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Full text of "Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his province of Maine. Including the Brief relations, the Brief narration, his defence, the charter granted to him, his will, and his letters"

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Accession No. 



Shelf No. 






Received. .<[... : JJl:^L '/^^^ | 




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Sir Ferdinando Gorges 



AND HIS 



PROVINCE OF MAINE. 



INCLUDING 



THE BRIEF RELATION, THE BRIEF NARRATION, HIS 

DEFENCE, THE CHARTER GRANTED TO HIM, 

HIS WILL, AND HIS LETTERS. 



EDITED WITH A 



MEMOIR 

. AND 

HISTORICAL ILLUSTRATIONS 

BY 
JAMES PHINNEY BAXTER, A.M. 



Vol. I. 



Boston: 

PUBLISHED BY THE PRINCE SOCIETY. 
1890. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1889, by 

The Prince Society, 
In the Ofl5ce of the Librarian of Congress at Washington. 



THE 



PulJlications of tlje prince ^ociet?. 

EftablUhed May 25th, 1858. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges 



AND 



HIS PROVINCE OF MAINE, 





Boston: 

PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY, 

By John Wilson and Son. A.'5'**^30^ 

1890. fl^lOt^*^ 



^// 



TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTY COPIES. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



Page 

Preface . ^ . • . . v-viii 

Memoir 1-198 

The Epistle Dedicatory 201-202 

A Briefe Relation of the Discovery and Plantation 

OF New England 203-240 

Index 243-260 




LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Page 

Coat of Arms of Sir Ferdinando Gorges n 

Essex House 48 

AsHTON Phillips 151 

Chapel at Ashton Phillips 171 

The Church at Long Ashton 196 




PREFACE. 




EVERAL years ago I was invited by the Prince 
Society to prepare a monograph upon the life 
and works of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. No 
work of this nature and no original documents 
relating to this noted man were known to exift 
in Englifli archives, fave fome papers in the Britifh Mufeum, 
which exhibited his conne6lion with the Effex rebellion ; 
indeed, a relative of the family, in reply to an inquiry re- 
fpefling the fubjeft, had declared, in the London Notes and 
Queries, that, although he had endeavored to inveiligate the 
family hiflory, he doubted " whether any original papers of 
Sir Ferdinando are now extant." This was not encourag- 
ing, fince the writer in the London Notes and Queries was 
apparently better fituated to difcover fuch papers, if any 
exifled, than any one could be in America. Deciding to 
undertake the work, I began by copying original references 
to the fubje6l wherever I could find them in America. 
Thefe were not numerous, and for a while I felt that the 
field upon which I had entered was a barren one ; but I 
had in my plan a perfonal fearch through foreign archives, 

public 



vi Preface. 

public and private, and with this purpcfe in view I vifited 
England in the fummer of 1885. 

My firft work was in the Britifh Mufeiim, where I exam- 
ined every manufcript and every printed book of the fix- 
teenth and feventeenth centuries relating in any way to 
America; and my next was in the Office of the Public 
Records, where I examined all the official correfpondence 
and documents of the period mentioned relating to Colo- 
nial and State affairs. 

My labor in thefe great hiflorical mines was rewarded 
beyond my expectations, and I foon had a confiderable col- 
le6lion of papers relating to the fubjedl which I had in hand. 
Plymouth, Briftol, Wraxall, Afliton, Arundel Houfe, Little- 
cote, Lambeth Palace, the Bodleian Library, Thirlflane 
Houfe, and other places were to be vifited, and their ar- 
chives and thofe in the vicinity fearched ; and, above all, 
the correfpondence of Sir Robert Cecil, the chief fecretary 
of Elizabeth and James, was to be examined. At the end 
of a year I found myfelf in poffeffion of nearly two hun- 
dred manufcripts, a large portion of which were copies 
of letters which bore the fignature of Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges. I need not fay that I felt myfelf rewarded for 
the time, labor, and expenfe which they had coft me. 

I defire here to record my grateful acknowledgments to 
friends abroad and at home for numerous favors which I 
have received. 

Firft, I muft mention the late Rev. Frederick Browne, 
of Beckenham, Kent, who not only placed valuable ma- 
terials at my difpofal, which aided me in the preparation 
of my Genealogical Notes on the Gorges family, but gave 

me 



Preface. vii 

me important infl;ru6lion refpe6ling the fources from which 
information regarding Sir Ferdinando Gorges might be 
derived. This noble man took a deep interefl in my work, 
and rejoiced at every difcovery which I made ; but before 
I left England his death occurred, to the great grief of 
all who had ever come under the influence of his genial 
and generous fpirit. 

To the Marquis of Salifbury and his private fecretary, 
Mr. R. T. Gunton, I am greatly indebted. The former gen- 
eroufly gave me the entree to Hatfield Houfe, and permif- 
fion to examine and make extra61s from his invaluable 
colle6lion of ancient manufcripts, and the latter devoted 
much time in fearching and tranfcribing for me. 

I am alfo under obligations to Mr. Anthony Gibbs, the 
prefent owner of Charlton Manor, who fhowed me much 
kindnefs in giving me accefs to ancient papers of the Gorges 
family, and in furnifliing me with photographs of the manor 
houfe and interior ; as well as to the Rev. E. S. Vaughan, 
redlor of Wraxall ; William George, Efq., of Briftol ; and 
W. H. K. Wright, the well-known editor of the Wejiern 
Antiquary, who devoted valuable time in making me ac- 
quainted with the antiquities of Plymouth, as did likewife 
Mr. John Whitmarfli, the enthufiaflic and tirelefs antiquary 
of Devonport. 

Mr. Stephen J. Tucker, the Somerfet Herald at Arms, 
alfo deceafed, and his affiftant, Mr. Erneft A. Ebblewhite, 
rendered valuable aid in determining the arms of Sir Fer- 
dinando, which had long been a fubje(51 of inquiry. 

I am indebted to Mr. Henry Kenfmgton, of the Britifh 
Mufeum, and, efpecially, to that kind friend of American 

fludents 



viii Preface. 

ftudents in London, Mr. W. Noel Sainfbury, of the Public 
Records Office; likewife to Mr. B. F. Stevens, who is as 
prompt as he is able to affift his countrymen in their hif- 
torical refearches in Europe; and to Mr. E. J. Phelps, our 
minifler to the court of St. James, who procured for me, 
from the Colonial Office, privileges which greatly facilitated 
my refearches in the public archives of London. 

At home, I have received favors from Dr. Charles E. 
Banks, Hubbard W. Bryant, John Ward Dean, and the 
Rev. Edmund F. Slafter. To the latter I am particularly 
indebted for a critical examination of my work as it has 
advanced, and for many valuable correftions and fuggef- 
tions. 

Though I was fortunate in finding fo much material for 
the Memoir of Gorges, I fully realize how unfortunate I was 
in not finding more ; but I cannot doubt that hiflorical Hu- 
dents will find in this monograph fome flight contribution 
to American hiftory. 

J. P. B. 

Portland, Maine, 

6i Deering Street. 




MEMOIR 



OP 



SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 




LERKENWELL, in the county of Middlefex, in 
1568, was a pidlurefque rural hamlet, lying peace- 
fully within a girdle of green fields and frefh 
groves. The gray walls of London, bright with 
emblazoned banners, were in plain view acrofs 
a little llretch of meadow-land ; and from its guarded gates 
merry crowds had often come to the ancient well, which gave 
the place its name, to witnefs the facred dramas performed 
by the clerks of the religious houfes near by, or to engage in 
rural fports away from the din and dull of the great town. 
Hither, too, often came the invalid, drawn by faith in the 
medicinal virtues of the wells which abounded in the vicin- 
ity ; and departed in due time refrefhed, benefited as much, 
maybe, by the air and quiet of the place as by its healing 
waters. 

The fultry fiammer days had flipped by, one by one, 
until the 29th of Auguft had come. When the day began, 

Edward 



VOL. I. — I 



Memoir of 



Edward Gorges, then in the flufh of manhood, having 
only attained the age of thirty-one years, was lying mor- 
tally ill in this old hamlet of Clerkenwell, where he was 
refiding with his young family.-^ Life had opened to him 
full of promife. At the early age of twenty-one years, he 
became, by virtue of primogeniture, the poffeffor of the an- 
cient patrimony of the Gorges family of Wraxall,^ with all 
which that implied of wealth and honor ; and later he had 
increafed his influence by marriage with Cicely Lygon, 
who belonged to a Worcefterfhire family of diflinftion. On 
Sunday, the loth of Augufl, nineteen days before the date 
juit mentioned, he had made a final difpofition of his worldly 
poffeffions, and had fince awaited death, which came ere the 

day 



^ For accounts of Clerkenwell, vide 
A Survey of the Cities of London and 
Wefiminjler^ by John Stow, edited by 
John Strype, 1720, Book IV. p. 64; 
A New and Compleat Hifiory of 
London and Wefiminfler^ etc., by 
Henry Chamberlain, p. 603. Edward 
Gorges was undoubtedly living in one 
of the old manfions of his family. Moft 
families of wealth and diftindlion had 
their town houfes, and Clerkenwell was 
a favorite place of refidence for gentle- 
men defiring to take part in London life. 
We find Sir Ferdinando refiding here 
in 1595, where his eldeft fon Robert was 
born on November 15th ; and here, on 
July 30th, 1620, his fon John Gorges, 
Efq., was married to Lady Frances 
Fynes, daughter of the Earl of Lincoln. 
Members of the Gorges family ap- 
pear at Clerkenwell as early as 1567, 
there being a marriage record of John 
Gorges on the parifh regifter of that 
date. 

2 « Wroxall or Wraxall, but in an- 
cient writings Wrokefhale, the manor 



and eftate for a long time of the family 
of Gorges, who had their firft feat here, 
Ralph de Gorges had fummons among 
the Barons of this realm from 2d Edw. 
IL to the 1 6th of the fame King ; and his 
father Ralph, 4th Henry IIL, was made 
governor of Sherborne Caftle and, a- 
httle after, of the caflle of Exeter. 
Theobald de Gorges, the fon of the 
former Ralph, was high fheriff of the 
county of Dorfet, and this fhire in the 
reign of King Edward IIL; he alfo 
obtained of the fame King a licenfe for 
a market every week upon Thurfday, 
at this his manor of Wrokefhale, and 
for a fair yearly upon the eve day and 
morrow of the feaft of All Saints, and 
five days next following. None of the 
defcendants of this family were fum- 
moned to Parliament after Ralph, Lord 
Gorges ; but they have lived in the 
place for many fucceffions, and but of 
late are reduced to a female heir, which 
will bring this feat into another family or 
be extin6l." Vide A Compleat Hijlory 
of Somerfet^ Sherborne, [742. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 3 

day ended ; and it was foon known in Clerkenwell, and by 
friends and acquaintances in the city beyond, that Edward 
Gorges of Wraxall was dead. Three days later, on the firfl 
day of September, his body was borne to the old parifh 
church of St. James, Clerkenwell, where its afhes repofe 
to-day, though Clerkenwell is now a part of the mighty 
metropolis. 

His young widow was left with two fons: Edward, the 
elder, baptized September 5th, 1564, at Wraxall, and at the 
death of his father four years of age ; and Ferdinando, 
the record of whofe birth or baptifm has not yet come to 
light. It was at Wraxall that the Gorges family were wont 
to record their births, marriages, and deaths, as though they 
took efpecial pride in folemnizing thefe important family 
events there ; and the fa6t that the younger fon's name is 
not to be found in the regifters of the ancient parifh church, 
fo endeared to the family by long affociation, renders it 
probable that he was born at Clerkenwell while his father 
was lying fick there.^ Like his predeceffors, however, he is 
entitled as of Wraxall, the old manor of the Gorges family, 
which had then been in their poffeflion for more than three 

centuries, 

® The regifters of St. James, Clerk- begyn'inge at the yeare of o' Lorde 

enwell, are imperfe6l; thus, in the firft god 1551 vntill the y ere of o'^ Lorde god 

volume purporting to contain marriages, 1578 as followeth." A glance at thefe 

chriftenings, and burials from 1561 to leaves reveals the fa<5t that lapfes are 

1653, no marriages are recorded until frequent ; indeed, in one cafe, no rec- 

1587; but bound into the volume are ord appears for a period of eight years, 

feveral leaves of marriages, chriften- There can be no doubt that this volume 

ings, and burials in a confufed manner, is a compilation from a more ancient 

and thefe interpolated leaves purport to regifter. It is therefore quite poflible 

be "A trewe note of fuche Marriages, that the chriftening of Ferdinando 

Chrifteninges and burialls as were Gorges took place here and was not 

founde in fundery boockes and papers recorded, or if recorded that the record 

after themakinge of this regefterboocke, was loft. 



4 Memoir of 

centuries, having come to them through the marriage of 
Ralph de Gorges with the heirefs of Richard de Wroke- 
fhale, the early poffeffor of the manor to which the family 
name attached, and which in time became abbreviated to 
Wraxall. The family of Gorges itfelf derived its name from 
a hamlet in Lower Normandy, near Carentan. It was from 
this hamlet that Ranolph de Gorges came in the year 1066 
to the conqueft of England. 

Left by the death of her hufband with the fole charge of 
two young children, it became the chief duty of Cicely Gorges 
to rear and educate them ; and although fhe fubfequently 
became the wife of John Vivian, and thereby affumed new 
refponfibilities, we have reafon to believe that flie fairly ful- 
filled her trufl. Edward, we know, entered Hart's College, 
Oxford, in 1582; and it is reafonable to fuppofe, although 
we have no definite data refpe6ling the education of Fer- 
dinando, that he was not neglefted, but was educated in a 
manner befitting the family importance. 

The period during which Ferdinando Gorges was paffing 
from youth to manhood was pregnant with events of world- 
wide importance; indeed, the year 1568, the date when this 
narrative begins, is fet down by Camden as the year in 
which Puritanifm began to affert itfelf in England ; and he 
dates from this year the aggreffive movement againfl the 
eftablifhed order throughout the kingdom. The word " Pu- 
ritanifm," however, limited to a religious fenfe, is not fuf- 
ficiently broad to defignate properly the movement indicated, 
which embraced political as well as religious purification 
and reformation, although at times it feemed limited to 
mere cavil againfl ecclefiaflical form and ceremony. Really 

this 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 5 

this movement comprehended much that Republicanifm, 
following its befl ideals, aims to achieve ; hence the nat- 
ural antagonifm againft it of the clafs claiming the divine 
right to rule. At this time the royal will was fupreme ; 
and the royal will was largely the will of thofe having 
accefs to the royal ear. Royalty and its counfellors dif- 
ported themfelves in an atmofphere of fraud, and piti- 
leffly fchemed to compafs the cruelefl ends. The annals 
of the times, however meagre, furnifh ample proofs of the 
iniquity of thofe bearing rule ; and the pi6lures they pre- 
fent are made more difagreeable by the fa6l that religion, 
whatever the " ifm " which it affumed, was often ufed as 
a garb, both by rulers and their opponents, for Wrong to 
mafquerade in. To attain any pofition of profit or truft, it 
was neceffary to bribe fome one in power. Even an honefl 
caufe, placed under the aegis of Juflice, was at the mercy of 
fome frivolous creature whofe influence with the ruling 
power was for fale to the higheft bidder.* Elizabeth, a 
woman of fuperior intelledl, had inherited all the traditions 
of her predecefTors refpe6ling the divine authority of fover- 

eigns, 

^ The proftitution of juftice was thefe women; whereby they prefume 

open and unblufhing. Mr. Glafcock, thus to grange and huck caufes ; " and 

in the Parliament of 1601, plainly flated Fleetwood records: "It is growen for 

that " a Juftice of Peace is a living a trede nowe in the courte to make 

Creature, yet for half a Dozen of Chick- meanes for reprieves: twenty pounds 

ens will difpenfe with a whole dozen of for a reprieve is nothing, though it be 

penal Statutes." On one occafion, Lady but for bare ten days." Vide Afeinoirs 

Edmands, upon being applied to to ex- of the Rei^n of Queen Elizabeth^ by 

ert her influence with the Queen in be- Thomas Birch, London, 1754, Vol. L 

half of one of the litigants, refufed an p. 354 ; The Journals of all the Par- 

offer of one hundred pounds as too liainents, etc., by Sir Symonds d'Ewes, 

fmall a fum for fo important a cafe. London, 1682, p. 661 ; Queen Elizabeth 

This kind of fervice, fays Birch, "grow- and her Times^ by Thomas Wright, 

eth by the queen's flraitnefs to give London, 1838, Vol. IL p. 247. 



Memoir of 



eigns, and feemed to have no pity for thofe who rebelled 
agalnft her fevere rule, or were fuppofed to have rebelled 
againft it; indeed, upon one occafion at leafb, we are told, 
Ihe confulted her counfellors upon the fubjedl of protra6ling 
the torture fo cruelly applied at this time " to the extrem- 
itie of payne," ^ and, without apparent compun6lion of con- 
ic ie nee, 



* The fiendifh cruelties practifed at 
this time in fo-called Chriflian England 
would have difgraced favages. To give 
dramatic effe6l to the infernal fhow, a 
gallows was ere6led upon a platform 
high enough for thofe at a diftance to 
witnefs all that took place. When the 
viflims arrived, bruifed and wrenched 
by being dragged over the rough pave- 
ments, and kicked and maltreated by 
the populace along the way, they faw 
before them the executioner, with halter, 
hatchet, and long fharp knife in his 
hand, awaiting them. Sticking in a 
block near a blazing fire were feveral 
fharp knives, while (harp-pointed ftakes 
ftood by the gallows, upon which to 
flick their heads. In the cafe of the 
fourteen men executed in the Babington 
confpiracy, feveral of whom were young 
men of fortune belonging to the beft 
families in the kingdom, feven of them 
were fwung off and inftantly caught by 
their executioner, "their Privities cut 
off, their Bowels taken out before their 
Faces while they were alive, and their 
Bodies quartered." Their entrails were 
burned and their heads expofed upon 
ftakes. Frenzied by this horrible carni- 
val of cruelty, the executioner fome- 
times beckoned with bloody hands, and 
called his vi6lims to come and take 
their turn. In the cafe of the Babing- 
ton execution we are told, that the pop- 
ulace went " with earneft eie, prefent 
and purpofing to tarrie out the verie 
laft a6l.' It is faid that in one cafe the 



operation of the knife was fo protra6led 
that '' it was near half an hour before 
the fufferer was rendered entirely in- 
fenfible of pain." Strangely enough, 
Hopkins, in his admirable work on the 
Puritans, while fhuddering over thefe 
barbarities, moft inconfiflently takes 
time to adminifter a caftigation to Dr. 
Lingard, the Roman Catholic hiftorian, 
for quoting thefe words, ' extremitie of 
payne," without giving his authority, 
and not only leaves his reader to imply 
that Lingard malicioufly and in cold 
blood invented the words, but likens 
him to an afs kicking a dead lion. Why 
the failure of the Roman Catholic to give 
his authority in fo fmall a matter, fmall 
when compared with the weighty ones 
with which the Puritan was familiar, 
fhould have fo ftirred the choler ofthe 
latter, muft be left to the reader to an- 
fwer. Lingard did not invent the words, 
and fhould not have been accufed of 
fo doing without proof to fubftantiate 
the accufation. Vide Hijlory of Eliza- 
beth, by William Camden, London, 
1688, p. 344 ; Cobbett's Co7nplete Col- 
le6lion of State Trials, London, 1 809, 
Vol. I. pp. 1 1 27-1 1 62; Curiofties of 
Literature^ by Ifaac Difraeli, New 
York, 1 88 1, Vol. II. pp. 351-353; The 
Hifiory of England, by John Lingard, 
Bofton, 1883, Vol. V. p. 428; HoHng- 
fhed's Chronicles, London, 1808, Vol. 
IV. pp. 914-920 ; The Puritans^ by 
Samuel Hopkins, Bofton, 1861, Vol. III. 
p. 120. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 7 

fcience, engaged as a filent partner in the iniquitous traffic 
in flaves, with all its concomitant cruelties.^ We have cafl 
a glance behind the fcenes, and beg the reader to look for 
a moment upon the fide turned to the public view, that 
we may appreciate the influences which furrounded the 
Englifh youth during the period in which Ferdinando 
Gorges was approaching manhood, and which mull have 

tended 



® The ftate of the public confcience 
at this time is not only exemplified by 
the proftitution of jaftice and inhuman 
cruelty to thofe condemned for capital 
offences, but as well by the flave-trade, 
which was generally regarded as honor- 
able. The Queen fet the example in a 
partnerfiiip with Captain John Hawkins, 
which her fubjefts followed. Stow tells 
us, after fpeaking of Hawkins's educa- 
tion and early voyages, that he went " in 
the yere 1567, with fome of the Queenes 
fhips & fome of his oune," and "did 
many excellent fervices in Guinea and 
the weft Indies." Hawkins himfelf has 
left us a full account of this particular 
voyage and others, and tells us how he 
attacked towns, and after the flaughter 
of many of the people captured men, 
women, and children, and crowded them 
into the hold of his little fhips, where 
they died in great numbers from the 
terrible fufferings to which they were 
fubje6led; but enough furvived to make 
the voyage lucrative ; and he pioufly 
affures us that " Almightie God, who 
never fuffereth his ele6t to perifh," 
finally gave him a northwefb wind, 
which wafted him with his wretched 
cargo to a profitable port. Nor did the 
public confcience recover its proper 
tone with refpedt to this traffic for a 
long time. Even the Rev. John New- 
ton was engaged in the flave-trade 
while affociated with the gentle Cowper 



in the preparation of the Olney Hymns, 
and fays that it was " accounted a 
genteel employment and ufually very 
profitable," and that he " never had the 
leaft fcruple as to its lawfulnefs," and 
was " upon the whole fatisfied with it ; " 
though he acknowledges that more 
brutal atrocities were committed in the 
traffic in a fingle year, than were per- 
petrated during the entire period of the 
French Revolution. It was while en- 
gaged in this horrid traffic that he 
fought "frequent hours of divine com- 
munion " in the pleafant woods of 
Guinea, and upon one of thefe occa- 
fions reftored to their "right ouner '* 
thefe lines, which had been addreffed to 
his miftrefs by a heathen poet : — 

" In defert woods with thee, my God, 
Where human footfteps never trod. 

How happy could I be I 
Thou my repofe from care, my light 
Amidft the darknefs of the night. 

In folitude my company." 

Vide Annals^ or Generall Chronicle 
of Englande^ by William Stow, London, 
1631, p. 807; The Hawkins' Voyaj^eSj 
edited by Clements R. Markham, Lon- 
don, 1878, p. 25; Life of Rev. John 
Newtoft, Bofton, 1825, pp. 358 et feq. 
363 ; 2in6.Addrefs before the New Eng- 
land Hijloric Genealogical Society ^ by 
Abner C. Goodell, Jr., February 5th, 
1888. 



8 Memoir of 

tended to fhape his thought and life, even if he was not 
fo dire6lly affefled by them as fome whofe parents were 
attached to the Court, and took part in the fcenes which 
Paul Hentzner fo particularly delineates to us. After de- 
fcribing the gentleman ufher with his chain of office, the 
Church and Government dignitaries who were awaiting 
the appearance of the Queen from her chamber, the Chan- 
cellor with his red filk purfe containing the feals, the 
bearer of the royal fceptre and the fword of flate, he in- 
troduces the Queen, fixty-five years of age, in gorgeous 
apparel, going to prayers, followed by her ladies efpecially 
fele6ted for their beauty. As though fhe were a deity, no 
one ventured to addrefs her without firfl falling upon his 
knees ; and whenever fhe turned her face, thofe upon whom 
her glance fell dropped inflantly upon their knees, as though 
unable to bear the glory of her countenance. But while fhe 
was at prayers, Hentzner fays, " we faw her table fet out with 
the following folemnity. A gentleman entered the room 
bearing a rod, and along with him another who had a table- 
cloth, which, after they had both knelt three times, with the 
utmofl veneration he fpread upon the table, and after kneel- 
ing again they both retired. Then came two others, one 
with the rod again, the other with a falt-cellar, a plate and 
bread; when they had knelt as the others had done, and 
placed what was brought upon the table, they too retired 
with the fame ceremonies performed by the firft. At lafl' 
came an unmarried lady of extraordinary beauty (we were 
told that fhe was a countefs), and along with her a married 
one, bearing a tafting-knife ; the former was dreffed in white 
filk, who, when fhe had proftrated herfelf three times, in the 

molt 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 9 

mofl graceful manner approached the table, and rubbed the 
plates with bread and fait with as much awe as if the Queen 
had been prefent. When they had waited there a little 
while, the yeomen of the guard entered, bareheaded, clothed 
in fcarlet, with a golden rofe upon their backs, bringing in 
at each turn a courfe of twenty-four difhes, ferved in filver, 
mofl of it gilt ; thefe dilhes were received by a gentleman 
in the fame order as they were brought, and placed upon 
the table, while the lady-tafter gave to each of the guard a 
mouthful to eat of the particular difh he had brought, for 
fear of any poifon. During the time that this guard, which 
confifts of the tallefl and flouteft men that can be found in 
all England, loo in number, being carefully fele6led for 
this fervice, were bringing dinner, twelve trumpets and two 
kettle-drums made the hall ring for half an hour together. 
At the end of all this ceremonial a number of unmarried 
ladies appeared, who with particular folemnity lifted the 
meat off the table and conveyed it into the Queen's inner 
and more private chamber, where, after fhe had chofen for 
herfelf, the refl goes to the ladies of the Court." ^ 

To keep up all this vain pomp ; to make coftly prefents to 
pampered favorites at home and to conciliate wifhed-for 
allies abroad ; to penfion dependants, and accomplifh multi- 
tudinous fchemes of aggrandizement, required large fums of 
money, which had to be wrung from the clafs ruled.^ This 

clafs 

^ Vide England as feen by Foreign- Year's and faints' days ; and alfo 

ersy by W. B. Rye, London, 1865, pp. when thej prefented petitions to her 

104-107. from fubje6ls. In turn fhe granted 

8 Not only did the courtiers make them monopolies, which were burdens 

coftly prefents to the Queen when (he to the people grievous to bear, and 

vifited their houfes, but upon New made them valuable prefents. It was 

VOL. I. — 2 her 



lo Memoir of 

clafs was taught, as a religious tenet, that its rulers governed 
by a right beftowed upon them by the Supreme Ruler ;^ 
and it had learned this fo thoroughly, that it cherilhed 
loyalty to them as a fetifh, regarding with open-mouthed 
admiration the coftly pomp and ceremony of the Court, 
which it took pride in fuftaining, though by doing fo it 
went fcantily clothed and fed. Not only did the Govern- 
ment rule its fubje6ls in worldly matters, but through its 
ecclefiaflical fundlion or "eflate," as it was denominated, 
affumed fpiritual control over them as well. It prefumed to 
intervene between them and their Heavenly Father, and to 
prefcribe the manner in which they fhould ferve him, mak- 
ing nonconformity to precife rules of adlion punifhable to a 
degree which in fome cafes refulted even in death. At this 
point was revolt. Men who from inherited faith would 
never have queftioned the divine right of their rulers to 
govern them in wofldly matters, but would have gone on to 
the end of time to conform to their every requirement, re- 
volted againfl them when they claimed the right to rule in 
fpiritual affairs, and even carried their oppofition beyond 

reafonable 

her cuftom on New Year's day to fend walk there without a fla£f and leave 

her favorites gifts of plate averaging his mantle behind. Vide Letters and 

from forty to fifty ounces each. To Me77iorials of State, Sydney Papers, 

Hatton, whom Ihe called her belwether, by Arthur Collins, Efq., London, 1746, 

(he always gave four hundred ounces. Vol. I. pp. 376 etfeq. ; Nugce Antiquce^ 

She had in her wardrobe between two by Sir John Harington, London, 1804, 

and three thoufand drefles, and pof- pp. 1 18-120. 

fefled an immenfe quantity of jewelry, ® Among many abfurd evidences of 

which fhe had moflly received as pref- this is the infcription upon the tomb of 

ents from courtiers. On one occafion, Sir John Hawkins, viz. : — 
when the Archbifhop of London at- 
tempted to turn her thoughts from fuch " England's Queen 
worldly riches to thofe of a heavenly Elizabeth, our head 
nature, fhe threatened that if he med- Next unto Chrift, 
died with that fubiea again fhe would 2u ^^l"^ ^^ P","*^^ ^°^*^ 
fit him for heaven, and that he Ihould Their Scepters. 



\& 




CONSTANS ET FIDELIS 



COAT OF ARMS OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 1 1 

reafonable bounds. This oppofition conftantly gathered 
force, and perfecution and expatriation followed. 

Another movement fhould alfo be noticed. The dif- 
coveries of the Cabots and others had opened to adventur- 
ous minds poffibilities of wealth and renown. The Spanifh 
Government had fhown great vigor in utilizing its poffeffions 
in the New World, and was receiving the merited reward of 
its enterprife; while, on the other hand, the Government 
of England, with charafteriftic confervatifm, had delayed 
availing itfelf of the benefits to be derived from colonizing 
the lands which had been difcovered by its adventurous 
fons. It was not until Britifh merchants beheld their Spanifh 
rivals, whom they defpifed, receiving rich ftreams of wealth 
from their remote poffeffions in the Wefl Indies, Mexico, 
and South America, that they awakened to the advantages 
which they had hitherto negledled. Once aroufed from 
their apathy, with equally charafteriftic energy they entered 
with enthufiafm into fchemes of exploration and fettlement. 
The firft to lead in an attempt to colonize American foil 
was Sir Humphrey Gilbert, the half-brother of Sir Walter 
Ralegh, who was authorized to difcover, poffefs, and govern 
all remote heathen and barbarous countries not already in 
the poffeffion of any Chriflian people.^^ Although this at- 
tempt 

^^ His mother was a Champernoun, near Torbay, and their half-brother, 

and through her he was conne6led with Rales^h, at the Ralegh farm-houfe, 

the Gorges. Of her it has been faid Hayes. Sir Humphrey and Ralegh had 

that fhe "could probably boaft of hav- both fet out for Newfoundland, when a 

ing in her veins the blood of Courtney's difeafe, breaking out in his fhip, caufed 

Emperor of Byzant." Her four fons, Sir Walter to return. The expedition 

John, Humphrey, and Adrian Gilbert, having been difaftrous. Sir Humphrey 

and Walter Ralegh, were all noted men. refolved to return to England. Taking 

They were reared at Compton Caflle his place on the 6'^«/rr^/ of but ten tons' 



12 Memoir of 

tempt proved unfuccefsful, and refulted in the death of its 
heroic projeflor, whofe patent was renewed to Ralegh, the 
paffion for adventurous enterprife fpread through the king- 
dom, and the wildeft dreams of wealth and aggrandizement 
were indulged by enthufiaflic fpirits. Fortunes were de- 
voted to ill-confidered and mifmanaged undertakings ; even 
the Queen and her miniflers became partners in voyages of 
exploration, which for the mofl part proved fruitlefs. Peril- 
ous attempts were made to open a way to Cathay through 
Perfia and Mufcovy ; the coafts of Africa and America 
were laborioufly explored ; and deluded by wild theories, 
Englifh mariners flrove to penetrate the Ar6lic feas through 
barriers of eternal ice, in the vain expeftation of reaching 
by a fhort path the golden fhores of the Orient. 

It was a remarkable age ; an age of religious fanaticifm, 
of the indulgence of godlefs ambition and lawlefs paffion, as 
well as of heroic enterprife and felf-facrifice. We have 
faintly traced the hiftory of this period to fhow under what 
llimulating influences the fubje6l of this biography grew 
to manhood, influences which tefled men's hearts in a 
manner which foon revealed of what fluff they were made. 
Certainly the youth who could reach man's eftate unaffe6led 
by them would be more or lefs than human ; and in form- 
ing an eflimate of men of this period, w^e fhould never fail 

to 

burden, he was entreated to go on board faw for the laft time Sir Humphrey fit- 

the Golden Hind^ the larger velTel, for ting calmly on the deck of the Squirrel, 

fafety, but refufed to abandon his com- with a book in his hand, and heard him 

panions. The Golden Hind kept the cry to his companions through the dark- 

Sguirrelm fight until near the Azores, nefs and the Itorm, " Cheer up, lads ! 

when they were overtaken by a ftorm. We are as near heaven at fea as on 

As night fell, thofe on the Golden Hind land ! " 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 13 

to take thefe influences into our account. Through the 
Champernouns, the family of Ferdinando Gorges was allied 
to thofe adventurous fpirits, the Gilberts and Raleghs, and 
their exploits were familiar to him. It is not, however, until 
the year 1587 that Ferdinando Gorges again appears upon 
the hiftoric fcene, after the brief view we have of him, an 
infant, at his father's death-bed at Clerkenwell in 1568. 
The intervening period is a blank to us, fo far as he is con- 
cerned; but this period, fo full of important movements, 
we know mufb have influenced and moulded his charac- 
ter, and thus prepared him for the part in life which he 
was deflined to perform. 

The year 1587 is a noted one in Englifli annals. Under 
a well-fimulated deflre for peace, both rulers pretending 
that friendly relations between them was the dearefl; wifh of 
their hearts, while at the fame time accufmg each other of 
perfidy, the Englifli Queen and the Spanifli King were war- 
ring upon each other. The accomplifliment of Elizabeth's 
defign to bring the unfortunate Queen of Scots to the block 
was a new and potent reafon why the Spanish monarch 
fhould profecute the war with increafed vigor ; and he at 
once began preparations on a large fcale for the invafion 
of Englifh territory, whofe Queen was denounced by the 
Spaniards as a murderefs, and placed under the ban of the 
Church. But the Spanifh King had on the fea, in Sir 
Francis Drake, an antagonift of wonderful flcill and daring ; 
and his fucceffes in this war have been the theme of too 
many writers to make it profitable to rehearfe them here. 
On the land the war was confined to the Netherlands, the 
government of which was in alliance with that of England ; 

and 



14 Memoir of 

and here the Spanifh had the advantage. In the latter end 
of May the Duke of Parma laid fiege to Sluys, garrifoned 
by Hollanders and Englifhmen, with fo much vigor as to 
caufe the States to apply to the Englifh throne for help ; 
and in June the Queen defpatched her fupple favorite, Lei- 
cefler, with reinforcements for its relief. Among thefe re- 
inforcements were eight hundred foldiers, defpatched from 
Flufhing by Sir William RulTell, who had fucceeded Sir 
Philip Sydney in the government of that place. Thefe 
troops were in command of " feveral eminent chieftains," of 
whom Ferdinando Gorges is mentioned as one.^-^ 

At this date he could not have much paffed the age 
of twenty-one years; and to have attained the rank of a 
captain, he mufi; have been in the fervice for a confiderable 
length of time. This is not improbable, as it was not 
uncommon for Britilh youth to enter the army at the age 
of fixteen years, or even under ; hence Gorges had doubtlefs 
already feen feveral years of a6iive fervice. We know the 
fate of Sluys. Leicefter purfued the deceptive diplomacy 
then in vogue ; and although he made feveral apparently 
energetic attempts to relieve the befieged, Sluys was taken 
by the Spaniards at the end of June, and the Englifh were 
accufed by their allies of treachery. Whether Ferdinando 
Gorges was at this time taken prifoner, or became one in a 
fubfequent battle, we cannot tell ; but certain it is that he 
was a prifoner at Lifle in September, 1588, and efforts were 
being made to procure his releafe by exchange.^ At this 

time 

" Vide State Papers, Elizabeth, Pub- lie Records Office, under date of Sep- 

lic Records Office, London, CCXVI. tember5th, i588,forthenamesofEnglifh 

12 Vide State Papers, Elizabeth, Pub- prifoners in Spain and the Netherlands, 

whofe 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 15 

time the bones of Spain's proud Armada were lying fcat- 
tered along the treacherous Ihores of Ireland and the ifles 
of the northweft, while the Spanifh people were telling 
their beads in defpair at their terrible defeat. An exchange 
was foon effected, and Sir Ferdinando was again in the 
fervice of the Queen. 

In Auguft, 1589, Henry III. of France was affaffinated; and 
his fucceffor was obliged, before the Catholics would acknowl- 
edge his authority, to pledge himfelf not to permit the public 
exercife in the realm of any but the Roman Catholic form 
of worfhip, except in places where the Proteftant form had 
already been eftabliflied, and to beftow office, municipal and 
corporate, upon none but Catholics. This caufed a revolt 
among his Proteftant foldiers ; and, weakened by the de- 
fertion of feveral regiments, he was obliged to retire from 
Paris, which he was befieging, into Normandy. Elizabeth 
now came to his affifbance with money and men ; and with 
his Englifh reinforcements, he returned to the fiege of 
Paris. Among thefe Englifli recruits was Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges ; and it was at this time, if we may credit Richard 
Vines, that he was wounded, and borne from a breach in 
the walls by the French king.^^ Probably after his ex- 
change, 

whofe friends in England defire to have himfelf fetched him from a breach, 

Spanifh prifoners to redeem them with, being wounded, either at the fiege of 

One of the principal Engliflimen named Amiens or before Paris, I know not 

is Sir Ferdinando Gorges, then a prif- whether." The fiege of Amiens was 

oner at Lifle. in 1597, and we are able to account for 

^* The following is an extract from Gorges during this year, as he was in 

Vines's letter to Governor Wi nth rop, command at Plymouth, while in 1589 

dated at Saco, January 25th, 1640. Re- we know him to have been engaged on 

ferring to Gorges, he fays : *' I have the Continent, and this was the only 

often heard him difcourfe of thofe war- fiege of Paris during the time he was 

like a6lions, and that the king of France there. He himfelf fays that he fpilt 

much 



1 6 Memoir of 

change, and before his return to the Continent, he was for 
a brief time at home ; as we find, in a petition for an ad- 
vance of money to repair Pendennis Caflle in 1591, that 
two or three years before, he had infpedled it with a view 
to its repair.-^^ 

The war with Spain flill continued, but England held the 
coigne of vantage. Her fhips, commanded by fuch men as 
Grenville, Borough, and Frobifher, made havoc with Spanifh 
commerce, and brought " greate ftore of fpoyle " into Eng- 
lifh ports. One of the commiffioners who had the charge 
of this wealth was Sir Ferdinando Gorges. It was an office 
of great refponfibility, and fubjefted thofe who held it to 
the animadverfion and enmity of thofe in power. The 
greed of Elizabeth and her courtiers knew no bounds, 
and the wrangling over the plunder taken from the Span- 
iards was difgraceful. Early in 1592 Sir Walter Ralegh 
planned an expedition which was to waylay the treafii re- 
laden carracks of Seville and fack the Spanifh fettle- 
ments at Panama, in which adventure he had, with his 
ufual generofity, hazarded his entire eftate,^ borrowing 
money right and left at ufurious rates in order to equip his 
fleet properly. Having fet fail, however, he was followed 

and 

much blood for the Queen. Vide Win- fice, CCXL. In this Petition is the fol- 

throp Papers, Maffachufetts Hiftorical lowing: "It was viewed two or three 

Colledlions, Fourth Series, Vol. VII. years pall by Sir Ferdinando Gorges^ 

p. 342 ; Hijlory of Elizabeth, by William who thought that by reafon of the hill, 

Camden, London, 1688, p. 436. the caflle might be fo fortified as to 

1* Vide Petition of Sir John Killi- command the Blockhoufe and the whole 

grew to the Council, for the advance of hill, or as much as might be offenfive 

money for repairing and fortifying Pen- to the caftle." 

dennis Callle and for its fupply with i^ Vide Domeflic Correfpondence, 

men, guns, ammunition, etc. State Elizabeth, Public Records Office, 

Papers, Elizabeth, Public Records Of- CCXI. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 17 

and recalled to Court, and was foon caged by the Queen in 
the Tower, where fhe was wont on occafions to confine her 
favorites, when in one of her capricious moods. The expe- 
dition was, however, fuccefsful. " A great Bifcayan," bound 
for St. Lucas, and the richefl of the Indian carracks, called 
the Madre de Dios, were captured and taken into Dart- 
mouth, caufing the wildefl excitement throughout the king- 
dom. Even Ralegh was fent to Dartmouth, in charge of 
his jailer, to look out for the Queen's interelt. Sir John 
Hawkins having fuggefted to the aftute Burghley, her chief 
advifer, that his prefence there " might benefit her por- 
tion," none other having " fo ready a difpofition to lay the 
ground how Her Majefty's portion may be increafed." ^^ The 
Madre de Dios, efpecially, was laden with riches beyond 
the dreams of her captors ; and fhe and other prizes drew 
hungry hordes from every part of the kingdom to view 
them, and to procure fome of their fpoil. It is related that 
even proud lords of the Court were feen haggling with fwag- 
gering mariners who had furreptitioufly poffeffed themfelves 
of coveted booty. Befides Ralegh and Gorges, Sir Robert 
Cecil, who was as aflute as his aged father in compafling his 
ambitious fchemes, was on the ground as a commillioner-in- 
chief ; and it is probable that at this time an acquaintance 
was formed between him and Gorges, which fubfequently 
ferved the latter a good turn. A brief glimpfe of the fcene 
in which Gorges was now figuring is furnifhed by a letter 
from Cecil to his father, Lord Burghley." He fays : — 

I 

1* Vide Lanfdowne Manufcripts, " Vide Domeftic Correfpondence, 

Britifh Mufeum, Letter of September, Elizabeth, September, 1592, Public 
1592. Records Office. 

VOL. I. — 3 



1 8 Memoir of 

" I do fend this bearer only to your Lordlhip, that you may know 
I have palled by Exeter. Whomfoever I met by the way, within 
feven miles, that either had anything in cloak, bag, or in mail, which 
did but fmell of the prizes, either at Dartmouth or Plymouth (for I 
affure your Lordfhip I could fmell them almoft, fuch hath been the 
fpoiles of amber and mufk amongft them), I did, though he had little 
about him, return him with me to the town of Exeter, where I 
flayed any that fhould carry news to Dartmouth and Plymouth at 
the gates of the town. I compelled them alfo to tell me where any 
trunks or mail were. And I by this inquifition finding the people 
ftubborn, till I had committed two innkeepers to prifon, — which ex- 
ample would have won the Queen 20,000/. a week paft, I have lit 
upon a Londoner in whofe houfe we have found a bag of feed 
pearls. I do mean, my Lord, forthwith to be in Dartmouth, and 
to have a privy fearch there and in Plymouth. I have taken order 
to fearch every bag or mail coming from the Weft. And though I 
fear that the birds be flown, — for jewels, pearls, and amber, — yet 
will I not doubt but to fave Her Majefty that which fhall be worth 
my journey. My Lord, there never was fuch fpoil ! I will fupprefs 
the confluence of thefe buyers, of which there are above two thou- 
fand. And except they be removed, there will be no good. The 
name of * commiffioner ' is common in this country, . . . but my 
fending down hath made many ftagger. Fouler ways, defperater 
ways, nor more obftinate people, did I never meet with. . . . All the 
goods whereof I fend you a note were bought fmce the Proclama- 
tion.^^ I found befides, in this unlooked-for fearch, an amulet of 
gold, a fork and fpoon of cryftal with rubies, which I referve for the 
Queen. Her Majefty's captive comes after me ; but I have outrid 
him, and will be at Dartmouth before him." 

The key-note of this letter is the aggrandizement of Cecil 

himfelf. 

18 This was a proclamation forbid- Spanifli fhips. The captive is poor 
ding any traffic in the fpoils of the Ralegh. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 19 

himfelf. Gorges and others had been appointed commif- 
iioners before the great value of the prizes was known. As 
foon as this knowledge reached the Court, Cecil was hur- 
ried off by his father to the fcene of a6tion. His bufinefs 
oflenfibly was as follows : — 

" 1592, Sept. 16. Inllru6lions delivered to Sir Robf Cecil and 
Thomas Myddleton, appointed Commiffioner and Treafurer for the 
carrack and other prizes come from feas this fummer, lying at Dart- 
mouth and Plymouth. Cecil is to repair to Dartmouth and inquire 
in what fort Sir Ferd. Gorges and other Commiffioners lately fent 
there have proceeded for the furety of the carrack, and who have 
any right to any part of the adventure, to caufe all the lading to be 
viewed and entered in regifters ; efpecially to fearch out all the pre- 
cious things, and alfo to hire fufficient fhips to bring fuch lading 
into the Thames ; but the lighter fort of great price, fuch as f pices, 
cochineal, &c., may be fent by land, if the adventurers think good." ^^ 

Cecil fpeaks contemptuoufly of the commiffioners who 
had preceded him, but he brings nothing againft Gorges ; 
and as we find them afterwards upon good terms, we may 
reafonably infer that Gorges adminiflered his trufb to the 
fatisfadlion of the Court agent. A few months later, Gorges 
is again on the Continent, and complaining to Lord Burgh- 
ley of the a6ls of the Vice-Treafurer of the Englifh forces in 
paying the field officers;^ and in March he joined other 

captains 

i» Vide State Papers, Elizabeth, Pub- pears to have chafed under the wrong, 
lie Records Office, CCXLIII. and in the memorial referred to appears 
^ 20 The negle6l of juft claims for fer- the following: "Their Lordfhips will 
vice to the State is confpicuous through hear the complaints of abufe offered by 
this and fucceeding reigns, and com- Sir Ferdinando Gorges to the Vice- 
plaints became almoft too common to Treafurer for his care in obferving the 
excite attention. Sir Ferdinando ap- Council's orders on the parties' return ; 

but 



20 Memoir of 

captains in the Low Countries in a petition to the Council, 
fetting forth at large their grievances againll the Vice- 
Treafurer.^^ He returned to England in Odtober, 1595,^ 
having been ordered to take charge of the eredlion of new 
fortifications at Plymouth, to the great fatisfaftion of the 
authorities there, who were in one of their periodical ftates 
of alarm at rumors of Spanifh invalion.^ 

This alarm Sir Ferdinando evidently did not confider 
groundlefs; for by his advice a body of men were placed 
on St. Nicholas ifland, oppofite the town, for its pro- 
tedlion.^ He at once began the work of fortifying the 
harbor of Plymouth, and had, in the March following, 
pradlically completed his work ; and a commiffion was " re- 
quired " for him, as captain and commander of the " For- 
tifications newly eredled at Plymouth," with authority to 
mufler the militia of Devonlhire when occafion required.^ 

On 

but Sir Roger is to allow no violence to Majelly if it is her pleafure to feat a 

be offered to the Vice-Treafurer." Vide gentleman of his worth and experience 

State Papers, Elizabeth, Public Rec- amongft us in thefe dangerous times." 

ords Office, CCXLI. Vide Report of the Mayor of Plymouth 

21 The Captains of the forces of the and others to the Council, relative to 

Low Countries to the Council, 1593, the eredlion of the fort at Plymouth, 

March 19th. They have perufed the October 13th, 1595 : Public Records 

complaints of abufes in payment of the Office, CCLIV. 

companies, but it has not been advifed ^ " Having received intelligence of 

by them. They fend a true ftatement the repair of more galleys and fhipping 

of their griefs, which, if not redreffed, to Brittany, and of preparation for in- 

will greatly hinder the courfe of mar- vading our ports, we have, with advice 

tial difcipline. Signed by Sir Ferdi- of Sir Ferd. Gorges, placed 40 men in 

nando Gorges and others. Vide State Saint Nicholas' ifland to ferve as fol- 

Papers, Elizabeth, Public Records Of- diers and pioneers for guarding and 

fice, CCXLIV., and enclofures. fortifying it." Vide Letter of James 

22 Vide State Papers, Elizabeth, Bagg, Mayor of Plymouth, Sir George 
Public Records Office, CCLIV^. Carey, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and three 

23 "Thanks for your requiring us, others to the Council, Odtober i6th, 
upon any attempt of the enemy, to ufe 1595 : Public Records Office, CCLIV. 
the advice of Sir Ferd. Gorges : we will ^^ " Commiffion required by Sir Ferd. 
think ourfelves much bound to Her Gorges for the office of Captain and 

Commander 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 21 

On March 28th, 1596, a patent was iffued from Richmond 
appointing him captain and keeper of the new fortifications 
and of the ifland of St. Nicholas ; ^^ but it would feem that 
the authority over the militia was not granted. Gorges had 
returned to England at the folicitation of the Earl of Effex, 
and was known to be under that favorite's patronage. It 
was through the influence of Effex that the commiffion re- 
ferred to was granted him ; but there was one behind the 
throne greater even than EfTex, and every protege of the 
Queen's unfortunate favorite was marked by him. This was 
Sir Robert Cecil, who had the experience and power of his 
father to aid him ; hence we fhall fee that Gorges was un- 
happy in being attached to the fortunes of Effex. 

In the April following, by fpecial order of the Queen, his 
pay was ordered to be continued from the time when he left 
his command in the Netherlands to take charge of the work 
for fortifying the harbor of Plymouth, until otherwife or- 
dered.^ On the 12th we find him writing to Lord Burgh- 
ley; 

Commander of the Fortifications newly wages, fees, &c. of fuch offices, to be 

ere6led at Plymouth ; pay, \s. a day, taken out of the cuftoms upon the 

allowing him a lieutenant at 2.s. a day, tranfportation of pilchards from Cos. 

a gentleman porter u., three mafler Devon and Cornwall." Vide State 

gunners 3^-., and 60 foldiers %d. a day. Papers, Elizabeth, Public Records 

per man, to be paid from the cuftoms of Office, CCLVI. 

Devonfhire and Cornwall ; authorizing 27 « sir Ferdinando Gorges, captain 

him to mufter and call together the mil- of the Englifh footmen in the Low 

itia of Devonfhire in defence of the fort Countries, has come over to attend di- 

when needful,' March, 1596. Vide State regions about Plymouth fort, and being 

Papers, Elizabeth, Public Records Of- abfent on that account is checked there- 

fice, CCLVI. for. We defire you to pay to Sir Fer- 

26 Vide Richmond Patent, dated dinando his entertainment of 6s. a day 

March 28th, 1596, creating Sir Ferdi- from 17 061. laft and to continue it till 

nando Gorges " Captain or Keeper of orders to the contrary." Vide State 

the caftle or fort lately built and forti- Papers, Elizabeth, Public Records Of- 

fied near Plymouth," and alfo " Captain fice, CCLVL : Letter of the Queen to 

of St. Nicholas' Ille, together with all Sir Thomas Sherley, April 3d, 1596. 



22 Memoir of 

ley; at the fame time taking the precaution to write to 
his fon, advifmg him of the daily rumors of a defcent 
of the Spaniards upon the Devonfhire coafl with intent 
to burn and fpoil, and fuggeflively calling attention to the 
unfatisfadlory pofition which he occupied in not holding 
the Queen's warrant to organize againil a fudden attack of 
the enemy ; alluding undoubtedly to a negle6t on the part 
of the Government to authorize him to mufter the militia 
of the county in cafe of need,^^ an intentional negledi: 
on the part of the wily Secretary, who was not difpofed 
to put any more power than poffible into the hands of 
one friendly to a rival. At the moment thefe letters were 
written, extenlive preparations were being made in Englifh 
ports to equip an expedition which Ihould flrike a blow 
at the Spaniards on their own fhores, and by crippling 
their naval power, hinder them from organizing another 
armada againfl England. 

This plan had been fuggefled feveral years before by 
Sir John Hawkins,^^ but had not been adopted. Latterly, 
however, it had been taken up by Lord Admiral Howard ; 
and by the a6live co-operation of Cecil, Effex, and Ralegh, 
who were united in an enterprife which promifed fo much 
glory, was made effe6live, though the Queen, with her ufual 
capricioufnefs, often interfered, and on feveral occafions came 
near caufmg its overthrow. Effex at this time enjoyed the 
warmeft place in the old Queen's affeflions, and was made by 

her 

28 Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando ^ Vide Domeftic Correfpondence, 
Gorges to Lord Burghley: Ibid, to Elizabeth, Public Records Office : Let- 
Secretary Cecil, Hatfield Houfe, et ter of Sir John Hawkins, December, 
pq/lea. 1587. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 23 

her the commander-in-chief of the expedition, although the 
Lord Admiral Howard was a veteran of experience, and in 
every refpedl more fuitable for the chief command. Even 
after everything was ready, fhe was loath to part with her 
favorite, who was almofl befide himfelf with anxiety to get 
away.^^ 

The fleet finally failed on the ifl of June, its objedlive point 
being the profperous port of Cadiz. The ftory of this enter- 
prife is one of the mofl flirring in the annals of this llirring 
period.^^ It was in every refpedl fuccefsful. Thirteen Spanifh 
war-fhips and feventeen galleys defended by the harbor bat- 
teries were deflroyed, difabled, or captured, and prizes made 
of a fleet of forty merchant-fliips. Cadiz itfelf was given over 
to plunder, and proved a rich prize to the invaders. The 
greatnefs of their fuccefs awakened fuflicient enthufiafm in 
the hearts of Cecil, Effex, and Ralegh to unite them for a 
time in a fort of friendfliip. The relations exifting at this 
time and fubfequently between thefe men mufl: be taken 
into account, in order to underftand properly what later 
appears as incongruous in the connection of Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges wdth them. At the time this expedition was in 
procefs of equipment, Gorges was on good terms with the 
rival trio, and doubtlefs would have been fele6led to take an 
a6live part in the enterprife, had not other duties required 
his attention. In this, perhaps, he was not quite unfortunate, 

as 

^ Vide Domeftic Correfpondence, Hakluyt's CoUe^ion of Early Voyages^ 

Elizabeth, Public Records Office: Let- etc.^ London, 1810, Vol. IL pp. 19-33; 

ter of EiTex to the Privy Council, April Hijlory of Elizabeth^ by William Cam- 

iith, 1596. den, London, 1688, pp. 517-523; Rela- 

*i Vide A Brief e and True Report Hon of Cadiz Aflion, Ralegh; Pure has 

of the Honorable Voyage to Cadiz, in his Pilgrimes, Vol. IV. pp. 1 92 7- 1934. 



24 Memoir of 

as the viflors, though they returned in triumph and were 
welcomed by the grateful plaudits of the people, were re- 
ceived by the Queen with four looks and fourer words, her 
avarice caufmg heartburnings which could not be readily 
relieved.^ Her pettinefs and capricioufnefs feemed to in- 
creafe with age. At one moment fhe would order her 
forces to be augmented, and at another to be diminifhed. 

During the fummer Sir Ferdinando was fo ferioufly ill 
as to be in danger of his life, as we learn from a contempo- 
rary letter.^ We find him, however, erelong at his poft 
again, forwarding news to Secretary Cecil as ufual ; thereby, 
it would feem, incurring the difpleafure of the Lord Admiral, 
who confidered himfelf flighted.^* 

The news of the fall of Cadiz and the lofs of fo much 
wealth caufed the Spanifh King to bend all his energies 
towards Hrengthening himfelf for a counter-invafion of his 
enemy's country. Gorges and others were alive to the ne- 
ceffity of llrong coaft defences ; and an allufion made near 
the clofe of the year to his negleft to " come to confult 

about 

82 Vide Bacon Papers, Lambeth Pal- Office, CCLIV. : Letter of George 

ace, DCLVin. i68; Ibid.^ Letter of Carey to Secretary Cecil, Auguft 28th, 

Lord Burghley to the Earl of Eflex, 1596. 
September 22d, 1596, DCLIX. 136. 2* " I fend letters from Bayonne to 

88 " I have received your and the Pedro del Caftillo, having opened them 

Council's letters for myfelf, Sir Ferdi- for news in prefence of Sir Ferd. Gorges, 

nando Gorges, and others, as to fearch- The Lord Admiral is difpleafed with 

ing for things embezzled by the Volun- Sir Ferd. Gorges for not fending him 

teer and other Ihips which followed the news of thefe parts as he does to you. 

fleet in the late aftion. Sir Ferdinando He would have done it long ago, had 

Gorges, having been in great danger he known it was his Lordfhip's wifh." 

through ficknefs, and not having yet Vide State Papers, Elizabeth, Public 

recovered, defired me to repair thither Records Office, CCLXI. -. Letter of 

[to Plymouth] to-morrow." Vide State William Stallenge to Secretary Cecil, 

Papers, Elizabeth, Public Records Plymouth, December 23d, 1596. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 25 

about the cafhiering of 50 men," then in the fervice, exhibits 
his diftaile at taking part in fuch a proceeding.^ Gorges 
appears to have well underflood the chara6ter of Elizabeth, 
and the danger incurred by doing anything without her 
exprefs warrant. Indeed, so tyrannical and treacherous 
was file, that obedience to her orders was often dangerous. 
We find him, in the beginning of 1597, writing to Secre- 
tary Cecil afking for an enlargement and explanation of 
his commiffion. In language quite unlike the prevalent 
llyle, fo fervilely obfequious, he plainly ftated that he would 
not undertake anything for which he could not fhow a war- 
rant, and that his reputation would be confidered finall if 
it became known that he was unable to procure things 
neceffary for his own fafety ; " and fo," he faid, " may her 
majeftie's fervice be negle6led and myfelf fcorned." He 
clofed pithily with the following words : " I reft with defire 
of means to fhow myfelf affuredly, Your honors at com- 
mand." ^^ 

Gorges appears to have been ever on the alert to gather 
information concerning the enemy, which he promptly con- 
veyed to Secretary Cecil. Still he waited, and waited in 
vain, for an enlargement of his commiffion. Although on 
friendly terms with the Secretary, he was well known to be 

attached 



^ "As Sir Ferd. Gorges does not come thence, which would be troublefome and 

to confult about the beft way of cafhier- chargeable," etc. Vide Letter of Sir 

ing 50 men of Sir Thos. Morgan's com- Thomas Sherley to Sir Robert Cecil, 

pany to ferve in Plymouth, I fend my February 23d, 1596, Public Records 

own poor opinion that a letter fhould Office, CCLVI. 

be written to Lord Burgh[ley], in whofe ^^ Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando 

government they remain, to cafhier 50 Gorges to Secretary Cecil, Hatfield 

of that band, but not tranfport the men Houie, et pojlea. 

VOL. I. — 4 



26 Memoir of 

attached to Effex, and this was enough to prevent his pro- 
motion ; befides, it was the policy of this reign fo to leave 
affairs of moment, that the refponfibility for any mifcarriage 
could be fhifted upon the fhoulders of thofe having them in 
charge, if it was thought at any time befl to do fo. Tired 
of the unneceffary delay to commiffion him properly for the 
fervice in which he was engaged, he wrote to Cecil, near the 
end of April, that he had equipped a pinnace of his own, 
which he was about to defpatch to the Groyne and Ferrol, 
and that he fhould be contented to go in her himfelf if he 
were at liberty to go, on account of the unfatisfadtory con- 
dition of affairs. He took the occafion to read the powerful 
Secretary a leffon, which is well worthy of notice, as exhibit- 
ing the chara6ler of the Queen. It was as follows : — 

" There can be nothing more dangerous to our eftate than [fancied] 
fecurity, the which infe6lion our nation hath ever been fubje6l unto, 
and that proceeding from the want of intelligence from men of 
judgement and reputation ; and I never yet prized my life or eftate 
fo high, as I would negledl to do that, the which, in my confcience, 
was fit to be done for my country's good." ^^ 

The Spanifh King was adively engaged in equipping a 
fleet for the invafion of England ; and fo threatening was 
the danger of a defcent upon her coafls of another Invincible 
Armada, that Ralegh thought it neceffary, in order to 
awaken the people to a fenfe of their peril, to write and 
publifh a brochure upon the fubjeft, which he entitled 
" Opinion upon the Spanifh Alarum," in which he fet forth 

the 

8' Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando Gorges to Secretary Cecil, Hatfield Houfe, 
et pojiea. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 27 

the advantage to be gained by England in flriking the firft 
blow. The proportion was fo popular that a powerful 
expedition was fpeedily equipped, largely by private enter- 
prife, to give another ftaggering blow to Spain ; and Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges was joined to it as Sergeant-Major- 
General of the land forces.^ The Englifh part of the fleet 
was compofed of three fquadrons : the firft commanded by 
the Earl of Effex as Admiral ; the fecond by Lord Thomas 
Howard as Vice-Admiral, and the third by Sir Walter Ra- 
leg has Rear Admiral. Ralegh's fhip was commanded by 
Sir Arthur Gorges ; and Sir Ferdinando accompanied his 
kinfman in it, leaving his brother Edward in charge of 
Plymouth.^^ 

The Dutch allies of England furnifhed twelve fhips 
of war, under the command of Admiral Van de Woord, for 
the expedition, which failed near the middle of July from 
Plymouth. It had hardly cleared the coaft, when feveral 
Spanifh fhips appeared off the harbor, and fucceeded in 
capturing a bark belonging to Sir Ferdinando.^ Soon after 
its departure the Englifh fleet encountered a florm fo fevere 
that Ralegh fays, "we made account to have yielded our 

fouls 

'8 Vide A Larger Relation of the quifitive about the Englifh fleet, they 

faidljland Voyage, written by SirArthur were obliged to call overboard letters 

Gorges, Knt., collefted in the Queene's of intelligence, &c. Two Englifhmen 

Ship called the Wajl Spite, etc. ; Pur- aboard report that lo galleys are com- 

chas his Pilgrimes, Vol. IV. p. 1938. ing from Spain to land 250 men in fome 

*^ Vide State Papers, Elizabeth, Pub- weak weftern town. A man-of-war has 

lie Records Office, CCLXIV.; Purchas taken a bark of the town belonging to 

his Pilgrimes, Vol. IV. p. 1938. Sir Ferd. Gorges and two boats." Vide 

*** " A bark arrived from Brittany Letter of Thomas Treffey to Secretary 

reports that four Spanifh men-of-war Cecil, July 14th, 1597, in Domeftic Cor- 

keep the Channel, and their Vice-Ad- refpondence, Elizabeth, Public Records 

miral boarded him, and being very in- Office. 



28 Memoir of 

fouls up to God." *^ When the fhattered fhips finally gath- 
ered in Plymouth harbor,*^ they prefented a forry fpedlacle. 
Officers and men, efpecially thofe of the former who had 
not been inured to hardfhip, were fick and difabled, and 
fome fubfequently died, on account of the expofure and fuf- 
fering to which they had been fubje6ted. Effex was greatly 
difheartened, and, knowing the fickle and heartlefs difpofition 
of the Queen, doubtlefs felt uneafy with regard to her a6tion. 
A letter from him to Cecil, under date of July 28th, and now 
in the office of the Public Records, exhibits fo well the con- 
ceit of the time, that it fhould not be overlooked. 

BoNAVENTURE, July 28th, 1597. 

I have received your packet with the news of Her Majefly's en- 
counter with that braving Polart, and what a princely triumph fhe 
had of him by her magnanimous, wife, and eloquent anfwer. It was 
happy for Her Majefty that fhe was ftirred, and had fo worthy an 
occafion to fhow herfelf. The heroes would be but as other men if 
they had not unufual and unlooked-for encounters ; and fure Her 
Majefty is made of the fame ftuff of which the ancients believed 
their heroes to be formed : that is, her mind of gold, her body of 
brafs. O foolifti man that I am, that can compare lajupe blanche 
to the hardeft metal ! but in that wherein I mean to compare it, it 
holds proportion, for when other metals break and ruft and lofe 
both form and colour, fhe holds her own pure colours which no other 

of 

*i Vide State Papers, Elizabeth, Throgmorton with fome of the Queen's 

Public Records Office: Letter of Sir great Ihips here, and met with Sir W™ 

Walter Ralegh to Secretary Cecil, July Brooke and Sir Ferd. Gorges in the 

1 8th, 1597. Dreadnought and Carew Reynolds in 

*2 *' I have removed from Falmouth the Forefight of Falmouth." Vide 

to Plymouth, as molt fure to gather my State Papers, Elizabeth, Public Rec- 

fcatte red flock. I have found Sir Walter ords Office, CCLXIV. : Letter of Earl 

Raleigh, Sir Francis Vere, Sir Geo. of EITex to Secretary Cecil, July 20th, 

Carew, Sir W°^ Harvey, and Capt. 1597. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 29 

of nature can match or of art imitate. But how dare my melan- 
choly fpirit praife her ? Bear with me, for thefe contrary winds and 
crofs fortunes make me fufpe6l myfelf, though I could efteem all 
things that happen well or ill only to myfelf as outward things, that 
fhould not take away tranquillity of mind. Yet to have means of 
doing my Sovereign fervice taken from me is more than the taking 
away of my life. How dizzy my head is you may know by my fend- 
ing your father an account of the men difcharged and the money 
given to them, and no mention of what I had done with the arms. 
Let him know that I have left them all with Sir Ferd. Gorges in the 

fort at Plymouth. 

Essex. 
To Sir Robert Cecil. 

Having delivered himfelf of this folly, Effex proceeded to 
bufinefs, and reported the next day to the Queen's Council 
the a6lion of a council of war compofed of himfelf, Sir Wal- 
ter Ralegh, Sir George Carew, Sir Thomas Vere, and Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, to the effeft that they had repaired the 
difabled fhips ; and owing to the increafed danger of an 
invafion, growing out of the late difafler to the fleet, he had 
left Sir Ferdinando Gorges in charge of the defences of 
Plymouth, partly, he faid, becaufe he found him the only 
flay of this country, and alfo becaufe the fervices of a Ser- 
geant-Major-General were not fo much required, the forces 
being diminifhed and the land fervice not likely to be fo 
great as it would have been if the expedition had been fuc- 
cefsful at the firft.*^ ^^ 

•*8 Vide State Papers, Elizabeth, Pub- Sir Arthur Gorges tells us that his 

lie Records Office : Report of Earl of kinfman. Sir Ferdinando, being one 

Effex, Sir Walter Ralegh, Sir George of thofe difabled, his place was af- 

Carew, Sir Francis Vere, and Sir Fer- figned to Sir Anthony Sherley. Vide 

dinando Gorges, Council of War, to Purchas his Pilgrimesj Vol IV. p. 

the Privy Council, July 29th, 1597. 1941. 



30 Memoir of 

At his departure he entrufled to Sir Ferdinando funds 
with which to relieve any fhips, which might return to 
Plymouth in diftrefs. From notes by Lord Burghley of 
proceedings to be taken to prevent an invafion, preferved 
in the Records Office, it appears that Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges, the Earl of Bath, and Sir William Courtney were 
jointly charged with the defence of the county of Devon- 
fhire.^ Sir Ferdinando was alfo made one of a commif- 
fion of three, with headquarters at Plymouth, to prevent 
abufes in the allotment of prizes taken from the Spanifh. 
At this time he held the commiffion of a juftice of the 
peace.^ 

The fleet for Spain finally failed Auguft 17th, and di- 
rected its courfe towards Ferrol; but as though Provi- 
dence efpecially intervened in favor of the Spaniards, a 
ilrong eaft wind, more potent for defence than all the flinty 
fortreffes of Ferrol, blew direftly out of the harbor, and 
baffled every attempt at entrance. The helplefs fleet, buf- 
feted by wind and wave, was beaten off, and after capturing 
a few unimportant prizes, returned to England a couple of 
months after failing. Ralegh, however, who had been fepa- 
rated from the refl of the fleet, was more fuccefsful, and cap- 
tured Fayal, exciting thereby the jealoufy of Effex and his 
friends, who, with a flrange difregard of decency, attempted 
to punifh him for ftriking Spain a blow in the glory of which 
they could not fhare. j 

^ Vide Notes of Lord Burghley, of *^ Vide Cotton Manufcripts, Otho. E. 

proceedings to be taken to prevent an IX. 326, Britifh Mufeum ; alfo a War- 

invafion. Public Records Office. This rant dated September 29th, 1597, figned 

manufcript is without date, but was by Sir Ferdinando, in Public Records 

doubtlefs written in 1597. Office. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 31 

In the meantime Gorges was fpared the annoyances and 
enmities growing out of the failure of the expedition, and 
bufied himfelf, as well as he could under fuch a government, 
with the defence of Devonfhire. Certainly he had but poor 
fupport from the Government, the members of which were 
wholly occupied with matters of a purely felfifh nature, from 
which they could only be aroufed by the fhadow of a great 
danger falling direftly athwart their plans. Sir Ferdinando 
was ftill without the authority he had fo long pleaded for 
as a neceffity to enable him to make his command effedtive 
in cafe of fudden attack.^ He was almoll in defpair at the 
miferable condition of his troops, who were forely negle6ted. 
In a letter to the Council he fpoke of the Spanifh fleet, 
which had failed from Ferrol with the intention of landing 
a force on the Ifle of Wight, and which in fpite of having 
fuffered difafter from ftorms was flill making ready for inva- 
fion; and he laid open the Spanifh defign, which was to 
land two armies, one on the eaft and another on the weft 
coaft, with expeftation of aid from Scotland on the north, 
as well as Ireland on the weft. Of the defperate needs of 
the defenfive forces he fpoke in the plaineft manner, and 
referred to Ralegh, to whom he had made a written report. 
The troops were deftitute of money and clothing ; they 
were even fhort of arms, and, although it was then near 
midwinter, unprovided with fuel and proper fhelter. Speak- 
ing from knowledge of the Spaniards, he faid, that " if God 

had 

*^ The moil that he could fecure was new fort at Plymouth with men ufed to 

an order of the Queen to Sir Walter trenchino; ; and as the tinners are ac- 

Ralegh, Lord Warden of the Stannaries, counted the fkilfullell for that work, you 

which flated that " there may be caufe are to appoint a convenient number of 

at feme future time to reinforce the them, who are always to be in readinefs." 



32 Memoir of 

had not prevented them this laft time, they would, with- 
out refiftance, have performed their defignment upon thefe 
parts." *^ 

Two days later he informed Cecil of the report that the 
Spaniards intended making a winter attack upon England, 
and commended his informant to the confideration of the 
Secretary. Even from the few letters which have come 
down to us, we may fee that he was indefatigable in his 
labors for the prote6lion of Devonfhire.*^ In a letter of 
December 8th to Cecil, he enclofed a draught of Falmouth, 
which he defcribed as wholly unprovided with means of 
defence, and gave his opinion refpefting the befl method of 
fortifying it.*^ 

His laft letter to Cecil this year, contained an account 
of the arrival at Plymouth of a mariner in the employ of a 
merchant of the town, whom the Spaniards had taken and 
fubjedled to the tortures of the rack in order to extort from 
him information, which it was fuppofed he might have re- 
garding the Englifli fleet. It was rumored in Spain that 
the Adelantado's forces had "taken and killed all," and 
were " in peaceable poffeffion of all, and that they found 
many friends in thefe parts." And he continued : " The 
words that the Adelantado ufed unto the reporter hereof 
was, that the fire was but now kindled and the wars but 
now begun between England and Spain ; in whofe pref- 
ence (at the fame time) was Eleott, a chief councillor as it 

feemeth, 

^' Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando Gorges to the Privy Council, Domeftic 
Correfpondence, Elizabeth, Public Records Office, Vol. CCLXV. No. 42 et 
pojiea. 

« Vide Ibid., No. 44. *» Vide Ibid., No. 45. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 



33 



feemeth, and the caufe (as he fayeth) that thefe men were 
racked." 

All this caufed him anxiety, and he preffed Cecil for an 
anfwer to his demands. His manly and outfpoken opinions 
upon the fubjedl in this age of fycophancy are worthy of 
notice. After alluding to the want of neceffary provilions, 
and having fbated that fair winds for the Spaniards had pre- 
vailed for fome time, he faid that in his opinion it feemed 
fitting that fomething fhould be done to fatisfy the people 
that their affairs were not being neglefted ; which would 
not only content them, but alfo ferve to encourage them to a 
better performance of their duties. Certainly it could not 
be «;/fafe to have affairs fettled in an orderly courfe, and 
everything in readinefs to prevent the worfl. Thus much 
he faid in difcharge of confcience and duty, becaufe he was 
aware that notice was taken of the " backwardnefs and ilack- 
nefs " of the nation, by which its enemies received comfort, 
by being perfuaded that the Englifli not only lacked under- 
llanding in fuch matters, but wanted judgment to provide 
for emergencies ; a perfuaiion which encouraged their ene- 
mies, while the want of neceffary provifions would prove a 
fource of great difcomfort to thofe who were called to defend 
their country .^^ 

France had been the ally of England in the Spanifh war, 
but now abandoned her and made terms of peace with their 



common enemy 



51 



^ Vide Domeftic Correfpondence, 
Elizabeth, Public Records Office, Vol. 
CCLXV. No. 55. It would be intereft- 
ing to know what Sir Ferdinando wrote 
to EfTex at this time. 

VOL. I. — 5 



This was a new caufe of diflurbance in 

England. 

" Vide Hijlory of Elizabeth, by Wil- 
liam Camden, London, 1688, p. 545 ; A 
Chronicle of the Kings of England^ 
by Sir Richard Baker, London, 1733, 
pp. 388 et feq. 



34 Me^noir of 

England. The Irifh, too, wer^ arrayed in open hoftility 
a^ainft the Government, which had been over-harfh ; and to 
make matters ftill worfe, the Court was dillurbed by ani- 
mofities which interfered with the management of affairs.^^ 
Every man of prominence had his clique of partifans, who 
made it their bufmefs to undermine rivals and exalt patrons 
to the extent of their ability. 

We have feen how Sir Ferdinando labored wdth Cecil to 
obtain means to provide for the proper maintenance of the 
foldiers under his command at Plymouth, and to get a defini- 
tion of his authority, which was often called in queftion by 
the civil authorities, and how vain had been his appeals.^ 
He had been obliged to quarter fome of his men in the town, 
which naturally occafioned diffatisfaftion ; and being the rep- 
refentative of the Government, he was obliged to fhare the 
hoflile criticifm which its improvidence excited among the 
people; befides, his attachment to Effex naturally drew upon 
him the attention of the opponents of the Queen's favorite, 
and we may infer tended to leffen the warmth which had 
hitherto exifted between him and Ralegh. 

Effex, whatever may be faid of his faults, poffeffed a frank 
and manly nature, which made him much more attradlive 
than Cecil, w^ho was fecretive and ever ready to take advan- 
tage of a rival. Gorges, who feems to have been akin to 
Effex in manly qualities, undoubtedly cherifhed a warm af- 
fe6tion for him, nor was he unwilling to be recognized as a 

friend 

^2 Vide A Chronicle of the Kings of p. 77 ; Hifiory of Elizabeth, by Wil- 

England, by Sir Richard Baker, Lon- liam Camden, London, 1688, pp. 555 

don, 1733, pp. 386, 387 et pajjim ; Let- et feq. 

ters and Memorials of State, hy Axihur ^^ Vide Letters of Sir Ferdinando 

Collins, Efq., London, 1746, Vol. IL Gorges, Hsiiiield Houfej et poytea. 



Sir Ferdina^ido Gorges. 35 

friend of the powerful courtier ; hence arofe a feeling of oppo- 
fition among the fecret opponents of Eflex to his fubordinate. 
This feeling is evinced in a letter, under date of May 8th, 
1598, from William Stallenge to Cecil, in which is the key- 
note of later expreffions of unfriendlinefs. He fays: "The 
townfmen hope feme good courfe eftablifhed between Sir 
Ferd. Gorges and them ; " and fome time later, referring to 
the quartering of troops in the town : " But it is here fup- 
pofed to be a matter rather proceeding from Sir Ferd. 
Gorges to fhow his good will towards the town. I would 
Her Majefty would appoint him to fome other place, for 
there will be no end of his malice, which will in this place 
greatly hinder her fervice." ^ 

Evidently Gorges enjoyed no fmecure in his command at 
Plymouth, receiving infufficient fupplies from the Govern- 
ment, and being obliged to bear the odium of its fhortcom- 
ings. We have heard his urgent appeals for arms, and have 
feen how Effex, when he returned from his unfuccefsful ex- 
pedition, left with him fome of the arms which he brought 
back. Even thefe, though he needed them ever fo much, 
he mufl give up ; for the clouds of war were darkening 
on every fide, and men, money and armament were needed 
everywhere. Knowing how much Plymouth was expofed 
to the enemy, and its great importance to the country, we 
cannot wonder if he reluctantly yielded up weapons which he 
regarded as neceffary to a proper defence of his charge.^ 

A 

^ Vide Domeftic Correfpondence, ^ To the Right Honor*^ our very lov- 

Elizabeth, Public Records Office : Let- ing Friend, Sir Ferdinando Gorges : 
ters of William Stallenge to Secretary After our very heartie commendation 

Cecil, May 1 8th and Auguft 30th, 1598. we have received warrant from the 

Lordes, 



36 Memoir of 

A condition of affairs difheartening to an obferver from 
a humanitarian flandpoint exifled in England. Under the 
pomp and glitter of royalty, evil in its every form flourifhed. 
Plots and counterplots were the paflime of thofe in power 
and out of power ; and while the former lolled on beds of 
eafe, and went daintily and fared fumptuoufly, the latter 
groaned upon the rack, and fuffered death by the hurdle, 
the gibbet, and the knife.^ In this condition of affairs, 
with the lofs of the French alliance, an invafion from 
Spain threatening on the fouth, a dangerous fpirit of 
hoftility aftive on the Scottifh border, and with Ireland 
marfhalling its rude fepts, fired with unrelenting hate of 
everything Englifh on the weft, the future of England 
looked dark indeed. Yet John Chamberlain wrote, on 
January 17th, 1599, to Dudley Carle ton : "On Twelfth 
Day the Queen danced with the Earl of Effex, very 
richly and frefhly attired. . . . Sir Ferdinando Gorges is to 

be 

Lordes of Her Majefty's Molt Hon: cuftodie, and that we leave you to the 

Privy Council unto you for redelivery protection of the Almighty. 

of fome armour as was left with you Montague — 

upon the return of the Earl of ElTex Your very loving Friend. 

from the feas, appertaining to this TXm VIII. of Auguft, 1598. 

Countie — and do now fend you this Francis Haltings. John Colles. 

Bearer, Henry Parker, for the receipt Henry Portman. Edw'^ Hext. 

of the faid armour from you, whom we E. Gorges. 

do hereby authorife to receive them [Subfcribed] Upon a letter written 

unto our ufe, hoping that as well in unto the Counfell, we received this 

refpea you are our Countrieman born, letter direaed unto you, and to under- 

as well as that our good neighbour, ^and your pleafure we prefumed to 

your Brother Mr. Edward Gorges,\\2ii\i break the feal and have accordmgly 

given his credit unto us (from whom f^nt the bearer. 

we hope you have before this time Vide Additional Manufcripts, Britifli 

heard to this effea), that as our men Mufeum, Letter of Auguft 8th, 1598. 

were as well armed as any that went in ^^ Vide Hijiory of Elizabeth, by Wil- 

that array, fo we fhould receive as good liam Camden, London, 1688, pp. 561-563 

& ferviceable arms as any are in your et pajflm. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 37 

be ferjeant-major." ^"^ The reference to Gorges relates to 
an expedition then organizing to ftrike a blow at the Irifli ; 
for it had been refolved to crufli rebellion at home before 
venturing againft a foreign enemy .^ This enterprife was 
entrufted to Effex, and Sir Ferdinando Gorges was to be 
Sergeant-Major-General of the land forces; but after every- 
thing had been arranged, the Queen had one of her ufual 
fits of caprice, and ordered a number of officers, whom flie 
had appointed to accompany the expedition, to remain at 
home. Among thefe was Sir Ferdinando, who was re- 
tained in his command at Plymouth.^^ Spain had again 
become aftive for invafion ; and daily alarms fpread along 
the coaft, keeping the people conftantly on the alert for 
Spanifh fliips.^ 

The expedition failed for Ireland in the early fpring, and 
Effex as commander-in-chief was invefted by the Queen with 

almoft 

^■^ Gorges feemstohave been feveral lowers, including all her own fervants 

times at Court during this period. On . . . the Earl of Rutland and Lord Grey, 

July 25th his lieutenant and relative, Sir Nich. Parker, Sir Ferdinando Gor- 

Edward Dodrington, who had been left ges . . . and others, I think it is not 

by him in charge at Plymouth, wrote Eflex's doing, though fome fay it is, 

him ''at Court" that he feared an becaufe he cannot fatisfy all." Vide 

attack on the fort, and had watched all Letter of John Chamberlain to Dudley 

the night before with "my coufin Carleton, January 31ft, 1599, Public 

Gorges [Edward?] and Mr. Gennes." Records Office. 

Vide State Papers, Elizabeth, July 25th ; ^^ Vide Letter of George Fenner to 

alfo /<^z^., January 1 7th, 1 599. Bernardo Edlyno, Venice, June 30th, 

fi** " Effex's commiffion for Ireland is 1599, Public Records Office, 
agreed on after many difficulties, but ^ " Upon bruit of certain Spanifh 

not figned. He is called Lieutenant, fhips being upon our Coaft, Sir Ferdi- 

may return at pleafure, make barons, nando Gorges, the lieutenant, required 

difpofe of lands won from rebels, etc. ; 100 men in the fort out of the town, and 

he makes great provifion for horfes, and may do fo again, which would leave our- 

many are prefented him. They talk of felves a prey to the enemy." Vide 

taking over 200 or 300 mafliffs to worry Letter of John Blytheman, Mayor of 

the Irifh, or rather their cattle.. The Plymouth, to the Council, April 26th, 

Queen countermands many of his fol- 1599, Public Records Office. 



38 Memoir of 

almoft regal power, to the extent even of pardoning the crime 
of treafon and continuing or terminating the war. Yet fo 
capricious was Elizabeth, that when fhe heard that he had 
placed at the head of his cavalry an officer obnoxious to her, 
fhe immediately ordered that he fhould be difcharged ; and 
in fpite of the objeflion of Effex to difgracing without caufe 
an officer in whom he trufled, he was obliged in the end to 
obey her tyrannical demands. 

In the meantime the enemies of Effex were undermining 
him at home, and exciting the animofity of the Queen againffc 
him. This became patent to the abfent favorite, and fo 
wrought upon his paffionate nature, that he ferioufly con- 
templated a plan of returning to England with a force fuf- 
ficient to overthrow by a fudden coup d'etat his enemies at 
Court, under pretence of prote6ling the Queen from treafon- 
able advifers injurious to the welfare of the nation. We 
fhall fee that the pra6tical refult of this fcheme at a fubfe- 
quent period terminated in the ruin of its proje6lor and many 
of his friends, and involved others in danger, among whom 
was Sir Ferdinando Gorges. Such was the condition of 
affairs at this time, we are told, that to write or fpeak of Irifh 
affairs was forbidden on pain of death, and that both Effex 
and the Queen " threatened the other's head."^^ In July, 
William Stallenge, the perfiflent enemy of Gorges, wrote to 

Cecil, 

*i '* It is forbidden on pain of death at Court that he and the Queen have 

to write or fpeak of Irifh affairs : what each threatened the other's head; un- 

is brought by the poll is known only to doubtedly all kindnefs is forgotten be- 

the Council; but it is very fure that tween them.*' Vide Domeftic Corre- 

Tyrone's party has prevailed moft. It fpondence, Elizabeth, Letter of George 

is thought that the Earl of Effex is Fenner to Bernardo Edlyno, Venice, 

much difcontented, and it is muttered June 30th, 1599, Public Records Office. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 39 

Cecil, afking that matters connedled with the command of 
Gorges at Plymouth fhould be inquired into.^ Gorges ap- 
pears at this time to have been at Court, probably to meet 
charges made againfl him by his adverfaries, who were aftive 
in complaints of his management,^ yet, it would appear, with- 
out much fuccefs. The Earl of Bath, on the 29th of July, 
writing to the Privy Council of the terror of the people 
along the coafb on account of the Spanifli fleet, the appearance 
of which was daily expedled, took occafion to give it this ad- 
vice : " Let Sir Ferd. Gorges be commanded to his charge 
at Plymouth fort, and fome other men of fkill with him ; 
for the want of men of condu6l and difcipline will be a 
great impediment in time of danger." ^ 

Three days later, Sir Ferdinando appears to have been at 
Plymouth, from which he addreffed a letter to his " loving 
coufm," Sir Walter Ralegh, then commander-in-chief of the 
naval and military forces of Devonfliire, informing him of 
the arrival of a man from Breft with particulars of the Span- 
ifli 

«2 " The Mayor and we his brethren fuch as went in — although the enemy 

are unwilling further to quarrel with did not attempt to land there, but at 

Sir Ferd. Gorges, and yet in difcharge fome other place far diftant — would 

of our duties we pray that a view may not be fuffered to come forth again to 

be taken of the fort and ifland to fee in help the reft, wifhed the three com- 

what fort they are furnifhed ; for upon panics to remain near the fort, to be 

any occafion we may be called thither, difpofed of as need fhould require for 

and not find in either of them where- the defence of all places, until more 

with to defend ourfelves or the place." fuccor might come. I doubt thefe great 

Vide Letter of William Stallenge to requirings by the commanders of the 

Secretary Cecil, July 19th, 1599, Public fort will caufe the better fort of inhabit- 

Records Office. ants to abandon this town." Vide Let- 

«3 " About difpofing of our men there ter of William Stallenge to Secretary 

was fome queftion with the lieutenant Cecil, July 27th, 1599, Public Records 

of the fort [Gorges], he requiring that Office. 

one of the companies upon the Hoe ^ Vide Letter of the Earl of Bath to 
might be drawn to the fort; but the the Privy Council, July 29th, 1599, Pub- 
mayor and his brethren, knowing that lie Records Office. 



40 Memoir of 

ifli preparations for a defcent upon the coafl, their efpecial 
aim being the capture of Plymouth. " How," he fays, " it is 
furnifhed for defence you partly underfland, which defe6ls 
we muft fupply as well as we may with the old faying of 
England, ' God and Saint George : let them come and they 
dare!'"^ 

The next day he addreffed a letter to the Privy Coun- 
cil, which is fomewhat enigmatical, and may explain the 
caufe of his attendance at Court the week previous. This 
letter was caufed by the appointment of a commiffion to 
mufter and pay his men "by the poll," a procedure which 
he complained of as fhowing diflrufl of his honor. While 
rather oftentatioufly claiming honefly, he confeffed to a "for- 
mer mifdemeanor" which the Council and Queen had knowl- 
edge of, and attributed the appointment of the commiffion to 
this knowledge and a confequent diflrufl of him.^ Jufl what 
this mifdemeanor was we know not, but we may find a hint 
of it in the concluding portion of his letter. We know 
that wars at this period were condufted largely by private 
enterprife. Gentlemen ventured their eftates in arming and 
equipping fliips and men. Gorges had evidently made ven- 
tures of this kind, as we know that fome months before he 
had fitted out a bark for the Groyne, which had been cap- 
tured by the Spaniards, and in this letter he calls the atten- 
tion of the Council to the fa6l that he had fupplied his men 
with fire, beds, candles, boots, etc., for which he had received 

no 

65 Vide Domeftic Correfpondence, ^^ Vide Domeftic Correfpondence, 

Elizabeth : Letter of Sir Ferdinando Elizabeth : Letter of Sir Ferdinando 

Gorges to Sir Walter Raleo^h at Sher- Gorges to the Privy Council, July 

borne, July 30th, 1599, Public Records 31ft, 1599, Public Records Ofl5ce, Vol. 

Office, Vol. CCLXXL No. 133. CCLXXL No. 141. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 41 

no fatlsfaftion. It is poflible that he had referved, as an 
offset for thefe fupplies, fome portion of the money lent him 
to pay his men, or had done as many others had ; that is, 
reimburfed himfelf to fome extent from the fpoils of Spanifh 
prizes ; an illegal courfe, but at times the only one which an 
adventurer could take to fave himfelf from ruin. 

Nor was it confidered, in this feafon of moral drought, an 
unpardonable crime to reimburfe one's felf from captured 
fpoil for expenditure incurred in warring upon the public 
enemy ; ^^ efpecially when the Government was all too ready 
to evade payment of jufl demands, however urgent. The 
mifdemeanor, whatever it might have been, did not interfere 
with his command at Plymouth, where we find him at this 
time watching for the expecfted enemy.^ 

The threatened invafion caufed much fuffering among the 
working population, as men were obliged to neglect agricul- 
tural purfuits to engage in the common defence, which occa- 
lioned a fcarcity of food. The Spaniards, inftead of attempting 
an attack on England, made their way to Ireland and effe6led 
a landing there. Effex, however, fucceeded, by negotiations 
with Tyrone, the Irifli leader, in bringing his campaign to 
an end with little lofs of blood, much to the difguft of the 

Queen, 

*' Evidences of this unlawful ap- tions of the Spaniards were raifed to 

propriation of the fpoil taken from the fuch a height that they expected to take 

Spaniards are numerous, and men high England and poflefs it as a dependency 

in rank and holding places of truft to the Spanifh Crown. The enthufiaftic 

under the Government were engaged in Admiral even took his wife with him, 

it. Vide Account of Money, Plate, intending, as he confidently informed 

Jewels, and Goods taken at Cadiz, and his Spanifh friends, to make his future 

Letter of Sir Chriflopher Blount to home at Mount Edgecomb, oppofite 

Secretary Cecil, September 28th, 1596, Plymouth, where fome years before he 

Public Records Office. had been fumptuoufly entertained by 

*8 It is recorded that the expe6la- Lord Edgecomb. 

VOL. I. — 6 



42 Memoir of 

Queen, who preferred a violent flamping out of rebellion to 
conceffions to rebels in arms, however juft their demands 
might be.^^ 

The policy of Effex, however, was a wife one, but, un- 
fortunately both for England and Ireland, was not made 
a precedent. Upon his return to Court, he encountered 
the hoflility of enemies who felt fomewhat fecure in their 
pofitions. The Queen was not only bitterly angry with 
him, but her animofity extended unreafonably to thofe who 
were affociated with him in the Irifh campaign. Sir John 
Harington, who ventured into her prefence at this time, 
fays, that " fhe chafed much, walked faflly to and fro, looked 
with difcompofure in her vifage, and, I remember, catched 
at m}^ girdle when I kneeled to her, and fwore, ' By G — d's 
Son, I am no queen. That man is above me. Who gave 
him command to come here fo foon ? I did fend him on 
other bufmefs.' She bid me go home. I did not ftay to be 
bidden twice. If all the Irifh rebels had been at my heels 
I fliould not have made better fpeed." ^^ Although the pub- 
lic voice was loud in his favor, flie determined to punifh her 
former favorite and ordered him into confinement. 

During this time Sir Ferdinando Gorges was at Ply- 
mouth, daily fcanning the horizon for the appearance of 
Spanifh fhips. On the 3d of Augufl he wrote Cecil the 
news which he had received of the Spanifh defigns, ftating 
it to be his opinion that the enemy intended to make a 

demonftration 

^ Vide Hijiory of Elizabeth, hyVJW- Michaelmas; Ibid., 06tober 6th, 1599, 

liam Camden, London, 1688, pp. 571- ei pajjim. 

577 ; Letters and Memorials of State, '° Vide NugcB AntiqucE, by Sir John 

by Arthur Collins, Efq , London, 1746; Harington, London, 1804, Vol. L pp. 

Rowland Whyte to Sir Robert Sydney, 354-357. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 43 

demonflration upon the Thames. At the fame time he took 
occafion to call the attention of the Secretary, as ufual, to 
the negle6l of the Government, and befought him " that 
fome courfe be taken to give content unto thofe honefl men 
that are already come for the defence of the place ; " and 
particularly commended to his notice feveral of the gen- 
tlemen who had organized companies of foldiers for the 
common defence.'^ 

On the 23d he addrefled the Council with refpeft to 
the Spaniards, and afked for inflru6lions refpe6ting the 
difcharge of a portion of his men at the expiration of the 
time appointed for their difcharge by the Earl of Bath. 
Nor did he forget to call attention urgently to the fa6t 
that he had been unable to get definite inflru6lions re- 
fpedling neceffary work, and was unable to draw further 
upon the county ."^^ On the 28th and 30th ^^ he again ad- 
dreffed the Council with refpedl to Spanifh affairs. The 
three hundred men whom he had formerly written about, 
he flated, in his letter of the 30th, had been difcharged, 
though againft his advice and will. The tone of this letter 
is worth noticing, as giving a glimpfe of the true character 
of the writer. While refpedtful, it is firm, and the writer's 
opinions are plainly and fearleffly flated ; hence one can but 
conclude that he was a man of decided views, which he had 
the courage to maintain before any tribunal. wVi'l 

'1 Vide Domeftic Correfpondence, 23d, 1599, Public Records Office, Vol. 

Elizabeth, Letter of Sir Ferdinando QCLXXW.^o. (i'j et pojlea. 
Gorges to Secretary Cecil, Auguft '« Vide Ibid., Letters of Sir Ferdi- 

3d, 1599, Public Records Office, Vol. nando Gorges to the Privy Council, 

CCLXXIL No. 6 et pojlea. Auguft 28th and 30th, 1599, Public 

'2 F/^^/^/^., Letter of Sir Ferdinando Records Office, Vol. CCLXXIL Nos. 

Gorges to the Privy Council, Auguft 84, 93 et pq/lea. 



44 Memoir of 

While Gorges was at Plymouth faithfully difcharging his 
duties to the Crown, Effex, with whom he had been affociated 
early in the Spanifh war, and to whom he had become attached, 
like fo many others, was fighing in prifon. The anger of the 
Queen was kept alive againfl him by unfcrupulous enemies, 
who knew fo well how to play upon the chords of vanity, 
felfifhnefs, and cruelty in the heart of this difagreeable 
woman. He was finally granted a trial before men many of 
whom were his enemies. He was obliged to condu6t his 
defence upon his knees, with his papers in his hat before 
him upon the floor ; and only when nearly exhaufled, was 
allowed to change his pofition, being finally permitted to fit 
upon a fbool like a difgraced boy. He was acquitted, there 
being no cafe worthy of the name againfl him, and again 
walked the flreets of London a free man; but his proud 
fpirit could not brook the triumph of his enemies, who did 
not attempt to conceal their fatisfaftion at his humiliation^* 
For fome time he bore the negle6l of the Queen and the in- 
fults of his enemies, but at laft refolved upon revenge. The 
fcheme which he had confidered in Ireland, of feizing the 
queen and banifhing his enemies from the Council, was re- 
vived ; and every man whom he had at any time favored, 
and who could now be of ufe to him, was made aware of his 
obligation. His houfe became a rendezvous for turbulent 
fpirits, as well as of the more noify and impradlicable of 

the 

'* Vide Hijlory of Elizabeth^ by nth, July 5th, 1600, et pajp,m; Nugce 

William Camden, London, 1688, pp. Antiquce, by Sir John Harington, Lon- 

597-601; Letters and Memorials of dox\,i^oj^,^'p.iygeffeq.; Memoirs of the 

State, by Arthur Collins, Efq., London, Reign of Queen Elizabeth, by Thomas 

1746 ; Letter of Rowland Whyte to Sir Birch, D.D., London, 1847, Vol. IL pp. 

Robert Sydney, June 7th ; Ibid.^ June 470 et feq. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 45 

the Reform preachers ; and the queflion, if it were lawful to 
compel a lawlefs ruler to govern lawfully, was openly thrown 
into the arena of debate. 

Many of the moft powerful of the nobility gathered about 
Effex, and engaged to fupport him in his attempt to over- 
throw his enemies.^^ Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who was at 
the time actively engaged in looking after the prizes which 
were being brought into Plymouth Harbor/^ was informed, 
by a letter addreffed to him by Effex, of the wrongs which 
had been heaped upon his patron and friend, by which his 
fympathies were enlifted in his behalf ; and he was urgently 
requefted to be in London by the 2d of February. Upon 
his arrival in the metropolis, he found himfelf in the midft 
of a throng of powerful partifans of the Earl, who, under 
color of reforming abufes of government, were ready to 
place Effex in power at all hazards/^ The fituation af- 
fords a fmgular fpedtacle. Never was reform more needed, 
or more apparently needed, than at this time. The followers 
of Effex could but have realized this neceffity; and they 
doubtlefs, for the moft part, believed that they were engaged 
in a righteous caufe, and yet, like many reforms before and 
fmce, the one which they propofed was wholly fpurious. 
One fet of felf-feekers was to be removed, and another fet 

quite 

75 ^/^ Hijiory of Elizabeth, by ing of the goods. Sir Ferdinando Gor- 

William Camden, London, 1688, pp. ges and his Lady, with the advice of 

602 et feq. Capt" Legat, are the chief dealers of Sir 

'6 Vide Letter of William Stallenge Thomas Shirley." 
to Secretary Cecil, from Plymouth, ''^ Vide Declaration of Sir Ferdi- 
April loth, 1600, Public Records Office, nando Gorges, February i8th, 1600, Ad- 
in which he fays : " Sir Thomas Shirley ditional Manufcripts, 4128, Fol. 23, Brit- 
has arrived; one of his prizes which ifh Mufeum, et pojlea. The original 
laded at St. Domingo will be good, manufcript is to be found in the Public 
Order (hould be given for the fafe keep- Records Office. 



46 Memoir of 

quite as felf-feeking put in their places. It was a fcheme 
unworthy of fuccefs, and it failed. 

We muft, however, particularly confider the part which 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges played in this dangerous drama, 
" the rebellion unius dieV,' as the Queen contemptuoufly 
denominated it. He reached London on Tuefday, the 2d of 
February, 1600, and met ElTex with other friends that night 
at Drury Houfe,^^ where he was fhown, as had been promifed 
him, a lifl of the moft influential of the fupporters of EfTex 
to the number of about a hundred and twenty earls, barons, 
knights and gentlemen. The propofed plans were fub- 
mitted to him, and the queftion difcufTed, whether to make 
an attempt upon the Court, or upon the Court and town 
at the fame time. The latter projeft met with general favor; 
but Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who feems to have appreciated 
the weaknefs of the entire fcheme, objefted, with commend- 
able caution and good fenfe, that their force was inadequate 
to fo large an undertaking. His obje6lion prevailed, and 
it was moved that the firft demonflration fhould be made 
upon the Court ; but before aflenting even to this, Sir Ferdi- 
nando demanded an explanation of the exadl methods to be 
purfued. Upon this, Sir John Davis proceeded to put on 
paper the parts affigned to each perfon. Some were to 
guard the gate, others to be in the hall and lobby ; and 
certain perfons who had eafy accefs to the royal prefence 
were to be about the Queen. EfTex himfelf, with fome 

of 

^8 Drury Houfe, before the time here thereof." It was on Beech Lane, be- 

mentioned, belonged to the Abbot of tween Redcrofs and Whitecrofs Streets, 

Ramfay, and, we are told by Stow, in Cripplegate Ward, and was of Hone. 

Book III. p. 89, took its name from The fite of Drury Houfe is now thickly 

" Sir Drew Drewrie, aWorfhipf ul Owner packed with buildings. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 47 

of his choice friends, were then to prefent themfelves to the 
Queen, who was to be compelled to form a new Council 
and to difplace from office perfons hoftile to the chief. 

The opinion of Sir Ferdinando concerning this elaborate 
plan was requefted, and he promptly objedled to it as impof- 
fible of accomplifliment ; befides, his fenfe of loyalty was 
fhocked at the idea of feizing the royal perfon, and compel- 
ling her to a6l contrary to her own volition. It was urged 
againft his obje6lions, that the force at command was fuffi- 
cient, fmce many of the guard were former dependants of the 
Earl of EfTex, and would therefore offer him no refiflance. 

In fpite of these arguments, Sir Ferdinando refufed to 
fandlion the plan, which caufed the Lord of Southampton to 
demand in a paflion if nothing then was to be done, after three 
months of difcuflion ; to which Gorges coolly anfwered that 
this was more than he knew. He was then afked to point 
out the courfe beft calculated, in his judgment, to fucceed; 
and he replied that if it was necelTary for the Earl to do 
fomething, which would imply that he doubted the exift- 
ence of fuch a neceffity, he thought that the numerous 
friends in the city upon whom the Earl was relying fliould 
firft be flirred up, which feems to imply a doubt of the Earls 
ftrength in this refpedl. This common-fenfe view of the 
fituation prevailed, and the meeting broke up with the 
underflanding that the Earl was himfelf to ftir up his friends 
in the city; but when Gorges next met Effex, which was 
on the following Saturday night, it appeared that nothing in 
the propofed diredlion had been done, fmce it was refolved 
by the Earl, at this meeting, to "put in pradlice the moving 
of his friends in the city " on the next day. 

This 



48 Memoir of 

This refolve was precipitated by an order to Eflex to appear 
before the Council, followed fhortly after by an anonymous 
note warning him of danger. He therefore, during the 
night, defpatched meflengers to his friends to alTemble the 
next day, and upon their arrival in the morning, informed 
them of the danger he was in from the malice of his ene- 
mies, and defired them to proceed with him to the Queen 
to folicit her proteftion. At this moment Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges was handed a communication from his kinfman. 
Sir Walter Ralegh, urging him to meet him at once at 
Durham Houfe.'^ This communication Gorges at once 
exhibited to ElTex, and afked his advice before replying to 
it. After a brief confideration of the matter, Effex thought 
it beft that the meeting fhould take place, as he might thus 
learn fomething of the extent of the knowledge polTelTed by 
his enemies concerning his plans ; and as treachery was 
fufpefted, an anfwer was returned to Ralegh that Gorges 
would meet him, not at Durham Houfe, but in a boat on 
the Thames. Accordingly Gorges fet out for the place of 
meeting, having firft been urged by Sir Chriflopher Blount, 
the flepfather of Eflex, to kill Sir Walter, againft whom 
Blount cherifhed deadly enmity ; but, it is pleafant to record, 
without avail, as the propofition was promptly rejefted by 
Sir Ferdinando.^^ He, went, however, accompanied by two 
gentlemen as a guard, in cafe violence fhould be attempted 

by 

'^ Durham Houfe was not far from time we treat of, it was the refidence of 
Eflex Houfe, and was built in 1345 by Sir Walter Ralegh, 
the Bifhop of Durham, and fubfequently ^^ Vide Anfwer of Sir Ferdinando 
became the property of Henry VIII. Gorges. Cotton Manufcripts, Britifh Mu- 
lt was a noted place, and had been the feum, VI. 423 et pojiea. Thisinterefting 
fcene of many great feftivities. At the document is prefented in this work. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 49 

by Ralegh ; but the latter only defired to do his kinfman a 
fervice, and met him unattended, with the important infor- 
mation that a warrant was already out for his apprehenfion, 
and an urgent appeal to rejoin at once his command at 
Plymouth, and not imperil his life in abetting treafon. 

Gorges, however, would not confent to defert his friend, 
and thanking Ralegh for his good-will, replied that his ad- 
vice came too late, as he was engaged in a matter in which 
two thoufand gentlemen had refolved to live or die free 
men. This rather ambiguous anfwer to his advice caufed 
Ralegh to remark pertinently, that he did not fee how this 
could be done againft the Queen's authority ; which caufed 
Gorges to rejoin fomewhat hotly, that the abufe of her au- 
thority by him and others caufed fo many honefl men to feek 
a reformation. Ralegh does not fe^m to have been angered 
by this reply, but advifed him to remember his duty and 
allegiance to the Queen ; to which excellent advice Gorges, 
with an inconliflency germane to the time, clofed the inter- 
view with the remark, that " he knew no man who did not 
more refpedt his allegiance than his life." Ralegh, however, 
had learned enough to fatisfy him of the imminent danger 
which threatened him and others not on the fide of EfTex, 
and haftened to the Court to aid in preparing his friends to 
meet it, narrowly efcaping death while doing fo at the hands 
of Blount, who fired upon him feveral times without effefl. 

ElTex had formed the plan of proceeding to St. Paul's 
Crofs,^^ where the civic authorities alTembled for religious 

worfhip, 

" Preaching at St. Paul's Crofs was Stow fays that in the midft of St. Paul's 

even at this time of great antiquity. Churchyard ** is a Pulpit-crofs of Tim- 

voL. I. — 7 ber, 



50 Memoir of 

worlhip, and at the conclufion of the fervice to demand 
that they fhould proceed with him to the palace to obtain 
prote6lion and juflice from the Queen ; but on the eve 
of putting this proje6l into execution, he was greatly dif- 
concerted by the arrival of the Lord Chief Juftice Popham ; 
the Lord Keeper Egerton ; the Comptroller of the Queen's 
Houfehold, Knollys and the Earl of Worcefler, who de- 
manded admiffion. To this demand Effex afTented ; and 
they were admitted through the wicket, their followers being 
excluded. 

Immediately upon his entrance, the Lord Keeper loudly 
demanded the caufe of the tumultuous alTemblage which 
he found there, and was anfwered by ElTex, that there was 
a plot laid for his life ; that counterfeit letters bearing his 
name had been put in circulation, and affaffins engaged 
to murder him in his bed ; hence, that he and his friends 
had aflembled to defend their lives. To this the Lord Chief 
Jultice replied, that, if this could be proved, the Queen 
would render impartial juilice. 

After fome recrimination, EfTex was afked to explain his 
grievances privately, when fome of the more rafh fpirits 
among his adherents, Blount probably leading, who feemed 
to fear that he would yield if he indulged his powerful 
antagonifts with a private conference, attempted to aroufe 
him to adlion by fhouting that he was being undone, and 

was 

ber, mounted upon fteps of Stone, and pi6led in Henry Farley's " St. Paules 

covered with Lead ; in which are Ser- Church, her Bill for the Parliament ; " 

mons preached by learned Divines, and a full account of the cufbom of 

every Sunday in the Forenoon. The preaching here may be found in Stow's 

very Antiquity thereof is to me un- Survey of London, by John Strype, 

known." This pulpit is quaintly de- London, 1720, BookllL pp. i^^et/eq. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 5 1 

was loling time. This riotous demonftration caufed the 
Lord Keeper to command them authoritatively, in the 
Queen's name, to lay down their arms and difperfe; but 
with little effeft, for as Eflex led the way into the houfe, 
he was followed by cries of " Kill them ! " " Keep them for 
pledges ! " " Throw the great feal out of the window ! " 

Having fucceeded in getting the Queen's councillors into 
the houfe, Effex condu6ted them to a retired room, where 
he placed them in the charge of feveral of his friends, and 
then, drawing his fword, rufhed into the ftreet, followed by 
thofe who had affembled to aid him. But he found no meet- 
ing at St. Paul's Crofs as he had expe6led, for the Lord 
Mayor had ordered the citizens to remain in-doors ; and he 
continued on through the city, fhouting as he went, to aroufe 
the people, " For the Queen, my miflrefs ! " until he reached 
the houfe of one of the fheriffs, whom he believed to be 
one of his fupporters. Finding that the man he fought was 
abfent, he became convinced that his plan was a failure, 
and that he would not receive fupport from thofe he had 
counted upon. Attempting to return to ElTex Houfe,^^ he 
found Ludgate clofed with a chain and clofely guarded, fo 
that it was impoffible to pafs. 

The guard had liftened to him before, and allowed him a 
pafTage ; and now Sir Ferdinando Gorges attempted by fair 
words to prevail upon the officer in command to allow EfTex to 

pafs 

82 Eflex Houfe was fituated in the Thefe grounds have for a long time 

midft of extenfive grounds at the upper been covered with buildings ; and what 

part of the Strand, near Temple Bar. was in the time of Eflex a quiet retreat 

The great gardens connefled with it ex- has become one of the noifiest and bufi- 

tended from the Strand to the Thames, efl: places of the noify and bufy Britilh 

a diftance of about feven hundred feet, metropolis. 



52 Memoir of 

pafs back, but without avail. He then called the attention of 
the unfortunate Earl to his noble prifoners, and fuggefled 
that his laft and, indeed, only hope was in them ; offering 
to go himfelf to ElTex Houfe, and after fetting the Lord 
Chief Juftice Popham at liberty, to proceed in company 
with him to the Queen, and endeavor to explain to her the 
caufe of the Earl's rebellious a6lions, and gain from her as 
favorable a confideration of his offence as poffible. To this 
the Earl confented; and Gorges departed, reaching ElTex 
Houfe in fafety. Contrary, however, to his expe6lation, 
when he announced to the Lord Chief Juftice the reafon for 
his return, that nobleman refufed to accept his liberty un- 
lefs the Lord Keeper Egerton was alfo liberated. There 
was no time to lofe ; and as the fafety of ElTex depended 
upon placating the Queen, and in repairing as far as pof- 
fible the damage already caufed by his high-handed im- 
prifonment of the Queen's reprefentatives, it feemed wife to 
Gorges to liberate them all, which he promptly did. 

Having entered a boat to proceed to the Queen, Sir Fer- 
dinando tried to imprefs them with the Earl's great popularity 
and ftrength, and urged them to prevent impending danger 
by uling their wifdom and authority, as " fathers of the king- 
dom," in prevailing upon the Queen to liften to the reafons 
which ElTex might give for his aftion ; Ihrewdly fuggefling 
that if thefe reafons were bafed upon falfe information, an 
explanation would fet matters right. In the meantime he 
defired, for the fecurity of the Queen, and to prevent blood- 
Ihed by enraged men, that the Queen would not only liften 
to the Earl's explanations, but grant immunity to himfelf 
and friends for " that day's attempt," they being defirous to 

throw 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 



53 



throw themfelves at her " merciful feet." This the liberated 
noblemen promifed to do ; but while they were deliberating 
upon it in council, they received news that Eflex had fled to 
his houfe for fafety, and that all danger was at an end. 

No further conflderation of the fubjefl; was confidered ne- 
ceffary, although Gorges, it feems, labored faithfully to get 
the fupport of Cecil and Ralegh in behalf of his friend,^ 
and the Queen's Councillors at once affumed the aggrefTive. 
ElTex and his mofl influential abettors in treafon were 
arrefted and imprifoned in the Tower ; while Gorges himfelf, 

who 



83 It is but proper here to call the 
attention of the reader to the letter 
upon which this conclufion is bafed. 
This letter was found by me at Hatfield 
Houfe, and being without date, might 
be ufed, and probably in Sir Ferdi- 
nando's day would have been ufed, by 
his enemies as a bafis for an oppofite 
conclufion. This letter is as follows : — 

Right Honorable, — If it pleafe 
you to command me to come to your 
houfe when Sir Walter Ralegh and 
your Honor will appoint to be together 
in fome convenient place, it may be 
I fhall fay that I cannot write, which 
will be more available than anything 
I have or can jufl;ly fubfcribe unto. 
If you pleafe fo to think well, it will 
be beft: this night; for if I be not de- 
ceived, it will be too late to-morrow. 
In the meantime I humbly commend 
your honor to the prote6lion of the 
Almighty, refl;ing moft unfeignedly dur- 
ing life. 

Your honors at command, 

Ferd : Gorges. 

After a careful confideration of all 
the events before, during, and after the 
rebellion, as well as after Sir Ferdi- 
nando's liberation, I can but conclude 
that this letter was written immediately 



after the liberation by Gorges of the 
noble prifoners whom EflTex had held 
at Eflex Houfe. Had it been written 
before the outbreak, it would fhow Gor- 
ges to have been a traitor to Effex, 
which his meeting with Ralegh and fub- 
fequent a6lion difproves ; nor could it 
have been written after his long incar- 
ceration in prifon, which he left to find 
temporary fhelter at Charlton Houfe, 
which belonged to the Gorges family 
and was near Wraxall. No occafion 
whatever exifl:ed at this time for fuch a 
letter, as a ftudy of the courfe of events 
will plainly difclofe. He was how- 
ever, as we know, in a6live negotiation 
with thofe in power, Cecil, Ralegh, and 
other friends of the Queen, as foon 
as he faw that Effex had failed, hoping 
to obtain for him and his followers im- 
munity from punifhment. In doing this, 
he endeavored to imprefs upon the 
Queen's friends that Eflex was fl:ill 
powerful, and that a fpeedy compromife 
was neceflary. This letter would fit into 
this time naturally, and was probably 
preliminary to the negotiations which 
we know took place ; indeed, it feems, 
as before ftated, to have been the next 
fl;ep which Gorges took after liberating 
his prifoners, and might well have been 
in the intereft of Eflex. 



54 Memoir of 

who feems to have been drawn into the undertaking againft 
his inclinations and judgment, foon found himfelf a clofe 
prifoner in the Gatehoufe.^* 

In his examination he related the fimple fa6ls which 
took place within the fcope of his own knowledge after 
his arrival in London, fads which to have withheld would 
have imperilled his own life without benefiting Eflex in the 
leafl. Yet Effex was erroneoufly led to regard Gorges 
as a traitor to him : firft, by liberating all of the Queen's 
meffengers without orders ; and, fecondly, by teftifying un- 
der oath that he did not approve of the courfe adopted by 
him. 

In the trial which followed, and which was fatal to Ef- 
fex and fome of his followers, the unfortunate Earl ex- 
hibited much indignation at the courfe of Gorges. When 
the paper containing the latter's examination was read in 
court, Eflex demanded that he fhould be confronted with 
Gorges face to face. This demand was granted, and Gorges 
was brought from prifon and confronted with the Earl, who 
regarded him with a pale and anxious face. " Good Sir 
Ferdinando," faid he, " I pray thee fpeak openly whatfoever 

thou 

8* " The Gatehoufe Weft of St. Pe- Wejlminjler, by John Stow, edited by 

ter's which gives Entrance into Tuthil- John Strype, London, 1720. 

ftreet, is a Place fo called, of two Gates ; The Gatehoufe was a moft uncom- 

the one out of the College Courts or fortable place of imprifonment, if we 

Great Dean's Yard: On the Eaft Side may judge from the accounts of it. 

whereof was the Bifhop of Londori's During the perfecution of the Non- 

Prifon for Clerks Convifl ; and the conformifts, it was fometimes crowded 

other Gate adjoining to the firft, but to overflowing with prifoners, whofe 

towards the Weft of the Prifon, for fufferings were often fearful, fo that it 

Offenders, thither committed for the came to be regarded with greater hor- 

Liberty or City of Wejlminjler.^'' Vide ror than perhaps any other prifon in 

A Survey of the Cities of London and London. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 55 

thou doft remember ; with all my heart I defire thee to 
fpeak freely ; I fee thou defireft to live, and if it pleafe her 
Majefty to be merciful unto you, I fhall be glad and will 
pray for it; yet, I pray thee fpeak like a man." To this 
Sir Ferdinando replied, that his written examination con- 
tained all that he could remember upon the fubjefi:, and that 
he could fay no more. ElTex, who was laboring under the 
erroneous fuppofition that Gorges had been falfe to his in- 
terefls in liberating the Queen's Councillors, and had finally 
confummated his treachery by a voluntary confeffion im- 
plicating him in treafon, exclaimed with much feeling, " Sir 
Ferdinando, I wifh you might fpeak anything that might do 
yourfelf good ; but remember your reputation, and that you 
are a gentleman. I pray you anfwer me : Did you advife 
me to leave my enterprife ? " "I think I did," was the 
anfwer. " Nay, it is no time to anfwer now, upon thinking," 
cried Effex ; " thefe are not things to be forgotten. Did you 
indeed fo counfel me .? " In this trying pofition, in peril of 
his own life and obliged to teflify to a fa6l deemed preju- 
dicial to his friend, but yefterday one of the moil powerful 
men in the kingdom, whofe friendfhip was deemed a boon, 
Gorges, for a moment, paled before the haughty and fcorn- 
ful glance of his flern queflioner, and then broke the awful 
filence which prevailed in the court with the fimple words, 
" I did." Effex, whofe aim it was to invalidate the evidence 
of Gorges, which he feems to have regarded as fatal to him, 
turned in a dramatic manner to the court, and exclaimed, 
" My Lords, look upon Sir Ferdinando, and fee if he looks 
like himfelf ! All the world fhall fee by my death and his 
life whofe teflimony is the truefl." This ended the examina- 
tion ; 



56 Memoir of 

tion ; and when Gorges paffed from the court to his prifon, 
he undoubtedly left behind him the impreffion that he had 
betrayed his friend, fince men naturally place the a6ts of 
others in their worft light. This he himfelf was aware of, 
and he employed his prifon hours in preparing a defence 
againft the charge everywhere made, that he had betrayed 
Effex. How this was received we do not now know; but 
certainly, no one can read it to-day without being favorably 
inclined towards its author. There is certainly nothing in it 
which confli6ls with his fbatements made under examination, 
which Effex himfelf, before his execution, owned to be true.^ 
The principal charges againft him were, that he liberated 
the Queen's Councillors in order to gain their favorable 
regard, and that he betrayed the Earl's fecrets in his con- 
ference with Sir Walter Ralegh, — the " Fox," as Effex termed 
his rival, — which has already been defcribed. After ably 
defending himfelf againft thefe charges, he magnanimoufty 
proceeds to excufe Effex for his harfh treatment of him 
before the court, on the ground that the unfortunate Earl 
had not heard the teftimony of other friends of his who were 
engaged in the confpiracy, and, fuppofmg that he. Gorges, 
was the only one who had teftified againft him, conceived 
that it was good policy to deny wholly the truth of the tefti- 
mony, and to difgrace the witnefs by imputing to him bafe 
motives, in order to break the force of his teftimony ; and he 
points out that the Earl's rage againft him is to be attributed 

to 

^ Vide Carew Manufcripts, No. 37, fion of EfTex, Cecil fays that it even 

Britifh Mufeum, Letter of Sir Robert concurred with " Sir Charles Danver's, 

Cecil to Sir George Carew, in which, Sir John Davy's, Sir Ferdinando Gor- 

after giving an account of the confef- ges', and Mr. Littleton's confeflion." 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 57 

to the belief that he voluntarily placed himfelf before the 
bar as a witnefs in order to fave his own life from peril, and 
that, therefore, it was not furprifing that in his bitternefs of 
fpirit he fhould abufe one whom he fuppofed to be a traitor 
to him. But he fays : " Who was there that feemed more 
indufbrious and careful to nourifh virtue in all men than he ? 
Whether he was a divine or foldier, a wife commonwealth's 
man or a good lawyer, to all thefe he endeavored to be an 
excellent benefa6lor and faithful proteflor. And who was 
there that feemed more willingly to expofe himfelf to all 
hazards and travail for his prince's or country's fervice than 
he ? Who ever more willingly fpent his own eflate, and all 
that by any means he could get, for the public good of his 
country ? The daily experience that I had thereof, and the 
undoubted opinion of his good meaning therein, was the 
caufe that bound me fo infeparably to him. . . . He was of 
the fame profeffion that I was, and of a free and noble fpirit. 
But I mull fay no more ; for he is gone, and I am here. I 
loved him alive, and cannot hate him being dead. He had 
fome imperfedlions, — fo have all men. He had many vir- 
tues, — fo have few. And for thofe his virtues I loved him ; 
and when Time, which is the trial of all truths, hath run his 
courfe, it fliall appear that I am wronged in the opinion of 
this idle age. In the meantime I prefume this that I have 
faid is fufficient to fatisfy the wife and difcreet ; for the reft, 
whatever I can do is but labor loft." 

After the execution of Effex and fome of his obnoxious 

friends, Sir Ferdinando, whofe office of commandant at 

Plymouth had been taken from him and conferred upon Sir 

.William Parker, one of Cecil's dependants, remained in 

, VOL. I. — 8 the 



58 Memoir of 

the Gatehoufe for nearly a year, conftantly petitioning Cecil 
for a pardon.^^ It muft have been a feafon of terrible ful^ 
penfe to the prifoner; for he knew that if at any time a 
flight change of fentiment with regard to him on the part of 
Cecil fhould take place, his head would come to the block. 
Petition after petition was therefore laid at the Secretary's 
feet ; and his uncle. Sir Thomas Gorges, pleaded warmly for 
him, pledging his own and his nephew's faithful and un- 
divided fervice to Cecil for a pardon.^^ This was finally 
granted, and on the 23d of January, 1601, we find Sir Fer- 
dinando at Charlton Houfe,^^ ruined in purfe, the gueft of 
Sir Thomas Gorges, who was then living there, and who 
had offered a fhelter to his unfortunate nephew. How long 
he remained at Charlton Houfe, we have no means of know- 
ing ; perhaps until after the Queen's death, which occurred 
on the 24th of March, 1603. 

The wily and unfcrupulous Cecil, after the removal of 
Effex, exercifed almoft unlimited fway, and was thus able 
to lay many of the friends of the dead favorite under obliga- 
tions to him. The acceffion of King James of Scotland in 
no wife leffened his influence ; for, by fecret correfpondence 
with him before the Queen's death, he had fo managed 
affairs as to ingratiate himfelf with the new monarch.^^ 

There 

^® Vide Warrant to Sir Nicholas Somerfetfhire, and not far from Wrax- 

Parker to take charge of the new fort all. It belonged to the Gorges family, 

at Plymouth and of St. Nicholas Ifl- and contains a finely carved mantel- 

and, in place of Sir Ferdinando Gorges piece bearing the Gorges coat-of-arms. 

deprived. July, 1603, Public Records It is now the property of Anthony 

Office. Gibbs, Efq., to whom the author is 

^■^ Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando indebted for many kindnelTes, and who 

Gorges to Secretary Cecil, Hatfield poffelTes feveral manufcripts of the Gor- 

Houfe, et pojlea. ges family. 

^8 Charlton Houfe is in Nailfea, ^9 jhe petty chara6ler of James is re- 
markably 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 59 

There was no reafon for purfuing vindi6lively the friends 
of Effex ; indeed, good policy didlated the oppofite courfe. 
Among thofe whom Cecil bound to him by doing them 
favors was Sir Ferdinando Gorges : firfl, by procuring his 
pardon and releafe from prifon ; and, later, by reftoring him to 
his former command at Plymouth, which was in the autumn 
following the acceffion of James to the throne.^ Thefe 
favors could but have bound Gorges firmly to the powerful 
minifler; fince by his influence he had not only efcaped the 
axe of the headfiiian, but had been reftored to an office of 
power, the emoluments of which he greatly needed. Ralegh, 
the only real rival in the path of Cecil, was foon locked up 
in the Tower, and the pofition of the fuccefsful ftatefman 
was henceforward fecure. 

In the firfl letter which we find at Hatfield Houfe ad- 
dreffed to Cecil, its former mafler, by Sir Ferdinando, after 
the reftoration of the latter to his office of commandant at 
Plymouth, every line fuggeils that he was addrefling one 
who was in the exercife of fupreme authority. In this 
letter we no longer hear the old-time ring of felf-confidence. 
He is at his pofl ftill, and the theme of his difcourfe is 
flill the Spaniard. This time a wealth-laden carrack has 
been taken by the Hollanders, and Cecil may wifh to deal 
in the rich cloth of gold, the mulk, the China filks, and 

other 

markably difclofed in a letter of Lord clofed in the fecret correfpondence of 

Thomas Howard to Sir John Harington, that ftatefman with the Scottifh King, 
and of James himfelf to the Duke of ^^ Vide Warrant to pay 56 fhillings 

Buckingham, in Nugce Antiquce^ by per diem to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 

Sir John Harington, Knt., London, 1804, who is reftored to his former poft of 

Vol. L pp. 390-397, as well as elfewhere. captain of the new fort at Plymouth, 

The manner in which Cecil fecured the September 15th, 1603. Public Records 

good-will of the new monarch is dif- Office. 



6o Memoir of 

other treafures; and he can do this through the writer, 
unknown to others; can, indeed, make ufe of his "name 
and fervice as of any creature " his lordfhip may polTefs. 
Some time after, he fends the powerful ftatefman a prefent, 
— a poor and fimple token of love and fervice, he calls it, — 
which he begs him to accept, "though it be but a mite."^^ 

There was no longer war with Spain : James favored the 
Spaniard to the difcontent of his fubjefts, whofe hatred of 
everything Spanifh had been imbibed with their mothers' 
milk. Sir Ferdinando chafed under the new order, and in 
a letter to Cecil, of May i8th, informing him of a rumor 
that a force of Spaniards was about to pafs along the 
Englifh coail to attack the old allies of England, the Hol- 
landers, he fhowed fomething of his old fpirit, and advifed, 
as he had often advifed in former times, that his command 
at Plymouth fhould be put into a better condition of de- 
fence, evidently dillrufling the old enemies of his country. 
And, certainly, there was good reafon for diftrull, there 
being no real bafis upon which to found a friendftiip be- 
tween the two countries.^ 

The Roman Church had held dominion throughout 
Chriflendom for centuries, and her fubjedts had cowered 
with fuperflitious fear beneath her fceptre, and kiffed with 
abje6l humility the hem of her bedizened garments. With 
vain pomp and ceremonial she had tricked out the fimple 
truths of the gofpel until they were no longer recog- 
nizable, and becoming arrogant with the pride of power, 

affumed 

SI Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando ^^ yi(^g Letter of Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges to Secretary Cecil, Hatfield Gorges to Secretary Cecil, Hatfield 
Houfe, et pojlea. Houfe, et pojlea. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 6i 

alTumed to rule politically. Had fhe not attempted this, llie 
might have longer held her fubje6ls in bondage; but this 
unwife attempt to guide the char temporel attra6led the 
attention of the more thoughtful. The repreffive influence 
of her rigorous routine had excluded education from the 
people, but could not wholly Itifle thought; and certain 
minds capable of independent thinking challenged her au- 
thority. The bonds of fuperitition which the ecclefiaftical 
looms had been weaving for ages to hold the human in- 
telle6l in fubjedlion could not, however, be cafl; off fuddenly ; 
nay, muH perforce continue to hamper the minds of men for 
generations. This is feen in the hiflory of the period. On 
the one hand was the Roman Church with its gorgeous 
ceremonial and aflumption of divine authority; on the 
other, the radical Proteftants, of whom there were many 
varieties, known chiefly as Nonconformers, Diffenters, Inde- 
pendents, and Puritans, who protefbed vehemently againfl 
every claim, form, and ceremonial of Rome; and between 
thefe the Britifh Church, which protefted only againfl: cer- 
tain claims, forms, and ceremonials of the old Ecclejia, and 
which now held the fceptre of power through the felfifli and 
bigoted James. 

Although this falfe-hearted monarch profeflTed friendfliip 
for his Roman Catholic brother, Philip of Spain, whofe duty 
to the fee of Rome, as well as his confcience as a Roman 
Catholic Chriftian, rendered it imperative that he fhould not 
regard with equanimity the perfecution of his brother 
churchmen in a neighboring realm, he began, fhortly after 
his acceffion to the Englilh throne, a perfecution hitherto 
unparalleled by any Proteflant monarch, againfl all who did 

not 



62 Memoir of 

not to the letter conform to the " church way " which he 
affe6led, and Roman Catholics were flripped of their prop- 
erty, imprifoned, and judicially murdered by the too fcrupu- 
lous King, in a manner fhocking to contemplate ; hence Sir 
Ferdinando had good reafon to fear that in their zeal for 
their religion, the Spaniards might at any time forget the 
hollow peace which exifled between their monarch and 
the Englifh King. Nor did the radical Proteftants efcape 
perfecution, though the difference between perfecutors and 
perfecuted in this cafe was only one of degree ; and we have 
prefented to us the difagreeable fpe6lacle of a king, who 
was a nonconformifl to the ancient faith of his realm, cru- 
elly perfecuting on the one hand the Church which held 
the faith of his fathers, and on the other ftriving with equal 
cruelty and vindidlivenefs to " harry " out of the realm his 
brother-nonconformifls, who were difpofed to go a flep far- 
ther in nonconformity than himfelf. This courfe produced 
turmoil and trouble enough, but was overruled by Provi- 
dence to a good end. 

We have feen that in 1578, Sir Humphrey Gilbert had 
obtained from Elizabeth a charter to difcover and take 
polTeffion of any remote and barbarous lands not already 
poffeffed by any Chriftian prince,^^ which charter was fub- 
fequently, in 1584, renewed to his half-brother. Sir Walter 
Ralegh, who fitted out an expedition which took poffeffion 
of territory in America, to which he gave the name of Vir- 
ginia.^ From this time the colonization of the New World 

became 

®8 Vide Hijlorical Colle£lionSy edited by Ebenezer Hazard, A.M., Philadelphia, 
1792, Vol. I. pp. i£ir-'2.'^. 

»4 Vide Ibid., Vol. I. pp. 33-38. 



Sir Ferdinaftdo Gorges. 63 

became a fruitful theme throughout Chriflendom, and voy- 
ages were made thither from time to time by European 
navigators. But the wars which were continually waged 
between the European powers had prevented hitherto any 
confiderable fuccefs in colonizing the New World. At the 
time of which we write, the peace which exifted between 
England and Spain left unemployed many reillefs fpirits, 
whofe life was in adventure, who gave free play to their 
imaginations in devifmg fchemes of conquefl and difcovery, 
as well as of trade and colonization. 

Five years before, Elizabeth had granted a charter, againft 
confiderable oppofition, to George, Earl of Cumberland and 
two hundred and fifteen knights, aldermen and merchants, 
under the title of the " Governour and Company of Mer- 
chants of London, trading into the Eafl Indies," for exclu- 
five trade with all countries beyond the Cape of Good Hope 
to the Straits of Magellan.^ The fuccefs of this Company, 
the golden threads of whofe hiftory began at once to form 
an important part of the warp and woof of the political and 
commercial activity of the realm, was infpiring. Hitherto, 
the progrefs of civilization had been more rapid than the 
development of the refources of the kingdom ; but with the 
advent of the Eafl India Company, improvements in every- 
thing relating to navigation and commerce began. Indeed, 
with the birth of this virile organization, which took place 
at the dawn of the new century, began a renaiffance of 
enterprife throughout Europe, which placed in the hands of 
civilization the means whereby it could make more rapid 

progrefs 

'5 Vide Annals of the Honorable Eajl India Company, by John Bruce, 
London, 1800. 



64 Memoir of 

progrefs than it had hitherto done. Nor, while the adven- 
turous and commercial fpirits of Europe were aftive in 
fhaping their fchemes for gain, were the religious fpirits of 
the country dormant. More than a century before had 
Columbus been depifted bearing Chrifl on his fhoulders 
over the deep;^ and at the time of Ralegh's undertaking, 
Hakluyt pleaded earneftly for the evangelization of the 
heathen of America: ^^ hence the colonial enterprifes which 
we are to witnefs will fhow a llrong infufion of religious 
fentiment. 

In 1603 ^^ French monarch, baling his claim to the 
territory upon the difputed difcovery of Verrazano,^^ granted 
to the Sieur de Monts a charter of the entire continent 
lying between the fortieth and forty-fixth parallels of lati- 
tude, which included the prefent State of Maine ; and at 
the time which we have now reached, the fummer of 1605, 
De Monts, with the Sieur de Champlain, was exploring the 
coafl; of Maine under his charter.^ Not to be outdone by 
the French and to open the way to further enterprife, a 
company of Englifh gentlemen, at whofe head was Lord 
Thomas Arundel of Wardour, defpatched Captain George 
Waymouth, an energetic navigator and doctrinaire in mat- 
ters 

*^ Vide SeleB Letters of Chrijlopher and Verrazano the Navigator ^ by J. C. 

Columbus, edited by R. H. Major, Brevoort, New York, 1874, for the ar- 

London, 1870, frontifpiece; 2Sidi Hijlori- guments relating to the fubje6l ; alfo 

cal and Geographical Notes, by Henry cf. The Relation of John Verarzanus 

Stevens, London, 1869, map of Juan de in Hakluyt's Divers Voyages, London, 

la Cofa. 1850, pp. 55-115. 

®' Vide Hakluyfs Difcourfe, edited ^^ Vide Champlain'' s Voyages, edited 

by Charles Deane, Colle6lions of the by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M., 

Maine Hiftorical Society, Second Series, Bofton, 1878, Vol. IL pp. 38-114. The 

Vol. IL pp. 7-12. original charter is in the pofleffion of 

^8 Vide the Voyage of Verrazzano, John Marfliall Brown, Efq., of Portland, 
by Henry C Murphy, New York, 1875, 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 65 

ters relating to navigation and naval architeflure, on a 
voyage to the northern part of America. This voyage of 
Waymouth was not for the purpofe of fettling a colony, but 
for the difcovery of a fuitable place for future habitation.^^ 
The Roman Catholics, meeting with perfecution in Eng- 
land, had for a long time conlidered the proje6l of fleeing 
to the New World for refuge. A prominent Roman Cath- 
olic gentleman, Sir George Peckham, had been adlive in 
procuring the patent of 1578 to Sir Humphrey Gilbert; and 
although from motives of policy he was not named in the 
patent after its iffuance to Gilbert, he and another prom- 
inent Roman Catholic gentleman, Sir Thomas Gerrard, 
became proprietors for the purpofe of preparing a way for 
Roman Catholic emigration, and before Sir Humphrey's 
voyage to Norumbega^^^ with a colony of two hundred and 
fixty colonifls, they had fecured for Romanifl:s the privilege, 
not before granted, of becoming colonifts.^^^ The voyage, 

we 

100 Yidg Voyages towards the North- Penobfcot, and Ortelius gives it a Hill 

Wejl^ edited by Thomas Rundall, Lon- wider extenfion. Champlain confined 

don, 1849, PP* 51-7^1 Purchas his it pra6lically to the prefent territory 

/'/^r'/z«(?j, Vol. IV. pp. 1559-1567 ; Ro- of Maine, while Captain John Smith 

{\Qx^s Narrative of Waymouth'' s Voyage^ ftretched it over New England, and 

edited by Henry S. Burrage, D.D., carried its fouthern limit as far fouth as 

Portland, 1887. Virginia. Nor is the fignification of 

1°^ Much difcuffion has taken place the word known, although labored argu- 

with regard to the location of Norum- ments have been wafted upon it; and in 

bega. The name firft appears on the fpite of enthufiaftic writers, who vehe- 

map of Verrazano in 1529, and is there mently claim to know its fituation and 

confined to a reftri6led locality, in ac- the precife meaning of its name, we 

cordance with what we know to have know no more about it to-day than was 

been the cuftom among the native in- known by our forefathers of a century 

habitants, to apply names invariably to ago, to whom it was a myth, 
fmall places and not to large diftridts. ^^^ yi^g State Papers, Elizabeth, 

Later it is found \n Ramufio' s Collec- Public Records Ofiice, Vol. CXLVI. No. 

tioits^ 1565, Vol. III. p. 425, apphed to 40. The petition of Sir Thomas Gerrard 

a confiderable territory ; while Lok on and Sir George Peckham fets forth the 

his map makes its fouthern limit the aflSgnment by Gilbert of " authority by 



VOL. I. — 9 



virtue 



66 



Memoir of 



we know, was difaftrous, and Sir Humphrey loft his life in 
it; but the matter had not been allowed to reft, and the 
voyage of Waymouth was fet on foot by Arundel, who was 
a Roman Catholic, for the purpofe, we have reafon to be- 
lieve, of finding a fuitable place on the coaft of Maine 
for a colony in which Romanifts could find fhelter from 
perfecution.^^ In 



virtue of the Queen's Majefty's letters 
patents to difcover and poffefs, &c., cer- 
tain heathen lands," and prays that 
" recufants of ability may have liberty 
upon difcharge of the penalties due to 
her Majefty in that behalf to prepare 
themfelves for the faid voyage ; " and 
in a letter dated April 19th, 1582, Vol. 
CLIII. No. 14, the writer " P. H. W." 
fays: "I do not hear of any further 
caufe of the departure of Sir George 
Peckham and Sir Thomas Gerrard, 
than that every Papift doth like very 
well thereof, and doth moft earneftly 
pray their good fuccefs." In 1583 Sir 
George Peckham publifhed a tra6t on 
"Weftern Planting," which may be 
found in Hakluyfs Voyages^ London, 
1810, Vol. III. p. 222. 

103 The reafon of the abandonment of 
this proje6i was the oppofition to it of 
Father Perfons, who was afterwards fo 
cruelly executed, and other Roman Cath- 
olics, who were influenced by his argu- 
ments, one of which was as follows : 
"The Heretics alfo would laugh and 
exprobrate the fame unto them, as they 
did when Sir George Peckham and Sir 
Thomas Gerrard about twenty years 
gone fhould have made the fame voyage 
to Norumbega by the Queen and Coun- 
cil's confent, with fome evacuations of 
Papifts, as then they called them, which 
attempt became prefently then molt 
odious to the Catholic party." This was 
in 1605, and was under the title of " My 
Judgement about transfering Eng- 
lish Catholics to the northern 



PARTS OF America ." Lord Arundel was 
a Count or an Earl of the Holy Roman 
Empire ; and the Secretary of the Con- 
gregation de propaganda Fide^ reporting 
to Pope Innocent XI., thus refers to him, 
as well as Southampton, his relative and 
colleague, who was a Proteftant : " Vir- 
ginia, under which I comprehend New 
England^ is a Country full of Woods, 
and Lakes, and has a Vaft and Uncul- 
tivated Plain. It abounds with Cattle, 
Fowl, and Fifli. Sometime after it was 
difcovered, the King of England fent 
thither a Catholick Earl and another 
Nobleman, who was a Heretick. Thefe 
Two Lords were attended by Protef- 
tants and Catholicks, and Two Priefts ; 
fo that the Catholicks and Hereticks 
performed for a long time the Exercife 
of their Religion under the fame Roof. 
Afterwards the Earl being returned into 
England 2ind. giving an Account of the 
Natives of that Country, many Wealthy 
Puritans were defirous to remove 
thither as they did in great Numbers in 
the Year 1620. To prevent the Progrefs 
of their Do<5lrines, the General of the 
Capuchins was ordered to fend into 
that Country a Miffion of his own Order, 
and feveral French and Englifh Re- 
ligions went thither accordingly. That 
Miffion was renewed in 1650 at the 
SoUicitation of the Queen Dowager of 
England; but it has been fmce for- 
faken. There are in Virginia above 
Fifty Thoufand Inhabitants, moft of 
them Infidels, many Hereticks, and a few 
Catholick Chriftians." Like much early 

hiftory 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 



67 



In this voyage Waymouth was fuccefsful in reaching the 
coail of Maine, and before his return feized upon five na- 
tives 



hiftory from Roman Catholic fources, 
this is full of errors ; being largely made 
up of carelefs dedudions from fi<5litious 
premifes; thus the King of England did 
not fend the two noblemen, nor any one 
elfe on this expedition : neither did 
Arundel nor Southampton accompany 
it; hence they could not have been ac- 
companied by two priefts; nor could 
they have worfhipped a long time under 
the fame roof, as the expedition was on 
the coaft but a month, and during this 
time was encaged in explorations ; Hill, 
we ought not to wholly ignore this ac- 
count, owing to certain collateral fa6ls 
which bear upon it. Arundel was an 
earneft Roman Catholic, and the move- 
ment which dated from Sir Humphrey 
Gilbert's time, relative to Roman Cath- 
olic emigration, had been recently re- 
vived. Thomas Arundel was not made 
a baron until after Waymouth failed, and 
he was never an earl in England ; 
though he was a Count of the Holy 
Roman Empire, which title in England 
was equivalent to that of earl, and it is 
quite poffible that the expedition was 
compofed of Roman Catholics and Prot- 
eftants ; nor is it impoffible that Rofier 
was a prieft. It is to be noted that he 
fcrupulously ignores Southampton, and 
takes particular care to Hate in his 
preface, that he was "employed in this 
Voyage by the right honourable Thomas 
Arundell, Baron of Wader, to take due 
notice and make true report of the dif- 
couery therein performed." He alfo 
gives his patron his Roman Catholic title 
of count, a title which would hardly be 
recognized by a Proteflant. This title is 
carefully omitted in' the popular account 
publifhed by Rofier, but appears in his 
relation in Purchas. Like feveral Roman 
CathoHc fathers who accompanied fim- 
ilar expeditions, Rofier colledted a vo- 



cabulary of Indian words, and he pioufly 
concludes his preface with prayers to 
God for the converfion of the natives ; 
indeed, he declares that the promoters 
of the enterprife did not undertake it 
from motives of private gain, but from 
" true zeal of promulgating God's holy 
Church, by planting Chriftianity." 

The crofTes which were fet up, and the 
names applied to certain places, are fug- 
geflive ; fuch as Pentecofl Harbor and 
Infula San6la Crucis. There was ample 
reafon why, if Roller was a Roman Cath- 
olic priefl, he fhould conceal the fa6t, 
as it would have fubjedled him to per- 
fecution. Thus Father White, in his 
narrative of a voyage to Maryland, in 
the account publiflied in England, fays, 
that landing at St. Clements' Ifland they 
" faid certain prayers ; " but in the ac- 
count fent to Rome he fays that they 
" faid mafs " according to Dr. Dalrym- 
ple, or offered *' the facrifice of the 
mafs," according to Brooks. So care- 
ful were priefts to conceal from hoftile 
eyes accounts of the praftice of their 
religion, that they frequently employed 
words iignificant enough to a Roman 
Catholic reader, but altogether meaning- 
lefs to a Proteftant. Thus, cujlomers 
iignified communicants ; keeping church 
or holding prayers mez-nt faying mafs; 
while agooddealofwafhing was equiva- 
lent to many baptifms. If Rofier was 
not a prieft, we may be quite certain that 
he was a Roman Catholic, if we carefully 
ftudy what he has written. When the 
Waymouth expedition reached Eng- 
land, Perfons' perfiftent oppofition 
had given a quietus to all fchemes of 
Roman Catholic colonization. Vide 
The Peerage of the Britifh Empire, 
by Jofeph Fofter, Weftminfter, 1883, 
p. 32 ; An Account of the State of the 
Roman Catholic Religion throughout 

the 



68 Memoir of 

tives of the country, whom he carried captives to England, 
three of whom he delivered to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and 
the other two, fubfequently, to Sir John Popham. • The 
treacherous feizure of thefe natives gave Waymouth a 
finifler fame, which has continued to this day, obfcuring in 
a meafure the real merits of the man ; ^^ but like fo many 
events recorded in that calendar of divine providences 
which men call hiftory, this feizure of the natives of Maine 
refulted in promoting to a remarkable degree the coloni- 
zation of New England : an " accident," fays Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges himfelf, which " mufl be acknowledged the means 
under God of putting on foot and giving life to all our 
plantations." The three natives whom Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges took charge of, namely, Manida, Skettwarroes, and, 
if we accept his llatement as corredl, Tifquantum, he took 
into his own houfe, and in procefs of time they acquired a 
fufjficient command of the Englifh tongue to enable them 
to communicate to him a knowledge of their country, which 
fo interefted him that he at once fet on foot a projedt for 
the colonization of this almofl terra incognita. 

The charter of Sir Walter Ralegh, in confequence of that 
brave man's misfortunes, had lapfed to the Crown, leaving 

the 

the World, written for the ufe of Pope Baltimore, 1875, PP- V- etfeq- ; and A 

Innocent XI. by Monlignor Cerri, Lon- Relation of the Succefsful Beginnings 

don, 1 715, pp. 167 ^/y^^.y The Hi/lory of the Lord Balte?nore^s Plantation in 

and Prefent State of Virginia, by R. il/izrj/-/««^, edited by J. G. Shea, LL.D., 

Beverley, London, 1705, p. 12 ; Purchas Baltimore, 1865, p. 9. 
his Pilgrimes, Vol. IV. p. 1666 ; A Re- ^°* For the only fketch of Waymouth 

lation of the Colony of the Lord Baron extant, reference fhould be had to the 

of Baltimore, by Father Andrew White admirable volume already referred to, 

in Force's Hifiorical Trails, Vol. IV. written by Henry S. Burra^e, D.D., 

p. 19; a letter of John Gilmary Shea, and forming number three of the Gorges 

LL.D., to the Author; alfo cf Relatio Society's publications. 
Itenerisj Maryland Hiftorical Society, 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 69 

the way open for new charters ; but we learn from a letter 
of Gorges to Cecil the difficulties to which the grantees 
were fubjefted. In accordance with the wifhes of the adven- 
turers, it had been decided to divide the country between 
the thirty-fourth and forty-fifth parallels of latitude into 
two parts, to be called refpedlively South and North Vir- 
ginia: a portion of the former, equivalent to about one 
hundred miles fquare with adjacent iflands, to be granted 
by charter to an affociation to be known as " The London 
Company or Firft Colony ; " and a fimilar portion of the 
other to an affociation to be known as " The Plymouth 
Company or Second Colony," the grantor "greatly com- 
mending, and gracioufly accepting of, their Defires for the 
Furtherance of fo noble a Work, which may, by the Provi- 
dence of Almighty God, hereafter tend to his Divine Maj- 
efly, in propagating of Chriftian Religion to fuch People 
as yet live in Darknefs and miferable Ignorance of the true 
Knowledge and Worfhip of God, and may in time bring the 
Infidels and Savages living in thofe parts to human Civility, 
and to a fettled and quiet Government." ^^^ 

We have to deal with the fecond of thefe affociations, 
which included the Pophams, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 
Ralegh Gilbert, and others. With his ufual prediledlion 
for detail, James embodied in the charter conditions which 
caufed many who had been interefted in the enterprife, 
through the enthufiafm of Gorges, to lofe heart in it ; hence 
we find Sir Ferdinando appealing to Cecil on May loth, 

a 

i<>5 Vide Hijlorical Colle^ions^ edited by Ebenezer Hazard, A.M., Philadel- 
phia, 1792, Vol. I. p. 51. 



70 Memoir of 

a month after the date of the charter, for aid in procuring 
an expurgation or modification of objedlionable conditions 
in it: efpecially one condition, which placed the adven- 
turers, who had embarked their fortunes in the undertaking, 
under the control of numerous tradefmen and citizens in 
the realm whom the King entitled counfellors, and who. 
Gorges claimed, could have no knowledge of the affairs 
which were thus entrufled to them.-^^ Although Gorges 
infifled, to Cecil, that the enterprife would be abandoned by 
many who were friendly to it unlefs this particular condition 
in the charter were changed, we find him earneflly at work 
manning and furnifhing a fhip to fend to North Virginia 
for the purpofe of forming the nucleus of a colony there. 
This fhip he placed under the command of Capt. Henry 
Challons, with Daniel Tucker as mafter, and two of the 
natives, whom Waymouth had captured, for guides and in- 
terpreters when they fhould reach America; for it was 
rightly judged that thefe natives would prove of great 
benefit to the colonills in communicating with the tribes 
of the country, and in the feleflion of fuitable places for 
fettlement. 

Sir Ferdinando's fhip fet fail on Augufl 12th, and Chal- 
lons had explicit inflru6lions to dire6l his courfe as far 
north as Cape Breton, and from that point to follow the 
coafl foutherly until the country inhabited by the tribes 
to which the two natives belonged was reached. Totally 
difregarding the orders of Gorges, Challons, with inex- 

cufable 

io« Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinand© Gorges to Secretary Cecil, Hatfield 
Houfe, et pojiea. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 71 

cufable obftinacy, but in accordance with a prevalent theory, 
fet his courfe toward the fouth ; and, after encountering 
a fevere florm, we find him on the 4th of September at 
the ifle of Madeira, where he remained until the 8th, when 
he failed in the direftion of Florida, and encountering one 
of the long calms prevalent in that region, made no progrefs 
for a period of fourteen days. Finally he reached the port 
of San Juan de Porto Rico, where he took in water and 
remained for a period to recover from an illnefs which 
had overtaken him, and then, as though he were on a 
voyage of pleafiare, he went careleffly on without apparent 
concern for the bufinefs in hand, playing as it were at hide 
and feek among the Weft India ifles, until, on the morning 
of the loth of November, nearly three months from the 
time when Sir Ferdinando Gorges hopefully watched the 
difappearance of his fhip from the (hores of Plymouth, 
Challons fiaddenly found himfelf in the company of eleven 
Spanifh fhips on their way home from Havana, "in the 
middeft of the faed Flete," a fog which had prevailed 
having lifted ; and although there was peace between Spain 
and England, and James and Philip were brothers dear, 
diplomatically, the Spanifh Admiral fhot off feveral great 
guns and made fpoil of Sir Ferdinando's fhip, and prifoners 
of its hopeful company. Thefe latter were divided among 
the fhips of the fleet. Tucker and three others being taken on 
board the Admiral's fhip ; but, encountering fevere ftorms, 
the fleet was fcattered, and the fhip in which Tucker was 
a prifoner was buffeted by the ftorms for two months, during 
which period thofe on board experienced great fuffering. 
At laft they managed to make the port of Bordeaux, where 

Tucker 



72 



Memoir of 



Tucker was fet at liberty by the French authorities, and 
was enabled to inftitute preliminary proceedings in the 
French Admiralty Court againfl his Spanifh perfecutors. 
This done, he at once fet out for England to obtain the 
proof necelTary to fuflain the allegations in his fuit, and on 
February 4th prefented to Gorges the full particulars of 
Challons's difaflrous voyage, which Gorges at once mailed 
to Cecil, praying for his affiftance in recovering his Ihip, 
and damages for the interruption of her voyage, as well as 
for obtaining the releafe of his men, all fubjedls of the 
Englifh king.i<^7 

In the meantime Chief Jullice Popham,^^^ co-operating 

with 



'^^ Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges to Secretary Cecil, Hatfield 
Houfe, et pojlea. Tucker, after this 
difaflrous voyage, became an adven- 
turer to Virginia, where he was a clerk 
of ftores under Lord Delaware. We 
find him fliill in Virginia in 1619, peti- 
tioning to the court for an allotment of 
Ihares for his fervices, which he fpeci- 
fies, as well as the offices which he had 
filled, " as namely : Cape Merchant, 
Provoft Marfhal, one of the Council, 
Truck Matter, and Vice Admiral." Sub- 
fequently he became governor of the 
Bermudas. Vide Hijiory of the Vir- 
ginia Company of London^ by Edward 
D. Neill, Albany, 1869, pp. 22, 43, 146; 
Domeftic Correspondence, James L, 
PubHc Records Office, Vol. LXVIIL 
No. 62 ; Virginia Carolorum^ by Ed- 
ward D. Neill, Albany, 1886, p. 34. 

^^^ Sir John Popham was born at 
Huntworth, in Somerfetfhire, in 1 53 1. In 
his youth and early manhood he was wild 
and recklefs, and for a long time bore a 
finifter reputation. However, after he 
had attained the age of thirty years, 
owing perhaps to the influence of his 



wife, he changed his habits of life and 
applied himfelf to the ftudy of the law, in 
which he rapidly attained wealth and 
eminence. He was efpecially fevere 
upon thofe who reforted to the highways 
for a living. This clafs of criminals, 
compofed largely of men who had ferved 
in England's numerous wars, was large, 
and Popham's extreme feverity foon 
reduced its numbers. Littlecote, near 
Hungerford in Berkfliire, fliill poffefled 
by the family, came into Sir John's pof- 
feffion in a queftionable manner ; having 
been conveyed to him by one Darell, 
who was tried before him for murder, 
and efcaped the penalty of the crime of 
which he was accufed. It was the cur- 
rent belief that Littlecote was the price 
paid by Darell for the influence of the 
judge ; but of this no proof exifts. That 
he was a rough, coarfe, and brutal man, 
there can be no doubt. His treatment 
of Ralegh when on trial before him is 
fufficient in itfelf to portray his char- 
after, if other evidence were wanting. 
His various offices were as follows : 
Sergeant-at-Iaw and Solicitor-General, 
June 26th, 1579; Speaker of the Com- 
mons, 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 



n 



with Gorges in his undertakings, had defpatched Capt. 
Martin Pring to join Challons on the coaft of Maine. 
Pring received the fame failing inflru61ions which were 
given to Challons, and obeying them implicitly, made a 
profperous voyage, which was produ6live of important re- 
fults ; for although he did not find Challons, he made a 
careful examination of the new country, and carried home 
interefling accounts refpe6ling its extent and refources ; or, 
as Gorges himfelf faid, writing many years after, " the mofl 
exadl difcovery of that coafl that ever came to my hands 
fince ; " and " which . . . wrought fuch an impreflion in the 
Lord Chief Juftice and us all, that were his affociates, that 
(notwithflanding our firft difafter) we fet up our refolutions 
to follow it with effe6l." 

The refult of Pring's voyage to co-operate with Challons 

was 



mons, ini58i; Attorney-General, June 
ift, the fame year; knighted and made 
Chief Juftice of the Queen's Bench, 
June 8th, 1592. He died June loth, 
1607, ten days after the failing of the 
Popham Colony, and was buried in the 
church of Wellington. His tomb is a 
magnificent ftru6lure, furrounded by a 
railing of iron and wood. An effigy of 
the judge in his official robes, and of 
Lady Popham, fide by fide, furmount 
the tablet ; and below, at the head and 
feet, are the figures of two men and two 
women kneeling face to face. On the 
northerly fide of the bafe are thirteen 
figures : five boys and eight girls, rep- 
reienting his children, clothed in black 
and kneeling in a row; and on the fouth 
fide are nine women kneeling in a Hke 
manner. All the figures on the tomb 
are fuppofed to reprefent mourning rel- 
atives. The tomb is furmounted by an 
arched canopy, with the family arms 



and various heraldic adornments, fup- 
ported by eight columns of black marble, 
with decorated capitals. The infcrip- 
tion reads as follows: '•' Sir John Pop- 
ham^ Knighte ; Lord Chief Jujtice of 
England; and of the honourable privie 
Counfel of Queen Elizabeth^ and after 
of King James J died the \oth of June^ 
1607, and is here interred.'''' Vide The 
Cotmnoners of Great Britain and Ire- 
land., by John Burke, Efq., London, 
1836, Vol. II. pp. xii, 196-201 ; Lives 
of the Chief Juflices of England., by 
Lord John Campbell, New York, 1874, 
Vol. II. pp. 214-236; Note to Rokeby, 
by Sir Walter Scott; Worthies of Eng- 
land^ by Thomas Fuller, London, 181 2, 
Vol. II. p. 284; Encyclopedia Britan- 
nica., in locoj The Hiflory of Virginia.^ 
by William Stith, A.M., New York, 
1865, pp.74 et feq.j Domeftic Corre- 
fpondence, James I., Vol. VI., Public 
Records Office. 



VOL.1. 



10 



74 Memoir of 

was the formation of the ever-memorable Popham Colony, 
the earlieft fettled upon our New England fhores. While 
preparations to organize this colony were being pulhed, 
Gorges was not unmindful of his duty as commandant at 
Plymouth ; and his zeal in the welfare of the realm is dif- 
clofed in his letters of this period to Cecil. His innate 
hoflility to the Spaniard, a being who in Englifh eflimation 
embodied the evil trinity of treachery, cruelty, and fuper- 
flition, caufed him earneflly to urge the Government to 
flrengthen the coaft defences w^hile peace exifled, that when 
war was renewed, as renewed it would be in his belief, the 
nation might be in a condition to meet it. How far his 
appeals were heeded, we are unable to fay; probably but 
little was done by the minillry, as the individuals com- 
pofmg it were occupied with matters of more dire6l perfonal 
interefl. 

For a while there was to be peace between England and 
Spain, and the advantages of new territorial acquilitions 
were to engage the attention of the rival nations of Europe. 
Not only the French and the Spaniards were intently ftudy- 
ing the charts of former navigators and liftening to the ro- 
mances of fenile mariners, but the Dutch, more pra6lical 
than either, were pufhing their fturdy fhips out into un- 
known waters in fearch of new lands. 

On the 3ifl day of May, 1607, Sir Ferdinando Gorges 
faw the Gift of God and the Mary and John of London, 
commanded refpeftively by George Popham and Ralegh 
Gilbert,^^^ and bearing a colony of one hundred and twenty 

perfons 

1°^ Ralegh Gilbert has been repre- of Sir Humphrey Gilbert; but this letter 
fented as the brother, fon, and nephew of Sir Ferdinando Gorges would fettle 

the 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 75 

perfons, fail from the harbor of Plymouth for the New 
World, their objedlive point being the river Sagadahoc, 
on the fhores of Mawooflien,-^^^ as this region, we are told, 
was called by the natives. Popham had paffed his three- 
fcore and ten years; was a man heavy and unwieldy 
of body, and poffeffed of a yielding difpofition, according 
to the defcription of Gorges. He was honefl and kind- 
hearted ; indeed, his laft adl before failing was to write 
a letter to Cecil, which, although its oftenfible purpofe 
was to renew his pledges of fervice, and to remind the 
Secretary of fuggeftions he had made in a former letter 
touching mercantile affairs with Spain, was really to rec- 
ommend a friend, who defired to obtain the poft vacated 
by him, to the notice of the Secretary."^ The penning of 
this letter to aid his friend was the lafl adl performed by 
Popham in his native land ; and as he pufhed his little 
veffel feaward on that fair fpring day, he took his lafl look 

of 

thequeftionjf other evidence were want- ^^° The Rev. M. C. O'Brien, who 

ing, that he was the fon of Sir Hum- is an eminent authority in matters 

phrey. The late J. Wingate Thornton relating to the language of the native 

prepared a genealogy of the Gilberts, inhabitants of Maine, in a letter to the 

and in this he fpoke of him and his author exprefTes the opinion that this is 

elder brother. Sir John, as nephews of a corruption of the original word ; nor 

Sir Humphrey. Ralegh Gilbert died in is he inclined to believe that the word 

1625, and left the following children: which it reprefents ever had an extended 

Humphrey, aged ten years ; Ralegh, application. He exprefTes the opinion 

nine; Ayer, eight; Ferdinand, feven; that " fo far as Maine had an appella- 

Amey, fix ; and John and Elizabeth, tion, it was called the land oi the Soko- 

whofe ages are unknown. Vide the kis, of the Pequakets, etc. Hence it 

Gilbert Family \n New England Hi/ior- had feveral names, or rather portions of 

ical and Genealogical Regijler iox \%^o^ it were named after the tribes that oc- 

Vol. II. pp. 223-232; The Hijiory of cupied them." 

Virginia, by William Stith, p. "j^ ; ^^^ Vide Letter of George Popham, 

Gleajiings from Englifh Records, etc., dated May 3ifl, 1607, to Secretary 

by Emmerton and Waters, Salem, 1880, Cecil, preferved in the archives of 

p. 40. Hatfield Houfe, et pojlea. 



76 Memoir of 

of the frefh, green fhores of England, with hedgerows of 
hawthorn ftill flecked with fnowy bloffoms. We may well 
believe there were anxious hearts and tearful eyes both 
on fhore and on fhip-board on that laft day of May, 1607, 
although we have no record of them ; nor does Sir Fer- 
dinando tell us how he and the friends of the departing 
colony ftrained their eyes to catch the laft fight of the 
fleeting fhips, as their hulls went down below the horizon. 
The Southern Virginia Company had defpatched a colony 
from the Downs on the firft of the preceding January, 
under the command of Captain Newport, and at the time 
w^hen Popham and Gilbert left Plymouth harbor, it was 
already at Jameftown and buflly at work erefting a fort 
to protect itfelf from the favages who dwelt near by, and 
Newport was making his preparations to return home with 
news of the colony, and for fupplies to fuftain it in its new 
home.^^^ 

The fhips Mary and John and the Gift of God, bearing 
the Popham colonifts, after a fuccefsful voyage, reached the 
Azores, where, on the 28th of June, they made port in order 
to take in wood and water. Sailing from there, they fell in 
with two Flemifh fhips on the 29th, the captain of one of 
which hailed the Mary and John, and, upon invitation of 
Gilbert, the Flemifh captain and fome of his men went on 
board the Englifh fhip to take a " can of beer." After their 
pleafant entertainment, the Flemings invited Gilbert and 
feveral of his companions to viflt their fliip, which they did, 

expefting 

^^^ Vide Hifiory of the Virgiftia Com- may alfo be had to Domeftic Corre- 
pany of London, by Edward D. Neill, fpondence, James I., Public Records 
Albany, 1869, pp. 15-18. Reference Office, Vol. XXVIII. No. 34. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 77 

expeding that their kindnefs would be returned; but to 
their furprife they were ill treated, and fome of them even 
fet in the bilboes. Finally, however, the Flemings, under 
the preffure of a threatened mutiny of their men, many of 
whom were Englifh, deigned to look at Gilbert's com- 
miffion, and after an imprifonment of ten hours releafed 
them. In the meantime Popham, not noticing the fignals 
of diftrefs on the Mary and John, had difappeared. 

On the lafl of July, Gilbert reached the coaft, where he 
held friendly intercourfe with the natives, and on the 7th 
of Auguft fell in with the Gift, and after a mofl joyful 
greeting, both captains anchored their fhips under the lee 
of George's Ifland, where they found the crofs which Way- 
mouth had fet up, and on Wednefday, the 19th of Auguft, 
the Englifh fhips were lying fafely at anchor off the penin- 
fula of Sabino,^^^ at the mouth of the Sagadahoc,"* a place 
which Popham and Gilbert had felefled after fome explo- 
ration as the fite of their profpeftive town. All the com- 
pany were on fhore, and poffeffion was formally taken. A 
fermon was preached by the Rev. Richard Seymour"^ 

under 

118 The name of this peninfula is fup- "^ The late Bifhop Burgefs has at- 

pofed to be a corruption of the Abenaki tempted to conne6l the Rev. Richard 

word .S'^^<?;/<?/3!, the nameof a Tarrantine Seymour with the Gorges, Popham, 

fagamore of that region. It proje6ts and Gilbert families by marriage, and 

from the weft bank of the Sagadahoc, fuppofes him to have been a young 

and is about three miles from the ifland clergyman juft from the univerfity 

of Seguin. when the expedition to Sagadahoc 

11* The Sagadahoc is formed by the was undertaken. Proof of fuch con- 
confluence of the Androfcoggin and ne6tion, however, is at prefent want- 
Kennebec, about twenty-five miles from ing. Vide An Addrefs delivered at 
the fea, and is an eftuary of variable the Eredion of a Monumental Stone 
width throughout its length. Its name in the Walls of Foi't Popham, etc., 
is from an Abenaki word, Sanktaonk, by John A. Poor, New York, 1863, 
which fignifies " It ends here." Appendix, note B. 



78 Memoir of 

under the fpreading branches of the great trees, which 
afforded a grateful fhelter from the Augufl fun ; the laws 
which were brought out of England, and which were to 
govern them in their new home, were read, and their rulers 
formally announced, namely: George Popham, prefident; 
Ralegh Gilbert, admiral ; Edward Harlow, mafter of ord- 
nance ; Robert Davis, fergeant-major ; James Davis,^^^ captain 
of the fort ; Richard Seymour, chaplain ; Elias Beft, marfhal ; 
and George Carew, fearcher. They had alfo a phyfician for 
the colony, Mr. Turner. Thefe, or all but the three lafl, 
conflituted a board of afliftants. 

Thus was inaugurated, under all the neceffary forms of 
law, the firfl New England colony. On the next day they 
began breaking ground for their fort and florehoufe ; and 
the fhip carpenters, who had been fent from England, and 
at whofe head was Mafler-carpenter Digby, of London, 
applied themfelves to cutting timber for the conflru6lion 
of a fmall veffel to be called the Virginia, in honor of 
their new home. The colonifts appear to have worked 
diligently under the dire6lion of Popham; but unity of 
purpofe was wanting among them. Two months after 
their arrival the Mary and John was defpatched to Eng- 
land ^^^ to carry the news of their fafe arrival and to get 
fupplies. This fhip reached the port of Plymouth on the 

firft 

11® Capt. James Davis went to Vir- ginia Carolorum, by Edward D. Neill, 

ginia, where he was captain of the Albany, 1 886, p. 30 ; Hijlory of the Vir- 

fort at Point Comfort in 161 2, He ac- ginia Company of London, by Edward 

companied the expedition of 1609 in D. Neill, Albany, 1869, pp. 30, 37 

the Virginia, built by Popham at Saga- i" She probably failed on or imme- 

dahoc; and with him Mafter Davis, diately after the 26th of September, 

probably the Robert Davis who was Further reference to this may be found 

one of the Popham Colony. Vide Vir- in note 120. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 79 

firfl day of December, and Gorges at once haflened, " late 
at night," to inform Cecil by letter of the faft.^^^ He told 
the Secretary that the colony had fettled in a fertile country 
with " gallant rivers, ftately harbors, and a people tra6lable ; " 
but he feared, as the fhip had brought back nothing to 
fatisfy the expeflation of the adventurers, that the enterprife 
might be brought into difrepute. He had alfo, at this early 
day, received news of trouble among the colonifts, caufed 
by " the defe6l and want of underftanding of fome of thofe 
employed to perform what they were diredled unto, from 
whence there did not only proceed confufion, but, through 
pride and arrogance, fa6lion and private refolution." He 
forwarded through Cecil a report of the colony to Sir 
Francis Popham ; his father, the Lord Chief Juflice Pop- 
ham, having died on the loth of the preceding June, lefs 
than two weeks after the departure of the colony from 
England. 

Gorges expatiated upon the fertility of the foil, the 
boldnefs of the coafl, the abundance of fifh and timber, 
" goodly oaks and cedars with infinite other forts of trees," 
upon the grapes fuitable for wine, "like the claret wine 
that comes out of France," the rofm, hemp, and rich furs ; 
but of mines the colonifls as yet had found none. 

In this letter the firfl note of warning was given againfl 
the French, who were aiming for the fame prize. He accom- 
panied this communication with one from Challons, ftill a 
prifoner in Spain, and pleaded for aftion in his behalf and 
that of the other prifoners there. There can be little doubt 

that 

"8 Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando Gorges to Secretary Cecil, Hatfield 
Houfe, et pojlea. 



8o Memoir of 

that Gorges not only fat up late that night, but paffed much 
of the fucceeding day in gathering particulars concerning 
the colony at Sagadahoc ; and he learned many things re- 
fpe6ling it, as we know from a moft interefting letter which 
he fent to Cecil on the 3d of December. This letter, for 
the firft time, introduces us to George Popham and Ralegh 
Gilbert, the fon of Sir Humphrey. The Popham whom 
we have before us " ^^ an honejl man, but old and of an 
unwieldy body, and timoroujly fearful to offend, or contefl 
with others that will or do oppofe him, but, otherwife, a 
defcrete, careful man;''' while Ralegh Gilbert is a man 
^' defirous of fupremacy and rule,'' of "^ loofe life, prompt 
to fenfuality," with " little zeal for religion ; humorous, 
headflrong, and of fmall judgement and experience, other- 
wife valiant enough'' Thefe are word pictures of the men, 
of great value to us. We here learn for the firfl; time 
one of the principal caufes of difcontent in the colony. 

Ralegh Gilbert, in his explorations of the beautiful 
fhores of Maine, had begun to realize fomething of their 
future value, and was reminded of his father's charter : "^ 
a fhadowy title moft certainly to the fhores of Maine ; but 
neverthelefs to his fervid mind a title, which he difcuffed 
with his co-colonifts, doubtlefs with more zeal than difcre- 
tion. How could King James give away territory to an- 
other, already granted by charter to his anceflor 1 It feemed 
unfair to him, and, the property being his own, " he will not 
be put out of it in hafle ;" hence Gilbert wrote letters to 
his friends in England to come over to Sagadahoc and 

ftrengthen 

11® The charter before alluded to, granted in 1578. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 8i 

ftrengthen his hands. Thefe letters Gorges found were 
ftill on board the Mary and John, and he fuggefted to 
Cecil that he fhould fend orders for their interception. 
Sir Ferdinando efpecially commended to the Secretary the 
phyfician, Mr. Turner, who had been fent home to England 
to give a particular account of the colony and to folicit 
fupplies for it. He fpoke approvingly of the Rev. Mr. 
Seymour and Capt. Robert Davis, of the Mary and John, 
Again, Sir Ferdinando urged that "this bulinefs fhould 
be thoroughly followed," and to enfure the flability of the 
undertaking, that the King fhould take it into his own 
hands, " unto whom of right the conquefl of kingdoms doth 
appertain, and then," he continued, " fhould I think myfelf 
mofl happy to receive fuch employment in it as his high- 
nefs fhould think me fit for, and I would not doubt, but 
with a very little charge to bring to pafs infinite things." 
He alfo fent to the Secretary *' the Journals that were taken 
by one of the fhips,"^^ as he had received them "from 

their 

120 This fixes very nearly the date of our prefent better underftanding of the 
the failing of the Mary and John, which fubjedl not yet come to light, con- 
has heretofore been fuppofed to have tained, according to the declaration of 
failed on the 15th of December. One Gorges, an account of the homeward 
of thefe " Journals " is without doubt voyage and doubtlefs many particulars 
the manufcript not long fince difcovered of an interefting and inftruflive na- 
at Lambeth Palace, purporting to have ture. Heretofore much has been writ- 
been written by a perfon on the Mary ten bafed upon the fuppofition that but 
and John, and bearing the endorfement one veflel, the Mary and John, re- 
that it was found among the papers of turned to England, and that fhe failed 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges. This Journal on the 15th of December, 1607, and 
ends on the 26th of September, and is carried back not only the news of Chief 
a particular record of events to that Juftice Popham's death, but alfo of Sir 
date. It ends with the ftatement that it John Gilbert's. In order to reconcile 
is " the Relation of the whole Voyage the account of the colony's out-of-door 
to Virginia, New England, 1607." work, which it was faid was going on 
The other of "the Journals "which, if when fhe left, with the theory that the 
ftill in exiftence, has unfortunately for date of her failing was on December 

VOL. I.— II 15th 



82 Memoir of 

their going out until their return," by which the navigation 
would appear to be '* as eafy as to Newfoundland, but much 
more hopeful." 

Let us now return to the colonifts. After the departure 
of the Mary and John they continued their work, com- 
pleting their fort, upon which they mounted twelve guns. 
They alfo eredled a church and fifty dwellings, and 
launched their new ftiip the VirginiaP^ Nor did they 
negle6l explorations; for Gilbert ranged the coaft as far 
weft as Richmond's Ifland, and eaft to Pemaquid, examin- 
ing the inlets and rivers in a careful manner. 

On the 15th of December Popham defpatched the Gift 
of God to England, upon which he fent his well-known 
letter to King James, bearing date the 13th of December. 
Any one who carefully reads this letter muft be convinced 
that the writer's heart was in the matter, and that he fully 
believed in the ultimate fuccefs of the enterprife which he 
had undertaken, although he was obliged, on account of 

the 

15th, learned and labored articles have the events which were recorded in thefe 

been penned to fliow that the winter letters took place. 

was unufually mild up to this date, — a ^^^ This veffel, built at Sagadahoc by- 
winter which, by the colonifts' account, the colonifts, was afterwards employed 
was extremely fevere. It has been at- in Virginia. She failed with the Somers 
tempted to account for the two fliips and Gates Colony from Plymouth for 
and alfo for the pinnace Virginia; Jameltown on the ifl of June, 1609, 
but all fuch attempts have failed. No juft two years after the Popham col- 
fubje6l in the hiftory of Maine has onifts departed from the fame port. Her 
been more difcuffed, and much mif- commander was Capt. James Davis, 
dire6led enthufiafm and farcaftic detrac- whilom of the Mary and John; and 
tion have been expended upon it. The fhe reached Jameftown in Auguft, after 
letters of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, which encountering a fevere ftorm. Thus 
now for the firft time fee the light, fettle in Maine was conflru(5led the firft (hip 
difficulties which were before unfolvable, which was built in North America, 
many of which were created by Sir Fer- Vide Hi/lory of the Virginia Company 
dinandohimfelf in his Briefe Narration, of London, by Edward D. Neill, Albany, 
written in his old age, and long after 1869, PP- 29 ^tfeq. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 83 

the fcarcity of provifions, to fend home all but forty-five of 
his company.^^ He was in a new country, furrounded by 
perils, with men under his command upon whom he could 
but poorly depend ; yet his enthufiafm, with the refilient 
temper of a Damafcus blade, could not be broken, however 
hard the obftacle which it encountered ; and we are fain to 
believe that, had his life been continued, his colony at Saga- 
dahoc would have been firmly eftablifhed and perpetuated. 
He fully realized the inftability of an undertaking like this 
in which he was engaged, bafed, fo far as financial fupport 
was concerned, largely upon the hope of gain ; and he 
was anxious beyond meafure to interefl the King in its 
importance to the kingdom, and thereby to draw to it gov- 
ernmental fijpport : hence this letter to James. The man- 
agers of the enterprife, doubtlefs from the firft, hoped 
to gain government aid, which we find Gorges openly 
foliciting at this time, but unfuccefsfully. The fuccefsful 
colonization of New England required a mainfpring of 
finer fluff than could be wrought by ariflocratic craftf- 
men; and this projecfl was to fail in fpite of the efforts 
of a few earneft fpirits like Southampton, Popham, and 
Gorges. 

The fecond veffel of the colonifts, the Gift of Gody 
reached Plymouth harbor on the 7th of February, and 
Gorges haflened to advife Cecil of the fa6l by letter, and of 
the news fhe brought of the feverity of the weather, which 
had been great, and the fadlious proceedings of fome of 

the 

^ 122 Ti^is yfQ ^j.g tQi(j by Harlow in Smith, Richmond, 1819, Vol. II. p. 
his Relation. Vide The Generall Hif- 174; Letter of George Popham to the 
torie of Virginia^ by Captaine John King, Public Records Office, et po/iea. 



84 Memoir of 

the colonifls.^ This veffel had returned "without any 
commodity," which was difcouraging to the adventurers, 
although Gorges, with great good fenfe, reminded his cor- 
refpondent that immediate returns from an unexplored and 
favage country ought not to be looked for, fuch being the 
refult of art and induflry ; but as he feared that it would be 
difficult to go forward, he looked hopefully to the "chief 
fpring of our happinefs," the King, who finally w^ould reap 
the benefit of the adventurers' toil. The view that Gorges 
took of the importance to the realm of colonizing the new 
country was ftatefinanlike. He declared that its e£fe6l 
would be the " increafe of the king's navy ; the breeding 
of mariners ; the employment of the people ; the filling the 
world with expe6lation and fatisfying his fiibje6ls with 
hopes, who now are fick in defpair, and in time will prove 
defperate through neceffity ; " ^^ befides, he faid that by en- 
gaging in the noble work of colonization, the King would 
gain for himfelf and his pofterity a property of great value, 
which, if abandoned, would be feized upon by neighboring 
princes and employed to make them powerful Already 
were the French infligating the native inhabitants to hof- 
tility againfl the Englifh; and he begged the King to 
adventure a fmall fhip of the middle clafs with a pinnace, 
under the royal commiffion, to give countenance and au- 
thority 

128 Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando and thoufands could obtain no em- 
Gorges to Secretary Cecil, Hatfield ployment; hence many took to the 
Houfe, et pojlea. highways for fubfiftence, making it 

124 One who has not read the annals dangerous to traverfe the country with- 

of thefe times can hardly realize how out a fufficient efcort for prote6lion. 

defperate was the condition of the Crime was common, and its punifhment 

people of England. Food was fcarce, fliarp and fevere. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 85 

thority to the worthy enterprife. If this could be done, he 
promifed that they fhould be vidlualled by the adventurers 
and the whole coaft explored to Virginia ; indeed, that he 
would undertake to go himfelf as commander if he were 
thought worthy to be the man. 

This letter does honor to the head and heart of its 
author, and is worthy of a careful perufal ; but to any one 
who has fludied the charadler of James and this period of his 
reign, the futility of fuch an appeal is apparent. The weak 
monarch was more interefled in getting a hawk or flying- 
fquirrel from the New World than in colonizing it. Could 
Gorges have looked acrofs the ocean and feen the little 
colony at Sagadahoc at the moment when he penned his 
letter, his heart would have funk within him. But two days 
before, George Popham, the governing fpirit of the colony, 
had died, and the fole command had devolved upon Gil- 
bert; but Gorges, in ignorance of the great calamity which 
was to prove the death-blow to his prefent hopes, put all 
his energies into the work of getting fupplies to the hungry 
colonifts. 

The next letter which we have from him was written on 
the 20th of March following.^ He began by referring to 
Challons and his companions, prifoners in Spain, and en- 
clofed a letter to Cecil to Ihow that ftatefman what effe6t his 
endeavors on behalf of the prifoners had produced, and fug- 
gefted that if the King did not choofe to fuftain the rights 
of his fubjeds, he might "give his fervants leave to ufe their 
beft means to right themfelves of this their infupportable 

wrongs, 

^26 Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando Gorges to Secretary Cecil, Hatfield 
Houfe, et pojiea. 



86 



Memoir of 



wrongs, provided that they violate no article of peace further 
than they (the Spaniards) have done in this."^^ By this 

letter 



i2« This letter and feveral others 
given in this work fhow the impropriety 
of bafing arguments fimply upon the 
abfence of evidence to prove the con- 
trary. In a difcuffion of the hiftorical 
claims of the Popham Colony fome years 
fmce, Mr. WilHam Frederick Poole, in 
his zeal to overthrow the exaggerated 
claims which had been put forth to 
prove this colony to have been " the 
7iurfery of the Plymouth Colony," wrote 
as follows \ — 

" The improbability that this ' new 
pynnace' was feaworthy and made a 
voyage acrofs the Atlantic, will appear 
from the following confiderations : — 

" I. There was not time between 
the 15th of December and Spring to 
build a fea-worthy velTel. There were 
but forty-five perfons left in the colony, 
and this number was reduced before 
Spring by difeafe and fquabbles with 
the Indians. There were probably not 
ten carpenters in the company. The 
Winter, we are told, was unfeafonable 
and intenfely fevere. Strachey fays, 
that, ' after Capt. Davies's departure, 
they fully finifhed the fort, trencht and 
fortified it with 12 pieces of ordnance, 
and built 50 houfes, befides a church 
and ftorehoufe,' — fufficient work, we 
might fuppofe, to employ forty-five Old 
Bailey convi6ls till Spring, without 
building a fea-going veffel. If Strachey 
does not tell the truth in this matter, we 
know nothing at all about this veffel. 

"2. They had no need of a fea-going^ 
veffel. Thefe were furnifhed by the 
Englifh undertakers. What they needed 
was a fmall craft in which to take fifh 
along fhore. — There was no intention 
of abandoning the Popham fettlement 
till Capt. Davies returned in the Spring 
with the news that their patron faint. 



Sir John Popham, furnamed ' the hang- 
man,' was dead. 

'' 3. We know that the Popham col- 
onifts were knaves ; but it is not necef- 
fary to infer that they were fools. The 
graduates of penal infbitutions have ufu- 
ally as keen a regard for their corporal 
fafety as other perfons. Cowardice is 
commonly their ruling charafleriflic. Is 
it reafonable to fuppofe that any of that 
godlefs company would have rifked their 
lives to a voyage acrofs the Atlantic 
in that 'pretty pynnace,' built of green 
pine in midwinter, when they could 
have had fafe and comfortable quarters 
in the Mary andjohji ? — The affertion 
that the veffel made the voyage is purely 
gratuitous." 

Let us examine the errors in the fore- 
going extra6ls : — 

(i) The fuppofition that the Vz'r^zm'a 
was built in midwinter was bafed upon 
another fuppofition, which was errone- 
ous ; namely, that the Mary and John 
failed in midwinter, when in fa6l flie 
failed in early autumn, at which time it 
was ftated that the " pynnace " was not 
finifhed. They had ample time, how- 
ever, before midwinter to complete it. 

(2) The Virginia did reach Eng- 
land, and under the command of Capt. 
James Davis failed for the New World, 
in company with eight other fhips, on 
June ill, 1609, from the harbor of Ply- 
mouth. The fleet encountered a ftorm 
of unufual feverity; but the Virginia 
rode it out, and landed her paffengers 
fafely at Jameftown, ftiowing that fhe 
mull have been a ftanch veffel. That 
there can be no miflake about this, it is 
faid that fhe was " built in the North 
colony." 

(3) The fuppofition that there were 
but forty-five men left to finifh the pin- 
nace 



Sir Ferdiiiando Gorges, 



^1 



letter we learn that he had fucceeded In viftualHng two fhips 
for the coloniils, and had already fent them from Topfham, 
and would be able to fend a third, in May, of two hundred 
tons' burden. " We frame," he faid, " unto ourfelves many 
reafons of infinite good, that is likely to befal our country, 
if our means fail not to accomplifh it. But we hope before 
fummer be pafl, to give fuch fatisfa6tion to the world hereof, 
as none that be lovers of their nation, but will (for one 
caufe or other) be willing to wifli it well at the leafl, what 
croffes foever we^ have received heretofore." 

The two firft-named veffels, one of which was the Mary 
and John, failed from Topfham probably in March, and 
bore the news to the colonics of the death of Chief Juflice 
Popham, which had occurred in the preceding June;^^^ but 

when 



nace and houfes, and perform all the 
other neceflary labor after the departure 
of the Mary and John^ is alfo bafed 
upon the erroneous fuppofition that fhe 
did not fail until December 15th. When 
fhe failed, the colony was all there, and 
completed the Virginia, houfes, and fort 
before the Gift failed, which was on the 
fuppofed date of the failing of the Mary 
and John. This fa6l explains the diffi- 
culty fully. 

Vide The Popham Colony (P.), Bof- 
ton, 1866, pp.9 et feq.; Hijlory of the 
Virginia Company of London, by Ed- 
ward D. Neill, Albany, 1869, p. 30; 
Generall Hiflorie of Virginia^ by Cap- 
taine John Smith, Richmond, 1819, Vol. 
II. p. 174; Hiflorie of Travaile into 
Virginia, by William Strachey, Maine 
Hiftorical Colle6lions, Vol. III. p. 308; 
Domeftic Correfpondence, James I., 
Vol. XLVII. No. 50, Vol. LXXIX. 
p. 268, Public Records Office. 

^^"^ This is in exa6l accordance with 
the relation of Edward Harlow, one of 



the council of the Popham Colony, a 
man who was perfonally familiar with 
all the events : yet hiflorians have per- 
fifted in adopting Strachey's account, 
an author who received his information 
wholly from others. By taking Harlow's 
account and Strachey's together, with 
the letters of Gorges before us, we get 
at the truth of the matter. Harlow fays : 
"Their noble Prefident Captain Popham 
died, and not long after arrived two 
fhips well provided of all necelTaries to 
fupply them, andfomefmall time after^ 
another, by whom underftanding of the 
death of the Lord Chief Juflice, and alfo 
of Sir John Gilbert, they all returned to 
England in the year 1608." And take 
Strachey's account, with refpefl to the 
Mary and John : " You may pleafe to 
underftand how — foon after their firjl 
arrival, that [they] had difpatched 
away Captain Robert Davies in the 
Mary and John, to advertife of their fafe 
arrival and forwardnefs of their planta- 
tion." The reafon why thefe relations, 

as 



88 Memoir of 

when flie arrived at Sagadahoc, George Popham was not 
alive to hear the tidings of his brother's death. He had 
himfelf died during the fevere winter which had paffed, and 
Ralegh Gilbert had fucceeded him in office. The colony, 
however, was in good condition. They had comfortable 
dwellings and a coniiderable Itock of furs colleded ; befides, 
their veffel, the Virginia, was afloat and ready for explora- 
tions during the lummer. But tidings were then on the 
way which were deflined to deal a finifhing ftroke to the 
enterprife. 

In July, 1608, the third fhip of two hundred tons was 
freighted with neceflary flores for the colony, which difplays 
the zeal of Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his aflbciates. Sir 
Francis Popham and others, in the enterprife, which, it is 
evident, they intended to make permanent; indeed, they 
do not feem to have confidered the poffibility of a failure. 
While this fhip was fpreading her fails to the winds which 
would waft her acrofs the Atlantic, tidings were carried to 
her of the death of Sir John Gilbert, the elder brother of 
Ralegh Gilbert. When this intelligence reached Sagadahoc, 
it caufed a commotion. Ralegh Gilbert, who had fucceeded 
George Popham as governor, was the heir of his brother, 
and it was imperative that he fhould return and take charge 
of his inheritance ; indeed, to remain away would imperil 
his interefls too greatly to allow him to confider the fubje6l 

of 

as well as the Briefe Narration of Sir in one's hand, the difficulties vanifh, and 

Ferdinando Gorges, have heretofore everything becomes clear. VideTheGen- 

been mifunderftood, is becaufe events erall Hijiorie of Virginia^ by Captaine 

happening at periods remote from one John Smith, Richmond, 18 19, Vol. II. 

another have been brought within the p. 174; The Hijiorie of Travaile into 

compafs of a few lines without ex- Virginia, by William Strachey, Maine 

planation. With the letters of Gorges Hiftorical Colle6lions, Vol. III. p. 308. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 89 

of retaining his command at Sagadahoc, however much 
his heart was in the enterprife. There feems to have been 
no one to take his place ; and without a head the colony, as 
it was conflituted, could not hold together. Probably the 
three fhips which had been fent with fupplies bore emi- 
grants to the colony ; but if fo, they were probably but poor 
men, like all the refl.^^^ There was nothing to do apparently 
but to break up and return home. Had the colony contained 
a few governing minds, the refult would have been different; 
but as it was, all took paffage with Gilbert for home, and 
Sabino was abandoned. 

While thefe transa6lions were taking place, Gorges was 
at his pofl at Plymouth, and on May 2d was penning a 
letter to Cecil, advifmg him of the efcape from a Spanifh 
prifon of Captain Challons, whom he had fent upon the 
firft expedition to America. The unfortunate Challons had 
efcaped, but reached Plymouth in fo miferable a condition 
as to be unable to journey to London to bear the news of 
his efcape to Cecil ; ^^ but Gorges took the occafion to read 

that 

128 We have no dire6l ftatement that means ; perhaps fome of the original 
thefe veflels bore colonifts to the Saga- colonifts were of this clafs ; hence it 
dahoc ; yet it feems hardly probable that would be furprifmg if no perfons were 
three fhips with all the necelTary ftores fent out by thefe veflels to ftrengthen 
for the colonifts, whofe original number the colony at Sabino. The Indians 
had been greatly reduced, fhould have boafted to P^re Biard, in 1611, that 
been fent out without any recruits, they killed eleven of the colonifts be- 
There was a plethora of poor, indeed fore their departure ; but Englifti ac- 
of almoft ftarving people in England, to counts are filent on the fubje6l. Vide 
whom a voyage to any country where Premiere MiJJion des Jifuites a Canada. 
food could be obtained would have been Par Le P^re Augufte Carayon, Paris, 
a blefling ; befides, as the flighteft of- 1864, pp. 'jo etfeq.j Relation de la Nou- 
fences were feverely puniftied, there were velle France. Par Le P. Pierre Biard, 
always many people who were glad to k Lyon, MDCXVL p. 179. 
efcape the terrors of the law by any ^29 xhefe letters reveal the earneft 

VOL. I. — 12 



90 Memoir of 

that flatefman a leffon on the folly of attempting to main- 
tain a hollow peace with enemies, who were availing them- 
felves of every opportunity, which prefented itfelf, of flriking 
a blow at Englifh interefts. Not only did Gorges tell Cecil 
that the perfidious Spaniard fpoke bafely and unworthily of 
the Englifh King, but that the Englifh policy caufed them 
to prognofticate the downfall of Cecil himfelf, and he af- 
fured him that he feared to write what difcontent the many 
accounts of Spanifh cruelty, brought home by returning 
mariners, had bred among the multitude ; in faft, the peace 
with Spain was moll unpopular with the people, and every 
ftory of Spanifh wrong helped to blow the fparks of dif- 
content into a flame, which threatened the fafety of the 
Government. 

When the veffels bearing the returning colonifts arrived 
in England, and Gorges realized that the colony had ended 
its career, his grief and difcontent were great ; and years 
after, when writing on the fubjeft, it found expreffion in that 
graphic fentence, " All our former hopes were frozen to 
death." But he was not a man to fit down in defpair. His 
energy and fagacity would not allow one failure or two to 
drive him from an enterprife in which he had faith; and 
although all thought of colonial undertaking was " wholly 

given 

efforts which were made by Gorges fate ; but * prepared a greater number of 

and his aflbciates to obtain the releafe planters,' who afterwards landed at Sa- 

of Challons and his co-prifoneis ; yet bino. If it is pretended that the firft 

we are told that the lofs of Challons's company were honeft, worthy men, the 

fhip and outfit " was fuitably lamented ; affumption carries with it the neceflary 

but not one word of fympathy was ex- inference that Popham was a heartlefs 

preffed by the old writers for the per- wretch ; but, affuming that they alfo were 

ions enllaved by the Spaniards ; nor did criminals, it was natural that he fhould 

Popham, fo far as we know, make any leave them to their fate." Vide The Pop- 

attempt to refcue them from their hard ham Colony^ Bofton, 1866, pp. 28 etfeq. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 91 

given over by the body of the adventurers," he was firm in 
his determination to go forward as beft he could, " not 
doubting but God would effecfl that which men defpaired 
of;" and as he could get no help from others, he " became 
owner of a fhip — fit for that employment," and " under 
color of fifhing and trade " fent her acrofs the Atlantic. 

The Council of the London or Southern Virginia Com- 
pany, hearing of the failure of the Sagadahoc enterprife, 
threw out their lines to win thofe of Plymouth to join 
them in their efforts at colonization. To this end they 
addreffed a letter to the Corporation of Plymouth, fetting 
forth the fuperior advantages of their more fouthern pof- 
feffions,^^ and gathered their fhips in Plymouth harbor in 
the fpring of 1609, from whence they failed on June ill for 
Jamefbown, with a large number of colonifts.^^^ How many 
veffels were fent out by members of the Plymouth Com- 
pany we know not; but it is certain, as previoufly noted, 
that the Virginia, the veffel built at Sagadahoc and be- 
longing to Gorges and his co-adventurers, went with the 
fleet. From this time frequent voyages for fifhing and 
trade were made to the coaft of Northern Virginia. Monhe- 
gan ^^ and the neighboring coafts being principally fought ; 
and in many of thefe was Gorges interefted. 

The 

I'o Vide Letter of the Council of the nebec, is the moll noted in early annals 

Virginia Company to Sir Ferdinando of the iflands on the coaft of Maine. Its 

Gorges in the Corporation Archives of greateft altitude is 140 feet above the 

Plymouth, England, et pojiea, dated fea-level, and its area comprifes about 

February 17th, 1608. one thoufand acres. It has a good 

131 yicig Domeftic Correfpondence, harbor, which made it the refort of early 

James I., Vol. XLVII. No. 50; Ibid., navigators and the feat of a confider- 

Vol. L. No. 65, Public Records Office, able trade between the aborigines of the 

**2 Monhegan, which is about twenty- neighborhood and foreign traders in the 

five miles eaft of the mouth of the Ken- feventeenth century. The earlieft de- 



/ 



92 Memoir of 

The office of Principal Secretary of State was vacated by 
Cecil in 1608, at which time he became Lord High Treaf- 
urer ; and the correfpondence of Gorges with him at this 
interefling period unfortunately ceafes. A few letters and 
other papers relating to Gorges have, however, found their 
way into the Office of the Public Records, the Britifli Mu- 
feum, and the Corporation Archives of Plymouth. 

The minds of thoughtful men like Gorges were at this 
time much exercifed by the condition of afifairs in England, 
and great difcontent prevailed among all claffes, owing to 
the pofition which England occupied with relation to Spain. 
By a prolonged conference between Spain and Holland, in 
which England and France played the role of mediators, an 
armiflice preparatory to a treaty was fecured between Hol- 
land and Spain ; but James was diftrufled and defpifed by 
his contemporaries, and Prince Maurice openly told the 
Britifh miniflers that their fovereign had not the courage to 
wag his tongue againft the Spanifh King. This contemp- 
tuous treatment of their royal mafler, who affumed fuch 
lofty airs among his fubjefts, was a fource of conftant mor- 
tification to the proud fpirits of Englifhmen. But James 
himfelf was too felf-complacent to fhare this mortification. 
He gloried in his theological valor, and difported him- 
felf marvelloufly in the lifts of theological controverfy. 
With intelle6lual rule and plummet, he never hefitated to 
found the deepeft abyfs of fpeculation, or meafiare the 

loftiefl 

fcription which we pofTefs of the ifland after, Champlain named it La Nef, on 

was made by Rofier in 1605, at which account of its fancied refemblance to a 

time George Waymouth beftowed upon fhip; but it foon refumed its aboriginal 

it the name of St. George. Shortly name of Monhegan. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 93 

loftiefl theory, and always with fatisfadlion to himfelf. It 
was not fufficient for him to do battle at home againfl the 
Puritans on the one hand and the Roman Catholics on 
the other, but he muft meddle with the theological con- 
troverfies which were going on in Holland, to the difguft 
of that people, who refented his interference, preferring 
to enjoy by themfelves the luxury of fighting over the 
myfteries of predeftination, grace, free will, and univerfal 
falvation. But the Britifli monarch was not to be kept out 
of the lifts, and he entered heartily into the confli6t, alTum- 
ing infallibility in deciding queftions of herefy, without a 
confciousnefs of the ridiculous figure he was cutting.^^ In 
the meantime his fubjefts were groaning under burdens 
almoft too grievous to bear; and while fome were on the 
verge of breaking out into open rebellion, others were 
reforting to piracy in defiance of a monarch who wafted 
his energies in defence of unprofitable fpeculations, inftead 
of employing them in the creation of a navy for the 
protedlion of his commerce. 

The fituation of affairs in England is well defcribed in 
two letters which have come down to us written by Gorges ^^ 
in 161 1, and bearing the refpedlive dates of July 5th and 
January 4th. He called the attention of Salifbury to the 
terrible condition of Englifh commerce. The coafts of the 

kingdom 

138 Yifjg /iji Hijlorical and Critical theReignsof Elizabeth and K.James I. ^ 

Account of the Lives and Writings of by Sir Ralph Winwood, London, 1725, 

fames /., etc., by William Harris, Lon- Vol. III. pp. 293-296, 304 etfeq.^ 316- 

don, 1814, Vol. I. pp. 133, 143 ; The Life 320, 357. 

andReignof fames the Fir/i, hy ArihviY 1^4 Thefe letters of Sir Ferdinando 

Wilfon, Efq., in A Complete Hifiory of Gorges to Secretary Cecil are preferved 

^«^/^«^, London, i7o6,Vol. II.pp. 715- in the archives of Hatfield Houfe, and 

717; Memorials of Affairs of State in are printed in this work. 



94 Memoir of 

kingdom were fcoured by piratical veflels manned by 
Englifh adventurers, who being debarred the privilege of 
preying upon the plethoric galleons of Spain, were per- 
force obliged to take tribute from the fhips of their own 
nation, though they might bear but lean emigrants to a 
far-off fhore, or poor fifhermen to the perils of the North 
Sea. He fent Salilbury the affidavits of fome of the 
fufferers, and particulars of the manner of their rough 
treatment by the barbarous freebooters, who to their other 
fms added that of infulting the King and fcorning the 
Government. Indeed, there was " a general exclamation 
made by the fubje6t," efpecially by the merchants, whofe 
trade was the life of the realm; and Sir Ferdinando de- 
clared that he was obliged, in the proper difcharge of 
his duty, to call attention to the neceffity which exifled of 
fuppreffing " them that are fuch cankers, fretting even 
unto the marrow ;^^ a tafk which he believed it would not 
be difficult to accomplifh if all "were done that might 
be." Yet he told Salif bury that, owing to " thefe peaceable 
times," the multitude out of employment was increafing, 
and that many were forced by neceffity to feek wages to 
fuftain themfelves ; and he pointed out a poffible way for the 
kingdom to relieve itfelf of this dangerous clafs, ufing thefe 
words : " To meet with thefe neceffities, the Ages paft hath 
employed great coll in the planting of Colonies in barbarous 
and unhabited parts of the world, to the great honor of 
thefe Princes, and peace of the time wherein they lived." 
In an affidavit accompanying his letter of July 5th, the 
number of Englifhmen engaged in piracy along the Englifh 
coaft was flated to be two thoufand, and of fhips forty. It 

became, 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 95 

became, indeed, a ferious queflion, whether a pardon fhould 
be extended to thefe wild rovers, by which means they 
might become efficient to the King in cafe of war, or to 
attempt to punifh them, and by fo doing, perhaps drive 
them to enter the fervice of a foreign prince, to the poffible 
injury of the realm. Gorges feems to have favored the con- 
ciliatory plan, and doubtlefs hoped to make good colonifls 
out of fome of this dangerous clafs of adventurers, who, he 
faid, " threaten the world, and give it out they expert to be 
called in very fhortly by his Majefly's pardon for 40,000 
pounds." 

With this letter the correfpondence with Salifbury ended. 
That ftatefman, who had attained almofl fupreme power in 
the land, died on the 24th of May, 161 2; and Buckingham, 
a man greatly his inferior, reigned in his ftead. Doubtlefs 
a correfpondence with Buckingham was carried on by Sir 
Ferdinando; but if fo, it has not been preferved. He was 
flill, however, at his pofl at Plymouth, and flill cheriihed 
hopes of colonizing Northern Virginia. 

Affairs in England were in a worfe condition than ever. 
Intrigue and corruption held fway at court ; difcontent 
and treafon lurked in hall and hovel, while bigotry was 
on the alert for vidims to fend to the rack and the flake.^^ 
No wonder that men turned their thoughts to a country 
where fuch things exilted not, though the way thither was 

befet 

18^ Vide Secret Hijlory of the Court King James the Firjl, by Dr. Godfrey 

of James the Firfi, Edinburgh, 1811, Goodman, London, 1839, Vol. I. pp. 

Vol. I. pp. 397 etpaffim; The Court and 264-266 ; The Life and Reign of James 

Times of James the Firfl, by Thomas the Firjl, by Arthur Wilfon, Efq., in A 

Birch, D.D., London, 1849, Vol. L pp. Complete Hiflory of England^ London, 

164, 171, 174 et pajfimj The Court of 1706, Vol. IL pp. 687-690. 



g6 Memoir of 

befet with perils. Since the return of the Sagadahoc 
colonifls, Gorges and Popham had continued to fend fliips 
for fifhing and trade to the North Virginian coafl, and 
other adventurers had followed their example. The French 
had been particularly a6live, and had encroached upon the 
territory of the Plymouth Company ; but their colony had 
been broken up by an expedition fent from the South Vir- 
ginia Colony.^^ The zeal of the French, however, feems 
not to have ferved in any marked degree to flimulate the 
Plymouth Company to effort, and nothing was undertaken 
by that Company towards utilizing its charter. 

In the year 1614 Capt. John Smith, then of the South- 
ern Colony, having returned to England on account of trou- 
ble with his co-adventurers in eftablifhing that colony, 
managed to procure two fhips, one of which he placed 
in command of Thomas Hunt, and on March 3d he failed 
from London on a whaling voyage to Sagadahoc, and to 
explore a mine of gold and copper fuppofed to be in the 
vicinity. If thefe failed to yield a return, fifh and furs were 
to be fought as a laft refort. Smith reached Monhegan in 
April, where he found a fhip belonging to "Sir Francis 
Popham, that had there fuch acquaintance, having many 
years ufed only that port, that the moft part there was had 
by him." Smith, although not fuccefsful in his whaling, fuc- 
ceeded in getting a fair ftock of fifh and furs, and leaving 
Hunt to find his way to Spain with a portion of the fifh 
which had been taken,^^"^ he himfelf returned home, entering 

the 

136 Vide French Correfpondence, H. ^^ Vide The Generall Hijlorie of 

de Montmorency to King James I., Oc- Virginia^ etc., by Captaine John Smith, 
tober i8th, 1613, Public Records Office. Richmond, 1819, Vol. II. pp. 175 etfeq. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 97 

the port of Plymouth, where he met his " honorable friend 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges," and imparted to him the ftory of 
his fuccefsful voyage and his future purpofes. 

So much was Gorges impreffed by Smith's glowing re- 
citals, that he at once opened negotiations with him to 
return and attempt a fettlement in " New England," as 
Smith had named the region hitherto called North Vir- 
ginia. Smith entertained the proportion of Gorges favor- 
ably, and departed for London to fettle his affairs with the 
London Company. At this time Gorges had a fliip on the 
New England coaft, which he had defpatched the June 
previous, and which was in command of Captain Hobfon, 
who had with him three natives of the country ; but owing 
to bad management, Hobfon's voyage was a failure, and 
he returned empty.^^ 

Two months after Smith's arrival at Plymouth, Sir Rich- 
ard Hawkins, having been chofen prefident of the Plymouth 
Company, undertook in its behalf a voyage to " New Eng- 
land," as we fliall now call the country ; but when he arrived 
there, he found the natives engaged in war, which caufed 
him to fail along the coaft, fifhing and trading until he 
reached the Southern Colony. From thence he failed for 
Spain, with fuch commodities as he had gathered, and finally 
reached England in fafety, but without having accomplifhed 
anything of material benefit to the Company.^^^ 

During this time, however, Smith had returned to Ply- 
mouth, 

^38 Vide A Defcription of New En^- '^^ Vide A Bricfe Narration^ by Sir 

land, by Captain John Smith, Bofton, Ferdinando Gorges, p. 28, et pojlea. 

1865, pp. 66-69; A Brief e Narration^ The account of this voyage is pro- 

by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, pp. 26-28, vokingly meagre. 
et pofiea, 

VOL. I. — 13 



98 Memoir of 

mouth, but was difappointed, he fays, to find that four fhips 
which were to have been ready for him by the Chriftmas 
following were not forthcoming. While he was at London 
fettling his affairs with the London Company, an expedition 
had been organized by that enterprifmg guild in which he 
was urged to embark ; hence his difappointment was great 
at finding that no fteps had been taken by the Plymouth 
Company to furnifh him with the neceffary outfit for the 
contemplated voyage to New England. This failure on 
the part of Gorges and his affociates to fupply Smith with 
the means of undertaking a fecond voyage to their poffef- 
fions over the feas was caufed, he tells us, " by the bad 
return of the fhip" that "went for gold;" or, in other 
words, the fhip defpatched the June previous by Gorges, 
under the command of Hobfon. Sufiice it to fay, however, 
that " at laft, with a labyrinth of trouble," he was fupplied 
with two fhips, one of two hundred, and another of fifty 
tons, as he fays, by many of his London friends " and Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, a noble Knight, and a great favorer of 
thofe a6lions, who perfuaded Do6lor Sutcliffe, the Dean 
of Exeter, and feveral Weflern Merchants " to take a hand in 
the enterprife. 

The defign of Gorges in this undertaking was to have 
Smith fettle in the country with four gentlemen, eight 
foldiers, and four others, who " were to learn to be failors ; " 
but Smith had hardly loft fight of the coaft of England 
when the larger veffel of his command, in which he him- 
felf was, broke her mafts, and he was obliged to put back 
to Plymouth for repairs. The veffel was evidently unfit 
for the voyage; and at laft, on the 24th of June, 161 5, in a 

little 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 99 

little veffel of but fixty tons' burden, Smith again fpread his 
fails to the winds, and with the heart of a man who loves 
adventure and peril, turned his prow towards his worthily 
named New England. But the Fates were this time againft 
him, and after eluding the pirates, which hovered like birds 
of prey upon his track, he was at lafl captured by a French 
cruifer, of a femi-piratical charafler, and after many adven- 
tures found his way back to Plymouth, where he does not 
appear to have been cordially received; in faft, he com- 
plains that he found himfelf diftrufted, and that wild ftories 
were afloat that the commodities which he brought home 
from his fuccefsful voyage in 1614 had been piratically 
taken from the French, and that they were not the refult 
of honeft labor and trade.^*^ 

The failure of this voyage feems not to have difcouraged 
Smith, who at once proceeded to publifh A Defcription 
of New England, which was written while he was a prifoner 
on the French cruifer, and which did much towards dif- 
feminating the truth regarding a country which had been 
under a ban fmce the return of the unfortunate Popham 
colonifts. 

Although Sir Ferdinando Gorges had again been baffled 
in his attempts to plant a colony in New England, he was 
not difcouraged. He had for fome time been " owner of 
a fhip — fit for that employment," as has before been 
ilated, which it is probable had made feveral voyages to 
the coafl: of New England, " under color of fifhing and 
trade," and during the feafon of 16 16 he defpatched her 

thither : 

^*° Vide A Defcription of New England, by Captain John Smith, Bofton, 
1865, pp. 67-77. 



loo Memoir of 

thither: Richard Vines, a man of energy and good judg- 
ment, who is fuppofed to have made previous voyages to 
the fame coaft, going in her. Vines and other fervants of 
Gorges landed at the mouth of the Saco river, and fpent the 
winter there in the cabins of the favages, who had fuffered 
feverely in the wars which had been going on among them, 
and perhaps flill more by a deadly difeafe against which 
their feeble remedies were powerlefs, and which Gorges de- 
nominates a plague. Of the refult of this voyage we have 
no account; but we know that Vines returned fafely to 
England, and we fhall fee that he fubfequently eftablifhed 
a colony upon his old camping-grounds at the mouth of 
the Saco. 

In the meantime Smith was not idle, and after great 
effort fucceeded in enlifting members of the Plymouth Com- 
pany and others in another adventure to New England, and 
gathering three fhips and a fmall colony of fifteen perfons at 
Plymouth, early in the year 1617, he prepared again to pufh 
his adventurous prow weftward ; but he fuffered the bitter 
difappointment of lying wind-bound for three months, and 
was finally obliged to abandon the enterprife.^*^ From this 
time all relations between him and Sir Ferdinando ceafed ; 
indeed, in the various expeditions to New England in which 
he became interefted, Sir Ferdinando entirely ignored the 
redoubtable hero of hair-breadth efcapes and marvellous 
adventures, which plainly indicates that he did not regard 
him with the admiration fo fully beftowed upon him by 
contemporaries lefs experienced in the knowledge of men 
than the more pra6lical " Father of American Colonization." 

There 

"^ Vide Ptirchas his Pilgrimes, Vol. IV. p. 1839. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. loi 

There is a gap in the correfpondence of Gorges of fix 
years after his laft letter to Salifbury, and the next letter 
which we find bears the date of July i6th, 1617, and is 
addrefTed to the Privy Council. The theme is the fame as 
that of his laft letter to the dead ftatefman ; namely, the 
pirates, who interfered with the commerce of the country 
and interrupted his New England enterprifes. This time, 
however, the pirates of whom he complains were Turkifh, 
and not Englifli, yet pra61ically they were the fame ; for 
the Englifh pirates, being more fkilful navigators, and find- 
ing it more profitable and fafe, were now in command of the 
piratical vefTels of Turks and Moors. 

From this letter it appears that a propofition to the Ply- 
mouth merchants to fit out an expedition againfl thefe 
pirates had been made ; but while they were in deliberation 
over the matter, they learned that a monopoly had been 
granted to the Levant Company, and that traffic in certain 
goods which they had been engaged in importing was 
prohibited, which difcouraged them, as this monopoly was 
deflruflive to their trade. 

Sir Ferdinando advifed the Council that if it would fup- 
prefs the pirates, it had better prohibit all trade with the 
Turks, withdraw its ambaffador, and declare war. If this 
were done, he faid, " there are many in this country that 
will prefently employ the greatefl part of their fortunes 
upon thefe adventures." ^^ 

A few weeks before this. Sir Ferdinando had feen Ralegh 

with 

"2 Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando Correfpondence, James I., Vol. XCII. 
Gorges to the Privy Council, Domeftic No. 92, Public Records Office. 



I02 Memoir of 

with his fleet of eleven fhips fail out of Plymouth harbor, 
on that laft unfortunate voyage to find for James a gold- 
mine in Guiana, to undertake which adventure he had 
been liberated from a cruel imprifonment of thirteen years. 
In this adventure Gorges muft have taken a deep interefl; 
and the return, a few months later, of his unfortunate kinf- 
man, bereft of his gallant fon, ruined in fortune and in fore 
peril of his life, mufb have moved his heart to grief. To 
him, aflifled by the Mayor of Plymouth and Deputy Vice- 
Admiral, was affigned the tafk of receiving the Deftiny^ 
Ralegh's fhip, and making an inventory of the furniture and 
goods which fhe contained ; and on November 2d, four days 
after Ralegh's execution, he reported to the Council that 
the tafk was completed.-^*^ 

At this time the intereft in colonization had become 
general. Capt. John Smith was ftill laboring to bring his 
New England into repute, and in a letter to Lord Bacon 
he offered to adventure with five thoufand pounds " to bring 
wealth, honor, and a kingdom " to the King's pofterity.-^^ 

Newfoundland, New England, Virginia, and even South 
America were attracting the attention of Englifli adven- 
turers. Although the Spaniards claimed the latter country, 
Thomas Locke wrote to Sir Dudley Carleton of an im- 
portant enterprife, then in procefs of organization, to eftab- 
lifh a colony upon the river Amazon, " near Guiana," in 

which 

1*^ Vide Report of Sir Ferdinando November 2d, 1618, Public Records 

Gorges and other Commiffioners to the Office. 

Privy Council, in which they ftate that ^^^ Vide Letter of John Smith to 

they have affifted " in receiving and in- Lord Bacon, 1618; Domeftic Corre- 

ventorying the Dejtiny and her furni- fpondence, James I., Public Records 

ture, the goods of Sir Walter Ralegh." Office. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 103 

which the Earls of Arundel, Warwick, and others were in- 
tereiled, and over which a brother of Lord North was to be 
placed as governor.-^*^ 

During the year over twelve hundred perfons went to 
Virginia as fettlers, more than doubling the previous popu- 
lation. In Holland the Puritans, who had fled from the 
perfecutions of James, were making, with abundant faith, 
prayerful preparations to crofs the fea in fearch of a home. 

Thus far all attempts to found a permanent colony in 
New England had failed; but the way was now opening to 
fuccefs. The wars between the favage tribes had greatly 
diminifhed the number of the native inhabitants ; and the 
long-continued epidemic which followed had fwept them 
away, until but a remnant was left, too weak to oppofe 
fuccefsfully any confiderable body of colonifls; but al- 
though the way flood open, and Gorges earneflly defired 
to plant a colony on the fhores of New England, he 
was deftined to difappointment. He had received a letter 
from Capt. Thomas Dermer, who had previoufly been 
with Capt. John Smith in his lafl unfortunate voyage, 
but who had accompanied Capt. John Mafon to Newfound- 
land. This letter was written from New England, and was 
occafioned by a curious incident. It will be remembered 
that Hunt, who accompanied Smith on his voyage to 
New England in 1614, treacheroufly feized a number of 
favages, and failing for Spain, there fold them into flavery. 
One of thefe favages, Tifquantum, after years of danger 

and 

"s Vide Thomas Locke to Sir Dud- James I., Vol. CVIII. No. Zs-^ Public 
ley Carleton, Domeftic Correfpondence, Records Office. 



I04 



Memoir of 



and hardfhip, had been fo fortunate as to get on board an 
Englifh ihip then in the port of Malaga, and at lafl to find 
his way to Newfoundland, not many days' journey from his 
native home. He was in a proper mood to defcant warmly 
upon the beauties of the New England coaft, and in Der- 
mer, who had alfo liftened to the glowing defcriptions of 
the fame fhores by the enthufiaftic Smith, he found a ready 
liftener.^*^ The refult was that Dermer took a journey into 

New 



^^^ The hillory of this Indian, va- 
rioufly called Tifquantum, Tantam, 
Squanto, Squantum, and Tafquantum, 
is of fuch peculiar intereft that we will 
endeavor to trace it. 

We are told by Gorges that he was 
one of the five Indians, " all of one na- 
tion, but of feveral parts and feveral 
families," who were feized by George 
Waymouth in 1605 and brought into 
Plymouth. 

Gorges alfo tells us that he himfelf 
took three of thefe natives in charge 
and kept them for three years, gather- 
ing from them, in the meantime, all the 
knowledge he could refpedting their 
country and people. One of thefe, he 
tells us, was Tifquantum. It would 
hardly feem poffible that Gorges could 
have made a miftake refpedfing this 
man, whom he had m cuftody for three 
years or more, and who fubfequently 
became confpicuous in expeditions fent 
by himfelf and others to the coaft of 
New England; yet Rofier, who fhould 
be as good authority as Gorges, and who 
wrote his Narrative while the events 
were frefti in mind, omits Tifquantum's 
name from his lift. 

It is impoffible to reconcile thefe 
difcrepancies ; and Dr. Burrage, in a 
note to Rofier's True Relatioii^ ftates it 
as his belief that Gorges is miftaken 
in calling him one of Waymouth's In- 
dians, a belief founded upon the ex- 



cellent reafon that Gorges wrote his 
Narration many years after the occur- 
rence of the events narrated. Such dif- 
crepancies are not uncommon with old 
writers ; thus. Gorges himfelf in Purchas 
tells us that Manawet and Epenow ac- 
companied Hobfon on his voyage to 
New England, while in his Btiefe N'ar- 
ration he tells us that Aflacomet, We- 
nape, and Epenow accompanied him. 
Wenape and Manawet, however, are 
probably but different renderings of 
one name. 

Tifquantum was not a Pemaquid In- 
dian, but belonged to the Patuxets of 
Cape Cod. 

After the pofTibly erroneous mention 
made of him by Gorges, he firft ap- 
pears upon the hiftoric fcene on board 
the (hip of Capt. John Smith in 1614. 
Having reached the coaft of New Eng- 
land, where he ferved in the capacity of 
mterpreter between Smith's company 
and the Indians whom they encountered, 
Tifquantum was left by Smith, when 
the latter returned to England, at Cape 
Cod, in the vicinity of the Indian's 
native home. 

Smith was intending to return to 
New England to eftabliih a fettlement 
and to carry on trade with the natives 
there, and hoped, by this magnanimous 
treatment of Tifquantum, to win the 
good will of his people and to establifh 
relations with them, which might re- 
dound 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 105 



New England, probably with his favage friend, and was fo 
well pleafed with the country that he penned the letter 

before 



dound to the future advantage of him- 
felf and his affociates. 

This wife plan was fruftrated, as is 
related elfewhere, by Smith's difhoneft 
aiTociate, Thomas Hunt, whom he left 
behind to complete his cargo of fifh, and 
who enticed upwards of twenty of the 
Indians on board his fhip, and doling 
the hatches upon them fet fail for Spain. 
One of thefe captives was Tifquantum, 
who, being without fufpicion or danger, 
doubtlefs frequented Hunt's Ihip and 
innocently led his companions into the 
trap fet for them. Some of thefe Indians 
were fold as Haves to Spanifh mafters, 
and others were feized by friars of the 
country, who hoped to make profelytes 
of them. 

Of the adventures of Tifquantum in 
Spain we know nothing; but after the 
lapfe of about four years, a Briftol (hip 
at the port of Malaga, ready to fail for 
Newfoundland, laden probably with wine 
which was to be exchanged for fifh, re- 
ceived him on board, and in due time 
he was landed at Cuper's Cove, now 
Mofquito Cove, in Conception Bay, 
Newfoundland, where Captains John. 
Mafon and Thomas Dermer had tem- 
porarily feated themfelves. Dermer, if 
not perfonally acquainted with Tifquan- 
tum, muft have known of him through 
Captain Smith, whom Dermer had ac- 
companied in the unfuccefsful voyage of 
161 5 ; and he applied himfelf to learn 
from Tifquantum what he could refpe6l- 
insT New Ensrland. 

We have elfewhere related how Der- 
mer informed Gorges of Tifquantum's 
arrival at Newfoundland ; of Dermer's 
vifit to England with Tifquantum, and 
of his return with his Indian friend to 
New England ; and how, after ferving 
Dermer as interpreter and guide, Ti? 
VOL. I. — 14 



quantum was allowed, as on a former 
occalion he had been allowed by Smith, 
to revifit his people at Cape Cod. 
Doubtlefs it was arranged between 
them that Tifquantum (hould rejoin 
Dermer the next feafon ; but be this 
as it may, Dermer's death put an end 
to all plans, and Tifquantum remained 
with his people. 

By a ftrange Providence, the Pil- 
grims, on their way to the vicinity of the 
Hudfon River, landed near the native 
home of Tifquantum, and were heartily 
welcomed by this identical Indian, 
whofe mind had been enlarged beyond 
that of his fellows by contafl with Eu- 
ropean civilization, and a knowledge of 
the great world which lay outfide the 
narrow tribal limits of his people. 

During the (hort time he had been 
with his tribe, Tifquantum had feen his 
rude kindred melt away before a terrible 
difeafe fuppofed by fome writers to have 
been the fmall-pox ; which, perhaps, 
made him all the more ready to welcome 
joyfully men who had come from his old, 
if temporary and alien, home over the fea. 
He not only welcomed the emigrants, but 
devoted himfelf to their welfare ; bear- 
ing meifages between them and the fav- 
ages who were difpofed to be hoftile to 
them, and aiding them in forming trea- 
ties with the native tribes in their vicin- 
ity. They, in turn, evidently conceived 
a ftrong: affeflion for him ; and when it 
was fuppofed that Corbitant had flain 
him for his friendfhip for the Englifh, 
they at once organized an expedition to 
punifli the fuppofed murderer. 

Having recovered Tifquantum un- 
harmed, they publicly proclaimed to 
the Indians that if Tifquantum fuffered 
harm at any of their hands, fwift and 
certain punifhment fliould follow. Th us 



io6 



Memoir of 



before mentioned to Gorges, expreffing a defire to join 
him in his colonial enterprifes. 

In confequence of this letter, Gorges defpatched a veffel, 
early in the year 1619, to New England, under the command 
of Edward Rowcroft, who appears to have been unfit for 
fuch an enterprife, with inftrudlions to await at Monhegan 
the arrival of Dermer, who had arranged with Gorges to 
meet Rowcroft there. Arriving upon the coaft, Rowcroft 
found a little French barque fifhing there, and thinking 
to benefit his patron, feized her for infringing upon the 
fifhing-grounds belonging to the Plymouth Company, and 
putting the Frenchmen on board his own fhip, fent her 

home 



a ftrong friendfhip between this Indian 
and the Pilgrims was eflablifhed : a 
friendfhip marred but upon one occa- 
fion, when he endeavored to aggrandize 
himfelf in the eftimation of the Indians, 
by enlarging upon his influence with 
the Englifli ; but unfortunately, while 
conducing fome of the Plymouth people 
on a trading expedition fouthward, in 
the autumn of 1622, he was flricken 
with a fever, accompanied with "bleed- 
ing much at ye nofe (which ye Indeans 
take for a fimptome of death)." Find- 
ing that his end was coming, he re- 
quefted Governor Bradford to pray for 
him, "that he might goe to ye Englifli- 
man's God in heaven ; " and he then 
calmly divided his little treafures, be- 
queathing " fundrie of his things to 
fundry of his Englifh friends, as remem- 
brances of his love." 

His death put an end to the trading 
expedition ; and the Pilgrims returned 
forrowfully to Plymouth, feeling that in 
Tifquantum's death they had expe- 
rienced a fevere lofs. 

His death took place in November, 
1622, at what is now Chatham. "Gov- 



ernor Bradford's pen," fays Judge Davis, 
" was worthily employed in the tender 
notice taken of the death of this child of 
nature. With fome aberrations, his con- 
du6l was generally irreproachable, and 
his ufeful fervices to the infant fettle- 
ment entitle him to grateful remem- 
brance." Vide A Briefe Narration^ etc., 
by Sir Ferdinando Gorges ; Colle6lions 
of the Maine Hijiorical Society, Vol. 
II., pp. 17 ^/ pojtea; Rofier's True Re- 
lation, edited by Henry S. Burrage, 
D.D., pubHfhed by the Gorges Society, 
Portland, 1887, p. 161 ; The Generall 
Hijiorie of Virginia^ etc., by Captaine 
John Smith, Richmond, 1819, Vol. II. 
pp. 206 ; Mourts' Relation, edited by 
Henry Martyn Dexter, Bolton, 1865, pp. 
83* 90, 92, 97 et pajjlm ; Chronicles of 
the Pilgrim Fathers, by Alexander 
Young, Bofton, 1844, pp. 190, 104, 195, 
289, 301 et paJJlm ; Hi/liry of Plymouth 
Plantation, by William Bradford, Bof- 
ton, 1856, pp. 93, 95, 103, 128 et paffim ; 
A Chronological Hifiory of New Eng- 
land, by Thomas Prince, A.M., Bofton, 
1826, pp. 132, 151; Purchas his Pil- 
grimes, Vol. IV p. 1830. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 107 

home to Gorges to be ufed in fome other adventure, while he 
took command of the barque, intending to remain in New 
England until the next year, engaged in fifhing and trade. 
Shortly after, however, his men confpired to kill him and 
feize the barque ; but he difcovered the confpiracy, and juft 
as they were upon the eve of putting their plan into exe- 
cution, he furprifed and made them prifoners. Not being 
willing to execute the malefadlors, he put them on fliore at 
the mouth of the Saco, with provifions and arms with which 
to fuftain and defend themfelves ; but finding that he had 
not men enough left to handle the barque, which drew, as 
he alfo found, too much water to be ufed in coafting, — for it 
would feem that he had inftrudions from Gorges to fpend 
fome time in exploring the coafl, — he fet fail for Virginia 
without waiting for Dermer, who was to aid him in his ex- 
plorations, hoping to get aid there to carry out his patron's 
plan. Here, having refitted and being upon the point of 
failing, he was delayed by the arrival of the new governor, 
and while he and his officers were engaged in feflivities 
on board the governor's fhip, a ftorm arofe by which the 
barque, not having men enough on board to take care of 
her, was driven on fhore and funk. The next day, however, 
by the labors of the governor and Rowcroft, fhe was raifed ; 
but Rowcroft was obliged to remain in Virginia to refit 
her, and while this was being done, he was flain in a 
quarrel. Being left without proper care, the barque was 
again funk in a ftorm and this time wholly loft. 

But to return to Dermer. After writing Gorges that 
he would meet Rowcroft, he was advifed by Mafon, who 
was warmly interefted in colonization, to proceed to Eng- 
land 




io8 Memoir of 

land and confer perfonally with Gorges; hence he took 
paflage for England, where he arrived fhortly after Row- 
croft had failed. A fhip of two hundred tons, however, 
was then being made ready by Gorges and others at Ply- 
mouth for a voyage to New England to fifh and trade, and 
in her, Dermer, after conferring with Gorges, upon whom 
he made an excellent impreflion, took paflage and reached 
Monhegan early in May, but, much to his difappointment, 
did not find Rowcroft at the appointed place of meeting. 
Taking a pinnace and feveral men, together with Tifquan- 
tum, who had accompanied him, he fet out to explore the 
coafl;, at the fame time hoping to meet with Rowcroft. As 
he failed along, he found many of the Indian towns deferted, 
and in fome of them the Indians who had furvived, being 
flill a£fe6led with the dread difeafe already mentioned, 
fhowed him the unhealed fores which they bore. He 
fkirted the coafl: to Cape Cod, redeeming two Frenchmen 
who had been wrecked near the cape three years before, 
and who during that period had been tranfported from 
tribe to tribe to furnifli fport for the favages. Thefe he 
added to his company ; but finding his time rapidly paffing, 
he returned to Monhegan, which he reached on the 23d 
of June, and found the fhip which brought him from 
Plymouth already freighted and about to depart. 

The Sampfon, a veffel from Virginia, commanded by 
Captain Ward, was in the vicinity, and in her he put his 
furplus provifions and other property to be carried to Jamef- 
town, to which place he determined to fail in the pinnace, 
exploring the coafl as he went. Sending to Gorges by the 
returning fhip a full account of his proceedings, together 

with 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 109 

with famples of the foil which he had gathered at various 
places, and of " other commodities," Dermer, for the accom- 
plifhment of his bufmefs, fet fail on his voyage of explora- 
tion fouthward. Tifquantum defiring to go on a vifit to 
his people, Dermer generoufly allowed him to depart, which 
caufed him fome trouble, for without a native interpreter 
he was not well received by the natives whom he met along 
the way. He had failed but about forty leagues when he 
was overtaken by a florm and nearly wrecked, but fortu- 
nately efcaped, with the lofs, however, of a large portion of 
his much needed provifions. 

On his arrival at the fouthern part of Cape Cod, Dermer 
was furprifed and taken prifoner by the Indians, who de- 
manded a ranfom in hatchets, which he paid without 
regaining his liberty; but he luckily efcaped from them, 
at the fame time making prifoners of the principal chief 
and three men, whom he releafed upon the return to 
him of the hatchets he had" paid for his own ranfom, and 
the gift of a canoe full of corn, of which he was in great 
need. At Martha's Vineyard he came upon Epenow, the 
cunning favage whom Gorges had picked up in London 
feveral years before and fent to New England with Captain 
Hobfon, but who efcaped, as already related, by jumping 
overboard foon after arriving upon the coafl. As Epenow 
could fpeak " indifferent good Englifh," Dermer was en- 
abled to converfe with him with " very good fatisfadlion." 
After many perilous adventures, Dermer reached Jamef- 
town, having failed through Long Ifland Sound and pene- 
trated the harbor of New York, and from thence by the 
Narrows and Sandy Hook, which won for him, among 

Englifhmen, 



I lo Memoir of 

Engliihmen, the credit of having difcovered Long Ifland, 
or rather that it was not a part of the mainland. Arrived 
in Virginia, where he hoped to find fome of Rowcroft s men 
and property belonging to Gorges, Dermer, with zeal and 
energy, fet about building a deck for his pinnace, and re- 
fitting her for an immediate return to New England ; but 
he was taken ferioufly ill and obliged to defer the under- 
taking until another fpring. 

The winter having paffed, Dermer fet out on his return to 
Monhegan, which he reached in fafety, and after fpending 
the fummer in explorations, a particular account of which 
he fent home to Gorges, he again turned the prow of his little 
pinnace toward Virginia. But at Martha's Vineyard, flopping 
to vifit Epenow, that treacherous favage fuddenly fell upon 
him, and in the encounter which enfiaed, all of his men but 
one were killed, and he himfelf was ferioufly wounded. He 
efcaped, however, and reached Virginia, but fhortly after 
his arrival died.^*^ So ended the laft enterprife of Gorges 
under the charter of the Plymouth Company. We have 
thought bell to give a particular account of this undertak- 
ing, as Gorges evidently had great hopes of making Dermer 
inftrumental in preparing the way for a permanent colony, 
and as a jufl tribute to the energy and perfeverance of 
Dermer, who feems to have been of the fluff from which 
heroic navigators are made. 

On Augufl 26th, 1620, Sir Ferdinando Gorges was called 

to 

1*' Vide Hijlory of Plymouth Plan- Smith, Richmond, 1819, Vol. II. pp. 

tation^ by William Bradford, Boflon, 206,219; Purchas his PilgrimeSjYol. 

1856, pp. 95-99; The Generall Hijlorid IV. pp. 1778 etfeq.^ 1830 etfeq. 
of Virginia^ etc., by Captaine John 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 1 1 1 

to mourn the death of his wife Ann, the daughter of 
Edward Bell, Efq., of Writtle, EfTexfhire. Their marriage 
had been celebrated at the hiftoric church of St. Margaret's, 
Weflminfler, on February 24th, 1589; hence they had been 
united for upwards of thirty-one years. They had had four 
children, namely: John, Robert, Ellen, and Honoria; the 
lafl-named of whom died young. Of his domeftic life, 
unfortunately, all knowledge is wanting, as nothing in the 
nature of family correfpondence or biography has come 
down to us; hence we are obliged to confine ourfelves 
almofl wholly to events of a public nature in his life. 

The year 1620 is memorable in American annals. In 
England the King had let his fhallop drift into troubled 
waters, and was almofl befide himfelf with perplexity. His 
fon-in-law, Frederic, had accepted from the hands of infur- 
gents the crown of Bohemia, which he found it impoffible 
to retain in his grafp without aid from his royal father- 
in-law, though he claimed that he had received it from 
Divine Power, and that to have refufed it would have been 
an z.€i of infubordination which he had not dared to confider. 
In fpite of this pofition, fo much in fympathy with the views 
of the Englifh monarch, and although James had pointed 
out to him in the Book of Revelation the exa6l prophecy of 
the event, he was not inclined to rifk a war in fupport of the 
prophecy. It is true that he talked bravely to thofe who 
efpoufed the caufe of his fon-in-law, and promifed them 
fufficient fupport; but not fincerely, for to thofe oppofed 
he fliook his head, and gave them to underfland that he 
fhould not interfere in Frederic's behalf ; yet he fent an 
army of four thoufand men under the Earls of Effex and Ox- 
ford 



1 1 2 Memoir of 

ford as a police force to proteft Frederic's property .^*^ He 
had harried out of the realm many of his befl fubjefls, both 
Roman Catholic and Puritan, and was daily growing more 
narrow and bitter againil all who diffented from his rigid 
views. Even the old kirk of his native Scotland had not 
efcaped difagreeable attention from him. The refult of the 
troublous condition of affairs in England was that the minds 
of many were prepared to regard favorably a home acrofs 
the water. 

A confiderable body of Puritans who had fled from his 
perfecution into Holland, had, as was before faid, made appli- 
cation to be allowed to fettle in Virginia, and having obtained 
a patent of territory near the mouth of the Hudfon from the 
London Company, they fet fail from Delft Haven on the 
2 2d of July; or, in the quaint and fimple w^ords of one of 
their number, " they lefte y^ goodly & pleafant citie, which 
had been ther refling place near 12. years; but they knew 
they were pilgrimes, & looked not much on thofe things, but 
lift up their eyes to y^ heavens, their deareft cuntrie, and 
quieted their fpirits." ^*® Of their troubles before getting clear 
of the Englifli coaft, and of their painful voyage acrofs the 
Atlantic, much has been written, and this is not the proper 
place to repeat the interefling flory ; but it is proper for us 

to 

^*^ Vide Letters and other Docu- don, 1829, Vol. II. pp. 238,240,242; 

ments illujlrating the Relations between Cabala^ fine Scrinia Sacra, London, 

England and Gertnany at the Com- 1654, pp.113, ^H? I43» 144 5 Belli Lau- 

tnencement of the Thirty Years'^ War, rea Aiijlriaca, pp. 199, 211 ; Lotichius, 

edited by Samuel Rawfon Gardiner, pp. 72, 82-88, 93. 

London, 1865, pp.6, 14, 34, 43, 52; i^» Vide Hijlory of Plymouth Plan- 
Ibid., fecond feries, pp. 8, 14, 17, 22, tation, by William Bradford, Bofton, 
24, 28 ; The Court of King James the 1856, p. 59. 
Firjl, by Dr. Godfrey Goodman, Lon- 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 1 1 3 

to glance at them on that bleak November day, when they 
gathered in the cabin of the Mayflower, preparatory to land- 
ing on the forbidding fhores of New England, to fign a com- 
pa6l, " that fuch an a6l by them done (this their condition 
confidered) might be as firm as any patent, and in fome 
refpedls more fure." ^^ The compa6l itfelf may not be 
properly repeated here, as it is fufhcient for us to ob- 
ferve that thefe men, in the face of hardfliips and perils 
which they clearly comprehended, framed for themfelves 
a conflitution altogether unique, in that it recognized 
the fundamental principle of a republic, the government 
of which was to reft upon the confent of the governed, 
forefhadowing the poflibility of a nation founded upon 
a perfonal freedom fubordinated only to the common 
weal. Theorifts in the feclufion of their clofets, had in- 
deed wrought, of the ftuff from which dreams are made, 
infubftantial fabrics of a fimilar form and character; but 
it remained for the clear heads and ftrong hearts of 
the Plymouth colonifts to fubftantially realize the glow- 
ing vifion. The warm defire of Sir Ferdinando Gorges to 
fee a permanent colony founded within the domains of 
the Plymouth Company was to be realized in a manner 
of which he had never dreamed, and by a people with 
whom he but little fympathized, although we know that 
he favored their fettlement within the territorial limits of 
the Plymouth Company. This corporation had hitherto 
been unfuccefsful in utilizing its poffeffions, while the Lon- 
don Company had grown ftrong ; which is but another term 

for 

150 Vide Hijiory of Plytrouth Plantation, by William Bradford, Bofton, 1856, 
pp. 89 etfeq. 

VOL. I. — IS 



1 1 4 Memoir of 

for aggreflive. The latter, though jealous of its own rights, 
had found the trade and fifheries of the North important. It 
had twice procured an enlargement of its charter, and was 
jealoully watching its weaker rival. That rival, at lafl; fol- 
lowing its fuccefsful example, ventured also to afk for an en- 
largement of its privileges, and on the 23d of July, 1620, 
obtained an order of the King in Council for a new patent 
in the following terms, namely: 

" Whereas it is thought fit, that a Patent of Incorporation 
be granted to the Adventurers of the Northern Colonic of 
Virginia, to containe the like Liberties, Priveledges, Power, 
Authorities, Lands, and all other Things within their Limits 
(^iz) between the Degrees of 40 and 48, as were heretofore 
granted to the Company in Virginia^ excepting onely, that 
whereas the faid Company have a Freedom of Cuftome and 
Subfidie for 2 1 Yeares, and of Impofitions for ever, this New 
Company is to be free of Cuftome and Subfidie for the like 
Term of Yeares, and of Impofitions after foe long a Time as 
his Majefty fhall pleafe to grant unto them; this fhall be 
therefore to will and require you to prepare a Patent for his 
Majeflies Royall Signature to the Purpofe aforefaid, leaving 
a Blank for the Time of Freedome from Impofition to be 
fupplyed, and put in by his Majefty, for which this fhall be 
your Warrant." ^^^ 

Againft all confiderations of equity the London Company 
at once fet about thwarting Gorges in his endeavors to 
obtain within the territorial limits affigned to the Plymouth 

Company 

161 Vide Hijiorical Colle£lions^ by Ebenezer Hazard, A.M., Philadelphia, 
1792, Vol. I. p. 99. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 1 1 5 

Company fimilar privileges to thofe which it had afked for 
and obtained within the limits affigned it, and its agents at 
once befet the King and Privy Council to prevent the deliv- 
ery to Gorges of the patent which had already been fealed, 
the patentees having changed the title of their Company 
to " The Council eflablifhed at Plymouth for the planting, 
ruling, ordering, and governing New England in America." 
The Lords of the Council, however, properly regarded the 
objedlions of the London Company's agents as unwarrant- 
able, and after patiently liftening to their wholly one-fided 
arguments, refufed to grant their demands. Having failed 
in their unfair efforts, they plainly told Gorges that he had 
not heard the laft of them, and that they would bring their 
obje61ions before the next feiTion of Parliament, where they 
would outnumber him. His reply was charafteriftic of the 
man, and was to the effe6l that if juflice was to be overthrown 
by numbers fimply, he fliould not grieve to lofe what was 
honeftly his.^^^ As a fpecimen of the bufmefs morality of the 
time, of which it is a fair one, the proceedings of the London 
Company's agents are worth noticing. They had abfolutely 
no ground, legal or moral, for their aftion. They claimed, 
and rightfully, to exercife exclufive privileges within their 
own territorial limits, and held thefe privileges originally 
under the fame patent under which the Plymouth Company 
held its privileges ; yet becaufe they deemed that it would be 
profitable to them to fhare with the Plymouth Company the 
privileges which belonged to that Company within its own 
domain, they brazenly claimed the right to do fo, and openly 

boafled 

1^2 Vide A Brief e Narration, etc., p. 34 et pojlea. 



1 1 6 Memoir of 

boafted of being able by the fimple power of numbers to 
carry their point. It was a favorable time for this attempt, 
as the Parliament about to aflemble was largely compofed 
of men who were determined to reform fome of the abufes 
which had grown up like mufhrooms under the fhadow of 
the throne, and had been foftered by favorites of the Crown 
greatly to the injury of the people. To bring before a body 
of men fo conflituted any new thing which had the favor of 
monopoly, which this patent in common with all others had, 
was likely to caufe its condemnation, and the opponents of 
it in the London Company knew it ; hence, when Parliament 
aflembled, thefe men appeared before it with their obje6lions. 
It was the old argument of Wrong which ever conceals its 
forbidding vifage under the alluring mafk of Virtue; the 
argument which the managers of the witch-fhow at Philippi 
brought againfl Paul and Silas, when they defired to obtain 
the influence of an over-credulous people againfl the men 
who flood in the way of their gain. The artful fhowmen, 
it will be remembered, did not plead their own caufe, nor 
allude to their own private interefts ; but it was the caufe 
of the people, whofe welfare alone they had at heart and 
held facred. So in the cafe of the London Company, and 
in every other fimilar cafe before and fmce, it was the 
welfare of the people which was advanced as the motive of 
a6lion, under the popular phrafe of "a grievance of the 
Commonwealth." 

To any one who fludies the patent to the Council for 
New England, there can be no doubt that, in point of fa6l, 
it was a monflrous monopoly. It embraced the entire ter- 
ritory between the fortieth and forty-eighth parallels of lati- 
tude, 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 117 

tude, and extended from the Atlantic to the Pacific Oceans. 
Within this vail domain the Council had fupreme rule ; 
could " eftablifh all Manner of Orders, Laws, Dire6lions, In- 
ftrudions, Forms, and Ceremonies of Government and Mag- 
iflracy fitt and neceffary for and concerning the Government 
of the faid Collony and Plantation not only within the 
Precin6ls of the faid Collony, but alfo upon the Seas in 
going and coming to and from the faid Collony." Befides, 
commerce of every kind in New England was placed under 
the control of the patentees. No veiTel engaged in com- 
merce could enter a port along the entire coafl, or pafs into 
any river, or touch at any ifland within the bounds of its 
patent, without liability to feizure and confifcation and 
fuch puniihment of the captain and crew as the Council 
thought proper to inflic?!;, " not contrary to the Laws and 
Statutes " of England ; and we can imagine how thefe might 
be ftretched in a remote colony where the fuiferer would 
have little chance of making his cafe known in Englifh 
courts thoufands of miles away, and unfriendly to complain- 
ants not backed by influence. In fpite of this it was mon- 
Urous for the London Company, who poffeffed a fimilar 
monopoly, to pofe in this cafe as friends of the people. 

Sir Edward Coke, than whom no other had been more 
wont to ferve the interefls of royalty, unlefs perhaps we ex- 
cept his felfifli rival Bacon, but who had now efpoufed the 
caufe of reform, was in the chair, and treated Gorges, when 
he appeared before him, with unufual fuavity, yet in fpite of a 
mofl judicious reply which he made, denying the charge that 
the particular patent of the Council for New England was a 
monopoly and grievance to the public, " feeing at firft it was 

undertaken 



1 1 8 Memoir of 

undertaken for the advancement of religion, the enlargement 
of the bounds of our nation, the increafe of trade, and the 
employment of many thoufands of all forts of people," and 
although he was " humbly bold," in offering in behalf of 
himfelf and affociates, without compenfation for their cofl 
and labor, to furrender their patent to Parliament for the 
benefit of the whole realm, providing it would only profe- 
cute the work of colonization which had been commenced, 
in which work he and his co-laborers would aid to the extent 
of their ability, as " their humble fervants," Gorges made but 
little impreffion upon his hearers, and the new patent was 
placed in charge of a committee who were to deliver to him 
their objeftions in writing, and before whom he was given 
leave to appear with counfel upon a fet time, to make his 
reply. Hearing nothing from the Committee, and the time 
arriving, Sir Ferdinando wifely appeared before the Houfe 
alone, ftating that he had not received the Committee's ob- 
jections as promifed. In reply, he was quietly informed by 
Coke that he " had gained great favor of the Houfe to re- 
ceive the particulars in writing," which enabled him to plead 
his caufe, although, in fa6l, he had received nothing. To 
the overbearing Coke, Gorges with great ta6l and good 
nature replied, acknowledging the greatnefs of the favors 
fhown him, and awaiting further commands. 

Another day was affigned him for his appearance, and the 
obje6lions of the Houfe were finally placed in his hands. 
This enabled him to prepare his defence ; and at the proper 
time he appeared with his counfel before the Houfe to an- 
fwer its obje6lions. But, fays Gorges, and it is fignificant of 
that truckling to authority which was the fpirit of the time, 



"in 



Sir Ferdinaftdo Gorges. 1 1 9 

"in great caufes before great ftates, where the Court feems to 
be a party, counfel oftentimes is fhy of wading farther than 
with their fafety they may return ; " hence one of his counfel 
confined himfelf to the " matter of juftice," and the other to 
the " matter of law," when the Houfe demanded what he 
had to fay for himfelf. Senfible, he fays, how far his coun- 
fel came fliort of his intentions. Sir Ferdinando replied in 
a refpeftful yet vigorous manner, fetting forth the advan- 
tages of colonization to the kingdom ; the certainty of the 
occupation of the territory by the French, Spanifh, and 
Dutch, if the work of the patentees was abandoned, which 
far outweighed a flight inconvenience to a few diforderly 
fifliermen who abufed and corrupted the natives, and made 
them dangerous enemies of the Englifh. Being confident 
in his own mind that he had fufficiently fatisfied a majority 
of the Houfe, but hearing that his opponents were to ap- 
peal to the King, he very politicly managed to get before 
that fun6tionary the objeftions of his opponents, together 
with his defence. 

This was a judicious flep ; for to the furprife of Gorges, 
when the Houfe prefented the public grievances, the firft on 
the lift was the New England Patent, accompanied with the 
declaration that the Houfe had liftened to him and his 
learned counfel for feveral days, and that they could not 
defend it. We muft admit the juftice of the decifion ; yet it 
was a fevere blow to Gorges, and as foon as it got abroad, 
caufed adventurers whom he had interefted in colonization 
to abandon him, as well as fome of his affociates. But for- 
tunately for Gorges this reform Parliament had brought 
upon it the anger of the King and Court for having con- 
demned 



I20 Memoir of 

demned feveral grievances to the Commonwealth, as well 
as having declared the liberties and jurifdi6tions of Parlia- 
ment to be the undoubted birthright of Englifh fubjefls; 
and James not only fuddenly diffolved it, but cafl the pop- 
ular leaders into prifon. Gorges, as we have feen, had 
already brought his cafe before the King, and having the 
royal favor was for the prefent allowed to enjoy his charter 
rights undiflurbed. 

During this time the poor colonifts on the fterile fhores 
of New Plymouth, as they called the place where they had 
fettled, were ftruggling with hunger, difeafe, and death, to 
eflablifh themfelves in their new home. The place where 
they had fettled was outlide the limits of the patent which 
they had obtained of the London Company, and within the 
domain of the Plymouth Company, or, as we fhall hence- 
forth term it, the Council for New England ; and they took 
meafures to obtain of the Council a patent of a confiderable 
tra6l of land including the place of their fettlement. In this 
they fucceeded, and on June ift, 162 1, the Council for New 
England ilTued its firft patent to "John Pierce and his alTo- 
ciates," in truffc for their benefit.^^ 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges' name appears upon this patent, 
and he tells us that previous to the controverfy between him 
and the London Company, the latter were in a condition to 
liflen " to any propofitions that might give eafe and further- 
ance " to their undertaking, and hence had liflened to his 
advice " to draw into thofe enterprifes fome of thofe families 

that 

153 FzV/^ MafTachufetts Hiftorical Col- original document is at Plymouth, 
le6tions, Fourth Series, Vol. II. The Maffachufetts. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 121 

that had retired themfelves into Holland for fcruple of con- 
fcience, giving them fuch freedom and liberty as might Hand 
with their likings." It therefore mull have been grateful 
news to him to learn that they had made a " defcent " upon 
territory belonging to the Council for New England, and we 
can imagine with what alacrity he haltened to give to Pierce 
a patent in their behalf. Their former patent had been 
taken in the name of Mr. John Wincob, of the family of the 
Countefs of Lincoln, whofe daughter was the wife of John 
Gorges, the eldeft fon of Sir Ferdinando ; and it was doubt- 
lefs the enthufiafm of Sir Ferdinando which infpired the 
Countefs to take that lively intereft in American colonization 
which fhe fo confpicuoufly difplayed. 

At this time the Britifh King was meditating a mar- 
riage between his fon Charles and the daughter of the 
Spanilh King. The religious fervor, hitherto confpicuous, 
which caufed him to banifh Catholics from the realm, 
to confifcate their property, and to draw, hang, and quar- 
ter them upon the flimfieft pretexts, feemed fuddenly to 
vanifh like a will-o'-the-wifp, before the more ardent fervor 
of felf-interefl, which he believed would be fubferved by a 
family alliance with the powerful and wealthy Spanifh King, 
whofe intolerance and cruelty, though exhibited againfl 
Proteflants, were as confpicuous as his own.^^* This pro- 
je6led alliance was unpopular at home, and in French 
diplomacy was not relifhed; hence there was abroad an 

apprehenfion 

^s* Vide El Hecho de los Tratados Rawfon Gardiner, London, 1869, pp. 

del Matrimonio Pretendido por el Prin- 105, in, 134, 147, 247 et pajjim; Ca- 

cipe de Gales con la SereniJJlma Infante bala^/me Scrinia Sacra^ London, 1654, 

de Efpana Maria, edited by Samuel pp. 127, 137, 146. 

VOL. I. — 16 



122 Memoir of 

apprehenfion of trouble with France. This is evidenced by 
a letter of Sir Ferdinando to Secretary Calvert, under date 
of November nth, 1621. In this letter, which is a reply to 
one from the Lords of the Council, afking his opinion with 
regard to the affairs of France, he told Calvert that, with 
refped; to his fufpicions of approaching trouble with France, 
he had hitherto been reticent, having "grown fearful to 
agravate anything in that kind, left, being a man of war, it 
might be thought I was willing rather to put the world in 
combuflion, than that there was reafon to believe my fug- 
geftions." He then proceeded to inform the Secretary of 
extenfive naval preparations of the French, which he con- 
fidered dangerous to the fafety of England.^^ The letter is 
interefting as fhowing the efteem in which his opinions were 
held by the Government, and the peculiar condition of af- 
fairs exifling between England and its continental neighbors. 
Sir Ferdinando at this time flood at the head of the 
Council for New England, fo far as influence went ; in fa6l, 
his hand fhaped its affairs* In common with many gentle- 
men of the time, he was interefted in navigation, and was 
now building with the Earl of Warwick, one of the Coun- 
cil for New England, a fhip of a new fafhion,-^^ which it 
was believed from its model would have remarkable fpeed. 
Being troubled with regard to the conftantly increafmg 

encroachments 

155 Vide Domeftic Correfpondence, that he hoped to find a way to outfail 

James I., Vol. CXXIII. No.ioi, Public the Dutch." The Eaft India Company 

Records Office, et Pq/iea. granted this requefl, as appears by the 

15^ " Requeft of Sir Ferdinando Gor- record, and loaned him two thoufand 

ges for the loan of certain ftores for a trenails. Vide Court Minutes of the 

Slip he is building of a new fafhion,fuch Eaft India Company, in the Office of 

as the Company might make ufe of , and the Eaft India Company, London. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 123 

encroachments of the French, Gorges was doubly anxious 
to eftablifh ftrong colonies along the fhores of New Eng- 
land ; and the return from Newfoundland of Captain John 
Mafon^^^ brought him a valuable coadjutor. He was too, 
though againfl his will, aided by another event. 

Captain Mafon, on his arrival in England, was naturally 
the fubje6l of attention from perfons defirous to profit by 
his experience. Among thefe was Sir William Alexander,^^^ 
who invited him to his houfe, and informed himfelf refpe6l- 
ing the new country with which Mafon was familiar. Mafon, 
as we know, was particularly in love with the territory 
covered by charter to the Council for New England, and he 
fo expreffed himfelf to Alexander; advifing him to obtain a 
patent of territory above the Council's northern boundary, 
and to apply to Gorges for fuch a portion of territory fouth 
of that boundary as he could conveniently grant. 

Alexander was a fellow-countryman of the King and in 
favor with him ; hence, difregarding Mafon's advice, he 
avoided Gorges and fought the royal ear. The refult was 
that James fent Gorges a " gracious meffage," which Gorges 
dared not refufe, to convey to Alexander a confiderable flice 
of the Council's property, which was accordingly done, and 
the King thereupon confirmed the grant by including the 
land conveyed by it in a charter to Alexander of an im- 
menfe tracft of territory north of New England, which was 
named Nova Scotia. Alexander was thus placed where he 

would 

15"^ For an excellent account of this ^^^ Vide Sir William Alexander and 

enterprifino; man, vide Captain John American Colonization^ by the Rev. 

Mafon, edited by John Ward Dean, Edmund F. Slafter, A.M., publifhed by 

A.M., publiflied by the Prince Society, the Prince Society, Bofton, 1873. 
Bofton, 1887. 



124 Memoir of 

would meet the brunt of French encroachments on the 
northern boundary of New England, and Gorges mufl have 
realized that every colony which the noble Scotchman 
planted in his new poffeffions would ferve as a proteflion 
to the property of the Council, in which he was fo deeply 
interefted. In John Mafon he had found a promifmg helper, 
a man of found judgment and full of energy; and the in- 
fluence which Gorges held in the Council was exerted in 
his friend's behalf. The refult was a grant from the Coun- 
cil of the territory lying between the Naumkeag and Merri- 
mac rivers, from their fources to the fea, with the iflands 
adjacent within the diflance of three miles. This tra6l was 
named by Mafon " Mariana." ^^® 

Sir Ferdinando had now reached the height of his in- 
fluence, and the profpe6l of achieving all that he had 
anticipated with refpedl to colonization muft have feemed 
bright to him. 

A new fpirit had been fuddenly infufed into the hitherto 
languid body of the Council for New England, and patentees 
were notified that they mufl pay for their fhares forthwith 
or forfeit their interefts.-^^ The King was petitioned to ifTue 
his proclamation againfl interlopers ; notably againfl Thomas 
Weflon, a prominent London merchant, whofe relations 
with the Pilgrims are fo well known, and who was engaged 
in fifhing and trade on the New England coafl, as well as 

againft 

159 No reafon has heretofore been Maria, whofe propofed marriage with 

afligned why Mafon gave the name Ma- Prince Charles was then the principal 

riana to his pofTeffions between the topic of difcufiion. 

Naumkeag and Merrimac; but it feems ^^ Vide Records of the Council for 

evident that this name was bellowed TWw £'«^/rt«^, edited by Charles Deane, 

upon it in honor of the Spanifh princefs LL.D., Cambridge, 1867, p. 12. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 125 

againfl thofe engaged in fending veffels thither from the 
Weft of England.^^^ Schemes were numerous for peopling 
the New World, and among other propofals the Council 
confidered one to fend poor children of fourteen years of 
age and upwards as apprentices to the propofed planta- 
tions.^^^ Thus the profpe6l of increafmg growth in popula- 
tion and trade in New England was encouraging. 

To add to this, Sir Ferdinando had the favor of the King, 
who was a6live in rendering him the neceffary aid in pro- 
tefting his New England interefts. He was made one of a 
commiffion for eftablifhing order among the Newfoundland 
fifhermen, and was furnifhed by the Privy Council with 
orders to be imparted to the captains of the filliing fleet.^^ 
This we can fee was in the line of his own interefts. At 
the fame time his complaints of Dutch encroachments were 
readily liftened to, and the States-General were given notice 
to abandon their plantation on the Hudfon and to ftop the 
fhips which were being fent thither for trade by the Dutch 
Weft India Company.^^ Nor were interlopers from home 
overlooked ; and a proclamation was iffued by the King, for- 
bidding any one to trade on the New England coaft without 
a licenfe from the Council for New England, and this 
in fpite of the adverfe proceedings of Parliament^® and 
the fadi: that the Lord Treafurer had promifed the Mayor 

and 

161 Vide Records of the Council for i" jz/^^ Inftru6lions of the Privy 
New £"«^/^«4 edited by Charles Deane, Council to Sir Dudley Carleton of De- 
LL.D., Cambridge, 1867, pp.11 et feq. cember 15th, 1621, in Domeilic Corre- 

162 Vide Ibid., pp. 12 etfeq. fpondence, James I., Public Records 

163 Fi!V/<?Letterof 06lober27th,i62i, Office. This was referred to Sir Fer- 
to Sir Ferdinando Gorges and others dinando Gorges. 

from the Privy Council, Domeftic Cor i^s From the Parliament Journals : 
refpondence, James I., Public Records *' Martis, 20° Novembris, 1621. 
Office. « Mr. 



126 



Memoir of 



and influential men of Plymouth that they fliould not be 
interrupted in their fifliing in New England by Gorges, a 

promife 



" Mr. Glanvyle moveth, to fpeed the 
Bill of Fifhing upon [the] Coafts of 
America; the rather becaufe Sir Fer. 
Gorges hath executed a Patent fithence 
the Recefs, — Hath by Letters from the 
Lords of the Council, Hayed the Ships 
ready to go forth. 

* ' Mr, JVeale, accordant ; — That Sir 
Ferd. hath befides threatened to fend 
out Ships, to beat them off from their 
free Fifliing; and reftraineth the Ships, 
ut/upra^ — Moveth the Houfe to take 
Confideration hereof. 

"Sir IV. Heale: — Th2it this [is] 
true ; but my Lord Treafurer hath given 
Order that the Ships Ihall go forth 
prefently, without Hay. 

" Sir Edw.Coke : — That the Patent 
may be brought in. 

" Sir Tho, Wentworth: — That the 
Party may be fent for. 

*' Ordered,' Vht Patent fhall be brought 
in to the Committee for Grievances, 
upon Friday next : and Sir Jo. Bowcer, 
and Sir Ferdinando his fon to be fent 
for, to be then there if he be in Town, 
Sir Fer. himfelf being Captain oiPortef- 
mouth^ &c." 

*' i8° Decembris. 

" Mr. Glanvyle moveth concerning 
the Patent for Fifliing — That the fame 
Courfe may be taken, as for Lepton's 
Patent. . . . Refolved accordingly by 
Mr. Treafurer, Sir Ferdinando Gorge 
and Sir Jo. Bowcer the Patentees for 
Fifliing in and about New England to 
be warned to appear here the firfl: Day 
of the next Accefs, and to bring then 
their Patent or a Copy thereof. 

" \cf Idem. 

" Requeft of the Houfe of Commons, 
that Mr. Treafurer will influence the 
King to fufpend the Patent of Sir Ferd. 
Gorges, which refl:rains fifliing on the 
Coafts of New England. 

" Mercurii, 17° Martii, 21° Jacobi. 



" Sir Edw. Coke reporteth from the 
Committee for Grievances — Have con- 
demned One, viz. Sir F. Gorge his Patent 
for a Plantation in New Engla?td, — 
Their Counfel heard, the Exceptions 
being firft delivered them — Refolved 
by Confent — The Charter dated 3° Nov. 
18° Jac. —That the Claufe in the Patent, 
that no Subje6l of England fhall vifit 
the Coaft upon Pain of Forfeiture of 
the Ship and Goods ; — The Patentees 
have yielded, the Englifli Fifliermen 
fhall vifit; and will not interupt any 
Fiflierman to fifli there ; For he no new 
Difcoverer ; Fifliermen of this and other 
Nations, having fiflied there before his 
Patent. Drying of Nets, Salting of their 
Fifli, &c. Incidents to their Fifliing ; 
Whereunto he alfo agreed, — After he 
was gone, after Debate, over-ruled, the 
Fifhermen might take Timber for Re- 
pair of their Ships : i. Quere incident ; 
2'y. Taken fo before his Patent ; 3'y. 
Fifliermen never take any Timber with 
them; 4 . Bring in great Store of 
Money for their Fifli, — Refolved, ^«^- 
lijh P'ifhermen fliall have Fifliing, with 
all Incidents of drying Fifli, Nets, 
Timber &c. 

"2'y. That the Claufe of Forfeiture, 
being only by Patent, and not by A(5l of 
Parliament, void. 

'''■Refolved upon Queftion, That the 
Houfe thinketh fit, the Fifliermen of 
England fhall have fifliing there, with 
all the Incidents necefiTary, of drying 
Nets, and falling, and packing. 

" Upon the lecond Queftion, in the 
Opinion of this Houfe, una voce., the 
Claufe of Confifcation void, and againft 
Law. 

" Upon the third Queftion, in the 
Opinion of this Houfe, the FiJJiei-men of 
England may take neceflary Wood and 
Timber for their Ships and Boats Ufe 
of Fifliing there." 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 127 

promife which they foon had occafion to prefs upon his 
notice.^^^ 

On December 21ft, 1621, Sir Ferdinando contra^led a 
fecond marriage with Mary, the widow of Thomas Achims, 
Efq., of Pelint, Cornwall, and daughter of Thomas Fulford, 
Efq., of Devonfhire.-^^"^ 

As New England was fo rapidly coming into notice, 
adventurers had no longer to be urged to undertake voyages 
thither. At leaft forty veffels went from England during 
the feafon of 1622 to fifh and trade upon the New England 
coafb. 

We have feen that Mafon had received a confiderable 
grant of land between the Naumkeag and Merrimac. Sir 
Ferdinando now entered into a joint partnerfhip with him, 
and on the loth of Auguft, 1622, procured from the Council 
a patent for territory lying between the Merrimac and Ken- 
nebec rivers, extending from the coafl inland fixty miles, 
with the iflands lying within five leagues of the premifes. 
This the patentees named the Province of Maine.^^ 

Robert Gorges, the younger fon of Sir Ferdinando, 
having in the meantime returned home from military fervice 
on the Continent, his father determined to fend him to New 
England, in order to regulate affairs there, which were in a 

difturbed 

166 yi(ig Letter of the Mayor of Ply- be interfered with in profecuting the 

mouth et als. to the Lord Treafurer, bufinefs of fifliing there. 

February 12th, 1622, in Domeftic Cor- ^^^ She is erroneoufly called the 

refpondence, James I., Public Records daughter, inftead of reli6l, of Thomas 

Office. In this letter reference is made Achims, Efq., by Colonel Vivian, 

to threats of Sir Ferdinando Gorges to ^^^ The grant may be found in full 

prevent them from fifhing on the Vir- in Captain John Mafon, edited by John 

ginia, that is, New England, coafts, and Ward Dean, A.M., publilhed by the 

requeftinghisLordfhip to fulfil a promife Prince Society, Bofton, 1887, pp. 177- 

he had made them, that they ftiould not 189. 



128 



Memoir of 



diflurbed condition owing to the lawlefs afls of fifhermen 
and traders, who abufed the natives and thereby incited 
them to revenge. Preparatory to this, he procured from 
the Council, on November 3d, 1622, a patent of that portion 
of New England called MafTachufetts,^^ extending along 
the fea-coafl ten miles " in a flraight line towards the north 
eafl," and inland thirty miles, with all the iflands which lay 
within three miles of the fhores, excepting fuch as had been 
previoufly granted. 

In addition to the grant of territory, Robert Gorges ^^^ 
was empowered to aft as Governor and Lieutenant-General 
of the entire country, with a council compofed of Captain 
Francis Wefl,^^^ who, in addition to his commiffion as Coun- 
cillor, 



1^^ Thefe limits, of courfe, did not at 
all define any particular territory really 
called Maffachufetts; that name being 
the title of a tribe of Indians and applied 
to that portion of the country inhabited 
by them, but quite indefinite. Cotton 
gives this definition of the word : " Maf- 
fachufetts, a hill in the form of an arrow's 
head." Roger Williams tells us that he 
" had learnt that the Maffachufetts was 
fo called from the Blue Hills, a little 
illand thereabout (in Narraganfett Bay) ; 
and Cannonicus's father and anceftors 
living in thofe fouthern parts, transferred 
and brought their authority and name 
into thofe northern parts." Vide Hif- 
torical Colleflions , by Ebenezer Hazard, 
A.M., Philadelphia, 1792, Vol. I. pp. 
152-155 ; Colleilions of the Rhode IJland 
Hijlorical Society^ Vol. IV. p. 208; The 
Hijiory of the Colony of the Maffachu- 
fetts Bay^ by Mr. Hutchinfon, London, 
1760, Vol. I. p. 460. 

1'*^ But for his brief American career, 
an epifode in his life which we have rea- 
fon to believe was diftafteful to him. 



and which was unattended with honora- 
ble achievement, Robert Gorges would 
have been wholly unknown. All we 
know of him previous to his coming to 
America is condenfed in the fingle ftate- 
ment of his father, that he had lately 
come out of the Venetian wars when he 
was fent here. When he left the fhores 
of America, which he held in light 
efteem, he paffed at once from view. 
Thus what he probably regarded as one 
of the leaft important events of his life, 
ferved to connect his name inseparably 
with our early hiftory, and fo to pafs it 
down to pofterity. 

I'^i The Wefts were at an early date 
warmly interefted in American coloniza- 
tion. Captain Francis Weft was a broth- 
er of John Weft, afterward Governor 
of Virginia, and alfo of Thomas Weft, 
Lord Delaware. In 1609 he accom- 
panied the expedition of Gates and 
Somers to Virginia, where for a time he 
adled as prefident of the colony. He 
continued to refide at Jameftown until 
1622, in which year he figned a petition 

as 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 129 

cillor, was created Admiral of New England, with Captain 
Thomas Squibb as affiftant ; Chriftopher Levett ; -^'^ the 
Governor of New Plymouth, and fuch other perfons as the 
Governor-General might think proper to nominate. Nor 

was the Church forgotten, and the Rev. William Morrell ^^^ 

was 



as one of " ye ancient planters " of the 
colony. Returning to England, he was 
fele6led by Gorges to accompany his 
fon and to alTume an important pofition 
in the Government. The undertaking 
of Gorges proving a failure, Captain 
Weft returned to Virginia, and upon 
the death of Sir George Yeardley, then 
Governor, he was given the vacant 
governorfhip. He was living at Jamef- 
town in 1631. 

^■^2 A brief account of Chriftopher 
Levett may be found in the Trelawny 
Papers, publiftied by the Maine Hiftor- 
ical Society in 1884, p. 102. 

^^^ The Rev. William Morrell does 
not feem to have exercifed his calling 
in a fingle inftance while in New Eng- 
land, but employed his leifure in com- 
pofing a Latin poem, which ftiows the 
author to have been an accompliftied 
claffical fcholar. A copy of this work 
is in the Britifh Mufeum, and is entitled 
as follows : — 

"New England or A 

Briefe Ennarration of the 

Ayre, Earth, Water, Fish, 

AND FowLES of that Country, 

with A Description of 

The Natures, Orders, Habits 

and Religion of the Natives, 

In Latine and Englijh 

Verfe by 

William Morrell, 

Late Preacher with 

the Right Wor : Cap : 

Rob : Gorge late Cover nour 

of New England. 

fat brevi ft fat beni 

London Imprinted 

BY J. D. 1625." 

VOL. L — 17 



The reader may obtain an idea of 
this curious and interefting produ6lion 
from the following extraft defcriptive 
of the Indian : — 

" Whofe hayre is cut with greeces,i yet a 

locke 
Is left; the left fide bound up in a 

knott : 
Their males fmall labour but great pleaf- 

ure know. 
Who nimbly and expertly draw the 

bow ; 
Train'd up to fuffer cruell heat and 

cold. 
Or what attempt fo ere may make them 

bold; 
Of body ftraight, tall, ftrong, mantled in 

flcin 
Of deare or bever, with the hayre-fide in ; 
An other fkin their right armes doth 

keepe warme, 
To keepe them fit for ufe and free from 

harme ; 
A girdle fet with formes of birds or 

beafts, 
Begirts their wafte, which gentle give 

them eafe. 
Each one doth modeftly bind up his 

fliame. 
And deare-lkin ftart-ups ^ reach up to the 

fame; 
A kind of pinfer ' keeps their feet from 

cold. 
Which after travels they put off, upfold, 
Themfelves they warme, their ungirt 

limbes they reft 
In ftraw, and houfes like to fties." 

^ Grees are ftairs ; that is, their hair was cut in 
fucceffive rows. 

* Long-legged boots were called ftart-ups. In 
this cafe leggings are fignified. 

3 Various kinds of coverings for the feet were 
ftyled pinfors. 



130 Memoir of 

was commiffioned to fuperintend its eflablifhment through- 
out the country. Strift orders for regulating the trade of 
New England were iiTued by the Privy Council, which the 
Admiral was dire6led to have fixed upon the mainmafl of 
every fhip going to the New England coafi: ; and particular 
inflru6lions were given to the Governor for managing the 
trade with the natives, the fale to them of provifions and 
arms being pofitively interdi6led. Thus everything at lafl 
feemed well ordered and arranged to make the immediate 
colonization of New England fuccefsful. 

Early in the fpring of 1623, Captain Weft fet fail in a 
new fhip which had juft been finiflied for the Council, and 
arrived upon the coaft in June. He was followed by Robert 
Gorges and Chriftopher Levett Gorges arrived in Malfa- 
chufetts Bay in September; and fomewhat later Levett 
reached Pifcataqua, where David Thompfon ^^* had recently 
planted a colony. Here Levett found Gorges and Weft with 
two of the Colony of New Plymouth, who had been made 
Councillors, awaiting his arrival ; and having been properly 
indu6led into the office of Councillor, by taking his official 
oath, a meeting of the new Governor and Council was con- 
vened, and a government for New England for the firft time 
organized. The organization of the government completed, 
Levett, who was anxious to fettle a colony in his own behalf, 
having received a grant of fix thoufand acres of land to 

be 

1'^* David Thompfon was a young which has continued to bear his name 

man when he came to this country with to this day. For brief particulars re- 

his wife, whom he had but fhortly before fpedling him reference may be had to 

married. He removed to an ifland in the Proceedings of the Majfachufetts 

Bofton harbor in 1625, where he died Hijlorical Society for\Zy6, ^^p. 2tS^-3^i > 

in 1628, leaving a widow and fon, who Ibid, for 1878, p. 204. 
inherited the ifland where he dwelt, and 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 131 

be located by him, proceeded to Cafco Bay, where, having 
explored the coafl for fome diflance, he felefted certain 
iflands in what is now Portland harbor, with the mainland 
oppofite, for his propofed colony.-^^^ 

In England, Gorges was a6live in devifmg fchemes to 
improve his pofTeflions. A new charter was under confid- 
eration, which would give him and his afTociates powers ftill 
more extraordinary than they already poffeffed. To be able 
to beflow titles upon men who fhould prove themfelves val- 
uable in the colonies, would be popular and of immenfe 
power, by inducing ambitious men to enter into the work 
of colonization ; hence this fundlion was to be conferred 
upon the Council by the propofed charter. There was to be 
a public plantation at the mouth of the Sagadahoc, to which 
was devoted forty fquare miles of territory; and this was to 
be called the " State county." A city was to be erefted in 
it and named by the King, and both the county and city 
were to be divided by lot among Sir Ferdinando and his 
affociates; while a ftatute of Queen Elizabeth for binding 
poor children as apprentices was confidered as likely to be 
beneficial if prelTed into the fervice of the Council .^'^ 

While thefe events were taking place. Sir Ferdinando was 
fuddenly called to mourn the death of his fecond wife, to 
whom he had been united for but a brief period. Thus he 
was again left to endure the gloom of a broken home. To 
add to his troubles, the fifhermen and traders, who had been 

difturbed 

176 Vide A Voyage into New Eng- ^"^^ Vide Records of the Council for 

land, by Chrillopher Levett, London, New England, edited by Charles 

1628. A reprint of this book may be Deane, LL.D., Bofton, 1867, pp. 15, 36 

found in the Colle£lions of the Maine et feq. 
Hijiorical Society, Vol. II. 



132 Memoir of 

difturbed by the King's proclamation and the new govern- 
ment which Gorges had fet up under his fon in New England, 
complained loudly of the monopoly which he was attempt- 
ing to exercife ; and their complaints were echoed and re- 
echoed by the friends of the London Company and every 
incipient reformer about the doors of the Commons, fo that 
the New England patent was again declared to be a public 
grievance. This again put a check upon his proceedings. 
Many who had put their money or were about to put it into 
the good work withdrew, and fold or gave up their fliares. 
His fon Robert, who does not appear to have conceived an 
ardent affeftion for New England, hearing of this difcour- 
aging fituation of affairs, and meeting with unpleafant oppo- 
fition to his government, abandoned his pofl and returned 
home ; while Weft turned his attention to Virginia, where 
he fubfequently became Governor. 

Still, in fpite of thefe difcouragements, feveral enter- 
prifes had already begun to take root in the rugged foil of 
New England. The Pilgrims were firmly planted at New 
Plymouth, and Richard Vines ^^^ was feated at the mouth of 
the Saco ; David Thompfon was apparently well fettled at 

the 

i"^"^ Richard Vines was a tnifbed friend Puritan rule, which was finally extended 

of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and vifited over the Province of Maine; hence, in 

New England as early as 1609. In 1645, he removed to Barbadoes, where 

1 61 6 he paffed the winter with the In- he was engaged in the practice of med- 

dians at the mouth of the Saco, and icine until his death in 1651. Vide A 

thus became acquainted with that local- Briefe Narration, pojlea; ColleHions 

ity, where he fubfequently fettled and of the Maffachufetts Hijiorical Society^ 

became the founder of Biddeford. This Fourth Series, Vol. VII. pp. Z'iJ et/eq. ; 

name he doubtlefs beftowed upon his George Cleeve attd his Times, by James 

little fettlement in honor of Bideford in Phinney Baxter, A.M., pubhfhed by the 

England, in which locality the Vines Gorges Society, Portland, 1884, pp. 30 

family refided. Richard Vines was a etfeq. ; John Wheelwright^ by Charles 

man of high chara6ler, but, being an H. Bell, A.M., publifhed by the Prince 

Epifcopalian, was antagoniliic to the Society, Bolton, 1876, p. 126. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 133 

the mouth of the Pifcataqua, and Edward and William 
Hilton -^^^ with a fmall colony were laying the foundations of 
Dover, while at feveral other points on the coafl ftragglers 
had erected their rude habitations. 

In England there was a feeling of uneafmefs refpe6ling 
another Spanifh war. James, as before flated, had fet his 
heart upon a union between his fon Charles and the daugh- 
ter of Philip III. ; and Charles, accompanied by the diffolute 
Buckingham, had feen and wooed the princefs Maria, but, 
returning through France incognito, had flopped in Paris, 
and at a ball there had feen the French princefs Henrietta. 
Buckingham had by his infolence and diffolute carriage 
made himfelf obnoxious at the Spanifh Court, and, becoming 
aware of his unpopularity, determined to prevent the pro- 
je6led marriage, if poffible ; hence he fucceeded in creating 
in the mind of Charles a diflafle to it ; and although affairs 
had proceeded so far that preparations for the wedding were 
nearly completed, they were, at the laft moment, fuddenly 

terminated 

178 Edward and William Hilton, 1671. William was in the country as 
brothers and fifhmongers of London, early as 1621, in which year he is men- 
came to New England under the patron- tioned as being at Plymouth ; but joined 
age of Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his his brother in 1623 at Northam. From 
affociate, John Mafon, and were pio- here he removed to Newbury and fub- 
neers in the fettlement of Northam, then fequently to Charleflown, where he died 
calledby the Indians Winachahanat, and in 1675. Vide Hijlorical Colledions oj 
now Dover. The Hiltons were enter- New Hamp/hire, Vol. I. p. 241 ; Ibid., 
prifmg men, Edward efpecially being Vol. II. p. 54; The Hijlory of New 
fpoken of as a gentleman of good judg- Hampyhire, by Jeremy Belknap, A.M., 
ment. He was a perfonal friend and Philadelphia, 1784, Vol. I. pp. 8 ^/y^^. ; 
correfpondent of Governor Winthrop, Chronicles of the Fir/2 Planters of the 
and was held in fuch high efteem by Colony of Maffachufetts Bay, by Alex- 
the Maffachufetts authorities, that when ander Young, Bofton, 1846, p. 315; 
they afTumed jurifdidlion of New Hamp- A Chronological Hijlory of New Eng- 
fhire in 1641 they made the former fifti- land, by Thomas Prince, A.M., Bofton, 
monger a magiftrate. From Dover he 1826, p. 215. 
removed to Exeter, where he died in 



134 Memoir of 

terminated by the arts of Buckingham, and the mind of 
Charles was turned towards the French princefs. The refult 
was a threatened war with the King of Spain, whofe filler 
had been fo cruelly infulted and abufed/^^ 

It is neceffary to call attention briefly to this, in order to 
explain the next letter which we have of Sir Ferdinando 
dire6led to Buckingham. It was written on the 8th of 
February, 1623, and is upon the old theme, the Spaniard, 
the bete noire of Sir Ferdinando's life. He had gone up to 
London to fee Buckingham ; but realizing how difficult it 
would be for him, in the crowded condition of affairs then 
prevailing, to get a perfonal interview with the King's favor- 
ite, he addrefTed him by letter. He had received information 
of a great gathering in Spain " of all forts of fhips, and a great 
and extraordinary preparation for a naval attempt, wherein 
is to be embarked extraordinary numbers of land forces, 
with munition, ordnance, arms, and other provifions fit for 
a royal invafion." Sir Ferdinando particularly pointed out 
to the favorite the weak fpots in England's fituation : " the 
faftions and parties, both in Ireland and England, who 
within thefe few years are grown to that head in every 
quarter, that they are not only become infolent and infuffer- 
able to particulars, but moft dangerous to the public peace 

of 

1'® Vide Cabala fine Scrinia Sacra, pp. 391 et feq., 400-402 et pajjlm; The 
London, 1654, pp.151 etfeq.j The Court Life and Reign of James the Firfl, by 
of Ki?tg Ja?nes the Firfl, by Dr. God- Arthur Wilfon, Efq., in A Complete 
frey Goodman, London, 1839, ^o^- ^- PP- Hifiory of England, London, 1706, pp. 
360, 385 ; Secret Hifiory of the Court 773-780 ; ElHecho de los Tratados del 
of James the Firfl, Edinburgh, 181 1, Matrimonio Pretendido por el Principe 
VoL L PP- 453-459; The Court and de Gales con la Serenijflma Infante de 
Times of James the Firfl, by Thomas Espana Maria, edited by Samuel Raw- 
Birch, D.D., London, 1849, Vol. IL fon Gardiner, London, 1869. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 135 

of thefe realms." The danger was fo preffing, he told Buck- 
ingham, that he fliould doubt his own loyalty if he did not 
offer it to his further confideration ; and he addreffed the 
corrupt and felfifh courtier as one upon whofe flioulders a 
great part of the burden of national succefs depended, and 
who would be obliged to give an account of that fuccefs as 
occalion might require. Pertinently calling Buckingham's 
attention to the fact that he did not enjoy the honor of his 
acquaintance, as he had enjoyed that of his predecelTors, 
who had held the helm now in his hands, and who had 
thought his opinion not unworthy to be liflened to, he 
faid, and it founds like a bit of farcafm covertly aimed 
at the Britifli Solomon, " We have no lefs reafon than 
Solomon had in time of peace to prepare for war ; but we 
are fo far from Solomon's providence in this kind, as that 
our forts and defences are not only in ruin, but indeed 
without all means of defence. Nay, my good Lord," he 
continued, " I proteft that they are in fo bafe and unworthy 
a manner provided for, as for mine own part, I am not only 
afhamed of that in my charge, but grieved to the heart to 
think that I fhould live to fee it fo."^^^ 

The tone of this letter fhows Gorges to have been no 
admirer of Buckingham, and when carefully confidered is 
an arraignment of that minifter which he mufl have felt 
unpleafantly. Certainly, at a later period we find that Gor- 
ges was regarded by Buckingham as not to be relied upon 
to carry out his meafures. ^^ 

180 Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando Public Records Office, Vol. CLIX. No. 
Gorges to the Duke of Buckingham, 22 et pojlea. 
Domeftic Correfpondence, James I., 



136 Memoir of 

When Parliament aflembled in 1624, the patent of the 
Council for New England was one which received its con- 
demnation ; but the only pra6lical e£fe6l of this aftion was 
to difcourage capitalifts from embarking their money in 
colonial undertakings, and to encourage traders and fifher- 
men to feek more eagerly the New England coaft for their 
private gain. But war with Spain was now going on, and 
Gorges had but little time to devote to colonial fchemes. 
The realm was threatened with invafion, and his duty to his 
country required him to devote his thoughts to its preferva- 
tion from hurt by a revengeful foe. 

He muft have perceived the cloud which began to rife 
in France, threatening his New England poffeffions; for 
with the rupture of relations with Spain, and the beginning 
of negotiations for a family alliance between England and 
France, the French ambaffador, the Comte de Tillieres, art- 
fully made his firft move on the political chefsboard towards 
winning New England for his monarch. He began by 
complaining of Englifh hoftility in Canada, and defined with 
an apparently generous franknefs, as though his definitions 
were well known to be corre6l by the Englifh and the world 
at large, the limits of the Englifh poffeffions in the New 
World. They were grand, he magnanimoufly acknowl- 
edged, and they extended from Virginia to the Gulf of 
Mexico. New England, of courfe, belonged to France ; and 
when the marriage of the French princefs and the Englifli 
prince was confummated, James fhould, and as a matter 
of courfe would, reflore to his French brother what right- 
fully was his, but had been hitherto withheld. This was 
to prepare the people of England for confidering the relin- 

quifhment 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 137 

quifhment of a large portion of their American colonial pof- 
feffions.-^^^ Buckingham, Charles, and James had already 
confidered the queflion, and in their own minds decided to 
yield Acadia to the French, which meant to them Nova 
Scotia and an indefinite portion of New England, fmce 
nothing was to be allowed to interfere with the defired 
marriage. 

This would be a deadly blow to the hopes of Sir Ferdi- 
nando Gorges and Sir William Alexander; but to the inter- 
efling triumvirate who controlled the deftinies of the realm 
for the time, the lofs of the whole of America was but the 
lofs of a bauble when compared with their perfonal interefts. 
Gorges, however, was not a man who would yield his rights 
without a defence ; and he fo clearly fliowed the importance 
to the kingdom of retaining its American poffeffions, that 
a relinquifhment of any portion to France was poftponed. 

On the 27th of March, 1625, King James fuddenly died, 
and his fon Charles reigned in his ftead. His marriage 
with Henrietta of France fpeedily followed, greatly to the 
diffatisfadion of the Englifli people, though this diffatif- 
fadlion was foftened in fome meafure by the refleftion that 
the more hateful match with Spain had mifcarried. 

Buckingham virtually ruled, and his tools were inftalled 
in offices where they could belt fubferve his interefts. 
Charles had been on the throne but a few weeks when the 
treaty made by his father with the French King to help 
forward his fon's marriage with Henrietta was brought 
forward by the French minifter, the Marquis d'Effiat, with 

the 

"1 Vide French Correfpondence, James I., 1623, Public Records Office. 
VOL. I. — 18 



138 Memoir of 

the demand that its terms fliould be complied with, and 
Charles was afked to furnifh an Englifh fleet to help his 
Catholic brother-in-law to defbroy the Proteftant power in 
France. An undertaking equally obnoxious to Englifhmen 
could not have been propofed, and yet the pliant King 
allowed Buckingham, as Lord High Admiral, to furnifli the 
fhips required ; and a man-of-war, the Vanguard, and feven 
merchant veffels, which were armed and manned with Eng- 
lifh mariners, were put into the fervice by Buckingham, in 
accordance with the treaty the terms of which were kept 
from public knowledge. Among the fhips placed in this 
obnoxious fervice was the Great Neptune^ belonging to Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, and to the command of which he was 
affigned. To the captains of these fhips and to the public 
it was given out that they were to be employed againfl the 
Genoefe ; and to relieve the Englifh King from refponfibility, 
the French ambaffador was made a dire6l party to the 
charter with the owners of the merchantmen. 

Gorges, evidently from the firft, diftrufted the ambaffador ; 
for on his arrival with the Great Neptune at Gravefend, he 
immediately addreffed Secretary Conway, who was after- 
wards accufed openly of being a tool of Buckingham, afking 
that a Commiffioner fhould be appointed by the Privy 
Council to make an inventory of the fliip's property, 
armament, ftores, and general equipment, as the French 
ambaffador feemed to have received falfe information re- 
fpedling the matter, and had complained of the fliip's defe6ls 
and wants to the King.-^^^ This was a proper requeft, as, in 

the 

182 Yide Domellic Correfpondence, Records Office. Among the corre- 
Charles I., Vol. II. No. ^d^ Public fpondence of Sir Ferdinando Gorges 

gathered 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 139 

the abfence of dire6l proof of the value of the fhip and her 
appertainings before failing, fuch complaints might, in cafe 
of lofs, be made to ferve as an excufe for not paying her 
value. 

In due time the veffels put to fea and reached Dieppe. 
Here they found that they were not only to be under the 
diredlion of the French admiral, but that French officers 
and failors were to be put on board in fufHcient force to 
control the management of the fhips, contrary to agree- 
ment. This in itfelf was fufificient to have caufed a revolt 
among Englifh mariners, who were proud of what they 
confidered their fuperior maritime fkill, and could ill brook 
even the prefence of men whom they regarded as inferiors ; 
but when added to this was a flrange tongue and the prac- 
tice before their eyes of a religious faith which at home 
would have fubjedled thofe pra6lifmg it to fevere pains 
and penalties, together with a rumor which found its way 
through the fleet that they were to be employed againfl: 
their brother Proteflants of Rochelle, we may faintly im- 
agine the tumult which followed. 

Againft this obnoxious fervice the Englifh mariners pro- 
tefled in writing, figning their names in a circle that they 
might bear equal blame; and this protefl was privately 
placed in the prayer-book of their admiral, Thomas Pen- 
nington, the pliant tool of Buckingham, who upon finding 
it folemnly alTured them that to him death on an Englifh 
gallows for difobedience of orders was preferable to fervice 
againft the French Proteflants ; but at the fame time he 

urged 

gathered by me in England are a num- je6l, which will be found printed in full 
ber of letters upon this important fub- in this work. 



140 Memoir of 

urged the Englifh captains to allow the Frenchmen to be 
placed on board their fliips. This, Gorges and the other 
commanders would not confent to, feeing that the intention 
of the French was to overpower them, and they at once 
withdrew their fhips from Dieppe for fafety; while Pen- 
nington in defpair hurried to London to lay the matter be- 
fore his mafler. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, to juftify the a6tion 
of the commanders, himfelf drew up a memorial to Secre- 
tary Conway, fetting forth that it was not contemplated in 
their charters that they fhould give up their fhips and 
goods to the Frenchmen ; and if they were to give them up, 
they fhould require fufficient fecurity for their property, fmce 
they had already found by lively experience that any fecu- 
rity which merchants could offer would be of but little 
avail in cafes " between the feat of a fovereign majefly and 
that of fimple fubjeft," and that when the French had 
everything in their hands there would be little hope that 
they would receive juftice when they became fimple fuitors 
for recompenfe, which was certainly true. 

Sir Ferdinando further pointed out, what mufl have been 
patent to the dulleft wit, that to put on board the Englifh 
fhips a large body of men fpeaking a language and praftif- 
ing a religion foreign to Englifh mariners, thereby implying 
a diflruft of them, would inevitably lead to grave troubles ; 
and he advifed that the Englifh fhould retain the manage- 
ment of their own velTels, but, as ufual in fuch cafes, fhould 
be under the direction of the admiral in chief, whofe com- 
mands fhould be obeyed in every particular, any failure of 
obedience to be followed by condign punifliment. Finally, 
he begged to be made acquainted " in fome fort " with the 

enemy 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 141 

enemy againft whom they were to be employed ; for up to 
this time the deflination of the fhips had not been officially 
divulged by his Government. A knowledge of their defti- 
nation, Gorges informed Conway, was neceffary in order 
that they might be properly provifioned and the requifite 
meafures taken to preferve the health and comfort of the 
Englifh engaged in the enterprife ; an infignificant matter 
indeed with Charles and Buckingham. This was referred 
to the " grave and ferious confideration " of the Secretary ; 
a bit of farcafm, perhaps not intended as fuch, really humor- 
ous under lefs ferious conditions. 

The memorial bears the bold fignature of Sir Ferdi- 
nando, and is followed by the names of three of the cap- 
tains. A declaration was alfo drawn up and figned by 
Gorges and all the Englifh captains, fetting forth that they 
had, in obedience to the command of the King, entered the 
fervice of France, and demanding that their Government 
fhould require the French to depofit in England the value 
of their fhips and goods, the agreement previoufly made 
having already been broken, and that, as the State re- 
garded the fhips of England as much a part of the public 
defence as the fortreffes of the realm, and to deliver them 
into the power of a foreign Government would, in the eye 
of the law, be treafonable, they fhould have ample authority, 
under the broad feal of England, for giving them up, in 
order to protecfl: themfelves againfl poflible punifhment for 
an a6l of treafon.^^ Baffet Cole, a coufm of Sir Ferdi- 
nando, 

18* Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando No. 37; Declaration of Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges to Secretary Conway, Domellic Gorges et als.^ Ibid.^ No. 107, Public 
Correfpondence, Charles I., Vol. IV., Records Office, et pojiea. 



142 Memoir of 

nando, was given authority to aft for him and the other 
captains in negotiating with the Marquis d'Effiat, and both 
he and Pennington laid their flatements of the affair before 
the King. In reply, peremptory orders were returned to 
the refraflory captains to proceed at once to Dieppe while 
negotiations were pending, which command they obeyed ; 
but they refpe6lfully declined to relinquifh the control of 
their fhips unlefs fecurity for their property was furnifhed 
as demanded ; and Gorges wrote the King, afking that he 
fhould be allowed to go in his own fhip to the French 
admiral to negotiate for himfelf and the others for what he 
conceived " to be fit in honor and juflice." At the fame 
time he begged for means to prevent the flarving of the 
King's fervice and his own ruin. He alfo addreffed Buck- 
ingham, afking him to fecond his requeft, affuring him that 
if he could not adjuft matters fatisfadtorily it would be for 
" want of power, not zeal." 

In reply to this, Buckingham defpatched his fervile vaf- 
fal, Nicholas, who took up his quarters on the Vanguard}^ 
and exhibited an agreement drawn up at Rochefter, figned 
by the ambaffador D'Effiat, the Due de Chevreufe, and 
Monfieur Villeaucleres, pledging themfelves as fecurity. 
The names of two of the captains had been affixed to this 
paper, as they afterwards declared, without their knowledge, 
in order to influence the others to accept it as mutually 

agreed 

184 Vide Letter of the Duke of Buck- him "all contentment pofllble." Buck- 
ingham to his " Servant Nicholas on ingham alfo inftru6ls Nicholas that Sir 
board the Vanguard,'" July 19th, 1625, Ferdinando Gorges is to advife with 
Domeftic Correfpondence, Charles I., him. In fpite, however, of all efforts to 
Public Records Office. In this letter bend him to this difgraceful enterprife, 
Nicholas is told to endeavor " to con- Gorges periiftently let his face againft 
form to D'Effiat's will," and to give it. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 143 

agreed upon ; and Nicholas with much oftentation demanded 
their anfwer in writing, whether they would accept this 
agreement and deliver their fliips to the French King or 
not. To this they all replied over their fignatures that fuch 
an agreement was infufficient fecurity, and that they would 
only deliver their fliips as commanded, upon delivery in 
London of fuch fecurity " as may fort with the quality of 
merchants to deal in," and which could " not be protected 
by the prerogative or authority of the princes of any ftate 
whatfoever." This was dated the 28th of July, 1625, more 
than two months after the date of Sir Ferdinando's firft 
letter from Gravefend. 

Pennington, the admiral, urged them to deliver up their 
fhips to the French, exhibiting to them a letter addreffed 
to him by the King, diredling him to employ forcible means 
if neceffary to compel them to do fo. He went fo far as to 
threaten to fmk them if they refufed, and, to fet them an 
example of loyalty to their King, furrendered in their pref- 
ence the Vanguard, which he commanded, to the French 
admiral. But to his threats Gorges turned a deaf ear, and 
hoifling the anchor of the Great Neptune fet fail to leave 
the harbor, followed by the others. Upon this, Pennington 
opened fire upon the departing fhips, and compelled all to 
return except the Great Neptune, which Gorges fuccefsfully 
bore out of the harbor under the fire of his guns, and 
efcaped fafely to England, reaching Beachy Head the 5th 
of Augufl, from whence he defpatched letters to the Secre- 
tary and Buckingham, repeating the reafons before given 
for not delivering his property to the French, and craving 
pardon if he had a6led indifcreetly or contrary to his 

duty. 



144 Memoir of 

duty.^^ Doubtlefs, punifhment for this difobedience of royal 
commands would have fpeedily followed, had not the King 
been fufiEciently occupied in attempting to guide his weak 
fhallop through the troubled waters of llatecraft ; but as it 
was, Gorges had the fympathy of the Englifh people to 
fuftain his aftion, and no ferious notice feems to have been 
taken of it. 

Nearly three weeks later, we find him dill on board the 
Great Neptune in Stokes Bay, with his men in mutiny, 
calling upon Conway to fend him aid from the King's fhips 
to get his veflel fafely into harbor. ^^^ In order to go on the 
French expedition, he had relinquifhed his command at 
Plymouth ; but his aftion in leaving Dieppe does not feem 
to have injured him even in the eyes of the Government, 
for he was at once reftored to his old command by the ex- 
prefs recommendation of Sir William Saint Leger,-^^^ and on 
February 5th we find him writing Conway for inftru6lions 
refpe6ling a fhip belonging to the Dutch Eafb India Com- 
pany, which had juft arrived in Plymouth harbor. Under 
the late King he had been ordered to flop any of thofe fhips 

which 

185 Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando Correfpondence, Charles I., Vol. V. 

Gorges to the King, Domeftic Corre- No. 69, Public Records Office, ^//^«. 
fpondence, Charles I., Vol. IV. No. 88; ^^"^ This we know from a letter of 

The fame to Buckingham, /(^/rtf., No 89; Sir William Saint Leger to Secretary 

Edward Nicholas to Sir Ferdinando Conway, dated at Plymouth, September 

Gorges and the Mailers of the Mer- 8th, 1625, in Domeftic Correfpondence, 

chantmen, Ibid.^ No. 138; Sir Ferdi- Charles I., and preferved in the Public 

nando Gorges to Edward Nicholas, Records Office. Saint Leger fuggefts 

Vol. V. No. 3 ; The fame to Secretary that the place of commander at Ply- 

Conway, Ibid., No. 18; The fame to mouth Ihould be offered to Lord Eflex; 

Buckingham, /<^z^., No. 19: PubHc Rec- but that if the appointment of Eflex 

ords Office, et pojlea. fhould not be thought fit, it fhould be 

18^ Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando offered to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, whom 

Gorges to Secretary Conway, Domeftic he heartily commends. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 145 

which came within reach of his guns, and he defired to 
know if his warrant was flill in force. From the minutes 
of the London Eafl India Company it would appear that he 
was ordered anew to flay the fhips of the rival Company ; 
but not confidering his orders official, he demanded explicit 
inflru6lions, which was in accordance with his ufual cau- 
tion. ^^^ Certainly a confpicuous trait in the chara6ler of 
Gorges was difcretion ; a trait at all times valuable, but 
efpecially fo under an erratic rule like that which obtained 
under Charles and Buckingham. 

During this time the Council for New England was in- 
aftive ; but the French flill purfued their defigns on the 
territory comprifed within the Council's charter, as well as 
on that granted to Sir William Alexander, which caufed 
much anxiety to the patentees. They, however, found ere- 
long that the conceffions which the late King had agreed to 
make them were no longer of avail, owing largely to the 
exertions of Sir Ferdinando Gorges ; in fa6l, all confidera- 
tion of the fubjedl was terminated by a proclamation of the 
King, declaring New England a part of his kingdom.^^^ 

The French claims no longer preifing, the right of free 
fifhing came to the front, and the Council was threatened 
with an annulment of its charter, when the King, as in a 
former inftance, came to its relief and flopped further pro- 
ceedings. The uncertain condition of affairs, however, 

largely 

^88 Vide Report of Sir George Wofl- Domeftic Correfpondence, Charles I., 

enholm to the Council of the London Vol. XX. No. 31 : Public Records 

Eaft India Company in the Court Minute Office, et pojlea. 

Book of the Company, Vol. VII. pp. 1^9 yif^g Proclamation of the Kin^, 

342, 347, 355-358, in London Eaft India No. 10, of May 13th, 1625, in Public 

Company's Office ; Letter of Sir Ferdi- Records Office, 
nando Gorges to Secretary Conway, 

VOL. I. — 19 



146 Memoir of 

largely difcouraged adventurers from England ; which, after 
all, was a benefit to the New Plymouth colonifls, who opened 
a confiderable trade along the coafl to the north of their 
fettlement 

Although engaged in a war with Spain, and although 
a rupture of friendly relations with France was imminent, 
England was in no condition of defence, and the foldiers 
at Plymouth threatened to march to London and make an 
ocular demonflration of their need to the King.-^^ 

While Gorges was bufy with his charge at Plymouth, 
making preparations to receive an attack from the Span- 
iards, who were reported then off the coaft, his aflbciates in 
the French expedition having efcaped from their hated 
fervitude, brought their fliips into port, and commiffioned 
him to make their defence to the King, and he was fo far 
recognized as their reprefentative, that Secretary Conway 
gave him leave to vifit London in that capacity .^^^ A let- 
ter written by him about this time to Secretary Coke (hows 
the extremity to which the Government was reduced ; 
how impoffible it was to offer anything like refiftance 
to an attack upon the coafl towns, and the diffatisfadlion 
of the people with their rulers, evidenced by the muti- 
nous clamor of the foldiers, and murmuring of the country 
people.^^^ This difcontent was becoming more manifell 

daily, 

iw Vide Letter of Captain William clothed before, and to march towards 

Molefworth, dated April 4th, 1626, to his Majefty to fhow their nakednefs." 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, in Domeftic ^^^ Vide Letter of Secretary Conway 

Correfpondence, Charles I., Public Rec- to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, dated May 

ords Office. Molefworth fiates that he 25th, 1626, Domeftic Correfpondence, 

is "credibly informed that the foldiers Charles I., Public Records Office. 
have determined to begin their journey ^^=^ Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando 

on Eafter Monday, if they be not Gorges to Secretary Coke,Domeftic Cor- 
refpondence, 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 147 

dally, and was dire6ling itfelf towards the King's favorite, 
who, all unconfcious of his impending fate, was a6lively 
engaged in embroiling his country with France to gratify 
his perfonal fpleen. This he fucceeded in accomplifhing ; 
and England found herfelf with two wars upon her hands, 
and with a difcontented people and an empty purfe. 

In fpite of the troubles in England, the Colony of New 
Plymouth applied to the Council for a patent of territory on 
the Kennebec, in order to control the trade of that region ; 
and to afford an afylum for perfons who were under ban for 
nonconformity, a patent was taken out between the Charles 
and Merrimac rivers by Sir Henry Rofwell and others in 
England, and John Endicott was fent over as their agent 
to take poffeffion of their grant. Thus, while Gorges was 
bufily organizing his troops for war and drawing up lengthy 
reports to Secretary Coke,^^^ he was difcuffmg new colonial 
enterprifes and witneffing in an unexpedled manner a fud- 
den growth in the diredlion of his long-cherifhed defires. 
Even the King began to exhibit an interefl: in his American 
polTeffions; and he took the extraordinary ftep of iffuing his 

proclamation 

refpondence, Charles I., Vol. XXVII. Sir Ferdinando Gorges will attend upon 

No. 55, Public Records Office, et pojiea; this bufinefs. 

alfo Letter of Sir John Coke to Secre- ^^^ At this time he was engaged alfo 

tary Conway, of May 25th, 1626, in in a controverfy with the London Eaft 

Ibid.^ fetting forth the reafons affigned India Company, as appears by their 

by the captains of the Englifh mer- Court Minute Book, Vol. IX. pp. 288- 

chant fhips why they abandoned the 297. This controverfy grew out of 

French enterprife againft Rochelle. alleged damages to the buildings and 

Among other reafons, the Englifli cap- dock belonging to the Company at Dept- 

tains declared that "their fhips are ford, which had been let to Sir Ferdi- 

their freeholds — that they are Englifh nando Gorges and the Earl of Warwick 

free-born, and will not put themfelves for building a fliip, and had been left by 

into French jurifdi6tion." Sir John their workmen, it was claimed, in a 

Coke informs Secretary Conway that damaged condition. 



148 Memoir of 

proclamation for a contribution to be taken in the churches 
of York to enable Chriftopher Levett, who was one of the 
Councillors of Robert Gorges in 1623, to return to New 
England and eftablifh himfelf in Cafco Bay.^^* 

At his pofi: in Plymouth, Sir Ferdinando Gorges was 
conflantly haraffed by reports of proje6led invalion brought 
by incoming merchantmen, who had run the gantlet of the 
enemy's fhips, or received knowledge of preparations going 
on in France and Spain ; and his couriers were kept con- 
tinually on the road, bearing thefe reports to the Secretary 
or the Privy Council at London. But he was not only kept 
conflantly in alarm of attacks, but was at all times unpleaf- 
antly aware of his inability to meet them by the poverty of 
his defences and the wretched condition of his foldiers, who 
had received no pay for three years or more, and were not 
only in extreme deftitution,^^^ but in a chronic condition of 
mutiny. Sometimes his appeals for help were fpirited, and 
at others almoft piteous. In a letter to the Privy Council 
on Auguft 23d, 1627, he ufes thefe words: "Therefore, 
good My Lords, I befeech you to leave me no longer def- 
titute of means neceffary for a place of this confequence, for 
without it there is no captain that is able to oppofe an 
enemy, nor no place can be fecured or defended." The 
fituation of Sir Ferdinando was indeed defperate. He had 
exhaufled his private means in alleviating the miferies of his 
foldiers; yet in fpite of all that he and his benevolent 

friends 

1^^ Vide Proceedings of the Ma/pz- Gorges, of January 27th, 1627, to the 

chufetts Hijiorical Society^ Vol. XX. Privy Council, in behalf of the garrifon 

pp. 339-341. at Plymouth, in Domeftic Correfpond- 

i»5 Yid^ Petition of Sir Ferdinando ence, Charles I., Public Records Office. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 149 

friends could do, many of the foldlers at Plymouth adlually 
died of want. In vain he appealed to the Government ; it 
was bankrupt, and what was done for the defence of Ply- 
mouth had to be done by him and other patriotic fubjedls 
of the weak monarch, who cherifhed his prerogative as the 
Afric his fetich, though his foldiers died of ftarvation. 

On December 6th, Sir Ferdinando contracted a third 
marriage, this time with a coufm, the Dame Elizabeth, 
daughter of Tristram Gorges, Efq., of St. Budeaux, Devon- 
fhire. The Dame Elizabeth had already been twice married : 
the laft time to William Bligh, Efq., who died in the July 
previous to her marriage to Sir Ferdinando. Strange to 
relate, within a few weeks after his third marriage, Sir Fer- 
dinando was again a widower. 

The general diffatisf action with the Government had 
become great, and was largely centred upon the King's 
favorite, who had by his indifcreet ufe of power drawn upon 
himfelf the enmity of all claffes. While at the height of his 
unmerited profperity, he was fuddenly cut off by the knife 
of the affaffm ; which was probably fortunate for Gorges, who 
was not in favor with him, and againfb whom his tools were 
in a6live oppolition.^^^ Unfortunately, a hiatus occurs in 

the 

^^^ On June 17th, 1627, Sir James the Duke," it would have come firft to 

Bagg, the Mayor of Plymouth, wrote to Nicholas. Gorges was evidently clofely 

Buckingham that " Gorges' ways " were watched by his enemies; and a letter 

" not ftraight to ferve " him ; and alfo from Secretary Conway to Sir John 

to Nicholas, the corrupt follower of the Coke leads one to fufpe6l that efforts 

Duke, that he, Bagg, was a " fervant were being made to compromife him 

to none but his Grace of Buckingham," with the King, and that his defpatches 

and he chara6terizes Sir Ferdinando as were tampered with. Sir Ferdinando 

the " faithlefs Gorges." A month later had an important defpatch to fend to 

Nicholas received a letter from Bagg, the King; but when the packet was de- 

that, " had not difaifedlionate Gorges livered by his mefTenger, it was found 

applied himfelf to the intelligence from to contain but blank paper, which 

caufed 



ISO 



Me^noir of 



the correfpondence of Gorges at this time, and we can 
only get glimpfes of him here and there through imperfefl 
records. 

In fpite of the war with France and Spain, Rofwell and 
others who had taken out a patent, as before mentioned, in 
order to llrengthen it applied to the King for a royal 
charter, and having received it, organized themfelves under 
the title of the Governor and Company of the Maffachufetts 
Bay, of which we fhall prefently have more or lefs to fay 
in connexion with Gorges, whofe extenfive poffeffions were 
eventually fvvallowed by this vigorous corporation. Befides, 
although the war feemed to require every man and fhip in 
the kingdom to proteft its coaft from attack, Sir David 
Kirke,-^^^ who fhared the enthufiafm of Gorges and Mafon 

refpefting 



caufed the King to be very angry. The 
fame news, however, which Sir Ferdi- 
nando attempted to fend the King was 
fent by Bagg: and received by the King 
at the time Sir Ferdinando's packet was 
delivered. The attacks upon him were 
kept up ; and on Augufl 3d, Bagg wrote 
to Secretary Coke " not to trufl Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges farther than he fees 
him," while to Nicholas he wrote that 
Sir Ferdinando was " more and more 
the Lord of Warwick's and lefs his 
Grace's, and is not to be trufted." He 
alfo wrote to Secretary Conway that 
Gorges was derelifl in performing his 
official duties. Thefe perfiftent attacks 
would have borne their legitimate fruits 
and caufed the ruin of Gorges, but for 
Buckingham's fudden taking off. Vide 
the Buckino^ham Papers in the Public 
Records Office, Correfpondence of Bagg 
and others, Domeftic, Charles I. 

1^'^ David Kirke was the eldeft fon of 
Gervafe Kirke, an Enghfh merchant, 
who, having married a French lady of 



Dieppe, became a refident of that town 
and engaged in bufmefs there. David 
was born at Dieppe in 1596, and upon 
reaching manhood became a wine-mer- 
chant, a bufmefs in which he was ex- 
tenfively engaged until the beginning of 
the perfecution of the Huguenots, when, 
being a Proteftant, he was obliged to 
flee to England. Becoming interefted in 
colonial fchemes, and being hoftile to the 
Roman Catholic Government of France 
which made him an exile from his na- 
tive land, he undertook in 1627 an ex- 
pedition againft the French colonial 
fettlements in Nova Scotia and Canada. 
He was furnifhed with three vefTels by 
his father, who was a man of wealth, 
and was accompanied by his two broth- 
ers, who, hke himfelf, burned to avenge 
their wrongs upon the French. Kirke's 
firft attack was upon Tadoufac, which 
he burned, killing even the cattle in the 
paftures, fo as to cut off the fuftenance 
of the colonifts. He then fent a 
fummons to Champlain to furrender 

Quebec. 




ASHTON PHILLIPS. 

The home of Sir Ferdinando Gorges at the time of his death. 



Sir Ferdmando Gorges. 151 

refpefting the importance of England's American poffef- 
fions, organized an expedition againft Canada, which proved 
fuccefsful; and having conquered the French, he returned 
in triumph, bearing their governor, the Sieur de Cham- 
plain,^^^ a prifoner of war to England, where, upon his ar- 
rival, November 6th, 1629, he learned to his chagrin that 
the war with France and Spain had already ended. 

The clofe of the war, in which he had been fo a6lively 
engaged. Sir Ferdinando celebrated by a fourth marriage ; 
and this time with another coufm, who bore the fame 
maiden name as his preceding wife, namely, Elizabeth 
Gorges, daughter of Sir Thomas Gorges and widow of Sir 
Hugh Smyth of Afhton Court. The marriage took place at 
Wraxall, the ancient feat of the Gorges family, on Sep- 
tember 28th, 1629, and Sir Ferdinando went to refide at 
Afhton Phillips,^^ which belonged to his wife. But he was 

not 

Quebec, Suddenly news reached him of at Cromwell's court, he fucceeded in 

the appearance of a French fleet, com- obtaining through the Prote6lor's fon- 

manded by De Roquemont, with a con- in-law, to whom he made large gifts of 

voy of tranfports laden with munitions money, a reftoration of a portion of his 

of war and provifions for the French American eftates. Sir David Kirke re- 

colonifbs. This fleet he boldly attacked, turned to Newfoundland in 1653, after 

and fucceeded, after a defperate bat- a fliort abfence in England, and refumed 

tie, in capturing. With his prizes he his refidence at Ferryland, where he 

failed in triumph for England, where he died in the winter of 1655. 

arrived in fafety. Fired by his fuccefs, ^^^ Vide Voyages of Samuel de Cham- 

he again failed for America in the fpring piain^ by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, 

of 1629, and fucceeded in reducing Nova A.M., Bofton, 1880, Vol. I. pp. 161, 173. 

Scotia and capturing Quebec. He was ^^^ The manor of Afhton is in the 

knighted by the King in 1633, and given parifh of Long Afliton, in the county of 

with others a Charter of Newfoundland, Somerfet, near the city of Briftol. The 

where he took up his refidence as gov- hiflory of the old manor dates back to 

ernor, an office which he retained for the year 1230, when it was in the pof- 

twenty years. With the advent of Crom- feffion of Sir John de Alton, a knight 

well began a feries of troubles which of wide celebrity during the reign of 

refulted in the lofs to him of his New- Henry III. The old manor of Afhton 

foundland pofTefTions ; but by fkilful per- Phillips, or Lower Court as it is now 

fonal effort and a liberal ufe of money called, was founded by a grandfon of 

Sir 



152 



Memoir of 



not difpofed to lead a life of inaftivity, and no fooner had 
hoftilities a6lually ceafed than he and Mafon again took their 
colonial enterprifes in hand. Their firfb a6l was to divide 
their Province of Maine ; and on November 7th Mafon re- 
ceived a grant of that portion lying between the Merrimac 
and Pifcataqua rivers,^^ which he named New Hampfliire ; 
and as foon as Kirke arrived with the news of his conquefl 
of Canada, they lofl no time in applying to the King for a 
charter of a confiderable portion of the captured territory, 
which they named Laconia.^^^ This included the lands 
bordering upon the lake and river of the Iroquois,^^ extend- 
ing therefrom towards the fouth and eafl ten miles, towards 
the wefl half-way to the next great lake, and towards the 
north to the northerly fhore of the St. Lawrence. 'pu^ 



Sir John de Afton, fome time previous 
to 1265. This we know from a contro- 
verfy which took place between the 
owner and the Re6lor of Afhton, on 
account of a charity which Sir John had 
eflablifhed in the chapel attached to his 
manor-houfe, "without due licenfe." 
The manor continued in the poffeffion 
of the Aftons until 1384, when it pafled 
to others; but in 1503 the various parts 
became united by purchafe in Richard 
A. Merrych, and it was inherited by 
his only daughter Jane, who in 1494 
married John Brooks, a ferjeant-at-law. 
John Brooks died in 1524, leaving his 
widow Jane Merrych and two fons, the 
elder of whom inherited the property, 
which in turn pafled to his fon Hugh, 
who died in 1586, and was buried in the 
old church at Afhton, in a tomb which 
is efpecially noticeable on account of 
the abfence of an infer! ption. As Hugh 
Brooks had four daughters, the eftate 
was again divided and pafled to other 
names ; but in time the portions were 
again united, this time in the Smyth 
family, in whofe pofTefTion it remains 



to-day. There is no tomb to mark the 
refting-place of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 
whofe death took place during the 
troubled period of the Civil War ; but 
it is fuppofed that his remains repofe 
near thofe of his wife, whofe burial-place 
is marked by a monumental flruflure. 

^*^° Vide Charter of New Hampjiiire 
in Captain John Af a/on, edited by John 
Ward Dean, A.M., Prince Society, 
Bofton, 1887, pp. 183-189. 

201 yide /did., pp. 189-197. It was 
fo named on account of its numerous 
lakes. 

2°^ Lake Champlain was called fre- 
quently the Lake of the Iroquois by 
the Englifh, who did not wifli to recog- 
nize it by the name of its French ex- 
plorer. The River of the Iroquois, 
which conveys the waters of Lake 
Champlain to the St. Lawrence, was 
afterwards named the Richelieu, from 
a fort ere(5led near its mouth in 1641. 
It was fubfequently called the Sorel and 
the Chambly, from French officers who 
ere(5led forts at different periods to 
prote6l it againft hollile intrufion. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 153 

The objedl of Gorges and Mafon was to eftablifh a fac- 
tory at the mouth of the Pifcataqua, and to ufe that river 
in ignorance of its limited extent, as a highway for the 
tranfportation of goods into the Indian country about the 
great lakes. Fabulous llories had reached England of 
the vail wealth of this region in furs, and the profpeft of a 
lucrative trade with the inhabitants of the lake country was 
attradlive. 

The new Plymouth colonifls, who during the war had 
enjoyed a lucrative trade with the Indians along the coaft of 
Maine, alfo haftened to fecure from the Council a patent on 
the river Kennebeck, which was granted them on the 13th 
of January ; and on the 12th of February, Richard Vines and 
John Oldham procured a patent of eight miles of territory 
on the foutherly bank of the Saco, four miles in width, 
beginning at the fea, and Thomas Lewis and Richard Bony- 
thon a fimilar grant on the northerly bank of the fame 
river. 

Thus Gorges fuddenly found his colonial interefts ac- 
quiring remarkable adlivity. Preparations were fpeedily 
made by Gorges and Mafon to avail themfelves of the 
advantages offered by their new acquifitions ; and Captain 
Walter Neale, who had been engaged in the late wars, was 
felefted as Governor of Laconia. Early in April, 1630, 
Gorges had the fatisfa6lion of feeing the barque Warwick 
fail from Plymouth harbor, with Neale and his company on 
board. The colonifls reached their deftination in June, and 
eflablifhed themfelves on the weft bank of the Pifcataqua, 
within the limits of the prefent town of Rye, in the ftate of 
New Hampfhire. The Governor's houfe was of ftone, and 

VOL. I. -20 fituated 



154 



Memoir of 



fituated on a peninfula now known as Odiorne's Point. It 
had been built and occupied by David Thompfon, and was 
the houfe where that early colonift entertained Robert Gor- 
ges and Chriftopher Levett in 1623, when they met to 
organize the firfl government of New England, and which 
probably ferved as the model of Levett's flone houfe, which 
he fliortly after built at Cafco Bay. 

Applications to Gorges for grants now became numerous, 
and patents were ifTued to applicants without fufHcient re- 
gard to definite bounds, which confequently led to litigation. 
One fuch grant was iffued by the Earl of Warwick as 
Prefident of the Council for New England, and by Sir Fer- 
dinando Gorges as territorial proprietor, to a company of 
religious adventurers,^^^ of a tra6t of land forty miles fquare, 

extending 



203 This fe6l has been denominated 
" Familifts," on account of one of its 
leading tenets of love toward all men, 
and its founder has been much mif- 
underftood. His name was David Joris, 
or, anglicized, George, and he was born 
at Delft in 1 50 1. He was by trade a 
painter on glafs, and at an early age 
joined the Reformers. Being cruelly 
fcourged, imprifoned, and tortured by 
having his tongue bored for obftru6t- 
ing, it was alleged, one of the difgufting 
flreet pageants at that time indulged in 
by the Roman Church, he found fhel- 
ter, upon regaining his liberty, with 
the perfecuted Anabaptifts. Being un- 
willing to join in their violent oppofition 
againft their cruel tormentors, he re- 
fufed to be rebaptized, but lived for a 
number of years under his old Roman 
baptifm. When thirty- three years of 
age, however, he received the Protef- 
tant baptifm, but could find no accept- 
able home among the jarring fe6ts. His 
efforts to unite fome of thefe warring 



bodies into a fociety governed by love 
to all its members and to the world at 
large having become fuccefsful, he be- 
came an influential leader of the body, 
and devoted much time in vifiting the 
bedfides of the fick and dying, and com- 
forting them in their laft hours. That 
terrible engine of Koman cruelty, the 
Inquifition, was bufy; and when thirty- 
feven years of age, he was forced to 
witnefs in his native town of Delft the 
pubhc execution by decapitation of 
his venerable mother: a fight horrible 
enough to turn the brain of almofl: any 
fon. In danger of his own life, he fled 
from his native land and fought pro- 
tedlion in Germany, where he publiflied 
a Book of Wonders : a work full of the 
fanciful opinions then current among 
theological fpeculators, but no more 
fanciful than thofe to be found in the 
writings of fuch men in all the then 
exifting fefls. Purfued by the emif- 
faries of Rome, he wandered from 
country to country, and finally, under 

an 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 155 

extending eafterly from Cape Porpoife. To this territory 
Sir Ferdinando gave the name of Lygonia, in honor of his 
mother. Other grants followed, which may be enumerated, 
in order to fhow the intereft in colonization which at this 
time began to flourifh. Thus, grants were made to John 
Beauchamp of London and Thomas Leverett of Boflon, 
England, of territory equivalent to thirty miles fquare be- 
tween the rivers Penobfcot and Mufcongus, beginning at 
the fea; to Thomas Cammock of fifteen hundred acres 
upon the eafl; fide of the river of Black Point ; to Richard 
Bradfhaw of the fame number of acres above the head of 
the Pjepfcot river ; to John Stratton, of two thoufand acres 
at Cape Porpoife ; to Walter Bagnall, an ifland known as 
Richmond's Ifland, off the fhores of Cape Elizabeth, with 
fifteen hundred acres of the mainland adjacent; to Robert 

Trelawny 

an affumed name, found a home in Bale, body his views of Joris in a hiftory. 
where he paffed the clofmg years of his Thofe who adopted the faith taught by 
life a benevolent and honored citizen of Joris were the poor and uneducated, 
his adopted town and a member in good and they naturally decked his tenets 
Handing of the Reformed Church. Un- in fantaftical garb ; but, after all, pat- 
favorable opinions of the man and the temed after that prevalent in the eccle- 
fe6t founded by him have been diffufed fialtical world. It was a colony of thefe 
by prejudiced writers. As though a poor followers of the perfecuted and 
life of perfecution were not enough, defpifed Joris who attempted to found a 
after his death his fon-in-law, Nicholas colony at the mouth of the Sagadahoc, 
Blefdyck, who had oppofed Joris during but who, to ufe the graphic words of 
his life, and was embittered by being Winthrop, foon " vanifhed away." Vide 
excluded from participation in the little Hijloria Davidis Georgii, by Nicholas 
property which his father-in-law left 'B\&{dycV\ Kircheno;e/chichte/eii der Re- 
behind. himfelf affumed the role of per- formation, by Schroeckh,Vol.V. p.442; 
fecutor, and brought grievous charges Kirchen- und Ketzerhijlorie^ by God- 
in the Courts Ecclefiaflical againft the frey Arnold, Vol. I. p. 750; Ibid.,Yo\. 
mild Reformer; and although thefe II. p. 534; Story of the Rife, Reign and 
charges were met and anfwered by the Ruin of the Fa?nilifls oftd Libertines 
family of Joris, Blefdyck fucceeded in that infefled the Churches of New Eng- 
procuringhis condemnation^<?/?C(^//«w, land^ London, 1692; The Hiftory of 
and his body was exhumed and publicly New England^ by John Winthrop, Efq., 
burned by the hangman. Not fatisfied Bolton, 1853, Vol. I. p. 69. 
with this, Blefdyck proceeded to em- 



156 Memoir of 

Trelawny and Mofes Goodyear, merchants of Plymouth, a 
traft of land between the grant to Cammock and Cafco Bay, 
extending inland the fame diftance as Cammock's grant ex- 
tended ; to Ferdinando Gorges, Jr., the grandfon of Sir 
Ferdinando, and others, twelve thoufand acres on each fide 
of the Agamenticus river, together with one hundred acres 
adjoining for every colonifl tranfported thither ; to Robert 
Aldworth and Giles Elbridge, merchants of Briftol, a like 
quantity of twelve thoufand acres between the Mufcongus 
and Damarifcotta rivers, with one hundred acres additional 
for each colonifl. All thefe grants followed each other in 
rapid fucceffion. 

- Of the grant to Ferdinando Gorges, Jr., his grandfather 
gives us fome particulars. The patent upon the eafl fide of 
the Agamenticus was granted to Lieutenant-Colonel Norton, 
Ferdinando Gorges, Jr., and others, while that on the weft 
fide was granted to Ferdinando, Jr., alone. Sir Ferdinando 
tells us that Norton and his affociates "haftened to take pof- 
feffion of their territories, carrying with them their families 
and other neceffary provifions ; and I fent over for my fon, 
my nephew. Captain William Gorges, who had been my lieu- 
tenant in the fort of Plymouth, with fome other craftfmen 
for the building of houfes and erefting of faw-mills ; and by 
other fliipping from Briftol, fome cattle, with other fervants, 
by which the foundation of the Plantation was laid. And I 
was the more hopeful of the happy fuccefs thereof, for that 
I had not far from that place Richard Vines, a gentleman 
and fervant of my own, who was fettled there fome years 
before." 20* 

204 Vide A Briefe Narration^ by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, et pojlea. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 157 

Projefts for colonization and difcovery were now again 
adlive, and even the old belief in a northwefl palTage to 
India was revived, and two expeditions were fent into Hud- 
fon's Bay, one by the King's commiffion and another by 
Briftol merchants.^^ 

But while thefe projedls were in full adlivity, Charles, to 
favor his French brother-in-law, was negotiating a treaty by 
which all the places pofTelTed by the Englifh in New France, 
the limits of which were altogether elaftic, were to be aban- 
doned to the French ; and this treaty was finally figned by 
the two monarchs, becoming the caufe of much trouble to 
the Englilli, whofe ambaffadors had been outwitted by the 
aflute Richelieu.206 

But not only were the French threatening the poffeflions 
of Sir Ferdinando : the Dutch were alfo crowding upon him, 
and we find both him and Mafon laboring with the Govern- 
ment againft thefe fturdy rivals. A velTel from the Dutch 
fettlement on the Hudfon, which was within the limits of 
the Council's patent, had early in the fpring been obliged by 
ftrefs of weather to take flielter in Plymouth harbor. Find- 
ing where flie came from, the patentees caufed her to be 
detained, and reprefentations were made to the Privy Coun- 
cil with a view to caufing her confifcation. At the fame 

time 

206 Vide The North Wejl Fox^ by 82,700 livres for property found in 

Captain Luke Fox; The Dangerous Quebec, and alfo the value of the 

^/rt.^^, etc., by Captain Thomas James, cargoes of feveral French fhips taken 

London, 1633. by the Englifh, and 60,600 livres for 

2<^^ By this treaty King Charles agreed five French fhips and their cargoes 

to reflore to France all the places pof- taken by the Englifh. A Treaty of 

feiTed by the Englifh in New France, Commerce was alfo made the fame day. 

Acadia, and Canada, particularly Port- Vide Rymer^s Fazdera, Vol. XIX. 

Royal (now Annapolis), Quebec, and p. 361. 
Cape Breton, and to pay to France 



158 Memoir of 

time government aid was fought to protedl the patentees 
againft further encroachments of the Dutch, and to bring 
about the breaking up of their plantation. Sir Ferdinando 
had gone to Briflol with Lord Pawlet and other friends to 
attend a race, but was thrown from his horfe and feverely 
injured, fo that he was unable, when the matter came up, to 
join Mafon before the lords to procure the confifcation of 
the Dutch ihip, and to fecond him in his efforts againft the 
interlopers ; being, as he fays in a letter to Mafon of April 
6th, as though it were a matter of fmall confequence, unable 
to move without the help of his fervants. Yet at this time 
he mufl have been fixty-five years of age. We may prop- 
erly infer from this that he was a man of great phyfical 
vigor, and not of a corpulent habit. Their efforts, how- 
ever, were unavailing ; and the fliip, after feveral months' 
detention, was finally releafed.^^ 

In the meantime the Maffachufetts and Plymouth col- 
onifts were thriving, and their plantations growing apace. 
Naturally they were not favorable to lordfhips, of which 
they had had fufficient experience in England, and were 
jealous of Gorges, while he was diftruftful of them. The 
colonifts, careful to preferve the public peace, had punifhed 
and excluded from their plantation three malcontents. 
Sir Chriflopher Gardiner,^^^ Thomas Morton,^^^ and Dixie 
Bull,^^° the latter having efcaped the halter for piracy by 

flight ; 

207 F/rt^<? Colonial Papers, Charles I., 209 yi^^ The New En^hjh Canaan^ 
Vol. VI. No. 44; Ibid., No. 52, Public edited by Charles Francis Adams, Jr. 
Records Office, et pojiea. Prince Society Ed.. Bofton, 1883. 

208 Vide Sir Chrijlopher Gardiner, 210 Vide The Trelawny Papers, edSitdi 
A'wz;^^^/, by Charles Francis Adams, Jr., by James Phinney Baxter, A.M., Port- 
Cambridge, 1883. land, 1884, p. 23. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 159 

flight ; and thefe, on their return to England, at once haf- 
tened to lay their grievances before Gorges, and it would 
feem fucceeded in gaining his attention. The refult was 
that a petition to the Privy Council was made on the 19th 
of December, to enquire into the methods by which the 
Colony of MalTachufetts Bay had obtained its charter, as 
well as into the abufes which it had pra6lifed under it. 
The affidavits of Morton, Gardiner, and Ratcliff, the laft of 
whom feems to have taken the place of Bull, ferved as a 
foundation for the attack upon the MalTachufetts Colony, 
which was charafterized as rebellious and feditious ; and as 
no fliaft at this time could be confidered effeftual without 
being anointed with religious virus, the colony was de- 
clared by thefe thoroughly irreligious affiants to be dan- 
gerous to the Church and the State.^^^ There can be no 
doubt that Sir Ferdinando Gorges identified himfelf with 
this attack, though he does not appear to have been a6live 
in it. He was a man of found judgment, having a practical 
knowledge of civil affairs, and at this period had reached an 
age when experience teaches caution. He refpefted the 
judgments of his contemporaries, who fhowed themfelves 
not unworthy ; hence we find him always fpeaking in tones 
of refpedt of the Maffachufetts rulers, whom he knew to be 
men of ftrong chara6lers, who might be ufeful friends or 
dangerous opponents. Many turbulent fpirits had crowded 
into the infant fettlements, and their violent words and impru- 
dent a6ls furnifhed malcontents, like Morton and Gardiner, 

with 

211 Vide Colonial Papers, Charles I., England^ edited by Charles Deane, 
Vol. VI. Nos. 68, 69, Public Records LL.D., Cambridge, 1867, p. 6$. 
Office; Records of the Council for New 



i6o Memoir of 

with efficient weapons of attack upon the whole colony. 
Gorges himfelf was accufed, by thofe who pofed for zealous 
churchmen, of " being the fupporter and author of all that 
was diftafleful in the colony," and hence was obliged, in 
order to difarm his critics, to fet himfelf againfl thofe ac- 
cufed of turbulence in the colony ; but he fays, when fpeak- 
ing of the lawleffnefs of fome of the colonifls, that " doubtlefs 
had not the patience and wifdom of Mr. Winthrop, Mr. 
Humphreys, Mr. Dudley, and others their affiftants, been 
the greater, much mifchief would fuddenly have overwhelmed 
them." The fupport which Sir Ferdinando gave to their 
enemies was of courfe diftafleful to the Maffachufetts rulers, 
and alfo to thofe of Plymouth, whofe interefls were fimilar. 
Sherley had written to Bradford from Brifhol in 1629, that 
he was " perfuaded Sir Ferdinando (how loving and friendly 
foever he feems to be) knows he can, nay purpofeth to over- 
throw, at his pleafure, all the patents he grants." ^^ They 
had naturally diflrufted him ; and his unwife a6lion in fuflain- 
ing fuch men as Morton and Gardiner aroufed in the Maf- 
fachufetts Colony a fpirit of antagonifm againfl him which 
could never be laid. They faw in the courfe which he had 
adopted evidence of an ambition to become the arbiter of 
New England's defliny, and from that moment they were 
ever on the alert to baffle him. 

The Earl of Warwick proved friendly to the colony, and 

with 

212 James Sherley was a merchant of notably by a recent writer, who calls 

London, and one of the Englifti partners him " a canting fharper," and " Old 

of the Pilgrims. His letters to Bradford Man of the Sea." Vide ColieSlions 

indicate a fpirit of piety and gener- of the Maffachufetts Hijiorical Society y 

ofity rarely to be found among mer- Firft Series, Vol. III. p. 71 ; The Pil- 

cantile men ftriving for gain, and his grim Republic^ by John A. Goodwin, 

fmcerity has been brought into queftion ; Bolton, 1888, p. 256. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges, i6i 

with his aid and that of other friends, the proceedings 
againft it came to naught. Warwick and Gorges had hith- 
erto been warm friends ; but a coolnefs feems to have 
fprung up between them about this time, the refult perhaps 
of the formers efpoufal of the caufe of the colony, which 
fubfequently gave place to hoftility. 

So important was their deliverance from a fatal peril con- 
fidered by the colonifts, that a day of thankfgiving therefor 
was fet apart by them, and their chief magiflrate requefted 
the Governor of the Plymouth Colony to have his people 
join them in its obfervance.^^^ 

But a new danger threatened the colonifls. William 
Laud, a man acknowledged on all hands to have been an 
over-zealous and intolerant man, became Primate of Eng- 
land. If Sir Ferdinando Gorges had not thus far appeared 
refponfible for Morton's a6ts, we fhall now find him becom- 
ing fo, and fully identifying himfelf with a plan to bring 
the New England colonifts under the rigid rule of king and 
bifliop. Emigration, owing to the wretched condition of 
civil affairs in England, and efpecially to the fpirit of per- 
fecution which the advent of Laud had revived, had re- 
ceived a new impetus, and with the opening of 1634 great 
numbers of people of all forts and conditions began to pour 
into New England. 

It is not, however, for a moment to be fuppofed that thefe 

people 

218 Under date of June 19th, 1633, of Xew England^ by John Winthrop, 

Winthrop records: " A day of thankf- Efq., Bofton, 1853, Vol. I. p. 124; A 

giving was kept in all the congregations, Chronological Hijlory of New England^ 

for our fafe delivery from the plots of by Thomas Prince, M. A., Bofton, 1826, 

our enemies, and for the fafe arrival of p. 432. 
our friends," etc. Vide The Hijlory 

VOL. I. — 21 



1 62 Memoir of 

people were of the bafer fort. Quite the contrary. A large 
portion confifted of the beft of England's population ; men 
of flurdy principle and difpofed to be loyal to their govern- 
ment, but at the fame time men who preferred to facrifice 
their phyfical comfort rather than their fpiritual freedom.^^* 
They had feen the manner in which Laud had confifcated 
the funds colle6led for the purchafe of impropriations and 
the arbitrary banifhment of the feoffees,^^^ as well as other 
like arbitrary adts, and they were anxious to efcape from a 
tyranny growing daily more oppreffive. A number of veiTels 
had taken in their palTengers, and were ready to fail from the 
Thames, when a proclamation was iffued forbidding any man 
to leave the kingdom who had not a certificate from his min- 
ifler of his conformity to the orders and difcipline of the 
Church of England ;^^^ and Cradock, who was the London 

reprefentative 

21* On May 8th, John Ker wrote to port of minifters indeftitute parts of the 

Thomas Leviflon, wifhing to learn of country. The fcheme proved eminently 

the fuccefs of the plantations in New fuccefsful. The wealthy among the 

England, as there were many at Prefton Puritans efpoufed it eagerly ; large 

Pans, where the writer refided, who funds were colle6led ; and the purchafed 

were drawn to caft in their lot with the impropriations were veiled in feoffees. 

New England colonills, " not minif- On the plea that thefe appointments 

ters," the writer fays, which gives us a amounted to an evafion of the Royal 

hint of his own profelTion, "but young Prerogative, Laud caufed an a<5lion to 

men of rare gifts, who cannot get any be brought againfl the feoffees in the 

lawful entry, as alfo profeffors of good Exchequer, and the refult was that the 

means, who labour to keep themfelves funds were confifcated, and the feof- 

pure and undefiled." Vide Domeilic fees were fentenced to banifhment." 

Correfpondence, Charles I., Vol. VIII., Vide Davids' Annals of Evangelical 

Public Records Office. Nonconformity^ p. 173. 

215 "Towards the clofe of the year -^^ "King Charles ilTued a procla- 

1632, Laud accompliflied a purpofe, mation importing that, being informed 

which he had long conceived, for the that numbers of his fubje6ls are every 

more effe6lual fuppreffion of the lee- year tranfporting themfelves and fami- 

turers. In 1624 a plan had been fet on lies with their eftates to the Englifh 

foot for the purchafe of fuch lay im- plantations in America, amongfl whom 

propriations as might offer themfelves, there are many idle and refraftory 

and applying the revenues to the fup- humours, whofe only or principal end 

is 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 163 

reprefentative of the Maffachufetts Company, was ordered to 
produce its charter, which he could not do, it being in the 
pofTeffion of Governor Winthrop, thanks to that ftatefman's 
wife forefight. This was a furprife to Laud and his co- 
adjutors, as they had fuppofed that the charter was flill in 
London ; and being unable to lay their hands upon that 
important document, which was the main obje6l in view, 
they finally allowed the veffels to depart upon compliance 
with certain conditions. 

Sir Ferdinando and his friend Mafon were deeply inter- 
efled in thefe doings. The territory which had been con- 
veyed by the Council for New England to Mafon, and by 
him called Mariana, in 162 1, and that conveyed by it to 
Sir Ferdinando's fon, Robert Gorges, in 1622, had been 
included in a fubfequent conveyance of the Council in 1627 
to the Maffachufetts Company, who had taken the precau- 
tion to ftrengthen its title by procuring from the King, in 
the year following, a royal charter of the territory. This 
led to a conflift of titles, in which the Maffachufetts Com- 
pany ftrongly afferted its rights, and it became greatly for 
the interefls both of Gorores and Mafon to have the Maffa- 



chufetts Charter annulled. 



To 



is to live as much as they can without formity to the orders and difcipline of 
the reach of authority; the King thereby the Church of Enojland. This was 
commands all officers of the feveral levelled againft the Puritans, thefe go- 
ports that they do not hereafter permit ing in great numbers to New England 
any perfons being fubfidy-men, i.e. to avoid perfecution at home; and a 
payers of the ufual fubfidies, to embark better fample needs not to be defired of 
themfelves thither, without a licenfe the wifdom of this king and his minif- 
from the commiffioners for plantations; ters." Vide Rymer's F(rdera,Vo\. XX. 
nor none under the value of fubfidy- p. 143; alfo Letter of Henry Dade to 
men, without a certificate of his having the Archbifhop of Canterbury, dated 
taken the oaths of fupremacy and alle- February 4th, 1634, Council Regifter, 
giance, and likewife from the minifter of Colonial Papers, Charles I., Public 
the parifh, of his converfation and con- Records Office. 



164 Memoir of 

To achieve this plan, it was firfl neceflary to bring the 
colonies under the control of a commiffion, with extraordi- 
nary powers to effeft its purpofes ; and this was done, on the 
28th of April, when we find Laud and other officers of State 
commiffioned " for making laws and orders for government 
of Englifh colonies planted in foreign parts, with power to 
impofe penalties and imprifonment for offences in ecclefiafli- 
cal matters; to remove governors, and require an account 
of their government ; to appoint judges and magiflrates, and 
eftablifh courts ; to hear and determine all manner of com- 
plaints from the colonies; to have power over all charters 
and patents; and to revoke thofe furreptitioufly obtained." ^^^ 
This was aimed direftly at the Maffachufetts Company, and 
was preliminary to a diflblution of the Council for New Eng- 
land, and a concentration of power in the hands of Sir Fer- 
dinando. It was followed in a few days by a letter from Sir 
Ferdinando himfelf to the King, which fhows his connexion 
with the plan. In this letter he fuggefted that inafmuch as 
the King had taken into his own hands the management of 
the colonies. New England fliould be divided into feveral 
provinces, with a governor and affiftants to each, and that 
over thefe fhould be fet a " Lord Governor or Lord Lieu- 
tenant, for the fettling of a public ftate," who was to be 
affifted by other proper officers.^^^ In other words, there 
was to be placed over New England a viceregal government, 
wielding not only royal but ecclefiallical powers. 

On 

2" F/^<? Commiffion to William Laud, 218 yi^^ Letter of Sir Ferdinando 

Archbifhop of Canterbury ^/ «/j. , dated Gorg^es to the King, dated May 12th, 

at Weftminfter, April 28th, 1634, Colo- 1634, Colonial Papers, Charles L, Vol. 

nial Papers, Charles L, Vol. VIIL No. VI IL No. 14, Public Records Office, 

12, Public Records Office. et pojiea. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 165 

On June 6th, Gorges again wrote, this time to Secretary 
Windebank, hoping that he had " already fufficiently en- 
larged upon the neceffity of fome fpeedy courfe for fettling 
the affairs of New England." He told the Secretary that he 
had conferred with Lord Lindfay, Lord Edward Gorges, 
and others, with reference to becoming " a6lors " in the 
government which he had propofed for New England ; but 
thought that he had faid enough to manifefl his zeal in the 
fervice, and would leave what more he had to fay for a fairer 
opportunity. ^^^ 

Gorges was now adlively at work perfedling his plan for 
the government of New England, and we find him pre- 
paring " Confiderations neceffary to be refolved upon in 
fettling the Governor for New England," which were fub- 
mitted to Laud and his affociates. One of thefe confidera- 
tions was, whether perfons going to New England fhould 
not "be bound to be conformable to the rights and cere- 
monies of the Church." He alfo fuggefted that the Ply- 
mouth Colony being neighbors to the Dutch and difaffe6led 
both to the King's government and to the State Ecclefi- 
aftical, made it unfafe to grant them more extent or author- 
ity, and he afked " whether it be not more than time thefe 
people fhould be looked unto."^ 

So potent was the influence of Sir Ferdinando with the 
King and Archbifhop, that a letter was at once drawn to be 
figned by the King, giving all of his confiderations the force 

and 

219 Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando 220 yi^g Confiderations neceffary to 

Gorges to Secretary Windebank, dated be refolved upon, etc , without date, but 

Afhton, June 6th, 1 634, Colonial Papers, in the latter part of 1634, in Colonial 

Charles I., Vol. VIII. No. 17, Public Papers, Charles I., Vol. VIII. No. 34, 

Records Office, et pojlea. Public Records Office, et pojlea. 



1 66 Memoir of 

and fanftion of law. He had been carefully founding his 
aflbciate patentees relative to the future flatus of their char- 
ter, and on December 9th wrote the commiffioners, afking 
for a confirmation of the charter of the Council for New 
England, with alterations and additions of privileges, and 
that the books and feals of the Council fhould be placed in 
the cuftody of whoever fhould be appointed the Governor of 
New England, an honor which he rightly expefted to be 
beflowed upon himfelf.^^^ We cannot believe that he had 
not already perfefted his plan for a divifion of the Council's 
property, and intended by this requefl: to perpetuate the 
Council's exiftence ; but that he was endeavoring to get con- 
ceffions of larger privileges agreed upon in advance, which 
might be transferred to individual members without fridlion, 
when the proper time was reached for a divifion. Thefe 
might be obtained for an affociation of influential perfons 
more readily than for feparate individuals. 

In thefe efforts he had an able affiflant in Mafon, with 
whom he was upon mofl intimate terms. On March 21ft, 
1635, he wrote Secretary Windebank, that he perceived that 
it was " the king's pleafure to aflign him Governor of New 
England," and confirming the fears exprefled in 1629 by 
Sherley to Governor Bradford, he preffed for the repeal of 
the patents which had been granted by the Council for New 
England to fettlers in MaiTachufetts Bay. In this letter he 
fpoke of a furrender of the charter of the Council for New 
England,^^^ and a divifion of its property among the aflb- 

ciates, 

221 Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando nial Papers, Charles T., Vol, VIII. No. 
Gorges to the Lords Commiflioners of 36. Public Records Office, et poJlea» 
Plantations, December 9th, 1634, Colo- 222 y^^^ Letter of Sir Ferdinando 

Gorges 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 167 

ciates, which the Council had formally voted to do at a meet- 
ing at the houfe of Lord Gorges on February 3d, and he de- 
fired that thofe who propofed to tranfport planters to New 
Eno:land fhould be referred to the Governor for direflions 
where to fettle them.^ 

Affairs were now hurried up. On the i8th of April the 
Council met at the houfe of Lord Gorges, and the reafons for 
furrendering its charter were entered upon its records.^ But 
few members attended thefe meetings, and it was eafy to con- 
trol affairs through a few interefted perfons. Everything was 
now in a fair way to place the entire control of New Eng- 
land in the hands of Sir Ferdinando. The charters of the 
Malfachufetts Colony and that of the Plymouth adventurers 
were at the mercy of the commiffion, which was fully in 
fympathy with him ; and his fcheme for the furrender of the 
Councils charter had been agreed upon. Eight of the 
members were to fwallow up the entire property of the cor- 
poration, and have it divided among them in feveralty. Let 
not the ftockholders in modern corporations bemoan the 
degeneracy of morals in boards of dire6lorfhip in their 
profaic times ! Here was a fcheme worthy of a Napoleonic 
financier of the nineteenth century. But how was this to 
be accomplifhed and avoid the many fpringes and toils which 
legal artifice had prepared to entrap thofe who might lofe 
the royal favor, a thing always poffible ? A law exifted that 
a royal charter might be at any time annulled if it could be 

fhown 

Gorges to Secretary Windebank, dated 223 yi^g Records of the Council for 

March 21ft, 1635, Colonial Papers, New England^ by Charles Deane, 

Charles I., Vol. VIII. No. 52, Public LL.D., Cambridge, 1867, pp. ddetfeq. 

Records Office, ei pofiea. 224 y^^^ Ibid., pp. 74 etfeq. 



1 68 Memoir of 

fhown to have been granted by the King upon a mifappre- 
henlion of fadls. A withholding of fa6ls at the time of 
application to the throne for a charter would render it 
liable to be annulled ; and of courfe fafts in the cafe of 
New England grantees were never forthcoming, as few fa6ts 
refpefting the territory granted were known by the appli- 
cants for charters, fometimes none at all.^ It was quite 
probable that when it became known to all the members 
of the New England corporation, that the property ab- 
forbed by eight of their number was of great and conflantly 
increafmg value, they might find a way to reach the royal 
ear and caufe the poffeffors trouble ; hence it was neceflary 
to tie ftrong knots at all points of their fcheme. Firfl, it would 
be neceflary for the members in their corporate capacity to 
convey to themfelves their refpeftive fhares. This was the 
firft requifite flep, but it was not altogether fecure. Some- 
body might obje6l that there was collufion, and that a wrong 
had been perpetrated upon thofe members left out of the 
divifion. They would as managers have a perfedl right to 
leafe the lands of the corporation to eight perfons not mem- 
bers of the body corporate, perfons friendly to them, and 
who for a nominal confideration could ailign their leafes to 
them ; hence it was decided that in addition to the feveral 

patents 

225 The law declared that the King grantee; and it was provided by a 

could not do an a6l prejudicial to the Itatute, i Henry IV. chap. 6, "that no 

common weal, and that if he granted grant of his fhall be good, unlefs in the 

any franchife or privilege found to be grantee's petition exprefs mention be 

fo, fuch grant was void, on the ground made of the real value of the lands." 

that fraud had been ufed by the grantee From all this it will be feen by what an 

in obtaining it. It was alfo a law that infecure tenure a man or corporation 

a grant made by the King at the fuit of held property acquired by royal grant, 

the grantee, fhould be taken moft bene- when it became the intereft of thofe in 

ficially for the King and againft the power to render it void. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 169 

patents iffued to them by the corporation, eight leafes for the 
lengthy period of three thoufand years fhould pafs to truHed 
friends, who fhould in due form affign their leafes to them. 
This would meet every legal requirement. All this muft 
be accompliflied before the furrender of their charter to 
the King, in whom they had but little confidence. Befides 
the two titles mentioned, it would tie up their titles as 
flrongly as titles could be tied, for each of the eight con- 
federates to have a charter of his portion dire6lly from the 
Crown. Each would thus have three titles to fall back upon 
in cafe of trouble ; namely, a patent from the Council for 
New England under its charter; a leafe affigned him by 
a third party, a leffee of the Council ; and a charter from 
the King. Here would be a good many flrong mefhes for 
legal experts to break through before they could reach the 
interefts of the junta. All this was carefully arranged, and 
it was underftood that, upon the furrender of their charter 
to the King, he was to iffue a feparate charter to each of 
the eight patentees, thereby removing any queftion of ille- 
gality from the tranfaflion. 

On the 2 2d, at a meeting of the corporation at the houfe 
of Lord Gorges, the feveral patents, as previoufly agreed 
upon, were completed and paffed to the eight favored mem- 
bers, and the leafes of the fame territory figned and delivered 
to their friends, who were really truftees, though this im- 
portant fa6l was not mentioned in the inftruments, left it 
fhould prove a cloud to title. This clofed the bufmefs for 
the day ; but on the 26th, a petition to the King having been 
prepared, praying him to caufe to be iffued feparate charters 
to the patentees, was approved, and the appointment of Sir 

VOL. I. — 22 Ferdinando 



170 Memoir of 

Ferdinando Gorges to the governor-generalfhip of New 
England was announced. Having completed its various 
buiinefs affairs, the Council furrendered its charter to the 
King on the 7th of June, 1635.^^^ Sir Ferdinando had 
affigned to him the territory between the Pifcataqua and 
the Sagadahoc, extending one hundred and twenty miles 
frorn the fea-coaft. To the weft was his bofom friend 
Mafon, and next to him his kinfman Lord Edward Gorges, 
while he was the lord governor of the entire territory of 
New England, endowed with almoft regal powers, and fully 
competent to locate the numerous planters pouring into the 
country upon fuch territory as he thought proper. 

Evidently the profpe6l of a fpeedy fettlement of Maine, 
or New Somerfetfliire as it was then called, appeared prom- 
ifmg to the lord proprietor. It was a brilliant fcheme, but 
one upon which Providence was not to fmile. New Eng- 
land was deftined for fomething better than fuch a govern- 
ment, a glance at whofe archetype in Old England reveals 
abufes of power appalling to one who views them in the 
light of to-day. 

It had been fully underftood that royal charters of their 
feveral portions were immediately to iffue to the proprietors 
upon furrender of the New England charter, and Thomas 
Morton was afting as their folicitor ; but the King was in 
no hurry to complete the expefted documents. On Novem- 
ber 26th the proprietors, having apparently become uneafy, 
met and voted, " That the paffmg of the particular patents 

was 

226 Vide Records of the Council for New England^ by Charles Deane, LL.D., 
Cambridge, 1867, pp. 71-81. 




Ruins of the Private Chapel attached to Ashton Philhps, 

SOMERSETSHIRE. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 171 

was to be expedited with all conveniency," and " The Lord 
Maltravers and the Lord Gorges were defired to go with 
Mr. Holborne to Mr. Attorney-General's, to agree upon 
the liberties thereof to be obtained of his Majefty."^^ But 
the confirmatory charters were not completed by the King's 
lignature.^^ Sir Ferdinando, however, puflied forward his 
preparations for alTuming the government of New England. 
He was now living at Afhton Phillips, near Briftol, whither 
he had removed from Plymouth ; and we have a glimpfe of 
him on board the James, where he had gone to interview 
fome of the emigrants about to fet fail for MafTachufetts 
Bay, by whom he fent word to the colonifts, that " if he 
ever came there he would be a true friend unto them."^^ 

When the news of the appointment of a governor-general, 
and a copy of the order for creating the board of Lords 
Commiflioners were received in Maffachufetts, the colonics 
were thrown into a fever of excitement. They forefaw 
the eflablifhment of defpotic rule ; the creation of monop- 
olies to reward favorites ; the punifhment of thofe not 
conforming to the rigid requirements of Laud ; indeed, 

the 

^' Vide Records of the Council for document itfelf is quite as interefting as 

i'\^<?«/£'«o^/fz«^,byCharlesDeane, LL.D., if it bore the royal fign-manual; and 

Cambridge, 1867, p. 81. Mafon's claim to the territory conveyed 

2^8 It is reafonable to fuppofe that to him by the Council for New England 

thefe charters were drawn up and pre- was equitably as valid without as with 

pared for the King's fignature by the fuch a charter, even if it had been figned, 

patentee's attorneys, afting in conjunc- fealed, and legally delivered. The doc- 

tion with the attorney-general ; but not ument alluded to may be feen printed 

one of them has come down to us, un- in Captain John Mafon, edited by John 

lefs the document found by William M. Ward Dean, A.M., Prince Society, 

Sargent, Efq., in 1887, which purports Bofton. 1867, pp. 360-378. 
to be the copy of a charter from "^^ Vide Chronicles of the Firfl Plant- 

Charles I., dated Auguft 19th, 1635, is ers of MaJ/'achufetts Bay ^hy A\QX2indtr 

one. No mention of a fignature appears Young, Bofton, 1846, p. 451. 
upon the copy, but neverthelefs the 



172 Memoir of 

the perverfion of every form of juflice. Even Morton, a 
vile fellow whom they had unwifely punifhed, was to re- 
turn a trufled inflrument of the new government. They 
learned, moreover, that Ihips and foldiers were foon to ap- 
pear to enforce the authority of that government. Had 
they not left home and undergone facrifices too painful to 
contemplate, that they might efcape thefe hated bonds, which 
were now once more to be caft about them ? It was a 
feafon of terrible fufpenfe in the Maffachufetts Colony, and 
with the fpirit which afterwards infpired the Revolutionary 
Fathers, preparations for defence were promptly undertaken. 
But the terrible vifions which the colonifts had conjured 
up were to be diffipated in a manner to their eyes miracu- 
lous. " The Lord," faid Winthrop, " fruftrated their defign."23o 
A fhip which had been put upon the ftocks for tranfporting 
the governor-general, his officers and troops to New Eng- 
land, in launching met with a fmgular mifliap ; in fadl, 
was fo damaged as to be deemed paft repair.^^ Captain 
Mafon, the vice-admiral of the new government, and the 
mainftay of Gorges, was touched by the wand of Death and 
vanifhed away. The King, upon whom Gorges relied for 

affiflance 

230 Vide The Hijiory of New Eng- many weak and crazy fhips thither, fo 

land^ by John Winthrop, Efq., Bolton, provided it, that this ftrong, new-built 

1853, Vol. I. p. 192. {hip in the very launching fell all in 

^^ "One Ferdinando Gorges," fays pieces, no man knew how, this fpring 

D'Ewes. "was nominated for Governor, enfuing, and fo preferved his dear chil- 

and there was a confultation had to dren there at this prefent from that 

fend him thither with a thoufand fol- fatal danger, nor hath hence fuffered 

diers ; a fhip was now in building and them as yet to come under the like 

near finifhed to tranfport him by fea, fear." Vide Aiitobio^raphy and Cor- 

and much fear there was amongft the refpondence of Sir Simonds VEwes^ 

godly, left that infant commonwealth Bart., edited by James Orchard Hal- 

and church fhould have been ruined by liwell, Efq., London, 1845, Vol. II. p. 

him ; when God, that had carried fo 1 18. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 



173 



afliflance, by continued perfiflence in mifrule had raifed a 
florm which engroffed his attention ; befides, his refources 
were exhaufted to fuch an extent, that to maintain his 
houfehold he was obliged to refort to forced loans ;^ in- 
deed, Gorges was left alone to manage the affairs of the 
new government. Though fadly crippled, he went forward 
with his ufual fpirit, and fet the wheels of his government in 
motion to the beft of his ability. He did not go in perfon 
as he intended to go ; perhaps a potent reafon for his re- 
maining at home was that he might be at hand to plead for 
his promifed charter, which had not yet been iffued to him. 
He however fent over his nephew, William Gorges,^ a man 

of 



2^2 As an evidence of the injuflice 
and folly perpetrated in this reign, an 
inftance or two maybe mentioned. Thus, 
in 1635, the King iflued a proclamation 
complaining that public carriages were 
a great difturbance to him, " his deareft 
confort the queen," and alfo to the 
"nobility and others of place and de- 
gree." By thefe public vehicles he de- 
clared that the pavements were broken 
up, and that the price of hay and pro- 
vender was made higher by them ; hence 
their ufe was forbidden in London and 
its fuburbs, except to perfons going on 
a journey out of the city a diftance of 
not lefs than three miles. It was alfo 
commanded that no perfon fhould go in 
a coach in the ftreets except the owner 
of the coach fhould keep up four able 
horfes for the King's fervice when re- 
quired. This proclamation caufed great 
hardfhip, not only to the owners of 
public carriages but to thofe not able to 
own private ones, and the difcontent of 
the people found vent in loud com- 
plaints. This opened a way to create 
another monopoly, and the King fhowed 
his "gracious confideration " to his fuf- 
fering people by iiluing another proc- 



lamation, to the effe6l that " finding it 
very requifite for our nobility and gentry, 
as well as for foreign ambafladors, ftran- 
gers and others, that there fhould be a 
competent number of hackney coaches 
allowed " for public ufe, he granted 
full power and authority to the Marquis 
of Hamilton, one of his favorites, to 
have control during life of all the public 
carriages in the kingdom, and to pre- 
fcribe rules and fix fuch prices for their 
ufe as he thought proper. The number 
in London was limited to fifty coaches 
and fix hundred horfes; but the number 
in other parts of England was left to 
the difcretion of the Marquis to deter- 
mine. Of courfe, this monopoly brought 
in a rich revenue, of which a large por- 
tion was loaned to the royal beggar. 
Another arbitrary a<5l was an order to 
all the filverfmiths of London to live in 
Goldfmiths' Row, an aft which has been 
pronounced fo cruel and abfurd as to 
render animadverfion upon it needlefs. 
Vide Rymer^s Feeder a. Vol. XIX. p. 21 ; 
Ibid.^ Vol. XX. pp. 195 et pajjlvt. 

233 William Gorges was the eleventh 
of twelve children born to Sir Edward, 
the elder brother of Sir Ferdinando 

Gorges. 



174 Memoir of 

of confiderable chara6ler, as Governor of New Somerfetfliire, 
which was his own particular portion of New England. 
William Gorges, foon after his arrival in the country, pro- 
ceeded to Saco, where he eflablifhed his government, and 
on the 2ifl of March, 1636, opened his court for the trial 
of caufes. 

It was the intention of the new government to make 
New Somerfetfhire the centre of royal and prelatical power, 
which was to be extended as foon as pra6licable over New 
England. This had been the aim of Gorges from the be- 
ginning. The Rev. Richard Seymour, as we have feen, 
accompanied the Popham Colony, and eflablifhed ritualiftic 
worfhip at the mouth of the Sagadahoc in 1607; ^^^ when 
Robert Gorges was fent over in 1623, he was accompanied 
by the Rev. William Morrell, who had the authority con- 
ferred upon him of fuperintending the churches of New 
England. So like wife, now, the Rev. Richard Gibfon^ was 
fent over to eftablifh the Englifh Church in New Somer- 
fetfhire. William Gorges condu6led his adminiftration with 
prudence and in a manner acceptable to the people of the 
Province, but becoming diffatisfied he returned to England 
early in 1637. 

During this period Gorges was not inactive. George 
Cleeve, who had lived at Cafco Bay for feveral years, hav- 
ing gone to New England, as many other planters had 
gone, with the promife of a grant of land if they perma- 
nently 

Gorges. He was baptized at Wraxall, ^84 Yox a brief (ketch of the Rev. 

February 2d, 1605, and hence was thirty Richard Gibfon, vide George Cleeve and 

years of age when he came to New his Times^ by James Phinney Baxter, 

England. He was buried at Wraxall, A.M., Portland, 1885, p. 81. 
on February 9th, 1658. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 175 



nently fettled in the country, returned to England, and in 
fulfilment of his promife Sir Ferdinando conveyed to him 
and his partner Richard Tucker a grant of a peninfula, 
called by the Indians Machegonne, which he named Sto-^ 
gomor.^ Cleeve had been before the court of William 
Gorges at Saco, and though poor mull have made a favor- 
able impreffion upon the Governor, as an unfavorable opin- 
ion, if expreffed by his nephew, would have been likely to 
deter Sir Ferdinando from taking Cleeve into his confi- 
dence. Be this as it may, it is certain that he made a good 
impreffion upon Sir Ferdinando, who, finding that his ne- 
phew's government had terminated, appointed Cleeve with 
Governor Winthrop and others joint commiffioners for the 
government of New Somerfetfhire. Cleeve 's reprefentations 
of the value of the fur trade of the North induced Sir 

Ferdinando 



235 This is the modern Stogumber, 
a pi6lurefque village in the hundred of 
Williton Freemanors and rural deanery 
of Dunfler in Somerfetfhire. From 
Dunfter came the Algers and other early 
fettlers about the Spurwink River ; and 
at Stogumber were born John Winter 
and Richard Tucker. Not far away is 
Cleeve and Cleeve Bay, fuggeftive cer- 
tainly of the early home of the Cleeve 
family, though of this there is no exift- 
ing proof. The old church of St. Mary, 
where John Winter was chriftened on 
the 9th of January, 1575, and Richard 
Tucker on the 22d of January, 1594, is 
Hill well preferved. A weather-worn 
crofs and venerable yew-tree, familiar 
doubtlefs to many of the early fettlers 
in Cafco Bay, make the mofs grown 
churchyard, where 

" Beneath the turf in many a mould'ring 
heap 

The rude forefathers of the hamlet fleep," 



moft impreflive to the vifitor. The 
church itfelf is an attra6live edifice in 
the perpendicular flyle of architecture, 
with a Ipacious chancel feparated from 
the nave by an oaken fcreen. It has 
two chapels and pretty north and fouth 
porches, an embattled tower over 
feventy feet in height, with a clock and 
five bells. In the chancel are two 
memorial windows of ftained glafs, and 
on the fouth fide a grim effigy of a 
mailed knight, recumbent, between his 
two wives. This is to perpetuate the 
memory of Sir George Sydenham, the 
father-in-law of Sir Francis Drake, a 
man whofe fpirit, owing to his deeds in 
the flefh, is faid to have haunted the an- 
cient manor-houfe of Combe Sydenham 
for many years after his death. The re- 
gifters, which I was allowed to examine 
by the incumbent, date back to 1 585, and 
are well preferved. It is to be hoped 
that they will at fome time be printed. 



176 Memoir of 

Ferdinando to procure for him a protection under the privy 
fignet for exploring Lake Champlain, or the lake of the 
Iroquois, and a monopoly of the fur trade of that region. 

Sir Ferdinando had thus far found it imprafticable to 
affume himfelf the government of New England; indeed, 
he had not yet received his commiffion, though he could 
have obtained it without doubt at any time had he required 
it. His finances were probably inadequate to his alTump- 
tion of the office of governor-general. The death of Mafon 
had embarralTed him financially, and the adminiflrators of 
his friend's eftate were prelfing him for a fettlement of their 
joint affairs,^^ which was no eafy matter. He therefore 
feems to have favored a joint government of New England 
by Winthrop and others as a lafl refort ; but this plan met 
with the oppofition of Mathew Cradock, the wife and pru- 
dent friend of MafTachufetts, who faw in it complications 
which might refult unfavorably to his friends ; hence it was 
never completed. It is probable that an extenfive grant 
which he made at this time to Sir Richard Edgecomb, who 
was his near neighbor when he refided at Plymouth, was 
the refult of his prefent financial condition. 

In July the King was moved to ilTue a manifefto for 
eflablifhing a general government over New England, on 
account of " feveral opinions and differing humors not in 
the power of the Council of New England to redrefs." In 
order to repair what might be amifs, he declared that he 
had refolved for the future good of thofe making adventures 

to 

288 F2;V/<? Report of the Sub-committee Council, Colonial Papers, Charles I., 
for Foreign Plantations to the Privy Vol. X. No. 18, Public Records Office. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 177 

to New England, to appoint Sir Ferdinando Gorges gov- 
ernor of the country, he having made the firfl difcovery 
of its coafts, and been a principal adtor in its affairs. 
Farther than this, he commanded that none fhould go to 
New England without Sir Ferdinando's knowledge, and his 
permiffion and dire6lion where to fettle. The other paten- 
tees were granted the privilege of going to New England in 
perfon to fettle upon their eftates, and to tranfport colonifts 
thither.237 

This was alarming to Maflachufetts, but was followed by 
a6ls (till more alarming. Gorges had been a conflant fuitor 
to the throne for his charter, and the King's manifeflo was 
followed by an order from the Privy Council, on January 
23d, 1638, to Attorney-General Sir John Banks, for drawing 
in favor of Gorges a patent for the Province of Maine, 
which after the approval of the Council was to be duly ex- 
ecuted.^^ Sir Ferdinando fucceeded in getting into this 
charter extraordinary privileges and powers of government, 
as we fhall fee. 

A flrong defire for emigration feems fuddenly to have 
prevailed in feme parts of England. Among the evidences 
of this is a letter from Lord Maynard to Archbifliop Laud, 
informing him that " divers clothiers of great trading " were 
about to leave for New England, and that he daily hears of 
" incredible numbers of perfons of very good abilities who 
have fold their lands and are upon their departure thence." 
He fears that there is danger that fome pariflies will be 
impoverifhed, as fo much corn has been taken for the fuf- 

tenance 

237 F/^^ Colonial Papers, Charles I., 288 yi^^ Colonial Papers, Charles I., 

Vol. IX. No. 60, Public Records Office. Vol. IX. No. 81, Public Records Office. 
VOL. I. — 23 



178 Memoir of 



tenance of the emigrants that enough will not be left to laft 
to another harveft. Fourteen fhips are now on the Thames 
ready to fail by the coming Eafher.^^^ We have obferved 
that no veffels could go to New England without the licenfe 
of Sir Ferdinando ; and accordingly eight fhips which had 
taken on board their freight and paffengers without obferv- 
ing this order were feized on the Thames in the beginning 
of May, and order was given to put their paffengers on 
fhore as well as their provifions. This was fpeedily fol- 
lowed by quo warranto proceedings againfl the Maffachu- 
fetts charter, which Gorges was anxious to get annulled. 
Amid all thefe dangers Maffachufetts ftood firm, with picked 
flint, dry powder, and an abundant faith to proteft its in- 
terefts. It coolly and confidently fent out fiarveyors to fettle 
its fouthern boundary, and united with the Plymouth and 
Conneflicut colonifts in a war of extermination againfl; the 
favage Pequots.^^ 

On the other hand, Sir Ferdinando Gorges in England, 
with the royal power at his back, was laboring to make 
that power e£fe6live in eflablifliing his authority over the 
land. On June 20th he drew up elaborate " Reafons to 
prove the confequence of maintaining and fijpporting for- 
eign plantations," with a view to obtaining dire6l afliftance 
from the Government in fupport of his authority. He 

pointed 

289 F/</^LetterofLord William May- Vol. I. p. 147; Ibid., Vol. XVIII. pp. 

nard to Archbifliop Laud, March 17th, 120-153; Ibid., Vol. XXIII. pp. 131- 

1638; Colonial Papers, Charles I., Vol. 161; Ibid., Vol. XXVI. pp. 1-13; A 

IX. No. 88, Public Records Office. Complete Hijiory of Conne^licut, by 

2*0 Vide The Life of Captaifi fohn Benjamin Trumbull, Vol. I. p. 41; Early 

Mafon, Sparks''s American Biography, Hiftory of N^ew England, by Increafe 

Vol. XIII. pp. 340-405 ; Collellions of Mather, Bofton, 1864, pp. 113-118, 130- 

the Majfaehufetts Htjlorical Society y \'^6 et pa£lm. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 179 

pointed to the example of the Romans, the Spaniards, and 
the Dutch in planting colonies and fuftaining them by- 
governmental aid, and afferted that fuch colonies would 
redound to the honor of the Crown, and that thofe who 
were now refraftory might be brought to fubmit to the 
authority of the governor-general.^'*^ Thefe Reafons, which 
he had framed with care, he believed would gain him prac- 
tical affiflance from the Crown. But what could Charles 
or Laud do for him ? Virtually nothing. Their arbitrary 
a6ls had raifed a ftorm of popular refentment againft them, 
and they had too much to engage their attention at home 
to allow them time to conlider ferioufly his Reafons ; be- 
fides, they had exhaufted the revenues of the realm, and no 
money could be had to place him in his office and fuftain 
him there. Lord Cottington treated his Reafons with ridi- 
cule, and when Gorges fpoke of the planting of new coun- 
tries by the Romans, Spanifh, and Dutch, Cottington wrote 
on the margin of his paper that they conquered, and did 
not " plant tobacco and Puritanifm like fools." And to his 
alTertion that the King would receive honor from fuch en- 
terprifes, Cottington wrote, " What honor if no profit, but 
extreme fcandal to the whole Chriftian world ? " Thus were 
the Reafons from which Gorges hoped much, fmce the King 
had made fuch a royal difplay of favor in his manifeflo, 
received by the Privy Council. 

Sir Ferdinando was now upwards of feventy years of 

age, 

^1 Vide Sir Ferdinando Gorges to Plantations,'" etc. Colonial Papers, 

Secretary Windebank, June 20th, 1638 : Charles I., Vol. IX. No. ii6, Public 

" Reafons to prove the Confequence of Records Office, et pojlea. 
Maintaining and Supporting Foreign 



i8o Memoir of 

age, and from his long-continued and perfiilent efforts to 
get afliflance for his colonial fchemes was beginning to 
be looked upon as a hobbyift, if not a monomaniac, on 
the queltion of foreign plantations. Captain Walter Neal, 
emboldened by the weak condition of Sir Ferdinando's 
affairs, made a determined effort to fupplant him in his 
office of governor-general, for which no commiffion had 
yet been iffued, but failed in his attempts. Sir Ferdi- 
nando, however, was finally, on April 3d, 1639, rewarded 
with a charter for his Province of Maine, for which he 
had fo long labored ; and a moft remarkable charter it in- 
deed was. It beflowed upon him almoft unlimited powers, 
and well exemplifies the contempt in which popular rights 
were held by the ruling clafs. Under it he controlled the 
patronage of all churches erefled in the Province ; could 
build, dedicate, and confecrate churches according to the 
ecclefiaftical laws of England, with all the rights, privileges, 
prerogatives, etc., as were exercifed by the Bifhop of Dur- 
ham within his bifhopric. Full power was granted to him 
to pardon offenders againfl; the laws of the Province ; to 
raife and maintain troops to enforce his power, and to exe- 
cute martial law upon thofe who refilled his authority ; in 
fa6l, it would have been difficult to frame a charter con- 
ferring greater powers upon an individual than were con- 
ferred upon Sir Ferdinando.^*^ 

He had now finally attained what he tells us he had 

labored 

2*2 This extraordinary charter may the MafTachufetts Archives, with fuch 

be found in Hijlorical Colle^ions by words added in brackets as appear in 

Ebenezer Hazard, A.M., Philadelphia, the document in the Public Records 

1792, Vol. I. pp. 442-455, and is printed Office. Thefe words were evidently 

in full in this volume from the copy in omiffions by a carelefs copyift. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. i8i 

labored for during forty years of the beft portion of his 
life, under a burden of trouble, and at the expenfe of many 
thoufands of pounds. In a letter to Secretary Windebank 
from Afhton, on the 28th of January, 1640, he informed the 
Secretary that he had received letters from New England 
which convinced him that, had he not received from the 
King a charter confirmatory of his former rights, no more 
of the territory of his Province than what was already occu- 
pied by his fervants would have remained to him, as his 
rights were being conflantly brought in queflion by people 
fettling within the Province, but feeking authority from Maf- 
fachufetts " to order their affairs as if they alone were the 
fupreme lords of that part of the world. But," he con- 
tinued, " having his Majefly's gracious favor, there is noth- 
ing fhall deter me from my attempt to make his power 
available, when I have his warrant to do it." He had alfo 
been informed that attempts would be made by the agents 
of MalTachufetts to perfuade the King to hinder him from 
profecuting his intentions, as they feared that the King 
might make ufe of him to regulate affairs in accordance 
with his views of right. From this letter we learn that Sir 
Ferdinando, in fpite of his years, intended to go to New 
England in perfon, there to fet up his government.^^ 

In accordance with plans which he had matured, fhaped 
upon Saxon models of government which had exifled in 
England from an early date, he proceeded to divide his 
Province into eight bailiwicks, and thefe into fixteen feveral 

hundreds, 

2" Vide Letter of Sir Ferdinando Charles I., Vol. X. No. 55, Public 
Gorges to Secretary Windebank, Jan- Records Office, et pq/iea. 
uary 28th, 1640. Colonial Papers, 



1 82 Memoir of 

hundreds, fubdividing the latter into parifhes and tithings 
" as people did increafe." A board of councillors was then 
formed, confifling of Sir Thomas Joffelyn ; Richard Vines, 
the founder of Biddeford ; Francis Champernovvn, the nephew 
of Gorges ; Henry Joffelyn, then refiding at Black Point ; 
Richard Bonython, the founder of Saco ; William Hooke 
and Edward Godfrey. Subfequently he fubflituted in place 
of Sir Thomas Joffelyn his coufm Thomas Gorges, a young 
barrifter, whom he made his deputy governor and entrufled 
with the office of Secretary and Keeper of the Provincial 
Seal. His " Ordinances for the better government " of 
Maine provided for a chancellor for determining rights of 
property ; a treafurer for the receipt of the public revenue ; 
a marfhal of militia ; a judge, marfhal, and officers of the 
marfhals court ; an admiral, with his lieutenant or judge, 
to determine maritime caufes ; a mafler of the ordnance, 
whofe office it was to take charge of the public flores be- 
longing to the militia for fea and land ; and a fecretary for 
the fervice of the Governor and Council. To his councillors 
were added eight deputies, to be elefted by the freeholders 
of the feveral counties, as councillors for the flate of the 
country, who were authorized to fit in the courts eflablifhed 
in the Province, " and to be affiftants to the prefidents there- 
of, and to give opinions according to juflice." No alien- 
ation or fale of land could be made but by confent of the 
Council. 

But enough has been given to fhow the care which Sir 
Ferdinando exercifed in arranging the machinery with 
which the affairs of his government were to be carried 
on. Thofe curious to fludy the whole plan can do fo by 

confulting 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 183 

confulting his Brief Narration. In accordance with the 
" Ordinances " before mentioned, a court was convened at 
Saco on the 25th of June by the " Councillors of Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, for the prefervation of juftice through 
his Province," at which a large number of adlions were 
entered.^^ Later in the feafon, Thomas Gorges ^*^ arrived 
in the country, and in accordance with his inflruftions, 
before proceeding to Maine fojourned a fliort period in 
Bofton to ftudy affairs there, foliciting the advice of the 
Maffachufetts magiflrates relative to the courfe to be pur- 
fued in fetting affairs right in his new government. 

Reaching Agamenticus, at that time called Briftol, he 
found one George Burdett,^'^^ a preacher and man of diffo- 
lute habits, virtually controlling political affairs there. A 
contefl at once enfued, and Burdett was fummarily arrefled 
and brought before the court, when he was found guilty of 
feveral crimes and fined. He appealed from the court to 
England, but without refult, and Gorges feizing his prop- 
erty to fatisfy the execution againfl him, he left the country. 
Thomas Gorges by judicious management fucceeded in 
making his government generally fatisfadlory. Thus we 
have before us two neighboring governments founded upon 
fharply antagoniftic principles: the one of the people, by the 
people, and for the people ; the other of the lord proprietor, 
by the lord proprietor, and for the lord proprietor. Which 

fhould 

^* The original records are llill pre- ^^ For a brief account of Burdett, 

ferved at Alfred, York County, Maine. reference may be made to the Trelawny 

2^^ Thomas Gorges had but juftpafled P^^<?rj-, edited by James Phinney Bax- 

his majority when he came to New Eng- ter, A.M., Portland, 1884, p. 249. 
land. An account of him will be found 
in Notes on the Gorges Family^ pojlea. 



184 Memoir of 

fhould be the more hardy, and which the more likely to 
thrive in the llubborn foil and fhrewd air of New England ? 
We fhall fee. 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges had now everything arranged to 
his fatisfa6tion. True, he was in need of money to enlarge 
his power ; but he expe6led not only to draw aid from his 
influential friends, but to have royal afliflance in good time. 
Never before had his colonial affairs been placed upon 
foundations apparently fo firm, nor their future profpefts 
fo affuring; when, like a hidden volcano which had mut- 
tered its difcontent fo long that it had become a thing no 
longer to heed, the Great Rebellion fuddenly burfl forth 
upon England, and threatened deftru6lion to the nation. 
The abufed and long-fuffering people arofe in their might 
and feized upon Wentworth, one of the royal inflruments of 
tyranny, and dragging him to Weflminfler Hall tried him 
for his life before the eyes of the King and Queen ; and 
while doing fo, regardlefs of that "divinity which doth hedge 
a king," they ate their bread and meat and guzzled their 
beer from upturned bottles in the royal prefence, as though 
no king were near. Ay, and regardlefs of their monarch's 
entreaties, and of juftice too, they cut off Wentworth 's head.^*^ 
Not contented, they feized Archbifhop Laud with fnowy 
bands and filken furplice, things which to have fpoken 
againfl a week before would have fent the objeftor to dun- 
geon or fcaffold, and after a weary imprifonment of years 
brought him through judicial legerdemain to the block. 

Windebank 

247 Vide The Tryal of Thomas^ Earl written by the deceafed Mr. Robert 
of Strafford, by John Rufhworth, Efq., Baillie^ tranfcribed by Robert Aiken, 
London, 1700; Letters and Journals Edinburgh, 1775, Vol. L p. 259. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 185 

Windebank fled, and others whom Gorges counted as 
friends to his colonial enterprifes. One would fuppofe 
that this lafl blow would have overwhelmed him with 
defpair ; but the old man mufl perforce amufe himfelf a 
while longer with the puppets of viceregal authority, and 
amid the perplexities and diftradlions of the civil war which 
raged about him, he carefully elaborated a fcheme of gov- 
ernment, with a calm confidence in its ftability almoft piti- 
ful when one confiders the conditions which furrounded it 
and rendered its failure inevitable. Refolved to make Aga- 
menticus of chief importance in his Province, he eredled it 
into a borough, exempting and freeing *' his majeflies' liege 
people " there from the power and command of any gov- 
ernors in the Province, " other than in calling them as aflift- 
ants " to repel invafion and fupprefs rebellion. Upon the 
inhabitants was conferred the efpecial privilege of elefling 
a mayor and board of eight aldermen, who were empowered 
to make ordinances for the government of the borough, to 
hold courts, and ere6l fortifications for the public protedtion. 

The elaborate charter which conferred thefe privileges 
upon the inhabitants of Agamenticus was dated April loth.^^ 
On March ift following, namely 1641 old flyle, he had 
elaborated a flill grander fcheme for Agamenticus, upon 
which he now beflowed a new name, Gorgeana.^^^ The 
borough, which was a town corporate ufually governed by a 
bailiff appointed by the lord-grantor of the borough charter 
in connection with a houfe of burgeffes, he raifed to the 

dignity 

248 Vide Hijlorical Colle6lions^ by Ebenezer Hazard, A.M., Philadelphia, 1792, 
Vol. I. pp. 470-474. 

249 Vide Ibid., pp. 480-486. 

VOL. I. — 24 



1 86 Memoir of 

dignity of a city, by which it might appropriately become 
the feat of a bifhop, and gave it a territorial extent of 
twenty-one miles. Starting with the affertion that he was the 
abfolute lord of the Province, and had through the afliftance 
of God " fettled the faid Province and inhabitants thereof in 
a hopeful way of government," and defiring " to further and 
advance the fame," he provided for a municipal government, 
confifling of a mayor, twelve aldermen, and twenty-four 
councilmen, to be chofen annually, and alfo for a recorder 
and town clerk. Two courts were appointed, one called a 
" Courtleet or Lawday," to be held twice every year " within 
a month of the Feafls of Ealler or Michaelmas, for the good 
government and weal public of the faid Corporation, and 
for the punifhing of all offenders, the fame to be kept by 
the Recorder for the time being, and the fines, payments, 
and amercements from time to time to be to the ufe of the 
faid mayor of the faid town for the time being forever." 
The other court was " to be held upon Monday of every 
week forever, and the proceedings to be according or as 
near as may be to the Court of his Majefty's Court of 
Chancery at Weftminfter, w^herein the mayor for the time 
being to fit as judge with the Recorder and aldermen, and 
the town clerk to be the clerk and minifler of faid court." 
From this court an appeal could be taken to the Lord Pro- 
prietor or his deputy, if entered within four days after the 
decree of the court. There were alfo to be " two or four 
fergeants to attend on the faid mayor," who fhould be 
" called forever fergeants of the white rod." Thefe were 
to be " ele6led and chofen by the mayor and aldermen, 
whereof the mayor [was] to have a double voice." Thefe 

fergeants 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 187 

fergeants could be removed from office for mifdemeanor by 
thofe who eledled them. To the " mayor and comonality " 
was granted a corporate feal, and, as in the former charter, 
they w^ere empowered to eredl fortifications for the public 
defence. 

Such in brief is an outline of the charter of Gor- 
geana, and there can be no doubt that having made it 
appropriate for a bifhop's refidence, it was the intention of 
Sir Ferdinando to make of it a bifhopric, which would be in 
accord with the King's pleafure as expreffed in his charter, 
which was to fettle " the religion now poffeffed in the 
Church of England, and ecclefiaflical government now ufed 
in the fame, with as much convenient fpeed as may be." 
Sir Ferdinando was confidently expecting an early reflora- 
tion of royal authority in the kingdom, and he had thus 
arranged everything in his Province of Maine to take ad- 
vantage of it. With the refioration of that authority, the 
exodus which had been adlively going on in England for 
feveral years would receive a new impetus, and where hun- 
dreds had fled to efcape the rigid rule of king and bifhop, 
thoufands, upon the re-eflablifhment of that rule with the 
preflige of triumphant vindication of its afferted rights, 
would turn their faces to the New World, and this great 
flream of emigration he might turn by the authority veiled 
in him into his Province of Maine. 

But his calculations were bafed upon erroneous premifes, 
and were all at fault. The emigration which had poured 
from England in an ever enlarging flream, bearing to the 
New World much of the befl blood of the realm, flopped as 
though it had been arrefted by the hand of Divine power. 

Men 



1 88 Memoir of 

Men faw, as though a flafh of light had fuddenly revealed 
it in the long prevailing gloom, a poffible pathway to free- 
dom at home, without the neceffity of facing the perils of 
the fea and of life in a favage land. Shipowners, whofe 
bufmefs in tranfporting emigrants to New England had 
been profperous, and which they confidently calculated 
would be permanent, and indeed continually increafe, fat 
in their counting-houfes with gloomy faces, while their 
Ihips fwung idly at their anchors waiting for palTengers 
who never came. 

All England was in an uproar, and Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges, although too far advanced in years to enter with 
old-time activity into the conflift, gave the weight of his 
counfels and experience to the royal caufe. We therefore 
find him in July with his fon-in-law, Mr. Thomas Smyth, at 
Briflol, five miles from Afhton, his country refidence, apply- 
ing to the mayor for permiffion to bring into the city, under 
the command of Lord Paulet, a body of cavalry, which had 
been raifed by the Marquis of Hertford for the King. In 
this application, however, he was unfiaccefsful, the mayor 
having excufed himfelf for refufing his requefl on the 
ground of having received the royal orders not to admit 
troops into the city. 

Shortly after. Lord Paulet having joined the Marquis 
of Hertford at Wells, and with him, doubtlefs, Sir Fer- 
dinando and Thomas Smyth, the royalifts were attacked 
and driven away by Popham and other gentlemen who 
had efpoufed the popular caufe. Whether he was a6lively 
engaged in this battle we have no dire6t evidence ; but 
about this time we find him endeavoring to return home- 
ward, 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 189 

ward, and finding the Parliamentary forces in the way, 
taking fhip at Minehead with Lord Paulet and others for 
Cardiff. There his fon-in-law, Thomas Smyth, fuddenly 
died, and he returned to Afhton with his body, where he 
found awaiting him a fummons from Parliament to appear 
before it as a delinquent.^ 

While thefe events, dangerous to his perfon and prop- 
erty, were tranfpiring at home, his colonial poffeffions were 
menaced by new dangers. George Cleeve, whom we have 
before mentioned as an ambitious and enterprifing man, 
to whom he had conveyed certain lands and privileges in 
New England, but whom, owing to the enmity of Vines and 
others, he had ignored when eflablifhing his government 
over Maine, haftened to take fhip for England, in order to 
advance his interefls with the Parliamentaiy leaders. He 
had ftudied a patent, then in the poffeilion of Richard 
Dummer of Newbury, ifTued by the Council for New Eng- 
land to the Company of Hufbandmen in 1630, for territory 
forty miles fquare between Cape Porpoife and the Sagada- 
hoc river, which Gorges had doubtlefs himfelf named the 
Province of Lygonia, but the title to which he had careleffly 
regarded as broken, the grantees not having held de facto 
pofleffion of their property. Cleeve upon his arrival in 
England fell in with Thomas Morton, whofe convenience 
it now fuited to play the role of a reformer, and doubtlefs 
through that wily and Ikilful Parliamentary lobbyifl ob- 
tained 

250 Vide Memoirs^ Hijlorical and Antiquities of the City of BrifloU by 

Topographical^ of Brijiol, by the Rev. William Barrett, M.D., Bristol, 1788, 

Samuel Beyer, M.A., Briftol, 1821, p. 414. 
Vol. II. pp. 309 et seq. : Hijiory and 



190 Memoir of 

tained an introdu6lion to Sir Alexander Rigby, a member 
of Parliament, whom he induced to buy the Lygonia patent, 
and to appoint him deputy-governor of the Province, the 
bounds of which comprifed the larger and more valuable 
portion of Sir Ferdinando's Province of Maine. 

Having fecured his commiffion, Cleeve haftened back to 
New England to take pofleffion of his government and oufl 
Vines, then afting as Sir Ferdinando's deputy, Thomas 
Gorges having returned home on account of the civil war. 
Cleeve, upon his arrival in Boflon, in the autumn of 1643, at 
once fought an interview with Governor Winthrop and his 
afTociates, from whom he confidently expefted affiflance in 
eftablifliing his authority, which would bring the viceregal 
government of Gorges, so diftafleful to them, to an inglori- 
ous end. But the MalTachufetts magiflrates were prudent, 
and unwilling to afTume dangerous refponfibilities ; and be- 
fides, they were ftudying their northern boundary, which 
thus far had never been defined upon the face of the earth, 
and which they were beginning to fee w^ould include a large 
portion of the Province of Maine, if their charter were 
llriftly interpreted : fo they concluded only to inflru6l their 
Governor to advife Vines unofficially of the transfer of power 
to Rigby and his reprefentative Cleeve. 

Vines and his afTociates received the unwelcome news with 
furprife and difmay, and refolved at once to maintain their 
pofition, and defy encroachments upon their authority, while 
Cleeve quietly and prudently fet about taking meafures to 
eftablifli his authority. Firfl he nominated his officers, and 
then called a convention to affemble in Cafco Bay on March 
25th; that is, on New Year's Day, 1644, two months after 

the 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 191 

the date of his call, in order to give the people ample time 
to difcufs the propofed change of government. At the fame 
time he fent his partner Tucker through the Province with a 
paper for the lignatures of thofe who approved of his courfe. 
On the other hand, Vines was determined to maintain his 
pofition ; and not only raifed legal objedlions to Cleeve s 
every movement, but brought every influence which was 
poflible to prevent the MafTachufetts authorities from aiding 
his rival. He wrote Winthrop that Cleeve was abuiing Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, branding him " with the foul name of 
traitor by circumftance," and accufmg him of counterfeiting 
" the King's broad feal," and reporting his death, all of which 
was falfe, as he was ftill " in good health, with a reftoration 
of his pofleflions again." This lafb ftroke was intended to 
remind the Puritan Governor that it would be dangerous 
to fupport fuch a libeller againft one fo powerful as the 
Lord Proprietor flill was. The validity of the Lygonia 
Patent was alfo attacked, with the refult that Cleeve offered 
to fubmit the queftions of title and government to " the 
worthy magiftrates of MafTachufetts." This was refufed by 
Vines, upon the ground that he had no authority from Sir 
Ferdinando to fubmit his title to arbitration, which was of 
courfe true. Vines, however, a6led imprudently in arrefting 
Tucker, Cleeve's melTenger to him, and threatening to fend 
Cleeve a prifoner to England, which increafed the hoftility to 
his government without in any way ftrengthening his pofition. 
But we will not follow the intricacies of this contefl for 
the pofTeffion of Maine,^^ which have already been particu- 
larly 

'^^^ Vide George Cleeve and his Times, by James Phinney Baxter, A.M., Port- 
land, 1885. 



192 Memoir of 

larly related, but return to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who 
was occupied fufficiently by the diftrefling condition of 
affairs about him. Interefted in the fuccefs of the royal 
caufe, we find him writing to the King refpefting a plan 
which he fubmitted to him for the capture of fome place 
which he does not name. The letter bears no date, and is 
extremely ambiguous ; but a careful ftudy of it in connexion 
with the movements of the King in the fummer of 1643 
enables us to arrive at its probable folution, and to give to 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges the honor of having planned the 
attack upon Briftol, which was, as we know, fuccefsful. His 
letter was accompanied by a " plott " or plan of the ap- 
proaches to the unmentioned place, which, he fays, " I have 
brought of purpofe to give your Highnefs a full fatisfaftion 
of every particular, that fo you may proceed with the more 
affurance, and the plainer give order what every one is to 
do, and how to behave himfelf in the execution thereof, 
whereby the diflraftions may be the better avoided which 
many times attend fuch defigns, and will the better confirm 
the minds of the affailants, who fliall fee beforehand what 
they are to obferve, and be attended with fufficient guides 
to bring them to their feveral places they are afligned, with 
order to proceed according to your Highneffes dire6lions." 
The Governor, he informed the King, had fo extended his 
defences as to be unable to prote6l all parts of them prop- 
erly with the forces at his command ; hence an attack would 
be likely to meet with fuccefs.^^^ We know the refult of 
the attack upon Briflol. The firfl affault was made at a 
weak place in the mural defences, and a breach made, by 

which 

253 Vide Additional Manufcripts, No. 18980, fol.98, Britifh '^Mityym, ei pojlea. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 193 

which the Royallfts entered the town, and moved forward 
to the houfe of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, which they occupied, 
and there maintained their pofition for feveral hours, when 
having expended their powder they were driven out ; 
but in a fubfequent attack the city capitulated to Prince 
Rupert^^^ The capture of Briftol was confidered of great im- 
portance to the Royalifts, and caufed great alarm to their op- 
ponents. The tidings of its fall, following those of the death 
of Hampden, were blown acrofs the water, and greatly elated 
the fpirits of Sir Ferdinando's faithful henchmen. Vines, 
Godfrey, and Joffelyn, while they equally depreffed the fpirit 
of Cleeve. Rigby had too much on his hands to render aid 
to his deputy, having left Parliament and affumed command 
in the field. It would be time enough to dire6l his atten- 
tion thitherward when he had fubdued his enemies at home. 
For a while the royal caufe profpered, but the fuperior gen- 
eralfhip of Oliver Cromwell foon began to turn the fcale in 
favor of the Parliamentarians. Sir Ferdinando Gorges took 
no a6live part in the war at this period. His age rendered 
this neceflary ; and from a letter written fomewhat later to 
a friend on the other fide, we may infer that he held con- 
fervative views, like many other thoughtful men who had 
efpoufed the royal caufe, and who defired a compromife 
between the parties at contefl:, by which the ufiirpations of 
the rights of the fubjeft by their monarch, which had been 
patent to all men, might be refi:rained. 

In his Province, Vines was flill battling vigoroufly to 
maintain his pofition. He refufed to fubmit to any au- 
thority 

268 Vide Memoirs^ Hijlorical and Samuel Seyer, M. A., Briftol, 1821, Vol. 
Topographical y of Brijloly by the Rev. II. p. 404. 
VOL. I. — 25 



194 Memoir of 

thority but that of King or Parliament, by which refufal 
he fhowed his entire comprehenfion of the queftions at iffue, 
and a manly determination to prote6l at all hazards the 
interefts which Gorges had entrufted to his keeping. But 
the news of the battle of Nafeby, almoft fatal to the royal 
caufe, reached him, and at laft, wholly difheartened, he 
refolved to give up the wearifome conteft. Relinquifhing 
his office to Henry JofTelyn, in 1645, he difpofed of his 
pofTeffions in the Province, and departed for Barbadoes 
with his family. 

Although Vines left an able and faithful man in his 
place, Gorges fuffered a fevere lofs by his departure from 
the Province; befides, a decifion in favor of his rival Rigby 
was rendered by the Commiflioners for Foreign Plantations, 
to whom Parliament had referred the cafe, and at the head 
of whom was the Earl of Warwick, a co-grantor with him 
in 1630 of the patent in difpute, declaring the Lygonia 
Patent to be valid. This mufl have been a fharp blow 
to his hopes ; indeed, what had a long life of labor in 
behalf of colonization brought him but lofs, continued lofs, 
for a period of forty years ? Lofs had become a matter of 
courfe with him, and he had doubtlefs attained a flate of 
feeling in which he could regard it with equanimity. The 
fhining peaks of eternity were coming clearly into view, 
and he could well regard with calmnefs the petty temporal 
wrecks about him. 

Confined to his home at Afhton for a confiderable period, 
he happily devoted himfelf to the preparation of his Brief 
Narration, which was intended to hand down to pofterity an 
account of his colonial undertakings. It was a wife thought 

which 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 195 

which prompted him to prepare this book, which is invalu- 
able as preferving many of the hiftorical beginnings of New 
England. With refpedl to the book itfelf, it is plainly the 
work of an old man, to whom the chronological lines fepa- 
rating events had become indiflinft and confufed, and whofe 
mind was wholly abforbed in the events themfelves ; hence, 
while one may put confidence in the corredlnefs of the rela- 
tions, it is plain to fee that they overlap and run into each 
other. 

The lafl letter which we have from Sir Ferdinando bears 
date June ifl, and was written from Afhton to Lord Fair- 
fax,^^ the noted Parliamentary leader. It is the utterance 
of a man who has fuffered deeply, but is calm and manly 
in tone, and exhibits his fentiments with regard to the 
unhappy differences between King and people which were 
caufmg the ruin of his country. The letter fhows that 
he had for fome time taken no adlive part in the conflidt, 
being probably incapacitated from duty in the camp by age; 
but that he had aided the King's caufe by his counfels is 
Ihown by previous correfpondence. His affecflion to Fair- 
fax, who was an old friend, he fays, " never fwayed me fur- 
ther than became an obedient fervant " to the King, one 
who was " only careful of my country's happinefs, and yet 
fearful to fide with either party, as not able to judge of fo 
tranfcendent a difference, but forrowing in the highefl de- 
gree to find fuch a feparation threatening fo much the 

power 

2^ Vide Additional Manufcripts, No. rials of the Civil War^ Vol. I. p. 299, 

15857, folio 257, Britifh Mufeum, et but is printed in this volume from the 

Pq/iea. This letter is to be found printed original, verbatim et literatim. 
in a modernized form in BelVs Memo- 



196 Memoir of 

power of all ; which God, I hope, hath timely prevented, by 
guiding his Majefly to the happy advice of his greateft 
councils, whofe wifdom (under God) is only able to re- 
eflablifh fome part of the happinefs we once enjoyed." 

We have made this extra6t in order to correft what 
might feem a piece of infincerity on the part of the writer, 
if not carefully confidered. Though " fearful to fide with 
either party" might imply that he had not taken fides, yet 
this was not what he meant. He was writing to a man 
who knew that he was on the royal fide, a6ling *'as an 
obedient fervant," yet doing fo with fear on account of 
the grave interefts at Hake, involving the welfare of his 
countrymen. 

He was, when he penned this letter, within a few 
months of his death. His will bears the date of May 4th, 
1647, and the date of his burial in the church at Long 
Afhton, a few rods from his refidence called Afhton Phillips, 
is the 14th. His eldefl fon, John Gorges, inherited his Prov- 
ince of Maine, and at his death in 1656 bequeathed it to 
his fon Ferdinando. Its remaining hiflory may be briefly 
ftated. The confli6l for government continued between the 
reprefentatives of the Gorges and Rigby interefts, when 
MafTachufetts praflically fettled the queflion at ifTue by 
running its northern boundary in accordance with a ftridl 
conftruflion of its charter, which gave it a confiderable 
portion of the Province of Maine. To make her tenure 
wholly fecure, Maffachufetts purchafed of Ferdinando Gor- 
ges, the grandfon of Sir Ferdinando, in 1677, his title to 
the Province, by which it palTed forever from the pofTeflion 
of his defcendants. 

The 




The Church at Long Ashton, 
Where Sir Ferdinando Gorges was buried. 



Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 197 

The fketch here prefented of the life of Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges is of neceflity imperfeft, owing to an almoft entire 
lack of particulars by contemporary writers. It is remark- 
able that fo few memorials of a man fo prominent as was 
Sir Ferdinando are to be found outfide of his own writings, 
which, of courfe, prefent to us but a faint view of him. 
Yet he has left enough behind to fhow that he was a man 
of broad and beneficent views, intent upon benefiting his 
fellow-men, not only in his own day and generation, but 
alfo by leaving behind him works which fhould redound to 
the welfare of pofterity. We may fee alfo that he was a 
man pofTeffing the courage of his convidlions ; brave, sober, 
and wife in counfel ; a ftanch friend and generous enemy, 
lince in his writings no word of criticifm or ill feeling relat- 
ing to thofe who oppofed him can be found. His mind 
was too much occupied with ufeful duties to permit him 
to wafte time upon the plots, rivalries, and enmities which 
furrounded him, and filled up the meafures of fome men's 
lives to the exclufion of better things. For more than 
forty years of his life he had ever before him the glow- 
ing vifion of a new world, teeming with poffibilities of 
good to mankind without number and without limit, and 
awaiting only the advent of willing fpirits to become the 
theatre of achievements beyond all that man had yet at- 
tained. Such a profpe6t mufl have broadened his out- 
look upon the world, and ennobled his fpirit. The words 
w^ith which he clofed his Narration tell us this, and will 
ferve as a fitting termination to this fragmentary fketch 
of his life : " But I end and leave all to Him, who is 
the only author of all goodnefs^ and knows bejl his own 

time 



198 Memoir of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 

time to bring his will to be made mmiifejl^ and appoints 
his injlruments for the accomplijhment thereof; to whofe 
pleafure it becomes every one of us to fubmit ourfelves, as 
to that mighty God and great and gracious Lord^ to whom 
all glory doth belong^ 




Abriefe Relation 

OF T H F 

DISCOVERY 

AND PLANTATION 

O F 

JNeVV LLnGLAND: 

AND 

OF SVNDRY ACCIDENTS 

THEREIN OCCVRRING, FROM 

the yeere of our Lord M. dc. vii. to this 
prefent M. d.c. xxii. 

Together with the ftate thereof as now it ftandeth 

the generall forme of gouernment intended; and the 
diuifion of the whole Territorie into Coun- 
ties, Baronries, &c. 




LONDON, 
Printed by John HavUand, and are to be 

fold by William Bladen, 



M. DC. XXII. 



Note. — This Book was entered in the Stationers' Regifter, July 15th, 
1622, under the title of A Brief e Relation of the Dif cover ie of New England; 
and oppofite the entry appear the names of Miftrefs Griffith, probably the 
wife of George Griffith an aflbciate adventurer with Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 
and of John Haviland. The numbers in the margin give the pagination of 
the original editions, both of the Relation and the Narration, 




TO 



THE PRINCE 



His Highneffe. 




SIR, 

S you are the height of our hopes and blefled- 
neffe, next after your royall Father our Lord 
and Soueraigne: So, next vnto his Maiefty, 
are wee bound to dedicate our bell endeu- 
[4] ours to your Princely feruice. And for 
the Subie6t of this relation, as your High- 
neffe hath beene pleafed to doe it the honour, by giuing 
it the Name of New England; and by your Highneffe 
mofl fauourable encouragement, to continue the fame in 
life and being : So ought we to render an accompt of our 
proceedings, from the root thereof vnto the prefent growth 
it hath : which fummarily is here done. If it fhall appeare 
naked (as in truth it is) wee befeech your Highneffe to 
receiue it fo much the rather for the truths fake, and with 
your bounty and grace to fhelter it from the llorms & 
tempefls of malice and enuy, by which it hath been here- 
voL. I. — 26 tofore 



202 The Epijile Dedicatory. 

tofore difpoyled of that goodly Ornament it might haue 

had by this time. 
[5] It is now almofl able to comfort itfelfe, and there 

is no queftion but by the light of your countenance, 
it will fpeedily grow, both to ferue his Maiefty with honour 
and profit, and multiply the fame feruice to your Highneffe 
in time to come, as a tribute due for the grace it receiues, 
by the bleffmgs of a long peace and profperity that our Na- 
tion enioyes vnder the Raigne of his facred Maieflie, through 
which we haue the eafier paffage to aduance the Croffe of 
Chrifl in Heathen parts, and to difplay his banner in the 
head of his Armie againft infernall fpirits, which haue fo 
long kept thofe poore diftrefsed creatures (the inhabitants 

of thofe parts) in bondage, whofe pofterity will foreuer 
[6] bleffe the time, that the iflue of your royall Anceftors, 

fprung from fo Emperiall branches, fhould be the 

meanes to vnite the diuided Crownes in one, whereby the 

generous Spirits of both Nations, may haue the fairer 

opportunity to procure their liberties. If your Highneffe 

accept of what is pall, we will hope of happineffe to enfue ; 

and howfoeuer, pray that all encreafe of honour in this 

world, and all heauenly blefsings in the world to come, 

may light vpon your Highneffe; as befl becomes thofe 

that are 

Your HIGHNESSE 

humble feruants. 

The Prefident and Councell for the 

affaires of New- England. 




[7] A briefe 

RELATION 

OF THE DISCOVERY 
AND PLANTATION 

of New England. 

Lthough it bee a courfe, farre from the minde of 
vs, that are vndertakers for the aduancement 
of the Plantation of New England, to feeke by 
any vaine oftentation to extoll our owne en- 
deuours : yet we cannot but ftriue to vindicate 
our reputation from the iniurious afperfions that haue 
beene laid vpon it, by the malicious practifes of fome that 
would aduenture nothing in the beginning, but would now 
reape the benefit of our paines and charges, and yet not 
feeme beholding to vs ; and to that end they difualew what 
is pafl, and by finifler informations derogate what they can 
from the prefent courfe intended: the rather becaufe the 
good Orders appointed to bee put in execution there, are 
likely to reflraine the licentious irregularitie of other places. 

And 




204 The Difcouery and Plantation 

And this hath induced vs to publilh our proceedings, where- 
unto it hath pleafed God to giue a blefling : as to 

[8] any of indifferent iudgement may appeare by that 
which followeth. 

WHen this defigne was firft attempted, fome of the 
prefent company were therein chiefly interelTed; 
who being carefull to haue the fame accompliflied, did 
fend to the difcouery of thofe Northerne parts a braue 
Gentleman, Captaine Henry Challons, with two of the Na- 
tiues of that Territory, the one called Maneday, the other 
Affecomet?^ But his misfortunes did expofe him to the 
power of certaine Strangers, enemies to his proceedings, so 
that by them, his company were feized, the fhips and goods 
confifcated, and that Voyage wholly ouerthrowne. 

This loffe, & vnfortunate beginning, did much abate the 
rifing courage of the firft Aduenturers; but immediately 
vpon his departure, it pleafed the noble Lord chief e lujiice, 
Sir lohn Popham knight^ to fend out another fhip, wherein 
Captain Thomas Haman went Commander, & Martine 

Pritine^ 

^5 Thefe were two of the five na- likely to be corre(5l, and it is moreover 

tives captured by Captain George proper to infer that Affacomet and 

Waymouth in 1605, and were called by Manawet are identical. We are im- 

Rofier, in his account of Waymouth's pelled to this conclufion by the confid- 

voyage, Maneddo and Saflacomoit. eration of the incident of Affacomet's 

The latter finally found his way back capture by the Spanifh and return to 

to England, and in 1614, after an ab- England, which would make it difficult 

fence from his people of nine years, for Sir Ferdinando to confound him with 

accompanied Captain Hobfon to New another, and alfo from the fa(5l that he 

England. The three Indians who ac- was affociated, as Gorges tells us in 

companied Hobfon are called by Sir the Narration^ with Epenow, whom we 

Ferdinando, in his Briefe Narration^ know accompanied Hobfon. If we are 

Epenow, Wenape and Affacomet; but right in this, Affacomet returned home 

in this Relation he fpeaks of but two, after his long-enforced abfence, only to 

whom he calls Manawet and Epenow. find fpeedily a laft refljng-place on his 

As the Relation was written fo near the native fhores. Challons failed Auguft 

time of the events fpoken of, it is more 12th, 1606. 



of New England. 



205 



Prinne'^ of Brijlow Mailer, with all neceflarie fupplies, 
for the feconding of Captaine Challons and his people ; 
who arriuing at the place appointed, and not finding that 
Captaine there, after they had made fome difcouery, and 
found the Coafts, Hauens, and Harbors anfwerable to our 
defires, they returned. Vpon whofe relation the Lord 
Chiefe hijlice, and wee all waxed fo confident of the bufi- 
neffe, that the yeere following euerie man of any worth, 
formerly intereffed in it, was willing to ioyne in the charge 
for the fending ouer a competent number of people to lay 
the ground of a hopefull plantation. 

Here upon Captaine Popham, Captaine Rawley Gilbert, 
and others were fent away with two Ships, and an hundred 

Landmen, 

25® Of Captain Thomas Haman, Ha- 
mon, or Hannam, as he is varioufly 
called, only a few unimportant me- 
morials furvive, and he foon after this 
period paffes from fight ; but not fo 
of his companion Martin Pring. He, 
after many prolonged and perilous voy- 
ages, finally reached his native town of 
Briflol in fafety, and peacefully died in 
his boyhood's home. The flranger who 
wanders into the old church of St. Ste- 
vens is ftill fhown his monument, bear- 
ing the following quaint infcription: — 



To The Pious 

Memorie of Martine Prince 

Merchaunt,SometymeGenerallToThe 

East Indies, and one of ye 

Fraternitie of the 

Trinitie House. 

The lining worth of this dead man was fuch, 
That this fay'r Touch can giue you but A 

Touch 
Of his admir'd guifts ; Theife quarter'd Arts 
Enrich'd his knowledge and ye fpheare im- 
parts ; 
His heart's true Embleme where pure 
thoughts did moue, 



By A moft facred Influence from aboue, 
Prudence and Fortitude are topp this 

toombe • 
Which in braue PRINCE tooke vpp ye 

chiefeft roome; 
Hope — Time fupporters fhowe that hee did 

clyme 
The higheft pitch of hope though not of 

Tyme. 
His painefull, flcillfuU trauales reach't as 

farre, 
As from the Artick to th' Antarctick flarre, 
Hee made himfelfe A Shipp. Religion 
His onely compafs, and the truth alone 
His guiding Cynofure. faith was his failes 
His anchour hope, A hope that neuer fayles ; 
His fraight was charitie, and his returne 
A fruitful! practice. In this fatall vine 
His fhipp's fayr Bulck is lodg'd but ye 

ritch ladinge 
Is houf 'd in heauen, A hauen neuer fadinge. 

Hie terris niultum iactatus et vndis. 

rkU-4. A \ Salutis / 1626 

Obit Anno I ^^^^jg} 46. 

Vide Letters of Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges to Secretary Cecil, May loth, 
February 4th with enclofure, and March 
13th, 1606, Hatfield Houfe, et poJUa. 



2o6 The Difcouery and Plantation 

Landmen,^"^ Ordnance, and other prouifions neceffarie for 
their fuflentation and defence ; vntill other fupply might 
[9] bee fent. In the meane while, before they could returne, 
it pleafed God to take from vs this worthy member, 
the Lord Chiefe lujlice, whofe fudden death did fo aftonifh 
the hearts of the moft part of the Aduenturers, as fome grew 
cold, and fome did wholly abandon the bufmelTe. Yet Sir 
Francis Popham his fonne, certaine of his priuate friends, 
and other of vs, omitted not the next yeare (holding on our 
firfl refolution) to ioyne in fending forth a new fupply, 
which was accordingly performed. 

But the Ships arriuing there, did not only bring vncom- 
fortable newes of the death of the Lord Chiefe lujlice, 
together with the death of Sir Lokn Gilbert, the elder 
brother vnto Captaine Rawley Gilbert, who at that time was 
Prefident of that Councell: But found that the old Captaine 
Popham was alfo dead ; who was the onely man (indeed) that 
died there that Winter,^^ wherein they indured the greater 
extremities ; for that, in the depth thereof, their lodgings and 
llores were burnt, and they thereby wondroufly diftreffed. 

This calamitie and euill newes, together with the refolu- 
tion 

257 Cf. Strachey's account, which (hip, called the Mary and John, of 
fays: " Howbeyt the aforefaid late Lord London, wherein Raleigh Gilbert corn- 
Chief Jullice would not for all this hard maunded ; which, with one hundred 
hanfell and Spanifh mifchief, give over and twenty perfons for planters, brake 
hi sdeterminacion for planting of a colony ground from Plymouth in June, 1607." 
within the aforefaid fo goodly a coun- Vide The Hijlorie of Travaile into Vir- 
try, upon the river of Sachadehoc ; but ginia Britannia^ by William Strachey, 
againft the next yeare prepared a great-. Gent., London, 1849, pp. 163 et/eg. 
er number of planters, and better pro- ^^^ There was one other death, Mafter 
vifions, which in two fhipps he fent Pattifon having been killed by the In- 
thither; a fly boat, called the Gift of dians. Vide Purchas his PilgrimeSy 
God, wherein a kinfman of his, George Vol. V. p. 830. 
Popham commaunded ; and a good 



of New England. 207 

tion that Captaine Gilbert was forced to take for his owne 
returne, (in that hee was to fucceed his brother, in the inher- 
itance of his lands in England) made the whole company 
to refolue vpon nothing but their returne with the Ships ; 
and for that prefent to leaue the Countrey againe, hauing 
in the time of their abode there (notwithflanding the cold- 
neffe of the feafon, and the fmall helpe they had) built a 
prettie Barke of their owne, which ferued them to good 
purpofe, as eafmg them in their returning.^^ 

The arriuall of thefe people heere in England, was a 
wonderfull difcouragement to all the firfl vndertakers, 
[10] in fo much as there was no more fpeech of setling 
any other plantation in thofe parts for a long time 
after : only Sir Erancis Popham hauing the Ships and 
prouifion, which remained of the company, and fupplying 
what was neceflary for his purpofe, fent diuers times to the 
coafts for trade and fifhing; of whofe loffe or gaines himfelfe 
is beft able to giue account. 

Our people abandoning the plantation in this fort as you 
haue heard ; the Frenchmen immediately tooke the oppor- 
tunitie to fettle themfelues within our limits ; which being 
heard of by thofe of Virginia, that difcreetly tooke to their 
confideration the inconueniences that might arife, by fuffer- 
ing them to harbour there, they difpatched Sir Samuel 
Argall, with commiflion to difplace them, which hee per- 
formed with much difcretion, iudgement, valour, and dex- 
teritie.^^^' For hauing feized their Forts, which they had 

built 

26» Vide Letters of Sir Ferdinando ^eo gj^ Samuel Argall was a bold 
Gorges to Secretary Cecil, December and unfcrupulous man, intolerant of 
I ft and 3d, February 7th, and March oppofition and perfiftent in enforcing 
20th, 1607, Hatfield House, et pojlea. obedience to his authority. From the 

day 



2o8 The Difcouery and Plantation 



built at Mount Manfell^^^ Saint Croix, and Port Reall, he 
carryed away their Ordnance ; hee alfo furprifed their 
Ship, Cattle, and other prouifions, which hee tranfported 
to the Collonie in Virginia, to their great benefit. And 
hereby he hath made a way for the prefent hopefull planta- 
tion to bee made in Noua-Scotia, which we heare his Maief- 
tie hath lately granted to Sir William Alexander Knight, 
one of his Maieflies mofl honourable '^ Councell of the 
Kingdome of Scotland, to bee held of the faid Crowne, and 
that not without fome of our priuities, as by approbation 
vnder writing may and doth appeare. Whereby it is man- 
ifefl that wee are fo farre from making a Monopoly of 
all thofe lands belonging to that coafl; (as hath beene fcan- 
daloufly by fome obie6led) That we wijh that many would 
vndertake the like, 

day of his arrival in Virginia in 1609 to 
the day of his difgraceful departure from 
the colony in 1619, he was ever adlive 
to advance his private interefts and to 
make his power felt by thofe about him. 
One of his arbitrary adls was to court- 
martial Edward Brewfter, and banifli 
him from the colony; an a<5l which was 
fubfequently declared illegal by the 
Court. In 161 3 he abdu6led Pocahon- 
tas, and forced Powhatan to releafe the 
Englifh held captive by him, as well 
as to return the property he had taken 
from the colonifts ; an exploit which 
properly gained him confiderable pop- 
ularity and was of real fervice to the 
Colony. His attack upon the French, 
here defcribed, has been pronounced by 
one of ourbeft hiflorians "utterly unau- 
thorized : " but it would not feem upon 
juft grounds, fmce the Virginia charter 
conferred the power upon the colonies 
to "encounter, expulfe, repel, and refill, 
as well by Sea as by Land, by all Ways 
and Means whatfoever, all and every 



In 

fuch Perfon and Perfons, as without the 
efpecial Licence of the faid feveral Colo- 
nies and Plantations, fhall attempt to 
inhabit within the faid feveral Precincts 
and Limits of the said feveral Colonies." 
Sir Ferdinando is therefore juftified in 
commending Argall for expelling the 
French trefpaffers upon the Englifh 
domain. 

261 This was the Englifh name of 
Mount Defert, and was beftowed upon 
it in honor of Sir Robert Manfell, a mem- 
ber of the Virginia Company ; but the 
more appropriate name beftowed upon it 
by Champlain has clung to it in fpite 
of the efforts of the early Englifh colo- 
nifts to fupplant it by another title. An 
attempt has recently been made to per- 
petuate the Englifh name by affixing 
it to one of the mountains upon the 
ifland. 

2" Vide Sir William Alexander and 
American Colonization^ Prince Society, 
edited by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, 
A.M., Bofton, 1873. 



of New England. 209 

In this Interim there were of vs who apprehended better 
hopes of good that might enfue by this attempt, being 
[11] thereunto perfvvaded, both by the relations of our peo- 
ple that had indured the many difficulties whereunto 
fuch adlions are subie6ted chiefly in the Winter feafon ; and 
likewife by the informations giuen them by certaine of the 
Natiues, that had beene kept a long time in their hands ; 
wherefore we refolued once more to trie the veritie thereof, 
and to fee if poflibly we might finde fomething that might 
induce a frefli refolution to profecute a worke fo pious and 
fo honourable. And thereupon they difpatched Captaine 
Hobfon, of the He of Wight, together with Captaine Herky^ 
Mafter lohn Matthew, Mafter Sturton^ with two Saluages, 
the one called Epenow, the other Manawet, with commit 
fion and dire6lions fit for them to obferue and follow, the 
better to bring to paffe what was expefted. But as in all 
humane affaires, there is nothing more certaine, then the 
vncertaintie thereof ; fo fell it out in this ; for a little before 
fuch time as they arriued vpon the coafl with the forefaid 
Sauages, who were Naturalls of thofe parts, it happened 
there had beene one Hunt (a worthleffe fellow of our Na- 
tion) fet out by certaine Merchants for loue of gaine ; who 
(not content with the commoditie he had by the fifli, and 
peaceable trade he found among the Sauages) after hee had 
made his difpatch, and was ready to fet fayle, (more fauage- 
like then they) feized vpon the poore innocent creatures, 
that in confidence of his honeflie had put themfelues into his 
hands. And flowing them vnder hatches, to the number of 

twenty 

268 Cf. the account of this voyage in the twelfth chapter of the Briefe 
Narration. 

VOL. I. — 27 



2IO The Difcouery and Plantation 

twenty foure, carried them into the Straights, where hee 
fought to fell them for flaues, and fold as many as he could 
get money for. But when it was vnderftood from whence 
they were brought, the Friers of thofe parts tooke the reft 
from them, and kept them to be inftrudled in the Chriflian 
Faith ; and fo difappointed this vnworthy fellow of the 
hopes of gaine he conceiued to make by this new & diuel- 
lifh proied.^^ 

This being knowne by our two Saluages, formerly 
[12] fpoken of, they prefently contra6led fuch an hatred 
againft our whole Nation, as they immediatly ftudied 
how to be reuenged; and contriued with their friends the 
beft meanes to bring it to pafs ; but Manawet dying in a 
fhort time after the Ships arriuall there, and the other ob- 
feruing the good order, and flrong guard our people kept, 
lludied only how to free himfelfe out of our hands, and 
thereupon laid the plot very orderly, and indeed e£fe6led his 
purpofe, although with fo great hazard to himfelfe and 
friends, that laboured his refcue, that Captaine Hob/on and 
his whole company imagined he had beene flaine. And 
though in the recouery of his body they wounded the 
Mafter of our Ship, and diuers other of our company, yet 
was not their defigne without the flaughter of fome of 
their people, and the hurts of other, compaffed, as appeared 
afterward. 

Hereupon Captaine Hob/on and his companie conceiuing 

the 

26* Smith fays that Hunt "betrayed ceedings to be fo much the more diffi- 

twenty feauen of thofe poore innocent cult." Vide A Defcription of New 

foules, which he fould in Spaine for England^ by Captain John Smith, Bof- 

flaues, to mooue their hate againft our ton, 1865, pp. 6$ et/eq. 
Nation, as well as to caufe my pro- 



of New England. 2 1 1 

the end of their attempt to bee fruflrate, refolued without 
more adoe to returne, and fo thofe hopes, that charge and 
voyage was loft alfo, for they brought home nothing but 
the newes of their euill fuccefle, of the vnfortunate caufe 
thereof, and of a warre now new begunne betweene the 
inhabitants of thofe parts, and vs. A miferable comfort for 
fo weake meanes as were now left, to purfue the concluiion 
of fo tedious an enterprife. 

While this was a working, wee found the meanes to fend 
out Captaine lohn Smith from Plymouth, in a fhip, together 
with Mailer Darmer and diuers others with him, to lay the 
foundation of a new Plantation, and to try the fifhing of 
that Coafl, and to feeke to fettle a trade with the Natiues : 

But fuch was his misfortune, as being fcarce free of our 
[13] owne Coafl, he had his mafls fhaken ouerboord by 

flormes and tempefls, his fhip wonderfully diflrelTed, 

and in that extremity forced to come backe againe ; fo as 

the feafon of the yeere being almofl fpent, we were of 

neceffitie enforced to furnifh him with another fhip, and 

taking out the prouifion of the firfl, difpatched him away 

againe, who comming to the height of the Weflerne Iflands, 

was chafed by a French Pirate, and by him made prifoner, 

although his fhip in the night efcaped away, and returned 

home with the lofTe of much of her prouifion, and the ouer- 

throw of that voyage, to the ruine of that poore Gentleman 

Captaine Smith who was detained prifoner by them, and 

forced to fuffer many extremities, before hee got free of 

his troubles.^^ tvt i. -.i /i t 

Notwithftandmg 

285 Vide Smith's account of thefe tranfaftions, in A Defcription of New 
England^ Bolton, 1865, pp. 67-80. 



212 The Difcouery and Plantation 

Notwithftanding thefe difafters, it pleafed God fo to 
worke for our incouragement againe, as hee fent into our 
hands Tafquantum, one of thofe Saluages that formerly 
had beene betrayed by this vnworthy Hunt before named, 
by whofe meanes there was hope conceiued to worke a 
peace betweene vs, and his friends, they being the principall 
inhabitants of that coaft, where the fire was kindled. But 
this Saluage Tafquantum, being at that time in the New- 
found land with Captain Ma/on, Gouernour there for the 
vndertakers of that Plantation: Mafler Darmer (who was 
there alfo, and fometimes before imployed as we haue faid 
by vs, together with Captaine lohn Smith) found the meanes 
to giue vs intelligence of him, and his opinion of the good 
vfe that might be made of his imployment, with the readi- 
neffe of Captaine Mafon^^ to further any of our attempts 
that way, either with boats or other prouifion neceflary, and 
refoluing himfelfe to goe from thence, aduifed vs to fend 
fome to meet with him, at our vfuall place of fifhing, to aid 
him in his indeuour, that they ioyning together, might 
[14] be able to doe what he hoped would be verie accept- 
able vnto all well wifhers of that bufineffe. 

Vpon this newes, we difpatched the next feafon Captaine 
Rocraft, with a Company for that purpofe, in hope to haue 
met with Captaine Darmer ; but the care and difcretion of 
Captaine Ma/on was fuch, finding Captaine Darmers refo- 
lution to goe beyond his meanes, that hee perfwaded him 
firfi; to goe for England, that prouiding himfelfe there, as was 

requifite, 

2«« This appears to have been the formed between Captain John Mafon 
forerunner of that warm friendfhip and and Sir Ferdinand© Gorges, which 
clofe aflbciation which was fubfequently lafted until the former's death. 



of New England. 2 1 3 

requifite, he might proceed in time expedient, which coun- 
fell he obferued (as fit it was) although our expe6lation of 
his ioyning with Captaine Rocraft was thereby difappointed. 
Yet fo it happened, that Captaine Rocraft at his arriuall in 
thofe parts, met with a French Barke that lay in a Creeke 
a fifhing, and trading, which he feized on, and fent home 
the Mailer and Company in the fame Ship which he went 
out in. 

With this Barke and his owne Company, hee meant to 
keepe the Coaft that Winter quarter, being very well fitted 
both with fait, and other neceffaries for his turne : but as 
this was an A(?t of extremity (the poore man being of our 
owne Religion) fo fucceeded it accordingly. For in a fliort 
time after, certaine of this Captaines company, confpired 
tosfether to cut his throat, and to make themfelues mafters 
of the whole fpoile, and fo to feeke a new fortune where 
they could beft make it. This confpiracie being difcouered 
to the Captaine, hee let it goe on, till the time that it fliould 
haue beene put in execution, when hee caught them in there 
owne traine, and fo apprehended them in the very inflant 
that they were purpofed to beginne their malTacre. 

But after he had preuented the mifchiefe, and feized vpon 
the malefa6lors, hee tooke to his confideration what 
[15] was beft to be done with them. And beeing loth by 
himfelfe to difpatch them as they deferued, he refolued 
to put them afhore, thinking by their hazard that it was 
poffible they might difcouer fomething, that might aduance 
the publike; and fo giuing them fome Armes for their de- 
fenfe, and fome viftuall for their fuftentation, vntill they 
knew better how to prouide for themfelues, he left them at 

a 



2 14 The Difcouery and Plantation 

a place called Sawaguatock^^'^ where they remained not long, 
but got from thence to Menehighon^^^ an Ifland lying fome 
three leagues in the Sea, and fifteene leagues from that 
place, where they remained all that Winter, with bad lodg- 
ing, and worfe fare, yet came all fafe home faue one fickly 
man, which dyed there, the reft returned with the Ship wee 
fent for Rocrafts fupply and prouifion, to make a fifhing 
voyage. 

After thefe fellowes were landed, the Captaine finding 
himfelf but weakely man'd, and his Ship to draw too much 
water to coafl thofe places, that by his inftruftions he was 
affigned to difcouer, hee refolued to goe for Virginia where 
he had lined a long time before, and had (as hee conceiued) 
many friends, that would helpe him with fome things that 
he had occafion to vfe. Arriuing there, he was not deceiued 
of his expeflation; for Sir Samuel A r gall being their Gou- 
ernour, and one that refpefted him much for his owne fake, 
was the readier to helpe him, in regard of the good hee 
wifhed to the bufmeffe wherein he was imployed. 

But all this could not preuaile, for after that Sir Samuel 
Argall c2imQ from thence (his departure being more fuddaine 
then was expected) it fell out that the new Gouernour en- 
tered the Harbour ; and finding Rocraft ready to bee gone, 
fent to him to command him to come aboord to fpeake with 
him, which he readily obeyed, affoone as he could fit his 

boat 

2^'^ Now known as Saco. It is curi- combination of letters here difplayed, 

ous to note how differently Indian words namely, Sawaguatock; while the French 

were reprefented by thofe hearing them, gave it a very different form, namely, 

Thus the Englifh, in the cafe before Choiiacoet. 
us, tried to produce the found of the ^^^ The ifland of Monhegan. 
Indian name of this place by the ftrange 



of New England. 



215 



boat and men for that purpofe.^^ And fo leaning his Barke 
with her great Anker a head, and taking with him the 
[16] halfe of his company, hee was forced to flay aboard 
the new Gouernours Ship that night. In the meane 
while a llorme arifmg, our Barke wanting hands to doe their 
labour, droue a Ihoare, and there funke. But yet the Gou- 
ernour and Captaine fo laboured the next day, when they 
knew thereof, as that they freed her againe, but that occafion 
forced our Captaine to ftay fo long in the Countrey to fit 
himfelfe anew, as in the interim a quarrell fell out betweene 
him and another of that place; fo as Rocraft was flaine, 
and the Barque funke the fecond time, and finally difabled 
from yeelding vs any benefit to this prefent. 

But we not knowing this difafter, and Captaine Darmer 
arriuing with his Saluage,^^*^ out of New-found-land, dif- 
patched him away the next feafon, in a fhippe we fent 
againe for the fifhing bufinelTe, and affigned him a company 
to ioyne with Rocraft and his people. 

Captaine Darmer arriuing there, and not finding Rocraft, 
was a little perplexed, and in doubt what to doe : yet hear- 
ing by thofe Mutiners which he found there, that he was 
gone for Virginia ; he was hopef ull of his returne ; and lined 
in that expedlation, till fuch time as he heard (by a fhip 

that 



2^ This was Sir George Yeardley, 
who was appointed governor of Vir- 
ginia in 06lober, 1618, and was knight- 
ed on November 22d. He failed for 
Virginia on the 19th of January, but 
owing to ftorms did not reach Jamef- 
town until April 19th, 1619. On his ar- 
rival he found that Argall had fled from 
juflice fome time before, and was al- 



ready on his way to England. Sir Fer- 
dinando puts the matter very mildly 
when he fpeaks of Argall's departure 
as " being more fuddaine then was 
expe6led." 

'^^ Tifquantum, who had efcaped 
from Spain by an Englifli veflel bound 
for Newfoundland, as before related. 




2i6 The Difcouery and Plantation 

that came from thence to fifh for the Collony) the confufion 
of his fortune, and tne end of his mifery in this world. 
Then he determined to take the Pinnace that the yeare be- 
fore was affigned to Rocraft for him to make the trade with, 
and with her to proceed on his defigne, and fo embarked 
himfelfe, and his prouifion and company in her. And lean- 
ing the fifher-men to their labour, he coafled the fhore from 
thence, fearching euery Harbour, and compaffmg euery 
Cape-land, till he arriued in Virginia; where he was in 
hope to meet with fome of the prouifion, or company 
[17] of Rocraft, to helpe to fupply him of what he wanted ; 
as alfo to lay a Deck vpon his Pinnace, that before had 
not any, and now was taught by experience the neceffitie of 
hauing that defe6l fupplied. 

But thofe hopes failed him (al being before that time 
ruined and difperfed) fo farre, as he faw it in vaine to hope 
for help by that means, and therefore attempted to make 
the befl; of what hee had of his owne. And going to fet his 
men aworke, they all in a few dayes after their arriuall, fell 
ficke of a difeafe which hapned at that time in the country, 
fo as now he was not onely forced to be without hope of their 
helping of him, but muft labour himfelfe all he could to 
attend and fuftaine them; but fo God fauoured him, that 
they recouered, and in time conuenient he difpatched his 
bufmeffe there, and put himfelfe to Sea againe, refoluing to 
accomplifh in his iouney backe to New-England, what in 
his lafl Difcouery he had omitted. 

In his paffage he met with certaine Hollanders, who had 
a trade in Hud/ons riuer fome yeares before that time, with 
whom he had conference about the ftate of that coaft, and 

their 



of New England, 2 1 7 

their proceedings with thofe people : whofe anfwer gaue 
him good content. He betooke himfelfe to the following of 
his bufinefle, difcouering many goodly Riuers, and exceed- 
ing pleafant, and fruitfull coafbs and Iflands, for the fpace of 
80 leagues from Eaft to Weft, for fo that coaft doth range 
along from Hudfons Riuer to Cape lames?^^ 

Now after we had found by Captain e Rocrafts relation 
made the year before, the hopes he conceiued of the bene- 
fits that coaft would afford, towards the vpholding of the 
charge for fetling our Plantation by reafon of the commod- 
ities arifmg by fifhing and furres, if a courfe might be taken 
for the mannaging of that bufmelTe, as was fit for fuch a de- 
figne ; as well as for the aduancement of the publique 
[18] good of our whole nation and fatisf action of euery 
well difpofed perfon, that had a will to be interefled 
therein. 

It was held to be moft conuenient to ftrengthen ourfelues 
by a new Grant to be obtained from his royall Maieftie : the 
rather, finding that thofe of Virginia had by two feu- 
erall Patents fettled their bounds,^^^ and excluded all from 
intermedling with them that were not free of their Com- 
pany; 

^1 This is Cape Cod, and is one of the coaft made by Smith in 1614. This 

many inftances illuftrating the tenacity name was adopted by Gorges and other 

with which names when once applied royalifts ; but in fpite of thefe efforts to 

to places cling to them, efpecially if local change the name lightly but appropri- 

reafons exift for fuch application. Cape ately given it by the old mariner, it held 

Cod was fo named in 1602 by Gofnold, its place againft a royal one beftowed 

on account of the abundance of cod- upon it by a prince and infcribed upon 

fifh which he found in its vicinity ; the moft noted chart of the coaft then 

but Prince Charles, thinking it would extant. 

be more appropriate to name it in 272 yi^g Hijlorical Colle&ions, by 

honor of his royal father, beftowed Ebenezer Hazard, A.M., Philadelphia, 

upon it the name of Cape James, and 1792, Vol. I. pp. 50-82. Virginia had 

it was fo defignated on the firft map of had three charters at this time. 

VOL. I. — 28 



2i8 The Difcouery and Plantation 

pany; and had wholly altered the forme of their Gouern- 
ment, from the firft ground layed for the managing the 
affaires of both Collonies, leauing vs as defperate, and our 
bufmeffe as abandoned. 

Thefe confiderations (as is faid) together with the necef- 
fitie of fetling our affaires, bounds and limits, diflincl from 
theirs, made vs refolue to petition his Maieflie for the re- 
newing of our Grant.^^^ 

By which time the rumour of our hopes was fo publlquely 
fpread abroad, and the commodities of the Fifh and trade 
fo looked into, as it was defired, that all that coafl might be 
made free, as well to thofe of Virginia, as to vs to make 
their commoditie : How iufi: or vniufl that motion was, we 
will not argue, feeing the bufmeffe is ended. 

By this meanes, our proceedings were interrupted, and 
we queflioned about it ; firfl, by the Counfell of Virginiay 
whom we thought to haue bene fully fatisfied therein, be- 
fore we could haue way giuen vs for a new Patent, both 
parties hauing been heard by certaine of the Lords of the 
Councell ; and the bufineffe by them fo ordered, as we were 
dire6led to proceed and to haue our Grant agreeable to the 
libertie of the Virginia Company, the frame of our gou- 
ernment excepted ; but this order not being liked of, it 
w^as againe heard & concluded.^^^ Laflly, the Patent being 
pafl the Seale, it w^as flopt vpon new fuggeflions to the 
King, and by his Maieflie referred to the Councell to be 

fettled 

273 Vide Colonial Papers, James I., Company, vide The Hijlory of the Vir- 

Public Records Office, Vol. I. No. 47. ginia Company of London^ by Edward 

27* For the account of thefe tranf- D. Neill, Albany, 1869, pp. 131, 133, 

a6lions from the fide of the Virginia 165, 175. 



of New England. 2 1 9 

[19] fettled, by whom the former Orders were confirmed, 
the difference cleared, and we ordered to haue our 
Patent delivered vs.^^ 

Thefe difputes held vs almoft two yeeres, fo as all men 
were afraid to ioyne with vs, and we thereby left hopeleffe 
of any thing more than that which our owne fortunes would 
yeeld to aduance our proceedings, in which time fo many 
accidents hapned vnto vs at home, and abroad, that wee 
were faine to giue order by the fhips we fent afifhing, for 
the retiring of Mafter Darmer^ and his people, vntil all 
things were cleared, and we better prouided of meanes to 
goe through with our defigne : but this worthy Gentleman 
confident of the good likely to enfue, and refolutely refolu- 
ing to purfue the ends he aymed at, could not be perfuaded 
to looke backe, as yet ; and fo ref ufing to accept our offer, 
began againe to profecute his Difcouery, wherein he was 
betrayed by certaine new Saluages, who fodainly fet vpon 
him, giuing him foureteene or fifteene wounds ; but by his 
valour, and dexteritie of fpirit he freed himfelfe out of their 
hands, yet was conftrained to retire into Virginia again the 
fecond time, for the cure of his wounds, where he fell ficke 
of the infirmities of that place, and thereof dyed : ^"^ fo 
ended this worthie Gentleman his dayes, after he had re- 
mained 

276 For the Order of Council and To his Worjkipfttll Friend M. SAMUEL 

Patent iffued to Gorges and others PURCHAS, Preacher of the Word, at the 

November 3d, 1620, vide Hijlorical Church a little within Ludgate, London. 

Colletlions, by Ebenezer Hazard, A.M., Sir, — It was the nineteenth of May. be- 

Philadelphia, 1792, Vol. I. p. 99; Ibid., ^ore I was fitted for my difcouery, When 

pp. 103-118. irom Monahiggan I fet fayle in an open 

2*^6 The following letter of Dermer P>""ace of five tun, for the Hand I told 

gives his own account of his adventures, rf"" a r ^ .^ alongft the Coaft where 

J • ' i. n.- • ii • n- A tound lome antient Plantations, not lone 

and IS interefting in this conneaion : - fi„^^ ^^^^^^^^ „^^ ^^^^^1^ ^^j^'. .^ ^^^^"J 

places 



220 The Difcouery and Plantation 



mained in the difcouery of that coafl two yeares, giuing vs 
good content in all hee vndertooke ; and after he had made 

the 



places a remnant remaines, but not free 
of fickneffe. Their difeafe the Plague, for 
wee might perceiue the fores of fome that 
had efcaped, who defcribed the fpots of 
fuch as vfually die. When I arriued at my 
fauages natiue country (finding all dead) I 
travelled alongft adaies journey Weftward, 
to a place called Nummaftaquyt, where find- 
ing Inhabitants, I difpatched a Meffenger a 
dayes journey further Weft to Poconackit 
which bordereth on the fea ; whence came 
to fee me two Kings, attended with a guard 
of fiftie armed men, who being well fatisfied 
with that my Sauage and I difcourfed vnto 
them (being defirous of noueltie) gaue mee 
content in whatfoeuer I demanded, where 
I found that former relations were true. 
Here I redeemed a Frenchman, and after- 
wards another at Mastachufit who three 
yeeres fince efcaped (hipwracke at the 
North-eaft of Cape Cod, I muft (amongft 
many things worthy obferuation) for want 
of leifure, therefore hence I pafTe (not men- 
tioning any place where we touched in the 
way) to the Hand, which we difcouered 
the twelfth of June. Here we had good 
quarter with the Sauages, who likewife 
confirmed former reports. I found feuen 
feuerall places digged, fent home of the 
earth, with famples of other commodities 
elfewhere found, founded the Coaft, and 
the time being farre fpent bare vp for Mon- 
nahiggan, arriuing the three and [twenjti- 
eth of June, where wee found our Ship 
ready to depart. To this He are two other 
neere adjoyning, all which I called by the 
name of King James his lies, becaufe from 
thence I had the firft motiues to fearch, 
For that (now probable paffage) which may 
hereafter be both honourable and profita- 
ble to his Majeftie. 

When I had difpatched with the fhips 
ready to depart, I thus concluded for the 
accomplifhing my bufinefle, In regard of 
the fewnefle of my men, not being able to 
leaue behind mee a competent number 
for defence, and yet fufficiently furnilh my- 
felfe, I put moft of my prouifions aboord the 
Samp/on of Cape Ward ready bound for 



Virginia, from whence hee came, taking 
no more into the Pinnace then I thought 
might ferue our turnes, determining with 
Gods helpe to fearch the Coaft along, and 
at Virginia to fupply ourfelues for a fecond 
difcouery, if the firft failed. But as the beft 
aflions are commonly hardeft in effeding 
and are feldome without their crofies, fo in 
this we had our fliare, and met with many 
difficulties : for wee had not fayled aboue 
forty leagues, but wee were taken with a 
Southerly ftorme, which drave vs to this 
ftrait ; eyther we muft weather a rockie 
point of Land, or run into a broad Bay no 
leflie dangerous. Incidit in Syllam, &c. the 
Rockes wee could not weather, though wee 
loofed till we receuied much water, but at 
laft were forced to beare up for the Bay, 
and run on ground a furlong off the flioare, 
where we had beene beaten to pieces, had 
wee not inftantly throwne overboord our 
prouifions to haue our Hues ; by which 
meanes we efcaped and brought off our 
Pinnace the next high water without hurt, 
hauing our Planke broken, and a fmall 
leake or two which we eafily mended. Be- 
ing left in this mifery, hauing loft much 
bread, all our Beefe and Sider, fome Meale 
and Apparell, with other prouifions and 
neceflaries ; hauing now little left befides 
hope to encourage vs to perfift ; Yet after a 
little deliberation we refolued to proceed 
and departed with the next faire winde. 
We had not now that faire quarter amongft 
the Sauages as before, which I take it was 
by reafon of our Sauages ab fence, who de- 
fired (in regard of our long journey) to ftay 
with fome of our Sauage friends Sawahqua- 
tooke) for now almoft everywhere, where 
they were of any ftrength they fought to 
betray vs. At Manamock (the Southerne 
part of Cape Cod, now called Sutcliffe 
Inlets) I was vnawares taken prifoner, 
when they fought to kill my men, which I 
left to man the Pinnace; but mifling of 
their purpofe, they demanded a ranfome, 
which had, I was as farre from libertie as 
before : yet it pleafed God at laft, after a 
ftrange manner to deliuer me, with three 

of 



of New England. 



221 



the peace between vs and the Saluages, that fo much ab- 
horred our Nation for the wrongs done them by others, as 



of them into my hands, and a little after 
the chiefe Sacheum himfelfe ; who feeing 
me weigh anchor, would have leaped over 
boord, but intercepted, craued pardon, and 
fent for the Hatchets giuen for ranfome, 
excufing himfelfe by laying the fault on his 
neighbours ; and to be friends fent for a 
Canoas lading of Corne, which receiued we 
fet him free. I am loth to omit the ftory, 
wherein you would finde caufe to admire 
the great mercy of God euen in our great- 
eft mifery, in giuing vs both freedome and 
reliefe at one time. Departing hence, the 
next place we arriued at was Capavek, an 
Hand formerly difcouered by the Englilh, 
where I met with Epinew, a Sauage that 
had lined in England, and fpeakes indiffer- 
ent good Englifh, who foure yeeres fince 
being carried home, was reported to haue 
beene flaine, with diuers of his Countrey- 
men, by Saylers which was falfe. With him 
I had much conference, who gave mee very 
good fatisfaction in euery thing almoft I 
could demand. Time not permitting me 
to fearch here, which I (hould have done 
for fundry things of fpecial moment : the 
wind faire, I flood away fhaping my courfe 
as the Coaft led mee, till I came to the moft 
Wefterly part where the Coaft began to 
fall away Southerly. In my way I difcou- 
ered Land about thirtie leagues in length, 
heretofore taken for Mayne, where I feared 
I had beene imbayed, but by the help of an 
Indian I got to the Sea againe, through 
many crooked and ftreight paffages. I let 
paffe many accidents in this journey occa- 
lioned by treacherie, where wee were com- 
pelled twice to goe together by the eares, 
once the Sauages had great advantage of 
vs in a ftreight, not aboue a Bowe fhot, 
and where a multitude of Indians let flye 
at vs from the banke, but it pleafed 
God to make vs vidlours ; neere vnto this 
wee found a moft dangerous Catwrack 
amongft fmall rockie Hands, occafioned by 
two vnequall tydes, the one ebbing and 
flowing two houres before the other ; here 
wee loft an Anchor by the ftrength of the 
current, but found it deepe enough ; from 



you 

hence were wee carried in a fhort fpace by 
the tydes fwiftneffe into a great Bay (to vs 
fo appearing) but indeede is broken land, 
which gaue vs light of the Sea : here, as I 
faid, the Land treadeth Southerly. In this 
place I talked with many Saluages, who 
told me of two fundry paflages to the great 
Sea on the Weft, offered me Pilots, and 
one of them drew mee a Plot with Chalke 
upon a Cheft, whereby I found it a great 
Hand, parted the two Seas ; they report 
the one fcarce paflable for (hoalds, perillous 
currents, the other no queftion to be made 
of. Ilauing receiued thefe diredtions, I 
haften to the place of greateft hope, where 
I purpofed to make triall of Gods good- 
neffe towards vs, and vfe my beft endeu- 
our to bring the truth to light, but wee 
were but onely fliewed the entrance, where 
in feeking to paffe wee were forced backe 
with contrary and ouerblowing windes, 
hardly efcaping both our Hues. Being 
thus overcharged with weather, I ftood 
alongft the coaft to feeke harbours, to 
attend a fauourable gale to recouer the 
ftreight, but being a harbourleffe Coaft for 
ought we could then perceiue, wee found 
no fuccour, till wee arriued betwixt Cape 
Charles and the Maine on the Eaft fide the 
Bay Cheftapeak, where in a wilde Roade 
wee anchored: and the next day (the eight 
of September) croffed the Bay to Kecough- 
tan, where the firft newes ftrooke cold to 
our hearts, the generall fickneffe ouer the 
Land. Here I refolued with all poflible 
fpeede to returne in purfuite of this bufi- 
neffe ; fo that after a little refreftiing, wee 
recouered up the River to Tames Citie, and 
from thence to Cape Warde his Plantacon, 
where immediately wee fell to hewing of 
Boords for a clofe Decke, hauing found it 
a moft defired courfe to attempt as before 
As wee were thus labouring to affedl our 
purpofes, it pleafed almighty God (who 
only difpofeth of the times and feafons, 
wherein all workes fhall be accompliflied) 
to vifite vs with his heauie hand, fo that at 
one time there were but two of vs able to 
helpe the reft, my felfe fo fore ihaken with 



2 22 The Difcotiery and Plantation 

you haue heard : but the fruit of his labour in that behalfe 
we as yet receiue to our great commoditie, who haue a peace- 
able plantation at this prefent among them, where our people 
both profper, and Hue in good liking, and affuredneffe of 
their neighbours, that had beene formerly fo much exafperated 

againft vs, as will more at large appeare hereafter. 
[20] But hauing pafled all thefe ftormes abroad, and 

vndergone fo many home-bred oppofitions, and freed 
our Patent, which we were by order of State affigned to 
renew, for the amendment of fome defefts therein contained, 
we were aflured of this ground more boldly to proceed on 
than before ; and therefore we tooke firfl to conidferation 
how to raife the meanes to aduance the plantation. In the 
examination thereof, two wayes did offer themfelues : The 
one was the voluntary contribution of the Patentees ; The 
other, by an eafie ranfoming of the freedomes of thofe that 
had a will to partake onely of the prefent profits, arifing by 
the trade, and fifhing vpon the coaft. 

The firft was to proceed from thofe Noble-men, and others 
that were Patentees, and they agreed by order among them- 
felues 

a burning feauer, that I was brought euen feare of danger, let this therefore ferve for 

vnto deaths doore ; but at length by Gods confirmation of your hopes, till I can bet- 

affiftance efcaped, and haue now with the ter performe my promife and your defire; 

reft almoft recouered my former ftrength. for what I haue fpoken I can produce at 

The Winter hauing ouertaken vs (a time on leaft mille teftes ; farre feparate, of the 

thefe Coafts efpecially) fubje6l to gufts and Sea behinde them, and of Ships, which 

fearefull ftormes, I haue now refolued to come many dayes journey from the Weft, 

choofe a more temperate feafon, both for and of the great extent of this Sea to the 

generall good and our own fafeties. And North and South, not knowing any bounds 

thus I haue fent you a broken difcourfe, thereof Weftward. I ceafe to trouble you 

though indeede very vnwilling to haue till a better opportunity offer it felfe re- 

giuen any notice at all, till it had pleafed membering my beft loue &c. I reft 
God to haue bleffed mee with a thorow Yours to command, 

fearch, that our eyes might haue witnefled Tho. Dermer. 

the truth, I have drawne a Plot of the From Captaine Martyn 

Coaft, which I dare not yet part with for his Plantation. 27 Decemb. 1619. 



of Ne vv England. 223 

felues to difburfe a hundred pounds apeece, for the ad- 
uancement of fuch neceffary bufines, as they had in hand. 

The fecond was to be accomplifhed by fetling fuch Hber- 
ties and orders in the wefterne cities and townes, as might 
induce euery reafonable man in, and about them, affe6ling 
the publike good, or a regular proceeding in the bufinefle of 
trade, to embrace an vniformitie, and to ioyne in a commu- 
nitie, or ioynte ftocke together: How reafonable or vnrea- 
fonable thofe orders were, is hereafter to be feene, and 
iudged by eury well affeded perfon, or any truly louing the 
publike good of our Nation, whereunto is annexed the dif- 
ference of trading by ioynte ftocke vnder gouernment and 
order ; and the promifcuous trading without order and in a 
dif-joynted manner, as of late they haue done to the infinite 
preiudice of others already, as alfo to the loffe of many of 
themfelues, that contemptoufly and greedily haue leapt into 
that courfe, as it were in defpite of all Authoritie, whofe 

reward, in time, will follow. 
[21] Before thefe Orders were to be tendered to thofe 

cities and townes, it was defired that there might be 
letters fent from their Lordfhips, admonifhing them of his 
Maieflies royall Grant, that prohibiteth any not free of that 
bufmes, to intermeddle within our limits, vpon paine of con- 
fifcation of fhip and goods. Thefe letters exprefling withall 
the eood affedlion of thofe that were intereffed in the bufi- 
nelTe, to entertaine any that fhould be willing to conforme 
themfelues to fuch orders, as had in that behalf e beene 
eflablifhed. 

But thofe letters how full of iuflice fo euer they appeared, 
were as diftaflefull, as was the rumor of Order vnto them : 

for 



224 The Difcouery and Plantation 

for by it euery particular man thought himfelfe flrait de- 
barred of libertie to run his owne currant, in which he 
thought his freedome did onely confifi: ; and by debarring 
him thereof, his priuate ends were ouerthrowne, which was 
to endeauour to preuent his neighbour of the market he 
aimed at, or the Harbour he refolued to goe vnto, or the 
prefent trade hee expefted to haue by his priuate induftrie, 
but as for the publique hee cared not, let that fare as it 
would.^^ While thefe things were in difpute, and likely to 
haue taken a good foundation, the news of the Parliament 
flew to all parts, & then the mofl factious of euery place, 
prefently combined themfelues to follow the bufmefle in 
Parliament, where they prefumed to proue the fame to be a 
Monopolie, and much tending to the preiudice of the com- 
mon good. But that there fhould be a conformitie in trade, 
or a courfe taken to preuent the euills that were likely to 
enfue, or to appropriate poffeflions, or lands after a generous 
manner, in remote parts of the world, to certaine publique 
perfons, of the common- wealth, for the taking care, and 
fpending their time and means how to aduance the enlarge- 
ment of their Countrey, the honour of their King, and 
[22] glory of their God; thefe were thought crimes worthy 
the taking notice of, and the principall Actors in this 
kinde, muft be firfl traduced in priuate, then publiquely 
called vpon in Parliament, to anfwer fuch other fcandalls 
as could by malice be inuented. 

But as this bufmeffe was in itfelfe iufl, and righteous, 
fo was it as earneflly defired, they might haue had the op- 

portunitie 

^'^ Various references to thefe trou- Proclamation of the King in Colonial 
bles may be found in The Records of Papers, James I., Public Records Office, 
the Council for New England; 2L\io vide Vol. II. No. 106. 



of New England. 225 

portunitie to haue anfwered it before fo vnpartiall ludges, 
and fo reuerend perfons ; if fo it might haue been without 
offence to the authoritie of his royall Maieftie, that had 
extended itfelfe by vertue of his Prerogatiue fo farre off, 
and without the Lawes of this Realme, and to be put in 
execution without the publike expence, or charge of the 
common-wealth, or preiudice to any other former imploy- 
ments of our Nation, and indeed without offence to any 
that coueted not to put their fickle into the harueft of other 
men, or whofe enuious & couetous humors ftirred them not 
vp to fhame themfelues in the conclufion. 

Thefe troubles thus vnfortunately falling out, haue not- 
withflanding hindered vs from the hopes we had this 
yeare,^^^ to giue fome life extraordinarily to thofe affaires, 
& therefore we are forced of neceflitie to refer the maine 
of our refolution, till a more conuenient opportunitie, and 
till we haue gotten our (hips and prouifion fit to ferue our 
turnes both to giue the Law along thofe coafts, and to per- 
forme fuch other feruice, as is thereby intended for the 
publike good of our Aduenturers, and defence of our Mer- 
chants, that fhall frequent thofe places, according to fuch 
Orders, as fhall be found behouefull in that behalfe. 

The 

278 The year 1622. This book muft the Stationers' Regifter was made July 

have been printed near the clofe of the 15, 1622, and the title as there fet down 

year, as it fpeaks of events which oc- is " A Briefe Relation of the Difcoverie 

curred late in the autumn. of New England." This is figned in 

It was printed under the aufpices of the margin, Miftrefs Griffith and John 

the Council, doubtlefs to attraft attention Haviland. Miftrefs Griffith was proba- 

to its enterprife, as in the Records of the bly the wife of George Griffith, a mer- 

Council under date of " Saturday laft chant of London, and at an early date 

of May," it is ftated that " the allowance interefted in American colonization. He 

of the printing of ye Booke is referred was fubfequently a prominent member 

to the Earl of Arundell." The entry in of the Laconia Company. 

VOL. I. — 29 



226 The Difcouery a?id Plantation 





[23] The Clime and condition of the 
Country, and the prefent eftate 
of our affaires there. 

Ou haue heard already the many difafters, calam- 
ities, misfortunes, oppofitions, and hinderances 
we haue had, and receiued. Howbeit many 
are omitted, in that we defire not to trouble 
the Reader with more then enough ; or to 
affright the minds of weake fpirits, that will beleeue there 
is no better fucceffe to be looked for from fuch attempts : 
although it be true that the beft defignes doe oftentimes 
cary with them the mofl impediments, whether it be that 
God will haue it fo, to trie our conflancie, or otherwife to 
make vs know, that it is he onely that worketh after his 
owne will, according to the time he hath affigned, and that 
there is nothing done but by him, as alfo that, that is onely 
befl which hee will haue to bee done, and that time mofl 
proper which he hath affigned for the fame. 

But by thefe you may imagine (feeing we haue none 
other helps than our owne fortunes to build vpon) there 
can no great matters bee performed in thefe flormes and 
tempefts. Notwithftanding, you may know wee haue not 

beene 



of New England. 227 

beene more hindered one way, than blelTed an other: for, 
as our patience, cohflancie, trauels and charge hath been 
great, fo hath it (indeed) manifoldly beene requited : For, 
by GODS fauour, and thefe Gentlemens induftrie, we haue 
made a moft ample difcouery of the moft commodious 
Country for the benefit of our Nation, that euer hath beene 
found. 

For better fatisfaftion of the Reader in this behalfe, 
[24] we haue thought fit, by the way, to acquaint him 
firfl, with the nature of the place where wee haue 
fettled our felues, whereby hee may fee reafon for what 
wee haue done, remembring him likewife, that in fetling 
of plantations, there is principally to be confidered ; The 
Aire, for the health of the inhabitans ; The Soile, for fer- 
tilitie fit for corne, and feeding of cattle wherewith to 
fuflaine them ; The Sea, for commoditie of trade and com- 
merce, the better to inrich their publike and priuate State, 
as it fhall grow to perfection ; and to raife imployments, to 
furnlfh the courfe of thofe affaires. 

Now for the quality of the Aire, there is none of iuge- 
ment but knowes it proceedeth either from the generall dif- 
pofition of the Sphere, or from the particular conftitution of 
the place. 

Touching the difpofition of the Sphere, it is not onely 
feated in the temperate Zone, but as it were in the Center, 
or middle part thereof, for that the middle part of the Coun- 
trey ftands in the forty fourth and forty fifth degrees of 
Northerne Latitude, that is twenty degrees from the fiery 
Tropicke, and as much from the freefmg Arcticke Circle : 
Vnder the fame climate and courfe of the funne that Con- 

Jlantinople, 



228 The Difcouery and Plantation 

Jlantinople^ and Rome, the Ladies of the World ; Italy, and 
France, the Gardens of Europe, haue their fituation, within 
the limits of the fifth and fixt Climate, after the latter 
computation ; hauing their longeft day fifteene houres and 
fome odde minutes. 

Touching the conflitution of the place (which is about 
fifty degrees by Sea from our Continent weflerly) The Ma- 
rine parts thereof are fomewhat colder, then the nature of 
the Clime otherwife afifordeth; for that the beames of the 

Sunne are weakened, partly by the vnftable refledlion 
[25] of the fame vpon the Sea, and partly by beeing laden 

with abundance of moifture it exhales out of the vafl 
Ocean, whereby the nature thereof is not fo violently there 
exprefled, as in the like parallel further into the maine is 
accuftomed. Nor is the Sea coaft fo fubiecfi: to droughts 
or want of raine in feafonable times, as other parts are 
of like Latitudes, and by that reafon the fea coafts are at 
all times more cold than is the Inland. And the Eaflerne 
coafl which receiueth the rifmg of the Sunne, is likewife 
colder then are the Weflerne parts, towards the declining 
of the fame ; as our morning aires (for example) euen in 
the heat of Summer are cold and quicke, when the day and 
euening are very fweltering. And this makes thofe parts 
more fuitable to the nature of our people, who neither finde 
content in the colder Climates, nor health in the hotter; 
but (as hearbs and plants) affecft their natiue temperature, 
and profper kindly no where elfe. 

And indeed, the hot Countreys yeeld fharper wits, but 
weaker bodies, and fewer children ; the colder, more flow of 
conceit, but ftronger of body, and more abounding in pro- 
creation 



of New England. 229 

creation. So that, though the inuention of Arts hath rifen 
from the Southerne Nations, yet they haue flill beene fub- 
ieft to the inundations, and inuafions of the more Northerly 
people, by reafon of their multitudes, together with the 
llrength of their body, and hardneffe of their conflitutions. 

But this Country, what by the generall and particular 
fituation, is fo temperate, as it feemeth to hold the golden 
meane, and indeed is moft agreeable to the nature of our 
owne, which is made manifefl by experience, the moft infal- 
lible proofe of all affertions ; in fo much as our people that 
are fetled there, enioy their life and health much more 
[26] happily, then in other places ; which can bee imputed 
to no other caufe, then the temperature of the 
Climate. 

Now, as the Clime is found to bee fo temperate, fo deli- 
cate, and healthfull, both by reafon and experience ; fuch is 
the foile alfo, fome parts thereof yeelding wonderfuU increafe, 
both of the Corne, the Natiues haue moft vfe of; as alfo of 
our owne, of all forts : with infinite variety of nourifliing 
roots, and other herbes, and fruits, common among them, 
but rare with vs. 

Befides, the Coaft doth abound with moft conuenient 
Hauens, and Harbors, full of fmgular Iflands, fit for Planta- 
tion ; replenifhed with Plants and Wood of all forts ; as 
Oake, Cedars, Spruce, Firre, Pyne, Walnut, Cheftnut, Elme, 
Saflafras, Plumtrees, and Calamus Aromaticus,^'^ &c. 

The people are tradable (if they bee not abufed) to com- 
merce 

2'* By the Calamus aromaticus Sir cine,but which then had virtues afcribed 
Ferdinando means the fweet flag, then to it which would not now be recog- 
as now ufed as a ftomachic in medi- nized. 



230 The Difcouery and Plantation 

merce and Trade withall, and as yet haue good refpedl of 
vs. The Seas are ftored with all kindes of excellent fifli, 
and in many places vpon the coaft, fit to make Salt in. 
The Country aboundeth with diuerfity of wild foule, as Tur- 
keys, Partriges, Swans, Cranes, wild Geefe of two forts, 
wilde Duckes of three forts, many Doues, efpecially when 
Strawberies are ripe. 

There are feuerall forts of Deere in thofe parts, and fome 
that bring forth two, three, and foure young at once, which 
is a manifefl; proofe of the fertility of the Soile, or temper of 
the Clime, or both together. 

There is alfo a certaine Beaft, that the Natiues call a 
Moffe, he is as big bodied as an Oxe, headed like a fallow 
Deere, with a broad Palme, which hee mues^^^ euery yeere, 
as doth the Deere, and necke like a Red Deere, with a fhort 
mane, running down along the raines of his backe, his haire 
long like an Elke, but efteemed to be better then that 
[27] for Sadlers vfe, he hath likewife a great bunch hang- 
ing downe vnder his throat, and is of the colour of 
our blacker fort of fallow Deere, his leggs are long, and 
his feet as bigge as the feet of our Oxen, his taile is longer 
then the fingle^^^ of a Deere, and reacheth almofl downe to 
his huxens,^^^ his fkinne maketh very good Buffe,^^^ and his 
flefh is excellent good food, which the Natiues vfe to 

lerkin 

280 This word is from the French ^^^ Hocks or ankles j a term common 
muer, to moult, to change, and is ftill in Devonfhire. 

good French ; as, un cerf mue. The ^^ The drelTed fkin of the buffalo or 

word is ufed by Beaumont and Fletcher wild ox. Etymologifts derive the name 

in the Little French Lawyer thus: of the color known as buff from this 

*' But I haue mew'd that coat." fkin, which is of a pale yellow tint 

281 That is, the caudal appendage of when drelTed. 
the deer, in the lingua of Venery. 



of Ne V V England. 2 3 1 

lerkin^^ and keepe all the yeere to ferue their turne, and 
fo prooues very feraiceable for their vfe. There haue beene 
many of them feene in a great Ifland vpon the Coaft, called 
by our people Mount Man/ell, whither the Saluages goe 
at certaine feafons to hunt them ; the manner whereof is, 
by making of feuerall fires, and fetting the Countrey with 
people, to force them into the fea, to which they are natu- 
rally addifted, and then there are others that attend them 
in their Botes with bowes and weapons of feuerall kindes, 
wherewith they flay and take at their pleafiare. And there 
is hope that this kinde of Beafts may bee made feruiceable 
for ordinary labour with Art and Induflry. 

The knowne Commodities of that Country, are Fifh of 
feuerall forts, rich Furres, as Beuers, Otters, Martins, blacke 
Fox, Sables, &c. There are likewife plenty of Vines, of 
three kindes, and thofe pleafant to the tafte, yet fome bet- 
ter then other. There is Hempe, Flax, Silkgraffe, feuerall 
veines of Ironftone, commodities to make Pitch, Rofen, 
Tarre ; Deale boords of all forts, Sparres, Mafts, for Ships 
of all burdens ; in a word, there comes no commodity out of 
France^ Germany, or the Sounds but may be had there, with 
reafonable labour and induftry. 

Further, wee haue fetled at this prefent, feuerall Planta- 
tions along the Coaft, and haue granted Patents to 
[28] many more that are in preparation to bee gone with 
all conueniencie. Thofe of our people that are there, 

haue 

28* This is beef cut into thin flices flefh, in the language of the country, 

and dried in the fun to preferve it for charqui, of which word ouv jerked \s a 

future ufe. Prefcott, the hiftorian, in flrange corruption, 
his Conquejl of Peru, calls this dried 



232 The Difcouery and Plantation 

haue both health and plenty, fo as they acknowledge there 
is no want of any thing, but of induflrious people, to reape 
the comn^odities that are there to be had, and they are 
indeed fo much affe6led to the place, as they are loth to 
be drawne from thence, although they were direcfled to 
returne to giue fatisfa6lion to thofe that fent them, but 
chofe rather to performe that office by letters, together 
with their excufe, for breach of their duty in that behalfe. 
And thus you fee there is no labour well imployed, but 
hath his reward at one time or other. 

Thefe incouragements haue imboldened vs to proceed, 
to the engaging of our felues, for the building of fome Ships 
of good burden, and extraordinary Mould, to lie vpon the 
Coall for the defenfe of Merchants and Fifhermen, that 
are imployed there, as alfo to Waft the Fleets, as they goe 
to and from their Markets: and we purpofe from hence- 
forth to build our fhipping there, where wee find all com- 
modities fit for that feruice, together with the mofl oppor- 
tune places that can bee defired. 

Laflly, finding that wee haue fo far forth preuailed, as to 
winde our felues into familiarity with the Natiues, (which 
are in no great number) along the Coafl for two hundred 
Leagues together, wee haue now difpatched fome of our peo- 
ple of purpofe, to diue into the bowels of the Continent, 
there to fearch and finde out what Port, or Place, is mofl 
conuenient to fettle our maine Plantation in, where wee 
meane to make the Refidencie of our State and Gouern- 
ment as alfo to bee affured, what other commodities may 
be raifed for the publique, and priuate benefit of thofe that 
are dealers in that bufmelTe, and willing to bee interelfed in 

any 



of New England. 233 

any the Lands there: Whither is gone this yeer al- 
ready, for Trade and Fifhing onely, thirty Saile of the 
[29] better fort of Ships, belonging to the Wefterne parts, 
befides thofe who are gone for tranfportation of the 
Planters, or fupply fuch as are already planted, whofe return 
(as is fuppofed) will amount (at the leaft) to thirty thoufand 
pound, the greater part whereof comes home in Bullion, 

And therefore as touching the third happineffe of thefe 
parts, which is the Sea, there needeth no other or greater 
commendation then this benefit of Ft/king afTured vnto vs 
by common Experience; although it affords many other 
hopes both in regard of the facilitie of the nauigation, the 
boldneffe of the Coafl, the conueniency of Roades, Hauens, 
and Harbours, for performance of all manner of imploy- 
ments; yet is there alfo found Showes oi Pearle, Ambergrees^ 
great numbers of Whales, and other merchantable meanes 
to raife profit to the induftrious Inhabitants or diligent 
Traders. 

Heere you may fee to what profit our induflry and 
charge hath beene imploied ; what benefit our Countrey is 
like to receiue by it, and whether it bee reafon wee fhould 
bee fo traduced, as we haue been, wee feeking nothing 
more then the glory of God, the enlarging of his Highneffe 
Dominions, and generall good of all his Maiefties loyall 
fubiefts, and ftriuing for the better accomplifhment thereof 
to keepe Order, and fettle Gouernment in thofe affaires, 
to preferue from ruine and confufion fo faire a foundation, 
wherein is likely to bee built the goodliefl frame that hath 
euer beene vndertaken to be raifed by our Nation. 

VOL. I. -30 J^^ 



234 ^^^ Difcouery and Plantation 





[30] The Platforme of the gouern- 
ment, and Diuifions of the Terri- 
tories in generalL 

S there is no Common-wealth that can fland 
without gouernment, fo the beft gouernments 
haue euer had their beginnings from one fu- 
preme head, who hath difpofed of the admin- 
iflration of luftice, and execution of publike 
affaires, either according to lawes eftablifhed or by the ad- 
uice, or counfell of the mofl eminent, difcreeteft, and beft 
able in that kinde. The verity of this is fo cleere, as it needs 
no example : for that indeed all nations from the beginning, 
vnto this prefent, follow flill the fame rule in effeft, howfo- 
euer they vary in the forme, or fome fmall circumflances. 

And vpon this generall ground, the Kings of thefe our 
Realmes did firfl lay the foundations of their Monarchies ; 
referuing vnto themfelues the foueraigne power of all (as 
fit it was) and diuiding their kingdomes into Counties, 
Baronries, Hundreds, and the like ; inftituted their Lieuten- 
ants, or Officers, meet to gouerne thofe Subdiuifions, that 
the Subie6l might with the more eafe receiue iuflice, and 

the 



of Ne vv Engl and. 235 

the Soueraignes at more leafure the better able to difpofe of 
matters of greater confequence. 

This foundation being fo certaine, there is no rea- 
[31] fon for vs to vary from it, and therefore we haue 
refolued to build our Edifices vpon it, and to frame 
the fame after the platforme already layd, and from whence 
wee take our denomination. So as we purpofe to commit 
the managing of our whole affaires there in generall, vnto 
a Gouenour, to be affifled by the aduice and counfel of fo 
many of the Patentees as fliall be there refident, together 
with the Officers of State, that is to fay ; The Treafurer 
for the managing of the treafure and reuenues belonging 
to that State. The Martiall for matters of Armes, and 
affaires of warres, be it defenfiue or offenfiue. The Admirall 
for maritine bufmeffe ciuill or criminall, and the forces be- 
longing to the Sea. The mailer of the ordnance for muni- 
tion, artillery and other prouifions for publique ftore of 
Armies by Sea or Land ; as alfo fuch other perfons of 
iudgement and experience, as by the Prefident and Counfell 
eftabliflied here, for the better gouerning of thofe affaires 
fhall be thought fit. 

By this Head, and thefe Members, vnited together, the 
great affaires of the whole State is to be managed, accord- 
ing to their feuerall authorities, giuen them from their Supe- 
riours, the Prefident and Councell eftablifhed as aforefaid. 

And for that all men by nature are beft pleafed to be 
their owne earners, and doe mofl willingly fubmit to thofe 
Ordinances, or Orders whereof themfelues are authors : it 
is therefore refolued, that the generall lawes whereby that 
State is to be gouerned, fhall be firfl framed and agreed 

vpon 



236 The Difcouery and Plantation 

vpon by the generall affembly of the States of thofe parts, 
both Spirituall and Temporall. 

For the better diftinftion whereof, and the more orderly 
proceeding, agreeable (as is faid) to the prefent State of this 
our Realme, two parts of the w^hole Territorie is to be 
[32] diuided betweene the Patentees, into feuerall Counties, 
to be by themfelues or their friends planted, at their 
pleafure or beft commoditie. The other third part is to be 
referued for publique vfes, to be belonging to the State, as 
their reuenew for defraying of publique charge. 

But as well this third part, as the two formerly fpoken of, 
is to be diuided into Counties, Baronries, Hundreds, and 
the like, from all which the Deputies for euery County, and 
Baronry, are to be fent in the name and behalfe of the Sub- 
ie6ls, vnder them to confult and agree vpon the Lawes fo to 
be framed, as alfo to reforme any notable abufes committed 
in former proceedings. 

Yet thefe are not to be alTembled, but by order from the 
Prefident and Councell heere, who are to giue life to the 
Lawes fo to be made, as thofe to whom of right it beft be- 
longs, according to his Maiefties royall grant in that behalfe, 
as alfo that vnder God, and his Sacred Highnejfe, they are 
the principall Authors of that foundation. And thus much 
for the generall forme of our Gouernment. 

In like manner are the Counties to be gouerned by the 
chiefe Head or Deputy thereof with other OfHcers vnder 
him. As his Steward, Comptroller, Treafurer of his reue- 
news; and fo the Baronries by their Stewards, and other 
inferiour minfters, who are to haue affigned them the power 
of high and low luftice within themfelues for determining 

of 



of Ne vv England. 237 

of Controuerfies, with referuation of Appeale in fome cafes 
to the fupreme Courts. 

And further, thefe Lords of Counties may of themfelues 

fubdiuide their faid County into Mannors and Lordfliips, as 

to them fhall feeme befb, giuing to the Lords thereof power 

of keeping of Courts, and Leets, as is heere vfed in 

[33] England, for the determining of petty matters, ariling 

betweene the Lords, and the Tenants, or any other. 

And there is no leffe care to be taken for the trade and 
pubHque commerce of Merchants, whofe gouernment ought 
to be within themfelues, in refpe6l of the feuerall occafions 
arifmg betweene them, the tradefmen, and other the Me- 
chanickes, with whom they haue moft to doe : and who are 
generally the chiefe inhabitants of great Citties, and Townes, 
in all parts ; it is likewife prouided, that all the Cities in 
that Territory, and other inferiour Townes where Tradef- 
men are in any numbers, fhall be incorporate and made 
bodies politique, to gouerne their affaires and people as it 
fhall be found moft behouefull for the publique good of the 
fame ; according vnto the greatnes or capacity of them, who 
fhall be made likewife capable to fend certaine their Depu- 
ties, or Burgeffes to this publique aflembly, as members 
thereof, and who fhall haue voyces equall with any the reft. 

T)Y this you fee our maine drift is but to take care for the 
^ well ordering of the bulinefle, feeking by all meanes 
to auoyd (what we may) the intermedling with any mens 
monies, or difpoftng of any mens fortunes, faue onely our 
owne ; leaning to euery particular vndertaker the imploy- 
ment of their aduentures, and the raifmg of their profits, 

out 



238 The Difcouery and Plantation 

out of their proper limits, and pofleffions, as fhall feeme befl 
to themfelues, or their officers, or minifters, whom they im- 
ploy, and whom they may be bold to queftion, or difplace, 
as to themfelues fhall feeme mofl fitting. 

And hereby all men may know, that as it is not in our 
wills to delude and deceiue any, fo wee are carefull not to 
giue the leaft caufe of fufpicion of any euill in that 
[34] kinde ; fo much the rather for that wee daily fee by ex- 
perience, the abufes committed in like cafes by inferiour 
minifters, to be a notable caufe to dehort ^^ the good difpo- 
fitions of many otherwife well affe6led to Plantations, for 
that they obferue thofe that are fo imployed to grow rich, 
and their aduentures to come to nothing. 

And wee further defire that all men fhould bee perfwaded, 
wee couet not to engrolTe any thing at all vnto ourfelues, 
but that wee fhould bee exceeding glad to finde more of our 
Nation, fo free in difpofition, as to partake with vs, as well 
in the profit, as in the future trauell, and charge thereof; 
without looking backe to our expenfe, or labour already 
pafl, to the end that all our hands being vnited together, the 
worke may bee fo much the fooner aduanced, well knowing 
and freely confeffing, that it is fufficient to giue content to a 
multitude, and that of all forts. For fuch as are truly Pious, 
fhall finde heere the opportunity to put in pra6life the 
workes of piety, both in building of Churches, and raifing 
of Colledges for the breeding of youth, or maintenance of 
Diuines and other learned men. If they be fuch as affect 
Glory, and to continue there memory to future ages, they 

may 

285 Yo dijpuade : the oppofite of ex-hort. 



of Ne V V England. 239 

may haue heere the meanes to raife Houfes, Parifhes, yea 
Townes, or Prouinces, to their Names and Pofterity. Doe 
they aime at wealth ? heere is the way for their induftry 
to fatiate their appetites in that, if they be not vnfatiable. 
Doe they long after pleafure ? here is as much to be had as 
may content any, not meerely voluptuous, or onely prodigall. 
Doe they afpire to be Commanders? here is the place where 
they may haue command of their owne friends, or tenants, 
if they be of any worth, or meanes extraordinary wherewith 
to tranfport any numbers. If otherwife of experience and 
vertue, it is likely they may attaine places of gouernement 
for the publique State. So as you fee there wants no 
[35] occafions, or opportunity to inuite, or giue fatisfaftion 
to fuch as haue patience to attend the time. 
And indeed we fhall be glad, that this, or any thing elfe 
may induce a free and noble refolution, in any well affedled 
perfon, to endeuour the aduancement of thefe ends, together 
with vs, in that they fhall finde them agreeable to honour, 
and honeftie ; and if there bee any that can adde ought 
vnto our endeuours, by their aduice or otherwife, there is 
none that fhall more readily embrace the fame then wee; 
whofe intents are onely framed for the profperity of the bufi- 
neffe, as is already faid, and as we hope will all thofe be, 
that fhall affent to ioyne with vs, both in the labor, profit, 
and honour, without refpeft to the weakenelTe of the mo- 
tiue, by which it hath beene heeretofore mooued, or any thing 
faue the worke it felf. For by it you fhall finde the Honour 
of our God, our King, and Nation, will bee aduanced, 
without effufion of Chriflian bloud, or queflion of wrong 
to the prefent Inhabitants. For that they themfelues both 

defire 



240 The Difcouery and Plantation 

defire it, & we inted not to take ought, but what they that 
are there, are willing wee fhould bee feized of, both for the 
defence of them againfl their Enemies, and their prefer- 
uation in peace among themfelues, & propagation of the 
Chriflian Faith, which with wonderfull alacrity many of them 
feeme to giue eare vnto, and for whofe fpeedy conuerfion wee 
intend to bee as careful! as of our owne happinefle ; and 
as diligent to build them houfes, and to prouide them 
Tutors for thir breeding, and bringing vp of their chil- 
dren, of both fefts, as to aduance any other bufmefTe what- 
foeuer, for that wee acknowledge our felues fpecially bound 
thereunto. And this being done, to referre the fuccefTe, to 
the Author of Heauen and Earth, to whom be all Honour 
and glory. 

FINIS. 





INDEX. 



"x^ 



INDEX. 



A. 

Abenaki, the, ^^. 

Acadia, 137, 157. 

Achims, Mary, 127; Thomas, 127. 

Adams, Charles Francis, Jr., 158. 

Adelantado, the, 32. 

Africa, 12. 

Agamenticus, 156, 183, 185. 

Aiken, Robert, 184. 

Aid worth, Robert, 156. 

Alexander, Sir illiam, 123, 124, 137, 

145, 208. 
Alfred, 183. 
Alger family, 175. 
Amazon River, 102. 
Ambergris, 233. 
America, 12, 62, 64, d^i S9> ^26, 128, 

137, 151- 
Amiens, 15. 
Anabaptills, 154. 
Androfcoggin River, 'JT. 
Annapolis, 157. 
Ar6tic Ocean, 12. 
Argall, Sir Samuel, 207-208, 214, 

215. 
Armada, 15, 26. 
Arnold, Godfrey, 155. 



Arundel, Thomas Howard, Earl of 

64, 66, dT, 103, 225. 
Afhton, 181, 188, 189, 194, 195. 
Aftiton Court, 151. 
Afhton Manor, 151, 152. 
Afhton Phillips, 151, 171, 196. 
AfTacomet, 204. 

Atlantic Ocean, 86, 88, 112, 117. 
Azores, the, 11, 76. 

B. 

Babington, 6. 
Bacon, Lord, 102, 117. 
Bacon Papers, 24. 
Bagg, Sir James, 20, 149, 150. 
Bagnall, Walter, 155. 
Baillie, Robert, 184. 
Baker, Sir Richard, 33, 34. 
Bale, 155. 

Baltimore, Lord, 68. 
Banks, Sir John, 177. 
Barbadoes, 132, 194. 
Barrett, William, 189. 
Bath, Earl of, 30, 39, 43. 
Bayonne, 24. 
Beachy Head, 143. 
Beauchamp, John, 155. 



244 



Index. 



Beaumont, Francis, 230. 

Beech Lane, 46. 

Belknap, the Rev. Jeremy, 133. 

Bell, Ann, in. 

Bell, Charles H., 132. 

Bell, Edward, in. 

Bell, Robert, 195. 

Belli Laurea Aultriaca, 112. 

Berkfhire, 72. 

Bermudas, 72. 

Bell, Elias, 'jZ. 

Beverley, Robert, 68. 

Biddeford, 132, 182. 

Birch, Thomas, 5, 44, 95, 134. 

Black Point, 155, 182. 

Blefdyck, Nicholas, 155. 

Bligh, William, 149. 

Blount, Sir Chriftopher, 41, 48, 49, 

50. 
Blue Hills, 128. 
Blytheman, John, 37. 
Bohemia, in. 
Bonaventure, 28, 
Bonython, Richard, 153, 182. 
Bordeaux, 71. 
Borough, Chriftopher, 16. 
Bofton, England, 155. 
Bofton, Maflachufetts, 130, 183, 190. 
Bowcer, Sir Jo., 126. 
Bradford, Gov. William, 106, no, 112, 

113, 160, 166. 
Bradftiaw, Richard, 155. 
Breft, 39. 

Brevoort, J. C, 64. 
Brewfter, Edward, 208. 
Briftol, England, 105, 151, 156, 157, 

158, 160, 171, 188, 189, 192, 193, 

205. 
Briftol, Maine, 183. 
Briftow. See Briftol. 



Britifli Mufeum, 36, 45, 48, 92, 129, 

192, 195. 
Brittany, 20. 

Brooke, Sir William, 28. 
Brooks, Hugh, 152. 
Brooks, John, 152. 
Brooks, Dr. N. C, (>T. 
Brown, John Marfhall, 64. 
Bruce, John, 63. 
Buckingham, Duke of, 59, 95, 133, 134, 

135. 137, 138, 139, 141, 142, 144, I45» 

149, 150. 
Buffalo, 230. 
Buffe, 230. 
Bull, Dixie, 158, 159. 
Burdett, George, 183. 
Burgefs, the Rev. George, 'JT. 
Burghley, Lord, 17. 
Burke, John, 73. 
Burrage, the Rev. Henry S., 65, 68, 

104, 106. 
Byzant, Emperor of, 11. 

C. 

Cabala fine Scrinia Sacra, 112, 121, 

134- 
Cabots, the, n. 
Cadiz, 23, 24. 
Calamus aromaticus, 229. 
Calvert, George, 122. 
Camden, William, 4, 6, 16, 23, 33, 34, 

36, 42, 44, 45. 
Cammock, Thomas, 155, 156. 
Campbell, Lord John, T"^. 
Canada, 136, 150, 151, 157. 
Cannonicus, 128. 
Capavek, 221. 
Cape Breton, 70, 157. 
Cape Charles, 221. 



Index. 



245 



Cape Cod, 104, 105, 108, 109, 217, 
220. 

Cape Elizabeth, 155. 

Cape James, now Cape Cod, 217. 

Cape of Good Hope, 63. 

Cape Porpoife, 155, 189. 

Capuchins, the, 66. 

Cardiff, 189. 

Carentan, 4. 

Carew, George, 78. 

Carew, Sir George, 20, 24, 28, 29, 
56. 

Carew Manufcripts, 56. 

Carle ton. Sir Dudley, 36, 37, 102, 103, 
125. 

Cafco Bay, 131, 148, 154, 156, 174, 175, 
190. 

Cathay, 12. 

Cecil, Sir Robert, 18, 19, 21, 22, 23, 
24, 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 32, Z2>^ 34, 35, 
39, 41, 42, 43, 45, S3, 56, n, 58, 59, 
60, 69, 70, 72, 74, 75, 79, 80, 81, 83, 
84, 85, 89, 90, 92, 93, 205, 207. 

Cedars, 229. 

Cerri, Monfignor Urbano, 6^, 68. 

Challons, Capt. Henry, 70, 73, 79, 89, 
204, 205. 

Chamberlain, Henry, 2. 

Chamberlain, John, 36, 37. 

Chambly River, 152. 

Champernoun, 11. 

Champernoun, Francis, 182. 

Champlain, Sieur Samuel de, 64, 65, 
150, 151, 208. 

Charles I., 121, 124, 133, 134, 137, 138, 
141, 145, 157, 162, 171, 179; works 
relating to his reign, 138, 141, 142, 
144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 150, 158, 159' 
162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 176, 177, 
178, 179, 181. 



Charles River, 147. 

Charleftown, 133. 

Charlton Houfe, 53, 58. 

Chatham, 106. 

Chefapeake Bay, 221. 

Cheftnut, 229. 

Choiiacoet, 214. 

Church of England, 159, 162, 163, 165, 

174, 187. 
Cleeve Bay, 175. 
Cleeve family, 175. 
Cleeve, George, 132, I74» I7S» 189, 190, 

191, 193. 
Clerkenwell, i, 2, 3, 13. 
Cobbett, William, 6. 
Coke, Sir Edward, 117, 118, 126. 
Coke, Sir John, 146, 147, 149, 

150. 
Cole, BalTet, 141. 
College Court, 54. 
Colles, John, 36. 
Collins, Arthur, 10, 34, 42, 44. 
Colonial Papers, 158, 159, 163, 164, 

165, 166, 167, 176, 177, 178, 179, 181, 

218, 224. 
Columbus, Chriftopher, 64. 
Combe Sydenham, 175. 
Compton Caftle, 11. 
Conception Bay, 105. 
Conne6licut, 178, 178 n. 
Conllantinople, 227-228. 
Conway, Lord Edward, 138, 140, 141, 

144, 145, 146, 147, 149. 
Corbitant, 105. 
Cornwall, 21, 127 
Corporation of Plymouth, 91, 92. 
Cottington, Lord, 179. 
Cotton, Jofiah, 128. 
Cotton Manufcripts, the, 30, 48. 
Council for planting, ruling, and gov- 



246 



Index, 



eming New England, 11 4- 115, 116- 
117, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 
128, 131, 132, 136, 145, 147, 153, 
163, 164, 166, 167-169, 170, 176, 
189. 

Council of Virginia, 218. 

Courtleet, 186. 

Courtney, Sir William, 30. 

Cowper, William, 7. 

Cradock, Mathew, 162, 176. 

Cranes, 230. 

Cripplegate Ward, 46. 

Cromwell, Oliver, 151, 193. 

Cumberland, George, Earl of, 63. 

Cuper's Cove, 105. 



D. 



Dade, Henry, 163. 

Dalrymple, the Rev. E. A., 67. 

Damarifcotta River, 156. 

Danver, Sir Charles, 56. 

Darell, 72. 

Dartmouth, 17, 18, 19. 

Davis, Capt. James, at Sagadahoc, 78, 

82, 86. 
Davis, Judge John, 106. 
Davis, Sir John, 46, 56. 
Davis, Capt. Robert, 78, 81, ^T. 
Deane, Charles, 64, 124, 125, 131, 159, 

167, 170, 171. 
Dean, John Ward, 123, 127, 152, 

171. 
De Afton, Sir John, 151, 152. 
De Chevreufe, Due, 142. 
Deer, 230. 

D'Effiat, Marquis, 137, 142. 
De la Cofa, Juan, 64. 
Delaware, Lord, 72, 128. 



Delft, 154. 

Delft Haven, 112. 

De Montmorency, H., 96. 

De Monts, Sieur Pierre de Guaft, 

64. 
Deptford, 147. 
Dermer, Capt. Thomas, 103, 104-105, 

106,107, 108, 109,210,211,212,215- 

216, 218, 219-222. 
Delliny, the, 102 
De Tillieres, Comte, 136. 
Devonfliire, 20, 21, 22, 30, 31, 32, 39, 

127, 230. 
D'Ewes, Sir Simonds, 5, 172. 
Dexter, the Rev. Henry Martyn, 

106. 
Dieppe, 139, 140, 142, 144, 150. 
Digby, ^?>. 
Difraeli, Ifaac, 6. 
Dodrington, Edward, 37. 
Domeftic Correfpondence, 16, 17, 22, 

23, 32, 33, 2>S^ 38, 40, 43, 72, 73» 76, 
Zt, 91, 102, 103, 122, 125, 127, 135, 
138, 141, 142, 144, i45» 146, 143, 
150, 162. 

Dorfet County, 2. 

Dover, 133. 

Doves, 230. 

Downs, 76. 

Drake, Sir Francis, 13, 175. 

Dreadnought, the, 28. 

Drewrie, Sir Drew, 46. 

Drury Houfe, 46. 

Ducks, 230. 

Dudley, Thomas, 160. 

Dummer, Richard, 189. 

Dunfter, 175. 

Durham Houfe, 48. 

Durham, the Bifhop of, 48. 

Dutch Eaft India Company, 144. 



Index. 



247 



Dutch, the, 27, 119, 122, 125, 157, 

158, 165, 179. 
Dutch Weft India Company, 125. 



E. 



Eaft India Company, ^^t^t 122, 145, 

147. 
Eaft Indies, 63. 

Edgecomb, Sir Richard, 41, 176. 
Edlyno, Bernardo, 37, 38. 
Edmands, Lady, 5. 
Edward II., 2. 
Edward III., 2. 
Egerton, Thomas, Lord Keeper, 50, 

51, 52. 

Elbridge, Giles, 156. 

Eleott, 32. 

Elizabeth, Queen, ^-6, 8-9, 10, 13, 14, 
15, 16, 24, 25, 38, 42, 44, 51-52, 58 ; 
books relating to her reign, 5, 6, 17, 
19, 20, 21, 22, 28, 29, 32, 33, 35, 37, 
38, 40, 43, 44, 65, 73, 93. 

Elks, 230. 

Elm, 229. 

Emigration, 161, 177, 187, 188. 

Encyclopedia Britannica, 73. 

Endicott, John, 147. 

England, 6, 11, 13-14, 16, 26-27, 32, 
33, 36, 41, 65, 66, 84, 89, 92, 93, 95, 
peace with Spain, 63, 74; number 
of veffels that failed in 1622, 127; 
ordered private veffels to affift the 
French, 141, 146 ; Champlain taken 
to, 151; mentioned, 4, 9, 15, 20, 33, 
38, 40, 42, 67, 68, 72, ^(i, 79, 80, 81, 
82, 86, 90, 91, 93, 96, 97, 98, 104, 
105, 108, 112, 122, 125, 126, 128, 136, 
139' U3, 147, ISO, 151, ^Sl^ 173, 174, 



175, ^n^ 178, 180, 181, 183, 184, 187, 

188, 189, 190, 204, 207, 212, 215, 22I» 

237- 

Englifti annals, a noted year in, 13. 

Englifti mariners, 139, 140. 

EngHfh, the, 14, 19, 22, 27, 32, 33, 34, 
36, 74, 84, 86, 90, 94, 102, 106, 109, 
119, 120, 141, 157, 157;/. 

Epenow, 104, 109, no, 204, 209, 
221. 

Effex, Earl of, a patron of Gorges, 21, 
23, 25-26, 33, S2> 'y to command the 
expedition againft Spaia, 22, 23, 27, 
44 ; difheartened, 28-29 ; jealous of 
Ralegh, 30, 56 ; in favor with the 
Queen, 36; in command of expedi- 
tion to Ireland, 37-38 ; fuccefs, 41- 
42 ; policy unheeded, 42 ; in prifon, 
42, 44 ; revenge, 44, 45 ; letter to 
Gorges, 45; determined to call a 
new Council, 46-47 ; ordered to lay 
down his arms, 51 ; liberated prif- 
oners, 52 ; Gorges' efforts for, 52-53 ; 
his arreft, 53 ; confidered Gorges a 
traitor, 54, 56-57 ; executed, 57 ; 
mentioned, 24, 48, ^d^ 144. 

Effex, Earl of. Parliamentary General, 
III. 

Effex Houfe, 48, 51, 52. 

Effexfliire, iii. 

Europe, 63, 64, 228. 

Exeter, Caftle of, 2. 

Exeter, England, 18, 98. 

Exeter, New Hampfliire, 133. 



F- 



Fairfax, Lord, 195. 
Falmouth, 28, 32. 



248 



Index. 



Familifts, the, 154, 155. 

Farley, Henry, 50. 

Fayal, 30. 

Fenner, George, 37, 38. 

Ferrol, 25, 30, 31. 

Ferryland, 151. 

Fir-trees, 229. 

Fifh, 231. 

Fifhing, 96, 99, 100, 106, 107. 

Flax, 231. 

Fleetwood, William, 5. 

Flemings, the, 'jd, JJ. 

Fletcher, John, 230. 

Florida, 71. 

Flufliing Hill, 14. 

Force, Peter, 68. 

Forefight, the, 28. 

Fort Popham, yj. 

Fofter, Jofeph, 67. 

Foxes, 231. 

Fox, Capt. Luke, 157. 

France, 15, 33, 92, 122, 123, 133, 136, 

137, 138, 141, 147, 148, 150, 151, 157, 

228, 231. 
Frederic, Prince, 1 11, 112. 
French Correfpondence, 96. 
French King, the, 137. 
French Revolution, 7. 
French, the, 36, 64, 74, 79, 84, 96, 99, 

106, 108, 119, 137, 140, 141, 142, 143, 

145, 150, 151, 157, 207. 
Frobifher, Martin, 16. 
Fulford, Thomas, 127. 
Fuller, Thomas, 73. 
Furs, 231. 
Fynes, Lady Frances, 2. 



Gardiner, Sir Chriftopher, 158, 159, 
160. 



Gardiner, Samuel Rawfon, 112, 121, 

134- 
Glascock, William, 5. 

Gatehoufe, the, 54, 57-58. 

Gates Colony, 82. 

Gates, Sir Thomas, 128. 

Geefe, 230. 

Genoefe, the, 138. 

George, David, 154. 

George's Ifland, jj. 

Germany, 112, 231. 

Gerrard, Sir Thomas, 65, 66. 

Gibbs, Anthony, 58. 

Gibfon, the Rev. Richard, 174. 

Gift of God, the, 74, 76, 77, 81, 82, d>^ 

87, 206. 
Gilbert, Adrian, 11. 
Gilbert, Amey, 75. 
Gilbert, Ayer, 75. 
Gilbert, Elizabeth, 75. 
Gilbert, Humphrey, 75. 
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 11, 12, 62 65, 

66, 67, 74, 7S^ 80. 
Gilbert, John, y^. 
Gilbert, Sir John, 11, js^ 81, B>y, 88, 

206. 
Gilbert, Capt. Ralegh, 69, 74-75, 76> 

77, 78, 80, 82, ^Si 89, 205, 206, 

207. 
Glanvyle, Mr., 126. 
Godfrey, Edward, 182, 193. 
Golden Hind, the, 12. 
Goldfmiths' Row, 173. 
Goodell, Abner C, Jr., 7. 
Goodman, Dr. Godfrey, 95, 112, 134. 
Goodwin, John A., 160. 
Goodyear, Mofes, 156. 
Gorgeana, 185. 
Gorges, Ann, in. 
Gorges, Arthur, 27, 29. 



Index. 



249 



Gorges, Cicely, 2, 4. 
Gorges, Edward, i, 2, 3, 13. 
Gorges, Edward, Jr., 3, 4, 27, 36, 37, 

173- 
Gorges, Lord Edward, 165, 167, 169, 

170. 

Gorges, Elizabeth, 149, 151. 

Gorges, Ellen, in. 

Gorges family, 3, 4, 11, 13, 151. 

Gorges, Ferdinando, Jr., 156, 196. 

Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 2, 3, 4-7 ; 
command in Holland, 14, 15 ; com- 
mand at Plymouth, 15, 20, 21 ; cap- 
tured prizes, 16, 17, 19; the Low 
Countries, 19-20, 21 ; patronage of 
Effex, 21, 25, 34-35, 38, 46, SZ ; at- 
tacks from the Spanifli, 22, 24 ; dif- 
pleafure of the Lord Admiral, 24; 
coaft defences, 24, 35 ; equipped a 
pinnace at his own expenfe, 25, 40 ; 
expedition againfl Spain, 27 ; again 
in charge at Plymouth, 29 ; at Dev- 
onfhire, 30 ; without authority, 31, 
34 ; letters to the Council and Cecil, 
31-32; fituation of Falmouth, 32; 
prelTed Cecil for an anfwer, 33, 34; 
fergeant-major, 37; involved in dan- 
ger by Eflex, 39 ; letter to Ralegh, 
39 ; confefTed a mifdemeanor, 40 ; 
reimburfed himfelf, 41 ; looked after 
prizes, 45; went to London, 45, 46; 
oppofed rebellious fchemes, 46, 47 ; 
met Ralegh, 48, 49; urged to return 
to Plymouth, 49 ; attempted to affifl 
Effex, 51, 52, 53; imprifoned, 54, 
57-58 ; confronted Eflex, 54-55 ; 
prepared a defence, 56 ; his pofition 
at Plymouth loft, 57, 58 ; refliored to 
his command at Plymouth, 59 ; im- 
provements at Plymouth, 60, 61 ; 

VOL. I. — 32 



Indian prifoners, 68 ; fent a fhip to 
America, 70 ; fhip captured, 71, 72; 
co-operated with Popham, 72-73 ; 
Capt. Pring, 73 ; hoftility to Spain, 
74, 75 ; Popham's colony, 79-80, 81 ; 
no government aid, Z^, ; flatefman- 
like views, 84, 85 ; defpatched a third 
(hip, 88 ; at Plymouth, 89, 95 ; Chal- 
lons' efcape, 89-90 ; end of corre- 
fpondence with Cecil, 92 ; affairs at 
home, 92, 93-94, loi ; correfpond- 
ence with Salifbury, 93, 94, 95, 10 1 ; 
fifhing, 96, 99; Capt. John Smith, 

97 ; expedition under Hobfon, 97, 

98 ; fent out Capt. Smith, 98; fail- 
ure, 98-99 ; expedition under Vines, 
99-100 ; failure, 100 ; expedition to 
Guiana, 102; inventory of Ralegh's 
fhip, 102 ; letter from Dermer, 103, 
104-106; miftakes in his works, 
104 ; (hip under Rowcroft, 106 ; fail- 
ure, 107-108; letter from Dermer, 
108-109, no ; marriage and domef- 
tic affairs, 1 1 1 ; colony under the 
Plymouth Company, 113; London 
Company oppofed him, 114-119; 
royal favor, 120, 125, 126, 177 ; his 
name on the Plymouth Patent, 
120 ; fon married, 1 21 ; his opinion 
of the approaching war, 122 ; head 
of the Council for New England, 
122; built a new ftyle (hip, 122; 
loan from Eaft India Company, 122; 
avoided by Alexander, 123 ; ordered 
to convey land to Alexander, 123 ; 
Mafon a great help, 124, 172, 212 ; 
at Portfmouth, 126 ; fi(hermen upon 
his grant, 126-127; married Mary 
Achims, 127 ; obtained, with Ma- 
fon, a grant, 127, 163; fent his 



2SO 



Index. 



fon to New England, 127, 128; re- 
ceived a feparate grant, 128; new 
fchemes, 131 ; death of his wife, 
131 ; troubled about his patent, 131- 
132; depended upon Vines, 132; 
patron of the Hiltons, 133; letter 
to Buckingham, 134-135 ; no ad- 
mirer of Buckingham, 135, 149 ; 
difturbed by war and encroach- 
ment, 136-137, 145, ^S1^ 158; or- 
dered to France, 138 ; demanded 
an inventory, 138-139, 143 ; the 
French not to command his fhip, 
140, 143 ; memorial to Conway, 140- 
141 ; did not bend to Buckingham, 
142 ; left the coaft, 143 ; fympathy 
of the people, 144 ; returned to 
his Plymouth command, 144, 146 ; 
coaft defence, 146-147 ; controverfy 
with Eaft India Company, 147 ; 
threatened invafions, 148, 149 ; third 
marriage, 149 ; again a widower, 
149; his enemies at work, 149, 
150 ; fourth marriage, 151; at Afh- 
ton Phillips, 1 51-152, 171 ; inter- 
efted in colonization, 152 ; divided 
the Province of Maine with Capt. 
Mafon, 152 ; applied for a royal 
charter, 152 ; to eftablifti a faflory 
at Pifcataqua, 153 ; fent out a colo- 
ny under Neale, 152-153 ; various 
grants, 154, 155-156; thrown from 
his horfe, 158 ; his relations with 
Maflachufetts and Plymouth, 158, 

160 ; coolnefs towards Warwick, 

161 : againft New England, 161, 
163, 164, 165, 166; defired the Maf- 
fachufetts Charter annulled, 163, 
178 ; letter to the King, 164 ; to 
Windebank, 165, 166 ; appointed 



Governor of New England, 166, 
169-170, 172, 177 ; territory af- 
fignedto, 170 ; almoft regal powers, 
170, 180; pufhed forward his af- 
fumption of government, 171 ; fhip 
deftroyed, 172 ; death of Capt. 
Mafon, 172, 176 ; crippled, 172, 
173 ; William Gorges as governor, 
173-174; conveyed land to Cleeve 
and Tucker, 175, 189; labored to 
eftablifh his authority, 178-179 ; 
not received with favor, 179-180 ; 
Neale attempted to fupplant him, 
180 ; received Charter for Prov- 
ince of Maine, 180 ; intended to 
vifit New England, 181 ; his plans 
of government, 1 81-183 ; court con- 
vened, 183 ; lofs of friends, 184- 
185 ; gave a charter to people at 
Agamenticus, 185-186 ; the royal 
caufe, 188, 192, 195 ; before Parlia- 
ment, 189; territory given to Rigby, 
190 ; the attack upon Briftol, 192- 
193 confervative views, 193; Vines 
in charge of his American interefts, 
193-194; Joffelyn in charge, 194; 
attention to his Brief Narration, 194- 
195; its value, 194-195 ; date of his 
will, 196; date of his burial, 196; 
end of his eftate in Maine, 196; his 
chara6ler, 145, 159-160, 179-180, 197- 
198 ; mentioned, 13,28,29,69,71, 74, 
75,76,80, 104, 105,107,109,110,171, 
173, 205, 208; his Brief Narration, 
date of printing, 82, 88,97, 104, 106, 
115, 156, 183, 200, 204, 225. 

Gorges, Hohoria, iii. 

Gorges, John, 2, iii, 121, 196. 

Gorges, Ralph de, 2, 4. 

Gorges, Ranolph de, 4. 



Index. 



251 



Gorges, Robert, 2, iii, 127, 128, 129, 

130, 132, 148, 154, 163,174- 
Gorges Society, 68, 106, 132. 
Gorges, Theobald de, 2. 
Gorges, Thomas, 182, 183, 190. 
Gorges, Sir Thomas, 58, 151. 
Gorges, Triflram, 149. 
Gorges, Capt. William, 156, 173, 174, 

175- 

Governor and Company of Maflachu- 

fetts Bay, 150, 163, 164. 
Gravefend, 138, 143. 
Great Dean's Yard, 54. 
Great Neptune, the, 138, 143, 144. 
Great Rebellion, the, 184. 
Grenville, Sir Richard, 16. 
Grey, Lord, 37. 
Griffith, George, 200, 225. 
Griffith, Millrefs, 200, 225. 
Groyne, 26, 40. 
Guinea, 7, 102. 
Gulf of Mexico, 136. 

H. 

Hakluyt, Richard, 23, 64, 66. 

Halliwell, James Orchard, 172. 

Haman, Capt. Thomas, 204, 205. 

Hamilton, Marquis of, 173. 

Hampden, John, 193. 

Harlow, Capt. Edward, 78, 83. 

Harrington, Sir John, 10, 42, 44, 59. 

Harris, William, 93. 

Hart's College, 4. 

Hallings, Francis, 36. 

Hatfield Houfe, 22, 25, 34, 53, 58, 59, 

60, 70, 72, 75» 79» 84, 85, 93, 205, 

207. 
Hatton, Sir Chrillopher, lo. 
Havana, 71. 



Haviland, John, 200, 225. 

Hawkins, Sir John, 7, 10, 17, 22. 

Hawkins, Sir Richard, 97. 

Hayes, 11. 

Hazard, Ebenezer, 62, 69, 114, 128, 180, 

185, 217, 219. 
Heale, Sir W., 126. 
Hemp, 231. 

Henrietta, Princefs, 133, 137. 
Henry HI., of England, 151. 
Henry HI., of France, 15. 
Henry IV., of England, 168. 
Henry VIII., of England, 48. 
Hentzner, Paul, 8. 
Herley, Capt., 209. 
Hertford, Marquis of, 188. 
Hext, Edward, 36. 
Hilton, Edward, 133. 
Hilton, William, 133. 
Hobfon, Capt., 97, 98, 104, 109, 204, 

209, 210, 
Hoe, the, 39. 
Holborne, Mr., 171. 
Holingflied, Raphael, 6. 
Holland, 92, 93, 103, 112, 121. 
Hollanders, 14, 59, 60, 216. 
Hooke, William, 182. 
Hopkins, Samuel, 6. 
Howard, Lord Thomas, 22, 23, 24, 27, 59. 
Hudfon River, 105, 112, 125, 157, 2i6> 

217. 
Hudfon's Bay, 157. 
Huguenots, the, 150. See Proteftants 

in France. 
Humphreys, John, 160. 
Hungerford, 72. 
Hunt, Capt. Thomas, 96, 103, 209, 210, 

212. 
Huntworth, 72. 
Hutchinfon, Thomas, 128. 



252 



Index. 



I. 

India, 157. 

Indians, 86, 105, 106, iq8, 109. 
Innocent, Pope, XL, 66, 68. 
Infula Sanfta Crucis, 67. 
Ireland, 15,36,37,41,42,44. 
Irifh, the, 34, 37, 3^, 42. 
Ironftone, 231. 
Ifle of Wight, 31. 
Italy, 228. 

J. 

James City, 221. 

James I., 58, 59, 60, 71 ; gave charter 
to Gorges, 69, %i^ 92 ; drove the Pu- 
ritans to Holland, 103 ; his fon King 
of Bohemia, iii, 112 ; diflblved Par- 
liament, 120; defired the Spanifh 
marriage, 121, 133 ; confidered the 
return of captured pofTeflions to the 
French, 136-137 ; mentioned, 68, 80, 
82, 83 ; books relating to his reign, 
72, IZ, 76, ^T, 91, 93, 95, loi, 102, 
103, 112, 122, 123, 125, 127, 134, 135, 
218, 224. 

James, the, 171. 

James, Capt. Thomas, 158. 

Jameflown, ^6, 82, 86, 91, iqS, 109, 128, 
129. 

Jerked meat, 231. 

Jerkin, 231. 

Joris, David, 154, 155. 

JofTelyn, Henry, 182, 193, 194. 

Joffelyn, Sir Thomas, 182. 

K, 

Kecoughtan, 221. 

Kennebec River, Tj, 127, 147, 153. 

Ker, John, 162. 



Killigrew, Sir John, 16. 
King James's Ifles, 220. 
Kirke, Sir David, 150, 151, 152. 
Kirke, Gervafe, 150. 
Knollys, Sir Francis, 50. 



L. 

Laconia, 152, 153. 

Laconia Company, 225. 

Lake Champlain, 152, 176. 

Lake of the Iroquois, 152, 176. 

Lambeth Palace, 24, 81. 

La Nef, Ifle of, 92. 

Lanfdowne Manufcripts, 17. 

Laud, William, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 

171, 177, 178, 179, 184. 
Lawday Court, 186. 
Legat, Capt., 45. 
Leicefler, Earl of, 14. 
Levant Company, the, loi. 
Leverett, Thomas, 155. 
Levett, Chriftopher, 129, 130, 131, 148, 

154. 
Levifton, Thomas, 162. 
Lewis, Thomas, 153. 
Lincoln, Countefs of, 121. 
Lincoln, the Earl of, 2. 
Lindfay, Lord, 165. 
Lingard, John, 6. 
Lifle, 14. 
Littlecote, 72. 
Littleton, Mr., 56. 
Locke, Thomas, 102, 103. 
Lok, Michael, 65. 
London, i, 2, 10, 44, 45, 46, 54, 59, 63, 

66, 78, 89, 96, 97, 98, 109, 122, 124, 

133, 146, 148, 155, 160, 162, 163, 173, 

225. 



Index. 



253 



London Company, 69, 91, 97, 98, 112, 
113, 114, IIS, "6, 117,120, 132. 

London Eaft India Company, 145, 
147. 

Long Afhton, 151, 196. 

Long Ifland, no. 

Long Ifland Sound, 109. 

Lotichius, 112. 

Low Countries, 20, 21. 

Lower Afhton, 151. 

Ludgate, 51. 

Lygon, Cicely, i, 2. 

Lygonia Patent, 190, 191, 194. 

Lygonia, Province of, 155, 189, 190, 



M. 

Machegonne, 175. 

Madeira, Ifland of, 71. 

Madre de Dias, the, 17. 

Maine, 64, 65, 66, d"], 68, 73, T^, 80, 82, 

91, 127, 132, 152, 153, 170, 177, 180, 

181, 182, 183, 185, 187, 189, 190, 191, 

194, 196. 
Maine Hiflorical Society, 64, 87, ZZ, 

106, 129, 131. 
Major, R. H., 64. 
Malaga, 104, 105. 
Mai tra vers. Lord, 171. 
Manamock, 220. 
Man a wet, 104, 204, 209, 210. 
Manida, 68 ; Maneday, Maneddo, 

204. 
Manfell, Sir Robert, 208. 
Maria, 124, 133. 
Mariana, 124. 
Markham, Clements R., 7, 
Martha's Vineyard, 109, no. 
Martins, 231. 



Martyn, Capt. John, 222, 222 n, 

Mary and John, the, 74, 76, ^^^ 78, 81, 
82, 86, 87, 206. 

Maryland, 67. 

Maryland Hiflorical Society, 68. 

Mafon, Capt. John, 103, 105, 107, 123, 
124, 166, 172, 212 ; received a grant, 
124, 127 ; named Mariana, 124, 163 ; 
joint grant with Gorges, 127, 133 ; 
his territory divided from that of 
Gorges, 152, 153 ; encroachments, 
157? 163; wifhed the MafTachufetts 
Charter annulled, 163, 166; gover- 
nor of Newfoundland, 212 ; death of, 
172, 176,297; mentioned, 123, 127, 
150, 170, 171. 

MafTachufetts Archives, 180. 

MafTachufetts Bay, 130, 290. 

MafTachufetts Bay Colony, 120, 128, 
133, 158, I59» 160, 163, 166, 167, 
171, 172, 176, 177,178,181,183, 190, 
191, 196, 220. 

MafTachufetts Charter, 163, 166, 178. 

MafTachufetts Hiflorical Society, 16, 
120, 130, 132, 148, 160. 

Mails, 231. 

Mather, the Rev. Increafe, 178. 

Matthew, Matter John, 209. 

Maurice, Prince, 92. 

Mawoofhen, 75. 

Mayflower, the, 113. 

Maynard, Lord William, 177, 178. 

Merrimac River, 124, 127, 147, 152. 

Merrych, Richard A., 152. 

Mexico, II. 

Middlefex County, i. 

Minehead, 189. 

Molefworth, Capt. William, 146. 

Monhegan, Ifland of, 91, 92, 96, 106, 
108, no, 214, 220. 



254 



Index. 



Monopoly by Council for New Eng- 
land, 1 1 6-1 17. 
Montague, 36. 
Moors, the, loi. 
Moofe, 230. 

Morgan, Sir Thomas, 25. 
Morrell, the Rev. William, 129, 

174. 
Morton, Thomas, 158, 159, 160, 161, 

170, 172, 189. 
Mofquito Cove, 105. 
Mount Defert, 208. 
Mount Edgecomb, 41. 
Mount Manfell, named for Sir Robert 

Manfell, 208 ; now Mount Defert, 

208; mentioned, 231. 
Mourts, G., 106. 
Murphy, Henry C, 64. 
Mufcongus River, 155, 156. 
Mufcovy, 12. 
Myddleton, Thomas, 19. 



N. 

Nailfea, 58. 

Narraganfett Bay, 128. 

Narrows, the, 109. 

Nafeby, the Battle of, 194. 

Naumkeag River, 124, 127. 

Neale, Walter, 126, 153, 180. 

Nef, Ille La, 92. 

Neill, Edward D., 72, 'j^, 78, 82, ^^^ 
218 ; his Virginia Carolorum, 72, 

■ 78. 

Netherlands, the, 13, 14, 21. 

Newbury, 133, 189. 

New England, 6$^ 66, 68, 74, 78, 81, 
83^ 97, 98, 99) 100, loi, 102, 103, 
104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, no, 



113, 115, 117, 119, 123, 124, 125, 
126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 132, 136, 

145, 148, 154, 155, 160, 161, 162, 
163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 170, 
171, 172, 174, 176, 177, 178, 181, 
183, 184, 188, 189, 190, 195, 201, 
203, 204, 216. 

New England Hiftoric Genealogical 

Society, 7 ; Regifter, Ti. 
Newfoundland, 11, 82, 102, 103, 104, 

105, 123, 151, 212, 215. 
Newfoundland Charter, the, 151. 
New France, 157. 
New Hampfhire, 133, 152, 153. 
New Hampfliire Hillorical Society, 

133- 
New Plymouth, 120, 129, 130, 132, 

146, 147, 153. See alfo Plymouth 
Colony. 

Newport, Capt. Chriftopher, 'jd. 
New Somerfetfhire, 170, 174, 175. 
Newton, the Rev. John, 7. 
New York, 6, 64, 73, ^^, 109. 
Nicholas, Edward, 142, 143, 149, 

150. 
Nonconformers, 61. 
Normandy, 4, 15. 
North America, firft fhip built in, 

82. 
Northam, New Hampfliire, 133. 
Northern Colony, 114. 
North, Lord, 103. 
North Sea, 94. 
North Virginia, 69, 70, 91, 95, 96, 97, 

114. 
Norton, Lieut. -Col. Francis, 156. 
Norumbega, 65, 66. 
Nova Scotia, 123, 137, 150, 151, 

218. 
Nummaflaquyt, 220. 



Index. 



255 



o. 

Oaks, 229. 

O'Brien, the Rev. M. C, 75. 

Odiorne's Point, 154. 

Old Bailey, 86. 

Oldham, John, 153. 

Olney Hymns, the, 7. 

Orient, the, 12. 

Ortelius, 6^. 

Otters, 231. 

Oxford, Earl of, iii. 

Ox, wild, 230. 

P. 

Pacific Ocean, the, 117. 

Panama, 16. 

Paris, IS, I33- 

Parker, Henry, 36. 

Parker, Sir Nicholas, 37, 58. 

Parker, Sir William, 57. 

Parma, Duke of, 14. 

Partridges, 230. 

Pattifon, Mafter, 206. 

Patuxets, the, 104. 

Paul the Apoftle, 1 16. 

Pawlet, Lord, 158, 188, 189. 

Pearls, 233. 

Peckham, Sir George, 65, 66. 

Pedro del Caftillo, 24. 

Pejepfcot River, 155. 

Pelint, 127. 

Pemaquid, 82. 

Pemaquid Indians, 104. 

Pendennis Caftle, 16. 

Pennington, Admiral Thomas, 139, 

140, 143- 
Penobfcot River, 65, 155. 
Pentecoft Harbor, (yj. 



Pequakets, 75. 

Pequots, 178. 

Perfons, Father, 66, 67. 

Philip III., 61,71, 133. 

Phihppi, 116. 

Pierce, John, 120, 121. 

Pilgrims, the, 105, T06, 124, 132, 160. 

Pine, 229. 

Pirates, Englifh, 94-95) loi *» Turkifli, 

lOI. 

Pifcataqua, 130, 133, 152, 153, 170. 

Pitch, 231. 

Plum-trees, 229. 

Plymouth Colony, 86, 106, no, 113, 
120, 129, 131, 133, 158, 160, 161, 
165, 167, 178. 

Plymouth Company, 69, 91, 96 ; Sir 
Richard Hawkins, prefident, 97 ; 
difappointed Capt. Smith, 98 ; three 
fhips for Smith, 100; French en- 
croachments, 106 ; laft adventure of 
Gorges under, no; Plymouth col- 
onifts on their territory, n3, 120; 
unfuccefsful, n3-ii4; troubled, by 
the London Company, \is\ title 
changed, n5. 

Plymouth, Corporation of, 91, 92. 

Plymouth, England, 15, 18, 19, 20, 21, 
24, 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 
37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 45, 57, 58, 59' 60, 
71, 74, 75, 76, 78, 81, 82, 83, ^(>. 
89* 9^ 95, 97, 98, 99, 10°' loi, 
102, 104, 108, 126, 127, 144, 146, 
148, 149, 153, 156, 157, 171, 176, 
206. 
Pocahontas, 208. 
Poconackit, 220. 
Point Comfort, fort at, 78. 
Poole, William F., 86, 87, 90- 
Poor, John A., 'JT^ 



256 



Index, 



Popham Colony, 73, 74, 78, 82, 86, 87, 
90, 99, 174. 

Popham, Sir Francis, 79, 88, 96, 206, 
207. 

Popham, Capt. George, 75, 80; com- 
manded the Gift of God, 74 ; ftarted 
for the New World, 74-75, 76, 205 ; 
at George's Ifland, TJ^ By : prefident 
of the colony, 78 ; built the Vir- 
ginia, 78 ; fent the Gift of God to 
England, 82; death of, 85, S8, 
206. 

Popham, Sir John, Chief Juflice, 50, 
51, 52, 68, 72-73, S6, 89-90, 204; 
death of, 79, 81, 86, By, 206; bio- 
graphical notice of, 72-73. 

Popham, Lady, 73. 

Portman, Henry, 36. 

Port Royal, 157, 208. 

Portfmouth, 126. 

Powhatan, 208. 

Prefcott, William H., 231. 

Prellon Pans, 162. 

Prince Society, 123, 127, 132, 152, 158, 
171, 208. 

Prince, the Rev. Thomas, 106, 133, 
161. 

Pring, Capt. Martin, 73, 204, 205. 

Privy Council, 16, 19, 20, 24, 29, 31, 
32, 36, 37, 39, 40, 43, 48, loi, 125, 
130, 148, 157, 176, 177. 

Proteftants of England, 15, 61, 62; of 
France, 138, 139, 150; of Spain, 
121. 

Public Record Office, 14, 16, 17, 19, 
20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 
32, 33, 35, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 43, 45, 
58, 59, 65, 72, 73, 7^, 83, 87, 91, 92, 
96, loi, 102, 103, 122, 125, 127, 135, 
138, 141, 142, 144, 145, 146, 147, 



148, 150, 158, 159, 162, 163, 164, 

165, 166, 167, 176, 177, 178, 179, 

180, 181, 218, 224. 
Purchas, the Rev. Samuel, 23, 27, 29 

6$, 68, 100, 104, 106, no, 206, 219. 
Puritanifm, 4, 61, 179. 
Puritans, 6, 61, 93, 103, 112, 162, 163. 



Q- 



Quebec, 151, 157. 



R. 



Ralegh, Sir Walter, Gilbert's patent 
given to, 12, 62; expedition to Se- 
ville, 16; attends to the Queen's 
interelts, 17, 18; expedition againft 
the Spanilh, 22, 23, 27; captured 
Fayal, 30 ; againft Eflex, 34, 48, 
49; command at Devonfhire, 39; in 
prifon, 59 ; his charter lapfed to the 
Crown, 68; expedition to Guinea, 
101-102; ruined, 102; mentioned, 
1 1, 28, 29, 31, 40, 48, 56, 64, 72 ; the 
Spanifh Alarum, 26-27. 

Ramfay, the Abbot of, 46. 

Ramufio, Giovanni Battifta, 65. 

Ratcliff, Philip, 159. 

Records of the Council for New Eng- 
land, 224, 225. 

Redcrofs Street, 46. 

Reformed Church, the, 155. 

Relatio Iteneris, 68. 

Report of Mayor of Plymouth, 20. 

Revolution, War of the, 172. 

Reynolds, Carew, 28. 

Rhode Ifland Hiftorical Society, 128. 



Index. 



257 



Richelieu, Cardinal de, 1 57. 

Richelieu River, 152. 

Richmond Patent, 21. 

Richmond's Ifland, 82, 155. 

Rigby, Sir Alexander, 190, 193, 194, 

196. 
River of the Iroquois, 152. 
Rochelle, 139, 147. 
Rochefler, 142. 
Roman Catholics, 61, 62, 65, 66, 93, 

112, 121, 154. 
Romans, the, 179. 
Rome, 154, 228. 
Roquemont, Charles de, 151. 
Rofier, James, 6^^ 67, 92, 104, 106, 

204. 
Rofin, 231. 

Rofwell, Sir Henry, 147, 150. 
Rowcroft, Capt. Edward, 106, 107, 108, 

no, 212-217. 
Rundall, Thomas, 65. 
Rupert, Prince, 193. 
Rulhworth, John, 184. 
Ruffell, Sir William, 14. 
Rutland, the Earl of, 37. 
Rye, New Hampfhire, 153. 
Rye, W. B., 9. 
Rymer's Foedera, 157, 163, 173. 



S. 



Sabino, 77, 89, 90. 

Sables, 231. 

Saco, 15, 100, 174, 175, 182, 183, 

214. 
Saco River, 107, 132, 153. 
Sagadahoc, TJ, 80, 82, 85, 88, 89, 91, 

96, 131, 155, 170, 174, 189, 206. 
St. Clements' Ifland, 67. 
VOL. I. — 33 



St. Croix, 208. 

St. Domingo, 45. 

St. George's Ifland, 91. 

St. James Church, Clerkenwell, 3. 

St. Lawrence River, 152. 

Saint Leger, Sir William, 144. 

St. Lucas, 17. 

St. Margaret's Church, Wefl;minfter, 

III. 
St. Mary, Church of, 175. 
St. Nicholas, Ifland of, 20, 21, 58. 
St. Paul's Churchyard, 49. 
St. Paul's Crofs, 49, 51. 
St. Peter's, 54. 
St. Stevens, 205. 
Salem, 75. 

Salifbury, Earl of, 93, 94, 10 1. 
Sampfon, the, 108, 220. 
Sandy Hook, 109. 
San Juan de Porto Rico, 71. 
Sargent, William M., 171. 
Saflacomoit, 204. 
Saflafras, 229. 
Sawaguatock, 214. 
Saw-mills, 156. 
Saxon models, 181. 
Schroeckh, 155. 
Scotland, 58, 112, 208. 
Scots, Mary Queen of, 13. 
Scott, Sir Walter, 73. 
Sebenoa, 77. 
Secret Hiftory of the Court of James I., 

95^ 134- 
Seguin Ifland, 77. 
Seville, 16. 

Seyer, the Rev. Samuel, 189, 193. 
Seymour, the Rev. Richard, ^^, 78, 

81. 
Shea, John Gilmary, 68. 
Sherborne, 40. 



258 



Index. 



Sherborne Callle, 2. 

Sherley, Sir Anthony, 29. 

Sherley, James, 160, 166. 

Sherley, Sir Thomas, 21, 25, 45. 

Silas, 116. 

Silkgrafs, 231. 

Silverfmiths, 173. 

Skettwarroes, 68. 

Slafter, the Rev. Edmund F., 64, 123, 
151, 208. 

Sluys, 14. 

Smith, Capt. John, his location of No- 
rumbega, 65 ; whaling voyage, 96 ; 
employed by Gorges, 98-99, 211; 
in the Plymouth Company, 100 ; 
letter to Bacon, 102 ; enthufiaf- 
tic to fettle New England, 102, 
104; fent out to meet Dermer, 211, 
212; taken prifoner, 211; named 
Cape James, 217; mentioned, 104, 
105; his Defcription of New Eng- 
land, 97, 99, 210, 211 ; his General 
Hiftory of Virginia, 83, 87, 88, 96, 
106, no. 

Smyth family of Afhton, 155, 

Smyth, Sir Hugh, 151. 

Smyth, Thomas, 188, 189. 

Sokokis, 75. 

Somers Colony, 82. 

Somerfet County, 151. 

Somerfetfhire, 58, 72, 175. 

Somers, Sir George, 128. 

Sorel River, 152. 

South America, 11, 102. 

Southampton, Henry, Earl of, 47, 66, 

(^1. 83. 
Southern Virginia Company, 76, 91, 

96, 97. 
South Virginia, 69. 
Spain, 14, 15, 16, 30, 32, 36, 37, 60, 61, 



63, 67, 74, ^s, 79, 85, 92, 94, 96, 97, 
103, 105, 136, 137, 146, 148, 150, 151, 
210, 215. 
Spaniards, the, 13, 14, 22, 30, 31, 32, 
40, 41, 43, 59, 60, 62, 74, 86, 89, 102, 

134, 179- 
Spanifli Monarch, 13, 24, 26, 92, 121, 

134- 
Spanifh, the, n, 15, 16, 20, 23, 33, 37, 

39, 89,90, 105, 119, 133, 204. 
Sparks, 178. 
Spars, 231. 
Spruce, 229. 
Spurwink River, 175. 
Squibb, Capt. Thomas, 129, 
Squirrel, the, 11, 12. 
Stallenge, William, 24, ZS^ 38, 39» 

45- 
State Papers, 14, 16, 20, 21, 24, 27, 28> 

29, 37, 65. 
States-General, 125. 
Stationers' Regifler, 225. 
Stevens, Henry, 64, 
Stith, William, 73, J^. 
Stogumber, 175. 
Stokes Bay, 144. 
Stow, John, 2, 7, 46, 49, 50, 54. 
Strachey, William, 87, 88, 206. 
Strafford, Thomas, Earl of, 184. 
Straits of Magellan, 63. 
Strand, the, 51. 
Stratton, John, 155. 
Strype, John, 2, 50, 54. 
Sturton, 209. 
Sutcliff Inlets, 220. 
Sutcliff, the Rev. Matthew, 98. 
Swans, 230. 
Sweet flag, 229. 
Sydenham, Sir George, 175. 
Sydney, Sir Robert, 42, 44. 



Index, 



259 



T. 

Tadoufac, 150. 

Tar, 231. 

Temple Bar, 51. 

Thames, the, 19, 43, 48, S^j 162, 

178. 
Thompfon, David, 130, 132, 154. 
Thornton, J. Wingate, 75. 
Throgmorton, Capt., 28. 
Tifquantum, 68, 103, 104-106, 108, 109, 

212, 215. 
Topfliam, Zt. 
Torbay, 11. 

Tower of London, 53, 59. 
Treaty of Commerce, 1 57. 
Treffey, Thomas, 27. 
Trelawny Papers, 129. 
Trelawny, Robert, 156-157. 
Trumbull, Benjamin, 178. 
Tucker, Daniel, 70, 71, 72. 
Tucker, Richard, 175, 191. 
Turkeys, 230. 
Turks, 1 01. 
Turner, Mr., 78, 81. 
Tuthil-flreet, 54. 
Tyrone, 38,41. 



V. 

Van de Woord, Admiral, 27. 

Vanguard, the, 138, 142, 143. 

Venice, 37, 38. 

Vere, Sir Francis, 28. 

Vere, Sir Thomas, 29. 

Verrazano, Giovanni da, 64, 65. 

Villeaucleres, Mons., 142. 

Vines, Richard, 15, 100, 132, 153, 156, 

182, 189, 190, 191, 193, 194. 
Virginia, 62, 65, 66, 68, 69, 72, 78, 81, 



85, 102, 103, 107, 108, no, 112, 114, 
127, 128, 129, 132, 136, 137, 207, 
208, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 
220. 

Virginia Company, 208, 218. 

Virginia, the pinnace, ^Z^ 82, 86, 87, 
88, 91. 

Vivian, Col., 127. 

Vivian, John, 4. 

W. 

Walnut, 229. 

Ward, Capt., 108, 220, 221. 

Wardour, 64, 67. 

Warwick, Robert, Earl of, 103, 122, 

147, 150, 154, 160, 161,194. 
Warwick, the barque, 153. 
Wall Spite, the, 27. 
Way mouth, Capt. George, fent out by 

Gorges and others, 64-65, 66, 67; 

his finifler fame, 68 ; crofs fet up 

at George's Ifland, ']'] \ named that 

ifland, 92 ; feized five natives, 104, 

204. 
Wellington, 73. 
Wells, 188. 
Wenape, 104, 204. 
Wentworth, Thomas, Earl of Strafford, 

126, 184. 
Weflern Iflands, 211. 
Weft, family of, 128. 
Weft, Capt. Francis, 128, 129, 130, 

132. 
Weft Indies, 11, 71. 
Weft, John, 128. 
Weft, Thomas, 128. 
Weftminfter, 2, 54, 6^, in, 164. 
Weftminfter Court, 186. 
Weftminfter Hall, 184. 



26o 



Index. 



Weflon, Thomas, 124. 

Whales, 233. 

Whaling, 96. 

White Crofs Street, 46. 

White, Father Andrew, dZ. 

Whyte, Rowland, 42, 44. 

Williams, Roger, 128. 

Williton Freemanors, 175. 

Wilfon, Arthur, 93, 95, 134. 

Winachahanat, 133. 

Wincob, John, 121. 

Windebank, Sir Francis, 165, 166, 167, 

179, 181, 185. 
Winter, John, 175. 
Winthrop, John, 15, 16, 133, 155, 160, 

161, 163, 172, 17s, 176, 190, 191. 



Winwood, Sir Ralph, 93. 
Worceller, Earl of, 50. 
Worcefterfhire, 2. 
Woftenholm, Sir George, 145. 
Wraxall, 2, 3, 4, 53, 58, 151, 173. 
Wright, Thomas, 5. 
Writtle, III. 
Wrokefhale, Richard de, 4. 



Y. 

Yeardley, Sir George, 129, 215. 

York County, 183. 

York, England, 148. 

Young, Alexander, 106, 133, 171, 




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