganga and Bhima. He also 
secured the Patilship of Shingnapur. Afterwards the villages of Khanvat* 
Hingani, Beradi, Dewalgaon, Verul, Wavi, Mungi were obtained by his 
successors and thus they grew into pdwjer. 

This traditional account is not at all confirmed by the Firmans or th& 
Mudhol Chronicle. Some of the above-mentioned villages were granted to 
Maloji by Nizam Shah as late as the end of the 16th century. 


is still in the possession of the Rajasaheb of Mudhol. Its 
English translation is given here. It is important in 
mentioning the names of the four generations of the 
Bhosle rulers and the jagirs enjoyed by them. 

From the Court of Sultan Ahmed Shah to Rana Ugrasen in 1424 

" The generous mind of this humble servant of the 
court of God ( i. e., the undersigned himself ) is always 
inclined to this that the servants of this Kingdom who have 
been in service for a long time, are faithful and are doers of 
good action, may ahvays remain busy in performing their 
proper and elevating duties and be happy and free from anxiety. 
The purpose of introducing this expression is that Sidhji Runa, 
Thanedar of Sagar and his son Bhairava Sinr/ y \vho are the 
great- grand-father and grand-father of Rana Ugrasen, son of 
Rajsingh Deo Rana, stood beside us in the period of Firoz 
Shah Bahmani whose son was the refuge of brotherhood and 
lias now got a resting place in Paradise. At the time of his 
accession to the throne, Sidhji was of great use (i. e., 
sacrificed himself). Then in the battle with the Raja of 
Vijayanagar Ugrasen also displayed great bravery and valour. 
All that is engraved on our mind. 

In the same manner from the beginning of this Kingdom, 
the ancestors of his family have been faithful and life- 
sacrificing for this great sovereignty. Therefore the cherishing 
and sustaining of this family is very necessary and incumbent 
on our high heart's desire, and for that purpose the Jagir 
of Mudhol and 84 villages in the dependencies of Raibag 
which \\ere granted to Bhairva Singh by the refuge 
of brotherhood (i.e., our brother Firoz Shah) and 
in the direction of Mirat and the environs of Pathri some 
places have teen given from old days, all these we allow 
Avith great pleasure, to continue on Ugrasen, so that he may 
serve us with satisfaction. 

Dated the 8th Shawal Year-827 A. H.-3 Sept. 1424" 

It should be marked that the ancient Jagir in the 


district of Mirat near Daulatabad was being enjoyed even 
in 1424 A. D. by the Bhosles of Mudhol. 

8. Dominion of the Bhoslei in 1454 

Rana Ugrasen alias Indrasen with his brave brother 
Pratapsinha was engaged for several years in carrying on a 
war in the inaccessible parts of the Konkan. In one of the 
battles, Ugrasen fell a captive in the hands of the Shirke 
chief of Khelna, but was ultimately released by his heroic 
sons ' ( 1453-5 A. D. ) For this service the brothers got 
as jagir some part of the Wai Pargana. a Thus it will be 
seen that by 1454, the Sisodia Bhosles enjoyed jagirs in 
such distant places as Mudhol, Raibag, Wai and DevagirL 
After Ugrasen's death, his two sons, Karansinha and Shubha 
Krishna, faithfully served the Bhamani ruler for several years. 
But on account of some misunderstanding, the younger 
brother Shubha Krishna with his uncle Pratapsinha went to 
the ancient family jagir in Devagiri and settled down there 
about the year 1460. Thus the families of these two brothers 
were separated. 

9. The Ghorpades of Mudhol 

The elder family which was ruling at Mudhol, obtained 
the name of Ghorpade for scaling the fort of Khelna ( Vt&halgad) 
with the help of ropes tied to an iguana ( Ghorpad ), and the 
new title of ' Raja Bahadur ' in place of ' Rana ' was conferred 
upon the rulers of Mudhol. This important event which 
proved to be the turning point in the history of the family, 
has been briefly described by no less a personage than the 
Bahmani King himself in his Firman granted to Rana 
Bhimsen. The unrestrained encomiums showered upon 
this ' Tiger ' and * Rustum of his age ', exhibit the great 
esteem in \vhich he was held by his master, Muhammad 
Shah Bahmani. In the Kenkan wars this family came to be 

1. Firman of Ala-ud-din II to Karna Sinha and Shubh Krishna in 1454 A.D. 

2. Mss. Mudhol Bakhar, p. 120. 


attached to Usaf Adil Khan who afterwards became the 
founder of the Bijapur Kingdom. Thus their fortunes were 
for centuries afterwards bound up with the Bijapuri Kings. 

Muhammad Shakes Firman to Rana Bhimsen who was 
made Raja Ghorpade Bahadur 

" In these auspicious times our lasting Empire is 
spreading, and all our objects and wishes are fructifying by 
the blessing of the Almighty. At such an auspicious juncture, 
Sayad Azim Humayun, expert in the art of arms and 
writing, faithful, one whose position has been recognized 
by the world, the chosem of the Amirs of the Durbar, the 
representative of the Empire, Malik-ul Tujar Muhammad 
Gawan alias Khajp, Jahan, brought to our Imperial notice tha 
ftana JBhimsing, the son oj Karaming and the grandson of 
Ugrasen, the tiger in the forest of courage and bravery, the 
soaring bird in the ocean of valour, the pre-eminent among 
men, the mighty, the skilful man of actions, the leader 
of warriors, the Rustum in conquering forts, the vanquisher 
of tigers, the destroyer of military arrays, the greatest 
well-wisher of the throne (Dowlat), ever ready to sacrifice his 
life, a lover of truth, worthy of royal grace and favours, 
the commander of three thousand foot and horse, displayed 
wonderful manliness and uncommon bravery in conquering 
the forts in the Konkan. Having secured hundreds of 'Samars' 
called ' Ghorpads ' with the help of the Deccanees, and 
having tied ropes round their waists, he made them ascend 
at night the ramparts towering to the sky. By that very 
means, the father and the son scaled the fortress with some 
brave men when the watchmen were asleep, and they 
suddenly presented themselves on the tops of the walls like 
the God of Death himself. They unsparingly cut down 
the guards and sent to the abode of the God of Death 
with their swords all those that offered resistance and opened 
the castle gates. Those brave men of the army that 
waited outside the grates of the castle rushed in and with 


the aid of their weapons sent the enemies to the next 
world. Thus he conquered the fort and acquired fame and 
glory. At this critical opportunity fCaransing was killed and 
fell Mo the jatos of death on the battle-field. 

Bhimsing's loyalty and his hard exertions from the 
beginning of his life, his heroism and bravery have been 
greatly appreciated by us and consequently in return for such 
service, unequalled heroism and exertions, the possession of 
Mudhol with its 84 villages has been given to him as heretofore, 
with the object of perpetuating the House. Besides this, the 
forts in the two Parganas of Raibag and Ben ( Wai) have been 
handed over to him and in place of the title ' Rana ' the 
high title of * Raja Ghorpadc Bahadur has been conferred 
upon him and the flag with the sign of ' Ghorpad ' ( Iguana) 
has also been given to him. Henceforth he should use it 
( as his banner ). 

He should ever remain grateful for these gifts and should 
be ever ready and diligent in expanding the Empire and be 
intent on service from generation to generation. 1 

Dated the 7th day of Jamad-uHVwwal San 876-22 

Oct. 1471. 

10. Guerilla warfare 

It should be remembered that the Prime Minister 
Muhammad Gawan opened a campaign for the conquest of 
the Konkan to avenge the disgraceful defeat and the total 
annihilation of the Muslim army under his predecessor 
Malik-ul-Tujar at the hands of Shirke of Khelna and the 
Maratha ruler of Sangumeshwar in 1455. The method 
of guerilla warfare for which the Maratha troops were 
afterwards so famous under Malik Amber and Shivaji, is seen 
at its best in the wars between the Bahmani forces and 
the Konkan irregulars. It is worth noticing that the Muslim 
army under Gawan was unable to capture Khelna or the 

1. A detailed account of the capture of Khelna is given on pp. 139-143 
of the Mss. Mudhol Bakhar, The Firman Is reproduced on pp. 145-46 of the 
same Bakhar. 


Formidable Fort ( Vishalgad ). It was the Maratha force 
under Karansinha and his son Bhimsing or Bhimsen that 
ultimately succeeded in conquering the impregnable castle 
from its Maratha ruler. 

After the murder of Muhammad Gawan, the Bahmani 
Kingdom fell into confusion, and the provincial governors 
began to rebel against the imperial authority. During these 
troublous times the help of the loyal rulers of Mudhol was 
eagerly sought by the Bahmani Kings. ' At present some 
evil-doers have started quarrels and are now showing 
eagerness to fight. At this juncture, the presence of one 
who has stood the test by trustworthiness and valour, is 
highly desirable at the capital." l 

11. Mudhol rulers under Bijapur 

Two years after the establishment of a new monarchy 
at Bijapur, the first Sultan Usaf Adilkhan confirmed the 
ancient Jagir, Mansab and title on Raja Kheloji Bahadur 
Ghorpade and made him ' Sarfraz ' in 1491 (Firman 6). 
He most faithfully served his masters and even laid down 
his life in defending Bijapur during the invasion of Amir 
Barid in 1514 at the battle-field of Allapur. Later on, his 
son Maloji who was then more than 30 years old, very 
bravely saved the life of Sultan Ismail in a war against 
Vijayanagar in 1520 and this exploit has been faithfully 
described in the Sultan's Firman itself ( No. 9 ). In 
consequence of his valour, he was exempted from performing 
salutation in the court. The King also permitted the use 
of the Morchals to the rulers of this family. Even after 
four hundred years this emblem is still in vogue in this 
distinguished house. Raja Karansinha, the grandson of 
Maloji, took such an important part in the famous battle 
of Talikot in 1565 that he had to sacrifice his life in the 
cause of his master. For this faithful service his son 

1. Firmans 7th and 8th of the Hijri year 901 or 1496 A. D. and 896 or 
A. D. in the name of Raja Kheloji Ghorpade. 

2. Mudhol Bakhar, Pp. 184-212. 3. Ibid. P. 213 et seq. 


Cholraj was raised to the dignity of the commander of the 
seven thousand horse and given Torgal and some territory 
of the Raichur Doab for the expenses of this army* 
( Firman 10 ). Later on, Cholraj and his uncle were 
employed in subduing Bancapur and Sira which were under 
the Vijayanagar Polygars. 26 villages in the Vijayanagar 
Kingdom proper and 4 villages to the south of Sira were 
conferred upon Cholraj. He finally laid down his life 
in a Karnatic expedition in 1578. It is worth noticing that 
the Bijapur kings were employing the Maratha Sardars 
for conquering the Hindu rulers of the Karnatic after the 
fateful battle of Talikot and they were conferring Jagirs 
upon them for their faithful services. All the three sons 
of Cholraj were long employed in subjugating the Polygars 
of the Karnatic, who now and then gathered such a strength 
as to inflict a defeat on the Imperial army and to capture 
some part of the annexed territory. After a faithful service 
of 20 years, Piraji was succeeded in 1598 by his son 
Pratapsinha who won many distinctions in the Bijapur 
Court ( Firman 11 ). The employment of Shahji for the 
same purpose and the bestowal of a Jagir upon him 
were merely a continuation of the same old policy of pitting 
Hindus against Hindus. The Ghorpades and other Maratha 
Sardars were also employed in the Karnatic expeditions 
after 1636, as they had been frequently employed before* 
When Shahji was surrounded in the fort of Mahuli in 
1636 by the Bijapur army under Randulla Khan, Pratap 
Sinha and his son Baji Raje Ghorpade, were serving 
under the Bijapur commander. The very first opportunity 
taken by Shahji to wreak vengeance upon his Ghorpade 
kinsmen was to stir up the cousins of Raja Pratap Sinha for 
requesting the King of Bijapur to grant them a share in 
the ancestral Jagir which was being solely enjoyed by 
the Ghorpades of Mudhol. By his influence Shahji secured a 
portion of the Jagir for Pratapsinha's cousins Baharji 
and Maloji, and thus weakened the Mudhol rulers. This and 


the other family feuds embittered the relations of the two 
branches of the Bhosle family to such an extent that the 
Ghorpades thwarted the Bhosles in their attempt to throw 
off the Muslim yoke. They remained ultra loyal to the 
Bijapur Kings up to their overthrow by Aurangzeb and then 
they transferred their allegiance to the Mogul monarch 
against the national interests. The Ghorpade family founded 
principalities at Kapsi, Gajendragarh, Sondur, Dattwad, etc. 
which have lasted up till now. The greatest contribution 
of the Ghorpades during the war of independence against 
Aurangzeb was in the form of the matchless general Santaji 
Ghorpade whose very name struck terror into the hearts of 

the Moguls. 

12. The Bhosles of Devagiri 

Having reviewed the history of the Ghorpades up to 
the time of Shivaji, we take up the study of the younger 
branch of the Bhosles. The famous Shivaji is a lineal 
descendant of Shubha Krishna whose successors continued 
to live in Devagiri for several centuries. In time they adopted 
service as captains in the Nizam Shahi army and rose to 
important positions by dint of their daring and valour. No 
firmans are yet available with the scions of this family. 
From the dynastic trees which have come down from various 
sources, it appears that Rupasinha, Bhumendrasinha, 
Dhopaji, Barhattji, Kheloji, Jankoji, Sambhaji, Babaji, 
Maloji, and Shahji were the names of the direct ancestors 
of Shivaji. This geneology is critically examined in the 

The preceding account makes it clear that Sajjansinha 
migrated with his younger brother to the Deccan about 
1320 A. D. Nothing is known about him till he got an 
opportunity to serve Hasan Gangu in the fifties of the 
fourteenth century. 1 There is no mention of the grant 
of the Patilship of Shingnapur in the firmans. Chitnis 

1. The famous Babmani Kingdcm waS fbutfded by Hasan Gangu in 1347 and 
it was ably ruled by him till his death in 1358. 



knows nothing about the exploits of the Ranas described 
here on the basis of the firmans. Keluskar and Takakhav, 
as well as Kincaid and Parasnis who have followed Chitnis in 
this account are ipsojacto incorrect. 

Sarkar too has relied upon the traditional account and 
made certain observations on Shivaji's ancestors, which, we 
hope, will be revised by him in the light of these documents. 

" Agriculture was their original occupation, as with 
most Marathas. But the break up of the large monarchies 
of Western India, ( namely, the Bahmani at the end of the 
15th century and the Nizam Shahi at the beginning of the 
1 7th ) opened to the ablest men among them the chance of 
rising to military power and lordship over land. The history 
of Shivaji's family illustrated this transformation of the tiller 
of the soil by successive stages into the bandit, the captain 
of mercenaries, the feudal baron, and the sovereign ruler, 
which was so frequent during the troubled times that followed 
the downfall of central powers like the Bahmani or the Delhi 
empire and ended only with the establishment of British 
paramountcy and British peace." l 

The Firmans clearly prove that the Bhosles were neither 
agriculturists nor bandits. They did not rise to power at the 
close of the Bahmani Kingdom, but their fortunes shone from 
its very beginning. Even in 1454 they possessed Jagirs in 
Mudhol, Raibag, Wai and Devagiri, while later on Torgal and 
some territories in the Karnatic were granted to them. 

Nothing is known of the several descendants of Shubha 
Krishna either from the Maratha chronicles or the documents 
which have been discovered up till now. This gap is closed 
up with the material available on the career of Maloji, the 
grand-father of Shivaji. 

13. Maloji 

By referring to the geneological trees of Shivaji's 
ancestors 5n the appendix, it will be seen that Sambhaji is 
1, EhivajiP. 16. 


common in three lists and is shown as the father of Babaji in 
two of them. Shedgaonkar Bakhar (P. 2), however, gives Maloji 
as the name of Babaji's father. It is difficult to choose between 
the two till same confirmatory evidence is available. Still a 
recent Bakhar can not be much trusted. Babaji is said to have 
been born in 1530, and to have lived up to 67th year of his 
age ( Raj. V. 367 ). He had two sons Maloji and Vithoji who 
were born in 1550 and 1553 ( Sh. Dig. and Chitnis ), but 
in Shedgaonkar B. ( P. 2 ) Maloji's birth year is said to be 
1552. It is said that Maloji entered into Jadhavrao's 
service in 1577 A. D., i. e., at the age of 27 or 25 years 
( Duff), but, according to Shiva Digvijaya, in the year 1599 
A. D., that is, when Maloji \\as 49 years old. Further on, 
it is alleged that Maloji's wife did not have any issue for 
a number of years, hence she sought the benediction of a 
Muslim saint Shah Sharif. When afterwards two sons were 
born to her in 1594 and 1596/7, they were named Shahji and 
Sharifji after the name of the saint ( Sh. Dig. 37-38 ). It 
is evident now that, according to this account, Maloji 
passed the first 49 years of his life at Verul as an agriculturist. 
He and his brother migrated to Sinkhed for service and 
became sentries or guards in Jadhavrao's mansion at 
Sinkhed on a monthly pay of 5 pagodas. The contradictory 
statements in the preceding account cannot be verified from 
any other source. But we cannot believe that Vangoji 
Naik Nimbalkar, the chief of Phaltan, would have given 
away his sister Dipabai or Uma in marriage to Maloji, if 
he were an ordinary cultivator or a sentry in the service 
of Jadhavrao. 

The Shivabharat introduces Maloji as a Maratha 
ruler of the Solar dynasty in the Maharashtra. This 
heroic son of Babaji was staying in the district of Poona 
and tried to extend his po\\ cr over the territory adjoining 
the banks of the Bhima and the mountainous region 


of the Sahyadris. He married Vangoji Nimbalkar's sister 
Uma l by name, built extensive tank on the Shambhu 
Hill, constructed many mansions, gardens, wells, rest-houses, 
etc.. He had grown so powerful that several feudatory 
Rajas were at his command. This famous Sardar was 
invited by the Nizam Shahi King to fight on his side 
against the Bijapur Sultan and therefore he and, sometime 
after, even his brother Vithoji went over to Devagiri 
with their large armies. The brothers distinguished 
themselves in the Nizam Shahi service and obtained a new 
jagir from their master. The military services of Maloji 
are recorded in the Tanjore Inscription. The fortress of 
Ausa was besieged by the Bijapur general Dilawar Khan, 
but it was most heroically defended by Maloji. Four 
years later, the said Dilawar Khan joined Nizam Shah and 
he carried fire and sword into the Bijapur territory. In 
this destructive expedition the general was assisted by the 
Nizam Shahi troops under Maloji. Then Ibrahim Shah's 
brother Ismail became a rebel and raided the territories of 
Kolhapur and Belgaum. He was helped by Nizam Shah with 
troops under Maloji. For services like these the latter secured 
the command of 5,000 horse, and thus became a great noble 
of the Nizam Shahi State. We learn from a document of 1596 
A.D. that Patgaon on the bank of the Bhima was in their jagir. 
This town must have been really given to Babaji Bhosle 
(Nos. 10-11 of P. S. S.), and it rose to very great prominence 
in the days of Shivaji when the Mogul armies used to encamp 
there. The Poona Jagir was entrusted by the brothers for 
management a to their ministers. While Maloji was staying 

1. Radba-Madhava Vilas Champu (267). the Tanjore Inscription and a 
document ( Rajwade VIII. 71 ) confirm this name, but the Bakhars name her 
Dipabai, That this latter name is incorrect is also clear from a letter of Shahji 
in which he gives ' TImai as the name of his mother who seems to have been 
living up to the end of 1644 ( No. 498 P. S. S, ). It is likely that Dipabai 
might be her name before the marriage, 

2. The names of the two brothers occur together as managers of the jagirs. 
P. S. S. Nos. 26-29; 36, 92, 


at Davagiri, a son was born to him and he was named ShahjL 
Two years after another son was born and he was named 
Sharifji. These names are said to have been given in honour 
of a saint whose name was Shah Sharif. In the 5th year 
of Shahji's age, Maloji was sent with a large army to put 
down a rebellion. However, in the battle of Indapur * he 
was killed a in 1606 A. D. His wife was dissuaded from going 
Satti with her husband for the sake of her sons. Vithoji 
became the guardian of his nephews, and kept peace and 
order in the estates which had been confirmed upon them 
by King Murtiza Nizam Shah. It appears that Maloji and 
Vithoji obtained the title of Sargiroh (Leaders of Armies )- 
They were granted the three Parganas of Ellora, Dheradi r 
Kannrad and some more villages in the districts of 
Jafrabad, Daulatabad and Ahmadabad in 1606. 3 Thus it is 
now evident that Maloji Raje held two large estates, one 
at Poona and its surrounding regions, and the other in the 
several places of the Nizam Shahi Kingdom. He was an 
eminent Sardar even before migrating to Daulatabad, but 
his status must have been much improved by the acquisition 
of the new Jagirs. He is said to have constructed the temple 
of Ghrisneshwara at Ellora which exists up till now. This 
Maloji Raje Bhosle also constructed a tank at Shingnapur, 
and granted some land and money to a religious 
society there. 4 This town continued in the possession of 
the family, as is borne out by a document of December 
1611. fi There are some grants by Vithoji Raje Bhosle 
of the year 1613. He must have died before 1621, 

1. A ialuka in the Poona District, 

2. Shedgaonkar Bakhar wrongly gives 1542 Sh. or 1620 A. D, as the year 
of Maloji's death. 

3. P. S. S. Nos. 26-29. 

4. P. S.S. No. 33. 

5. P. S. S, Nos, 53, 54, 55. 

6. P. S. S. Nos. 62, 95. 


though there are grants of his sons from 1616 to 1636. * 
14. Tentative chronology of Shivaji'f ancestors 

A. D. 1303 Ratansi and Lakshman Sinha died in the siege 

of Chittor. 

1320? Sajjan Sinha migrated to the Deccan. 
1340? Sajjan Sinha entered into the service of Hasan 


? Sajjan Sinha fought against the Imperial army. 
1347 Sajjan Sinha got a grant of a few villages in 

the Meerat district in the province of Devagiri. 
1352 The grant of this jagir was confirmed upon 


1367? Sidhoji was made Mir Naubat. 
1388 Sidhoji was killed in a battlle. 
1398 Bhairoji or Bhosaji was granted Mudhol with 

eighty four villages. 
1405 Karansinha, the eldest son of Bhosaji, was 

killed in a battle. 

1. P, S. S. Nos. 72, 127, 130. The names of Vithoji's sons were: 

Si. D,g. 36 Sh. Bh. Ill 3-4 

Sambl aji, Khetaji, Sambhaji. Kheloji, 

Parsoji, N?goji, Parsoji. Nagoji. 

Mayaji, Trlmbakj', Mambaji, Trimbakji. 

Makaji, Maloji. Vakkaji, Mallaji. 

Rajua^e XV. 395 has Kakaji for Vakkaji oat of the seven names. 91 Q. 
Bakbar (2) mentions ten sons and names Kheloji and Mambaji only, 
P, S. S. has several rames mentioned in many grants: 

Sambhaji Nos. 56 127, 176, 169, Ekoji No. 130 ? 

Dasoji No. 72 ? Kheloji Nos. 317, 380, 382, 418. 

Maloji Nos. 127, 178 Parsoji No.412. 

Trimbakji Nos. 484, 485. 

There is, however, one grant of Vithoji Raje ( No. 204 of P. S. S. ) in 
1624 March to the Karkun of S'lirwal. If it is a genuine document, it will mean 
that Vithoji was alive in 162 J, thougi he is said to have died before 1621 
(No. 127 ), Though a large part of the administration of his jaghirs was handed 
over to his sons and there was a division of gold among the brothers in February 
1623. P. S. S, Nos. 177-78. The grant No. 204 is of the same type as No, 291 from 
Malik Ambar in April 1629, though he had died in May 1626. Such are also 
the grants Nos. 169 and 176, as Sambhaji died in 1621. 


A. D. 1407 Bhosaji died in the service of the King. 

1423 Devaraj died. 

1424 Ugrasen succeeded. 

1454 Some villages in Wai Pargana were granted to 


1455 ? Ugrasen died in taking a Konkan fort. 
1460? Shubha Krishna went over to his jagir in 

Meerat and left his elder brother Karansinha 

in the enjoyment of the Mudhol Jagir. 
1471 Karansinha was killed in conquering the fort 

of Vishalgad. 
1471 Bhimasinha became the first Raja Ghorpade 

Bahadur. His family was to use a flag with 

the emblem of Ghorpad ( iguana ) on it. 
1491 Kheloji was made Surfraz. 
1514 Kheloji was killed in an attack on Bijapur by 

Kasim Barid. 

1520 Maloji saved the life of Sultan Ismail. 
1522 He was exempted from prostration in the court. 
1530? Babaji Bhosle was born. 
1550 or 1552? Babaji had a son whom he named 


1553/4? Maloji's younger brother Vithoji was born. 
1565 Raja Karansinha died in the battle of Talikot. 

His son Cholraj was given Torgal and a 

command of seven thousand horse. 
1578 Cholraj died and was succeeded by Pilaji. 
1596 Patgaon on the Bhima was under Babaji 


1598 Pratapsinha succeeded Pilaji. 
1602 Shahji was born to Maloji's wife Uma. 
1604 Sharifji was born. 
1606 Maloji and Vithoji got new jagirs from Nizam 

1606 Maloji was killed in the battle of Indapur. 


A. D. 1616-36 Various grants made by Vithoji's sons are 


1621 Vithoji died. 
1636 Pratapsinha and his son Baji aided Randulla 

Khan against Shahji. 

The Bhosle and Ghorpade rulers of Mudhol 

Years of rule. 

1352 Sajjan Sinhadied. 1548-1565 Karansinha. 

1352-67 Dilipsinha. 1565-1578 Cholraj. 

1367-86 Sidhoji. 1578-1598 Pilaji. 

1386-1407 Bhosaji. 1598-1645 Pratapsinha. 

1407-23 Devaraj. 1645-1661 Baji Raje. 

1661-1700 Maloji. 
1424-1455? Ugrasen. (Mudhol Bakhar P. 120 makes it 

1457, for he is said to have governed for 

34 years). 

1455-1471 Karansinha. 
1471-1491 Bhimasinha. 
1491-1511 Khcloji (Mudhol Bakhar P. 212 puts 25 

years' rule). 
1511-1531 Maloji. 
1531-1548 Akhaiji. 



1. Shahji's personality and education 

Shahji, the son of Maloji, is said to have oval eyes, a 
fine, parrot- like nose, a beautiful face, long arms and a 
handsome body. He was generous, ' mild, wise, brave, 
valorous, and deeply learned in Hindu law-books and 
literature. His court-poet Jayarama has compared him to 
Arjuna in bravery, to Vikramaditya in generosity and King 
Bhoja in learning. 9 The poet has explicitly stated that a 
part of a stanza was composed in Sanskrit by Shahji 
himself for being completed by him as a test of ready 
wit and power of versification. His sons, Sambhaji and 
Ekoji, w r ere also fairly fond of poetry and literature. They 
too composed lines to test the poetic powers of Jayarama. 
The names of about 75 poets and Pandits who were at 
one time or another in the service of Shahji, are mentioned 
by the poet. This assembly of Indian intelligentsia recruited 
from various parts of the country, represented a Babel of 
tongues, such as Sanskrit, Prakrit, Persian, Kanada, Hindi, 
Urdu, etc. Shahji living in the company of such learned 
men who spoke thirty-five languages, must have become 
a poly-linguist. 

The poet has finally expressed Shahji's contribution to 
the revival of the sacred Sanskrit literature in a couplet. 
*" The Vedic word which had been lying insensate for a 
long period, was brought to senses by the valour of Shahji. 
She prayed Brahma to divide India into two parts between 
Shahji and Shah Jahan. The former protected the Vedas 
and other sacred literature against the inroads of the 

1. Sh. Bh. II. 13-20. 

2. Radba Madhava Vilasa Champu. 217-18. 



Mlechhas and revived the same by his generous donations." 
It is now evident that Shahji was fairly educated in classics, 
was intensely fond of the company of scholars and anxious 
to revive the almost dead Hindu literature at a time when, 
on account of the neglect or persecution of Muslim kings, it 
had reached its lowest ebb. 

2. Marriage of Shahji 

At the time of the death of his father, Shahji was 
four years old. Hence he must have been born in 1602. 
Sharifji was two years younger. Both these sons were 
brought up by their mother under the general supervision 
of their uncle, Vithoji. J When Shahji grew to handsome 
and lusty manhood, when he had shown himself to be a 
generous and valiant youth endowed with excellent qualities, 
he was married to Jijabai, the beautiful daughter of 
Jadhavrao who is said to be as rich as Kubera, the God 
of wealth. This Lakhoji Jadhavrao was descended from 
the Yadava Kings of Devagiri or Daulatabad. He was 
the Deshmukh of Sinkhed and had the right to 
command 10,000 horse in the Nizamshahi Kingdom. Shahji's 
brother Sharifjji was soon married to Durga, a daughter 
of Vishwasraja, the chief, of Junner. ( Sh. Bh. VIII. 
10-1 5; II. 65). Shahji's marriage must have taken place 
in 1619-20, for then only he would be a youth of 17 to 
18 years of age. * The Shiva Bharat states that this 
valorous warrior Shahji \\ho was comparable to Bhishma 
and Prithwiraj of old, soon afterwards rose to the first 
rank among the Nizamshahi nobility. 

1. Sh. Bh. II. 44, Kincaid ( I, 114 ) and G Duff ( P. 40 ) wrongly place the 
birth years of the two brothers in 1594 and 1597 A. D. 

2, Chitnis, G. Duff and Kbare place the marriage of Shahji in 1604 A. D.,. 
while the dissension created in the Rangapanchami festival is said to have 
occurred in 1599 (G. Duff 40-41). Sh. Dig (43) gives 1603 aud Shedg. mentions, 
1605 as the year of Shahji's marriage. All the Bakhars wrongly state that this, 
marriage took place in Daulatabad. G. Duff (P. 41 ) places the scene of marriage- 
at Ahmadcagar. He too is wrong, as it was then in the possession of the Moguls* 


It will be seen that the Shivabharata makes no reference 
to the anecdotes of the Bakhars. For instance, it is not 
said that on the day of the Rangapanchmi in the Holi 
festival Lakhoji was very much impressed with the graceful 
and charming figure of Shahji who was merely a boy of five 
years; that he publickly expressed the desire that Shahji 
and his daughter Jijabai would make a fine couple, and 
that taking advantage of this public offer, Maloji pressed 
his claims to the recognition of the betrothal. But the 
ladies of Jadhavrao's household resented their connection 
with an ordinary soldier in their own service. Thereupon 
Maloji is said to have left Ahmadnagar on a pilgrimage to 
Tuljapur. There he received the benedictions of the Goddess 
Bhavani, and on his return invited Lakhoji to a duel. On 
the other hand, the 91 Q. Bakhar and the Shedgaonkar 
Bakhar relate the story that Maloji, to obtain the hand of 
the daughter of Jadhavrao, proceeded with Nimbalkar of 
Phaltan to Daulatabad w here they threw two dead pigs into 
a mosque. The aggrieved Muhammedans approached the 
King for redress. But it was found out that Maloji had 
committed that atrocity to revenge himself on Jadhavrao. 
The latter was called to the Court and reprimanded for not 
giving his daughter in marriage to Shahji. In the meantime, 
Maloji, instead of being punished, was conferred the dignity 
and title of the lord of 5,000 horse ' and given Poona and 
Supa 2 in fief, and made commandant of the forts of 
Shivneri and Chakan with the title of Raja. Thereupon his 
marriage was celebrated with great eclat in 1604. 

This unreliable account has been followed by Waring, 
Grant Duff, Kincaid, Takakhav and even by Sir J. Sarkar, 

1. Sh. Dig. (P. 42). Other Bakhars mention a mansab of 12,000 horse being 
conferred or. each one of the two brothers, Maloji and Vithoji. See Waring. 

2. Sh. Dig. (P. 44) adds Paramati, Sangamner, Chandwad. Shevgaon, 
Patode, Ambade and others; Nasik with its 27 forts; and ten Parganas and 
Mahals in the province of Malwa, but there is no confirmatory evidence. It is 
said that even the city of Burhanpur was given to Maloji This assertion is 
wholly unreliable. 


but the Sabhasad Bakhar or the contemporary letters and 
authors like Jayarama and Parmanand do not refer to this 
romance and hence we have discarded it. 

3. Vicissitudes of war in the Deccan. 

It is well-known that in 1600 Ahmadnagar was ceded to 
Akbar after its most heroic defence by the illustrious Chand 
Bibi and the ignoble murder of this amazonian queen by her 
perfidious nobles. Malik Amber and others removed the new 
king Murtaza Nizam Shah II first to Ausa and then to 
Parenda forts. In 1607 Amber captured Junner and made 
it the seat of Nizam Shahi Kingdom. 1 Then in 1610 he 
founded the new city of Khirki a near Daulatabad and brought 
the king to that city. 

These successes of the Abyssinian minister exasperated 
Jahangir who in 1610 appointed Khan Jahan Lodi, a general 
of the relief forces, to help the Khan Khanan for crushing 
the versatile Malik Amber. This Lodi was the second son 
of Daulat Khan Lodi, a distinguished warrior of Akbar's 
time, and rose to the high rank of 5,000 horse on account 
of his martial talents. In spite of this additional force, 
even Ahmadnagar had to be surrendered to the Deccanis. 
Though Khan Jahan displaced the Khan Khanan as Viceroy, 
yet he was no match for Amber who succeeded in cutting 
off a large part of the Mogul army in the Konkan by 
means of his guerilla bands. Jahangir, being enraged at the 
incapacity of his generals, once more sent the Khan Khanan 
in 1612 to the Deccan. During this campaign success 
smiled upon the Imperialists on account of Muslem and 
Maratha desertions from the army under Malik Amber. 
The victorious Moguls captured and plundered the new 
capital of Khirki, then demolished its magnificent buildings 
and even burnt the city to ashes. The war was temporarily 

1 , Brigg's Firishta III. 315-20. 

2. Khirki or Kharki signifies the Rock City from ' Khark * which means 
a rock. Its name was changed into Aurangabad by Aurangzeb. ( Basat 
in-i-Salatin. P. 221 ). 


brought to an end by Prince Khurram in 1617, when the 
Malik bowed before the storm, ceded the Balaghat which 
had been seized from the Moguls, surrendered Ahmadnagar 
and other forts, and gave valuable presents to pacify the 

Three years after in 1620, the Malik broke the treaty 
and once more vigorously began his offensive against the 
Imperialists. After a severe struggle in which the Mogul 
and Nizam Shahi territory was mercilessly devastated, the 
Moguls were besieged in Balapur and Burhanpur. The 
Maratha light horse even advanced as far as the environs 
of Mandu itself. At such a critical time of national 
disaster, all eyes turned towards Prince Khurrum, but he 
refused to march until he was permitted to take his 
eldest brother Khusrau a hostage with him. The extreme 
necessity of saving his honour at that time of an impending 
crisis, compelled Jahangir to comply with Khurrum 's 
demand. Success soon smiled upon this prince. His 
advance guard easily drove the Marathas from Mandu 
and pursued them with great slaughter across the 
Narbada. The Prince rapidly marched to the relief of 
Burhanpur. The Deccanis raised its siege at the very 
approach of the Imperial army, and were then pursued 
to the very gates of Khirki, the capital of the Nizam 
Shahi Kingdom. Malik Amber was defeated within sight 
of Kharki in 1621. The capital was again captured and 
demolished. Another Mogul division advanced to relieve 
Ahmadnagar. Hard pressed from all sides, Malik Amber 
offered submission to Shah Jahan. A peace was concluded 
by which all the three Deccan monarchies accepted to 
pay a tribute of 50 lakhs of rupees. It appears that 
Jadhavrao, Shahji and Nimbalkar of Phaltan bravely fought 
on the side of Amber in this war. Shahji by his 
constant raids upon the Moguls, proved his valour, dash 
and generalship for the first time. 

The prince retired to Burhanpur, and busied himself 


in the organization of the Deccan provinces. In that 
very year ( 1621 ) he put to death his elder brother 
Khusrau. This unnatural crime was condoned by Jahangir 
for various reasons. Soon after the Persians laid siege to 
Qandhar. As its fall was imminent, Shah Jahan was 
commanded to hasten back from the Deccan. Being afraid 
that Nur Jahan's junto would jeopardise his claim to the 
throne during his absence in Afganistan, he refused to obey 
the orders. His revolt, defeat and flight ' need not be 
described here. It will suffice to see the result of this 
internecine war on the Deccan. Malik Amber, freed from 
the danger of a vigorous offensive of the Moguls, turned 
his energies to the consolidation of the state. How r ever 
the ill-fated Kingdom was dogged by a series of misfortunes, 
the first of which was the desertion of the most prominent 
noble Jadhavrao. 

4. Jadhavrao's desertion to the Moguls ( 1621-30 ) 

Bitter enmity was accidentally created between the 
Bhosles and Jadhavrao. One day at the end of a court levee 
in 1621 there was a very great rush in the retinues of the 
various war-lords. The elephant of one Sardar Khandagale 
getting out of control, trampled several men. Jadhavrao's 
son, Dattaji, ran to control the animal. In the scuffle, 
Vithoji's sons Sambhaji and Kheloji and then Shahji too 
advanced to save their friend Khandagale against Dattaji. 
The latter was killed in this fight, and hence Jadhavrao 
returned with his retinue and killed Sambhaji and wounded 
his son-in-law Shahji. The king himself came upon the 
scene and separated the two parties. He was disgusted 

1. <( Concerning the Affairs of the Mogal with his Son, they said that 
Sultan Chorrom, having been twice routed, had at last retreated with some few 
followers into the Dominions 'of Cutab-Sciah; and that his Father had given over 
pursuing him and, being retired to his own Court, left him there in quiet; that 
Cutab-Sciah did not assist him out of his Territories out of respect to himself 
but let tim enjoy the possession of a certain small circuit in his Country to 
which he had retired*'. Travels of Petro Delia Valle in India, Vol. II. P. 419. 


with the pride, -power, and prestige of Jadhavrao and began 
to mature schemes against this powerful lord. Thereupon 
this premier Maratha chief with all his adherents left 
Daulatabad in October 1621 and allied himself with the 
Moguls against his master Nizam Shah 1 . The defection of 
this Maratha baron was also the fruit of the policy of 
Prince Shah Jahan who, as Viceroy of the Deccan, had been 
sowing intrigues amongst the Nizam Shahi nobles. Up to 
1630 Jadhavrao was with the Moguls as is stated in a Surat 
letter and in the Maasir-ul-Umrav. 2 He was treated with 
special honours. Even the princes of the royal blood did 
not enjoy such an eminent position. 

" The manner in which the Moghuls received and 
rewarded him, is, in itself, a proof of the great power and 
consequence which the Mahrattas had by that time attained. 
A munsub of 24,000, with 15,000 horse, was conferred 
upon him, and such of his relations as accompanied him 
\vere all raised to high rank." 3 

5. Capture of Poona by Shahji, 1621 

In 1620 Poona seems to have been governed by one 
Rayrao on behalf of Bijapur. This place was governed 
from the fort of Bhuleshwar or Daulatamangal. At the 
news of the termination of the friendly relations between 
Adil Shah and Nizam Shah, Rayrao began to collect 
money by oppressing the subjects. Shahji was despatched 
against him by Malik Amber to turn him out of the 

1. Sh. Bh. Chapter III; E. F. 1618-21, pp. 317 n, 318, 332 Cf. Jahangir's 
Memoirs (II. 218): 

" In the sixteenth new year (of Jahangir's reign i. e. 1621 A. D ) it was 
reported to me ( Jahangir ) that Jadao Rao Kaitha ( or Kathia ) who is one of 
the leading Sardars of the Deccan, by the guidance of good fortune and reliance 
on God had elected for loyalty and had been enrolled amongst the loyal 
servants. Bestowing on him a dress of honour and a jewelled dagger, I sent a 
gracious Firman to him by the hand of Narayan Das Kathor." 

2. E. F, 1624-9. p. 176, 6 February 1627. 

3. G. Duff, p. 43 and confirmed by the Maasir-ul-Umrav. 


district. On the faithful performance of this service Shahji 
obtained the Mokasa or superintending pbwers of the 
Parganas of Poona and Shirwal from Nizam Shah: 
This incident still more embittered the relations of the 
two monarchies! * 

6. The siege of Bijapur by Amber 

The desertion of Jadhavrao and the conquest of 
Poona were taken advantage of by the Moguls and the 
Bijapur ruler in cementing their alliance and jointly 
invading the Nizamshahi territory. Thereupon Malik Amber 
concluded an alliance with Golconda, and by forced marches 
surprised and defeated the Bijapur troops at Bidar. After 
plundering that magnificent city, he hastened towards the 
capital of Bijapur itself and laid siege to it. At the same 
time he devastated the surrounding country, and raised the 
siege only on the arrival of a large reinforcement from the 
Imperial army. The allied Bijapuri and Imperial forces 
then advanced into the Nizamshahi territory to wreak 
vengeance upon the Malik, and encamped near the village of 
Bhatwadi. a 

7. Bijapur described 

The great traveller Mandelslo who visited Bijapur in 1639 
has left this impression of the city: 

" The City of Visiapour is of puch a. largeness, that it 
is above five Leagues in compass. The walls which are very 
high, are of Free-Stone, encompassed with a great Ditch, 
and several Fortifications, mounted with above a thousand 
great Pieces, of all sorts, Iron and Brass. The Kings Palace 
is in the midst of the City, from which it is divided by a 
double wall, and two Ditches, being above 3500 paces in 
compass. He who commanded there in the time of Sultan 
Mamedh Ideshacn ( Muhammad Adil Shah ) the Son ot 

1. Sh. Ch. Sahitya I, 16-17; 19-30. 

2. Elliot VI, pp. 412. 415. 


of Ibrahim, was called Mammouth-Chan ( Mahmud Khan ) 
by Countrey an Italian, born at Rome. His command 
extended also over the City, and the 5000 men who kept 
Garrison therein, besides the 2000 who were the constant 
Garrison of the Castle. The City hath five distinct Suburbs, 
where the principal Merchants have their habitations and 
particularly in that of Schanpour, \\herc live most of the 
Jewellers. The other Suburbs are called Gurapour, 
Ibrahimpour, Alapour and Bomncnaly. The Inhabitants 
are Decanins, that is, of the Kingdom of Decani, or Bcnjans, 
Moguls, and Jentives, of \\hom an account hath been 
given before." ' 

All these various suburbs and places of interest can be 
seen in the accompanying plan of the city which has been 
photographed from the original, now kept in the Bijapur 

8. The battle of Bhatvadi in 1624 

The Shiva Bharata contains a detailed description of 
this battle. It is said that the Bijapur army was under Mulla 
Muhammad who was assisted by the feudal armies of Mustafa, 
Masaud, Farhad, Sarja Yakoot, Khairat, the Brahmin 
Dhundiraj, 2 Ghathe and many other Maratha chieftains. 
The Mogul army was officered by such veterans as Lashkar 
Khan, Jalal Khan, Khanjir Khan, Sikandar Khan, Bahadur 
Khan, Brahman Udairam, Vishwanath, and Jadhavarao with 
his three sons. 

The Nizamshahi army was commanded by Malik Amber 
Fateh Khan, Mansur, Atashkhan, Joharkhan Shahji, Sharifji, 
sons of Vithoji, Hambirrao C ha van, Mudhoji Nimbalkar 
Bramhan Nrisinha Pingle, Sundar Raja and others. 

In October 1624 the invading armies of the two allies 
were boldly faced at Bhatvadi or Bhaturi, 10 miles distant 

1. Mandelslo's Trai'els into the East Indies. Pp 72-73. 

2. J. Ch.; Sh. Bh. Chapter IV; Sh. Ch. Pr. Pp. 53-4. and Tanjore Inscription. 


from Ahmadnagar, by the Nizamshahi war-lords. Many 
Maratha Sardars distinguished themselves on the battlefield 
of Bhatvadi. Sharifji, the younger brother of Shahji, was 
killed in an action with a Mogul commander Manchehr by 
name. Shahji particularly distinguished himself for his 
generalship by ultimately routing the army of this commander. 
Jadhavrao and Udairam are said to have fled away from 
the field without striking a blow. Mulla Mahammad ] fell 
at an early stage of the fight, and many officers of the 
allied army including Ikhlas Khan and Farhad Khan of 
the Bijapur forces, were made captives. Farhad Khan was 
disgracefully executed, and his army broke up in utter disorder. 
So were other chiefs of the imperial army imprisoned, 
but Khanjar Khan with several other commanders made 
an escape to Ahmadnagar which they prepared for a siege. 
The rest of the fugitives sought refuge in Barhanpur. The 
victorious Malik Amber lost no time in laying siege to 
Ahmadnagar as well as Barhanpur, and in capturing the whole 
Mogul territory of the Balaghat. This crushing defeat was 
also followed by two great disasters to Bijapur. The rich 
town of Sholapur which had long been a bone of contention 
between Nizam Shah and Adil Shah, was stormed and 
captured by the former. Moreover, the triumphant king 
sent a large army, numbering 60,000 strong to once more 
invest Bijapur itself. The metropolis escaped from the 
fury of the besiegers, but they burnt down, destroyed 
and razed to the ground the new and fine suburban city 
of Nauraspur which had been lately built with a great 
taste by Ibrahim Shah. a 

The remarkable victories of Malik Amber over the 
combined armies of the Delhi Empire and the Bijapur State 
spread his fame far and wide. The world did little know 
that the brilliant successes were not all due to the energy 

1. This account from the Persian sorrces is not so reliable as that of 
P. D. Valle who learnt the news at Goa only a few days after the battle. 

2. J. Ch.; Sh. Bh. Chapter IV; P. S. S. No. 224. 18 September 1625. 


of the octagenerian Amber, but were to be largely attributed 
to the valour and tactics of Shahji and other Bhosle 

Malik Amber's chances of success in inflicting another 
serious blow to the Imperialists grew more brilliant by the 
union of Prince Shah Jahan who had retreated from the 
north to take refuge in the Nizamshahi Sate. Shah Jahan 
vigorously pressed the siege of Barhanpur for several months, 
but the city was most heroically defended by the Rajput 
levies. At last, a relieving force was brought by prince 
Parvez and Mahabat Khan. Thereupon Shah Jahan and 
Malik Amber raised the siege of Barhanpur and retired 
towards the Balaghat. 1 

Pietro Delia Valle, the famous Italian traveller has 
referred to this battle of Bhatvadi in these lines: 

" On October the one and thirtieth (1624) news came to 
Goa that Melik Amber, who for a good while successfully 
warr'd against Adil-Sciah, at length in a victory had taken 
one Mulla Muhamed, General of Adil-Sciah's Army and 
much favor'd by him; who by his ill demeanor towards the 
said Melik ( even so far as to endeavour to get him poyson'd ) 
was the occasion of the present warr, wherein Melik's chief 
intent was to revenge himself on the said Mulla Muhamed: 
whom being thus taken, they say, he beheaded and caus'd 
him in that manner to be carry'd about his Camp with this 
Proclamation: that this Tray tor Mulla Muhamed, the cause 
of the warr and present discords between Adil-Sciah and 
Nizam Sciah, (to whom this Melik is Governour, otherwise 
Friends and allies, was thus in the Name of his Lord 
Adil-Sciah, as a Traytor and disturber of the publick Peace, 
put to death. By which act Melik meant to signifie that he had 
no evil intention against Adil-Sciah, but onely took up Arms 
for the mischiefs done him by Mulla Muhamed, whom he 

I. Beni Prasad, History of Jahangir, Pp. 390 95; E,F. 1624 9, Pp. 151- 
353, 161, 316. Gladwin.P. 76, ... 


desired to remove from the Government of Adil-Sciah and 
from the world. Yet it was not known how Adil-Sciah 
received this action, and what end the business would have. 

In this warr, they say, the Mogol favoured Adil-Sciah 
against Melik and supplied him with 20,000 Horse, but, be 
that how it will, Adil-Sciah hath hitherto always gone by 
the worst and sometimes been in great danger; Melik w r ho is 
a brave Captain, having over-run all the State almost to the 
Gates of Vidhiapor, which is the Royal City of Adil-Sciah 
where he hath sometimes been forced to shut himself up as 
if it were besieged. A few moneths before Adil-Sciah put 
one of his principal Wives to death, for conspiracy which 
she was said to hold with Melik, and for having been a party 
in promoting this warr, out of design to remove Adil-Sciah 
from the Government as one become odious to his own 
people, either through his covetousness, or inability 
( being infirm ), and to place his son in his room, who 
therefore was in danger too of being put to death by his 
Father when the conspiracy was discovered. " ! 

9, Shahji in Bijapur service ( 1625-28 ) 

In the campaigns against Sholapur and Nauraspur the 
Bhosles performed signal service, but instead of giving 
Shahji due honour and dignity, the Nizam Shahi government 
rewarded his cousins for the victory. This act naturally 
created a suspicion in his mind against Malik Amber, Nizam 
Shah as well as his cousins. Mutual jealousy soon grew into 
enmity among the cousins. In a short time, Shahji was 
satisfied that his stay at the court was no longer safe. Like 
his father-in-law Jadhavrao, he decided to retire from that 
service. Ibrahim Adil Shah of Bijapur was raging for revenge 
on Malik Amber for the brutal indignities piled upon him 
and his general during the late war. He offered the honourable 
post of Sarlashkar of the Bijapur army to Shahji and thus 

1. The Travels of Pietro Delia Valle in India. Vol. II. Pp. 442-443. 


a new alliance was made against Malik Amber. 1 This was 
the first desertion of Shahji which has not been noticed by 
many historians, but has been fully described by the 
Shiva Bharat and confirmed from the Tanjore Inscription 
and other sources. For instance, in the famous letter 2 written 
by Shivaji to Maloji Ghorpade of Mudhol, it is said that 
Shahji went to Bijapur in the reign of Ibrahim Shah before 
the death of Malik Amber which happened on 14th May 1626. 
Hence the desertion of Shahji must have ocurred in 1625. 

In the beginning, Shahji Bhosle Adil Shahi began to 
act as an independent chief in his Jajir of Shirwal, Poona 
and Karyat Patas, but he suffered a terrible defeat at the 
hands of Sabaji Anant, the commander of Nizam Shahi 
troops which were sent to oust him from his possessions. 
The Bijapur army which came to assist Shahji was cooped 
up by the Nizamsahi forces in the Salpa pass in 
December 3 1625. This reverse was soon after retrieved, as 
he successfully resisted the armies of Malik Amber which 
were again sent to capture his Jagir. 4 

Thereafter Shahji showed a wonderful activity during the 
brief period of his service in Bijapur. By his intervention he 
secured from Adil Shah an order for the restoration of the 
Jagir of Karyat Talib under the Governor of Fort Panhala, to 
Sambhaji and Dhoraji Mohite in January 1626. 

Impressed with the power, valour and determination of 
Shahji, Ibrahim Adil Shah granted him the title of Sarlashkar, 
showered favours upon him and employed him against Mudhoji 
Nimbalker of Phaltan who was completely defeated. Then his 
troops were employed in subduing the Karnatic, the Kerala 
district and other tracts. 9 By his victories there, he brought 
an immense booty to Bijapur and thus improved the prosperity 
of the kingdom. 

1. P. S. & Nos. 227. 226,. 28 July 1625, 16 January 1626; 4 February 
1626. Sb. Bh. V. 1-13. 

2. Shivaji Vol. II. p. 281. 

?. P. S. S. Nos. 222. 225. 19 December 1625. 
4. Sh. Bh. V. 1 4-15; Raj. XV. 345. 


It is evident that Sarlashkar Shahji had won his laurels a 
a general and statesman under Bijapur. Even under Malik 
Amber he first held the Mokasa of Poona and Shirwal, and 
lateron distinguished himself in thebattleof Bhatwadi andafterl 
Hence his name could not first occur in recorded history 
in 1628, nor was he a petty captain during the regency 
of Malik Amber. 3 In a grant of 8th March 1628 Shahji called 
himself Sarlashkar, ' Maharaja,' ' the shelter of ministry/ 
'and the refuge of valour.' 4 These titles must have been 
bestowed upon him by the Adil Shahi state. 

The political situation rapidly took a different turn by the 
recall of Mahabat Khan in the beginning of 1626, the death of 
the octagenerian Malik Amber in May 1626 and that of King 
Ibrahim on 22nd September, 5 1627. 

10. The recall of Mahabat Khan 

The recall of an experienced general and a subtle 
diplomat like Mahabat Khan to the north, had an adverse 
effect on the situation in the Deccan. His successor Khan 
Jahan Lodi did not possess the energy, diplomacy, generalship 
and prestige of his predecessor to successfully withstand the 
guerilla tactics of which Malik Amber was a consummate 
master. The factions at the court, the succession disputes* 
the coup (fe main of Mahabat Khan in capturing Jahangir as 
well as Nur Jahan, and removing the Premier Asaf Jah 
from the administration, the rebellion of Shah Jahan and 
lastly, the death of the drunken Prince Parvez, very much 
weakened the Imperial cause in the Deccan. A graphic 
account of these events is given by President Kerridge in his 
Surat Letter of 29th November 1626 to the Company. 

1. P. S. S. Nos. 226 290. 

2. Sh. Bh, V. 20. 

3. Sarkar, Shivaji, P. 18; M. R. 1917 September. P. 284. 

4. P.S. S.No. 262. 

5. O. C. 1264. 4 January 1628. P. S. S, No. 431; Beni Prasad, Hi story of 
Jahangir, 413, 422. ' 


" Asaph Chaun being father-in-lawe by marriage of his 
daughter unto the Prince Charome, the Kings third sonne, 
who ( as you have doubtlesse bin advertized ), 
murthering his elder brother, (Khusrau) , rebelled 
against his father and by force of armes 
aspired unto the crowne; in which attempt having susteyned 
sundry overthrowes, hee lastlie fledd from the King his army 
unto Bengali, and thence by way of Musulopotan (Masulipatam) 
unto Decan, where hovering under the protection of Malik 
Amber hee submissively sought reconciliacion, which his 
said father in-lawe ( being still in favour ; mediating by 
intercession of his sister, the predominant 
Queene, obtained that Mahobett Chaun, 
gennerall of the King his army, Charoomes 
feirce enimy, should bee dismissed from that charge; who 
after long deniall resigneing and comeing unto the court, 
the King being then some 40 course from Lahore in his 
progresse towards Cabull, his pavillion with his family and 
attendants being pitched on the side of a 
river anc * kis n bles on the other, the said 
Mahobett Chaun with 8 or 10,000 horse came 
suddainly unto him, slewe all such as seemed to question 
or dislike the manner of his coming, and, having accesse 
unto the King his presence, tooke him imediatelie with 
trim unto his owne tents; whereupon the Queene amasedlie 
( amazedly ) fledd unto hir brother and friends on the other 
side the river, by a bridge purposelie made for passage 
to and from, which imediately after was cutt downe to 
prevent others from going over. The King, after private 
conference with the said Mahobett Chaun, was with great 
reverence returned againe unto his pavillion, and the Queene 
by his command sent for; who rendering all dutie, refused to 
come untill a feild weare tryed twixt hir friends and enimyes; 
which the next morning she with them put 
in execution, and passing the river (hardlie 
foordable ) were encountred by Mahobutt 
Chauns armie on the Kings side, who, though by farre the 
lesse nomber, with the slaughter of about 5,000 menn put the 
Queene and hir friends to flight. She hirselfe, after assurance 


given by Mahobet Chaun for hir safety, came into the King. 
Hir brother recovered a castle of his owne with many of 
his friends; some were slaine, but most, 
pretending the Kings service, weare pardoned 
and continewed in office. Assaph Chaun, being 
beseidged in his castle (of Attock), surrendered on assurance 
of life, and hath ever since untill verry latelie remained 
closse prisoner in the custodie and charge of Mahobett Chaun, 
not withstanding the Queenes uttmost dilligence and the 
Kings perswadeing an accord twixt them; all 
Disaffection which tyme Mahobett Chaun hath governed, 
Mahabat. nothing having been granted without him, 
and in such extremitie that the insolence of 
his followers hath grieved not only the campe but the 
inhabitants of Cabull also, who, instigated by some great 
men, att a signe given slewe in an instant almost 2,000 of 
his souldiers, that expected noc such massacre, and their 
fellowes in revenge have since done divers outrages err both 
sides could bee pacified, which the King lastly effected, and 
being againe returned neere the river 
Rel a e . of aforemencioned where the Queenes friends 
weare overthrowne, she hath with sundry of 
them reinforced hirselfe for the delivery of hir brother, in 
such manner as the armies of both have been at point of 
joyning battle, but still prevented by the Kings endeavours 
to accord them, which ( as report newlie gives out ) is 
seemingly effected, both the mencioned favorities having 
exchanged hostages and Asaph Chaun delivered; yet newe 
and greater stirrs suspected, Carome having passed with 
3,000 horses onely from Decan through this 
country unto Sindey, determining ( as was 
supposed ) to have fledd into Persia; but 
Sultan Parveis, the Kings second sonne and eldest then 
living, who lately obteyned this cittie and the country 
about it, being deceased within this 30 dayes att Brampore 
( as is supposed by poyson ; and the army there under 
command of Chan Irhan, an especiall friend of the Prince 
Caromes, his hopes are agaiixe revived, and except the King doe 
pardon his offences ( thereby endaungering his owne state 


and life ) ncwe and great stirrs are like to bee raised, his 
sonnes army daylie encreasing and hee on his 

f jal !f n ' s returne from Sindce to Gusurat. Wee have 
bid for me 

throne. thought requisite to give you this particular 

relacion of these troubles, as well for that 
some circumstances in your business depend thereon as 
that the inhabitants doe generally feare they are not yet 
quieted, for the Prince Caromc his farther hopes will cause 
great stirrs both in court and country, who although hee 
bee nowe the eldest living of the Kings children, yett hath 
hee a younger brother ( Shahriyar }, marryed 
to the daughter of the beloved Queene 
aforesaid, the sonne ( Dawar Bakhsh ) also 
of his elder brother being a hopefull gentleman and 
indubitate heire in favour of the King, and all of them 
competi tours for the kingdome." ' 

1 1. Estimate of Malik Amber 

The famous Dutch traveller, Petro Delia Valle has given 
an interesting account of Malik [Amber and of the then 
situation of the Deccan. It is not fully reliable, because 
it is based upon hearsay. However, a popular view of 
the personality of the great warrior, shrewd statesman and 
the most enlightened financier of the Deccan was recorded by 
him in 1620. 

"The Nizam Sciah now reigning, is a boy of twelve 

years old, who therefore doth not govern it, but an 

Abyssine Slave of the Moors Religion, 

MaUlTAmber. called Malik Amber, administers the state 

in his stead, and that with such authority, 

that at this day this Territory is more generally known and 

call'd by the name of Malik's Country, than the Kingdom 

of Nizam Sciah. Nevertheless this Malik Amber governs not 

fraudulently, and with design to usurp, by keeping the King 

shut up, as I have sometimes heard; but according as I 

have better understood since from persons inform'd nearer 

hand, he administers with great fidelity and submission 

1. O. C. 1241. Surat to the Company. 29 November 1626. Cf. Elliot VI. 
Pp. 425-30. 

S. 10. 


towards the young King, to whom nevertheless they say, he 
hath provided, or already given to wife a Daughter of his 
own, upon security that himself shall be Governour of the 
whole state as long as he lives. This Malik Amber is a man 
of great parts, and fit for government, but, as they say, very 
impious, addicted to Sorcery; whereby 'tis thought that he 
keeps himself in favour with his king, and that for works of 
Inchantments, ( as to make prodigious buildings, and with 
good luck, that the same may last perpetually and succeed 
\\ ell ) he hath with certain superstitious us's in these countries 
committed most horrid impieties and cruelties, killing 
hundreds of his slaves' Children, and others; and offering them 
as in Sacrifice to the invok'd Devils, with other abominable 
stories which I have heard related; but because not seen by 
myself, I affirm not for true. The Ambassador of this Nizam 
Sciah in Persia, is that Habese Chun, an Abyssine also, 
whom I saw at my being there. 

Of strange things, they relate that Nizam Sciah hath, I 

know not where in his Country a piece of Ordnance so vast, 

that they say it requires 15,000 pound of 

The Malik-i- Powder to charge it ; that the ball it carries, 

Mai dan cannon 

at Parenda almost equals the height of a Man, that the 
metal of the piece is about two spans thick, 
and that it requires I know not how many thousand Oxen, 
besides Elephants to move it; which therefore is useless for 
war, and serves oncly for vain pomp. Nevertheless this 
king so esteems it, that he keeps it continually cover'd with 

1. Another account of this cannon when it was in the possession of Adil 
Shah, comes from the pen of Mendelslo. 

" There is not any Prince in all those parts so well stored with Artillery as 
the king of Cuncam ( Konkan in Bi japur ). Among others, he had one Brass 
piece, which required a Bullet weighing eight hundred weight, with five 
bundled and forty pound of fine powder; which did such execution, as was 
reported, that at the siege of the Castle of Salapour ( Sholapur ), at the first 
firing, it made a breach in the wall of forty-five foot in lengtb. The Caster of 
it was a Roman born, and the most wicked of mankind; since he had the 
inhumanity in cold blood, to kill his own son, to consecrate that monstrous 
Piece, with his blood, and to cast into the fire, wherein he had melted his Metal, 
one ef the Kings Treasurers, who would call him to account for the charge he 
had been at therein. But it is time we prosecute our Voyage." Mendelslo' s. 
Travels into the Indies. Lib. II. Pp 77-78. Cf. Cousens, Guide to Bi japur, p. 45. 


rich cloth of Gold, and once a year comes in person to do it 
reverence, almost adoring it; and indeed, although these 
kings are Moors, yet they still retain much of the ancient 
idolatry of the Countries, wherein Mahometism is little, or 
not yet universally setled." 

Even the Mogul historian, Motamad Khan who 
frequently revels in abusing the 'dark, ill-fortuned, 
Abyssinian slave/ has eloquently testified to his eminence. 
"In warfare, in command, in sound judgment and in 
administration, he had no rival or equal. He \\ell 
understood that predatory warfare, which in the language 
of the Deccan is called bargigiri. He kept down the 
turbulent spirits of that country, and maintained his 
exalted position to the end of his life and closed his 
career in honour." l 

12. Demise of Ibrahim Adil Shah 

Ibrahim Adil Shah is said to have been a great patron 
of scholars, poets, historians and musicians. He ardently 
loved music and used to worship Saraswati, the Hindu 
goddess of music. As he was often surrounded by Hindu 
musicians and Brahmins and was given the title of 'Jagat 
Guru* world-teacher by his Hindu admirers, he was disliked 
by his Muslim co-religionists. This tolerant and learned 
monarch was succeeded by his minor son Muhammad Shah 
on 12th September 1627. At this time, the Bijapuri 
army consisted of one lakh foot, 52,000 horse and 
955 elephants. 

13. Desertion and return of Shahji 

The regency began to follow a reactionary policy. All 
the Brahmin and Hindu Sardars were kept in custody. Shahji 
too was afterwards insulted by the new Padshah, 9 and 
consequently he thought it unsafe to continue there under 

1. Beni Prasad, History of Jahangir. P. 423. Cf. J. Sarkar, Mod. Rev. 
September 1909. 

2. Sh. Bh. IX. 26-27; VIII. 5-8. 


the altered conditions. Secondly, though on the one hand, 
the death of Malik Amber and the desertion of the 
two noble Maratha lords had weakened the Nizam Shahi 
Kingdom, it was, on the other hand, resuscitated by the 
cession of the territories formerly lost in the wars with the 
Mogul. Khan Jahan Lodi, the Mogul Viceroy in the 
Deccan, treacherously gave back to Murtaza Nizam Shah 
all the territory that Akbar and Jahangir had wrested 
from the dynasty with so much loss of men and money. 
But the commandant of the Ahmadnagar fort refused to 
obey the order of this Viceroy, and thus that fortress alone 
did not pass into the possession of Nizam Shah. 1 

The political situation changed with the inauguration of 
Shah Jahan's rule. He proceeded in person to the Deccan 
to put down the rebellion of his Viceroy, Khan Jahan Lodi, 
and demanded the restoration of the imperial territory from 
Nizam Shah. In case of refusal his Kingdom was threatened 
with fresh invasions under the Emperor himself. The 
Daulatabad court invited Shahji to return, and he gladly 
accepted the offer to usefully serve 2 the state which had 
been the patron of himself and his ancestors. On his way, 
he took legal possession of his Poona Jagir for which a 
grant was formally made by Nizam Shah in May 3 1628. 

14. Shahji in Khandesh 

In 1628 when the Moguls advanced against the fort 
of Bir, the Sultan sent Shahji and a party of siledars 
with 6,000 horse to make a raid in East Khandesh and 
check the Moguls there. But Darya Khan Ruhela slew 
many of the raiders and expelled them from the tract 
lying between the Tapti and the Purna. About one year 
after the return of Shahji to Daulatabad, his father-in-law 
Jadhavrao also renounced the cause of the Moguls for the 

1. KhaB Khan in Elliot. 2. Sh. Bh. VI. 8. 3. P. S. S. Nos. 262, 274. 
275. It appears that Shirwal or Subhanmangal remained with Jayanapant Lingras 
under Bijapur for some time to come. Sh. Ch. Sahitya I, pp. 22,24. 


benefit of the old Nizam Shahi state, but unfortunately 
he could not long live in peace there. 1 

15, The Imperial army in the Deccan, 1630 

Mendelslo has given a detailed composition of the 
imperial army that marched to the south. The names of 
the chief officers and the strength of the battalions under each 
of them will be interesting ( Appendix ). In 1630 Shah Jahan 
marched with an army of 144,500 horse, besides elephants, 
camels, mules, and horses for transport. This force was 
divided into four brigades and was respectively commanded 
by Shaista Khan, Iradat Khan, Jai Singh and one by the 
King himself. 

However, Manrique puts the figure at 400,000 horse. a 
According to him, the total strength of Shah Jahan's army 
in 1640 was 10,61,330 horse under 7,250 Umras, Mansabdars 
and Ahadies. There were besides 128,000 horse belonging to 
the four highest lords and the royal princes themselves. Thus 
the nominal strength of the cavalry alone was twelve lakhs. 
Shah Jahan was at Burhanpur in April, 1630. 3 

16. Arms of the Mogul army 

The arms and weapons of the Moguls are thus described 
by Manrique: 

"The offensive Arms of the Horse are, the Bow, the 
Quiver, having in it forty or fifty Arrows, the Javeline, or 
a kind of long-headed Pike, which they dart with great 
exactness, the Cymitar on one side, and the Ponyard on the 
other; the defensive is the Buckler, which they have always 
hanging about their necks." 

17. Mode of Mogul warfare 

The method of Mogul warfare as seen by this impartial 
European, deserves our special attention. 

1. Sh. Bh. VIII. 20; Orme Mss. Vol. 331. Rajvade is wrong in saying 
that Jadhavrao returned to Daulatabad in 1625. R. M. V. Ch. P. 56. 

2. Vol. II, 273, Pp. 275-278. 3. E. F. 1630-1636, Pp. 22, 33. 


"They know nothing of the distinction of Van-guard, 
main Battle, and Rear-guard, and understand neither Front 
nor File, nor make any Battalion, but fight confusedly 
without any Order. 

Their greatest strength consists in the Elephants, which 
carry on their backs certain Towers of Wood, wherein there 
are three or four Harquenbuses hanging by hooks, and as 
many Men to order that Artillery. The Elephants serve 
them for a Trench, to oppose the first attempt of the Enemy, 
but it often comes to pass that the Artificial Fires, which 
are made use of to frighten these Creatures, put them into 
such a disorder, that they do much more mischief among 
those who brought them to the Field, than they do among 
the Enemies. They have abundance of Artillery, and some 
considerable great Pieces, and such as whereof it may be 
said, the invention of them is as ancient as that of ours. 
They also make Gun-powder, but it is not fully so good 
as what is made in Europe. Their Timbrels and Trumpets 
are of Copper, and the noise they make, in order to come to 
some Military Action, is not undelightful. Their Armies do not 

march above Cos, or Leagues, according to the measure of 

the Country, in a day; and when they encamp, they take 
up so great a quantity of ground, that they exceed the 
compass of our greatest Cities. 

In this they observe an admirable Order, in as much as 
there is no Officer nor Souldier, but knows where he is to 
take up his Quarters; nor can there be any City more 
regularly divided into Streets, Markets and other publick 
places for the greater communication and convenience of the 
Quarters, and for the distribution of Provisions." J 

18. Method of Maratha warfare 

The Nizam Shahi and Adil Shahi states had Muslim as 
well as Maratha feudal lords. For a long time Maratha 

1. Travels of F. S. Manrique. P. 40, 


levies seem to have followed the guerilla tactics of warfare 
and their system had been adopted even by the Muslim forces* 
so that Malik Amber was considered to be a consummate 
master of predatory warfare. The Moguls of the time of Akbar 
had no faith in the efficacy of this method and even slighted 
it, till later on they learnt its value by terrible reverses in the 
Deccan. Jahangir and Shah Jahan won over many Maratha 
chiefs like Jadhavrao and his sons, Shahji and his relatives, 
Kheloji and his brothers, and several Muslim war-lords 
like Mukurrab Khan. The presence of their levies in the 
Mogul armies taught the latter the supreme value of the 
lightning and furious attacks on masses of the enemy forces 
of carrying victories to their logical ends by way of hot 
pursuit of the demoralised forces, of pillage and 
destruction of the camps and transportation of the most 
valuable booty, of an immediate and eccentric retreat, of 
dispersing in all directions for avoiding war and afterwards 
uniting in their place of bivouac. Rapidity, enterprise, energy, 
courage, simplicity, perseverence in each individual soldier, 
and bravery, discipline, versatility on the part of the whole 
army are the virtues necessary for such a system of warfare. A 
rapid succession of paralysing blows grows like an avalanche 
in its destructive effects, so that the morale of the army is 
reduced to its lowest level. Shivaji was a past master in the 
art of predatory warfare. His successors faithfully followed 
it in the long war with Aurangzeb who, though at the climax 
of his power, could not maintain the morale of his troops 
against the secret, furious and sudden attacks of the Marathas. 
So that this system finally made the Hindus triumphant and 
brought about the destruction of the Mogul Empire. 

19. Jadbavrao's murder 

Soon after the accession of the minor King 
Muhammad Shah at Bijapur, Murtaza Nizam Shah saw 
an opportunity of regaining his lost territory, and so he 
commenced a war against Bijapur. But his army was 
defeated first at Kayji Dharur and then at Kundri 


Kannur in 1628. The Nizam Shahi premier Fateh Khan 
had brought the misfortune of defeat upon his kingdom, 
and yet he wielded an abundant influence upon the king. 
The latter was persuaded by one minister Hamid Khan 
to imprison Fateh Khan and then to arrest Jadhavrao who 
was unjustly suspected of being at heart with the Moguls. 
It was thought that in case the old experienced Jadhavrao 
who knew all the secrets of the state, joined the Moguls, 
he would cause irrepairable loss to the kingdom. The 
plot was thus put into action. One day the king suddenly 
withdrew from the Audience Hall and thereafter a few 
Muslim courtiers under instructions from the king fell upon 
Jadhavrao and his sons in the Court Hall. The latter bravely 
fought to the last, so that Jadhavrao, his sons Raghuji and 
Achaloji, and even his grandson Yeshwant Rao were killed 
in June 1630. Thereupon Jadhavrao's brother Bhauji, 1 his 
wife Girjabai and other members of the family, fled first 
to Sindhkhed near Jalna and thence to the Moguls for 
protection, 2 Hereafter they served the Moguls for the 
destruction of the Nizam Shahi State. 

20. Revolt of Shahji 

The barbarous and cruel murder of the most 
prominent Hindu noble of the Nizam Shahi Kingdom, 
was full of important consequences. Other Hindu and 
Muslim nobles found out that their lives and properties 
were quite unsafe in the hands of the King. Shahii, the 
son-in-law of Jadhavrao, w r as mortally afraid of the 
coming conspiracies. He and his wife had every reason 
to avenge the death of their nearest kinsman. So he 
put up the banner of revolt and started from the 
impregnable fort of Parenda on a plundering expedition. 3 

1. In Bad. Kamah the names of the two brothers of Jadhavrao are given as 
Jagdev and Bahadurji. 

2. Urdu Basatin-i-Salatin, P. 229: Sh. Bh. VIII. 20-32. The names of 
Jadhavrao's sons are given in Sh. Bh. IV. 26 as Raghuji, Achalaji. Jaswantrao 
and Bahadur ji, hut Jaswant Rao should be replaced by Dattaji, the former was 
his grandson. 3. Sh. Bh. VIII. 33. 


He created a mighty disturbance in the Adil Shahi and 
Nizam Shahi territories and strengthened Poona. From 
seven other grants it appears that Poona was in his 
possession 1 up to 1630. 

Murar Jagdeva Pandit was sent with a large force 
from Bijapur to subdue and punish Shahji. The Pandit 
captured Poona and Indapur, set fire to the towns, 
destroyed and burnt do\\n all in that district. 9 Then he 
built a fort on the Bhuleshwar hill which is some thirty- 
two miles distant from Poona. Abarao was appointed as a 
commandant of this new fort called Daulatamangal to look 
after the administration of the newly conquered district. In 
two grants Murari Pandit is styled ' Maharaj, Rajadhiraj' 
the Emperor and the King of Kings. 3 Meanwhile Shahji had 
retreated to Shivneri and taken refuge \\ith Shrinvas Roa 
alias Vijayaraj. There his son Sambhaji was married to 
the chief's daughter Jayanti. 4 Then he left his family there 
and thought out a plan to save himself from the persecution of 
the Nizam Shahi and Adil Shahi Kingdoms. As Shahji had 
taken an active part in supporting Khan Jahan Lodi, he 
thought it proper for saving his Jagir of Poona and the new 
conquests, to throw himself on the Emperor's mercy and 
procure a promise of pardon for his past offences by accepting 
the Mogul service. He entered into correspondence with Azam 
Khan, the Mogul Viceroy who forthwith sent information to 
the Emperor. Shah Jahan was fully aware of the bravery, 
strategy and versatility of Shahji, and consequently he 
welcomed this Maratha noble for the conquest of the Nizam 
Shahi Kingdom. The alliance of the Deccan monarchies was to 
be weakened by the separation of Shahji. 5 The Raja with two 
thousand cavalry went to have a personal interview with the 
Viceroy, and there he was granted the dignity of 5,000 horse, 

1. P. S. S. Nos. 274-279, 282, 285, etc.. 

2. P. S. S. No. 332; Rajvade. 18. Pp. 29. 44. 

3. P. S. S. Nos. 337-8, November 1631, No. 363. September 1633. 

4. P. S. S. Nos. 264267; Sh. Bh. Vlll. 10-18, 

5. E. F. 1630-36. Pp. 159-60. 10 June 1631. 



a robe, various other emblems of honour, and two lakhs- 
of rupees. His son Sambhaji, relatives and dependents were 
also similarly honoured. Many of his cousins as Kheloji, 
Parsoji, Maloji, and Mambaji, as well as the sons of his 
uncle Vithoji, were taken into service at this time. Then 
he was deputed to conquer Junner, Sangamner and the 
Konkan districts for the Moguls. ' Thus the Bhosles became 
the vassals of the Moguls for some time and began to 
capture territories for being annexed to the Delhi Empire. 

Raja Chandar Rao More and Baji Valvale were sent by 
the Bijapur court with their own contingents to conquer 
the Konkan up to the port of Dabhol. They sieved Mahad, 
Chodegaon, Nizampur and a few other places from Nizam 
Shah. Siddi Marjan, the Subedar of Talkonkan, marched 
out of Chaul to oppose them. He was defeated and slain, and 
thus Chaul fell into the hands of the Adil Shahis. This victory 
^as soon followed by a rout of the troops of Baji Valvale 
who was slain at Kolar near Chaul by Siddi Saba Amber 
Khani who had been reinforced with the troops of Ikhlas 
Khan from Daulatabad. He re-took Chaul and other parts 
previously captured by the Adil Shahis, and returned to 
the Konkan. 2 We have no light on Shahji's activities in 
that part. On the other hand, he seems to have been in 
the party of the pursuers of Daria Khan \\ ho had revolted 
against his master Shah Jahan. The rebel had made an 
escape into Bundhelkhand, but even there he was brought to 
bay by Shahji. In a fight the Maratha hero pierced him 
with many arrows and despatched him to the other world. 
Then Shahji returned to Shivneri 3 where for the first time 
his heart \\as gladdened to see his newly borne babe who was 
named Shivaji from the goddess Shivai after whose name the 
fort was styled Shivneri. The Orme Mss. Vol. 331 records that 
Shahji was invested by the Moguls with the Jagirs of Junner 

1. Elliot Vll. 15-17. 

2. Urdu Basatin i Salatin. P. 231. 

3. Sh. Bh. VIII. 18; VI. 93. 


Sangamner, Beejzapore (?) and Bugole (?) on the borders of 

21. Revolution at Daulatabad 

The murder of Jadhavrao, the rebellion of Shahji, the 
invasion of the Moguls, and the alliance of Bijapur and Shah 
Jahan forced Murtiza Nizam Shah to remove his prime 
minister, Mukurrub Khan who, on being degraded, went over 
to Shah Jahan. Malik Amber's son, Fateh Khan, was restored 
to liberty and the dignities of the prime minister were 
conferred upon him on 18th January 1 1631. He desired to 
make an alliance with the Moguls, but many nobles were 
against this policy. He was apprehensive of the king turning 
against him on that point. Hence, that revengeful, impulsive 
and passionate Abyssinian, instead of being grateful to his 
generous master the king, is said to have put him to death 2 in 
February 1632. Basatin i Salatin, however, does not 
charge him with the crime and states that the King was 
suddenly struck with insanity and soon succumbed to that 
disorder. Fateh Khan set up Hussain Shah, the seven years 
old son of Murtiza Nizam Shah, upon the throne. The premeir 
was universally suspected of poisoning the King and was 
therefore detested by the people and the nobility. 3 

Sabaji Anant, Sewaji Pandit, Sakhoram and other 
officers went over to the Moguls. Similarly, the Muslim 
nobles deserted the cause of the prime minister, so that 
he was reduced to extremities. To add to his miseries, 
a severe famine desolated the country and created such a 
scarcity of provisions and fodder that thousands began to 
die of starvation. Under such circumstances he was unable 
to oppose the Moguls. He petitioned Shah Jahan to extend 
his protection to him. It was promised to him only when he 

1. Sh. Ch. Pr. P. 54. 2. Sh. Ch. Pr. P. 54. 

3. 'The whole of the nobility attached to the unfortunate prince, were put 
to death by the ruffian. Grant Duff (P. 47) gives the name of Takurnb Khan 
who disgusted by the change, and dreading the consequences to himself, went 
over to the Moguls and got the rank of 6,000 horse. 


delivered the jewels, elephants, etc. belonging to the King. 
Then the Emperor restored his jagir which had been before 
confiscated from him and conferred upon Shahji. 

22. Shahji's monarchy 

The latter deserted the Moguls, repaired and strengthened 
the old fort of Payamgad (Pemgiri) , named it Shahgad and 
laid the foundation of an independent monarchy. Thereafter 
he raised an army and began to lay \vaste the adjacent country. 
Within a short period he was able to conquer a large territory. 
So that his new acquisition extended from Poona-Chakan to 
the Konkan on one side and from Junner and Sangamner 1 to 
the precincts of Ahmadnagar and Daulatabad. His rule 
extended over Nasik and Trimbak. There is Shahji Raje's 
grant of 31st December 1629 to the officer of Pandiapedgaon 
(P. S. S. No. 302). There are other grants of July 1631 
(P. S. S. Nos. 333-4; for the same town. Then two grants 
relate to the continuance of the donation to a mosque at Nasik 
in 1632 and 1634(Nos. 349, 375). Thus during 1632-36 he 
had seized Nasik and Trimbak. It is evident that a large part 
of the Nizam Shahi Kingdom was in the hands of Shahji even 
up to the loss of Daulatabad. 

He also succeeded in persuading the commandant of 
Jalna to cede the fort to him, but the Moguls outbid him, and 
hence it was delivered to them on 7th October 1632, so that 
Shahji's troops had to retreat in disappointment. 9 He 
appealed to the generosity of Muhammad Adil Shah. It was 
impossible for the King to send any assistance as he had 
entered into alliance with Shah Jahan through his ambassador 
Shekh Muayyan-ud-din. 8 The aim of the mission was 
to separate Bijapur from an alliance with the Lodi. No 
sooner was the object fulfilled by the rout and death 
of the Lodi than Shah Jahan changed his policy. He 

1. P. S. S. No. 376-Shahji's grant of 1634. Orme Mss. Vol. 331, 

2. Crme Mss. Vol. 331, 

3. Muhammad Namah gives Shekh Mughanniya as his name. 


treacherously hurled his force into the Bijapur territory. 
As soon as the ambassador left the precincts of Bijapur, 
news was brought of the Mogul raids on Dharur which 
had been before captured by Bijapur from the Nizam 
Shahi State. A detatchment was despatched under Malik 
Amber Jan of Bidar after the Mogul ambassador who 
was arrested and brought back to Bijapur. Shahji who 
had been pushed aside since his assistance was no longer 
necessary to the imperial arms, set up a new Hindu 
monarchy. He now joined Adil Shah and thus saved the 
Deccan monarchies from being swallowed up by the Mogul 


23. Shah Jahan's war with Bijapur 

Though Shah Jahan took Patch Khan under his wing, he 
did not slacken his efforts of conquering the Nizam Shahi 
Kingdom from the nobles who had rebelled against Fateh 
Khan. Several armies were despatched one after another to 
desolate the country and capture strong forts. For instance 
Nasrat Khan was sent against Qandhar which was soon 
delivered up to him.Iradat Khan laid siege to the impregnable 
fort of Parenda, but being foiled in his attempt, he proceeded 
to the fort of Dharur on the Krishna to capture it for the 
Moguls, because it formely belonged to the Nisam Shahi 
Kingdom. Bijapur was not ready for this treacherous attack, 
hence the fort capitulated to the Mogul commander without 
any serious fight. It has been seen that this attack on the 
Bijapur territory was rightly looked upon as a violation 
of the treaty. Therefore an alliance was concluded by 
Muhammad Adil Shah with Qutub Shah and the Nizam 
Shahi barons who were against Fateh Khan. Even the 
Portuguese secretly assisted Bijapur with ammunition. 1 

24. The Mogul retreat from Bijapur and Parenda 

The news of the arrest of his ambassador by the Sultan 
of Bijapur led the Emperor to appoint his father-in-law Asaf 

1. E, F. 163036. Pp. 5960. 10 June 1631; P. S. S. Nos. 343, 345. 


Jah as commander-in-chief of the war against the two 
monarchies. The latter raided the country up to Gulbarga 
with the troops of the principal nobles of the Empire and 
then proceeded to lay siege to the Bijapur city itself. ' 
Many skirmishes took place on a small scale every day, 
but at last on 13th February 1632 a bloody battle took 
place wherein the Moguls were defeated, and five generals 
of theirs were killed. On the other hand, the Bijapur army 
lost one general Sikandar \\\ Khan. Yet the siege continued. 
The Mogul army wantonly destroyed every thing in the 
environs of the metropolis. These oppressions set the 
Bijapuri nobles' blood boiling. On the 20th of February they 
made a furious charge and fought with the courage of 
despair, so that they inflicted a serious defeat on the besiegers. 
The negotiations between the two parties broke down, and 
hence the Moguls began to retire from the field. The 
retreating army was pursued by 15,000 soldiers under Murari 
Pandit till it was out of the borders of the Kingdom. 
He then marched to the relief of Parenda in the Nizam 
Shahi Kingdom. The troops engaged in its siege had already 
beaten a hasty retreat, so that the Pandit stationed himself 
near the fort. He was fortunate to soon get its possession 
from the commandant Aga Ruzwan or Haibat Khan on 
18th July 1632 by giving 10,000 huns as a reward. The 
chief cause of the Mogul failure was the dearth of water, 
fodder and provisions due to a terrible famine prevailing 
throughout the Deccan in 1631 and 1632. 9 

25. The end of the Nizam Shahi Kingdom 

The crest-fallen Asaf Jah was replaced by Mahabat 
Khan, the Governor of Lahor, as the Viceroy of the Deccan. 
Circumstances in the south augured success in the campaigns. 
Knowing that Fateh Khan had niether men nor provisions to 
defend his capital, Shahji persuaded the Bijapur Government 

1. G. Duff (P. 47 ) gives a different version. 

2. Elliot. VII. 2-13 28-31, Urdu Basatin-i-Salatin.' 235-6; Sh. Bti. VII. 53-57. 


for entering into alliance with him for despatching an army 
under Randulla Khan and himself for capturing Daulatabad 
and thus keeping the Moguls at arms length. On hearing of 
the march of this army, Fateh Khan lost heart and proposed 
to give up the fort to the Moguls, provided he could save the 
rest of the Nizam Shahi monarchy with their help. Thereupon 
a Mogul army marched under Khan Zaman towards 
Daulatabad, but it found the fort already invested by the 
Adil Shahis. The two armies began to fight against each 
other, and each bombarded the castle to get its possession 

In the meantime, the Bijapuris opened negotiations with 
Fateh Khan for not delivering the fort to the Moguls and 
for accepting their support. On this condition Fateh Khan 
readily accepted the offer, and without any declaration of war 
suddenly opened fire on the Mogul army from the heights 
of the fortress, while the Bijapur artillery also began to work 
havoc in the Mogul lines. Mahabat Khan was naturally 
enraged on this breach of faith on the part of the Abyssinian 
premier. However, he bravely extricated himself from this 
difficulty situation. 

Money and provisions were first successfully given to 
Fateh Khan by the Bijapurians after the negotiations. A bloody 
war continued for months under the hill-fortress of Daulatabad 
and in its environs. Shahji distinguished himself by his 
valour on many occasions, but at last he was driven 
away from Nizampur by Khan Zaman, the son of 
Mahabat Khan. 1 The Mogul army then occupied the town 
of Daulatabad. In the meantime Murari Pandit was sent with 
large quantities of provisions and ammunition for the use 
of the besieged. But his haughty and rash temper had 
alienated the Bijapuri nobles who refused to fight with or 

1, It is said in Orme Mss. Vol. 131 that during this siege, the wife and 
daughter of Shafcji, with part of his treasure, were by the treachery of 
Mukuludar Khan, betrayed into the hands of Khan Khanan. They were however 
seat back through the intervention of the brothers of Jjiabai. 


under him. Mutual discord obliged them to retire to a 
distance of some sixteen miles and leave the field open for the 
Mogul armies to capture the fortress. In spite of the 
repeated requests of Fateh Khan, the Pandit refused to send 
relief to the besieged, unless the fort was first delivered to 
him. Fateh Khan, being disappointed of assistance from the 
Adil Shahis, made up his mind to surrender the capital to 
the Moguls and once more opened negotiations with Mahabat 
Khan. The latter promptly sent large quantities of gold and 
provisions with a message to Fateh Khan that on the delivery 
of the fort, royal favours would be showered on him, and he 
and his sovereign would be restored to their previous positions. 
Fateh Khan delivered the fort in June 1633. But the treaty 
was soon violated by the Viceroy, because the last King 
Hussain Nizam Shah was sent as a prisoner to Gwalior, and 
Fateh Khan too ended his life in a prison under the effects 
of insanity. 1 

The remnants of the territory of the Ahmadnagar State 
were annexed to the Mogul Empire and thus the Nizam 
Shahi dynasty came to an end. The most cherished 
ambition of Shah Jahan was fulfilled, but little did the 
excultant Emperor think that this extinct dynasty would 
sphinx-like once more rise from its very ashes through the 
efforts of Shahji. 2 

26. Shahji, the king-maker 

After the conquest of Daulatabad, Mahabat Khan 
appointed Khan Duran Nasir Khan as the Governor of the 
uew province and himself went over to Burhanpur. But 
there were still several Nizam Shahi barons in possession 
of small territories. Each one became independent for the 
time being, on account of the disappearance of the Nizam 
Shahi Government. 3 Siddi Raihan of Sholapur, Siddi 
Amber of Danda Rajpuri, Siddi Saba Saifkhan of Kalyan, 

1. G. Duff. P. 49. Pad. N. I, 531. 2. Sb. Bh. VIII. 34-73. 

3. Urdu Basatin-i-Salatin, P. 245. 


Shrinivasrao of Junner and Shahji of Shahgad began to rule 
over the territories like independent chiefs. The first three 
barons thought it safe to acknowledge the supremacy of 
Muhammad Adil Shah and be confirmed in their jagirs by 
him. Shrinivasrao remained in suspense, while Shahji chalked 
out the plan of reviving the Ahmadnagar monarchy by his 
genius and heroism. He first set up a puppet-king by the 
name of Murtiza Nizam Shah in the hill fort of Shahgad or 
Payamgad (Pemgiri) in September 1 1632. Secondly, this new 
capital of the Nizam Shahi government was consequently made 
the centre of rallying all the ancient and loyal soldiers, 
Sardars and subjects of that monarchy. Thirdly, he was 
successful in winning over the Bijapur Government for 
assisting him in this work of resuscitating the dead carcass 
of the Nizam Shahi Kingdom. Muhammad Adil Shah and his 
nobles were conscious of the dangers of the Mogul advance. 
They realized that their own safety lay in creating a buffer 
state to bear the brunt of the direct aggressions of Mogul 
imperialism. Shahji rightly wrote to the Bijapur Durbar 
that out of 84 forts, one fort alone had been possessed by the 
Moguls, and therefore the Nizam Shahi Kingdom could easily 
be revived by bringing together the dismembered parts. Murari 
Pandit who through his conceit and folly had extinguished the 
Nizam Shahi State and lost Daulatabad, was now sent by the 
premier Khavas Khan to back up Shahji in this enterprise. 
The latter, depending upon his own resources alone, had already 
raised seven or eight thousand horse. Now he obtained the 
help of Bijapur in the form of 5 to 6 thousand horse under 
Captain Umbar Khan who was placed by Murari Pandit under 
the orders of Shahji. The Muslem Sardars of the Nizam 
Shahi State were not willing to submit to the King-maker, 
even though Murari Pandit, the reprensentative of Adil Shah, 
persuaded some of them to show their allegiance to the 
new sovereign. 

i. ]. Shak. and Padshahnamah confirm this date, but Muhammad Namah 
places the event of coronation at Junner. 



For instance, Siddi Saba Saif Khan of Kalyan ceded all 
the country except the forts to Shahji and proceeded with two 
thousand horse to Bijapur for service. The latter, though 
master of the Konkan now, still wanted to punish Saif Khan 
for his insurgence, in order that the other Sardars might 
learn a lesson from his fate. Murari Pandit, on his way to the 
capital, encamped at Pabal, situated on the confluence of the 
Bhima and Indrayani. Here he made very generous donations 
of land and precious articles to the Brahmins in the 
performance of the various rites on the day of the solar eclipse. 1 
He performed his weighing ceremony by being balanced against 
seven metals, as if he were a king. During his stay here 
the news was brought to him of the surprise and defeat of Saif 
Khan's detatchment'by Shahji's troops at Kher, the capture 
of Siddi Amber Atash Khan, the commander of Saif Khan's 
army, and of the siege of the village wherein the Khan had 
taken up his temporary residence. Murari Pandit promptly 
despatched a force to the assistance of the Khan. Thereupon 
the Maratha troops retired and the Khan being relieved 
from the danger, proceeded to the bank of the Bhima and 
then to Bijapur. It is really strange that neither Murari Pandit 
nor the Bijapur Government protested against Shahji's 
aggression on a nobleman who had sought their refuge. 
Thay did not probably desire to break off their friendly 
relations with him at that juncture. 9 

It is related in the Basatin-i- Salatin 8 that Saif Khan 
on being presented to the King, was given two lakhs of 
pagodas and employed in putting down the rebellion of the 
Naik of Harpan Halli. The latter was killed by a shot in the 
battle, and thus the Khan was crowned with victory. 

The most important means to put an end to the existence 
of the new state was to remove Shahji from the scenes 
of his activities. Hence the first attempt of the Moguls 

1. P. S- S. Nos. 363, 372. The Bakhars are wrong in several details of 
the part played by Murari Pandit in aiding Shahji. 

2, & 3. Urdu Basatin-i-Salatin. P. 247. 


was to win him over to their side by friendly means. It is 
said that Iradat Khan, the new Commander of Daulatabad, 
tried his best to conciliate Shahji to the Moguls through his 
cousin Maloji Bhosle. He was promised very high dignities 
for himself and his relations, because the commandant knew 
that he would highly improve his own prospects, if he could 
succeed in extinguishing the Nizam Shahi Kingdom without 
a war. But Shahji, being the most ambitious, far-sighted 
and clever man, did not fall into his trap. 1 

Siddi Raihan of Sholapur distinguished himself for his 
rare determination and bravery by so successfully resisting 
the siege-operations conducted by the Mogul General Mahabat 
Khan that the latter was obliged to beat a retreat from 
Sholapur. Khawas Khan, the prime minister of Bijapur, made 
a successful attempt to win over the Siddi to the service of 
Bijapur. Raihan gave up the formidable fort of Sholapur 
to Adil Shah and in return accepted the jagir of Kolhapur, 
Khanapur, etc., yielding a revenue of a lakh of pagodas. He 
was entrusted with the defence of the south-west frontier 
of the kingdom. 9 

Shahji could not prevent the loss of Sholapur, but he 
captured all the territory in the Konkan and Talkonkan, 
as well as some districts in Khandesh. Similarly, the rebellious 
barons were brought into submission, and the Hindu nobles, 
actuated by patriotic and religious motives, joined hands 
with him. For these reasons, the Mogul hostility to him 
grew to be fierce and malignant. 

27. The capture of Junner by Shahji 

The new Pemgiri or Shahgad fort was not so strong and 
impregnable as that of Shivneri, the ancient Nizam Shahi 
capital. No traditional love and sentiment were aroused by 
the upstart capital begun by Shahji and named after himself. 

1. Some chronicles state that be was offered the rank of 22,060 horse. 

2. Urdu Basatin-i-Salatin. P. 245. 


Even Shrinivas Rao, the chief of Junner-Shivneri, showed 
slackness in supporting the cause of the new Sultan and would 
not consent to hand over the fort to him. Shahji could nof 
naturally brook recalcitrance among the nobles and on the 
failure of his conciliatory methods, he was compelled to have 
resort to a stratagem to oust the chief. He was successful 
by some Machiavellian method in capturing the fort. The 
fall of this invincible place, was followed by the acquisition ot 
Jivadhan, Sunda, Bhorgad, Parasgad, Harshgad, Mahuli, Khoj 
and other forts. Murtaza Nizam Shah, the eleven years old king, 
was brought to Shivneri, and this strong castle subsequently 
served as a centre for further acquisitions. Shahji secured 
a large booty in these conquests and thereby he was able 
to re-employ twelve thousand cavaliers who had been 
discharged after the capture of Daulatabad. 1 He made 
bold to plunder the environs of even Ahmadnagar, 
Daulatabad and Bidar. In 1633 one Khawas Khan was 
detatched with 3,000 horse towards Ahmadnagar to drive 
him away. The Moguls also retaliated by ravaging 
Chamargunda, 9 the home of the Bhosles, but for some 
time they could not put any effective check to Shahji's 
raids. These grew even worse after the death of Mahabat 
Khan, the Viceroy of the Deccan, in October 1634. 
However, the new governor, Khan Dauran, chased Shahji's 
troops from Daulatabad, 3 Revdanda, Shivgaon, Amarpur, 
and the pass of Muhri. On the way to Junner a very large 
part of the baggage, provisons, arms, ammunition and cattle 
were captured and some 3,000 men fell prisoners into the 
hands of the victorious Moguls. Khan Dauran, having 
inflicted heavy losses on Shahji, returned to Ahmadnagar 
in February 1635. 

1. Urdu Basatin-i-Salatin. Pp. 247-48. 

2. It was situated near the frontier of Mogul Ahmadnagar. 

3. Orme Mss. Vol. 331, 


28 Siege of Parenda by the Moguls 

These victories proved .to be pin-pricks to Shahji, 
hence his destruction was considered to be a difficult task. 
Mahabat Khan first planned to punish his allies for 
recognizing the new monarchy and for inflicting serious 
losses during the last Mogul retreat from Daulatabad. He 
thought of winning over the Sultan of Bijapur to his side 
through the fear of war. For instance, he sent Prince Shuja 1 
to lay siege to the strong castle of Parenda in February 1634. 
Shahji, Randulla Khan, Farhad Khan, Ankush Khan, Murari 
Pandit and other war-lords had come over there to face the 
Moguls. The Adil Shahi armies bravely defended the place 
and counteracted all the plans of the Moguls. Murari 
Pandit gave an effective relief to the fort. After four months 
of an unsuccessful siege, the Mogul armies were withdrawn. 
The Bijapuries under Randulla Khan pursued the Moguls up 
to Burhanpur and killed many of their soldiers.* This 
proved the strength of Bijapur and showed that as long as 
its nobles were united at heart in its defence and service, 
there would be little danger of its dissolution. 

29. Internal discord at Bijapur 

But the internal concord and mutual good will at 
Bijapur soon gave way to discord and distrust. Nawab 
Khan Baba Mustafa Khan was arrested with several friends 
and relatives by order of Khawas Khan, and confined in 
the fort of Belgaum. The new prime minister with unchecked 
authority began to oppress the subjects. The King finally 
made a plan to throw off his intolerable yoke. Khawas 
Khan, on getting scent of the royal disaffection sought for 
help from Shah Jahan. The discovery of this conspiracy 
still further enraged the king against him. 

1. Muhammad Namah has Dara Shikoh. G. Duff ( 49 ) and Pad, N. ( 536 > 
have Shah Shuja. 

2. Muhammad Namah and Basatin-i-Salatin. 


Taking advantage of his growing unpopularity, he got 
his minister murdered by Siddi Raihan in 1635. ' The 
murderer was publickly honoured by the titles of Ikhlas 
Khan and Khan a Muhammad Muhammad Shahi, and with 
the post of a minister. Then Mustafa Khan was released 
from his confinement and restored to his former dignities 
and premiership. 8 He enjoyed an annual income of ten 
million pagodas, ordinarily employed a thousand domestics 
in his mansion, had three thousand horse at his own charge, 
and besides kept a large number of soldiers to guard 
his palace. 4 

The contemporary evidence of Mandelslo on the 
administration of Khawas Khan is against his condemnation 
by the author of the Muhammad Namah. Being the protege 
of Mustafa Khan, he is expected to denounce Khawas Khan. 
But Mandelslo who visited the city only three years after the 
murder of the premier, has praised his government. His regency 
had the approbation of the people. Being over-confident 
of the affection of his people " which he had made it 
his main business to acquire by a liberality truly royal " and 
" imagining that the people had so great an affection for him 
as to proclaim him King, in case there were no other, he 
resolved to make away with the Prince." Mandelslo first 
describes his attempt to kill the King, and then states that 
on his failure he was in return ordered by :the Prince 
to be murdered/ 

30. The brutal murder of Mnrari Pandit 

The Pandit was a very great friend and favourite of 
Khawas Khan. He heard the news of his patron's death 

1. In the Muhammad Namah the year of this murder is wrongly given as 
1629. Basatin-i-Salatin gives a chronogram of the death and it confirms 
the year 1635-6. The same year is given in the Haft Kursi. We are informed 
in the B. S. (252) that Khawas Khan was minister for eight years, Hence it 
means that his murder took place early in 1636. 

2. He was also known as Muzaffar-ud-din Khan Muhammad, 

3. Urdu Basatin-i-Salatin. Pp. 250-1. 

4. Mandelslo's Travels into the East Indies, p. 77. 

5. Mandelslo's Travels into the East Indies. Pp. 75-76. 


at Dharwar, and realized that he was unsafe in the service of 
Bijapur. On that very night he made for the fort of Halemal 
( or Halihal ? ), but he was arrested by the local officer and 
sent to the capital in chains. On being ill-treated, he used 
abusive language against the King. Thereupon untold 
barbarities were practised upon that Brahman lord. His 
tongue was drawn out; he was dragged through the town, 
and his body was hacked into pieces. Such was the pitiful 
end of one of the greatest nobles of the land for his life-long 
and faithful service under an irresponsible autocrat. 
However, these murders did put an end to the civil war 
for a time and the confusion and disturbances resulting from 
the same. 1 

Mandelslo's account of the murder of Murari differs from 
the preceding one. 

" One of Chauas-chans Creatures, whose name was 
Morary, was advanc'd with ten thousand horse, within five 
Leagues of the City of Visiapour; in so much that the 
King fearing that General might assemble all the Friends 
of the deceased, caused him to be proclaim'd a Traitor against 
his Prince, and set his head at a certain price. His own 
Army siez'd his person, and recieving intelligence, that 
another Lord, named Rundelo, was coming up to the relief 
of Chauas-chan, and intended to joyn with Morary, they 
sent him by a by-way to the City, whither he came about 
eight at night. He sent a Message to the King, proposing, 
that if his Majesty would pardon him, and bestow on him 
the Government of the Brammenes, he would pay him yearly 
twenty thousand Pagodas; but those Propositions were 
rejected, and the King ordered him to have his hands cut 
off, and his tounge cut out, and that in that posture he 
should be led all about the City; but he died by the way." 9 

31. Shah Jahan against Bijapur 

The defeat of the two premier nobles of the Empire, 
Asafjah and Mahabat Khan, opened the eyes of the 

1. Urdu Basatin-i-Salatin P. 252. 

2. Mandelslo's Travels into the East Indies. Pp. 76-77. 


Emperor to the gravity of the situation in the Deccan. 
Moveover, Shahji's power was fast growing to the detriment 
of the Empire. The shattered Nizam Shahi State was now 
so re-organized by the Bhosle statesman as to present a 
solid front. For the security of the Imperial prestige, it 
was extremely necessary to put an end to the rising 
Hindu power. 

Having been encouraged by the late internal discords 
prevailing at Bijapur and being invited by its premier, the 
Emperor marched to the south with an army of 50,000 men, 
and himself opened a vigorous campaign against Nizam 
Shah and Adil Shah in February 1636. 

Three Mogul armies proceeded against the Bijapur 
Kingdom from three directions. One was sent under Sayad 
Khan Jahan against Parenda which was defended by Randulla 
Khan. The second marched under Khan Dauran against 
Bahlol Khan at Bidar in the north-east, and a third advanced 
under Khan Zaman against Bijapur itself. He entered into 
the Adil Shahi territory, desolated the country with fire 
and sword, captured Kolhapur, plundered Miraj and Raibag, 
and then for sometime encamped on the ^bank of the 
Krishna. The Sultan employed the most effective method 
to baffle his barbarous ' foe who was working havoc in the 
country in a remorseless manner. He ordered the whole 
country round Bijapur up to the distance of twenty miles 
to be desolated to such an extent that not a blade of grass 
or a drop of water could be obtained by the enemy. The 
Mogul army died by thousands for want of provisions and 
its General jumped at the opportunity of entering into a treaty 
with the Sultan. 

32. Treaty between Shah Jahan and Adil Shah 

According to it, Adil Shah was to pay an annual tribute 
of twenty lakhs of rupees, and to acknowledge the suzerainty 

1. Sarkars Aurangzeb Vol. I, Pp. 37-38. We are told that Khan Zaman 
sold 2,000 prisoners into slavery in the Kolhapur district ales*. 


of the Emperor. The Nizam Shahi Kingdom was to be put 
an end to, and its territory was to be divided between the 
Emperor and the Bijapur King. The latter was given the part 
comprising the Sholapur and Wangi 1 Mahals, the parganas 
of Bhalki and Chitagopa, and the Konkan including the 
Poona and Chakan districts. Shahji Bhosle was not to be 
taken up in the Bijapur service or even allowed to enter 
its territory, unless he ceded the country in his possession. 
This important treaty was ratified by the Emperor on 6th 
May 9 1636. It marks the beginning of the end of the Adil 
Shahi Kingdom, but augurs the fast-approaching extinction 
of the Nizam Shahi State. The power of Shahii can be 
judged from the three articles which were included in the 
treaty itself: 

(1) "The pretence of a Nizam Shahi Kingdom should 
be ended and all its territories be divided between the 
Emperor and the Bijapur king. Adil Shah should not violate 
the new Imperial frontier, nor let his servants hinder the 
Mogul officers in occupying and settling the newly annexed 

(2) " Each side undertook not to seduce the officers 
of the other from their master's service, nor to entertain 
deserters, and Shah Jahan promised for himself and his sons 
that the Bijapur King would never be called upon to transfer 
any of his officers to the Imperial service." 3 

(3) "Shahji Bhonsla, who had set up a princeling of 
the house of Nizam Shah, should not be admitted to office 
under Bijapur, unless he ceded Junner, Trimbak, and some 
other forts still in his hands to Shah Jahan. If he declined, 

1. Wangi, 1 mile East of Bhima and 21 miles S. W. of Parenda; Bhalki, 19 
miles N. E. of Kaliani; Chitagopa, 21 miles S. E. Kaliani. 

t . Sarkar, Aurangzeb I, pp. 38-40. Basatin-i-Salatin 253. The signing of 
the treaty was done in May 1636 according to the Basatin-i-Salatin. but 
the Muhammad Namah places it in May 1635. However, Jedhe Shakavali gives 
Shak 1557 or 1635-6 and Haft Kursi has 1046 A. H. or 1636 A. D. Cf. E. F. 
1630-36. Pp. 216-17; 260. 

3. Sarkar, Aurangzeb Vol. I, pp. 38-39. 

S. 13, 


he was not to be harboured in Bijapur territory or even 
allowed to enter it." * 

33. Capture of Udgir and Ansa 

There was an article in the treaty for the cession of the 
forts of Ausa and Udgir. If their commanders were not 
willing to surrender the same to the Emperor, though they 
were given the concession of removing their families and 
private property to wherever they liked, the imperial army 
was to forcibly capture the forts from them. 

It appears that the Nizam Shahi officers did not give up 
the forts, and hence Khan Dauran was sent to capture 
Udgir a which was defended by one Siddi Miftah. After 
a continuous siege of three months the fort captitulated on 
28th September 1636. The Habshi commandant was taken 
into the imperial service under the title of Habsh Khan. 

Another army was despatched under Rashid Khan to lay 
siege to Ausa, but it was long defended by the heroic 
commander Bhojpal. The victorious army set free from 
Udgir arrived to strengthen the besiegers. Soon after, on 
19th October 1636 the fort capitulated, and its commander 
also was taken into the imperial service. 3 

34. The submission of Shafaji 

The treaty with Muhammad Adil Shah not only released 
the Mogul forces, but brought the help of the Bijapur armies 
also in the task of crushing the new monarchy set up by the 
king-maker Shahji. Even before the treaty, he was dislodged 
fromPedgaon, Chambhargunda, andLohgaon 4 on thelndrayani 
river,and forced to take shelter in the hill forts of Kondana and 

1. Sarkar, Aurangzeb Vol. I. P. 40. 

2. Udgir, 35 miles south of Qandhar; Ausa. five miles south of the Towraj 
river which flows into the Manjira. 

3. Sarkar, Aurangzeb Vol. I. Pp 44-46. 

4. Lohgaon. 10 miles North East of Poona and 3 miles south of the 



Torna. Shahji's forces evacuated Sangamner, Nasik, Trimbak. 
and several other hill-castles, when they were hard pressed by 
Shaista Khan. Junner was for several months the seat of 
a bloody warfare. The Marathas cut off the supplies of the 
enemy by their guerilla tacticts. The Mogul army was then 
recalled from that quarter to give assistance to the main army 
fighting against Bijapur. The various divisions of the Imperial 
army had not done much against the powerful Maratha lord 
whom the late treaty did not unnerve, but instead enthused him 
to stake his all on the fortunes of war. After the treaty Randulla 
Khan, Malik Rehan, and Siddi Marjan were despatched by Adil 
Shah against him. Kanhoji Jedhe, Pratapsinha and his son 
Baji Ghorpade were serving under Randulla Khan. Shivneri 
was invested by one division, and the rest of the army 
was employed in hunting out the King-maker. 

Shahji retired to Danda Rajpuri for some time and then 
he came dow r n to Muranjana. Here he suffered a defeat from 
Khan Zaman, and leaving behind all his heav> baggage, 
he proceeded to Mahuli where he made the plan to resist the 
Moguls for a long time. 

According to the Shiva Bharata ( IX. 13-19 ), Shahji 
saw God Shankar in his dream who told him that Shah 
Jahan was invincible and therefore he should give up his 
fight against him, but he should not be disappointed, because 
his son Shiva who was the incarnation of Krishna, would 
surely destroy the Mlechhas. According to the Jedhe 
Chronology, Shahji went to Mahuli on 26th March 1636, 
but it is wrong, because the treaty was concluded in May. 
Shahji could not have been pursued before the treaty. The 
Basatin-i-Salatin expressly states that Shahji was pursued 
during the rainy season and that Mahuli too w"ks besieged 
by the allied armies during the heavy rains. While on the 
one side, Khan Zaman and Randulla Khan vigorously 
pressed the siege, on the other, the Sultan and his mother 
were against Shahji's policy of continuing the war and 
were for surrendering themselves to the Moguls. Finding 


that under those circumstances opposition was fruitless, he 
consented in December 1636 to give up the shadowy 
Sultan to the Moguls, ceded to them Junner and seven other 
forts still held by him, and was himself permitted to enter 
the service of Bijapur. 

Muhammad Adil Shah confirmed the grant of the ancient 
jagirs of Chambhargunda, Supa and Poona on Shahji, so that he 
was to bear the brunt of future Mogul invasions on the Bijapur 
territory. The Shiva Bharata(IX. 20-31)states that Shahji 
was allowed to keep his jagir according to the terms of the 
treaty, and was after some time invited by Muhammad Shah 
to join his service, so that he might have such a brave, 
resourceful, and redoubtable general to fight against the 
Moguls. He was appointed to a very high office 1 in the 
Bijapuri army. Thus the extinction of the Nizam Shahi State 
apparently strengthened the Bijapur kingdom by the addition 
of territory and the transfer of the services of the soldiers and 
officers of the extinct State. 9 

35. Shahji's work 

The causes of Shahji's failure are not difficult to divine: 

( 1 ) When the powerful kingdom of Golconda agreed to 
pay a tribute and acknowledge the Mogul sovereignty without 
a show of a fight, when a long and barbarous war forced 
Bijapur to come to terms with the Mogul, Shahji alone could 
not be expected to fight the allied armies of Bijapur and 
Delhi. Yet the threat of an allied invasion did not intimidate 
him as it did the Golkonda ruler. Shahji bade defiance to the 
Emperor and did not submit without a long war. 

(2) The Muslim lords of the old Nizam Shahi State had 
renounced their allegiance to the new monarchy. The Hindu 
Sardars like the Ghatges, Thomares, Kharates, Pandhares, 
Ghorpades, Mohites, Mahadiks, Waghs, Ranks, Chavhans, 
etc. had rallied round his banner. Shahji's effort to re-establish 

12 Urdu Basatin-i-Salatin, P. 254; Orme Mss. Vol. 331, 


the Nizam Shahi Kingdom appeared to be an attempt of 
establishing Hindu swaraj. Hence the alliance of Shah Jahan 
and Adil Shah can be said to be for the purpose of rooting 
out the budding Hindu monarchy. This incomplete and 
insuperable task of creating a Hindu State was afterwards 
taken up by his son Shivaji who succeeded in carving out a 
new kingdom comprising portions which were wrested from 
the Mogul, Adil Shahi and Vijayanagar Empires. 

36. Chronology 

1607 Amber captured Junner and made it the capital. 
1610 Khirki was founded. Khan Jahan Lodi was sent to 

the Deccan. 

1612 Khan Khanan was given command of the Deccan. 
1617 Treaty between Malik Amber and Shah Jahan. 
1619-20 ? Shahji married. 
1920 War with the Moguls begun. 
1621 Khirki demolished. Prince Khusrau murdered by 

order of Shah Jahan. Desertion of Jadhavrao. 

Capture of Poona by Shahji from Rayrao Adil 

Shahi. Shahji's uncle Vithoji died. 

1624 Battle of Bhatvadi. 

1625 Desertion of Shahji to Adil Shah. 

1626 Malik Amber died. 

1626-27 Sarlashkar Shahji engaged in conquering the Karnatic, 

1627 (Sept. ) Ibrahim Adi] Shah died. 

1627 (Oct.) Death of Jahangir. 

1628 Shahji returned to the Nizam Shahi State. 

1628 Poona re-granted to Shahji by Nizam Shah. Shahji 
raids Khandesh. 

1629 Khan Jahan Lodi's revolt. 

1630 Shah Jahan marched to the Deccan. 

1630 Jadhavrao's murder. Shahji rebels and accepts 
service under the Moguls. Poona burnt by Murari. 


1630 Shivaji born at Shivneri. A terrible famine raged in 
the Deccan. 

1631 Fateh Khan was released and re-appointed prime 

1632 Murtiza Nizam Shah murdered by order of Fateh 
Khan. Shahji's jagirs restored to Fateh Khan. Hence 
Shahji revolts against the Moguls, sets up a new 
monarchy and makes alliance with the Bijapur 

1632 Jalna secured by the Moguls. 
Daulatabad captured by the Moguls. 

Shahji sets up Murtiza as king of the Nizam Shahi 
State. This succession is recognized by Adil Shah 
and Shahji is assisted by Murari. 

1633 Weighing ceremony of Murari Maharaj. 
Shahji defeats Saif Khan's forces at Kher. 

Shahji captures Junner and makes it his capital, 
ravages the Mogul country up to Ahmadnagar, 
Daulatabad and Bidar. 

1634 Shahji sustains several defeats from Khan Dauran 
Parenda invested by the Moguls, but they receive a 
disgraceful repulse. 

1635 Prime Minister Khawas Khan was murdered at 
Bijapur, and so was Murari Pandit done to death 
by order of Adil Shah. 

1636 Shah Jahan opened a campaign against Adil Shah 
and Shahji. Udgir, Ausa, Bidar and many other 
places captured by the Moguls. Bijapur besieged. 
Treaty concluded between *Adil Shah and Shah 
Jahan. Shahji was besieged]^ in Mahuli. He delivers 
Murtiza Nizam Shah to the Moguls, while he 
himself accepts service under Adil Shah. 



1. A review of Shahji's position 

At the end of the war, Shahji with all his family, 
followers and wealth was taken to Bijapur by Randulla 
Khan and presented to the Sultan. The latter conferred 
upon the Raja his jagir of Poona and Supa, and within 
a short time deputed him for the conquest of the Karnatic 
as second-in-command to Randulla Khan. Shahji had been 
a virtual king of a part of the Nizam Shahi State for six years. 
During this period he had assisted Bijapur in the reduction 
of the fortresses of Daulatabad and Parenda, and was in 
turn aided with men and money by the Bijapur government 
against the Moguls. 

The Raja staked his all for maintaining his position 
against the greatest Muslim Empire of the world. The 
murders of Khawas Khan and Murari Pandit in Bijapur had 
removed the stalwart champions of maintaining the Nizam 
Shahi Kingdom as a buffer state. The new premier Mustafa 
Khan was for alliance with the Moguls. Hence the bait 
of receiving a part of the Nizam Shahi territory was made 
a sufficient excuse for not only renouncing the cause of 
Shahji, but for openly allying with the Moguls for the 
destruction of their former ally. This volte face brought 
about the ruin of the Nizam Shahi State as well as of 
its heroic defender. Shahji was naturally exasperated at 
the treacherous defection of Bijapur in his hour of trial 
and hence he did not wish to serve under it. The Sultan 
of Bijapur had, however, made it a specific term of the 
treaty that Shahji could not be taken up in the Mogul 
service. So that even against his will he had to accept 
service in the Bijapur Government. The latter was also 
rightly apprehensive of the danger of allowing such a 


daring and experienced statesman to remain in Poona. He 
had made himself very popular by ruling the whole country 
from Poona to Nasik. His presence in these parts which 
were recently brought under the jurisdiction of Bijapur, 
might have led to a revolt. So the Raja was ostensibly 
sent for the conquest of the Karnatic, but in a way it was 
an exile to him. One can easily imagine the attitude of 
Shahji to the government of Bijapur. He could never be 
reconciled to his new position of gilded slavery. He was 
still in the prime of youth, and hence his righteous 
indignation and passion for revenge might have taken a 
subtle and subterranean turn in making his son Shivaji an 
instrument for the re-conquest of the parts which were under 
him as a virtual ruler of the Nizam Shahi State. 

2. Acquisition of new jagirs 

But before starting for the Karnatic, Shahji took a subtle 
step of reducing the power of the Ghorpades and of enlarging 
his own possessions. There is a firman of 1637 A. D. referring 
to a partition deed. Shahji and Maloji who was the grandson 
of Vallabhsing, complained to the Sultan of Bijapur against 
Raja Pratapsinha of Mudhol for having withheld their share 
from the family estates which then consisted of Mudhol with 
84 villages, the Parganas of Torgal and Wai, and many 
villages in Karad and the Karnatic. Shahji was granted the 
rank and command of 5, 000 horse, 26 villages in Karad, 
half the Pargana of Wai and half of the family possessions in 
the Karnatic. Similarly, Maloji got a command of 2, 000 
horse and 30 villages in the neighbourhood of Vijayanagar for 
the maintenance of his rank. Thus Shahji was able to 
revenge himself on the Ghorpades who had helped Randulla 
Khan in reducing the fort of Mahuli. To his original estate of 
Poona and Supa the new jagirs in the Wai and Karad 
Parganas were 1 added. The adjacent jagirs of the Ghorpades 
and Bhosles became a source of frequent disputes between 
1. See Persian Grant and its translation No. 1. 


the two branches. It appears that Raja Pratapsinha, while he 
was living in his jagir of Wai, was shot dead by some secret 
junta in 1646. His ashes were interned at Shilewadi. This 
tragic death has been mentioned in another Firman which 
was issued in 1647 to give assurance to his son Baji 
Ghorpade that in future no jagirs would be conferred upon 
his kinsmen in the neighbourhood of Anagundi and Kampli. 
Baji was made a minister, and command of 7, 000 horse was 
confirmed upon him. 1 The rest of Shahji's life is spent in 
the Karnatic. The Bakhars have recorded almost nothing about 
it, but the Shivabharat, Radha Madhav Vilas Champu and 
the Tanjore Inscription usefully supplement the data obtained 
from the Persian, English, Dutch and Portuguese sources. 
The part played by Shahji in the history of the Karnatic for 
one generation can be understood only when the complicated 
events of the dying Empire of Vijayanagar are studied in 

3. Vijayanagar in the throes of dissolution 

Vijayanagar, the greatest Hindu Empire of Southern 
India, passed through the throes of dissolution from 1614 
onwards. Revolutions at court, civil wars, factions of the 
nobility, murder of princes, frequent revolts of satraps, a 
series of crimes and catastrophies, depopulation and 
desolation, these undermined the Emperor's power and 
exhausted his financial resources. During the short period 
of 28 years, eight Emperors rapidly succeeded each other 
on the tottering throne of the Empire. 8 

4. Aggressions of the Naik of Ikkeri 

The Ikkeri kings had ruled in the Shimoga district and 
along the coast from the beginning of the 16th century. 

1. See Persian Grant and its translation No. 2. 

2. Sewell, Forgotten Empire, pp. 222-23 1. Sewell gives this list; Ranga 
{ 1619 ), Rama ( 1620-22 ), Ranga ( 1623 ), Venkata ( 1623 ), Rama ( 1629 ), 
Venkata ( 1636 ). It was this Venkatpati Raja who made a grant of Madraspatam 
to the English in 1639. O. C. Nos 1690. 1695, 1718. 1751. 

S. 14. 


Their territory included Aranga and Gutti below the Ghats 
in South Kanara. Keladi was their capital up to 1560, and 
Ikkeri up to 1639. Then they made Bednur or Nagar their 
chief place. Its walls were of great extent, forming three 
concentric enclosures. In the citadel was the palace, of 
mud and timber, adorned with carving and false gilding. A 
bird's-eye view of the weakening of the central government 
and of the mutual dissensions of the provincial governors 
is given by the famous Dutch traveller, P. D. Valle who 
visited Ikkeri in company with the Portuguese ambassador 
in 1623. 

" The Prince Venk -tapa Naieka, was sometimes Vassal 
and one of the Ministers of the great king of Vidia-Nagar 
which the Portugals corruptly call Bisnaga; but after the 
downfall of the king of Vidia-Nagar, who a few years age 
by the Warrs rais'd against him by his neighbours, lost 
together with his life a great part of his Dominion, and 
became in a manner extinct; Venk-tapa-Naieka, and also 
many other Naieki, who were formerly his Vassals and 
ministers, remain'd absolute Prince over that part of the 
state, whereof he was governor; which also being a good 
souldier, he hath much enlarg'd, having seiz'd by force 
many territories of divers other Naieki, and Petty princes 
his neighbours; and in brief, is grown to that reputation, 
that having had Warr with the Portugals too, and given them 
a notable defeat, 1 he is now held for their Friend, and for 
the establishment of this friendship they send this Embassage 
to him in the name of the king of Portugal, the Ambassador 
being styl'd, Ambassador of the State of India." 

1. He extended his dominions on the north and east to Masur, Shimoga, 
Kadur, and Bhuvanagiri ( Kavaledurga ), and on the west and south to the sea 
at Honore ( North Kanara ), by victory over the queen of Gersoppa, the pepper 
queen of the Portuguese, who was a feudatory of Bi japur. By espousing the 
cause of the queen of Olaya against the Bangar raja, he came into collision with 
the Portuguese who call him Venkapor, king of Canara. " Mysore and 
Coorg, p. 157. 


5. The royal city of Ikkeri described 

As the royal city of Ikkeri or Hikeri remained a storm 
centre of war in subsequent history, its realistic description 
by P. D. Valle who stayed there for a few days in 1623 or so, 
will be very interesting. 

" After a small journey further we arrived at Ikkeri* 
which is the Royal City of Venka-tapa Naiek where he holds 
his court; having travelPd since morning from Ahinala to 
Ikkeri but two Leagues; This city is seated in a goodly plain, 
and as we entered we pass'd through three gates with forts 
and ditches, but small, and consequently, three inclosures; 
the two first of which were not \\alls, but made of very high 
Indian canes, very thick and close planted in stead of a wall, 

and are strong against foot and horse in any , hard to 

cut, and not in danger of fire; besides, that the herbs which 
creep upon them, together with themselves, make a fair and 
great verdure and much shadow. The other inclosure is a 
wall, but weak and inconsiderable; But having pass'd these 
three, we pass'd all. Some say, there are other within, 
belonging to the Citadel or Fort where the Palace is; for 
Ikkeri is of good largeness, but the Houses stand thin and 
are ill built, especially without the third Inclosure; and most 
of the situation is taken up in great and long Streets, some of 
them shadow'd with high and very goodly Trees growing near 
lakes of water, of which there are many large ones, besides 
Fields, set full of Trees, like Groves, so that it seems to 
consist of a city, Lakes, fields, and Woods mingled together, 
and makes a very delightful sight. We were lodg'd in 
the House, as they said, wherein the king of Delight lodg'd, 
I know not whether Kinsman, Friend, or Vassal to Venk-ta-pa 
Naieka, but probably one of the above mentioned Royolets; 
and to go to this House we went out of the third Inclosure, 
passing through the inmost part of the City by another 
gate opposite to that by which we enter'd. The House 
indeed was such as in our Countries an ordinary Artisan 


would scarce have dwelt in, having very few, and those small 
and dark Rooms, which scare afforded light enough to read 
a Letter; they build them so dark as a remedy for the 
greater heat of Summer; However, this must needs have 
been one of the best, since it was assigned to the said King 
first, and now to our Ambassador; although as we pass'd 
through the midst of the City I observed some that made a 
much better show." 

6. Muslim alliance against Vijayanagar 

Bijapur and Golconda, taking advantage of this internal 
discord and exhaustion, opened a vigorous offensive for its 
dismemberment in 1637. The treaty of peace with Shah 
Jahan, the cession of a part of the Nizam Shahi territory 
and the transfer of the valuable services of an experienced 
general and a ripe administrator like Shahji, had immensely 
strengthened the position of Bijapur. Its ruler exhibited a 
great sagacity in using the new forces and opportunities 
for the conquest of a crumbling empire and making a pact 
\vith the King of Golconda by which the latter was to 
conquer the Imperial territory on the Coromandel Coast, 
while the central and western portions were to be captured 
by Bijapur. Moreover, Muhammad Adil Shah, King of 
Bijapur, desired to strengthen and glorify the Islamic religion 
in the Hindu Kingdom, and to win for himself the titles of 
Mujahid and G/wzi. l The opportunity for a campaign was 
offered by the mutual jealousies of the petty satraps of the 
Hindu Empire. 

7. Rebellion of Timmaraj 

The \vars between the Emperor Kodand Rama and his 
commander Timma Raja are thus described in the Dagh 
Register of 1631-34. 

I. Urdu Basatin-i-Salatin, p. 254, 


The Emperor imprisoned by Timmt Raja 

" That the Commander Tijmerage still kept the King of 
Carnatica in arrest and that there were no signs that he 
would be released. 

That the Tijmerage, Commander of the King of Carnatica, 
who had revolted against the king and arrested him, and 
except a few fortresses, had conquered the whole country, 
had also conquered the fortress Talamver. He hoped that 
the country would now become quiet, and that the trade 
would regain a better aspect." 1 

The Emperor was released from captivity 

" The Tijmoragie would most likely have to open the 
roads that he had kept closed so far round Paliacatte and 
in the kingdom of Carnatica, because the King of Carnatica, 
who now by the influence and interference of several raides 
of nobles had been released from captivity, was lying in camp 
with a big army and pursued the Tijmoragie, and according 
to everybody'd opinion he would chase him out of his 
incorporated and usurped countries, if he did not leave them 
on his own accord." 9 

Peace between the Emperor and Timma Raaj 

" Peace was made between the King and the Tijmerage. 
The latter thereby surrendered to the king all fortresses 
which he had possessed ( except two' 1 , and people said that 
the capture of the two said fortresses had been the only 
cause that had forced the Tijmerage to come to an 
understanding and make peace. Let us hope that the 
countries may live up again and become prosperous again as 
before, for which the Almighty may give His blessings." 8 

1-3. Dagh-Register 1631-34. Pp. 145, 241, 364. Mr. Sewell merely remarks 
that the king was devoid of energy, and that one Timma Raya had revolted 
against him. ( Forgotten Empire, p. 233. ) On the contrary, the chronicle 
Ramarajiymu describes him to be quite energetic and heroic. Sources of 
Vijayanagar History, p. 312. 


8. The first expedition into Malnad (1637-1638) 

Vira Bhadra Nayak of Ikkeri was enlarging his territory 
by conquering the neighbouring districts of various rulers. 
One of them was Kenge Nayak of Basvapattan 1 (Virshapattan 
of the Sanskrit writers) who, to take revenge for his previous 
routs and losses of territory, invited the Bijapur King to 
pounce unawares on the Nayak of Ikkeri. Randulla Khan, 
under the title of Rustum Zaman was sent with Shahji, 
Malik Raihan, and others to carry on this war in the 
spirit of Jihad or religious crusade. With the help of the 
traitor, Kenge Nayak, 8 the Bijapur army suddenly arrived 
at Ikkeri. The ruler succumbed to this unexpected attack 
and fled away to his fort of Kasnauldrug. Rustam Zaman 
captured Ikkeri, remained there for a month, gave one 
lakh of huns to the traitor, and then proceeded to attack 
Kasnauldrug. Vira Bhadra, unable to resist such a vast 
army, made peace by ceding half of his kingdom and 
giving 18 lakhs of huns.* 

Rustam Zaman returned in triumph to Bijapur, but 
two years after when Vira Bhadra threw off the yoke of 
submission by refusing to'pay up the balance of the stipulated 
indemnity, the Bijapur forces proceeded against him and 
in a short time completely subjugated him. However, he was 

1. The founder of the Basvapatan family is said to be Dhuma Raja whose 

son built the fort of Basvapatan and subdued a territory extending from 
Harihar and Kumasi to Taridere aad Bagur. His successor Hanumappa 
Nayak was confirmed in these possessions by the Vijayanagar 
Sovereign and he founded Sante Bennur. Mysore Gaz. II. 437, 447. 

2. Muhammad Namah and Sh. Bh. IX, 35 name the ruler as Keng 
Nayak, but Dr. Aiyangar says that he was Kenge Hanumma, the 
son of Kenge Nayak, Rustam was assisted by the Rajas of Sunda, 
Bilige, Tarikere and Banawar. Mysore and Coorg by Rice, 
p. 158. 

3. Urdu Basatin 4 -i-Salatin (p. 254) mentions 30 lakh huns. out of 
which 16 lakhs were paid in cash and the rest was to be 
given in instalments. 


restored to his principality through the intervention of Shahji. 1 
Since then he became a vassal of the Bijapur Kingdom and 
removed his capital to Bednur. 9 

9. Second expedition into the Kamatic (1638) 

In this expedition Rustam Zaman ( Randulla Khan ) 
with Shahji Raje marched for the conquest of Bangalore, 
while he deputed Afzal Khan to capture the fort of Sira. 
Its Nayak came out to negotiate with the commander, 
Afzal Khan, but was treacherously killed by him during 
the interview. The people heroically defended the fort for 
some time, but finally had to surrender it to the superior 
forces of Bijapur. Sira was first remorselessly plundered 
and then handed over to the traitor, Kenge Nayak, This 
treacherous Nayak was afterwards instrumental in 
intimidating Kemp Gouda, the chief of Bangalore, into 
submission. He gave up the fort with all its property to 
Rustam Zaman who appointed Shahji Raje as the governor 
of this part of the country, while the Gouda retired to his 
stronghold on Savandurga. Then the Bijapur army proceeded 
to conquer Shrirangpatam. Its ruler, Kantirava Narasa Raja 
Wodeyar, was subdued by Shahji whose valour was much 
appreciated by the commander- in chief, Rustam Zaman. 
Five lakhs of huns were taken as an indemnity and the 
fort was left in the possession of its ruler. Then the Nayaks 
of Madura and Kaveripattan were won over to the side 
of Bijapur. (Sh. Bh. 11. 4-5. ). 

10. Third expedition in 1639 

On the retirement of the Muslim forces to Bijapur 
Kenge Nayak began to collect troops and seek alliance of 
other Nayaks. He soon revolted against the Bijapur 
authority. Thereupon Rustam Zaman advanced from Bijapur 

1. Sh.Bh . XI. 6. 

2. S. K, Aiyangar, Ancient India. 293-94. 


with forced marches to put down his rebellion. At the same 
time he invited Vira Bhadra, the enemy of Kenge Nayak, to 
assist him in conquering Basvapatan. This town is said 
to have been defended by 70,000 warriors of Kenge Nayak. 
The Bijapurian army consisting of the levies of all the 
principal war-lords besieged the town. Afzal Khan, Shahji, 
Badaji (Madaji) and other officers were sent against the 
main gate of the fort; Siddi Raihan Sholapuri, Peshjang 
Khan, and Hussaini Ambar Khan, against the second gate; 
and Ankush Khan, 1 Yaqut Khan and some other generals 
against the third gate. The garrison is said to have fired 
80,000 rounds at the besiegers, but Afzal Khan heroically 
captured a part of the Peth. Thent he simultaneous advance 
of other generals broke down the opposition, some 3,700 
soldiers of the Nayak were killed in the action and thus after 
a very severe struggle the entire town was captured. Thereupon 
Kenge Nayak surrendered the fort and gave 40 lakhs of 
huns to Rustam Zaman. According to the Shivabharat (IX. 
37 ) the laurels of this victory were won by Shahji. 

11. The result of the campaign 

The fall of Basvapattan was followed by the conquest 
of Chiknayakan Halli, 9 Belur 3 (Velapuri), Tumknr, Kandal 
(Kuningal?; and Balapur, A vast booty was captured in 
these places and hence Bijapur rapidly advanced in pomp 
and prosperity. The beautiful suburban towu of Badshahpur 
and one memorable Palace of Justice* (Dad Mahaly were 
built in the metropolis at that time. It is evident that 
the Muslim arms succeeded everywhere against the petty 
Nayaks, each of whom had to fight single-handed against 
the overwhelming hosts of Bijapur. Now and then some 

1. These very names are found in the Shivabharat. IX. 34-35. 

2. 30 miles South West of Sira, 

3. 20 miles distant from Halbid or Dwarasmudra. Belur might have 
been plundered, but it remained in the possession of the Bednur ruler for 
a long time. 

4. It is now known as Asar Mahal. 


defeated chief like Kenge Nayak raised his head against the 
Muslims. Similarly, Shivappa Nayak, the successor of Vira 
Bhadra, made bold to surprise the Bijapuri commander 
stationed at Ikkeri, took the fort from him and strongly 
fortified it in 1643. Still within seven years the Bijapur. 
generals had succeeded in capturing a large part of the 
Karnatic, depriving the country of vast amounts of wealth, 
spreading Islam in the Hindu Kingdom, doing away with 
several Nayaks, and in reducing the power of the Hindu 
Emperors. The Muhammad Namah has thus depicted the 
result of the campaigns: 

"As the King thought of spreading and strengthening the 
true faith, he brought Ram Raja and all other Rajahs of the 
South under subjection, and the strong temples, which the 
infidels (Kafirs) had erected in every fort, were completely 
depopulated. The whole country was conquered in three 
years and the citadel of dualism and idol worship was given 
such a rude shock that the knots of the sacred thread-wearers 
of Setu Band Rameshwar were severed." 9 

12. Vigorous policy of Shriranga 

The Emperor Shriranga ascended the throne of Vijayanagar 
in 1642. He was young, energetic and jealous of his honour. 
He realized that it was impossible for him to stem the tide 
of Muslim advance from Golconda and Bijapur, unless all 
his satraps co-operated with him by being brought under 
his hegemony. But Tirumal Nayak of Madura was totally 
against the resuscitation of the defunct Empire. He brought 
about a triple alliance of the states of Tanjore, Ginji and 
Madura, but his secret plots were disclosed to the Emperor 
by the loyal ruler of Tanjore. 

13. Mir Jumla's defeat at Vellore 

Tirumal Nayak, to avoid the Imperial wrath, treacherously, 
called in the aid of Golconda. Its commander, Mir Jumla 

1. It is now known as Asar Mahal. 

2. Muhammad Namah. 

s. is. 


made Vellore the objective of his attack and succeeded in 
surprising it. But the Emperor with the assistance of Shivappa 
Nayak of Ikkeri-Bednur was able to expel Mir Jumla's forces 
from this impregnable fort and make prisoners of a part of 
the garrison. The Emperor very gratefully conferred many 
titles and abundant wealth upon Shivappa who, to further 
assist his lord, defeated several recalcitrant feudatories. 1 
Hardly was the Muslim invader repelled, when the two 
ministers of Shriranga's predecessor who had been dismissed by 
him, intrigued with Golconda. The East India Company's 
records mention that one of these, Damerala Venkata who 
was imprisoned by the Emperor for his treachery, was likely 
to be released 9 on account of the pressure being put on 
him by Mir Jumla. It was at this time that Shriranga 
sought the assistance of Bijapur by promising to pay 
150,000 pagodas and 24 elephants. 3 

14. Treaty between Vijayanagar and Bijapnr 

The Mahammad Namah mentions a treaty made between 
the Rayal of Vellore and Rustam Zaman which appears 
to be incredible. But it is possible that, having been 
exasperated against his insurgent governors whom he alone 
could not bring into subjection and who were yet falling 
a prey to the Muslims, the Rayal might have devised the 
plan of issuing a threat to them by announcing that he 
would be seeking the help of Bijapur in their reduction. 
The forces of the Emperor of Vijayanagar and the King 
of Bijapur were to make conquests conjointly and whenever 
a fort was to be captured, its moveable property was to be 
taken by the Bijapurians and the immoveable was to go 
into the RayaTs possession. Thus the latter could save his 
country from passing into the hands of the enemy. But 
the threat had the desired effect, because the treaty was 

1. Sources of Vijayanagar History, p. 347. 
2-3. E. F. 1642-45, pp. SO, 111. 


not observed by the Rayal who rather made common cause 
with the local Rajas, refused to be coerced by the Bijapurians, 
and prepared to oppose them. 

15. Victories of Shriranga 

Having got some respite from the invasions of the two 
Muslim states by his vigorous policy and having won a few 
governors to his cause, Shriranga turned his attention to the 
subjection of the rebellious Nayaks of Madura, Ginji and 
Mysore. We learn from a letter of October 1645 that the 
Emperor had brought his enemies under control and had 
restored himself to his original position. 1 

16. Conquests of Mir Jumla 

But he had no time to restore peace and order to the 
harassed land. The enemies were always knocking at his 
doors. Bijapur and Golconda made a common cause against 
him and the war began more vigorously than before. Mir 
Jumla succeeded in capturing Udayagiri, the capital of the 
eastern parts from the Governor Mallaya. Its account is 
recorded in the two extracts of the East India Company: 

" Having now answered the Surat letters they will conclude 
with an account of ' How the warres stand betwixt the king 
of Vinagar ( Vijayanagar ) and the Hollanders. Ever since 
the seige of Pullacatt, which was begune the 12th August last, 
he hath bine in warres with the kinq of Vizapore ( Bijapur ) 
and in the civil warres with three of his great ffagites\ 
soe that he to this time never had opportunitie to send a 
considerable foorse against Pulicatt, more then 4,000 souldiers 
that lay before it to stopp the wayes that no goods should 
goe in or out. And now the King of Gulcondah hath sent 
his generall, Mier Gumlack ( Mir Jumla ) with a great armie 
to oppose this king; who is advanced to the Jentues cuntry 
where the King hath sent Mallay, who hath got togeather 
50,000 souldiers (as report saith), whereof 3,000 he sent 

1. E. F. 1642-45. p. 290. 


for from Pullacatt, to keep the Moors from intrenching upon 
this Kings country. Soe there is now remaining before 
Pullacatt but one thousand. 1 

"This countre is at present full of warrs and troubles 
for the King and three of his Nagues are at varience, and 
the King of Vijapoores armie is come into this country on 
the one side and the King of Gulkondah uppon the other, 
both against this King. The Meir Jumlah is Generall for the 
King of Gulcondah, whoe hath allreadie taken three of the 
Kings castles whereof one of them is reported to bee the 
strongest hould in his kingdome; where Molay (Malaya) was 
sent to keepe it, but in short tyme surrendered it unto the 
Meir Jumlah, uppon composition for himselfe and all his 
people to goe away free; but how hee will be received by the 
king we shall advice you by the next, for this newes came 
unto us but yesturday." 2 

The allied troops laid siege to Vellore itself and 
completely defeated the Rayal. Subsequent to its fall, all 
the eastern portions of the Empire fell like ripe fruits into the 
hands of Mir Jumla. Thereupon the English East India 
Company obtained the renewal of their grant from Mir Jumla, 
the Suzerain of Madras. Similarly, the Dutch who were 
given freedom to reside and trade in Tegenapatam, were 
granted the farm of the town of Palicat by the Vijayanagar 
King. This town seems to have passed into the possession of 
Mir Jumla in 1645 and of Bijapur in 1651. The details of 
these events are told in various Dutch documents. 3 

17. Campaign against Shivappa of Ikkeri in 1644 

Let us now turn our attention to the activities of the rulers 
of Bcdnur. Virabhadra was defeated but not crushed by 
the Muslem army. His younger brother and general Shivappa 

1. E. F.1646-1650. P. 25. Fort St. George to Surat. 21 January 1646, 
O. C. 1974. 

2. E. F. 1646-1650. P, 26. Fort St. George to Surat. 10th February 1646. 
O. C. 1975. Of. O. C. Nos. 1653, 1696. 1718. 1859, 1952, 2046. 

3. Dutch Records, Series I, Vol. 15, No. 484; Vol. 17, Nos. 518, 532; 
Vol. 18. No. 539. Mack. Mss. 201, pp. 10, 24, 25, 27, 31, 32 38,46, 62. 


subsequently subdued Bhairasa of Karkala, invaded Malayalam 
and entered Coorg. Swelled by his victories, he murdered 1 
Virabhadra, and himself ascended the throne. He was one 
of the most distinguished kings of the line. He raided 
Manjrabad, Vastara, Sakkarepattan and Hassan. He greatly 
enlarged Bednur ( Bidnur or Bidanur ) and made it a central 
emporium of trade. " Being in the direct course of trade 
by the Hosangadi ghat, it rapidly increased in size and 
importance, until there was a prospect of the houses reaching 
the number of a lakh, which would entitle it to be called a 
Nagara. The walls were 8 miles in circumference, and had 
10 gates, named the Killi, Kodial, Kavaledurga, &c. The 
palace was on a hill in the centre, surrounded with a citadel, 
and the whole city was encircled by woods, hills and fortified 
defiles, extending a great way in circumference. " a 

Father Leopardo Paes, then travelling in Kanara, says 
that Shivappa had amassed enormous treasure, that his 
possessions extended from the Turdy river to Kasargod or 
Nilesvar, and that he had a standing army of from forty to 
fifty thousand men. There were more than thirty thousand 
Christians among his subjects, originally natives of Goa 
andSalsett. 3 

On learning the news of the fall of Ikkeri into the hands 
of Shivappa Nayak, Muhammad Adil Shah resolved to 
proceed to Malnad in person. So he left Bijapur at the head 
of a large army on 3rd January 1644. But he encamped 
at Bankapur, the famous outpost of his kingdom, called 
Dar-ul-Fath, 'the capital of victory' since llth January 
onwards. He despatched Nawab Khan Baba Mustafa Khant 
and Muzaffar-ud-din Khan-i-Khanan for the conquest of 
Ikkeri. Shivappa is said to have mightily strengthened the 

1. But Shivatattvaratnakara. a history of the Keladi Kings, states that 
Virabhadra became an ascetic and gave his kingdom to his uncles, Shivappa 
and Ventappa, Sources of Vi jayanagar History, p. 346. 

2. Mysore Gazetteer Vol. II. P. 464. 

3. Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions. Pp. 158-59. 


fortifications of the place, but to have left its defence to 
his generals. The garrison heroically defended the fort for 
five days, but when a tower was raised by the enemy to 
mount their cannon for the bombardment of the hill-castle, 
the defenders were disheartened and they surrendered the 
fort. Sagar, another important town at the distance of four 
miles from Ikkeri, was also captured. Khan Baba was left 
to consolidate this conquest and the main part of the army 
returned to Bankapur and then marched on with the King 
to Bijapur. Thus in less than three months the campaign 
against Ikkeri was over. 1 

18. Expedition under the Khan-i-Khanan in 1644-5 

At the end of the rainy season of 1644 another expedition 
was sent into the Karnatic under the Khan-i-Khanan with all 
the principal officers who had distinguished themselves there 
in previous campaigns. Yet the vast force could hardly make 
any headway for full one year, on account of either the treaty 
of peace with Shriranga or his vigorous opposition. As the 
campaign was centred in the Karnul district which was 
included in the Golkonda Kingdom, it is evident that Khan-i- 
Khanan was assisting Shriranga against Mir Jumla. All 
the force was first concentrated to capture the strong fort 
of Nandiyal 2 which fell after a severe fight lasting for 
four days. 

The fall of this important place was followed by the capture 
of eight places whose names are thus given in the Muhammad 
Namah: " Sriwal, Kopgonda, Obhali, Porlor, Parkanpulast, 
Kanigiri, Kardelmast, Chabakalmarbast. 3 Khaljalm and 
Kanikgiri." The king was much gratified with these conquests 
and honoured the Khan-i-Khanan with the high-sounding 
title of Khan-i-Muhammad Muhammad Shahi. It appears 
that some treaty was concluded between the two Muslim 

1. Muh. Namah and Basatin-i-Salatin. 

2. It is written Nandbhal in the Muhammad Namah. 

3. Muhammad Namah. 


tnonarchs and hence Abdullah Qutub Shah sent a rich present 
to Mahammad Shah to close the war and seal his friendship. 

19. Mustafa Khan's campaign in 1646-48 

This was the most brilliant of all the campaigns in 
the Karnatic. Nawab Mustafa Khan was sent as 
commander-in-chief along with other premier nobles on 
5th June 1646. On the way he captured the Gumti Fort 
on the Palri river. It was a stronghold of the robbers 
who were laying waste the neighbouring country. Passing 
through Gadag and Lakmeshwar, the Muslim army reached 
Honhalli, 12 miles to the west of Basvapatan. Here 
Rustam Zaman was deprived of his command and property 
for his disloyalty to the King, but was afterwards restored to 
his former honours through the intercession of the Nawab. 
Here the latter was met on 3rd October by Shahji Raja and 
Asad-ul-Khawanin who had been sent ahead to secure the 
frontiers against a rebellion of the Hindu princes. Here 
too came Shivappa Nayak with a contingent of 3,000 cavalry. 
He was sent to keep watch on the Raja of Shrirangapatam 
with more than 30,000 force. Dadu Nayak, the Raja of 
Harpanhalli, joined the army with a force of 30,000 horse 
and 2,000 foot, Then came Husaini Ambar Khan, Jujhar 
Rao, Abaji Ghatge, a brother of Kengc Nayak, Balaji ( son 
of Haybat Rao), the Desais of Lakmeshwar and Kopal. 
The last two alone are said to have brought 20,000 foot 
with them. 

Strengthened with the troops of so many Maratha and 
Muslim chiefs and of the local Nayaks, the Bijapuri army 
advanced like an irresistible sea. It was greeted at Shivaganga 
in the Tumkur district by the envoy of Shriranga and the 
ambassadors of the rulers of Madura, Ginji and Tanjore 
who had revolted against the authority of Shriranga Rayal, 
the Emperor of Vijayanagar. Thereupon the latter too opened 
negotiations with the Nawab to request him to abstain from 
invasion and to renounce his alliance with Golconda. 


While the pourparlers of peace were going on, the Emperor 
forthwith marched against the rebellious Nayaks with three 
lakhs infantry, 12,000 horse and 100 elephants. The Nayak 
of Ginji was soon subdued, but the other two rulers offered 
a stubborn resistence. 

The Nawab turned deaf ears to the terms of the Emperor's 
ambassador and demanded the immediate withdrawal of 
the invading army from the Nayak's country. Thereupon 
the ambassador conveyed to his master the preliminary 
condition of the peace, so that the Emperor was compelled 
against his will to return to his capital without punishing the 
rebels. The ambassador was permitted to return with the 
Bijapuri envoy Mulla Ahmad to his master for settling the 
terms of the treaty. The Nawab was anxious to keep the 
Brahmin envoy in his camp as a hostage, but through the 
intervention of Shahji he was allowed to go back to Vellore. 
The Nawab's army was encamped at the head of the 
Nayakamere Pass, some 28 miles from Vellore. It has been 
seen that the rulers of the southern principalities like Ginji, 
Madura and Tanjore, as well as the Nayaks of Harpanhalli 
and Ikkeri, were with the immense Bijapuri army consisting 
of Maratha levies and Muslim troops. Even then Shriranga 
decided not to submit like a coward, but to await the 
decision of the sword. 

He organised the defence, fortified the passes and 
proceeded to oppose the advance of the Bijapuri army 
through Jagdeva's territory of the Baramahals in the Salem 
district. Shriranga had come up to the strong fort of 
Krishnadrug with an army of one lakh foot and 12,000 horse. 
The Nawab probably wanted to surprise the Rayal from the 
rer.r. In the meantime a furious battle was fought in January 
1646 between the advance guards under Jagdeva, the Raja 
of Kaveripattan, 1 and the Bijapuri army under Shahji and 
Asad Khan. As the latter was away from the field, Shahji 
alone was in command of the small force. Though the main 
1. Sh. Bh. XL 40. 


armies did not take any part in this battle, yet Jagdeva was 
defeated and obliged to take refuge in Krishnadrug, while the 
Emperor seems to have fallen back towards his capital. 

The version of the Basatin-i- Salatin is just the opposite 
of what is recorded in the Muhammad Namah. It is said 
that Shahji was defeated, and the elephant on which he sat 
at the time of the battle and his bag and baggage were taken 
away by the enemy. On hearing of Shahji's defeat, Mustafa 
Khan despatched the heavy baggage to Bangalore and 
rapidly advanced to Shahji's assistance. It appears that the 
defeat was very crushing, because the premier at once wrote 
to the King for more troops. Thereupon Khan Muhammad 
and Malik Raihan were ordered to postpone the operations 
on the Gunji Kotah side and to immediately join Mustafa 
Khan with all their forces. It is said that Malik Raihan was 
unwilling with his exhausted troops to proceed to the assistance 
of the main army, but the king repeated his peremptory 
orders by presenting his own portrait to him. Then the Malik 
hastened to the premier's camp which was situated between 
Banikalur and the Masti 1 Pass. The version of the contemporary 
Muhammad Namah ought, however, to be preferred to that 
of the Basatin-i-Salatin which was compiled later on. 

After the approach of the main army under the Nawab, a 
plan was made to subdue the whole country under Jagdeva. 
Krishnadrug, Virabhadra Durg, (the capital of Jagdeva), 
Deva Durg, Anandbar, Amravati, Gudiyatam, Waranjpur 
(Vrinchipuram), Ranpur, Taranpur (Tirupatur), Kaveripattan, 
Hasan Raidurg, Raidurg,' -Ratnagiri, Kanakgiri, Wfalg'iri, 
Arjunkot, Dhalenkot and others were captured after stubborn 
resistance from the defenders, so that the whole territory was 
overrun in one year. 

After annexing a large part of the Baramahals, the 

Bijapuri army marched for the reduction of Vellore. A furious 

battle was first fought on the plain before the walls of the 

capital. Therein Shahji, other Hindu Vazirs and Muslim 

1. Masti Pass 30 miles E. of Bangalore. 



lords played a distinguished part. Shahji backed by his Muslim 
colleague Asad Khan, commanded the right wing of the 
Bijapuri army. A tumultuous battle lasted for several 
hours. Sometimes the Muslims were hurled back, at others, 
the Hindus. All of a sudden the Vijayanagar General, 
Damalvar who was a very famous hero, fell upon the army 
of Shahji. In the onslaught General Asad Khan was wounded 
and dismounted from his steed. The army seemed to fall 
back, but it was rallied by Malik Raihan. The Vijayanagar 
General advanced on his elephant further to the place 
occupied by Mustafa Khan, but he was closely followed by 
Malik Raihan. The premier even thought of getting down 
from his elephant, but he was dissuaded from doing so by 
a Maratha Sardar Tembaji Saheb. Soon after, the forces 
under the Vijayanagar General Damalvar and Malik Raihan 
came to grip with each other. In this battle the Hindu 
forces were defeated and thus the whole Hindu army was 
dispersed after a terrible slaughter. It is said in the 
Muhammad Namah that 5,800 soldiers lay dead on the 
field. The General himself was wounded by Mustafa Khan 
with an arrow and thereafter he fled away with his army. 
Thereupon the Bijapurians invested the fort. After some 
resistance, the Rayal submitted and agreed to pay 50 lakh 
huns and 150 elephants as an indemnity, and the hostilities 
were temporarily suspended. The Nawab left Shahji and 
Asad Khan for the government of che conquered Karnatic and 
returned home laden with an immense booty and rarest 
presents. He was highly honoured by the King who marched 
up to the river Krishna to receive the victorious Premier. 

20. Campaign against Ginji in 1648 

Nawab Mustafa Khan was again appointed to the 
command of the Karnatic campaign to crush Shriranga. He 
started from Hasanabad, a suburb of Bijapur, on 12th 
January 1648. The Nawab was received on the way by 
Shahji and Asad Khan who had been left for the administration 


of the Karnatic. The Nawab, with the assistance of Shahji, 
achieved a unique victory by the capture of the strong forts 
of the Jangama pass. The presence of Shahji at the siege 
ofjangama is attested by a Firman of llth January 1648 
issued to Jaswant Rao Wadwe for going to Jangama Kanvi 
with his contingent and joining Maharaj Farzand Shahji 
Bhosle. He was exhorted to live in agreement and concord 
with the Maharaj and to remain loyal to the government. 

Thus it is evident that by this time Shahji was conferred 
the high titles of ' Maharaj ' and ' Son of the King of 
Bijapur.' The full text of the Firman is given in the 
Appendix. This obviously shows that his services in the 
Karnatic had been very much appreciated by the Sultan. 

It is true that the Muhammad Namah does not often 
refer to the achievements of Shahji. But it should not be 
ignored that this history was written by Zahur who was the 
protege of Nawab Mustafa Khan. He is thus expected to 
sing the encomiums of his patron in and out of season and 
to ignore all others, particularly those who were not of his 
patron's party. Shahji belonged to the opposite faction 
which had been instrumental in confining Mustafa Khan in 
the Belgaum Fort. It is evident that the services of other 
generals like Asad Khan are also not mentioned by the 
author of the Muhammad Namah. Similarly, this history is 
often silent on the part palyed by Golconda in these wars. 
Just as some English, Dutch and Portuguese documents 
supplement the account recorded in the Muhammad Namah, 
similarly the Shivabharat and Marathi sources are to be 
relied upon to fill up the gaps. 

Having been urged by Tirumal Nayak of Madura, Mir 
Jumla advanced to the formidable fort of Ginji. Vijayaraghava 
Nayak, son of Raghunath Nayak of Tanjore, being panick- 
stricken by the approach of a large army, surrendered to the 
enemy. This Nayak " knew that he could not give pitched 
battle to an enemy, whose mere number had created so much 
terror; but, he could no longer count on his ally of Madura, 


whom he had scandalously betrayed. Obliged to take sides r 
he did what one would always do, under the influence of 
terror; he decided on the most senseless and disastrous 
step: he delivered himself up to the king of Golconda and 
concluded with him a treaty by which he surrendered at 
discretion." ' Tirumal Nayak soon repented of his short- 
sighted policy and desired to amend matters by having 
recourse to an alliance with the Bijapur king who immediately 
sent him an army of 17,000 horse for his assistance. With 
this imposing cavalry and 30,000 infantry of his own, he 
marched to relieve Ginji from the forces of Mir Jumla. But 
the Muslim armies soon came to an understanding among 
themselves. Tirumal Nayak, being deserted by his Muslim 
friends, hurled himself with all his army into the fort of Ginji 
for its defence. "The fortress, protected by its advantageous 
position, was, besides, defended by good fortifications, 
furnished with a strong artillery and by a numerous army, 
provisioned for a considerable time; it could, accordingly 
defy all the efforts of the besiegers. But soon disagreements 
and divisions sprang up among these men ( the besieged ) so 
diversified in nationality and manners. A revolt broke out 
in the midst of the general confusion, the gates of the citadel 
were thrown open to the enemy, who rushed into it and 
delivered the town, the richest in all these countries, to 
pillage. The booty was immense, consisting of silver, gold, 
pearls, and precious stones of inestimable value." 9 

This account by father Proenza is supplemented by that 
recorded in the Muhammad Namah and the Basatin-i-Salatin. 

Finding it impregnable, Mir Jumla succeeded in securing 
the assistance of the Bijapur army. Thereupon, Tirumal Nayak 
of Madura deserted by his Muslim friends began to actively 
help the besieged. He also succeeded in fanning the flames of 
enmity between Golconda and Bijapur, and the result of 
his diplomacy was the raising of the siege by Mir Jumla. The 

1. La Mission Du Madure III. P. 45. 

2. La Mission Du Madure III. P. 46. 


latter retired to make new acquisitions in the Kadappa district 
and to consolidate his previous conquests. Thus the Bijapuri 
army was left alone to conduct the siege. There was a 
further trouble ahead. The principal commanders like Shahji, 
Khairiyat Khan and Siddi Raihan were dissatisfied with 
Mustafa Khan, and their rebellion naturally prolonged the 
operations. Sometime after, Mustafa ' himself succumbed to 
old age and died in harness there on 9th November 1648. 
The command passed on first to Malik Raihan, and then 
to Muzaffar-ud-din Khan-i-Khanan Khan Muhammad.* 
With the heroic assistance of Afzal Khan, the fort is said to 
have been ultimately reduced in December 1648. 

Mir Jumla who had his camp at Gunji Kotah, taking 
advantage of the sudden death of Mustafa Khan and of the 
mutual discord of the generals of the Bijapuri army, called 
upon Malik Raihan to raise the siege. This is confirmed by 
the Muhammad Natnah wherein it is said that the ungrateful 
Abdullah Shah whose forces had been defeated by the Rayal 
and who could not have won an inch of the Karnatik without 
Bijapuri support, had formed a secret alliance with the 
Rayal, and sent his general Mir Jumla to assist the Hindus 
in the siege of Ginji. 

It appears that the King of Golconda was dissatisfied 
with the Bijapuri generals for violating the treaty. The two 
kings were to conjointly conquer the Hindu territory and to 
divide the booty in the proportion of two to one, i. e., 
two-thirds was to be taken by Adil Shah and one-third by 
Qutb Shah. The latter even complained to Shah Jahan against 
Bijapur for the unjust appropriation of the share due to him. 3 

1. The death of Mustafa to whom a part of Rajapur belonged was noticed 
by the English Factors in their letter of 31 Jan. 1649, O. C. 2115. 

2. Basatin-i-Salatln makes no mention of this general. Under the adverse 
Circumstances, the Malik had to retire from Ginji to Waswati. a place 14 miles 
from Vellore. There he waited the arrival; of the new commander-in-chief. 
Then both proceeded to renew the siege. 

3. Sir J. Sarkar in Modern Review 1929 July No. 


According to the Basatin-i-Salatin, Rup Nayak, the Raja 
of Ginji, was very proud and wealthy. His family had been 
in possession of the fort for seven hundred years. Being 
given to a licentious and luxurious life, he had neglected 
the affairs of his kingdom. As he was not helped by the 
neighbouring chiefs during the siege and because his provisions 
and fodder were exhausted, he was ultimately forced to 
surrender the fort to the Bijapurians on 28th December 
1648. Besides the vast amounts of wealth plundered by the 
soldiers for themsleves, the Bijapuri army got hold of all the 
accumulated riches of the Ginii rulers. It amounted to four 
krores of huns or 20 krores of rupees in cash and jewels. 

" The country which had nothing except idol worship 
and infidelity for thousands of centuries was illuminated with 
the light of Islam through the endeavours and good wishes 
of the King. The treasures, gems, jewels and other property 
worth four crores of huns was added to the imperial treasury. 
Mosques were erected in the cities which were full of 
temples and the preachers and criers were appointed in 
order to propagate the Muhammedan religion." 1 

All the Muslim army was not employed in reducing the 
fort of Ginji. It appears from the English Records that in 
this campaign the Bijapur King employed the well-known 
Pindarics for the wanton desolation and devastation of the 
land. This fact is worth noticing, since afterwards Shivaji 
followed in the footsteps of Muslim rulers in some of his 
policies. His system of plunder was surely more humane 
than the one that was used by the Bijapuri war-lords in the 

" Nations who lye within two daies journey one of 
another with powerful armies, watching all advantage upon 
each other, yet both strive to make a prey of this miserable 
and distracted or divided people. These are the Gulcandah 
and the Vizapoore ( Bijapur) Moores, the latter of which 
hath brought in 8,000 freebooters who receave noe pay but 
plunder what they can; whose incursions, roberies, and 

1. Muhammad Namab, P. 126* 


devastations hath brought a desolacion on a great part of the 
country round about, specially the three prime cloth ports, 
Tevenapatam, Porto Novo, and Pullacherey ( Pondichery ) 
of which the two last are in a manner ruin'd, the other 
hardly preserveing itselfe in a poore condition with 
continueall presents." 1 

Flushed with the conquest of Ginji, the Muslim lords 
advanced into the territories of Madura and Tanjore. Both 
the craven-hearted Nayaks shut themselves up in inaccessible 
forests and allowed the enemy to plunder and devastate the 
country in the manner described above. Finally, they opened 
negotiations and submitted to the Muslims. Thus after subduing 
two powerful Nayaks, gathering incalculable treasures, and 
without losing a single soldier, the army returned to Bijapur.* 

21. Cause of Shahji's imprisonment 

The Marathi Bakhars and Basatin-i-Salatin are unanimous 
in attributing Shahji's arrest to the rebellious conduct 
of Shivaji. He had taken possession of some forts and 
territories, had killed several Bijapuri officers, had surprised 
the escort below the Bhor Ghat and captured the royal 
treasure which was being conveyed from Kalyan to Bijapur. 
Besides his conquest of Kalyan and the hill forts of 
Rajmachi, Lohgad etc. frowning the Ghats below, had 
highly incensed the King of Bijapur. It was naturally 
concluded that these disloyal acts must have been done by 
the young Shivaji with the advice and instigation of his 
father. Hence secret orders were issued to arrest Shahji. 

There are many versions of the method of his 
imprisonment. ( i) The Sabhasad records that a letter was 
written to Shahji directing him to keep his son under proper 
control. Thereupon the Maharaja replied that his son was 
no longer under his control and His Majesty might 
consequently deal with him in any manner he liked. This 

1. O. C. 2085. E. F. 1646-1650, P. 215. 

2. Nayaks of Madura, p. 266, 


incident has been wrongly connected with the appointment 
of Afzal Khan to punish Shivaji, so that the Sabhasad makes 
no mention of the imprisonment and release of Shahji in 1649. 
(ii) The Chitragupta and Shiva Pratap Bakhars, though 
they make the details more spicy, commit the same 
mistake ( Sabh. 12; Chitragupta 7; Shiva Pratap, 77). 
(iii) According to Chitnis (36-37), Shahji wrote a letter to 
Shivaji censuring his conduct and ordering him to go to 
Bijapur. Thereupon Shivaji sought the advice of his wife, 
Sai Bai Saheb as well as of his officers and nobles, and 
thereafter despatched curt replies to his father as well as 
the King that he was ready to take the consequence of his 
deeds, but could not be thus diverted from his course. The 
King did not believe the Raje. As he had harboured a 
suspicion in his heart against Shahji, he ordered Baji 
Ghorpade to arrest Shahji by any means and bring him to 
the metropolis from Trivapi near Tanjore. (iv) The Shiva 
Digvijaya ( 133-138 ) reproduces all the letters mutually 
sent by Shivaji, Shahji and the King. Shivaji is said 
to have consulted his mother, his officers, his wife and 
his inspiring Goddess Bhawani before sending replies to his 
father and the King. The latter deputed Baji Ghorpade 
and Sarje ( Sharza ) Khan to persuade the Raje for 
fully controlling his son. The Nabob excused himself on 
the ground of his friendship with Shahji, but Ghorpade 
consented to carry out the order of the King to arrest 
Shahji. (v) The Muhammad Namah has a different story 
altogether. During the siege of Ginji some incidents 
happened which caused ill-will between the Nawab and 
Shahji. Instead of showing obedience to the premier and 
chief command, Shahji had the temerity to disavow his 
authority. Hence the Nawab thought out plans to arrest him. 
" As the siege lingered on, Shahji Rajah who always 
changes sides like the dice of the gamblers, sent his 
chamberlain to the Nawab, requesting his permission to go to 
his own dominion, so that his soldiers may get some rest. 


The Nawab replied that it amounted to creating 
-disturbance if he were to break off at that critical time* 
Thereupon Shahji Raja again sent a word to him that in 
the camp grain was very dear and the soldiers could no 
longer put up with hardships and trouble, that under those 
circumstances there was no need of taking any permission 
and that he would leave for his country without any 

When the Nawab found that Shahji Raja was bent on 
kicking up a row, and through fox-like cunningness wished 
to mar the game, he used extreme prudence and skill and 
imprisoned him in such a manner that out of his ministerial 
property not a single tasu was lost, and all his wealth 
and property were taken into possession by the imperial 

Sir J. Sarkar suggests that the arrest of Shahji was due 
to his disloyal intrigues. ' He was coquetting with the 
Rayal and Qutb Shah, and the latter sovereign divulged 
the fact to Adil Shah.' The evidence for suspecting Shahji's 
loyalty is to be seen in the fact that he allowed Venkayya 
Somaji, the ambassador of the Ra>al, to return to his 
master against the wishes of the chief command, and secondly 
in a letter of 23rd December 1647 from Qutb Shah to his 
envoy at Bijapur that he had received a petition from Shahji 
Bhonsle, begging to be taken under his protection, but that 
he had then and repeatedly before this rejected Shahji 's 
prayer and told him to serve Adil Shah. l 

Sarkar's suspicion is based upon slender evidence. Let 
it not be forgotten that Shahji as Governor was a virtual 
king of the Karnatic, that he possessed large estates in the 
Karnatic and Maharashtra under Bijapuri jurisdiction, that 
he had enjoyed the unbroken confidence of his king for 
ten years without any evidence of a rupture between them, 
and that he was conferred the titles of Maharaj and the Son 

I. Modern Review 1929. July No. 

S. 17. 


of the Sultan of Bijapur. It is unlikely that under such 
circumstances Shahji could have thought of leaving his 
personal and ancestral jagirs for an insecure service under 
Kutb Shah. The real cause of the rupture with Mustafa 
Khan seems to be his protest against the treacherous policy 
of the Khan in terminating his alliance with the puissant 
prince of Madura and making a common cause with Mir Jumla. 
It has been seen that the new treaty did not help Bijapur, 
because the Nayak of Madura made things hot for Muslims. 
Shahji's view of relieving Ginji from the siege of Mir Jumla 
with the assistance of the Najak was justified. It is also 
possible that Mustafa Khan might have forestalled a strong 
Hindu League consisting of the Nayaks of Madura, Ginji, 
Tanjore, Mysore, Kaveripattan and Bednur, of Shriranga 
of Vijayanagar and of Shahji Raje against the Muslims. 
These seem to have been the causes of the rupture, and of 
the subsequent imprisonment of Shahji. 

22. Release of Shahji 

The account of Shahji's imprisonment being the same 
in the Basatin-i-Salatin and the Shiva Bharat, seems to be 
reliable, while the story of the Bakhars is quite contradictory. 
It has been said in the Shiva Bharat that one day early 
in the morning when the sun was about to peep out, 
Dilawar 1 Khan, Masud Khan, Ambar Khan, Rajahs of 
Adoni and Karnpur, Farhad Khan, Khairat Khan, Yaqut 
Khan, Azam Khan, Bahlol Khan, Malik Raihan Khan, 
Balal, son of Haybat Raja, Sidhoji, Mambaji Pawar, 
Mambaji Bhosla, and some other nobles, besieged the 
camp of Shahji. As his soldiers had kept awake that night, 
they had no idea of such a sudden attack and were 
unprepared, and so there was a great disorder and tumult 
in their camp. Masud Khan himself was commanding the 
forces. Then Khandoji, Ambaji, Manaji, Baji Raje 

1. Basatin-i-Salatin gives the names of only three Sardars Baji Rao 
Ghorpade, Yashwant Rao Wadhwe, and Asad Khan. 


Ghorpade, Yeshwant Rao Wadhwe, and others entered the 
camp of Shahji and thus awakened him. Shahji ordered 
all his nobles to be prepared. Then he rode on a powerful 
horse and attacked Baji Raje Ghorpade. His faithful nobles 
stood on all sides to protect him. Then a close fight began 
and Shahji exchanged blows with the Ghorpade, but finally 
he swooned, fell down wounded, and was arrested by the 
Ghorpade himself. The three thousand horse of Shahji soon 
dispersed, and much plunder was secured from the camp. 

The traditional account according to which Shahji was 
invited by Baji Raje Ghorpade of Mudhol in his house for a 
banquet and was treacherously put under arrest, is obviously 
wrong. 9 No treachery or stratagem was at all practised by 
the Ghorpade. In obedience to the orders of his commander, 
like so many others, he too pursued Shahji and after a tough 
fight succeeded in capturing him. It has been seen that 
Yaswant Rao Wadhwe bore some enmity to Shahji and the 
Ghorpade too was not on good terms with him. Even near 
kinsmen like Mambaji and Trimbakji Bhosle were in the 
pursuing party, as were Sidhoji and Mambaji Pawar. Baji * 
Raje was really accompanied with seven Maratha Sardars. 

The vast booty acquired in the fort of Jinji and Shahji 
were brought to Bijapur under the vigilant escort of Afzal 
Khan who was received with a great pomp in the Kalyan 
Mahal by the King. The Muhammad Namah thus relates 
the imperial treatment meted out to Shahji. 

" Shahji Raja who was brought in chains was sent to 
the prison of example ( ordinary confinement ), and at this 

2. This romance has been accepted without doubting its veracity by 
Kincaid, I. 142. 

3. Kincaid ( I, 142 ) is grossly wrong in asserting that ' the King ( Adil 
Shah ) bad recently conferred the fief of Mudhol on Baji Ghorpade and he was 
now expected to show that he had deserved his promotion. * Mudhol was 
conferred on Rana Bhairavsinba for the first time in 1398 and since then the 
grant used to be confirmed to each successor. Thus Mudhol had been in the 
possession of Baji's ancestors for 250 years and yet it is said by Kincaid to bs 
recently cw/erred on Baji. 


kind treatment of the King towards Shahji, the nobles and 
the residents of the city were surprised, because they thought 
that Shahji Raja deserved capital punishment and no favour 
in the form of a guard or watch. As he was put in 
confinement, they thought that he might be pardoned and 
liberated. Some of the councillors did not like his release 
in the least, because he was very cunning and resourceful. 
Another party were unanimous that to bestow liberty on that 
treacherous and reckless fellow would be tantamount to 
trampling the tail of a snake, or opening the knot of the 
tail of a scorpion with one's own hand with full knowledge 
(of) and after seeing clearly (the danger involved in the 
adventure). It is not the way of the wise to regard a 
a porcupine as a heap of mud and a wasp's abode as a fit 
pillow for the head. 

The King, who was ever ready to pardon the crimes 
of the created beings, entrusted Shahji Raja with the 
instructions that if he would give up to the imperial 
authorities the strong fort of Kondwana (which fell into 
his son's hands through treachery after the death of Dadaji 
Kond Deva), ^ith the forts of Kundarpi and Bangalore, he 
would be honoured with his former position. 

Khan Ahmad Khan accordingly carried Shahji to his 
own house and kept him in confinement. Then he broached 
to him the glad tidings of the royal kindnesses and left no 
stone unturned in sympathising with him and soothing his 
heart. When Shahji saw that his black deeds had brought 
forth white flowers on account of the showers of royal 
favour, he agreed readily to obey implicitly. He sent 
letters to his two sons who were firmly seated in the above 
mentioned forts. " As soon as these few sentences reach 
you, you should deliver the forts of Kondwana, Bangalore 
and Kundarpi to the trusty agents of the king." They 
abided by this behest of their father immediately. 

The King called Shahji Raja into his presence and 
honoured him with the robe of Vizarat, and restored to 
him his former country." 


Even a cursory reading of this detailed account brings 
out the facts that (1) Shahji's arrest was not connected 
with the rebellion of Shivaji, as is asserted by the Bakhars; 
(2) that he was not thrown into any cell, but was kept as 
an honourable guest in the custody of a nobleman at 
Bijapur; (3) that there is no foundation in the tragic story 
relating that a wall was raised round the body of Shahji 
and he was threatened with death till his rebellious son 
Shivaji made himself over to the King; (4) that the intercession 
of Shah Jahan was not the cause of his release from the 
brick coffin; (5) that the services of Randulla and Murar 
Jugdeva for securing his release are not mentioned at all; 
(6) that none of his sons, Sambhaji or Ekoji, was in captivity 
with him at Bijapur, because Sambhaji defended Bangalore 
from the Bijapur forces and afterwards Shahji wrote letters 
to his sons to give up the forts to the Imperial officers; and 
lastly, (7) that the forts of Kondwana and Bangalore were 
taken back by the King probably to test the submission of 
Shahji, hence these were restored to him soon after his 
release. Some of these points require elucidation. 

Had there been a grain of truth in the story of Shahji's 
confinement in a stone dungeon which was completely closed 
up except for a small aperture, the writers of Muhammad 
Namah and Salatin-i-Basatin on one side, and the authors of 
the Shiva Bharat, Shivabhushan and Radha Madhava Vilas 
Champu would have most romantically narrated it. Since all 
these works are silent on the point, it must be concluded that 
the event never happened. 

Though a few letters passed between Shivaji and Prince 
Murad Baksh, the Bakhars have brought in- the intercession 
of Shah Jahan who probably knew nothing of Shahji's 
imprisonment. Sir J. Sarkar is right in concluding that 
notwithstanding these promises the Mogul government did 
not probably in the end actually intercede for Shahji. None 
of the contemporary sources corroborate the evidence of 
the letters regarding Shah Jahan's intervention. (i) It is 


certain from Murad's letterrs, that a dress of honour was 
despatched to Shahji. Even this much favour must have 
had a great effect. The Sultan clearly saw that he could not 
long keep Shahji in captivity without incurring the wrath 
of the Emperor and furnishing him with an excuse to 
pounce upon his territory, (ii) Shahji's release without 
reconciliation would have sent him and his sons to the 
Mogul Court, where they would have been highly instrumental 
in conquering Bijapur. (iii) The death of Mustafa Khan 
who had personal grievances against the Raja, must have 
improved the matters, (iv) The affairs in the Karnatic too 
required a strong and an experienced governor to maintain law 
and order in the new conquests, (v) The crushing defeats 
inflicted by the sons of Shahji on the imperial forces should 
be considered as an effective cause of reconciliation. On the 
news of his father's arrest, Sambhaji strengthened the defences 
of Bangalore and prepared to fight the forces that advanced 
under Tanaji Dure, Vithal Gopal and Farhad Khan. Another 
army was despatched against Shivaji who had fortified 
Purandhar. As both the armies were routed by the undaunted 
brothers, Adil Shah thought of saving his prestige by 
securing the possession of Bangalore and Sinhagarh in lieu 
of Shahji's release. 1 

Sir J. Sarkar is wrong in asserting that Shahji was kept 
in prison along with his eldest son. (i) Neither the Persian 
histories like the Basatin-i-Salatin and Muhammad Namah, 
nor the Shiva Bharat and Jedhe Shakavali make any mention 
of the imprisonment of any of his sons. All these books 
would have taken special pleasure in mentioning that fact, 
(ii) Murad's letter should not be literally but metaphorically 
translated. His sons were to be released from anxiety and 
not from imprisonment, (iii) From Murad's letter it is clear 
that Shivaji requested him to secure the freedom of his 
father but not of his brothers. Hence Shahji was arrested 
alone and he was kept under surveillance at Bijapur and not 

1. Sh Bh, XV 15-53. 


in any prison, (iv) Shahji sent letters to his sons for 
delivering the forts. 

The Bakhars are full of chronological confusion. Randulla 
Khan had died in 1643 ! and Murar in 1635. Yet both these 
are said to have interceded with the King in favour of Shahji 
in 1648. Sarkar, following the Bakhars, has strangely written 
that ' it is therefore historically true that the release of Shahji 
was due to the friendly mediation of Sharzah Khan, and the 
bail of Randaula Khan, two leading nobles of Bijapur." a 

23. Secret support to Swarajya 

According to the Jedhe Chronology, Shahji was arrested 
with two of his chief secretaries. All the three were deported 
to Bijapur and kept in confinement there. After their release, 
Shahji gratefully thanked Kanhoji Naik Jedhe and Dadaji 
Krishna Lohokare for all the hardships of captivity and 
told them that he had been given a territory of twelve 
gaves ( 120 miles ) and the province of Bangalore yielding 5 
lacs of hons. As he was ordered to undertake an 
expedition into the Karnatic, he entrusted to them the 
guardianship of his son Shivaji who was in charge of 
Khedebare and Poona. As they wielded great power in the 
Mawals, they were to remain there with their forces and 
see that all the Mawal Deshmukhs submitted to him and 
carried out his orders. Should any Mogul or Adil Shahi army 
come against him, they were to be loyal to him and fight 
against the enemy. To seal their loyalty to each other's 
cause, Shahji and Jedhe took an oath to mutually support 
each other. Thereafter Shahji presented them both with 
dresses of honour and sent them to Shivaji with confidential 
letters. It is evident that Shahji soon expected hostilities 
against Shivaji from both the Moguls and the Bijapur ruler. 
To ward off the danger he gave his son two of his most 
influential and trusted friends for assistance. 

1. P. S. S. 488; KincaidI, 143; Rairi Bakbar. 

2. Shivaji, p. 38. 


24. Shahji and Baji Ghorpade 

It has been seen that Baji Raje Ghorpade had taken 
a prominent part in arresting Shahji and hence their enmity 
had been deepened. Adil Shah councelled Shahji to be 
indulgent to Baji Raje, because he had done the deed under 
royal orders. To put an end to their quarrels, Ghorpade's 
jagir in the Karnatic was exchanged with Shahji's jagir in 
the Wai Parganna, so that the Ghorpades would have no 
cause to fear from Shahji who as Governor of the Karnatic 
might have troubled them. 

25. The burning of Mudhol 

Shahji could not forget and forgive the part played by 
Baji Ghorpade in arresting him. Hence he wrote to his 
son to be on the lookout for wreaking vengeance on him. 
The opportunity came only in 1661. The Savants of 
Savantvadi proposed to the Bijapur Court to co-operate with 
them in crushing Shivaji. Thereupon troops were sent under 
Baji Ghorpade and Bahlol Khan to assist the Savants. But 
before the coufederates could unite, Shivaji first swooped down 
upon Mudhol, entered the mansion at night, and killed 
Baji Raje. All his sons, wives, kith and kin whoever fell 
into his hands were executed. Terrible was the slaughter 
in the town. After ; extinguishing the whole family, he 
desolated the town and plundered the whole territory* 
Fortunately for Mudhol, one Rani with her son Maloji had 
gone to her father's house in the north. This young boy 
was brought back to Bijapur where the King conferred the 
old ancestral jagirs upon him. Maloji soon after distinguished 
himself in the service of Bijapur. There is no European 
document on the Mudhol tragedy, but we have first an 
important letter to Shahji from Shivaji himself ( Appendix ) 
and then the Adil Shahi Firman granted to Maloji wherein 
his father Baji is described to have died a martyr in the 
cause of the Kingdom. 1 

1. See Persian grant and its translation No 4. 


26. Chronology 

1623 P. D. Valle visited Ikkeri. 

1631-33 Struggle between Timma Raja and the Emperor of 

1637 Ikkeri captured. Indemnity taken from the ruler. 

1638 Virabhadra of Ikkeri rebelled. Bijapur annexed 
Ikkeri and made the Nayak a vassal. 

Sira conquered and given to Kenge Nayak. Bangalore 
captured and given to Shahji. 

The ruler of Shrirangpatam defeated and compelled 
to give an indemnity. 

1639 Basvapattan conquered by Bijapur. Several other 
towns were plundered. 

1642 Accession of Shriranga. 

1643 Ikkeri captured by Virabhadra. 

1644 Ikkeri and Sagar conquered by Bijapur. 

1645 Vellore saved from Mir Jumla. 

Treaty between Rayal Shriranga and Rustam Zaman. 
Capture of Golconda territory. Shriranga defeats 
southern Nayaks. Mir Jumla captures Udagiri. 

1646 Gumti fort captured by Bijapur. Shahji's victory 
over Jagdeva. Jagdeva's territory and the Kutb 
Shahi forts were captured by the Bijapur forces. 
Vellore again besieged and captured. 

1648 Mustafa Khan leads an expedition into the Karnatic. 
Shahji's victory at Jangam, Ginji invested. 
Nayak of Tanjore surrendered to Mir Jumla. 
Nayak of Madura invited Bijapur to take Ginji. 
Bijapur and Golconda allied themselves against 
the Hindus. Shahji's threat to leave the siege and 
his arrest. Mustafa Khan died. Ginji finally fell. 

1649 Shahji released. 

1651 The Dutch obtained a grant of Tegnapatam from 

Mir Jumla. 
S. 18. 


1. Power of Mir Jumlt 

The incarceration of Shahji, the fatal illness of Muhammad 
Adil Shah and the threatening attitude of the Moguls made the 
Bijapur Court suspend its activities in the Karnatic. On the 
other hand, Nabob Mir Jumla who had annexed a territory 
300 miles long and 50 miles broad, containing many fortresses, 
strongholds, prosperous ports and rich mines and yeilding an 
annual revenue of 40 lakhs of hons, had become almost an 
independent king. He made peace with Shriranga and entered 
into correspondence with Adil Shah and Aurangzeb for holding 
this rich kingdom as a fief under their suzerainty. Thus 
instead of adopting an offensive policy, Mir Jumla was busy 
consolidating his position. In a letter of 17th January 1651 
sent from Fort St. George to the Company, the power and 
position of this renowned general are thus described by 
Walter Littleton and Venkata Brahmani who had been sent 
as envoys to the Nabob. 

" The whole kingdom of Gulcunda is governed by him of 
whome the people stand in feare and subjection unto as to the 
King himselfe. The revenues that hee yearly brings the 
King in, amounts unto twentye hundred thousand pagodaes* 
Alsoe he hath conquered and subjugated the major part of the 
kingdom of the Carnatta and is on election of all in a short 
tyme under his government it being the onely country you 
trade in for matter of all sortes of cloth. There is allsoe bezar, 
dyamonds, yron, steel, and saltpeter, of which he told us he 
could make and procure a great quantitie annually. The 
revenew that he hath taken from the Jentue in the aforesayd 
country is to the somme of fortie hundred thousand pagodaes 
per annum. Hee hath of his proper owne foure thousand 
horse, three hundred elephants, four or five hundred cammels 


tenn thousand oxen, which transporteth his goods up to 
severall countryes as Gulcundah, Vizapore ( Bijapur ) and into 
dyvers partes of the Great Maguls country, with whome hee 
is in much favoure, the Great Magull himself e esteeming 
and respecting him as a very near man unto him in all 
which place he hath alwaies his factors and merchants. 
Concerning forrain-negotiation hee hath trade to Pegue, 
Tennassaree, Acheen, Rackan (Arakan), Persiai Bengalla, 
Moka, Peruck, Maldeevaes, and Macassar. He hath ten 
vessells of his owne and intends to augument them makeing 
much preparatyon for building of more." 1 

2. Shahji's victory over Mir Jumla in 1651-52 

The kings of Bijapur and Golconda could not agree with 
regard to the division of the Karnatic, hence a war broke 
out at the end of 1651. The rout of Mir Jumla is referred 
to in a Fort St. George letter of January 1652. 

" Warrs being commenced betwecne the Moors of 
Gulcondah and Vizapore, who, haveing shared this afflicted 
kingdome, are now bandying against each other, whilst the 
poore Jentue hopeing their mutuall destruction watches 
oppertunity to breake off his present miserable yoke. In the 
interim many bickerings have bin within two daies journey 
of this place and ' tis reported that the Nabob with his whole 
armey is besieged among the hills of Gulcondah whither hee 
retired for the more safety, by the Vizaporians; which hath 
soe distracted this country that wee could not adventure your 
monies abroad without too much hazard." a 

There is no mention of Shahji in this despatch, but 
Jairama has given a vivid description of the crushing 
defeat sustained by Mir Jumla who was considered to be 
the richest grandee and the greatest general of his time. 
Such a proud and powerful noble was compelled to buy 
peace by paying down 6 or 9 lakh pagodas to Shahji. 
This brilliant victory exhibited his martial genius, spread 
liis fame throughout India and immensely enhanced his 
prestige in the Bijapur Court. 

1. O. C. 2199. 17 January 1651. 

2. E. F. 1651-54. P. 99. O. C. 2246. January 1652. 


This success gave a new vigour to the campaigns of 
Bijapur. Shahji and Ikhlas Khan advanced against Shriranga 
and defeated him at Jankal. Their forces captured the 
important fortress of Penugonda which had been the capital of 
Vijayanagar for many was natural that the loss should 
have greatly alarmed the Hindu Rajas. 

3. Shriranga in the field 

It has been seen that Shriranga Rayal of Vijayanagar, 
having lost his eastern possessions and Penugonda in 
particular, had sought refuge in the territory of Mysore. 
After 1650, he was attempting to form a confederacy against 
the Muslim conquerors. The opportunity came to him 
when Prince Aurangzeb was appointed as Viceroy of the 
Deccan in 1653. He sent his agent Ramrao to the Prince 
for asking protection against the Deccani Sultans, but 
Aurangzeb did not like to save a Hindu King from the 
onslaughts of the Muslims. Shriranga was not disheartened 
by this disappointment. With the help of the Mysore army 
alone, he reconquered a part of his territory and even 
regained Vellore from the Bijapurians. The latter once more 
invested the fort, and after a long siege captured it. Then 
a treaty was concluded with the Rayal by which Chandragiri 
with the revenue of certain districts was left to him. 9 Even 
the Golconda army was repulsed by the Rayal, but he 
was soon betrayed by the treacherous Nayak of Madura 
who opened the passes to the combined Muslim armies 
against Mysore. 3 Shriranga was routed and compelled to 
seek refuge in the forests where he led a miserable life. 

1. O. C. 2257. 12 February 1652. Radha Madhav Vilas Champu, pp. 
92-93, 96. 

2. Dutch Records, Transcripts, Series i, Vol. XIX, no. 550 (i). The issue 
of all this is told in a letter from Batavia of November 7, 1654 which states that 
the Bijapur general had, after a long siege, captured Vellore and concluded a. 
treaty with the Raja by which Chandragiri was left to the latter, with the 
revenues of certain districts ( ibid., no. 551 ). 

3. The Nayaks of Madura, p. 267, 


It appears that he lost even Chandragiri and Chingalpat 
to the forces of Golconda, and hence ultimately sought ! the 
protection of Shivappa Nayak of Bednur. The latter gave 
him the government of Belur and Sakkarepatana, and even 
adventured to besiege Shrirangpatam in his behalf to punish 
the Raja for not espousing the cause of the Emperor. But in 
this war Shivappa was defeated. Hereafter the Emperor 
could not be restored to his eastern possessions which had 
finally fallen into the hands of the Muslims. 

Proenza has truly remarked that the Emperor was made 
unhappy by the folly of his vassals, though his personal 
qualities rendered him worthy of a better fate. Even in 
this campaign large contributions were raised by the Muslim 
invaders from the short-sighted Nayaks of Madura and 
Tanjore, and the Khan-i-Khanan returned to Bijapur full 
of riches. 

The war of the noses 

Soon after the departure of the enemy, Kantirava 
Narasa Raja of Mysore poured forth his hordes into the 
kingdom of Madura for wreaking vengeance by plunder 
and devastation. The district of Satyamangalam fell into his 
hands, yet most barbaric outrages were perpetrated on the 
inhabitants. Trichnopoly, the capital of Madura, was saved only 
by the intrepidity of the Maravas. This war was characterized 
with an inhuman * cruelty and passionate revenge. Both 
the armies took delight in disfiguring the people by cutting 
off their noses. On account of its notorious barbarity in 
this respect, it is known as ' the War of the Noses.' 

In the meantime, Shriranga was anxious to save the 
remnants of his Empire through the assistance of Aurangzeb. 
He offered him very tempting presents and a large tribute, 

1. The Mysore Gaz, puts the flight of the Emperor to Belur in 1646, but it 
should be put in 1656 or so. 

2. The Nayaks of Madura, p. 136 n,; J, H. Grose, A Voyage to the East 
ladies, p. 347; J. T, Wheeler, Madras in the Olden Time, I, p, 104. 

142 bHiVAji THE GREAT 

and even promised to turn Muslim with all his relatives and 
dependents, provided he could save his remaining Kingdom 
from the Deccani Sultans. Aurangzeb sent his ambassador 
to give him protection, but really he was to extort presents 
from the Rayal and the Sultans. In fact, Shriranga was 
left to his own fate. ' This episode,' says Sarkar, ' proves that 
the Mogul Empire was only a thinly veiled system of 
brigandage.' 1 

Shriranga Rayal was not the man to be easily disheartened* 
He put up a most stubborn resistence to the advance of his 
enemies. Sphinx-like he rose up again and again from his ruins 
to face the Muslims. In November 1656 he was seen besieging 
Pulicat which was under Mir Jumla. It appears from the 
Dutch Records that Koneri Chetti, the general of Shriranga, 
who was carrying operations near Pulicat, betrayed his 
master and went over to T. Krishnappa, the lieutenant of 
Mir Jumla. Strengthened with this defection, the latter was 
able to score a victory 2 over Shriranga in September 1657. 
Later on, there was a war between the forces of Golconda 
and of Mir Jumla under T. Krishnappa for the possession 
of the Karnatic. 3 

4. Situation in the Deccan 

For four years of 1654-58, there was no serious war 
in the Karnatic, because Golconda was first weakened by 
the revolt and defection of Mir Jumla and then sacked 
and devastated by the Moguls. The miseries of the people 
of the Karnatic and the result of the rebellion of Nabob 
Mir Jumla are depicted in a letter of 18th September 1654. 

" It hath been no small miserye that this poore heatheen 
country hath suffered any tyme these ten years almost, 
since the Moores of Vizapore on one side and those of 
Gulcondah on the other side first made inroads upon it. And 
now, when wee hoped all would have beene put in some 
good posture of government, to continue still those miseries 

1. Sarkar. Auraogzeb, I, p. 251; Ruqat-Alamgir. Pp. 150-57. 

2. E. F, 1655-60, pp. 97-99. 3, E. F. 1655-60. p. 176. 


(or rather to adde a greater burthen to it ) our Nabob (Mir 
Jumla ) is lately up in armes against the King of Gulcondah 
his master, whose commands hee slighted intending (soe 
farre as is conceived) to keepe what part of the country 
hee hath conquered to himselfe; which he can accomplish, 
hee will soone bee as great a king as his master, and his 
yearly revenew little inferriour * to it. What the issue to 
these things wilbee the Almighty only knoweth; in the 
meane tyme wee that live here amongst them shalbe sure 
never to want troubles on every side." a 

Similarly, Bijapur was in the agonies of a revolution 
brought about by the death of Muhammad Adil Shah on 
4th November 1656, the succession of Ali, a youth of 18 
years, the revolt of many polygars in the Karnatic, and the 
mutual discords among the courtiers corrupted as they were 
with the gold of Aurangzeb. In 1657 the latter declared an 
unjust war to annex the kingdom from the boy-king. The 
impregnable fortresses of Bidar and Kalyani were captured, 
and even Bijapur was invested. It would have soon fallen 
into his hands, had he not been peremtorily called back 
by Shah Jahan. Still the King of Bijapur agreed to pay an 
indemnity of li krores of rupees, to cede Bidar, Kalyani, 
and also Parenda with all its territory, all the forts in the 
Nizam Shahi Konkan, and the district of Wangi. This treaty 
of 1657 very much reduced the power of Bijapur, though its 
independence was not effected. 

5. The last ten years of Shahji. 

Shahji had regained the confidence of Muhammad Adil 
Shah as is borne out by a Portuguese letter of 16 April 1654. 

" The persons acceptable to the King Idalxa and according 
to his belief loyal to him are Fatecan, Xagi ( Shahji ) and 
Meliqne Acute 3 ( Malik Yaqut )" ... 

1, Mir Jumla continued to stay in the Karnatic up to July 1656. . F, 
1635-60, p. 91, 

2, O. C, 2419, 18th September 1654. 

3, Pissurlenkar, Shvaji, p, 33. 


Shahji, as Governor of the Karnatic, was engaged in the 
difficult task of subduing the refractory Polygars during the 
revolutionary period. The polygar of Kanakgiri revolted 
against the authority of Bijapur. Thereupon Afzal Khan 
was sent from the capital and Sambhaji marched from 
Bangalore for the reduction of the rebel. During the siege 
operations Sambhaji was shot dead by a cannon-balL 
Thereupon Shahji himself proceeded to take revenge of his 
son's death and brought the place and the polygar to 

He blamed Afzal Khan for not supporting his son, 
and thus their enmity was still more deepened. 1 In 1658 
Ekoji was sent to capture the country round Shri Shail 
Malikarjuna. In his company was poet Jairama who has 
described the successful operations of this expendition. 

The Nayak of Madura, Muttu Virappa, threw off the 
Muslim yoke by refusing to pay the tribute, fortifying 
Trichinopoly and by making vigorous preparations for 
resisting the Muslim armies. Shahji won over the Nayak 
of Tanjore to the side of Bijapur against Madura. The 
Adil Shahi troops rapidly advanced under Shahji and 
Mulla Mahammad up to the very gates of Trichinopoly, 
but being terrified by the preparations of the Nayak of 
Madura, they unexpectedly fell upon Tanjore itself on 19th 
March 1659. The fort was most heroically defended by 
the Kshatriya warriors called Rajas, and they preferred a 
glorious death to a dishonourable life. The victorious army 
of Shahji proceeded southward, captured Mannarkovil and 
Vallamkottai. This hill- fort situated on a steep rock with 
high ramparts and erected with incredible expense, labour 
and art, was the last refuge of the Nayak, but on the 
approach of the enemy, the coward ruler fled away to the 

1. Radha-Madhav Vilas Champu, P. 93. Rajwade places Sambhaji's 
death in 1655. There is no confirmatory evidence. Sambhaji left a son whose 
grants of the years 1665 and 1666 are 'quoted by Wilks. After this nothing can 
be traced of his line. 


forests. * The Muslims have already been for several months/ 
writes Proenza, ' in possession of this beautiful and fertile 
country, no one knows now what their ulterior designs are, 
whether they will establish themselves there, or will content 
themselves with collecting the riches they can find there.' 1 

Soon after a terrible famine and a fatal pestilence 
increased the mortality among the people and Bijapur 
forces. A second attempt to capture Trichinopoly failed, and 
hence Mulla retreated after receiving a moderate tribute 
from the Madura Nayak. 

Muttu died soon after his victory and was succeeded 
by Chokanatha Nayak in 1660. This energetic prince 
reversed the policy of Tirumal and made preparations for 
the restoration of the Vijayanagar dynasty to its former glory 
and for the conquest of Ginge from Bijapur. A triple alliance 
was made among the Nayaks of Tanjore, Madura and 
Gingi. In 1662 the Madura Commander, Lingama Nayak 
led an army of 40,000 men to drive Shahji from Ginji, 
but the Madura ministers were so bought up by Shahji as 
to hatch a plot to dethrone the young Nayak. The Nayak 
of Tanjore was also separated from the alliance. Chokanatha 
still proved more than a match for them. One of the 
treacherous ministers was murdered, another blinded, but 
the third Lingama joined Shahji and brought him to invest 
Trichinopoly. Even the new commander of Chokanatha's 
army was corrupted by Shahji. Thereupon the young King, 
though betrayed a second time, boldly assumed the command 
of his forces. His boldness electrified the soldiers. They 
fought with the courage of despair. Shahji, seeing no chances 
of success, withdrew to Tanjore. After sometime, Chokanatha 
followed him there with a well-disciplined army of more 
than 70,000 warriors. Thereupon Shahji returned to Ginji 
and the Nayak of Tanjore made an abject surrender to the 
Madura ruler. 

t . The Nayaks of Madura. P. 272. 

S. 19. 


6. Tegenapatam captured by Shahji ( 1661 ) 

The people of Shahji laid siege to the town of 
Tegenapatam on 15th December 1660 with the result that the 
Dutch Company's business was at a standstill there, but the 
residents hoped nevertheless to have 200 bales of carpets ready 
for Batavia about the middle of February, 1662. 

" We further note from the letter of Governor Pit written 
to Seylon ( which we have already mentioned several times 
before ) that Sahagte's men have looted the town Carcal a few 
days before the letter was closed and that they had robbed the 
inhabitants of not less than 1,700 pardaux. Although he was 
short of cash, the Governor has sent 3, 000 pardaux to 
Negapatnam to pay the garrison there. 

The war round the fort Tegenapatnam is finished and the 
fort has been delivered to Sahagie's men on the 4 th February 
1661, so that Tegenepatnam and the premises of the Company 
there are now under the command of Sahagie. This looks 
serious, but the Governor does not believe that he will trouble 
us, because he is aware that the Company can rely on the strong 
forces at Porto Novo, which would make his profits useless. 
It would be possible to transfer the trade to Poolesere 
( Phulchari or Pondichery ), about 4 miles from Tegenapatnam, 
and to leave the premises at Tegenapatnam under the 
supervision of an assistant and 3 or 4 soldiers, but the 
merchants would not dare come out of fear for Sahagie; and 
Kistapaneyak, ( Krishnappa Nayak ) who is an upper-regent of 
Poolesere on behalf of Mir Jumla, would not be able to protect 
us against him, so that discharging cargo at Paelesere would 
only cause trouble to the Company, " ' 

7. Porto Novo taken by Shahji 

By October 1661 Shahji was successful in capturing Porto 
Novo and it was made the base of his depredations into 
Tanjore. 1 Shahii's policy was to bring the port towns into his 

1. Dagh-Register, 1661. P. 126 16 May 1661. Even in Aug. 1654 a 
Farman was obtained from the Sultan of Bijapur for Dutch privileges at 
Tegenapatam and the neighbouring ports. Hague Transcriptions, series I, Vol. 
18. Nos. 550, 551, 556-7. 

2. E. F, 1661-1664, pp. 50-51. 


possession and thus carry the Bijapur flag to the extreme east. 
All those ports were under Mir Jumla before, but the desertion 
of that general to the Moguls created an interregnum, The 
King of Golconda claimed all the parts governed by Mir Jumla 
as his own, and hence sent his agents for ousting the men of 
the latter. On the other hand, Aurangzeb ordered Qutb Shah 
to recall his officers from the Karnatic. The latter were 
extremely loth to yield these rich towns. Qutb Shah was 
often rebuked and threatened for his double-dealing. It was 
only after Aurangzeb had firmly seated himself on the throne 
of Delhi that he could enforce the surrender of the Karnatic. 1 
During this period of confusion, Shahji saw an opportunity to 
extend his power, and he sieved as many places as he could. 

8. The capture of Tegenapatam and after 

The details of the war with Madura and Tanjore are 
given in the following Dutch letters: 

" After spending a short time in his capital, the Neyck 
of Tansjouwer has left it again and has placed himself under 
the protection of the Nayak of Madura in the fortress of 
Siretenapalle ( Trichinopoly ). And after these two rulers 
had made an alliance, the commander Lingamaneyk has 
proceeded in the end of June with an army of 40 thousand 
footmen and 2000 horsemen to Sillenbron, 2 miles south 
of Porto Novo, where Shahgie was lying in camp and daily 
robbed the province of Tansjouwer. Before taking up the 
arms, Lingamaneyk tried to have a conference with him, 
but seeing that he was short of water, he drove him out 
from there and from several other castles into the interior. 
The robber therefore retired to his strong fortress of Arni. 
The young Amberchan or his tutor Antosie Plontele who 
is still staying in the capital Singier ( Ginji ) has promised to 
deliver the castle Ami to the Nayak of Madura, if Shahgie 
is driven out from there. If this could be done, the bigger 
part of the province Singier would be freed of the Visiapour 
Moors. The castle of Tegenepatnam which is also occupied 

i. Sackar, Aurangzeb I, pp. 146-47. 


by Sahagie's men has so far been left alone by Lingamaneyk, 
because he had to follow up Sahagie closely. In the 
meantime he has written to Governor Pit that as soon 
as he has driven out Sahagie, he will send forces to 
Tegenepatnam to release the son of the Nayak of Tansjouwer 
and two other sons of two Gentu nobles who are being kept 
there as hostages by Sahagie's men. He promises that he 
will see to it that our people residing there will not be 
troubled by the soldiers. 

On the other hand, the Governor is afraid that the 
Moors if they see an army marching against them will pilfer 
the premises of the Company, especially as they keep a 
"Champan" ready either to flee if necessary or to abduct 
the said hostages. Therefore the galleon "Tayoan" will 
remain for some time in front of Tegenepatnam to safeguard 
the capital which the Company has got there. 

It is apparent that the Ruler of Tansjouwer when he will 
have completely recovered, will not drop his claim of the 
balance of the present, although he has not reminded Governor 
Pit since January last. 

Mr. Ranvel Kistapaneyk, ex-regent of Paelesera, has 
joined Sahagie, but has afterwards left him again and has 
gone into the forest behind Tegenepatnam, however without 
joining either of the parties. Therefore the proposal 
made before to transfer the office of the Company from 
Tegenepatnam to Poelesera is automatically cancelled, For 
as long as the Jentus remain masters in the Sigier province 
and when they have taken the castle of Tegenepatnam, it is 
best that the residency remains at Tegenepatnam, especiatlly 
because there is no Government at Poelesera which could 
protect the Company against possible looting or violence from 
outside the town. 

As soon as Sahagie had been driven back into the interior, 
people at once noticed more activity in the trade, at 
Tegenepatnam. The cloths have since been in better supply, 
On the other hand, the war between Lingamaneyk against 
Sahagie has caused such a panic in Porto Novo that the 
leading inhabitants of the country have fled and are staying 
on the ships, so that perhaps this year nothing will be sent 
from there to other places. Governor Pit has therefore not 


been asked yet for passports from Porto Novo to Malacca, 
Queda and Achin, except by Armocta Chitti for his ship 
which will sail to Malacca and which passport we shall give 
him, provided he first pays the Company the value of the 
goods taken from the stranded jollyboat which he had readily 
bought from the robbers. The said jolly-boat has got in 
the sand on the Colleroon riff so badly that nothing can be 
saved from her anymore. And of the fair things that have 
been saved, Sahagie would only give 56 pieces of canvas 
cover, some cooking pots and some lamps." l 

9. The war between Shahji and Lingama Nayak 

" The Commander Lingamaneyk, mentioned above, 
has not made so much progress against Sahagie, as was 
expected in the beginning. He and his army were led 
round the whole province of Singier by the cavalry of 
Sahagie, so that, not being able to pursue him close enough, 
he had returned in the end to take the castle of Tegenepatnam. 
But when he had approached to the ditch, Sahagie appeared 
with 8,000 horsemen and cut off the communications of 
his enemy, so that Lingamaneyk was forced to break up 
the siege and to resist Sahagie. But later on, on the 2nd 
September the two parties made an agreement that Sahagie 
would retain the countries which he has possessed before, 
viz., Porto Novo and Tegenapatnam till further orders from 
the king of Visiapore and that he would no longer do any 
damage in the countries of Tanasjouwer and Madura; and 
that he would release the son of the Neyk of Tansjouwer r 
provided the father would pay 50 thousand Rials. The 
Neyks of Tansjouwer and Madura who were displeased 
with this contract imprisoned Lingamaneyk in the castle 
Tritsienapille ( Trichinopoly. ) with the intentions of nuking- 
further war against Sahagie. But after thinking matters 
over, the Neyk of Madura released him and gave him nice 
presents. The Neyk of Tansjouwer joined in this, the 
contract was confirmed and until further confirmation lit was 
arranged that the Neyk of Tansjouwer would a ": marry* the 
daughter of Lingamaneyk and that Lingamaneyk^would 

1. Dagh-Register 1661. P. 320. 18 October 1661. 


marry the sister of the Neyk. Whereupon Lingamaneyk 
went to his master, the Neyk of Madura and left his servant 
behind with 3000 men to receive the said 50 thousand Rials* 
But afterwards he received a letter from Antosie Pontele 
that Sahagie would not wait for the money any longer and had 
therefore broken the contract. This meant that they were 
again up against each other. Before Lingamaneyk had 
come near the castle Tegenepatnam, the men from the 
castle had been twice in Porto Novo, had looted the town 
and driven the inhabitants into the country and dispersed 
them. Seeing how many troubles the Company had to go 
through in this heavy war, Governor Pit had ordered 
the residents that they would embark with the valuable 
merchantdise in the gallot Tayoan which was lying in the 
roadstead for that purpose, and that if the troubles would 
not have ceased on the 25th September they should go to 
Palleacattc, leaving the premises for a short time under 
protection of the Company's soldiers. But if peace had 
been concluded, this would not been necessary. They had 
already loaded some of the merchandise in the said Gallot, 
but had unloaded it again. Sahagie is very much satisfied 
that we have remained neutral in this affair." J 

10. BahlolkWs raid in Tanjore 

A brief account is recorded in a Dutch letter. " Balbulachan 
keeps his Visiapore army ready to cross the river Colleron 
into Tansiower. An advance of 2000 horsemen invaded 
this country already and carried off many men and cattle, 
but they were driven back over the said river by Linga- 
maneyk who is now commander-in-chief of the Neyck of 
Tansiower. The Neyck of Madura is on the alert, but is 
not much concerned over the difficulties of his neighbour. 
And the trade of Tegenepatnam having been very bad for 
the last 6 or 7 months and the merchants having left 
the town during the siege in order not be robbed by 
the chief of the Visiapores, who has taken the castle of 
Tegenepatnam. " a 

1. Dagh-Kegister 1661. P. 404. 30th November 1661. 

2, M 1663. P. 109. 31 St March 1663. 


11. War between Tanjore and Madura 

The payment of the subsidy to Shahji gave rise to 
complications which ended in a war between the allies. The 
details of this war are to be found in the Dagh-Register. 

" Let us start with Tegenaptnam. On page 147 we 
mentioned already that the Visiapore commander-in-chief 
had come to an agreement with the Neyk of Tansiower, 
\v-hereby it was arranged that the Neyk should pay 300 
thousand pardaux to the commander-in-chief. From the 
letter of 23rd March written by Governor Pit to Mr. Van 
Goens which we received along with the enclosures, it 
appears that the said commander-in-chief died and that his 
son called Nirnemya has succeeded him. The contract 
drawn up by the Neyks of Tansiower and Madura on 
one side and the Commander of the Visiapore on the 
other side provides for a payment of 9 lakhs pardaux, out 
of which the Neyk of Madura has to pay 6 and the 
Neyk of Tansiower 3. It further appears that a dispute 
had arisen between the castle-keepers of Tegenapatnam and 
Singier and that the one of Singier with 200 horsemen 
and 400 footmen raided and looted the town of Tegenapatnam 
about the middle of March, but that the quarters of the 
Company and the houses of the native merchants with 
whom the Company were doing business were left unharmed. 
It is further mentioned in the letter that the said Commander 
of Bisiapore seeing that the Neyks mentioned above were 
rather slow in paying off the tribute has turned back and 
has made an agreement with the robber Sahagie, whereby 
the place Tegenapatnam, Porto Novo and others will be 
delivered to Sahagie and that they will both turn their 
arms against the above-mentioned Neyks especially against 
the Neyk of Madura, The said contract with the Neyks 
has thereupon been broken and the castle Tritsenepilly, 
(Trichinopoly) being one of the bigger towns in the country 
of Madura is under siege. The Neyk of Madura shows 
much courage against the invaders, but the Neyk of Tansiower 
keeps idle and feeds the Visiapore army now and then 
with 40 or 50 thousand pardaux. In the meantime our 
residents in Tegenapatnam have received orders to be on 


the alert and the Company keeps a big ( boat ) ready to keep 
the silver, the money and valuables in safety. " l 

' The Visiapore Commander, Babbulachan (Bahlol Khan) 
ordered by the King of Visiapore to make war in the country 
of Canara, has already proceeded there. " a 

" In the province of Tansiower there is again a dispute 
going on between the Neyks of Tansiower and Madura about 
the payment of 500 thousand pardaux to the Commander 
of Visiapore, the Neyk of Madura pretending that he paid 
more than was due by him. As the Neyk of Tansiower is 
not willing to contribute anything, the Neyk of Madura 
has crossed the river Colleroon with a fairly big army and 
marched to the capital Tansiower. As regards the town 
and fortress of Nagapatnam, the Governor has made a proposal 
to reduce the defence-works." 3 

" In the sourthern districts everything remains as it 
is. The war between the Neyks of Tansiower and Madura 
is not yet finished and the first mentioned Neyk is being 
besieged in his capital by his enemy." * 

" The Neyk of Tansjouwer has closed peace with the 
Neyk of Madura at the price of 500,000 pardeaux which is a 
big sum of money. And therefore he has asked the Company 
to lend him some money, offering to give some addeas or 
villages as security, but the Governor has declined it. The 
said Neyk had also asked for payment of the tax of the 
villages, as half the toll, etc. Although he asked 3,000 
pagodas, the Governor has promised to pay 1,000 pagodas 
for the last 2 years, this being the bigger half, we fixed 
so high with a view to the present difficulties of the 
Neyk. The Governor has made a certain proposal to the Neyk 
regarding the town of Negapatam and if the Neyk agrees, 
he expects that the Company will get good accommodation 
and will also benefit otherwise, but he is of opinion that it 
will not come off. The merchants of the Company are now 

1, Dagh-Register 16*3. P. 365. 31 July 1663. 

2. . M ? <? !3 September 1663. 
3 1661. P. 433. 9th October 163. 

4 P. 549, 14th November 1SS3. 


idle there. Lingamaneyk has joined the forces of the 
Madurese. The regents in Tegenepatnam with whom we 
have got to deal, are not doing well. Anatchan has thrice 
been deposed from the governorship and everytime he has 
been reinstated, but last time the deposition was final. Our 
people had made a contract with him for 5 years for the 
lease of the revenues of the town Tegenepatnam at the price 
of 2,700 pardaux a year, but the next day he cancelled 
the contract again, because he had a dream foreboding evil, 
which dream proved to be quite true, because the king of 
Visiapour who was staying only 15 days journey from there, 
had deposed him for the third time." ' 

" The armies of Visiapore had almost completely chased 
the Neyck of Canara, but now they had concluded peace 
with him again." * 

" The Neyk of Madura is at war with the Tenver, 
but it looks as if it will be over soon. The country of 
Madura extends further than people would think. The 
profit at Tuticurin amounts to 22, 916 guilders." 3 

" Ali Adelsiah, King of Visiapour, has invaded the 
country of Canara with his army and has already practically 
conquered it. But being out mostly for booty, he has 
arranged with the Neyk that the conquered countries would 
be given back to him on condition that he would pay the 
said King 1, 500 thousand pagodes of 5 guilders each. 
And the said Majesty has therefore returned to Visiapour 
triumphantly in January last." 4 

" The advices from Canara mention that the Badrapaneyk 
has been poisoned and that his brother, a child of 8 years, 
has succeeded him. On account of the lack of prestige 
big quarrels and feuds have started amongst the nobles, in 
which the Court merchant Narna Malse has been wounded." 5 

" It was further reported that the ruler of Visiapour came 
down to Canara again and that a few nobles at the Court of 
Bidnur had conspired to deliver the country to that ruler." fl 

1. Dagh-Register 1664. P, 154. 12 May 1664. 

2 P. 147. 12 May 1664. 

3 P, 205. 17 May 1664. 

4. ,. .. P. 322. 13 August 1664. 

5*6. ., .. P. 325. 13 August 1664. 



12. Horrible consequences of the war 

The country, however, terribly suffered from the 
cruelties committed by the Bijapurian army and the desolation 
universally wrought by them. Hundreds of people were 
sold as slaves by the Dutch, and thousands were carried away 
by famine and pestilence. The people could hardly get a 
breathing time when in 1663 the tide of Muslim deluge 
once more advanced under Vanamian, the most valiant 
captain of Ali Adil Shah, and laid siege to Trichinopoly. 

" The general of the enemy tried at first to frighten the 
king by his threats and show of power; seeing that he 
gained nothing by these methods, he successively delivered 
several attacks, and was constantly repulsed with loss by 
the artillery of the fort. But, by his attacks, he destroyed 
all the suburbs. After making fruitless attempts against 
the citadel, the besiegers broke out on the country, devastated 
the harvest, burnt the villages, and captured the inhabitants 
to be made slaves. It is impossible to describe the scenes 
of horror which then enveloped this unhappy country. The 
Indian nobility, thinking it infamy to fall into the hands of 
these despicable beings, did not fear to seek refuge in death, 
less frightful, in their eyes, than such a dishonour. A large 
number, after slaying their women and children, plunged 
the sword into their own bodies and fell on their corpses. 
Entire populations were seen resorting to this tragic death. 
In other villages the inhabitants gathered together in several 
houses, to which they set fire and perished in the flames." 1 

The result of the conquest and occupation of the country 
by Bijapur is recorded by an eye-witness in these words: 

" But nothing can equal the cruelities which the 
Muhammadans employ in the government of Gingi; 
expression fails me to recount the atrocities which I have 
seen with my eyes; and if I were to describe them, truth 
would be incredible. To the present horror are added the 
fears of what is to happen; for it is announced that Idel 
Khan sends a strong army to raise the contributions, which 
the Nayaks had promised, by force.* 

1. The Nayaks of Madura. P. 276. 

2. .. M i. P. 279. 


13. Second rebellion and imprisonment of Shahji 

From the Dagh-Register it appears that Shahji made 
an effort of becoming independent in the Karnatic in 1659-60. 

" The Neyk of Tansjouwer had returned to his capital 
Tansjouwer, and had demanded the remaining donation 
from our men residing at Negapatnam, but they courteously 
refused. Afterwards news arrived that the Neyks of Madure, 
Tansjouwer and Lingamaneyk had concluded a treaty with 
the rebellious chiefs of Visiapour, Sahagie and Anthosie 
Pantoelooe ( Antoji Pantole ), to help each other against 
any force from outside. So that he ( the Nayak of Tanjore ) 
will probably grow to be stronger." ' 

It appears that the extraordinary success of his son 
in despatching Afzal Khan and a large part of his army 
to the other world, created the belief in Shahji that the 
Adil Shahi Kingdom was drawing to its end and that 
he could sound its death-knell by first declaring his 
independence in the Karnatic and then by capturing the 
metropolis itself. Thus both Shivaji and Shahji were to 
lead their armies for the siege of Bijapur. Revington's 
letter from Kolhapur to the Company dated 10th December 
1659, contains the significant news that " One months 
tyme more will, wee believe, put an end to his trouble; 
for Sevagyes father, Shawjee, that lyes to the southward 
is expected within eight dayes with his army consisting of 
17,000 men, and then they intend for Vizapore ( Bijapur ), 
the King and Queenes residence, whose strength consists 
onely in men and they are not above 10, 000 souldyers; 
so that in all probability the kingdome will be lost.*' f 
Though Shahji was not successful in invading Bijapur, he 
seems to have maintained his independence up to 1663 
as is evident from the two succeeding documents. 

" The Neyks of Madura and Tansjouwer and the 
commander Sahagie, Antosie Pantele and Lingamaneyk have 

1, Dagh-Register 1661. P. 40. 

2, Shivaji The Great Vol. 1, 53. 


met to conclude an offensive and defensive contract, which 
is a serious thing to us. And therefore the Governor has 
excused the intended visit of the Masulepatnam settlement. 
But afterwards the Governor was informed that the contract 
mentioned above had been cancelled and that the Neyks 
had secretly conferred to attack Sahagie." * 

It appears that Bahlol Khan of Bankapur was deputed 
by the King to put down the rebellion of Shahji and to take 
possession of the countries conquered by him. The latter 
was to be dislodged from his strongholds of Ami and 

"The said residents further advice that the Neyk of 
Tansiower had come to an agreement with Balbulachan, 
the commander-in-chief of Visiapore whereby he promised 
to pay 300 thousand pardaux. And the said commander-in 
chief will now proceed to the fortresses Arny and Wingeloer 
( Bangalore ) against the rebel Sahagie." a 

An astute diplomat like Shahji won over the Bijapur 
commander to his side. The King was fear-stricken at the 
approach of Shaista Khan's army and left his capital for 
taking refuge in Bancapur. At such a critical time both 
Shahji and Bahlol Khan were to be pardoned for their 
crimes of treason, but when they came to wait upon the 
king, they were arrested and put in chains. 

This rebellion of Shahji is confirmed by an English 
letter of 20th July 1663 sent from Goa. Bahlol Khan and 
Shahji were both imprisoned near Bancapur. ' This Jassud 
( spy ) sweares before he came out of Bunckapore he saw 
irons put on Bussall Ckan and Shagee ( Shahji ) but taken 
off of the latter in two dayes: who is now with the King 
without any command.' 3 The detailed account is given on 
P. 95 of Part II of this volume. Shahji seems to have 
been won over by the King and restored to the Governorship 
of the Karnatic. While he was luckily restored to his 

1. Dagh-Register 1661. P. 126. 16 May 1661. 

2 1663. P. 147. 11 April 1663. 

3, Shiraji The Great, Vol. I, 95. 


"former dignities and estates, Bahlol Khan was murdered by 
order of the King. The Maharaja did not live long to peacefully 
enjoy the vicerolyalty of the kingdom of the Karnatic. In 1664 
he joined the Bijapur army for assisting it in reducing some 
refractory polygars in the Shimoga District. He had a serious 
fall from his horse while he was hunting near Basvapatan 
on the bank of the Tungbhadra. Here on 23 January 1664 at 
the age of 63 an active and useful life was suddenly cut short. 1 
At his death he governed a territory which included at least 
Bangalore, Balapur, Kolar, Nandi, Basvapatan, Arni, Gingi, 
Tegenapatam, Huskota, and Porto Novo in Tanjore. In 
all these places he was succeeded by his youngest son 
Vyankoji as Jagirdar and Governor. The latter was also 
the fortunate possessor of the personal property of his 
father in the Karnatic. In a few years by his valour 
and diplomacy he added the kingdom of Tanjore to his 

14. Shivaji, an independent Kin; 

Shahji's dream of the establishment of Swarajya by his 
son was realized before his death and it was fortunate that 
he himself was the instrument of putting a seal upon his 
independence. The young king Ali was much distressed 
by the lightning blows dealt by Shivaji in the Konkan, by 
the rebellion of his father Shahji and of Bhadrappa Nayak 
of Bednur, and the insurgence of the Muslim lords like Siddi 
Jauhar, Siddi Yaqut, Siddi Masud and Bahlol Khan. The 
rebellion of all these nobles was put down after much bloodshed, 
but Shivaji was too strong for Ali. In that situation he was 
mortally afraid of Aurangzeb who was sure to find one excuse 
or another for pouncing upon Bijapur. To bring peace to 
the distracted land, a secret treaty was made with Shivaji 
by which his independence was acknowledged by the Bijapur 

1. Jedhe Ch. 


King, the whole country of Konkan 1 and a long strip of 
territory in the Deccan were ceded to him, and his ambassador, 
was permitted to stay at the capital. Shivaji agreed not 
to molest Bijapur any more. The Marathi chronicles record 
that he was to be given an annual subsidy of seven lakh huns 
The Dutch Diary gives a different version: " Siwasi has made 
a present to His Majesty of 30 thousand pagodas, 2 elephants 
and 80 beautiful horses. He asked thereby to slacken the 
war against him a little. He advised the king with many 
persuasive words to revolt against the Mogol and offered him 
30 thousand pagodas yearly if he would do that. They say 
that a more close and secret alliance has been made between 
those two rulers. And many say that the king cannot go on 
pretending any longer and that he would rather draw sword 
against Eurengxeeb than against Siwasi." 9 Shivaji was no 
longer a jagirdar of Bijapur, but an independent sovereign 
who, on a basis of equality, entered into a compact with 
his erstwhile suzerain. 

15. Interview of father and son 

The Bakhars assert that Shahji was deputed by AH 
Adil Shah to confirm the treaty and counsel his son to 
keep peace in the Kingdom. Shahji had not visited his 
jagir and worshipped his family gods for the last twenty-five 
years. He jumped at the opportunity afforded him by his 
sovereign to see with his own eyes the work of the wonderful 

1. This term is confirmed by a Rajapur letter of 6th February 1663 to 
Surat ( Shivaji The Great Vol. I. p. 150; Basatin-i-Salatin, p. 302 ). Tal Konkan 
was given to Shivaji before August 1661. P. S. S. No. 857. This treaty is said 
to be concluded in 1662, but it is most unlikely Shivaji surprised Shaista Khan 
on 5th April and by the middle of that month he started for the conquest 
of Kudol and Vingurla. He is not expected to declare war after a few months of 
the conclusion of the treaty, I should prefer the end of 1663 as the time of 
the treaty. 

2. Shivaji The Great, Vol. I. pp. 115-16. 


exploits of his famous son. 1 He proceeded to Poona with 
his second wife Tukabai and her son Vyankoji. On the 
way he visited the sacred places of pilgrimage like Tuljapur, 
Shingnapur, Pandharpur and Jejuri. At the last place he 
was received by his son with great humility and royal 
pomp. We are told that Shivaji prostrated himself at Shahji's 
feet, that he held his father's slippers in his hands and 
walked by the side of the palanquin wherein Shahji was 
being taken to Shivaji's camp, and that in the levee 
subsequently held, the father was seated on the divan, 
bat the son stood reverently with folded hands and frequently 
asked forgiveness for the troubles given by him to his 
father. Moved with emotion at the touching scenes of 
filial love, humility and reverence, Shahji joyfully praised 
the glorious deeds of his son and showered blessings upon 
him for his future success. The four months of the 
rainy season were spent in a round of festivities at Poona. 
Then Shahji was taken to all the important fortresses 
like Sinhagad, Purandhar, Rajgad, Rairi, Torna, Pratapgad, 
Panhala, Vishalgad, Rangna. The experienced general and 
ripe administrator like Shahji advised Shivaji to select 
Rairi as his capital. This high hill surrounded on ever}' side 
by a sea of mountains, bids defiance to all the world. 
From the top of this everlasting mountain he could challenge 
the Empires of Bijapur and Delhi and say- " this rock shall 
fly from its base as soon as I." f 

" Shahji, highly gratified, returned to Bijapur, the bearer 
of presents from Shivajee to the King, and, what strengthens 

1. Sh. Dig. 200-204; Takakhav, 204-212. 

It is worth noticing that the Basatin-i-Salatin, Shivabaarat, Jedhe 
Chronology, Jedhe Karina, Tankh-i-Shivaji, Rairi, 91 Q. Bakhar, do not 
mention the fact of Shahji's visit to his son in 1663. We must wait for a 
confirmatory evidence of the statement of the Bakhar s. Shahji's visit is tradi- 
tionally placed in 1662. Then Chakan and Poona were in the hands of 
Shaistakhan. and Shivaji was engaged in a life and death struggle with him* 
Hence 1663 has been preferred by me. 

2. Shivaji The Great Vol. II, pp. 1-2. 


the supposition of Shajee's having been the mediator, 
hostilities from that time were suspended between Sivajee 
and Beejapoor during the life of Shahjee; nor, when they 
were renewed, was Sivajee the aggressor." 1 

16. Shahji at Bangalore 

The prosperous city of Bangalore was defended by a 
deep moat, strong ramparts, and high towers adorned 
with numerous cannon, and was well-guarded by a large 
army. The capital presented a very beautiful sight with 
its stately mansions, lofty and superb temples, lovely groves 
and green bowers in its exquisitely laid gardens, numerous 
tanks, broad streets and everflowing fountains. The painted 
walls in the palaces were designed with wonderous art. 
Such a poetic description savours of exaggeration, yet it is 
literally true of modern Bangalore, the Paris of India, and 
may give us a real picture of tho city under its popular 
ruler Kemp Gauda and under an experienced administrator 
like Shahji. 9 It was the capital of the Bijapur Karnatic 
for a generation under Shahji. 

Living in such a charming place, the Raja used to spend 
his time in hunting, military exercises, in visiting armouries 
and magazines, in reviewing troops, in singing, dancing 
and flirting with beautiful damsels; nay, even in visiting 
Sadhus, studying books aud performing meditative practices. 
Both Shahji and Shah Jahan gave themselves up to a life 
of ease, amusement, even of voluptuous luxury after 1637, 
though each of them had led a very hard and sturdy life 
before that year. 

17. Shahji'* work in the Karnatic 

Shahji was appointed to govern the districts subdued 
by the Bijapur forces in Karnatic and Dravida, named 

1. G. Duff. P. 85. 

2. Sh. Bh.; Mysore and Coorg Gaz. Pp. 21-22. 


Bijapurian Karnatic. Hisjagir included Bangalore, 1 Kolar,* 
Hoskota, 3 Dod-Ballapur, 4 and Sira. 5 Each one of these 
places had been the residence of a ruling Nayak. Shahji 
used to stay sometimes at Ballapur and sometimes at Kolar. 

Though in the beginning of this conquest, fanaticism 
was shown by the Muslim commanders in demolishing 
temples and building mosques in their places, 6 the 

1. Kemp Gauda founded Bangalore in 1537, and his son of the same 
name gained possession of the Magadi country and Savandurga. 

2. More prominent were the Sugatur-nad Prabhus, who usually had 
the name Tamme-Gauda. Their territory included a great part of the 
Kolar District, and they founded Hoskote. For his aid in defeating the 
Mussalman attack on Penugonda, the chief received the title of Chikka-Rayal, 
and his possessions were extended from Anekal to Punganur. The inscriptions 
of the Sugatur Prabhus date from 1451 to 1693. "When Kolar and Hoskote 
were taken by the Bijapur army, the chief retired to Anekal, but was 
expelled when this place was taken by Haider All. Shahji bestowed the 
Punganur district upon Chikka Rayal Timme Gauda in place of Kolar, the 
charge of which he committed to his own son Sambhaji, on the death of 
whom, his son Soorut Singh managed Kolar, and subsequently it formed 
part of the territories of Venkoji or Eccoji. 

3. Hosa-Kota, * new fort, ' so called to distinguish it from Kolar 
was built about 1595, by Timme Gauda, the chief of Sugatur, who had 
recently settled at Kolar and obtained from the Penugonda sovereign the 
title of Chikka Rayal. ( Mysore, Vol. II, p. 68. ) 

4. Malla Baire Gauda of Devanhalh founded Ballapur. With the 
help of the Vijayanagar Emperor, he speedily subdued the neighbouring 
-country, so that this principality yielded a revenue of a lakh of pagodas. 
His descendants continued to rule this dominion until it was reduced by 
the Bijapur army. ( Mysore. Vol. II, p. 68. ) 

5. The foundation of the town and fort is attributed to Rangappa 
Kayak, the chief of Rantnagiri. Before the fort was completed, Sira and 
its dependencies were conquered by Randulla Khan. One Malik Husen 
who was appointed governor, completed the fort and enclosed the towi> 
with mud walls. Malik Rihan was Subadar from 1638 to 1650 ( Mysore, 
Vol. II, p. 198. ) 

6. After the capture of Basavapatna the town of Sante Bennur was 
taken by the Muspalman forces of Bijapur, under Randulla Khan, who 
-destroyed the temple and erected in its place a mosque of very large 
^dimensions. Hanumappa Nayak who had been forced to retire to Tarikere 
and Kaldurga, was greatly incensed at this, and watching his opportunity 
planned a night attack, in which be put to death the Muhammadan Governor, 
.and desecrated the mosque with the blood of bogs, pulling out a stone 

from the wall of each compartment, ( Mysore, Vol. II, p. 469. ) 



inconoclastic spirit was definitely checked by the appointment 
of Shahji as Governor of the Karnatic. On the other 
hand, he became the champion of the Hindu Rajas, 1 
of Hindu supremacy and of Hindu culture and literature- 
Then Marathi became the court language and Marathas 
were appointed as revenue clerks and collectors. Thus 
Shahji, during the long viceroyalty extending over one 
generation, Marathaized the Kanarese population. The 
administrative system set up by him was faithfully followed 
by his successors in those parts. To sum up, he was the 
founder of Greater Maharashtra in the Karnatic. 

18. Policy of consolidation 

Shahji followed a most remarkable policy of conciliation 
and consolidation. While he took possession of the capital 
town of every dispossessed chief and administered the 
revenues of each principality through his own agents, he 
granted the ousted chief an estate in some less productive 
part of his territory. This resulted in bringing under 
cultivation and attracting population to the more neglected 
tracts of the country. Thus Basavapattan and its possessions 
being retained, Tarikere was given to the polygar; Bangalore 
was taken, but Magadi was left to Kempa Gauda. Similarly, 
Hoskota was taken and Anekal granted; Kolar was captured 
but Punganur returned; Sira was taken and Ratnagiri 1 was 
retained with the chief. Thus all the ruling Hindu families 
were continued in existence, and yet these were bound by 
ties of gratitude to Shahji. 

19. The Maratha revenue system in the Karnatic 

The Bijapurian Karnatic was distributed into parganasr 
Each of these districts was devided into samats, tarajs. 
mauge, and mujare Jamadars or collectors were appointed. 

1. Sh. Bh. XI. 7; XV. 9. 

2. Mysore Gazetteer, Vol. I, p. 359. 


for each pargana. "In the time of the Rayals, the accountants 
had been called Samprati, but the Mahrattas introduced 
the different offices of Deshpande, Deshkulkarni, Sar-Nad- 
"Gaud, Deshmukh and Kanungo, by whom the accounts 
of the country were kept; they also appointed Sheristedars 
to all the parganas. When jagirs were granted to the Killedars 
and Mansubdars by the Sarkar, the revenue accounts of the 
districts for the last years were previously examined, and 
the new revenue rated annually on the jagir to be granted. In 
'fixing the revenue thus established, the inams or free gift 
lands, land customs, &c., were discontinued or deducted, and 
the net revenue, more or less than the former, ascertained 
by means of the Jamadars. 

The Deshkulkarni was to write the kaulpatta, the 
contract or lease for the revenue; the Deshpande was to 
sign it in Mahratti characters at the bottom of the paper; 
the Deshmukh, Kanungo and Sar-Nad-Gaud were also 
to add their signatures to the written deed, and the Amildar 
finally to seal it. The particular accounts of the parganas 
were kept as follows: The Shanbhog was to keep the written 
accounts of the mauje or village, the Deshkulkarni to keep 
the accounts of the samats, the Deshpande the accounts 
of the parganas, and the Kanungo to sign the patte or revenue 
agreements. He was also to keep a written register of the 
revenue of the district, to be delivered to the Sarkar. It was 
the duty of the Deshmukhi and Sar-Nad-Gaud to control 
and inspect all accounts, and report them to their superiors; 
they were also to inquire and report generally on all affairs, 
and the settlement of the district." * 

"The accounts of all kinds were accidently kept in 
Kannada, but after the Mahratta chiefs attained power in 
the Carnatic, many Deshasts or natives of their countries 
followed them, who introduced their language and written 
characters into the public accounts. Even in the samsthans 
of the Palegars, where the revenue and military accounts 
Ihad been kept in Karinada alone, some of them beginning 
1. Mysore Gazetteer. Vol. I, pp. 588-589. " 


then to entertain large bodies of horse, employed Mahratta 
accountants to check the pay accounts in that language 
for the satisfaction of the horsemen of that nation. After 
the Moguls came into the country and established the Suba 
of Sira, the Persian language came into use." * 

20. A view of Shah ji's life 

The salient features of the political career of Shahji are 
now summarized to enable the reader to have a clear view of 
the same. In 1621 Shahji captured Poona from the Bijapur 
officer and obtained the Mokasa of Poona and Shirwal from 
Malik Amber. After the desertion of his father-in-law Jadhavrao, 
Shahji and the other Bhosles were the great feudal lords left 
in the Nizam Shahi State. This is clear from the list of 
officers who took part in the battle of Bhatwadi in 1624. Shahji 
distinguished himself in this battle, while his younger 
brother was killed in an action. He must have then 
held a high position, because he manfully maintained his 
independence in his jagir against all the power of Malik 
Amber in 1625. The Bijapur Court conferred upon Shahji 
the rare titles of Sarlashkar and Maharaj. He was employed 
in the conquest of the Karnatic and in putting down the 
rebellion of the chief of Phaltan. After his return to the 
Nizam Shahi service, we find him as the Subedar and 
Commandant of the most important fortress of Parenda in 
1630. When he joined the Moguls in this year, he was 
given the dignity of 5,000 horse and even his cousins were 
made commanders of 2,000 horse. He was granted the estate 
of Fateh Khan, the prime minister of the Nizam Shahi 
Kingdom. After deserting the Moguls, he remained a petty 
independent ruler. With his own forces he assisted Randulla 
Khan in conquering Daulatabad. Then he became the King- 
maker or the actual ruler of the Nizam Shahi State for three- 
years. Even Shah Jahan after hurling vast hordes against Shahji 
found it impracticable to subdue him, till he had completely 

1. Mysore Gazetteer, Vol. I, pp. 589-590, 


t>rottght under him^the Golconda and Bijapur Kingdoms. Then 
the allied forces of Bijapur and Delhi hunted out Shahji from 
all places and finally compelled him to surrender himself and 
his puppet-king at Mahuli. It was one of the terms of the 
treaty that this great man must be given to Bijapur, because 
in the Mogul service he would have been an effective 
instrument for the conquest of the Deccan, just as afterwards 
Mir Jumla was the cause of the conquest of Golconda in 1656. 
Such a ripe administrator, shrewd statesman and a wealthy 
lord could not but be taken into the rank of the highest 
nobility in Bijapur. There is evidence of Basatin-i-Salatin 
< p. 254 ) that- Shahji was appointed to a high post in the 
Bijapur army. 

As Shahji Raje had won over the confidence of the 
iommander-in-chief Randulla Khan by his achievements, 
he was appointed Governor of the Karnatic and given a 
very big jagir there. It is said that the General carried 
on the administration with the advice of Shahji. Similarly, 
after the death of Randulla Khan, each successive general 
who went for the conquest of the Karnatic, naturally 
followed the advice and policy of Shahji, 1 the man 
on the spot. He continued to fill this post up to his 
imprisonment in 1648 and even after his release up to his 
death in 1664. He used to stay at Bangalore, Kolar, or 
Ballapur and had Nandi as his summer captial in the Karnatic. 

In the war with Shriranga Rayal near Vellore we find 
him commanding the right wing of the Bijapur army with 
Asad Khan as his assistant. 

In a legal document bearing the seal of the Sultan, 
Shahji is addressed as Farzand ( Son ) and Maharaj." 
Both these honours which were conferred on him by Bijapur 
are confirmed by another Royal Firman issud to the revenue 
officer of Poona on 7 September 1649. 

1. Sh. Bh. xi, pp. 8-10. 

2. See B. I. S. M. Quarterly, Vol. X, No. 3, p. 131. In a document 
of November 1654, he is addressed as Mabaraj. 


In 1659 when he commanded the campaign into Tanjore, 
Mulla Muhammad was his second-in-command. In 1653 he 
was one of the three greatest lords of Bijapur; so also in 
1659 he is described as being of the same rank as Rustam-i- 
Zaman and Bahlol Khan. From 1661 he is named as the 
commander-in-chief of the Bijapur forces in the Karnatic* 
He attempted to set up an independent kingdom in the 
south during 1659-1663, but the result is not clear from 
the available sources. His policy, diplomacy and wars so 
mortally weakened the Tanjore state that it fell an easy 
prey into the hands of his son Vyankoji. His successors 
continued to enjoy the fruits of Shahji's labours for 
generations. In fact, Shahji deserves to be styled the 
founder of the Maratha rule in Southern India, as his famous 
son, Shivaji, proved to be the founder of the Maratha 
Empire in India. 

21. Shahji, the inspirer of Shivaji 

Shahji ought to be given the full credit for bringing about 
favourable circumstances for a successful rebellion of his 
son against the foreign rule. We should not be put on a 
wrong scent by believing the words of this subtle statesman 
which he is said to have written to the Bijapur Court that 
his young son was a rebel against his authority, and that he be 
severely dealt with by the King in any way which was thought 
desirable. The following points ought to be kept in view: 

(1) Shahji failed twice in 1630 and 1633-36 in establishing 
an independent kingdom. He played the role of a king-maker 
and a real ruler. As such he measured swords with Adil 
Shah and Shah Jahan. 

(2) Shivaji was sent to look after the Poona jagir with 
Dadoji Kond Deva and other veteran statesmen. They were 
entrusted with the insuperable task of defending the estate 
from the encroachment of the Moguls and Bijapurians. 

(3) When Shivaji was a mere boy, Chakan was captured 
by his officers and men who were in name under the boy 


Shivarai. This offensive could not have been taken by 
Jiim without the consent of his father. 

(4) The real cause of the arrest of Shahji in 1648 is 
said by the author of the Shiva Bharat to be his ambition to 
establish an independent Kingdom in the Karnatic. Mustafa 
Khan was deputed by the King to imprison Shahji on the 
basis of this suspicion. 

(5) After his release from captivity in 1649, Shahji 
entered into a sacred alliance with Kanhoji Naik Jedhe 
which the latter solemnly observed even at the risk of his 
jagir. Jedhe and Lohokare were to bring all the Mawal 
Deshmukhs under the authority of Shivaji and to repel the 
invasions of the Adil Shahi and Mogul forces on Poona. We 
will be justified in concluding that all the Maval Deshmukhs 
of the Konkan were to be subdued after 1649, and that this 
work was really undertaken by Shivaji under the orders of 
his father. 

(6) Rataji Rupaji Yadav Deshmukh of Aund, and 
Vangoji Mudhoji Nimbalkar of Phaltan rebelled against the 
jBijapur Kingdom. They took the fort of Karad and plundered 
the rich districts'round about. It is confirmed by Jedhe who 
was requested by Nimbalkar to help him. This Jedhe, 
being in the service of Shivaji, could now and then goad 
him to rebellion. It is said by him that after the rebellion 
of Vangoji Mudhoji Nimbalkar, Shivaji revolted against the 
King. The attempt to establish Swarajya is called rebellion 
in contemporary Marathi letters. The European and Muslim 
writers, one and all, looked upon the attempts of Shivaji 
to throw off the foreign yoke as a rebellion against the 
established government. He has been frequently called, 
' the arch rebel of the Deccan. ' 

(7) In 1662-63 Shahji became the mediator between 
his son and the Bijapur King for concluding a treaty between 
them:, By this subtle act he safeguarded the interests of 
Shivaji ;and protected the tender plant of Hindu Swarajya. 

(8) Chitnis supplies us with another proof. It is said 


that Shahji had taken a vow to donate a golden idol worth 
one lakh of rupees to the temple at Jejuri for the fulfilment 
of Shivaji's mission of founding an independent Kingdom, 
of protecting gods, cows and Brahmins and of establishing 
the ancient religion. Shahji got a beautiful figure made in 
the Karnatic and presented it to the temple on the brilliant 
susccess of his son. 

(9) Then, Gagabhat who as the most eminent scholar 
of his age, performed the installation rites of Shivaji, calls 
Shahji ' the new incarnation of the duties of the military 
class' for protecting the weak and destroying the wicked- 
(Shivaraj-prashasti ) 

(10) Even at the close of his life, Shahji tried his best 
for some three years to throw off the Adil Shahi yoke and 
govern the Karnatic as an independent King; but even 
this time he could not realize his ambitious dreams. It is 
thus evident that a life full of romantic adventures, 
extraordinary fortitude, wisdom and foresight, and distinguished 
with statesmanship and generalship of a high order, could 
not but serve as an illustrious example to Shivaji. He had 
indeed a rich inheritance and a powerful incentive from his 
father for establishing Hindwi Swarajya. 

22. Chronology 

1651 War between Mir Jumla and Bijapur. Mir Jumla. 

defeated by the Bijapurians. 

1652 Peace between Mir Jumla and Bijapur. 

1653 Aurangzeb came as Viceroy to Burhanpur in October 

and to Daulatabad in November. 

1654 Vellore captured and lost by Shriranga, and treaty with 

Bijapur. Mir Jumla rebelled against Golconda. 

1655 Golconda army defeated by Shriranga but the latter 

was ultimately routed. 

The war of the Noses between Mysore and Madura. 

1656 Pulicat besieged by Shriranga. Mahammad Adil Shah 

died on 4th November and Ali II succeeded. 


1657 Shriranga defeated by the lieutenant of Mir Jumla. 

Aurangzeb declared war against Bijapur. A treaty 
between Ali and Aurangzeb. 

1658 Shahji invaded Madura and Trichinopoly. 

1659 Shahji suddenly entered into the territory of Tanjore f 

and captured its capital and other important towns. 
Shahi rebelled and marched to the north to join 

1660 Second siege of Trichinopoly failed. Treaty with 


1661 Triple alliance of the rulers of Madura, Tanjore and 


Tegenapatam and Porto Novo captured by Shahji. 
1662-3 War between Shahji and the allies. The former 

ultimately driven from Madura and Tanjore. 

Tegenapatam besieged by Lingama, but relieved by 

Shahji. Treaty concluded between Shahji and 

Lingama, but it was finally disregarded. A Bijapur 

army under Bahlol Khan raided Tanjore. 

Bahlol Khan marched against Shahji to expel him 

from Arni and Bangalore. 

War between Tanjore and Madura, concluded by the 

payment of an indemnity by Tanjore. 

Bahlol Khan and Shahji made a common cause 

against the King. Both of them were imprisoned. 

Bahlol Khan was murdered, but Shahji was restored 

to his governorship. Shahji brought about a 

reconciliation between Shivaji and the Bijapur State. 
1664 Bednur conquered, but restored to its ruler. 

Succession disputss at Bednur and the interference 

of Bijapur in them. 

Death of Shahji. 

S. 22. 



( See p. 1 of this Part ) 
Imperfections of the Bakhars 

The distinguished historian Rajwade submitted the 
Marathi Bakhars to a scathing criticism some thiry years 
back. He summarized his conclusions in Marathi on pp. 
67-69, 105-107, 133-239 of Vol. IV of the ' Sources of the 
History of the Marathas. ' Sir J. Sarkar has done the same 
thing in a general manner. In spite of this, he frequently 
relies upon the Rairi Bakhar and Tarikh-i-Shivaji. A recent 
attempt has been made by Mr. V. S. Vakaskar of Baroda 
to defend this group of Bakhars. In this section I have 
consequently selected a few passages relating to the life of 
Shahji alone and shown their unreliability. * 

The 91 qalmi Bakhar, the Short Chronicle of the Maratha 
Empire, and Tarikh-i-Shivaji (History of Shivaji in Persian) 
are related to each other. The last two are based upon the 
first one. Moreover, there are three different recensions of the 
91 qalmi Bakhar: the one printed by Rajwade, the other by 
Parasnis and the third used by Forrest for translation into 
English. All these six works supplement each other, but 
they contain only a few grains of truth buried under the debris 
of myths and fables. Facts have been jumbled up in such a 
manner that truth has been murdered, chronology sacrificed 
and history mutilated. We can scarcely rely on these for 
the history of Shivaji's ancestors, the life-story of Shahji 
or the early career of Shivaji. 

1. Vakaskar. Shirachhalrapatichi 91 Qalmi Bakhar; Sahvichar. Opt, 



Section !- Babaji Bhosla 
was a Patil of the village of 
Hingni Berdi and Devalgaon 
in the district of Poona, but 
his sons being dissatisfied 
with their homes, emigrated 
to the village of Elora. They 
supported themselves by 
agriculture and then went 
to Sindkhed for service 
under Jadhavrao. They were 
appointed door-keepers at 5 
huns pgr month each. 

Section ? :- It is saidr'that 
Jadhavrao had no son. 

Sections 3-5:-:^relate":the 
story of the Rangpanchami 
Holi festivities [from the 
antics of Shahji and Jijabai 
who were only 5 and 3 years 
old to the discovery of a large 
treasure by Maloji. 

Sections 0-7;-, The two 
brothers asked the help of 
Jagpal Nimbalkar who was 
already making depredations 
in the Nizam's territory. 
They were given two thou- 
sand horse. With a force of 
three thousand horse, the 
brothers proceeded to Daula - 

The 91 Bakhar does not go 
beyond Babaji; it gives no 
real cause for the emigration of 
his sons to Elora, nor any 
explanation why Elora was 
selected for their residence* 
The whole story is made up to 
show the low origin of Maloji 
and his phenomenal rise through 
divine grace. We have seen 
that the contemporary sources 
present an entirely different 
picture. Pp. 50-53 supra. 

He had several sons and 
grandsons. The names of 
Raghuji, Dattaji, Achaloji, 
Bahadurji are known from 
several sources. P. 80. 

The baselessness of these 
events has been shown on pp. 

One need not explode the 
ugliness of this baseless story. 
Maloji did not need three 
thousand horse for putting two 
dead hogs in a mosque at night. 
After this childish act had been 
done, the brave Maloji was so 
mortally afraid pf the royal 
wrath that he returned with 


tabad aiid th* etf two hogs in 
a mosque arid tied a letter to 
each of thfem. Having per- 
formed this deed, they re- 
turned to Phaltan. 

Sections &-3:~All the three, 
Maloji, Vithoji and Shahji 
ivere granted the ranks of 
12,000 horse each, so that 
they became the equals of 
Jadhavrao and the marriage 
was celebrated at Daulatabad 
in 1603-4. 

Section JJf:-When Shahji 
reached the age of 25 years, 
both his father and uncle 
died. Soon after he had his 
first Soft who was named 
Sambhaji. In that year Nizam 
Shah Bahiri died leaving two 

post-haste to Phaltan. Then it 
is simply incredible that the* 
King should have been &> much 
unherved and feteii^stricken it 
this incident that, instead of 
punishing Maloji, he should 
haVei sent for Jadhavrao froirt 
Sindkhed and asked him to 
pacify the evil-doers. The whole 
story is no better than a fable 
to amuse the children. 

It is most unlikely that 
favours should have been shown 
to the rebels, that the highest 
lords including Jadhavrao him- 
self should have been sent to 
receive the two brothers who, 
three years before, were mere 
door-keepers of Jadhavrao, and 
that each of the three should 
have been given the highest 
rank in the nobility. Secondly. 
Daulatabad was not the capital 
of the Nizam Shahi at that 
time. The royal family took 
refuge first in Ausa and then 
in Parenda up to 1610. P. 60. 

(1) Shahji is said to have 
been born in 1594 and to have 
become a minister in 1619/20 
after the death of Nizam Shah. 
The latter died in 1627 and not 
in 1619. Hence if Shahji was 
really 25 years old at the death 



ons who were seven yeiars 
old. Sabaji Anant recom- 
mended Shahji for the post 
of prime ministership, and 
the Begums conferred the 
post on him and entrusted 
the care of their princes to 

Section 12-- The rise of 
Shahji to the post of prime 
ministership and the cere- 
mony of performing obei- 
sance to him in the open court 
annoyed Jadhavrao. So the 

of Nizam Shah, he must have 
been born in 1602, the year 
assigned by me on an altogether 
independent evidence. P. 58. 

(2) InSh. Dig. (65-66) it is 
said that sometime before his 
death, Amber requested the 
Bijapur Court to return Shahji 
or to lend the services of Sabaji. 
The latter is represented to have 
introduced all the financial 
reforms for which Amber is so 
well-known. If Sabaji came 
to Daulatabad in 1625-6, he 
could not have made Shahji 
Vazir in 1619. 

(3) Shahji was in the Bijapur 
service from 1625 to 1628 and 
thus came to Daulatabad two 
years after the demise of Nizam 
Shah. Pp. 68-70. 

(4) The Muslim chronicles do 
not name Sabaji as the Karbhari 
before or after the demise of 
Nizam Shah. 

Thus this whole section is a 

Jadhavrao left the Nizam 
Shahi service in 1621 and 
returned to it in 1 630, four years 
after the death of Murtiza 
Nizam Shah. He was soon 
murdered there. It was Patch 



Khan and not Shahji who was 
then the Chief Minister. Hence 
there was no occasion for 
Jadhavrao being offended with 
Shahji. The Bakhars place the 
desertion of Jadhavrao some six 
or seven years after it had 
actually taken place. Pp. 62,79. 

In 1626 Jadhavrao was no 
doubt in the Mogul service, 
but there is no mention in 
Persian or English sources of 
the siege of Mahuli. No 
authentic history speaks of Mir 
Jumla as commander of the 
Mogul forces in 1626-27. 

latter with a few other 
Sardars 1 went over to the 
Moguls and brought the 
Mogul army under Mir Jumla 
to conquer Daulatabad. 

Sections 13-14: When 
Jadhavrao and Mir Jumla 
advanced against Daulatabad, 
Shahji with the royal family 
took refuge in the impregnable 
fort of Mahuli. The invaders 
hotly pursued the Raja and 
laid siege to the fort. For six 
months the siege continued. 
Shahji suffered much hardship 
and hence he opened negotia- 
tions with the Bijapur Court 
for being taken up in service 
there. 9 Having obtained a 
Kaul, he escaped from the 
fort with his wife and son. 
His wife, being pregnant, 
could not go far on horseback. 
She was left with 100 horsemen 
to look after herself. Jadhav- 
rao soon arrived at the scene 

1. The same story is repeated in Sh, Dig. ( Pp. 45-46). It names Shirke 
and Mahadik among the rebellious Sardars. 

2. Sh. Dig. ( 48-49 ) has the same version. There is some extra 
information. Asharam Khoja entered into a plot with the Begams against 
Shahji. Naro Trimal and Mazumdar Hanmante were sent as vakils or envoys 
-of Shahji. 

S. 23. 



and moved by the appeals of 
his followers and of his 
daughter, senthertoShivneri 
which was in the possession 
of Shahji. 

Section 16 : Shahji left the 
fort of Mahuli and went 
to Bijapur. There he waited 
upon Sultan Sikander Shah. 
He was given the command 
of 12,000 troops and a jagir 
in the Karnatic. Mir Jumla, 
failing to seize the Raja, 
returned disappointed to 

Section 17 : This section 
is full of the most eggregious 
blunders and the most 
unreliable fables. It is said 
that after Shahji's departure 
from Mahuli and the raising 
of the siege by the Moguls, 
the Nizam Shahi royalty was 
brought to Daulatabad by 
Sabaji Anant. He was 
asked by the Begums to 
find out a most suitable man 
for being the prime minister. 
The Pandit was one day 
going through a street and 

Even the name of the Bijapur 
King is not known, nor is the 
name of the Mogul Commander. 
How can we rely on such a 
history for true details ? Sane's 
edition mentions the command 
of 10,000 horse being given to 

Malik Amber was serving the 
Nizam Shahi State from the 
time of Chand Bibi and he 
died in May 1626, while Shahji 
is said to have left Mahuli in the 
beginning of 1627. Thus these 
Bakhars allege that Amber began 
service in the Nizam Shahi 
State one year after his own 
death and that too in the 
wonderful manner described 
in the 91 Q. Bakhar. He is 
represented to have again 
defeated Mir Jumla near 
Asirgarh. * 

1. Sh. Dig. ( P. 55 ). Mir Jumla was reprimanded by the Emperor for 
finishing the war without the complete conquest of the Nizam Shahi State. 
Hence he again returned with a resolve to capture Daulatabad this time. 
Further on Pp. 56-58, Amber is represented to have defeated Mir Jumla once 
more and even Prince Aurangzeb himself, These are fibs and not historic truths. 



lie accidentally came across a 
Fakir lying on the ground. 
By looking at the beggar for 
some time, he found out that 
he would be a most capable 
minister. So he was given 
a bath, brought before the 
Begums, and appointed prime 
minister. The beggar was no 
other than Malik Amber who 
had been a servant of 
Changiz Khan, a minister of 
the kmg of Bijapur. 

Sections 18-19:- It is said 
that Malik Amber proceeded 
against Bijapur, but was 
defeated and pursued up to 
the bank of the Bhima. 
Though the river was in 
flood, it gave way to Amber's 
troops, but again rose high at 
the approach of the pursuing 
army. Thus the saintly chara- 
cter of Amber has been proved. 

In Sane's Bakhar it is said 
that Malik Amber dispersed 

The Malik was never^defeat- 
ed near Bijapur. He burnt 
down the suburb ef Nauraspur 
and raided the territory to his 
heart's content in 1624. P. 66. 

The battle was fought in 
1624, the weighing ceremony 

the Bijapur armyjtt Bhatvya- took place in 1633 and Shahji 
di; at that time Sahaji went was sent to the Karnatic in 
to the Karnatic ' and that on 1637. These three different 

1. Sh. Dig. (Pp. 59-60) has the following: Malik Amber and Jadhav raided 
Poona, etc. Shahji bravely fought in defence. Finally, he defeated both the aaid 
generals, and pursued them for four Koses. He could not go further on occount 

of the floods. They encamped at Koregaon on the Bhima. On the day of the solar 
eclipse, Murari went to Nangar Gaon ( Tulapur ) and performed the weighing 

-ceremony. The way of weighing the elephant was told by Shah ji. In reward for 
this service, Shahji was made Sursubha of the Karnatic. His son Sambhaji was 

-already there. 



his return from this battle, 
Murari performed the weigh- 
ing ceremony. 

Section 20 : Poona is said 
to be the stronghold of the 
robber chief, Martand Deo. 
Murari plundered the town, 
razed it to the ground and 
caused its soil to be ploughed 
by asses. As the country 
was greatly desolated, Murari 
conferred the whole tract 
from the frontier of Poona 
and the fort of Chakan to 
that of Wai, Sarwai (Shir- 
wal), Supa and Indapur as 
jagir on Shahji after the 
weighing ceremony at Tula- 
pur. According to Sane's 
edition, even Junner fort 
was included in Shahji's 

KondDeva, theKulkarni of 
Hangni Berdi was appointed 
Karbhari and he was asked 
to look after Jijabai and 

Section 21 : (1) Shahji 
made a resolution never to 
see Jijabai or his son Shivaji, 
and he consequently married 
Tukabai, daughter of one 

events have been jumbled up 
into one by the chronicle. 

The weighing ceremony took 
place in 1633 and Shivaji and 
his mother are represented to 
have come to Poona in that 
year, but it is not borne out 
by other chronicles. Shahji 
was in the grip of difficulties 
and could never have hazarded 
to place his family at Poona in 
1633. Murari was sent against 
Shahji who had revolted after 
his father-in-law's murder in 
1630, to expel him from Poona. 
After the burning of the place 
by Murari, Shahji returned to 
Shivneri and took shelter with 
its ruler. Three years after, 
Murari was sent to help Shahji 
against the Moguls and to revive 
the Nizam Shahi monarchy. 
It was during this expedition 
that the weighing ceremony 
was performed. But the 91 Q. 
Bakhar has made a mess of both 
these expeditions and added the 
unreliable news that Murari 
conferred a jagir upon Shahji. 

( 1 According to the Sh. Dig.,. 
Shahji married Tukabai at 
Bijapur in 1549 Shaka ( 1627 ) 
before Shivaji was born. It 
means a difference of more than 



"Mobile after Shivaji was 
placed under Dadaji Kond- 

(2) Sultan Sikandar died 
in the year when Shahji sent 
a present to Dadaji Konddeva 
for his exemplary honesty. 
Both Murari Jagadev and 
Shahji were then at Bijapur. 

(3) Later on Murari was 
put to death by order of the 
Begums. 1 

(4) Soon afterwards the 
Begums sent a large army 
against Daulatabad. They 
were met at Bhatari by 
Malik Amber. 

ten years. The same chronicle 
(Pp. 53,62 ) says that Sambhaji 
was born at Daulatabad in 1545 
Shaka (1622 A. D.) and he was 
killed at the age of eight at 
Kanakgiri. This statement is 
wrong, because Shahji left off 
the service of Bijapur in 1628 
and returned to Daulatabad. He 
again joined Bijapur service in 
1637. 91 Q. Bakhar (sect. 21) 
says that after the death of 
Sambhaji, his son Umaji Raja 
who had married a daughter of 
the house of Jintikar continued 
to tight with the Polygar. 

(2) Even the name of the 
king of Bijapur is not known to 
the author. It was Muhammad 
Shah and not Sikandar Shah. 
He died in 1656, Malik Amber 
in 1626 and Murari in 1635. 
Yet the latter two are said to 
have been living after 1656. 

(3 1 Murari was put to death 
by order of Muhammad Shah 
in 1635, and not by his Begums 
after 21 years. 

(4 1 The battle of Bhatavadi 
was fought in 1624 and yet the 
event is placed after 1656. 

1. Sh. Dig. (P. 72 ) has the same anachronism that Murari was disgraced 
and put to death by the Begums, inspite of his becoming a Sanyasi and 
renouncing the world. 



Section 22:- It is said that 
after the death of Murari, 
Shahji established himself in 
the Karnatic, assisted the 
Nayak of Madura, killed 
Vijayaraghava, captured Tan- 
jore and appointed his son 
Venkoji to rule the country. 

Section 23:- 1) Malik Amber 
and Sabaji died in that 
year at Daulatabad. Shah 
Jahan lost no time in sending 

( 2 ) Shah Jahan sent 
Aurangzeb and Mir Jumla to 
the Deccan. 

(3) The object was to 
conquer Daulatabad which 
they soon captured. 

(4) Aurangzeb is said to 
have changed the name of 
Khirki to Aurangabad in 

(5) Aurangzeb is said to 
have been defeated by the 
Bijapuri forces and to have 

After the conquest of Ginj? 
the Muslims entered Tanjorc 
and wrought incalcuable havoc, 
but were finally repelled up to 
Ginji. Shahji was a prisoner at 
Kanakgiri and hence could have 
no part in plundering Tanjore* 
Vijayaraghava died in 1674, 
ten years after the death of 
Shahji. Tanjore was conquered 
by Ekoji in that year. Therefore 
Shahji had no hand in the 
conquest of Tanjore. ' 

(1 ) Malik Amber died in May 
1626. Shah Jahan had not 
come to the throne till Jan. 
1628, yet he is said to be 
sending Aurangzeb to conquer 

(2} Prince Aurangzeb was 
appointed Viceroy of the 
Deccan on 14th July 1636 and 
continued in that office for 
eight years up to 28th May 
1644. Mir Jumla was not with 
him. That General was then in 
the Golconda service. 

13) Daulatabad had already 
been captured by the Moguls in 

(4 It was in his first vice- 

1. History of the Nayaks of Madura, pp. 130, 165-70. 


returned to Aurangabad royalty that this change was 

where he stayed for some made and not in 1653. 

years in administering the (5) Heledhisarmy intothe 
affairs of the Deccan. 

1657, conquered the most 
impregnable forts of Bidar and 
Kalyani, so that Bijapur was 
forced to sue for peace. 
Aurangzeb was soon called back 
to the north on account of the 
severe illness of Shah Jahan. 

To ascribe the composition of this Bakhar to 1685 is an 
aggregious blunder. 1 It is incredible that the author writing 
this history of Shivaji only five years after his death, should 
not know the elementary facts of his life. He places the 
death of Afzal Khan in 1652 and the Karnatic expedition 
before the coronation in 1673 (Pp. 147/150, 154). We are 
told that Raigad was made capital before the death of 
Chandrarao More, i.e. in 1654 (P. 57). Shahji is said to 
have been seized by Baji Ghorpade after the death of Afzal 
Khan, and to be released from imprisonment (say in 1661) 
through the intercession of Randulla Khan who had died in 
1643 (P. 116). He is represented to be living at the time 
of the imprisonment of Shivaji at Agra (P. 101). It is 
asserted that the Raja performed the coronation ceremony 
soon after his release from Agra (P. 105 >. The Mogul 
offensive of 1669-72 is placed after the desertion of Sambhaji 
in 1679 (P. 110). Shivaji is said to have gone on an 
expedition to chastise Shivappa of Bednur when Rajaram 
was born. Shivappa was murdered in 1662 and Rajaram 
was born in 1670. Yet the two events are made 
synchronous (P. 112). Finally, the author reveals the time 
of the composition of the Bakhar when he says that the 

1, Vakaskar, Shivachhatrapatichi 91 Q. Bakhar, p. 2. The references to 
pages in this para are to 1939 edition of this book, 


two sons of Ekoji died without any issue, but Tukoji the 
youngest son, had one issue 'whose descendants art still 
reigning at Tanjore' (P. 45). So the Bakhar might have 
been written in the reign of Pratapsingh ' (1739-1763) and 
not in 1685. 

Thus it is evident that the 91 Q. Bakhar and the other 
five chronicles dependent upon it are full of anachronisms, 
inconsistencies and improbabilities, and hence their accounts 
are mostly incorrect and unreliable. 


(See p. 37 supra) 
Shivaji's Ancestry. 

A geneological tree^ of the ancestors of Shivaji was 
prepared after much k research by order of Raja Pratapsinhji 
of Satara. Therein the order of names is as under: 

Pratapsen, Suhagsinha, Samarsinha, Lakshmansinha, 
Rajansinha, Dilipsinha, Sinhaji, Bhosaji, Deorajaji,Indrasenaji, 
Shubhakrishnaji, Rupasinhaji, Bhumindraji, (Ba)paji, Barhadji, 
Khelaji, Karnasinha, Sambhaji, Babaji Maharaj, Maloji, Shahji 
Maharaj, Shivaji Maharaj. 

In this geneology based on the information supplied by 
the Bhats, Lakshmansinha has been shown as the son of 
Samarsinha. But Ratnasinha or Ratnasi was really the 
son and successor of Samarsi, and he and his wife Padmini 
laid down their lives in defending Chittor from the Muslim 
hosts. Lakshmansinha belonged to a different branch and 
was not a descendant of Samarsi or Samarsinha. 

Even the ancestors of Samarsinha are wrongly given in the 
Satara geneology. From the four inscriptions of the Vikram 
Era 1330, '342, 1496 and 1517, used by Gauri Shankar 
Ojha, it aj. e;irs that Padmasinha, Jayasinha, Tejsinha 
and Samars. iha were the successive ancestors of Ratnasi. 

1. K, R< S". iramanian, Maratha Rajas of Tanjore, Madras, 1928 . 



Mr. Ojha has constructed the following geneology of the 
two branches of the solar dynasty on the basis of 
inscriptions. l 


bwals of Chittor \ 


Kshemsinha Mahap 








Jaitra or Jayasinha 




Samarsinha ( Samarsi ) 


Ratnasinha (Ratansi) 







Ajayasinha (Ajaisi) 

I I 

Sujjansinha Kshemsinha a 

(These migrated to the Deccan) 


( captures Chittor from 
the Muslims and unites 
Chittor and Sisod under 
one rule ) 

1. The History of Rajputana, Vol. I, pp. 441, 522. 

2. In the Mudhol Bakhar his name is Ajab Sinha, He is said to have 
committed suicide, 



The geneological trees of Shivaji's ancestors 

1. Kolhapur Durbar 2. Tod 3. Chitnis and 4. Stone inscrip- 

Satara Museum lion of 


1. Lakshmnsinha 1. Ajeysi 1. Lakshmansinha 1. Yekoji 

died 1303 

2. Sajjansinha 2. Sujunsi 2. Sajjansinhaji 2. Sharbhji 

vada in 1310 

3. Dilipsinha 3. Duleepji 3. Dilipsinhaji 

4. Shivaji 4. Seoji 4. Sinhaji 

5. Bhosaji 5. Bhoraji 5. Bhosaji 

6. Devarajji 

7. Ugrasen 

8. Mahulaji 

9. Kheloji 

10. Janakoji 

11. Sambhaji 

12. Babaji 

13. Maloji 

14. Shahji 

15. Shivaji 

came to the 

3. Mahasen 

4. Ekashiva 

5. Ram- 

6. Deoraj 6. Devarajji came 6. Bhimarai 

into the South 
in 1415 

7. Oogursen 7. Indrasenji 7. Ekoji 

8. Mahoolji 8. Shubhakrishna 8. Varah 

9. Khailooji 9. Rupasinhaji 9. Ekoji 
10. Junkoji 10. Bhumindraji 10. Brahmaji 

11. Suttooji 11. Dhapaji 

12. Sambaji 12. Barbataji 

11. Shahji 

12. Ambaji- 

13. Parasoji 

13. Sevaji 13. Khelakarna 
or Kheloji 

14. Karnasinha 14. Babaji- 
or Jaykarna Revavu 

15. Sambhaji 15. Maloji- 


16. Babaji 16. Shahji 

17. Maloji 17. Ekoji. 

18. Shahji 


Jintikar 1 Bhonsle of Gwalior gives the names of only six 
ancestorsr-Bakhataji came into the south; then followed 
Nagoji (Sh. 1379), Vyankoji, Babaji, Vithoji ( Sh. 1430), 
Maloji, Shahji. . 

The geneology given in the Tanjore Inscription is 
hopelessly wrong and worthless. The geneological trees of 
Kolhapur and Chitnis are wrong in skipping over Ajaysinha 
or Ajaisi, the son of Lukhamsi (Lakshman Sinha) and the 
father of Sujjansinha. Both are incorrect in having the 4th 
descendant as Shivaji and Sinhaji. In the Sanad, he is 
called Sidhaji. The 7th descendant is called by Chitnis 
Indrasen. The Mudhol Bakhar (P. 88) says that Indrasen 
was known as Ugrasen for the terror that he struck in the 
hearts of his enemies. He was also known as Ugra Sinha. 
But we should stick to Ugrasen only, as this name is found 
in the Sanads. The names from the 8th degree are different 
in all the four trees, but the last three names of Babaji, 
Maloji and Shahji are the same in all the five gcneologies. 
The names of these immediate ancestors of Shivaji are 
borne out by various documents. The intermediate names 
must remain doubtful till some genuine grants and 
letters can throw light on them. The correct geneology is 
given below: 

1, Jintikar Bhosles are descendants of Shahji 


Umaji Raje ( B. 25th Nov. 1654. ) 

ParsojH adopted), 

Jintikars of Gwalior. 

Mr. M. G. Dongre has given two more geneologies prepared by Mr. 
Bbide and Rao Bahadur Sane, but they are of no value. (The Geneological 
Tree of the Bhonsla Family. Pp. 5-6. ) The geneological tree preserved 
in the Satafe Museum is identical with the one given by Chitnis in his 
chronicle. Ibid. 



On the basis of 



Tree ancestry of Shivaji 



Sujjansinha departed for the South in 

Dilipsinha about 1320 A. D. 


Bhairoji or Bhosaji 




Kheloji l 



It is incredible that the author of the 
Shahi Makrand writing about the 
ancestry of his patron Shahji in 1650 
should have committed any mistake in. 
naming his immediate ancestors. 

The Senior Branch of the Bhosles of Mudhol 

Ugrasen ^ 

Sanad 5 

Kheloji. Sanad 6 
Kheloji Sanads 7-8 
Maloji Sanad 9 

1. These have been preferred to the names given in other geneologies, In 
the Bhosal Vanshavali Parsoji is said to be the father of Babajh 




Sanad 10 


Pilaji Sanad 11 

Pratapsinha Sanad 11 

Bajiraje Sanad 19 

Maloji Sanad 22 

( See p. 56 supra. ) 

The Bhosles are Rajputs 

The Kshatriya origin of the family of Shivaji has been 
proved from the sanads. A few other contemporary evidences 
may be mentioned here: 

1. Shiva Bharat I. 41-42; II. 59; XXIV. 74. Maloji and 

Shahji are described as belonging to the 
Solar dynasty. 

2. Parnal Partatgrahan Akhyan gives Sisodia as the family 

of Shivaji. 

3. Sabkasad (P. 82): Pure Kshatriya Sisodia family of the 


4. B/iu&han's Shivaraj: Maloji is born of the best Kshattriya 

Solar family of the Sisodias. 5-6 couplets. 

5. Shahji calls himself a Rajput in a letter addressed 

to the King of Bijapur. Doc. 710 in P. S. S. 

6. Bhundhela Memoirs, Scott's History of the Dekkan, p. 4:- 

Sisodia Rajputs. 

7. Khafi Khan: Descended from the Ranas of Chittor. 

8. RamchandrapanC* Royal Edict: Describes Shivaji as an 

ornament of the Kshattriyas. 

9. Radha-Madhav-Vilas Champui This book was written by 

Jayaram between 1654-58 and its testimony 
is most trustworthy. 


Shahji Bhosla descended from Sisodia 
Rajputs-pp. 257, 268, 269, 270. 
That he belongs to the solar dynasty, is 
mentioned on pages 267, 269. 

10. Gaurishankar-Ojhai in his History of Rajputana Vol. II, 

514 on the basis of Rajput sources traces 
the Bhosles to the Sisodias 

11. An English letter: O f 28th November 1659 describes Sevagy 

" a great Rashpoote." Shivaji Vol. I. P. 54; 
Nos. 20, 24 of P. S. S. 

12. An English letter, of 10th December 1659: Rashpootes 

are differentiated from other Hindus. 
Shivaji Vol. I. P. 51. 

13. Tod's Rajasthan Vol. I. gives the geneological tree of 

Shivaji wherein Ajeysi or Ajayasinha is 
the founder of this new branch. ( Pp. 225, 
288. Madras Edition 1873). 

14. RusseVs Castes and Tribes of C. P. Vol. IV. P. 200: 

11 In 1836 Mr. Enthoven states the Sesodia 
Rana of Udepur, the head of the purest 
Rajput houses, was satisfied from the 
inquiries conducted by an agent that the 
Bhonsles and certain other families had a 
right to be recognized as Rajputs. " 

15. A letter of the Maharana of Udepur: 

This result of the enquiry is to be had in 
the two letters published in the Sidhanta 
Vijaya by Mr. Dongre. There is a letter 
from the Maharana of Udepur and another 
from the Royal Priest Amreshwar of 
Udepur to Maharaj Shri Pratapsinha of 
Satara. Therein it is said that " you are 
our near kindred. No difference regarding 
matters of that and this place is to be kept 
in mind. Originally we are one." 


16. Historical Sketch of the Native States of India byCol. G.B. 

Malleson ( 1875 ). Pp. 254-255: 
"According to Maratha tradition Shivaji 
claimed descent from that branch of the 
Royal Family of Udaipur, which reigned 
in Dongarpur. One of the disinherited 
sons of the thirteenth ruler of that family 
left his father's house for Bijapur, entered 
the services of the king of that place, 
and was recompensed for his services by 
the grant of the district of Mudhol 
comprising eighty-four villages and the 
title of Raja. This man who was called 
Sujunshi had four sons, from the youngest 
of whom, Sugaji, Sivaji claims to be 
directly descended. " 

17. Historical Sketch of the Princes of India by Clunes. P. 130: 

" One of the latter, named Sujansee, came 
to the Deccan and entered the service of 
the king of Bijapur, who conferred upon 
him the district of Moodhul comprising 84 
villages with the title of Rajah. Sujunsee 
had four sons; Bajee Raja, in whose line 
descended the Mudholkar Estate; the 
second died without family; from Wolubsye 
is Ghorpuray of Kapsi; Sugajee, theyoungest, 
had a son named Bhosajee, from whom are 
derived all the Bhonslays. 1 He had ten sons, 
the eldest settled at Deoolgaor, near Patus, 
the Patel of which Maloojee Raja, was an 
active partisan under the king of Ahmednagar, 
and had a jahageer conferred upon him, 

1. Even the very name ' Bhosla' is indicative of the origin of the dynasty, 
as it is an abbreviation of Bhaswatkula on the authority of the 'Shahendra Vilasam, 
and Sangita Saramritam. In an other couplet he is described as a descendant 
ol Rama and his successors. The Sahitya Manjnsha tells us that Shivaji belong- 
ed to the Kaushika gotra. Maloji is called an ornament of the Solar race in 
the San&ta Makraiida ( Shivaji Nibandhavali I, p. 33). Bhosla can be a deriva- 
tion ot 'Bhaswatkula' on the analogy of Deva-Kula= Devula, the 't' being 
dropped as in PratipadaPadwa. Then Bhasa- ula Bhasola= Bhosala. 


which descended to his son Shahajee, 
afterwards a principal Maratha leader, under 
the Bijapoor dynasty. He acquired, in the 
Jahagir, nearly the whole of what now 
forms the Collectorship of Poona, together 
with the part of the territory now under 
Satara and it was in these valleys that his 
son, Shivaji, matured his plan of Hindu 
independent sovereignty." 

There are many inaccuracies in this account, yet the 
central fact of Shivaji's Rajput origin is undisputed. 


(See p. 47 supra.) 

Mudhol Sanads 
No. 6. Kheloji confirmed in his jagirs and titles 

" Our exalted and holy mind has been convinced of the 
fact that Raja Kheloji Bahadur Ghorpade, the son of Raja 
Bhimasing and the grandson of Raja Karnasing Ghorpade, has 
acquired Mudhol and its surrounding 84 villages and the Forts 
in the Pargana of Ben (Wai) and the Mansab and the title 
by his most arduous, whole-hearted and excellent services in 
the Royal cause during the Bahamani Rule. We have 
confirmed the same Jagir, Mansab and the ancient title 
of Raja Kheloji Bahadur Ghorpade and have made him 
' Sarfaraz '. Following in the wake of his father, grand-father 
and ancestors, therefore, he should serve faithfully and 
arduously for the welfare of this Dowlat, and retaining 
Mansab, Jagir and Forts should enjoy them, so that he may 
be eligible for promotion in future. 896 A. H." 1491 A. D. 

No. 7. Seal of Kasim Barecd 

After wishing the welfare of Raja Kheloji Ghorpade the 
one in the enjoyment of Royal favour: At present some evil- 
doers have started quarrels and are now showing eagerness to 


fight, so have done damage to the foundation of the Empire. 
So, at this juncture, the presence of one who has stood the 
test by trustworthiness and valour at the capital is highly 
desirable. Hence immediately on receipt of this you should 
be present at the capital with the troops under your command 
and be expectant of royal favours. Dated the 13th day of 
Safar Hijri year 901 = 1496 A. D. 

No. 8. Seal of Sultan Mhmud Bahamani 

Raja Kheloji Ghorpade, the one expectant of Royal favour, 
is hereby informed that due to the cropping up of certain 
matters in our empire the attendance at Court of the 
well-wishers like you is necessary. Hence you should report 
yourself immediately on receipt of this and get the benefit 
of our Imperial audience. The forces under your command 
should accompany you; it is necessary. Your House has 
stood the test for reliability in this ancient Bahamani Empire. 
Hence further explanation on this subject is here superfluous. 
Dated 22nd Rajab Hijri 896 31 May 1491. 

No. 9. Finnan of Ismail Adil Shah to Maloji 

This auspicious Firman is issued to Raja Maloji 
Ghorpade-highly distinguished for valour, one ever ready 
to risk his life, the leader of the brave, the chosen wielder 
of the sword, the pearl in the ocean of distinction, a jewel 
set in the ring of victory, the weapon to destroy the shield 
of the enemy, the thrower of the lasso on the parapet 
of victory and fame, the unparalleled in valour and strength, 
the foremost in the battlefield of unwavering loyalty, the fully 
devoted well-wisher, the chief and brilliant gem in the crown 
of the Imperial grace, one closely acquainted- with heavenly 
Government and enjoying the fullest confidence, one ready 
to risk his own life-to Raja Maloji Ghorpade Bahadur; that 
after the massacre of Kamalkhan of unripe mind, Amir 
Kasim Barid overstepped the boundary of dignity at the 


assistance of Nizamshah, Kutubshah and Imadshah, and 
advanced with an army towards our territory, as a result of 
which he had to take part in the tremendous fight at Allapur 
in the neighbourhood of Bijapur. It can only be compared 
with the deluge. On this critical occasion your father 
fell on the field after working havoc in the ranks of the 
enemies and left a name of valour and bravery on the page 
of time. When on the banks of Krishna in the action 
against Timraj of Vigayanagar's army, we had to slightly 
withdraw our army, owing to the numerical superiority of 
the enemy, when the ways of safety to the river-crossing 
were blockaded from all directions, we were very uneasy at 
the situation, on that occasion you, the treasure of our 
confidence, without the least regard for your life, by thousands 
of repeated rushes at the enemy, relieved us from the life- 
destroying whirlpool and escorted us to the shores of 
safety. For this grand deed praises were showered on you 
from both heaven and earth. It was a great exploit by 
which you have been brought to the Imperial notice that you 
in return for your exploit have made yourself deserving of a 
great many royal favours. It was opened to our luminous 
mind that you the faithful have your devoted mind reduced 
among your equals on account of the formality of " Kurnish " 
and " Zamin Bosi; " so we have excused you from the 
labour of this formality. Because to sacrifice one's own 
self and to risk one's own life are quite different from- 
formalities. It is unjust to burden faithful persons with 
customary and formal services. The chamberlains of the 
Court are informed of the fact that they should not trouble 
you with these obligations, so that you should strive for the 
prosperity of the Empire with a happy mind and a satisfied 
heart. In addition to this we have given you permission 
to use two Morchels. Dated 928 Hijri- 1522 A. D. 

No. 10. Firman of Ali Adilshah to Cholraj 
The following Firman is issued by Ali Adilshah to 
Cholraj, the son of Karnasing and grandson of Akhaising:- 


All the valour and bravery exhibited by your forefathers 
in the great war, and their endless exertions in 
the destruction of the enemy, have come under our holy 
observation. On the said critical occasion your father 
Karnasing gave up his life only after slaughtering a 
great many of the enemies, and thus enlisted his name 
in the roll of the valiant and faithful heroes of the 
world. Keeping in mind all these services and valour, we 
have bestowed on you the Jagir of Mudhol including the 
eighty four villages, and the tracts round about Raibag, 
Hukeri, and the forts and forty villages situated in the 
Paragana of Ben (Wai), which have been continued to this day 
in your family from ancient times, along with Pargana Torgal. 
And we have conferred on you the rank of the " Commander 
of Seven Thousand " and for the expenses of the armies at 
Mudhol you are granted villages near " Kallur ". So you 
should always keep yourself in possession of these grants, 
authority, Jagir, villages and forts, and exert yourself to 
the utmost in the service of this Kingdom. You should also 
know that herein lies your welfare. Dated Hijari year 972 
1564 A. D. 

No. 11. Firman of Ibrahim Shah to Pratapsinha 

This devoted servant of God came to learn on this 
occasion through petition from Sardars of this ( Gadi ) 
Kingdom and the defenders of this Empire that Raja Cholraj 
Ghorpade's son, Raja Pilaji Ghorpade, after discharging the 
duties of the Royal service, faithfully and whole-heartedly 
went to the other world as God willed. His son Pratapsinha 
Ghorpade is exerting himself arduously in the service in place 
of his father and is brave and faithful. Remembering the 
claims of his father's services, the grant of Kasaba Mudhol 
and 84 villages and his father's Mansab of 7000 and Jagirs 
have been recognised and confirmed upon him and he is thus 
honoured. Following the path of his ancestors, he should 


be dutiful, faithful, honest and ardent in service and should 
enjoy the Mansab and Jagir and other Royal favours. He 
should realize that in our gratification lies his welfare. Dated 
11 Rabilaval 1007 A. H. 1598 A. D. 1 


(See p. 76 supra) 
The English Records on Khan Jahan 

Shah Jahan came to Burhanpur in the beginning of the 
year 1630 to put down the rebellion of his Viceroy, Khan 
Jahan Lodhi, and to reconquer the parts of the Nizamshahi 
State which were ceded back by the Viceroy without the 
order of the Emperor. During his stay of two years in the 
Deccan, he rooted out the rebellion, overawed the Deccan 
kingdoms, and had the satisfaction to see that his rebellious 
Viceroy was despatched to the other world. These events have 
been referred to in the following contemporary English letters: 

" The Country is in peace and quietness, and the 
King in Barampore (Burhanpur), intending a warre against 
the Deccannees. " * 

" Our project against Damon and Diu is growne cold; 

wee doubt through sinister informaciouns of this Governoor, 

inclined more to the Portugall then to us, as 

M Daman nd we S ather ty some P ass ages between them. 

threatened. Yett is the King now in Brampore, and ( it is ) 
said hee will fall uppon the Rajaes of Mullier 
and Abnagar, bordering uppon Damon; whoe, although they 
pay him yearely tribute and acknowledgement of homage 
were never truly subdued nor will surrender their fortresses 
or castles into the Kings hands, as hee hath required. 
These brought into subjeccion, itt is likely hee will bee 
doing with the Portugalls country about .Damon or Bassein,. 
though the cittie and cittadell of Damon ittselfe bee not 
pregnable without forces by sea, to keepe them from succor 

1, No. 11 of Mudhol Mss. 

2. O. C. 1306. Swally Marine. 13 April 1630. 


and releife. Others say hee will fall into Decan, pretending 
a conquest of that country; which is likeliest. Soe soone as 
the raines are past, wee shall see. what are his intents. 
His owne country is in peace and quietness, and for ought 
wee understand likely soe to continue, having pollitickly 
wrought his owne securitie by cutting off all the blood 
royall, without leaving any butt his owne sonnes that canne 
lay claime to his crowne; and then impoverishing his amrawes 
-or nobles by taking from them all their treasure and livings, 
allowing noe more then will maintaine them barely in an 
ordinary state. " * 

" Wee can expect noe lovely vend thereof, especially 
by reason of the present warrs with Decan, which wee hope 
are now drawing to their period by the subtill contrivance 
of Assuff Chaun, the great favorite, who with a powerfull 
armye is gon out with pretended show to 

effect that b y force which betwixt him and the 
great ambrawas of that councell they intend to 
performe by an underhand composition of peace, thereby to 
save ( as much as in them lyes ) the honour of the King, who 
shalbee made beleeve that his power, and not his secret 
pollicie, shall have brought to passe soe great a victory 
aymed at. " a 

" Will now wait for better markets, in view of the 
expected termination of the wars in the Deccan. "* 

" The King still prosecutes his warrs with Decan, and 
hath lately atcheived a petty victory against Ckaun Jehaun. "* 

A direfull famine and a continuous war in the Deccan 
have put a stop to trade in 1630. 

" This direfull tyme of dearth and the Kings continued 
warrs with the Decans disjoyned all trade out of frame; the 
Famine in 1630. former calamitie haveing fild the waies with 
desperate multitudes, who, setting their lives 
att nought, care not what they enterprise soe they may but 
purchase meanes for feeding, and will not dispence with the 

1. O. C. 1306. Swally Marine. 13 April 1630, 

2. Surat Factory Outward Letter Bk. Vol. I. P. 74. 12 Nov. 1630 

3. Ibid. Vol. I. P. 103. Surat to Ahmadabad, 30 Nov. 1630 

4. Ibid. Vol. I. P. 112. Surat to Masulipatam. 3 Dec. 1630 


nakedest passenger not soe much as our poore pattamars with 
letters, who, if not murthered on the way, doe seldome 
escape unryfled and thereby our advises often miscarried on 
the other side. The warrs with Decan haveing stopped up 
all passages, and accustomed conflewence of marchants to 
and from those parts are intercepted whereby the vend, not 
only of your currall ( whose greatest expence is in Decan ) 
wilbe hindered, but likewise your fraight and customes iii 
Persia much lessened by the want of those finer goods out 
of Decan, in whose liew your ships are only fraught with 
these of groser quallitie." ' 

" The king being now resolved ( or at least likely ) to 
continew his residence in that place, for it seemes he 
prosecutes the warrs with Decan. " a 

The letter of 10th June 1631 gives an account of the 
heroic death of Khan Jahan Lodhi, of the triple alliance of 
the Deccan States against Shah Jahan and of the expected 
invasion of a pretender for the throne of Delhi. 

" The warrs with Decan are yett still contynued, but 
with slowe mocion and small successe or performance. Ckaun 
Jehaune, in his flight from thence towards 
Honourable h; s owne countrey being interrupted in his 
passage and persued by Abdela Ckaun with 
advantage of nomber, encountered the terrour 
of his desperate fortunes and with admirable courage preffred 
an honourable death ( which the marks of 15 wounds well 
testified ) before that life that must have suffred the scorne 
and contempt of his persecutors, and so finished his daies 
amongst the thickest of his enemyes fighting. The Kinge 
nevertheles desists not in his aymes against 
Triple alliance ) ecan whose three kings are now strongly 

of Deccan kings. ' / 

confederated which before were partely 
devided. And in the interim Balsuneber, the sonne of 
Jehaunguires brother, who of the bloud royall being the 
only man that surviveth, and having formerly conveyed 

1. O. C. 1335. Surat to Company. 31 December 1630. 

2. O. C. 1342. From Surat, 23 February 1631. 


himselfe into the Tartarian territoryes is there linckt in 

matrimony with the King of ( blank ) his 

A Deihrthronc! r daughter and assisted by his father in lawe 

both with men and moneys, layes clayme to 

Cabull, Multan, and all those parts towards Lahore; which 

is thought will begett a peace with the Decans and divert the 

thoughts of this kinge that wave. " J 

The war in the Deccan was coming to an end, but 
the calamities resulting from the famine were intensified. 

"The warre with Decan is at a pawse and a peace now in 
treaty, though the armies on neither side dismissed, (and?) 
the King still in Brampore; which preventing the supplies 
of corne to these parts from those others of 
Beater plenty, and the raynes hereabout 
having falen superfluously, which with bad 
government is cause of the highest extreame of scarcity, 
wheate and rice being rissen to 2J sere for a mamoodee, 
butter at a scare and a quarter, a hen at 4 or 5 Ma 
(moodees) and rare it is to see one ; and to aflict the 
more, not a family throughout either here or Broach 
that hath not been vissited with agues, feavours, and 
pestilentiall diseases. God avert these judgements from us, 
and give us strength to suffer His chastisements 
with patience." a 

"This base Kinge contynueth ungratefully his warrs on 

Decan and prosecuteth them most wilfully, tho the famine 

and their good successe hath hitherto 

The war con- , , . , . , 

tinued in 1632. made him much the looser. Now lately he 
hath sent Asaph Caun upon them (against 
his will ) with 40 or 50,000 horse which will be to little 
purpose. The Shawe his embassadour is dispeeded from 
Brampore, where the Kinge is; and (as is reported) the 
Governor of Agra beares him company as embassadour 
back again." 8 

"The King, being in Brampore, hath taken up 800 
camells of ours. You must prevent the comying out of 

1. F. R. Surat Vol. 34. P. 3. Surat to Persia. 10 June 1631. 

2. O. C. No. 1374. Surat to Bantam. 8 September 1631. 

3. O. C. No. 1416. Surat to Persia, 23 January 1632. 


such as Capt. Quaile is; at home you may look to the 
security he hath given to the King." 1 

The cessation of war in the Deccan is referred to in 
several letters. One of these is important in mentioning the 
name of Raja Chhatrasall of Bundi who owed some money 
to the English for purchasing tapestry. 

" Nothing is said here about Saif Khan; but it is 
supposed that the King will winter at Ahmadabad, ' and 
so hee may bee ecclipsed by the greater light. " a 

" Newes at present is that the Mogull and the Kinge 
of this place hath concluded a peace, and that the Mogull 
hath sent out his firemen to have his armies returned back. " 8 

" Steel is so much dearer, owing to the Deccan wars 
and the difficulty of transportation, that its price is nearly 
the same as in England; they have sent patterns of different 
sorts and, if these are approved, they hope, by the time 
they receive fresh instructions, to find it cheaper here or to 
procure it from Dabhol, which is nearer to the spring head 
from whence it is derived. " * 

" The Kinge is yett at Dowlattabad ( Daulatabad ), from 
whence it is not yett divulged whether ( i. e. wither ) he will 
remove to winter. Mandoo is the likliest place; some say 
Amadavad. ' Had almost resolved to visit him at either place, 
carrying thither some Persian horses, scarlet and violet 
broadcloth, and some China Commodities,) with confidence to 
have at least received the debt owinge by Cuttor Saile 
(Chhatrasal) for the tapestrie belonging to Sir Francis 
Craine, and to have setled our businesse in India according 
to the conveniencie of the present times. " * 

" Here is writeing from Vizapore ( Bijapur ) that the 
Mogull hath concluded a peace with the Kinge of this country 
and that his army is returned back. " 6 

1. O. C. No. 1428. Surat to Company. 24 April 1632. 

2. F. R, Surat. Vol. LXXXIV part Hi, p. 80. Surat to Ahmadabad. 27 
February 1636. 

3. F. R. Surat. Vol. I. P. 454. Dabhol to Surat. 20 April 1636. 
4-5. O. C. 1558. Surat to the Company. 28 April 1636. 

6. F. R. Surat, Vol. I. P. 631. Dabhol to Surat. 19 May 1638. 


" In return he has promised that, if Chhatarsal fails to 
pay, his wakil in the royal camp shall be imprisoned. Hopes 
to receive the royal farman in four or five days: it ' wants 
but the Kings choop ' ( stamp : Hindi. Chhap ). " * 


(See p. 77 supra) 
Composition of Shah Jahan's army in 1630 

The first was commanded by Schaast Chan ( Shaista 
Khan ), the Son of Assaph-Chan, and consisted of several 
Regiments, to wit, that of Schaast-Chan, which was of five 
thousand Horse. 5000 

That of his Father consisting of 

five thousand Horse, all Rasboutes. 5000 

Sadoch Chan. 3000 

Myrsa Sedt Madaffer 3000 

Giasar Chan. 2500 

Seid Jaffer. 2000 

Jafter Chan. 2100 

Mahmud Chan. 1000 

Alawerdi Chan. 1000 

Sasdel-Chan Badary 2000 

Myrsa-Seer-Seid. 700 

Baaker-Chan. 500 

Whereto were added besides, four thousand six hundred 

Mansebdars, in several loose Companies. 

The Second Body, under the Command of Eradet-Chan, 

consisted of the following Regiments. 

That of Erade-Chan, of 4000 

Rau-Donda(RamDhonda) 1000 

Dorcadas ( Durgadas ) 1200 

Kerous. 1200 

1. F. R. Surat, Vol. I. P. 647. Royal Camp at Karbada to Surat. 25 
August 1636. 



Ram Tschend Harran ( Ram Chand Hada ) 1200 

Mustapha-Chan 1000 

Jakout-Chan (Yakut Khan) 2000 

Killously. 3000 

Sidi Fakir 1000 

Eca Berkendas 1000 

Jogi-Rasgi, the Son of Lala Betting 7000 

Teluk-Tschaud ( Trilokchand ) 400 

Jakoet-Begf Yakut Beg) 400 

Three other Lords commanded each two hundred 

Horse 600 

Aganour, Chabonecan, Babouchan, 
Seid-Camel, Sidiali, and Sadaed-Chan, each 

five hundred Horse 3000 

So that this Body consisted of 28,000 

The third Body, under the Command of Raja Gedsing r 

consisted of the following Regiments: 

Raja-Gedsing ( Jaisinha ) 3000 

Raja-Bideldas 3000 

Oderam ( Uderam ) 3000 

Raja-Biemsor ( Bhimsen ) 2000 

Madosing, Son of Ram Rattung ( Madhusinha )... 1000 

Raja-Ros-Assou. 1000 

Badouria Raja-Bhozo ( Bhoj ) 1000 

Raja-Kristensing ( Krishnasinha ) 1000 

Raja-Sour 1000 

Raja-Chettersing ( Chhatrasinha ) 500 

Wauroup. 500 

Raja-Odasing ( Udai Sinha ) 5000 

And under several other Rajas 4500 

That Brigade, which was about the Kings Person at 

Barampour, and to be as it were a Reserve, consisted of one 

and forty thousand Horse; to wit, 

Haddis and Berken-Dasse 15,000 

Asaf Chan 5000 

Rauratti 4000 


Wasir-Chan 3000 

Mobat-Chan 3000 

Godia Abdul Hessen 3000 

Astel-Chan. 2000 

Serdar-Chan 2005 

Raja-Jessing. 2000 

Feddey-Chan ( Fidh Khan > 1000 

Jaffer. 1000 

Mockly-Chan. 1000 

Serif-Chan 1000 

Seid-Chan 1000 

Amiral. 1000 

Raja Ramdas 1000 

Tork Taes-Chan 1000 

Mier Jemla 1000 

Myrsa Abdulac 500 

Muhmud-Chan 500 

Myrsa Maant Cher 500 

Ghawaes-Chan 1000 

Moried-Chan. - 1000 

And under the Command of several other Lords, of 

their quality, whom they call Ommeraudes 10,000 

The total of the Horse 1 62,500 


( See p. 85 supra ) 

The Dutch records on the extinction of the Nizam Shahi 

" The said Mogul further intended to make war with 
the Decan to bring this country under his obedience and 
had left with his army for Barampour." * 

"Further that His Majesty had proceeded with a 
mighty army from Agra to Doltabath, where he still stayed. 
There was no certainty yet what the object was, but there 

1. MandelsWs Travels into the E. Indies. Pp 39-40. 

2. Dagh - Register 1636. P. 50. 


were rumours that the king had already taken possession 
of the countries of the kings of Golconda and Vissapour 
without striking a blow and had sent his governors there 
as viceroys and had given the said kings a pension." 1 

"From Danou the six Portuguese galleons (together 
having 230 big guns and 1700 men amongst which many were 
ill) went to Bombaij, in order to spend the winter there and 
to watch the movements of the Mogol. They were afraid 
that he might attack their fortresses in Bassijn and Chaul, 
because he kept a big army in those districts and they were 
also afraid that we might make an alliance with the Mogol. 

The Mogol still stays in Doltabath and has three 
armies in the field, viz. two sent to Visiapore to attack 
that state from two sides and to bring it to his obedience,, 
and another army sent to the Deccan to make his 
youngest son (whom he has made governor there) take 
possession of that country. The King of Golconda has 
willingly submitted to the Mogol giving a big present, 
and remains in his kingdom. The King of Visiapore has 
also offered this, but Sja Jean would not accept any 
reasonable conditions and detained tbe Visiapore ambassador. 
In the meantime the King of Visiapore had also come 
into the field with a mighty army, had but to fight one 
of the Mogol's armies, killed many and had taken 6 or 
7 Mogul leaders as prisoners to Visiapour." 9 

"The great Mogol still stays in Doltabat and there 

.are persistent rumours that he has made a contract with the 

King of Visiapour, whereby the latter would pay him 

50, 00,000 ropias in gold and jewels, but this has not been 

confirmed. " ( Dagh-Register 1636. P. 273. ) 

The merchandise and spices had not been sold since 
September, on account of the unsafe roads between Golconda 
and Berampour, which were continually occupied by the 
Mogul and had not yet been opened; and they remained 
warehoused, although there were plenty of merchants in 
Masilipatan with much money who would not probably buy 
if the roads and by-roads were open. 

1. lagh-Register 1636. P. 114. 

2. do. do. 1636. P. 250. 


The king of Colconda, from whom the Mogul king 
of Industan had asked a tribute of 900, 000 pagodas, had 
already paid to His Majesty 500,000 pagodas, viz. 300,000 
in cash and 200, 000 in diamonds. 1 

" The two vessels had tested the river Dabul and found 
it to be 18 fathoms deep when coming in at half tide, and 
6, 7 or 8 fathoms further up, and they found it capable of 
sheltering a thousand ships without seeing the sea." a 

"In the Guserat Districts no particular changes had 
occured. The king has defeated the rebellious ragie's 
Jougerat, has conquered the whole of his country and has 
subdued the whole of Deccan. He has appointed his son 
viceroy in Dolatabath, has received big tributes from the 
kings of Golconda and Visiapour, from the defeated ragie 
Sjougerat and from Deccan, altogether amounting to about 
200 lakhs of 100, 000 rupees per lakh. He set out victorious 
from Doltabath to Mandu and from there to Agra." 3 

" In Dabul, which had been such a flourishing place but 
had suffered severely from epidemics and had declined very 
much as a mercantile town, Mr. Van Twist could not find 
merchants, who could buy such a big cargo as he had brought 
or even part of it, and he therefore sent the ship and the 
yacht back to Goa with some cows and other refreshments 
for strengthening the fleet."* 


(See p. 136 supra) 
Shivaji's letter to Shahji 

"In your last letter you wrote to me as follows: 

Far from helping the cause of his faith, Baji Ghorpade 
of Mudhol became party to the insidious schemes of the 
Mahomedans and Turks, and by foul and treacherous means 

1. Dagh-Register 1631-1634. P. 241. 

2. Dagh-Register. 1637. P. 75. 

3. Ibid P. 106. 

4. Ibid P. 254. 


he brought us to Bijapur. What terrible danger faced us 
there, you well know. It seems that the Almighty has in his 
infinite wisdom decided to carry out your aspirations, to 
establish the Maratha power and protect the Hindu religion. 
Therefore it was that the peril was averted. 

At present, inspired by malignant motives, Khawas Khan 
has marched against you, and ready to serve him Baji 
Ghorpade of Mudhol and Lakham Savant and Khem Savant 
are with him. May God Shankar ( Shiva ) and Goddess 
Bhavani grant success to you. 

Now it is our desire that we should be fully revenged 
upon them and as we are fortunate to have such an obedient 
son, ready to carry out the wishes of his father, we command 
you to do this work. Baji Ghorpade has gone ahead to 
Mudhol with his men." 

On hearing this from you, we went with an army to 
Mudhol, left the territory in ruin and took his thanas 
(garrisons). On learning this, Baji Ghorpade gave battle 
to us, in which he with other notable men fell. It was a 
great battle. We marched up and down the country and 
plundered it. Our gain on this occasion was enormous. 
We then proclaimed peace and broaght the territory under 
our control. At this time Khawas Khan was coming upon us. 
With our army we fell upon him, defeating him and 
turning him back sad and despondent to Bijapur. Our next 
work was to crush the Savants. Fort after fort came into our 
possession. On we went, completely devastating their 
territory. They ceased to receive help from Goa, but the 
killedars of Phonda fought for them. By means of explosives, 
we blew up one of the bastions of the fort. Thus we 
became masters of their territory. 

We next turned our arms aga .*sr the Portuguese and 
took a part of their territory. Ti -jy sued for peace and 
presented us with guns. The ^ ivants could no longer 
consider themselves safe in Portugu sc territory. For they 
sent one Pitambar as their Vakil co us. " We are," they 
pleaded, " likewise the descendants f the house of Bhosle 
and you ought to care for our intere u You should take half 
the revenue of our possession and the other half we shall 


devote to the expenses of our troops with which we shall serve 
you. Their requests are granted. Thus it is by your blessings 
that everything ended as you desired and I have great pleasure 
in submitting this account to you. 1 


Ruling Dynasties of the Daecan 
(I) The Bahmani Kin** 

Year of accession Year of accession 

1347 Ala-ud-din Bahmani 1. 1435 Ala-ud-din II. 

1358 Muhammad I. 1457 Humayun Shah Zalim. 

1375 MujahidShah. 1461 Nizam Shah 

1378 Daud 1463 Muhammad Shah 

1378 Mahmud 1482 Mahmud II. 

1397 Ghiyas-ud-din. 1518 Ahmad II. 

1397 Shams~ud-din 1520 Ala-ud-din III. 

1397 FirozShah 1522 Wali-Ullah Shah. 

1422 Ahmad I. 1526 Kalim Ullah 

(2) TheAdil Shahs of Bijapur 

1490 Yusuf Adil Shah 1580 Ibrahim Adil Shah II. 

1510 Ismail 1627 Muhammad Adil Shah 

1534 Malu ., 1656 Ali Adil Shah II. 

1535 Ibrahim I. 1673-86 Sikandar Adil 
1557 Ali Adii Shah I. Shah. 

( 3 ) The Nizam Shahs of Ahmadnagar 

1490 Ahmad Shah 1595 Ibrahim Shah 

1508 Burhan Shah I. 1595 Ahmad II. 

1553 Hussain Shah 1596 Bahadur 

1565 Murtaza 1600 Murtaza II 

1588 Miran 1631-33 Hussain Shah II 

1589 Ismail 1633-36 Murtaza N. Shah 

1590 Burhan II. III. 

1. A History of the Maratha People. Kinoaid and Paraanis, Vol. I. P. 178* 


( 4 ) The Qutb Shahs of Golconda 

1512 Quli Qutb Shah 1580 Muhmammad Quli Shah 

1543 Jamshid 1612 Muhammad Shah 

1550 Subhan Quli 1626 Abdullah 

1550 Ibrahim 1672-87 Abul Hassan Shah 

(5) The Rulers of Ikkeri-Bednur 

1. Chaudappa Nayak, son of Hulibailu Basappa 1499-1513 

2. Sadasiva son of 1 1513-1545 

3. Sankanna I, son of 2 1545-1558 

4. Sankanna II, younger brother of 3. 1558-1570 

5. Ramaraja son of 3. 3570-1582 

6. Venkappa I, younger brother of 5. .. 1582-162^ 

7. Virbhadra grandson of 6, and son of 

Bhadrappa Nayak 1629-1645 

8. Sivappa grandson of 4, and son of 

Siddappa Nayak 1645-1660 

9. Venkatappa II, younger brother of 8 1660-1661 

10. Bhadrappa son of 8. ... 1661-1663 

11. Somasekhara I, younger brother of 10. 1663-1671 

12. Channamaji, * widow of 11 1671-1697 

* Mysore and Coorg. P. 157. Mysore Gaz. II. P. 432; Sarkar observes 
that Shivappa ruled from 1618 to 1662. He is wrong in the light of this 
genealogy. Several English letters mention Shivappa living in 1662. ( Pp. 
82, 83, 95, 99. Shivaji the Great Vol. I. ) Ventappa ( Venkatappa ) is said to 
rule for one year in this genealogy, but from the Dagh-Register he appears to 
have reigned for two years. Ali Adil Shah really advanced against Bhadrappa 
and not Shivappa. I too have mentioned the latter on the basis of the English 
letters. The Dutch documents reproduced on pages 99-100 of Vol. I clearly 
state that Ali Adil Shah advanced against Bhadrappa. It is confirmed by the 
Basatin-i-Salatin. Pp. 299-300. Cf. Mysore Gaz. P. 434. This Bhadrappa 
was succeeded by his brother Somasekhara in 1663 and the latter by 
Channamaji in 1671. 


Raja Sahajee Bhonsla recently represented to the 
lofty Court that the grandson of Cholraj Raja, 
Prataprao Ghorpade Bahadur, has by force withheld his 
half share from ancient times in the Mudhol Jagir, 
the townships of Pargana Ben and the forts therein 
and the possessions in Karad; also no share is given 
to Rao Malojeo, the grandson of Vallabhsing. But he 
has given a share to Mansingand Ambaji in the villages 
of Mudhol, hence his ( Shahaji's ) own share and that of 
Malojec, the grandson of Vallabhsing, be granted by the 
holy Sarkar. This representation has been considered 
by our holy Great Mind and our attention has been 
drawn to it, for it is a matter of our Imperial policy to 
see that the requirements of this honest and obedient 
ancient house are provided for; this has ever been our 
policy in accordance to which the following agreeable 
Firman is issued: Raja Prataprao, the grandson of Raja 
Cholraj, should feel himself satisfied with Mudhol with 
the 84 Moujas ( towns or villages ) and the Pargana of 
Torgal and half the township of the family possessions of 
Karnatak and Karad and the command and rank of 7,000. 
Raja Sahajee should have half the villages of Pargana Ben 
and 26 townships of Karad and half the family posses- 
sions in the Karnatik as his portions with the rank and 
command of 5,000, and Malojee, the son of Bhairava- 
sing, the son of Valabhsingh, has been granted 30 villages 
in the neighbourhood of Vijayanagar with the command 
of 2,000. Separate Sanads have been issued From 
this all the members of the family should be satisfied 


with the liberal grants conferred and they should be all 
attention to the welfare^of the ever-increasing Empire 
and the services pertaining to it 

Dated 1047 Shuhur-1056 A.H. or 19th August 1646 A.D. 


Shaheddin JXCuhammad Ibrahim. 

Rao Raje Hajiran Bahadur, Officer Commanding, 
being under Royal favour should note this thai at the 
present juncture your father the rcpositoiy of our con- 
fidence was killed on account of the intrigues of some 
of our courtiers. This has worked upon our mind and 
has created great inconvenience. Your ancestors have 
been faithfully serving the Empire regardless of the 
amount of trouble since the time of the Bahamani 
Badashahs to this present day, and your family has ever 
been enjoying our trust and confidence. Hence being 
aware of the fact that you are deserving our Royal favour, 
the rank of the Commander of 7,000 with 7,000 horse 
and all the territory held in connection with it and the 
half share of the Jagir in the Karnatik and Ben Pargana 
that was continued in your branch has been as in olden 
times granted and continued to you; along with it you 
are also invested with the office of a Vazir. Henceforth 
to avoid disputes in future no Jahgirs will be granted to 
any of your kinsmen or partners adjoining to or in the 
neighbourhood of Anagundi ( Vi jayanagar ) and Kampli 


where your Jagirs are situated. You should be pleased 
with Royal favour and be diligent to your duties. 

19 Shaban al-muazzam San Saba and Khamsen 
and Alaf. ( Shuhur 1057). 1 

( Banda Sultan Muhammad ) 


The auspicious farman has acquired the honour of 
being issued that Mashhur-ud-Dawla (famous in the 
Sovereignty) Yashawantarao, being strengthened and 
hopeful by the extreme! ess imperial kindnesses, may 
know that the Navvab with (a court worth)' of, the angles) 
the thresholds as high as the sky-having the Magnani- 
mity of the sky, 'pivot of the kingdom, the asylum 
of authority and rule, the support of glory and 
grandeur, strengthener of the regulations of success, 
cstablisher of the customs of kingship, highly honoured 
moon of fame, gem of the mine of prosperity, accepted by 
the great Sultans, famous amongst the respected nobles, 
strengthener of the foundations of Caliphate, possessor 
of the rank of Asaf, wisdom of Aristotle, reason of 
Plato, insight of Ptolemy, distinguished prime minister, 
honoured, generous and obliger, the gem of the ring of 
position and pomp, a statesman of the climes of the earths, 
a pearl of the ocean of liberality, centre of M the circle of 
existence, the place of the rising of the sun of perfec- 
tion, source of the help of All-Glory, Cultivator <jf the 

L It means 1067 A. H. or 23 May 1657 A. D f 


garden (?) of creation, light of theso cket of sight, sun 
of the sky of greatness, star of the zodiacal sign of great- 
ness, hoister of the banners of the exaltation of ranks, 
decorator of the signs (?) or the dignity of eulogies, 
the best couplet of the ode of mankind, the centre of 
the circle of kindness and obligation ( ? ), model for 
the exalted nobles, the purest and best among the great 
and renowed persons of the age, means of safety 
and peace, gracious and high-titled Nawab Khan 
Baba has written to him that he should go to 
the Jangmakanvi pass (?) with a party of soldiers and 
followers, join the support of honour and bravery, the 
chief of the faithful well-wishers, model for the well- 
meaning loyal persons, the best amongst the tribes and 
brethren, the purest and best amongst the peers and 
contemporaries, pillar of the powerful government, 
Maharaj, our son (?) Shahji Bhonsla, and being sincere 
and harmonious with the Maharaj, should give expres- 
sion to the signs of loyalty. It is incumbent upon him 
not to trespass the order of the above-mentioned emi- 
nent Nawab to the extent of a hair-tip even. He should 
betake himself to the Maharaj very quickly and in this 
he should think that his honour will be increased. 
Written on 25th Zu-hijjeh, 1057 A. H. ( llth January 
1648 A. D.) 


In the name of the compassionate and merciful God. The Kingdom 
belongs to God. 

An ink seal as follows. 
Najaf Shah, a devoted servant of the valiant king Alt, 

the son of Sultan JVCuhammad Shah. 
(This) auspicious (royal) farman (has) obtained the 


honour of being issued ( to ) the one possessed of bravery 
and heroism, Maloji Raja Bahadur Ghorpaday of the 
Adil Shahi. From (one of) the months of the year 
one thousand and sixty- eight of Shuhur san ( 1068 
Shuhur= 1668 A. D. ;, (upto) this time it has become 
manifest in the exacted court of the asylum of the world 
as follows: Your father Baji Raja Ghorpaday of the 
Adil Shahi, possessed of bravery and heroism, with 
(good) faith of heart ( sincerity ) served the special 
( ? noble ) and illustrious Sarkar bearing the marks of 
bounty, for many days. And a dispute and fight also 
took place between the supreme ( and ) most holy Sarkar 
and Shivaj i Raja Bhonsle; in the fight your father having 
displayed gallantry and heroism and self -sacrifice, and 
having ( thus proved himself ) useful in every respect to 
the most holy Sarkar , died like a martyr. In former times 
there was a Jagir held by him. For these reasons, we^ 
having shown you perfect kindness, (and) having been 
pleased to direct our attention to the former services, 
have exempted (you) from service and have been pleased 
to confer (on you) five parganas:-( namely ) Mudhol, 
Jamgay, Dohulesar, Macheknur and Lokapur; ( in ) all 
five parganas as Inam, the grant being ( made ) by 
the presence ( which ) is full of light and which affords 
protection to the people by way of Royal favour and 
excess of kingly kindness, i e., we have been pleased /a 
give the same (as) Inam (to you) in perpetuity. It is 
proper that you and your children and grand 
children ( from ) back to back ( i. e. generation to 
generation), having taken (said) Inam in your possession; 


should remain pleased. Accordingly, for each of the 
five parganas, a separate stringent farman has been 
caused to be given 1 Written on the 15th day of 
Jamadi-ul-akhir in the holy Hijri year 1081. (20th 
October 1670 A. D.) 

( Seals follow ) 

1. The Rajasaheb of Mudhol has all these five Firmans 



Achin ( Acheen), 139, 149. 

Ahmadnagar, 57, 60, 66, 84, 92. 

Amarpur. 92. 

Ambade, 59n. 

Amravati, 121. 

Anandbar, 121. 

Anekal, 161,162, 178. 

Annagundi, 105. 

Arakan, 138, 139, 140. 

Arjunkot, 121. 

Ami, 147, 156-7. 

Asirgarh, 178, 182. 

Aurangabad, 182. 

Ausa, 60, 98, 175. 

Balapur. 61, 112, 157. 

Bangalore, 111, 121, 132, 156, 
157, 160, 161n, 162. 

Bancapur, 48, 156 

Baramahals, 120-21. 

Baramati, 59n. 

Basavapatan, 110, 112, 119, 157, 
161, 162. 

Bednur, description, 117; its ruler 
gives protection, 141; Ali 
against, 153. 

Belgaum, 52, 93, 123. 

Belur. 112,141. 

Bengalla, 138,139, 140. 

Bhairasa, 117. 

Bhalki, 96. 

Bhima, 90. 

Bhor Ghat, 127. 

Bhuleshwaror Daulat manga! ,63. 

Bidar, 85,92, 96, 143, 183. 

Bijapur, Afzal's tragedy examin- 
ed, 21*22; Shahji in Bijapur 


service, 48; captures Poona 
from, 63: besieged by Amber, 
64; described, 64; defeated at 
Bhatwadi; 65; Shahji in Bija- 
pur service, 68; big cannon, 
74; demise of Adil Shah, 75; 
Shabji deserts, 75; conquest 
of Konkan, 82; Shah Jahan 
invades in 1632, 85; Mogul 
retreat from Bijapur, 85: helps 
Nizam Shah, 86; assists 
Shahji, 8S; Mogul loss at 
Parenda, 93; discord at Bija- 
pur, 93; Murari murdered, 94; 
Shah Jahan against Bijapur, 
95; Shah Jahan, 97; treaty 
with Shriranga, 114; with 
Shivappa, 117, 118; war and 
treaty with Golconda, 118-9; 
treaty with Tirumal, 124; war 
against Tirumal, 124; con- 
quers Ginji, 124-26; subdues 
Madura and Tanjore, 127; 
invaded by Aurangzeb, 143; 
peace with Aurangzeb, 144; 
war on the Coromandel coast, 
146; Bahlol sent to Tanjore, 
!50,-54; Shahji'srebellion,155- 
57; Shivaji's Swarajya, 157- 
60; Bijapur Karnatik,160-166. 

Burhanpur, 59n, 61, 66, 93, 196. 

Ceylon (Seylon) 146. 

Chabakalmarbast, 120. 

Chakan, 59, 159n, 166. 

Chambargonda, 98, 100. 

Chandragiri, 140, 141. 

l Chandwadi 59tu 















35, 37n. 


82, 205. 



Daulatabad or Deogiri, 38, 44, 

Deva Durg, 121. 

Devalgaon, 174, 180, 

Devanhalli, 161n. 

Dhalenkot, 121. 

Dharur, 79, 85, 

Dharwar, 95. 

Diu, 196. 

Dod Ballapur, 161. 

Dravida, 160. 

Dwarasmudra or Hale bid, 112. 

Ellora, 53, 174, 180. 

Fort St. George, 138, 140. 

Gadag, 119. 

Gajendragad, 49 

Gingi, 124, 126, 147, 154, 157, 

Goa, 117, 156, 

Golconda, submits to Shah Jahan 
100; sent Jumla into Karnatic, 
115; war and treaty with Bija- 
pur, 118-19: victories in Ginji 
and Tanjore, 123-4; conflict 
with Bijapur, 125; Mir Jumla 
against, 138; war with Bijapur, 
140; against Jumla, 1*2; devas- 
tated by Moguls, 142; subdued 


by Shah Jahan, 165; tribute to 
Shah Jahan 205; kings of, 208. 

Gudiyatam, 121, 138, 140, 142. 

Gulburga, 38, 40. 

Gumti, 119*. 

Gunji Kotah, 121, 125. 

Harpanhalli, 90, 119,120. 

Harshagad, 92, 

Hasanabad, 122. 

Hasangadi Ghat, 117. 

Hasan Raidurg, 121* 

Higni Berdi, 174, 180. 

Historical Museum of Satara, 
35, 187. 

Honahalli, 119. 

Hubli, 20. 

Hukeri, 195, 

Huskota, 157, 161, 162. 

Hussan, 117,141. 

Ikkeri, capital, 106: description, 
107; invasion of, 110; con- 
quered by Bijapur, 112; Shi- 
vappa retook the fort of, 113, 
116; his work, 117, captured 
by Mustafa, 118; assists Bija- 
pur, 120; chronology, 137. 
rulers of, 208. 

Indapur, 53, 180. 

Indrayani, 90. 

Jalna, 80, 84. 

Jangam Pass or Kanvi, 123. 

Jankal, 140. 

Janjira, 20. 

Jejuri, 168. 

Jivadhan, 92. 

Junner, 58, 60, 84, 97, 99, 1 00, 
101, 180. 













97n, 143, 183. 

Kanara, 20, 117, 152, 153. 

Kanakgiri, 118,121,144. 

Kandarpi, 132. 

Kanigiri, 118. 

Kapshi, 49. 

Karad, 104, 167, 

Kardelmast, 118. 
Karkal ( Carcal ), 117, 149. 

Karnatic Expedition, 183. 

Karnul, 118. 

Karwar, 20. 

Kasargad, 117. 

Kaveripatam, 111, 120, 121. 

Keiadi, 106. 

Khaljalm, 118. 

Khanapur, 91. 

Khanderi, 20. 

Khandesh, 20, 91. 
Khelna or Vishalgad, 44, 46, 47. 

Khedebare, 135. 

Kher, 90. 

Khirki, 60, 61, 101, 182. 

Khoj, 92. 

Kolar, 82, 157, 160. 
Kolhapur, 52, 91, 96, 99, 187. 

Kondana, 98. 

Kondwana, 132, 133. 

Kopal, 119. 

Koregaon, 179n. 

Krishnaldurg, 120-21. 

Kudal. 20, 117, 158n. 

Kundal, 112. 

Lai Mahal, 












61, 82. 

Mahuli, 92, 99, 104, 177, 178. 

Malacca, 149. 

Maldeevaes, 139. 

Malgiri, 121. 

Malnad, 117. 

Malyalam, 117. 

Mannarkovil, 144. 

Mandu, 61. 

Manjrabad, 117.. 

Masti Pass, 121. 

Masulipatam, 71, 156. 

Mawals, 135. 

Miraj, 96. 

Moka, ( Mocha ), 139. 

Mudhol Rajasaheb, 4; Bakhar, 
35, 42, 44, 46, 47, 185, 187: 
Ghorpades, 44; rulers, 47, 56, 
189; Sanads, 192, 196. 

Mugadi, 16 In. 

Muhri, 92. 

Mulhir, 196. 

Mysore, 140. 

Nandi, 157. 

Nandiyal, 118. 

Nasik, 59n, 84, 99. 

Nayakmere Pass, 120. 

Nauraspur, 66, 179. 

Negapatam, 146. 

Nileswar, 117. 

Kullur, 195. 

Lakmeshwar, 119. 



Nizampur, 82. 

Obhali, 118. 

Pabal, 90. 

Palicat (Pullacatt), 116 142. 
Palri River, 119. 

Pandharpur, 22, 159. 

Panhala, 159. 

Parasgad, 92. 

Parenda, 85,93, 96,103, 143, 175. 
Parkanpulast, H8. 

Patgaon or Pedgaon, 52, 98. 
Patode, 59n. 

Pegue, 139. 

Pemgiri ( Shahgad ). 89, 

Penugonda, 140, 16 In. 

Persia, "8, 139, 140. 

Peruck, 139. 

Phaltan, 51,59,61,65,69, 

Pondichery C Pullacherey ), 
J27, 146. 

Poona 51,59,64,69,76,81, 
100, 135, 159n, 166, 174. 

Porlor, 1 1 8 * 
Porto Novo, 127, 146, 149, Io7. 

Pratapgad, l59 - 

Punganur, 161, 162. 

Purandhar. 139- 

Queda, 149 ' 

Quandhar, ^ 85 

Ragadi, 16 <- 

Raibag, 42, 44, 50, 96, 195. 


Raidurg, ! 

Rairi, 139 - 

Rajapur, 20, 125n. 

Rajgad, 159, 183. 

Rajmachi, 127. 

Rangana. 2 


Ranpur, 121 

Ratnagiri, 121, 161ru 

Revdanda, 92* 

Sagar, 39. 43, 118. 

Sakkarepatan, 117, 14U 

Salsett, 117. 

Salem, 12 U 

Sangamner, 59n, 95, 99. 

Sangameshwar, 46. 

Satyamanglam, 141. 

Savandurg, 111, 16 In. 

Shahgad, 89, 91. 

Shimogai 157. 

Shignapur, 49, 53, 159. 
Shirwal, 69, 76 f 118, 164, 180. 

Shivaganga, 119. 

Shevgaon, 59n, 92. 
Shivneri, 59,81,8291. 92, 178. 

Sholapur, 66,74,91,96 

Shrirangpatam, 111, 119, 141. 

Sillenbron, 147. 

Sinhagad, 159. 
Sinkhed, 58, 80, 174, 180, 
Sira, 48, 111,161,164. 

Sondur, 49. 

Sugatur, 161n. 

Sunda, 92. 

Supa, 59, 180. 

Surat, sack of, 20. 

Suvarndurga, 161n. 

Talikot, 47. 

Taranpur, 121, 

Tardy, 117. 

Tarikere, 161n, 162. 

Tegenapatam, 116.. 

Tenasserim, 138, 139, 140. 

Tevenapatan. 127, 146, 148,. 
150, 157. 



Tergal, 48, 50, 55, 195. 

Torna, 99, 159. 

Trichnopoly, 141, 144, 147, 154. 

Trimbak, 84, 97, 99. 

Trivapi, 128, 

Tulapur, (or NangarGaon)179n. 

Tuljapur, 22, 159. 

Tumkur, 112, 119. 

Tunjore, Tanjore, Tansiower, 
Tansjouwer, 4,52, 113, 119, 
120, 127, 130, 137, 141, 144- 
152, 155-57, 166, 169. 

Tuticurin, 153. 

Udepur, 35. 

Udgir, 98. 

Vallamkottai, 144. 

Vastara, 117. 

Vellore, 114, 116, 120, 121, 137, 
140, 165, 168. 

Vidia-Nagar, Bisnaga, Vinagar 
or Vi jayanagar, 106, 115. 

Vijayanagar, RanaDilipsinhain 
a war with Vij., 38 ; Ugrasen 
saves Ahmadshah from being 
captured by Vij., 42; Maloji 
saves the life of Ismail in a 
war with, 47; battle of Tali- 
kot, 47; Bijapur conquests in, 


48; Bbosles get jagirs in, 104; 
dissolution of the empire, 105- 
106; kings, 105n ; alliance 
against, 108; rebellion of 
Timma Raja, 108-9; Shri- 
ranga's policy, 113; treaty 
with Bijapur, 114; victories of 
Shriranga, 115; Mir Jumla's 
successes in, 115; Bijapur 

advance in, 116-127; losses 
of, 140; negotiations with 
Aurangzeb, 141 ; miseries of 
the people, 142; Shah ji's vic- 
tories, 143-150; Bahlol's ad- 
vance, 150; Ismail's war 
against, 194. 

Vingurla, 158n. 

Virbhadra Durg, 121. 

Vishalgad or Khelna, 44, 46, 

47, 159. 

Wai, 44, 50, 10*, 180, 195. 
Wangi, 96, 143. 

Waranjpur, 121. 

Waswati, 125n. 

Wingeloor (Bangalore,)! 11, 113, 

132, 133, 137, 144, 156, 157* 

160-1, 162, 165. 



Abaji Ghatge, 119. 

Abbreviations, 1 2, 

Abhaising, 189. 

Adilshahs of Bijapur, 207. 

Afzal Khan, strength of Afzal 
Khan's army i 21; demolished 
temples, 21; Afzal Khan's 
treachery, 22; weapons used 
for murdering, 22; conquers 
Sira, 111; at Basvapatan, 
112; against Shivaji, 128; 
escorted Shahji, 131; Sam- 
bhaji killed at Kanakgiri 
through his negligence, 144; 
death of, 183. 

Ahmad Khan, 132. 

Ahmad Shah, 42-43. 

Ajab Sinha, 185n. 

Ajaya Sinhaf Ajaisi), 37, 185,188. 

Akhaiji Ghorpade, 56. 

Akbar, conquers Ahmadnagar, 


Akbar Namah, 35n. 

Alamgir Namah, 30. 

Ala-ud-din,Emperor of Delhi,36. 

Alauddin Hasan Gangu, 49. 

Ali Adil Shah, 153,154, 157, 194. 

Ali Namah, 34. 

Ambaji, 130 

Amber, Malik, see Malik Amber. 

Amber (Ambar) Khan, 112, 119, 
130, 147. 

Ancestry, of Shivaji, 35, 184; 
of Sajjan Sinha, 35 37. 

Antosie Pantole, 147,150,155. 

Arisinha, 37, 185. 

Armocta Chitti, 149. 


Asad-ul-Khawanin or Asad- 
Khan, 119,120, 122,165. 

Asaf Jah (Asaf Khan), 85, 86, 95, 

Asharam Khoja, 177n. 

Aurangzeb (Eurengzeeb), Shi- 
vaji 's appearance at court, 29; 
his place in court, 30; Shi- 
vaji 's swoon, 31; Shivaji's 
attempt at suicide, 31; his 
guard and his escape, 31-32; 
war of independence against, 
49; as Viceroy, 140; his 
terror in Bijapur, 157-8. 

Babaji, 49, 52, 55, 174, 184, 
186, 188. 

Bahlol Khan ( Balbulachan or 
Baseal Khan), 136, 150, 152, 
156-7, 166. 

Bahmani Kings, 207. 

Baji Ghorpade, rule, 56; arrests 
Shahji, 128, 131; exchange of 
Jagir, ] 36; killed by Shivaji 
and his country devastated, 
136, 206; Firman to, 105; wrong 
date of S hah ji's arrest, 183. 

Baji Valvale. 82. 

Bakhars, 16-34; names, 173; 
imperfections, 174-184; time 
of composition, 183. 

Balaji or Balal, son of Haybat- 
rao, 119, 130. 

Bapaji (Dhapaji, Dhopaji), 184, 
186, 188. 

Barhattji, 49, 184, 186, 188., 

Basatin-i-Salatin, 23, 34, 60n^ 



94,97, 100, 108, 110, 125ri, 

126, 127, 130. 

Batavia Records, 3. 

Beni Prasad, 67n, 70n, 75n. 
Bhairoji or Bhosaji, 39; 40; 42: 

54, 184, 186, 188. 
Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Man- 

dal, 18. 

Bhimarai, 1 -86 

Bhimsen, 44 -46. 

Bhimsinha, 36, 185. 

Bhimsingh of Mudhol, 188. 
'Bhojpal, 98. 

Bhosles, origin, 42; dominion, 

44; of Devagiri, 49, 50; are 

Rajputs, 189-192; derivation, 

42n, 191n. 
Bhumendrasinha, 49, 184, 186, 


Bhuvansinha, 185. 

Bibliography, 3-10. 

Bombay Record Office, 3, 10. 
Brahma ji, 186. 

Briggs, J. 40n, 60n. 

Chand Bibi, 60, 178. 

Chandra Rao More, 82, 183. 
Chhatrasal of Bundi, 200. 

Chavans, 100. 

ChangizKhan, ]?9. 

Chokanath Nayak, his policy, 

145; war with Shahji, 145-154. 
Cholraj, 48, 189, 194. 

Chronology, 54-56; 101, 137, 


Contents; 15-16. 

Dadaji Kond Deva, 132, 166, 

180-81. :.... 
fosidu Nayak, . 119. 

Daulat Khan Lodi, 






60, 84. 

Devraj, 42, 54, 184, 186, 188. 

Dhopaji, 49, 186. 

Dilipsingh, 38, 184, 186, 188. 

Dilawar Khan, 130. 

Dinkar, 185. 

Dipabai or Uma, 51-52. 

Dongre, M. G., 187n. 

Duff, J. Grant, 24, 25, 27, 
28, 32, 58-9n f 63, 83, 86, 88, 

Dutch Records, 3-4, 9, 18, 

Ekashiva, 186. 

Ekoji (Vyankoji),son of Shahji, 
fond of poetry, 57; captures 
Malikarjuna, 144, succeeds 
father, 157, goes to Poona, 
159; his dominion, 161n, 
ancestry, 186. 

European Records. 20, 32. 

Famine of 1630, 197, 199. 

Farhad Khan, 134. 

Firishta (Farishta^, 35n, 39. 

Fateh Khan, 83, 87, 143, 164. 

Firoz Shah, 39, 40. 

Foreword, 1-2. 

French works, 9* 

Gaga Bhat, 168. 

Gauri Shankar Ojha, 36n; 184. 

Gawan, Muhammad, 45-47. 

Geneology of Shivaji, incorrect,. 
35; Satara tree wrong, tttt-5,, 



various trees, 

German works, 

Guerilla warfare, 
Hague Records, 
Haider AH, 
Hakluyt Society, 
Hanmante, M., 




2, 3, 18. 



26, 37, 185. 

Hanumappa Nayak, ] 6 1 n. 

Hasan Gangu, 38, 49. 

Hindi books, 11, 35n. 

Hindu league against Bijapur, 


Historical Museum ofs Satara, 
35, 186, 1S7. 

Hussain Shah, 83. 

Ibrahim Adil Shah, 65, 66, 68, 
70, 75. 

Ikhlas Khan, 94, 140. 

India Office London, 3, 4, 19. 

Indrasen ( Ugrasen ), 42, 44, 45, 
54, 184-188. 

Iradat Khan, 91. 

Ismail Adil Shah, 47, 193 

Jadhavrao, employs Maloji, 51, 
58; at Khirki. 61,62: desertion 
to Moguls, 63; return to Ni- 
zamshahi, 76; murder, 79; Ba- 
khar story examined, 174-82. 

Jagdeva of Kaveripatan, 120,121. 

Jagpal Nimbalkar, 174 

Jahangir, 60, 61, 63n, 72, 

76, 196. 

Jairara ( Jayaram , 57 f 60, 139, 








49. 186. 

Jaswantrao ( Yeshwantrao ) 

Wadwe, 123, 131. 
Jaswant Singh, 29. 

Jaysimha. 185. 

Jaykarna, 186. 

Jedhe, K. N. 99, 135, 167. 

Jijabai,58,59,87n,81-2,174, 180. 
Jintikar Bhosles, 167* 

JujharRao, 119. 

Junkoji, 186. 

Kanarese works, 1 1 . 

Kanks, 100. 

Kantirao N.Raja Wod.,111,141. 
Kanungo, 163. 

Karansing of Mudhol, 58, 188-9. 
Kama Sinha, 42, 45, 47, 

54-56, 184, 185 

Kasim Barid, 192. 

Kaulpatta, 163, 

Kemp GaudaJ 11, 160, 16 In, 162. 
Kenge Nayak,! 10, 111, 112. 119. 
Khan Khan, 23, 26, 27, 76, 82, 

91, 94, 189. 

Khairiyat Khan, 125, 130. 

Khan Dauran, 98. 

Khandagale, 62. 

Khandoji, 130. 

Khan Jahan Lodi, 60, 81, 101. 


Khan Muhammad, 118, 121. 125. 
Khan, Dr. Sh, A. 6, 19n. 

Khare, Vasudeva 58. 




TCbawas Khan, 89, 91, 94, 95, 
89, 102, 103. 

Khelaji (KhelojO, 184, 186, 188. 

Kheloji, 47, 49, 55, 192. 

Khurrum, Prince, 61, 62n, 73. 

Khusrau, Prince, 61, 62, 71. 

Kincaid, 50,58, 59, 131n, l35n. 

Kistapa (Krishnappa) Nayak, 
142, 146, 148. 

Konerichetti, 142. 

KshemaSinha, ?6-37, l85. 

Kumarsinha. 185. 

Lakhamsi \Lakshtnansinha\ 36, 
&7, 185. 

Lallcheen, 39-40. 

Lakshman Sinha, 36, 37, 54. 

Lingama Nayak, 145, 147-150, 
153, 155. 

Lohokare, Dadaji Krishna, 
135. 167. 

Maasir-ul-Umrav, 63. 

Mahabat Khan, 70, 71, 72, 86, 

Maham ( Mahap ), 36, 37, 185. 

Mahadiks, 100. 

Maharana of Udaipur, 190. 

Mahulaji, 186. 

Mallaya, 115-116. 

Maldeva of Jalor, 36. 

Malik Amber, strengthens 
Nizam Shahi, 61-62; sends 
Shahji to capture Poona, 63; 
besieges Bijapur, 64; victori- 
ous at Bhatvadi, 65; left by 
Shahji, 68; gives refuge to 
Shah Jaban, 72f; estimate, 73; 
chronology, 101; Mokasa to 


Shahji, 164; Bakhar account 
examined, 176*182. 

Malik Husen, 161n. 

Malik Raihan (Rehan, Rihan), 
99, 110, 121, 122,130, 161n. 

Malik Yaqut, 143. 

Malla, B. Gauda. 161n. 

Maloji, 50-54, 57, 59, 184,186- 

Maloji, grandson of Vallabha- 
sing, 104. 188, 189. 

Maloji Ghorpade, 69, 188, 189. 

Maloji, son of Kheloji, 47, 91. 

Mambaji Bhosle, 130-131. 

Mambaji Pawar, 1 30-1 11 . 

Manaji, 130. 

Mandelslo, 64, 65n, 74n, 77, 94, 

Manrique. 77, 78. 

Maratha warfare, 78. 

Marathi books, 9-11. 

Maravas, 141. 

Martand Deo, 180, 

Masud Khan, 130. 

Mathansinha, 185. 

Mifr Jtttnla, ( Mir Jumlack, Meir 
Jumlah), defeated at Vellore, 
113; and Damerala, 114; cap- 
tures Udaya'giri, 115; other 
gains, 116; grants to the Eng- 
lish and Dutch, 116; against 
Bijapur, 118-119; advance 
against Ginji, 123; Tanjore 
submits, 124; against Ginji, 
125, 130; his power, 138; 
routed by Shahji, 139; war 
wftfr Shriranga, 142; against 
Golconda, 142 ; advance 



against Daulatabad, 177 ; 

could not defeat Shahji, 178; 

returns to Daulatabad, 178n; 

sent with Aurangzeb, 182. 
Mogul army, 77. 

Mogul warfare, 77. 

Mokite, Sambhaji and Dbaroji, 


Mohites, 100. 

Mudhoji Nimbalkar, 69. 

Muhammad Adil Shah, 84, 89, 

98, 108, 119, 138, 143, 166, 

181, 207. 
Muhammad Namah, 34, 84, 89, 


122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 128, 

131, 133. 

Muhammad Shah Bahmani, 45. 
Mukarrab Khan, 83. 

Mulik-I-Maidan cannon, 74. 
Mulla Ahmad, 120. 

Mulla Muhammad, 65, 66, 67, 

144, 145, 166. 

Munshi Madhavrao, 35. 

Murad Baksh, 133-4. 

Murari or Murar Jagdeo Pandit, 

81, 86, 89, 90, 93, 94, 103, 

133, 180, 181. 
Murtiza N. Shah, 53, 60, 82, 

89, 176, 207. 
Mustafa Khan, conquers Ikkeri, 

117; his expedition into Kar- 

natic, 119-121; battle with 

Rayal, 122; at Ginji, 122-124; 

died, 125; Hindu league, 130; 

his death hastened reconcilia- 
tion, 134. 
Masud Khan, 130. 


Muttu Virappa, abandons Mus- 
lim alliance, 144; war with 
Shahji, 144-145. 

Muzaffar-ud-din, 117 f 118, 125. 

Nagoji, 187. 

Nagpal, 185. 

Narapati, 185.. 

Narayan Das Rathor, 63n. 

Narna Malse, 153. 

Naro Trimal, 177. 

Netaji Palkar, 26. 

Nizam Shah Bahiri, 175. 

Nizam Shahs, 207. 

Nur Jahan, 62, 71. 

Padmasinha, 185. 

Padmini, 36. 

Paes, Father L., 117. 

Pandhares, 100. 

Parasnis, D. B., 18. 

Parsoji, father of Babaji, 186, 

Parsoji, son of Umaji, 187. 

Parvez, Prince, 67, 70, 72. 

Persian works, 11, 32, 35. 

Pilaji. 189. 

Pindaris used by Bijapur, 126. 

Piraji (Pilaji), 48, 56, 189. 

Pissurlencar, P., 21, 143n_ 

Pitt, Governor, 146, 148,150,151. 

Portuguese works, 11. 

Pratapsen, 184^ 

Pratap Sinha, 44, 51, 98, 99, 
104, 105, 184. 

Pratap Sinha Ghorpade, 189. 

Pratap Sinha, Raja of Satara,. 
35, 184. 

Prithivimalla, 185- 

Proenza, - 'HI, 145. 



Public Records Office, 3. 

Purnapal, 185. 

Qutb Shahs, 208, 

Radha Madhava Vilas Champu, 

34,52,57,105, 133, 144n, 189. 
Raghunath Nayak, 123. 

Rajaram, son of Shivaji, 183. 
Rahap, 36, 37. 

Rama of epic fame, 35. 

Ramchandra, 186. 

Ramraja, 113. 

Ramrao, 140. 

Randulla Khan, 87, 93, 95, 96, 

99, 104, 110-12, 133-35, 

161n, 165, 183. 

Rangappa Nayak, 16 In. 

Rashid Khan, 98. 

Rataji Rupaji Yadav, 167. 

Ratna Sinha, 36, 37, 54, 185. 
Rayrao, 63. 

Records, Marathi, 17; Dutch, 

18; London, 19; Bombay, 19; 

European, 20; Persian, 33. 
Revavu, 186. 

Revington, 155. 

Rup Nayak of Ginji, 126. 

Rup Sinha, 49, 184, 186, 188. 
Ruqat-Alamgir, 142n. 

Rustum Zaman, 110,111, 112, 

114, 119, 166. 

Sabaji Anant, 69, 83, 176, 178. 
Saibai* wife of Shivaji, 128. 
Sajjan Sinha, 37, 38, 44, 54, 

184, 185, 186, 188. 
Samarsinha, 184, 185. 

Sambhaji, son of Shahji, fond 
of poetry, 57; marriage, 81; 

killed, 144; his son Soorut 


Singh, 161n; birth, 175, 181 f 
187;in Karnatic, 179. 

Sambhaji, father of Babaji, 49, 
51, 184. 

Sambhaji, son of Shivaji, 20,183. 

Samprati, 163. 

Sane, Rao Bah. 179. 

Sanskrit works, 11, 36. 

Santaji Ghorpade, 49. 

Sarkar, Sir J., eminent scholar, 
17, 173; not used Dutch mate- 
rial, 18; criticised, 50, 59, 70, 
129, 134, 208; quoted, 75n, 96. 
97, 98, 133. 142. 

Sar-nad-Gaud, 163. 

Scott, J , 25, 28, 40n. 

Shahji, Xagi, Sahagie, Shawjee, 
Shahgee, Shajee, his con- 
quests, 48; birth, 53; per- 
sonality, 57 ; marriage, 58; 
at Khirki, 61 ; wounded, 63; 
captures Poona, 63 ; battle 
of Bhatvadi, 65; in Bijapur 
service, 68; defeated at Salpa, 
69 ; retains Poona, 69: Sar- 
lashkar, 69 ; defeats Mudhoji, 
conquers parts of Karnatic* 
70 desertion of Bijapur 
service, 75; in Khandesh, 76; 
revolt against Nizam Shahi, 
80; kills Darya Khan, 82; 
Shivaji born, 82; fortifies 
Shahgad) 84; conquests, 84 ; 
retreat from Jalna, 84; against 
Daulatabad, 87; king-maker, 
88; treaty with Bijapur, 89 ; 
war with Saif Khan, 90 ; cap- 
tures Shivneri 92 ; defeated 



by Khan Dauran, 92; his 
power 96*97; his submission, 
98 ; his work, 100 ; review of 
Shahji 's position, 103 ; new 
Jagirs, 104; against Ikkeri, 
110; against Bangalore, 111; 
joins in conquest of Ikkeri, 
112; receives Mustafa Khan, 
119; gains a victory over 
Jagdeva, 120-121 ; battle with 
Rayal, 122; again receives 
Mustafa Khan, 122; victory, 
123; at Ginji, 125; cause of 
imprisonment, 127-130; im- 
prisonment, 130 ; release, 
132-34; Bangalore defended 
by Sambhaji, 134; Purandhar 
defended by Shiva, 134; enters 
into secret friendship with 
Jedhe, 135; his letter to Shi- 
vaji, 136,205; Shivaji's letter 
to him, 136; defeats Mir 
Jumla, 139; routs Shriranga, 
140; wins over Adil Shah, 
143; against Kanakgiri, 144; 
enmity with Afzal, 144; 
against Trichinopoly, 144; 
conquest of Tanjore, 144 ; 
war with Madura, 145 ; cap- 
tures Tegeoapatam and Porto 
Novo, 146 ; war with Linga- 
ma, 149 ; Shahji independent, 
155; Bahlol Khan sent against, 
156; pardoned, 156; Bahlol 
Khan won over, 157; died, 
157 ; interview with Shivaji, 
158; &t Bangalore, 160; 
work, 160-64 ; a view of his 


life, 164-66; inspirer of Shi- 
vaji, 166-168; 184,204. 

Shah Shuja, 92. 

Shah Jaban, divides India with 
Shahji, 57; Khurrum in the 
Deccan, 61; revolt, 62; Ja- 
dhavrao joins Shah Jahan, 63 ; 
assists Amber, 67 ; wander* 
ings, 72 : bid for throne, 73 ; 
in the Deccan, 76-79; sends 
Shahji against Darya Khan. 
82 ; wins over Nizam Shahi 
ministers, 83-4 ; peace a*id 
war with Bijapur, 85-6 ; con- 
quers Nizam Shahi, 87-8 ; 
war against Shahji, 89-93; 
against Bijapur, 95-98; against 
Shahji , 98 - 100, his inter- 
cession for Shahji's release, 
133 ; accession, 182 ; English 
account of, 196-200; his army, 
201-203 ; Dutch account, 
20 J-205. 

Shaista Khan, strength of army, 
23: Poona residence, 24, l9n; 
Shivaji's force, 26 ; how sur- 
prised, 26, 158n; his escape, 27; 
murder of his women 28 ; his 
daughter captured, 28 ; in 
Deccan, 77 : king retires to 
Bancapur on his advance, 
156 ; commander of Shab Ja- 
han 's army, 201. 

Shanbhog, 163* 

Sbamsuddin, 40. 

Sharabhji, 186 

Sharif ji, son of Maloji, 51, 53, 
58, 56. 



Sheristedars, 163. 

Sharza Khan, 123, 135. 

Shiva Bharat, 23, 34, 57, 58, 
63n, 65, 66, 69, 70, 75, 77, 80, 
81, 82, 99, 110, 111, 112, 123, 
133, 160, 162, 165, 189. 

Shivabhushan, 133. 

Shivaji ( Siwasi, Sivajee ) f trea- 
chery against Afzal, 22 ; wea- 
pons for murdering Afzal, 22 ; 
appearance at court, 29 ; place 
in court, 30 ; his swoon, 31 ; 
attempt at suicide, 31 ; guard 
on, 31 ; escape of, 31 ; founder, 
37 ; and guerilla warfare, 79; 
born, 82 ; system of plunder, 
126; cause of his father's 
imprisonment, 127; against 
Bijapur, 155 ; independent, 
157 ; secret treaty with Bija- 
pur, 157-8 ; interview with 
father, 158 ; inspired by father, 
166-168 ; use of Bakhars on, 
173-183 ; his ancestry, 184- 
189 ; his Rajput origin, Ifc9- 
192 ; his letter to Shahji, 

Shivappa Nayak, regains Ikkeri, 
113 ; assists Shriranga, 114 : 
conquests, 116- US ; war with 
Bijapur, 119-12C; Rayai given 
refuge, 141 ; his rule, 208n. 

Shrinivas Rao, 92 

Shriranga, Emperor, 113 ; con- 
quests, 115; loses Udayagiri. 
115 ; other losses, 116 ; loses 
Vellore, 116, 1 22; helped Bija- 
pur, 121 ; defeated by Shahji, 


140; regained and lost Vel- 
lore, 140: negotiations with 
Aurangzeb, 140; an exile, 140; 
against Jumla, 142 ; chrono- 
logy, 168. 

Shubha Krishna, 44, 49, 55, 184, 
186, 188. 

Siddi Jauhar, 157. 

Siddi Marjan, 82, 99. 

Siddi Miftah, 98. 

Siddi Masud, 157. 

Siddi Raihan, 91, 125. 

Siddi Saba Saif Khan, 88, 90. 

Siddi Yaqut, 157. 

Sidhoji, 39. 41, 43, 54, 130, 188. 

Sikandar Shah, 178, 181. 

Sinhaji, 184, 186. 

Sisodia Rajputs, 36, 37, 189, 190. 

Sons of Jadhavrao, 80n, 174. 

Soorut Singh, 161. 

Suhagsinha, 181. 

Sultan Mahmud, 193. 

Suttooji, 186. 

Takakhav, N. S., 50, 59, 159n. 

TanajiDure, 134. 

Tembaji Saheb, 122. 

Tejsinha, 186. 

Thomares, 100. 

Timme-Gauda, 16 In. 

Timmaraja or Tim ma Ray a, 
108, 109. 

Tirumal Nayak of Madura, calls 
Jumla against Vijayanagar, 
113, 114 ; Shriranga subdues 
Tirumal, 115 ; Jnmla assists 
Tirumal, 115-6: joins BLjapur 
against Sbriranga, 119-123;, 
turns against Bijapur, 124- 127^ 



joins Muslim army against 

Shriranga, 140; war of the 

Noses with Mysore. 141 ; 

succeeded by Muttu, 144./ 
Tod, Col., 36n, 186, 190. 

Treaty with Shah Jahan, lOb; 

with Golconda, 108, 139, 140, 

166, 181. 

Trimbakji Bhosle, 131. 

Tukabai, wife of Shahji, 159, 


Tukoji, 184. 

Udairam, 66. 

Ugrasen (Jlndra^n), 42, 4 s , 

184, 186, 188. 
Uma or Depabai, 51, 52, 54, 


Umaji, 187. 

Usaf Adil Khan, 47, 207. 

Vanamian, 154. 

Vaidya, C. V , 42n. 

Vakaskar, V^S. f 173, 183n. 

Valle, P. D., 62n f 66n, 67, 68, 

106, 107. 
Vangoji Mudhoji Nimbalkar,. 

5i, 52, 167. 

Varah, 186. 

Venkata Brahmani , 138. 

Vanktapa Naieka, 106-107. 
Ventappa, 117n. 

Vijayaraghava Nayak, 123, 182. 
Virabhadra, 110,112,113,116, 


Viswas Raja, 58- 

Vithal Gopal, 134. 

Vithoji, son of Babaji, 51, 52, 

53, 54n, 58, 187. 
Waghs, 100. 

Walter Littleton, 138. 

War of the Noses, HU 

Waring, Scott, 59. 

Yadvas, 38. 

Yekoji, 186. 

Yeshwantrao Wadave, 123, 131. 




( PRICE Rs. 3.) 



Professor Balkrishna advocates fiscal autonomy for India 
and a preferential tariff within the empire. 

The author looks upon the decay of industries and the decline 
of towns with a feeling of despair. 

He produces data of facts mainly from the Census Reports 
of India to establish his contention of progressive ruralization in 
all the provinces of India. 


Pfbfessor Bal Krishna is not in favour of imperial Preference, 
if that means preference to the British and] Colonial industries at 
the expense of Indian industries. India should have full fiscal 
autonomy and Protection. 

It is easy to see that Mr. Balkrishna feels strongly on the 
matter, and he has the power of carrying his readers with him. 


His views are striking and original and on thatjaccount worth 
earnest consideration. 


The writer has taken immense pains in the preparation of the 
beck. It is an instructive book. 

A vast amount of work he his put into his book. 

A book like the one under review is valuable at all times. 



i In Crown 8 V. 190 Pp. Rs. 2. ) 


We have no hesitation in saying that every one interested 
in practical and constructive Indian politics will be profited by 
a perusal of the book. 

The chapters dealt in this book are : 

(1) Electoral Reform 

(2) Forms of the Referendum 

(3) Conditions of the success of Referendum 

(4) The popular Initiative 

(5) The working of the Referendum and Initiative 
(6} Advantage of the Referendum 

(7) Case against the Referendum 

(8) The Defence of the Initiative 

(9) Case against the Initiative 

(10) The Plebiscite and Recall. 


Principal Balkrishna, in this book, very ably analyses and 
brings out the good and bad features of existing democracies 
His book explains every important point by examples, and being 
written in a lucid style, should be considered a welcome and 
timely addition to good books on politics.