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1140

.B69

1911

BS 1140 .B69 1911
Box, George Herbert, 1869-
^ 1933.

A short introduction to the
h literature of the Old

►a

VJI XX X X I

XVX* I

lohn’s College, and Lecturer in Theology
at St. John’s and Oriel Colleges, Oxford.

0 1^ Thfi) Hebrew Prophets. The Rev. R, L. Ottley, D.D., Canon
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LONDON: RIVINGTONS, 34 KING STREET, COVENT GARDEN

iD^forti Cljurtlj %txt Booftss

A Short Introduction to

The Literature of the
Old Testament

THE REV. G. H. BOX, M.A.

LECTURER IN RABBINICAL HEBREW, KING’S COLLEGE, LONDON ;
FORMERLY SCHOLAR OF ST. JOHN’s COLLEGE, OXFORD;
SOMETIME HEBREW MASTER AT MERCHANT TAYLORS’ SCHOOL, LONDON ;
RECTOR OF SUTTON, BEDFORDSHIRE

RI VINGTONS
34 /ir/NG STREET, CO VENT GARTEN
LONDON

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PREFACE

The present volume has been written with the needs of
beg^inners constantly in view, and will, it is hoped, prove
of service as a preparation for the study of larger works.
It is intended to be used in conjunction with another
volume in the present series — that by Canon R. L.
Ottley on The Hebrew Prophets. Small bibliographies, in
which the most practically useful books are set down,
have been appended to the chapter — and section — head¬
ings. No attempt, of course, has been made to render
these selections in any sense exhaustive. The student
who wishes to pursue the subject further will naturally
have recourse to such aids as Dr. Driver’s well-known
Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament , which
may sometimes be usefully supplemented by Cornill’s
contribution to the same subject, now accessible to
English readers in an English dress under the title
Introduction to the Canonical Books of the Old Testament
(Williams and Norgate, 1907.)*

G. H. BOX.

December 1908.

( ' O N 1’ E N S

Part 1. — General Introduction.

CHAP.

L The Canon of the Old Testament in Genera^
II. The Text of the Old Testament, .

PAGE

Part II. — Special Introduction.

A. The Legislative and Historical Books^
i. 'I'he Hexateuch (Pentateuch and Joshua),

§ 1. Genesis^ ..••••
§ 2. Exodus^

§ 3. Leviticus, . . . . •

^ 4. Numbers, . . . . •

§ 5. Deuteronomy, ....
§ Ga. Special Passages in the Pentateuch,
§ 66. Joshua, ...•••
§ 7. The Prophetical and Priestly Narra¬
tives of the Hexateuch,

II. The Historical Books outside the Hexateuch,

§ 1. The Book of Judges,

§ 2. The Books of Samuel,

§ 3. The Books of Kings,

§ 4. Chronicles and Ezra-Nehemiah,

(а) The Books of Chronicles,

(б) Ezra-Nehemiah, . . . .

84
89

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

B. Tlie Prophetic Literature.

CHAP.

III. 'I'he Writing Prophets^ . . . .

§ ]. The Book of Isaial]_,

§ 2. Jeremiah, . . . . .

§ 3. Ezekiel, • • . . .

§ 4. The Minor Prophets

(Book of the Twelve Prophets), .

C. Poetical and Didactic Literature.

IV. The Poetical and Didactic Books (Psalms,

Proverbs, Job, the Five Megilloth), .

§ 1. The Psalms, .

§ 2. Proverbs, .....

§ 3. Job, ......

^ 4. The Five Megilloth (Canticles,
Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes,
E.sther), .....

1. Canticles, ....

2. Ruth, ......

3. Lamentations, ....

4. Koheleth (Ecclesiastes), .

5. Esther, .

y * • • • ,

D. Apocalyptic Literature.

V. The*Book of Daniel, .

Index .

PAGE

100

105

107.

123

120

131

1.34

134

135
130

137

138

1.30

142

ABBREVIATIONS EMPLOYED

JD.0. 2". = Literature of the Old Testament.

»Sf. ZJ.0. 2’.= Sacred Books of the Old Testament (a series of
Critical Hebrew Texts of the different Hebrew
Books, edited by Paul Haupt; a corresponding
series of English translations has been issued by the
same editor),

/. C. C. = International Critical Commentaries (a series of
Commentaries published by T. & T. Clark, Edin¬
burgh).

t/'.Q.ii. = Jewish Quarterly Review

INTRODUCTION

PART L~GENERAL INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER I

THE CANON OP THE OLD TESTAMENT IN GENERAL

The title ^Old Testament’ is, of course, a Christian one,
and is derived from II. Cor. iii. 14, where it is applied to
the sacred books or Scriptures generally which were
accepted by the Jews as Holy Scripture.^ The title is
rendered more correctly in the Revised Version the old
covenant (17 Trakaia dLaOrjKT]), and is a descriptive desig¬
nation applied to such books ^because in them the
conditions and principles of the older covenant were
recorded.’ 2 The Jews employ different designations
which will be referred to below.

Division of the Old Testament Canon. — As is well known,
the Palestinian Jews divided the Canon of the Old Testa¬
ment into three parts: (1) the Law (Heb. tord), {2) the
Prophets (Heb. nShiim), and (3) the Writings = ‘
grapha’ (Heb. kethubim). This threefold division is of
great importance as it corresponds to three well-defined
stages by which the sacred collection came into existence.
The Alexandrine Jews, on the other hand, acknowledged
a canonical collection in which the books were arranged
in a different order, and other books, not recognised by
the Palestinians, were included ( = the so-called ^Apoc¬
rypha *)A No trace exists among the Alexandrines of the

1 S. Paul, in the context (II. Cor. iii. 15), refers specifically to
the Pentateuch. His Bible would probably be the Alexandrine
rather than the Palestinian canonical collection.

2 Grimm-Thayer, Lex., s.v. dLadrjKr], p. 137. Under the in¬
fluence of Heb. ix. 16 the Vulgate always renders diaOriKT), testa-
mentum.

3 For the Alexandrine Canon, see Cornill, Introd. to Can.
Books of O.T. (E.T.), pp. 485 ff. ; Buhl, Canon and Text of
O.T. (E.T.), pp. 43 ff.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

threefold division which is so important a feature in the
Palestinian Canon. The Palestinian arrangement, how¬
ever, was ultimately accepted by all Jews, and is the one
followed in our modern Hebrew Bibles, which reflect the
usage embodied in Hebrew MSS. ^

The first division of the Hebrew Canon, the tora, con¬
sists of the ^five books of Moses,’ which make up the
Pentateuch. The latter term is derived from the Greek
r; irevTaTfvxos^ SC. jSt/SAoy, which corresponds to the tech¬
nical Hebrew designation tord, i.e. ^the
five-fifths of the Law.’ The five books of the Tord are
usually referred to in Jewish writings by the first word
(or one of the first words) of the Hebrew text of the
hooks.

Thus Genesis = Exodus r\)Diy Leviticus

. ... > . ... .. jj

Snp*! Numbers (the fifth word: Jerome, however,

cites it as Vaieda}jber = “\'2'l^\ which is the actual first word),

and Deuteronomy ^ ^ ^

•t:- v:

More general designations may, however, have been
employed occasionally. One such occurs in the case of
Leviticus, which is described sometimes under the title
^the law of priests’ (Heh. torath kuhdnim).

The second division, consisting of the ^ Prophets,’ is
subdivided into two parts, ‘^the former prophets’
(Heb. nebizm I'lshonmi) and ‘^the latter prophets’ (Heh.
nShihn ’aharonim). Under ^the former prophets’ are
reckoned the four historical books, Joshua, Judges,
Samuel, Kings (the two last counted as each a single
book). The prophetic books proper are grouped under
the ‘ latter prophets,’ and include Isaiah, Jeremiah, and
Ezekiel, together with ^ the Twelve ’ (Heb. shenem ‘dsdr :
Gk. TO AccdeKan-pocfirjTov), i.e. the twelve minor prophets,
which in the Hebrew. Canon are reckoned as a single
book : total, eight books.

The at first sight surprising fact that the four historical books,
Joshua, Judges, Samuel,Kings, are included among the ‘prophets’

1 The Hebrew Scriptures, consisting of these three divisions, are
designated by the abbreviation ^y'r)> D''^irhD’l Il'l'iri*

THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT H

demands some explanation. xVccording to Jewish tradition both
Judges and Samuel were written by the prophet Samuel, and
Kings by the proiJiet Jeremiah. The prophetic character of
Joshua was guaranteed by Numb, xxvii. 18 (‘ a man in whom is
the spirit’), and explicitly asserted by Ben Sira (Ecclus. xlvi. 1 :
‘Joshua . . . successor of Moses in ’). The tradition

has, of course, no direct historical value. But indirectly it, per¬
haps, reflects the feeling which operated in the first instance to
bring these books into the proiJietic collection, the feeling, viz.,
that they are dominated by the prophetic spirit, and largely
represent the prophetic point of view. As a matter of fact, the
editors who w^ere responsible for their present form belonged to
the prophetic school which was so influential in the Deutero-
nomic reform. The division of the collection into ‘ former ’ and
‘latter’ may have been an afterthought (c/. Robertson Smith,
O. p, 175).

The order of the three greater prophetic books is not absolutely
fixed in the traditional arrangement. According to a well-known
and probably trustworthy tradition, preserved in the Babylonian
Talmud {Baba bathra 14 b), the original order was : Jeremiah,
Ezekiel, Isaiah, and this is followed, as a rule, in German and
French MSS. of the Hebrew text.i In this arrangement there
may be ‘a reminiscence of the fact that Isaiah, as a book, is
younger than Jeremiah and Ezekiel’; but it may have another
explanation, viz. a desire to place Jeremiah and Kings, which
was supposed to have been written by Jeremiah, in juxta¬
position.

The third division of the Canon, wdiicii is made up of
^ the writing's ’ (Hagiographa), consists of the three great
poetical hooks ; Psalms, Proverbs, Job ; the ' five megilloth ’
or ^ Rolls,’ so called because they are read liturgically at
certain special seasons in the synagogue, viz. Canticles
at Passover, Ruth at Pentecost (Feast of W^eeks, a
Harvest-Festival), Lamentations on the 9th of Ab (the
day of the great fast commemorating the destruction of
the Temple), Koheleth (Ecclesiastes) at Sukkoth (Feast
of Tabernacles), and Esther at Purim ; and lastly, the three
hooks : Daniel, Ezra-Nehemiah, and Chronicles ; total,
eleven books.

There is in the Hebrew authorities considerable variation in
the order of the books composing the Hagiographa. In the

1 The Masoretic order=Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, is followed
in the oldest dated Heb. MS. (the St. Petersburg Codex, dated 91G
A.n.), and is the one usual in Spanish MSS. and printed editions
of the Hebrew Bible.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

Talmud the sequence is : Ruth, Psalms, Job, Proverbs, Ecclesi¬
astes, Canticles, Lamentations, Daniel, Esther, Ezra (including
Nehemiah), Chronicles: the Masoretes^ adopted the order;
Chronicles, Psalms, Job, Proverbs, Ruth, Canticles, Ecclesiastes,
Lamentations, Esther, Daniel, Ezra (this is usual in Spanish MSS.
of the Hebrew text); while German MSS., as a rule, have the
regular order given above. It is probable that the Psalms
stood at the head of this division when the collection was first
formed.

No trustworthy tradition as to the stages by which the
three collections of the sacred writings were formed has
come down to us. But the threefold division, as is
generally agreed, is explicitly recognised in the Pre¬
face to the Greek Version of Ecclesiasticus, written
by the grandson of the author of the book, c. 1»32 b.c.
Here ^ the law and the prophets and the others who
followed upon them ’ (xat toov aXkwu rcov icar^ avrovs
^)Kokovdq<6To)u) are referred to, and, again, ^ the law
and the prophets and the other books of our fathers’
(xai rd (iXka Trdrpia /3t/3Xta), ^the law, the prophets,
and the rest of the books ’ (kuI to. \oL7ra r^v
The third division, it will be noticed, in all these
passages is described in a somewhat indefinite way
(^the rest of the books,’ etc.), but there is no reason to
doubt that, by the side of ^ the law and the prophets,’ it
implies the existence of a third division, the later title of
which (‘^the writings’) is hardly less vague. The very
vagueness and uncertainty of its designation suggest that
the limits of the third collection had not yet been
defined, and that the collection itself may still have been
incomplete. The tripartite division of the Canon is also
clearly indicated in Luke xxiv. 44 (^all things . . .
which are written in the Law of Moses and the prophets
and the psalms concerning Me’), but this is the only
passage in the New Testament which makes explicit
mention of it.

No sound inference can be founded upon the mention in
II. Macc. i. 1-2, 18, of Nehemiah’s alleged collection of writings
(‘how, founding a library, he gathered together the things con-

1 The Masora (‘tradition’) is the tradition of the text which
was preserved and embodied in the vowel-points elaborated by
the Masoretic scholars of the seventh to the ninth century a.d.

THE CANON OF THE OLD I’ESTAMENT 5

ceriiing the kings and prophets, and the (writings) of David, and
letters of kings about sacred gifts ’). The passage in which this
occurs belongs to one of the spurious epistles which are found in
II. Macc. A more definite indication which points to the exist¬
ence of a canonical collection is found in the Ezra-apocalypse
( = 11. Ezra) where (ch. xiv. 39-48) 94 books are referred to, of
which 70 are to be delivered ‘only to such as be wise among the
people,’ while 24 were to be published openl3^ Here a sharp
distinction is drawn between the canonical writings, 24 in
number, which are openly and universally acknowledged, and
an esoteric literature (the 70 books) which is divulged only to
the initiated (the writing down of the entire 94 is ascribed to
Ezra).

The composition of II. Ezra belongs probably to the end of the
first century a.b. That Chronicles occupied its present position
in the Hebrew Canon already in the New Testament period may
be inferred from Luke xi. 51 ( = Matt. xxiii. 35). Here the men¬
tion of the murder of Abel (Gen. iv.) and of Zechariah (II. Chron.
xxiv. 20-22) gains point from the fact that the record of the
murders is drawn from the first and the last books of the Old
Testament according to the canonical arrangement.

The famous Talmudic passage already referred to (Baba bathra
14 b), though destitute of direct historical value, throws some
light on the principles which ultimately operated to fix the
Canon. After enumerating the supposed authors of certain
Biblical books, it concludes : ‘ Ezra wrote his own book and the
genealogies of the Book of Chronicles as far as himself.’ It may
fairly be inferred from this that, according to the Talmudic
view, all the canonical books were in existence by the time of
Ezra. In the same Talmudic passage it is declared that ‘the
men of the Great Synagogue wrote Ezekiel, the xii. (minor pro¬
phets), Daniel, and Esther.’ Most moderns regard ‘the Great
Synagogue’ as ‘a dream of the Jewish Doctors’ (c/. Ryle,
Canon of Old Testament. Exc. A).

The Idea of the Canon (Canonicity). — It is important
that the ideas of collection and canonisation should be
kept distinct. Collections of writings w ere formed^ and
more or less defined, before they w ere accorded canonical
rank in the strict sense of the term. What suffices to
make a book or collection of books canonical.^ The
essential marks of canonicity involve the presence of the
following factors according to Josephus (c. Apion, i. 8),
who represents the views current in Pharisaic circles in
Palestine during the latter half of the first century, a.d.^

(a) Canonical writings are 0eoO Sdygara, decrees of
God, and as such are to be believed implicitly ; they

^ Holscher, Kanonisch. und ApoTcryph, § 1,

OLD tp:stamp:nt lit?]rature

emanate entirely from the prophetic period ; in other
words, they are inspired ;

(b) In contradistinction to all other (profane) litera¬
ture they bear the specific character of holiness ;

(d) Their wording is inviolable.

In the time of Josephus the idea of the Canon, thus
strictly defined, seems to have been peculiar to the
Pharisees.

Josephus’ view of canonicity practically coincides with the
Rabbinical. ‘Writing for Greek readers, he merely avoids tech¬
nical Rabbinical terms. The term canon is, of course, derived
from the Greek KavCov, which means ‘carpenter’s rule,’ but was
early employed by metonymy with the meaning norm, rule,
standard. As applied to a collection of sacred writings, ‘a
double meaning is implicit; they are normal, i.e. they give
adequate expression to the Divine Revelation, and, as a con¬
sequence of this, they are also normative, i.e. they set the
standard for us as a rule of faith and life’ (Cornill, p. 464).
According to Buhl {Canon, ]). 1 ) the use of the term in a technical
sense is not earlier than the ])atristic writers of the fourth cen¬
tury A.o. By the Rabbis the idea of .canonicity was expressed in
various ways. The most striking is the expression ‘defile the
hands ’ (Heb. timme ’eth ha-yddaim), which was first employed,
apparently, by R. Johanan b. Zakkai (first century a.d.). The
sacred writings which were recognised as canonical were invested
by the Pharisees with so holy a character that all contact with
them was regarded as producing a state of levitical uncleanness,
and demanded a ritual washing of the hands. In this way their
sacrosanct character was emphasised.

The definitive fixing of the Canon only took place in
the second century a.d. It was then carried out under
the pressure of overmastering necessity. After the
destruction of the Jewish state, and the disappearance
of the Temple and its cultus, the sacred Scriptures be¬
came the fundamental factor in Israel’s continued exist¬
ence as a people. Israel became ‘ the people of the
Book,’ i.c. the people whose life was to be regulated
throughout in accordance with the precepts of the Divine
Revelation embodied in the Law. It was therefore a
matter of urgent importance to define with exact pre¬
cision what books were to be accepted as inspired and
possessing a divine character.

This process was not accomplished without some con¬
troversy Doubts had been expressed regarding certain

THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 7

books as to whether they ^ defiled the hands^’ i.e. whether
they were worthy of being accorded canonical dignity.
The books in question were Canticles, Koheleth (Ecclesi¬
astes), and Esther.^ At a Rabbinical synod held at
Jainnia c. 100 a.d., the question was finally decided in
favour of the disputed books. In the Mishna, which was
compiled in its present form c. 200 a.d., the equal
canonicity of all twenty-four holy books is fully recog¬
nised.

Regarding the Book of Ezekiel it is recorded in the Talmud
that difficulties were felt because Ezekiel’s words contradict those
of the Tora (in the prescriptions regarding the restored Temple
at the end of the book), and that the book would have been
‘hidden’ had not R. Hananja b. Hiskia (a contemporary of
Gamaliel i., the teacher of S. Paul) reconciled these disagree¬
ments. An attempt was ahso made ‘to hide’ (Heb. lignoz'.
cf. Gcnizd=a, place where such ‘hiding’ was effected) the Book
of Proverbs, about which difficulties existed. In both these cases,
it should be noted, the question raised is not whether these books
‘defile the hands.’ Their canonical character was not disputed.
What was aimed at, apparently, was their exclusion from public
liturgical reading in the synagogue [this is the probable meaning
of the term ‘to hide’]. It is, perhaps, not without significance
that no citation occurs in the New Testament from Esther and
Koheleth, whose canonicity was called in question as stated
above.

In definitely fixing the limits of the Canon the Rabbis
were governed by a principle which admits of clear and
precise statement. The standard of canonicity was deter¬
mined in accordance with the theory that inspiration was
active within a fixed period. This period was delimited
as extending from Moses to Ezra. Only writings which
were believed to have been produced within this period
were recognised as canonical. The period subsequent to
the time of Ezra-Nehemiah marked the extinction of
prophecy. Books which, as a matter of fact, were of
later production and yet were admitted into the Canon,
were only accorded this position because they were
regarded as possessing a character which brought them
within the required limit.

It must be remembered that this is the later Rabbinical theory

1 Jonah and Ruth are also mentioned in one passage as the
subject of such a discussion.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

in accordance with which the limits of the Canon were officially
fixed. As a matter of fact the collection of the Books composing
Holy Scripture had long been more or less defined, and the pro¬
cess of collection had been determined by historical causes, among
which the illuminated selective sense of the pious community
exercised a very real and profound influence. Josephus (c.
Apion. i. 8), explaining why twenty-two Books (as he reckoned
them) which have been written from Moses till the reign of
Artaxerxes, king of the Persians, ^ alone enjoy canonical authority
among the Jews (are considered to be ‘ decrees of God’) explains
this as being due to ‘the precise and definite succession of the
prophets’ (Sid, . . . ruiu 'irpocp'^TCov d/cpt/S?) diadoxw)- In
other words, they emanate from the period during which the
prophetic spirit had been maintained in an unbroken succession
of prophets and was active and alive. In the technical language
of the Rabbis this period is denoted by the term up to this point
(Heb. '^y). The period that follows is described as from

this point onwards (Heb. |X3^3) : e.g. ‘The books of Ben

Sira and all the books which were written /rom this point omvards
(i.e. after the age of Ezra and his associates) do not defile the
hands’ {Tos. Yadaim, ii. 13).

In accordance with the Rabbinical theory the superior
limit of this inspiration-period is the time of Moses.
Before Moses no canonical Scripture can have been
written. This view is, doubtless_, based upon the histori¬
cal position of the Tora^ which was the first section of
the Scriptures to secure official embodiment and always
occupied the place of honour in the collection of the
Sacred Books. But same time, another motive

may, as Holscher (op. cit. § 5) contends, have been at
work. The Maccabean period, and the time that
followed, was marked by a vast quickening of religious
life and hopes, which found characteristic expression in
apocalyptic hooks. These writings, as is well known, were
largely put forth in the names of the great heroic figures
of old, such as Enoch, Abraham, the Twelve Patriarchs,
and even Adam and Eve.^ The vogue of this literature

^ Artaxerxes Longimanus (464-424), in whose reign Ezra accom¬
plished his work, is undoubtedly meant.

2 These pseudepigraphic books are by no means destitute of
religious value. Probably the material embodied in them was
largely derived from popular tradition, and particular lines of the
tradition may really have been supposed to go back to the heroic
figures of antiquity. The writers believed they were giving
literary expression to this old tradition. Cf. Religion and Wor¬
ship of Synagogue, p. 35.

THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 9

— which seems to have been considerable among certain
sections of the people — constituted a distinct danger to
the older collections of religious literature acknowledged
in official orthodox (Pharisaic) circles. ^ What availed
the age of the Tora^ which Moses had received, in face
of the revelation which in the primaeval period had been
vouchsafed to the Patriarchs, to Noah, Enoch, and even
Adam.^’ The apocalyptic literature itself shows traces
of a certain feeling of superiority {cf. Book of Enoch,
civ. 11-13; and especially II. Ezra xiv. 44-470- Hence
the necessity felt by the Teachers of the Law for arriving
at some principle for safeguarding the superior position
of the older religious literature, and this was found in
the theory of the prophetic period (Moses to Ezra). All
literature falling outside these limits was necessarily
excluded by this criterion, and so the Books of Enoch
and Ben Sira share a similar fate.

The Book of Ben Sira [Ecclesiasticus] is a striking example of
the operation of this law. It was highly esteemed by the orthodox
and is not infrequently cited in the Talmud, but did not secure a
place in the Canon. The anti-apocalyptic bias of the Teachers
of the Law seems to have become more pronounced as time went
on. It is a significant fact that the Book of Daniel is the only
purely apocalyptic book to be admitted into the Old Testament
canonical collection. Apocalyptic writings of a subsequent date
were not accepted by the Teachers of the Law. Probably it was
due to this anti-apocalyptic bias that writings associated with
such names as Elijah, Isaiah, Baruch — which would not fall
within the exclusive rule referred to above — gained no official
recognition.

The complete collection of sacred hooks which were
included in the Palestinian Canon numbers, according to
the ordinary reckoning, twenty-four (5-f8-bll). The
earliest attestation of this number is 11. Ezra xiv. 44
(94-70 books = 24). In the Talmud and Midrash the
Old Testament is regularly termed 'the twenty-four
holy scriptures’ (tjinpn ^113 Yb) or 'the twenty-four
books’ (D''“lSD YY)- Jerome also mentions this numer¬
ation. Another reckoning, however, is met with.
Josephus (c. Apion, i. 8) expressly says that the Jewish
Scriptures contained twenty-two books, in accordance
with the number of letters in the Hebrew alphabet (so

1 II. Ezra is an apocalyptic book — the only example of such in
our official Apocrypha.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

also Origen, Epiplianius^ and Jerome). This total seems
to have been obtained by combining Ruth with Judges
and Lamentations with Jeremiah. Holscher {op. cit.)
argues that this arrangement is the original one ; but
such a view is improbable. It is noteworthy that the
LXX. rendering of Ruth is by a different hand from that
of Judges^ and of Lamentations from that of Jeremiah.
The reckoning is probably an artificial one.

The Formation of the Canonical Collection : (1) the Tora.
— It has already been pointed out that the three collec¬
tions of Books which make up the Old Testament Scrip¬
tures had already come into existence and been defined
as collections before they were invested with strict canon¬
ical authority. The first of these collections to assume a
more or less fixed shape and acquire official authority
was that of the Tora of Moses or Pentateuch. The
beginning of this process may be traced in the solemn
promulgation of the Deuteronomic Code, and its public
acceptance by the representatives of the nation as
binding law, in the eighteenth year of Josiah, i.e. G21 b.c.
(11. Kings xxiii. 1-7). Another and more important
stage is marked by national acceptance of the Tora of
Ezra in 444 b.c. {cf. Neh. viii.-x.). It is probable that
the ^law’ published by Ezra on this famous occasion
was not the entire Pentateuch, but the recently compiled
Priestly Code (P), in its original form. It may be pre¬
sumed that some time in the interval between G21 and
444 the Deuteronomic law-book (D) had been united
with the great national history-book which had been
formed by the fusion of the Jahvistic with the Elohistic
narratives (JE). In this way JE had been united with
D — the Mosaic law-book with the national history.
After P had been solemnly recognised and accepted,
Ezra would naturally take steps to secure its incorpora¬
tion with JED. This process was effected probably not
very much later than 444 b.c.^ by a redactor or possibly
a school of writers, who worked in P into JED, and
edited the whole in the spirit of the Priestly Code. The
Priestly Code extends into the Book of Joshua, but it is
highly probable that this section had been disjoined from
the rest well before the time of Ezra. Thus the

1 According to Cornill, between 440 and 400 n.o.

THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 11

redactor or redactors, wlio united the Mosaic part of P
with JED soon after 444 b.c., may be regarded as the
compilers of the Pentateuch in substantially its present
form. But it must not be supposed that the Tora was
^ canonised ’ by Ezra, in the strict sense. It became
authoritative as containing the ^ Law,’ but the letter of
the Law was not yet inviolable — its text was not yet fixed.
The process of redaction went on long after the time of
Ezra. But the Law-Book secured an unique position of
authority in the Jewish community which it has ever
since retained. There was, as yet, no formal Canon, but
there may be said to have come into existence a material
one. Not the Law-Book as such but the Law contained in
it became the ^ Canon ’ of the community. The fact that
the Samaritan community to this day acknowledges only
the Tora as Holy Scripture is eloquent proof of its
originally distinct and unique existence as an authori¬
tative collection.

The growth of the New Testament Canon offers a striking
analogy. Before the Canon of the New Testament had been
delimited the Christian community possessed a ‘material’
Canon in the traditional words of the Lord.

(2) The Prophetic Collection. — The historical books
which make up what is known as ^ the former prophets ’
(Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings) form the immediate
continuation of the narrative part of the Pentateuch, and
are, indeed, organically connected with its literary
factors. In particular, the Priestly Code extends through
the Book of Joshua. Thus in its original form P must
have included an account of the conquest of Canaan and
the division of the land among the twelve tribes. The
separation of Joshua from the Pentateuch was effected
artificially when the Tora of Moses, as containing the
binding rule of life, was given a position of special and
unique authority. In the literary investigation of the
Books, therefore, it is desirable, and even necessary to
deal with the first six books as forming a single group
(the Hexateuch), rather than with the canonical arrange¬
ment into a group of five (the Pentateuch).

But the other historical books are also organically
connected with the narrative part of the Hexateuch.
During the Babylonian Exile there was a very extensive

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

literary activity, one of the most important results of
which was the redaction of the traditional history by a
school of Deuteronomic editors. The outcome was an
Exilic Book of the History of the People of Israel,
narrating the history from the creation of the world
down to the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar
(586 B.C.). This elaborate work contained JE + D of the
ilexateuch, a Deuteronomic edition of Judges, a shorter
form of our present Books of Samuel, and the Books of
Kings, in substantially their present form. The union
of P with JE + D of the Hexateuch, and the separation
of the Pentateuch, to some extent disintegrated the
original historical narrative. But it is important to
realise that when the Pentateuch was thus separated oflF,
and recognised as authoritative in a special sense, the
books which make up ^ the former prophets ’ were already
in existence in a form identical to a large extent with the
one they ultimately assumed. The collection of the
prophetic writings proper — ‘^the latter prophets’ — also
goes back in its beginnings certainly to the Babylonian
Exile. The study of prophecy was, during this period,
pursued with great eagerness and activity, as the signi-
hcant appeals of the prophets of the Babylonian Exile to
earlier prophecy clearly indicate {cf. Ezek. xxxviii. 17 ;
Isa. xl. 21, xli.26, xliv. 7, etc ; and especially Zech. i. 4,
and vii. 4, where ^the former prophets’ are referred to).

But the prophetic collection, as a whole, was by no
means definitely fixed in the fifth century b.c. The
Books of Joel and Jonah belong entirely to a later time,
and the whole collection was freely edited and revised
over a considerable period. Nor did it until much later
possess an authoritative character such as would suffice
to place it beside the Law. The fact that the Chronicler,
c. 250b.c., could revise the historical books (Samuel and
Kings), and restate the history contained in them from a
different point of view, shows clearly that the collection
had not yet attained a fully authoritative place. This
position had been reached by the time when Ecclesiasticus
was written {cf. ch. 44-50), i.e. c. 200 b.c. ; and it is
significant that the Book of Daniel, the composition of
which falls after this date (165-164 b.c.), did not find a
place in the prophetic collection (nor is Daniel mentioned
by Ben Sira in his list of prophets).

THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 13

(S) The Writings (Hagiographa). — Here again there can
be no doubt that, when the prophetic collection had
been definitively fixed and closed, a good deal of the
literature which is now included in the third collection
of Old Testament sacred writings was already in exist¬
ence. That such a collection was already beginning to
group itself may, indeed, be inferred from the Prologue
to Ecclesiasticus ; but, as has already been pointed out,
the terms there employed indicate that it was then quite
vague and undefined. ^Outside Law and Prophets other
writings were extant which were regarded as holy, and
were read for purposes of edification, but for which
clearly no special class-name had at that time been
coined.’ ^

^V^e have already seen that the controversies regarding
the delimitation of the Canon in the strict sense were to
all intents and purposes concentrated on the question
whether certain books of the third collection should he
regarded as canonical or not. The question of canonicity
practically narrowed itself dowm to the definition of the
third collection ; regarding the other two there was
substantially no dispute. The books more particularly
called in question were Koheleth and Esther. It was
natural that the Psalms should form the starting-point
of the third collection. The Psalter, which is the most
important and valuable constituent element in it, could
hardly find a place in the prophetic collection ; its
peculiar and unique character made such a course
impossible. No part of Holy Scripture played a more
important part in the devotional life of the Jewish
community. It was not only the ‘hymn-hook of the
Second Temple,’ but also, to a large extent, its prayer-
book. And so it is not surprising to find a quotation
from it (Ps. Ixxix. 2-3) already cited in 1. Macc.
vii. 17 as word of Scripture.’ By the side of the
Psalter such books as Job and Proverbs would naturally
range themselves. The principle which ultimately
operated to define canonical limits, the theory, viz., of
the prophetic period (from Moses to Ezra), sufficed to
secure the canonicity of the remaining books, and also to
exclude so orthodox a hook as Ecclesiasticus.

1 Cornill, op. cit. p. 477.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

It is important to note that the term Tora is sometimes
employed to denote the entire Canon (including the Prophets
and the Writings). This usage is first met with in the New
Testament. Thus in S. John x. 34, Ps. Ixxxii. G is cited as
from the ‘ Law ’ ; ^ and similarly in S. John xv. 25 (Ps. xxxv. 19,
Ixix. 5) and I. Cor. xiv. 21 (Isa. xxviii. 11-12 cited). This usage
has its roots in the unique position assigned to the Law from the
first, and may fairly be appealed to as evidence that in the first
instance the Law, as an authoritative collection, stood alone.
The ‘ Law ’ and the ‘ material ’ Canon were identical. When the
‘Prophets’ later became a fixed collection and authoritative, they
were placed side by side with the ‘Law,’ but always occupied a
position subordinate to it. The work of the prophets was con¬
ceived of as essentially an enforcing of the Divine Law, which
was eternally valid. Hence the prophetic collection could be
called ‘tradition’ (Aram, ^ashlemtd, a terra applied by the
Masoretes to the prophetic collection only), i.e. the historical
enforcement of the Law. 2 Just as Tord is sometimes used to
denote all three divisions of Old Testament Scripture, so also is
the double name ‘ Law and Prophets ’ (c/. S. IMatt. v. 17, vii. 12 ;
S. Luke xvi. 16, 29, 31 ; Acts xxviii. 13). Here again such a
nomenclature points to a time when the two collections were
alone authoritative. Apparently the sacred Scriptures, as a fixed
collection including the ''prophets ’ (the prophecies of Jeremiah
are referred to), are alluded to in Dan. ix. 2 ( ‘ Daniel understood
in the books,’ i.e the Scriptures).

1 Is it not written in your Law, I said : ye are gods ?

2 The Hebrew term for ‘ tradition ’ {kahbdld) is used to include
both the prophets and the writings.

CHAPTER II

THE TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

Literature.— Axi\c\eB : Text and Versions (by Burkitt) in Encycl.
Bibl. ; Text of the Old Testament (by Strack) in Hastings’
D.B. ; Introduction to Notes on the Hebrew Text of the
Books of Samuel (by Driver) ; Cornill, Introdiiction to the
Canonical Books of the Old Testament (E.T.), ch. xx. ; T. H.
Weir, A Short History of the Hebrew Text of the Old
Testament (1899).

The Masoretic (Hebrew) Text. — The canonical text of the
Old Testament, as it lies before us, is the official text
which was finally settled by the labours of the Masoretic
scholars in the seventh to the ninth centuries a.d. The
masora (from the Hebrew word rtiasar, ^ to hand down
traditionally ’) is the technical name of the tradition of
the text which had been handed down and preserved
especially in the tradition of the synagogue-worship.

All known Hebrew MSS. contain the Masoretic
Hebrew text, i.e. the text as fixed by the Masoretes ;
and none of these MSS. is of any great age. The oldest
that can certainly be dated is the famous St. Petersburg
Codex which bears a date = 916 a.d.

The oldest form of MS. is the ‘ roll ’ (Heb. megilld). Books
were originally written on rolls of parchment (or leather, in the
East), and in the synagogue-service, which is very conservative in
maintaining ancient usages, the lessons from the Law and certain
other books (the ‘five megilloth’) are still read from rolls. The
text is written in short columns (across the width of the roll)
without vowel-points or accents. The Pentateuch occupies one
roll. Each of the ‘ five megilloth ’ (Canticles, Ruth, Lamenta¬
tions, Koheleth, and Esther) is read from a separate roll,

MSS', in book form (codices) may contain the whole Bible, or
considerable portions of it (embracing several books). They are

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

usually written on parchment or paper, and are provided, as a
rule, with vowels and accents.

Two causes have operated to cause the disappearance of old
Hebrew MSS. : (a) the rule that all MSS. used for liturgical
purposes, if damaged in any way, must be ‘ concealed ’ or ‘ hidden
away’ (Heb. ^ana«). They were either buried beside a corpse,
or consigned to a special room in the synagogue (the gentzd) and
there allowed to moulder away ; (6) a considerable number of
Bible MSS. (especially Pentateuch rolls) were destroyed in times
of persecution.

It has already been stated that all known Hebrew
MSS. represent a single variety of text^ that^ viz._, of the
Masoretic Recension. This recension is marked by a
certain number of peculiar features — such as blank spaces
occurring in the middle of a verse, e.g. Gen. xxxv. 22
— which show, not only that the official text goes back
to a single archetype, but that the faults and mistakes of
the archetype have been faithfully copied and reproduced.
However faithfully and carefully the Masoretic text
has been handed down, it is clear that its ultimate value
must depend upon the character of its archetype. A
number of considerations go to show that this archetypal
text was constituted about the end of the first and the
beginning of the second centuries after Christ — the very
time when Judaism, as we have seen, found it necessary,
in the interests of self-preservation, to delimit the Canon.
It is evident, indeed, that the rigid definition of the
Canon must necessarily have involved the fixing of the
text.

The text thus constituted (perhaps, as Lagarde has
suggested, about the time of Hadrian) was, of course, a
purely consonantal one.^ In course of time the necessity
of indicating the vowel sounds became more and more
felt, as Hebrew had long ceased to be a living language,
^and only prolonged an artificial existence as the
language of the cultus and the learned.’ ^ From Jerome’s
complaints about the ambiguity of the Hebrew text, it is
evident that in his time no complete system of indicating
the vowel-signs had been devised ; and the same is true
of the Talmuds. The system of punctuation by means
of vowel-points was developed later by the Masoretic

^ Only the long vowels or diphthongs were marked by vowel-
letters (the so-called matres lectionis).

2 Cornill, op. cit. p. 493.

THE TEXr OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 17

scholars, between the seventh and ninth centuries. This,
the one familiar to us in the printed Hebrew Bibles, and
the most elaborate, is the so-called system of ^Tiberias.’
But a number of old MSS, reproduce another system of
superlinear vocalisation — the so-called Babylonian ’ —
which, however, is not so perfectly developed or so
elaborate. A system of accentuation was also developed
at the same time. The Masoretic vowel-system, how¬
ever, embodies a traditional pronunciation which is much
older than itself. It probably represents in a faithful
way the pronunciation current when the text was fixed
early in the second century.

The Criticism of the Masoretic Text. — A text constituted
in this way, at the earliest towards the end of the
first century a.d., is obviously far removed from the
autographs of the original Hebrew writings, and had
passed through a long previous history. One momentous
change, that must have affected the text considerably,
was the transition from the old form of Hebrew script
(retained by the Samaritans) to the so-called ^square
character’ or ‘‘Assyrian writing.’ Changes of spelling
(especially in the direction of extending the use of matres
lectionis), and in the method of writing the text, also took
place. On these disturbing factors Cornill {op. cit.
p. 490) remarks : —

^The history of the writing thus furnishes us with the
following result : the autographs of the Biblical authors
were written on leather in the very incompletely de¬
veloped old Hebrew writing in scriptio continua, with¬
out any division of words and sentences, and almost
entirely without matres lectionis. The text underwent a
complete change in the kind of writing employed in it,
and an almost complete change of orthography ; it has
thus experienced various vicissitudes, which fact leads us
to suspect that it has not come off without suffering a
good deal of misfortune.’

Other factors also operated in earlier times to modify
the text. It was not copied with the minute care that
was lavished upon it when it had become canonical ; a
large amount of scribal error in the pre-Masoretic text
must, therefore, be allowed for. A number of unmis¬
takable cases of this kind of error can be detected by a
comparison of the double texts that occur, such as II. Sam.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

xxii. = Ps. xviiiA The text was also freely edited and
glossed, and sometimes appears to have undergone de¬
liberate revision. Jewish tradition itself testifies explicitly
to such alterations in a certain limited number of passages
(18)— the so-called ^corrections of the scribes’ {tikkune
soferim) — and the internal evidence of the textual
phenomena indicates many others. A good instance of
"tendency’ alteration, dictated by dogmatic considera¬
tions, is the substitution in proper- names compounded
with Ba‘al of the term Imhcth ( = "shame’). Thus
'hhha‘al, the original form of the name, became later
’Jshhosheth. The originally innocent designation Ba^al
had become in later times olfensive to religious feeling ;
am;! it became necessary to eliminate it. Clear cases also
occur, both in the accentuation and the pointing, where
the consonantal text has been made to bear a non-natural
meaning in the interests of a particular — and, in many
cases, strained — exegesis.

The Science of Textual Criticism as applied to the Old
Testament. — In order to arrive at an approximately
original form of text, it is clear, from what has been
said, that we must get behind the Masoretic Recension.
To accomplish this is the task of scientific textual
criticism.

A careful examination of the Masoretic text shows that
its value and quality are not uniform. They vary largely
ill different books, or parts of books. On the whole, the
text of the Pentateuch has been, as w'e should expect to
find, most carefully preserved. In the case of some of
the other liooks — e.g. Ezekiel- -the text has suffered
much, and is in a very defective condition. \Phat means
exist for arriving at a more correct form ?

(1) Of direct external evidence — apart from the
Samaritan text of the Pentateuch — there is none, for
the variants yielded by Hebrew MSS. are of very slight
value, and are practically unimportant. But a most
valuable indirect aid exists in the Ancient which

often represent readings in particular passages which are
manifestly superior to those of the Masoretic text. ^ To
recover the Hebrew text underlying the ancient versions
is, therefore, one of the principal tasks of Textual

1 E.g. (II. Sam. xxii.ll) = XT) (Ps. xviii. 11).

THE TEXT OF THE OLI> TESTAMENT 19

Science. The most valuable of the versions for this
jmrpose is the LXX.

(2) There is also the internal evidence of tlie Hebrew
text itself. Palpable scribal errors can often be corrected
by the requirements of logical consistency and sequence.
The law of parallelism, which is a dominant feature in the
structure of Hebrew poetry^ and aiso^ to a large extent^
in Hebrew prose — especially the rhetorical variety — is a
valuable criterion in detecting corruptions in the text,
and also often in suggesting the necessary correction.^

(8) The employment of conjectural emendation, applied
ill accordance with philological method, is an indis¬
pensable aid to criticism. Here, however, a considerable
amount of caution is necessary, as well as tact, a fine
judgment, wide knowledge, and exact scholarship. Be¬
fore this method is resorted to the traditional text must
be carefully weighed and tested, and the evidence of the
versions carefully studied and brought to bear. Emenda¬
tions which are based upon a wide survey of the textual
facts, and are logically deduced from them, will naturally
be more likely to win assent than mere guesses, how¬
ever brilliant, which can be controlled by no objective
criterion.

One test which may be applied to this form of textual
criticism is to note how far proposed emendations have
secured the assent of competent critical scholars. Where
a particular emendation has been widely accepted it is
thereby raised considerably in the scale of probability,
and should be regarded as on a different level from
suggestions which fail to secure any adherents. In
cases, too, where a particular emendation has been pro¬
posed independently by more than one scholar, the
probable correctness of the conjecture is enhanced.

The Samaritan Pentateuch and the Ancient Versions. —
The importance of the external aids that exist for arriving
at an earlier form of the Hebrew text makes it necessary
to enumerate these. But only a bare enumeration is
possible here ; fuller details must be sought elsewhere. ‘"I

(a) The Samaritan Pentateuch. — The Samaritans, as is

1 Metrical considerations of a more detailed character are re¬
garded by some modern scholars as affording a valuable means
for helping to emend the text.

2 See the literature cited at the head of this chapter.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

well known, org-anisecl tliemselves as a religious com¬
munity on an independent basis some not very long time
after the reforming work of Ezra-Nehemiah had been
carried out. They claimed to he the true adherents and
exponents of the Mosaic religion, and accepted the Penta¬
teuch (but no other books besides) as authoritative
Scripture. They may, as Cornill suggests, have taken
over the Pentateuch' some time in the fourth century
B.c. The text of the Pentateuch which they thus took
over has been preserved by them and used ever since in
their worship. It is the Hebrew text written in Samaritan
characters (which are practically identical with the old
Hebrew script). ^ The Samaritan Pentateuch thus provides
us with a recension of the text, independent of the
LXX. and belonging to the time shortly after its definitive
completion and close.’ ^ It thus approximates to the text
of the Pentateuch as it existed in the fourth century b.c.
The fact that it coincides substantially with the Masoretic
text,‘^ shows that the Hebrew text of the Pentateuch
has i)een preserved with special care, from the time when
it was compiled in its present form. The authoritative
and sacred character with which it was invested from the
first would naturally lead to such a result.

(h) The Alexandrine Translation (the LXX.). — By far the
most valuable and important of the Old Versions is the
Alexandrine translation of the Old Testament known as
the LXX. This translation was made in Alexandria by
different hands at different times, and, therefore, is of
unequal value in its different parts. The earliest and
most carefully executed rendering is that of the Penta¬
teuch, which was made, perhaps, c. 250 b.c. It is to
this translation of the Pentateuch that the famous Metter
of Aristeas,’ containing a legendary account of the
circumstances which led to the production of the trans¬
lation refers. More than a century after 250 the grand¬
son of Ben Sira in the Prologue to the Greek translation
of Ecclesiasticus (written c. 132 b.c.) refers to Greek
translations of ^ the law and the prophets and the rest of

1 Cornill, op. cit. p. 511.

3 It shows some 6000 variants as compared with the Masoretic
text, but the majority of these are of comparatively slight import¬
ance. Some derive special weight from the fact that the LXX.
agrees with them against the Masoretic text.

THE TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 21

the books,’ so that tlie greater part of the Greek Old
Testament was apparently already in existence by the
second half of the second century b.c.

The LXX. thus, in its correct text, represents a
Hebrew text several centuries older than that of the
Masoretic Recension — and more than a thousand years
older than the earliest extant Hebrew MS. This fact
makes the recovery of the Hebrew text underlying- it a
matter of urgent importance. But the problem is beset
with many formidable difficulties, which can only gradu¬
ally be overcome.

The text of the LXX. has itself suffered considerably in the
process of transmission — by careless transcription, and in some
cases from deliberate ‘tendency’ alterations. Special revisions
of the text have been made, and distinct types of text have
crystallised themselves in special recensions. Three such made
under ecclesiastical authority at the end of the third and begin¬
ning of the fourth centuries are referred to by Jerome, viz. a
Palestinian, that of Hesychius, and that of Lucian. The last has
been recognised in certain MSS., and partly reconstructed by
Lagarde. It is of great importance, as it contains a number of
old readings which have disappeared from the ordinary LXX.
text.

The divergences between the old Hebrew text followed by the
LXX. and the text which gradually took shape and gained
authority among the Palestinian Jews led in time to disputes,
especially as the LXX. was appealed to by Christians in con¬
troversy with Jewish opponents. In this way the old Greek
version gradually fell into disrepute in Jewish circles. The
^fixing of the Canon and the establishment of a canonical text
made the provision of a Greek version in accord with the latter a
necessity. To meet this the slavishly literal translation of
Aquila was produced ; and it at once ‘ attained canonical authority
in the eyes of all [Jews] who did not understand Hebrew.’ ^

The first task before critical scholars in this depart¬
ment is, therefore, the recovery of the true text of the
LXX. A very large number of MSS. exist w'hich have
only been collated in an imperfect manner. These will
have to be examined carefully afresh, family groups of
text classified, and the whole material made available for
critical purposes.

For these purposes two valuable auxiliary aids exist
in the citations made from the LXX. in patristic writers,
and, above all, in the secondary versions made from the

I Cornill, op. cit. p. 61(5.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

LXX. Patristic citations are useful, when used with
discrimination, especially in delimiting families of texts.
Versions were made from the LXX. in order to provide
non-Greek speaking Christians with translations of the
Old Testament as part of the Scriptures of the Church.
The oldest of these is the Vetus Latina, which was
formed in the second century a.d. : then come the Coptic
Versions, the Ethiopic, the Gothic, and the Armenian.
Critical editions of these will be of great service in fixing
the true text of the parent LXX. VVhen all these means
have been made fully available, and the true text of the
LXX. has been recovered, it will be possible, perhaps, to
arrive at the Hebrew text underlying it. Such a
Hebrew text would be of inestimable value for the
criticism of the received Hebrew text. But a vast
amount of work has yet to be done before such a result
can be attained. Meanwhile, however, much useful
preliminary work is being accomplished, and it is possible
to use the LXX., even in its present imperfect text, with
great advantage for the criticism of the Biblical Books,
'riie textual work of such scholars as Lagarde, Well-
hausen, Merx, Cornill, Driver, Ryssel, Baethgen, not
to speak of Duhm and Marti,^ have shown what can be
accomplished in this direction. It must not be assumed
from what has been said that there is any reason to
suppose that the Hebrew text underlying the LXX. is
superior, as a whole, to the Masoretic Recension. AVhile
it contains many old readings of great value, yet it often
exhibits a text markedly inferior to the Hebrew one.
It is in correcting the latter in detail that its real value
lies.

(c) The other Ancient Versions must be dismissed more
briefly. These are the Targmns or Aramaic transla¬
tions of the Old Testament which were originally made
to render the lections read in the synagogue intelligible
to the people when Hebrew had ceased to be their
mother-tongue. Targums exist to all the canonical
books of the Old Testament except to Daniel and Ezra-
Nehemiah : often in more than one form. Both for the
Pentateuch and the Prophets there is a Babylonian as
well as a Jerusalem Targum. The most important

1 This list is, of course, by no means exhaustive.

THE TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 28

representatives of tliis class of translation are the lar-
gum of Onkelos on the Pentateuch, and the Targum of
the Prophets, which is ascribed to Jonathan b. Uzziel, a
pupil of the famous Hillel. Onkelos is fairly literal ;
the Targum of Jonathan is much freer and more para¬
phrastic in its renderings. Both appear to have been
of Palestinian origin, but were finally revised in Baby¬
lonia. Besides the above there is a Jerusalem Targum
to the Pentateuch, which is extant; and one of the
Prophets which is known only from occasional citations.
The^ Targums have some value for textual criticism, but
the use of them for this purpose, owing to their para¬
phrastic character, requires special care and knowledge.
The Hebrew text of the Biblical books underlying it
goes back to an early (pre-Masoretic) period.

Another ancient version is the Old Syriac, known as
the Peshitto. This is of Christian origin, and the Old
Testament rendering was made (from the Hebrew text)
in conjunction with the New Testament. _ For text-
critical purposes the Syriac Old Testament is not of the
highest value, as the translation has been subjected to
various modifying influences, especially that of the LXX.
Lastly, there is Jerome’s new Latin translation of the
Old Testament from the Ilebraica veritas, begun about
e392 A. D. with the Book of Kings (to which is prefixed
the famous ^Prologus galeatus’), and finished about the
year 405 with the Psalter.

Some Examples of applied Textual Criticism.— One or
two examples will, perhaps, help the reader to^ undei-
stand more easily how the means for coriecting the
Hebrew text which have been described above can be
utilised for the purposes of textual criticism.

(a) Corrupt passages of the Hebrew text corrected by
the aid of the Versions.

I. Sam. xiv. 16.— mnCH mnit Here the
last two words of the Hebrew are untranslatable (liter¬
ally the sentence runs : ' And behold the camp^
away and went and here ’) : the LXX. has^ koi idov tj
TTapey^oXT} Ttrapayyivt] evOev koI evOev. Ihis yields a
thoroughly satisfactory sense, and we are enabled

to restore for the corrupt and render : ^ And
behold the camp melted away hither and thither,’

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

Isaiah xlvii. 3 h. 4 : —

: Dnx y-ias hdr dp: 3 I,

T T ; V TT

: mp nin*’ 4.

A,V. 8 b. I will take vengeance, and I will not meet thee
\i.e. the Virgin daughter of Babylon] as a man.

4. As for onr Redeemer, the Lord of hosts is His name,
etc.

The Hebrew text liere cannot be right ; for (a) v. 4
interrupts the sequence of the poem, in which Jahveh is
the speaker ; {b) the words rendered, I will not meet thee
as a man, are highly uncertain in meaning, and, how¬
ever translated, cannot be said to yield a sense suitable
to the context ; (c) the lines violate the well-defined
rhythmical structure which marks the rest of the context
(where the Kina rhythm prevails). These difficulties are
solved by reading with some MSS. of the LXX. for
DTR says ^ for ^ man ’) ^ : the difficult word can

now be made to yield a suitable sense, by being treated as
a nif tolerativum. Thus the following perfectly sym¬
metrical lines result : —

“idR npR dpj

: mp nbi'

I will take vengeance and not be entreated — says our
Redeemer ;

Jahveh Sabaoth is His name — the Holy One of Israel.

I. Sam. xiv. 21. — Here the words nvn!? ndH d'dD
are awkward and difficult in the Masoretic text. With
the preceding sentence they may be rendered thus :
the Hebrews had been to the Philistines as aforetime, in that
they went up with them to the camp'] round about ; but they
were for being \with Israel], The LXX. and Vulgate, how¬
ever, have e7re(TTpdcf}r]o-av /cat avrol, reversi sunt ut essent
respectively, i.e. Di This reading at once

solves all difficulties : [Voiij the Hebrews, who were to the
Philistines as before,] they also turned \to be with Israel],
i.e. deserted to Israel.

Amos i. 11.— nvj IDR ivh PI-ID'’’). And

T T :

1 Involving the transposition of two letters and the confusion
of n and

THE TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 25

his anger did tear perpetually and he kept his wrath for ever.
Here the Pesliitto and Vulgate give 'And he retained
his anger perpetually/ reading for (one letter

less). This is strongly supported by the parallelism
(retained anger . . . kept wrath), and is undoubtedly right.
(5) As examples of felicitous conjectural emendation

the following may he cited ; —

Judges xi. 37. — (Of Jeptliah’s daughter) : [Let me alone
two months] that I may depart and go down upon the

mountains (D'-inn-^y TlTlM Kohertson Smith

reading for obtains the excellent sense:

that I may go and wander at large on the mountains. Ihe
incongruity of the received Hebrew text is obvious.

An interesting case of a conjectural emendation being
afterwards confirmed by positive evidence is 11. Kings
XV. 10: [And Shallum the son of Jabesh conspired against

him, and smote hirri] before the people DP (So 11. V.

following Peshitto, Targum^ V ulgate). But there are grave
philological objections to the correctness of this expres¬
sion : bp is Aramaic^ and the article would at least be
required with DP to make the translation a justifiable
one. Moreover, the sense yielded is not a suitable one.
Several scholars, sensible of these objections, and feeling
that the context required a place-name, conjectured

DVb'’lIl 'in Ibleam’ ; this conjecture was later brilliantly

confirmed by the Lucianic Recension which has the
reading h Te/3Xadg.

(c) Sometimes corruption of the text appears to have
taken place at a comparatively early period, and is
already present in the Hebrew text underlying the
Ancient Versions. Modern critical scholarship has not
hesitated to deal with such textual problems by the
method of conjectural emendation. Such attempts have,
of course, to be judged on their merits. A certain
subjective element must necessarily be present in the
results so obtained. Nevertheless, where a particular
passage is by general consent thoroughly corrupt and a
certain solution (by conjectural emendation) has com¬
mended itself to a number of critical scholars, the lesuits

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

so attained have a certain claim to be considered pro¬
bable. In any case where a number of scholars have
worked on the text of a passage we may expect to find
the lines of the true solution suggested. An approxima¬
tion to the true text may be reached in this way, even
though details may remain uncertain.

Perhaps the following example will help to make these points
clear.

One of several very difficult passages in Isa. xxiii. (the oracle
on Tyre) is ver. 10. This runs in the Masoretic text :

nny

: liy nrp

i.e. Pass through thy land as the Nile, O Daughter of Tarshish :
there is no girdle ( = ? restraining power about thee) anymore.
This is supposed to mean that ‘ the people of Tarshish are now
as free of the land they live in as the Nile is of Egypt’ (Skinner):
i.e. the ruin of Tyre leaves her colony (Tarshish) without the
restraints hitherto imposed upon it. But, as Skinner [ad loc.)
remarks : ‘ Nowhere else is a man represented as hampered by
his own girdle ; the removal of it is rather a synonym for weak¬
ness.’ The LXX. render : till ('7?^ for thine oion land ;

for indeed no longer come ships from Tarshish. On this White-
house remarks : ^ ‘ The LXX. in their rendering show that the
text is corrupt. The word for Nile is absent from their text, and
is evidently due to dittography of the original Hebrew ending of
the word for pass ('“13P) and the first two characters of the word
for land.^ He, therefore, omits as the Nile (“li^'^), and, adopt¬
ing Duhm’s suggestion to read harbour (THD) for girdle (nTD)>
translates :

Cultivate thy land, 0 daughter of Tarshish — the harbour is no
more !

‘Mercantile enterprise is destroyed, and the only resource for
the inhabitants of Tarshish is to abandon trade for agriculture.’
The LXX. rendering certainly suggests that the words as the
Nile (“IN'ID) and girdle (PIPD) are uncertain but the con’uption
is evidently older than the LXX.

Cheyne (N.i^.O..?’.) proi^oses to read :

: niy THD PR nvjR "li'D p“iR '-iny

i.e. Pass over to the land of Egypt, ye ships of Tarshish; there is
no haven any more.

1 Isaiah (in ‘ Century ’ Bible Series), p. 263.

2 They may have read them and HID respectively.

THE TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 27

The Masoretic text arose thus. '3 is often

corrupted from ^ and there are cases of arising from V •

hence IS'D from “lV?0 : after this corruption had taken place

the final T of “1^“!^^ arose by dittography. ,

The most thorough textual treatment of the passage is Duhm s.
Duhm transfers the two opening words (which he reads as
to the close of ver. 9 (in place of

The remaining consonants of the second, third, and fourth
words are ni D : last four of these were read by the

LXX., he thinks, as {TrXoia). So it is possible to emend :

n2 Weep, O fieet of the daughter of Tarshish

or W’'{^“in 123- Weep, 0 ships of Tarshish [of ver. 1).

The following clause he renders, as already stated : Ihere ts no

haven any more. , ^ i.

It must be admitted that the restored text.

Weep, 0 ships of Tarshish— there is no haven any more,
yields a fine opening line for the stanza, sdmirable both in
rhythm and sense.

PART I1.—8PECTAL INTRODUCTION

We now pass to the consideration of the individual
Books^ which make up the collection of sacred Scripture,
on their literary side. Here our investigation will be
concerned with such questions as the contents, age,
composition, and authorship of the hooks in question
( = t}ie so-called ^Higher Criticism’).

If a purely historical method of treatment were adopted
it would be necessary to trace the development of the
literature from its beginnings, and follow its successive
stages through the individual books, many of which are
of highly composite structure. But the practical incon¬
venience of such a course is obvious. It would involve
the violent disintegration of many books of the Bible, and
would necessitate the distribution of their various parts
over the different periods of Hebrew literature. The
literary relation and affinities of the books cannot, of
course, be ignored. But it will be best to combine the
discussion of these with the treatment of the hooks as
units. It will not be possible, however, to adhere
strictly to the order and divisions of the Hebrew Canon
in this treatment, but will be necessary to group the
books in accordance with their general literary character
and subject matter into : —

A. The Legislative and Historical Books {i\\Q Hexateuch,

Judges, Samuel, Kings, Chronicles, Ezra-Nehe-
miah).

B. The Prophetic Literature (Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel,

the twelve minor Prophets).

C. Poetical and Didactic Books (including didactic

historical books): Psalms, Job, Proverbs, tlie five
Megilloth, and

D. Apocalyptic Literature (the Book of Daniel)

SPECIAL INTRODUCTION

A. THE LEGISLATIVE AND HISTORICAL BOOKS.

Attention lias already been called to the fact that a
comprehensive historical work was compiled during the
exile hy a school of Deuteronomic writers which sur¬
veyed the entire history from the Creation down to the
destruction of Jerusalem, and including a notice of the
release of King Jehoiachin from imprisonment in 562
B.c. This work was essentially a compilation, embodying
large excerpts from earlier sources, which have been
fitted together in an editorial framework. The work
thus compiled consisted of the narrative part of the
Ilexateuch which belongs to the document known as JE,
together with a form of Deuteronomy, and the greater
part of the Books of Judges, Samuel, and Kings, as we
know them. Another comprehensive work was compiled
later by the Chronicler (about 250 b.c.), which surveyed
the entire history, from a different point of view, from
Adam to Nehemiah’s second visit to Jerusalem in 432
B.c. This is comprised in the Books of Chronicles and
?>zra-Nehemiah. Like the former work, it is largely a
compilation, resting upon earlier material ; but the re¬
writing is much more considerable, the hand of the com¬
piler being much more in evidence. In much the same
way the Pentateuch and the Book of Joshua have been
compiled from earlier materials (partly identical with
some of the sources included in the exilic (Deuteronomic)
book of history). As one of the documentary sources
which enter into the former work is peculiar to it, and
extends not only through the Pentateuch but also into
Joshua, viz. the so-called Priestly Code (P), we are
justified in treating these books as a well-defined group
which is clearly distinguishable from the Books of Judges,
Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles. Our first chapter will,
therefore, be devoted to the consideration of the
Hexateuch.

CHAPTER I.— THE HEXATEUCH

(PENTATEUCII AND JOSHUa)

Literature. — The articles Hexateuch, in Hastings’ D.B. and the
Encycl. Bibl. ; Pentateuch in Encycl. Brit. (9th ed.); R.
Kittel, History of the Hebrews (E.T,), vol. i. §§5-10 (1895) ;
Robertson Smith, O.T.J.C."^, Lectures xi-xiii. (1892); J. E.
Carpenter and G. H. Battersby, The Hexateuch, 2 vols.
(1900) ; J. E. Carpenter, The Composition of the Hexateuch
(1902) ; The Hexateuch, by A. Kuenen (translated by P. H.
Wicksteed) (1886) ; An Introduction to the Pentateuch, by
A. T. Chapman (‘ Cambridge Bible,’ 1911).

Commentaries. — (Containing introductions dealing with the
sources of the Hexateuch) ; S. R. Driver, Genesis (1903) ;
A. H. M'Neile, Exodus (1908) (both in the ‘Westminster
Commentaries’); Genesis (I.C.C.), by J. Skinner (1910);
S. R. Driver, Exodus (‘Cambridge Bible,’ 1911); H. G.
IMitchell, The World before Abraham [on Gen. i.-xi., with a
njost useful popular introduction on the Pentateuch) (1901) ;
G. B. Gray, iVtm?)crs (‘ Internat. Crit. Comm.’) (1903) ; S. R.
Driver, Deuteronomy (same series) (1895); A. H. M‘Neile,
Numbers (‘Cambridge Bible,’ 1911).

The Pentateuch in general. — ITlien the compilation of
the Pentateuch was first completed it was re^^arded as a
.single work, and is so referred to in the earliest notices
that occur of it. Thus mention is made of it by the
Chronicler (in passages which are directly his own com¬
position) as the Lam, the Book of Moses (II. Chron. xxv. 4)^
and the Book of Moses alone (II. Chron. xxxv. 12 f.). In
these passages the Chronicler is undoubtedly citing from
the complete Pentateuch, of which, it is worth noting,
Moses is already regarded as the traditional author. In
the late Psalm i. (ver. 2) " His Law’ certainly presupposes
the Pentateuch, and perhaps the prophetical collection
of Holy Scripture as well {<f. also Ps. cxix., which is a
meditation on the blessedness of keeping the Tora in this
sense). ^ When the completed Tora was first divided

1 Probably the Priestly Code (not the entire Pentateuch) is
meant by the Law and the Book of the Laiv (Neh. viii. 2 f.) the
Book of the Law of Jahveh (Neb. ix. 3), the Book of the Law of
30

THE HEXATEUCH 8J

into separate books is not certainly known. The division
is at any rate older than the LXX.

The Tora, in spite of its division into five books, has always
continued to be regarded as essentially a single work. To this
work Genesis may be considered as introduction, and Deutero¬
nomy as conclusion. The entire work has always been designated
the Lain (Heb. ha-t6rd) par excellence. In the New Testament
it is referred to as the Book of the Law (Gal. iii. 10), the Book of
Moses (Mark xii. 26), the Law of the Lord {i.e. Jahveh) Luke ii.
23), the Law of Moses (Luke ii. 20), the Law (Matt. xii. 5), and,
simply, Moses (Luke xvi. 29). Tbe term Tord does not strictly
mean laio. The word itself means originally direction, especially
of an authoritative kind : and then teaching. It was in the first
place applied to oral decisions given by the priests, especially in
ritual matters ; also to moral instruction imparted by them (c/.
Hos. iv. 6). But the word was not confined in its application to
the priest, as the interpreter of Jahveh’s will. ‘The prophet not
only rebukes the sins which have been or are being committed, but
jioints what ought to be done ; so that his preaching likewise
may be called ‘tora of Jahveh.’ ^ In Isa. xlii. 4 lord is applied
to the preaching of the Servant of Jahveh. Later the term
acquired a special meaning as being aj^plied to the book in which
the authoritative teaching or direction, which was regarded as
having come from God through Moses, was embodied. The word
tord thus possesses a wider connotation than Law {uo/xos). ‘The
legalistic element, which might rightly be called the Law, re¬
presents only one side of the Tora. To the Jew Tora means a
teaching or instruction of any kind. It may be either a general
principle or a detailed injunction, whether it be forind in the
Pentateuch, or in other parts of the Scripture — or even outside
the Canon. ’2

We are here concerned, primarily, with the term as ajjplied to
the Pentateuch, which is pre-eminently the Tord. But it is well
that the larger meaning, which has never been absent from Jewish
usage, should not be lost sight of.

Both Jewish and Christian tradition are unanimous
in regarding Moses as the author of the Pentateuch^ — a

God (Neh. viii. 18), and the Book of the Tmw of Moses (Neh. viii. 1),
which was read by Ezra before the people. The Deuteronomio
Book found by Hilkiah is referred to as the Book of the Law and
the Tmw in II. Chron. xxxiv. 15, 19.

1 Kuenen, Hexateuch (E.T.), p. 178.

2 Schechter in J.Q.R., viii. (1896), p. 2 f.

^ According to one form of the Jewish tradition, Moses wrote
the entire Pentateuch — the last eight verses of Deuteronomy,
(recording his own death and burial) ‘with tears.’ Another
form of the tradition makes these verses an addition, and ascribes
them to Joshua.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

belief which was apparently shared by the Chronicler, c.
250 B.c. (11. Chron. xxv. 4, xxxv. 12 f.). As has already
been pointed out, by the Book of the Law of Moses referred
to in Neh. viii. 1 is probably meant the Priestly Code
of the Pentateuch (not the entire Pentateuch).

At first sight Neh. xiii. 1 may seem to negative this view. The
passage runs : ‘ On that day they read in the Book of Moses . . .
and therein was found written that an Ammonite and a Moabite
should not enter into the assembly of God for ever.’ The prohi¬
bition referred to occurs in the Pentateuch in Deut. xxiii. 3-6
(and therefore not in P). But it is to be observed that this
section of Nehemiah does not come directly from the memoirs
(Nehemiah is spoken of in the third person just before) ; it, there¬
fore, probably owes its present form to the compiler. We have
already seen that the Book of Moses is a descriptive term
applied by the Chronicler to the Pentateuch as a whole. If he
wrote the present passage he would naturally describe a quotation
from Deuteronomy as from the Book of Moses {i.e. the entire
Pentateuch). But this proves nothing regarding earlier usage.

It is easy to see how the belief in the Mosaic author¬
ship of the Pentateuch as a whole would grow up.
^Nevertheless’ — to use Cornill’s words — Mt is entirely
without confirmation in the Pentateuch itself. Neither
by way of superscription, nor of introduction, nor other¬
wise, does the work itself claim to have been wn-itten by
Moses.’ ^ Moses is referred to throughout in the third
person. The fact that certain particular passages claim
to have been written by him — viz. the sentence of exter¬
mination on Amalek (Ex. xxiv. 4), the so-called second
Decalogue’ (Ex. xxxiv. 27), the itinerary (Numb, xxxii.
2), and the M)ook of the law’ {i.e. a legal code embodied
in Deuteronomy) mentioned several times in Deutero¬
nomy — rather suggests that these passages are distin¬
guished from the rest by having been embodied in writing
by Moses. In other words, the older tradition, embodied
in the Pentateuch, expressly distinguishes certain specified
passages, which it believes to have been set forth in
written form by Moses himself from the rest of the
Pentateuch.

A number of other indications, quite on the surface,
make the authorship of the complete work by Moses or
a contemporary quite impossible. Such are, e.g., the use

1 Op. cit. p. 34.

THE HEXATEUCH

of expressions like the Canaanite was then in the land
(Gen. xii. 6, cf. xiii. 7). In Gen. xiv. 14 it is stated that
Abraham pursued . . . as far as Dan\ but Ban as a
local name^ meaning the town so called, only became
current at a later time (Judg. xviii. 29). In Gen.
xxii. 14 there is an allusion, probably, to the sacred
character of Mount Moriah as the site of the Temple.
Again, such a reference as that contained in Gen. xxxvi.
21 before there reigned any king over the children of
Israel’) is incompatible with Mosaic authorship, as also
is the citation in Numb. xxi. 14 of a Book of the Wars of
Jahvehas ‘^authority for matters which must have been
perfectly familiar to every contemporary of Moses.
The larger part of the legislation embodied in the Penta¬
teuch presupposes a settled agricultural community
which can only have come into existence some consider¬
able time after the age of Moses.

The Critical Analysis of the Pentateuch.— Obvious as
such considerations are, the traditional ascription of the
authorship of the entire work to Moses came down
practically unchallenged till the seventeenth century.

I hen, for the first time, the conclusion was drawn in a
work published 1655 by Peyrerius (died 1676), and after¬
wards developed by Spinoza (died 1677) in his famous
Tractatus Theologico-politicus (1670), that the Pentateuch
cannot be regarded as a single work, the coherent pro¬
duct of a single author at all. The presence of double
narratives containing incompatible features (like the two
accounts of creation in Gen. i. and ii.), dates and time-
specifications which are mutually exclusive or contra¬
dictory, were noted in this connection by Peyrerius, who
possessed a lively sense of the mass of heterogeneous
elements of which the Pentateuchal literature was com-

1 Cornill, op, cit. p. 35. Other phenomena of similar signifi¬
cance are the description of Canaan as the land of the Hebrews',
the allusion to the extermination of the Canaanites by Israel
(Lev. xviii. 24-27 ; Deut, ii. 12) ; the designation of the region
E. of the Jordan as fteyond {on the other side of) Jordan {i.e. from
the point of view of the settled community after the conquest)
(Deut. i. 1 and seven times again). Cf. also the phrase unto this
day (Deut. iii. 14, etc.), which implies a much later time than
that of the events recorded. In Ex. xvi. 35 reference is made to
an event (the ceasing of the manna) which, according to Josh.

V. 12, only took place after Moses’ death.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

posed. The problem thus indicated — the critical analysis,
viz., of the elements which make up the Pentateuch,
the determination of their character and mutual relation¬
ship, and the reconstruction of the stages by which
the Pentateuch was developed into its final form — has
only been solved after the lapse of some two and a half
centuries.

The history of Pentateuchal criticism falls into well-defined
periods, each of which can be distinguished by some dominating
tendency embodied in a ruling critical hypothesis. In this way
different elements of truth have been emphasised, which have
at the last found their proper place in the final result.

(1) AYhat may be called the Earlier Documentary Hypothesis
was started by the publication anonymously in 1753 at Brussels
of a book by a French physician, J. Astruc (died 1766), entitled
‘ Conjectures sur les memoires originaux dont il paroit que Moyse
s’est servi pour composer le livre de la Genese.’ Having observed
that certain chapters of Genesis were distinguished by the use of
the divine name Elohim while others employed that of Jahveh,
Astruc was able to distinguish an Elohim-narrative (Gen. i. and
V.) and a Jahveh {Jehovah) narrative (Gen. ii.-iv.). As, how¬
ever, the whole Book of Genesis could not be divided up
on this basis, Astruc formed the hypothesis that ten smaller
documents had also entered into the compilation — the whole
twelve having been utilised by Moses, who compiled the entire
book. Astruc’s rather crude hypothesis was developed by Eichorn
and K. D. Ilgen (in a volume published in 1798).

(2) The Fragmentary Hypothesis marked the next stage in the
critical development. This was first propounded by an English
Roman Catholic theologian, A. Geddes, in 1800. Geddes analysed
the entire Pentateuch into a number of smaller and larger frag¬
ments which emanated from an Elohistic and a Jehovistic circle.
Among these sources he included the ‘journals’ of Moses. This
hypothesis was most fully developed by Vater (died 1826) in
his Commentary on the Pentateuch (3 vols. 1802-1805). Vater
regards the Pentateuch as having been formed about the time of
the Exile. It is essentially a compilation of fragments of old
documents which were then collected when they were in danger
of being lost.

(3) 'The Supplementary Hypothesis marked a reaction agains
the excesses of the Fragmentary-theory. Its best representative
is perhaps F. Bleek. According to this theory the basis of the
Pentateuch is formed b}’ a continuous historical work which dealt
with the history from creation to the conquest of Canaan. This
source is the work of tlie so-called Elohist ^ (composed in the reign
of Saul). It contained the main part of the first four books of the

^ Including what is now distinguished as the Priestly Code

(=r).

THE HEXATEUCH

Pentateuch and of the Book of Joshua, together with the account
of Moses death (Dent, xxxiv. 1-8). This was subsequently en-
laiged and levised, probably in the time of David, by a Jchovistic
editor, who added new sections, and edited the earlier document
as well. The last revision was carried out by the autlior of
Deuteronomy (in the reign of King Manasseh). This writer com¬
posed Deuteronomy and revised the earlier composite work in a
Deuteronomic spirit. The fatal defect of this theory was made
manifest when it was shown that the supposed supplemental
sections when detached and pieced together proved to belong
themselves to a document which possessed a well-defined indb
viduality of its own, and must have been originally an independent
writing. Hence arose

(4) The later Documentary Hypothesis which was launched on
essentially modern lines by Hupfeld (1853), who distinguished
three independent documents which have been worked up into
^ redactor. The latest and most widely accepted form
Documentary Hypothesis is represented in the works of
>v ellhausen and Kuenen.

Most modern critical scholars are now agreed that the
1 entateuch is a compilation made up of four independent
written sources, viz. ; a Jahvistic work { = J), and a
slightly younger work parallel to it, an Elohistic docu¬
ment ( = E, identical with the ^second’ or ^younger’
Elohist of the earlier theories),^ a Deuteronomic work
( = D), and a Priestly work, the "Priestly Code’ (=P),
which is identical with the so-called "Foundation¬
writing ’ (" Grundschrift ’) or " first Elohist. ’ ^ About the
extent and contents of these four sources there is
essential agreement among modern scholars. But the
age of the documents is still, to some extent, a matter
of debate. More particularly, is P the oldest or the
youngest element in the Pentateuch (liexateuch)
Though it embodies to some extent a tradition of earlier
usage, the majority of modern critical scholars are agreed
that P represents the latest literary stratum in tlie
Pentateuch (Hexateuch), and only became authoritative
when it was (substantially in its present form) promul¬
gated by Ezra in 44-4 n. c. [A document included in P,

Apparently J and E had been fused before they were used
as a source for the Pentateuch. In this combined form they are
indicated by the symbol JE.

Two entirely independent sources use Elohim, viz. : P and

the narrative (parallel to J), which is now indicated usually
as hi, ^

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

but originally independent of it, is the so-called ^ Law of
Holiness’ ( = H), i.e. Lev. xvii.-xxvi.]

The dating adopted for the sources in the present volume may
roughly be stated as follows : —

.T in its original form c. 850 b.c. (a Judaean source).

E ,, ,, c. 750 B.c. (an Ephraimite source).

J and E combined (=JE) sometime before 650 b.c.

D (presupposes JE) promulgated 621 b.c.

H (Law of Holiness) midway between D and P.

1* (which then included H) promulgated 444 (compiled sub¬
stantially between 570 and 500 probably).

§ 1. Genesis.

Title and Contents.— The Book of Genesis derives its
name from the LXX., where it bears the title yiveais
Koafiov, the generation or origin of the world.^

Its contents fall into two main divisions, viz. :

(a) Ch. i.-xi. 9 containing the accounts of creation

and the primaeval history. The story is carried
down to the Deluge and the scattering abroad
of mankind.

(b) Ch. xii.-L contain the history of the ancestors of

the Israelitish nation, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob,
and the Patriarchs. The narrative is carried
down to the death of Joseph.

Structure of the Book. — The Book has been constructed
in accordance with a definite plan which can be clearly
traced. This is shown by the recurrence of the formula.
These are the generations (Heb. toleddth, lit. begettings) of
. . ., which appears no less than ten times in the Book
(ii. 4a, the generation of heaven and earth ; v. 1, of
Adam ; vi. 9, of Noah ; x. 1, of the sons of Noah ;
xi. 10, of Shem ; xi. 27, of Terah ; xxv. 12, of Ishmael ;
XXV. 19, of Isaac ; xxxvi. 1, of Esau ; xxxvii. 2, of Jacob.
As the formula in all other cases introduces the genea¬
logical account (which immediately follows) it is probable
its position in ii. 4a is not original, but ought to pre¬
cede ch. i., to which it obviously refers as well as to
ii. 4f.).

The scheme of the Book follows a definite metliod. It

1 This is deduced from the rendering of ch. ii. 4a : avTH) h
yevcffeios ovpavov sal The Jewish title (n''l^^{<”l3)

from the opening (Hel)rew) word has already been explained
above.

THE HEXATEUCH

gradually converges upon Israel. ^ The attention of the
reader is fixed upon Israel, which is gradually disengaged
from the nations and tribes related to it ; at each stage
of the history, a brief general account of the collateral
branches having been given, they are dismissed, and the
narrative is limited more and more to the immediate line
of Israel’s ancestors. Thus after ch. x. (the ethno¬
graphical table) all the descendants of Noah disappear,
excei)t the line of Shem, xi. 10 ff. ; after xxv. 12-18,
Ishmael disappears, and Isaac alone remains ; after ch.
xxxvi. Esau and his descendants disappear, and only
Jacob and his sons are left. The same method is adopted
in the intermediate parts : thus in xix. 30-38 the relation
to Israel of the cognate peoples of Moab and Ammon is
explained ; in xxii. 20-24 (sons of Abraham’s brother
Nahor) and xxv. 1-4 (sons of Abraham’s concubine
Keturah) the relation to Israel of certain Aramean tribes
is explained.’ ^

The Sources of Genesis. — This unity of plan is due to the
compiler who has selected and arranged his material in
accordance with it. But the material of which the Book
is composed is drawn from different sources, which can
be traced throughout. One of the most striking indica¬
tions of this is the presence of double narratives. The
same event or a series of events is narrated in independent
forms. Also the language and representation vary in a
way that accords with the employment of different
sources.

At the outset we are confronted with a double narrative of
creation and the appearance of man upon the earth (ch. i. 1-ii. 4a,
and ii. 46-25). That the second account is not merely supple¬
mentary but proceeds from a different source appears clearly
when the two are closely examined. ‘ The order of creation is
different, the 'phraseology and literary style are different, and the
representation, especially the representation of the Deity, is
different.’ 2 The second narrative has more primitive features, it
is freer and more picturesque, and is without the set formulas of
ch. i. Notice also that the creation of man (ii. 7) precedes that of
beasts and birds (ii. 19) and of woman (ii. 21 f.). Contrast the
order in ch. i. In the second account the representation of God
is much more anthropomorphic (in the first, God creates by a
series of words ; in the second, He moulds, breathes into man the
breath of life, etc. ; He ivalks in the garden, makes coats of skins,

^ Driver, Genesis, pp. ii. f.

2 Driver, op. cit. p. iii.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

etc.). Of linguistic differences the most striking are the use of
two different names for God {Elohim in the first account, Jahvch
in the second); create in first account — maA’c in the second.
Notice also the schematic arrangement of the first account ; the
six days, the recurring formula evening . . . morning, And God
saw that it was good, etc. ; the doctrine of man being made in
God’s image is also a striking feature. Other duplicate accounts
in Genesis are : —

1. The Deluge narrative : vi. 9-13 [wickedness of the earth] — vi.

5-8 ; vii. 1-5 [seven of every clean beast, and two of every
unclean, to be taken into the Ark]=vi. 18-22 [two of ail
beasts without distinction to be taken].

2. God’s covenant with Noah (viii. 20-22~ix. 8-17).

3. God’s covenant with Abraham (xv. =xvii. ).

4. Abraham and Sarah in Gerar (ch. xx.) = Isaac and Rebekah in

Gerar (ch. xxvi. 1-11).

5. Abraham and Abimelech, the covenant at Beersheba (ch. xxi.

22-32) = Isaac and Abimelech (ch. xxvi. 12-31).

6. The origin of the name Bethel (xxviii. 10-22=xxxv. 9-15).

7. Jacob receives the name of Israel (xxxii. 22-32=xxxv. 9-13).

8. Two lists of the dukes of Edom (xxxvi. 15-19=xxxvi. 40-43). ^

The two accounts of creation whicli have been exam¬
ined above belong to two distinct documentary sources
which can be traced through the entire Hexateuch.^
The first belongs to the source now usually denoted by
the symbol !*( = Priests’ Code ; it is identical with the
writing of the older Elohist). The parts of Genesis
which belong to P are clearly distinguishable ; they
include, besides the creation-narrative (i. 1-ii. 4a), an
enumeration of Adam’s descendants through Seth to
Noah (v. 1-28, 30-32) ; the Flood-story, w’ith an account
of God’s covenant with Noah (vi. 9-22 ; vii. 6, 11, 13-]6a,
18-21, 24; viii. l-2a, 36-5, le3a, 14-19; ix. 1-17,
28-29) ; an enumeration of nations descended from
Japhet, Ham, and Shem (x. 1-7, 20, 22-28, 31-32); the
line of Shem’s descendants to Terah (xi. 10-26) ; an
account of Abraham’s family (xi. 27, 31-32) ; and wander¬
ings (xii. 46-5 ; xiii. 6, 116-12a) ; the birth of Ishmael
(xvi. la, 3, 15-16) ; the institution of circumcision (xvii.);
destruction of the cities of the Plain (xix. 29) ; birth of

^ Cf. in Exodus the double narratives of the revelation of the
name Jahveh (iii. 13-15=vi. 2-7); of the directions concerning
the Passover (xii. l-13=xii. 21-27); of the feast of unleavened
bread (xii. 14-20=xiii. 3-10); of the first-born (xiii. 1 f. =xiii.
11-16).

* For a fuller discussion of these see p. 59 f.

THE HEXATEUCH

Isaac (xxi. Ih, 2b-5); purchase of Machpelali (xxv.
T-llrt) ; a list of tribes tracing their origin to Ishmael
(xxv. 12-17); Isaac’s marriage with Eebekah, Esau’s
Hittite wives, Jacob’s journey to Paddaii-Arram to obtain
a wife (xxv. 19-20, 2Qb ; xxvi. 84-85 ; xxvii. 46-xxviii.
9) ; Jacob’s marriage and life in Canaan (xxix. 24, 29 ;
xxxi. 18/> ; xxxiii. 18« ; xxxiv. l-2rt, 4, 6, 8-10, 18-18,
20-24, 25 [in part], 27-29) ; his change of name to Israel
(xxxv. 9-18, 15) ; the death of Isaac (xxxv. 225-29) ; the
history of Esau (xxxvi. in the main) ; the removal of
Jacob and his family to Egypt and their settlement there
(xxxvii. l-2a, xli. 46, xlvi. 6-27, xlvii. 5-6«, 7-11, 275) ;
Jacob’s adoption of Ephraim and Manasseh (xlviii. 8-6
[7]) ; his farewell speech to his sons (part), and burial
(xlix. la, 285-88, 1. 12-18).

After P is subtracted there still remains a narrative
which bears marks of being composite in character. The
second of the creation accounts examined above belongs
to a source which uses the divine name Jahveh. This is
the Jahvistic narrative (J) which is the oldest stratum
(both in literary formation and contents) of the historical
sources. But another source (E), parallel to this, and
somewhat younger, appears (first in ch. xv. or xx.) which
uses the divine name of Elohim. These sources often
appear in a combined form (JE) which it is not always
possible to analyse into its component parts with absolute
certainty. ^

If what has already been assigned to P is left out or
account, the rest of the primaeval history (ch. i.-xi.)
belongs to J.

In the next division of the Book (ch. xii.-xxvi., the
history of Abraham and Isaac) the remainder is drawn
from both J and E (the latter appearing for the first time
in ch. XV.); and the same is true of the other divisions
(ch. xxvii. -xxxv. , Jacob and Esau; and ch. xxxvii. -1.,
Joseph).

^ E sometimes appears alone [e.g. xx. 1-17), as J does fairly often.
‘ The method of the compiler, who combined J and E together,
was sometimes, it would seem, to extract an entire narrative from
one or other of these sources (as xx. 1-17 from E ; xxiv. from J) ;
sometimes, while taking a narrative as a whole from one source,
to incorporate with it notices derived from the other ; and some¬
times to construct his narrative of materials derived from each
source in nearly equal proportion.’ — Driver, L.O.T,, p. 12.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

The Interpretation of the Book. — The old controversies
which were waged on the historical value of the narra¬
tives embodied in Genesis have largely lost their point.
Such questions as^ e.g., the literal accuracy of the order of
events narrated in the story of the creation, no longer
assume tlie importance assigned to them formerly. The
narratives are approached from a different point of view.
It is recognised to-day, in the light of fuller knowledge,
that the material embodied in the Book is largely drawn
from popular tradition, and has affinities with the tradi¬
tions and beliefs of other Semitic peoples. This is
especially apparent in the early chapters which deal with
the primaeval history. Here we meet with culture and
other forms of legend wdiich can be illustrated from
Assyrian and Babylonian sources, for instance. But the
result of such comparison has been to enhance the religious
value of the Hebrew narratives. The material of popu¬
lar tradition has been made the vehicle for elevating the
moral sense, and for inculcating high religious and
ethical ideas. No more effective method for elevating
and refining the religious sense of a people could be
devised than that of infusing its traditional literature
with a lofty ethical spirit, and making it the vehicle for
the inculcation of simple but profound lessons about
God’s majesty, uniqueness, holiness, and moral require¬
ment. From this point of view the creation-narrative,
for instance, remains to-day unique in literature as an
impressive and majestic expression of the truth, affirmed
by the religious consciousness, that the material universe
is the creation of an Almighty and all-holy God. In the
depth and purity of its religious ideas — in the religious
spirit that pervades it throughout — the sacred literature
of Israel is unique among the literatures of the world.

§ 2. Exodus.

Title and Contents. — The Book derives its name from the
LXX. (e’ldSay, Latinised form Exodus), which apparently
deduced it from ch. xix. 1 in the third month of the
exodus e|dSou] of the cliildren of Israel from the
land of Plgypt’). Its Hebrew title is taken from the
opening words OG more shortly,

The contents of the Book fall into two parts, A.ch. i.-xviii.,

THE HEXATEUCH

which describes Israelis oppression in Egypt, the history
of Moses and the deliverance of his people from oppres¬
sion, issuing in the Exodus and the journey to Sinai:
and B. ch. ncix.-xL, Israel at Sinai.

Structure and Analysis of the Book. — The Book is con¬
structed on essentially the same lines as Genesis, the
same sources, P and JE, having been utilised in its com¬
position. But the redactional element is rather more
prominent than in the case of Genesis. Ihree strata of
this kind can be distinguished, viz. : editorial matter
which is distinctively priestly in tone (denoted usually by
the symbol this is of late date (450-300 b.c. about) ;
editorial matter which is Deuteronomic in tone or lan¬
guage (R^* : GOO 550 b.c.); and such as falls under
neither of these heads (IP® ; c. 750-G50 b.c.).

The following detailed analysis of Part I. will serve to
illustrate the complex character of the narrative : —

Part I. (ch. i.-xviii.) : (a) i.-ii. 22 : The early life oj Moses :
(Pi. 1-7, 13-14; E i. 8-12, ii. 1-23) ; (b) ii. 23-vii. 13;
the call of Moses : (E iii. 1-G : J iii. 7-8 : E iii. 9-15 :
.1 iii. 16-20 : E iii. 21-22 : J iv. 1-16 : E iv. 17-18 : J iv.
19-20a : E iv. 205-21 : J iv. 22-vi. 1 : P vi. 2-vii. 13).

(c) vii. 14-xi : The -first nine signs : (J vii. 14-18 : P vii.
19-20« : E vii. 205-21a : P vii. 215-22 : J vii. 23 : E vii.
24 : J vii. 25-viii. 4 : P. viii. 5-7 : J viii. 8-15« : P viii.
155-19 : J viii. 20-ix. 7 : P ix. 8-12 : J ix. 13-21 : E
ix. 22-23U : J ix. 235-34 : E ix. (24rt) 35 : J x. 1-7 : E x.
8-13a : J x. 135-19 (14u E) : Ex. 20-27 : J x. 28-29 : E

xi. 1-3 : J xi. 4-8 : E xi. 9-10).

(d) xii.-xiii. 16: The Passover and feast of unleavened
bread ; the dedication of the first-born and the departure :
(P xii. 1-20 : JE xii. 21-27 : P xii. 28 : JE xii. 29-39 : P

xii. 40-51, xiii. 1-2: JE xiii. 3 16: the double treat¬
ment of the narrative is especially prominent in this
section).

(e) xiii. Vi -XV. 21: The beginning of the journeyings ;
crossing of the lied Sea : (E xiii. 17-19 : P xiii. 20 : J xiii.
21-22 : P xiv. 1-4 : J xiv. 5-7 : P xiv. 8-9 : JE xiv. 10 : J
xiv. 11-14: P xiv. 15-18: JE xiv. 19-20: P xiv. 21a
(215 J)-23 : J xiv. 24-25: P xiv. 26-29 (275 J): J xiv.
30-31 : E XV. 1-18 : P xv. 19 : E xv. 20-21).

(f) XV. 22-xviii. : From the Red Sea to Sinai : (J xv. 22-
27 : P xvi. 1-3 (5 ?) : J xvi. 4 : P xvi. 6-24 : J (?) xvi. 25-

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

33 : P xvi. 31-3G : P xvii. ]« : J (or E) xvii. 16-2 : E xvii.
3-G : J xvii. 7 : E xvii. 8-16 and xviii).

Part II. (ch. xix.-xl.) is mainly concerned with the
events at Sinai. Its subject-matter may be analysed in
detail as follows (a) the Theophany (xix. and xx. 18-21 :
all JE except xix. l-2«) : (h) Five groups of Laws : (1) The
Decalog’ue (xx. 1-17): two groups of laws contained in
‘ The Book of the Covenant’ (xx. 20-xxiii. 33) viz. : (2)
a series called judgment s (Heb. niishputim) all expressed
in hypothetical form (xxi. 1-xxii. 17) : (3) Regulations
regarding worship and religious festivals, xx. 22-26,
xxii. 29-30, xxiii. 10-19 ; (4) A parallel series in xxxiv.
10-26 ; (5) A series of laws of a moral and ethical
character, mostly negative in form : xxii. 18-28, xxiii.
1-9. (c) Narratives connected with the covenant-laws

(xxiv. 1-11 ; xxxiii. 7-11 ; xxxiv. 1-5, 27, 28) : (d) Narra¬
tives connected with the Decalogue ([xix. 7-8] xxiv. 12-18,
xxxi. 18, xxxiv. 29-35).

[ I he extreme complexity of the narratives contained in
ch. xix. -xxiv. is apparent from the analysis. Apparently
two (divergent) views are represented in the tradition,
one which makes the Decalogue (Ex. xx. 1-17) the sole
basis of the covenant, and another which connected the
groups of laws contained in The Book of the Covenant with
the covenant. ] ^ (e) The sin of the people (xxxii. 1-29, 35 ;
xxxii. 30-34; xxxiii. 1-6, 12-23; xxxiv. 6-9 [Moses’ inter¬
cession]): (f) The Tahernacle and its ministers (ch. xxv.-
xxxi. and xxxv.-xl. Here JE completely disappears, and
the entire sections belong to P or his school).

Historical Value of the Book. — It is necessary to under¬
stand the complicated structure of the Book in order
properly to estimate the real significance of the narra-

1 Full details of the sources cannot be given in this analysis.
They must be sought elsewhere {e.g. in Driver, etc.).

2 The Deuteronomic code of laws (Dent, xii.-xxvi.) is largely
based uponand is an expanded form of the ‘ judgments ’ contained
in Ex. xxi. -xxii. 17. It is possible that the latter in the original
narrative of JE stood where D stands now. When D was added
to JE the ‘judgment’ lav/s were combined, it has been thought,
with the rest of E’s laws at Horeb, and thus assumed their present
place in the Book of Exodus. The ‘ judgments ’ collection (Ex.
xxi. -xxii. 17) can hardly belong to its present position. It is a
collection of case-law, ■which perhaps goes back to the priesthood
at Bethel. It implies a long legal history and experience, and is
obviously unsuited to form part of the laws on which the
covenant at Sinai was based.

THE HEXATEUCH

tives, and interpret them aright. It is highly significant,
for instance, that the chapters which describe in detail
the Tabernacle and its ministers (xxv.-xxxi. and xxxv.-xl.)
emanate entirely from P. Such a section as ch. xviii.,
which almost wholly comes from E, judged from a purely
historic point of view, possesses great interest and value.
‘ It exhibits to us a picture of Moaes legislating. Disputes
arise among the people ; the contending parties come
to Moses to have them settled ; he adjudicates between
them ; and his judgments are termed the statutes and
decisions {Toroth) of God.’ It was the historic function
of the priests to give deeisions (tord, toi'oth) upon cases
submitted to them, in matters both of civil right (Deut.
xvii. II) and ceremonial observance (ch. xxiv. 8); and
here Moses himself appears discharging the same func¬
tions, and so laying the foundation of Hebrew law.’^
[For the Decalogue and the Book of the Covenant more
particularly cf. p. ,55 f.]

§ 3. Leviticus.

Title and general Character. — The name Leviticus is a
Latinised form of the Greek title AeviriKov, that which
pertains to or concerns the Levites.^ The Jewish title, de¬
rived from its opening word, is
^law of priests’ occurs also fairly frequently).

It is entirely derived from the Priests’ Code (P) : ch.
xvii.-xxvi., however, form a distinct section with many
independent features. This once, according to the
critical view, existed in an independent form before it
was incorporated into P. It is usually designated the
Law of Holiness (symbol LI).

Analysis of the Book. — The subject-matter of the Book
may he grouped under five principal heads : —

I. Ch. i.-vii. : The law of the principal types of sacrifice,
wAth a final section of directions regulating the duties and
privileges of the priests {{a) the burnt-olfering, Heh.

ch. i. ; (5) the meal-offering, (Heb. or

^ Driver, L.O.T.^ p. 28.

2 The adjective \cviTiK6s = Lev{tical occurs in the New Testa¬
ment, Heb. vii. 11.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

cli. ii- ; (^) the peace-offering' (Heb.

D''p^^' cli. iii. ; (d) the sin-offering (Heb. UXpHj,

ch. iv.-v. 13 ; (e) the trespass-offering (Heb.

ch. V. 14-26 = E.V. V. 14-vi. 7.

(f) Directions regulating the duties and privileges of the
priests (ch. vi.-vii. — E.V. vi. 8-vii.) viz. : in sacrificing
tlie burnt-offering (vi. 1-0), the meal-offering (vi. 7-11),
the High Priest’s daily meal-offering (vi. 12-16), the sin-
offering (vi. 17-22) : other directions, as to the ritual or
tlie guilt-offering, on certain particular kinds of peace-
ofi'ering, (the thank-offering, the vow and the voluntary
offering), on fat and blood, etc., follow (ch. vii. 1-34), the
whole being concluded by two subscriptions (vii. 85-30
and 87-38). The .subscriptions refer to the section ch.
vi.-vii. only.

II. ch. viii.-x. : The consecration of the priests and their
solemn entrg upon office. (Ch. viii., Aaron and his sons
consecrated to the priesthood in accordance with Ex.
xxix. 1-37: ch. ix., Aaron aud his sons solemnly enter
upon their office : ch. x., the death of Nadab and
Abihu : various directions as to priestly conduct in the
sacrifice).

III. Ch. xi.-xvi. : Laws concerning clean and unclean, and
the Day of Atonement. (Ch. xi., clean and unclean animals;
ch. xii., purification after childbirth; ch. xiii.-xiv.,
leprosy (in man, clothing, houses); ch. xv., purification
after uncleanness caused by certain natural secretions ;
ch. xvi. , the ceremonial of the Day of Atonement.)

IV. Ch. xvii.-xxvi. : The Law of Holiness (H). — This group
of chapters is in its general character similar to P ;
but there is an element in it which at the same time
distinguishes it from P. This is shown partly in
peculiarities of style and phraseology which recur, and
partly in the presence of a certain tone and spirit.
^The phenomena which the chapters present are ex¬
plained by the supposition that an independent — and in
all probability an older — body of priestly legislation lies
at the basis of cli. xvii.-xxvi., which has been incor¬
porated in P — either by the compiler of P, or by a
redactor writing under the influence of P — sometimes
(as it would seem) with slight changes of form intro-

THE HEXATEUCH

duced for the purpose of accommodating it to P, at
other times interwoven with elements derived from P.’ ^

This older element which has been worked into P
is distinguished from the latter by its use of expressions
])eculiar (or almost peculiar) to itself^ and also by a
characteristic method in setting forth the laws (especi¬
ally in the prominence given to certain principles and
motives). Holiness (partly ceremonial, partly moral), as
a principle and quality marking out Israel, is especially
prominent xix. 2: Ye shall he holy; for I, Jahveh,
your God, am holy; xx. 7-8, 26; xxi. 6-8, 15, 23; xxii.
*9, 16, 82). Holiness, indeed, is emphasised so strongly
and insisted upon so urgently in these chapters, that it
may be regarded as their most distinguishing feature
(hence the name Law of Holiness).

The Holiness-collection has other marks which point to
its originally independent character. Notice, especially,
the miscellaneous character of its contents as compared
witli the careful grouping that distinguishes Lev. i.-xvi. ;
some of the subjects, also, which have already been dealt
with in the earlier chapters of the Book are treated of
again in I! {cp. xvii. 10-14 [eating of blood] with vii. 26 f. ;
xix. 6-8 [disposal of the flesh of peace-offerings] with
vii. 15-18 ; XX. 25 [clean and unclean animals] with
ch. xi. In this connection, also, the parenetic ending in
xxvi. 46 (‘^ These are the statutes and judgments and
laws,’ etc) is noteworthy. The solemn hortatory close
concludes, in exactly the same manner, the two other
independent Pentateuchal Codes, the Book of the Cove¬
nant (Ex. XX. 20-xxiii. 83) and the legislative code em-
l)odied in Deuteronomy (ch. xii.-xxvi., xxviii.). See the
endings to these collections. Ex. xxiii. 20 ff., and Deut.
xxviii. The affinities of H with Ezekiel are also par¬
ticularly striking.

The subject-matter of Lev. xvii. -xxvi. may he analysed
cursorily as follows : ch. xvii., the slaughtering of sacri¬
ficial animals — the place of sacrifice (central sanctuary)
— eatine: of the blood forbidden — the flesh of animals
dying naturally or torn by beasts not to be eaten ;
c 'h. xviii., laws as to forbidden marriages and unchastity ;
ch. xix., miscellaneous prescriptions regulating the re-

1 Driver, op. cit. p. 44.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

ligious and moral behaviour of Israelites; ch. xx., pen¬
alties enacted for offences specified in ch. xviii. and xix.
3a, 81 ; ch. xxi.-xxii., prescriptions concerning priests
and offerings (regulating priest’s domestic life, physical
conditions when performing priestly functions, etc., the
conditions to be satisfied by animals when offered in
sacrifice); ch. xxni., a calendar fixing the periods of the
great festivals, and in particular the days on which ^holy
convocations,’ i.e. solemn religious assemblies, were to be
held. The following are the specified days ; all Sabbaths,
the first and seventh days of Ma(;(^dth (Feast of Unleavened
Bread), the Feast of VTeeks, New Year’s Day (Tisri 1),
Day of Atonement (Tisri 10), the first and eighth Day of
the Feast of Tabernacles (Booths); ch. xxiv. 1-9, the
holy lamps and the show-bread ; ch. xxiv. 10-28, laws on
blasphemy, etc.; ch. xxv., the Sabbatical year and the
year of jubilee ; ch. xxvi., idolatry forbidden; injunc¬
tion to observe the Sabbath ; hortatory conclusion to the
code (vers. 8-45) with subscription (ver. 40).

As has already been stated above, ch. xvii.-xxvi. are marked
by peculiarities of phraseology : e.c/., I am Jahveh, especially
at the end of an injunction or series of such (nearly fifty times) ;
for I, J., am holy (xix. 2; xx. 26, etc.); to loalk in the statutes
(xviii. 3 ; xx. 23, etc.) ; words used in a special sense : e.g., she'er,

‘ flesh ’= _o/ kin (xviii. 12, etc.); zimmd, evil imrpose (of
unchastity), 'amith, neighbour, etc.i

V. Ch. xxvii.: Appendix (P) on Vows and Tithes.

§ 4. Numbers.

Title and. Contents.— The title Numbers is a translation
of the LXX. ’Apid/xoi, adopted also by the Vulgate
(Numeri). 4'he Book is so called because* it contains the
accounts of two numberings of the people, the first carried
out in the second year of the Exodus, the second in the
fortieth. The Jewish name is derived from the fifth

word in the opening verse

The narrative contained in the Book covers events
from the second to the fortieth year of the Exodus.
The Book opens on the first day of the second month in
the second year , the departure from Sinai the same
1 See the list in Driver, op. cit. pp. 45 ff.

THE HEXATEUCH

month is related in x. 11-28; the arriv'al in the wilder¬
ness of Paran (or Kadesh), the mission of the spies, the
defeat at Hormali are detailed in ch. xiii.-xiv. ; in ch. xx. 1
the arrival in the desert of Zin (or Kadesh) in the fortieth
year is recorded ; Aaron’s death (which took place on
the first day of the fifth month of the fortieth year :
cj. xxxiii. 88) is related in ch. xx. 28-29.

The general structure of the Book is similar to that of
Exodus, JE and P being employed as sources. But the
fusion of the original documents is not so complete as in
the earlier Book.

Analysis of tlie Book. — I. Ch. i.-x. 10 1 A long eoctvact
from P dealing with the last injunctions and events at
Sinai. Ch. i., census of males above the age of twenty
years (608, 550 apart from the Levites who are appointed
guardians of the Tabernacle); ch. ii., the disposition of
the camp and of the tribes on the march; ch. iii.-iv.,
the Levites taken to assist the priests instead of the first¬
born ; their number and duties ; ch. v.-vi., laws regarding
the exclusion of the leprous and unclean from the camp,
compensation for fraud, ordeal for suspected wives , of
the Nazirite; the priestly blessing; ch. vii., gifts of the
twelve princes of the tribes at the consecration of the
Tent of Meeting ; ch. viii., the care of the golden candle¬
stick — the consecration of the Levites tor their duties
(vers. 5-22; cf. iii. 5-18)— their period of service (from
age of twenty-five to fifty) ; ch. Lv. -x. 10, the Passover
(followed by the supplementary one a month later) the
cloud as a signal for marching and halting the camp
the use of the silver trumpets as signals.

II. Ch. X. 11-xxii. 1 : From Sinai to Moata : {a) Ch. x. 11-xiv.,
from Sinai to Kadesh. Ch. x. \^-xii. JE, the departure
from Sinai — Hobab as guide — the ark on the march
the murmuring ot the people at Jaberah and Kibiotli-
liattaavah — appointment of seventy elders — quails —
Miriam’s leprosy; ch. xiii.-xiv. (P + JE), the narrative
of the spies (including the defeat at Hormah).

(5) Ch. xv.-xix. : Laws and events which fall within the
thirty-seven gears' wandering in the wilderness. Ch. xv. (P),
a meal- and drink-offering to accompany every burnt-
and peace-oft'ering — offering of the first dough sin-
offering — Sabbatli -breaking — fringes ; ch. xvi.-xvii
(P + JE), rebellion of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

Here the composite character of the narrative is particularly
evident. In JE the event narrated is a rebellion of laymen (the
Reubenites, Dathan and Abiram) against the civil authority of
IVIoses (his judgeship). They with their tents and households are
swallowed up by the earth. (The JE parts of the narrative are
xvi. lh-2a, 12-15, 25-2G, 276-34). In P two strata of narrative
appear to be combined. In one of these (xvi. la, 2h-7a, 18-24,
27a, 326, 35, 41-50, ch. xvii.), Korah, at the head of 250 princes
of the congregation (not all Levites), protests to Moses and Aaron
against the limitation of priestly rights to the tribe of Levi on
the ground that ^ all the congregation are holy.’ The issue is
decided before the sanctuary where Korah and his company are
consumed by fire from Jahveh. Here the opposition is between
the tribe of Levi and the other tribes. But a second (and, no
doubt, later) stratum of the P narrative gives a different turn to
the representation. Here (c/. xvi. 76-11, 16-17, 36-40) Korah
appears at the head of 250 Levites and protests against the
exclusive priestly privileges claimed by the sons of Aaron (JE
mentions only Dathan and Abiram, P only Korah].

Ch. xviii. (P), the duties and official rank of priests
and Levites ; their emoluments ; ch. xix. (P), the rite
of purification by means of water ming'led with the ashes
of a red heifer — how and when applied.

III. Ch. xxii. 1-xxxvi., Israel in the plains of Moab : (a)
ch. xxii. 2-xxiv. (JE)^ the Balaam narrative.

The composite character of the narrative here is evident on
examination, and the same double character attaches to the
oracles proper (ch. xxiii.-xxiv.) Dillmann assigns xxiii. to E and
xxiv. to J. The tradition of the Balaam oracles is certainly old.
Perhaps in ch. xxiv. the old traditional material has received a
Judaic and in xxiii. an Ephraimitic impress.

(6) Ch. XXV. (vers. 1-5 JE ; G-18 P); the Israelites sin at
Shittim — the zeal of Pliinehas and its reward; (c)
ch. xxvi.-xxxi. (all P) : ch. xxvi. (the second census
[601, 780 men above twenty years] exclusive of Levites) ;
ch. xxvii. (the law of the inheritance of daug-hters where
there is no son [daughters of Zelophehad]— Moses hidden
to view the Promised Land — Joshua appointed his suc¬
cessor) ; ch. xxviii.-xxix. (a priestly calendar regulating
sacrifices for each season) ; ch. xxx. (the law of vows) ;
{d) ch. xxxi. (P), war of vengeance against Midian ; (e)
ch. xxxii. (P-| JE), the trans-Jordanic region assigned
to Gad, Reuben, and IManasseh; (/) ch. xxxiii.-xxxvi.

THE iip:xateucii

(all P) containing' P’s itinerary of tlic wanderings, etc.
(xxxiii.), a description of the borders of Canaan (xxxiv.),
the appointment of forty-eight cities for the Levites,
and of six among these as cities of refuge (xxxv.) ; the
last chapter (xxxvi.) directs that heiresses possessing
landed property shall marry into their own tribe (to
preserve the tribal territory intact).

§ 5. Deuteronomy.

Title and Contents. — The name Deuteronomy (‘^ second
Law’) comes from the incorrect rendering given in the
LXX. to Deut. xvii. 18 ( TO devrepovofjiLov tovto), for the
words correctly rendered ‘a copy of this law/ which
were wrongly supposed to refer to the whole book. The
Hebrew title is derived from the opening words of the

Book; D'-in'in or

• T : “ V •• • T :

The narrative of the Book records events of the last
month of the forty years’ wanderings (i. 3, xxxiv. 8).
But it is mainly occupied with the farewell discourse of
Moses in which the laws that Israel is called upon to
obey are set forth.

In detail the contents are as follows : — ^

Ch. i. 1-5. — Historical introduction, describing the situation
and occasion on Avhich the discourses following were delivered.

Ch. i. 6-iv. 40. — Moses’ fi7'st discourse (a review of events
connected with the wanderings, concluding with an eloquent
appeal in ch. iv. not to forget the great truths impressed upon
them at Horeb).

Ch. iv. 41-43. — A short historical statement concerning the
establishment of three cities of refuge on the other side of the
J ordan by Moses.

Ch. iv. 44-49. — Historical introduction of Moses’ sreoneZ discourse
(which embodies the legislation proper).

Ch. v.-xxvi. — The legislation consisting of two parts : (1) Ch.
v.-xi., hortatory introduction developingthe first commandment of
the Decalogue, and urging upon Israel the general theocratic
l^rinciples by which, as a nation, it is to be guided; (2) ch. xii.-
xxvi., the code of special laws.

Ch. xxvii. — Injunctions (described in the third person) relative
to a symbolical acceptance by the nation of the preceding code,
after taking possession of Canaan.

Ch. xxviii.-xxix. 1. — Conclusion of the code (connected closely

1 Slightl}’’ abbreviated from the table given in Driver’s L.0.2\,

p. Ofi,

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

with xxvi. 19), consisting of a solemn declaration of the con¬
sequences to follow its observance or neglect.

Ch. xxix. 2-xxx. 20. — Moses’ third discourse, embracing (1) the
establishment of a fresh covenant between the people and God
(ch. xxix.) ; (2) the promise of restoration, even after the abandon¬
ment threatened in ch. xxviii., if the nation should then exhibit
due tokens of penitence (xxx. 1-10) ; the choice set before Israel
(xxx. 11-20).

Ch. xxxi. 1-13. — Moses’ farewell to the people, and commission
of Joshua. His delivery of the Deuteronomic law to the levitical
priests.

Ch. xxxi. 14i-xxxii. 47. — The Song of Moses with accompanying
historical notices.

Ch. xxxii. \^.-xxxiv. 12. — Conclusion of the whole Book con¬
taining the Blessing of Moses, and describing the circumstances
of his death.

The general Character of the Book. — Deuteronomy is
utterly unlike the other Pentateuchal books. It possesses
a marked individuality^ and a character of its own which
at once remove it from tlie category of mere compila¬
tions made up of excerpts drawn from pre-existent
sources. Its literary independence is clear. "We no
longer have to do with a narrative which can he analysed
into strata derived from JE and P/ hut with a work
which throughout is marked hy a characteristic style and
phraseology, and is dominated by a single purpose.
The Book in its present form, as modern criticism has
tended to show, is probably not the product of a single
pen, but rather an expansion of an original work which
is embedded within it. But whatever expansion has
taken place is almost wholly Deuteronomic in character,
and is conceived in and reflects the spirit of the original
writing.

While the vocabulary of Deuteronomy presents but few excej)-
tional words, its phraseology shows very distinct features. Words
and phrases recur with remarkable frequency and stamp the book
throughout with a peculiar character. This is so marked that a
Deuteronomic colouring can at once be detected where, in later
writings, the influence of the Deuteronomic school has made
itself felt. One or two examples may be cited here : — -

1 Only xxxii. 48-52 and xxxiv. la 8-9 can be deduced certainly
from P ; xxxiv. 15-7 shows traces of J’s influence ; and xxxi. 14-
15, 23 goes back probably to an Elohistic basis.

2 For a full list cf. Driver, L.O.T., ])p. 91 ff. (also his Com¬

mentary on Deuteronomy).

THE HEXATEUCH

To love (with God as object), vi. 5, vii, 9, etc. (a characteristic
principle of Deuteronomy); a 2'>coplc of special jjossession (‘a
peculiar people ’), vii. 6, xiv. 2, xxvi. 18 ; A mighty hand and
stretched out arm (combination first on Deuteronomy) iv. 34, v. 1.5,
etc. ; that I thy God may bless thee, xiv. 14, 20, etc. ; with all
thy heart and with all thy soul, iv. 29, vi. 5 ( ‘ a genuine expression
of the spirit of the book.’ — Driver).

Composition and Authorship. — It is generally agreed by
scholars that the ^Book of the law’ which was discovered
by Hilkiah in the Temple in the eighteenth year of King
Josiah (G21 n.c.)^ and which exercised so momentous an
influence on the reforming movement that followed
{cf. II. Kings xxii. -xxiii.), was identical with some form of
Deuteronomy. The question arises how much — if at all
— earlier than C21 b.c. was the Book composed.^ And
in what relation does our present Deuteronomy stand to
the Book found by Hilkiah?

In the space at our command it is only possible to
indicate the probable answers to these questions. Full
discussion of the points involved must be sought else¬
where. The Book probably emanated from the circle of
the pious, who cherished the ideals of prophets, during
the heathen reaction under Manasseh. The whole spirit
and teaching of the Book presuppose the work of the
prophets of the eighth and seventh centuries b.c. The
Book of Deuteronomy itself represents an alliance
between prophecy and priesthood. The Book read by
Hilkiah was probably a shorter form of our present
Deuteronomy (it was read through twice in quick succes¬
sion in a single day). VThen carefully studied, also, our
present Deuteronomy shows marks of having been ex¬
panded.^ Probably the original Deuteronomy contained
the kernel of the legislative section (ch. xii.-xxvi.) to¬
gether with an introduction and conclusion [the present
Book is furnished with two longintroductions in ch. i.-xi.].

The relation of the Deuteroiiomic Law-Code (xii.-xxvi.) with the
legislation of P and JE is set forth in detail by Driver (op. cit.
pp. 68 ff.). It has close affinities with the legislation embodied
in the Book of the Covenant (Ex. xx. -xxiii.), and is in several
features parallel to that in H (Lev. xvii.-xxvi.). There are also
allusions to laws which are codified in some parts of P ; but no
trace of any direct dependence upon P can be said to exist.

^ Cf. Coriiill, op. cit. pp. 50 ff.

OLD TESTAMENT Ll'l'ERATURE

It cannot be disputed that the Book claims to be the
testament of Moses himself, who is represented as deliver¬
ing- the discourses, which include the Law-Code, on the
borders of the promised land. Must it, then, be regarded
as a literary fraud ? This question can be answered with¬
out hesitation in the negative. The original Deuteronomy,
according to recent criticism, was simply a recast and a
rewritten form of the legislation of the Book of the
Covenant (Ex. xx.-xxiii.), which originally occupied in E
the place now occupied by Deuteronomy in regard to the
rest of the Pentateuch ; i.e. the Book of the Covenant
was, at first, associated not with Horeb, but with the
plains of Moab. The author of Deuteronomy believed this
to be the work of Moses. In recasting Ci collection of
legislation, traditionally handed down to him as Mosaic,
in the form of a freely composed speech of Moses, he only
did what all historical writers have done, and to S])eak of
his work as a literary fraud is out of the question ; indeed,
D cannot rightly be described even as pseudepigraphic.’ ^

The Influence of Deuteronomy. — Too much stress must
not be laid upon Deuteronomy as a code of Law. It is
something much more than this. Its true inwardness is a
profound ethical and religious spirit which finds manifold
expression and which determines the character of the
entire contents, including the Law-Code itself. Thus
obedience to the prescribed duties is to be the spontaneous
outcome of the heart, which is filled with a passionate
devotion to God, and not the result of fear or dread of
punishment. Love to God is set forth in Deuteronomy
as the all-compelling motive of right action and right
conduct. The whole range of human duty and prescribed
service is thus spiritualised and deepened.

The high ethical and religious power with which the
Book is pervaded explains the profound influence
exercised by it on later writings. Its characteristic
phraseology* was readily adopted by subsequent writers,
and its influence is manifest on parts of Joshua, Judges,
and Kings. Jeremiah’s phraseology also shows abundant
marks of Deuteronomic influence, which can also be
traced in Ezekiel and Deutero-Isaiah. [The literary im¬
plications of Deuteronomy imply acquaintance with JE,

^ Cornill, op. cit. p. 64.

THE HEXATEUCH

hui not with P : thus Deuteronomy as JE regularly speaks
of Horebj not of Sinai : Horeb is never used by P. See
furtlier on this point Driver, pp. 7b ff. ; Cornill, pp. (h) ff.
b'or Deut. xxxii. (^Song of Moses ’) and xxxiii. Blessing
of Moses’), 6*/’. p. 54 f.]

§ Cn, Special Passages in the Pentateuch.

1. The ‘Blessing of Jacob’ (Gen. xlix. 15-27). — This
poem belongs probably to the oldest stratum of the
Hexateuch, viz. J, and the terminus a quo for its literary
formation will be c. 850 ilc.

The subject of the poem is the tribes who are repre¬
sented by their eponymous ancestors, the sons of Jacob.
‘As often elsewhere in Genesis {e.g. xvi. 12, xxv. 28,
xxvii. 28 f.), the tribe is conceived as impersonated in its
ancestor, and the ancestor foreshadows the character of
the tribe.’ ^ The tribes are passed in review and their
various merits and demerits appraised. The poet places
these estimates in the mouth of Jacob. (In a similar
way, in the Song of Deborah [Judg. v.] and the ‘ Blessing
of Moses ’ [Deut. xxxiii.], the tribes are passed in review.
These should be compared.)

2. The Red-Sea Song (Ex. xv.), which belongs to E, may
in its original form have been incorporated from an older
source, ‘perhaps from a collection of national poems.’
It has apparently undergone some expansion {cf. ver. 18- -
thou hast guided me ; and ver. 175, which points to some
fixed abode of the ark, probably the Solomonic Temple).
Dillmann and Delitzsch agree with Ewald in supposing
that a Mosaic theme contained in ver. 15-3 has been
amplified later. Driver, however {L.O.T., p. 27),
regards the greater part of the song as Mosaic, and
thinks ‘ the modification or expansion is limited to the
closing verses.’ Sievers, on metrical grounds, regards
the original song as ending with ver. 12, and considers
vers. 14-18 to be theuork of a later hand. M‘Neile
{Exodus, p. 89 ff.) regards ver. 1 as old (J), while vers. 2-
18 belong to a much later date.

8. The little Songs in Numb, xxi, — In Numh. xxi. 145-
15, 175-18, and 275-30, we have three song-fragments

1 Driver, Genesis, p. 379. ^ Driver, L.O.T., p. 27.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

which are obviously of a venerable character (notice
ver. 14 cites from the Book of the Wars of Jahveh). The
traditional text is unfortunately mutilated. (1) Vers.
145-15, containing some geographical data, cannot be
elucidated with certainty; (2) Vers. 175-18 is the so-
called ^ Song of the IV^ell’ (read with Budde the last
clause of ver. 18, from the wilderness a gift instead of
‘ and from the wilderness (they journeyed) to Matranah’).
Wellhausen, however, interprets the song allegorically
of the conquest of the Moabite town Beer (= Well).
(3) The longer third song, vers. 275-30, is regarded by
several modern scholars as originally only the celebra¬
tion of some victory of Israel over Moab. All three
songs must have been incorporated by E from an older
source (the Book of the Wars of Jahveh mentioned above),
and appear already to have been incomprehensible to
liim (from their great antiquity). They are fragments
of the ancient popular poetry of Israel.

4. The ‘ Song ’ and the ‘ Blessing ’ of Moses (Deut. xxxii.
and xxxiii.). — {a) By earlier critical scholars the so-called
Song of Moses xxxii.) was supposed to have been

incorporated into JE (to which source xxxi. 14-23 and
xxxii. 44 were assigned) by the compiler who already
found it attributed to Moses. On this view its internal
evidence would suggest a date some time in the reign of
Jehoash or Jeroboam ir. (c. 780 b.c.), when Israel had
long been harassed l)y the Syrians (so Knol)el, Schrader,
Dillmann, etc.). But the general character of the
^Song’ makes this view exceedingly difficult to sustain,
^ It is now abundantly clear that the Song, though marked
by many peculiarities in expression, yet cannot claim
any originality in thought ; it is largely a compendium
of the prophetic theology steeped from end to end in
reminiscences of the older prophets.’^ It may be
regarded as ‘ a prophetic meditation on the lessons to be
deduced from Israel’s national history’ written, perhaps,
in tlie age of Jeremiah and Ezekiel (so Driver).

(5) In the ‘Blessing of Moses’ (Deut. xxxiii.) we have
a far more ancient composition. It is parallel in form to
the Blessing of Jacob ’ (Gen. xlix.), though clearly

1 Cornill, op. cit. p. 124 (Cornill places the composition of the
‘ Song ’ not earlier than the end of the Babjdonian Exile).

THE HEXATEUCH

younger tluin the latter (notice the tribe of Simeon has
vanished, Reuben barely survives, and Levi has become
the priestly tribe). The author appears to have been
a North-1 sraelite, and the glorification of Joseph (ver.
17) suggests a prosperous period, like the reign of
Jeroboam ii., as the time of the original composition.

It is not improbably the poetical embellishment of some
series of utterances ascribed by popular tradition to
Moses. It is preceded by an exordium (vers. 2-5) and
followed by a conclusion (vers. 2G-29) which are as¬
signed by some critics to a later date than the main body
of the poem (vers. G-25).

5. The two Decalogues and the Book of the Covenant
(Ex*. XX. 2-17 and xxxiv. 10-20 ; Ex. xxi.-xxiii).— It is
doubtful whether the so-called Second Decalogue (Ex.
xxxiv. 10-20) which belongs to J is really, in any sense,
parallel to the moral Decalogue in Ex. xx. 2-17 (E). It
is more probably a fragment of a collection ot covenant
laws which (in j) correspond to Ex, xxi.-xxiii. (E), the
Book of the Covenant.

The Decalogue proper (Ex. xx. 2-lp belongs iii its
present form to the younger element in E. But in an
earlier form it goes back, doubtless, to a far greater
antiquity, possibly, as has recently been argued afresh,^
to Moses himself. In Deut. (v. 0-21) a duplicate version,
of it (with variations), as is well known, stands at the
head of the Horeb-legislation.

As has already been pointed out above. The Book of the
Covenant {Ex. xx. 20-xxiii.), which belongs to E, consists of
two masses of legislation : («) a series called judgments
{inishpdthn^=Ex. xxi. l-xxii.-]7 (3' collection of civil
case-law), and (5) a series of regulations regaidmg
worship and religious festivals = xx. 22-20, xxii. 29-o0,
xxiii. 10-19 (to which series xxxiv. 10-20 J [the Second
Decalogue ’] is parallel). Not improbably this Book of
the Covenant ’ was originally preceded by a speech which
we now read in Josh. xxiv. (in its original form from E),
and which is designed to form an introduction to a con¬
cluding covenant immediately following it. It has

1 In a striking paper, printed in the J ournal of Theological
Studies (April 1908), by Dr. C. F. Burney, entitled A Theory of
the Development of Israelite Religion in early Times, lor a
different point of view cf. M‘Neile, Exodus, pp. Ivi-lxiv.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

already been pointed out that, according- to one plausible
conjecture, the ^Book of the Covenant,' i.e. Josh. xxiv. +
Ex. XX. 20-xxiii. (in a more original form) stood in con¬
nection with Moses’ last public appearance in the ‘ plains
of Moab’; that Deuteronomy is a rewritten form of
this ; and that to make room for Deuteronomy the Book
of the Covenant was displaced and connected with the
Horeb-legislation in Exodus.

6. The Melchizedek Narrative (Gen. xiv.). — This narra¬
tive stands in complete isolation in the Pentateuch.
It cannot he assigned to any of the sources JE or P.
Its composition cannot well be placed before the
Exile, and may well be later. Can it be regarded as
historical.^ The answer to this question must depend
to some extent upon the impression produced by the
narrative itself. Certainly no external evidence from
the inscriptions has yet come to hand which can be
adduced in support of its historicity. There are features
which suggest that it is of the nature of a midrash — a
freely composed piece with a didactic aim, e.g. the number
318 (for Abram's servants) may have been derived by
^gematria’ from the sum of the numerical values of the
name Eliezer (1 + 80 + 10 + 70 + 7 + 200 = 318). The anti¬
quarian air, too, of the opening verses suggests, rather,
a learned interest of an archaeological kind, such as a
Jew living in Babylonia in post-exilic times might have
cultivated. If this view is correct, Gen. xiv. will be a
very late composition which was inserted into the text
of the Pentateuch after its completion. ^The outline of
the narrative may still be historical.’ ^

§ 65. Joshua.

Title and Contents. — The Book of Joshua is so called
after the name of the hero whose exploits it is largely
concerned with.

The Book naturally falls into two parts : —

(1) Ch. i.-xii., the history of the conquest of Palestine
west of the Jordan, and (2) ch. xiii.-xxiv., the division
and settlement of the conquered territory.

Analysis and Sources of the Book. — The narrative part of

1 See the matter jxxdicially summed iqj in Driver’s Genesis,

pp. 171 if.

THE HEXATEUCH

the Pentateuch is completed by the history of events set
forth in the Book of Joshua. In the latter the story is
carried to its appropriate climax — the crowning of Moses'
work in the conquest of the Promised Land by his
successor. The documentary sources which are com¬
bined in the Pentateuchal Books — JE and P — also
reappear in this book^ but not exactly in the same way.
It is doubtful whether J and E have been used inde¬
pendently. These sources appear rather to have been
utilised in a combined and expanded form, which is, of
course, younger. Further, this form of JE in Joshua,
before it was combined with P, seems clearly to have
undergone revision by a Deuteronomic editor (R^) who
is responsible for certain Deuteronomic additions to the
JE narrative. These additions are chiefly concerned in
demonstrating Joshua’s zeal in carrying out Mosaic
ordinances, especially the command to extirpate the
Canaanite population. As a matter of fact, the actual
conquest appears to have been accomplished much more
slowly and gradually than this writer imagined.

In detail the analysis of the Book is as follows : —

(i) Ch.i.-xii. (here P rarely appears) : ch. i.-ii. (i. and ii. 10-11
; the rest of ii., viz. vers. 1-9 and 12-24 JE): preparations for

the crossing of the Jordan — Joshua encouraged by God— the help
of the 2^ tribes promised; ch. iii.-iv. (JE4-Ri>-1-P ; the latter

iv. 13, 19) : the passage of the Jordan and erection of com¬
memorative stones at Gilgal ; ch. v.-viii. (JE + Ri> + P ; the latter

v. 10-12, vii. 1) : Joshua circumcises the people at Gilgal — the
Passover kept — commands as to conquest of Jericho — the city is
taken and devoted — the expedition against Ai and the sin of
Achan — capture of the city by a stratagem ; ch. ix. (JE-t-R^-i-P ;
the latter ix. 156, 17-21) : the stratagem of the Gibeonites ; ch. x.
(JE + Rd) : conquest of Southern Canaan— defeat of the five kings
at Beth-horon — Joshua’s other successes; ch. xi. (mainly Ri>) :
conquest of Northern Canaan — defeat of Jabin, king of Hazor,
and his allies at the waters of Merom — review of J oshua’s entire
series of successes ; ch. xii. (Ri’) : a supplementary list of the
kings defeated by Israel (Sihon and Og on East Jordan, and
thirty-one kings slain under Joshua in AYest Palestine).

(ii) Oil. xiii.-xxiv. — The allotment of the land. — Ch. xiii.
(R» vers, 1-12, 14, 33 ; P vers. 15-32, nearly all ; JE ver. 13) :
Joshua is commissioned to allot the land AY. of the Jordan
among the 9J tribes — the region E. of the Jordan allotted to the
9.\ tribes is exactly defined ; ch. xiv. (P vers. 1-5 ; JE expanded
by Rd vers, 6-15) : bestowal of Hebron upon Caleb ; ch. xv.
(P vers. 1-13, 20-44, 48-62 ; JE vers. 14-19, 43-47, 63) : the borders
of Judah — the conquest of Hebron and Kirjath-Sepher — the cities

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

of Judah; ch. xvi.-xvii. (JE + P: mainly JE) : Ephraim and
Manasseh (their borders) ; ch. xviii. (P vers. 1, 11-28 : JE vers.
2-6, 8-10 ; Rd ver. 7) : erection of the sanctuary at Shiloh and the
assembly there — the rest of the land is surveyed, divided into
seven portions and allotted. Benjamin’s territory ; ch. xix. (P vers.
1-8, 10-46, 48, 51 ; JE vers. 9, 47, 49-50) : the territory assigned
to Simeon, Zebulun, Issachar, Asher, Naphtali, and Dan. Joshua
obtains Timnath-serah ; ch. xx. (P vers. 1-3, 6a, 7-9 ; vers. 4-5,
66) : appointment of six cities of refuge ; ch. xxi. (P vers. 1-42 ;
Rd vers. 43-45) : 48 cities assigned to the tribe of Levi ; ch. xxii.
(P in a much revised form, vers. 9-34; Ro vers. 1-6 (7-8?): the
2| tribes dismissed — dispute on account of the altar erected
by them at point where they crossed the Jordan; ch. xxiii.
(Rd mainly) ; Joshua’s farewell exhortation to all Israel [a later
Deuteronomic supplement to the following chapter, xxiv.];
ch. xxiv. (E vers. 1-lla, llc-12, 14-30, 32-33; R» vers. 116, 13,
31) : meeting at Shechem — Joshua’s farewell speech, and the
solemn engagement by the people to cling to Jahveh. Joseph’s
bones buried in Shechem. Joshua and Eleazar die.

The analysis of the Book reveals some striking
features. In the first twelve chapters P almost com¬
pletely disappears, but in the last twelve is prominent
again. The work of the Deuteronomic revision also
plays an important part. In some cases this element has
displaced older material (e.g. in ch. i.). This has an im¬
portant bearing upon the question of the historical value
of different parts of the Book. ^Historical matter, as
such, is not that in which [the Deuteronomic editor] is
primarily interested.’^ He is interested, rather, in
Joshua as an exponent and exemplar of Deuteronomic
ideas. He tends to ‘^generalise and magnify’^ Joshua’s
successes. The conquest, in point of fact, was not
achieved in the rapid way IU‘ supposed, as can be seen
from the old account in Judges i. In the second part
of Joshua P presupposes the view of the conquest re¬
presented by lU^, and works it out to its logical
conclusions.

The analysis of the sources in this book is in details
uncertain. There appears to have been a much larger
amount of revision and modification than in the Penta-
teuchal Books. It seems probable that the Joshua part
of P was disjoined from the part embodied in the
Pentateuch ‘ well before the time of Ezra’ (Cornill), and
has been much more freely revised than the latter.

1 Driver, L.O.T., p. 107. 2 jud.

THE HEXATEUCH

§ 7. The Prophetical and Priestly Narratives

OP THE HexATEUCH.

The narrative which has been denominated by the
symbol JE may, in contradistinction to P, be styled
tiie Prophetical Narrative of the Hexateucli. The ethical
and religious standpoint assumed in it is that of the
jirophets.

This narrative, as the symbol JE indicates, is in the
nature of a compilation. It consists of excerpts taken
from two originally distinct and independent historical
works, wliich surveyed the patriarchal and Mosaic
history'^ from two distinct (though allied) points of view.
It is important to remember that only excerpts from
these narratives have been preserved in the compilation
of the Hexateuch. The original documents are no
longer extant in their entirety.

Criteria distinguishing J and E. — Are we justified in
assuming the existence of two parallel histories dealing
largely with the same subject-matter and from sub¬
stantially the same point of view? Is it probable that
two such narratives, largely resembling each other,
sliould have come into existence at an early period, and
later have been fused into a combined form ? The
answer to this question must be an unhesitating affirma¬
tive. While the analysis of the combined narrative JE
into its original elements cannot, in jiarticular cases,
always lie determined with certainty and in exact detail,
yet there are a considerable number of cases where these
documents stand out in clear outline and in unmistakable
independence. The internal evidence of JPl, also, neces¬
sitates its being regarded as composite in structure.

The following are some of the words and expressions whi(#i
are characteristic of E as distinguished from J.^ E prefers God
though not exclusively — and angel of God where J
prefers Jahveh and angel of Jahveh ; E uses Amoritc as the
general name of the pre-Israelitish inhabitants of Palestine, while
J uses Canaanite ; E uses Horeb, while J uses Sinai ; in E the
name of Moses’ father-in-law is Jethro, in J it is Hobab ; each as a
rule uses a different Hebrew word for bondwoman (E prefers ’ama,
J shiphhd). E also uses uncommon words sometimes {e.g.

times, Gen. xxxi. 7, 41 ; n'lHj lo rejoice, Ex. xviii. 9 ; nin. to see

1 Cf. Driver, Genesis, p. xiii.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

— a very rare word in prose, etc.)- J has a preference for Israel
as the personal name of Jac^b (while E prefei's Jacob) ; the ex¬
pressions Behold, now (Gen. xii. 11, xvi. 2, etc.), to call with the
name of Jahveh (Gen. iv. 26, xii. 8, etc.), to find favour in the
eyes of, are some of those characteristic of J.

The literary Style and general Character of the Narratives
of J and E. — The work of J enshrines the masterpieces of
Hebrew narrative-writing’. In power of vivid portraiture,
in painting’ a scene from the life, J is unsurpassed. With
a few bold strokes he makes the picture live before our
eyes. He never overloads the narrative with detail, and
his w’l’iting is invested with the charm of spontaneity.
There is not a trace in it of conscious art (cf., e.g., Gen.
xxiv., xliv. ; both J).

E possesses less literary power. He has not so great
a command of language, nor the wonderful pow’er of
vivid representation and delineation that so strikingly
characterises the writing of J. But he can compose
graceful and pathetic narratives w hich are not unworthy
to stand by the side of those of J.^ In the Book of
Genesis both J and E linger long over the sacred sites
and antiquities of Palestine which, in popular tradition,
w'ere bound up with sacred memories of the nation’s
ancestors, the patriarchs. The standpoint of E is dis¬
tinctively the prophetical. He calls Abraham a ^ prophet,’
and pictures him as interceding, like a prophet, effectu¬
ally with God (Gen. xx. 7). Moses, too, is invested by
him with a prophet’s character and mission (Ex. iii.),
and is represented as holding intimate communion with
God (Ex. xxxiii. 11 ; Numb. xii. G-8). hlis tone is some¬
times consciously didactic (cf. , e.g., Gen. 1. 20, the moral
of the Joseph-history). Another striking characteristic
of E is his fondness for dwelling upon dreams as a
channel of revelation {cf. Gen. xxviii. 11 f., xxxi. 10 f.,
xl.-xli., etc.). The standpoint of J is, also, prominently
prophetical. Mndeed, his characteristic features may
be said to be the fine vein of ethical and theologi¬
cal reflexion which })ervades his w'ork throughout,
and the manner in which his narrative, even more than
that of E, becomes the vehicle of religious teaching’
(Driver).

1 Good examples of E’s narration can be seen in Gen. xxii. (the
sacrifice of Isaac) and xl.-xlii. (in the composite Joseph-narrative).

THE HEXATEUCII

J traces tlie origin of sin and evil in the world (Gen. ii.-iy.,
vi. 1-8), God’s providential work in counteracting the ruin of the
human race by choosing out special men and a special race to
])Ccoine His possession upon the earth. A noticeable feature oi
J is his representations of the Deity, which are highly anthiopo-
morphic. (Thus God cotncs down to see the tower of Gabel, visits
the earth in visible form, cf. Gen. xviii.-xix. ; meets Moses and
seeks to slay him. Ex. iv. 24, etc. )

Dates of Composition of J and E, and their later
Revision. - The work of E is g^enerally regarded by
scholars as being of Nortb-lsraelitisb origin. Its autlior
was an Epbraimite (notice especially bis interest in
Joseph, who is the royal figure among bis brothers, and
in the holy places of Joseph — Bethel, Shecliem, and
Beersheha : the last much visited by Israelites, cf. Amos,
V. 5, viii. 14). E’s narrative thus belonging to the
northern kingdom, suggests a time for its com])osition
when the national life ofthe latter was vigorous, probably
within the reign of Jeroboam ii., c. 750 b.c.

The narrative of J suggests the work of a Judmaii
writer (though some scholars, as Schrader and Ivuenen,
would assign it equally with E to the northern kingdom).
Notice J represents Abraham as dwelling in Hebron
instead of Beersheha, and in the story of Joseph makes
Judah (not IleiThen) the spokesman of the brothers. Jf
J was Judean, the oldest part of his work probably was
formed in the reign of Jehoshaphat, c. 850 b.c.

j47’C the ncii’vtttivefi of E (ind J to be vegcivded cis ccieh on
cssentiul litevoi’ii unity ? Within our limits this question
cannot he discussed. According to some modern scholars
(Kuenen, Cornill, etc.) we must distinguish between the
original work of E ( = EJ) 750 b.c. and a revision of this
made about one hundred years later (G50 b.c. =E2).
Similarly J is regarded as being not a literary unity by
many scholars.

The work of P offers a striking contrast in every way
to the histories of J and E. It surveys the past from a
different point of view--the priestly— and throughout is
pervaded by an ecclesiastical rather than a human in¬
terest. Interest is concentrated upon the origin of
institutions which have a theocratic character or import¬
ance. Otherwise P in the patriarchal history appears
to be content with a bare outline baldly enumerating

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

persons and events. The same metliods distinguish P’s
narrative when it deals with the Mosaic age. Moses
commission and tlie narrative of the Exodus "are treated
with a certain amount of fulness^ but only the tabernacle
and the cultus are described in minute detail.

Characteristics of P’s Writing. — P’s work is distinguished
by careful systematisation. It is above all things logical
and precise. There is a carefully constructed chrono¬
logy, and the narrative develops in accordance with a
well-defined plan, and by definite stages.^ Genealogies
and genealogical lists are a great feature. P’s repre¬
sentations of God are less anthropomorphic than those of
J and even E. All mention of angels and dreams is
avoided. Ihe style of P is marked by striking peculiari¬
ties. In strong contrast with that’ of J and E it is
^stereotyped, measured, and prosaic.’ Fixed formulas
are constantly employed, and the same expressions are
constantly repeated.

The following are some of P’s characteristic cxi)ressions 2 : n'otl
is uniformly used from Gen. i. 1 to Ex. vi. 2 (except Gen. xvii. 1
xxi. 16); kind (Gen. i. 11, 12 ; Lev. xi. 14, 15, 10, 19) to s?varm,
(Gen. 1. 20, 21 ; vii. 21) : this self-same day (Gen. vii. 13 and
often) : substance (Heb, TckUsh), Gen. xii. 5, etc. : throughout
your {their) generations, Gen. xvii. 7, 9: people = kinsfolk {that
soul shall he cut off from his people, Gen. xvii. 14=:= Ex. xxx. 33,
etc.) ; between the two evenings (Ex. xii. 6, etc.).

Date of P’s Formation. — A number of arguments go to
show that the Priests’ Code cannot have been formed
until after the age of Ezekiel. Earlier literature (in¬
cluding Deuteronomy) shows no proof of acquaintance
with it, and the earlier legislation is often in conflict with
it. ^The Priests’ Code embodies some elements with
which the earlier literature is in harmony, and which
indeed it presupposes ; it embodies other elements with
which the same literature is in conflict, and the existence
of which it even seems to preclude. This double aspect
of the Priests’ Code is reconciled hy the supposition that

1 E.g. God is revealed under three distinct names, Elohim,

El Shaddai , awd fTahvehi there are three successive covenants
with Noah, Abraham, and Israel, each with its special sign, the
rainbow, circumcision, the Sabbath (Gen. ix. 12 f. xvii’ll*
Ex. xxxi. 13, 17), etc. ’ ’

2 Sec the full list in Driver, L.O.T., pp. 123-128.

TUE HEXATEDCH

the chief ceremonial institutions of Israel are in their
origin of great anti([uity but that the laws lespecting
them were gradually developed and elaborated^ and in
the sJuipe in which they are formulated in the Priests Code
that they belong to the exilic or post-exilic period. In
its main stock, the legislation of P was thus not (as the
critical view of it is sometimes represented by its oppo¬
nents as teaching) ^manufactured ' by the priests during
the exile : it is based upon pre-existing Temple usage. . . .
Hebrew legislation took shape gradually, and the codes,
of JE (Ex. xx.-xxiii., xxxiv. 10 ff.), Deuteronomy, and P
represent three successive phases of it.’ ^ P was probably
formed between 570 and 500 b.c.

Later Revision of P. — The main body of P was un¬
doubtedly published by Ezra in 444 b.c. But the text
appears to have undergone some amplification latei
(subsequent to the time of Ezra). These secondary and
younger elements are denoted by Cornill with the
symbol P^.

The fact that the LXX. of Ex. xxxy.-xl. exhibits a different
recension of tlie text shows tliRjt I? did not cissiinie cV fixed ft/iid
final form till long subsequent to the time of Ezra.

1 Driver, L.O.T., pp. 135 ff.

CHAPTER II

TIIF] HISTORICAL ROOKS OUTSIDE THE HEXATEUCH

Tjiterature. Judges, G. F. Moore (I. C. 0.) : also in the smaller
Cambridge Bible (by J. S. Black): Samuel, by H. P. Smith
G.C.C.) : Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Book of Samuel, by
S. B,. Driver ; Notes on the Hebrew Text of Kings, by 0. F.
Burney (1003) ; Commentaries on Chronicles by Bennett (1894) ;
W. E. Barnes (1900); and E. L. Curtis (I.C.C., 1910); and on
Samuel, H. P. Smith (T. C.C.). The relevant articles in the
Bible Dictionaries (under the names of the Biblical Book), and
especially the article Historical Literature in Eneycl. Bib. Cf.
also G. A. Cooke, The History and Song of Deborah (Claren¬
don Press).

§ 1. The Book of Judges.

Title and Contents. — The Book derives its name ^ from
tlie national heroes whose exploits it records. It falls
into three well-defined parts: (1) ch. i. l-ii. 5, an intro¬
ductory survey of the results of the conquest and the
state of the land when the period of the Judges begins ;
(2) ch. a. 6-/rvi., history of the Judges ; and (3) ch. xvii-
xxi., an appendix describing two incidents belonging to
the period^ viz. the episode of Micah and the emigration
of apart of the tribe of Dan to the North (ch. xvii.-xviii.)^
and the internal war between the rest of Israel and
Benjamin owing to the outrage at Gibeah (ch. xviii.-
xxi. ).

The judges who are the subjects of notices in the Book are 13
in number (or rather 12, excluding Abimelech, who is not called
a ‘judge’), viz. Othniel (iii. 7-11); Ehud (iii, 12-39); Shamgar

1 The name is the same in the Hebrew Canon (D'’t:3Dti^) as in
the Greek {Kpirai). But the Hebrew word has a much wider sig¬
nification than ‘judge.’ It means not only judex hut vindex, and
was applied to the rulers who (before the rise of the monarchy)
governed Israel in peace and championed its cause in war.

HISTORICAL BOOKS OUTSIDE HEXATEUCH 65

(iii. 31); Barak [Deborah] (ch. iv,-v.) ; Gideon (vi. 1-viii. 32) ;
[Abimelech] (viii. 33-ix. 57); Tola (x. 1-2); Jair (x. 3-5);
Jephthah (x. 6-xii. 7); Ibzan (xii. 8-10); Elon (xii. 11-12);
Abdon (xii. 13-15), Samson (ch. xiii.-xvi). The judges as to
whom only brief notices are given are sometimes termed ‘minor’
to distinguish them from the others who are called ‘greater.’
The former include Shamgar, Tola, Jair, Ibzan, Elon, Abdon ;
the latter [Othniel] Ehud, Deborah-Barak, Gideon, Jephthah,
and Samson.

Critical Analysis of the Book. — The critical analysis of
the Book involves some very complicated questions which
cannot adequately be discussed here. When critically
examined the Book shows clear traces of having passed
through more than one stage before it attained its
present form. The kernel of the Book is the central
part which deals with the history of the judges com¬
prised in iii. 7-xvi. 21, to which ii. G-iii. 6 forms an intro¬
ductory section. Here it is at once clear that a series of
older narratives has been fitted into a framework, which
is distinguished by the regular recurrence in it of a fixed
phraseology, and is articulated according to a definite
scheme. The framework consistently represents a view
of the history according to which it is marked by a
regular movement of apostasy, subjugation, penitence,
and deliverance. In the notices prefixed and added to
the histories of the greater judges some such statement
in effect regularly appears as the following : the people
did that which was evil in the sight of Jahveh ; Jahveh, in
consequence, sold them or delivered them into the hand of
an enemy ; the people cried unto Jahveh in their distress,
who sent them a saviour ; the enemy was subdued and
the land had rest {cf iii. 7, 8, 9, 11 ; hi. 12, 15, 80 ; iv. 1,
2, 8, 28 ; V. 815 ; vi. 1, 65, 8, 28 ; x. 6, 7, 10, 11, 885 ;
xiii. 1, 16, 81 end). This element is marked by Deuter-
onomic phraseology and the Deuteronomic spirit, and
may safely be attributed to a Deuteronomic redactor or
redaction (R®). The hand of R^ is clearly manifest in
the introductory section (ii. 6-iii. 6), especially in ii. 11-19 ;
but the entire section can hardly be his work : ii. 20-iii. 6
belongs to an older stratum. It is noteworthy, also,
that no trace of R“ can be detected in the accounts of
the minor judges in ch. x. and xii., or in the history
of Abimelech (viii. 83-ix. 57). From these facts the
inference has been drawn, that there once existed a

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

Deuteronomic Book of Judges, which included histories
of Othniel and the five greater judges (Ehud, Deborah-
Barak, Gideon, Jephthah, and Samson,) but not of the
minor judges, nor of Abimelech. It would thus have
embraced the following parts of our present Book : ii. 6-
19, iii. 7-80, iv. 1-viii. 29 [viii. 83-35] and parts of x. 6-
16, xi. 1-xii. 7, and xiii.-xiv.

In what way did R*^ secure this result? It appears
probable that he must, while keeping a good deal of old
material, and subordinating it to his scheme, have
deliberately rejected a certain amount of matter which
belonged to older sources. Some of this, fortunately,
was recovered by a later hand, and added to our present
Book, as will appear.

Material included in Judges which is older than —
The results reached by the critical analysis of the Book
go to show (a) that the notices of the greater judges
which have been fitted into the Deuteronomic framework
are themselves composite in character, and therefore
must ultimately have been drawn from older sources ; ^
(b) certain parts of the Book that fall outside the
Deuteronomic scheme belong to older sources. To these
belong the old account embodied in i. 1-ii. 5 ; ii. 20-iii.
6, viii. 38-ix. 57 (the history of Abimelech), and xvii.-xxi.
(mainly). The only parts, therefore, of our present
Judges which can be supposed to be later (in literary
formation) than R® are the notices of the minor judges.
A brief examination of these older elements will,
perhaps, make the points enumerated above, clear.

(1) The opening narrative (i. 1-ii. 5) is clearly old. It contains
fragments of an account of the conquest of Palestine by the more
or less unorganised efforts of individual tribes— not, it is to be
noticed, by united Israel under Joshua’s leadership. The success
of the individual tribes is represented to have been by no means
complete in all cases. This account agrees with a series of
passages in the older parts of Joshua, and ‘it can hardly be
doubted that both Judg, i. and these notices in Joshua are
excerpts from what was once a detailed survey of the conquest of
Canaan.2 The opening words {And it came to pass after the death
of Joshua) are doubtless redactional (to link the narrative on to

^ ‘ It is possible that the Deuteronomic compiler . . . adopted
as the basis of his work a continuous narrative, which he found
ready to his hand’ (Driver, op. cit. p. 157).

2 Driver, op. cit. pp. 153 f. (where further details are given).

HISTORICAL BOOKS OUTSIDE HEXATEUCH 67

Joshua). In reality the account is parallel to those in Joshua,
and not a later sequel. The section ii. 20-iii. 6 also contains
elements akin to i. l-ii. 5.

(2) Coming now to the histories of the greater 3udges (and
ignoring the Deuteronomic framework) we are confronted again
with material which is undoubtedly old. There are features,
also, which indicate that this old material is composite in
character. A striking example of this is the story of Deborah-
Barak embodied inch, iv.-v. The great ‘Song’ (v. 2-31a) is the
oldest and most important source we have for the history of the
people of Israel’ (Cornill).^ The prose-narrative (ch. iv. ) gives an
account in several respects divergent from the representation of
the ‘ Song.’ The most important of these differences concerns
Sisera. In the ‘ Song ’ Sisera is the leading personage, while in
the prose-narrative he appears as the commander of the forces of
Jabin, king of Razor. The latter appears in Joshua xi. as the
head of a coalition which was defeated by Joshua at the Sea of
Merom. Thus, it would appear, two traditions of separate
events have been confused in Judg. iv. viz. : (1) ci history of
Jabin, according to which the tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali,
under the leadership of Barak of Kadesh-Naphtali, defeated
Jabin in the neighbourhood of Razor. This tradition is the
source of Josh, xi., which has been developed out of it; and (2)
a history of Sisera, who with 900 chariots was defeated at Kishon
by Israel under the leadership of Barak and Deborah, and in the
rout is slain by a woman. This tradition is independent of that
in the ‘Song.’ [Probably the confusion of the two accounts of
two quite different events was due to the names of the two
leaders Barak of Kadesh-Naphtali and Barak of Issachar. The
fusion had already taken place when R“ formed his Book of

In a similar way the histories of Gideon, Abimelech, and
Jephthah show signs of being composite narratives, as is also the
case with the narrative about the Danites and Micah (xvii.-xviii.)
and that contained in xix.-xxi.

Critical investigation has made it probable, if not cer¬
tain, that the sources underlying the older strata of the
Book really go back to the Jabvistic and Elobistic his¬
tories J and E. That the latter certainly did not intend
to bring bis narrative to an end with the deatb^of Joshua
may be inferred from the whole tone of Joshua s farewell
discourse, which contemplates and looks out upon the
future. 'Fhus we have, in the older accounts already
referred to, a fusion of J and E narratives. The old
account, i. l-ii. 5, is assigned substantially to J, and is

1 The tradition which makes Deborah herself the singer of the
Song (v. 1) is probably due to a mistaken interpretation of ver. 7,
where render until that she (not I) Deborah rose.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

perhaps the se(piel of ii. 23-iii. 3 (in a more original form
of the latter). Thus J appears to have narrated that
Jahveh did not immediately expel the Canaanites before
Israel_, in order that Israel might learn the art of waging
war in conflict with them. Then followed stories of such
conflicts (embodied in ch. i.). To J also belong the
main narrative of the history of Ehud (iii. 12-30), the
Jabin tradition of ch. iv., the older part of the Gideon
history (vi. 2h-Qa, 11-24 and viii. 4-27), as well as of the
Abimelech history (part of ch. ix.); the narrative about
the Ammonites in ch. xi. and xii. 1-G, and finally the
history of Samson (ch. xiii.-xiv.) apart from some slight
later revision.

To E the following are assigned : i. In, ii. 13, 20-22n,
iii. 5-6 (part of the Ehud story) ; the history of Sisera
which has been worked into ch. iv. ; the ^ Song’ in ch. v. ;
the younger elements in ch. vi. 1-viii. 3 and viii. 29
(the Gideon narratives), and parts of the Abimelech and
Jephthah histories. In the same way the composite
narrative in xvii.-xviii. can be divided between J and E.
[Ch. xix-xxi. cannot be analysed with certainty. But
it seems probable that some older elements have been
worked up and combined with a quite late account, akin
to P.]

The Chronology of the Book. — The chronological system
of the Book cannot, as it stands, be reconciled with other
data. It yields a total for the period of the judges (410
years) which is much too high to be adjusted to the notice
in I. Kings vi. 1, which assigns 480 years to the interval
between the Exodus and the fourth year of King Solomon’s
reign. ^

The Growth of the Book into its present Form. — The pre-
Deuteronomic Book of Judges thus consisted of narratives
formed by the union of J and E. It included i. 1-ii. 5,
ii. 20-iii. 6, the narratives of the greater judges (excluding

1 It has been contended that the chronological scheme is a purely'
artificial one, deduced from the history by a later redactor. The
four hundred and eighty years, according to this view, were
arrived at by counting twelve generations from the Exodus to the
building of the Temple by Solomon (viz. Moses, Joshua, Othniel,
Ehud, Barak, Gideon, Jephthah, Samson, Eli, Samuel, Saul'
David), and assigning forty years to each (12x40 = 480). See
further Cornill, op. cit. pp. 168 ff.

HISTORICAL BOOKS OUTSIDE HEXATEUCH 69

that of Othniel), ch. xvii.-xviii. and xix. (substan¬
tially). Out of this material R® produced his Book of
Judges, eliminating the material that did not harmonise
with his view of the history (thus excluding i. 1-ii. 5, the
story of Abimelech, and ch. xvii.-xix.). Pie further,
according to one critical view, added Othniel to the
judges, in this way giving the tribe of Judah a repre¬
sentative place [the Othniel section is Deuteronomic
throughout]. This Book was then united to Joshua by
ii. 6-8. Later this Deuteronomic Book of Judges was
enlarged by a redactor dependent upon P, who restored
the sections rejected by 11° (which had been preserved
in an independent work), added to xix. the final chapters
xx.-xxi., and inserted the five minor judges.

§ 2. The Books of Sajiuel.

Title and Contents. — In the Plebrew Canon Samuel, like
Kings, is reckoned as one Book. The Book of Samuel
derives its name from the fact that Samuel is a con¬
spicuous figure for a considerable part of the book from
its beginning onwards.

In the LXX. the Books of Samuel and Kings were treated as a
complete history of the kingdoms of Israel and Judah. This
work was then divided into four books, which were entitled
accordingly Books of Kingdoms [1, 2, 3, 4] {(SilSXoL ^acriXeiiou). In
the Vulgate Jerome adopted the same division, only for Books of
Kingdoms he substituted Books of Kings [I., II., III., IV.]. Hence
it passed into Christian Bibles, and from them it was transferred
to printed Hebrew texts of the Old Testament, with the difference,
however, that in the Hebrew Bibles the names Samuel and Kings
were retained : thus 1-4 pacrCkdoov or Regum became I.-II. Samuel
and I.-II. Kings.

The history covered by 1. and II. Samuel extends from
the birth of Samuel to the closing days of David’s life.
The death of Saul marks the division between I. and II.
Samuel. The subject-matter of the Book may be grouped
under four main heads : (1) Samuel and the establish¬
ment of the monarchy (1. Sam. i.-xiv.); (2) Saul and
David (I. Sam. xv.-xxxi.); (8) David (II. Sam. i.-xx.) ; and
(4) an appendix (II. Sam. xx.-xxiv.).

The contents in detail may be briefly summarised as follows ■
I. Samuel: ch. i.-iii., history of Samuel’s youth; iv. 1-vii. 1,

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

defeat of Israel at Ebenezer — capture of the Ark by the Philis¬
tines — its subsequent fortunes ; vii. 2-17, Samuel’s marvellous
victory by prayer over the Philistines— Samuel ‘judge’ over all
Israel to the end of his life; viii.-x., the elders demand from
Samuel that a king be chosen —the Benjaminite Saul chosen by
sacred lot at Mizpah, and proclaimed ; Saul’s success in rescu¬
ing Jabesh Gilead from the Ammonites leads to the renewal of
the kingship ; xii., Samuel’s resignation of his office of judge and
solemn farewell; xiii.-xiiK, the first Philistine war — survey of
Saul’s achievements and family ; xv., war against Amalek — Saul’s
rejection ; xvi., David is anointed by Samuel — comes from Beth¬
lehem to the court of Saul; x^ni., fight with Goliath ; xviii.-xx.^
David’s relations with Saul, Jonathan, and Michal — his flight;
xxi., David with Abimelech at Nob — his residence with Achish
in Gath; xxii., David at the head of a band of four hundred
outlaws in Judah — Saul’s vengeance on the priesthood at Nob ;
xxiii., David in Keilah — in the wilderness of Ziph — is betraj’ed
by the Ziphites and only saved by a Philistine inroad; xxiv.^
David spares Saul’s life at Engedi ; xxv., David, Nabal, and
Abigail ; xxvi., the Ziphites again betray David — David again
spares Saul’s life ; xxvii., David escapes to Achish, king of Gath,
who assigns him Ziklag ; xxviii., war between Israel and the
Philistines — Saul and the witch of Endor; David’s

vengeance on the plunderers of Ziklag; xxxi., battle on Mount
Gilboa and death of Saul.

II. Samuel: ch, i., David learns of Saul’s death — lament over
Saul and Jonathan ; ii.-iv., David at Hebron — murder of Abner
and, later, of Ishbaal (Ishbosheth) ; v., David king over all Israel
— captures Jerusalem — victories over the Philistines ; vi., the Ark
brought to Jerusalem; idi., David and Nathan; viii., survey of
David’s military exploits and state officials; ix., Jonathan’s son
INIeribaal ; x.-xii., Syro- Ammonite war — David and Bathsheba ;
xiii., Amnon and Tamar — murder of Amnon by Absalom ; xiv.^
Absalom recalled from banishment; xv.-xviii., Absalom’s re¬
bellion; xix., David returns to Jerusalem; xx., rebellion of the
Benjamite Sheba ben Bichri; xxi., Gibeon and Saul’s seven sons
— list of particular exploits during Philistine wars; xxii.^Vs.
xviii. ; xxiii., David’s last words — list of his heroes; xxiv., num¬
bering of the people and pestilence— altar on the threshing-floor
of Araunah.

Critical Analysis of I. and II. Samuel : {a) I. Sam. i.-xv.—
As ch. XV. forms the transition to the history of David^ and
with it the separate history of Saul is brought to a close
in his rejection by God, and the choice of his successor,
it provides a convenient break in the subject-matter of
the history, and for beginning the examination of the
sources. There is, of course, no corresponding break in
the continuity of these sources, which are presupposed in

HISTORICAL BOOKS OUTSIDE HEXATEUCH 71

varying degree and extent throughout the earlier his¬
torical Books. Here, as in Judges, the narrative on
examination proves to he of composite character.

The analysis of the sources can be begun most con¬
veniently with an examination of the narrative (f the
origin of the Israelitish monarchy contained in ch. viii. -xiv.
Here it is apparent we have a combination of two inde¬
pendent accounts as to how Saul became king, which
differ in their representation of Samuel and of his relation
to Saul. The older of these narratives is made up of
ix. 1-x. 16, 276 [as in the LXX.i], xi. 1-11, 15, and re¬
counts Samuel’s nomination of Saul as king, the latter s
success against Nahash, king of Ammon, and coronation
by the people at Gilgal. The sequel is contained in xni.-
xiv which details how Saul immediately took up and
prosecuted the war against the Philistines [here, however,
xiii. 76-15a is probably from another source, and vers.
19-23 seem to embody a less trustworthy tradition J.
This narrative describes how Samuel, a noted seer in a
particular district, anoints the Benjamite Saul (whom he
becomes acquainted with as the result of an accidental
meeting), in order that Israel may have a warlike leader,
and inspires him to act when occasion arises. The moment
comes a month later when Jabesh Gilead is in dire peril
from the Ammonite king. Saul summons a levy of Israel,
relieves the town, is proclaimed king at Gilgal by the
exultant people, and thereupon immediately prosecutes
the war with the Philistines. It is worthy of note that
throughout this narrative Saul’s appointment is regarded
favourably, and there is no hint of any reluctance on
Samuel’s part to see the monarchy established. Ihe
other and later narrative consists of viii. (the people s
request for a king), x. l7-27« (Saul elected by lot at
Mizpah), and xii. (Samuel’s farewell address to the people).
In the older narrative the sequence of events is incom¬
patible with Saul’s election by the people, as described
in X. l7-27a. We are clearly confronted with two entirely
independent representations. In the later account, also,
it is to be noticed that Samuel is represented not as a

1 The LXX. makes ch. xi. begin with the clause \_And it came
to pass after about a month] that Nahash the Ammonite came up,
etc. (c/. R.V., margin).

* Also X. 8 probably belongs to a later tradition.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

seer or prophet, but as a judge ; the uiiworthiness of his
sons for this office is the reason why the people demand
a king ; and Samuel is represented as viewing this
demand with disfavour, as tantamount to the renuncia¬
tion of Jahveh’s sovereignty. The later narrative is
regarded by Budde as Elohistic in character. It is pro¬
bably pre-Deuteronomic, and has been influenced by
some form of E. The older narrative may belong to J.
The earlier chapters (i.-vii.) may be analysed into three
sections: (1) ch. i.-iv. la; (2) iv. 16-vii. 1, and (3) vii.
2-l7. The last of these represents Samuel as a ^ judge,’
in harmony with the later narrative of the origin of the
monarchy. This also belongs, perhaps, to a later form
of E. Of the sections numbered (1) and (2), the latter
does not appear to have been the original sequel of the
former, whose principal theme of interest, the fate of
Eli’s sons, becomes only an incident in the national dis¬
aster recounted in ch. iv. f. Not improbably ch. i.-iv. la,
was written as a preface to iv. 16-vii. 1, to account for
Samuel s importance as a prophet, and give particulars
about Eli’s sons. Thus the oldest of these three sections
is iv. 16-vii. 1 ; i.-iv. a belongs to a later hand, and vii.
2-17 to one later still.

Ch. XV. (Saul and Amalek) cannot be assigned to the
old narrative which ends at ch. xiv. It would clearly be
out of place after the formal conclusion of the account of
Saul s reign (xiv. 47-51). At the same time its repre¬
sentation of Samuel as a prophet (not a ^ judge’), who
works by the power of the prophetic word, harmonises
with ch. i.-iv. la. It thus stands midway between the old
narrative (ix. 1-x. 16, etc.), and the later one (viii., etc.).
It may, perhaps, be assigned to an early form of E.

The Song of Hannah (ii. 1-10) probably cannot be regarded as
a very early composition. ‘ It is a psalm, like other songs of the
Psalter, which only a literal interpretation of the metaphorical
phrase in ver. 5 can have placed in the mouth of the mother of
Samuel’ (Cornill).

(5) I. Sam. xvi.-II. Sam. viii. (Saul and David).— In
ch. ocm.-ocviii. two independent accounts of David’s intro¬
duction to Saul emerge. According to one, xvi. -14-23,
he is a full-grown and experienced warrior, ^a man of
war and clever in speech,’ when he enters the king’s
service on account of his musical skill, and his success in

HISTORICAL BOOKS OUTSIDE HEXATEUCH 73

banishing the King’s melancholia by means of the harp.
This section may be regarded as the continuation of
xiv. 12, and therefore be assigned to the oldest source J.
The section xviii. 6-30^ which describes Saul’s growing
jealousy of David on account of the fame he won by his
exploits, harmonises with this account and is regarded by
Driver as its continuation.

The other account is contained in xvii. 1-xviii. 5, and
represents David as a shepherd-lad, inexperienced in
warfare on his introduction to Saul. He attracts Saul’s
notice by a deed of heroism against the Philistines — the
conflict with Goliath.

It is well known that the genuine text of the LXX. (cod. Vat.)
exhibits a much shorter form of the text of ch, xvii. -xviii.,
omitting xvii. 12-31, 41, 50, 55-58, xviii. 7, 8a, 9, l2a, 13-16,
20-2la, 22-26a, 27-29a. Among critical scholars the point has
been much debated whether these omissions were due to the fact
that the LXX. translators had a different (and shorter) recension
of the Hebrew' text before them, or were deliberately made for
harmonistic purposes. It is generally agreed that the (short)
LXX. form of xviii. 6-30 represents a more original form of text.
But Cornill has shown that the verses omitted by the LXX.
throughout ch. xvii. -xviii. stand in organic connection with one
another, and form a continuous narrative, ‘ so that no other
explanation is possible than to recognise in them fragments of a
further independent source-narrative, which was worked up into
the Hebrew recension, but found no acceptance in the Alexan¬
drine.’ In the shorter (LXX.) form of xvii. -xviii. 5 David appears
as already well known to Saul. Evidently a former part of the
source here followed related how David, a mere youth, had been
summoned to the court because of his musical gifts. He now
offers to fight Goliath, and tells the king how he had rescued a
sheep from a lion. Probably this (shorter) narrative belongs to
the same source as ch. xv., viz. E, and its immediate sequel
(xviii. 6-30) is part of the same narrative.

The immediate continuation of ch. xviii. follows in
xix. 1-10/) (where only vers. 2-3 are secondary).^ On
the other hand, xvi. 1-13, xix. 11-17, xix. 18-xx. la, and
xxi. 11-16 (E.V. 10-1.5), which belong to the same source,
cannot be assigned to either of the two main authorities
E or J. It contains ancient and valuable material (notice

1 David, warned by Jonathan, flees from Saul, visits Samuel
at Ramah (xix.) ; again warned by Jonathan (xx.), he repairs to
Abimelech at Nob, then to Achish at Gath (xxi.), and finally to
the cave of Adullam (xxii. )

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

especially xix. 11-17) as well as other less precious
historically. Ch. xxi. 11-16 (E.V. 10-15) may possibly,
as Kueneii sug'gests, have been inserted in its present
context with the object of displacing the parallel narra¬
tive in xxvii. (David at Gath).

It should be noted that xix. 18-xx. la (the origin of the pro¬
verb ‘ Is Saul also among the prophets ? ’) is parallel with x.
10-12 (J).

In ch. XX. 16-xxi. 11 we have again a fragment of the old
narrative-source J (with some revision in xx., in vers. 4-
17; vers. 40-42 are rejected by Wellhausen as secondary).
Ch. xxi. 2-10 (E.V. 1-9) is assigned to E, and forms the
immediate continuation of xix. 105 [for xxi. 11-16 (E.V.
10-15) see above]. But ch. xxii. (apart from some slight
assimilation) belongs to J.

The last nine chapters of I. Sam. (xxiii.-xxxi.) are mainly
concerned with David's outlaw-life (a) at Keilah (xxiii.
1-13) ; (5) in the wilderness of Ziph (xxiii. 14-29) ; (c)
in Engedi, where he cuts off Saul’s skirt in the cave
(xxiv.); (d) in Carmel [David and Nabal] (xxv.); (e)
again in the wilderness of Ziph, where he steals by night
Saul’s spear and cruse of water (xxvi.) Ch. xxvii.
describes how David takes refuge in the country of the
Philistines with Achish ; then, how the Philistines
resolve to attack Israel, and how Saul consults the witch
at Endor (xxviii.), how David is dismissed by the Philis¬
tines (xxix.), David’s vengeance on the Amalekite
plunderers of Ziklag (xxx.), and the death of Saul and
J onathan on Mount Gilboa.

Here xxiii. 19-xxiv. 22 and xxvi. (Engedi) are probably
doublets ; xxvi. is the older narrative and belongs to J,
while xxiii. 19-xxiv. 23 is to be assigned to E (xxiv. 14
is a gloss, according to Wellhausen). Ch. xxiii. l-14a
also belongs substantially to J, and xxiii. 145-18 is an
Elohistic parallel (revised) to ch. xx. (J).

The whole of ch. xxv.-xxxi. belong probably to J.
The only passage about which any doubt arises is xxviii.
3-25. This section seems to be out of its original place
(style and phraseology show that it belongs to J). In
the Deuteronomic redaction of the Book it was probably
suppressed, and later replaced, but out of its proper
position, which would be between xxx. and xxxi. It is

HISTORICAL BOOKS OUTSIDE HEXATEUCH 76

generally agreed that the first five chapters of II. Sam.
(i.-v.) belong, as a whole, to J.

The ‘ Song of the Bow ’ (II. Sam. i. 19-27), as David’s lament oyer
Saul and Jonathan is termed, is cited from the ancient collection
of national poetry known as The Book of Jashar (see p. 80). It
is without the slightest doubt the composition of David himself.
The ‘Song’ is inspired by the deepest personal feeling, but is
entirely destitute of the expression of religious sentiment.

Probably in ch. iii. vers. 2-5 are out of their original position
(they interrupt the close connection of vers. 1 and 66), and in
ch. v. vers. 4-16 are similarly out of place (v. 17 should follow
V. 3 immediately).

The analysis of II. Sam. vi.-viii. (the removal of the Ark
to the ^ city of David ’ (vi. ) ; the prophecy of Nathan (vii. ) ;
summary of David’s wars and list of his ministers (viii.)
is more complicated. Ch. vi. should, perhaps, be taken
in conjunction with ix.-xx. In any case it may be
assigned to J. Ch. vii. belongs to a different categoi y.
It is Messianic in character, and some hold that it did
not assume its present form before the time of Isaiah.
ITellhausen assigns it to the seventh century (making it
pre-Deuteronomic). In that case it may be deiived
from a younger Jahvistic (or Elohistic) hand. Ch. viii.
is in form a short statistical survey, like I. Sam. xiv.
47-51, and is probably the work of a redactor. It may,
as Budde infers, have been originally intended to take the
place of II. Sam. ix.-xx., which in one form of the redaction
of the Book may have been omitted in the supposed
interests of David’s reputation, but later restored.
Ch. viii., however, is based upon trustworthy tradition.
VVellhausen has conjectured that the interpolated pas¬
sages iii. 2-5 and v.‘ 13-16 originally belonged to this

context. , 1

II. Sam. ix.-xx. (with I. Kings i. and ii. , which belong to

it) contains a history of events in David’s court-Vife, and
has a concluding notice in xx. 28-26. It is a wonder¬
fully vivid narrative of priceless historical value, which
must largely be based upon the testimony of an cy®"
witness. Its present literary form belongs to J. The
appended chapters, II. Sam. xxi. -xxiv., disjoin the narrative
just described. All the same, a good deal of the material
belongs to J.

Probably the dislocation arose thus : xxi. 1-14 (J) and xxiv.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

originally were consecutive, and stood hefo7’e ch. ix. (the incidents
narrated probably belong to the beginning of David’s reign) :
ch. xxi. 15-22 and xxiii. 8-39 are a later interpolation, and the
poetical pieces (xxii. and xxiii. 1-7) latest of all. When ch. ix.-xx.
were eliminated by a Deuteronomic editor, and replaced by
ch. viii., he presumably retained xxi. and xxiv. on account of
their theocratic character, and inserted them as a supplement to
his panegyric in ch. viii. The later hand that restored ix.-xx.,
kept xxi. and xxiv. at the end of the Book (placing ix.-xx. between
viii. and these): later, xxi. 15-22 and xxiii. 8-39 were inserted
between xxi. and xxiv.; and later still, xxii. and xxiii. 1-7 between
xxi. 22 and xxiii. 8. Thus ‘a double interpolation has taken
place in a section which is itself an interpolation’ (Cornill).

Growth of the Book. — The whole of II. Sam. thus,
with the exception of ch. vii. and viii. and the two poetical
pieces mentioned below (together with some traces of E
in ch. i. and possibly xxiv.) emanates from J : 1. Sam.,
with the exception of some not considerable independent
pieces, can be apportioned between J and E. It is note¬
worthy that with the death of Saul E suddenly disappears.
The Book, like Judges, seems to have undergone a
Deuteronomic redaction, when 1. Sam. xxviii. 8-2o and
II. Sam. ix.-xx. were cut out; but the Deuteronomic
revision of the text was much less thorough than in the
case of Judges, being limited to a slight revision of
particular passages, and a cautious extension of the
chronological framework. I. and II. Sam. must have
assumed essentially their present form before the time
of the Chronicler.

The Psalm in II. Sam. xxii. ( = Ps. xviii.) is almost certainly a
composite production. In the first part, ‘ a pious devotee of the
Law is the speaker.’ The second part can only be understood as
the utterance of a warlike and successful king, and fits the cir¬
cumstances of David. The two parts appear to have been accom¬
modated to each other by a redactor who inserted them in
Samuel : thence the psalm was taken, perhaps, into the Psalter. *

II. Sam. xxiii. 1-7 (‘ the last words of David’), both in form and
contents, belongs to a later age than the David-narratives :
ver. 1 depends upon the Balaam-oracles, and vers. 0-7 suggests a
comparatively late date. This piece was, no doubt, inserted at
the same time as xxii.

§ 8. The Books of Kings.

Title and Contents. — The title and division of the Book
have already been explained in connection with 1. and

HISTORICAL BOOKS OUTSIDE HEXATEUCH 77

II. Samuel. Like the latter, Kings is regarded in the
Hebrew Canon as a single book.

The entire work (1. and H. Kings) covers the history ot
Israel (later of Israel and Judah, and Judah alone) from
the period of David’s nomination of Solomon as his
successor down to the release of Jehoiachin from prison
in Babylon by Evil-Merodach in 562 b. c.

Structure of Kings. — This cannot he described more
succinctly than in Professor Driver’s words : ^ ^ The
structure of the two books is essentially similar to that of
the central part of the Book of Judges; materials
derived from other sources have been arranged together,
and sometimes expanded at the same time, in a frame¬
work supplied by the compiler. The framework of the
compiler is in general readily distinguishable. It com¬
prises the chronological details, references to authorities,
and judgments on the character of the various kings,
especially with reference to their attitude at the high
places— all cast in the same literary mould, and marked
by the same characteristic phraseology. Both in point
of view and in phraseology, the compiler shows himself
to be strongly influenced by Deuteronomy.’

Authorities referred to by the Compiler. — One feature
that distinguishes Kings from earlier historical works is
the constant reference in it to certain authorities for
particulars as to matters not recorded in the canonical
compilation. These authorities are (a) for the reign of
Solomon, the ^ Book of the Acts of Solomon ’ (1. Kings
xi. 41); (6) for the Northern Kingdom, the ‘Book of
the Chronicles (Hebrew dihre-ha-yamim) of the Kings
of Israel ’ (seventeen times— for all the kings except
Jehoram and Hoshea) ; for the Southern Kingdom, the
‘ Book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Judah ’ (for all
except five). What is the nature of these Books of
Chronicles or Annals (Hebrew ^ words or acts of days)
referred to ? From the fact that a regular court official
appears among the ministers of David, Solomon,
Hezekiah, and Josiah who bears the title of recorder f
it may fairly be inferred that official annals were kept in

1 i.O.T., p. 175.

2 Hebrew mazkir, literary remembrancer ; cf. II. Sam. viii. 16,
XX. 24 ; 1. Kings iv. 3 ; II. Kings xviii. 18, 37 ; II. Chron. xxxiv.
8 ; cf, I. Chron. xxvii. 24 ; Neh. xii. 23.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

which the acliievements of the kings and personal details
about them were set forth. It is_, however, hardly
probable that these state archives are to be understood
by the authorities cited by the compiler. The latter is
referring to continuous works, i.e. to historical compila¬
tions, in which the reigns of a succession of monarchs
were surveyed (probably from a political point of view).
The works in question may, of course, have been, and,
no doubt, were based upon original documents and
records, but are not to be identified with the latter. It
should be noted that these authorities are referred to
for supplementary information (of a political kind) not
included in Kings ; they can, therefore, hardly be
regarded as sources of the Kings’ narrative.

The compiler may very likely, however, have derived his
statistical material from these works, viz. data as to the monarch’s
age on ascending the throne, the duration of his reign, name of
his mother, etc. This statistical material is usually styled the
‘Epitome,’ which in form is doubtless the work of the original
compiler himself.

Composition and Authorship of I. and II. Kings. --The
compiler already referred to may be regarded as the real
author of what substantially was our present Books of
Kings. He was imbued with the spirit of Deuteronomy,
and wrote in the later days of the Judaean monarchy,
perhaps in the reign of Jehoiachim, c. 600 b.c. To him
must be ascribed the characteristic scheme for the survey
of each royal reign which runs through the whole Book.
This compiler, M^hom Kuenen denominates R®^ (to dis¬
tinguish him from a later Deuteronomic redactor, R^^^
will be the author of 1. Kings i.-IL Kings xxiv. (apart
from some later elements) in the sense that lie collected
the great mass of the material and determined its main
outlines. He himself presumably wrote the prophetical
epitome already referred to, and incorporated into his
work the other (older) sources referred to below. From
II. Kings XXV. 80 it can be concluded that R®^ can have
written at the earliest in the latter half of the Babylonian
exile ; he must, of course, be regarded as the author of
the last chapter, 1 1. Kings xxv.

From also, according to Kuenen, the following passages are
to be derived : I. Kings iii. 3, 15 ; v. 4-5 ( = iv. 24-25 E. V.) ; viii.

HISTORICAL BOOKS OUTSIDE HEXATEUCH 79

15-53 ; ix. 1-9 ; xv. 4-5 ; xvi. 7, 12-13 ; II. Kings xiii. 4-G, 23 ;
xvii. 7-17 (vers. 19-20 and 29-34a form a later, and vers. .346-40
the latest supplement of all in this chapter) ; xxi. 11-15 ; xxii.
15-20 ; xxiii. 2G-27 ; xxiv. 2-4. Kuenen would also ascribe to
Rd2 I. Kings xiii. and II. Kings i.

It is probable that is responsible for the synchron¬
istic notices which appear in the framework, and which
he appears artificially to have deduced from the older
chronology already present in the notices of the reigns.
In that case he will have arranged the present sequence
of Israelite and Judaean kings, which corresponds to the
synchronistic notices {cf. Cornill, op. cit. p. 219).

[There are traces also of a later revision dependent on
P, but these are not considerable.]

Analysis and Sources of I. and II. Kings. — For the purposes
of critical analysis the Books may be divided into three
parts : (1) I. Kings [i.-ii.] iii.-xi. (dealing with the reign
of Solomon) ; (2) I. Kings xii.-II. Kings x. ; and (8)
II. Kings xi.-xxv.

(1) I. Kings [i.-ii.] iii.-xi. (Solomon). — As has already
been pointed out, I. Kings i.-ii. form the immediate
continuation of II. Sam. ix.-xx., and may at once be
dismissed.

lu ch. ii. vers. 2-4 clearly are due to the compiler, as also is
the concluding formula respecting David’s death and the length
of his reign, which is given as it occurs at the end of all the
royal reigns in Kings.

Solomon’s reign is dealt with in greater detail than is
the case with any later king. It occupies ch. iii.-xi. of
I. Kings. The material here embodied is grouped in
such a way that the central part of the narrative consists
of the description of Solomon’s buildings (ch. vi.-vii.),
while on each side of this a series of narratives and short
accounts, illustrating Solomon’s wisdom and riches, is set
forth. In ch. xi. some account of the opponents of the
king is given preparatory to the division of the kingdom
narrated in ch. xii. The parts of these chapters which
belong to the Deuteronomic redaction (R^^ and R^^^ are
distinguishable without much difficulty. They include
the following : ch. iii. 2-8 (disapproval of the ^ high-
places ’ ; notice that the following narrative, ver. 4 ff.,
does not hint at any such disapproval) ; iii. 14-15, v. 4-5

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

( = iv. 24-25 E.V.); [v. 165-19 = vers. 25-5 inE.V.]; vi.
11-18; [vii. 47-49]; viii. 14-66; ix. 1-9 [xi. 1-13]; xi.
29-39 ; xi. 41-43.^ What is left after the elimination of
these passages may be regarded as, in the main, pre-
Deuteronomic.

The work represented by this pre-Deuteronomic
material seems to have consisted of a series of detached
notices illustrating Solomon’s wealth, magnificence, and
political power, the central section being an account of
his buildings (ch. vi.-vii.). At the end came a notice of
political opponents who from time to time disturbed his
reign (ch. xi. in its original form). ^Throughout the
author evinces a warm admiration for Solomon. . . .
The darker shades of the picture seem largely, though
not perhaps entirely, to be due to the Deuteronomic
compiler.’ ^

It is interesting to note in this connection that what appears to
be an authentic utterance of Solomon regarding the dedication
of the Temple is preserved in the LXX. of I. Kings viii., and is
there expressly derived from an ancient source which probably is
the Book of Jashar. The text appears in a corrupt form in
viii. 11, 12 of the Masoretic text, but in the LXX. after ver. 53.
It may be restored thus : ^

Then said Solomon :

The sun hath Jahveh set in the heavens.

But he hath determined to dwell in thick darkness ;
Build my house, a house of habitation for me.

That I may dwell therein for ever.

Is it not \oritten in the Book of J ashar ?

[For the last line the LXX. has ovk l8ov aury y^ypairrat ev
^L^\L(p TTjS ipbys, which probably implies a scribal error of ha-sMr
{song) for ha-ydshdr,]

Thus The Book of Jashar, which is cited in Josh. x. 11 and
II. Sam. i. 16 (J) as the source for certain poetical pieces, must
have been a collection of songs, whose title may have been
connected in some way with the honorific name applied to Israel
— Jeshurun.'^ It will have been a Judaean work compiled in the
time of the (early) monarchy.

1 The passages in square brackets are in the nature of a revision
of older material ; the others may be regarded mainly as the
independent composition of the Deuteronomic redaction.

2 Driver, L.O.T., p. 183.

3 Cf. Burney, Notes on the Hebrew Text of Kings, p. Ill;
and Robertson Smith, O.T.J.C.'^, pp. 433-435.

< Some explain the title to mean Book of the Valiant or Book
of Heroes.

HISTORICAL BOOKS OUTSIDE HE.^ATEUCH 81

(2) I. Kings xii.-II. Kings x. (Israel and Judah). — Tliis
section — forming tlie central core of the whole work —
begins a comprehensive account of the entire history of
the monarchy from the division of the kingdom. It is^
in a real sense, a uniform literary work, the production
mainly of one author, the Deuteronomic compiler.
Everything is judged by the standard of the Deuteronomic
code, and the information given is fitted into a frame¬
work which is marked by a stereotyped terminology.
In each case a theocratic verdict is dealt out to every
king, even to Zimri, whose reign only lasted seven days.
The compiler is not primarily interested in purely secular
and political affairs, and for details of such refers the
reader to the historical works already discussed in a
previous section. Apart from the framework which is
easily distinguishable, and the short notices, which
contain little more than a brief summary,^ there are
longer narrative-pieces which the compiler has admitted
into his work and adapted to it. 1 he first instance of
such is I. Kings xii. 1-20, a vivid account of the council
at Shechem and the division of the kingdom^ resulting
from it. This is probably of Ephraimitic origin— notice
the hostile description of Rehoboam as a hasty and
inexperienced youth ; it shows signs of affinity^ with

I. Sam. XV., and may perhaps be related to E. In
ch. xiii. we have a narrative of a different character (the
prophecy against the altar at Bethel) which may have
been inserted by R^^. In any case it is ^ not probably of
very early origin ’ (Driver). U hough it has been subjected
to a thorough Deuteronomic revision, the groundwork
of xiv. 1-18 (the wife of Jeroboam and the prophet
Abijah) is probably old. [From xiy. 10-xvi. the narrative
consists mainly of short notices written by the compiler.]

In I. Kings xvii.-II. Kings x. we reach the great collection
of Elijah- and Elisha-narratives, which are among the
finest examples of Hebrew historical writing in the Old
Testament. These are probably not all from one source,
but all appear to be of North Israelitish origin. The
history of Elijah, embodied in I. Kings xvii.-xix., xxi. ;

II. Kings i. 2-4, la, may, however, belong to one source

1 The statistical matter here embodied was probably takeri by
the compiler from the historical annals {Chronicles of the Kings
of Israel, etc.) and written up in his own style.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

[11. Kings i. 26-10 is generally regarded as a later narra¬
tive^ of much the same kind as I. Kings xiii. ; cf. 1. Sam.
xix. 18-24]. By the side of this prophetical history
stands as a separate group I. Kings xx. and xxii., with
which may perhaps be also ranged II. Kings iii. 4-27
(Jehoram and Jehoshaphat against Moab) ; vi. 24-vii. 20
(siege of Samaria by Benhadad ; relieved in accordance
with Elisha’s prediction) ; and ix. 1-x. 28 (containing a
vivid account of the events that led to Jehu’s succession).
^ In all these narratives the political interest predomin¬
ates over the biographical ; and some noticeable similar¬
ities of form and expression also occur.’ ^ The Elisha-
stories present less a history of Elisha than a ^ series of
anecdotal narratives.’ They are introduced by the
narrative of Elijah’s ascension to heaven, where also
Ellisha’s succession to the inheritance of his master is
recorded (11. Kings ii. 1-18), and include also ii. 19-22
(the bitter waters sweetened) ; ii. 23-25 (the mocking
children rent by bears) ; iv. 1-7 (the widow’s oil multi¬
plied) ; iv. 8-37 (the Shunammite woman) ; iv. 38-41
(‘death in the pot’) ; iv. 42-44 (the barley loaves multi¬
plied) ; V. (Naaman) ; vi. 1-7 (the iron axe-head made to
swim) ; vi. 8-13 (the Syrians attempt to capture Elisha) ;
viii. J-6 (Gehazi recounts to the king of Israel the
wonders wrought by Elisha) ; viii. 7-15 (Elisha and
Hazael) ; to which must be added xiii. 14-19 (Elisha and
Joash), and xiii. 20-21 (the miracle wrought by Elisha’s
bones).

These narratives may have been derived from a collection of
traditional stories, compiled by different hands, of the lives of
the prophets.

(3) II. Kings xi.-xxv. — In this section of the work (apart
from what is due to R®^ and R®^) we now encounter a
number of detailed JudcPAin histories. Here, in place of
the prophets of the North Israelite narratives, the Temple
and priesthood of Jerusalem assume special prominence.
These accounts are contained in the following sections :
(a) oci.-xii. 16 (Heb. 17) (the elevation of Joash to the
throne, and the measures taken by him regarding the
Temple) ; (b)xvi. 10-18 (the altar of Ahaz) ; and (c) xxii.-
xxiii. 30.

Driver, op. cit. p. 185.

HISTORICAL BOOKS OUTSIDE HEXATEUCH 83

Of the intervening matter, xiii. 14-19 (Elisha and Joash) has
already been discussed ; xiv. 8-14 (Amaziah’s challenge to Joash)
is probably of North Israelitish origin (c/. ver. 11) ; ch xv.-xvi.
are mainly occupied with short notices (except xvi. lu-l<-).

Tlie sections numbered (a) and (b) above, and also
(c) partly (cf. xxii. 3 f.), i«ay not improbably depend upon
a ^Temple-history’ in which the Temple archives were
utilised. Perhaps, however, xxii. 3 f. — which has a
marked Deuteroiiomic character — is dependent rather
upon xii., with which it has striking points of contact.
It has been supposed that I. Kings yk-vh. may also
largely have been derived from this old ^ lemple-histoiy
[from this source also probably come I. Kings xiv. 25-28,
XV. 16-22, as well as II. Kings xiv. 8-11, and xviii. 14-16J.
In ch. xvii., after the close of the history of the North¬
ern Kingdom, the Deuteroiiomic compiler (or compilers)
proceeds to survey at length the causes which, according
to his view, led to its downfall (xvii. 7-23), and gives an
account of the origin of the mixed population of Samaria
and their religion (xvii. 24-41). With ch. xviii. begins the
reign of Hezekiah. Here vers. 1-12 in their present form
are due to the compiler ; vers. 14-16 (as stated above) are
probably derived from the ' Temple-history (Hezekiah s
name in these verses is spelt differently in Hebrew from
the form used elsewhere in Kings); ch. xviii. 17-xx. PJ
recur in almost exactly the same form in Isa. xxxvi.-
xxxix. They are probably in their original position here,
and were taken from Kings for insertion at the end of
the first complete collection of Isaiah s prophecies (see
further in the section on Isaiah, pp. 06, 90 f.). The com¬
piler’s work increases in extent as the narrative approaches
his own times. Ihe greater part of ch. xxi. (Manasseh)
is his work, which culminates in the long account of
Josiah’s reign with the finding of the Book of the Law
and the ensuing Deuteroiiomic reformation (xxii. 1-xxiii.
30). The last two chapters are also Deuteroiiomic in
character, ch. xxv. being the work probably of

§ 4. Chronicles and Ezra-Nehemiah.

The Books of Chronicles and Ezra-Nehemiah occupy a
position peculiar to themselves among the histoiical books
of the Old Testament. They form a second group which,

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

while ))arallel to the earlier series ending- with Rings and
covering almost the same historical period, are marked
off from it both in style and point of view. They survey
the entire history — from Adam to Nehemiah’s second
visit to Jerusalem (432 b.c.) — from a standpoint which
may be described as ecclesiastical and priestly.

The books themselves ^form really a single, continuous
work ’ (Driver).

This is made clear by various indications. The same very
peculiar style, and the same standpoint from which the history is
treated, prevail throughout. The same compiler’s hand is, in fact,
manifest all through. The fact that Ezra'^ verbally continues
the narrative of II. Ohron. xxxvi. (c/. II. Chron. xxxvi. 22, 2.3, with
Ezra i. 1-2) is significant in this connection. Thus the entire work
(I. and II. Ohron., Ezra-Nehemiah), which forms a single continu¬
ous narrative from Adam to Nehemiah’s second visit to Jerusalem
in 432 B.C., Avas, doubtless, compiled by the Chronicler. That
part of the Chronicler’s work which supplemented the earlier
historical books, viz. Ezra-Nehemiah, was detached and admitted
into the sacred collection of Scriptures fii’st ; then, later, the rest.
Hence the order in the Hebrew Canon: Ezra-Nehemiah and
Chronicles.

in) The Books op' Chronicles.

Title and Contents. — The Hebrew name is D'D’H '"in

. T“ .. . . )

i.e. Words or Acts of Days { = Annals), and the work so
called forms in the Hebrew Canon one Book. The
division into two books came, as in the case of Samuel
and Kings, from the LXX., where the book, so divided, is
termed TrapaXetTro/xei'coi' a and ft'. The title TrapnKenro-
fxfva, i.e. things left over, characterises Chronicles as a
Avork supplementing the older canonical historical books,
filling in what has been omitted from them. The V^'iilgate
adopted the twofold division, and retained the LXX. title
Paraiipomenon (a gen. plural : liber understood). Jerome
in the Proloyus Galeatas suggested the title Ghronichon :
hence Chronicles.

The Contents of I. and II. Chronicles run parallel Avith
those of the historical books from Genesis to 11. Kings.
The whole work falls naturally into four parts : —

(1) 1. Chron. i.-ix. contains a series of genealogies

i In the HebvcAv Canon Ezra-Nehemiah, like I. and II.
Chronicles, forms a single book.

HISTORICAL BOOKS OUTSIDE HEXATEUCH 85

(vvitli short incidental notices scattered within it) from
Adam to Israel and Esaii-Edom (i.) j of the tribe of
Judah (ii.); of the House of David (iii.) ; of Judah and
Simeon (iv.)j of Reuben^ Gad, and East-Manasseh (v.
]-26); of Levi (v. 27-vi. 28); the levitical cities (vi. 39-
60) ; Issachar, Benjamin, Naphtali, West-Manasseh,
Ephraim, Asher (vi'i.); Benjamin and the House of
Saul (viii.) ; list of the inhabitants of Jerusalem (ix. 1-34;
vers. 35-44 = viii. 29-38).

(2) 1. Chron. x.-xjcioc. : The history of David.

The reign of Saul is briefly referred to in I. Chron. x., and soon
dismissed. In the account of David there aie many omissions
{e,(j. incidents of David’s youth, his persecution by Saul, etc. ;
most of what is recorded in II. Sam. ix.-xx. is ignored (as being
of a personal or private nature).

(3) 11. Chron. i.-ix. : The reign of Solomon (with some
omissions) and

(4) II. Chron. x.-xxxvi. : The history of the kings of
Judah up to the Exile.

After the division of the monarchy no account is taken of the
Northern Kingdom (except where this is unavoidable, as, c.r/.,
II. Chron. xxii. 7-9). The interest of the compiler manifests
itself especially in the ecclesiastical aspects of the history.

All through Chronicles (as well as through Ezra-
Nehemiah) the special aim of the compiler is manifestly
to give a history of Judah with special reference to the
Temple, its priesthood and cultus.

Date of the Work. — As in I. Chron. xxix. 7 a calculation
is made in darics—a Persian coinage first introduced by
Darius i. — the composition of tlie work cannot be placed
earlier tlian the Persian period. But Ezra-Nehemiah
contain many indications that they cannot have been
compiled till (at the earliest) the end of the Persian
period, i.e. c. 332 n.c. A date a few years later than
332 B.c. is, therefore, adopted by some scholars. But if,
as there is some reason to believe, the Davidic genealogy
in 1. Chron. iii. 19-24 is brought down to the eleventh
generation after Zerubbahel, we are brought down well
into the Greek period— perhaps to a date between 300
and 250 n.c. — as the time when the Chronicler wrote.

From the character of his work as a whole, and the
special interest manifested in it in the music of the

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

Temple, it has plausibly been inferred that the compiler
was himself a Levite, and perhaps a member of the
Temple choir.

The Relation of Chronicles to the other Historical Books of
the Canon. — If the Chronicler wrote at so late a date as
c. 800 B.c. ,he must naturally have been acquainted with
the older canonical historical books. And in fact his
work does embody a considerable number of passages
which have been excerpted from the historical books
ranging from Genesis to 11. Kings.

The Chronicler’s method in dealing with this earlier
material is not uniform throughout. In some cases he
has condensed whole sections into a genealogical list.
This is especially the case in I. Chron. i.-ix. On the other
hand, in 1. Chron. x.-II. Chron. xxxvi. (which is parallel to
I. Sam. xxxi.-Il. Kings xxv.), he generally cites passages
without abbreviation, which agree word for word (with
slight divergences) with the form they exhibit in Samuel
or Kings. ^ In many instances the excerpts are supple¬
mented by the insertion of verses, clauses, or longer
passages ; and there are a number of omissions.

A full comparative list is given by Driver {L.O.T., pp. 487-
493). The exact state of the case can, of course, only be fully
understood by a detailed comparison and collation of the
passages.

The character and aim of the additions made by the
Chronicler are thus described by Driver : —

‘^(l) They consist often of statistical matter, genealo¬
gies, lists of names, etc.

^(2) Very frequently they relate to the organisation
of public worship, or describe religious ceremonies,
especially with reference to the part taken in them by
Levites and singers (cf. , e.g., 1. Chron. xv. 4 IF. , 16 ff. ;
xvi. 41 f. ; 11. Chron. xiii. io f., 146 ; xvii. 8 ; xx. 19, 21 ;
xxix. 4 IF. ; XXXV. 1 IF., etc.).

^(8) In many cases they have a didactic aim: in
particular, they show a tendency to refer events to their
moral causes — to represent, for instance, a great calamity
or deliverance as the punishment of wickedness or the

^ Occasionally the Chronicler’s text is superior to that of
Samuel or Kings, exhibiting a better or more correct reading.
But more often the alteration is due to the Chronicler Ipmself.

? Op. cit. p. 494,

HISTORICAL BOOKS OUTSIDE HEXATEUCII 87

reward of virtue. This feature is especially notice¬
able in the case of discourses attributed to prophets.
The prophets in the Chronicles are far more frequently
than in the earlier historical books brought into relation
with the Kings, to whom they predict good or ill success,
in accordance with their deserts, with much uniformity
of expression, and in a tone very different from that of
the prophets who appear in the Books of Samuel or
Kings. ^

One or two instances will serve to illustrate the above. Cf.,
e.g., the cause assigned to Saul’s death in I. Chron. x. 1.3 f. [So
Saul died for his tresj^ass lohich he committed against the Lord,
because of the word of the Lord xvhich he kept not ; and also for
that he asked counsel of one that had a familiar spirit, to inquire
thereby, and inquired not of the Lord ; therefore he slew him, and
turned the kingdom unto David the son of Jesse)', II. Chron,
xxxiii. 11-13 (Manasseh’s repentance leads to his restoration) ;
XXXV. 21 f. (Josiah’s death at Megiddo explained by his rejection
of a divine warning.)

For prophetic warning.s, cf. II. Chron. xii. 5-8 (Shemaiah
announces Shishak’s invasion, which is to be mitigated in its
consequences after the king’s repentance) ; xv. l-lo (Asa and
Azariah) ; xvi. 7 -10, etc.

The Sources of Chronicles. — Apart from the canonical
historical books already referred to, the Chronicler used
other sources for his additional matter, which he expressly
appeals to. Probably the genealogies and lists with
which his work opens are ako largely based upon
w’ritten sources. The sources expressly cited by the
Chronicler fall into two classes : {a) historical, and {h)
prophetic.

The historical sources cited are the following : —

(1) For the history of David, the Chronicles of King David
(I. Chron. xxvii. 24), and the later acts of David (I. Chron.
xxiii. 27).

(2) For Asa, a Book of the Kings of Judah and Israel (so also
for Amaziah, Ahaz, and Hezekiah ^ [with a slight difference in
the Hebrew title]; cf. II. Chron. xvi. 11, xxv. 2G, xxviii. 20,
xxxii. 32.

(3) In the cases of Jotham (II. Chron. xxvii. 7), Josiah (xxxv.
27), and Jehoiakim (xxxvi. 8), a Book of the Kings of Israel and
Judah {<f. also I, Chron. ix. la).

1 ‘ The vision of Isaiah the prophet, the son of Amoz, in the
Book of the Kings of Judah and Israel.^

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

(4) In the case of Jehoshapliat (xx. 34), a Book of the Kings of
Israel (‘tlie words of Jehu, sou of Hanani, wliich are inserted in
the Book of the Kings of Israel^).

(5) In the case of Manasseh (xxxiii. 18), the acts of the Kings of
Israel [of. also ver. 10, where another authority [prophetic] is
cited).

(6) In the case of Joash (xxiv. 27), a Midrasli, of the Book of
Kings.

[Probably (2), (3), (4), and (5) in this list refer to one and the same
work which embraced a history of both Idngdoms. It could not
have been our canonical Kings, because it is cited for matters not
mentioned there [e.g. I. Chron. ix. 1, genealogies) ; nor can it be
identified with either of the authorities cited in Kings, because
these were two distinct works, treating the history of Israel and
Judah separately. Perhaps (6) was a work distinct from the
above, of a comprehensive character, and written in much the
same style and spirit as the work of the Chronicler himself. The
term Midrash (which only occurs in II. Chron. xiii. 22 and
xxiv. 27 in the Old Testament) is significant in this connection.
The word means literally investigation, and was applied to a
method of exegesis by which all possible hidden meanings and
applications of Scripture were deduced. ‘ The Midrash may be
defined as an imaginative development of a thought or theme
suggested by Scripture, especiallj'' a didactic or homiletic exposi¬
tion, or an edifying religious story.’ This branch of literature has
undergone a rich development in Rabbinical Judaism. ^ A good
example is seen in the apocryphal book of Susannah. This is
really a midrashic narrative suggested by the name Daniel ( =
is my judge), and its object is to show how Daniel’s judicial
acumen justified his name. Midrashic tendencies can be detected
in some of the later narratives of the Old Testament {e.g. Gen.
xiy. ; possibly I. Kings xiii.). The Midrash of the Book of Kings
will therefore have been, probably, a history of the period of the
Israelitish kings in which the history has been expounded in an
edifying way, with expansions— similar, in fact, to Chronicles
itself.]

The prophetic sources cited are the following : — ■

(1) In the case of David (I. Chron. xxix. 29), the words of
Samuel the seer, and the words of Nathan the pt^ophet, and the
words of Gad the seer.

(2) In the case of Solomon (II. Chron. ix. 29), the words of
Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, and
the vision of Iddo the seer respecting J erohoam, the son of Nehat.

(3) In the case of Rehoboam (II. Chron. xii. 15), to the words of
Shemaiah the p^^ophct and of Iddo the seer for reckoning hy
genealogies.

(4) In the case of Ai)ijah (II. Chron. xiii. 22), the Midrash of
the prophet Iddo.

1 Cf. The Religion and Worship of the Synagogue (by Oesterley
and Box), pp. 74 ff.

HISTORICAL BOOKS OUTSIDE HEXATEUCH 89

(5) In the case of Jelioshaphat, to the words of Jcltu, son of
Hanani, lohich are inserted in the Book of the Kings of Israel
[=(4) in the list of historical sources above].

(6) III the case of Uzziah (II. Chron. xxvi. 22), a writing of the
prophet Isaiah (the rest of the acts of Uzziah, first and last, did
Isaiah the jirophet, the son of Amoz, write’ : cf. the ‘vision of
Isaiah cited for Hezekiah in (2) of the list of historical sources
above).

(7) In the case of JManasseh, the words of the seers (IL Chron.
xxxiii. 19 : reading with the LXX. hoztm for Masoretic text
hozai).

[These various references jirobably do not imply separate writ¬
ings by the prophets in question, but go back to a single compre-
hen^ive work; perhaps the sections quoted formed part of the
Midrash of the Book of Kings discussed above.]

I he Style of Chronicles is peculiar. It exhibits certain
features of vocabulary and syntax which point to linguis¬
tic decadence. Tiiere are also a number of mannerisms
which are peculiar to the compiler himself.^

To determine the historical value of the Book demands
a discriminating judgment. Allowance must be made
for the compiler’s very special point of view in surveying
the past. The Chronicler’s survey is rather in the
nature of a church history of Israel from the point of
view of post-Exilic Jewish orthodoxy^ than a mere narra¬
tive of events. ^The traditional material is refracted
through a strange and foreign medium^ the spirit of
post-Exilic Judaism’ (Wellhausen). His work is thus
of value more particularly as marking a special stage in
Jewish religious views^ than as a purely historical piece
of literature. Its place in the Jewish Canon suggests
that it was never intended to be allowed to supersede
the earlier historical books, nor indeed to be put on a
level with them as history. In one department, how¬
ever, his work is of great historical value, viz. in
matters concerning the Temple-worship in post-Exilic
times, and especially in details as to the Temple-music.
Here the Chronicler speaks with the first-hand authority
of an expert.

{b) Ezra-Nehemiaii.

—Commentary by Ryle (in Camb. Bible); for the
history, P. H. Hunter, After the Exile (1890); [for the
most recent critical discussion of the historical iwoblems.

i See the list in Driver, op. cit. pp. 502-507,

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

cf. Rosters’ article Ezra-Nehemiah in the Encycl. Bill., and
the works of E. Meyer, Torrey, and Sellin.]

Title and Contents. — Ezra and Neliemiah form in the
Hebrew Canon a single book — Ezra.

This appears from citations in the Talmud, as well as from the
Masoretic subscription that follows Neh. xiii. 31. In the LXX.
the books are still one, appearing as II. E&dras [the LXX.
I. Esdras is a separate compilation] ; the LXX. exhibits a text
superior in some respects to the Masoretic text. Jerome divided
the Book into two, viz. the first Book of Ezra and the second
Book of Ezra (:=our Neliemiah); the latter also went by the
name of Nehemia, which gradually became the more common
one. From the Christians the division into two books has passed
into the printed Hebrew Bibles.

In order to be able to follow the sequence of events recorded in
Ezra-Nehemiah, the following dates must be kept in mind.

Chronological Table.

"B C

.b39. Fall of Babylon.

538. Cyrus issues a decree allow¬
ing exiles to return.

.529. Cambyses.

,521. Darius Hystaspis. Per¬
sian Period begins.
(521-332).

520. Haggai and Zechariah.

520-510. Building of the second
Temple.

490. Battle of Marathon.

485-404. Xerxes i.

404-424. Artaxerxes i. (Lon-
gimanus).

458. Return of Exiles under
Ezra (Malachi ?)

445. First visit of Neliemiah
(appointed Governor) to
Jerusalem (Neh. ii. 1).

B.C.

444. Promulgation of P (?) by
Ezra.

432. Nehemiah’s second visit to
Jerusalem (Neh. xiii.
Of.).

424. Darius ii. (Nothus).

404. Artaxerxes iii. (Mnemon).
358-338. Artaxerxes iii. (Ochus).
335-331. Darius m. (Codo-
mannus).

351-331. Jaddua, high priest
(Neh, xii. 11).

332. Battle of Issus : Persian
Empire overthrown by
Alexander the Great.
Greek Period begins.

The history included in the Book embraces the period
from the issue of Cyrus’ decree (538 b.c, )to the second
visit of Nehemiah to Jerusalem (in 432 b.c.). But it is
not narrated continuously ; details are restricted to cer¬
tain points of time or occasions of importance : viz. the
return and building of the Temple (53G-51G b.c.)^ and
the visits of Ezra and Nehemiah in 458^ 444, and 432 b.c.

(1) Ezra i.-vi. : The retnrn and rebuilding of the Temple

HISTORICAL BOOKS OUTSIDE HEXATEUCH 91

(ch. i., Cyrus’ decree ; ii,, list of returning exiles ; iii., altar of
Temple re-erected — Feast of Tabernacles — foundation-stone of
Temple laid ; iv., decree prohibiting building of Temple — Rehum,
Shlmshai, etc.; v. 1-5, building of Temple resumed in 520 b.c.
(at instance of the prophets Haggai and Zechariah) ; v. 6-vi. 12,
correspondence between the satrap Tatnai and Darius ; vi. 13-32,
completion of the Temple in 515, and its solemn dedication. [An
interval of nearl}^ sixty years is passed over in silence.]

(2) Ezra vii.-x. : Ezra^s mission (vii. , Ezra sent by Artaxerxes
from Babylonia to Jerusalem as royal commissioner; viii., list of
heads of families who journey with him. Arrival in Jerusalem ;
ix., steps against the foreign wives ; x., assembly of the people —
a commission chosen to deal with the mixed marriages. The
narrative abruptly breaks off with an enumeration of the 7)ien who
had 7na7'ried stra^ige women.

(3) Neh. i.-xiii. 3 ; Nehemiah/'s first Governorship (i.-ii., Nehe-
miah, a Jewish cup-bearer of Artaxerxes, gets himself appointed
Persian governor of Judah early in 444 b.c.; arrival in Jerusalem
—night ride round ruined walls ; iii., work of building allotted to
various families ; iv., regulations for protecting the work of
building; v., social reforms; vi., wall completed after fifty-two
days; vii., repetition of list in Ezra ii.; viii.-x., reading of The
Book of the Law of Moses, and solemn engagement to observe the
same ; xi., every tenth man selected to be an inhabitant of
Jerusalem. List of heads of families : xii. 1-26, list of the priests
and Levites ; xii. 27-43, dedication of the walls of Jerusalem ;

xii. 44-47, overseers appointed over the Temple-chambers ;

xiii. 1-3, separation of all foreigners.

(4) Neh. xiii. 4-31 : Notices respecting Nehemiah’ s second
Governorship (from 432 b.c. oiiAvard).

Analysis and Sources. — The episodic character of the
work as a whole will be apparent from the brief resume
just given of its contents. The critical analysis of the
Book makes clear that it is a compilation ; and there is
no doubt that the compiler is the Chronicler. In writing
his narrative the compiler made use of some important
sources, the most valuable being the personal memoirs
of Ezra and Nehemiah, passages from which he quotes.

(1) The first part of Ezra (ch. i.-vi.) is a compilation
which contains many marks of the compiler’s hand.
Ch. i. and iii,-iv. 5 are his work ; ch. ii. ( = Neh. vii.)
is borrowed from the memoirs of Nehemiah [see below).
Ch. iv. G-vi. 18 (all but the first two verses [iv. G-7] of
this section are written in Aramaic) are of a different
character. Here the Chronicler has made use of a special
(written) Aramaic source, wTiich contained the history
of the building of the Temple and the city walls. From

92 OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

this source Ezra iv. 8-22 and v. 1-vi. 16 liave been taken
verbally.

vi. lb-18, though written in Aramaic, must be the com2)osition
of the compiler, as the verses belong logically with vi. 19-22,
which are undoubtedly the compiler’s. The section iv. G-23 has
been misplaced by the compiler. It refers to the rebuilding not
of the Temple, but of the city walls (some sixty years later).
Its proper position would be, probably, between Ezra x. and
Neh. i.

(2) Ezra vii.-x. — Uliis section of the Book contains a
long extract (vii. 27-ix. 15) which is written throughout
in the first person, and which is so vivid and circum¬
stantial that it^ is generally accepted as an authentic
excerpt from Ezra’s personal memoirs. From these
memoirs the imperial firman given (in Aramaic) in vii.
12-26 will also have been extracted. ’J’he opening verses
(vii. 1-11) are by another hand, probably the Chronicler’s.
The memoirs break off at ix. 15. What follows is by a
different hand, but not the compiler’s. It is probable
that the compiler is not citing the memoirs directly, but
as embodied in another work, to which Ezra x. belongs
(see below).

(3) Extracts from Nehemiah’s Memoirs: (a) Neh. i.
1-vii. 5. — At the beginning of the Book of Nehemiah
we meet witli a long section where the 1st pers.
sing, is used throughout, viz. ch. i. 1-vii. 5. These
chapters are indubitably authentic extracts from Nehe¬
miah’s personal memoirs. ’They are distinguished by
individual characteristics which 'help us to form a dis¬
tinct idea of the writer’s personality. Enthusiasm for a
great idea, and unselfish devotion to its realisation, are
marked features. From v. 14 it is clear that the narra¬
tive can only have been put into its present form some
years after tbe events recorded. Doubts have been
raised as to the authenticity of vi. 15 (the walls finished
in fifty-two days), but the objection is not a fatal one.

It should be noted, however, that according to Josephus
(Ant., xi. V. 8) the building of the walls lasted two years and
eight months. On what authority Josephus bases this assertion
is not known, [iii. 1-32, which contains a list of persons who
helped to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem, has also been the
subject of doubt.]

(h) Neh. vii. 6-73«.— This section contains a list of the
exiles who returned with Zerubbabel, which Nehemiah

HISTORICAL BOOKS OUTSIDp] HEXATEUtTI 93

(vii. 3) says he ^ found’ ; it also apj)ears in Ezra ii. with
slight differences. It forms a natural and easy continua¬
tion of vii. and probably from the first stood as a
constituent element in Nehemiah’s memoirs.

(c) Neh. xi. — This chapter, which contains a list of
persons who drew lots to reside at Jerusalem, and other
details regarding the settlement of the capital, also stood
probably in the original memoirs. The list — wliich
partly recurs in I. Chron. ix. 1-17- is to he regarded as the
immediate continuation of ch. vii. (with Ewald) and re¬
fers to measures taken by Zerubbabel. Doubtless it was
followed in the memoirs by an account of what Nehemiah
did to resume and complete these measures {cf. vii. 4-5),
but this has, unfortunately, not been preserved to us.

(r/) Neh. xii. 27-43. — Account of the dedication of the
walls. Notice the resumption of the 1st pers. sing. (vers.
81 , 38, 40). This passage is an excerpt from the memoirs,
but has been abridged and revised by the compiler.

^ (fi) Neh. xiii. 4-31. — Another extract from the memoirs,
giving details of a time some twelve years or more later
than that referred to in the earlier extracts. It deals
with Nehemiah’s second visit.

(4) Passages in Nehemiah not derived from the Memoirs.
— (1) CA. vii. 73b-x. 40 (39). — This long section breaks
the connection which, as is generally agreed, exists
between vii. 78« and ch. xi. In its present form it is
doubtless due to the compiler ; but it contains so many
details of apparently an authentic character, its repre¬
sentation is often so vivid, that it seems probable that the
work of an eye-witness has been used and worked up by
the compiler in producing the present narrative. Pro¬
bably ix. 0-x. 40 has been taken over directly from the
memoirs of Ezra (the LXX. ascribes the prayer beginning
in ix. 6 to Ezra : ^ And Ezra said ’). The whole section,
^therefore, can be regarded as of first-rate authority.

(2) Ch. xii. 1-2G. — A list of priests and Levites who
returned with Zerubbabel. Notice how the priestly
genealogy is carried far down below Nehemiah’s time, as
far, in fact, as the reign of Darius the Persian (ver. 22),
i.c. Darius iir., Codomannus (reigned i?.c. 335-331). The
high priest Jaddua mentioned in ver. II is known from
Josephus to have been a contemporary of Alexander the
Great.

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

The sources used by the Chronicler in compiling Ezra -Nehemiah
will thus have been (a) an Aramaic one, written not earlier than
450 B.C., which contained the history of the building of the
Temple and the walls. From this Ezra iv. 8-22, v. 1-vi. 16
appear to have been taken directly.

(6) A work which contained the memoirs of Ezra andNehemiah
worked i;p into the narrative of a later author. From this work
the Chronicler borrowed Ezra ii., and the main body of the whole
Book, viz. all from Ezra vii. 12-Neh. xi. 36, as well as Neh. xii.
27-43, and xiii. 4-31. It is possible that this work is identical
with the Book of the Chronicles referred to in Neh. xii. 23. [The
rest of the Book is the composition of the Chronicler.]

(5) Historical Value of the Book. — On the whole, recent
criticism has been favourable to the older view as to the
essential trustworthiness of the narrative of events given
in Ezra-Nehemiah. Recently the view has been put
forward that the Artaxerxes mentioned is the second of
that name. If this is accepted, Ezra’s visit and work of
reform fall in the year 398. Kosters goes much further
than this.

^ According to him, a return of exiles in the second
year of Cyrus did not take place at all ; the building of
the Tem])le and the walls was rather the work of the
population that had remained behind in the land (II.
Kings XXV. 12), of whom Zerubhabel and Nehemiah were
governors ; Ezra’s visit and work of reform fall in the
second governorsliip of Nehemiah, after the events
narrated in Neh. xiii. 4-31. Ezra arrived for the first
time after 433 ; first of all the community was recon¬
stituted by the dissolution of the mixed marriages, and
then solemnly bound to the observance of the Law which
had been brought with him by Ezra : the first return-
journey under Zerubhabel, with all those who joined
themselves with him, has been invented by the Chronicler,
who reversed the order of events. Finally, according to
Torrey, the ^1’ passages, with the exception of Neh. i. 2.
(maiiiiy) and iii. 33-vi. 19 (mainly), have been fabricated’**
by the Chronicler, who in them created his masterpiece ;
and Nehemiah also belongs to the reign of Artaxerxes ii.’
(Cornill).

Kosters’ theory has been energetically opposed by
Wellhausen, and since Ed. Meyer’s demonstration of
the essential authenticity of the documents embodied in
Ezra iv.-vii., the extreme form of the critical theory may
be regarded as having lost most of its plausibility.

B. THE PROPHETIC LITERATURE

CHAPTER III.— THE WRITING PROPHETS i

Literature. Robertson Smith, The Prophets of Israel (new ed.
edited by Professor Cheyne) ; cf. also Ewald’s Prophets of
the Old Testament, 5 vols. (English transL), 1867-1868;
A. F. Kirkpatrick, The Doctrine of the Prophets ; the artt.
Prophetic^ Literature in Encycl. Bibl. : Prophecy and
Prophets in Hastings’ D. B. ; and the volume mentioned at
foot of the page : also The Hehrevj Prophets in the Revised
Version (annotated) (4 vols., Oxford University Press).

§ 1. The Book of Isaiah.

Literature.— The commentaries of Cheyne (2 vols.), Delitzsch
(3 vols.), G. A. Smith (2 vols.), Skinner (Camb. Bible, 2 vols.),
Whitehouse (2 vols.. Century Bible), and G. Wade
( Westminster Commentaries,’ 1911) ; Cheyne’s volume
on Isaiah in Haupt’s Sacred Books of the Old Testament
{S.B.0.2\) (an English translation based on a critical text
■wdth notes) ; The Book of Isaiah, in a new critical transla¬
tion wUh notes (1908), by the present writer ; Driver’s Isaiah :
his Life and Times (2nd ed.). [The following section should
be read in conjunction with Ottley, H.P., pp. 30-38.]

The Book of Isaiah^ as it lies before us in our Bibles^
has had a long and complicated history. It embodies a
series of prophetic collections which themselves must
have passed through a separate literary history before
they were embodied in the present canonical Book. The
. oldest^ attestation of the Book^ in the form in which it
now lies before us, is that of Ben Sira in Eccledasticus
(xlviii. 20-25). By the time that Ben Sira wrote
(c. 200 B.c.) it is clear from the passage just quoted that
substantially the Book of Isaiah, as we now possess it,

^ The following chapter has been Avritten with the volume
on The Hebrew Prophets, by R. L. Ottley, in the present series in
view, and should be supplemented by it. Canon Ottley’s book
is cited below as ‘ Ottley, H.P.’

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

^ was regarded as a unity, the work of the prophet whose
name it bears’ (Cornill).

Articulation of the Book,— The entire Book divides into
two well-defined parts, {a) ch. i.-xxxix. and {b) xl.-lxvi.
Each of these had a separate literary history before they
were united into a single whole.

{(i) Ch. i.-xxxix. Here ch. xxxvi.-xxxix. are clearly separable
from what precedes. They form a historical appendix which has
been excerpted from the Book of Kings (they correspond to
11. Kings xviii. 17-xx. 19). They were probably added to Isa. i.-
xxxvi. after the time of the Chronicler, but before that of Ben
Sira, i.e. between 300 and 200 b.o. Ch. i.-xxxv. are a combination
of several smaller collections, viz. : —

i. An introduction to the whole Book (ch. i.).

ii. The first group, containing the first collection of Isaiah’s

prophecies (ch. ii.-xii. ).

iii. The second group, containing a number of oracles on

foreign nations (some Isaianic) (ch. xiii.-xxiii.).

iv. The third group, dealing mainly with the deliverance

of Jerusalem, with an eschatological preface and
appendix (ch. xxiv,-xxxv).

{h) Ch. xl.-lxvi. Here two main divisions are distinguishable,
viz. : —

i. Ch. xl.-xlviii. (with a later appendix, ch. xlix.-lv.).

The work of the Babylonian prophet— the ‘great
unknown,’ who is usually styled Deutero-Isaiah.

ii. Ch. Ivi.-lxvi. Mainly the work of an author, it would

seem, who Avrote in Jerusalem shortly before the
first arrival of Nehemiah, i.e. before 445 b.o. This
Avriter is sometimes styled the ‘ Trito-Isaiah.’

The Dating of Isaiah’s Prophecies. — Isaiah’s active pro¬
phetic life extended from the death-year of King Uzziah,
740 15. c., probably down to the eventful year of Sen¬
nacherib’s campaign against Jerusalem (701 n.c.), and
possibly even later. During this period events of the
greatest importance took place in Western Asia, which
Avere closely connected Avith the renewed aggressiA'^e
activity of tlie Assyrian Power. The genuine prophecies
of Isaiah revolve mainly around three great political
crises, due either directly or indirectly to Assyrian
intervention, viz. (a) the Syro-Ephraimite war in 784 b.c.
(Pekah of Israel and Rezin of Damascus invade Judah
with the object of forcing Ahaz to join an anti-Assyrian
coalition) ; (b) the fall of Samaria in 721 to the Assyrians,
and the end of the Northern Kingdom ; and (c) the

THE WRITING PROPHETS

events leading up to Sennacherib’s invasion of Judah in

701 B.C.

A number of Isaiah’s prophecies fall within or shortly before
these events. Such are : —

{a) Before the Syro-Ephraimite invasion (before 734 b.c.):
Isa. ii. 4-22 ; iii. 1-15 ; iii. 16-iv. 1 ; v. 1-24 ; ix. 7-x. 4 and v. 25-
30 ; xvii. 1-11 ; vi. 1-11.

(6) During the Syro-Ephraimite invasion (734 b.c.): ch. vii.
1-17 ; viii. 1-4.

(c) Within the period ivhich ends with the fall of Samaria
(721 B.c. ): ch. viii. 1-10 (sometime between 734 and 723 b.c.);
viii. 11-15 (slightly earlier); xxviii. 1-4 (723 b.c.).

{d) The folloiving prophecies of Isaiah fall within the eventful
years 705-701 b.c. : ch. xxviii. 7-22 (about 703 b.c.); xxix. 1-8,
9-11 (12), 13-14 (same date) ; xxix. 15 (16), xxx. 1-5, 6-7, 8-17,
xxxi. 1-9 (703-702 b.c.); i. 2-17 (701 b.c.) and xxii. 1-14
701 B.c.

Analysis of Isaiah i.-xxxix. — Isaiah’s genuine prophecies
are embedded, as will appear, in collections which con¬
tain a considerable amount of non-Isaianic matter. The
first part of the Book of Isaiah consists of

i. A general preface to the whole collection of Isaianic
prophecies (ch. i.), which embodies a summary of Isaiah’s
teaching.

ii. First Collection of Isaiah’ s prophecies (ch. ii.-xii.).

This includes minor collections : viz.

(а) The earliest minor collection (ii. 1-iv. 6), with an eschato¬
logical introduction (ii. 2-4) and conclusion (iv. 1-4) ; largely
Isaianic.

(б) The parable of the Vineyard and its application (ch. v.
1-24) ; Isaianic, c. 735 b.c.

(c) The second minor collection (vi. 1-ix. 6), containing Isaiah’s
account of his inaugural vision (ch. vi.), passages written about
the time of the Syro-Ephraimitish invasion, culminating in the
description of the Messianic King (vii.-ix. 6) : Isaianic.

{d) An oracle directed mainly against Northern Israel (ix. 7-x.
4 and V. 26-30) ending with the refrain :

For all this His anger is not turned hack
And His hand is outstretched still. (Isaianic.)

(e) A fine Isaianic prophecy contrasting Jahveh’s plan and that
of the Assyrians (x. 5-15 with xiv. 24-27): date between 711 and
701 probably.

(/) An oracle describing the destruction of Assyria (x. 16-23).

[g] An oracle of the same subject, which contains fragments of
Isaiah’s writing of about 722 b.c. (edited late) (x. 24-34).

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

(h) Second description of the Messianic King (probably
Isaianic : after 701 b.c.),

{i) Two appendices (xi. 10-16, the return of the exiles, and
formation of the Messianic community ; and xii., a lyrical Epi¬
logue to the first complete Isaianic collection).

iii. An intermediate collection of oracles^ mainly concern¬
ing foreign nations (ch. xiii.-xxiii.).

(а) xiii. 1-xiv. 23 : The fall of Babylon (exilic).

(б) xiv. 24-27 (misplaced conclusion to x. 5 f ?).

[d) xv.-xvi. : On Moab : date of main prophecy uncertain (not
Isaianic) : with an Isaianic fragment appended of 711 b.c.).

{e) xvii. 1-11 : The fall of Syria and Ephraim, 735 b.c.

(/) xvii. 12-14: An Isaianic fragment appended (c. 702 b.c.)

(р) xviii. : An address to the Ethiopian ambassadors : 702 b.c.

(h) xix. : On the fall of Egypt.

[i) XX. : Captivity of Mugri and Cush predicted : an appended
Isaianic piece, c. 711 b.c.

(,/) xxi. : A vision of the fall of Babylon, with two other oracles :
end of exile [xxi. 16-17 may be an Isaianic fragment].

{k) xxii. 1-4 : Oracle on the Valley of Vision, c. 701 b.c. ; vers.
15-23 : Against Shebna (Isaianic, with later appendix).

{1) xxiii. : The fall of Tyre.

iv. A third collection of Isaianic prophecies, dealing mainly
with the deliverance of Jerusalem : with an eschatological
Preface and Appendix (ch. xxiv.-xxxv.).

(a) The eschatological preface, consisting of passages partly
descriptive, partly lyrical, and partly apocalyptic in character :
marked by striking stylistic peculiarities (ch. xxiv.-xxvii. : date
perhaps 332 b.c. about).

[h] Prophecies, largely Isaianic, dealing mainly with the
deliverance of Jerusalem, with some post-exilic additions and
imsertions (ch. xxviii.-xxxiii. ) : ch. xxxii. and xxxiii. contain a
series of Messianic appendices.

(с) The eschatological appendix (ch. xxxiv. -xxxv. ) : ch. xxxiv.
is a description of the Divine judgment on Edom and the nations,
and ch. xxxv. is a picture of the Golden Age that is to follow.

V. A historical Appendix to the collected form of Isaianic
prophecies (ch. xxxvi.-xxxix).

The section contains narrative accounts of three important
episodes ‘each of which illustrates the commanding influence
exercised by the prophet in the reign of Hezekiah’ (Skinner).
These are (1) a twofold (parallel) account of Sennacherib’s failure
to secure the surrender of Jerusalem (ch. xxxvi.-xxxvii.) ;
(2) Hezekiah’s sickness and recovery (ch. xxxviii.) ; and

THE WRITING PROPHETS

(3) MBrod&cli-Baladan s 6nibcissy to Hezokiali (ch. xxxix. ).
There is no doubt these chapters were excerpted from the
canonical Book of Kings. "With some variations they correspond
with II. Kings xviii. 13-xx. 19, and a comparison of the two
clearly demonstrates the superior character of the recension
in Kings. From the latter there are only two important points
of divergence in Isaiah, viz. {a) the omission of the section con¬
tained in II. Kings xviii. 14-16, and [h] the insertion in the Isaiah
text of Hezekiah’s psalm of thanksgiving (xxxviii. 9-20), from
another (and later) source. [The narrative in xxxvi.-xxxvii.
probably belonged originally to a collection of propheticai
biographies, which were written for purposes of edification rather
than strict historical record. Thence they were excerpted
presumably by the compiler of Kings.^

Analysis of Isaiah xl.-lxvi. — In passing" from ch. xxxix.
to xl., we can hardly fail to be conscious of having"
entered a totally different region of prophetic literature.
Ch. i. xxxix. are largely made up, as we have seen, of
fragments and short sections. Rut in ch. xl. ff. the
phenomena are totally different. Here we are at once
confronted with a long and connected prophetic discourse
(ch. xl.-xlviii.)— a purely literary production — which is
marked by unity of style and thought, and consistency
of historic background.

What that background is, is clear enough. We are
no longer in the world of the prophet Isaiah of
Jerusalem. Assyria and its monarchs — Sargon, Sen¬
nacherib — are never so much as mentioned. Another
empire has become the oppressive world-power — that of
Babylon — and the writer of these chapters is looking
forward with breathless eagerness to the coming deliver¬
ance, the prospect of which is beginning to dawn. The
Babylonian Exile is not predicted but presupposed.

1 he writer who hails Cyrus by name as the deliverer —
is obviously living in 'the later years of the Exile
(probably he wrote soon after 548 n.c.).

In the space at our command it is impossible to give
full details of the analysis of these chapters. They fall
naturally into three divisions: (a) ch. xl.-xlviii. ; (5)
xlix.-lv. ; and (c) Ivi.-lxvi. ; {a) and (5) are the work of
Heutero-Isaiah (the writer alluded to above) ; (c) is the
work probably of a later writer, usually termed ^Trito-
Isaiah.’

(a) Ch. xl.-xlviii. form the original prophecies of Deutero-

100

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

Isaiah. This section was probably composed between 546 and
538 B,c. It opens with the cry of consolation, Counfort ye, comfort
ye my people, and closes with the triumphant summons, Come
out from Babylon (xlviii. 20). The author writing in Babylonia,
before the fall of Babylon, addresses a message of consolation and
encouragement to the exiles, bidding them in glowing language
to make ready for the coming deliverance and prepare to see the
divine promises of restoration brilliantly fulfilled.

(6) Ch. xlix.-lv. form, probably, an appendix to the preceding,
written by the same author, some years later (possibly just after
the issue of Cyrus’ decree, permitting the return, in 538). The
main theme of these chapters is the re-establishment and glorious
future of Israel and of Zion. They conclude (Iv. 1-13) with a call
to embrace the coming salvation.

(c) Ch. Ivi.-lxvi. — Here an entirely new section of the Book
begins. The tone and outlook are usually different. Zion’s
felicity — the day of the longed-for salvation— has not yet
dawned. The obstacle, however, is no longer Babylon, but
godless members of the Jerusalem community and heretics.
Jerusalem has a settled population, and the Temple has been
rebuilt. But social conditions are unsatisfactory— the rich
oppress the poor — and the old Israelitish population of the land
(which had been left behind when the exiles were deported to
Babylonia) is unwilling to submit to the ‘ yoke of the Law.’

The chapters were written, apparently, at a critical time when
it was important to strengthen the faith of the strict religious
party by kindling hope among them in the coming salvation.
They were perhaps written by one author — usually styled the
‘ Trito-Isaiah ’ — c. 450 b.c. (a few years before the arrival of
Nehemiah in Jerusalem). But ch. Ix.-lxii. strongly recall the
manner of Deutero-Isaiah, and are assigned by some critics to
that writer.

[One of the most keenly debated questions at the present time
is the question of the so-called ‘ Songs of the Servant of Jahveh ’
(xlii. 1-7 ; xlix. 1-6 ; 1. 4-9 ; and lii. 13-liii. 12 — all in the work of
Deutero-Isaiah). Some critics maintain the view that these
‘songs’ are separable from their present context, and were in
fact inserted into the expanded Book of Deutero-Isaiah (ch. xl.-lv.)
after its completion ; but whether by Deutero-Isaiah himself, or
by a later hand, they have not determined. See further the
present writer’s Isaiah, pp. 194-198 and on lii. 13-liii. ; and for
the Servant of Jahveh, Driver’s Isaiah, pp. 140 f., 149, 150-5,
161, 175-180 and 207, and the commentaries.]

§ 2. Jeremiah.

Literature. — Commentaries : in Expositor’s Bible, 2 vols. (vol i.
by C. J. Ball; ii. by W. H. Bennett): Book of J eremiah :

revised translation with introductions and short explanations by
S. E. Driver (1906). Cf. also Cheyne, Jeremiah, his Life and Times
(‘ Men of the Bible’ Series) ; and J. R. Gillies, Jeremiah, the Man

THE WRITING PROPHETS

101

and his Message (1907) : gives critical reconstruction of text,
following Duhm and Cornill). [The following section should be
read in conjunction with Ottley, H.P., pp. 52-61.]

Chronological Table.

B.C.

(i.'lO. Josiah.

626. Jeremiah’s call.

621. Discovery of Deuteronomy ;
Josiah’s Reformation.

609. Battle of Megiddo ; death
of Josiah.

609. Jehoahaz.

608. Jehoiakim.

604. Defeat of Pharaoh Necho
at Carchemish by Ne¬
buchadnezzar.

B.C.

597. Jehoiachin.

597. First siege of Jerusalem —
Jehoiachin and flower
of nation, including
Ezekiel, deported.

596. Zedekiah.

586. Destruction of Jerusalem;
Exile.

The Prophet. — The prophet Jeremiah belonged to a
priestly family and was born at Anathoth {cf. I. Kings ii.
26 ; Josh. xxi. 18)^ a town not far from Jerusalem (on
the north). His prophetic ministry was carried on
mainly in Jerusalem, where he made his first public appear¬
ance as a prophet in the thirteenth year of King Josiah
{cf. Jer. i. 2, xxv. 8), i.e. 626 b.c., five years before the
momentous discovery of the ^ Book of the Law ’ (some
form of Deuteronomy) by Hilkiah in the Temple.
Jeremiah played a specially prominent part in the
critical times which follow^ed on Jehoiakim’s accession
to the throne, and which culminated in the destruction
of Jerusalem by the Chaldeans in o86 b.c. The prophet
sternly denounced King Zedekiah’s breach of faith with
Nebuchadnezzar, and when Jerusalem was besieged a
second time, declared in plain language (ch. xxi. 1-10 ;
cf. xxxviii. 17 f.) that the besiegers wmuld prevail. The
prophet was treated with consideration by the Chaldeans,
and allowed to remain where he pleased. The last we
hear of him is that he was carried against his will by
some Jews who had been left behind in Palestine down
to Egypt (ch. xlii.-xliv).

The Character and Origin of the Book of Jeremiah. — ^ The
hook traditionally handed down to us under the name of
Jeremiah is distinguished from all the rest of the
prophetic writings by the prevalence of the biographical
element : apart from ch. Hi., chapters xix.-xx. 6, xxvi.

102

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

xxix.j xxxiv. and xxxvi.-xlv. are purely narrative in
character’ (Cornill). The narrative is objective in form
(only ch. xxvii. being- written in the 1st person). This
part of the Book shows so many marks of circumstantial
detail and is written so vividly that it must be regarded
as a historical source of the first rank.

In ch. ocjDxm. a circumstantial account is given of extra¬
ordinary interest^ regarding the manner in which the
Book originated. It appears from this narrative that for
twenty-three years the prophet used oral methods only in
his work ; it was not till the fourth year of Jehoiakim
(?.e. 604 B.c.) that he received the commission to write
out all the words which Jahveh had hitherto spoken to
him. This he did through the good offices of a younger
friend and disciple, Baruch, who wrote down the book at
the dictation of the prophet. This roll was read, a year
later, at a great assembly (fast) in the Temple, was cut
up and thrown into the fire by Jehoiakim, and again
written out, with additions by Baruch. It follows that
the discourses delivered by the prophet during the first
half of his ministry are preserved only in a later (much
abbreviated) resume. To recover this original roll might
appear to be an easy task, to be accomplished by the
simple process of separating the discourses which belong
to the earlier period.

If the narrative sections are omitted these comprise the follow¬
ing : ch. i., ii.-vi., vii.-x., xi.-xii. 6, xxv. [also xviii.]. But a
closer examination shows that these cannot possibly have stood
originally together in such a connection. Ch. iii. 16-18 breaks the
connection between iii. 5 and 19 ; ix. 22, 23-x. 16 severs the
(logically) continuous verses ix. 2l, 22, and x. 17.

The original roll was doubtless utilised in the composi¬
tion of the present Book of Jeremiah, but has not been
preserved in its original form.

Articulation of the Book. — The Book falls into two main
divisions: {a) ch. i.-xlv., and {h) ch. xlvi.-li., with an
appendix (Hi).

{a) Ch. i.-xlv. These chapters can again be divided into
two groups, viz. : the narrative passages and those con¬
taining the discourses.

i. The narrative passages consist of the following : —
Ch. xix.-xx. 6; xxvi.-xxix., xxxiv. and xxxvi.-xlv.
This part of the Book appears to have been

103

THE WRITING PROPHETS

written by a different hand from that which com-
,, pi ed the chapters containing" the discourses.

11. The chapters containing the discourses comprise i.

xi.-xviii. [xx. 7-18], xxi. 1-10 ; xxi.^
-xxiii. 8 ; xxni. 9-40 ; xxiv. ; xxv. ; xxx.-xxxiii. ;

(h) Ch. xlvi.-li. form a collection of prophecies con-
cermng- foreign nations, which have been grouped
together ^ much the same way as the similar collections
in Jsa. xiii.-xxiii., and Ezek. xxv.-xxxii. [The appendix
ch 111 IS a historical account of the capture of Jerusalem,
and the exile of the inhabitants, which has been ex¬
cerpted by the compiler from the Book of Kings (II. Kine-s

OS'"* omission of 11. Kings xxv. 22-

b). The text of this section of Jeremiah is in several
details superior to that in lungs.]

Analysis of ch. i.-xlv.— Here the oldest material is
evidently comprised in ch. i.-x. (except x. 1-16) xi -
xviii., and xxv.

Ch. «. contains the account of the prophet’s call in 626 b.c.
Thpv presumably Jeremiah’s first discourses.

tawerale an5l?0 b“c J"™*'

form a group of prophecies belonging
probably to the early years of Jehoiakim’s reign (608-5) b.c.

-16 against idolatry is probably a later insertion ; it interrupts
the connection between lx. 22 and x. 17.] "

Ch. xi.-xviii. and xxv. are less uniform in contents and of
various d^es: xi. l-xii. 6 originally spoken soon after the dis¬
covery of Deut^^^in 621 bc. ; xii. 7-17 dates probably from 598 b.c •

mrt^of'^tbp’^ f perhaps the laUer

dmiffm B of Jehoiakim: xvii. 19-27, on the Sabbath (it is
doubtful whether this is of Jeremian authorship; its tone
suggests a later time ; cf. Neh. xiii. 15-22); ch. xviii. (lessons
rom the potter] probably belongs to the early group, before 604
B.C., as also does ch. xxv.). •/ o

The other material of these chapters, apart from the
naiiative sections, may be assigned to Jeremiah’s work in
the latter part of his career.

Ch. xlvi.-li. (lii.).— The group of oracles against foreign
nations contained in ch. xlvi.-li. is closely connected with

ch. xxv. (cf. xxv. 19-26), and in the LXX. text is actually
inserted in ch. xxv. ^

The oracles are directed against Egypt (xlvi.), the Philistines

104

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

(xlvii.), Moab (xlviii.), the Aramonites (xlix. 1-G), Edom (xlix. 7*
22), Damascus (xlix. 23-27), Kedar (xlix. 28-33), Elam (xlix. 34-
39), Babylon (l.-li.). Of these the last is certainly not Jeremian
(l.-li.); while the oracle against Elam is dated in the reign of
Zedekiah. The remaining seven (including xlviii. in an earlier
form) may have stood in the original roll. [Ch. lii., as already
explained, is a late prose appendix.]

The Double Text of Jeremiah. — As is well known^ the
text of the LXX. in Jeremiah differs more completely
from the Hebrew than is the case with any other Old
Testament hook. These differences concern («) the
arrangement, and {b) the extent of the subject-matter.

Thus [a) the LXX. exhibits the oracles against foreign nations
in a different order (viz. Elam, Egypt, Babylon, Philistia-Phceni-
cia, Edom, Ammon, Kedar, Damascus, and Moab), and in a
different place (viz. after xxv. 13). Here the order of the oracles is
more original in the Hebrew text, and their position more original
in the LXX. (6) The LXX. exhibits a much shorter form of text,
some 2700 words {i.e. about one-eighth of the entire book) being
Rnrepresented in it. Many of the omissions are unimportant ;
but some are substantial, as x. 6-8, 10 ; xi. 7-8 ; xxix. 14 (except
two words), 16-20 ; xxxiii. 14-26 ; xxxix. 4-13 ; lii. 28-30. Some
of these omissions are due to accidental causes (homoioteleuton) ;
others indicate a text superior to the Hebrew. On the whole, the
form of text given in the LXX. is ‘ purer and more original. But
it is impossible to speak with accuracy of two “recensions” — the
agreement of both forms of text is too considerable, and their
mutual relationship too close for that ; we have in them only
two different editions of the same recension ’ (Cornill).

Growth of the Book. — The Book of Jeremiah only
reached its present form as the result of a complicated
process of literary growth, the stages of which cannot be
exactly determined.

Cornill, in his edition of the Hebrew text of the Book in
S.B. 0. T., arranges the text as follows

Part I. (containing prophecies written by J eremiah).

(а) The first section contains the discourses which appear to

have been delivered between 626 and 604 b.c., and were,
therefore, included in the original ‘ roll ’ : viz. ch. i. ;
ii.-vi. ; iii. 6-16 ; xi. ; xii. 1-6 ; xviii. ; vii. ; viii. ; ix. 1-22 ;
X. 17-24 ; xxv. (with some omissions) ; xlvi. 1-12 (Egypt) ;
xlvii. 1-7 (Philistines) ; xlviii. (Moab, with some omissions) ;
xlix. 1-6 (Ammon) ; xlix. 7-21 (Edom) ; xlix. 23-27
(Damascus) ; xlix. 28-33 (Kedar-Hazor).

(б) Discourses from the fifth year of Jehoiakim to the end of

his reign (ch. xiv.-xvii. 18, omitting xvii. 5-13 ; xii. 7-17 ;

XXXV.).

THE VTRITING PROPHETS

105

{d) Discourses delivered in the reign of Zedekiah, 59G-586 b.c.
(ch. xxiv. ; xxix., with large omissions ; xlix. 34-39; xxii. ;
xxiii ; xxi. ; xx. 14-18-1-6-12; xxxii. ; xxxiii. 1-13, omitting
vers. 14-26).

(e) Discourses delivered after the capture of Jerusalem, July
586 ; (ch. xxx. and xxxi., with some omissions ; xlvi. 13-26).

(/) Appendix containing some displaced genuine passages of
Jeremiah, which cannot be assigned to their proper place
(ch. ii. 14-15 ; ix. 22-23 ; ix. 24-25 ; xii. 4 ; xvi. 19-20 ;
xvii. 5-8 ; xvii. 9-10 ; xvii. 11-13).

Part II, (comprising a collection of biographical chapters con¬
cerning Jeremiah’s life). They were evidently written after the
death of the prophet (which took place soon after 586 b.c.) by a
person who appears to have been well informed).

Ch. xix.-xx. 6; xxvi. ; xxxvi. ; xxvii.-xxviii. ; li. 59-64; xxxiv.
1-7 ; xxxvii. 3, 5-10 ; xxxiv. 8-22 ; xxxvii. 4, 11-21 ; xxxviii. ;
xxxix. 15-18 (3, 14); xl. 6-16; xli.-xliv.

Part III. consisting of passages written neither by Jeremiah,
nor by the author of the biographical chapters (x. 1-16 ; xvii.
19-27 ; xxxix. l-l2-f-xl. 1-5; l.-lii.).

§ 3. Ezekiel.

Literature. — Commentaries: by A. B. Davidson (in Cam¬
bridge Bible); H. A. Redpath (in ‘Westminster’ Series); [on
the criticism of the Hebrew text, C. H. Toy, in S.B.O. T.]. [The
following section should be read in coniunction with Ottley,
pp. 63-70.]

The Prophet. — Ezekiel^ the son of Buzi^ was a priest,
and his writings may be regarded as exhibiting a singular
combination of the priestly with the prophetic spirit.
He belonged to the aristocracy of Jerusalem, the bulk of
which w^as deported with Jehoiachin in 597 b.c. into
Babylonia. There with other Jewish exiles he was settled
at Tel-abib (iii. 15) by the river Chehar (i. 1, 3 ; hi. 15,
etc.). The exiles at Tel-abib seem to have formed a
little community. Ezekiel lived in his own Hiouse'
(iii. 24; viii. 1, etc.), and other houses are alluded to
(xxxiii. 30). The elders of the Israelite community are
spoken of as visiting the prophet at his home and listen¬
ing to his words (viii. 1).

Ezekiel received the call to the prophetic office in the
fifth year of Jehoiachin’s exile (592 b.c.), and the latest
date given in the book (xxix. 17) is some twenty-two
years later (570 b.c.).

106

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

Contents and Analysis of the Book. — The Book of Ezekiel
falls into three clearly marked divisions, marked by
difference of theme : (1) ch. i.-xxiv., the imminent fall
of Jerusalem ; (2) ch. ooxv.-ocococii. , prophecies on foreign
nations ; and (3) ch. ocxxni.-xlviii. , Israel’s future resto¬
ration.

(1) Ch. i.-xxiv. — The prophet from his distant Babylonian home
watches Jerusalem hastening to its doom. Though there was
conflict and antagonism between the prophet and the other exiles
who shared his captivity (c/. xii. 21 if. ; xiv. 1 ff. ; xx. 1 ff.), yet
it was on them that his hopes for the future were fixed. Zedekiah
and the populace left behind in Jerusalem he regarded as beyond
redemption (c/. ix. 9 f. ; xii. ; xvii. 1-21 ; xxi. 25-27 ; xxii.).

The Book opens with an introductory section (i. 1-iii. 15) in
which the prophetic call and consecration are set forth in the
vision of the cherubim-chariots of Jahveh. [This introductory
section is termed by the Jews the ‘vision of the chariot.’ U

The remaining chapters of the first part (iii. 16-xxiv. 27) com¬
prise a collection of addresses which have as their theme the
imminent destruction of Jerusalem. These chapters are of re¬
markable interest, especially in their vivid symbolism and the
allegories (of which the prophet is very fond).

(2) Ch. xxv.-xxxii. — The second part contains oracles against
seven foreign peoples— viz. Ammon (xxv. 1-7; c/. xxi. 28-32),
Moab (xxv. 8-11), Edom (xxv. 12-14), the Philistines (xxv. 15-17),
Tyre (xpi. 1-xxviii. 19), Sidon (xxviii. 20-2G), and a group of six
prophecies against Egypt (xxix.-xxxii.).

This section of the Book presupposes the fall of Jerusalem.
The prophet’s attitude towards the Weign nations is determined
by this event. ‘The fall of Jerusalem wore the appearance of
a triunaph for heathenism; Jehovah, so it seemed, had been
unable in the end to defend His city ; the natives around viewed
Him with scorn, and His name was profaned amongst them. To
reassert the majesty and honour of Jahveh by declaring emphati¬
cally that He held in reserve a like fate for Israel’s neighbours,
is the main scope of [these] chapters. ’2

(3) Ch. xxxiii.-xlviii.— The fall of Jerusalem, which was
announced dramatically by a fugitive to the exiles (xxxiii. 21),
brilliantly confirmed Ezekiel’s predictions and strengthened his
position as a prophet among the exiles. In the last part of his
Book the prophet is concerned with the future, and with Israel’s
restoration. In ch. xxxiv. the false shepherds and leaders of
Israel are described, and, by way of contrast, the advent of the
Messianic Kingdom. Jahveh Himself will restore them (for the

^ The ‘chariot’ passage was regarded by the Rabbis as a
synopsis of theosophy (so also Gen. i. of the cosmogony). The
study of Ezek. i. and Gen. i. was, therefore, forbidden to those
under thirty years old. 2 Driver, L.O.T., p. 268 f.

THE WRITING PROPHETS

107

figure c/ Jer. xxiii. 1-4). In cli. xxxv. a prophecy is uttered
against Edom which had encroached on Israel’s territory: but
Judah, which is now a reproach, shall be repeopled and re-estab-
lished (ch. xxxvi.) In ch. xxxvii. the restoration is depicted
under the striking figure of the vision of the valley of dry bones.

of tlie^ture^^^^ Judah, is destined to share in the blessings

Ch. xxxviii.-xxxix. (Gog and Magog) are eschatological in char¬
acter, and depict Jahveh’s final triumph over the hostile world-

powers, pictured as an attack of the hosts from the north on the
restored nation.

Ch. xl.-xlviii. contain the famous vision of the restored temple
and theocracy. Minute details are given of the imaginary build-
ing, and the organisation of the restored community.

Character of the Book as a whole.— The Book is per¬
vaded by an individuality which is unmistakable. No
substantial objections can be ur^ed against its integrity
or authorship. 'I he prophecies are, in many cases, dated
with precision, and the whole Book may be looked upon,
as^it stands, as (apart from minor redactional adjustments
which are quite unimportant) the work of the prophet,
whose name it bears. It has undergone no long literary
expansion and development, in which many hands have
pai ticipated , as is the case with such writings as the Books
of Isaiah and Jeremiah. In this respect the Book of
Ezekiel occupies a privileged position in the prophetic
literature of the Old Testament.

The text of the Book is, unfortunately, in a bad state of pre¬
servation. Ezekiels style has many points of affinitv with the
priestly phraseology (especially with the Holiness Code). The
essential spirit of P comes to expression in such passages as
XXXVII* i,j xliii* 7} 9*

§ 4. The Minor Prophets (Book of the Twelve

Prophets).

UteratuTe.-Comm^ni^xiQ^ by Pusey, G. A. Smith, The Book
of the Twelve Prophets {2 vols. Exp. Bible)', Minor Prophets
in CeMury Bible, vol. ii., by S. B. Driver (on Nahum, Habak-
kiik, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi).

On Hosea : T. K. Cheyne (Camb. Bible).

Hosea and Amos, by Harper (in Internal. Crit. Commentaries).
^el and Amos, by S. R. Driver (in Camb. Bible).

Micah, by T. K. Cheyne (in Camb. Bible).

Zephaniah, by A. B. Davidson (in

Haggai and Zechariah, by T. T. Perowne (in Camb. Bible).

Cf. Zechariah and his Prophecies, by C. H. H. Wright
(Bampton Lectures, 1879). °

108

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

Malachi, by T. T. Perowne (in Camb. Bible).

Cf. also the articles in Encycl. Brit. (ed. 9) : Robertson Smith,
The Prophets of Israel ; F. W. Farrar, The Minor Prophets,
their Lives and Times : articles in the Bible Dictionaries.

(i) Hosea {cf. OttleV;, H.P., pp. 24-80).

Hosea was the son of a certain Beeri, to whose author¬
ship Jewish tradition assigns Isa. viii. 19-20. Hosea was
a native of the Northern Kingdom^ and was active in
the reign of Jeroboam ii. {cf. i. 1) — probably in the latter
})art of it — and subsequently. From his Book we gather
that he had been compelled to endure heavy domestic
sorrow (ch. i.-iii.), and that he lived in very disturbed
and troublous times {cf. ix. 7-8).

Chronological Table.

H.C.

786. Jeroboam ii.
746. Zechariah.
7AK I Shallum.

" \Menahem.

B.O.

737. Pekahiah,

735. Pekah.

733. Hoshea.

722. Fall of Samaria.

[Jeroboam ii. was the fourth ruler of the dynasty founded by
Jehu. Plis reign was long and successful. But the House of
Jehu had not fulfilled the expectations of the prophets. Hence
Hosea’s prediction of judgment upon it (i. 4 L). With Jeroboam’s
successor (Zechariah) the dynasty of Jehu came to an end (he was
murdered after a reign of six months). A period of anarchy
followed, of which a picture is given by Hosea in vii. 3-7,
viii. 4.]

Contents and Analysis of the Book. — The Book falls into
two parts : {a) ch. i.-iii., and {b) ch. iv.-xiv.

(а) Ch. i.-iii. — The prophet out of his own domestic misfortunes
weaves a sort of allegory of Israel’s unfaithfulness to Jahveh and
its consequences. But the rejection is not final. The time here
presupposed is the prosperous period of Jeroboam ii.

(б) Ch. iv.-xiv. comprise a series of addresses, which give a
summary of Hosea’s prophetic teaching. This part of the Book
obviously emanates from a later period than (a). Anarchy and
murdered kings are alluded to (vii. 3-7, 16 ; x. 15). Israel is
seeking help from Assyria and Egypt (cf. v. 13 ; vii. 11 ; viii. 9 ;
xii. 2). But there is no allusion to the Syro-Ephraimitish war
of 735-4. Thus (a) belongs to c. 746 b.c., (b) to c. 735.

Ch. iv.-a^iv. may be divided into three sections : (1) iv.-
viii., where Israel’s guilt is emphasised : ix.-xi. 11, Israel’s
punishment emphasised ; xi. 12-xiv., both lines of thought

THE VV^RITING PROPHETS

109

are continued, but in the conclusion (xiv.) a brighter
future is pictured for Israel if the nation repents.

General Character of the Book. — ^The Book of Hosea is
individual and subjective in character to a degree that
is hardly paralleled in the case of any other prophetic
writing (Cornill). It reflects an intensely emotional
temperament, which makes itself felt in the short, abrupt
sentences that mark the prophet’s style.

The Book has been subjected to Judaistic influence, and it is
possible that there are some Judaistic interpolations (e.g. '‘and
David their King’' in iii. 5 ; c/. Jer. xxx. 9).

(ii) Joel {cf. Ottley, U.P., pp. 95-97).

In the title of the Book no particulars are given as to
date ; only the prophet’s name is mentioned {Joel son of
Pethuel).

Jhe theme of the Book is a simple one. It dwells
upon the approach of the Day of Jahveh,’ the pre¬
cursor of which the author sees in a terrible plague of
locusts which, accompanied by drought, is causing the
severest distress.

The prophecy falls into two parts, viz. (a) i. 2-17 and (6) ii. 18
to end. In (a) the occasion of the prophecy (a visitation of
locusts) is vividly described (i. 2-7) ; the prophet proceeds to ex¬
hort the people to fasting, supplication, and mourning, for the
present visitation suggests the approach of the ‘Day of Jahveh’
(i. 15), which is to be ushered in by a visitation even more terrible
(ii. 2T1). In {h) ch. ii. 18 to end the result of the prophet’s
warning is set forth in narrative form : the people, apparently,
repented, Jahveh graciously changed His purpose and re¬
sponded to the people’s prayer. The language here is largelv
eschatological.

Date of the Prophecy.— On the question of date there
has been a large amount of discussion among the inter¬
preters of the Book. A number of indications, however,
converge to show that the composition of the Book must
be post-exilic.

Such allusions as those contained in iii. 1-3 and 17 ( = iv. 1-3 17
in Hebrew) presupposes the dispersion of the Jews among nations.
The reference to captive Jews being sold to Greeks in iii. 6 also
implies a post-exilic date. The Temple is in existence, and a
solemn assembly of the people (a ‘ fast ’) can take place there. It
is probable that the community of the Second Temple is addressed ;
and the mention of Jerusalem’s walls (ii. 9) indicates a time sub-

110 OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

sequent to the age of Nehemiali (perhaps between c. 400 n.c. and
350 B.c.).

[The diction and style of J oel are smooth and flowing \ ‘ but it
is the flowing diction of the scholar who is deeply read in the
ancient literature, not the spontaneous beauty which marks the
creations of genius.’

(iii) Amos (c/. Ottley, i7.P., pp. 17-24).

Amos, as he himself informs us, was a shepherd living
in the Judean town of Tekoa. From following the flock
he was taken by Jahveh in order to prophesy against
JahvelTs peojAe Israel, i.e. the Northern Kingdom. His
message was to announce its overthrow, and the exile of
its inhabitants by the Assyrians. With such an announce¬
ment as the burden of his message it is not surprising
that the prophet should have been expelled from the
royal sanctuary at Bethel. The prophet appears himself
to have committed his prophecies to writing, and may,
therefore, be styled rightly the ^ first of the writing
prophets.’

Contents and Analysis of the Book.— The book falls
naturally into three parts: {a) ch. i.-ii., introductory;
(6) ch. iii.-vi. ; and (c) ch. vii.-ix.

(а) Ch. 4. -M.— After a flue exordium (i, 2) the prophet rapidly
surveys the nations bordering on Israel, and shows that in each
case retribution will follow the violation of some moral law;
Israel, too, is not destined to escaj^e ; its doom is approachino'
(ii. 13-16). The enumeration of the nations skilfully leads up to
a climax — in Israel.

(б) Ch. iii.-vi., a group of three discourses, each introduced by
the emphatic address : Hear ye this %cord (iii. 1; iv. 1 ; v. 1).
Here the indictment of Israel is worked out and iustified in
detail.

(c) Ch. vii.-ix. contains a series of visions, with a historical
passage interjected (vii. 10-17) and an epilogue (ix. 7-15). The
visions point the moral of the previous chapters.

It will he apparent from the analysis that the Book as
a whole is skilfully arranged and marked by unity of
plan and consistency of thought. In command of
language and literary power the earliest is also one
of the greatest of the writing prophets.

The only passages as to whose authenticity serious doubts can
be urged are ii. 4-8 (a Deuteronomic interpolation ?), iv. 13, v. 8-9,

^ Blerx.

THE WRITING PROPHETS

111

which seem to disturb the connection, and not
■to fat their context (Wellhausen would add i. 9-10, 11-12* iv l2/j •
and viii. 11-12), , . ^ ,

The conclusion of the Book, ix. 8-15, is usually treated by
critical scholars as a post-exilic addition, appended in order to
give the Book a hopeful ending. It is, however, possible that some
ot the alleged interpolations in the prophetic literature— especially
passages which exhibit eschatological features— may be okler than
the prophets in whose writings they occur, and may be cited bv
them as they were current and familiar in popular tradition.

Date of Amos. — According: to the superscription in i. 1
Amos prophesied in the reigns of Uzziah of Judah, and
Jeroboam (ii.) of Israel ; and everything in the Book
confirms this. The picture there given suggests a state
ot affairs in which external prosperity is combined
with internal weakness (the result of the corrupting-
influence of luxury and great wealth). Amos was pro¬
bably active between 7(i0 and 750 b.c. He must be
regarded as an elder contemporary of Hosea, who shows
signs of being acquainted with the prophecies of Amos. ^

(iv) Obadiah (cf. Ottley, H.P., pp. 61, 97-98).

The little prophecy which bears the name oi Obadiah is
concerned mainly with Edom, upon whom a fearful judg¬
ment is announced to be impending (vers. 1-9); the ground
of this is Edom’s baseness and treachery towards Judah in
the hour of her calamity, when the city was captured by
enemies (vers. 10-14) ; the day of retribution that awaits
them IS coming with the advent of ^a Day of Jahveh’
upon all nations : then Edom shall give place to a
reunited and restored Judah and Israel (vers. 15-21)

Date of the Prophecy.— It is obvious that vers. 11-14
refer to the capture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar in
586 B.c. 1 his will furnish the terminus a quo. But the
matter is complicated by the relation of Obadiah to
Jer. xlix. 7-22.

In Jer. xlix. a considerable number of points of contact with
Obadiah occur : Obad. 1 = Jer. xlix. 14 ; ver. 2= xlix 15 • vpr
xlix. 16a; ver. 4=xlix. 166; ver. 5=xlix. 9; ver. 'e^iS 10a -
vers. 8=xlix. 7 ver. 9a=xlix. 226. ' ’

A comparison of these parallels tells in favour of the
superior originality of Obadiah. But Obadiah cannot be

1 Cf. Hos. iv. 15 ; V. 8 ; X. 5, with Amos v. 5,

112

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

earlier than 586 b.c,, and Jer. xlix. 7 f. was delivered in
the fourth year of Jehoiakim (604 b.c.). The only satis¬
factory solution of this enig'ma is to suppose that Jer.
xlix. 7-22 is not in its original form, but that the original
form of it has been revised in accordance with Obadiah.
Giesebrecht has shown in detail that this is probable.
According to Wellhausen the original form of Obadiah
consists of vers. 1-5, , 10-11, 13-14, 155. This originally
referred to the displacement of Edomites by Arab tribes
in the fifth century b.c. The prophecy was later revised
(partly under the influence of Jer. xlix.) with the object
of expanding the contemporary catastrophe of Edom
eschatologically into a judgment over the heathen world
and the restoration of Israel.

(v) Jonah {cf. Ottley, II. P., pp. 99-103).

The Book of Jonah, both in form and substance, is
utterly unlike any other of the prophetic writings. It is
cast entirely (apart from the psalm ’ in ch. ii.) in the form
of historical narrative, which, however, is pervaded by
a very pronounced didactic aim and edifying purpose.

The hero of the Book is Jonah ben Amittai of Gath-hepher in
Galilee, who is referred to in II. Kings xiv. 25 as having predicted
to Jeroboam ii. his successes against the Syrians.

Character of the Narrative. — The story told in the Book
presupposes a time when the Assyrian Empire was at the
height of its power and Nineveh was, in a sense, the
metropolis of the world. The Jonah referred to must,
therefore, be the historical Jonah of II. Kings xiv. 25.
But the linguistic features of the Book make an early
(pre-exilic) date for its composition quite impossible.
The narrative is a late one (post-exilic) which recounts an
episode in which the historical Jonah is the principal
figure. It resembles in general character the biograph¬
ical narratives of Elijah and Elisha in Kings, though it
is pervaded by a more distinctly didactic aim’ (Driver).

There may be a historical basis for the narrative — very probably
the preaching of Jonah in Nineveh was a fact vouched for by old
tradition — but the incidents appear to have been made subservient
to the very pronounced didactic aim of the Book. According to
Budde, the Book of Jonah has been extracted from the Midrash,
from which the Chronicler cited. The book has a decidedly
I^Iidrashic character.

THE WRITING PROPHETS 113

Aim of the Book.— The Rook appears to have been

written as a protest ag-ainst the exclusive spirit which

nioie and more dominated official Judaism after the time

ot Ezia. Jonah is the type of his unspiritual fellow-

countrymen who were disappointed because the heathen

Thp exterminated by Jahveh. The desson of

Tnfl merely the

God of the Jewish nation, hut of all creation, extends

thP rTl h ^ ^ creatures ; that He is concerned with
the well-being of the heathen world; and that the
heathen are ready to respond to the prophetic message
alout the true God, which it is Israel’s duty to proclaim
to the whole world. ^

tolTpY allegorical view of the Book, according

iL not merely unspiritual Israelites but

nation as a whole. Israel had been entrusted by
Sue Cod' b^n commission to bear witness to the revelation of the
pImrS ^ respond to the demands of this high

calling , had repeatedly apostatised, and, in consequence wls
swallowed up by the world-power Babylon (c/. Jer. li. 34). ’ The
chastisement of exile produced repentance and the nation was

released; but even then many in
Israel were disappointed because the predictions regardina: the
01 erthrow of the heathen nations were not realised lust as T^nah
«s ^appointed at the reversal of the doom prl'ounced up»

Date and Integrity of the Book. -The composition of
the Book cannot well he assigned to an earlier date than
t^lie end of the Persian period (c. 850) ; it may even
belong to the Greek period. It was already recognised as
one of the twelve prophets ’ by the time of Ben Sira, i.e.
c. 200 B.c. (Ecclus. xhx. 10). In its broad universalism it
IS unsurpassed in the whole range of Biblical literature.

The Psalm in ch ii. 3-10 is probably a later interpolation • it
IS inappiojiriate in its present place (being really a thanksqivina)
and is largely made up of quotations from the Psalter. ^ ^ ’

(viii) Micah {cf. Ottley, J/.P., pp. 88-43).

(]) The Prophet.— JJicah was a younger contemporary
of Isaiah, and is styled the Morashtite, i.e. a native of
Mores heth, a small town dependent on Gath in thp
maritime plain (c/i ch. i. 1 and H). According to
^ he prophesied in the days of HeJdah,
kwg 0/ /h*iA predicting that Zion ehou/d be plowed as a
field, etc. ( = Micah, iii. 12). His prophetic activity may,

114

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

therefore^ probably be placed somewhere between the
)''ears 720-700 b.c.

The words in the days of Jotham, Ahaz, in the superscription
(i. 1) are probably redactional additions.

(2) Contents and Analysis of the Book of Micah. — The
Book falls naturally into three parts, viz. : (a) ch. i.-iii.,
(6) ch. iv.-v., and (c) ch. vi.-vii.

{a) Ch. i.-iii. — This section mainly consists of denunciation. It
opens with a vivid description of Jahveh’s imminent appearance
for judgment on account of the transgression of Samaria and
Jerusalem, which represent the northern and southern kingdoms.
Samaria is therefore to be reduced to ruin (i. 2-7) ; the prophet,
however, sees with grief that disaster is advancing upon Jerusalem
as well. In a remarkable passage full of paronomasia he
describes the fate of towns near his own home (i. 8-16) ; ch. ii.
describes the national sin and its punishment : soon the heathen
shall be seen dividing up the land (vers. 1-5). A sarcastic inter¬
ruption (ver. 6) is met by an earnest reply on the part' of the
prophet (vers. 7, 11). In vers. 12-13 there is an abrupt transition.
The restoration of Israel — the people headed by their king with
Jahveh at his side — is strikingly depicted. [The text of ch. ii. is
apparently in disorder and mutilated. The true sequence may
be : vers. 1, 2, 8-10, 3, 4, 6, 7, 11, 12-13 (ver. 5 is probably a
gloss). The last two verses (12-13) are regarded by many scholars
as a later interpolation. Their connection with the context is
not clear, and they seem to presuppose the Exile.] Ch. iii. is
parallel in thought (and partly in structure) with ch. ii. It falls
into three parts : i. vers. 1-4, against the ruling classes ; ii. vers.
5-8, a digression against the false prophets; iii. vers. 6-l2, a
recapitulation of the nation’s sins and doom.

(6) Ch. iv.-v. — This section opens with an eschatological passage
describing the future glory of Zion as the spiritual metropolis of
the world (vers. l-5=Isa. ii. 2-4 substantially): Israel’s restoration
is again predicted (vers. 6-7), as well as the revival of the Davidic
sovereignty (ver. 8) ; in the remaining verses present distress, the
period of travail and aflliction which must precede Zion’s final
triumph over the assembled nations, are dwelt upon (vers. 9-13).
Ch. v. again is largely Messianic and eschatological. The period
of stress alluded to in verse 1 passes over into a description of the
Messiah’s birth and world-wide rule (vers. 2-4) ; he will be the
Deliverer of his people against the Assyrians (vers. 5-6), and ‘ the
remnant of Jacob’ shall prove its terrible might among the
nations (vers. 7-9) ; the great mark of the Messianic age will be
the destruction of warlike instruments and idolatry (vers. 10-15).

(c) Ch. vi.-vii. : (i.) vi. 1-vii. 6. — This section is different in
tone and character from ch. i.-iii. and iv.-v. The whole people
— not merely its leaders — is denounced ; and the representation
takes a dramatic form, that of a controversial dialogue between
Jahveh and Israel. Jahveh first arraigns the people (vi. 1-5) ; in

THE WRITING PROPHETS

115

^ V^o-ple personified and the prophet

speak ; a further denunciation bj Jahveh (vers. 9-16) follows and
again the penitent community and the prophet speak in vii 1-6
(ii) vzi. 7-20.— Here - —

_ ■ ^ again the standpoint changes. The

penitent community in distress speaks in vers. 7-10, the prophet
replying with a consolatory promise (vers. 11-13), which is followed

prophet in the people’s name, that the
piomised salvation may be realised.

(3) Composite Character of the Book.— The fraa-mentarv
cliaracter of much of the Book is apparent on close exami¬
nation. 1 he transitions are abrupt, and the standpoint
constantly changes. Eschatological features are also very
maiked. The last part of the third section (vii. 7-20) is
regarded by Wellhausen as an exilic addition, but may
well be original. Ch. vi. 1-vii. G was assigned by Ewald
to an anonymous prophet in the reign of Manasseh. TTiis
IS probable, and is not inconsistent with Micah’s
authorship.^ It has been questioned whether the whole of
ly.-v., particularly the Babylon clause ni iv. 10, is con¬
sistent with the context.

Cornill supposes that vi. 1-vii. 6, with a conclusion now lost
were added to an earlier form of i.-iii. ; that this whole was then
mterpolated by another hand which added iv. 1-4, 11-14 v. 1-3
0-14 ; finally a later hand revised this whole, adding vii. 7-20 (in
place of the original conclusion) and interpolating ii. 12-13 iv
0-10, and v. 4-5. ’

(vii) Nahum (cf. Ottley, B.P., pp. 4G-48).

^ (1) The Prophet.— All that is known of Nahum ( = ^ rich
m comfort [is God]’) is contained in the statement (i. 1)

lat he was an Elkoshite. But the locality so designated
IS unknown. ^

According to Jerome it is to be identified with a village in
Galilee which in his time bore the name Elkesi (fourth century
A.D.j. Eut the site of this village is uncertain.

(2) Contents and Analysis of the Book.— The main
contents^ of the Book are correctly described in the
superscription, Oracle concerning Nineveh, which, however
IS a late editorial insertion. The original heading- is
contained in the second part : ^[The book of] the vision
of Nahum the Elkoshite'

The prophecy against Nineveh really begins with ii 1
followed immediately by ver. 3 f. : it falls into three
parts ; (a) ii. 1, 3-10, (5) ii. 11-13 and (c) iii

116

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

Here [a) describes in vivid language the assault on Nineveh,
and its capture ; {h) contains an oracle directed against the King
of Assyria ; and (c) contains a fierce denunciation of the sins and
doom of the ‘bloody city.’ The calamities which have already
overtaken No-Amon {i.e. Egyptian Thebes) shall fall upon it.

Ch. 1 ( + ii. 2) forms the exordium to the oracle on
Nineveh in tlie present form of the Book. -A fine picture
is g-iven of Jahveh appearing in judgment^ and the
effects of this on the physical universe (vers. 2-6) ; He
cares for those who trust in Him (ver. 7) hut over¬
whelms His enemies (vers. 8-12rt) ; vers. 126-15 describe
how the joyful news is conveyed to Judah.

It was long ago noticed that ch. i, and ii. 2 exhibit traces of an
alphabetic acrostic, and throughout there is no reference to
Nineveh. The text of i. 1-15 and ii. 2 has been reconstructed by
Gunkel and Bickell so as to form a complete alphabetic psalm,
with contents of an eschatological character. Ch. i. and ii. 2 as
a whole can hardly belong to Nahum originally. Possibly i. 9-12
may proceed from the proj)het.

Date of Nahum’s Oracle. — The composition of the
prophecy must fall hetween 607-6^ when Nineveh was
destroyed hy the Babylonians and Medes_, and the
capture of Thebes (No-Amon) alluded to in iii. 8-10.
This took place for the second time and most completely
in 663 or 662 b.c. (by Assurbanipal). As the tone of the
prophecy suggests that the fall of Nineveh is imminent,, a
date somewhat nearer 606 is probable.

(viii) Habakkuk {ef. Ottley, H.P., pp. 49-51).

Of the prophet Habakkuk nothing is known but what
can be inferred from the Book.

Contents and Analysis. — The prophecy is thrown dra¬
matically into the form of a dialogue between the prophet
and Jahveh {cf. Micah vi.-vii. ; Jer. xiv.-xv. ). It falls
into three parts : (a) ch. i., (6) ch. ii.^ and (c) ch. iii.

{a) Ch. i. — The prophet complains of the wickedness which
goes on unchecked in the land (vers. 2-4) ; Jahveh answers that
the instrument of judgment— the Chaldeans— is near at hand
(vers. 5-11); the prophet now raises another problem — are the
righteous to perish with the guilty in a common destruction at
the hands of a brutal and barbarous power ? (vers. 12-17).

{h) Ch. ii. begins by depicting the prophet on the watch-tower
awaiting an answer to his appeal and complaints (ver. 1). The
answer is given in ver. 4 : The oppressor {the Chaldean t) is elated
with pride ; hut the just hy his faithfulness shall he preserved

THE WRITING PROPHETS

317

alive. ^ The oppressor’s pride will prove his downfall. This
theme is developed in a ‘ taunt-song,’ placed in the mouth of the
nations, on the day of the tyrant’s downfall (vers. 6-20).

(c) Ch. Hi. is a lyric ode ‘which for sublimity of poetic
conception and splendour of diction, ranks with the finest (Ex. xv. ;
Judg. y, ) which Hebrew poetry has produced’ (Driver). The
theme is Jahveh appearing in judgment against His foes.

The Aim and Date of the Prophecy. — It has usually been
assumed that the oppressive pow'er denounced is the
Chaldean_, and the date assigned has been c. 605 (just
before the decisive victory of the Chaldeans over the
Egyptians at Carchemish, in 604 b.c.). But this interpre¬
tation has recently been controverted.

Giesebrecht maintains that the descriptive passage which
contains the only mention of the Chaldeans in the Book (i. 5-11)
is misplaced, interrupting the close connection between vers. 12
and 4 of ch. i. ^ The Chaldeans are to be regarded as not the
objects but the instruments of Jahveh’s wrath, The oppressor’
who is deirouirced must, therefore, be Assyria, and the occasion
the threatening of Nineveh by the Chaldeans. Perhaps i. 5-11
should be made to follow ii. 4, where there is a gap, apparently,
in the text. Cornill would, on this view, date the oracle c. 615
[the ‘bloody city’ of iii. 1. would, of course, be Nineveh].

Ch. iii. has a character of its own. It is decidedly apocalvjrtic
and eschatological in colouring. It may have been derived from
a collection of psalms, where it stood with its present super¬
scription (‘Prayer of Habakkuk the prophet’). It is probably
post-exilic (notice the musical subscription).

(ix) Zephaniah {cf. Ottley, H.P., pp. 48-49).

(1) The Prophet. — The superscription of the Book in¬
forms us that Zephaniah was the descendant^ in the
fourth generation, of a certain Hezekiah. The latter is
not a very common name, and is generally assumed to be
that of the famous king ; but this identification is by no
means absolutely certain. W e also learn from the
superscription that the prophet w’as active in the days of
Josiah the son of Amoii, king of Judah. As the prophecy
presupposes that idolatry is rampant in some of its
grosser forms, the date of its composition will have
preceded the Deuteronomic Reformation, and may be
fixed as c. 630.

(2) Contents and Analysis of the Book. — The prophecy

falls into three parts: (a) ch. i., (b) ch. ii.-iii. 7, and (c)
ch. iii. 8-20. ’ \ /

118

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

(а) Ch. i. contains a wonderful description of ‘the Day of
Jahveh ’ on which the famous Dies irae dies ilia (i. 15 Vulgate)
is based. The judgment is pictured as a world-catastrophe
(ver. 2 f. ), but is directed more particularly against the idolaters
and apostates in Jerusalem. Three classes are specially mentioned
as destined to be victims in the sacrifice, viz. the paganising
dependents of the Court, the merchants, and the irreligious
Judaeans.

(б) Ch. ii. 1-iii. 7 continues the same theme. The prophet urges
repentance (ii. 1-3), which will alone suffice to rescue the people
from the doom that is destined to overwhelm the Philistines
(vers. 4-7), Moab and Ammon (vers. 8-11), Ethiopia (ver. 12), and
Nineveh itself (vers. 13-15). In iii. 1-7 Jerusalem is again
addressed and her sins recapitulated, especially those of her
governing classes.

(c) Ch. iii. 8-20. — In the concluding section a brighter future
dawns. The effects of the judgment will be made manifest in a
jiurified community, and the universal acknowledgment of
Jahveh.

Integrity of the Book. — The general sequence of the
thought is coherent enough, but there are indications
that the text has been revised and worked over in places.
Not improbably ii. 8-11 is a later interpolation (ver. 11
shows the influence of Deutero-Isaiah), as also are iii. 9-
10 and 14-20 (the latter both in phraseology and thought
completely Deutero-Tsaianic). [The description of the
devastating effects of the judgment in ch. i. may have
been suggested by the Scythian invasion.]

(x) Haggai {cf. Ottley, H.P., pp. 78-80).

The prophet Haggai is mentioned in conjunction with
Zechariah {cf. Ezra iv. 24; v. 1, 2; vi. 14) as having
come forward and urged upon the Jews of Jerusalem,
some sixteen years after the return from Babylon (536),
the duty of rebuilding the Temple. This happened in
520, and as the result of the prophet’s exhortations the
work was taken up in earnest and finished in 516 b.c.
Probably Haggai at this time was an old man (he had
seen apparently the old Temple before its destruction in
586) while Zechariah was quite young.

Contents and Analysis of the Book. — The theme of the
little Book is the rebuilding of the Temple. It falls into
four sections which are precisely dated, viz. («) ch. i.,
(6) ii. 1-9, (c) ii. 10-19, and {d) ii. 20-23.

{x) Ch. i. — On the 1st day of the 6th month of the 2nd year

THE WRITING PROPHETS

119

of Darius (= 520 b.c.) the prophet urges the people no longer to
delay the work of rebuilding the Temple. They themselves are
dwelling in ceiled houses, while Jahveh’s House lies in ruins. As
a consequence they are suffering from drought and failure of the
crops — a signal mark of the Divine displeasure. In vers. 12-15
the practical effect of the prophet’s words is described.

(6) Ch. a. 1-9. — On the 2lst day of the 7th month the prophet
encourages those who might have seen the Solomonic Temple in
its glory, and be tempted to draw unfavourable comparisons.
The later glory of the Temple will surpass its earlier splendour,
because of the gifts of the Gentiles.

(c) Ch. a. . 10-19. — On the 24th day of the 9th month the
prophet, by an illustration drawn from the ritual of the
ceremonial law, teaches the people that they are in a state
equivalent to levitical uncleanness so long as the Temple remains
unbuilt.

[d) Ch. a. 20-23. — On the same day Haggai encourages
Zerubbabel — the representative of the old Davidic line — with the
assurance that he will receive special tokens of the Divine
favour.

Character of the Book. — The prophecy^ as a whole^ is
simple and unornate_, and its diction hardly rises above
the level of pure prose. But its very simplicity and
earnestness make its appeal all the more forcible.

(xi) Zechariah {cf. Ottley^ 11. F., pp. 80-82, 92-94).

(1) Contents and Analysis. — The Book of Zechariah
falls into two well-marked and distinct divisions, viz.
(a) ch. i.-viii. , and (6) ch. ix.-xiv.

(a) Ch. i.-viii. consist of (i) an introductory. section (i. 1-6),
dated 520 b.c., containing an appeal to the lessons of the past
aflid an earnest exhortation to repentance ; (ii) a group of eight
visions (i. 7-vi. 8) all bearing one date, viz. the 24th day of
the 11th month [i.e. Shebat=: Jan.-Feb.) of the 2nd year of
Darius (=Jan.-reb. 519 b.c.). The first vision (i. 7-17) is that
of the angelic horsemen (the angelic scouts who are Jahveh’s
messengers upon the earth, cf. Job i. 7). They report that all
is quiet, there is no sign of the political upheaval promised by
Haggai (ii. 6 f., 21 f.) which was to herald a Messianic crisis.
The divine reply given to the angel-interpreter is a message
of consolation and promise.

The second vision (i. 18-2l=ii. 1-4 Heb.) is that of the four
horns (representing the heathen powers that have oppressed
Israel) and the four smiths (who symbolise the instruments for
punishing the former). The third vision (ii. l-5=ii. 5-9 Heb.)
gives a symbolical description of the new city of Jerusalem. The
vision is followed by a lyric piece in the style of Isa. xl. ff.,
which may be a composition of earlier date (it apparently pre¬
supposes that the exile is not yet at an end). The fourth vision

120

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

(ch. iii.) depicts the community in the person of the High Priest
Joshua arraigned before God by the Satan (the accusing angel).
The jilthy garments of Joshua (representing the guilt of the
community) are taken off ; he is clothed with festal robes, and
the advent of the Messiah (the Brayich or Sprout ; cf. Jer. xxiii.
5, xxxiii. 15) is promised. The fifth vision (ch. iv.) is that of
the golden candlestick and the two olive-trees. [The text appears
to be in disorder; probably vers. 66-lOa should be read at the
vers. l-6a, 106-14, 66-lOa.] The two olive-trees probably
symbolise the religious and civil heads of the community, viz.
Joshua and Zerubbabel, who are to share equally in the work of
restoring and maintaining the Temple ( = the golden candlestick).
^ 1 visions, viz. the sixth (that of the flying volume,

V. ^4) and the seventh (that of the woman in the Bphali-measure,
v*_ 5-11) portray the purification of the land from crime and
wickedness. The eighth and last vision (vi. 1-8) is that of the
four chariots of the winds. Like the first it includes within its
survey the whole earth, but unlike the former, which explains the
postponement of the Messianic crisis, this represents the crisis as
begun. The ^ changed standpoint finds its explanation in the
intervening visions where the moral and religious regeneration of
Israel, which was a necessary preliminary, is described [vi. 9-15
forms a historical appendix] ; (iii) there follows in ch. vii. (date
518 B.c.) an oracle concerning the fasts [certain fasts, commemorat-
ing the sad events in connection with the destruction of the
Temple and the holy city, had come to be observed during the
exile (vii. 3, 5; cf. viii. 19)].

(iv) Ch. viii. contains ten short oracles, forming a decalogue
and summing up the prophet’s teaching. A delightful picture is
Messianic age which is dawning. All the fast-days
shall be turned into days of gladness.

(6) Ch. ijc.-xiv. contain two distinct prophecies, viz.
(i) ch. ix.-xi., with which xiii. 7-9 should probably be
reckoned ; and (ii) xii. 1-xiii. 6 and xiv.

(i) Ch. ix.-xi. and xiii. 7-9. — Ch. ix. depicts a judgment as
about to fall on various parts of Syria and Palestine (Damascus,
Hamath, Tyre, and Sidon, and the principal cities of the Philis¬
tines) ; this leads to the conversion of the remnant of the Philis¬
tines and their incorporation into Israel. These events prepare
ree way for the advent of the Messiah and the Messianic age.
Ch._ X. begins with a warning against trusting in teraphim and
diviners, and unworthy rulers. Judah and Ephraim under new
leaders will gain a decisive victory over their enemies. Ch. xi.
gives a picture of war bursting over the north and east of the
land. An allegory, in which the prophet and the people are
mainly concerned, follows. The people are represented as reject-
mg the divine guidance, and suffering the consequences (dis-
persion and ruin). A purified remnant will constitute the faith¬
ful people of God (xiii. 7-9).

THE WRITING PROPHETS

121

(ii) Ch xii. \-xiii. 6 and xiv. — Ch. xii. opens with a picture of
nations (including Judah) advancing against Jerusalem. Their
forces are routed and Jerusalem is delivered. The population of
Jerusalem have, apparently, been guilty of a judicial murder,
but, seized with compunction, they mourn long and bitterly over
their crime. Jerusalem henceforth (xiii. 1-6) is permanently
cleansed from sin. In ch. xiv. Jerusalem is pictured as again
assaulted by the nations. The city is captured and half its
population carried into captivity, jahveh intervenes to rescue
the remnant, and the Messianic age begins. The nations who
survive acknowledge Jahveh by coming up yearly to the Feast of
Tabernacles.

(2) Composite Character and Authorship of the Book. —
In passing from ch. viii. to ix. we are transported into
a different world. All the remarkable and peculiar
characteristics of i.-viii. disappear; and new features of
a peculiar character emerge. The two parts of the Book
cannot emanate from one and the same author. Ch. i.-
viii. belong to the prophet Zechariah ; ch. ix.-xiv. must
be assigned to a different writer or writers.

Ch. ix .-xiv. have been the subject of much discussion which
cannot be detailed here. Numerous indications point to a post-
exilic origin {e.g. the yearly pilgrimage of all nations to Jerusalem
to the Feast of Tabernacles in xiv.; the announcement of the ter¬
mination of prophecy and its expulsion together with the spirit of
uncleanness, xiii. 1-6 ; in ix. 13 the heathen world-power appears
in the guise of Greece, the independent position of the ‘ House of
Levi’ beside the ‘House of David,’ etc. Probably some part of
the Greek period (after 331) is indicated by such passages. There
is a strong apocalyptic tinge, and the writer (or writers) appears
to have been steeped in the older literature of the Old Testament.
Whether the chapters emanate from one author or more is uncer¬
tain. The two separate headings (ix. 1 and xi. 1) rather suggest
the latter alternative. It is probable that ix.-xi. with xiii. 7-9
dates from the eighth century b.c., and was subsequently modified,
and that the rest of the latter part is post-exilic.

(xii) Malachi (cf. Ottley, II. P., pp. 87-90).

(1) Contents and Analysis. — The prophecy of Malachi
may be divided into six sections : —

(i) Ch. i. 2-5, which forms the exordium, contains a vindica¬
tion of Jahveh’s love towards Israel (against cavillers).

(ii) Ch. i. 6-ii. 9. — Israel, however, unmindful of the divine
favour, does not honour Jahveh. The priests are neglectful in
the discharge of their sacred functions, and the service of the
sanctuary is brought into contempt. Severe punishment is
threatened.

122

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

(iii) Gh. ii. 10-16. — Those who had divorced their Israelitish
wives and married foreign women are denounced.

(iv) Ch. ii. 11 -iii. 6.— Against those who impugned the
righteousness of the divine government of the world the prophet
announces the approach of a day of judgment, when Jahveh
‘shall suddenly come to His Temple.’

(v) Gh. iii. 7-l2.— Drought and famine are the divine punish¬
ment for the people’s neglect in paying tithes and other dues.
On the other hand, a blessing is promised upon those who fulfil
these obligations.

(vi) Ch. iii. IZ-iv. 6. — Tlie prophet again meets complaints as
to God’s justice by declaring that the day is coming when Jahveh
will make manifest who are His. Then the difiference ‘ between
the righteous and the wicked, between him that serveth God and
him that serveth Him not,’ will be made clear. The Book con¬
cludes with an exhortation to observe ‘ the law of Moses my
servant,’ and a promise of the coming of Elijah the prophet.

(2) General Character and Date of the Book. — The pro¬
phecy clearly belongs to the post-exilic period {cf, 1, 8_,
‘ thy governor/ the same word that is used in Hag. i. 1 ;
Neh. V. 14, xii. 16, etc.), after the Temple had been
rebuilt (i. 10, iii. 1). A number of indications suggest
a time shortly before the reform of Ezra-Nehemiah as
the period of the composition of the Book (c. 450 b.c.).

Three abuses are especially attacked in Malachi, viz. the de¬
generacy of the priesthood, intermarriage with foreign women, and
remissness in the payment of sacred dues. These abuses, especially
the two last, were rampant in the age of Ezra-Nehemiah ; and
the latter exerted themselves strenuously to correct them [cf. Ezra
ix. 2 ; x. 3, 16-44 ; Neh. x. 30, 32 ff.; xiii. 4 flf., 15 ff., 23 ff., 28 f.).

(3) Authorship of ‘ Malachi.’ — It is highly doubtful
whether the name ^ Malachi ’ is a personal name at all.
The superscription (i. 1) is very probably due to a mis¬
understanding of iii. 1 {cf. LXX.).

A peculiar feature is the recurrence of the strange expression
burden {oracle) of the word of Jahveh in Zech. ix. 1, xii. 1, and
Mai. i. 1 (not elsewhere). In Zech. ix. 1 this superscription
appears to be original, but secondary in xii. 1 and Mai. iii. 1.
We may infer that Zech. ix.-xiv. and Malachi were originally
anonymous pieces, which were appended to the end of the pro¬
phetic collection (Zech. ix.-xiv. as being the longer first, and
then the shorter ‘Malachi ’). Malachi was then separated off and
provided with an independent superscription in order to make up
the number of the short prophetic writings to twelve, while
Zech. ix.-xiv. became incorporated into Zechariah, as Isaiah xl.-
Ixvi. into Isaiah [Zech. xii., marking a fresh division in what was
regarded as the Book of Zechariah, was provided with a separate
heading later, modelled on ix. 1].

C. POETICAL AND DIDACTIC LITERATURE

CHAPTER IV.— THE POETICAL AND DIDACTIC

BOOKS

(pSALMSj PROVERBS^ JOB^ THE FIVE MEGILLOTh)

§ 1. The Psalms.

Literature. — Commentaries by F. Delitzsch (Engl, transl. 3
vols.), Perowne (2vols.), Cheyne (transl. with short notes,
1888), Briggs (7.(7. (7.), Kirkpatrick (in Cambridge Bible) ;
also Cheyne’s The Origin and Religious Ideas of the Psalter
(BamptonLecturesfor 1889), andRobertson Smith, O.T.J.G.'^,
Lect. VII. ; cf. also the articles Poetry in Hastings’ D.B. (by
Budde), and Poetical Literature in Encycl. Bihl. ; Lowth,
De sacra poesi Hehraeorum praelectiones academicae (Oxon.
1753 ; translated by G. Gregory 1847) is still important.

(1) Hebrew Poetry. — The subject of Hebrew poetry can
only be alluded to in the briefest manner here. For
adequate discussion of its character and laws reference
must be made elsewhere.^

As regards its character, Hebrew poetry is almost
exclusively subjective, and is represented almost wholly
by lyric and gnomic poems. The epos is entirely absent,
and the drama is only represented, if at all, in a rudi¬
mentary- form. The poetry preserved in Scripture is,
of course, mainly religious in character. But specimens
of what was no doubt a large literature of secular poetry
have survived.

As examples cf. Gen. iv. 23 f. Lamech’s song of triumph over
the invention of metal weapons ; the folk-songs in Numb. xxi.
17 f., 27-30; David’s two elegies cited in II. Sam. i. 19-27, and
iii. 33 f.

1 In addition to the works referred to above under Literature,
cf. Driver, L.O.T., ch. vii., and Cornill, Introduction, pp. 15-26
(for an account of metrical theories).

12S

124

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

^ Form of Hebrew Poetry.— The predominant element
in Hebrew poetry is the couplet— of two lines, the
second of which in some way reinforces and completes the
first. The significance of this parallelism of clauses
{paraUehsmus membroriim) was first seen by Lowth, who
distinguished other and more complicated forms of it.

Lowth classifies the following varieties : —

(«) Synonymous Parallelism (the commonest form) where
the second line more or less echoes the first ; e.g. :

O praise the Lord all ye nations ;

Laud Him, all ye peoples. (Ps. cxvii. 1. )

(6) Antithetic Parallelism (the second line enforcing the first
by a contrasted thought) ; e.g. :

For the Lord knoweth the way oj the righteous ;

But the way of the wicked shall perish. (Ps. i. 6.)

(This variety is frequent in gnomic poetry.)

(c) Synthetic or Constructive Parallelism (the second line
completing and supplementing the first— the parallelism being
one of form only) ; e.g. : ®

Yet have I set my king

Upon Zion my holy hill. (Ps. ii. 6.)

Parallelism (or ‘ascending rhythm’) should be
added to the above. Here the second line takes up a word or
phrase of the first line (which is logically incomplete) and develops
It. J-tiis kind of rhythm is of rare occurrence, and ‘is all but
peculiar to the most elevated poetry ’ (Driver). A good example
is the lollowing : ^

Give unto the Lord, O ye sons of the mighty.

Give unto the Lord glory and strength.

[For other examples cf. Judg. v. 4&, 7, 19a, 236 ; Ps. xxix. 5, 8;
xcvi. 13 ; Ex. XV, 1G6.] ’

Besides the distich, poups of three, four, and (rarely) of five
Imes (tnstichs, tetrastichs, and pentastichs), exhibiting various
kinds of parallelism, occur in the Old Testament. •

The most clearly defined rhythm in Hebrew poetry is that of
the so-called .^ma (or ‘dirge’), many examples of which occur
in the Old Testament. Here a long line is divided by a caesura
into two parts of unequal length (a long and a short ; e.g. :

H ow art thou fallen from heaven,

O Lucifer, son of the Dawn! (Isa. xiv. 12. )

It should be added that there is no clearly defined system of
strict syllabic metre in the Hebrew poetry of the Old Testament •
but a metre of a kind does occur which is regulated by the
number of accentual beats in a line. There are also clear cases
01 lines being grouped in stanzas or strophes of a certain fixed

THE POETICAL AND DIDACTIC BOOKS 125

number ; c.g. Isa. li. 17-lii. 12 is an elegiac poem in the
rhytlim which falls into five seven-lined strophes. ^

(2) Title and Divisions of the Psalter. — The Psalter is
a collection of one hundred and fifty poems of a religious
character^ of various authorship and date. In their
collected form they bear the general title in the Hebrew
Bible of thesefer tehillhn (contracted into tilltm or tillin'),
i.e. Hhe Book of praise-songs/ ^Hymn Book’ — a desig¬
nation which indicates the liturgical character of the
collection as a whole. The poems have been collected
for use in divine worship and for religious edification.

The modern designation ‘ Psalms ’ is derived from the LXX.
rendering of tehillim, viz. 'PaX/iot.

In the Hebrew Bible {cf. also R.V.) the Psalter is
divided into five books^ viz. (1) Pss. i.-xli.,(2) xlii.-lxxii.^
(.3) Ixxiii.-lxxxix., (4) xc.-cvi., and (5) cvii.-cl.

The LXX. and Masoretic enumerations differ in detail. In
LXX. (so Vulgate) Pss. ix. and x. form a single psalm (as they
must have done originally in the Hebrew text ; notice the
alphabetic arrangement extending over the two psalms), as also is
the case with Pss. cxiv. cxv. On the other hand, Pss. cxvi. and
cxlvii. each are divided into two psalms in the Greek. Con¬
sequently the double numeration extends from Ps. ix. 22 to
cxlvi. 11 (Greek). ThusPs. x. (inLXX.) = Ps. xi. ; xliii. (LXX. ) =
xliv., and so on. Each of the first four books closes with a
doxology (so LXX.), while in the fifth Book the last psalm (150)
seems to take the place of such.

(3) The Psalm-Titles. — All except thirty-four of the
Psalms hear superscriptions. These are largely made up
of directions of a musical-liturgical kind. The most
important, for the purposes of Introduction, are data
contained in the superscriptions regarding authorship."^

{a) To Moses Ps. xc. is ascribed ; (6) to David the authorship
of no less than seventy-three psalms (nearly half the entire
collection) is ascribed; viz. in Book I. (i.-xli.) all except four
(Pss. i., ii., X., and xxxiii.) ; in Book II. eighteen psalms (viz. li.-
Ixv., and Ixviii.-lxx. ) ; in Book III. only one, viz. Ps. Ixxxvi. ; in
Book IV. two (viz. ci. and ciii. ) ; in Book V. fifteen (viz. cviii.-cx.,
cxxii., cxxiv., cxxxi., cxxxiii., cxxxviii. -cxlv.

(d) To Asaph, twelve psalms (viz. 1., Ixxiii.-lxxxiii.).

^ For this and many other examples see the present writer’s
critical translation of The Book of Isaiah (1908).

• 2 All indicated by the so-called lamed auctoris (^).

126

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

(e) To Heman the Ezrahite, Ps. Ixxxviii. (one of two titles).

(/) To Ethan the Ezrahite, Ps. Ixxxix.

{9) To the Sons of Eorah, eleven psalms (viz. xlii., xliv.-xlix.,
Ixxxiv,, Ixxxv., Ixxxvii., and Ixxxviii.).

Asaph, Heman, and Ethan are the names of the
traditional founders of the families or guilds of Temple-
singers who assisted in the worship of the second
Temple. The ^ Korahites Sons of Korah ’) are referred
to hy the Chronicler as gate-keepers of the Temple (cf.
I. Chron. ix. 19 ; xxvi. 1-19). From II. Chron. xx. 19
it may be inferred that they were engaged in the public
worship of the Temple.

(4) The Formation of the Psalter.— Numerous indications
go to show that the Psalter reached its present shape
through several stages, and out of pre-existing smaller
collections. Thus double recensions occur of one and
the same psalm (Ps. liii. =Ps. xiv. ; Ps. Ixx. =Ps. xl. 13-
17; Ps. cviii. = Ps. Ivii. 7-11 -fix. 5-12), and several
distinct groups of psalms stand out in the different
books.

Tims there is a group of Korah-psalms (xlii.-xlix.), of Asaph-
psalms (Ixxiii.-lxxxiii.), of Hodu-psalms (cv.-cvii. : hodu=‘ give
thanks ’) ; the ‘psalms of degrees (or ascents) ’ (cxx.-cxxxiv.), and
the Hallelujah-psalms (cxi.-cxiii. and cxlvi.-cl.). The ‘HalleU
(Pss. cxiii.-cxviii.) also forms a group by itself, being treated in
J ewish literature as a liturgical unit.

There are also indications that some dislocation has
taken place, and that the present position of the groups
is not the original one.

The fact that the subscription in Ps. Ixxii. 20 states that ‘ tlie
prayers of David are ended ’ must originally have implied that up
to that point the writer can only have read Z)a^;^■^^-psalms In
the present arrangement, however, a group of Korahite-psalms
(xlii.-xlix.) and one Asaphic one (1.) precede. Hence Ewald
plausibly conjectured that originally Pss. xlii.-l. stood after
Ps. Ixxii. On this view the first collection consisted of Book I.
(Pss. i.-xli.), made up almost entirely of Davidic-psalms. The
second collection was composed of {a) Pss. li. -Ixxii. (nearly all
Davidic ; the subscription in Ixxii. 20 is now intelligible) 1 (b)
Pss. xlii.-xlix. (Korahite), and (c) Pss. 1., Ixxiii.-lxxxiii. Asaphic
now all together, and not disjoined by li. -Ixxii.), with an appendix
(Pss. Ixxxiv. -Ixxxix.) added by a different hand. The third

1 The writer of the subscription may have regarded Ps. Ixxii
as a prayer of David for Solomon,

THE POETICAL AND DIDACTIC BOOKS 127

collection was composed of Pss. xc.-cl. It is more liUirgical in
character than the two preceding, and includes smaller inde¬
pendent groups (the Hodu, Hallel, Hallelujah-psalms, and the
‘ psalms of ascents ’).

Thus the Psalter falls naturally into three parts, viz. Pss. i.-
xli., xlii.-lxxxix. (divided at Ixxii. 20), and xc.-cl. The division
into five books is an artificial one, probably based upon the five¬
fold division of the Torah into five Books (the Pentateuch).

That the Psalms have been redacted by different hands
is also clear from the various use of the divine names
Jahveh and Eiohim. Thus in Book I. Jahveh occurs 272
times^ Eiohim (absolutely) 15 ; in Book II. Jahveh 80
times, Eiohim 104 ; in Book III. in Pss. Ixxiii.-lxxxiii.
/a/iue/i 13 times, Eiohim 86 times; but in Pss. Ixxxiv.-
Ixxxix. Jahveh 31 times, Eiohim 7 ; in Books IV. and V.
Jahveh only occurs (except in Ps. cviii. and cxliv. 9).
The influence of this factor can be seen in the double
recensions. Thus the Jahveh of Pss. xiv. and xl. is
altered to Eiohim in the duplicate versions Pss. liii.
and Ixx.

From these facts it follows that Books II. and III. must
have been edited by a different hand from that which
redacted Book I. ; and Books IV. and V. by a different
hand from that which redacted Books II. and III.

(5) Authorship of the Psalms. — That all the psalms
ascribed to David cannot be his composition is obvious
from the internal evidence, and is generally admitted.
If any Davidic psalms are to be found in the Psalter it is
to be presumed that they will have been preserved mainly
in Book I., which contains the oldest collection. Ewald,
from internal indications, was led to ascribe the following
to David’s authorship: Ps. hi., iv., vh., viii., xi., xv.,
xviii., xix. 1-6, xxiv. 1-6, xxiv. 7-10, xxix., xxxii., cl. ; and
the following fragments contained in later psalms : Ps. lx.
6-9 [Heb. 8-11], Ixviii. 18-18 [Heb. 14-19], cxliv. 12-14.

This selection is to a great extent subjective, being based upon a
sense of the presumed fitness of the contents of the psalms in
question to David’s character and surroundings. ‘ It is possible
that Ewald’s list of Davidic Psalms is too large, but it is not clear
that none of the Psalms contained in it are of David’s composi¬
tion’ (Driver). A strong case for a truly Davidic psalm can
be made out for Ps. xviii., of which a recension is given in
II. Sara. xxii. A close examination of it shows that this psalm
is copiposite in structure. But the evidence suggests that it may
be in part by David.

128

OLD TESTAMENT LITERA'ILTIE

As a whole the Psalter must be regarded as the hymn-y
prayer-, and religious instruction-Book of the community of
the Second Temple. The question that arises^ then^ in
this connection is^ were the individual psalms designed
from the first for liturgical use ?

That this was the case with most, if not all, of the psalms in
Books IV. and V . seems clear. But in the earlier books there are
indications that individual (non-liturgical ?) psalms have been
revised and adapted for liturgical use. Thus what was clearly
a single alphabetic poem has been divided into Pss. ix. and x. ; the
liturgical conclusions in Pss. xxv. (22) and xxxiv. (23) are later
insertions. In some cases fragments of originally distinct poems
have been combined so as to form a single psalm {e.g. Ps. cviii.,
xix., xxiv., xl., andcxliv. ). In these (and possibly other) cases
pre-existing and independent material has been utilised for the
psalm-collection, and the probability remains tliat some of this
material is pre-exilic.

(6) Date of the Formation of the Psalm-collection.— Thus
the terminus a quo for the formation of tlie Psalm-
collections, even of the earliest, will be the period of the
second Temple. The terminus ad quern for the formation
of the complete collection is determined by the Prologue
of the grandson of Ben Sira (132 b.c.). That the collection
was substantially complete and regarded as sacred in the
Maccabean period may be inferred from the fact that
the only direct quotation from the Bible that occurs in
I. Macc. (written c. 100 b.c.) is from Ps. Ixxix. 2-3, which
is there cited as Holy Scripture.

That poems composed in the Maccabean period have been ad¬
mitted into the Psalter is practically certain. Theodore of
Mopsuestia recognised seventeen psalms as such : viz. xliv., xlvii.,
Iv.-lx., Ixii., Ixix., Ixxiv., Ixxix., Ixxx., Ixxxiii., cviii., cix., cxliv.
The most certain of these are xliv., Ixxiv., Ixxix., and Ixxxiii.
Not improbably the Hallel group (cxiii.-cxviii.) was formed about
the time of the rededication of the Temple (in 1G5 b.c.). They
are still recited every one of the eight days of the feast of
Hanukka [Dedication). According to Jewish tradition, Ps. xxx.
must belong to the same period [cf. superscription).

But the Maccabean psalms must be regarded as comparatively
late insertions into a large earlier collection.

[For a full discussion of the question of Davidic authorship, cf.
Driver, L.O. T., pp. 351 ff. _ It is remarkable that the most certain
specimens of David’s poetical art that have survived are purely
secular in character (II. Sam. i. 19-27 and iii. 33 f.). Elsewhere
he is mentioned as a skilful musician (I. Sam. xvi. 18) and (possibly)
as an inventor of musical instruments (Amos vi. 5). The original

THE POETICAL AND DIDACTIC BOOKS 12D

meaning of the title ‘of David’ (or ‘Davidic’), as applied to
certain psalms, may have become obscure. It may have denoted
a collection of psalms, the beginnings of which were formed early
in the pre-exilic period (to be sung by a choir which traced its
origin to David ?).]

§ 2. Proverbs.

Commentaries by Delitzsch, andToy(/. C. C.\ 1899:
c/. also Cheyne, Job and Solomon (1887), pp. 117-178.

(1) General Character of the Book.— The Book of Pro¬
verbs belongs to the Wisdoyn-Literature of the Old
Testament (Hoknia). It is made up of a collection of
aphorisms (Heb. meshalmi) of the most diverse kind and
form^ containing shrewd reflections and maxims on the
conduct and affairs of life. The object of the collection
is to teach and enforce wisdom.’

The Hebrew conception of ‘ wisdom ’ {fiokmd) has as its domin¬
ating principle the fear of God. It is essentially practical— not
speculative — in character. Hence its main energies were directed
to questions of conduct. Practical sagacity in the conduct of the
affairs of life, skill in judgment (Solomon), in interpreting riddles
and dreams, earned a title to wisdom (c/. Gen. xli. 39, e.p. where
Joseph is termed ‘discreet and wise’ by Pharaoh). Edom was
specially famed for ‘wisdom’ {cf. Obad. 8; Jer. xlix. 7). ‘Wise
men’ are mentioned in I. Kings iv. 31, and it may be inferred from
other references to them in the Old Testament that they must
have formed a distinct class or school {cf. Jer. xviii. 18 ; Prov. i. G,
xxii. 17, xxiv. 23; Job xviii. 18). Their outlook on life was
broad— not distinctively national or particularistic. ‘The wise
men took for granted the main postulates of Israel’s creed, and
applied themselves rather to the observation of human character
as such, seeking to analyse conduct, studying action in its conse¬
quences, and establishing morality, upon the basis of principles
common to humanity at large. On account of their prevailing
disregard of national points of view, and their tendency to charac¬
terise and estimate human nature under its most general aspects,
they have been named, not inappropriately, the Humanists of
Israel. ’1 Their teaching embraces moral advice, and such sub¬
jects as the education of the young {cf. Prov. i.-ix.). The Books
of Job and Ecclesiastes — which deal with the problems of human
nature — also belong to this Literature.

(2) Contents and Analysis of the Book. — The Book falls
into several distinct parts^ which differ in character and
are marked by special superscriptions^ or introductions.

1 Driver, op. cit. p. 309.

130

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

These are (a) ch. a long section forming the introduction

to the whole Book (with i. 1-6 as a sort of heading). In the form
of a father speaking to a son, the disciple is warned against the
dangers and temptations he is likely to meet, and Wisdom is com¬
mended to him as guide and friend. In ch. viii. Wisdom is
introduced as speaking, while ch. ix. contains an allegory in
which Wisdom and Folly each in turn invite men to come to them.
These chapters are poetical in form, and make up a flowing and
continuous discourse (differing in this respect from the short,
pointed apothegms that follow in ch. x. ff. ).

(6) Ch. X. 1-xxii. 16, with the heading The Proverbs of Solomon,
forms the real kernel of the Book. This section consists of pro¬
verbs properly so called, each expressed in the form of a couplet,
and being complete in itself. The larger number are antithetical
in structure, moving in the form of statement and antithesis.
Thus:

A wise son maketh a glad father :

But a foolish son is the heaviness of his mother.

In others the second line simply echoes the first or completes it :
sometimes (but rarely) a figure or comparison is introduced.!

(c) Ch. xxii. IT-xxiv. 22, ‘the words of the wise.’ Here the
short, pointed form of address is abandoned, and the form of
(a), viz. a father speaking to a son, reappears.

{d) Ch. xxiv. 23-34, an appendix to the preceding.

(g) Ch. xxv.-xxix., with the heading ‘These also are Proverbs of
Solomon, which the men of Hezekiah, king of Judah, copied out,
form an appendix to {h). Here the distich reappears (but not
quite regularly). Proverbs introducing a comparison, which are
rare in (6), are frequent in this section.

(/) Ch. xxx.-xxxi. contain three appendices, two of which are
provided with special superscriptions : viz. ch. xxx., ‘the words of
Agur the son of Jakeh, the oracle’ — a series of obscure and
enigmatic utterances ; ch. xxxi. 1-9 consists of instructions to
King Lemuel by his mother, in which he is warned against women
and wine ; and ch. xxxi. 10-31 is an alphabetic poem in praise of
the virtuous wife.

(8) The Age and Authorship of the Book.— The analysis
shows quite clearly that the Book can only have attained
its present form by gradual stages. Of the different
sections ch. xxv.-xxix. form, perhaps, the oldest and
most original. Its sayings are constructed with less con¬
scious art than those of the middle section, ch. x.-xxii. 10.

! The Hebrew term for ‘proverb,’ viz. mdshdl, properly denotes
a representation, i.e. ‘a statement not relating solely to a single
fact, but standing for or representing other similar facts.’ An ex¬
ample of a popular ‘ proverb ’ is, ‘ Is not Saul among the prophets ? ’
(I. Sam. X. 12, etc). But the examples in the Book of Proverbs
are more in the nature of artistically constructed apothegms.

THE POETICAL AND DIDACTJC BOOKS 181

The introductory section, i.-ix. and xxii. 17-xxiv. 34, with
XXX. and xxxi., will be the youngest parts of the collection.
On the question as to the age of the various parts of the
Book there has been much difference of opinion.

C/i. X. \-xxii. 16 (which is regarded by many scholars as the
old^est part of the Book) is assigned by Delitzsch to the reign of
Jehqshaphat, by Ewald to the beginning of the eighth century ;
ch. t.-ix. is assigned by Ewald, Davidson, and Nowack to the
period just before the Exile.

Many scholars, however, take a different view, and regard the
collection as substantially in all its parts post-exilic (late Persian
or early Greek period). ‘ All the struggles which convulsed and
dominated the prophetic period are over ; Prophecy and Law
(xxviii. 4-9 j xxix. 18) lie behind the Book of Proverbs as things
completed and closed, and the Book itself, taking its stand on the
pure and lofty plane of the religious and moral ideas attained by
those two potent forces, mints the good metal of Prophecy and
Law into current coin’ (Cornill). The universalistic spirit of the
Book, and the personification of AVisdom, point to Greek influence,
perhaps. There is a certain kinship of spirit between Proverbs
and Ecclesiasticus which makes it difficult to suppose that they
are separated by many centuries. ‘Even the royal aphorisms in
Proverbs, which are usually adduced as the surest criterion of
pre-exilic origin [and have suggested the period of the monarchy]
have their counterpart in Jesus ben Sira icf. Ecclus. vii. 4-6*
viii. 1-3; x. 1-5)’ (Cornill). ^ ’

§ 3. Job.

Commentaries by Delitzsch, A. B. Davidson, (Camb.
Bible), and A. S. Peake {Century Bible); also Driver’s
edition of Job (R.V.) with short notes (Oxford, 1906); cf.
also Cheyne, Job and Solomon (1887), pp. 11-115; article Joh
(by A. B. Davidson) in Encycl. Brit, and the articles in the
Bible Dictionaries.

(1) The general Character and Aim of the Book.— The
Book of Job belongs to the Wisdom-Literature of which
it is the most splendid representative. The theme of
the Book is the problem of suffering — how to reconcile
the suffering of the righteous with the justice of a bene¬
ficent and Almighty God. This was evidently a burning
question when the Book was written, and it emerges in
other parts of the Old Testament {e.g. in Deiitero-
Isaiah and the Psalms). What may be described as the

1 The tradition of Solomonic authorship may have some rela¬
tion to I. Kings iv. 32. Cf. the Introductions of Driver and
Cornill on this point.

132

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

traditional and earlier Old Testament view was tliat
‘ suffering is a sign of the Divine displeasure, and pre¬
supposes sin on the part of the sufferer ’ (Driver). This
view is controverted in the Book of Job.

The Book recounts how Job from the land of Uz— a pattern of
piety and blameless virtue— meets with a series of unparalleled
misfortunes. These are supposed to indicate some special sinful¬
ness on his part by the three friends, Eliphaz, Bildad, and
Zophar, who arrive on the scene to console him. The friends
demand from Job confession of his guilt and submission to God’s
righteous judgment. This confession Job feels himself unable to
offer without making himself a hypocrite, and the Book is mainly
occupied with a debate between Job and the friends in which the
issues involved are thoroughly discussed. An Epilogue completes
the account of Job’s vindication.

(2) Contents and Analysis of the Book. — The Book con¬
sists of five partSj viz. {a) ch. i.-ii., {b) cli. iii.-xxxi., (c)
ch. xxxii.-xxxvii., {d) xxxviii. 1-xlii. 6, and (e)xlii. 7-17.

(a) Ch. i.-ii., the Prologue, written in prose. This furnishes
the necessary information respecting the personality and fortunes
of the hero of the poem. ‘ Without the prologue the whole of the
following speeches would remain suspended in the air’ (Cornill).

(&) Ch. iii.-XXXi., written in poetry, set forth a debate between
Job and his three friends Eliphaz, Bildad, and Zophar. The
section opens with a passionate cry from Job bewailing his birth,
and asking why life should be prolonged, when it can only mean
misery (ch. iii.). AYith ch. iv. the debate proper begins. The
first cycle of speeches (ch. iv.-xiv.) is opened by Eliphaz (ch. iv.-v.)
to whom Job (vi.-vii.) replies. Bildad (ch. viii.) now takes up
the discussion, and Job (ix.-x.), in a tone of bitter irony, replies.
The debate is continued by Zophar (xi.) to whom Job replies
(xii.-xiv.). The friends all fail to offer Job any real satisfaction.
J'ti the second cycle of speeches (ch. xv.-xxi.) the debate is again
opened by Eliphaz (xv.) followed by Job (xvi.-xvii.), who reproaches
the friends for their empty solace. Bildad follows (xviii.) and is
replied to by Job (xix.), and again Zophar (xx. ) joins in and
Job (xxi.).

In the third cycle of speeches (ch. xxii.-xxviii.) the friends adopt
a different line. They explicitly charge Job with great sins
(inhumanity, avarice, abuse of power) which they infer from his
calamities. Eliphaz again opens the debate (xxii.); Job (xxiii.-
xxiv.) declaims against the justice of God’s providence. Bildad
follows (xxv.) in a short speech, which practically concludes the
friends’ case. Job replies to all three in ch. xxvi.-xxviii. fCh.
xxvii.-xxviii. are difficult to fit into the position of Job Pro¬
bably xxvii. 1-10 is the reply to xxv. 4-6, just as xxvi. is to xxv.,
2-3 ; xxvii. 11-23 is probably' ‘ directed to the friends whom Job
confounds with their own words, in this way welding a piece of

THE POETICAL AND DIDACTIC BOOKS 133

recantation . . . into a weapon against the friends’ (Cornill).
Budde would transpose ver. 7 so as to follow vers. 8-10.] In
ch. xxix.-xxxi. Job finally surveys the whole circumstances of the
case, protesting (in ch. xxxi.) his innocence, and appealing to
God.

(c) Ch. xxxii.-xxxvii. — The Elihir-speeches, likewise poetical
in form (except the introductory verses, xxxii. 1-6), After Job’s
direct appeal to God, at the end of xxxi., it might have been
expected that God Himself would answer and vindicate His
methods of action and providence. Instead, a new speaker
appears (who is never mentioned elsewhere in the poem, nor in
the Prologue or Epilogue). He is represented as a bystander,
younger than the rest, and so only intervenes at the end.
Elihu’s discourse falls into five parts ; the first (xxxii. 6-23) intro¬
duces the speaker ; in tlie second (xxxiii.), third (xxxiv.), and
fourth (xxxv.) Elihu criticises Job’s contentions; in the fifth
(xxxvi.-xxxvii.) Elihu offers his own solution of the problem.
Here he warns Job against being blinded by isolated cases of
apparent injustice to the love and providential wisdom of God as
exemplified in the regulated course of the world. Above all, he
gives a teleological explanation of the suffering of the righteous.
Suffering is an instrument of education in God’s hand. Eight
recognition of this on man’s part leads to infinite blessing ;
failure to recognise it to grave sin. In this way Elihu provides the
one and only solution to the problem that is given in the Book.

(d) Ch. xxxviii. 1-xlii. 6. — Here Jahveh appears and answers
Job out of the whirlwind. ‘He does not dispute : He displays a
series of living pictures, and surrounds, stuns, and overwhelms
Job with His animate and inanimate creation’ (Herder).

(e) Ch, xlii. 7-17. — The Epilogue (written in prose) describes the
end of Job’s trials and his restoration to prosperity.

(3) Integrity of the Book, — Questions have been raised
regarding the authenticity of certain parts of the Book :
in particular with regard to the Prologue and Epilogue,
ch. xxvii. and xxviii., the Elihu-speeches, and xl. 15-
xli. 2G.

The Prologue and Einlogue, as has already been pointed out,
are indispensable for the elucidation of the poem. [The story of
Job here sketched was probably based upon tradition, which has
been freely handled for didactic purposes. Job is alluded to as
a historical personage in Ezek. xiv. 14.] For ch. xxvii. -xxviii.
see above. The objections to the Elihu-speeches are grave, but
have been most successfully explained by several modern scholars,
especially by Cornill. i Probably Elihu is the absolute creation
of the poet (hence his non-mention in the prologue and epilogue,
which follow the outlines of the traditional story). Elihu’s
discourse offers the only solution of the problem, and is theologi-

1 Op. cit. pp. 425-431.

134

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

cally most profound. The section, however, is not a finished pro¬
duction, and was probably left by the poet in an incomplete form
(hence obscurities of expression, repetition, etc.). Dramatically
it is entirely appropriate that not Jahveh Himself, but a young
stranger should offer the solution. When Jahveh does intervene
it is not to discuss and dispute (which would have been an
undignified exhibition) but to manifest and reveal. [The diffuse
character of parts of xl. 1 5-xlii. 6 is probably due to the imper¬
fect state in which this part of the poem was left.]

(4) Date of the Book. — This can only be determined by
internal evidence. The language^ which is tinged with
Aramaisms, suggests a comparatively late date ; while the
contents of the Book show that the problem it deals
with was in an advanced stage of discussion (later than
Ezek. xviii). It can hardly be placed earlier than the
Exile^ and is probably later still (according to some
scholars later than Prov. i.-ix.; cf. Job xv. 7, which is
dependent on Prov. viii. 25). In any case the Book is
most probably post-exilic.

§ 4. The Five Megilloth (Canticles, Ruth, Lamenta¬
tions, Ecclesiastes, Esther).

Literature. — Commentaries on Canticles, by Harper (Camb.
Bible), and P. Haupt (1902) ; on Ruth, by C. H. H. Wright
(1864); on Lamentations, cf. s.v. in Encycl. Brit.', on
Ecclesiastes, Commentaries by F. Delitzsch, C. H. H. Wright
(1883); and C. A. Barton (in I.C.C., 1908); on Esther, by
P, Cassel,^nd L. B. Patou {I.G.C., 1908).

1. Canticles.

(1) The general Character and. Form of the Book. — The
Song of Songs {i.e. the choicest song) is a poem (or
collection of poems) the theme of which is love. Numer¬
ous indications — such as change of number and (in the
Hebrew) of gender — show that in different parts of the
poem different persons are speaking or are addressed.
From these phenomena diverse conclusions have been
drawn. Some scholars (including Herder) have supposed
that the Book is substantially a collection of independent
love-songs. Others regard the poem — which has a certain
uniform character — as in the nature of a drama.

According to the older view the dialogue is sustained by Uoo
main characters, viz. King Solomon and a Shulamite maiden
(vi. 13), of whom he is enamoured. The poem describes how this
beautiLil maiden is taken from her country home, and made
Solomon’s bride at Jerusalem. According to the later view (as

THE POEITICAL AND DIDACTIC BOOKS 135

developed by Ewald) there are three principal characters, viz.
Solomon, the Shulamite maiden, and her shepherd-lover, to whom
she remains faithful, in spite of the king’s blandishments. On
this interpretation the poem depicts the victory of true and
plighted love, in spite of all worldly blandishments to be faithless.

Budde, however, partly reviving the old view of Herder, has
furnished another interpretation. The Song is explained by the
customs of the East which have survived down to the present
day. ‘Among the Syrian peasantry the seven-day marriage
festival is called “the king’s week,” because on this occasion
the young pair are looked upon as king and queen, and, sitting
upon an improvised throne, are treated as such.’ ^ There is a
series of ceremonies which are gone through to the accompani¬
ment of singing, playing, and dancing. Budde has shown that
parts of Canticles agree with these songs. The ‘ king ’ is the
young husband (called King Solomon, as the most fortunate of
lords), and the ‘ Shulamite ’ is the young wife. The love referred
to is conjugal love (after marriage). This theory neces.sitates the
view that the songs have been redacted, and makes the interest
culminate in the middle and not at the end of the poem.

Date of the Book. — The composition of the Book can
hardly be very early. The style is generally pure, but
Persian and Greek loan-words occur, as well as other
marks of late linguistic usage. The date may be some¬
where in the third or second century n.c. It is easy to
see how the mention of Solomon’s name would give rise
to the tradition of Solomonic authorship. ^

2. Ruth.

The story of Ruth is too well known to need recapitu¬
lation here.

(1) The general Character and Aim of the Book. — As it
supplies particulars as to David’s ancestry which are
lacking in the Books of Samuel, one object of the Book
may have been to remedy this deficiency. The real
motive of the Book, however, is probably of another kind.
If it was produced at the time when Ezra and Nehemiah
were enforcing the strict view regarding intermarriage
with foreign wives {cf. Ezra ix.-x. and Neh. xiii. 23-29),
then Rath may be regarded as a protest against this view,
intended to enforce the lesson that bodily descent is not
everything, and that union with a truly pious Gentile

1 Cornill, op. cit. p. 4G0.

2 It is a notable fact that the Book was admitted into the
Canon on the interpretation that it is an allegory of the history
of Israel from the Exodus to the Messiah.

136

OLD TESTAMENT LITERAITJRE

woman may be blessed by Jabveh. The point is brought
home with great force by the empliasis laid upon David’s
descent from a Moabitess.

(2) Date of the Book. — On the view of the Book given
above, its composition must be placed in the post-exilic
l)eriod. This is confirmed by the internal evidence.

An antiquarian air marks the allusions to the past (Ruth i. 1 ;
cf. also iv. 7 Avith Deut. xxv. 9); and the language is marked by
Aramaisms. [Some scholars, however, prefer an exilic date.]

3. Lamentations.

(1) Title of the Book. — One of the Jewish names of the
Book is taken from its opening word ’c/o7, (Heb.
another name is Khioth, i.e. Lamentntmis {hXX.

(2) Contents and general Character.— The Book is made
up of five independent poems. The one theme of all is
lamentation over the destruction of Jerusalem, the suffer-
*ings and calamities attendant upon which are depicted
with terrible vividness.

The Book ends with a despairing note (v. 22). But when it is
read liturgically in the synagogues the custom has been to avoid
such a conclusion by repeating the penultimate verse (as in the
case of Isaiah, Malachi, and Koheleth).

The first four chapters are alphabetic poems, and are
written in the Kina-verse (explained above, p. 124 f.).

The text is in places corrupt : the verse-form, which is fixed, is
a valuable aid for conjectural restoration where necessary.

Chap. A\ occupies an isolated position. In its present

(corrupt.^) form it is neither alphabetic in arrangement

nor is it constructed in the Kina-verse.^

The themes of the chapters in detail are : the desolation and
misery of Jerusalem (ch. i. ); Jahveh’s anger with His people
(ch. ii.); the nation’s complaint, and its ground of consolation
(ch. iii.) ; Zion’s past and present contrasted (ch. iv.) ; the nation’s
appeal for Jahveh’s compassionate regard (ch. v.).

(3) Date and Authorship of the Poems. —Traditionally
the authorship of Lamentations is ascribed to Jeremiah ;
and this tradition is as old as the LXX. But some parts
of the poems are difficult to conceive as written by the
prophet {e.g. v. 7, cf. Jer. xxi. 29-30; and Lam. ii. 9),

1 See, however, an important article {Lamentations) in the new
(forthcoming) edition of the Encycl. Brit.

THE POETICAL AND DIDACTIC BOOKS 137

It is^ moreover, not improbable that the poems emanate
from more than one author.

Ch. ii. and iv. — which must be the work of an eye-witness-
are regarded by Cornill as the oldest parts, and were probably
written soon after 58G. Ch. v. may have been written towards
the end of the Exile; while ch. i. and hi., which display many
points of contact with Deutero- and Trito-Isaiah, and with numer¬
ous i>salms, may be younger (post-exilic).

4. Koheleth (Ecclesiastes).

(1) Title, general Character, and Contents of the Book. —
The Hebrew title of the Book is Koheleth, which is
rendered by the LXX. ’EKKXr)(na(TTl]s or the Preacher, and
Latinised by the V^ulgate into Ecclemistes. The Hebrew
word Koheleth occurs in the body of the Book as a name
given to Solomon (i. 1, 2, 12 ; vii. 27 5 xii. 8, 9, 10).

The real meaning of the term is disputed. The feminine form
of the word probably intensifies the meaning (investing the word
with a neuter sense). Hence it may mean in this connection ‘ the
great orator’ (R.V. margin).

The writer, speaking in the name of Solomon, gives a
sort of survey of life, mingled with his own personal
reflections.

He begins by declaring the vanity of all earthly things (i. 1-11),
theyanity of wisdom (i. 12-18), of pleasure and riches (ii. 1-11 ff.).
In ch. iii. 1-15 he proves that God avenges all things, and that
man is helpless before Him ; men are like the beasts that perish
(iii. 16-22) ; he depicts the misery produced by oppression, rivalry,
and toil (iv. 1-6), the advantages of companionship (iv. 7-12), and
the hollowness shown in political life, etc. (iv. 17-v. 6). In v. 7-
vi. 6 the vanity of riches is the principal theme ; then the vanity
of desire is touched upon (vi. 7-l2). In the remaining chapters
the ways of the Avise (vii. 1-24) are described, the wicked woman,
the advantages of wisdom in dark days and trust in God (viii.-
ix. 2) ; a parable on the utility of wisdom is given in ix. 13-18,
which is followed by proverbs on the value of wisdom, and the
results of folly (x. 1-15) ; the miseries endured by a land under
an incompetent king are also described (x. 16-20) ; benevolence is
inculcated (xi. 1-8), and in xi. 9-xii. 7 follows the song on the days
of life and of death. The Epilogue (xii. 8-14) closes the Book.

The discussion is characterised by a certain inconse¬
quence and inconsistency, which reflect the conflicting
moods of the writer. His ^ was a nature full of contra¬
dictory elements ; in his body IKed two souls — in head
a Greek, in heart a Jew.’ In spite of all anomalies and
perplexing experiences Koheleth never loses hold of his

138

OLD TESTAMENT LITERATURE

belief in God and the moral constitution of the world.
As Professor Cornill well says : ‘ Old Testament piety
lias nowhere enjoyed a greater triumph than in the Book
of Koheleth.’

Age and Authorship of the Book.— The Solomonic
personification is^ of course^ a mere literary device on
the part of the author (adopted quite in good faith).
Linguistically the Book is one of the latest products of
Old Testament literature. It probably was written either
during the last century of Persian rule (a period of decline
and anarchy) or during the period of the later Ptolemies
and Seleucids, when Greek influence (apparent in the
Book) was powerful.

5. Esther.

(1) The Contents and general Character of the Book. — The
Book of Esther is in form a historical narrative which
recounts how, after the repudiation of Vashti, listher,
the adoptive daughter of a Jewish exile named Mordecai,
became the consort of the Persian king Ahashverosh,
i.e. Xerxes. In this position she was enabled to frustrate
the plot of Hainan, the arch-enemy of the Jews, and
secured for the latter a bloody revenge on their
opponents. The aim of the Book is obvious ; it i& to
explain the origin and to recommend the observance of
the Feast of Purim. Though it rests, doubtless, upon a
traditional basis, it cannot be regarded as pure history,
but rather in the nature of a historical romance.

The Age and Origin of the Book.— The first clear histori¬
cal allusion to the Feast of Purim occurs in II. Maccabees
(written probably about the beginning of the Christian
era), where (xv. 36) the Day of Nicanor (Adar 13) is
described as the day before the day of Mordecai ’ (tt/jo
fiLus 7]fX€pas Tr'js Mapdo^aiKrjs ^pipas). That the Feast of
Purim is intended by Hhe day of Mordecai’ is obvious.

‘By the majority of critics the Book is assigned either
to the early years of the Greek period, or to the third
century b.c.’ (Driver). The character of the diction
points to a late date.

Kuenen (with whom Cornill agrees) thinks the spirit of the
Book most easily explained as an echo of the religious war against
Antiochus Epiphanes, but would assign it, not to the beginning
of tfie Maccabean period, but somewhat later (c. 135 b.c.).

D. APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE

CHAPTER V.— THE BOOK OF DANIEL

Literature. — Commentaries by Pusey (3rd ed, 1869), A. A. Bevan
(1892), J. D. Prince (1899), S. R. Driver, 1900 (Oamb. Bible).

[With what follows cf. Ottley, H.P., pp. 103-105
and pp. 91 ff.]

(1) General Character of the Book. — The Book of Daniel
is the earliest literary example of a complete Apocalyptic
Book. All extensive literature of this type exists outside
the Old Testament Canon (the Ethiopic Book of Enoch
is the most important example) ; and to it must also be
reckoned ii. (iv.) Esdras (in the Apocrypha) and the
Apocalypse of S. John (in the New Testament).

This type of religious thought (the apocalyptic) only emerged
into a prominent jilace after the cessation of prophecy. In its
literary form it presupposes the prophetic literature. But it
embodies ancient elements as well, which it has made peculiarly
its own, especially, it would seem, a traditional eschatology, which
goes back to a long antiquity. This element can be seen already
emerging into literary expression in some of the prophetic books
(and earlier than Daniel).

\_Gf. especially Isa, xxiv.-xxvii. ; Ixv.-lxvi, ; parts of Ezekiel,
Joel, Zechariah.]

The main interest of apocalyptic is concentrated not on the
present but on the great consummation of the future, the final
drama which is to bring history to its predestined end. It is
essentially ‘other worldly,’ and employs largely symbolic and
figurative language, the vision and the dream. The ‘ revelations ’
given in apocalyptic writings are often attached to the name of
some great heroic figure of old (probably on the basis of popular
tradition). Lastly, the apocalyptists constructed a philosophy of
history of their own (dividing it into fixed periods — e.g. a world-
week) with a view to the linal eschatological drama ; and also
evolved a i)eculiar technical phraseology.

(2) Contents and Analysis of the Book. — The Book of

140

OLD TESTAI\IENr LITERATURE

Daniel falls into two main divisions : (a) ch. i.-vi., which
narrate episodes in the history of Daniel^ and (b) ch. vii.-
xii., which contain the visions attributed to him. The
Book is written partly in Hebrew, partly in a form of
Palestinian Aramaic (the Aramaic part extending from
ii. 4b to the end of vii.).

(а) Ch. i.-vi. Ch. i. is introductory, and describes how Daniel,
and three other noble Israelitish youths (Hananiah, Mishael, and
Azariah), who were among the captives taken by Nebuchadnezzar
in the reign of Jehoiakim, were instructed by command of the
Babylonian monarch, for three years, in the language and learn¬
ing of the Chaldeans. Daniel is found specially distinguished,
and in a remarkable degree in ‘ understanding in all visions and
dreams. Ch. ii. describes how Daniel, when all others have
failed, successfully interprets a dream which troubled Nebuchad¬
nezzar, and is raised to honour in consequence. Ch. iii. describes
how Daniel’s three companions, refusing to worship the golden
image, are cast into a fiery furnace, are wonderfully delivered,
and honoured by the king, who solemnly acknowledges the power
of their God. Ch. iv. explains the occasion of a royal edict ex¬
tolling the greatness of Israel’s God (vers. 1-3, 34-37), viz. a
dream (of the mighty tree which was to be cut down). This
dream is interpreted by Daniel, when the Chaldeans have failed.
The verification of the dream is described (vers. 4-33). Ch. v.
describes Belshazzar’s feast, and Daniel’s interpretation of the
writing on the wall. In ch. vi. it is related that ‘Darius the
Mede’ (who had slain Belshazzar) promoted Daniel to honour:
but later Daniel is cast into a den of lions (for refusing to obey
an idolatrous decree), but is wonderfully delivered.

(б) Ch. vii.-xii. — The second or ‘apocalyptic’ part of the Book
describes Daniel’s visions. The first of these (ch. vii,)— that of
the ‘four beasts’ — explains the latter to signify four kingdoms.
After the fourth has been destroyed ‘ the people of the saints of the
Most High’ are to receive the dominion of the whole earth. The
‘ horn ’-vision (ch. viii.) is explained to refer to the rise and fall
of the empires of the Medes and Persians, of Alexander (‘the
notable horn’), and the four kingdoms that arose from the latter
(the kingdoms of the Diadochi — of Seleucus at Antioch, the
Ptolemies in Egypt, Lysimachus in Thrace, Cassander in Mace¬
donia). The ‘little horn,’ doubtless, represents Antiochus
Epiphanes. Ch. ix. opens with a prayer of Daniel imploring
God to look favoiirably on the ruined sanctuary, and forgive the
people’s iniquity (vers. 1-19). The angel Gabriel explains that the
seventy years of desolation prophesied by Jeremiah mean seventy
weeks of years. This is then subdivided into three periods, and
applied to the history culminating in the oppressive measures of
Antiochus Epiphanes.

The fourth and last vision is described in ch. x.-xii. An angel
appears to Daniel to give him a revelation concerning the future

141

THE BOOK OF DANIEL

(x. 1-19). This angel and Michael will have a long contest on
behalf of Israel first with the ‘ prince ’ (guardian-angel) of Persia,
then with the ‘prince’ (guardian-angel) of Greece (x. 20-xi. 1).
The contest is described in xi. 2-xii. 3. Here in veiled language
are narrated briefly the doings of four Persian kings (xi. 2) and
of Alexander the Great (ver. 3), with the break-up of his empire
at his death (ver. 4) ; vers. 5-20 contain a survey of the history
of the Ptolemies and Seleucids, and their relations with each
other, and vers. 21-39 give a detailed description of the reign of
Antiochus Epiphanes and of his persecution of Israel’s religion.
‘The death of Antiochus is fcdlowed by the resurrection (of
Israelites), and advent of the Messianic age (xii. 1-3). The
revelation is designed for those living “in the time of the end,”
i.e. under the persecution of Antiochus (xii. 4-13), the close of
which (ver. Ilf.) appears to be placed 1290 (or 1335) days after
the suspension of the dail}'^ sacrifice in 168 b.c. (with xii.. Hot,
cf. xi. 31 ; viii. 11, 13).’ i

(3) The Aim of the Book and Date of its Composition. — A
number of indications converge to show that the Book
cannot have been written earlier than c. 800 b.c., and in
Palestine. It is practically certain that it was composed
between the years 168 aiid 165 b.c., to encourage the
faithful who were suffering in the persecution inaugurated
by Antiochus Epiphanes.

‘The writer’s purpose is to strengthen the religious section of
the nation under this supreme test of their faith and loyalty.
He is carried back in the spirit to the days of the Exile, and
identifies himself with Daniel, a Jewish captive at Babylon, who
is represented as foreseeing in a series of great visions the course
of events that culminated in the troubles of the Maccabean age.
From the standpoint of the writer all events later than the age
of Daniel are ex hypothesi future ; but the Book is not without
actual predictions : the author, who writes while the persecution
is still going on, foresees the issues with a confidence which comes
from the sense of a Divine gift.’ -

[The position of the Book in the Jewish Canon, where it usually
occupies the ninth place among the Hagvjrapha, not being
reckoned among the prophets, is significant.

That Daniel was a historical personage, and that the story of
Daniel has a traditional basis, may be inferred from the reference
in Ezekiel (xiv. 14-20), where Daniel is bracketed with Noah and
Job; in Ezek. xxviii. 3 Daniel is mentioned as a prodigy of
wisdom. There is an interesting reference to Daniel and the
three friends in I. Macc. ii. .59, 60.]

1 Driver, op. cit. p. 466 f.

2 Prof. H. B. Swete, Apocalyine of St John, p. xx.

INDEX

Accentuation. 17.

Alterations, deliberate, in the
original text, 18.

Apocalyptic literature, general
character of, 8 f., 139.

Aquila, translation of the Bible,
21.

Archetype of Masoretic text, 16 f.

Balaam-oracles, 48, 76.

Baruch (friend of Jeremiah), 102.

‘ Bow, Song of the,’ 75.

Canon iciTY, criterion of, 5 ff.

Chronicles of the kings (of Israel,
Judah) cited in Kings, 77 ; re¬
lation of, to the official court
annals, 77 f.

Chronology of Judges, 68 ; of
Kings, 77.

Conjecture, justifiable use of, 25 f.

Covenant, Book of the, 55 f.

Daniel, Book of, place of, in
Canon, 12, 141.

David and the Psalter, 127.

Deborah, Song of, 67.

Decalogues, the two, 55.

'Defile the hands ’=canonical, 6.

Double narratives, 37 f.

142

E=Elohistic stratum in Hexa-
teuch, 38 ; characteristics of,
60 ; origin and date of, 61 ;
later revision of, 61.

Ecclesiasticus. See Sira (Ben).

Elihu-speeches, the (in Job), 133.

Exile, the Babylonian, literary
activity in, ii f., 29.

Ezekiel, relation of, to Holiness
Code and P, 107 ; disputed
status of, 7.

Ezra promulgates P (444 b.c.),
35. 63.

H = Law of Holiness (=Lev.
xvii.-xxvi.), 35 f., 44 ffi

Hannah, Song of (I. Sam. ii. i-
10), 72.

‘Hiding’ a book, significance of
the expression, 7.

Holiness, Law of. See H.

Inspiration-period, theory of
an, 7 f.

Isaiah, position of, in the Hebrew
Cation, 3.

J=Jahvistic stratum in the
Pentateuch, 39 ; characteristics

INDEX

143

of, 6o ; origin and date of, 6i ;
later revision of, 6i.

Jacob, Blessing of, 53.

Jamnia, Synod of, 7.

Jashar, Book of, 75, 80.

Josephus on the Canon, 5 f.

' Kina ’-VERSE, 124 f.

Koheleth (Ecclesiastes), canoni-
city of, disputed, 7.

Lucianic Recension (of LXX.),
21, 25.

Manuscripts, Hebrew, of no
great age, 15 f. ; reflect a single
type of text, 16.

Masora (Masoretic) explained,
4. 15 ff-

M6gilla= ‘ roll,’ 15.

Megilloth, the five, 15.

Midrash, explanation of the term,
88 ; a midrashic work cited by
the Chronicler, 88 f.

Moses and the Pentateuch, 30 ff.

Moses, Blessing of ( = Deut.
xxxiii.), 54 f-

- Song of ( = Deut. xxxii,), 54.

Number of Canonical Books,
variously estimated, 9 f.

P=the priestly element in the
Hexateuch, 38 ; characteristics
of, 61 f. ; origin and date of,
62 f. ; later revision of, 63.

Pentateuch, critical analysis of,

33 f-

Prophetic writings (including
Judges, Samuel, Kings), collec¬
tion of the, 2 f., II f.

RD (=:Deuteronomic Redaction)
in Joshua, 57; in Kings (R^*,
RD2), 78f.,83.

Roll of Jeremiah, the, 102.

Royal annals (state archives),
kept from the earliest period of
the monarchy, 77 f.

Septuagint, the, 20 f.

Servant of Jahveh, Songs of the,
100.

Sira (Ben), Book of, referred to,
4. 9. 13-

Solomon, utterance of, at the
dedication of the Temple (pre¬
served in the Book of Jashar),
80.

Superscriptions of the Psalms,
125 f.

Targums, the, 22 f.

‘ Temple-history,’ a supposed
(utilised in the compilation of
Kings), 83.

Tikktmi s6ferim, 18,

Trito-Isaiah, the, 100,

Vocalisation, the traditional
older than the system of vowel-
signs, 16 f.

‘ Wars of Jahveh, Book of the,
54-

' Wisdom,’ Hebrew conception of,
129.

Wisdom-Literature of the Old
Testament, the, 129, 131.

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