Skip to main content

Full text of "Sir Thomas More's Utopia"

See other formats



C " r o- n < , ^Y R<b*lpK nobi 













7m/>ressto of 193 

pfrsi edition, 1904 

Printed in Great Britain 


THE present edition of the Utopia of More has been 
undertaken with a double object ; to encourage and 
assist the study of a work which deserves to take a far 
more prominent place than it has hitherto held in our 
curricula of advanced education, and to supply a want 
which no preceding edition has aimed at supplying. 
Few works have so many claims to attention. Though 
not originally written in our own language it is, through 
the versions of Kobynson and Bishop Burnet, one of 
the most famous works in English literature, and 
to every student with any pretension to a competent 
knowledge of that literature an acquaintance with it is 
indispensable. As a romance and work of art it ranks, 
if not in vogue at least in celebrity, with the Pilgrim s 
Progress, with Robinson Crusoe, and with Gulliver s 
Travels. To the student of moral and political philo 
sophy or of the theory of education it is of equal import 
ance, and it well deserves a place, as a subject of study, 
beside the Republic and Latvs of Plato and the Politics of 
Aristotle ; while the light which it throws on the state of 
Europe, and more particularly on that of England, at one. 
of the most critical periods in their annals, would alone 
entitle it to be regarded as a textbook in the study of 
the social and political history of the sixteenth century. 

Of preceding editions two only are known to me 
which have any claim to consideration, and neither 
supplies what it is the aim of the present edition to 
supply. Of Dr. Lupton s edition of the Latin text and 


of Robynson s ti anslation it is scarcely possible to speak 
too highly. If Dr. Lupton had designed his work for 
the class of students to which this edition appeals, for 
circulation that is to say, in schools and ordinary 
educational institutes the present edition would have 
been a mere work of supererogation. But his work is 
addressed to mature scholars ; it is not designed to 
include such information as junior students necessarily 
require, or to become a popular textbook. My indebted 
ness to Dr. Lupton I have, I hope, always acknow 
ledged whenever it has been direct, but indirectly it 
has been more considerable than my frequent acknow- 
)edgements of it indicate. I have often been able to 
add to his illustrations and to explain what he, 
studying succinctness, has no doubt purposely left 
unexplained, by resorting to sources of information 
to which he has himself guided me. And this applies 
both to the General Introduction and to the Notes. 

Of Dr. Lumby s edition it becomes me to say no more 
than that a comparison with the present will show that 
he approaches the work from a very different point of 
view to that from which it is approached here ; that 
his notes almost entirely confine themselves to elucidat 
ing the language of Kobynson s text, with the addition 
of a few explanations of the more obvious historical 
and biographical allusions. 

My own endeavour has been, both in the General 
Introduction and in the Notes, to meet the probable 
needs of those students who approach the work on its 
various sides of interest and importance, namely, those 
junior students who require elementary philological in 
struction, and those more advanced students who will be 
concerned chiefly with its relation to philosophy and his- 


tory. I have thus attempted to expand and supplement 
Dr. Lupton s more succinct treatment of these subjects, 
and to supply at the same time that more rudimentary 
information which did not come within the scope of his 
work. My fear is that I may have attempted too 
much, and that the voluminous annotation which this 
double purpose has rendered necessary may prove to 
be confusing. But a judicious student, whether pupil 
or teacher, will easily discriminate between what is 
needed for his particular purpose and what is not. 

The text is practically that of the first edition of 
Robynson s translation, but I have corrected obvious 
misprints, and have not hesitated to adopt the text of 
the second edition where it is undoubtedly an improve 
ment on that of the first. These deviations from the 
first edition have been recorded in the Notes. 

To Dr. Lupton I have already acknowledged my 
obligations. I have also been indebted, both in the 
General Introduction and in the Notes, to Sir James 
Mackintosh s Life of More, to Father Bridgett s Life 
and Writings of Sir TJiomas More, to Durand de 
Laur s Erasme, to Mr. Frederick Seebohm s Oxford 
Reformers, to Professor Arber s Bibliography in his 
reprint of the Utopia, to Dr. F. J. Furnivall s Ballads 
from Manuscripts (especially to the Introduction), to 
Mr. Cooper s edition of the Dialogue between J*ole and 
Lupset in the Early English Text Society s Publications, 
and to other tracts in the same collection. I have also 
to thank Mr. Cannan for directing my attention to 
some interesting parallels with the Germania of Tacitus. 

For the excellent Glossarial Index I am indebted 
to Miss Hilda M. K. Murray of the Koyal Holloway 




Life of More .... 


Origin and Inspiration of the Utopia 

. xxx-xxxvi 

-~ Framework and Models of the Utopia 


The Plot 


Purpose of the Work 

. xlvi-xlviii 

Early Editions and Translations 







. 255-283 



THE Utopia is so closely bound up with the personal 
life and character of More, and with the social and 
political movements and events immediately preceding 
and contemporary with its composition, that a sketch 
of both is a necessary prelude to its study. Thomas 
More, the second child and eldest son of John More, 
successively (1503) serjeant of law, (1518) judge in the 
Court of Common Pleas, and (1520) of the King s 
Bench ; and of Agnes, daughter of Thomas Graunger, 
was born February 7, 1478, in Milk Street, London. Of 
the history of his mother we know nothing. His 
father, of gentle but not noble blood, is described by 
his son as courteous, affable, innocent, gentle, merci 
ful, just and uncorrupted ; he was also a man of 
much shrewdness and humour, and all these qualities 
he bequeathed to his son. Young More received his 
early education at the school attached to St. Anthony s 
Hospital in Threadneedle Street, then under the rule 
of Nicholas Holt, a very competent scholar. But he 
was removed from school, to be transferred to the 
household of Cardinal Morton, Archbishop of Canter 
bury and Lord Chancellor, before Holt could have done 
much more for him than to ground him in Latin. 
When he entered Morton s household he was little 
more than a child. But while there, he probably 
received impressions from the conversation of that 
eminent statesman and ecclesiastic, which were among 


the moulding influences of his life. What he thought 
of Morton, and what perhaps by implication he owed 
to him, he has himself described in the words which 
he places in the mouth of Hythlodaye, in the first book 
of the Utopia. What Morton thought of him is 
recorded by Koper ; This child/ he said more than 
once, whoever shall live to see it, will prove a mar 
vellous man. Perhaps even in these early days he 
may have heard much from Morton, which many years 
later he wove into the history of Richard III, and 
which gave it its colour. 

At Morton s recommendation he proceeded to Oxford, 
probably in 1492, when he was in his fifteenth year. 
We know comparatively little about his residence 
there, and that little is uncertain. One tradition places 
him at Canterbury Hall, a foundation the site of 
which is now occupied by the Canterbury Quadrangle 
of Christ Church ; another at St. Mary s Hall, another 
in lodgings at both places. In any case he remained 
at Oxford not fully two years. He pursued his 
studies with diligence and enthusiasm, wonderfully 
profiting says Harpsfield, in the Latin and Greek 

His residence at Oxford was the initiation of his 
intellectual life, and brought him into contact with 
that movement which was to transform the England 
of Mediaevalism into the England of the Renais 
sance and of the Reformation. Of all the agencies 
by which that transformation was accomplished the 
most potent was the New Learning, the revival of 
the study of Greek, and the substitution of an in 
telligent study of the great, for an unintelligent study 
of the inferior Latin Classics. Since the fall of 


Constantinople in 1453, the ardour for the New 
Learning in Italy had kindled into fanaticism. Scholars 
were burning lamps before the bust of Plato, and 
refusing to study the New Testament lest it should 
spoil their Greek. Devout and sober Christians were 
labouring to reconcile Platonism with the teachings of 
St. John and of St. Paul. The Platonic Academy had 
been established. The press of Aldus was beginning 
to pour out the volumes which brought the new 
treasures within the reach of all. Soon the enthusiasm 
spread to England. Before 1488, William Grocyn 
had placed himself under the tuition of Demetrius 
Chalcondylas at Florence, and had, some two years 
later, returned to Oxford to lecture on Greek. Thomas 
Linacre had followed his example, and it was Linacre 
who was More s Oxford tutor in Greek. Two others 
who were before long to be numbered among More s 
most intimate and influential friends John Colet 
and William Lilly also visited Italy for the same 
purpose and with the same object, to acquire that 
they might impart. 

More left Oxford perfected in Latin and a zealous 
student of Greek. His practical father, who designed 
him for the Law, did not, it seems, approve of these 
studies, and withdrew him prematurely from the Uni 
versity to enter him as a student at New Inn. From 
New Inn he was removed to Lincoln s Inn, where 
he was admitted on February 12, 1496; and here he 
continued with a very small allowance from his stern 
old father till his call to the Bar in 1500. That father 
was not a man to be trifled with, and the most dutiful 
of sons was little likely to provoke him. But though 
More pursued his legal studies with industry, and no 


doubt subordinated them to the pursuits to which his 
tastes led him, those pursuits were by no means 

Two years after his entry into Lincoln s Inn, he 
made the acquaintance of a man in whom he must 
have recognized almost a second self; the same 
mingled playfulness and earnestness, the same enthu 
siasm for letters, the same delicate humour, the same 
shrewd insight into life and men. This was Erasmus. 
Erasmus was then about thirty years of age, and 
though as yet he had produced nothing of importance 
he had been the author of many brilliant trifles 
both in verse and prose, and was no doubt meditating 
his Adagia. Erasmus was in raptures with his young 
friend. Did nature ever frame a character more 
gentle, more endearing and happy than Thomas 
More? ( Thomae Mori ingenio quid unquam finxit 
natura vel mollius vel dulcius vel felicius ? ) he wrote 
to his friend Eobert Fisher. From the day of this 
meeting the two men were as brothers ; and in the 
history of literary friendships there is nothing more 
interesting and more touching than the correspondence 
which, extending to the close of their arduous and 
troubled lives, records their mutual affection, sympathy 
and respect. 

In 1501, just after his call to the Bar, More was 
appointed Eeader at Furnival s Inn, and while hold 
ing this post, he delivered a course of lectures in 
the Church of St. Laurence, Old Jewry, of which his 
friend Grocyn was rector, on St. Augustine s De Civitate 
Dei. They were attended, Koper tells us, not only by 
Grocyn himself but by all the chief learned in the 
city of London. 


In the spring of 1504, when in his twenty-sixth 
year, More was returned to Parliament, but for what 
borough cannot now be ascertained. Shortly after 
taking his seat he made himself conspicuous by the 
courage with which he resisted the iniquitous rapacity 
of Henry VII. 

The story which Eoper tells, and which has till lately 
been accepted without question, cannot, as Bishop 
Stubbs has shown, be reconciled with facts. But 
whatever difficulty there may be about the precise 
details, it is quite clear that More imperilled his 
prospects and even his personal liberty by opposing 
an unconstitutional and exorbitant demand on the 
part of the king s ministers. God was with you, 
said Dudley some years afterwards when More visited 
him in prison, that you confessed no fault against 
the king ; had you done so you would have paid the 
penalty with your head. As it was, More had to 
retire from public life, and the King characteristically 
revenged himself by seeking a pretext to fine John More 
100, and by keeping him in the Tower till it was paid. 

This was a critical period in More s life. For some 
time he buried himself in his lodgings near the 
Charterhouse and seriously thought of joining the 
Carthusian brotherhood. His life had always been 
plain and simple, it now became austerely ascetic. 
He daily passed long hours in prayer. His body he 
mortified by fasting and by wearing next his skin 
a shirt of the sharpest and roughest hair ; the naked 
boards of his chamber were his bed, a log of wood his 
pillow. Everything indeed seemed to indicate that he 
had done with the world and with worldly ambition. 
But More fortunately had wise friends, and healthy 


instincts. His old tutor Linacre had left Oxford and 
had settled in London ; Grocyn lived within a stone s 
throw of him, and Colet had recently come into 
residence as Dean of St. Paul s. They soon recalled 
him to old studies and to larger and saner concep 
tions of religion and duty than the ideals of the 
cloister. Nor was he affected only by living friends. 
Among the moulding influences of More s early life 
a very prominent place must be given to a writer whose 
works were at that time seldom out of his hands. This 
was Pico della Mirandola, in whom met morally and in 
some degree intellectually all that was most character 
istic of Savonarola, and all that was most characteristic 
of Colet, in other words what was most characteristic 
of the Kenaissance on its best side and of the Eefor- 
mation on its sanest and most sober side. More, 
as a man, was essentially sympathetic and receptive, 
and though later he was to receive impressions from 
the most varied studies, it would not be too much to 
say that at this period of his life he was more 
powerfully affected by the personal influence of Colet 
and by the fascination exercised on him by the 
character and writings of Pico than by anything else. 
You are, he said to Colet, the director of my life. 
And that Pico might be to others what he had been to 
him he translated about this time Gherascho s Life 
of him, together with four of his Epistles, his Com 
mentary on the sixteenth Psalm and some minor pieces 
in prose and verse, which were published in 1510. 

It was by Colet s advice that he took the step which 
finally severed him from a monastic life. In 1505 he 
married Jane the eldest daughter of John Colt, a 
country gentleman of New Hall in Essex. There is 


a tradition that he preferred her younger sister, but 
thinking that such a choice would seem a slight on the 
elder, very considerately and, it may be added, charac 
teristically, made Jane his bride. He had probably no 
reason to regret his choice. He appears to have been 
very happy with her during the six years that she was 
spared to him. She bore him four children, among 
them Margaret, afterwards the wife of William Roper, 
likest her father as well in favour as in wit, and 
destined to be his chief solace and comfort when 
he sorely needed both. After nis marriage he took 
a house in Bucklersbury, St. Stephen s, Walbrook. 
Erasmus has left a very charming picture of More s 
household at Bucklersbury when he visited him both 
in 1505 and in 1510. 

During the remainder of the reign of Henry VII, 
More chiefly occupied himself withhis legal studies, with 
his translation of Pico, with his versions from Lucian s 
Dialogues and the choice he made was significant, the 
Oynicus, the Menippus and the Philopsetides and gener 
ally with classics and theology. It would seem also that 
he visited the Continent and made some inquiries into 
the educational studies and methods of the Universities 
of Paris and Louvain. 

The accession of Henry VIII, to whom he addressed, 
and whom he welcomed in the longest and most im 
portant of his poems, the Carmen Gratulatorium,removed 
all impediments from his path, and More rapidly rose 
to distinction. He was made a Bencher of his Inn, 
and in September 1510 Under-sheriff of London, in 
those days a judicial office of great responsibility and 
honour. In addition to this his private practice as a 
barrister became so extensive that in a short time he 


was making an income estimated in our money at about 
5,000 a year. Distinguished alike by his eminent 
abilities, his untiring industry, his integrity, his tact 
and the extraordinary charm of his manners, his 
temper and his conversation, he not only became gener 
ally one of the most popular men of his time, but was 
soon singled out as one peculiarly qualified for the nicest 
offices of negotiation and diplomacy. His connexion 
with the City had always been a close one ; his cour 
ageous resistance to the subsidy of 1504 had been 
gratefully remembered by those who would have most 
smarted from it, and it seems that as early as 1508 he 
had been made free of the Mercers Company. 

He had not long to wait for a flattering testimony 
to the high opinion which had been formed of his 
abilities by the City authorities. In 1514 the breaking 
off of the proposed marriage between Prince Charles, 
the son of Philip, Archduke of Austria, and Maiy, the 
sister of Henry VIII, had not only led to unpleasantly 
strained relations between England and Castile and 
the Netherlands, but had provoked the English Govern 
ment to take a step which most seriously affected 
the wool-trade. Wool was then the staple commodity 
of our merchandise, Flanders the chief centre of cloth 
manufacturing. As those manufactures were freely 
admitted into England, it was of great importance that 
our wool should be as freely admitted into Flanders. 
Henry, however, piqued and irritated by the step which 
Prince Charles s advisers had taken, had retorted by 
prohibiting the exportation of wool to Holland and 
Zealand, in the hope of injuring Charles s subjects 
by causing a wool-famine in the Netherlands. But 
before this there had been, both in London and in 


Antwerp, continual friction between the Flemish and 
English merchants on matters connected with the 
staple. As it was not at this time desirable that there 
should be any rupture between Castile and England, 
and as both Henry and Wolsey were anxious to re 
establish friendly relations, it was decided in the 
spring of 1515 to send an Embassy to the Netherlands 
for the continuance of the treaties of intercourse 
between the late Kings of England and Castile. At 
the head of the Embassy was Cuthbert Tunstall, then 
Archdeacon of Chester and shortly to become Master of 
the Eolls, and with him were joined Richard Sampson. 
Vicar-General of Tournay, and Sir Thomas Spinelly. 
On hearing of the proposed Embassy the London 
merchants petitioned that their grievances should also 
be considered, that they should be specially represented, 
and that More should represent them. Accordingly, 
with the King s consent, More was attached to the 
Embassy, with one John Clifford as his assistant. It 
appears that More s duties were strictly confined to the 
mercantile arrangements, which he found exceedingly 
troublesome. He arrived at Bruges on May 18, 1515, 
where he remained about four months. As the deputies 
appointed to confer with the Embassy could not agree 
on all points, they withdrew to Brussels to know their 
Prince s pleasure ; and More w r ent on to Antwerp, where 
he made the acquaintance of Peter Giles, and employed 
his leisure time in writing the second book of the Utopia. 
He returned to England towards the end of the year, 
after an absence of some seven months, by no means in 
love with a foreign Ambassador s position, but thankful, 
he says, for having had the privilege of living in 
intimacy with Tunstall, and for having made the 


acquaintance of Peter Giles. He had been so successful 
as a negotiator that both the King and Wolsey were 
anxious that he should give up his practice and devote 
himself to public life. But More had little faith either 
in kings as masters, or in the prospects of their servants. 
If he was too courteous and prudent even to hint 
for he was at this time engaged on the first book of the 
Utopia what he was putting into the mouth of Hythlo- 
daye, there can be no doubt that it represented his real 
opinions. But he had only staved off the unwelcome 
moment when greatness was to be thrust upon him. 
An accident soon turned the scale. It chanced that 
a vessel belonging to the Pope had been seized at 
Southampton and claimed as forfeit to the Crown. 
Campeggio the Papal Envoy demanded counsel to 
defend the right of his master. It was an important 
suit, and More was selected to represent the Pope. 
The King, himself an accomplished casuist who de 
lighted in such displays, was present when More argued 
the case. He was so struck with More s ability as a 
lawyer and a logician that he importuned him to re 
consider his former decision. There can only be one 
end to the importunities of kings under such circum 
stances, and in March 1517 we find Erasmus writing 
to Tunstall that More had been dragged to Court. In 
one of his conversations with the King on this subject, 
Henry, probably in reply to some objection of More, 
said solemnly, First look up to God and after God 
to me, words of which some eighteen years later 
More had occasion to remind him. 

It is not difficult to understand More s unwillingness 
to change his position. A philosopher and a scholar to 
whom above all things the humanities and everything 


that pertained to them was dear, with as little worldly 
ambition as St. Francis or as his friend Erasmus, of 
the simplest tastes, blest and delighting in the com 
munion of men of like temper with himself, contented 
with the fulfilment of his daily professional duties, 
happy in his simple home, of the strongest domestic 
affections no man had so little to gain by what so 
many less happily tempered would have coveted so 
eagerly. It is moreover not unlikely that if he did 
not foresee the tragedy of the future in its terrible 
details he apprehended it generally. His life as a 
private man had been a very full one. Though his 
official and professional duties had kept him incessantly 
occupied he had taken the greatest interest in the 
foundation of his friend Colet s School, St. Paul s, which 
was opened in 1510, and in the regulation of its studies. 
He had more than once championed him against the 
opposition and calumnies of the Obscurantists, who 
were as active in England as they were in Germany. 
With letters and with men of letters he had been 
in daily communion. In 1510 Erasmus had been his 
guest at Bucklersbury, and had delighted his host by 
reading to him the inimitable Encomium Moriae com 
posed under his roof. Nor had his own pen been idle. 
In addition to the Utopia he had found time to com 
pose his Latin epigrams on the French War, and what 
was of more importance, his epoch-marking History of 
Richard III the first example, according to Hallam, 
of good English language, pure and perspicuous, well 
chosen, without vulgarisms and pedantry. 

In 1510 a great sorrow had befallen him, for, in that 
year, he had lost his first wife, who had left him with 
four helpless children, the eldest of whom was only six 


years of age. If before the year had run out he had 
brought home a second bride, this is to be attributed, 
not to any want of respect or affection for the wife 
whom he had lost, but to the necessity of finding 
a kindly and trustworthy guardian for his children. 
This lady, who was a widow seven years older than her 
husband, reminds us occasionally, it must be admitted, 
of Xantippe, and we have it on the authority of her 
husband that she was nee bella nee puella, as he 
more than once playfully observed to her ; but she 
proved a good housekeeper and was kind to his chil 
dren. Shortly after his second marriage he is said 
to have left his house at Bucklersbury and settled 
at Crosby Place, Bishopsgate. 

His entrance into public life was the turning-point 
in his career. Honours and preferments quickly 
followed. In 1518 he was Master of the Bequests, 
a month afterwards sworn of the Privy Council. In 
1520 he attended the King to the Field of the Cloth of 
Gold. In 1521 he was knighted and made Under- 
Treasurer. In April 1523 he was chosen Speaker of 
the House of Commons, probably at the King s 
request. In 1526 he succeeded Sir Eichard Wingfield 
as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, and in the 
same year held an office one of a committee of three 
appointed to confer daily with the King which 
brought him into close communion with Henry and 
led to the affectionate intimacy of which Koper speaks. 
The extraordinary success with which in the summer 
of 1529 he conducted the negotiations at the Treaty of 
Cambray procuring, says Koper, far more benefits 
unto his realm than at that time by the King and 
Council was possible to be compassed led imine- 


diately to the climax of his honours. On October the 
1 9th of that year the Great Seal was taken from 
Wolsey, and on the 25th transferred to More. 

Over the chief events of More s Chancellorship, 
namely his attitude to the Reformation and his per 
secution of the Reformers, as well as on what led to his 
fall and death, we must pause. 

Few incidents in history have been so little under 
stood and so much misrepresented as the part he played 
in the great schism. It seems indeed to involve in 
explicable contradictions. The mildest, the kindliest, 
the most benevolent of men appears suddenly trans 
formed into the harshest and austerest of fanatics, and 
undoubtedly connived at many cruel actions. A man 
who in theory was not only the advocate of religious 
toleration, but upheld as an ideal a religion so liberal 
and catholic that it differed in no respect from that of 
Plato and Cicero, becomes in practice the stern and 
uncompromising champion of mere and rigid dogma. 
Many of the charges against him, it is true, fall to the 
ground on investigation, for some, perversion and 
exaggeration are responsible. But there can be no 
doubt that when he described himself in his epitaph 
as furibus homicidis haereticisque molestus he interpreted 
both his temper and his attitude. He may not have 
been responsible for the law which he administered 
when he sent Bilney, Tewkesbury, Bayfield and 
Bainham to their terrible death, but there can be no 
doubt that he approved of it, and would have been the 
last to consent to its repeal. It is clear from his 
Apology that he submitted many, if not to the torture 
of the rack, to the severest corporal punishment, and 
it is abundantly clear from his writings and cor- 
b 2 


respondence generally that he thought no measures 
too stringent for the extirpation of heresy. His 
controversial works, particularly the Vindicatio Henrici 
VIII published under the pseudonym of Gulielmus 
Kosseus, and his Dialogue against heresies, are written 
with an intemperance, a coarseness and an acrimony 
which must amaze every one who knows him as he 
appears in his other writings and in the other passages 
of his life. 

But this is easily explained and as easily reconciled 
with all that we love and all that we honour in the 
man who in temper and character most nearly realizes 
the Socrates of the Apology, Crito and Phaedo. To 
More, from his boyhood upwards, nothing was so 
sacred and so dear as the Church of his fathers. Its 
ritual, its ceremony, its doctrines, its authority were 
to him what the Ark of the Covenant was to the 
ancient Israelites. Like Savonarola, like his friends 
Colet and Erasmus, he denounced the ignorance, the 
worldliness, the vices, the corruption generally of 
its unworthy servants, and he allowed himself for 
wit and humour are difficult to restrain a licence in 
satire which might, like Swift s Tale of a Tub, seem 
at times to involve more than was intended. But 
heresy he regarded with horror. In orthodoxy, and 
in orthodoxy alone, was salvation. He had no more 
notion that what he had written about the religion 
and the religious tolerance of the Utopians would be 
taken to indicate his real opinions than that what 
he had written about communism would be taken 
to indicate what as a statesman he was prepared to 
put in practice. It was as pure an extravaganza as 
the Ecdesiazusae and the Abbey of the Thelemites. 


When, therefore, in 1520 Luther, bursting the bonds 
of reformation in the sense of the term in which More 
understood it and was himself contributing to further 
it, initiated heresy in his De Captivitate Babylonica, 
More at once became alarmed. He was drawn into 
the controversy against his will, thinking at first that 
Luther s book would carry in itself its own condemna 
tion. But he soon found that he was mistaken and 
must gird up his loins for the battle. By the time 
he had become Chancellor the Pope had not only 
been denounced as Antichrist, but was in prison ; 
Kome had been sacked, and some forty thousand 
Christians, so it was said, massacred in her streets ; the 
Peasant Wars had deluged Germany with blood ; the 
Anabaptist insurrection had let loose every element 
of lawlessness and horror, More s correspondent 
Cochlaeus assuring him that for all this Lutheranism, 
and Lutheranism alone, was responsible. Tyndale s 
Bible and many other publications were spreading 
the heresy throughout England, and even into his own 
household it had made its way. Friend Eoper, he 
had sadly said, while as yet the cloud was but a speck 
upon the horizon, I pray God that some of us, high as 
we seem to sit upon the mountains, treading heretics 
under our feet like ants, live not to see the day when 
we gladly would wish to be at league with them, to let 
them have their churches quietly to themselves, so 
that they would be contented to let us have ours 
quietly to ourselves. What, in More s opinion, was 
at stake was the whole fabric of society and govern 
ment, the temporal and eternal salvation of Christen 
dom. He was in truth witnessing the breaking-up 
of the life and work of ten centuries, the dissolution 


of an old, the initiation of a new world. He stood 
in a similar position to the position of Burke two 
centuries and a half later. Both were mistaken, both 
were in the right ; mistaken, for they were not seers 
and could not discern the future ; in the right, for they 
read correctly what was directly involved in what they 
saw and what the immediate consequences would be. 
Both were in panic, for in both alarm had been 
intensified by acute sensibility, by imaginations easily 
impressed and kindled, and by misinformation. When 
More accepted the Seals the course which his fears, his 
connexions and his conscience had, as a private man, 
directed him to take, he was now, as the chief official 
of the Crown, compelled by oath to take : for a part 
of the oath administered to him as Lord Chancellor 
was an assurance that he would use of his power to 
destroy all manner of heresies. What is supposed 
to be the greatest blot on his memory the execution 
of Bilney, Bayfield, Tewkesbury and Bainham he has 
himself justified on grounds the sufficiency of which 
is, from his point of view, indisputable. Their lives 
were taken that many other lives might be saved. 
Examples were necessary that frenzy might not become 
epidemic. Admitting, then, without reserve that More 
was a persecutor of the Protestants, that in practice 
he was party to many very cruel actions, and that as 
a controversialist he employed all the legitimate 
weapons of indignation and contempt, it may yet 
be contended, that there was nothing incompatible in 
this with the gentleness and benevolence which in 
all the other actions of his life he displays. In this 
connexion it would be unjust to him to omit an 
anecdote which Harpsfield relates. When Koper, 


seduced by some of Luther s books, had taken up with 
the new heresy, his father-in-law reasoned with him and 
endeavoured to bring him back to orthodoxy, but in 
vain. Meeting shortly afterward with his daughter 
Margaret, he said, Meg, I have borne a long time with 
thy husband. I have reasoned and argued a long time 
with him and still given him my poor fatherly counsel; 
but I perceive none of all this can call him home again. 
And, therefore, Meg, I will no longer dispute with 
him, nor yet will I give him over ; but I will go 
another way to work, and get me to God and pray 
for him. And of one thing we may be very sure, 
that this was neither the first nor the last time that 
he thus tempered controversy and persecution. 

But to turn to More in another capacity. As Lord 
Chancellor his industiy, his integrity, and his incor- 
ruption when corruption was universal, have been 
admitted even by his enemies. When he took office 
there were, says Stapleton, causes which had remained 
undecided for twenty years ; but he presided so 
dexterously and so successfully that once, after taking 
his seat, and deciding a case, when the next case was 
called there was no second case for trial, such a thing 
is said never to have happened before or since. As 
a rule, every afternoon he sat in his open hall that 
all who had suits or complaints might have free access 
to him. Many stories are told of his refusal to accept 
from suitors what his predecessors had come to regard 
as the perquisites of their office, and of the scrupulous 
impartiality of his administration of justice. If, he 
once said to one of his sons-in-law who had, on the 
grounds of kinship, expected to be favoured, my father 
whom I dearly love were on one side and the devil 


whom I sincerely hate were on the other, the devil 
should have his rights. The two and a half years 
during which More occupied the Woolsack are certainly 
to be numbered among its brightest annals. 

Till the spring of 1532 there had been no cloud 
on the intimate and even affectionate relations which 
existed between More and the King. The King had 
frequently visited him at Chelsea, wandering about 
the garden with his arm round his favourite s neck ; 
and it had been at Henry s urgent request that More 
had accepted the Chancellorship. But the two men 
were soon to stand in very different relations. As 
early as September 1527 Henry had informed him of 
the scruples which were beginning to trouble him 
about the legitimacy of his marriage with Catherine. 
More promised to study the question. He did so, and 
satisfied himself that there was nothing to justify the 
dissolution of the marriage. This he frankly acknow 
ledged to the King, and it appears to have been agreed 
between them that until More could arrive at a different 
conclusion he should be silent on the subject and confine 
himself to his ordinary duties. He became Chancellor 
against his will, being probably well aware of the King s 
motives in conferring the honour upon him, but re 
mained silent. The King then became importunate 
Was his friend still of the same opinion, was he still 
unable to serve him ? Then More wrote : It is grievous 
in my heart that I am not able to serve your Grace in 
this matter .... but I ever bear in my mind the 
words which your Highness spoke to me on my first 
coming into your noble service, bidding me first look 
up to God and after God to you. 

Meanwhile the events which preceded the divorce 


and the rupture with Eome took place, and More, find 
ing his position increasingly embarrassing, resigned 
the Seals. Then came the rupture, the divorce, and the 
marriage with Anne Boleyn. On all these subjects 
More expressed publicly no opinion ; he avoided the 
Court and absented himself from the Coronation of the 
new Queen. Next ensued the affair of the Maid of 
Kent. The King was furious. Fisher, Bishop of 
Rochester, was accused of misprision of treason, con 
victed, imprisoned and ruinously fined. More, who 
had been suspected of complicity, was examined ; but as 
the only evidence against him was that he had written 
a letter to the Maid advising her to attend to her devo 
tions and not meddle in the affairs of princes, his name 
was struck out of the Bill of Attainder, and the King 
contented himself with depriving him of his salary. 
Master More, said the Duke of Norfolk, it is perilous 
striving with Princes ; the revenge of Princes is death. 
Is that all, my Lord ? replied More, with a smile ; 
then, in good faith, the difference between your Grace 
and me is, that I shall die to-day and you to-morrow. 
But the long struggle in which More endeavoured to 
reconcile his loyalty as a subject to his sovereign and 
his loyalty as a Christian to his conscience was soon to 
cease. In March 1534 the Act of Succession was passed. 
It limited the succession to the issue of the King and 
of Anne Boleyn, but to it was appended a formula 
declaring the Princess Mary to be illegitimate, and 
forbidding obedience to any foreign potentate. More 
had no difficulty in expressing on oath his assent to 
the settlement of the Crown on the offspring of the 
new marriage ; but assent to the Bill involved assent 
to what the formula implied, the illegality of the 


marriage with Catherine and the repudiation of the 
Pope as head of the Church. Such was the oath 
which More was required to take, or, at his peril, to 
refuse. He received a summons to appear at Lambeth. 
He knew his hour had come. Son Koper, he said 
to his daughter Margaret s husband, I thank our Lord 
the field is won. As he left his house for the last 
time he would not allow his wife and children to 
follow him, as they were accustomed to do, to the boat, 
for he usually went as then he did by river, but pulled 
the wicket after him and shut them from him. That 
evening he was in the custody of the Abbot of West 
minster, and four days afterwards in the Tower. 

Nearly fifteen months intervened between his arrival 
at his prison and the final scene. The history of that 
time is written in his own correspondence, and in the 
biographies of Eoper, of Stapleton and of Cresacre 
More ; and no story, with one obvious exception, so 
noble and so pathetic has ever been told of man since 
Plato related how Socrates addressed his judges, 
refuted Crito, and passed his last hours on earth. 

When More left his house at Chelsea, he no doubt 
saw that there could be only one end to the course 
which he was taking ; but what removed him from 
the pale of jurisdiction which affected only his liberty 
and property and brought him within reach of the 
law which inflicted the death sentence was the Act of 
Supremacy. He could now no longer reply to questions 
intended to incriminate him as he replied to Cromwell, 
I am the King s faithful subject and daily bedesman. 
I say no harm ; I think no harm. For the new Act 
provided that it was not only high treason to deny the 
King s title to supremacy over the Church, but to refuse 


to acknowledge it. On the first of July 1534, after 
many harassing examinations, he stood at the Bar in 
Westminster Hall, before the Lord Chancellor and 
nine other judges. In the indictment was included 
much which was false and much which was irrele 
vant, and More pleaded not guilty. But as before, so 
now, he would not acknowledge the title of the King 
to Supremacy over the Church. On the same day the 
jury returned a verdict of guilty ; sentence of death 
was passed upon him, and what one of his successors 
on the Woolsack has described as the blackest crime 
that ever has been perpetrated in England under the 
form of law had been committed by that jury and by 
those judges. 

He was led out of court, for he was very feeble, by 
his old friend Sir William Kingston, Constable of the 
Tower, who accompanied him as far as the Swan Inn, 
near London Bridge, where the guards in charge and the 
throng of people paused. There Kingston had to leave 
him, and More, seeing the tears running down his 
friend s cheeks, tried to comfort him, promising that he 
would pray for him would pray that they might meet 
and be merry together in heaven. On the way, 
probably as he approached the Tower, his son John 
threw himself at his feet and implored his blessing. 
Calmly it was given, more calmly than it was received. 
The procession moved on. He had j^ow arrived at the 
Tower Wharf, where his daughter |largaret was await 
ing him. On seeing her father she rushed forward, 
pressing in, writes Koper, who witnessed the scene, 
amongst the midst of the throng and company of the 
guard that with halberts and bills went round about 
him, hastily ran to him, and there openly, in sight of 


them all, embraced him and took him about the neck 
and kissed him. The frenzy of her grief was such that 
she could only utter the words, Oh, my father ! Oh, 
my father ! Then she kneeled that she might receive 
his benediction. Take patience, Margaret, he said with 
composure, after giving it, and do not grieve. God 
has willed it so. For many years didst thou kn v the 
secret of my heart. She rose and left him, but again 
she returned, as one that had forgotten herself, throw 
ing her arms round his neck and covering his face with 
kisses. It was a scene which brought tears into the 
eyes of all who witnessed it, the very guards themselves, 
we are told, were weeping. At last she withdrew, 
and for More the bitterness of death had passed. 

The few days that remained to him he spent not in 
preparation for what his whole life had been a prepara 
tion, but in endeavouring to cheer and console those 
who loved him, in assuring those who did not that he 
had no intention of saving his life by recantation, in 
sending little remembrances of himself to those who 
would treasure them, and in cheery and often humorous 
conversation with the officials of the Tower. On Sir 
Thomas Pope informing him, early in the morning of 
the day fixed for his execution, that it was the King s 
will that it should take place at nine o clock, he replied, 
I am bounden to his Highness that it pleaseth him 
so shortly to rid me from the miseries of this wretched 
world ; and there will I not fail earnestly to pray for 
his Grace, both here and also in the world to come. 
He also expressed his gratitude to the King for con 
senting to his request that his daughter Margaret 
should be present at his burial. As he left the Tower- 
gate on his way to the scaffold, a poor woman came 


from her house and offered him a cup of wine. He 
courteously thanked her, but declined it, saying, Christ 
at His Passion drank no wine, but gall and vinegar. 
The scaffold, which had been hurriedly erected, was 
very unsteady, and shook as he placed his foot on the 
ladder. Turning to the lieutenant who was standing 
by he said merrily, I pray thee see me safe up, and 
for my coming down let me shift for myself. In 
accordance with custom the executioner begged his 
forgiveness. More turned to him, kissed him and 
said, Thou wilt do me this day a greater benefit than 
ever any mortal man can be able to do me ; and then, 
as he probably saw that there was some danger of the 
man s nerve failing him, added, Pluck up thy spirits, 
man, and be not afraid to do thine office. My neck is 
very short ; take heed therefore that thou strike not 
awry for saving of thine honesty. He then laid his 
head on the block, but suddenly raising it, said in a low 
voice, Stay till I have moved my beard ; that at least 
has not committed treason a touch of humour equally 
characteristic, but not so pointed as the last inimitable 
request which Socrates uncovered his face to utter. 

The axe fell ; and the blood of the wisest, the noblest 
and most faithful of his servants was on the head of a 
brutal and stupid tyrant. When the Emperor Charles V 
heard of More s death from the English ambassador 
the comment he made on it was : Well, this, we will 
say, if we had been the master of such a servant we 
would rather have lost the best city of our dominions 
than have lost such a counsellor. 

More is the English Socrates, and if we except what 
may be called the accidents of his career, the facts, 
namely that he inherited narrowing superstitions 


which he could not cast off, and that in high office he 
served his country, and was thus involved in transac 
tions and controversies little becoming a philosopher, 
the parallel is so close that nothing is wanting to 
complete it. 


WHERE and under what circumstances the Utopia 
was composed we have already seen. As it is, whether 
regarded as a work of art, as a satire, or in relation 
to its didactic purpose a mirror of the age which 
witnessed its composition, on the general character 
istics of that age a few words are necessary. When 
More took up his pen the knell of the Mediaeval 
World had sounded. The World of the Renaissance, 
which had fully developed itself in Italy, was beginning 
to assume definition in England. On all sides the 
horizons of intelligence and experience were being 
enlarged. The study of Greek had been introduced 
into our Universities and into two or three of our 
schools, and was being pursued with enthusiasm by 
influential men. A regular communication had been 
opened with the most eminent scholars of the Continent, 
some of whom had been our visitors. The Greek 
Testament and Novum Instrumentum of Erasmus had 
made an era not merely in Theology but in theological 
thought, practically revolutionizing both. With the 
Christian Scriptures had been associated the Platonic 
writings, and the philosophy and literature generally of 
ancient Greece and Borne were beginning curiously and 
reverently to be studied. And to all this the invention 


of moveable types had given wings. r.o ;-:-<-.a.t astro 
nomical discovery of Copernicus, and the geographical 
discoveries associated with the names of Dias, of Cabo, 
of Columbus, of Vespucci had opened out new vistas 
and new paths to speculation and enterprise. The 
Intercursus Magnus had laid the foundations of Inter 
national Law. Social life was being slowly transformed; 
the old Feudalism was dying ; the old Chivalry was all 
but dead. The Church was still unchanged ; but already 
the distant murmur of the Keformation was beginning 
to be heard. In a word, what were at work every 
where, in different stages of definition and in different 
degrees of activity, were the forces which dissolved the 
world of the Middle Ages and constructed the world of 
the Renaissance and of the Keformation. 

We have seen how More lived in intimate com 
munion with the apostles of the New Learning, 
how closely he was in touch with the Humanists 
and with all that pertained to the humanities, how 
devoted a student of the Greek and Roman Classics. 
But he was much more than a student and a humanist : 
he was a lawyer, a churchman in his instincts, and a 
politician, keenly interested in legal, ecclesiastical and 
political questions. Singularly observant of all that 
passed before his eyes, of acute sensibility, most 
sympathetic, and of infinite benevolence, he was emin- 
ently a philanthropist. With this temper, with these ! 
tastes and with these accomplishments, he surveyed 
the world which was passing round him, both at i 
home and on the Continent. That world he has 
painted in the first book of the Utopia. Let us glance ~J 
at it.~ 

On the Papal Chair sat indeed a Pope (Leo X) who 


was fr . at* ^ humane, and who preferred peace to war, 
tn:*. vVv o yenrs before it had been filled by Julius II, 
^iiose porvti^cate had been one long and bloody struggle 
toextend hisjdominions and aggrandize his fa-nily. The 
testoration of Hungary and Bohemia, the annexation 
of the Netherlands, of Tranche Compte, of Artois, and 
of Castile and Aragon, by marriage, by intrigue or by 
war, may be said to sum up the aims of the Emperor 
Maximilian. In France the most Christian King 
Louis XII, who had sacrificed thousands of lives, and 
had been prepared to sacrifice thousands more, in a most 
un-Christian attempt to possess himself of Milan and 
the two Sicilies, had just been succeeded by Francis I, 
who was about to enter on a vaster course of rapacious 
conquest ; Ferdinand of Aragon, whose whole career 
had been little else than an ignoble record of rapacity 
and fraud, was scheming to wrest Navarre from France. 
To come nearer home, Henry VIII, burning for military 
glory, had twice invaded France, to find on the first 
occasion that he had been made the dupe of his greedy 
father-in-law and the laughingstock of Europe. To 
retrieve this disaster, a second expedition, with him 
self at the head of it, had, at a vast expense, been fitted 
out. The result had been a series of blunders, a futile 
victory won by an accident, and the capture of two 
unimportant towns, Terouenne and Tournay; Henry 
returning in ridiculous pomp to concert with Wolsey 
a third expedition. Animated by the same spirit as 
his more conspicuous brethren, James IV, the King 
of Scotland, had invaded England, to pay the penalty 
of his mingled ambition, perfidy and recklessness 
with his own life and with the lives of ten thousand 
of his countrymen. Of the entire indifference of the 


sovereigns of that day to the interests of their subjects, 
or indeed to everything but the gratification of their 
own tastes and pleasures, whether at ruinous expense 
in pomps and tournaments and every form of profligate 
expenditure, or in the pursuit at any cost of misery 
and blood to their kingdoms and dependants, of this 
the literature of those times is full. (For illustrations 
see the Notes.) The internal condition of Englan3 
was deplorable. Agriculture had been almost de 
stroyed by the wholesale conversion of arable into 
pasture land for the purpose of breeding sheep to 
obtain wool. Hundreds of miles of country, once 
occupied by thriving hamlets and villages, had been 
enclosed and converted into sheepwalks. The effects 
of this had been to turn thousands of able-bodied men 
and their families adrift on the roads and in the towns, 
to become beggars and thieves. While the peasant 
and labourer were either starving or swinging on the 
gibbet for they were hanged in hundreds for petty 
larcenies the nobility, capitalists and abbots were 
revelling in the wealth which had been acquired by 
the infliction of this misery. (For illustrations of all 
this see the Notes.) Well might More make Hythlo- 
daye say that in Christian Commonwealths he could 
see nothing but a certain conspiracy of rich men pro 
curing their own commodities under the name and 
title of the Commonwealth. Nor were there wanting 
other sources of distress and evil. In London and in 
the towns the administration of justice was conducted 
with merciless severity. The punishment for larceny 
was death ; and each year many hundreds, sometimes \ 
twenty at a time, perished on the gallows. Sanitary 
regulations were unknown. The poor lived like piga 


f their habits being too loathsome to describe. Many 
of the streets of the city were little bett^** than open 
sewers, and even the Strand is descrio jd in an Act 
of Parliament passed in 1523 as very noyous, foul 
and jeopardous. The consequence was the periodical 
visitation of decimating epidemics, while fever and 
diseases of all kinds were generally busy. Public 
hospitals, with the exception of St. Bartholomew s, 
there were none ; and it was not till two years after the 
Utopia was written,; till the foundation, that is to say, 
of the Royal College of Physicians in 1518 by More s 
friend Linacre, that any attempt was made to organize 
medical science. Such was the world the elements 
. of which, whether as inspiration or theme, entered 
into the composition of the Utopia. 

The work had probably been in More s mind some 
years before its inception ; at all events, it is certain 
that some of the subjects with which it deals had 
occupied his attention. Dr. Lupton remarks that in his 

f" Epigrammata, written probably as early as 1500, More 
had dwelt on the subject of greed, public and private, 

and on the difference between a lawful king and a 
tyrant (see the Epigrams In avarum, the titles Dives 
avarus pauper est sibi, the Sola Mors Tyrannicida 
est, Quid inter Tyrannum et Principem, Bonum 
Principem esse Patrem non Dominum, Regem non 
satellitium sed virtus reddit tutum, and, most remark 
able of all, Populus consentiens regnum dat et aufert, 
Quis optimus reipublicae status ). In the Carmen Gra- 
tulatorium, addressed on his accession to Henry VIII, 
he had ventured to hint a contrast between the end 
of bondage and the beginning of freedom/ between 
the time when public offices were sold and the time 


when they would be freely bestowed on the good. 
His studies, too, of the De Civitate Dei must have 
familiarized him with the notion of an ideal republic. 

But the work was probably suggested and inspired^ 
by Erasmus. We have only to turn to the Adagia 
and to the Encomium Moriae to see how much there/ 
was in common between what Erasmus had already; 
expressed and what More was about to express. In 
these works will not, indeed, be found any hint eithefi* 
for the framework or for the method and tone adopted 
and assumed by More. But there is the same analysis 
of the maladies under which the political communities 
of those times were labouring; the same attribution tp 
the same causes, the ignorance, the selfishness, the 
rapacity, the ambition of princes ; the same contempt 
for priests and lawyers ; the same exposure of the 
mischief and misery caused by the employment qf 
mercenary troops ; the same pity for the poor ; thje 
same indignation at oppression and undue severity iti 
the administration of justice. And, what is still more 
striking, we find Erasmus expressing sympathy with 
Communism, and acknowledging that it would be a 
remedy for the greater part of the evils then prevalent,. 
In commenting on the proverb Amicorum communia\ 
omnia he says : Quod quidem si tarn esset fixum in \ 
hominum animis, quam nulli non est in ore, profecto 
maxima malorum parte vita nostra levaretur .... 
Sed dictu mirum quam non placeat, immo quam 
lapidetur a Christianis Platonis ilia communitas, cum 
nihil unquam ab ethnico philosopho dictum sit magis 
ex Christi sententia. Adagia, Ed. 1606, p. 109, sub 
cap. Amicorum communia omnia. Nor must we 
forget the inspiring influence of his friend Colet, who, J 




in a public sermon preached at Easter, i5i3, Y 7before the 
King, had had the courage to inform himj that wars 
were seldom undertaken except from hatred and 
ambition, and that, instead of imitating the examples 
of Caesars and Alexanders, it much more became a 
Christian prince to imitate the example of Christ. 


" THE notion of an ideal commonwealth, as the ex 
pression in a fable of what would at once be a standard 
and touchstone for social and political regulations a 
counsel of perfection, and a satire by implication on 
existing conditions and institutions was not new. 
More had several precedents, and, for his details, laid 
many works under contribution. The references of 
Hythlodaye to Plato indicate the first and most im 
portant of More s models. To the Republic he was 
indebted generally for the idea of a pattern common 
wealth based on Communism, and to it and to Plato s 
other dialogues for the suggestion of the dramatic setting 
and dialectic ot the first book : the many details which 
he has borrowed from it have been pointed out in the 
notes. But his indebtedness to the Timaeus and Critias 
was almost equally great. In Atlantis he found the 
archetype, in the physical description of Atlantis a 
model for the physical description of Utopia. And he 
found more. He learned from the artist of these 
dialogues the art of making fiction assume a form 
almost indistinguishable from truth, the art of noble 
lying. But a subtler influence is to be traced to 
Plato, the influence of the Platonic Socrates, with 
his delicate play of irony, his jest and seriousness so 
-/f - 


finely and bafflingly mingled that no wit not of 
kinship with his own can distinguish them. To the 
Romance which comes next in order, and which, though 
written with the same object as More s, has in its 
framework nothing in common, the Cyropaedia of 
Xenophon, he is under no obligation. Of Cicero s De 
BepuNica he could of course have made no use. But 
Plutarch s Instituta Laconica he had certainly studied, 
and has borrowed some details from it which are 
pointed out in the Notes. It is possible, it is indeed 
not improbable, that he may have been influenced by 
a work which at first sight appears to have nothing 
in common with his own, the Gennania of Tacitus. 
There can be little doubt that under the guise of an 
ethnographical and historical treatise Tacitus was, like 
(Jtore, satirizing by implication the morals and insti i 
tutions of his own nation and countrymen ; that his 
object was to contrast the characters, habits and 
polity of his virtuous savages with those of the 
degenerate Romans, just as More contrasts the Euro- 1 
peans of his own time with the Utopians^ "TKe^ J 
structure and method of the Germania and of the 
second book of the Utopia are closely analogous. Both 
begin with a description of the physical features of 
the country described in them ; both proceed to an 
account in detail of all those peculiarities in public 
and private, in agricultural and political life which 
stand in the sharpest contrast to what obtained in 
civilized Europe, and in each many of the peculiarities 
most emphasized are curiously similar. (For some of 
the most striking of these parallels see the Notes.) 

As his acquaintance with Saint Augustine s De Civi- 
tate Dei was very intimate, we naturally look for traces 


of its influence on his ,*ork. Dr. Lupton discerns it 
in the conception of a perfect order as it prevailed in 
the city of God : in the due subordination of every 
^member of the society, each being glad to do his own 
work and fall into his own place : in the community 
of goods, and in the use and limitation of bond-service. 

But what furnished More, not with the notion, but 
with the actual framework of the Utopia was some 
thing very different from any of these works. In 
September 1507 appeared, printed at St. Di6 in the 
Vosges, as an appendix to a little book entitled 
Cosmograpliiae Introduction to which was appended a 
Latin translation of Amerigo Vespucci s four voyages 
as described by himself Quatuor Americi Vesputii Navi- 
gationes. In this tract Vespucci describes how, on his 
second voyage, he sailed from Lisbon on May the I4th, 
1501, passed the Canary Islands to Cape Verde, and 
explored those regions. He there found a people 
leading a life very similar in many respects to More s 
Utopians. They had no property, but held all things 
in common, living according to nature. They had no 
king, no sovereignty, and every one was his own master. 
They had a great quantity of gold but regarded it 
of no account. Of pearls, jewels, and all such things 
as Europeans prize, they thought nothing. More s use 
of this is obvious. 

But it is on the description of the fourth voyage 
that More founds his fable. Vespucci here relates 
how, again setting sail in May 1503 with six ships, they 
crossed the line, and in August sighted an island, now 
identified as Fernando Noronha ; how the chief vessel 
was here wrecked ; how, getting separated from the 
other ships, he fell in with one of them after eight 


days ; how they then both made for Bahia, and, after 
a stay of seventeen days there, proceeded southwards 
till they arrived at a harbour (Cape Frio) ; how, after 
freighting their ships with Brazil wood, they returned 
to Lisbon, leaving behind at Cape Frio a small garrison 
or factory, castellum, of twenty-four men with arms, 
and provisions : Kelictis in castello prefato Chris ticolis 
xxiiij, et, cum illis, xiij machinis ac aliis pluribus armis, 
una cum provisione pro sex mensibus sufficiente, necnon 
pacata nobiscum telluris illius gente .... introivimus 
(that is, reached home). Before leaving, Vespucci and 
his comrades had penetrated some forty leagues inland, 
presumably to ascertain, among other things, the dis 
position of the inhabitants previous to the establish 
ment of the factory. More represents Hythlodaye as 
one of the twenty-four men who had been left by 
Vespucci in the factory. To Hythlodaye s assertion, 
that he went travelling about through many countries 
with five of the twenty -four men who had been left in 
the factory after Vespucci s departure, there is nothing 
to correspond in Vespucci s narrative. 

More has, with great art, completely baffled all 
attempts to localize or identify Utopia. For, he 
represents Hythlodaye as Vespucci s companion, not 
merely on his last voyage, but on his last three 
voyages ; so that we do not know whether Utopia lay 
among the townes and cities and weale publiques full 
of people, governed by good and holsome lawes, which 
he visited with his five companions after leaving the 
castellum, or whether it was one of the communities 
described above, as having been visited in the second 

The mystification was kept up with much humour 


in two letters, one Britten by Peter Giles to Busley- 
den, and one written by More himself to Giles, pre 
fixed to the work when it was printed. Giles tells 
Busleyden that More had been reproaching himself for 
not having ascertained from Hy thlodaye where Utopia 
was situated. Hythlodaye had, indeed, said something 
on the subject, but it unfortunately happened that, when 
Hythlodaye was speaking, More s attention had been 
diverted by the entrance of a servant who whispered 
in his ear. And Giles himself had been equally un 
lucky; for, though he was listening, one of the company 
who had caught a cold chanced to cough so loudly, just 
at the critical moment, that it drowned what Hythlodaye 
said. However, he would do his best, he adds, to get 
the information, if Hythlodaye could be found, which 
was doubtful ; for some reported that he had died on 
his journey home, others that he had gone back to 
Utopia. More also writes, humorously importuning 
Giles to get this information from Hythlodaye, for he 
felt ashamed to have written so elaborately about a 
place of which he did not even know the site. And 
he had another reason, he says, for repairing this great 
and most unfortunate omission : he had heard that 
a devout and godly man, a Professor of Divinity, had 
expressed a wish to go out to Utopia, as a missionary, 
and spread still further the Christianity which some 
of the Utopians had adopted ; indeed, he indulged the 
hope of becoming Bishop of Utopia. And if, added 
More, you do see Hythlodaye, have the goodness to ask 
him if the bridge of Amaurote is five hundred paces ? 
for my boy John Clement says that two hundred of 
those paces must be plucked away, for that the river 
contains there not above three hundred paces in 


breadth. The matter in itself was a trifle, he continues, 
but scrupulous accuracy had been his aim, and this 
would be a test of the fidelity of his memory. For 
I will take good hede that there be in my book 
nothynge false. This elaborate mystification probably 
had another purpose than a merely artistic one. 

More must have known the peril he incurred by 
the publication of such a book, and he was no doubt 
anxious to find some loophole for escape should 
awkward questions be asked. He wished, therefore, 
to emphasize its purely fictitious character the fact 
that it was a mere work of art, a fantastical and in 
genious fable. By connecting Hythlodaye with Ves.pu.cci 
he gave it an air of reality which could deceive no one. i 
and at the same time left it open to him to say that it v 1 
was a mere parody of travellers tales, a satire on one of 
the most popular forms of literary fraud. To scholars, 
of course, the very nomenclature employed would betray 
its origin. Utopia is Nusquamia, no-place land ; its 
founder, Utopus, no-place one ; its capital, Amaurote, a 
phantom city ; its river, the Anyder, a river which is 
no water ; the Anemolians, people of the wind ; the 
Polylerites, babblers of much nonsense ; Achoriens, 
those who have no place on earth ; the very name 
of the hero, Hythlodaye, signifies skilled in babble, or 
possibly a distributor of babble. But More s own 
comments, and especially the closing paragraph, would 
be a sufficient apology for him, should any one propose 
to take him seriously. Certainly, as an artist, he was 
the master of De Foe and Swift, and neither has 
excelled him in the art of feigning. 



THE dramatic opening and setting were evidently 
suggested by Plato s Republic, while in the report of 
the conversation at Morton s table, we are still more 
closely reminded of Plato s Dialogue, Morton corre 
sponding to Cephalus, Hythlodaye to Socrates, and the 
lawyer to Thrasymachus. But the framework is 
artfully linked with the facts of More s own life. 
He relates how, when on the embassy with Tunstall 
to the Low Countries, as he was one morning leav 
ing the Cathedral Church at Antwerp after hearing 
Mass, he saw his friend Peter Giles in conversation 
with a stranger. To that stranger, whose name 
was Raphael Hythlodaye, Giles introduced him, tell 
ing him that Hythlodaye was a most interesting 
man, an accomplished classical scholar, and one who 
had been a great traveller. The three then go on 
together to More s house and sit down on a bench in 
the garden. Hythlodaye begins to talk of his adven 
tures, and to describe how in the course of them he 
had come across many interesting communities, among 
them the commonwealth of the Utopians, whose 
customs and laws might well serve as examples to 
European countries. The conversation of the traveller 
is so entertaining, his learning and wisdom so apparent, 
that Giles expresses surprise that he had not made his 
way into some king s court, for he was sure that there 
was no prince living who would not welcome a man 
from whom he could learn so much, and whose 
"" counsel would be so useful to him. But Hythlodaye 
replies that he has no taste for anything that a king 
or court could give him, to say nothing of the fact 
that princes are too much occupied with their own 



THE PLOT xliii 

vain pleasures and greedy ambition to listen to such 
counsel as he could give them, that there is no place in 
courts for any but flatterers and parasites, as ignorant 
as they are envious. Even in England he had 
chaunced upon such prowde, lewede, overthwarte and 
waywarde judgementes. Interested to hear that he 
had been in England, More elicits from him that he 
had resided there some four or five months, and had 
received much kindness from Cardinal Morton, of 
whose character Hythlodaye speaks with enthusiastic 
admiration. He then goes on to relate a conversation 
in which he once took part at Morton s table. One of 
the guests, a certain lawyer, had been expressing his 
approval of the law which punished thieves with 
death, and his wonder at the fact that it had had so 
little effect in diminishing the crime. Upon this 
Hythlodaye took courage to say that it was a most 
cruel law, a punishment which greatly exceeded the 
offence that the poor fellows stole that they might 
live, and that the true remedy for thieving was not to 
hang them, but to provide them with the means of i 
getting an honest livelihood. But, retorted the lawyer, i 
there are handycrafts, there is husbandry, ample/ 
opportunities for working, if they would avail them-j 
selves of them. This Hythlodaye denied. The country*/ 
was full, he went on to say, of disbanded soldiers, either 
unfitted by their wounds or too old to learn trades, 
and of idle retainers and serving-men, who had lost 
or been turned adrift by their masters, and who, being 
accustomed to expensive habits and to swaggering about 
with swords and bucklers, would not condescend to 
ply a spade and mattock for poor wages. Why these, 
replied the lawyer, are just the men we want to 


maintain our glor, in war. This turns the question 
on to war and its ruinous social effects, on which 
Hythlodaye proceeded to enlarge. But, he added, 
there are other reasons for the poverty, misery and crime 
which prevailed, namely, the selfishness of the land 
lords in enclosing and turning arable land into pasture : 
and on this, as well as on what it necessarily involved, 
he dilated at length. Remove these grievances, he said, 
forbid enclosures, restore agriculture, put some re 
straint on the means by which the rich are able to 
aggrandize themselves at the expense of the poor, and 
you will have fewer thieves. 

The Cardinal, interrupting the lawyer, who was about 
to reply at length, then turned to Hythlodaye and said 
he should be glad to hear his reasons for thinking that 
theft should not be punished by death. These reasons 
Hythlodaye proceeded to give. In the course of his 
remarks, he referred to the customs of a certain 
Persian community which he had visited in his travels, 
namely, the Polylerites, as worthy of imitation in 
the use to which they put felons and serving-men. 
After a suggestion of the Cardinal s with respect to the 
treatment of vagabonds, the conversation was inter 
rupted by a lively passage of arms between a certain 
Fool who happened to be standing by and a Friar. 
The Fool humorously suggested that beggars who 
through infirmity could not work should be quartered 
on religious houses, the men to become lay brethren 
and the women nuns. And what, said the Friar, is to 
be done with us ? You, replied the Fool, have been 
already provided for, when it was suggested that vaga 
bonds shouldbe kept in restraint and compelled to work. 
This so enraged the Friar, and the altercation between 


insulter and insulted grew so hot, that the Cardinal 
deemed it expedient to nod to the Fool to withdraw. 

Hythlodaye having finished his account of his ex 
periences in England, the conversation then turns 
to Giles s former suggestion, that Hythlodaye should 
enter some prince s court, More insisting that for the 
Commonwealth s sake he ought to do so. Had not 
Plato said that realms could never prosper till their 
rulers were philosophers ? and how could those rulers 
become philosophers till philosophers advised them ? 
Again Hythlodaye points out the futility of such a plan, 
and we have an account of the occupations and charac 
ters of the princes of those days. Then occurs a passage 
which it is surprising that More could at that time have 
ventured to publish, in which he makes Hythlodaye 
citing the example of the salutary decrees passed by 

the Achorians, a people situate over against the 
Island of Utopia enlarge on the uselessness and - 
ruinous folly of Henry VIII s French wars. He then 
proceeds to depict the advisers and means by which 
princes are encouraged and supported in their evil 
courses, comparing the wise provisions made by the 
Macariens, a people not far distant from Utopia, 
limiting the power of their kings. At last he comes 
to the contrast presented by the wise and goodly 
ordinances of the Utopians to what obtained in Europe, 
and to these in his subsequent remarks he continually 
refers. These repeated references to Utopia and the 
Utopians excite More s curiosity about them, and he 
begs Hythlodaye to give him a full and precise account 
of this wonderful place and those wonderful people. 
This, he says, he will gladly do ; but it will take some 
time. More proposes that they should first have 


dinner, and then return into the garden. Dinner over, 
the three sit on the same bench on which they had 
been sitting before, and Hythlodaye begins his narra 
tive. This occupies the whole of the second book, being 
uninterrupted by any remarks on the part of the 
listeners. The narrative concluded, the three friends 
go in to supper. Of some things Hythlodaye had said 
More could not approve ; but he resolved, for the 
present at least, to keep this to himself, partly because 
Hythlodaye was weary, and partly because he was not 
sure whether he would like to be opposed. 

Such is the plot a masterpiece of dramatic skill and 


THE ^purpose of the Utopia was, as Erasmus said 
at the time, to point out where and from what causes 
the European Commonwealths, and more especially 
the English, with which More was most familiar, 
were at fault. And he deals with the subject politi 
cally, socially and economically, his method being 
threefold Jirst, by placing in the mouth of Hythlodaye 
direct comments on the evils and miseries prevalent 
in England and Europe, with an analysis of their 
causes and suggestions for their remedies ; secondly, 
by describing the regulations, habits and institutions 
of the Utopians for his readers to draw their own con 
clusions, rejecting or accepting as exemplary what 
they please ; and thirdly, by holding up the mirror 
to the vices and defects of existing commonwealths, 
by presenting them in contrast with their perfected 
correction in an ideal commonwealth. As examples 
of the first we have Hythlodaye s picture of the state 



of England and of the characters of princes, in the 
first book ; his bitterly sarcastic remarks on leagues 
and treaties, in the seventh chapter of the second book ; 
lu s delineation of the habits and characters of mer 
cenary troops, in the eighth chapter ; and hisjndignant 
protest against the tyranny of the rich over the poor. 
in Hie ninth. Examples ef~the"^econTJ--would b&^ 
afforded by the numerous paradoxes and semi-serious 
suggestions in which the work abounds, such as J-he 
institution of a purely elective monarchy and the defence 
ancLadoption of Communism by the Utopians ; their 
theory of the right of civilized states to the soil of 
waste^oiintries ; "th"e limitation of .labour to six Jiours 
a day for every citizen by the^coTPp 11 ^ 80 ^ imposition 

of~lt- oniiall_citizfins^ the gratuitous presentation to 
the poor of every nation with^which they are trading 
to thLj5eve_nth_gart_ of all the goods exported ; their 
mode of conducting_war_by the assassination__of the 
leaders^andnSy bribing the subject&_of-4hgr enemy to 
commit treason ; their contempt for military glory ; 
their confefflpT for titles arid ancestry ; Hie_Jior_rQr 
with whicfi they regard hunting 1 ^the loweste. 
vyleste and mbs1f~abjecte part of bocherye * ; their_ 
detestatiDTi x?f priBsls "Sn d lawyersTThelrreligion, and 
the extent to "which religious toleration wascarried ; 
their employment of womuu aajtfle sTs ; the ceremonies 
before marriage ; the regulations for the education 
of women ; the encouragement of suicide in cases of 
painful and hopeless diseasej an3 EKe7f~~mode of 
regarding death and conducting burials. Examples 
qf^ the "third wouloPBeT the~descrtption of Amaurpte, 
which is plainly contrasted with London,_as the model 
of what a city should be, both architecturally and in 


relation to sanitary provisions ; the description of .the 

importance attached to study and culture, and the 
objects~with whichrthey-ftrer pursue^ jw 16 account given 
of theirTfcnnsstic^fe^^ISeVit may be observed, realized 
by More in his own household ; and~the~illulstration 
generally of a pblilyTn^vKich the true ends and aims 
of legislation and government, as well as the mutual 
happiness of all classes of citizens, had been attained. 

To inquire-hew-far liore was in earnest, or rather 
where he is in earnest, and where he is jesting in his 
Komance, is not altogether an idle question. Erasmus 
tells us, that even members of More s own family were 
sometimes puzzled to gather from his look or tone, 
whether he was speaking seriously, or whether he was 
joking. Like Socrates he moved in an atmosphere of 
irony. But no one whois aeu_uamted__with More s 
character and with the circumstances under which the 
work was written can doubt that, however much 
licence he may have allowed himself in giving the 
reins to his humour, his purpose was essentially a 
serious one. Perhaps the question could not be put 
better than it has been put by Sir James Mackintosh : 

The true notion of Utopia is, that it intimates 
a variety of doctrines, and exhibits a multiplicity of 
projects which the writer regards with almost every 
possible degree of approbation and shade of absent : 
. from the frontiers of serious and entire belief, through 
gradations of descending plausibility, where the lowest 
are scarcely more than the^exercises of ingenuity, and 
to which some wild paradoxes are appended, either 
as a vehicle, or as an easy means (if necessaty) of dis 
avowing the serious intention of the whole of this 
Platonic fiction. Life of More, Miscellaneous Works, 
Vol. I. p. 4-3- .^i \ 

\ A v^ - 

*V* -- u * ~ 



And side by side with this may be placed the 
remarks of Brewer : 

Though the Utopia was not to be literally followed 

was no more than an abstraction at which no one 
would have laughed more heartily than More himself, 
if interpreted too strictly Utopia might serve to show 
a corrupt Christendom \\^ialL_g2odcouW^b^_effected 

dictates ofnaturar prudence and justice. If kings 
could never be elective in Europe, Utopia might show 
the advantage to a nation where kingswere responsible 
to someotherjwill than their ownT jTTproperty could 
never Tbe common,. Utopia might teach men how great 
was the benefit to society, when the state regarded 
itself as created for the wellbeing of all, and not of 
a class or a favoured few. Literally, property could 
never be common except in Utopia ; but it might be 
so in effect in Christian communities when capital 
and property were more widely diffused, when the 
enormous disproportion between the poor and the 
rich, the noble and the serf, was modified by social 
improvements, and the statute-book disencumbered of 
obsolete and unintelligible Acts, too often put in force 
to catch the unwary, and made an instrument of 
oppression by the crown lawyers. Reign of Henry 
VIII, Vol. II. pp. 290-1. 

Indeed the student of the Utopia could not be 
admonished better than by the words of Chaucer s 
Nun s Priest : 

Taketh the fruyt and let the chaf be stille. 





THE first edition of the Utopia, in Latin, was printed 
at Louvain by Thierry Martin, towards the end of 


1516. To it was prefixed the letter of Peter Giles 
to Busleyden, dated Nov. I, 1516 ; a letter of loannes 
Paludanus Cassiletensis to Peter Giles, with a set of 
ten elegiac verses, both of which were suppressed in 
the edition of 1518 ; some Latin verses by Gerardus 
Noviomagus and Cornelius Grapheus ; the letter of 
Busleyden to More ; and More s prefatory letter to 
Peter Giles ; together with a representation of the 
Utopian alphabet, and a metre of four verses in the 
Utopian language. A second edition was printed by 
Gilles de Gourmont, at Paris, about the end of 1517. 
To it were added a letter addressed by Bude to Lupset 
acknowledging a presentation copy of the first edition, 
and expressing the delight with which he had read the 
work, and a second letter of More to Giles. This had 
been hurried out prematurely, without any corrections 
of the author, from Bude s wish to popularize the work 
by a smaller and more handy edition. Then appeared, 
in 1518, in two issues, one in March and another in 
November, the third edition, printed by Froben at Basle, 
embodying More s corrections. In 1519 the work was 
issued from the Juntine Press at Venice, and in the 
following year it is said to have been reprinted in 
quarto at Basle. This was, so far as is known, the last 
edition published in More s lifetime. 

Of the translations Kalph Eobynson s was the first, 
and it was published by Abraham Vele, at the sign of 
the Lambe in St. Paul s Churchyard, in 1551, with 
a dedication to Cecil, afterwards Lord Burleigh. The 
letter of More to Peter Giles is all of the preliminary 
matter which he translated. But in 1556 appeared a 
second edition, carefully corrected and with many 
alterations, omitting the dedication to Cecil, but 


adding versions of Giles s letter to Busleyden, and 
the meter of iiij verses. A third edition appeared 
in 1597, and a fourth in 1624. Since then it has been 
reprinted several times by Dibdin, in 1808; by Pro 
fessor Arber, in 1869 ; by Dr. Lumby, in 1879 ; by 
Robert Roberts, at Boston, in 1887 ; and by William 
Morris, at the Kelmscott Press, in 1893. All these are 
reprints of the second edition, Dr. Lupton being the 
first to reprint the editio priticcps. 

Till 1684 Robynson s was the only English version, 
but in that year appeared a new translation by the 
celebrated Gilbert Burnet, afterwards Bishop of Salis 
bury. It is closer to the Latin and more accurate than 
Robynson s, but it has not the charm of Robynson s racy 
and picturesque English. A work so characteristic of the 
English Renaissance finds much more appropriate ex 
pression in the diction and tone of that time, and what 
it loses in exact scholarship though Burnet himself is 
by no means impeccable it gains in affinity. The ver 
sion of Arthur Cayly, which appeared in 1808, though 
it purported to be a new one, merely modified Burnet. 

Of Ralph Robynson very little is known. He was 
born in Lincolnshire, in 1521, and received his early 
education at the Grantham and Stamfoi d grammar 
schools, and was at both a schoolfellow of William 
Cecil, afterwards Lord Burleigh. He entered Corpus 
Christi College, Oxford, in 1536, at the age of fifteen, 
of which College he became, in June 1542, a Fellow. 
Leaving Oxford, he settled in London, where he obtained 
the livery of the Goldsmiths Company, and some em 
ployment in the service of Cecil. He came of a 
numerous and poor family, whose difficulties appear to 
have hampered him, and two appeals to Cecil for assist- 


ance are extant ; but whether he responded to them 
does not appear. The withdrawal of the dedicatory 
epistle to his old schoolfellow from the second edition 
of his translation seems significant. That he was alive, 
and in poverty, in 1572 is certain from Cecil s endorse 
ment to his second appeal ; but beyond that nothing 
more of him is known. 

Eobynson s version of the Utopia is an excellent 
specimen of that style of translation which found its 
expression not in the simple and musical English 
of the versions of the Bible, but of that style of 
expression which was afterwards adopted in the 
Tudor versions of the Greek and Eoman Classics, the 
characteristic excellences of which are vigour and 
dignity, the characteristic defects, diffuseness and 
cumbrousness. He had by no means an easy task with 
his original, for More s Latin is often very involved 
and sometimes obscure. As a translator, though he 
is occasionally guilty of strange lapses, he is, as a rule, 
fairly trustworthy, and seldom fails to give the general 
sense correctly ; at times indeed he is exceedingly 
felicitous, improving the original. His chief fault lies 
in his diffuseness and in an over-done accumulation 
of synonyms, which however has, at least sometimes, 
a not unpleasing effect. In addition to its delightful 
quaintness, its raciness, picturesqueness and vigour, 
the version is an important monument of the English 
of the first part of the sixteenth century. 

It has not been thought necessary to print and anno 
tate the preliminary matter in the Utopia ; but, as Peter 
Giles s letter to Busleyden, and More s to Peter Giles, 
may almost be regarded as a part of the machinery of 
the fiction, they have been printed in an Appendix. 



c Clje fprste 

fccj&e of tfje communpca 

cion of Eaphaell hythlodaye concer- 
nynge the best state of a commen 

wealthe. 6 

Tne moste vyctorvfus and tryumphante Kvnge of 
Englande, Henry theight of that name, in all royal 
vertues Prince moste peerlesse, hadde of late in contra- 
uersie with, the right hyghe and myghtie king of Castell 
weightye matters, and of greate importaunce ; for the 10 
debatement and final determination wherof the kinges 
Maieste sent me Ambassadour into flaunders, ioined in 
commission with cuthebert Tunstall, a/man doubteles 
owte of comparison, and whom the kinges maiestie of 
late, to the greate reioysyng of all men, did preferre to 15 
the office of maister of the Eolles. But of thys mans 
prayses I will saye nothynge ; not bycause I do feare 
that small credence shalbe geuen to the testymony that 
commyth owt of a frindes mouthe, but bicause hys 
vertue and lernyng be greater and of more excellencye, 20 
than that I am able to prayse them ; and also in all 
places so famous, and so perfectlye well knowne, that 
they nede not nor ought not of me to be praysed, onles 
I wolde seme to shew and set furth the brightenes of 
the sonne wyth a candell, as the Prouerbe sayth. 25 

There met vs at Bruges (for thus yt was before 
agreed) they whome theire prince hadde for that matter 
appoynted commyssyoners, excellente men all. The 
chiefe and the head of them was the Marcgraue (as 
they cal him) of Bruges, a right honorable man : but 30 
the wisest and the best spoken of them was George 


Temsice, prouoste of Casselles ; a man not onlye by 
lernyng but also by nature of singuler eloquence, and 
in the lawes profoundelye lerned ; but in reasonynge, 
and debatynge of matters, what by his naturall witte, 
and what by daylye exercise, suerlye he hadde fewe 5 
fellowes. After that we hadde ones or twise mette, 
and vpon certeyne poyntes or artycles could not fully 
and throughlye agre ; they for a certeyne space toke 
their leaue of vs, and departed to Bruxelle, there to 
knowe theire princes pleasure. I in the meane tyme 10 
(for so my busynes laye) wente streyghte thens to 

Whyles I was there abydinge, often tymes amonge 
other, but whyche to me was more welcome then 
annye other, dyd vysite me one Peter Gyles, a Citisien 15 
of Antwerpe ; a man there in hys contrey of honest 
reputatyon, and also preferred to hyghe promotyons, 
worthye truelye of the highest. For it is harde to 
saye whether the yong man be in lernynge or in 
honestye more excellent. For he is bothe of wonder- 20 
full vertuous condytyons, and also singulerlye well 
lerned, and towardes all sortes of people excedynge 
gentyl ; but towardes hys fryndes so kynde harted, so 
louynge, so faythfull, so trustye, and of so earneste 
affectyon, that yt were verye harde in any place to 23 
fynd a man, that wyth hym in all poyntes of frend- 
shyppe maye be compared. No man can be more 
lowlye or courteys. No man vsithe lesse symulatyon 
or dyssymulatyon ; in no man ys more prudente sym- 
plycytye. Besydes this, he is in his talke and com- 3( 
munycatyon so merye and pleasaunte, yea, and that 
wythout harme, that, throughe hys gentyll intertayne- 
ment and hys swete and delectable communycatyon, 
in me was greatlye abated and dymynyshed the feruent 
desyre that I hadde to see my natyue contreye, my a 
wyffe and my chyldren ; whome then I dyd muche 
longe and couett to see, bicause that at that tyme 
I hadde byn more then .iiii. monythes from them. 


Upon a certeyne daye when I hadde herde the deuyne 
seruyce in our ladies churche, whyche is the fayrest, 
the inoste gorgious and curyous churche of buyldynge 
in all the eytye, and also moste frequented of people, 
and the seruice beynge done, was readye to goo 5 
home to my lodgyng, I chaunced to espie thys forsayde 
Peter talkynge wyth a certeyne straunger, a man well 
stryken in age, wyth a blake sonne burned face, a longe 
bearde, and a cloke caste homely aboute hys shoulders ; 
whom by hys fauour and apparrel forthwythe I iudged 10 
to be a maryner. But when thys Peter sawe me, he 
cummythe to me and saluteth me. And as I was 
abowte to answere hym : see you thys man ? sayeth 
he (and thervvyth he poynted to the man that I sawe 
hym talkynge wyth before). I was mynded, quod 15 
he, to brynge hym streyghte home to you. He 
should haue bene verye welcome to me, sayd I, for 
your sake. Naye (quod he) for hys owne sake, if 
you knewe hym ; for there ys no man this daye 
lyuynge that can tell you of so manye strange and 20 
vnknowne peoples and contreis as this man can. And 
I know well that you be verye desyrous to heare of 
suche newes. Than I coniectured not farre a mysse 
(quod I) for euen at the fyrste syghte I iudged hym 
to be a maryner. Naye (quod he) there ye were 25 
greatlye deceaued. He hayth sayled indede, not as 
the maryner Palynure, but as the experte and prudent 
prince Ulisses ; yea, rather as the auncyent and sage 
Philosopher Plato. 

For thys same Eaphaell Hythlodaye (for thys ys 30 
hys name) is verye well lerned in the Latyne tonge ; 
but profounde and excellent in the greke tonge, wherein 
he euer bestowed more studye than in the lattyne, 
because he had geuen hym selfe holye to the studye of 
Phylosophy. Wherof he knewe that there ys nothynge 35 
extante in the lattyne tonge, that is to anny purpose, 
sauynge a few of Senecaes and Ciceroes doinges. His 
patrymonye that he was borne vnto he lefte to his 
B -2 


bretherne (for he is a Portugalle borne) ; and for the 
desyre that he hadde to see and knowe the farre 
contreys of the worlde, he joyned him selfe in com- 
panye wyth Amerike vespuce, and in the .iii. laste 
voyages of thoes .iiii., that be no we in prynte and 5 
abrode in euerye mans handes, he contynued styll in 
hys companye ; sauynge that in the laste voyage 
he came not home again wyth hym. For he made 
suche meanes and shyfte, what by intreataunce and 
what by importune sute, that he gotte lycence of 10 
mayster Amerycke (thoughe it were sore agaynst his 
will) to be one of the .xxiiii. whyche in the ende of 
the last voyage were lefte in the contrye of Gulike. 
He was therfore lefte behynde for hys mindes sake, as 
one that toke more thoughte and care for trauaylyng 15 
then dyinge ; hauynge customablye in hys mouthe 
theis sayinges : He that hathe no graue ys couered 
wyth the skie ; and, The way to heauen owte of all 
places is of like lenghth and distance. Which fantasye 
of his (if God had not bene his better frende) he hadde 20 
suerlye bought full deere. 

But after the departynge of Mayster vespuce, when 
he hadde trauayled thoroughe and abowte manye con- 
treis, with v. of his companyons Gulykyans, at the 
laste by maruelous chaunce he arryued in Taprobane. 25 
from whens he wente to Calyquit, where he chaunced 
to fynde certeyne of hys contrey shyppes, wherin he 
retorned again into hys countreye, nothynge lesse then 
lokyd for. 

All thys when Peter hadde tolde me, I thankyd hym 30 
for his gentyll kyndnes, that he hadde vouchesaufed to 
brynge me to the speche of that man, whose communica 
tion he thought sholde be to me pleasaunte and accept 
able. And there wyth I turned me to Kaphaell ; and 
when we hadde haylsede thone thother, and hadde 35 
spoken thies comen wordes, that be customably spoken 
at the fyrste metynge and acquentaunce of straungers, 
we wente thens to my house, and there in my gardeyne, 


vpon a benche coueryd wyth grene torues, we satte 
downe talking togethers. 

There he tolde vs howe that, after the departynge 
of vespuce, he and hys fellowes, that tarryed behynde 
in Gulyke, beganne by lytle and lytle, thoroughe fay re 5 
and gentle speche, to winne the loue and fauour of 
the people of that contreye ; in so muche that within 
shorte space, theye dydde dwell amonges them not 
onlye harmelese, but also occupyed wyth them verye 
famylyerly. He tolde vs also that they were in hyghe 10 
reputatyon and fauoure wyth a certeyne greate man 
(whose name and contreye ys nowe.quyte owte of my 
remembraunce), which of hys mere lyberalytye dyd 
beare the costes and charges of hym and his fyue com 
panions, and besydes that gaue them a trustye guyde, 15 
to conducte them in theyre iorney (whyche by water 
was in botys and by lande in wagains), and to bring 
them to other princes withe verye frindlye commenda- 
tyons. Thus after manye dayes iourneis, he sayd they 
found townys and cytyes, and weale publyques full of 20 
people, gouerned by good and holsom lawes. 

For vnder the lyne equynoctyall and of bothe sydes 
of the same, as farre as the sonne doth extend hys 
course, lyeth (quod he) greate and wyde desertes and 
wyldernesses, parched, burned and dryed vppe with 25 
continuall and intolerable heate. All thynges be 
hydeous, terryble, lothesome, and vnpleasaunte to be 
holde ; all thynges owte of fasshyon and corny lynes, 
inhabyted wyth wylde beastes and serpentes, or at 
the leaste wyse wyth people that be no lesse sauage, 30 
wylde, and noysome then the verye beastes themselfes 
be. But a lytle farther beyonde that all thynges begyn 
by lytle and lytle to waxe pleasaunte ; the ayre softe, 
temperate, and gentle ; the ground couered wyth grene 
grasse ; less wildnes in the beastes. At the laste shall 35 
ye come again to people, cities, and townes, wherin is 
contynuall entercourse and occupyinge of marchandyse 
and chaffare, not onelye amonge them selfes and wyth 


theyre borderers, but also wyth marchauntes of farre 
contreys bothe by lande and water. 

Ther I had occasion (sayde he), to go to manye 
contreys of euery syde. For there \vas no shyppe 
reddye to anye voyage or iorney, but I and my fellowes 5 
were into it verye gladlye receauyde. The shyppes 
that they founde fyrste were made playne, flatte, and 
broade in the botome, troughevvyse. The sayles were 
made of greate russhes, or of wyckers, and in some 
places of lether. Afterwarde they founde shyppes 10 
wyth rydged kyeles, and sayles of canuas ; yea, and 
shortelye after hauynge all thynges lyke owers ; the 
shyppemen also verye experte and connynge both in 
the sea and in the wether. , 

But he sayde that he founde greate fauour and 15 
fryndeshyppe amonge them for teachynge them the 
feate and vse of the lode stone, whych to them before 
that tyme was vnknowne ; and therefore they were 
wonte to be verye tymerous and fearefull vpon the 
sea, nor to venter vpon it but onlye in the somer time. 20 
But nowe they haue such a confidence in that stone, 
that they feare not stormy wyuter ; in so doynge, 
ferther frome care then ieopardye. In so muche 
that it is greatlye to be doubtyd, leste that thynge, 
thoroughe theyre owne folyshe hardynes, shall tourne 25 
them to euyll and harme, whyche at the fyrste was 
supposyde shoulde be to them good and commodyous. 

But what he tolde vs that he sawe, in eueiye contrey 
wheare he came, it were verye longe to declare. Nother 
it is my purpose at this time to make rehersall therof. 30 
But peraduenture in an other place, I wyll speake of 
yt ; chyefelye suche thynges as shalbe profytable to be 
knowne ; as in specyall be thoese decrees and ordi- 
naunces that he marked to be well and wyselye pro- 
uyded and enacted amonge suche peoples as do lyue 35 
to gethere in a cyuyle pollycye and good ordre. For of 
suche thynges dyd we busilie enquyre and demaunde 
of hym, and he lyke wise verye wyllynglye tolde vs 


of the same. But as for monsters, because they be 
no newes, of them \ve were nothynge inquysitiue. 
For nothynge is more easye to be founde, then be 
barking Scyllaes, rauenyng Celenes, and Lestrygones 
deuowerers of people, and suche lyke greate and vn- 5 
credyble monsters; but to fynde cytyzyns ruled by 1 
good and noisome lawes, that ys an excedynge rare I 
and harde thynge. 

But as he markyd manye fonde and folyshe lawes ; 
in thoose newe founde lands, so he rehersyde manye 10 , 
actes and constytutyons wherby thies our cytyes, 
nations, contreys, and Kyngdomes maye take en- 
sample, to amende theyre faultes, enormytyes and 
errors ; wherof in another place, as I sayde, I wyll 
intreate. Now at thys tyme I am determyned to 15 
reherse onlye that he tolde vs of the maners, customes, 
lawes, and ordinaunces of the vtopians. But fyrste 
I wyll repete our former communycatyon ; by thocca- 
syon, and, as I myghte saye, the dryfte wherof he 
was browghte into the mentyon of that weale publyque. 20 

For when Raphaell hadde verye prudently touched 
dyuers thynges that be amysse, sume here and sume 
there ; yea, verye manye of bothe partes ; and agayne 
hadde spoken of suche wyse and prudent lawes and 
decrees as be establyshed and vsyde bothe here amonge 25 
vs and also there emonge them ; as a man so connynge 
and expert in the lawes and customes of euery seueral 
countreye, as though into what place soeuer he came 
geaste wyse, there he had lede al his life : then 
Peter, much meruellyng at the man : Surely mayster 30 
Raphaell (quod he), I wondere greatlye whie you 
gette you not into some Kinges courte; for I am 
sewre there is no prynce lyuynge that wolde not 
be very gladde of yowe ; as a man not onlye able 
hyghelye to delyte hym wyth youre profounde lern- 35 
ynge, and thys youre knowledge of contreis and 
peoples, but also are meat to instructe him with 
examples, and helpe hym wyth counsell. And thus 


doynge yowe shal bring yowre selfe in a verye good 
case, and also be in habylytye to helpe all youre 
frindes and kynsfolke. 

As concernyng my fryndes and kynsfolke (quod 
he), I passe not greatly for them : for I think I haue 5 
suffycyentlye done my parte towardes them all readye. 
For thies thinges that other men doo not depart from 
vntyll they be olde and sicke. yea, which they be then 
verye lothe to leaue when they can no lenger kepe, 
those verye same thynges dyd I, beynge not onlye 10 
lustye and in good helth, but also in the flowere of 
my youthe, deuyde among my fryndes and kynsfolkes ; 
which I think wyth thys my liberalytye owghte to 
holde them contentyd, and not to requyre nor to looke 
that besydes thys I shoulde for theyre sakes gyue my 15 
selfe in bondage to kynges. 

Naye god forbedde (quod peter), it is not my 
mynd that you shoulde be in bondage to kynges, but 
as a retaynoure to them at youre pleasure ; whyche 
sewrelye I thynke ys the nygheste waye that you can 20 
deuyse, howe to bestowe youre tyme frutefullye, not 
onlye for the pryuate commoditye of your fryndes and 
for the general proffytte of all sortes of people, but 
also for the auauncemente of your selfe to a muche 
welthier state and condytyon then you be nowe in. 25 

To a welthyer condition (quod Raphael), by that 
meanes that my mynde standethe cleane agaynst? 
Nowe I lyue at lybertye, after myn owne mynde and 
pleasure ; whiche I thynke verye fewe of thes greate 
states and peeres of realmes can saye. Yea, and there 30 
be ynowe of them that sike for greate mens frinde- 
shippes ; and therfore thynke it no great hurte, if they 
haue not me, nor .ii. or .iii. suche other as I am. 

Well, I perceyue plainlye, frind Raphaell (quod I), 
that yowe be desierous nother of riches nor of powre. 35 
And truly I haue in no lesse reuerence and estimacyon 
a man that is of your mind, then anny of them al that 
be so high in pour and aucthoritie. But you shall 


doo as it becommith yow, yea, and accordinge to this 
wisedome and thys highe and free couraghe of youres, 
yf yo\ve can fynde in youre harte so to appoynte and 
dyspose your selfe, that you maie apply your wytte 
and delygence to the proffyt of the \veale publyque, 5 
though it be sume what to youre owne payne and 
hyndraunce. And thys shall yow neuer so well doo, 
nor wyth so greate proffitte perfourme, as yf yowe be 
of sum great prynces councell. and put into his heade 
(as I doubte not but you wyll) honeste opynyons, and 10 
vertuous persuasyons. For from the prynce, as from 
a perpetuall well sprynge, cummythe amonge the 
people the floode of all that is good or euell. But 
in yowe is so perfitte lernynge, that wythowte anye 
experience ; and agayne so greate expeiyence, that 15 
wythoute anye lernynge ; yowe maye well be anny 
kinges councellour. 

Yow be twyse deceaued, maister More (quod hej, 
fyrste in me, and agayne in the thing it selfe. For 
nother is in me that habilitye that yowe force vpon 
me ; and yf it were neuer so muche, yet in dysquieting 
myne owne quietnes I should nothing further the 
weale publique. For, fyrst of all, the moste parte of 
all princes haue more delyte in warlike matters and 
feates of cheualrie (the knowlege wherof I nother 25 
haue nor desire), than in the good feates of peace ; 
and employe muche more study howe by right or by 
wrong to enlarge their dominions, than howe well and 
peaceablie to rule and gouerne that they haue all redie. 
Moreouer, they that be counsellours to kinges, euery 30 
one of them eyther is of him selfe so wyse in dede, 
that he nede not, or elles he thinketh him self so 
wise, that he will not allowe an other mans councell ; 
sauing that they do shamefully and flatteringly geue 
assent to the fond and folishe sayinges of certeyn 35 
greate men, whose fauours. bicause they be in high 
aucthoritie with their prince, by assentacion and 
nattering they labor to opteyne. And verily it is 


naturally geuen to all men to esteame their owne 
inuentyons best. So both the rauen and the ape 
thincke their owne yong ones fayrest. 

Than if a man in such a company, where some 
disdayne and haue despite at other mens inuentions ; 5 
and some cownte their owne best ; if among suche 
men, I saye, a man shoulde bringe furth any thinge 
that he hayth redde done in tymes paste, or that he 
hathe sene done in other places, there the hearers fare 
as thoughe the hole existimacion of theyr wisdome 10 
were in ieopardy to be ouerthrowen, and that euer 
after they should be counted for very diserdes, onles 
they colde in other mens inuentions pycke out matter 
to reprehende and find fawt at. If all other pore 
helpesfaile, then this is their extreame refuge: " Thies 15 
thmges" (say they) "pleased oure forefathers and 
auncetours : wolde god wee coulde be so wise as they 
were." And as though they had wittely concluded 
the matter, and with this answere stoppid euery mans 
mouthe, they sitt downe agayn. As who should saye 20 
it were a very daungerous matter, if a man in any 
pointe should be founde wiser then his forefathers 
were. And yet be we content to suffer the best and 
wittiest of their decrees to lye vnexecuted ; but if in 
any thinge a better ordre mighte haue bene taken, 25 
than by them was, theare we take faste holde, and 
finde many fawtes. Many times haue I chaunced 
vpon suche prowde, lewde, ouerthwarte, and way- 
warde Judgementes ; yea, and ones in Englande. 

I praye yow, Syre (quod I), haue yow bene in 30 
owr contrey ? Yea forsothe (quod he), and their 
I tarried for the space of iiii. or v. monythes together, 
not longe after the insurreccion, that the westerne 
Englishe men made agaynst their kynge ; whych by 
their owne myserable and pitefull slaughter was sup- 35 
pressed and endyd. In the meane season I was much 
bounde and beholden to the righte reuerende father 
Jhon Morton. Archebishop, and cardenall of Canter- 


burye, and at that tyme also Lord chauncellour of 
England ; a man. niaister Peter (for rnjvistejL.. More_ 
knoweth all reddy that I wyll saye), not more honor 
able for his aucthority, then for his prudence and 
vertue. He was of a ineane stature, and though 5 
streken in age yet bare he his body vpryght. In 
his face did shine such an amiable reuerence, as was 
pleasaunte to beholde. Gentell in communycatyon, 
yet earneste and sage. He had greate delyte manye 
tymes wyth roughe speche to hys sewters to proue, 10 
but wythowte harme, what prompte wytte and what 
bolde sprite were in euery man. In the which, as in 
a vertue much agreinge with his nature, so that there- 
wyth were not ioyned impudency, he toke greate 
delectatyon ; and the same person, as apte and mete 15 
to haue an administratyon in the weale publique, he 
dyd louingly enbrace. In hys speche he was fyne, 
eloquent, and pythye. In the lawe he had profounde 
knowledge ; in witte he was incomparable ; and in 
memory wonderfull excellent. Thies qualytyes, whych 20 
in hym were by nature synguler, he by learnynge and 
vse had made perfytte. 

The Kynge putt muche truste in hys councell: the 
weale publyque also in a maner leaned vnto hym, when 
I was there. For euen in the chiefe of hys youth he 25 
was taken from schole into the Courte, and there passyd 
all hys tyme in muche trouble and busynes, and was 
contynually tumbled and tossed in the waues of dyuers 
mysfortunes and aduersytyes. And so by many and 
greate daungers he lerned the experience of the worlcle, 30 
whyche so beynge learned can not easely be forgotten. 

It chaunced on a certayne daye, when I sate at hys 
table, there was also a certayne laye man, cunnynge in 
the lawes of yowre Eealme. "Whyche, I can not tel 
wherof takyng occasyon, began dyligently and busily 35 
to prayse that strayte and rygorous iustice, which at 
that tyme was there executed upon fellones, who, as 
he sayde, were for the moste part .xx. hanged together 


vpon one gallowes. And, seyng so fewe escapyd 
punyshement, he sayd he coulde not chewse but 
greatly wonder and maruell, howe and by what euill 
lucke it should so cum to passe, that theues neuer- 
theles were in euery place so ryffe and ranke. " Naye, 5 
Syr," quod I (for I durst boldely speake my mind 
before the Cardynall), "maruell nothing herat ; for 
thys punyshement of theues passeth the limites (of) 
Justyce, and is also very hurtefull to the weale pub- 
lyque. For it is to extreame and crewell a punishe- 10 
ment for thefte, and yet not sufficient to refrayne men 
from thefte. For simple thefte is not so greate an 
offence, that it owght to be punished with death. 
Nother there is any punishmente so horrible, that it 
can kepe them from stealynge whych haue no other 15 
crafte wherby to get their liuing. Therefore in this 
poynte, not yow only, but also the moste part of the 
worlde, be lyke euyll scholemasters, whych be readyare 
to beate then to teache their scholers. For great and 
horryble punyshementes be appoynted for theues ; 20 
whereas muche rather prouysyon should haue bene 
made, that there were some meanes wherby they 
might gett theyr lyuynge, so that no man should be 
dreuen to thys extreame necessitie, fyrst to steale, and 
then to dye." "Yes" (quod he), "this matter is well 25 
ynoughe prouyded for all ready. There be handy 
craftes, there is husbandry, to gett their liuinge by, 
if they wolde not wyllingely be nowght." "Nay" 
(quod I), " you shall not skape so ; for, fyrste of all, 
I wyll speake nothynge of them that come home owte 30 
of warre maymede and lame, as not longe ago owte of 
blacke heath filde, and a lityll before that owt of the 
warres in Fraunce : suche (I say) as put their lyues in 
ieopardy for the weale publiques or the kinges sake, 
and by the reason of weakenes and lamenes be not able 35 
to occupy their olde craftes, and be to aged to lerne 
newer of them I wyll speake nothinge, because 
warre lyke the tyde ebbeth and floweth. But let vs 


consydere those thinges that chaunce dayly before our 

< " Fyrste, there is a great number of gentilmen, 
which can not be content to lyue ydle them selfes, 
like dorres, of that whiche other haue laboryd for : 5 
their tenaun.tes I meane, whom they polle and shaue 
to the quycke by rfiy-sittg theirrentes (for this only 
poynte of frugalitye do theyvseTTtten els thorougho 
their lauasse and prodigall spendynge able to bringe 
them selfes to veiy beggery) : thies gentilmen (I say) 10 
do not only liue in ydilnes them selfes, but also carry 
about with them at their tayles a greate flocke or 
trayne of ydell and loytrynge seruynge men, whyche 
neuer learned any crafte wherby to get their liuinges. 
Thies men, as sone as theyr mayster is dead, or be 15 
sicke them selfes, be incontinent thruste owte of 
doores. For gentlemen had rather kepe ydil persones 
then sycke men ; and many times the dead mans heyr 
is not able to mainteyne so great a howse, and kepe so 
many seruinge men, as his father dydde. Then in the 20 
meane season they that be thus destytute of seruice 
other starue for honger, or manfully pi aye the theaues. " 
For what wolde yow haue them to do ? When they 
haue wandred abrode so longe, untyll they haue worne 
threde bare their apparell, and also appayred their 25 
health, then gentlemen, because of their pale and sicke 
faces and patched cotes, wyll not take them into 
seruyce. And husbandmen dare not sett them a 
worke, knowyng well ynough that he is nothynge 
mete to doo trewe and faythfull seruice to a poore 30 
man wyth a spade and a mattoke, for small wages 
and harde fare, whyche, beynge deyntely and tenderly 
pampered vp in ydilnes and pleasure, was wont with 
a sworde and a buckeler by hys syde to iette through 
the strete with a bragging looke, and to thynke hym 35 
selfe to good to be any mans mate." 

" Naye by saynt Marie, ser " (quod the lawier) "not 
so, for this kinde of men muste we make most of. For 


in them, as men of stowter stomackes, bolder spyrytes, 
and manly er cur rages, then handy craftes men and 
plowe men be, doth consyste the hole powre, strengthe, 
and puisaunce of oure hoste, when we muste fight in 
battaill." 5 

"Forsothe, ser, aswel yowe myghte saye " (quod I) 
"that for warres sake you must cheryshe theues. For 
sewerly yow shal neuer lacke theues whyles yowe 
haue them. No, nor theues be not the most false 
and faynt harted soldiers, nor souldiours be not the 10 
cowardliste theues : so well thees .ii. craftes agree 
together. But this fawte, though it be muche vsed 
among yow, yet is it not peculiar to yow only, but 
commen also almost to all natyons. Yet Fraunce, 
besydes thys, is troubled and infected wyth a muche 15 
sorer plage. fThe hole realme is fylled and besieged 
wyth hierede soldiours in peace tyme, yf that be 
peace j whyche be brought in under the same coloure 
and pretence, that haith persuaded yow to kype thies 
ydell seruynge men. For thies wisefooles and very 20 
archedoltes thought the wealth of the hole contrey 
herin to consist, yf there were euer in a readynes 
a stronge and a sewer garrison, specyallye of olde 
practysed soldyours ; for they put no truste at all in 
men vnexercysed. And therfore they must be .fayne 25 
to seke for warre, to" thende they maye euer haue 
practysed souldyours and cunnynge mansleers ; leaste 
that (as it is pretilie sayde of Saluste) their handes and 
their myndes thoroughe ydylnes or lacke of exercyse 
shoulde waxe dull. 30 

" But howe pernycyous and pestylente a thynge it 
is to maynteyne suche beastes, the Frenche men by 
there owiie harmes haue learned ; and the examples 
of flhe Komaynes, Carthaginiens, Siriens and of many 
other contreys, do manyfestly declare. For not only 33 
the empire, but also the fieldys and cityes of all thies, 
by diuers occasyons haue bene ouerrunned and destroyed 
of their owne armies before hand had in a reddines. 


Now how vnnecessary a thynge thys is, hereby it maye 
appere : that the Frenche souldiours, whyche from 
their youthe haue byne practysed and inured in feates 
of armes, doo not cracke nor auaunce them selfes to 
haue verye often gotte the vpper-hande and masterye 5 
of your newe made and vnpractysed souldiours. But 
in thys poynte I wyll not vse manye wordes, leaste 
perchaunce I maye seme to natter yow. No nor 
those same handy craft men of yours in cities, nor yet 
the rude and vplandishe ploughemen of the contrey, 10 
are not supposed to be greatly affraid of your gentilmens 
ydill seruing men, onles it be suche as be not of body 
or stature correspondent to theyr strenghte and currage; 
orels whose bolde stomackes be dyscourraged thoroughe 
pouertye. Thus yowe maye see, that yt ys not to be 15 
feared leaste they shoulde be effemynatede yf they 
were broughte vppe in good craftes and laborsome 
wourkes, whereby to gett theyre lyuynge ; whose stowte 
and sturdye bodyes (for gentlemen vouchesauffe to cor- 
rupte and spill none but picked and chosen men) nowe, 20 
other by reason of rest and ydilnes, be brought to 
weakenes, orels by to easy and womanlye exercises be 
made feble and vnable to endure hardenes. Trewly 
howe soeuer the case stondeth, thys me thinketh is 
nothyng avayleable to the weale publique, for warre 25 
sacke, whyche yowe neuer haue but when yow wyll 
your selfes, to kepe and mainteyn an vrinumerable 
flocke of that sort of men, that be so troblesome 
and noyous in peace ; wherof yow owght to haue 
a thowsande times more regard then of warre. 30 

"But yet this is not onlye the necessary cause 
of stealing. There is an other which as I suppose 
is proper and peculiare to yow Englishe men alone." 
"What is that?" quod the Cardenall. "Forsoth" 
(quod I), "your shepe, that were wont to be so 35 
myke and tame, and so smal eaters, now, as I heare 
raie, be become so greate deuowerers, and so wylde, 
that they eate vp and swallow dow r n the very men 


them selfes. They consume, destroy, and deuoure 
hole fieldes, howses, and cities. For looke in what 
partes of the realme doth growe the fynyst, and ther- 
fore dearist woll, there noble men and gentlemen, yea, 
and certeyn Abbottes, holy men god wote, not content- 5 
ing them selfes with the yearely reuennues and pro- 
fyttes that were wont to grow to theyr forefathers and 
predecessours of their landes, nor beynge content that 
they liue in rest and pleasure, nothyng profytyng, ye, 
muche noyinge the weale publique, leaue no grounde 10 
for tyllage ; they enclose all in pastures ; they throw 
downe houses JTEey plucke downe townes ; and leaue 
nothing atondynge but only the churche, to make of it 
a shepehowse. And, as thoughe yow loste no small 
quantity of grounde by forestes, chases, laundes, and 15 
parkes ; those good holy men turne all dwellinge places 
and all glebelande into desolation and wildernes. 

"Therfore, that one couetous and vnsatiable cor- 
maraunte and verye plage of his natyue contrey may 
compasse abowte and inclose many thousand acres of 20 
grounde to gether within one pale or hedge, the 
husbandmen be thrust owte of their owne ; orels 
other by coiieyne or fraude, or by vyolent oppression, 
they be put besydes it, or by wronges and iniuries 
they be so weried that they be compelled to sell all. 2 
By one meanes therfore or by other, other by liowke - 
or crpoke, they must nedes departe awaye, pore, sylie, 
wretched soules ; men, women, husbandes, wyues, 
fatherles chyldren, widdowes, wofull mothers with 
their yonge babes, and their hole housholde smal in s( 
substaunce, and much in nombre, as husband rie re- 
quireth many handes. Awaye they trudge, I say, out 
of their knowen and accustomed" howses, fyndyng no 
places to rest in. All their housholde stuffe, whiche 
is verye lytle worth, though it myght well abyde the 3; 
sale, yet beyng sodeynelye thrust out, they be con- 
strayned to sell it for a thyng of nought. And when 
they haue, wanderynge about, sone spent that, what 


can they els do but steale, and then iustelye, God wote, 
behanged, or els go about a beggyng ? And yet then 
also they be cast in prison as. vagaboundes, because 
they go about and worke not ; whom no man will set 
a worke, though they neuer so willingly offer them 5 
selfes therto. For one shepherde or heard man is / 
ynough to eate vp that grounde with cattel, to tKe 
occupying wherof about husbandrye many handes 
were requysyte. 

" And this is also the cause that victualles be nowe 10 
in many places dearer. Yea, besydes this the pryce of 
wolle is so rysen that poore folkes, whiche were wont 
to worke it and make cloth of it, be nowe able to bye 
none at all. And by thys meanes verye manye be 
fayne to forsake worke, and to gyue them selfes to 15 
ydelnes. For after that so muche grounde was inclosed 
for pasture, an infinite multitude of shepe died of the 
rotte, suche vengaunce God toke of their inordinate 
and vnsaciable couetuousnes, sendyng amonge the 
shepe that pestiferous morreyn, which much more 20 
iustely should haue fallen on the shepemasters owne 
heades. And though the numbre of shepe increase 
neuer so fast, yet the pryce falleth not one myte, 
because there be so fewe sellers. Fqr_they_j3,e__aljnoste 
all commen into a fewe riche mens handes, whome no 25 
neade ~drmeth to sell before "theylust ; and they luste 
not before they may sell as deare as they lust. Now 
the same cause bryngeth in licke dearth of the other 
kindes of cattell ; yea, and that so much the more, 
bycause that after farmes pluckyd downe, and hus- 30 
bandry decayed, ther is no man that passyth for the 
breadyng of yonge stoore. For thees ryche men 
brynge not vp the yonge ones of great.e cattell as they 
do lambes. But first they bye them abrode very 
chepe, and afterward, when they be fattede in their 35 
pastures, they sell them agayne excedyng deare. And 
therfor (as I~suppose) the hole incommoditie herof is 
not yet felte. For yet they make dearth only in those 


places where they sell. But when they shall fetche 
them awaye from thens wheare they be bredde, faster 
then they can be brought vp, then shall there also be 
felte great dearth, when stoore begynnyth to fayle 
their whear the ware ys bought. 5 

"Thus the vnreasonable couetousnes of a fewe 
hath turned that thyng to the vtter vndoyng of your 
Ilande, in the whiche thyng the chiefe felicitie of your 
realme dyd consist. For this great dearth of victualles 
causeth euery man to kepe as lytle houses and as 10 
small hospitalitie as he possible maye, and to put 
awaye their seruauntes : whether, I praye you, but 
a beggynge ? or els, whiche thies gentle bloodis and 
stoute stomakes wyll soner set theyr myndes vnto, 
a stealinge? 15 

" Nowe, to amende the matters, to this wretched 
beggerye and myserable pouertie is ioyned great 
wantonnes, importunate superfluytie, and excessiue 
ryote. For not only gentle mens seruauntes, but also 
handy craft men, yea, and almoste the ploughemen 20 
of the countrey, with all other sortes of people, vse 
muche straunge and prowde newe fanglenes in. their 
apparrell, and to muche~prodigal riotte and sumptuous 
fare" at their table. Nowe bawdes, qweynes, hoores, 
harlottes, strumpettes, brothelhouses, stewes, and yet 25 
an other stewes, wine tauernes, ale houses, and tipling 
houses, with so many noughty lewde and vnlawfull 
games, as dice, cardes, tables tennyes, bolles, coytes, 
do not al thys sende the haunters of them streyght 
a stealynge when theyr money is gone ? 30 

" Caste out thies pernycious abomynacyons ; ma ke 
a lawe that they whyche plucked downe fermes and 
townes of husbandrye, shall buylde them vp agayne 
or els yelde and vprencler the possessyon of them to 
suche as wyll goo to the coste of buyldynge them 35 
anewe. Suffer not thies ryche men to bye vp all, to 
ingrosse and forstalle, and r ith theyr monopolye to 
kepe the market alone as please them. Let not so 


manye be brought vp in ydlenes ; lett husbandrye and 
tyllage be restored agayne ; let clothe workynge be 
renewed ; that there maye be honest labours for thys 
ydell sorte to passe theyre tyme in profytablye, 
whyche hytherto other pouertye hathe caused to be 5 
theues, or elles nowe be other vagabondes, or ydell 
seruynge men. and shortelye wylbe theues. Dowteles, 
oneles yowe fynde a reinedye for thyes enormytyes, 
yowe shall in vayne auuance your selies of executinge 
iustice vpon fellones. For this iustice is more beauty- 10 
full then iuste or profytable. For by sufferynge your 
youthe wantonlye and viciouslye to be brought vp, and 
to be infected euen from theyr tender age by lytle and 
lytle wyth vyce ; than a goddes name to be punyshed, 
when they commytte the same faultes after they be 15 
commen to mannes state, whiche frorne ther youthe 
they were euer lyke to doo : in thys pointe, I praye 
yowe, what other thynge doo yowe, then make theues, 
and then punyshe them ? " 

Nowe as I was thus speakynge, the Lawier beganne 20 
to make hym selfe readye to aunswere, and was deter- 
myned wyth hym selfe to vse the common fassyon 
and trade of disputers, whyche be more dylygent in 
rehersynge then aunswerynge, as thynking the memorye 
worth ye of the chiefe prayse. "In dede syr" (quod he) 25 
yow haue sayd well, beinge but a straunger, and one 
that myght rather here somme thynge of thyes matters, 
then haue anye exacte or perfecte knowledge of the 
same, as I will incontinent by open proffe make 
manifest and playn. For firste I wyll reherse in 30 
ordre all that yow haue sayde ; then I wyll declare 
in what thynge yowe be deceaued, through lacke of 
knowledge, in all our fassions, maners and customes ; 
and laste of all I wyll aunswere to your argumentes, 
and confute them euery one. Fyrste th erf ore I wyll 35 
begynne where I promysed. Foure thynges yowe 
semed to me" "Hold your peace" (quod the Car- 
dynall), "for by lyke yowe wyll make no shorte 

C 2 


aunswere, whiclie make such a begynning ; wherfore 
at thys tyme yowe shall not take the paynes to make 
youre aunswere, but kepe it to youre nexte meatynge, 
whiche I would be ryght gladde that it inyght be 
euen to morrowe nexte (onles other yowe or mayster 5 
Eaphaell haue any earnest lette). 

" But now, maister Kaphaell, I woulde very gladly 
heare of yow, whie yow thynke thefte not worthy to 
be punished with death : or what other punyshment 
yow can deuyse more expedient to the weale publique. 10 
For I am sewer yowe are not of that mynde, that 
yowe woulde haue thefte escape vnpunyshed. For if 
now the extreme punishment of death cannot cause 
them to leaue stealynge, then if ruffians and rubbers 
shoulde be sewer of their lyues, what violence, what 15 
feare were able to holde their handes from robbynge, 
whiche would take the mitigacion of the punishment 
as a verye peruocation to the mischiefe ? " 
. " Suerly my lorde " (quod I) " I thynke it no right 
nor iustice that the losse of money should cause the 20 
losse of mans lyfe. For myne opinion is that all the 
goodes in the worlde are not able to counteruayle 
mans lyfe. But if they wold thus say : that the 
breaking of iustice, and the transgression of the lawes 
is recompensed with this punishment, and not the 25 
losse of the money ; then why maye not thys extreame 
iustice wel be called extreme iniurie ? For neither so 
cruel gouernaunce, so streyte rules, and vnmercyfull 
lawes be allowable, that if a small offence be com- 
mytted, by and by the sworde shoulde be drawen ; 30 
nor so stoycall ordinaunces are to be borne wythall, 
as to counte all offences of suche equalitie, that the 
kyllynge of a man, or the takynge of hys money from 
hym, were bothe a matter ; and the one no more 
heynous offence then the other : betwene the whyche 35 
two, yf we haue annye respecte to equitie, no symyly- 
tude or equalytie consysteth. God commaundeth vs 
that we shall not kyll. And be we then so hastie to 


kyll a man for takynge a lytle money? And yf annj T e 
man woulde vnderstande kyllynge, by this com- 
maundement of GOD, to bee forbydden after no larger 
wyse then mans constitucions defyneth kyllynge to be 
lawfull, then whye maye it not lykewyse, by mannes 5 
constitutions, be determyned after what sorte hoore- 
dome, fornication, and periurye maye be lawfull ? For 
where as by the permission of GOD no man hatho 
power to kyll nother hym selfe, nor yet annye other 
man ; then yf a lawe made by the consente of men 10 
concernynge slaughter of men oughte to be of suche 
strengthe, force, and vertue, that they whyche con- 
trarye to the commaundement of GOD haue kylled 
those, whome thys constitucion of man commaunded 
to be kylled, be cleane quyte and exempte owte of the 15 
bondes and daunger of Goddes commaundemente ; 
shall it not then by thys reason followe that the 
powre of Goddes commaundement shall extende no 
further then mannes lawe dothe defyneand permytte? 
And so shall it come to passe, that in lyke manner 20 
mans constitucions in al thynges shal determyne howe 
farre the obseruation of all Goddes commaundementes 
shall extende. To be shorte, Moy_ses lawe, thoughe it 
were vngentle and sharpe, as a lawe tKafwas gyuen to 
bondmen ; yea, and them verye obstinate, stubborne, 25 
and styf necked ; yet it punnyshed thcfte by the purse, 
and not wyth deathe. And let vs not thynke that 
GOD in the newe lawe of clemencie and mercie, vnder 
the whiche he ruleth vs with fatherlie gentlenesse, as 
his dere chyldren, hath geuen vs greater scoupe and 30 
license to execute crueltie one vpon an other. 

" Now ye haue hard the reasons, whereby I am 
perswaded that this punishment is vnlawful. Further 
more I thinke there is no body that knoweth not, 
how vnreasonable, yea how pernitious a thynge it is to 25 
the weale publique, that a thefe, and a homicide or 
morderer, shuld suffer equall and lyke punyshment. 
For the thefe, seing that man that is condempned for 


thefte in no lesse ieoperdie, nor iudged to no lesse 
punishment, then hym that is conuict of manslaughter ; 
through thys cogitacion onlye he is stronglye and 
forcybly prouoked, and in a maner constreyned, to kyl 
him, whom els he would haue but robbed. For, the 5 
murder ones done, he is in lesse care, and in more 
hope that the dede shall not be bewrayed or knowen, 
seynge the partye is now deade and rydde out of the 
waye, whyche onely myght haue vttered and disclosed 
it. But if he chaunce to be taken and discriued, yet 10 
he is in no more daunger and ieopardie then yf he had 
commytted but single fellonye. Therfore whyles we 
goo about wyth suche crueltye to make theues aferd, 
we prouoke them to kyll good men. 

"Now as touchyng this question, what punysshe- 15 
mente were more commodyous and better ; that trulye 
in my judgement is easyer to be founde, than what 
punysshement were wurse. For whie should we dowt 
that to be a good and a profytable waye for the 
punysshemente of offendours, whyche we knowe dydde 26 
in tymes paste so longe please the Komaynes ; men in 
thadmynystratyon of a weale publyque moste experte, 
polytyque, and cunnyng? Such as amonge them 
weare conuycte of great and heynous trespaces, them 
they condempned into ston quarris, and in to jngiyfins 25 
to dygge mettalle, there to be kepte in cheynes all the 
dayes of theyr lyfe. 

" But as concernyng this matter, I allow the 
ordenaunce of no nation so well as that I sawe 
(whyles I trauayled a brode abowt the wordle) vsed 30 
in Efiesja, amonge the people that commenlye be 
called the polylerytes ; whose lande is bothe large 
and ample, and also well and wyttelye gouerned ; and 
the people in all conditions free and ruled by their 
owne lawes, sauing that they paye a yerely tribute to 35 
the great king of Persia. But bicause they be farre 
from the sea, compassed and closed in almoste rounde 
abowte wyth hygh mountaynes, and do content them 


selfes wyth the f rules of theyr owne lande, whyche 
is of yt selfe verye fertyle and frutefull : for thys cause 
nother they goo to other cowntreys, nor other comme 
to them. And accordynge to the olde custome of the 
lande, they desyre not to enlarge the bowndes of theyr 5 
domynyons ; and those that they haue by reason of 
the hyghe hylles be easelye defended ; and the trybute 
whyche they paye to their chiefe lord and kinge set- 
tethe them quyete and free from warfare. Thus theyre 
lyffe ys commodyous rather then gallawnte, and maye 10 
better be callede happye or luckye, then notable or 
famous. For they be not knowne asmuche as by 
name, I suppose, sauynge onlye to theyr nexte neygh- 
bours and borderours. 

" They that in thys lande be attayntede and con- 15 
uycte of felonye, make restitutyon of that they stoole 
to the ryghte owner, and not (as they doo in other 
landes]PE6 the Kynge ; whome they thynke to haue 
no more ryghte to the thefe stolen thynge than the 
thieffe himselfe hath. But if the thynge be loste or 20 
made awaye, then the value of yt is paide of the 
goodes of such offendours, whyche elles remayneth 
all hole to theire wyffes and chyldrene. And they 
them selfes be condempned to be common laborers ; 
and, onles the thefte be verye heynous, they be nother 25 
locked in pryson, nor fettered in gyues, but be vntyed 
and goo at large, laborynge in the common workes. 
They that refuse labour, or goo slowly and slacly to 
there woorke, be not only tied in cheynes, but also 
pricked forward with stripes. They that be diligent 30 
about their woorke Hue without checke or rebuke. 
Euery nyghte they be called in by name, and be 
locked in theyr chambers. Besyde their dayly labour, 
their lyffe is nothyng harde or incommodyous. Their 
fare is indyfferent good, borne at the chardges of the 35 
weale publyque, bycause they be commen seruauntes 
to the commen wealth. But their charges in all places 
of the land is not borne a lyke. For in some partes 


that is bestowed vpon them is gathered of almes. 
And though that waye be vncerteyn, yet the people 
be so full of mercye and pytie, that none is fownde 
more profytable or plentyfull. In some places certeyn 
landis be appoynted here vnto ; of the reuenewes 5 
wherof they be mainteined. And in some places euery 
man geuyth a certeyne trybute for the same vse and 
purpose. Agayne in some partes of the lande thies 
seruyng men (for so be thies damned persons called), 
do no common worke ; but, as euery priuate man 10 
nedeth laborours, so he cometh into the markette 
place, and there hiereth some of them for meate and 
drynke, and a certeyne limityd wayges by the daye, 
sumwhat cheper then he shoulde hire a free man. 
It is also lawfull for them to chastyce the slowth of 15 
thies seruynge men wyth strypes. 

" By thys meanes they neuer lacke woorke ; and 
besydes their meate and dryncke euery one of them 
bryngeth dayly sum thynge into the common treasouiy. 
All and euery one of them be apparrayled in one 20 
colour. Their heddys be not polled or shauen, but 
rownded a lytle aboue the eeres ; and the typpe of the 
one eare is cut of. Euerj one of them may take meat 
and drincke of their frindes, and also a cote of their 
owne collour ; but to receyve monye is deathe, as 25 
well to the geuer as- to the receyuour. And no lesse 
ieopardie it is for a free man to receyue moneye of 
a seruynge man, for any manner of cause ; and lyke- 
wyse for seruynge men to touche weapons. The 
seruyng men of euery seuerall shyere be dystyncte 30 
and knowen from other by their seuerall and dys 
tyncte badges ; whyohe to caste away is death : as it 
is also to be seene owte of the precyncte of their owne 
sheire, or to talke wyth a seruynge man of another 
shyere. And it is no lesse daunger to them for to 35 
intende to runne awaye, then to do yt in dede. Yea, 
and to concele suche an enterpryes in a seruynge man 
yt is deathe ; in a free man seruytude. Of the con- 


trarye parte, to hym that openeth and vttereth suche 
cownselles be decreyde large giftes : to a free man 
a great somme of moneye ; to a seruynge man free- 
dome ; and to them bothe forgeuynes and pardone of 
that they were of councell in that pretence. So that 5 
yt can neuer be so good for them to goo forwarde 
in they re euyll purpose, as by repentaunce to turne 

< "Thys is the lawe and ordre in thys behalfe, as 
I haue shewed yow. Wherin what humanytye is 10 
vsede, howe farre yt is frome crueltye, and howe 
commodyous yt is, yow doo playnlye perceue: for 
asmuche as the ende of their wrath and punyshe- 
mente intendeth nothyng elles but the distructyon 
of vyces and sauynge of men ; wyth so vsynge and 15 
orderynge them, that theye can not chuse but be 
good ; and what harme so euer theye dyd before, in 
the resydewe of theyre lyffe to make amendys for the 

1 " Moreouer yt is so lytle feared, that they shoulde 20 
torne agayne to theyre vycyous condytyons, that waye- 
faiynge men wyll for theyre sauegarde chuse them to 
theyre guydes before annye other, in euerye sheyre 
chaungynge and takynge newe. For yf they wolde 
commytte robberye, theye haue nothynge abowte them 25 
meate for that purpose. They maye towche no weapons : 
moneye fownde abowte them shoulde betraye the 
robberye. They shoulde be no soner taken wyth 
the maner, but furthwyth they shoulde be punysshed. 
Nother theye can haue annye hoope at all to skape 30 
awaye by flyenge. For howe shoulde a man, that 
in no parte of hys apparrell is lyke other men, flye 
preuelye and vnknowen, oneles he wolde runne awaye 
naked? Howe be yt, so also flyinge, he shoulde be 
dyscryued by hys rounding and his eare marke. But 35 
yt is a thynge to be dowted, that they will lay their 
heddes togither, and conspire agaynst the weale pub- 
lyque. No, no, I warraunte you. For the seruyng 


men of one shere alone could neuer hoope to brynge 
to passe suche an enterpryse, wythowte sollycytynge, 
entysynge, and allurynge the seruynge men of many 
other shyeres to take their paries. Whych thynge is 
to them so impossyble, that they may not asmuche as 5 
speake or talke togethers, or salute one an other. No. 
it is not to be thought that they wold make their owne 
countrey men and company ons of their cownsell in 
such a matter, whych they knowe well shoulde be 
ieopardye to the concelour therof, and greate com- 10 
modytye and goodnes to the openner of the same : 
where as on the other parte, ther is none of them al 
hoopeles or in dyspayre to recouer agayne hys free- 
dome, by humble obedience, by pacyent suffry", and 
by geauyng good tokens and lyklyhode of hymself, 15 
that he wyll euer after that liue lyke a trewe and an 
honeste man. For euery yeare dyuers be restoryd 
agayne to their freedome, tbroughe the commendatyon 
of their patience." 

Whan I had thus spoken, saynge moreouer that 20 
I coulde see no cause whie this ordre might not be 
had in England, with much more proffyte then the 
Justyce which the lawier so highly praised : " Naye" 
(quod the lawier), "this could neuer be so stablished 
in England, but that it must neades bringe the weale 25 
publique into great ieopardie and hasarde." And as 
he was thus saying, he shaked his heade, and made 
a wrie mouth, and so held his peace. And all that 
were ther present, with one assent agreid to his saying. 

4 " Well " (quod the Cardinall), "yet it were hard to 30 
fudge withowte a proffe whether this order wold doo 
well here or no. But when the sentence of deathe is 
geuen, if than the king should commaunde execution 
to be differryd and spared, and wold proue this order 
and fassion ; taking away the priuileges of all sain- 35 
( tuaries ; if then the proffe wold declare the thing to 
be good and profitable, than it were well done that it 
were stablisshed. Els the condempned and repriued 


parsons may aswell and as iustly be put to death after 
this proffe, as when they were first cast. Nother any 
ioperdye can in the meane space growe here of. Yea, 
and me thinketh that thies vagaboundes may very 
well be ordered after the same fassion, against whome 5 
we haue hitherto made so many lawes, and so litle 
preti ailed." 

When the Cardinal had thus said, than euery man 
gaue greate praise to my sayinges, which a litle before 
they had disallowed^ But most of all was estemed 10 
that which was spoken of vagaboundes, bicause it was 
the cardinalles owne addition. 

I can not tell whether it were best to reherse the 
communication that followed, for it was not very sad. 
But yet you shal here it : for ther was no euell in it ; 15 
and partly it parteined to the matter before said. 

Ther chaunsed to stond by a certein ies.ting^arasite, 
or scofferj_which wold seme to resemble and cownter- 
feit tKeioole. But he did in such wise counterfeyt, 
that he was almost the very same in dead that he 20 
labored to represent. He so studied with wordes and 
saynges, brought furth so out of time and place, to 
make sporte and moue laughter, that he himself was 
oftener laughed at then his iestes were. Yet the 
foolish fellow brought out now and then such in- 25 
different and reasonable stuffe, that he made the 
prouerbe trew, which sayeth : he that shoteth oft, at 
the last shal hit the marke. So that when one of the 
company said that thorough my communication a good 
ordre was found for theues, and that the Cardinall 30 
also had wel prouided for vagaboundes ; so that only 
remained some good prouision to be made for them 
that through siknes and age were fallen into pouerty, 
and were become so impotente and vnweldye, that 
they were not able to woorke for their liuing : " Tush " 35 
(quod he) " let me alon with them ; you shall see me 
do well ynough with them. For I had rather then 
anye good that this kind of people were dreuen sum- 


whether ^ut of my sighte : they haue so sore troubled 
me many times and oft, when they haue with their 
lamentable teares begged money of me ; and yet thei 
could neuer to mi mind so tune theire song, that therby 
they euer got of me one farthynge. For euer more 5 
the one of thies two chaunced : eyther that I wolde 
not, or elles that I could not, bicause I had it not. 
Therefore nowe they be waxed wyse. When they 
see me goo bye, bycause they wyll not leese theyr 
laboure, they lette me go, and saye not one worde to 10 
me. So they looke for nothing of me ; no, in good 
sothe, no more then if I were a priest. But I will 
make a law, that all thies beggers shalbe distribute 
and bestowed into houses of religion. The men shalbe 
made laye bretherne, as they call them, and the women 15 
nunnes." Here at the Cardenall smiled, and allowed 
it in iest ; yea, and all the residue in good earnest. 

But a certeyne freare, graduate in diuinitie, toke 
such pleasur and d elite in this ieste of priestes and 
monkes, that he also, beinge elles a man of grislye 20 
and sterne grauitye, beganne merilye and wantonlye I 
to ieste and taunt. "Nay" (quod he), "you shal not 
so be ridde and dispatched of beggers, oneles you 
make some prouision also for us f rears." "Whie" 
(quod the iester) " that is doon all redy. For mi lord 25 
him selfe set a very good ordre for yow, when he 
decreed that vagaboundes should be kept strayt, and 
set to worke ; for yow be the greatest and veriest 
vagaboundes that be." 

This iest also, when they saw the Cardinal not 30 
disproue it, euery man tooke it gladly, sailing only 
the Frear. For he (and that no marueil) when he 
was thus towchyd one the quicke, and hit on the 
gawl, so fret, so fumed and chafid at it, and was in 
such a rage, that he could not refrayn himselfe from 35 
chiding, skolding, railing, and reuiling. He called 
the fellow ribbald, villayn, iauell, backbiter, sclaun- 
derer, and the sonne of perdition ; citing therwith 


terrible threatening out of holy scriptur. Then the 
iesting skoffer began to play the scoffer indede, and 
verily he was good at yt, for he could play a part in 
that play, no man better. "Patient iourself, good 
maister Freare" (quod he), "and be not angry; for 5 
scriptur saith: in your patience you sJial saue your 
sowles." Then the Freare (for I wil rehearse his oune 
very woordes) : "No, gallous wretche, I am not angry" 
(quod he) ; "or at the leaste wise I do not synne : for 
the psalmiste saith, lie you angry and sinne not." 10 

Then the Cardinal spake gently to the Freare, and 
desiered him to quyete hymself. " No, my lord " (quod 
he), " I speake not but of a good zeal as I ought ; for 
holly men had a good zeale. Wherfor it is said ; the 
ceale of thy house hath eaten me. And it is song in 15 
the church : The skorners of Helizcus, whiles he went vp 
into the house of god, felt the zeale of the bald as per- 
aduentur this skorning villain ribauld shal feel." 
" You do it " (quod the cardinall) " perchauiice of 
a good mind and affection. But me thinketh you 20 
should do, I can not tel whether more holily, certes 
more wisely, if you wold not set your wit to a fooles 
witte, and with a foole take in hand a foolish conten 
tion." " No, forsoeth, my lorde" (quod he), "I should 
not doo more wiselye. For Salomon the wise sayeth : 25 
Ansiver a foole according to his folishnes ; like as I do 
now, and do shew him the pit that he shall fall into, 
if he take not hede. For if many skorners of Helizeus, 
which was but one bald man, felt the zeal of the balde, 
howe much more shall one skorner of many frears 30 
feele, amonge whom be many bald men? And we 
haue also the popes bulles, wherby all that mock and 
skorne us be excommunicate, suspended, and acursed." 
The cardinal seing that none end wold be made, sent 
away the iester by a preuy beck, and turned the com- 35 
munication to an other matter. Shortly after, when 
he was risen from the table, he went to heare his 
sueters, and so dimissed vs. 


Lokfc, mayster More, with how long and tedious 
a tale I haue kept you, which suerly I wolde haue 
bene ashamed to haue done, but that you so earnestly 
desiered me, and did after suche a sort geue eare vnto 
hit, as though you wolde not that any parcell of that 5 
communication should be left out ; which though 
I haue doone sumwhat briefely, yet coulde I not 
chuse but rehearse it, for the iudgement of them, 
which, when they had improued and disallowed my 
sayinges, yet incontinent hearinge the Cardinall allowe 1C 
them, dyd themselfes also approue the same ; so impu 
dently flattering him, that they were nothinge ashamed 
to admit, yea, almost in good earnest, his iesters folish 
tnuentions ; bicause that he him selfe, by smylynge at 
them, did seme not to disproue them. So that hereby ic 
you may right well perceaue, how litle the courtiers 
wold regard and esteme me and my sayinges. 

I ensure you, maister Raphael (quod I), I toke 
great delectation in hearing you : all thinges that yow 
sayde were spoken so wittily and so pleasauntly. And 2( 
me thought my self to be in the meane time not only 
at home in my countrey, but also, throughe the 
pleasaunt remembraunce of the Cardinall, in whose 
housse I was brought vp of a child, to waxe a childe 
agayne. And, frend Raphaell, though I did beare 2i 
verye greate loue towardes you before, yet seynge yow 
do so earnestly fauour thys man, yow wyll not beleue 
howe muche my loue towardes yow is nowe increased. 
But yet, all this notwithstanding, I can by no meanes 
chaunge my mind, but that I must needys beleue that 3 
you, if you be disposed, and can find in youre harte to 
followe some prynces courte, shall with your good 
cownselles greatly healpe and further the commen 
wealthe. Wherefore there is nothynge more apper- 
teynynge to your dewty ; that is to say, to the dewty 3, 
of a good man. For where as youre Plato Judgethe 
that weale publyques shall by this meanes attayne 
perfecte felicitie, other if phylosophers be kj^nges, or 


els if kynges giue them selfes to the study of Philo- 
sophie ; how farre, I praye yowe, shall commen weal- 
thes then be from thys felicitie, if phylosophers wyll 
(not) vouchesaufe to instructe kynges with their good 
counsell ? They be not so viikind (quod he), but 5 
they would gladlye do it ; yea, manye haue done it all 
readie in bookes that they haue put furth, if kynges 
and princes would be wyllyng and readie to folowe 
good counsell. But Plato doubteles dyd well forsee, 
oneles kynges themselfes would applye their myndes 10 
to the studye of philosophie, that elles they would 
neuer thoroughlye allowe the counsell of philosophers ; 
beyng themselfes before euen from their tender age 
infectyd and corrupt with peruerse and euyll opinions. 
Whiche thynge Plato hymselfe prouyd trewe in kynge 15 
Dionise. If I should propose to any kynge holsome 
decrees, doinge my endeuour to pluck out of hys 
mynde the pernitious originall causes of vice and 
noughtenes, thynke you not that I shoulde furthe 
with other be dryuen awaye, or elles made a laughynge 20 
stocke ? 

Goo to, suppose that I were with the Frenche 

kynge. and there syttynge in hys counsell, whyles that 

in that moste secrete consultation, the kyng hym self 

there beynge present in hys owne persone, they beat 25 

their braynes, and serche the verye bottomes of theyr 

wittes to discusse by what crafte and meanes the kyng 

maye styll kepe Myllayne and drawe to hym agayne 

fugatyue Naples ; and then howe to conquere the 

Venetians, and howe to bryng vnder his lurisdiction so 

all Italye ; then howe to wynne the dominion of 

Flaunders, Brabant, and of all Burgundie, with dyuers 

I other landes, whose kyngdomes he hath longe a goo 

; in mynde and purpose inuacled. Here, whyles one 

j counselleth to conclude a leage of peace with the 35 

Venetians, whiche shal so longe endure, as shalbe 

thought mete and expedient for theire purpose, and to 

make them also of their counsell, yea, and besydes 


that to gyue them parte of the praye, whyche after- 
warde, when they haue brought theyr purpose abowte 
after theyr owne myndes they maye requyre and 
claym agayne. An other thynketh beste to hyere the 
Germaneynes. An other would haue the fauoure of 5 
the Swychers wonne with money. An others aduyse 
is to appease the puyssaunte powre of the emperours 
maiestie with golde, as with a moste pleasaunt and 
acceptable sacrifice. Whyles an other gyueth counsell 
to make peace wyth the kynge of Arragone, and to 10 
restore vnto hym hys owne kyngdome of Nauarra, as 
a full assuraunce of peace. An other cummeth in 
wyth his .v. egges, and aduyseth to howke in the 
kynge of Castell with somme hope of affynytie or 
allyaunce, and to brynge to theyr parte certeyne peers 15 
of hys courte for greate pensions : whyles they all 
staye at the chyefeste dowte of all, what to doo in the 
meane tyme with England, and yet agree al in this to 
make peace with the englishmen, and with moste 
suere and strong bondes to bind that weake and feable 2t 
frendshyppe, so that they must be called frendes, and 
hadde in suspicion as enemies ; and that therfore the 
skottes must be hadde in a reddines, as it were in 
a standing reddie at all occasions, in aunters the 
Englyshe men should sturre neuer so litle, incontinent 2f 
to set vpon them ; and moreouer preuilie and secretly, 
for openly it maye not be doone by the truce that is 
taken ; pryuelye therfore, I saye, to make muche of 
some peere of Englande, that is bannyshed his countrey, 
whiche must cleyme title to the crown of the realme, 3( 
and affirme hym selfe iuste inheritoure therof ; that by 
thys subtyll meanes they maye holde to them the 
kynge, in whom elles they haue but small truste and 

Here, I saye, where so great and high matters be in a 
consultation, where so manye noble and wyse men 
counsell their kyng only to warre ; here, if I, sely man, 
should ryse vp and wylle them to turne ouer the leafe, 


and learne a newe lesson ; sayng that my counsell is 
not to medle with Italy, but to tarrye styll at home, 
and that the kyngdome of fraunce alone is all moste 
greater, then that it maye well be gouerned of one 
man ; so that the kyng shoulde not nede to study e 5 
howe to gett move : and then shoulde propose vnto 
them the decrees of the people that be called the 
Achoriens, whiche be situate ouer agaynst the Ilande 
of Vtopia on the sowtheaste syde. Thies Achoriens 
ones made warre in their kinges quarrel, for to gette 10 
him an other kyngdom, whiche he layde clayme vnto, 
and auaunced hymself righte inheritoure to the crowne 
therof, by the title of an olde aliaunce. At the last, 
when they had gotten it, an sawe that they hadde euen 
as muche vexation and trouble in keping it, as they 15 
had in gettyng it ; and that other there newe con 
quered subiectes by sondrye occasions were makynge 
dayly insurrections to rebell agaynste them, or els that 
other countreys were contynually with diners inrodes 
and forraginges inuadinge them ; so that they were 20 
euer fyghtinge other for them, or agaynste them, and 
neuer coulde breke vp their campes : seynge them 
selfes in the meane season pylled and impoueryshed ; 
their money carryed owt of the Realme ; theyr owne 
men kylled to mayntayne the glory of an other nation ; 25 
when they had no warre, peace nothynge better then 
warre, by reason that their people in warre had inured 
themselfes to corrupte and wycked maners ; that they 
hadde taken a delycte and pleasure in robbynge and 
stealyng ; that through manslaughter they had gathered 30 
boldenes to mischiefe ; that their lawes were hadde in 
contempte, and nothynge set by or regarded ; that 
their kynge, beynge troubled with the chardge and 
gouernaunce of two kingdomes, coulde not nor was not 
able perfectly to discharge his office towardes them 5 
bothe ; seynge agayne that all thies euelles and troubles 
were endeles : at the last laid there heades together ; 
and, lyke faithful and louinge subiectes, gaue to their 


kynge f ee choyse and libertie to kepe still the one of 
this .ii. kingdomes, whether he would ; allegyng that 
he was not able to kepe both, and that they were mo 
then might wel be gouerned of half a king ; for as- 
muche as no man would be content to take hym for 5 
his mulettour that kepeth an other mans moyles 
besides his. So this good prince was constreyned to 
be content with his olde kyngdome, and to gyue ouer 
the newe to one of his frendes ; whiche shortelie after 
was violentlie dreuen out. Furthermore if I should 10 
declare vnto them, that all this busy preparaunce to 
warre, wherby so many nations for hys sake shuld be 
brought into a troublesom hurley-hurley, when all hys 
coffers were emptied, his treasures wasted and his 
people destroyed, should at the length through som 15 
mischaunce be in vaine and to none effect ; and that 
therfore it were best for him to content him selfe with 
his owne Kingdom of fraunce, as his forfathers and 
predecessours did before him ; to make much of it, to 
enriche it, and to make it as flourisshing as he could ; 20 
to endeuoure himself to loue his subiects, and again to 
be beloued of them ; willingly to Hue with them, 
peaceably to gouerne them ; and with other kyng- 
domes not to medle, seinge that whiche he hath all 
reddy is euen ynough for hym, yea, and more then he 25 
can well turne hym to ; thys myne aduyse, maister 
More, how thynke you it would be harde and taken ? 
So God helpe me, not very thankefully (quod I). 

Wel, let vs precede then (quod he). Suppose 
that some kyng and his counsell were together 3( 
whettinge their wittes, and deuisinge what subtell 
crafte they myght inuente to enryche the king with 
greate treasures of money. First one councelleth to 
rayse and enhaunce the valuacion of money, when the 
king must paye any ; and agayne to calle downe the 3. 
value of coyne to lesse then it is worthe, when he must 
receiue or gather any : for thus great sommes shalbe 
payde with a lytyll money, and where lytle is due 


muche shalbe receaued. An other counselleth to fayne 
warre, that when vnder this coloure and pretence the 
kyng hath gathered great aboimdaunce of money, he 
maye, when it shall please hym, make peace wyth 
great solempnitie and holye ceremonies, to blynde the 5 
eyes of the poore communaltie, as taking pitie and 
compassion Gode wote vpon mans bloude, lyke a 
louing and a mercifull prince. 

An other putteth the kyng in remembraunce of 
certeyn olde and moughte-eaten lawes, that of long 10 
tyme haue not bene put in execution ; whiche, because 
no man can remembre that they were made, euerie 
man hath transgressed. The fynes of thies lawes he 
counselleth the kynge to require : for there is no waye 
so profitable, nor more honorable ; as the whiche 15 
hath a shewe and coloure of iustice. An other ad- 
uyseth hym to forbidde manye thynges vnder great 
penalties and fines, specially suche thynges as is for the 
peoples profit not be vsed ; and afterward to dispence 
for money with them, which by this prohibicion 20 
susteyne losse and dammage. For by this meanes the 
fauour of the people is wonne, and promte riseth two 
wayes : first by takyng forfaytes of them whom 
couetousnes of gaynes hath brought in daunger of 
thys statute ; and also by sellynge preuyleges and 25 
licences ; whiche the better that the prynce is forsothe, 
the deerer he selleth them ; as one that is lothe to 
graunte to any pryuate persone any thyng that is 
agaynste the protfyt of hys people ; and therfore maye 
sell none but at an exceding dere pryce. 30 

An other giueth the kynge counsell to endaunger 
vnto hys grace the iudges of the Keyalme, that he 
maye haue them euer on hys syde ; whyche muste 
in euerye matter despute and reason for the kynges 
rygth. And they muste be called into the kynges 35 
palace, and be desired to argue and discusse his matters 
in his owne presence. So there shalbe no matter of 
his, so openlye wronge and uniuste, wherin one or 

D 2 


other >f them, other because he wyll haue sumthyng 
to allege and obiecte, or that he is ashamed to saj e 
that whiche is sayde already, or else to pike a thanke 
with his prince, wyll not fynde som hole open to set 
a snare in, wherewith to take the contrarie parte in 5 
a trippe. Thus whiles the iudges cannot agree amonges 
themselfes, reasoning and arguing of that which is 
playne enough, and bringing the manifest trewthe 
in dowte, in the meane season the kyng may take 
a fyt occasion to vnderstand the lawe as shal most 10 
make for his aduauntage ; wher vnto al other for 
shame or for feare wil agree. Then the Judges maye 
be bolde to pronounce of the kynges side. For he 
that geueth sentence for the kyng cannot be without 
a good excuse. For it shalbe sufficient for hym to 15 
haue equitie of his part, or the bare wordes of the 
lawe, or a wry then and wrested vnderstandynge of 
the same, or els, whiche with good and iust Judges 
is of greater force then all lawes be, the kynges 
indisputable prerogatiue. To conclude, al the coun- 20 
sellours agre and consent together with the riche 
Crassus, that no abundance of gold can be sufficient 
for a prince, which muste kepe and maynteyne an 
armie : furthermore that a kynge, thoughe he would, 
can do nothynge uniustly ; for all that all men haue, 25 
yea also the men them selfes, be all his ; and that 
euery man hath so much of his owne as the kynges 
gentilnes hath not taken from hym ; and that it shalbe 
[ moste for the kynges aduauntage that his subiectes 
haue very lytle or nothing in their possession ; as 30 
whose sauegarde dothe herein consiste, that his people 
, do not waxe wanton and wealthie through riches and 
; libertie ; because, where thies thinges be, there men 
| be not wonte patientlye to obeye harde, vniuste, and 
I vnlawfull commaundementes ; where as, on the other 3i 
part, neade and pouertie doth holde downe and kepe 
vncler stowte courages, and maketh them patient per 
force, takyng from them bolde and rebellynge stomakes. 


Here agayne if I should ryse vp, and boldelye 
affirme that all thies counselles be to the kyng dis- 
honoure and reproche, whoes honom-e and sauitie is 
more and rather supported and vpholden by the wealth 
and ryches of his people, then by hys owne treasures ; 5 
and if I shuld declare that the comminaltie chueseth 
their king for their owne sake and not for his sakej 
for "this intent that through his labour and studie they 
might al liue wealthily, sauffe from wronges and 
iniuries ; and that therfore the kynge ought to take 10 
more care for the wealthe of his people, then for his . 
owne wealthe, euen as the office and dewtie of a 
shephearde is, in that he is a shepherd, to feade his 
shepe rather then hymself. For as towchynge this, 
that they thinke the defence and mayntenaunce of 15 
peace to consiste in the pouertie of the people, the 
thyng it solf sheweth that they be farre owt of the 
way. For where shall a man fincle more wrangling, 
quarelling, brawling, and chiding, then among beggers? 
Who be more disierous of newe mutations and altera- 20 
tions, then they that be not content with the present 
state of their lyfe? Or, finally, who be bolder sto- 
maked to brynge all in hurlieburlie (therby trustyng 
to get sum wyndfall), then they that haue nowe 
nothing to leese ? And if so be that there were any 25 
kyng, that were so smallye regarded, or so behated 
of his subiectes, that other wayes he coulde not kepe 
them in awe, but onlie by open wronges, by pollinge 
and shauinge, and by brynginge them to beggerie ; 
sewerly it were better for hym to forsake hys kyng- 30 
dome, then to holde it by this meanes ; whereby, 
though the name of a kyng be kept, yet the maiestie 
is lost. For it is against the dignitie of a kynge to 
haue rule ouer beggers, but rather ouer ryche and 
welthie men. Of thys mynde was the hardie and 35 
couragius Fabrice, when he sayde that he_had_rather 
be a ruler of ryche men then bejyche jiyjrnselfe. And 
!! one man to lyue in ple.-isuro and 


whyles all other wepe and smarte for it, that is the 
parte ... ot of a kynge but of a iayler. 

To be shorte, as he is a folyshe phisition, that 
cannot cure his patientes disease, onles he caste hym 
in an other syckenes ; so he that cannot amend the 5 
Hues of his subiectes, but be taking from them the 
wealth and commoclitie of lyfe, he must nedes graunte 
that he knoweth not the feate howe to gouerne fre 
men. But let hym rather amende hys owne lyfe, 
renounce ynhonest pleasures, and forsake pride. For 10 
thies be the chiefe vices that cause hym to runne 
in the contempt or hatered of his people. Let him 
lyue of hys owne, hurtinge no man. Let him do 
coste not aboue his power. Let hym restreyne wycked- 
nes. Let hym preuente vices, and take a waye the 15 
occasions of offences be well orderyng his subiectes, 
and not by sufferyng wickednes to increase, afterward 
to be punyshed. Let hym not be to hastie in callynge 
agayne lawes, whiche a custome hathe abrogated ; 
speciallye suche as haue bene long forgotten and neuer 20 
lacked nor neaded. And let hym neuer vnder the 
cloke and pretence of transgression take suche fynes 
and forfaytes, as no ludge wyll suffre a priuate persone 
to take, as uniuste and ful of gile. 

Here if I should brynge furth before them the lawe 25 
of the Macariens, whiche be not farre distaunt from 
Vtopia ; whose kynge, the daye of hys coronacion, is 
bounde by a solempne othe, that he shall neuer at 
anye tyme haue in hys treasure aboue a thousande 
pounde of golde or syluer. They saye a verye good 30 
kynge, whiche toke more care for the wealthe and 
commoditie of hys countrey, then for thenrychinge 
of himself, made this lawe to be a stop and a barre 
to kynges for heaping and hording vp so muche money 
as might impoueryshe their people. For he forsawe 35 
that this som of treasure woulde suffice to supporte 
the kynge in battail against his owne people, if they 
shuld chaunce to rebell : and also to maintein his 


warres against the inuasions of hys forreyn enemies. 
Againe he perceiued the same stocke of money to be 
to litle, and vnsufficient to encourage and able hym 
wrongfullye to take a waye other mens goodes ; whyche 
was the chiefe cause whie the lawe was made. An 5 
other cause was this. He thought that by thys 
prouision his people shuld not lacke money wherewith 
to maynteyne their dayly occupieng and chaffayre. 
And seynge the kynge coulde not chewse but laye 
owt and bestowe all that came in aboue the prescript 10 
some of his stocke, he thought he woulde seke no 
occasions to doo hys subiectes iniurie. Suche a kynge 
shalbe feared of euell men, and loued of good men. 
Thies and suche other informatyons yf I should vse 
emonge men holy enclined and geuen to the con- 15 
trarye part, how deaffe hearers, thyncke you, should 

Deaffe hearers douteles (quod I), and in good 
faith no marueyle. And to speake as I thynke, truelye 
I can not a lowe that such communicatyon shall- be 20 
vsed, or suche cownsell geuen, as you be suere shall 
neuer be regarded nor receaued. For how can so 
straunge informations be profitable, or how can they 
be beaten into their headdes, whose myndes be all 
reddye preuented with cleane contrary 6 persuasyons ? 25 
Thys schole philosophic is not vnpleasaunte emonge 
fryndes in famylier communication ; but in the coun- 
selles of kynges, where greate matters be debated and 
reasoned wyth great aucthorytye, thies thynges haue 
no place. 30 

That is yt whyche I mente (quod he), when I said 
phylosophye hadde no place amonge kinges. In 
dede (quod I) this schole philosophic hath not ; 
whiche thinketh all thynges mete for euery place. But 
ther is an other philosophye more cyuyle, whyche 35 
knoweth as ye wolde saye her owne stage, and there 
after orderynge and behauynge herselfe in the playe 
that she hathe in hande, playethe her parte accordyng- 


lye wyth comlynes, vtteringe nothynge owte of dewe 
ordr and fassyon. And thys ys the phylosophye that 
yowe muste vse. Orels, whyles a commodye of Plautus 
is playing,?, and the vyle bondemen skoffynge and 
tryffelynge amonge them selfes, yf yowe shoulde 5 
sodenlye come vpon the stage in a philosophers ap- 
parrell, and reherse owte of Octauia the place wherin 
Seneca dysputeth with Nero ; had it not bene better 
for yowe to haue pla3 r ed the domme persone, then by 
rehersynge that, which serued nother for the tyme nor 1C 
place, to haue made suche a tragycall comedye or 
galtymalfreye ? For by bryngynge in other stuffe that 
nothynge apperteyneth to the presente matter, yowe 
must nedys marre and peruert the play that ys in 
hande, thoughe the stuffe that yowe brynge be muche It 
better. What parte soeuer yowe haue taken vpon 
yowe, playe that as well as yowe canne, and make the 
beste of yt ; and doo not therefore dysturbe and brynge 
owte of ordre the hole matter, bycause that an othere, 
whyche is meryere and bettere, cummethe to yowre 2( 

So the case stondethe in a common wealth e ; and 
so yt ys in the consultatyons of Kynges and prynces. 
Yf euell opynyons and noughty persuasions can not be 
vtterly and quyte pluckede owte of their hartes ; if 2J 
you can not euen as you wold remedye vyces, whiche 
vse and custome hath confirmed ; yet for this cause 
yow must not leaue and forsake the common wealth ; 
yow must not forsake the shippe in a tempeste, bycause 
yowe can not rule and kepe downe the wyndes. No, 3( 
nor yow muste not laboure to diyue into their heades 
newe and straunge informatyons, whyche yow knowe 
well shalbe nothynge regarded wyth them that be of 
cleane contrary mindes. But you must with a crafty 
wile and a subtell trayne studye and endeuoure your 3i 
selfe, asmuch as in yow lyethe, to handle the matter 
wyttelye and handsomelye for the purpose ; and that 
whyche yowe can not turne to good, so to ordre it that 


it be not very badde. For it is not possible for all 
thynges to be well, oiiles all men were good : which I 
thynke wil not be yet thys good many yeares. . 

By thys meanes (quod he) nothynge elles wyll be 
broughte to passe, but, whyles that I goo abowte to 5 
remedy the madnes of others, I should be euen as 
madde as they. For if I wolde speake thynges that 
be trewe, I muste neades speake suche thinges. But 
as for to speake false thinges, whether that be a philo 
sophers part, or no, I can not tell ; truely it is not my 10 
part. Howebeit thys communicatyon of myne, thoughe 
peraduenture it maye seme vnplesaunte to them, yett 
can I not see whie it should seme straunge, or 
foolisshelye newfangled. If so be that I should e 
speake those thynges that Plato fayneth in his weale 15 
publique, or that the vtopians do in theires ; thies 
thinges thoughe they were (as they be in dede) 
better, yet they myghte seme spoken owt of place ; for \ 
as much as here amonges us, euerye man hath hys 
possessyons seuerall to hymselfe, and there all thinges 20 f 
be common. 

But what was in my communication conteyned, 
that mighte not and oughte not in anye place to be 
spoken ? sauynge that to them whyche haue throughlye 
decreed and determined with them selfes to rome 25 
hedlonges the contrary waye, it can not be acceptable 
and plesaunt; bicause it calleth them backe, and 
sheweth them the ieopardies. Verilye yf all thynges 
that euell and vitiouse maners haue caused to seme 
inconueniente and noughte should be refused, as thinges 30 
vnmete and reprochefull, then we must emong Christen 
people wyncke at the most parte of all those thynges 
whyche Christe taughte vs, and so streytlye forbadde 
them to be wyncked at, that those thinges also whyche 
he whispered in the eares of hys dyscyples. he com- 35 
maunded to be proclaymed in open howses. And yet 
the most parte of them is mo ore dissident from the 
maners of the worlde nowe a dayes then my com- 


municatyon was. But preachers, slye and wilie men, 
folio vynge your cownsell (as I suppose), bicause they 
saw men euel willing to frame theyr manners to 
Christes rule, they haue wrested and wriede hys 
doctryne, and lyke a rule of leade haue applyed yt to 5 
mennys maners ; that by some meanes at the leaste 
wave they myghte agree to gether. Wherby I can 
not see what good they haue doone, but that men 
may more sickerlye be euell. And I truelye shoulde 
preuaile euen asmuche in kinges counselles. For other 10 
I muste saye other waj r es then they saye, and then I 
were as good to saye nothynge ; or els I muste saye 
thesame that they saye, and (as Mitio saieth in Terence) 
helpe to further their madnes. For that craftye wyle 
and subtill traine of yours, I can not perceaue to what 15 
purpose it serueth ; wherewyth yow wolde haue me to 
studdy and endeuoure my selfe, yf all thynges can not 
be made good, yet to handle them wittily and hand 
somely for the purpose ; that, as farre furth as is 
possible, they maye not be very euell. For there is 20 
no place to dissemble in nor to wincke in. Noughtye 
cownselles must be openlye allowed, and verye pestylent 
decrees muste be approued. He shalbe cowiitede 
worse then a spye, yea almoste as euell as a traytoure, 
that wyth a faynte harte doth prayse euell and noye- 25 
some decrees. 

Moreouer a man canne haue no occasyon too doo 
good, chauncynge into the companye of them, whyche 
wyll sonere make noughte a good man, then be made 
good themselfes ; throughe whose euell companye he 30 
shalbe marred, or els yf he remayne good and innocent, 
yett the wyckednes and folysshenes of others shalbe 
imputed to hym, and layde in hys necke. So that yt 
is impossyble wyth that craftye wyele and subtell 
trayne to turne anny thing to better. 35 

Wherfore Plato by a goodly simylitude declareth 
whie wise men refreyn to medle in the common 
Wealth. For when they see the people swarm in to 


the stretes, and dailie \vett to the skin wyth rayne, 
and yet can not persuade them to goo owt of the 
rayne, and to take their houses ; knowynge well that 
if they shoulde goo owte to them, they shoulde nothynge 
preuayle, nor wynne ought by it, but be wett also in 5 
the rain ; they do kepe them selfes within their 
howses ; beynge content that they be saffe them selfes, 
seynge they can not remedye the foll} T e of the people. 

Howe be it dowteles, mayster Moore (to speke 
truelye as my mynde geueth me), where soeuer pos- 10 
sessyons be pryuate, where moneye beareth all the 
stroke, it is hard and almoste impossyble that there 
^the weale publyque maye iustelye be gouerned and 
prosperouslye floryshe. Onles you thynke thus : that 
lustyce is there executed, wher all thynges come into 15 
the handes of euell men ; or that prosperytye their 
floryssheth, where all is deuyded amonge a fewe ; 
whyche fewe neuerthelesse do not leade their lyues 
very wealthely, and the resydewe lyue myserablye, 
wretchedlye, and beggerlye. 20 

Wherefore when I consyder wyth my selfe, and 
weye in my mynde, the wyse and godlye ordynaunces 
of the Vtopyans, amonge whome wyth verye fewe 
lawes all thynges be so well and wealthelye ordered, 
that vertue is had in pryce and estimatyon ; and yet, 25 
all thynges beynge ther common, euerye man hath 
abundaunce of euery thynge : agayne, on the other 
part, when I compare wyth them so manye natyons 
euer makyng new lawes, yet none of them all well 
and suffycyentlye furnysshed wyth lawes ; where euery 30 
man calleth that he hath gotten hys owne proper and 
pryuate goodes ; where so many newe lawes daylye 
made be not suffycyente for euerye man to enioye, 
defend, and knowe from an other mans that whych he 
calleth his owne ; which thyng the infinyte contro- 35 
uersies in the lawe, that daylye ryse neuer to be ended, 
playnly declare to be trewe : thies thynges (I say) 
when I consider with me selfe, I holde well with 


Plato, and doo no thynge marueyll that he wolde 
make no lawes for them that refused those lawes, 
Wiurby all men shoulde haue and enioye equall por 
tions of welthes and commodities. For the wise man 
dyd easely forsee, that thys is the one and onlye waye 5 
to the wealthe of a conununaltye, yf equaltye of all 
thynges sholde be broughte in and stablyshed. Whyche 
I thynke is not possible to be obserued, where euerye 
mans gooddes be proper and peculyare to him selfe. 
For where euerye man vnder certeyne tytles and pre- 10 
tences draweth and plucketh to himselfe asmuch as he 
can, and so a fewe deuide amonge theniselfes all the 
riches that there is, be there neuer so muche abund- 
aunce and stoore, there to the resydewe is lefte lacke 
and pouertye. And for the moste parte yt chaunceth 15 
that thys latter sort is more worthye to enioye that 
state of wealth, then the other be ; bycause the rych 
men be couetous, craftye, and vnprofy table": on the 
other parte, the poore be lowlye, symple, and by their 
daily labour more profytable to the common welthe 20 
then to them selfes. 

Thus I doo fullye persuade me selfe, that no equall 
and iuste distrybutyon of thynges can be made : nor 
that perfecte wealthe shall euer be among men ; onles 
this propriety be exiled and bannished. But so long 25 
as it shal contynew, so long shal reniayn among the 
most and best part of men the heuy and inevitable 
burden of pouerty and wretchednjs] WliicK, as 
I gTallHt^ftaVit^lmiy ^De sumwhat eased, so I vtterly 
deny that it can holy be taken away. For if ther wer 30 
a statute made, that no man should possesse aboue 
a certein measure of ground, and that no man should 
haue in his stocke aboue a prescripte and appointed 
some of money ; if it were by certein lawes decreed 
that nother the king should be of to greate powre, 35 
nother the people to prowd and wealthye ; and that 
offices shold not be obteined by inordinate suyte or by 
brybes and giftes ; that they should nother be bought 


nor sold, nor that it sholde be nedeful for tlie officers 
to be at any cost or charge in their offices : for so 
occasion is geuen to the officers by fraud and rauin to 
gather vp their money again, and by reason of giftes 
and bribes the offices be geuen to rich men, which 5 
shoulde rather haue bene executed of wise men ; by 
such lawes, I say, like as sicke bodies that be desperat 
and past cure, be woiitewith continual good cherissing 
to be kept vp, so thies euelles also might be lightened 
and mytygated. But that they may be perfectlye 10 
cured and brought to a good and vpryght state, it is 
not to be hoped for, whiles euery man is maister of 
his owne to hjoii selfe. Yea, and whyles yow goo 
abowt to do your cure of one part, yow shall make 
bygger the sore of an other parte : so the healpe of one 15 
causeth ariothers harme, for as much as nothynge can 
be geuen to annye man, onles that be taken from an 

But I am of a contrary opinion (quod I) for me 
thynketh that men shal neuer there lyue wealthelye, 20 
where all thynges be commen. For how can there be 
abundaunce of gooddes, or of any thing, where euery 
man with draweth his hande from labour ? whome the 
regarde of his owne gaines driueth not to woorke, and 
the hoope that he hath in other mens trauayles maketh 25 
hym slowthfull. Then when they be prycked with 
pouertye, and yet no man can by any law or right 
defend that for his owne, which he hath gotten wyth 
the laboure of his owne handes, shall not ther of 
necessitie be continuall sedition and bloodshede ? 30 
specially the aucthoritie and reuerende of magistrates 
being taken away ; which what place it maye Jiaue 
wyth suche-inen, amonge whome is no difference(JTcan 
not deuise. \ I maruell not (quod he) that you be 
of this opinion. For you conceaue in your mynde 35 
other n<Jne at all, or els a very false ymage and symyli- 
tude of thys thynge. But yf yow hadde bene wyth me 
in Vtopia, and hadde presently sene their fasshions and 


lawes, as I dyd, whiche liued ther .v. yeares and moore, 
f,nd wolde neuer haue commen thence, but only to 
make that new lande knowen here ; then dowteles you 
wold graunt, that you neuer sawe people well ordered, 
but only there. 5 

Surely (quod maister Peter), it shalbe harde for 
you to make me beleue, that ther is better order in 
that newe lande, then is here in thies countreys that 
wee knowe. For good wyttes be aswell here as there ; 
and I thynke owr commen wealthes be auncienter than 10 
theires : wherin long vse and experience hath fownde 
owt many thinges commodious for mannes life, besides 
that many thinges here amonge vs haue bene founde 
by chaunce, whych no wytte colde euer haue deuysed. 

As towchynge the auncyetnes (quod he) of common 15 
wealthes, than you might better iudge, if you had red 
the histories and chronicles of that lande ; which if 
wee may beleue, cities were there, before there were 
men here. Now what thinge soeuer hitherto by witte 
hath bene deuised, or found by chaunce, that myghte 20 
be aswell there as here. But I thinke verily, though 
it were so that we did passe them in witte, yet in 
studye and laboursome endeuoure they farre passe vs. 
For (as there Cronicles testifie) before our arriuall ther 
they neuer harde any thinge of vs, whome they call 2 
the ultraequinoctialles ; sauinge that ones about .M.CC. 
yeares ago, a certein shyppe was loste by the He of 
Vtopia whiche was driuen thither by tempest. Certeyn 
Komayns and Egyptyans were caste on lande, whyche 
after that neuer wente thence. 3( 

Marke nowe what profite they tooke of thys one 
occasion, through delygence and earneste trauaile. 
There was no craft nor scyence within the impery of 
Eome, wher of any proffite could rise, but they other 
lerned it of thies straungers, or els, of them taking a 
occasion to searche for yt, fownde it owte. So great 
proffyte was it to them that euer annye wente thyther 
from hence. But yf annye lyke chaunce before thys 


hath brought any man from thence hether, that is as 
quyte out of remembraunce, as this also perchaunce in 
time to come shalbe forgotten that euer I was there. 
And like as they quickelye, almoste at the first meting, 
made their owne, what so euer is among vs wealthely 5 
deuysed ; so I suppose it wold be longe befor we wolde 
receaue any thing that amonge them is better insty- 
tuted then amonge vs. And thys I suppose is the 
chiefe cause whie theyr common wealthes be wyselyere 
gouerned, and do florysh in more -wealth then ours ; 10 
though wee nother in wytte nor in ryches be ther 

Therfore, gentle maister Eaphaell (quod I) I praye 
you and beseche yow descrybe vnto vs the Hand. And 
study not to be shorte ; but declare largely in order 15 
their groundes, theVe ryuers, their cities, theire people, 
theire manners, their ordenaunces, ther lawes, and, to 
be short, al thinges that you shal thinke vs desierous 
to knowe. And you shal thinke vs desierous to know 
what soeuer we knowe not yet. There is nothing 20 
(quod he) that I will do gladlier. For all these 
thinges I haue freshe in mind. But the matter re- 
quireth leasure. Let vs go in therfor (quod I) to 
dinner: afterward we will bestowe the time at our 
pleasure. Content (quod he) be it. So we went 25 
in and dyned. 

When diner was done, we came into the same place 
again, and sate vs downe vpon the same benche, com- 
maunding oure seruauntes that no man should trowble 
vs. Then I and maister Peter Giles desiered maister 30 
Eaphaell to performe his promise. He therfore seinge 
vs desierous and willinge to harken to him, when he 
had sit still and paused a litle while, musing and 
bethinkynge hymselfe, thus he began to speake. 

The encle of the ffyrste boke. ?o 


e second 

of tbe communication 

of Kaphael Hythlodaye, concernyng 
the best state of a common wealthe : con- 

teynyng the discription of Vtopia, 

4 with a large declaration of the 

Godly gouernement, and of 

all the good lawes and 

orders of the same 

Ilande. 10 

The Ilande of Vtopia conteyneth in breadthe in the 
myddell part of it (for there it is brodest) CG. miles. 
Whiche bredthe continueth through the moste parte of 
the lande, sauyng that by lytle and lytle it commeth 
in and waxeth narrower towardes both the endes. 13 
Whiche fetchynge about a circuite or compasse of .v.c. 
myles, do fassion the hole Ilande lyke to the newe 
mone. Betwene thys two corners the sea runneth in, 
diuydyng them a sonder by the distaunce of .xi. miles 
or there aboutes, and there surmounteth into a large 20 
and wyde sea, which, by reason that the lande of 
euery syde compasseth it about, and shiltreth it from 
the windes, is not rough nor mountith not with great 
waues, but almost floweth quietly e, not muche viilike 
a great standing powle ; and maketh almoste al the 25 
space within the bellye of the lande in maner of 
a hauen ; and to the great commoditie of the In- 
habitauntes receaueth in shyppes towardes euery parte 
of the lande. The forefrontes or frontiers of the .ii. 


corners, what wythe fordys and shelues, and what with 
rockes, be very ieoperdous and daungerous. In the 
middel distaunce betwene them both standeth vp 
aboue the water a great rocke, which therfore is 
nothing perillous bicause it is in sight. Vpon the top 5 
of this rocke is a faire and a strong towre builded, 
which thei holde with a garison of men. Other rockes 
ther be, that lye hidde vnder the water, and therefore 
be daungerous. The channelles be knowen onely to 
themselfes. And therfore it seldome chaunceth that 10 
any straunger, oneles he be guided by a Vtopian, can 
come in to this hauen. In so muche that they them 
selfes could skaselie entre without ieoperdie, but that 
their way is directed and ruled by certaine lande 
markes standing on the shore. By turning, trans- 15 
latynge, and remouinge this markes into other places, 
they maye destroye their enemies nauies, be thei neuer 
so many. The out side of the lande is also full of 
hauens ; but the landing is so suerly defenced, what 
by nature and what by workmanshyp of mans hande, 20 
that a fewe defenders maye dryue backe many armies. 
Howebeit, as they saye, and as the fassion of the 
place it selfe doth partely shewe, it was not euer com 
passed about with the sea. But kyng Vtopus, whose 
name as conquerour the Hand beereth (for before that 25 
tyme it was called Abraxa), which also brought the 
rude and wild people to that excellent perfection, in al 
good fassions, humanitie, and ciuile gentilnes, wherin 
tjiey now go beyond al the people of the world ; euen 
atnis first arriuinge and enteringe vpon the lande, 30 
furth with obteynynge the victoiy caused .xv. myles 
space of vplandyshe grounde, where the sea had no 
passage, to be cut and dygged vp ; and so brought the 
sea rounde aboute the lande. He set to thys worke 
not only the inhabitauntes of the Hande (because they 35 
should not thynke it done in contumelye and despyte), 
but also all hys owne soldiours. Thus the worke, 
beyng diuyded into so great a numbre of workamen, 


was with exceding maruelous spede dyspatched. In 
so muche that the borderers, whiche at the fyrst began 
to mocke and to gieste at thys vayne enterpryse, then 
turned theyr laughter to marueyle at the successe, and 
to feare. 5 

There be in the Ilande .liiii.Jlarge and faire cities or 
shiere townes, agreyng alPEogether in one tonge, in 
lyke maners, institucions, and lawes. They be all set 
and situate a lyke, and in all poyntes fashioned a lyke, 
as farfurth as the place or plotte suft ereth. Of thies 10 
cyties they that be nighest together be xxiiii. myles 
a sender. Again there is none of them distaunt from 
the next aboue one dayes iorneye a fote. 

There cum yearly to Amaurote out of euery cytie .iii. 
olde men, wyse and well experienced, there to entreate 15 
and debate of the common matters of the lande. For 
thys cytie (because it standeth iust in the myddes of 
the Ilande, and is therfore moste mete for the embassa- 
dours of all partes of the realme) is taken for the chiefe 
and head cytie. The precinctes and boundes of the 20 
shieres be so commodiously appoynted out, and set 
furth for the cyties, that neuer a one of them all hath 
of anye syde lesse then xx. myles of grounde, and of 
som syde also muche more, as of that .part where the 
cyties be of farther distaunce a sonder. None of the 2f 
cities desire to enlarge the boundes and lymites of 
X their shieres. For they count them selfes rather the 
good husbandes, then the owners of their landes. 

They haue in the countrey in all partes of the shiere 
howses or fermes buylded, wel appointed and furnyshed 3( 
with all sortes of instrumentes and tooles belongyng to 
husbandrie. Thies houses be inhabited of the cytezens, 
whiche cum thyther to dwel by course. No howsholde 
or ferme in the countrey hath fewer then .xl. persones, 
men and women, besydes two bonden men, whiche be 3 
all vnder the rule and order of the good man and the 
good wyfe of the house, beynge bothe very sage and 
discrete persones. And euery .xxx. fermes or famelies 


haue one heade ruler, whiche is called a Phyjarr.he, 
being as it were a hed baylyffe. Out of euery one of 
thies famelies or fermes cummeth euery yeare into the 
cytie .xx. persones whiche haue contynewed .ii. yeres 
before in the countrey. In their place so manye freshe 5 
be sent thither out of the citie, whiche of them, that 
haue bene there a years all ready, and be therfore 
expert and conninge in husbandry, shalbe instructed 
and taught ; and they the next yeare shall teache 
other. This order is vsed, for feare that other skarsenes 10 
of victualles or some other like incommoditie shuld 
chaunce through lacke of knowledge, yf they should 
be al together newe and fresh and vnexperte in hus- 
bandrie. This maner and fassion of yearlye-chjuing- 
inge and renewinge the occupiers of hu&bandrie, though 15 
it be solempne and customablie vsed, to thintent that 
no man shall be constrayned against his wil to con- 
tynewe longe in that harde and sharpe kynde of lyfe, 
yet manye of them haue suche a pleasure and delete in 
husbandry e, that they obteyne a longer space of yeares. 20 
Thies husbandmen plowe and till the grounde, and 
bryde vp cattell, and make readye woode, whiche they 
carrye to the cytie, other by lande or by water, as they 
maye moste conuenyently. They brynge vp a greate 
multytude of pulleyne, and that by a meruelous policie. 25 
For the hennes doo not syt vpon the egges : but by 
kepynge them in a certayne equall heate, they brynge 
lyfe into them, and hatche them. The chykens, assone 
as they be come owte of the shell, followe men and 
women in steade of the hennes. 30 

They bryng vp very fewe horses ; nor non, but very 
fearce ones ; and for none other vse or purpose, but 
only to exercyse their youthe in rydynge and feates of 
armes. For oxen be put to all the labour of plowynge 
and drawyng. Whiche they graunte to be not so good 35 
as horses at a sodeyne brunt, and (as we saye) at a dead 
lifte ; but yet they holde opinion, that they wyll abyde 
and suffre much more laboure and payne then horses 


wyl. And they thinke that they be not in daunger 
and subiecte vnto so manye dysseases, and that they 
bee kepte and maynteyned wyth muche lesse coste and 
charge ; and fynally that they be good for meate when 
they be past labour. 5 

They sowe corne onlye for bread. For their drynke 
is other wyne made of grapes, or els of apples or peares, 
or els it is cleane water ; and many tymes methe made 
of honey or liqueresse sodde in water, for therof they 
haue great store. And though they knowe certeynlye 1 
(for they knowe it perfectly in dede), how much 
victayles the cytie with the hole countrey or shiere 
rounde a boute it dothe spende ; yet they sowe much 
more corne, and bryed vp muche more cattell, then 
serueth for their own vse. And the ouerplus they 
parte arnonge their borderers. What soeuer necessary 
thynges be lackynge in the countrey, all suche stufi e 
they fetche out of the citie; where without anye ex- 
chaunge they easelye obteyne it of the magistrates of 
the citie. For euerye moneth manye of them goo into 2 
the cytie on the hollye daye. When theyr haruest 
daye draweth nere and is at hande, then the Philarches, 
whiche be the hed officers and bayliffes of husbandrye, 
sende woorde to the magistrates of the citie, what 
iiumbre of haruest men is nedefull to bee sente to them 2. 
out of the cytie. The 

whiche company e of haruest men, 

beyng there readye at the daye 

appoynted, almoste in one 

fayre daye dispatcheth 

all the haruest 





ties and namely of Amauroto. 

As for their Cyties, he that knoweth one of them 
knoweth them all : th^xi^Jll]_2Jyl i -^n6_i2.^B-^ ier > 
as ferfurth as the nature of the place permytteth. s 
I wyll descrybe therfore to yowe one or oiher of them, 
for it skylleth not greatly whych ; but which rather 
then Amaurote ? Of them all this is the worthiest and 
of moste dignitie. For the resydwe knowledge it for 
the head Cytie, because there is the councell house. 10 
Nor to me any of them al is better beloued, as wherin 
I tyued fyue hole yeares together. 

The cytie of Amaurote standeth vpon the syde of 
a low hill, in fashion almoste four square. For the 
bredeth of it begynneth a litle benethe the toppe 15 
of the hyll, and styll contyneweth by the space of 
twoo miles vntyll it cum to the ryuer of Anyder. 
The lenghte of it whiche lyeth by the ryuers syde is 
sum what more. 

The ryuere of Anyder rysethe .xxiiii. myles aboue 20 
Amaurote owte of a lytle sprynge. But beynge in- 
creasede by other small floodes and broukes that runne 
into yt, and amonge othere .ii. sumwhat bygge ons, 
before the cytye yt ys halfe a myle brode, and farther 
broder. And .lx. myles beyonde the citye yt falleth 25 
into the Ocean sea. By al that space that lyethe 
betwene the sea and the cytye, and a good sorte of 
myles also aboue the Cytj^e, the water ebbethe and 
flowethe .vi. houres togethere wyth a swyfte tyde. 
Whan the sea flowethe in for the lenghte of xxx. so 
myles, yt fyllethe all the Anyder wyth salte water, 
and dryuethe backe the fresshe water of the ryuer. 


And sumwhat furthere yt cliaungethe the swetenes 
of the freshe water wyth saltnes. But a letell beyoncle 
that, the ryuer waxeth swet, and runneth forby the 
city fresh and pleisaunt. And when the sea ebbeth, 
and goyth backe agayn, the freshe water followeth yt 5 
almoste euen to the verye falle in to the sea. 

There goeth a brydge ouer the ryuer made not of 
pyles or of tymber, but of stonewavke, with gorgious 
and substanciall archeis at that parte of the cytye that 
is farthest from the sea ; to the intent that shyppes 10 
maye goo alonge forbie all the syde of the cytie with 
out lette. They haue also an other ryuere, whiche 
in dede is not very great. But it runneth gentelly 
and pleasauntlye. For it ryseth euen out of the same 
hyll that the cytie standeth vpon, and runneth downe 15 
a slope through the myddes of the citie into Anyder. 
And bicause it ryseth a lytle without the citie, the 
Amaurotians haue inclosed the head sprynge of it 
with stronge fences and bulwarkes, and so haue ioyned 
it to the cytie. Thys is done to the intents that the 20 
water should not be stopped, nor turned a waye, or 
poysoned, if their enemyes should chaunce to come 
vpon them. From thence the water is deryued and 
brought downe in cannellis of brycke dyuers wayes 
into the lower paries of the cytie. Where that cannot 25 
be done, by reason that the place wyll not suffer it, 
there they gather the rayne water in greate cisternes, 
which doth them as good seruice. 

The cytie is compassed aboute wyth a highe and 
thycke walle, full of turrettes and bulwarkes. A drye 30 
dyche, but deape and brode and overgrowen with 
busshes, briers, and thornes, goeth about .iii. sydes 
or quarters of the cytie. To the fowrth syde the 
ryuer it selfe serueth for a dytche. The stretes be 
appoynted and set forth verye commodious and hand- 35 
some, bothe for carriage and also agaynst the wyndes. 
The houses be of fayre and gorgious buyldyng, and in 
the~streete syde they stonde ioyned together in a longe 


rowe throughe the hole streate without anye partition 
or separacion. The stretes be twenty fote bi ode. On 
the backe syde of the houses, through the hole lengthe 
of the strete, lye large jrardeynea, whyche be closed 
in rounde about with the backe parte of the stretes. 5 
Euery house hath two doores ; one into the strete, and 
a posternne doore on the backsyde into the gardyne. 
T4iyes_djx>res be made with two leaues, neuerlocked 
nor bolted r so easye to be opened that they wlTfollowe 
the least drawing of a fynger and shutte agayne by 10 
themselfes. Euerye man that wyll maye goo yn, for / 
there is nothynge wythin the howses that ys pryuate, x/ 
or annye mannes owne. And euerye .%.. yeare they 
chaunge their howses by lotte. 

They sett great stoore be thej*r gardeins. In them 15 
they haue vyneyardes, all manner of frute, herbes, 
and flowres, so pleisaunte, so well furnished, and so 
fynelye kepte, that I neuer sawe thynge more frutefull 
nor better trymmed in anny place. Their studye and 
delygence herin cummeth not only of pleasure, but also 20 
of a certeyne stryffe and contentyon that is betwene 
strete and strete, concernynge the trymmynge, hus 
banding, and furnyshyng of their gardeyns, euery 
man for hys owne part. And verily yow shall not 
lyghtly fynde in all the citye annye thynge that is more 25 
commodyous, other for the proffyte of the citizins, or 
for pleasure. And therfore it may seme that the first 
fownder of the city mynded nothynge so rauche as he 
dyd thies gardeyns. 

For they say that kyng Vtopus himself, euen at the 30 
first begenning, appointed and drew furth the platte 
fourme of the city into this fasion and figure that 
it hath nowe ; but the gallaunt garnishing, and the , 
bewtiful setting furth of it, wherunto he sawe that 
one mans age wold not suffice, that he left to his 35 
posterity. For their Cronicles, which they kepe 
written with al deligent circumspection, conteining 
the history of M .viic. Ix. years, euen from the fyrste 


conquest of the Hand, recorde and witnesse that the 
howses in the beginning were verye lowe, and lyke 
homelye cotages, or poore shepparde howses. made at 
all aduentures of euerye rude pyece of woode that 
came fyrste to handes, wyth mudde walles, and rydged 5 
rooffes thatched ouer with straw. But nowe the houses 
be curiously builded, after a gorgiouse and gallaunt 
sort, with .iii. storries one ouer another. The owte 
sydes of the walles be made other of harde Flynte 
or of plauster, or elles of brycke ; and the ynner sydes 10 
be well strengthened with tymber woorke. The 
rooffes be playne and flatte, couered with a certayne 
kinde of plaster, that is of no coste, and yet so 
tempered that no fyre can hurte or peryshe it, and 
withstaiideth the violence of the weether better then 15 
anye leade. They kepe the wynde out of their 
windowes with glasse^ for it-is there much vsed ; and 
sumwhere also witli fyne lynnen clothe dipped in 
oyle or ambre ; and that for twoo commodities. For 
by thys meanes more lyght cummeth in, and the 20 
wynde is better kept out. 



Euerye Ihyrly families or fermes chewse them 
yearlye an offycer, whyche in their olde language is 
called the Syphograunte, and by a newer name., the 5 
Phylarchfi. Euerye tenne Syphoagrauntes, with all 
tKeir~3oo families, bee vnder an offycer whyche was 
ones called the Tranibore, now the chiefe Phylarche. 

Moreouer, as concerninge the electyon of the Prynce, 
all the Syphoagrauntes, which be in number 200, first 10 
be sworne to chewse him whome they thynke moste 
mete and expedyente. Then by a secrete electyon 
they name prynce one of those .iiii. whome the people 
before named vnto them. For owte of the .iiii. quarters 
of the citie there be .iiii. chosen, owte of euerye 15 
quarter one, to stande for the election, whiche be put 
vp to the counsell. The princes office contineweth 
all his liffe time, onles he be deposed or put downe 
for suspition of tirannye. They chewse the tranibores 
yearlye, but lightlye they chaunge them not. All 20 
the other offices be but for one yeare. The Tranibores 
euerye thyrde daye, and sumtymes, if neade be, oftener, 
come into the councell howse with the prynce. Theire 
couricelLis concernynge the common wealth. Yf there 
be annye controuersyes amonge the commoners, whyche 25 
be very fewe, they dyspatche and ende them by and 
by. They take euer ii. Siphograntes to them in 
cowncell, and euerye daye a newe coupel. And that 
ys prouydede that no thynge towchynge the common 
wealthe shalbe confyrmed and ratifyed, on les yt haue 30 
bene reasonede of and debatede iii. dayes in the cown 
cell, before yt be decreed. It is 3ea~he to haue annye 


consultatyon for the common wealthe owte of the 
cownsell, or the place of the common electyon. Thys 
statute, they saye, was made to thentente, that the 
pry nee and Tranibores myghte not easely conspire 
together to oppresse the people by tyrannye, and to 5 
chaunge the state of the weale publique. Therfore 
matters of greate weyghte and importaurice be brought 
to the electyon house of the syphograuntes, whyche 
open the matter to their familyes ; and afterwarde, 
when they haue consulted among them selfes, they 10 
shewe their deuyse to the cowncell. Sumtyme the 
matter is brought before the cowncell of the hole Ilande. 
Furthermore thys custome also the cowncell vseth, 
to dyspute or reason of no matter the same daye that 
it ys fyrste proposed or putt furthe, but to dyfferre it to li 
the nexte syttynge of the cownsell. Bycause that no 
man when he hathe rasshelye there spoken that cum- 
meth fyrste to hys tonges ende, shalt then afterwarde 
rather studye for reasons wherewyth to defende and 
confyrme hys fyrste folyshe sentence, than for the 2( 
commodytye of the common wealthe ; as one rather 
wyllyrige the harme or hynderaunce of the weale 
publyque, then annye losse or dymynutyon of hys 
owne existymatyon ; and as one that wolde not for 
shame (which is a verye folyshe shame) be cowntede 2; 
annye thynge ouerseen in the matter at the fyrste ; 
who at the fyrste owghte to haue spoken rather 
vvysely then hastely or rashelye. 



>f fcpcnccs : 

Craftes ana HDccupatpons, 

Husoandrye is a sc}*ence common to them all in- 
general], both men and women, wherin they be all 
experte and cunnynge. In thys they be all instructe 5 
cuen from their youth ; partely in scholes witbTTracfP 
tions and preceptes, a,nd partely in the contrey nighe 
the cytye, brought vp as it wer in playing, not onlye 
beholdynge the vse of it, but by occasyon of exercisinge 
their bodies practising it also. 10 

Besides husbandry, which (as I sayde) is common to , 
them all, euery one of them learneth one or other 
seuerall and particuler science, as hys owne proper 
crafte. That is most commonly other clothe-workinge 
in wolle or flaxe, or masonrie, or the smythes crafte, 15 
or the carpentes scyence. For there is none other 
occupacyon that anye numbre to speke of doth vse 
there. For their garm en tes, whyche through owte 
all the Ilande Tie of one fassiojn, (sauynge that there 
is a difference betwehe" the mans garmente and the 20 
womans, betwene the maried and the unmaryed), and 
this one continueth for euer more unchaunged, semely 
and comely to the eye, no let to the mouynge and 
weldynge of the bodie, also fitte bothe for winter and 
summer ; as for thies garrnentes (I saj^e), euery familye 25 
maketh theire owne. But of the other foreseyde 
cfaftes euerye man learneth one ; and not only the 
men, but also the women. But the women, as the 
weaker sorte, be put to the easere craftes. They worke 
wull and flaxe. The other more laborsome sciences be 30 
committed to the men. For the moste parte euerye 
man is brought vp in his fathers craft. For moste 


commonly they be naturally therto bente and in 
clined. But yf a mans minde stonde to anny other, 
he is by adoption put into a famelye of that occupa 
tion which he doth most fantasy. Whome not only 
his father, but also the magistrates do diligently . 
looke to, that he be putt to a discrete and an honest 
householder. Yea and if anny person, when he hath 
lerned one crafte, be desierous to lerne also another, 
he ys lykewyse suffrede and permytted. When he 
hathe learned bothe, he occupyethe whether he wyll ; 1 
onles the cytye haue more neade of the one then of the 

The chyefe and almoste the onelye oftyce of the 
Syphograuntes ys to see and take hede that no_man 
sytte ydle, but that euerye one applye hys owne.crafte 1 
wyth earneste delygence ; and yet for all that not to ^ 
be weryed from earlye in the mornynge to late in the 
euennynge wyth contynuall woorke, Tyke laborynge 
and toylynge beastes. For thys ys worse then the 
myserable and wretced condytyon of bondemen ; 2 
whyche neuer the lesse is almoste euery where the 
lyffe of woorkemen and artyfycers, sauynge in vtopia. 
For they, dyuydinge the daye and the nyghte into 
xxiiii. iust houres, appoynte and assygne only yL__of_ 
those houres to woorke ; iii. before none, vpon the 2 
whyche they goo streyghte to dyner ; and after dyner, 
when they haue rested ii houres, then they woorke 
iii. ; and vpon that they goo to supper. Aboute viii. 
of the clocke in the euenynge (cowntynge one of the 
clocke at the fyrste houre after none) they go to bedde. 3 
viii. houres they giue to sleape. All the voide time, 
that is betwene the houres of woorke, slepe, and 
meate, that they be suffered to bestowe, euerye man as 
he lyketh beste hym selfe : not to thynferite they 
shoulde myspende thys tyme in lyote, or slough- 
fullenes ; but, beynge then ly censed from the laboure 
of theyr owne occupacyons, to bestowe the time wel 
and thriftely vpon some other good science, as shall 


please them. For yt ys a solempne customs 
haue lectures day lye . earlye_m_ the morning ; wher to 
be present they onlye be constrained that be namelye 
chosen and appoynted to leai-nynge. Howe be yt 
a greate multytude of euerye sorte of people, bothe men 5 
and^wolrien, i^oe^fco-heare lectures ; some one and some 
an other, as euerye mans nature is inclyned. Yet, 
this notwithstonding, yf any man had rathere bestowe 
thys tyme vpon hys owne occupatyon (as yt chaunceth 
in manye, whose myndes ryse not in the contem- 10 
platyon of annye scyence lyberal), he is not letted nor 
prohibited, but is also praysed and commended, as 
profitable to the common wealthe. 

After supper they^bgstowe one houre in playjg; in 
somer in their gardeynes, in winter in their commen 15 
halles, where they dyne and suppe. There they exer 
cise them selfes in jmisyke, or els in honeste and 
holsome communicacion. Diceplaye, and suche other 
foilish and pernicious games, they knowe not ; but 
they vse .ii. games not muche vnlike the chesse. The 20 
one is the battell of nombers, wherin one numbre 
stealethe awaye anotlier. The other is wherin vices 
fyghte wyth vertues, as it were in battell array, or 
a set fyld. In the which game is verye properlye 
shewed bothe the striffe and discorde that vices haue 25 
amonge themselfes, and agayne theire unitye and con- 
corde againste vertues ; and also what vices be repug- 
naunt to what vertues ; with what powre and strenght 
they assaile them openlye ; by what wieles and subteltye 
they assaute them secretelye ; with what helpe and 30 
aide the vertues resiste, and ouercome the puissaunce 
of the vices ; by what craft they frustate their 
purposes ; and finally by what sleight or meanes the 
one getteth the victory. 

But here, lease you be deceaued, one thinge you 35 
muste looke more narrowly vpon. For seinge they i 
bestowe but vi. houres in woork, perchaunce yojj. maye 
thinke that the lacke of some necessarye thinges herof 


may ensewe. But this is nothinge so. For that small 
time is not only inough, but also to muche, for the 
stoore and abundaunce of all thinges that be requisite, 
other for the necessitie or commoditie of liffe. The 
whiche thing yow also shall perceaue, if you weye and 5 
consider with your selfes how great a parte of the 
people in other contreis lyueth ydle. First, almoost 
all women, which be the halfe of the hole numbre ; 
or els, if the women be annye where occupied,,, their 
most comonlye in their steade the men be ydle. 
Besydes thys, how great, and ho we ydle a company e 
ys theyr of prystes, and relygyous men, as they call 
them? Put there to all che_jnen, speciallye all 
landed men, whyche comomy be called gentylmen, 
and noble men. Take into this numbre also their 1 
seruauntes ; I meane, all that flocke of stout, bragging, 
russhe bucklers. loyne to them also sturdy and 
valiaunt beggers, clokinge their idle leffe vnder the 
colour of some disease or sickenes. And truely you 
shall find them much fewer then you thought, by 2 
whose labour all these thynges be gotten, that men 
vse and lyue bye. Nowe consyder wyth youre selfe, 
of thies fewe that do woorke, how few be occupied in 
necessary woorkes. For where money beareth all the 
swing, ther many vayne and superfluous occupations 2 
f must nedys be vsed, to serue only for ryotous super- 
fluyte and vnhonest pleasure. For the same multytude 
that now is occupied in woorke, if they were deuided 
into so few occupations as the necessary vse of nature 
requyreth, in so greate plentye of thinges, as then of J 
necessity wolde ensue, doubtles the prices wolde be to 
lytle for the artifycers to maynteyne theyre lyuynges. 
But yf all thyes, that be no we bisiede about vnpro fit- 
able occupations, with all the hole flocke of them that 
lyue ydellye and slouthfullye, whyche consume and i 
waste euerye one of them more of thies thinges that 
come by other mens laboure, then ii. of the work men 
thernselfes doo ; yf all thyes (I saye) were sette to 


profy table occupatyons, yowe easelye porceaue ho we 
lytle tyme wolde be enoughe, yea and to muche, to 
stoore vs wyth all thynges that maye be requysyte 
other for necessytye, or for commodytye ; yea, or for 
pleasure, so that the same pleasure be trewe and 5 

And thys in Vtopia the thynge yt selfe maketh 
manifesto and playne. For there in all the citye, wyth 
the hole contreye or shyere adioynynge to yt, scaselye 
500 persons of all the hole numbre of men and women, ia 
that be nother to olde nor to weake to woorke, be 
licensed from labour. Amonge them be the Sipho- 
grauntes, which (though they be by the lawes exempte 
and pryuyleged from labour) yet they exempte net 
themselfes ; to the intent they maye the rather by 15 
their example prouoke other to woorke. The same 
vacation from labour do they also enioye, to whome 
the people, persuaded by the commendation of the 
priestes and secrete election of the Siphograntes, haue 
geuen a perpetual licence, from labour to Iearnyng.j20 
But if anny one of them proue ridtt accordinge to the 
expectation and hoope of him conceaued, he is furth 
with plucked backe to the company of artificers. And 
contrarye wise, often yt chaunceth that a handicraftes 
man doth so earnestly bestowe hys vacaunte and spare 25 
houres in learninge, and through dilygence so prot ytte 
therin, that he is taken frome hys handy occupation, 
and promoted to the company of the learned. 

Owt of this ordre of the learned be chosen ambassa- y 
dours, priestes, Tranibores, and finallye the prince him so 
selfe ; whome they in their olde tonge call Barzanes, 
and by a newer name, Ademus. The residewe of the 
people being nother ydle, nother occupied about vn- 
profitable exercises, it may be easely iudged in how 
fewe liowres how much good woorke by them ma} r e be 35 
doone towardes those thinges that I haue spoken of. 
This commodity they haue also aboue other, that in 
the most part of necessary occupations they neade nott 


so muche worke, as other nations doo. For firste of 
all the buildinge or repayring of houses asketh euery 
where so manye mens continuall labour, bicause that the 
vnth(r)yfty heyre suifreth the howses that hys father 
buylded in contynewaunce of tyme to fall in decay. 5 
So that which he myghte haue vpholden wyth lytle 
coste, hys successoure is constreynede to buylde yt 
agayne a newe, to hys greate chardge. Yea, manye 
tymes also the howse that stoode one man in muche 
rnoneye, anothere ys of so nyce and soo delycate 10 
a mynde that he settethe nothynge by yt. And yt 
beynge neglected, and therefore shortelye fallynge into 
ruyne, he buyldethe vppe anothere in an othere place 
wyth no lesse coste and chardge. But emonge the 
Vtopyans, where all thynges be sett in a good ordre, 15 
and the common wealths in a good staye, yt very 
seldome chaunceth, that they chuse a new plotte to 
buylde an house vpon. And they doo not only finde 
spedy and quicke remedies for present fautes, but also 
preuente them that be like to fall. And by this 2C 
meanes their houses continewe and laste very longe 
with litle labour and small reparacions; in so much 
that this kind of woorkemen sumtimes haue almost 
nothinge to doo ; but that they be commaunded to 
hewe timbre at home, and to square and trime vp Zi 
stones, to the intente that if annye woorke chaunce, it 
may the spedelier rise. 

Now, Syre, in theire apparell marke, I praye yow, 
howe few woorkemen they neade. Fyrste of all, 
whyles they be at woorke, they be couered homely 3( 
with leather or skinnes that will last .vii. yeares. 
When they go furthe a brode, they caste vpon them 
a cloke, whyche hydeth the other homelye apparell. 
Tliyes clookes thoroughe owte the hole Ilande be all 
of one coloure, and that is the naturall colour of the & 
wul. They therfor do not only spende muche lesse 
wullen clothe then is spente in othere contreys, but 
also the same standeth them in muche lesse coste. 



But lynen clothe ys made wyth lesse laboure, and ys 
therefore hadde more in vse. But in lynen clothe 
onlye whytenese, in wullen onlye clenlynes, ys re- 
gardede. As for the smalnese or fynesse of the threde, 
that ys no thynge passed for. And thys ys the cause 5^ 4 
wherfore in other places .iiii. or v. clothe gownes of 
dyuers colours, and as manye sylke cootes, be not 
enoughe for one man. Yea, and yf he be of the 
delycate and nyse sorte, x. be to fewe ; where as there 
one garmente wyll serue a man mooste cominenlye .ii. 10 
yeares. For whie shoulde he desyre moo ? seing if he 
had them, he should not be the better hapt or couered 
from colde, nother in his apparell any whyt the 

Wherefore, seynge they be all exercysed in profyt- 15 
able occupatyons, and that fewe artyfycers in the 
same craftes be suffycyente, thys ys the cause that, 
plentye of all thynges beynge emonge them, they doo 
sumtymes bring furthe an innumerable companye of 
people to amende the hyghe wayes, yf annye be 20 
broken. Manye times also, when they haue no such 
woorke to be occupied about, an open proclamation 
is made that they shall bestowe fewer houres in 
woorke. For_the magistrates do not exercise their 
citizens againste theire willes in vnneadfull laboures. 25 
For whie ? in the institution of that weale publique 
this ende is onlye and chiefely pretended and mynded, 
that what time maye possibly be spared from the 
necessary occupations and affayres of the commen \ ^ 
wealthe, all that the cytizeins sholde withdrawe from 30 
the bodely seruice to the free liberty of the mind and 
gaTnisshing of the same. For herin they suppose the / 
felicity of this liffe to consist. 




>f tijetr lj>* 

uing and mutuall conuersation together. 

But now will I declare how the citizens vse them- 
selfes one towardes another ; what familiar occupieng 
and enterteynement there is emong the people ; and 5 
what fasion they vse in distributinge eueiy thynge. 
First, the city consisteth of families : the families most 
commohlie~ J feeTna"de""6r Tanredes. For the women, 
when they be maryed at a lawfull age, they goo into 
their husbandes houses. But the male chyldren, with 1C 
al the hole male ofspring, continewe still in their 
owne familie, and be gouerned of the eldest ^and 
auncientest father, onles he dote for age ; for then 
the next to hym in age is put in his rowme. 

But to thintent the prescript numbre of the citezens 1, 
shoulde nether decrease, nor aboue measure increase, 
it is ordeined that no famylie, whiche in euerye citie 
be vi. thousand in the hole, besydes them of the 
contrey, shall at ones haue fewer chyldren of the age 
of xiiii. yeares or there aboute then x., or mo then 2 
xvi. ; for of chyldren vnder thys age no numbre can 
be appointed. This measure or numbre is easely 
obserued and kept, by puttinge them that in fuller 
families be aboue the numbre into families of smaller 
increase. But if chaunce be that in the hole citie the 2 
stoore encrease aboue the iust numbre, therewith they 
fyll vp the lacke of other cityes. But if so be that 
the multitude throughout the hole Ilande passe and 
excede the dew numbre, then they chewse out of 
euery citie certeyn cytezens, and buylde vp a towne 
vnder their owne lawes in the nexte lande where the 
inhabitauntes haue muche waste and vnoccupied 


grounde, receauinge also of the inhabitauntes to them, 
if they wil ioyne and dwel with them. They, thus 
ioyning and dwelling together, do easelye agre in one 
fassion of liuing, and that to the great wealth of both 
the peoples. For they so brynge the matter about by 5 
their lawes, that the grounde which before was nether 
good nor profitable for the one nor for the other, is 
nowe sufficiente and frutefull enough for them both. 
But if the inhabitauntes of that lande wyll not dwell 
with them, to be ordered by their lawes, then they 10 
dryue them out of those boundes, which they haue 
limited and apointed out for themselues. And if they 
resiste and rebell, then they make warre agaynst \ d 
them. For they counte this the moste iust cause of 
warre, when any people holdeth a piece of grounde 13 
voyde and vacaunt to no good nor profitable vse, 
kepyng other from the vse and possession of it, whiche 
notwithstandyng by the lawe of nature ought thereof 
to be nowryshed and relieued. If any chaunce do 
so muche dimynishe the numbre of anye of their 20 
cyties, that it cannot be fylled vp agayne wythout 
the diminishynge of the iust numbre of the other 
cyties (whiche they say chaunced but twyse syns the 
begynnynge of the lande, through a greate pestilente 
plage), then they make vp the numbre with cytezens 25 
fetched out of their owne forreyne townes ; for they 
hadde rather suffer theyr forreyn townes to decaye 
and peryshe, then annye cytie of their owne Ilande to 
be dimynyshed. 

But nowe agayne to the conuersation of the cytezens 30 
amonge themselfes. The eldeste (as I sayde) rueleth 
the familie. The wyfes bee ministers to theyr hus- 
bandes, the chyldren to theyr parentes, and, to bee 
shorte, the yonger to theyr elders. Euerye Cytie is 
diuided into foure equall partes. In the myddes of 35 
euery quarter there is a market place of all manor 
of thynges. Thether the workes of euery familie be 
brought in to certeyne houses. And euery kynde of 

F 2 


thynge is layde vp seuerall in barnes or store houses. 
From hence the father of euery famelie or euery 
housholder fetcheth whatsoeuer he and hys haue neade 
of, and carieth it awaye with hym without money, 
without exchaunge, without annye gage or pledge. 5 
For whye should anye thynge be denyed vnto hym ; 
seyng there is abundaunce of all thynges, and that 
it is not to be feared lest anye man wyll aske more 
then he neadeth ? For whie should it be thoughte 
that that man would aske more then enough, which is 10 
/ - sewer neuer to lacke? Certeynly, in all kyndes of 
lyuynge creatures, other fere of lacke doth cause 
couetousnes and rauyne, or in man only pryde ; whiche 
counteth it a gloryouse thynge to passe and excell 
other in the superfluous and vayne ostentacion of 15 
thynges. The whyche kynde of vice amonge the 
Vtopians can haue no place. 

Next to the market places that I spake of stonde 
meate markettes, whether be brought not onlye all 
sortes of herbes, and the fruites of trees with breade, 20 
but also fishe, and all maner of iiii. footed beastes, and 
wilde foule that be mans meate. But first the 
fylthynes and ordure therof is clene washed awaye in 
the runnynge ryuer, without the cytie, in places ap- 
poynted, mete for the same purpose. From thence 25 
the beastes (be) brought in kylled, and cleane wasshed 
by the handes of their bondemen. For they permytte 
not their frie citezens to accustome there selfes to the 
killing of beastes ; through the vse whereof they thinke 
that clemencie, the genteleste affection of our nature, 30 
doth by litle and litle decaye and peryshe. Nother 
they suffer anye thynge that is fylthye, lothesome, 
or vnclenlye, to be brought into the cytie ; least the 
ayre, by the stenche therof infected and corrupte, 
shoulde cause pestilente diseases. 35 

Moreouer euerye strete hath certeyne great large 
halles sett in equal distaunce one from an other, 
euerye one knowne by a seuerall name. In thies 


halles dwell the Syphograuntes. And to euery one 
of the same halles be apoynted xxx._families, of ether 
side xv. The stewardes of euery halle at a certayn 
houre come in to the meate markettes, where they ^ 
receyue meate accordinge to the numbre of their 5 

But first and chieflie of all, respect is had to the 
sycke that be cured in the hospitalles. For in the 
circuite of the citie, a litle without the walles, they 
haue .iiii. hospitalles ; so bygge, so wyde, so ample, 10 
and so lardge, that they may seme .iiii. litle townes ; 
which were deuised of that bygnes, partely to thintent 
the sycke, be they neuer so many in numbre, shuld 
not lye to thronge or strayte, and therfore uneasely 
and incomodiously ; and partely that they which were 15 
taken and h olden with contagious diseases, suche as 
be wonte by infection to crepe from one to an other, 
myght be laid a part farre from the company of the 
residue. Thies hospitalles be so well apointed, and 
with al thynges necessary to health so furnished ; 20 
and more ouer so diligent attendaunce through the 
continual presence of cunnyng phisitians is geuen, 
that though no man be sent thither against his will, 
yet notwithstandinge there is no sicke persone in all 
the citie, that had not rather lye there then at home 25 
in his owne house. When the stewarde of the sicke 
hath receiued suche meates as the phisitians haue 
prescribed, then the beste is equally deuided among 
the halles, according to the company of euery one, 
sauing that there is had a respect to the prince, the 30 
byshop, the tranibours, and to ambassadours, and all 
straungers, if there be any, whiche be verye fewe and 
seldome. But they also, when they be there, haue 
certeyne houses apointed and prepared for them. 

To thies halles at the set houres of dinner and 35 
supper cummith all the hole Siphograuntie or warde, 
warned by the noyse of a brasen trumpet ; except 
such as be sicke in the hospitalles or els in their owne 

/ j i </* 


houses. Howe be it, no man is prohibited or forbid, 
after the halles be serued, to fetch home meate out of 
the market to his own house. For they knowe that 
no man wyl doo it without a cause resonable. For 
thoughe no^man be prohibited to dyne at home, yet 5 
no man doth it willynglye, because it is counted a 
pointe of small honestie. And also it were a follye to 
take the payne to dresse a badde dyner at home, when 
they maye be welcome to good and fyne fare so nyghe 
hande at the hall. In this hal all vyle seruice, all 10 
slauerie and drudgerye, with all laboursome toyle and 
busines, is done by bondemen. But the women of 
euery famelie by course haue the office and charge of 
cokeiye, for sethinge and dressynge the meate, and 
orderyng al thinges therto belonging. They syt at iii. 15 
tables or moo, accordyng to the numbre of their 
company. The men syt vpon the benche next the 
wall, and the women agaynst them on the other syde 
of the table ; that, if anye sodeyne euell should chaunce 
to them, as many tymes happeneth to women with 20 
chylde, they maye ryse wythout trouble or disturb- 
aunce of anye body, and go thence into the nurcerie. 

The nourceis sitte seuerall alone with their yonge 
suckelinges in a certayne parloure apointed and deputed 
to the same purpose, neuer without fire and cleane 25 
water, nor yet without cradels ; that when they wyll 
they maye laye downe the yong infauntes, and at their 
pleasure take them out of their swathynge clothes and 
holde them to the fyere, and refreshe them with playe. 
Eueiy mother is nource to her owne chylde, onles 30 
other death or syckenes be the let. When that 
chaunceth, the wyues of the Siphograuntes quyckelye 
prouyde a nource. And that is not harde to be done. 
For they that can doo it do proffer themselfes to no 
seruice so gladlye as to that. Because that there thys 35 
kynde of pitie is muche praysed ; and the chylde that 
is nouryshed euer after taketh hys nource for his owne 
naturall mother. Also amonge the nourceis syt all 


the chyldren that be vnder the age of v. yeares. All 
the other children of both kyndes, aswell boyes as 
gyrles, that be vnder the age of marryage, doo jjther 
seme at the tables, or els if they_Jbe_to yonge therto, 
yet~tliey^stsnde by with meruelous~siIenceT That 5 
which~6~is~giuen to them from the table they eate, and 
other seuerall dynner tyme they haue none. The 
Siphograunt and his wife sitteth in the middes of the 
highe table, forasmuche as that is counted the honer- 
ablest place, and because from thence al the hole 10 
companye is in their syght. For that table standeth 
ouer wharte the oner ende of the halie. To them be 
ioyned ii. of the anctientest and eldest. For at euery 
table they syt iiii. at a meesse. But if there be a 
church standing in that Siphograuntie, or warde, then 15 
the priest and his wyfe sitteth with the Siphograunte, 
as chiefe in the company. On both sydes of them 
sytte yonge men, and nexte vnto them agayne olde 
men. And thus throughe out all the house equall of 
age be sette together, and yet be myxte with vnequall 20 / 
ages. Thys they saye was ordeyned, to the intent 
that the sage grauitie and reuerence of the elders 
should kepe the yongers from wanton licence of wordes 
and behauiour ; for as muche as nothyng can be so 
secretly spoken or done at the tabTe, but either they 25 
that syt on the one syde or on the other must nedes 
perceiue it. The disshes be not set downe in ordre 
from the first place, but all the old men (whoes places 
be marked with som speciall token to be knowen) be 
first serued of there meate, and then the residue 30 
equally. The old men deuide their dainties, as they 
think best, to the yonger that sit of both sides them. 
Thus the elders be not defrauded of their dewe 
honoure, and neuerthelesse equall commoditie commeth 
to euery one. 35 

They begin euerye dynner and supper of reading 
sumthing that perteineth to good maners and vertue. 
But it is short, becawse no man shalbe greued therwith. 


Here of thelders take occasion of honest communica 
tion, but nother sad nor vnpleasaunt. Howbeit, they 
do not spend all the hole dyner time themselfes with 
long and tedious talkes ; but they gladly here also the 
yong men ; yea and do purposly prouoke them to 5 
talke, to thentent that they maye haue a profe of euery 
mans wit and towardnes or disposition to vertue, 
which commonly in ye liberte of feasting doth shew 
and vtter it selfe. Theire dyners be verye short ; but 
there suppers be sumwhat longer ; because that after 10 
dynner followeth laboure ; after supper sleape and 
naturall reste ; whiche they thynke to be of no more 
strengthe and efficacy to holsome and healthfull diges 
tion. No supper is pase_d .without musicka.; nor their 
bankettes lacfte""rio conceytes nor ionckettes. Xhey 15 
burne swete gummes and speces for perfumes and 
pleasaunt smelles, and sprincle about swete oyntmentes 
and waters ; yea they leaue nothyng vndone that 
maketh for the cheryng of the company. For they be 
muche enclyned to this opinion : to thinke no kynde 20 
of pleasure forbidden, wherof cummeth no harme. 

Thus therfore and after this sorte they lyue togethers 
in the citie ; but in the contrey they that dwell alone, 
farre from anye neyghbours, do dyne and suppe at 
home in their own houses. For no famelie there 25 
lacketh anye kynde of victualles, as from whome 
cummeth all that the cytezens eate and lyue bye. 



I Df tljeit 

iourneyenge or trauaylynge a brode, 

with dyuers other matters cun- 

nyngly reasoned and witti- 

lie discussed. 5 

But if any be desierous to vysite other their fryndes . 
that dwel in an other Cytie, or to see the place it selfe. 
they easelye obteyne lycence of their Siphograuntes 
and Tranibores, oneles there T>ee som profitable let. 
No man goeth out alone ; but a conipanye is sente 10 
furth to gether with their princes letters, whiche do 
te stifle that they haue licence to go that iorney, and 
prescribeth also the day of their retourne. They haue 
a wageyn geuen them, with a common bondman, 
whiche driueth the oxen and taketh charge of them. 15 
But onles they haue women in their company, they 
sende home the wageyn againe, as an impediment and 
a let. And though they carrye nothyng furth wit 
them, yet in all their iorney they lacke nothing. For 
whersoeuer they come they be at home. If they tary 20 
in a place longer then one day, than there euery one 
of them falleth to his own occupation, and be very 
gentilly enterteined of the workmen and companies of 
the same craftes. If any man of his owne head and \ JT 
without leaue walke out of his precinct and boundes, 35 
taken without the princes lettres, he is brought again / 
for a fugitive or a runaway with great shame and <-#, 
rebuke, and is sharpely punished. If he be taken in 
that faulte agayne, he is punished with bondage. 

If an ye be desierous to walke a brode into the 30 
fieldes, or into the contrey that belongeth to the same 
citie that he dwelleth in, obteynyng the good will of 


his father, and the consent of his wife, he is not pro 
hibited. But into what part of the contrey soeuer he 
cummeth, he hath no meat geuin him untill he haue 
wrought out his forenones taske, or els dispatched so 
muche worke as there is wonte to be wrought befor 5 
supper. Obseruing this lawe and condition, he may 
go whether he well within the boundes of his owne 
citie. For he shalbe no les profitable to the citie, then 
if he were within it. 

Now yow see howe litle libertie they haue to loyter ; K 
how they can haue no cloke or pretence to ydelnes. 
There be nether wyn tauernes, nor ale houses, nor 
stewes, nor any occasion of ujce or wicked nes, no 
lurking corners, no places of wicked councelles or 
vnlawfull assembles ; but they be in the present sight, 1 
and vnder the iyes of euery man ; so that of necessitie 
they must other applie their accustomed labours, or 
else recreate themselfes with honest and laudable 

This fassion being vsed among the people, they 2 
must of necessitie haue store and plentie of all thinges. 
And seing they be al therof parteners equally, therfore 
cane no man there be poore or nedye. In the councel 
of Amaurot (whether, as I sayde, euery citie sendeth 
.iii. men a pece yearly), assone as it is perfectly 2 
knowen of what thynges there is in euery place plentie, 
and agayne what thynges be skant in anye place ; 
incontinent the lacke of the one is performed and 
fylled vp with the aboundaunce of the other. And 
this they doo frelye without any benifite, takyng nothing 3 
agayn of them to whom the thinges is geuen ; but 
those cyties that haue geuen of their store to anye 
other cytie that lacketh. requyrynge nothynge agayne 
of the same cytie, do take suche thinges as they 
lacke of an other cytie, to whome they gaue nothynge. 3 
So the hole Ilande is as it were one famelie or 

But when they haue made sufficiente prouision of 


stoore for them selfes (whiche they thynke not doone 
untyll they haue prouyded for two yeares followynge, 
bicause of the vncertentie of the nexte yeares proffe), , t > 
then of those thynges wherof they haue abundaunce 
they carry furthe into other contreis greate plenty ; 5 
as gi ayne, honnye, wulle, flaxe, woode, madder, purple 
die felles, waxe, tallowe, lether, and liuyng beastes.,^ & 
And the seuenth part of all thies thynges they gyue 
franckely and frelye to the poore of that contrey. . 
The resydewe they sell at a reasonable and meane 10 f " 
price. By this trade of traffique or marchandise, they 
bring into their own contrey not only great plentie 
of golde and sillier, but also all suche thynges as they 
lacke at home, whych is almoste nothynge but Iron. 
And by reason they haue longe vsed thys trade, nowe 15 
they haue more abundaunce of thies thynges then any 
man wyll beleue. Nowe, therfore, they care not 
whether they sell for reddye moneye, or els vpon 
truste to be paide at a daye, and to haue the most 
part in debtes. But in so doyng they neuer followe 20 
the credence of pryuat men, but the assureaunce or 
warrauntise of the hole citye, by instrumentes and 
writinges made in that behalfe accordinglye. When 
the daye of paymente is come and expyred, the cytye 
gathereth vp the debte of the priuate dettours, and 25 
putteth it into the common boxe, and so long hath 
the vse and proffytte of it, vntyll the vtopians their 
creditours demaunde it. The mooste parte of it they 
neuer aske. For that thynge whyche is to them no 
proffyte, to take it from other to whom it is proffytable, 30 
they thinke it no righte nor conscience. But yf the 
case so stande, that they must lende parte of that 
money to an other people, then they requyre theyre 
debte ; or when they haue warre. For the whyche 
purpose onelye they keap at home al the treasure 35 
which they haue, to be holpen and socoured by yt 
other in extreame ieopardyes, or in suddeyne daungers ; 
but especyallye and chieflye to hiere therwyth, and 


that f or vnreasonable greate wayges, straunge soldyours. 
For they hadde rather put straungers in ieopardye 
then theyre owne contreye men ; knowinge that for 
moneye enoughe theire enemyes themselfes manye 
tymes may be bowghte and solde, or els throughe 5 
treason be sette togethers by the eares emonge them 
selfes. For thys cause they kype an inestymable 
treasure ; but yet not as a treasure ; but so they haue 
yt and vse yt as in good faythe I am ashamede to 
she we, fearynge that my woordes shal not be beleued. 1 
And thys I haue more cause to feare, for that I knowe 
howe dyffucultlye and hardelye I meselfe wolde haue 
beleued an othere man tellynge the same, yf I hadde 
not presentlye scene yt wyth myne owne iyes. For 
yt muste nedes be, that howe farre a thing is dissonaunt 1 
and disagreinge from the guyse and trade of the 
hearers, so farre shall yt be owte of theyr beleffe. 
Howe be yt, a wyse and indyfferente estymer of 
thynges wyll not greatly marueil perchaunce, seing al 
theyre other lawes and customes doo so muche dyfferre 2 
from owres, yf the vse also of golde and syluer amonge 
them be applyed rather to theyr owne fassyons then 
to owers. I meane, in that they occupye not moneye 
themselfes, but kepe yt for that chaunce ; whyche as 
yt maye happen, so yt maye be that yt shall neuer2 
come to passe. 

In the meane tyme golde and syluer, whereof 
moneye ys made, they doo soo vse, as none of them 
dothe more estyme yt, then the verye nature of the 
thynge deseruethe. And then who dothe not playnlye 3 
see howe farre yt ys vnder Iron? as wythoute the 
whyche men canne no better lyue then withowte 
fyere and water ; whereas to golde and syluer nature 
hathe geuen no vse that we may not wel lacke, yf that 
the folly of men hadde not sette it in hygher estyma- 3 
cyon for the rarenes sake. But, of the contrary parte, 
nature, as a moste tender and louynge mother, hath 
placed the beste and moste necessarye thynges open 


a brode ; as the ay ere, the water, and the earth it 
selfe ; and hath remoued and hydde farthest from 
vs vayne and vnprofytable thynges. Therfore yf thies 
metalles among them shoulde be fast locked vp in 
some tower, it myghte be suspected that the prynce ? 
and the cowncell (as the people is euer foolyshelye 
ymagininge) intended by some subtyltye to deceaue 
the commons, and to take some proffette of it to 
themselfes. Furthermore, if they should make therof 
plat and such other finely and cunningly wrought 10 
stuffe ; yf at anye tyme they shoulde haue occasyon 
to breake it, and melte it agayne, and therwyth to 
paye their souldiours wages ; they see and perceiue 
very well that men wolde be lothe to parte from those 
thynges that they ons begonne to haue pleasure and 15 
delyte in. 

To remedye all thys, they haue fownde owt a 

j meanes, which, as it is agreable to al their other 

j lawes and customes, so it is from ours, where golde 

\ is so muche set by and so delygently kepte, very farre 20 

I discrepant and repugnaunt ; and therfore vncredible, 

but only to them that be wise. For where as they 

I eate and drincke in earthen and glasse vesselles, which 

! in dede be curiously and properlie made, and yet be 

j of very small value ; of gold and siluer they make 25 

i commonlye chamber pottes, and other like vesselles 

; that serue for moste vile vses, not only in their common 

halles, but in euery mans priuate house. Furthermore 

of the^same mettalles they make greate cheynes with 

I fetters~and giues, wherin they tye their bondmen. 30 

Finally, who so euer for any offence be infamed, by 

their eares hange ringes of golde ; vpon their fingers 

. they were ringes of golde, and about their neckes 

chaynes of gold ; and in conclusion their heades be 

, tiede about with golde. Thus, by all meanes that 35 

may be, they procure to haue gold and siluer emong 

them in reproche and infamy. And therfore thies 

metalles, which other nations do as greuously and 


sorroufully forgo, as in a maner from their owne 
Hues : if they should all togethers at ones be taken 
from the vtopians, no man there wold thinke that he 
had lost the worth of one farthing. 

They gather also peerles by the sea side, and 5 
Diamondes and Carbuncles upon certein rockes ; and 
yet they seke not for them ; but by chaunce finding 
them they cutt and polish them. And therwith they 
decke their yonge infanntes. Which, like as in the 
first yeares of their childhod they make much and be h 
fond and proud of such ornamentes, so when they ; 
be a litle more growen in yeares and discretion, : 
perceiuing that none but children do were such toies | 
and trifeles, they lay them awaye euen of theyre owne 
shamefastenes, wythowte annye biddyng of there 
parentes : euen as oure chyldren, when they waxe 
bygge, doo caste awaye riuttes, brouches, and puppettes. 
Therfore thyes lawes and customes, whych be so farre 
dyfferente from all othere natyons, howe diuers fanseys 
also and myndes they doo cause, dydde I neuer so 
playnlye perceaue, as in the Ambassadoures of the 

Thyes Ambassadoures came to Amaurote whyles I 
was there. And by cause they came to entreat of greate 
and weighty matters, those .iii. citizeins a pece out of 
euery city were commen thether before them. But al 
the Ambassadours of the next contreis, which had 
bene there before, and knewe the fassions and maners 
of the Vtopians, amonge whome they perceaued no 
honoure geuen to sumptuous and costelye apparrell, 
silkes to be contemned, golde also to be enfamed and 
reprochefull, were wont to come thether in very homely 
and simple apparrell. But the Anemolianes, bicause 
they dwell farre thence, and had verye litle acquain- 
taunce with them, hearinge that they were al apparelled 
a like, and that verye rudely e and homelye, thynkynge 
them not to haue the thynges whyche they dydde not 
weare, beynge therefore more proud then wise, deter- 


mined in the gorgiousnes of their apparel to represent 
very goddes, and wyth the bright shynynge and 
glisteringe of their gaye clothinge to dasell the eyes of 
the silie poore vtopians. So ther came in iii. Ambas- 
sadours with C. seruauntes all apparelled in chaunge- 5 
able colours ; the moost of them in silkes ; the Arnbas- 
sadours themselfes (for at home in their owne countrey 
they were noble men) in cloth of gold, with great 
cheines of gold, with gold hanging at their eares, with 
gold ringes vpon their fingers, with brouches and 10 
aglettes of gold vpon their cappes, which glistered ful 
of peerles and pretious stones ; to be short, trimmed 
and aduorned with al those thinges, which emong the - 
vtopians were other the punnishement of bondmen, or ^ 
the reproche of infumed persones, or elles trifels for 15 
yonge children to playe with all. Therfore it wolde 
haue done a man good at his harte to Iiaue sene howe 
proudelye they displeyed theire pecockes fethers ; howe 
muche they made of their paynted sheathes ; and 
howe loftely they sett forth and aduaunced them selfes, 20 
when they compared their gallaunte apparrell with the 
poore rayment of the vtopians. For al the people were 
swarmed furth into the stretes. And on the other 
side it was no lesse pleasure to consider howe muche 
they were deceaued, and how farre they missed of their 25 
purpose ; being contrary wayes taken then they thought 
they shoulde haue bene. For to the iyes of all the 
vtopians, excepte very few T e, whiche had bene in other 
contreys for some resonable cause, al that gorgeousnes 
of apparrel seraed shamefull and reprochefull ; in so 30 
much that they most reuerently saluted the vylest and 
most abiect of them for lordes ; passing ouer the Am- 
oassadours themselfes without any honour ; iudging 
them, be their wearing of golden cheynes, to be bonde- 
men. Yea, you shuld haue sene children also that had 35 
caste away their peerles and pretious stones, when 
they sawe the like sticking vpon the Ambassadours 
cappes, digge and pushe their mothers vnder the sides, 


sayinge thus to them : Loke, mother, how great a 
lubbor doth yet were peerles and pretious stoones, as 
though he were a litel child still. But the mother, 
yea, and that also in good earnest : peace, sone, saith 
she ; I thynk he be some of the Ambassadours-fooles. 5 
Some fownde fawte at theire golden cheynes, as to no 
vse nor purpose ; beynge so small and weake, that 
a bondeman myghte easelye breake them ; and agayne 
so wyde and large, that, when it pleased him, he 
myght cast them of, and runne awaye at lybertye 1 
whether he wolde. 

But when the Ambassadoures hadde bene there a 
daye or .ii., and sawe so greate abundaunce of gold so 
lyghtelye estymed, yea, in no lesse reproche then yt 
was wyth them in honour ; and, besydes that, more 1 
golde in the cheynes and gyues of one fugytyue bonde 
man, then all the ccstelye ornamentes of them .iii. 
was worth ; they beganne to abate theyre currage, and 
for verye shame layde awaye all that gorgyouse arraye 
wherof theye were so prowde ; and specyallye wh< n 2 
they hadde talkede famylyerlye wyth the Vtopyans, 
and hadde learnede all theyre fassyons and opynyons. 
For they marueyle that annye men be soo folyshe as 
to haue delyte and pleasure in the glysterynge of a 
, lytyll tryfelynge stone, whyche maye beholde annye 2 
of the starres, or elles the soone yt selfe ; or that 
annye man ys so madde as to counte him selfe the 
nobler for the smaller or fyner threde of wolle, whyche 
selfe same woll (be it nowe in neuere so fyne a sponne 
threde) dyde ones a shepe weare ; and yet was she all 
that time no other thing then a shepe. 

They marueyle also that golde, whyche of the owne 
nature is a thynge so vnprofytable, is nowe emonge 
all people in soo hyghe estymatyon, that man hym 
selfe, by whom, yea and for the vse of whome, yt ys i 
so muche sett by, ys in muche lesse estymatyon then 
the golde yt selfe. In so muche that a lumpyshe 
blockehedded churle, and whyche hathe no more wytte 


then an asse, yea, and as full of noughtenes and 
folyshenes, shall haue neuertheles many wyse and 
good men in subiectyon and bondage, onlye for thys, 
by cause he hathe a greate heape of golde. Whyche yf 
yt should be taken from hyme by annye fortune, or 5 
by some subtyll wyle of the lawe, (which no lesse then 
fortune doth raise vp the lowe, and plucke downe the 
high) and be geuen to the most vile slaue and abiect 
dreuell of all his housholde, then shortely after he 
shall goo into the seruice of his seruaunt, as an aug- 10 
mentation or an ouerplus besyd his money. But they 
much more marueill at and detest the madenes of , 
them, whyche to those riche men, in whose debte and 
daunger they be not, do giue almoste diuine honowres, 
for non other consideration, but bicause they be riche ; 15 
and yet knowing them to be suche nigeshe penny 
fathers, that they be sure, as long as they liue, not the 
worthe of one farthinge of that heape of gold shall 
come to them. 

Thies and such like opinions haue they conceaued, 20 
partely by education, beinge brought vp in that 
common wealth, whose lawes and customes be farre 
different from thies kindes of folly, and partely by 
good litterature and learning. For though ther be 
not many in euery citye, whiche be exempte and dis- 25 
charged of all other laboures, and appointed only to 
learninge ; that is to saye, suche in whome euen from 
theire very childhode they haue perceaued a singuler 
towardnes, a fyne witte, and a minde apte to good 
learning ; yet all in their childhode be instructe in 30 
learninge. And the better parte of the people, bothe 
men and women, throughe owte all theire hole lyffe, 
doo bestowe in learninge those spare howres, which 
we sayde they haue vacante from bodelye laboures. 
They be taughte learninge in theire owne natyue tonge. 35 
For yt is bothe copious in woordes, and also pleasaunte 
to the eare, and for the vtteraunce of a mans minde 
verye perfecte and sure. The mooste parte of all that 


syde of the wordle vseth the same langage ; sauinge 
that amonge the Vtopians yt is fyneste and puryste ; 
and accordynge to the dyuersytye of the contreys yt 
ys dyuerslye alterede. 

Of all thyes Philosophers, whose names be here 5 
famous in thys parte of the wordle to vs knowen, 
before owre cummynge thether, nott as muche as the 
fame of annye of them was comen amonge them ; and 
yett in Musycke, Logycke, Arythmetyke, and Geo- 
metrye, they haue fownde owte in a manner all that 10 
oure auncvente Philosophers haue tawghte. But as 
they in all thynges be almoste equall to our olde 
auncyente clerkes, so our newe Logiciens in subtyll 
inuentyons haue farre passed and gone beyonde them. 
For they haue not deuysed one of all those rules of 15 
restryctyons, amply fycatyons, and supposytyons, very 
wittelye inuented in the small Logycalles, whyche 
heare oure chyldren in euerye place do learne. Further 
more they were neuer yet able to fynde out the seconde 
intentyons ; in so muche that none of them all coulde 2C 
euer see man hymselfe in comrnen, as they call hym ; 
thoughe he be (as yow knowe) bygger then euer was 
annye gyaunte, yea, and poynted to of vs euen wyth 
our fynger. But they be in the course of the starres, 
and the mouynges of the heauenlye spheres, verye 2. 
expert and cunnynge. They haue also wyttelye ex- 
cogytated and diuised instrumentes of diuers fassyons, 
wherin is exactly comprehended and conteyned the 
mouynges and sytuatyons of the sonne, the moone, 
and of all the other starres which appere in theyre 3 
horyzon. But as for the amityes and dissentyons of 
the pianettes, and all that deceytefull diuynatyon by 
the starres, they neuer asmuch as dreamed therof, 
Eaynes, windes, and other courses of tempestes they 
knowe before by certein tokens, which they haue 2 
learned by long vse and obseruation. But of the 
causes of all thies thinges, and of the ebbinge, flowinge, 
and saltenes of the sea, and fynallye of the orygynall 


begynnyng and nature of heauen and of the wordle, 
they holde partelye the same opynyons that our olde 
philosophers holde ; and partelye, as our philosophers 
vaiye emonge themselfes, so they also, whiles they 
bringe new reasons of thynges, doo disagree from all 5 
them, and yet emonge themselfes in all poyntes they 
doo not accorde. 

In that part of philosophie which intreateth of 
manners and vertue, theire reasons and opynyons agree 
wyth ours. They dyspute of the good qualytyes of 10 
the sowle, of the body, and of fortune ; and whether 
the name of goodnes maye be applied to all thies, or 
onlie to the endowmentes and giftes of the sowle. 
They reason of vertue and pleasure. But the chiefe 
and principall question is in what thynge, be yt one 15 
or moOj^ the felycytye of man cbnsisteth". JtJut in thys 
pbynte they~seme~ almooste to muche geuen and 
enclyned to the opinion of them whiche defende 
pleasure ; wherin they determine other all or the* 
cmeTyste parte of mans felycytye to reste. And (whyche 20 
is more to bee marueled at) the defence of thys soo 
deyntye and delycate an opynyon they fetche euen 
from theyre graue, sharpe, bytter, and rygorous 
relygyon. For they neuer dyspute of felycytye or 
blessednes, but they ioyne to the reasons of Philosophye 25 . 
certeyne pryncyples taken owte of retygyon ; wythoute 
the whyche, to the inuestygatj T on of trewe felycytye, 
theye thynke reason of yt selfe weak and vnperfecte. 
Thoose pryncyples be thyes and suche lyke : That the 
sowle ys immortal 1, and by the bountifull goodnes of SO 
God~ordeyned to felicitie: That to our vertues and 
good deades rewardes be apoyhted after this lyfe, and 
to our euell deades punyshementes. Though thies be 
perteynyng to religion, yet they thynke it mete that 
they shoulde be beleued and graunted by profes of 35 
reason. But if thies principles were condempned and 
dysanulled, then without anye delaye they pronounce 
no man to be so folish, whiche woulde not do all hys 

O 2 


diligence and endeuoure to obteyne pleasure be ryght 
or wronge, onlye auoydynge this inconuenience, that 
the lesse pleasure should not be a let or hynderaunce 
to the bygger ; or that he laboured not for that plea 
sure whiche would bryng after it displeasure, greefe, 5 
and sorrowe. For they iudge it extreame madnes to . 
folowe sharpe and peinful vertue, and riot only to 
bannyshe the pleasure of lyfe, but also wyllyngly 
to suffre grief without any hope of proffyt thereof. 
For what proffyt can there be, if a man, when he hath 10 
passed ouer all hys lyfe vnpleasauntly. that is to say, , 
wretchedlye, shall haue no rewarde after hys death ? 
But now, syr, they thynke not felicitie to resie-in all 
pleasure, but onlye in that pleasure that is good and 
honest ; and that hereto, as to perfet blessednes, our 15 
nature is allured and drawen euen of vertue ; wherto 
only they that be of the contrary opinion do attribute 
felicitie. For they define vertue to be a life ordered 
according to nature ; and that we be hereunto ordeined- 
of god ; and that he doth folio we the course of nature, .20 
which in desiering and refusyng thynges is ruled by 
reason. Furthermore, that reason doth chiefelie and 
pryncipallye kendle in men the loue and veneration of 
the deuyne maiestie ; of whoes goodnes it is that we be, * 
and that we be in possibiJitie to attayne felicite. And 25 
that, secondarely, it moueth and prouoketh vs to leade 
our lyfe out of care in ioye and myrth, and to helpe all 
other, in respecte of the sosiete of nature, to obteyne 
the same. For there was neuer man so earnest and : 
paynefull a follower of vertue, and hater of pleasure, & 
that woulde so inio) r ne you laboures, watchir.ges, and 
fastinges, but he would also exhort you to ease and 
lighten to your powre the lacke and myserye of 
others ; praysyng the same as a dede of humanitie 
and pitie. Then if it be a poynte of humanitie for man 3i 
to bryng health and comforte to man, and speciallye 
(whiche is a vertue moste peculiarlye belongynge to 
man) to mitigate and assuage the grief of others, and 


by takyng from them the sorowe and heuynes of lyfe, 
to restore them to ioye, that is to saye to pleasure ; 
whye maye it not then be sayd that nature doth 
prouoke euerye man to doo the same to hymselfe? 

For a ioyfull lyfe, that is to saye, a pleasaunt lyfe, 5 
is other euell ; and if it be so, then thou shouldest 
not onlye helpe no man therto, but rather, as muche 
as in the lieth, helpe all men from it, as noysome 
and hurtefull ; or els, if thou not onlye mayste, but 
also of dewtie art bounde to procure it to others, why 10 
not chiefely to theself, to whome thou art bound to 
shewe as muche fauour as to other ? For when natur 
biddeth the to be good and gentle to other, she com- 
maundeth the not to be cruell and vngentle to the 
selfe. Therfore euen very nature (saye they) pre- 15 
scribith to vs a ioyfull lyfe, that is to saye, pleasure, 
as the encle of all our operations. And they defyne 
vertue to be lyfe ordered accordyng to the prescrypt 
of nature. But in that that nature dothe allure and 
prouoke men one to healpe an other to lyue merilye 20 
(whiche suerlye she doth not without a good cause ; 
for no man is so farre aboue the lot of mans state 
or condicion, that nature doth carke and care for 
hym only, whiche equallye fauoureth all that be 
comprehended vnder the communion of one shape, 25 
forme, and fassion), verely she commaundeth the to 
vse diligent circumspection, that thou do not so seke 
for thine owne commodities, that thou procure others 

Wherfore their opinion is, that not onlye coue- 30 
nauntes and bargaynes made amonge priuate men ought 
to be well and faythfullye fulfylled, obsenied, and 
kept, but also commen lawes ; whiche other a good 
prince hath iustly publyshed, or els the people, nother 
oppressed with tyranny, nother deceaued by fraude 35 
and gyell, hath by their common consent constitute 
and ratifyed, concernyng the particion of the com 
modities of lyfe, that is to say, the matter of pleasure. 


Thies lawes not offendid, it is wysdome that thou 
looke to thyne own wealth e. And to do the same for 
the common wealth is no lesse then thy duetie, if thou 
bearest any reuerent loue or any naturall zeale and 
affection to thy natiue contrey. But to go about to 5 
let an other man of his pleasure, whiles thou procurest 
thyne owne, that is open wrong. Contrary wyse, to 
withdrawe somethynge from they selfe to geue to 
other, that is a pointe of humanitie and gentylnes ; 
whiche neuer taketh a waye so muche commoditie, as 10 
it bryngeth agayne. For it is recompensed with the 
retourne of benefytes ; and the conscience of the good 
dede, with the remembraunce of the thankefull loue 
and beneuolence of them to whom thou hast done it, 
doth brynge more pleasure to thy mynde, then that 15 
whiche thou hast withholden from thy selfe could 
haue brought to the bodye. Finallye (which to a 
godly disposed and a religious mind is easie to be 
persuaded), God recompenseth the gifte of a short 
and small pleasure with great and euerlasfcinge ioye. 20 
Therfore, the matter diligentlie wayde and considered, 
thus they thinke : that all our actions, and in them 
the vertues themselfes, be referred at the last to 

) pleasure, as theire ende and felicitie. 

Pleasure they call euery motion and state of the 2J 
^ bodie or mynde, wherin man hath naturally delecta 
tion. Appetite they ioyne to nature, and that not 
without a good cause. For like as not only the 
senses, but also right reason, coueteth whatsoeuer 
is naturally pleasaunt ; so that it may be gotten with- 31 
out wrong or iniurie, not letting or debarring a greater 
pleasur, nor causing painful labour ; euen so those 
thinges that men by vaine ymagination, do fayne 
against nature to be pleasaunt (as though it lay in 
their powre to chaunge the thinges as they do the 8 
names of thinges), al suche pleasure they beleue to 
be of so small helpe and furtheraunce to felicitie, that 
they counte them great let and hinderaunce ; because 


that, in whom they haue ones taken place, all his 
mynde they possesse with a false opinion of pleasure ; 
so that there is no place left for true and naturall 
delectacions. For there be nianye thynges, whiche of 
their owne nature conteyne no plesauntnes ; yea the 5 
moste part of them muche grief and sorrow ; and yet, 
through the peruerse and malicious flickering intice- 
mentes of lewde and vnhoneste desyres, be taken not 
only for speciall and souereigne pleasures, but also be 
counted amonge the chiefe causes of life. 10 

In this counterfeat kinde ofpleaguia-ifeey put them- . 
that I speake of~before ; which, the be^r__gow^o_tlisy 
hmia^on^ the better men they thynke themselfes. In 
the whiche thynge they doo twyse erre. For they be 
no lesse deceaued in that they thynke their gowne the 15 
better, than they be in that they thinke themselfes 
the better. For if you consider the profitable vse of 
the garmente, whye shoulde wulle of a fyner sponne 
threde be thought better, then the wul of a course 
sponne threde ? Yet they, as though the one dyd 20 
passe the other by nature, and not by their mistakyng, 
auaunce themselfes and thinke the price of their owne 
persones therby greatly encreased. And therfore the 
honoure, whiche in a course gowne they durste not 
haue lokyd for, they require as it were of dewtie for 25 
their fyner gownes sake. And if they be passed by 
without reuerence, they take it angerlye and disdayn- 

And agayne is it not a lyke madnes to take a 
pride in yayne and vnprofitable honoures? For what 30 
naturall or trewe pleasure doest thou take of an other * 
mans bare hede or bowed knees ? Will thys ease the 
payne of thy knees, or remedy e the phrensie of thy 
heade? In this ymage of counterfeyte pleasure, they 
be of a maruelous madnes, which for the opinion of 35 
nobilitie reioyse muche in their owne conceite, because 
it was their fortune to come of suche auncetours, 
whoes stocke of longe tyme hath bene counted ryche 4 


(for nowe nobilitie is nothynge elles), specially ryche 
in landes. And though their auncetours left them not 
one fote of lande, or els they themselfes haue pyssed 
it agaynste the walles, yet they thynke themselfes not 
the lesse noble therefore of one heare. 5 

In thys numbre also they counte them that take 
pleasure and delyte (as I saide) in gemmes and 
precious stones, and thynke themselues almoste goddes, 
if they chaunce to gette an excellent one ; speciallye 
of that kynde whyche in that tyme of their ovvne 10 
contreye men is had in hyghest estimation. For one 
kynde of stone kepeth not hys pryce styll in all 
contreis, and at all tymes. Nor they bye them not 
but taken out of the golde and bare ; no, nor so 
nother, before they haue made the seller to sweare lc 
that he wyll warraunte and assure it to be a trewe 
stone and no counterfeyt geme. Suche care they take 
lest a counterfet stone shoulde deceaue their eyes in 
the steade of a right stone. But whye showldest 
thou not take euen as muche pleasure in beholdynge 2( 

. a counterfette stone, whiche thyne eye cannot discerne 
from a ryght stone? They should both be of lyke 
value to the, euen as to a blynde man. What shall 

^1 saye of them that kepe superfluous ryches, to take 
delectacion only in the beholdynge, and not in the vse 2 
or occupyenge therof? Do they take trewe pleasure, 
or els be they deceaued with false pleasure ? Or of 
them that be in a contrary vice, hydynge the golde 
whiche they shall neuer occupie, nor peraduenture 
neuer see more ; and, whiles they take care leaste 3 
they shall leese it, do leese it in dede? For what is 
it elles, when they hyde it in the grounde, takynge 
it bothe from their owne vse, and perchaunce from 
all other mens also ? And yet thou, when thou haste 
hidde thye treasure, as one out of all care, hoppest I 
for ioye. The whyche treasure if it shoulde chaunce 
to bee stoolen, and thou, ignoraunt of the thefte, 
shouldest dye tenne yeares after ; all that tenne yeares 


space that thou lyuedest, after thy money was stolen, 
what matter was it to the whether it hadde bene 
taken a waye, or els sauffe as thou lefteste it ? Truelye 
bothe wayes lyke proffyt came to the. 

To thyes so foolyshe pleasures they ioyne dycers, 5 
whose madnes they knowe by heare say and not by 
vse ; hunters also, and hawkers. For what pleasure 
is there (saye they) in castynge the dice upon a table ; 
which thu hast done so often, that if theire were anye 
pleasure in it, yet the ofte vse myghte make the werye 10 
therof? Or what delite can there be, and not rather 
dyspleasure, in hearynge the barkynge and howlynge 
of dogges ? Or what greater pleasure is there to be 
felte, when a dogge folio we th an hare, then when a 
dogge followeth a dogge ? for one thynge is done in 15 
both ; that is to saye, runninge ; if thou haste pleasure 
therein. But if the hope of slaughter, and the expec- L ^ 
tation of tearynge in pieces the beaste dothe please 
the, thou shouldest rather be moued with pitie to see 
a seely innocent hare murdered of a dogge ; the weake 20 
of the stronger ; the fearefull of the fearce ; the 
innocente of the cruell and vnmercyfull. Therefore 
aUthys exercyse of huntynge. as a thynge ynworthye 
tcTEevsed of free men, the Vtopians haue reiected to 
their bochers ; to the whiche crafte (as wee sayde 26 
before) they appointe ther bondmen. For they__co.iuite 
huntyng the loweste, vyleste, and moste abiecte parte * 
ofjaocheryej^ and the other partes of it more profyt- 
able and more honeste, as whiche do brynge muche 
more commoditie ; and doo kyll beastes onlye for 30 
necessytie. Where as the hunter seketh nothynge but 
pleasure of the seely and wofull beastes slaughter and 
murder. The whiche pleasure in beholdyng death 
they thynke dothe ryse in the very beastes, other of 
a cruell affection of mynde, or els to be chaunged in 85 
continuaunce of time into crueltie, by longe vse of so 
cruell a pleasure. Thies therfore and all suche lyke, 
which be innumerable, though the common sorte of 


people doth take them for pleasures, yet they, seyng 
there is no naturall pleasauntnes in them, do playnelye 
determine them to haue no affinitie with trewe and 
right pleasure. For as touchyng that they do com- 
monlye moue the sence with delectacion (whiche 5 
semeth to be a worke of pleasure) thys doth nothing 
diminishe their opinion. For not the nature of the 
thynge, but there peruerse and lewde custome is the 
cause hereof ; whiche causeth them to accepte bitter 
or sowre thinges for swete thinges ; euen as women 10 
with childe, in their viciate and corrupt taste, thinke 
pitche and tallowe sweter then anye honney. Howbeit 
no mans iudgement, depraued and corrupte, other by 
sickenes or by custome, can chaunge the nature of plea 
sure, more then it can doo the natur of other thinges. 15 

They make diuers kyndes of trew pleasures. For 
som they attribute to the soule, and som to the bodye. 
To the soule they gyue intellygence, and that delecta- 
tion that cummeth of the contemplation of truthe. 
Here vnto is ioyned the pleasaunt remembraunce of 20 
the good lyfe past. 

The pleasure <>f thft b3y.a they deuide into ii. 
partes. The fir^t-is when delectation is sensibly felte 
and perceaued : whiche many times chaunceth by the 
renewing and refresshyng of thoes partes which owre 25 
naturall heate drieth vp : thys cummeth by meate 
and drynke : and sumtymes whyles those thynges be 
voided, wherof is in the body ouer great abundaunce. 
This pleasure is felte when wee doo our naturall 
easemente, or when we be doynge the acte of genera- 3C 
tyon, or when the ytchynge of annye parte is eased 
with rubbynge or scratchynge. Sumtimes pleasure 
riseth, exhibitinge to any membre nothing that it 
desireth, nor taking from it any payne that it feeleth ; 
which for all that tikleth and moueth our senses with 3i 
a certein secrete efficacy, but with a manifest motion, 
and turneth them to it ; as is that which cummeth of 


The second part of bodely pleasure they say is that 
which consisTeth and resteth in the quiete and vpright 
state of the body. And that truelye is euery mans 
owne propre health, entermyngled and dysturbed wyth 
no grieffe. For thys, yf yt be not letted nor assaulted 5 
with no greiffe, is delectable of yt selfe, thoughe yt 
be moued wyth no externall or outwarde pleasure. 
For though it be not so plain and manyfeste to the 
sense, as the gredye luste of eatynge and drynckynge, 
yet neuerthelesse manye take it for the chyefeste 10 
pleasure. All the Vtopyans graunte yt to be a ryghte 
greate pleasure, and as you wolde saye the foundatyon 
-and grownde of all pleasures ; as whyche euen alone 
ys able to make the state and condytyon of lyffe 
delectable and pleasaunte ; and, yt beynge ones taken 15 
^awaye, there ys no place lefte for annye pleasure. For 
to be wythowte greyffe, not hauinge health, that they 
call vnsensybylyte and not pleasure. The Vtopians 
haue longe agoo reiected and condempned the opynyon 
of them, whyche sayde that stedfaste and quyete 20 
healthe (for thys questyon also hath bene dylygentelye 
debated emonge them) owghte not therefore to be 
cownted a pleasure, bicause they saye yt can not be 
presentlye and sensyblye perceaued and felte by some 
owtwarde motion. But, of the contrarye parte, nowe 25 
they agree almoste all in thys, that healthe ys a moste 
sojiereygne pleasure. For seinge that in syckenes 
(saye they) is grieffe, which is a mortal ennemie to 
pleasure, euen as sicknes is to health, why shuld not 
then pleasure be in the quietnes of health ? For they 30 
say it maketh nothing to thys matter, whether you 
saye that sickenes is a griefe, or that in sickenes is 
griefe ; for all cummeth to one purpose. For whether 
health be a pleasure it selfe, or a necessary cause of 
pleasure, as fyer is of heate, truelye bothe wayes it 35 
foloweth, that they cannot be without pleasure that 
be in perfyt healthe. Furthermore, whyles we eate 
(saye they), then health, whiche began to be appayred, 


fyghteth by the helpe of foode against hunger. In the 
whych fighte whyles healthe by lytle and lytle getteth 
the vpper hande, that same procedyng, and (as ye 
would say) that onwardnes to the wonte strengthe 
mynistreth that pleasure, wherbye wee be so refresshed. 5 
Health therefore, whiche in the conflycte is ioyfull, 
shall it not bee merye when it hathe gotten the 
victory? But as sone as it hathe recouered thee pristy- 
nate strengthe, whyche thinge onelye in all the fyghte 
it coueted, shall it incontinent be astonied ? Nor shall 10 
it not knowe nor imbrace the owne wealthe and 
goodnes ? For that it is sayed healthe can not be felte, 
this, they thinke, is nothing trew. For what man 
wakynge, say they, feleth not hymselfe in health, but 
he that is not ? Is there annye man so possessed 15 
wyth stonyshe insensibilitie, or with the sleping sick- 
nes, that he wyll not graunt health to be acceptable 
to hym and delectable ? But what other thing is 
delectation, than that whiche by an other name is 
called pleasure ? 20 

. They imbrace chiefely the pleasures of the mind. 
For them they cownte the chiefist and most principall 
of all. The cheyfe parte of them they thinke doth 
come of the exercise of vertue, and conscience of good 
lyffe. Of thies pleasures that the boddye ministreth 25 
they geue the preemynence to helth. For the delyte 
of eating and drincking, and whatsoeuer hath anny like 
pleasauntnes, they determyne to be pleasures muche 
-to be desiered, but no other wayes than for healthes 
sake. For suche thynges of theyre owne propre nature 30 
be not pleasaunte, but in that they resyste syckenes 
preuelye steal ynge one. Therefore, lyke as yt ys a 
wyse mans parte rather to auoyde syckenes, then to 
wyshe for medycynes, and rather to dryue away and 
put to flyghte carefull greyffes, then to call for com- 35 
forte ; so yt ys much better not to neade thys kynde 
of pleasure, then in sealynge the contrarye greyffe to 
be eased of the same. The whyche kynde of pleasure 


yf annye man take for hys felycytye, that man muste 
nedes graunte, that then he shall be in mooste fely 
cytye, yf he lyue that lyffe whyche ys ledde in contyn- 
uall honger, thurste, itchynge, eatynge, drynkynge, 
scratchynge, and rubbynge. The whyche lyffe howe 5 
not onlye foule yt is, but also myserable and wretched, 
who perceauethe not ? Thyes dowteles be the baseste 
pleasures of all, as vnpure , and vnperfecte. For they 
neuer cum but accompanied wyth their contrary greiffes. 
As with the pleasure of^eatinge is ioyned hunger, and 10 
that after no very egal sort. , For of thies ii. the gryeffe 
is bothe the more vehement, and also of longer con- 
tinuaunce. For it rysethe before the pleasure, and 
endeth not vntyll the pleasure dye wyth it. 

Wherfore such pleasures they think not greatly to 15 

be set by, but in that they be necessary. Howbeit 
they haue delite also in thies, and thankfully knouledge 
the tender loue of mother nature, which with most 
plesaunt delectation allureth her children to that, 
which of necessitye they be driuen often vse. For 20 
how wretched and miserable should our liffe bej? if 
thies daily greiifes of hunger and thrust coulde not 
be dreuen away, but with bitter potions, and sower 
medicines ; as the other deseases be, where with we 
be seldomer trow bled ? But bewtye, strengthe, nemble- 25 
nes, thies, as peculiare and pleasaunte giftes of nature, 
tKey make muche of. But those pleasures which be 
receaued by the eares, the iyes, and the nose ; which 
nature willeth to be proper and peculiar to man (for no 
other kind of liuing beastes doth behold the fayrenes 30 
and the bewtie of the worlde, or is moued with anny 
respect of sauours. but only for the diuersity of meates, 
nother perceaueth the concordaunt and discordante 
distaunces of soundes and tunes) thies pleasures (I say) 
they accept and allowe, as certein pleasaunt reioysinges 35 
of liffe. But in all thinges thys cautell they vse, that 
a lesse pleasure hinder not a bigger, and that the x 
pleasur be no cause of dyspleasur ; whych they thinke 


to followe of necessytye, if the pleasure be vnhoneste. 
But yet to dyspyse the comlynes of bewtye, to waste 
the bodylye strengthe, to tourne nymblenes into 
sloughishnes, to consume and make feble the boddye 
wyth fastynge, to doo iniury to health, and to reiect 5 
the other pleasaunte motyons of nature (onles a man 
neglecte thies hys commodytyes, whyles he doth wyth 
a feruent zeale procure the wealth of others, or the 
commen proffytte, for the whyche pleasure forborne 
he is in hope of a greater pleasure at Goddes hand) : 10 
els for a vayne shaddowe of vertue, for the wealthe 
and proffette of no man, to punyshe hymselfe, o>r to the 
intente he maye be able courragiouslye to suffre aduer- 
sityes, whyche perchaunce shall neuer come to hym : 
thys to doo they thynke it a poynte of extreame mad- U 
nes, and a token of a man cruelly minded towardes 
hymselfe, and vnkynd towarde nature, as one so dys- 
daynynge to be in her daunger, that he renounceth 
and refuseth all her benefytes. 

Thys is theire sentence and opinion of vertue and 2( 
pleasure. And they beleue that by mans reason none 
can be fownde trewer then this, onles annye godlyer be 
inspyred into man from heauen. Wherin whether they 
belyue well or no, nother the tyme dothe suffer us to 
discusse, nother it ys nowe necessarye. For we haue 2 
taken vpon vs to shewe and declare theyr lores and orde- 
naunces, and not to defende them. 

But thys thynge I beleue verely : howe soeuer thies 
decrees be, that their is in no place of the wordle nother 
a more excellent people, nother a more flouryshynge 3 
commen wealthe. They be lyghte and quy eke of boddy, 
full of actiuity and nymblenes, and of more strengthe 
then a man wold iudge them by theyre stature, whyche 
for all that ys not to lowe. And thoughe theyre soyle 
be not verye frutefull, nor theyre ayer verye holsome, i 
yet agaynste the ayer they soo defende them wyth 
temperate dyete, and soo order and husbande theyr 
grounde wyth dylygente trauayle, that in no contreye 


ys greatter increase, and plentye of corne and cattell, 
nor mens bodies of longer liffe, and subiect or apte to 
fewer deseases. There, therfore, a man maye see well 
and diligentlye exploited and furnished, not onlye 
those thinges whiche husbandmen doo commenly in 5 
other countreys ; as by craft and cunning to remedy 
the barrennes of the grounde ; but also a hole wood by 
the handes of the people plucked vp by the rotes in 
one place and sett agayne in an other place. Wherin 
was hadde regard and consideration not of plenty but 10 
of commodious carriage ; that wood and tymber might 
be nigher to the sea, or the riuers, or the cities. For 
it is lesse laboure and busines to carrye grayne farre 
by lande then wood. The people be gentle, merye, 
quycke, and fyne wytted, delytynge in quyetnes, and, JS 
when nede requyreth, able to abyde and suffre muchey 
bodelye laboure. Elles they be not greatelye desyerous j 
and fonde of yt ; but in the exercyse and studdye of/- 
the mynde they be neuer werye. 

When they had harde me speake of the Greke lytter- 20 
[ar]ature or learnynge (for in Latyne theyre was 
nothynge that I thougthe they wolde greatelye allowe, 
besydes hystoryens and Poetes), they made wonderful! 
earneste and importunate sute vnto me, that I wolde 
teache and instructe them in that tonge and learnynge. 25 
I beganne therefore to reade vnto them ; at the fyrste, 
truelye, more bycause I wolde not seme to refuse the 
laboure, then that I hooped that they wolde annye 
thyng proffytte therin. But when I had gone forwarde 
a lytle, and perceaued incontynente by theyr dylygence 30 
that my labour should not be bestowed in vayne ; for 
they beganne so easelye to fassyon theyre letters, so 
plainly to pronounce the woordes, so quyckely to learne 
by harte, and so suerly to rehearse the same, that I 
marueled at it ; sauynge that the most parte of them 35 
were fyne and chosen wittes, and of rype age, pyked 
oute of the companye of the learned men, whyche not 
onlye of theyr owne free and voluntarye wyll, but also 


by the commaundemente of the cowncell, vndertoke 
to learne thys langage. Therfore in lesse then iii. yeres 
space their was nothing in the Greke tonge that they 
lackede. They were able to reade good authors wythout 
anny stnye, if the booke were not false. 5 

Thys kynde of learnynge, as I suppose, they toke 
so muche the souner, bycause it is sumwhat allyaunte 
to them. For I thynke that thys nation tooke their 
beginninge of the Grekes, bycause their speche, which in 
all other poyntes is not muche vnlyke the persian tonge, 10 
kepeth dyuers signes and tookens of the greke langage 
in the names of their cityes and of theire magystrates. 
They haue of me (for, when I was determyned to entre 
into my .iiii. voyage, I caste into the shippe in the steade 
of marchandyse a pretye fardell of bookes, bycause 1 15 
intended to come agayne rather neuer than shortelye) the 
mooste parte of Platoes woorkes ; more of Aristotles ; 
also Theophrastus of Plantes, but in diuers places (which 
I am sorye for) vnperfecte. For whyles wee were 
saylynge, a mormosett chaunced vpon the booke, as yt 20 
was neglygentlye layde by ; whyche, wantonlye playinge 
therewyth, plucked owte certeyne leaues, and toore 
them in pieces. Of them that haue wrytten thegrammer, 
they haue onelye Lascaris. For Theodorus I caried 
not wyth me ; nor neuer a dyctyonarye, but Hesichius 2 
and Dioscorides. They sett greate stoore by Plutarches 
bookes. And they be delyted wyth Lucianes merye 
conceytes and iestes. Of the Poettes they haue Aris 
tophanes, Homer, Euripides, and Sophocles in Aldus 
small prynte. Of the Historyans they haue Thucidides, 3( 
Herodotus, and Herodian. Also my companion, Tricius 
Apinatus, caried with him phisick bokes, certein smal 
woorkes of Hippocrates, and Galenes Micrptechne ; the 
whyche boke they haue in greate estymatyon. For 
thoughe there be almost no nation vnder heauen that Si 
hath lesse nede of Phisick then they, yet, this notwith- 
standyng, Phisicke is no where in greater honour; 
bycause they count the knowlegde of yt emonge the 


goodlieste, and mooste profytable partes of Philosophie. 
For whyles they by the helpe of thys Philosophie 
searche owte the secrete mysteryes of nature, they 
thynke that they not onlye receaue therby wonderfull 
greate pleasur, but also obteyn great thankes and fauour 5 
of the auctoure and maker therof. Whome they thynke, 
accordynge to the fassyon of other artyfycers, to haue 
sett furthe the maruelous and gorgious frame of the / 
worlde for man to beholde ; whome onelye he hathe \ 
made of wy tte and capacytye to consydre and vnderstand w 
the excellencye of so greate a woorke. And therefore, 
saye they, dothe he beare more good wyll and loue to 
the curyous and diligent beholder and vewere of his 
woorke, and maruelour at the same, then he doth to 
him, whycho lyke a very beaste wythowte wytte and 15 
reason, or as one wythowte sense or mouynge, hath no 
regarde to soo greate and soo wonderfull a spectacle. 
The wyttes therefore of the Vtopians, inurede and 
exercysed in learnynge, be maruelous quycke in the 
inuentyon of feates, helpynge annye thynge to the 20 
aduantage and wealthe of lyffe. Howebeyt, ii. feates 
theye maye thanke vs for ; that is, the scyence of i 
imprintyng, and the crafte of makynge paper : and yet 
not onelye vs but chyefelye and pryncypallye them- 
selfes. For when wee sheweda to them Aldus hys 25 
prynte in bookes of paper, and told them of the stuffe 
wher of paper is made, and of the feat of grauynge 
letters, speakynge sumwhat more then wee colde 
playnlye declare (for there was none of vs that knewe 
perfectlye other the one or the other), they furthwyth 30 
verye wyttelye coniectured the thynge. And where 
as before they wrote onelye in skynnes, in barkes of 
tryes, and in rides, now they haue attempted to make 
paper and to imprint letters. And thoughe at the 
fyrste yt proued not all of the beste, yet by often 35 
assayinge the same they shortelye gott the feate of 
bothe ; and haue so broughte the matter abowte, that 
yf they had copyes of Greeke authores, they coulde 


lacke no bookes. But nowe they haue no moore then 
I rehearsed before ; sauynge that by pryntynge of 
bookes they haue multyplyed and increased the same 
into manye thowsande of copyes. 

Who soeuer cummeth thether to see the lande, 5 
beynge excellente in annye gyfte of wytte, or throughe 
muche and longe iournyenge well experiensed and sene 
in the knowledge of manye countreys (for the whyche 
cause wee were verye welcome to them), hym they 
receyue and interteyne wonders gentyllye and louyng- 10 
lye ; for they haue delyte to heare what ys done in 
euerye lande. Howebeyt, verye few marchaunte men 
come thythere. For what shoulde they brynge thither ? 
onles yt were Iron, or els golde and syluer ; whiche 
they hadde rathere carrye home agayne. Also suche 15 
thynges as arre to be caryed owte of their lande, they 
thynke yt more wysedome to carrye that geer furthe 
themselfes, then that othere shoulde come thether to 
fetche yt ; to thentente they maye tho better knowe 
the owte landes of euerye syde them, and kepe in vre 20 
the feat and knouledge of saylinge. 


> 25 on tic- 

men, sicke persons, wedlocke, and dyuers 
other matters. 

Tney nother make bondemen of prysoners taken in 
battayll, oneles yt be~"m~battaylle that the fowghte 5 
themselfes, nor bondemens chyldren, nor, to be shorte, 
annye man whome they canne gette owte of an othere 
countreye, thoughe he were theyre a bondeman ; but 
other snghe as^mongg themsglfejor_}ieynQUS offences 
be punnyshed wyth bondage, or elles suche as in the 10^ 
Cyfy^Hj5fl5iEiEIiandes for greate trespasses be con- 
dempned to deathe. And of thys sorte of bondemen 
they haue mooste stoore. For manye of them they 
brynge home, sumtymes payinge very lytle for them ; 
yea, mooste commonlye gettynge them for gramercye. 15 
Thyes sortes of bondemen they kepe not onelye in < ~ 
contynuall woorke and laboure, but alsoo in bandes. ) 
But theyre owne men they handle hardeste, wEome A 
they judge more desperate, and to haue deseruede A 
greater punnysshemente ; bycause they, beynge so 20J| 
godlye broughte vp to vertue, in soo excellente a com- \| 
mon weal the, cowlde not for all that be refreyned from / 

An other kynde of bondemen they haue, when a vyle 
drudge, beynge a poore laborer in an other cowntreye, 25 
dothe chewse of hys owne free wyll to be a bondeman 
amonge them. Thyes they handle and order honestelye, 
and enterteyne almooste as gentyllye, as theyre owne 
free cytyzeyns ; sauynge that they put them to a lytle 
more laboure, as thereto accustomede. Yf annye suche 30 
be dysposed to departe thens (whyche seldome ys seene) 
H -2. 


they nother holde hym agaynste hys wyll, nother sende 
hym awaye wyth emptye handes. 

The sycke (as I sayde) they see to wyth greate affec- 
tyon, ano*lette notliynge at all passe, concernynge 
other Physycke or good dyete, wherby they may be 5 
restored agayne to theyre healthe. Them that be sycke 
of incurable dyseases they comforte wyth syttynge by 
them, wyth talkynge wyth them, and, to be shorte, 
wyth all maner of helpes that maye be. But yf the 
,^ dysease be not onelye vncurable, but also full of con- 10 
tynuall payne and anguyshe, then the priestes and the 
magistrates exhort the man, seynge he ys not able to 
doo annye dewtye of lyffe, and by ouerlyuing hys owne 
deathe is noysome and yrkesome to other, and grouous 
to hymself ; that he wyll determyne with hymselfe no 15 
longer to cheryshe that pestilent and peynefull dysease: 
and, seynge hys lyfe ys to hym but a tourmente, that 
he wyll nott bee vnwyllynge too dye, but rather take 
ia good hope to hym, and other d3 r spatche hymselfe 
Iflpwte of that paynfull lyffe, as owte of a pryson or 20 
a racke of tormente, or elles suffer hym selfe wyllynglye 
to be rydde owte of yt by other. And in so doynge 
they tell hym he shal doo wyselye, seynge by hys 
deathe he shall lyse no commodytye, but ende hys 
payne. And bycause in that acte he shall followe the 25 
cownsell of the pryestes, that is to saye of the in 
terpreters of goddes wyll and pleasure, they shewe hym 
that he shall do lyke a godly and a vertuouse man. 
/ They that be thus persuaded fynyshe theyre lyues 
wyllynglye, othere wyth hunger, or elles dye"m~theyre 30 
sleape wythowte annye fealinge of deathe. "BuT they 
cause none suche to dye agaynste hys wyll ; nor they 
vse no lesse dilygence and attendaunce about hym ; 
beleuynge thys to be an honorable deathe. Elles he 
that kylleth hym selfe before that the pryestes and the 35 
cownsell haue allowed the cause of hys deathe, hym, 
as vnworthy both of the earth and of fyer, they cast 
vnburied into some stinkyng marrish. 


The woman is not marled before she be xviii. yeres ~"~ 
olde. The man is iiii. yeres elder before he mary. If - 
other the man or the woman be proued to haue bodely 
offended, before their marriage, with an other, he or / 
she whether it be is sharpely punyshed ; and both the a 
offenders be forbydden euer after in all their lyfe to 
marrye, oneles the faulte be forgeuen by the princes 
pardone. But bothe the good man and the good wyfe 
of the house where that offence was done, as beyng 
slacke and neglygent in lokyng to there chardge, be in 10 
daunger of great reproche and infamye* That offence 
is so sharpelye punyshed, bicause they perceaue, that 
onles they be diligently o kept from the lybertie of this 
vice, fewe wyll ioyne together in the loue of marriage ; 
wherin all the lyfe must be led with one, and also all U 
the griefes and displeasures that come therewith must 
paciently be taken and borne. 

Furthermore, in cheusyng wyfes and husbandes they 
obserue. earnestly and straytelye a custome whiche 
seined to vs very fonde and folysh. For a sad and 20 
an honest matrone sheweth the woman, be she maide * 
or widdowe, naked to the wower. And lykewyse a 
sage and discrete man exhibyteth the wo were naked to 
the woman. At this custome we laughed and dis- 
alowed it as foolyshe. But they on the other part doo 25 
greatlye wonder at the follye of all other nations, 
whyche in byinge a colte, where as a lytle money is 
in hassarde, be so charye and circumspecte, that though ,, 
he be almoste all bare, yet they wyll not bye hym, 
oneles the saddel and all the barneys be taken of, 30 
leaste vnder those couerynges be hydde som galle or 
soore ; and yet in chewsynge a wyfe, whyche shalbe 
other pleasure or dyspleasure to them all theire lyfe 
after, they be so recheles, that, all the resydewe of the 
wooman s bodye beinge couered wyth cloothes, they 35 
esteme here scaselye be one handebredeth (for they can 
se no more but her face) ; and so do ioyne her to them 
not without great ieoperdie of euell agreing together, 


if any thynge in her body afterwarde do offende and 
myslyke them. For all men be not so wyse as to haue 
respecte to the vertuous condicions of the partie ; and 
the endowmentes of the bodye cause the vertues of the 
mynde more to be estemed and regarded, yea, euen in 5 
the manages of wyse men. Verely so fowle deformitie 
may be hydde vnder thoes coueringes, that it maye 
quite alienate and take awaye the mans mynde from 
his wyfe, when it shal not be lawfull for their bodies 
to be seperate agayne. If suche deformitie happen 10 
by any chaunce after the mariage is consumate and 
fmyshed ; well, there is no remedie but patience. 
Euery man must take his fortune, well a worthe. But 
it were well done that a lawe were made, wherebye 
all suche deceytes myghte be eschewed and aduoyded 15 
before hand. And thys were they constreyned more 
earnestlye to looke vpon, because they onlye of the 
nations in that parte of the worlde bee contente euerye 
man wyth one wyfe a piece ; and matrymoney is there 
neuer brokenTTcmt "by death ; excepte adulterye breake 20 
the bonde, or els the intollerable waiward maners of 
eyther partie. For if either of them fynde themselfe 
for any suche cause greued ; they maye by the licence 
the councell chaunge and take an other. But the 
other partie lyueth euer after in infamye and out of 25 
wedlocke. But for the husbande to put away his wyfe 
for no faulte, but for that some myshappe is fallen to 
her bodye, thys by no meanes they wyll suffre. For 
they iudge it a greate poynte of crueltie that any body 
in their moste nede of helpe and comforte, shoulde be 3C 
cast of and forsaken ; and that olde age, whych both 
bryngeth sycknes with it, and is a syckenes it selfe, 
should vnkyndlye and vnfaythfullye be delte withall. 
But nowe and then it chaunseth. where as the man 
and the woman cannot well agree betwene themselfes, 3f 
bothe of them fyndynge other with whome they hope 
to lyue more quyetlye and meryly, that they by the 
full consent of them both be diuorsed a sender and 


newe maried to other ; but that not without the auctho- 
ritie of the councell; which agreeth to no dyuorses, 
before they and their wyfes haue diligently tried and 
examyned the matter. Yea and then also they be loth 
to consent to it, bicause they knowe thys to be the 5 
/ nexte waye to breke loue betwene man and wyfe, to be 
in easye hope of a newe mariage. 

Breakers of wedlocke be punyshed with moste greu- 
ous bondage. And if both the offenders were maried, 
then the partyes whiche in that behalfe haue suffered 10 
wronge be diuorsed from the auoutrers if they wyll, 
and be maried together, or els to whom they luste. 
But if eyther of them both do styll contynewe in loue 
towarde so vnkynde a bedfellowe, the vse of wedlocke ^ 
is not to them forbydden, if the partie be disposed to 15 
followe in toylinge and drudgerye the person, which . 
for that offence is condempned to bondage. And very 
ofte it chaunceth that the repentaunce of the one, and 
the earnest diligence of the other, dothe so moue the 
prince with pytie and compassion, that he restoreth 20 
the bonde persone from seruitude to libertie and fre- 
dom again. But if the same partie be taken eftsones 
in that faulte, there is no other way but death. 

To other trespaces there is no prescript punysh- 
ment appoynted by anye lawe. But accordinge to 25 
the heynousenes of the offence, or contrarye, so the 
punyshemente is moderated by the discretion of the 
councell. The husbandes chastice theire wyfes ; and 
the parentes theire chyldren ; oneles they haue done 
anye so horryble an offence, that the open punyshe- SO 
mente thereof maketh muche for the aduauncemente * 
of honeste maners. But moste commenlye the moste \ 
heynous faultes be punyshed with the incommoditie \ 
of bondage. For that they suppose to be to the 
offenders no lesse griefe, and to the common wealth 35 
more profitable, then if they should hastely put them 
to death, and make them out of the waye. For there 
cummeth more profite of theire laboure, then of theire 


deathe ; and by theire example they feare other the 
lenger from lyke offences. But if they, beinge thus 
vsed, doo rebell and kicke ngayne, then forsothe they 
v/be slayne as desperate and wilde beastes. whom nother 
pryson nor chayne could restraine and kepe vnder. 5 
But they whiche take theire bondage patientlye be not 
left all hopeles. For after they hau bene broken and 
tamed with longe myseries, yf then they shewe suche 
repentaunce, wherebye it maye be perceaued that they 
be soryer for theire offence then for theire punyshe- 10 
mente, sumtymes by the Prynces prerogatyue, and 
sumtymes by the voyce and consent of the people, 
theire bondage other is mitigated, or els cleane re- 
rnytted and forgeuen. He that moueth to aduoutrye 
is in no lesse daunger and ieoperdie, then yf he hadde 15 
committed aduoutrye in dede. For in all offences 

4;hey counte the intente and pretensecl purpose as euell 
as the acte or dede it selfe. For they thynke that no 
lette owghte to excuse hym, that dyd hys beste too 
haue no lette. 20 

\/ They sette greate store by fooles. And as it is 
greate reproche to do to annye of them hurte or iniury, 
so they prohibite not to take pleasure of foolyshnes. 
For that, they thynke, doth muche good to the fooles. 
And if any man be so sadde and sterne, that he cannot 25 
laughe nother at their wordes nor at their dedes, none 
of them be commytted to his tuition ; for feare lest he 
would not ordre them gentilly and fauorably enough, 
to whom they should brynge no delectation (for other 
goodnes in them is none) ; muche lesse any proffyt 30 
shoulde they yelde hym. 

/ To mocke a man for hys deformitie, or for that he 
,1/lacketh anye parte or lymme of hys bodye, is counted 
greate dishonestie and reproche, not to hym that is 
mocked, but to hym that mocketh ; which vnwysely 35 
doth imbrayde any man of that as a vice, whiche was 
not in his powre to eschewe. Also as they counte and 
reken very lyttell wytte to be in hym that regardeth 


not naturall bewtie and comlines, so to helpe the same 
with payntinges is taken for a vayne and a wanton 
pryde, not without great infamye. For they knowe 
euen by verye experience, that no comelines of bewtie ^ 
doth so hyghly commende and auaunce the wyues in r 
the conceyte of there husbandes, as honest conditions 
and lowlines. For as loue is oftentimes wonne with 
bewtie, so it is not kept, preserued, and continued, but * 
by vertue and obedience. 

They do not only feare theire people from doinge,,!^ 
euell by punyshmentes, but also allure them to vertu-e /v 
with rewardes of honoure. Therfore they set vp in 
the market place the ymages of notable men, and of 
such as haue bene great and bounteful benefactors to 
the common wealth, for the perpetual memorie of their 15^. . 
good actes ; and also that the glory and renowme of 
the auncetors may sturre and prouoke theire posteritie 
to vertue. He that inordinatlie and ambitiously 
desireth promotions, is lefte all hopeles for euer 
atteynyng any promotion as longe as he liueth. They 20 
lyue together louingly. For no magistrate is other 
hawte or ferefull. Fathers they be called, and lyke 
fathers they vse themselfes. The citezens (as it is 
their dewtie) do willingly exhibite vnto them dewe 
honoure, without any compulsion. Nor the prince 25 
hymselfe is not knowen from the other by his apparel, 
nor by a crown or diademe or cappe of maintenaunce, 
but by a littell sheffe of corne caried before hym. And 
so a taper of wax is borne befor the byshop, whereby 
onely he is knowen. 30 

y Thei haue but few lawes. For to people so instructe tf 
and institute very fewe do suffice. Yea this thynge 
they chieflye reproue amonge other nations, that in 
numerable bokes of lawes and expositions vpon the 
same be not sufficient. But they thinke it against al 35 
right and iustice, that men shuld be bound to thoes 
lawes, whiche other be in numbre mo then be able 
to be readde, or els blinder and darker, then that any 


man can well vnderstande them. Furthermore they 
vtterly exclude and bannyshe all proctours and ser- 
geauntes at the lawe, which craftely handell matters, 
and subtelly dispute of the lawes. For they thinke 

.it most mete, that euery man shuld pleade his owne 5 
matter, and tell the same tale before the iudge, that 
he would tel to his man of lawe. So shall there be 
lesse circumstaunce of wordes, and the trwth shal 
soner cum to light ; whiles the iudge with a discrete 
iudgement doth waye the wordes of hjTn. whom no 10 
lawier hath instruct with deceit ; and whiles he helpeth 
and beareth out simple wittes agaynst the false and 
malicious circumuertions of craftie chyldren. This is 
harde to be obserued in other countreis, in so infinitie 
a numbre of blynd and intricate lawes. But in Vtopia 15 

^ euery man is a cunnyng lawier. For, as I sayde, they 
haue verye fewe lawes ; and the playnner and grosser 

that anye interpretation is, that they allowe as most 
iuste. For all lawes (saye they) bee made and pub- 
lysshed onelye to thenthente, that by them euerye man 20 
shoulde be put in remembraunce of hys dewtye. But 
the craftye and subtyll interpretation of them can put 
verye fewe in that remembraunce (for they be but fewe 
that do perceaue them) ; where as the simple, the 
plaine, and grosse meaning of the lawes is open to 25 
euerye man. Els as touchynge the vulgare sorte of 
the people, whiche be bothe moste in numbre, and haue 
moste neade to knowe theire dewties, were it not as 
good for them that no lawe were made at all, as, when 
it is made, to brynge so blynde an interpretacion vpon 30 
it, that without greate witte and longe arguynge no 
man can discusse it? to the findinge out whereof 
nother the grosse iudgement of the people can attayne, 
nother the hole lyfe of them that be occupied in woork- 
ynge for theire lyuynges can suffyse therto. 35 

[Thies vertues of the Vtopians haue caused theire 
nexte neyghbours and borderers, whiche lyue fre and 
vnder no subiection (for the Vtopians longe agoo haue 


delyuered manye of them from tyrannye), to take 
magistrates of them, some for a yeare, and some for 
fyue yeares space. Whiche, when the tyme of theire 
office is expired, they brynge home agayn with honoure 
and prayse ; and take newe ons agayne wyth them 5 
into theire countrey. Thies nations haue vndowtedlye 
verye well and holsomlye prouyded for theire common 
wealthes. For seynge that bothe the makyng and\ 
the marrynge of the weale publique doth depende and I 
hange of the maners of the rulers and magistrates, 10 
what officers coulde they more wyselye haue chosen, 
then thoes whiche cannot be ledde from honestye by X. 
brybes (for to them that shortlye after shall departe 
thens into theyre owne countreye money shoulde be 
vnprofytable) ; nor yet be moued other with fauour or 15 
malyce towardes annye man, as beynge straungers and 
vnaquainted with the people ? The which twoo vices 
of affection and auryce where they take place in 
iudgementes, incontynente they breake iustice, the. 
strongeste and suereste bonde of a common wealthe. J20 
Thies peoples, whiche fetche theire officers and rulers 
from them, the Vtopians cal theire fellowes ; and other, 
to whome they haue bene beneficiall, they call theire 

As towchynge leages, which in other places betwene 25 
countrey and countrey be so ofte concluded, broken, 
and made agayne, they neuer make none with anye* 
nacion. For to what purpose serue leagues ? saye they ; 
as though nature had not set sufficient loue betwene 
man and man. And who so regardeth not nature, 30 
thynke yowe that he wyll passe for wordes? They 
be brought into thys opinion chiefely bicause that in 
thoes parties of the wordle leagues betwene princes be 
wont to be kept and obserued very slenderly. For 
here in Europa, and especiallye in thies partes, where 35 
the faythe and religion of Christe reygneth, the maiestie 
of leagues is euerye where estemed holly and inuiolable; 
partlye through the iustice and goodnes of princes, and 


partelye through the reuerence of great byshoppes. 
Whyche, lyke as they make no promysse themselfes, 
but they doo verye religiouslye perfourine the same, 
so they exhorte all prynces in any wyse to abyde by 
theyre promisses ; and them that refuse or denye so 5 
to do, by theire pontificall powre and aucthorytie they 
compell therto. And surely they thynke well that it 
myght seme a verye reprochefull thynge, yf in the 
leagues of them, whyche by a peculiare name be called 
faythfull, faythe shoulde haue no place. 10 

But in that newefonnde parte of the worlde, \vhiche 
is scaselye so farre from vs beyonde the lyne equi- 
noctiall, as owre lyfe and manners be dissidente from 
theirs, no truste nor confydence is in leagues. But 
the mo and hol} 7 er cerymonies the league is knytte 15 
vp with, the soner it is broken, by some cauillation 
founde in the woordes ; whyche manye tynies of 
purpose be so craftelye put in and placed, that the 
bandes can neuer be so sure nor so stronge, but they 
wyll fynde some hole open to crepe owte at, and to 20 
breake bothe league and trewthe. The whiche crafty 
dealynge, yea, the whiche fraude and deceyle, yf they 
shoulde knowe it to bee practysed amonge pryuate men 
in theire bargaynes and contractes, they woulde in 
continent crye owte at it with a sower countenaunce, 25 
as an offence most detestable, and worthie to be pun- 
nyshed with a shamefull death ; yea, euen verye they 
that auaunce themselfes authours of like councel geuen 
to princes. Wherfore it maye well be thought other 
that all iustice is but a basse and a lowe vertue, and 30 
whiche aualeth it self farre vnder the hyghe dignitie 
of kynges ; or, at the least wyse, that there be two 
iustices ; the one mete for the inferioure sorte of the 
people, goinge a fote and crepynge by lowe on the 
grounde, and bounde downe on euery side with many 35 
bandes, because it shall not run at rouers : the other 
a pryncely vertue, whiche lyke as it is of muche 
hygher maiestie then the other poore iustice, so also 


it is of muche more lybertie, as to the whiche nothing 
is vn] awful that it lusteth after. 

Thies maners of princes (as I saj^de) whiche be there 
so euyll kepers of leagues cause the Vtopians, as I sup 
pose, to make no leagues at all : whiche perchaunce 5 
woulde chaunge theire mynde if they lyued here. 
Howebeit they thynke that thoughe leagues be neuer 
so faythfully obserued and kept, yet the custome of 
niakinge leagues was verye euel begonne. For this 
causeth men (as though nations which be separate a 10 
sondre by the space of a lytle hyl or a ryuer, were 
coupled together by no societe or bonde of nature), 
to thynke them selfes borne aduersaryes and enemyes^ 
one to an other ; and that it is lawfull for the one to 
seke the death and destruction of the other, if leagues lo 
were not ; yea, and that, after the leagues be accorded, 
fryndeshyppe dothe not growe and encrease ; but the ? 
lycence of robbynge and stealynge doth sty 11 remayne, ) 
as farfurthe as, for lacke of forsight and aduisement 
in writinge the woordes of the league, anny sentence 20 
or clause to the contrary is not therin suffycyentlye 
comprehended. But they be of a contrary opinion : 
that is. that no man ought to be counted an enemy, 
whyche hath done no iniury ; and that the felow-/~ 
shyppe of nature is a stronge league ; and that men 25 
be better and more surely knitte toge^ 
thers by loue and beneuolence, then 
by couenauntes of leagues ; by 
hartie affection of miiide, / 

then by woor- 30 




iDarfarc, 1 

WArre or battel as a thinge very beastelye, and yet 
to no kynde of beastes in so muche vse as it is to man, 
they do detest and abhorre ; and, contrarye to the 
custome almost of all other natyons, they cownte 5 
nothinge so much against glorie, as glory gotten in 
warre. And therefore, though they do daily practise 
and exercise themselfes in the discypline of warre,* 
and that not only the men, but also the women, vpon 
certeyne appoynted dayes, leste they shoulde be to 10 
seke in the feat of armes yf nead should requyre ; yet 
they neuer [toj goo to battayle^ but other in the defence 
of their owne cowntreye, or to dryue owte of theyr 
frendes lande the enemyes that be comen in, or by . 
their powre to deliuer from the yocke and bondage 15 
of tyrannye some people that be oppressed wyth 
tyranny. Whyche thynge they doo of meere pytye 
and compassion. Howebeit they sende healpe to 
theyre fryndes ; not euer in theire defence, but sum- 
times also to requyte and reuenge iniuries before to 2C 
them done. But thys they do not, onles their coun- 
sell and aduise in the matter be asked, whyles yt ys 
yet newe and freshe. For yf they fynde the cause 
probable, and yf the contrarye parte wyll not restore 
agayne suche thynges as be of them iustelye de- K 
maunded, then they be the chyeffe auctores and 
makers of the warre. Whyclie they do not onlye 
as ofte as by inrodes and inuasions of soldiours prayes 
and booties be dreuen away, but then also much more 
mortally, when their frindes marchauntes in any land, a 
other vnder the pretence of vniust lawes, or els by the 


wresting and wronge vnderstonding of good lawes, do 
sustaine an vniust accusation vnder the colour of 
iustice. N other the battel which the vtopians fowghte 
for the Nephelogetes against the Alaopolitanes, a 
lytle before oure time, was made for annye others 
cause, but that the Nephelogete marchaunte men, as 
the vtopians thought, suffred wrong of the Alaopo 
litanes, vnder the pretence of righte. But whether it 
were righte or wrong, it was with so cruell and 
mortal warre reuenged, the countreis round about 10 
ioyning their healpe and powre to the puysaunce and 
malice of bothe parties, that most florishing and 
wealthie peoples beyng some of them shrewedely 
shaken, and some of them sharpely beaten, the mis- 
cheues were not finished nor ended, untill the Alao- 15 
politanes at the last were yelded vp as bondmen 
into the iurisdiction of the Nephelogetes. For the 
vtopians foughte not this warre for themselfes. And 
yet the Nephelogetes before the warre, when the Alao 
politanes flourished in wealth, were nothyng to be 20 
compared with them. 

So egerly the Vtopians prosequute the iniuries done 
to ther frindes, yea, in money matters ; and not their 
owne likewise. For if they by coueyne or gyle be 
wiped beside their gooddes, so that no violence be 25 
done to their bodies, they wreake their anger by 
absteining from occupieng with that nation, untill 
they haue made satisfaction. Not for bicause they 
set lesse stoore by their owne cytyzeyns, then by 
theire frindes ; but that they take the losse of their 30 
fryndes money more heuely then the losse of theyr 
owne : bicause that their frindes marchaunte men, 
forasmuche as that they leise is their owne priuate 
gooddes, susteyne great damage by the losse ; but 
their owne citizeyns leise nothing but of the commen 35 
gooddes, and of that which was at home plentifull and 
almost superfluous, elles hadde it not bene sent furth. 
Therfore no man feeleth the losse. And for this cause 


they thynke it to cruell an acte to reuenge that losse 
wyth the death of many ; the incommoditie of the 
whiche losse no man feeleth nother in his liffe, nother 
in his liuinge. But if it chaunce that any of their 
men in any other countreye be maymed or kylled, 5 
whether it be done by a commen or a priuate councell ; 
knowing and trying out the treuth of the matter by 
their ambassadours, onles the offenders be rendered 
vnto them in recompence of the iniury, they will not 
be appeased ; but incontinent they proclayme warre K 
against them. The offenders y elded they punnishe 
other with death or with bondage. 

I They be not only sorye, but also ashamed to atchieue 
I the victory with much bloodshed ; cowntinge it greate 

follye to bye pretyous wares to dere. They reioyse 1; 
t and auaunte themselfes, yf they vaynquyshe and 
\ oppresse theire enemyes by crafte and deceyt. And 
for that act they make a generall tiyumphe ; and as 
yf the matter were manfullye handeled, they sett vp 
a pyller of stone in the place where they so van- 2 
quysshed theyre ennemyes, in token of the vyctory. 
For then they glory e, then they booste and cracke 
that they haue plaied the men in dede, when they 
haue so ouercommen, as no other lyuynge creature 
but onely man coulde ; that ys to saye, by the myghte 2 
,j and pusyaunce of wytte. For wyth bod delye strengthe 
(saye they) beares, lyons. boores, wulffes, dogges, and 
other wylde beastes doo fyghte. And as the mooste 
parte of them doo passe vs in strengthe and fyerce 
courage, so in wytte and reason wee be muche stronger i 
then they all. 

Theyre chyefe and princypall purpose in warre ys 
to obteyne that thynge, whyche yf they had before 
obteyned, they wolde not haue moued battayle. But 
if that be not possible, they take so cruell vengeaunce I 
of them whych be in the fault, that euer after they be 
aferde to doo the lyke. Thys ys theyre cheyffe and 
pryncypall intente, whyche they immedyatelye and 


fyrste of all prosequute and sette forewarde ; but yet 
so, that they be more cyrcumspecte in auoydynge and 
eschewynge ieopardyes, then they be desyerous of 
prayse and renowne. Therfore immediatly after that 
warre is ones solemply denounced, they procure manye 5 
proclamations, signed with their owne commen seale, 
to be sett up preuilie at one time in their ennemyes 
lande, in places mooste frequented. In thyes procla- 
matyons they promysse greate rewardes to hym that 
will kyll their enemies prince ; and sumwhat lesse 10 
gyftes, but them verye greate also, for euerye heade of 
them, whose names be in the sayde proclamacions 
conteined. They be those whome they count their 
chieffe aduersaries. next vnto the prince. What soeuer 
is prescribed vnto him that killeth any of the pro- 15 
clamed persons, that is dobled to him that bringeth 
any of the same to them aliue : yea, and to the . 
proclamed persones them selfes, if they wil chaunge 
their mindes and come into them, takinge their partes, 
they profer the same greate rewardes with pardon, and 20 
euerty of their Hues. 

Therfore it quickely cummeth to passe that they 
haue al other men in suspicion, and be vnfaithfull 
and mistrusting emong themselfes one to another ; 
liuing in great feare and in no lese ieopardye. For 25 
it is well knowen that dyuers times the most part 
of them, and specially the prince him selfe, hath bene 
betraied of them in whome they put their most hoope 
and trust. So that there is no maner of acte nor dede, 
that giftes and rewardes do not enforce men vnto. so 
And in rewardes they kepe no measure ; but, re- 
membring and considering into howe great hasard 
and ieopardie they call them, endeuoure themselfes to 
recompence the greatenes of the daunger with lyke 
great benefites. And therfore they promisse not only 35 
wonderfull greate abundaunce of golde, but also 
landes of greate reuenues, lyenge in moost sauffe 
places emonge theire fryndes. And theyre promysses 


they perfourme faythfully, wythowte annye fraude or 

Thys custome of byinge and sellynge aduersaryes 
amonge other people ys dysallowed, as a cruell acte of 
a basse and a cowardyshe mynde. But they in thys 5 
behalfe thynke themselfes muche prayse woorthye, as 
who lyke wyse men by thys meanes dyspatche greate 
vvarres wyth owte annye battell or skyrnyshe. Yea, 
they cownte yt also a dede of py ty and mercye, bycause 
that by the deathe of a fewe offenders the lyues of a 10 
greate numbre of ynnocentes, aswell of their own men 
as also of their enemies, be raunsomed and saued, 
which in fighting shoulde haue bene sleane. For they 
doo no lesse pytyo the basse and commen sorte of 
theyr enemyes people, then they doo theyre owne ; 15 
knowynge that they be dryuen to warre agaynste theyre 
wylles by the furyous madnes of theyre prynces and 

Yf by none of thies meanes the matter go forwarde 
as they wolde haue yt, then they procure occasyons of 20 
debate_and dyssentyon to be spredde emonge theyre 
enemyes ; as lay bryngynge the prynces brother, or 
some of the noble men, in hoope to obtayne the 
kyngedome. Yf thys way preuayle not, then they_ 
reysejvp, the people that be nexte neygheboures and 25 
borderers to theyr enemyes, and "IhenTThey setEe in 
theyre neckes vnder the coloure of some olde tytle of 
ryghte, suche as kynges doo neuer lacke. To them 
they promysse theire helpe and ayde in theyre warre. 
And as for moneye they gyue them abundance ; but of 30 
theyre owne cytyzeyns they sencle to them fewe or 
none. Whome they make so much of, and~Toue so 
intyerlye, that they wolde not be willing to chaung 
anye of them for their aduersaries prince. But their 
gold and siluer, bycause they kepe yt all for thys only 25 
purpose, they laye it owte frankly and frely ; as who 
shoulde lyue euen as wealthely, if they hadde bestowed 
it euerye pennye. Yea, and besydes theyre ryches, 


whyche they kepe at home, they haue also an irifynyte 
treasure abrode, by reason that (as I sayde before) , 
manye natyons be in their debte. Therefore they 
hyere soldyours oute of all countreys, and them 
to battayle ; _but~cheiflye~oT~lhe Zapoletes. Thys 5 
peopleTs .500. myles from Vtopia eastewarde. They 
be hydeous, sauage, and fyerce, dwellynge in wild 
woodes and high mountaines, where they were bredde 
and brought vp. They be of an harde nature, able 
to abide and susteiae heate, cold, and labour ; ab- 10 
horrynge from all delycate deyntyes, occupyenge no 
husbandrye nor tyllage of the ground, homelye and 
rude both in the buildinge of their houses and in their 
apparrell ; geuen vnto no goodnes, but onelye to the 
breede and bringynge vp of cattell. The mooste parte 15 
of theire lyuynge is by huntynge and stealynge. They 
be borne onelye to warre, whyche they dylygentlye 
and earnestlye seke for. And when they haue gotten 
yt, they be wonders gladde therof. They goo furthe 
of theyre countreye in greate companyes together, and 20 
who soeuer lacketh souldyours, there they proffer 
theyre seruyce for small wages. Thys ys onely the 
crafte that they haue to gette theyre lyuynge by. 
They maynteyne theyr lyfe by sekyng theyre deathe. 
For them, whomewyth they be in wayges, they fygltte25 
hardelye, fyerslye, and faythefullye. But they bynde 
themselfes for no certeyne tyme. But vpon thys 
condytion they entre into bondes, that the nexte daye 
they wyll take parte wyth the other syde for greatter 
wayges ; and the nexte daye after that they wyll be . 50 
readye to come backe agayne for a lytle more moneye. 
There be fewe warres there awa) r e, wherin is not a 
greate numbre of them in bothe partyes. Therefore 
yt daylye chauncethe that nye kynsefolke, whyche were 
hiered together on one parte, and there verye fryndelye35 
and famylyerly vsed themselfes one wyth an other, 
shortely after, beynge separate into contrarye parte<?, 
runne one agaynste an other enuyouslye and fyercelye ; 

I 2 


and forgettynge bothe kyndred and frendeshyp, thruste 
theyre swordes one in another: and that for none 
other cause, but that they be hyered of contrarye 
prynces for a lytle moneye. Whyche they doo so 
hyghelye regarde and esteame, that they will easelye 5 
be prouoked to chaunge partes for a halfpenye more 
wayges by the daye. So quyckelye they haue taken 
a smacke in couetesenes ; whyche for all that ys to 
them no proffyte. For, that they gette by fyghtynge, 
ymmedyatelye they spende vnthryftelye and wretched- 10 
lye in ryott. 

Thys people fyghte for the Vtopyans agaynste all 
natyons, bycause they giue them greatter wayges, then 
annye other natyon wyll. For the Vtopians, lyke as 
they seke good men to vse wel, so they seke thyes 15 
euell and vycyous men to abuse. Whome, when neade 
requyreth, wyth premisses of greate reward es they 
putt furthe into greate ieopardyes ; from whens the 
mooste part of them neuer cummeth againe to aske 
their rewardes. But to them that remain on Hue 20 
they paye that which they promissed faithfully, that 
they may be the more willinge to put themselfes in 
like daungers another time. Nor the Vtepians passe 
not how many of them they bring to distruction. 
For they beleue that they should doo a very good 25 
tdeade for all mankind, if they could ridde out of the 
wordle all that fowle, stinkinge denne of that most 
wicked and cursed people. 

Next vnto thies they vse the soldiours of them 
whom they fight for. And then the help of their 30 
other frindes. And last of al they ioyne to their owne 
citizeins. Emong whome they gyue to one of tried 
vertue and prowes the rewle, goouernaunce, and con- 
ductyon of the hole armye. Vnder hym they appoynte 
ii. other, whyche whyles he ys sauffe be bothe piyuate 35 
and owte of offyce ; but yf he be taken or slayne, the 
one of the other .ii. succedeth hym, as yt were by 
inherytaunce. And if the second miscarry, then the 


third taketh hys rowme ; leaste that (as the chaunce 
of battell ys vncerteyne and dowtefull), the yeopardye 
or deathe of the capytayne shoulde brynge the hole 
armye in hasarde. They chuse soldyers owte of 
euerye cytye those whyche putt furthe themselfes 5 / 
wyllynglye. For_they thruste no jtrmji furfhp. inhp 
warre agaynste hys wyll ; bycause they beleue, yf 
annye man be fearefull and faynte harted of nature, 

he wyll not onelye doo no manfull and hardye act hym ( 

selfe, but also be occasyon of cowardenes to hys 10 
fellowes. But yf annye battell be made agaynste 
theyre owne countreye, then they putt thyes cowardes, 
so that they be stronge bodyed, in shyppes emonge 
other bolde harted men. Or elles they dyspose them 
vpon the walles, from whens they maye not flye. Thus, 15 
what for shame that theyre ennemyes be at hande, 
and what for bycause they be withowt hope of 
runnynge awaye, they forgette all feere. And manye 
tyrnes extreame necessytye turneth cowardnes into 
prowes and manlynes. 20 

But as none of them ys thrust forthe of his countrey 
into warre agaynste hys wyll, so women that be^- /*.- 
wyllynge to accompanye their husbandes in times 
of warre be not prohybyted or stopped. Yea, they 
prouoke and exhorte them to yt wyth prayses. And 25 
in sett fylde the wyues doo stande euerye one by here 
owne husbandes syde. Also euery man is compassed 
nexte abowte wyth hys owne chyldren, kins folkes, 
and alliaunce ; that they, whom nature chiefelye 
moueth to mutuall succoure, thus stondynge together, 30 
maye helpe one an other. It is a great reproche and 
dishonestie for the husbande to come home wythowte 
hys wiffe, or the wiffe withoute her husband, or the *~ 
sonne without his father. And therfore, if the other 
part sticke so harde by it, that the battell come to 35 
their handes, it is fought with great slaughter and 
bloodshed, euen to the vtter destruction of both partes. 
For as they make all the meanes and shyftes that 


maye be, to kepe themselfes from the necessitye of 
fyghtynge, so that they may dispatche the battell by 
their hiered soldyours, so, when there is no remedy 
but that they muste neades fyghte themselfes, then 
they do as corragiouslye fall to it, as before, whyles 5 
they myght, they dyd wyselye auoyde it. Nor they 
be not moste fierce at the fyrst bronte. But in 
continuaunce by litle and lytle theire fierce corrage 
encreaseth, with so stubborne and obstynate myndes, 
that they wyll rather die then gyue backe an ynche. 10 
For that suertye of lyuynge, whiche euery man hath 
at home, beynge ioyned with noo carefull anxietye or 
remembraunce how theire posteritie shall lyue after 
them (for this pensifenes oftentymes breaketh and 
abateth couragious stomakes) maketh them stowte 15 
and hardy, and dysdaynful to be conquered. More- 
ouer, theire knowledge in cheualrye and feates of 
armes putteth them in a good hope. Finally, the 
holsome and vertuous opinions, wherin they were 
brought vp euen from theire childhode, partely 20 
through learnyng, and partelye throughe the good 
ordenaunces and lawes of theire weale publique, 
augmente and encrease theire manfull currage. By 
reason whereof they nother set so litle store by 
theire Hues, that they will rasshely and vnaduisedlye 25 
cast them away ; nor they be not so farre in lewde 
and fond loue therewith, that they will shamefully 
I couete to kepe them, when honestie biddeth leaue 

When the battel is hottest and in al places most 30 
fierce and feruent, a bende of chosen and picked yong 
men, whiche be sworne to liue and dye togethers, 
take vpon them to destroye theire adtiersaries capitaine. y 
Hym they inuade, now with preuy wyeles, now by 
open strength. At hym they strike both nere and 35 
farre of. He is assayled with a long and a continewal 
assault ; freshe men styll commyng in the weried 
mens places. And seldome it chaunceth (onles he 


saue hymselfe by flying) that he is not other slayne, 
or els taken prysoner, and yelded to his enemies alyue. 
If they wynne the fyelde, they persecute not theire ^ 
enemies with the violent rage^of slaughter. For they 
had rather take them aliue then kyll Ihem. Nother 5 
they do so followe the chase and pursute of theire 
enemies, but they leaue behynde them one parte of 
theire hoste in battayl arraye vnder theire standardys. 
In so muche that, if all theire hole armie be discum- 
fetyd and ouercum, sailing the rerewarde, and that 10 
they therewith achieue the victory, then they had 
rather lette all theire enemies scape, then to followe 
them owt of array. For they remembre it hath 
chaunced vnto themselfes more then ones: the hole 
powre and strength of theyre hoste being vanquished 15 
and put to flight, whiles theire enemies, reioysing 
in the victory, haue persecuted them flying, some 
one way and some an other ; fewe of theire men 
lying in an ambusshe, there reddy at all occasions, 
haue sodaynly rysen vpon them thus dispersed and 20 
scattered owt of array, and through presumption of 
safetye vnaduisedly pursuynge the chase, and haue 
incontinent changed the fortune of the hole battayll ; 
and spyte of there tethes wrestynge owt of theire 
handes the sure and vndowted victory, being a litle 25 
before conquered, haue for theire parte conquired the 

It is hard to say whether they be craftier in laynge 
an ambusshe, or wittier in auoydynge the same. 
Yowe woulde thynke they intende to flye, when they 30 
meane nothing lesse. } - And contrary wise, when they 
go about that purpose, yow wold beleue it were the 
least part of their thoughte. For if they perceaue 
themselfes other ouermatched in numbre, or closed in 
to narrowe a place, then they remoue their campe 35 
other in the nyght season with silence, or by some 
pollicie they deceaue theire enemies ; or in the daye 
time they retiere backe so softely, that it is no lesse 


ieoperdie to medle with them when they gyue backe 
then when they preese on. They fence and fortifie 
theire campe sewerlye with a deape and a brode trenche. 
The earth therof is cast inward. Nor they do not set 
/drudgeis and slaues a worke about it. It is doones 
by the handes of the souldiours them selfes. All 
the hole armye worketh vpon it, except them that 
watche in harneis before the trenche for sodeyne 
auentures. Therefore, by the labour of so manye, 
a large trenche closinge in a great compasse of 10 
grounde is made in lesse tyme then any man wold 

Theire armoure or harneis whiche they weare is 
sure and stronge to receaue strokes, and handsome for 
all mouinges and gestures of the bodye ; in so muche 15 
that it is not vnweldy to swymme in. For in the 
discipline of theire warefare, arnonge other feates thei 
lerne to swimme in harneis. Their weapons be arrowes 
afarre of, which they shote both strongely and suerly ; 
not onelye fotemen but also horsemen. At hande 20 
strokes they vse not swordes but pollaxes, whiche 
be mortall, aswel in sharpenes as in weyghte, bothe 
for foynes and downe strokes. Engines for warre 
they deuyse and inuente wonders wittely. Whiche, 
when they be made, they kepe very secret ; leaste 25 
if they should be knowen before neade requyre, 
they should be but laughed at, and serue to no 
purpose. But in makynge them, hereunto they 
haue chiefe respecte ; that they be both easy to 
be caried, and handsome to be moued and turned sc 
> about. 

Truce taken with theire enemies for a shorte time 
they do so fermelye and faythfully keape, that they 
wyll not breake it ; no not though they be theire 
vnto prouoked. They do not waste nor destroy there K 
\ enemies lande with forraginges, nor they burne not 
vp theire corne. Yea, they saue it as muche as maye 
be from beinge ouerrune and troden downe, other 


with men or horses; thynkynge that it groweth for 
theire owne vse and proffyt. They hurt no man that 
is vnarmed, onles he be an espiall. All cities that be 
yelded vnto them, they defende. And suche as they 
wynne by force of assaute they nother dispoyle nor 5 
sacke ; but them that withstode and dyswaded the 
yeldynge vp of the same they put to death ; the other 
souldiours they punnyshe with bondage. All the 
weake multitude they leaue vntouched. If they knowe 
that anye cytezeins counselled to yelde and rendre vp 10 
the citie, to them they gyue parte of the condempned 
mens goodes. The resydewe they distribute and 
gyue frely amonge them, whose helpe they had in the x 
same warre. For none of them selfes taketh anye 
portion of the praye. 15 

But when the battayll is fynyshed and ended, they 
put theire frendes to neuer a penny coste of al the 
chardges that they were at, but laye it vpon theire^ . 
neckes that be conquered. Them they burdeyne with 
the hole chardge of theire expenceis ; which they 20 
demaunde of them partelye in money, to be kept for 
lyke vse of battayll, and partelye in landes of greate 
reuenues, to be payde vnto them yearlye for euer. 
Suche reuenues they haue now r e in manye countreis ; 
whiche by litle and lytle rysyng, of dyuers and sondry 25 
causes, be encreased aboue vii. hundreth thousand 
ducates by the yere. Thither they sende furth some of 
their citezeins as Lieuetenauntes, to lyue theire sump 
tuously lyke men of honoure and renowne. And yet, 
this notwithstanding, muche money is saued, which 30 
commeth to the commen treasory ; onles it so chaunce, 
that thei had rather truste the countrey with the money. 
Which many times thei do so long vntil they haue 
neade to occupie it. And it seldome happeneth, that 
thei demaund al. Of thies landes thei assigne part 35 
vnto them, which at their request and exhortacion put 
themselfes in such ieoperdies as I spake of before. If 
anye pryiice stirre vp warre agaynst them, intendyng 


to inuade theire lande, they mete hym incontinent 
owt of theire owne borders with great powre and 
strengthe. For they neuer lyghtly make warre in 
their owne countreis. Nor 

they be neuer brought into so ex- 6 

treme necessitie, as to take 

helpe out of forreyne 

landes into thire 

owne Ilande. 



Of tlje teU- 

gyons in Vtopia. 

a Tnere be dyuers kyndes of religion, not only in 
sondry partes of the Ilande, but also in dyuers places 
of euerye citie. Some worshyp for God the sunne ; 5 
teome the mone ; some some other of the planetes. 
There be that gyue worshyp to a man that was ones 
of excellente vertue or of famous glory, not only as 
God, but also as the chiefest and hyghest God. But 
the moste and the wysest parte (reiectynge all thies) 10 
beleue that there is a certayne Godlie povvre un-< 
knowen, euerlastyng, incomprehensible, inexplicable,/ 
farre aboue the capacitie and retche of inans witte,( 
dispersed through out all the worlde, not in bygnesj 
but in vertue and powre. Hym they call the father 15 
of all. To hym allone they attrybute the begynnynges, ^ 
the encreasynges, the procedynges, the chaunges, and 
the endes of all thynges. Nother they gyue deuine 
honours to any other then to him. 

Yea, all the other also, though they be in diuersfo 
opinions, yet in this pointe they agree all togethers 
with the wisest sort, in beleuynge that there is one 
chiefe and pryncipall God, the maker and ruler of the 
hole worlde ; whome they all commonly in theire , 
countrey language call Mythra. But in this they 25 
disagre, that amonge some he is counted one, and X 
amonge some an other. For euery one of them, what- 
soeuer that is whiche he taketh for the chiefe God, 
thynketh it to be the very same nature, to whose 
onlye deuyne myght and maiestie the som and soue- 30 
raintie of al thinges, by the consent of all people, is 


attributed and geuen. Howe be it, they al begynne 
by litle and litle to forsake and fall from thys varietie 
of superstitions, and to agree togethers in that religion 
whiche semethe by reason to passe and excell the 
resydewe. And it is not to be dowted but all the 5 
other would longe agoo haue bene abolyshed ; but 
that, whatsoeuer vnprosperous thynge happened to 
any of them as he was mynded to chaunge his religion, 
the fearefulnes of people dyd take it not as a thynge 
cummynge by chaunce, but as sente frome God owt 10 
of heauen ; as thoughe the God, whose honoure he 
was forsakynge, woulde reuenge that wicked purpose 
against him. 

But after they harde vs spoake of the name of 
Christe, of his doctryne, lawes, myracles, and of the if 
no lesse wonderful constancie of so manye martyrs, 
whose bloude wyllynglye shedde brought a great 
numbre of nations throughe out all partes of the 
worlds into theire secte ; yowe wyll not beleue with 
howe gladde myndes they agreed vnto the same ; a 
whether it were by the secrete inspiration of God, 
or els for that they thought it next vnto that opinion 
which amonge them is counted the chiefest. Howe 
be it, I thynke this was no smal healpe and further- 
aunce in the matter, that they harde vs save that 2. 
Christ instytuted amonge hys all thynges commen ; 
and that the same communitie dothe yet remayne 
amongest the Tightest Christian companies. Verely, 
howe soeuer it came to passe, manye of them consented 
togethers in oure religion, and were wasshed in the 3 
hollye water of baptisme. . 

But because amonge vs foure (for no moo of vs was 
left alyue ; two of oure compan} 7 e beynge deade) there 
was no prieste, whiche I am ryghte sorye for, they, 
beinge entered and instructed in all other poyntes of 3 . 
oure relygion, lacke onelye those Sacramentes, whyche 

here none but priestes do minister. Howe be it, they 
vnderstande and perceyue them, and be verye desierous 


of the same. Yea, they reason and dispute the matter 
earnestly amonge themselfes, whether, without the 
sendyng of a Christian bysshoppe, one chosen out of 
theire owne people may receaue the ordre of priest- 
hodo. And truly they were mynded to chuse one : 5 
but at my departure from them they hadde chosen 
none. They also, whiche do not agree to Christes 
religion, feare no man frome it, nor speake agaynste 
anye man that hath receyued it. Sauing that one of 
oure companye in my presence was sharpely punyshed. 10 
He, as sone as he was baptised, began against our 
willes, with more earnest affection then wisdome, to 
reason of Christes religion ; and began to waxe so 
hotte in his matter, that he dyd not only proferre oure 
relygion before all other, but also dyd vtterlye despise 15 
an condempne al other, callynge them prophane, and 
the followers of them wicked and deuelishe, and the 
chyldren of euerlasting dampnation. When he had 
thus longe reasoned the matter, they layde holde on j 
hym, accused hym, and condempned hym into exyle ; 20 
not as a despyser of religion, but as a sedicious \/ 
persone, and a rayser vp of dissention amonge the 
people. For this is one of the auncientest lawes t 
amonge them : that no man shalbe blamed for reason- 
ynge in the mayntenaunce of his owne religion. 25 

For kyng Vtopus, euen at the first begynniug, 
hearing that the inhabitauntes of the lande were 
before his commyng thether at contynuall dissention 
and stryfe among themselfes for their religions ; per- 
ceyuing also that this common dissension, whyles 30 
euerye seuerall secte todke-senerafl partes in fyghting 
for theire countrey, was the only occasion of hys 
conquest ouer them all ; assone as he had gotten the 
victory, first of air~hrmade a decrie, that it shoulde 
be lawfull for euery man to fauoure and followe what 35 
religion he would, and that he myght do the beste he * 
cold to bryng other to his opinion ; so that he dyd 
it peaceably, gentelye, quyetly, and soberlye, without 


hastye and contentious rebuking and inuehyng against 
other. If he coulde not by fayre and gentle speche 
induce them vnto his opinion, yet he should vse no 
kinde of violence, and refrayne from displeasaunt and 
seditious woordes. To him that would vehemently 5 
and feruentlye in this cause striue and contend, was 
decreid bannishment or bondage. 

This lawe did kynge Vtopus make, not only for 
the maintenaunce of peace, which he sawe through 
continuall contention and mortal hatred vtterly ex- 1C 
tinguished, but also because he thought this decrye 
shuld make for the furtheraunce of religion. Wherof 
he durst define and determine nothing vnaduisedly ; 
as dowting whether god, desieryng manifolde and 
diuers sortes of honoure, would inspire sondvie men It 
with sondrie kyndes of religion. And this suerly he 
thought a very vnmete and folishe thing, and a pointe 
of arrogant presumption, to compell all other by 
violence and threatenynges to agre to the same that 
thou beleuest to bee trewe. Furthermore though 2< 
there be one religion whiche alone is trewe, and all 
other vayne and superstitious, yet did he well forsee 
(so that the matter were handeled with reason and 
sober modestie), that the trewthe of the owne powre 
woulde at the laste issue owte and come to lyght. 2i 
But if contention and debate in that behalfe shoulde 
continuallye be vsed, as the woorste men be moste 
obstynate and stubburne, and in theire euell opynion 
moste constante ; he perceaued that then the beste 
and holyest religion woulde be troden vnder foote and 3 
destroyed by moste vayne superstitions ; euen as good 
corne is by thornes and weydes ouergrowen and 
choked. Therfore al this matter he lefte vndiscussed, 
and gaue to euery man free libertie and choyse to 
beleue what he woulde ; sauinge that he earnestly 
and straytelye chardged them, that no man shoulde 
conceaue so vile and base an opinion of the dignitie 
of mans nature, as to thinke that the sowles do dye 



and perishe with the bodye ; or that the worlde <, 

runneth at al auentures, gouerned by no diuine 
prouidence. And therfore thei beleue that after this 
lyfe vices be extreamely punyshed, and vertues 
.bountyfully rewarded. Hym that is of a contrary 5 
opinion they counte not in the nunibre of men, as 
one that hath aualed the hyghe nature of his sowle 
to the vielnes of brute beastes bodies ; inuche lesse 
in the numbre of their citiziens, whoes lawes and 
ordenaunces, if it were not for feare, he wold nothing 10 
at al esteme. For yow may be suer that he wil study ^^ 
other with crafte preuely to mock, or els violently to 
breake, the commen lawes of his countrey, in whom 
remayneth no further feare then of the lawes, nor no 
further hope then of the bodye. Wherefore he that 15 
is thus mynded is depryued of all honours, excluded 
from all offices, and reiecte from all common adminis 
trations in the weale publyque. And thus he is of 
all sorte despysed as of an vnprofitable and of a base 
and vile nature. Howe be it they put hym to no 20 
punyshemente, because they be perswaded that it is 
in no mans powre to beleue what he lyst. No, 
nor they constrayne hym not with threatninges to 
dissemble his minde, and shewe countenaunce con 
trary to his though te. For deceite, and falshed, and 25 .,. 
all rnaner of lyes, as next vnto fraude, they do 
meruelouslye deteste and abhorre. But they suffre 
him not to dispute in his opinion, and that onlye 
emong the commen people. For elles a parte, emong 
the pryestes and men of grauity, they doo not only 30 
suffre but also exhorte him to dispute and argue ; 
hoopinge that at the laste that madnes will giue place 
to reason. 

There be also other, and of them no small numbre, 
whych be not forbidden to speake their mindes, as 3fi 
grounding their opinion vpon some reason ; being in 
their liuinge nother euell nor vitious. Their heresye 
is much contrary to the other. For they beleue that 


the soules of brute beastes be immortall and euerlast- 
ing ; but nothinge to be compared with owers in 
dignitie, nother ordeyned and predestinate to like 
felicitie. For all they beleue certeinly and sewerly, 
that mans blesse shall be so greate, that they doo 5 
morne and lamente euerye mans sicknes, but no mans 
death ; oneles it be one whom they see depart from 
his liffe carfully, and agaynst his will. For this they 
take for a very euell token, as though the sowle, 
beinge in dyspayre and vexed in conscience, through 1C 
some preuy and secret forefeilyng of the punnishment 
now at hande, were aferde to depart. And they 
thinke he shall not be welcome to God, whyche, 
when he ys called, runneth not to hym gladly, but 
ys drawen by force and sore agaynste hys wyll. They if 
therfore that see thys kynde of deathe doo abhorre it, 
and them that so die they burye wyth sorrow and 
silence. And when they haue prayed God to be 
mercifull to the sowle, and mercifully to pardon the 
infirmities tb.erof, they couer the dead coorse with a 

Contrarye wise, all that depart merely and ful of good 
hoope, for them no man mournethe, but followethe 
the heerse with ioyfull synging, commending the 
soules to god with great affection. And at the last 2 
not with mourning sorrow, but with a great reuerence, 
they bourne the bodies ; and in the same place they 
set vp a piller of stone, with the deade mans titles 
therin graued. When they be comme home they 
reherse his vertuouse maners and his good dedes. 3 
But no parte of his liffe is soo oft or gladly talked 
of as his mery deathe. They thinke that this remem- 
braunce of their vertue and goodnes doth vehementely 
prouoke and enforce the quicke to vertue ; and that 
nothing can be more pleasaunt and acceptable ^to the 2 
dead ; whom they suppose to be present emong them 
when they talke of them, though to the dull and 
feoble eye sight of mortall men they be inuisible. 


For it were an vnconuenient thinge. that the blessed 
shoulde not be at libertye to goo whether they wold. 
And it were a poynte of greate vnkyndnes in them, 
to haue vtterly caste awaye the desyer of vysytynge 
and seynge their frindes, to whome they were in theyr 5 
lyfe tyme ioyned by mutuall loue and charytye ; 
whych in good men after theyre deathe they cownte 
to be rather encreasede then dymynyshede. They 
beleue therefore that the deade be presentlye conuer- 
saunte emong the quicke, as beholders and witnesses 10 
of all their woordes and deedes. Therefore they go 
more corragiously to their busines, as hauing a trust 
and affiaunce in such ouerseers. And this same belefe 
of the present conuersacion of their forefathers and 
auncetours emonge them fearethe them from all secrete 15 

They vtterly despise and mocke sothe sayinges and 
diuinacions of thinges to come by the flighte or 
voyces of birdes, and all other diuinations of vayne 
superstition, which in other countreys be in great 20 
obseruation. But they highly esteame and worshippe i 
miracles, that come by no helpe of nature, as workes 
and ^witnesses of the presente powre of God. And 
such they saye doo chaunce there very often. And 
sumtimes in great and dowtefull matters, by comnien 25 
intercession and prayers, they procure and obteyne 
them with a suer hoope and confidence and a stedfast 

They thinke that the contemplacion of nature, and 
the prayse thereof cumminge, is to God a very accept- 30 
able honour. Yet there be many so earnestly bent 
and affectioned to religion, that they passe no thinge 
for learning, nor giue their mindes to no knowledge 
of thinges. But ydelnes they vtterly forsake and, 
eschue, thinkinge felicitie after this liffe to be gotten 35 
and obteined by busy labors and good exercises. Some 
therfore of them attende vpon the sicke, some amend 
highe waies, dense ditches, repaire bridges, digge 


turfes, grauell, and stones, fell and cleaue woode, 
bring wood, corne, and other thinges into the cities 
in cartes, and serue not onlye in commen woorkes, 
but also in pryuate laboures, as seruauntes, yea, more 
then bondmen. For what so euer vnpleasaunte, 5 
harde, and vile worke is any where, from the which 
labour, lothsumnes, and desperation doth fraye other, 
all that they take vpon them willingly and gladly ; 
procuring quyete and rest to other; remayning in 
continuall woorke and labour themselfes ; not em- 1C 
brayding others there wyth. They nother reproue other 
mens Hues, nor glorye in theire owne. Thies men, the 
more seruiseable they behaue them selfes, the moore 
they be honoured of all men. 

Yet they be diuided into ii. sectes. The one is of 15 
.them that line single and chast, absteining not only 
from the company of women, but al so from the 
eating of flesh, and some of them from al maner of 
beastes. Which, vtterly reiectynge the pleasures of 
this present lyffe as hurtefull, be all hollye set vpon 2( 

. the dessire of the lyffe to come ; by watchynge and 
sweatynge hoping shortely to obtaine it, beyng in the 
meane season meerye and lustye. The other sect is 
no lesse desyerous of labour, but they embrace matri 
mony ; not despising the solace therof ; thinking that 2. 
they can not be discharged of theire bounden duetyes 
towardes nature withoute labour and toyle nor to- 
wardes their natiue countreye, wythowte procreacion 
of chyldren. They abstayne from no pleasure that 

, dothe nothynge hynder them from laboure. They 3 
loue the fleshe of fourefoted beastes, bycause they 
beleue that by that meate they be made hardier and 

stronger to woorke. The Vtopians count this secte 

" the wiser, but the other the hollier. Which, in that 
they preferre single liffe before matrimony, and that 3 
sharpe liffe before an easier liffe, if herin they 
grounded vpon reason, they wold mock them ; but 
now, forasmuch as they say they be ledde to it by 


religion, they honour and worship them. And thies 
be they whome in their language by a peculyare name 
they call Buthrescas, the whyche woorde by interpre 
tation signifieth to vs men of religion, or religious men. * 

They haue pryestes of exceding hollines, and there- 5 
fore very few. For there be but xiii. in euery city, 
according to the number of theire churches, sauynge l 
when they go furth to battell. For than vii. of them 
goo furthe wyth the armye : in whose steades so 
manye newe be made at home. But the other, at 10 
theyre retourne home, agayn reentre euery one into 
his own place. They that be aboue the numbre, 
vntyll suche tyme as they succede into the places of 
the other at theyre dyinge, be in the meane season 
contimiallye in companye wyth the bishoppe. For 15 
he ys the chyeffe heade of them all. They be chosen , 
of the people as the other magistrates be, by secrete 
voices for the auoyding of strife. After their election 
they be consecrate of their owne company. They be 
ouerseers of all deuyne matters, orderers of religions, 20 
and as it were jugers and maisters of maners. And 
it is a great dishonestye and shame to be rebuked or 
spoken to by anny of them for dissolute and incon 
tinent liuing. 

But as it is their offyc to gyue good exhortations 25 
and cownsell, so it is the deuty of the prince and the 
other magistrates to correct and punnyshe offenders ; 
sauynge that the priestes, whome they find exceading 
vicious liuers, thejn. they excommunicate from hauing 
any interest in diuine matters. And there is almoost 30 
no punnishment emonge them more feared. For they 
rimhe in verye great infamy, and be inwardly tor 
mented with a secrete feare of religion, and shall not ! 
long scape free with their bodies. For onles they, by 
quycke repentaunce, approue the amendement of their 35 
lyffes to the priestes, they be taken and punnished of 
the cownsell as wycked and irreligious. 

Both childhode and youth is instructed, and tought 

K -2. 

crate to 

tu so 

is nn 

they thi 
les hande 
iguler a ; 
holly offio 
)icause tht- 
with sue 
kunceth th 
fin respect < 
lity, can 
Id chauno 
fraile), yt 
to no in 
not to 

They In 
>ur were 
[ordre, wli 
[should ru 
6 it hr 


as to be meet for that dignity, to the execution and 
discharge wherof it is not sufficiente to "be endued with 
mean vertues. 

Furthermore, thies priestes be not more estemed of 
their ovvne countrey men, then they be of forrein and 5 
straung countreis. "Which thing maye hereby plainly 
appere. And I think al so that this is the cause of it. 
For whiles the arm(i)es be fighting together in open 
feld, they a litle beside, not farre of, knele vpon their 
knees in their hallowed vestimentes, holding vp theyr 10 v 
handes to heauen ; praying first of all for peace, nexte 
for vyctory of theyr owne parte, but to neyther part 
a bluddy vyctory. If jtheir . Jiost jjette the vpper hand, 
they, runne in to the mayne battayle, and restrayne 
theyre owne men from sleyingand cruellye pursuynge 15 
theyre vanquyshed~^nnemies. Whyche ennemyes, yf 
they do but see them and speake to them, yt ys ynoughe 
for the sauegarde of theyr lyues ; and the towchynge 
of theire clothes defendeth and saueth al their gooddes 
from rauyne and spoyle. Thys thing hath auaunced 20 
them to so greate wourshyp and trew maiesty emong 
al nations, that many times they haue aswel preserued 
theire own citizens from the cruel force of their enne- 
mies, as they haue their enemies from the furyous 
rage of theyre owne men. For y t ys well knowen that 25 
when their owne army hathe reculed, and in dyspayre 
turned backe, and runne away, theyr ennemies fyerslye 
pursuing with slaughter and spoyle, then the priestes 
cumming betwene haue stayed the murder, and parted 
bothe the hostes ; so that peace hath bene made and 30 
concluded betwine bothe partes vpon equall and in- 
dyfferent condytions. For there was neuer anny natyon 
so fiers, so cruell and rude, but they hadde them in 
suche reuereuce, that they cownted theyr bodyes hal 
lowed and sanctyfyed, and therefore not to be violentlye 35 
and vnreuerentlye towched. 

They kepe hollye daye the fyrste and the laste day 
of euerye moneth and yeare, deuydynge the yeare into 


monethes ; whyche they measure by the course of the 
moone, as they doo the yeare by the course of the 
sonne. The fyrste dayes they call in theyr language 
Cynemernes, and the laste Trapemernes ; the whyche 
woordes maye be interpreted primifeste and finifest ; 5 
or els, in our speache, first feast and last feast. 

Their churches be very gorgyous, and not onelye of 
fyne and curious workemanship, but also (which in 
the fewenes of them was necessary) very wyde and 
large, and able to receaue a great company of people. 1( 
But they be all sumwhat darke. Howbeit, that was 
not donne through ignoraunce in buylding, but as they 
say by the cownsell of the priestes. Bicause they 
thought that ouer much light doth disperse mens 
cogitations ; where as in dimme and doutefull lighte 1 
they be gathered together, and more earnestly fixed 
vpon religion and deuocion. Which bicause it is not 
there of one sort emong all men ; and yet all the kindes 
and fassions of it, thoughe they be sondry and manifold, 
agree together in the honoure of the deuine nature, as 2 
going diuers wayes to one ende ; therfore nothing is 
sene nor hard in the churches, which semeth not to 
agre indifferently with them all. If there be a distinct 
kind of sacrifice, peculiare to any seuerall secte, that 
they execute at home in their owne houses. The 5 
common sacrifices be so ordered, that they be no 
derogatyon nor preiudyce to annye of the pryuate 
sacryfyces and religions. 

Therefore no ymage of annye god is scene in the 
churche ; to the intente it maye be free for euery man ; 
to conceyue god by their religion after what likenes and 
similitude they will. They call vpon no peculiar name 
of god, but only Mithra. In the which word they all 
agree together in one nature of the deuine maiestye, 
whatsoeuer it be. No prayers be vsed, but such as 
euerye man maye boldelye pronownce wythowt the 
offending of anny secte. 

They come therefore to the churche the laste day of 


euery moneth and yeare, in the euenynge, yet fastyng, 
there to gyue thanckes to GOD for that they haue pros- 
perouslye passed ouer the yeare or monethe, wherof 
that hollye daye ys the laste daye. The next daye 
they come to the churche earlye in the mornyng, to 5 
praye to GOD that they maye haue good fortune and 
successe all the newe yeare or monethe, whyche they 
doo begynne of that same hollye daye. But in the 
holly dayes that be the laste dayes of the monethes and 
yeares, before they come to the churche, the wiffes fall 10 
downe prostrat before their husbandes feete at home ; 
and the children before the feete of their parentes ; 
confessing and acknowleginge that they haue offended 
other by some actuall dede, or by omission of their 
dewty, and desire pardon for their offence. Thus 15 
yf anye cloude of preuy displeasure was risen at home, 
by this satisfaction it is ouer blowen ; that they may 
be present at the sacrifices with pure and charitable 
mindes. For they be aferd to come there with troubled 
consciences. Therefore, if they knowe themselfes to 20 
beare anye hatred or grudge towardes anye man, they 
presume not to come to the sacrifices before they haue 
reconcyled themselfes and purged theyre conscyences, 
for feare of greate vengeaunce and punyshemente for 
their offence. 25 

When they come thyther, the men goo into the 
ryghte syde of the churche, and the women into 
the left syde. There they place themselfes in suche 
ordre that all they which be of the male kind in euery 
houshold sitte before the goodman of the house ; and 30 
they of the female kynde before the goodwyfe. Thus 
it is forsene that all their gestures and behauiours be 
marked and obserued abrode of them, by whose auc- 
thoritye and discipline they be gouerned at home. 
This also they diligentlye see vnto, that the yonger 35 
euermorebe coupled with his elder ; lest, if children be 
ioyned together, they shold passe ouer that time in 
childish wantonnes, wherin they ought principallye 


to conceaue a religious and deuout feere towardes god ; 
v. which is the chieffe and almost the only incitation to 

They kill no liuing beast in sacrifice, nor they thinke 
not that the mercifull clemency of god hath delite in 5 
bloud and slaughter ; which hath geuen liffe to beastes, 
to the intent they should liue. They burne franck- 
ensence and other sweet sauours, and light also a 
great numbre of waxe candelles and tapers ; nott sup- 
posinge this geere to be any thing auaylable to the 10 
diuine nature, as nother the prayers of men ; but this 
vnhurtfull and harmeles kind of worship pleaseth them. 
And by thies sweet sauoures, and lightes, and other 
such ceremonies, men feele themselfes secretly lifted 
vp, and encouraged to deuotion, with more willynge u 
and feruent hartes. The people weareth in the churche 
white apparell : the priest is clothed in chaungeable 
coloures, whiche in workemanshyp be excellent, but in 
stuffe not verye pretious. For theire vestementes be 
nother embrodered with golde, nor set with precious 21 
stones ; but they be wrought so fynely and connyngly 
with diuers fethers of fowles, that the estimacion of no 
costelye stuffe is able to counteruaile the price of the 
worke. Furthermore, in thies birdes fethers, and in 
the dewe ordre of them, whiche is obserued in theire 2 
settyng, they saye is conteyned certayn deuyne mis- 
teries ; the interpretation wherof knowen, whiche is 
diligentlye tawght by the priestes, they be put in re- 
membraunce of the bountyfull benefites of God towarde 
them, and of the loue and honoure whiche of theire z 
behalfe is dewe to God, and also of theire dewties one 
towarde an other. 

When the priest first commeth out of the vestrie, 
thus apparelled, they fall downe incontinent euery one 
reuerently to the grounde, with so styll silence on? 
euery part, that the veiy fassion of the thinge striketh 
into them a certayne feare of God, as though he were 
there personally presente. When they haue lien 


a little space on the grounde, the priest giueth them 
a signe for to ryse. Then they sing prayses vnto God, 
whiche they intermixe with instrumentes of musick, ^ 
for the nioste parte of other fassions then thies 
that we vse in this parte of the worlde. And like as 5 
some of owrs bee muche sweter then theirs, so some 
of theirs doo farre passe owrs. But in one thynge 
dowteles they goo excedinge farre beyond vs. For 
all theire musicke, both that they playe vpon instru 
mentes, and that they singe with mans voyce, doth 10 
so resemble and expresse naturall affections ; the 
sovvnd and tune is so applied and made agreable to 
the thynge ; that whether it bee a prayer, or els a 
dytty of gladnes, of patience, of trouble, of mournynge, 
or of anger, the fassion of the melodye dothe so repre- 15 
sente the meaning of the thing, that it doth wonder- 
fullye moue, stire, pearce, and enflame the hearers 

At the laste the people and the priest together 
rehearse solempne prayers in woordes, expresslye pro- 20 
nounced ; go made that euerye man may priuatelye 
applye to hymselfe that which is commonlye spoken 
of all. In thies prayers euerye man recogniseth and 
knowledgeth God to be hys maker, hys gouernoure, V 
and the principal cause of all other goodnes; thankyng 25 
him for so many benefites receaued at hys hande : but 
namelye, that through the fauoure of God he hath 
chaunced into that publyque weale, whiche is moste 
happye and welthye, and hath chosen that religion 
whyche he hopeth to be moste true. In the whyche 30 
thynge yf he doo annye thynge erre, or yf there bee 
annye other better then eyther of them is, beynge 
moore acceptable to GOD, he desiereth hym that he 
wyll of hys goodnes let hym haue knowledge thereof, 
as one that is readye too followe what wave soeuer he 35 
wyll leade hym. But yf thys forme and fassion of 
a commen wealthe be beste, and his owne religion 
moste true and perfecte, then he desyreth God to gyue 


him a constaunte stedfastnes in the same, and to brynge 
all other people to the same ordre of lyuyng, and to 
the same opinion of God ; onles there be any thynge 
that in this dyuersitie of religions doth delyte his 
vnsercheable pleasure. To be shorte, he prayeth hym 5 
that after his deathe he may come to hym ; but how 
soone or late, that he dare not assygne or determine. 
Howebeit, if it myght standewith his maiesties pleasure, 
he would be muche gladder to dye a paynfull dethe 
and so to go to God, then by long lyuing in worldlye 10 
prosperytie to bee awaye from hym. Whan this 
prayer is sayde, they fall downe to the ground agayne, 
and a lytle after they ryse vp and go to dynner. And 
the resydewe of the daye they passe ouer in playes, 
and exercise of cheualrye. 15 

Nowe I haue declared and descrybyd vnto yowe, 
\ as truely as I coulde, the fourme and ordre of that 
" \ commen wealth, which verely in my iudgement is not 
onlye the beste, but also that whiche alone of good 
ryght may clayme and take vpon it the name of a 20 
common wealthe or publyque weale. For in other 
places they speake stil of the coninieji wealth ; but 
euerye man procureth hys owne pryuate wealthe. Here 
where nothynge is pryuate, the commen afTayres be 
earnestly loked vpon. And truely on both partes they 25 
haue good cause so to do as they do. For in other 
countreys who knoweth not that he shall sterue for 
honger, onles he make some seuerall prouision for 
hymself, though the commen wealthe noryshe neuer 
so muche in ryches? And therefore he is compelled, 30 
euen of verye necessitie, to haue regarde to hym selfe 
rather then to the people, that is to saye, to other. 
Contrarywyse, there where all thynges be commen to 
euerye man, it is not to be dowted that anye man shal 
lacke anye thynge necessarye for hys pryuate vses, so 35 
that the commen store houses and barnes be suffi- 
cientlye stored. For there nothynge is distrybuted 
after a nyggyshe sorte, nother there is any poore man 


or begger. And though no man haue any thynge, yet 
euerye man is ryche. For what can be more ryche* / 

then to lyue ioyfullye and merylye without all griefe * 
and pensifejies ; not caryng for hys owne lyuing, nor 
v; xrd or trowMed with hys wyi rs importunate com- 5 
playntes, not drydynge pouertie to his sonne, nor 
sorrowyng for his dowghters dowrey ? Yea, they take 
no care at all for the lyuyng and wealthe of themsefes 
and all theirs ; of theire wyfes, theire chyldren, theire 
nephewes, theire childrens chyldren, and all the sue- 10 
cession that euer shall followe in theire posteritie. 
And yet, besydes thys, there is no lesse prouision for y 
them that were ones labourers, and be nowe weake 
and impotent, then for them that do nowe laboure 
and take payne. 15 

Heere nowe woulde I see yf anye man dare be so 
bolde, as to compare with thys equytie the iustice of 
other nations. Among whom, I forsake God, if I can 
fynde any signe or token of equitie and iustice. For 
what" tu^trce"ls~~tiriv^liat"a Tyclie goldsmythe or an 20 
vsurer, or, to be shorte, any of them, whyche other 
doo nothyng at all ; or els that whiche they do is 
suche, that it is not very necessary to the commen ^J. 
wealthe ; should haue a pleasaunt and a welthy 
lyuynge, other by Idilnes, or by vnnecessary busynes ? 25 
when in the meane tyme poore labourers, carters, 
yronsmythes, carpenters, and plowmen, by so great 
and continual toyle, as drawyng and bearyng beastes 
be skant able to susteine ; and agayn so necessary 
toyle that with out it no commen wealth were able to 30 
continewe and endure one yere ; do yet get so harde 
and poore a lyuing, and lyue so wretched and miserable 
a lyfe, that the state and condition of the labouring 
beastes maye seme muche better and welthier. For 
they be not put to so contynuall laboure, nor theire 35 
lyuynge is not muche worse ; yea, to them much 
pleasaunter ; takynge no thowghte in the meane season 
for the tyme to come. But thies seilie poore wretches 


be presently tormented with barreyne and vnfrutefull 
labour. And the remembraunce of theire poore in 
digent and begerlye olde age kylleth them vp. For 
theire dayly wages is so lytle that it will not suffice 
for the same daye ; muche lesse it yeldeth any ouer- 5 
plus, that may dayly be layde vp for the relyefe of 
olde age. 

Is not thys an vniust and an vnkynd publyque weale, 
whyche gyueth great fees and rewardes to gentelmen, 
as they call them, and to goldsmythes, and to suche 10 
other, whiche be other ydell persones or els onlye 
flatterers, and deuysers of vayne pleasures ; and, of the 
contrary parte, maketh no gentle prouision for poore 
plowmen, collars, laborers, carters, yronsmythes, and 
carpenters ; without whome no commen wealth can 15 
_ continewe ? But when it hath abused the laboures of 
theire lusty and flowringe age, at the laste, when they 
be oppressed with olde age and syckenes, being nedye, 
poore, and indigent of all thynges ; then, forgettynge 
theire so many paynfull watchynges, not remembrynge 20 
theire so many and so great benefytes ; recompenseth 
and acquyteth them moste vnkyndly with myserable 
death. * And yet besides this the riche men not only 
by priuate fraud, but also by commen lawes, do euery 
day plucke and snatche away from the poore some 25 
parte of their daily liuing. So, where as it semed 
before uniuste to recompense with vnkindnes their 
paynes that haue bene beneficiall to the publique 
weale, nowe they haue to this their wrong and vniuste 
dealinge (whiche is yet a muche worse pointe), geuen 80 
the name of iustice, yea, and that by force of a law. 

Therfore when I consider and way in my mind all 
thies commen wealthes which now a dayes any where 
do florish, so god helpe me, I can perceaue nothing 

but a certein conspiracy of riche men, procuringe theire 35 

* owne commodities vnder the name and title of the 
commen wealth. They inuent and deuise all meanes 
and craftes, first how to kipe safely without feare of 


losing that they haue vniustly gathered together ; and 
next how to hire and abuse the woorke and labour of 
the poore for as litle money as may be. Thies deuyses 
when the riche men haue decreed to be kept and 
obserued for the commen wealthes sake, that is to 5 
saye, for the wealth also of the poore people, then they 
be made lawes. But thies most wicked and vicious 
men, when they haue by their vnsatiable couetousnes 
deuided emong themselfes all those thinges which wold 
haue suffised all men, yet howe farre be they from the 10 
wealth and felicity of the vtopian commen wealth? 
owt of the which in that all the desire of moneye with 
the vse therof is vtterly secluded and bannisshed, 
howe great a heape of cares is cut away ? How great 
an occasion of wickednes and mischiefe is plucked vp 15 
by the rotes ? For who knoweth not that fraud, theft, 
rauine. brauling, quarelling, brabling, striffe, chiding, 
contention, murder, treason, poisoning ; which by 
dayly punishmentes are rather reuenged then refrained ; 
do dye when money dieth ? And also that feare, griefe, 20 
care, laboures, and watchinges, do perishe, euen the 
very same moment that money perissheth? Yea, 
pouerty it selfe, which only semed to lacke money, 
if money were gone, it also wold decrease and vanishe 
away. 26 

And that you may perceaue this more plainly, con 
sider with your selfes some barrein and vnfrutefull 
yeare, wherin many thousandes of people haue starued 
for honger. I dare be bolde to say, that in the end 
of that penury so much corne or grain might haue 30 
bene found in the riche mens barnes, if they had 
bene searched, as being deuided emong them, whome 
famine and pestilence hath killed, no man at all 
should haue felt that plage and penury. So easely 
might men gett their liuinge, if that same worthye 38 
princesse, lady money, did not alon stoppe vp the way 
betwene vs and our liuing; whiche a goddes name 
was very excellently deuised and inuented, that by 


her the way therto should be opened. I am sewer the 
ryche men perceaue thys, nor they be not ignoraunte 
how much better yt werre to lacke noo necessarye 
thynge then to abunde with ouermuch superfluyte ; 
to be rydde owte of innumerable cares and trowbles, 5 
then to be beseiged wyth greate ryches. And I dowte 
not that other the respecte of euery mans priuate 
commoditie, or els the aucthority of oure sauioure 
Christe (which for his great wisdom could not but 
know what were best, and for his inestimable goodnes 10 
cold not but counsell to that which he knew to be 
best) wold haue brought all the wordle long agoo into 
the lawes of this weale publique, if it were not that one 
only beast, the princesse and mother of all mischiefe, 
pride, doth withstonde and let it. She measureth not 15 
wealth and prosperity by here own commodities, but 
by the miseriies and incommodities of other. She 
wold not by her good will be made; a goddes, if there 
were no wretches left, whom she might be lady ouer 
to mocke and scorne ; ouer whose miseries her felicity 20 
might shine, whose pouerty she might vexe, torment, 
and encrease by gorgiously setting furthe her riches. 
This hell hound crepeth in to mens hartes, and 
plucketh them backe from entering the right pathe 
of liffe ; and is so depely roted in mens brestes, that 25 
she can not be plucked out. 

This forme and fassion of a weale publique, which 
I wold gladly wisshe vnto all nations, I am glad yet 
that it hath chaunced to the Vtopians ; which haue 
followed those institutions of liffe, wherby they haue 3( 
laid such fondations of their common wealth, as shall 
continew and last, not only wealthely. but also, as 
farre as mans wit maye iudge and coniecture, shall 
endure for euer. For seinge the chiefe causes of 
ambition and sedition with other vices be plucked vp a 
by the rootes and abandoned at home, there can be 
no ieopardye of domesticall dissention ; which alone 
hathe caste vnder fote and broughte to noughte the 


well fortefied and strongly defenced wealth and riches 
of many cities. But for asmuch as perfect concord 
remaineth, and holsome lawes be executed at home, 
the enuy of all forrein princes be not able to shake or 
moue the empire, though they haue many tymes long 5 
ago gone about to do it, beinge euermore dreuen 

Thus when Kaphaell hadde made an ende of his 
tale, thoughe manye thinges came to my mind which 
in the manners and lawes of that people senaed to be 10 
instituted- and founded of no good reason, not only in 
the fassion of their cheualry and in their sacrifices and 
religions, and in other of their lawes, but also, yea 
and chieffely, in that which is the principall fondacion 
of al their ordinaunces, that is to saye, in the com- 15 
munitie of theire liffe and liuinge, without anny 
occupieng of money ; by the whyche thynge onelye 
all nobilitie, magnificence, wourship, honour, and 
maiestie, the true ornamentes and honoures, as the 
common opinion is, of a common wealth, vtterly be 20 
ouerthrowen and destroyed ; yet, bicause I knew that 
he was wery of talkinge, and was not sure whether 
he coulde abide that any thing shoulde be said againste 
hys minde ; speciallye bicause I remembred that he 
had reprehended this fault in other, which be aferd 25 
least they shoulde seme not to be wise enough, onles 
they could find some fault in other mens inuentions : 
therfore I, praising both their institutions and his 
communication, toke him by the hand, and led him 
into supper ; saying that we wold chuse an other 30 
time to way and examine the same matters, and to 
talke wyth him more at lardge therin. Whiche wold 
to God it might ones come to passe. In the mean 
time as I can not agree and consent to all thinges that 
he said ; being els without dowte a man singulerly 35 \ 
well learned, and also in all wordely matters exactely 
and profoundely experienced ; so must I nedes confesse 


and graunt, that many thinges be in the vtopian weal 
publique, which in our cities I may rather wisshe for 
then hoope after. 

Thus endeth the afternones talke 
of Kaphaell Hythlodaye con 
cerning the lawes and in 
stitutions of the Hand 
of Vtopia. 

C 31mpnnteD at Lon&on 

by Abraham Vele, dwelling in Paula 

churcheyarde at the sygne of 

the Lambe. Anno. 



Utopia. There can be no doubt that More compounded 
the name from ov and TOTTOS, for in his letter to Erasmus 
dated London, 1517, he speaks of his book Utopia by the 
name of Nusquama, 1 and in a second letter to him dated 
September 3, 1517, he says Nusquamam nostram nusquam 
bene scriptam ad te mitto (Erasmi Opera, ed. Leyden, 1703 ; 
torn. iii. part ii. pp. 1629 and 1664) ; nor can there be the 
smallest doubt that Nusquama was coined from Nus 
quam ; as is borne out by Bude s letter to Lupset prefixed 
to the Utopia Utopia vero insula quam etiam Udepotiam 
appellari audio, 1 Udepotiam being obviously a play on 
ovdfTTore. But, the play on ov and u being so obvious, it is 
not surprising that that play on the words became common; 
BO the Poet Laureate of the Island is made to say 

4 Utopia priscis dicta ob infrequentiam, 
Nunc civitatis aemula Platonicae . . . 
Eutopia merito sum vocanda nomine. 

See Hexastichon Anemolii Poetae Laureati, in the 
preliminary matter to the Utopia. But this must not mislead 
us, as it has misled Dibdin, Bailey, the Italian translator, 
and others. 

The word, as Scaliger observed, is not legitimately formed. 
[See for an interesting discussion on the subject Notes and 
Queries, seventh series, vol. v. pp. 101-2, 229-31.] Rabelais 
nowhere mentions More, but he has borrowed the name 
Utopia (Pantagruel, bk. ii. ch. xxviii ; bk. iii. ch. i), just as he 
has borrowed his Amaurots and his kingdom of Achory from 
him (Id. bk. ii. ch. xxiv). Cf. too his island of Medamothy 
(Nowhere) (Mr;Sa/Lid6 t), Id. bk. iv. ch. ii. It has been conjec 
tured, but quite groundlessly, that the Englishman Thaumast 
(Pantagtwl, bk. ii. ch. xviii-xx) was intended for More. 

P. 1, 1. 9. king of Castell. Charles V, afterwards (1519) 
Emperor, was at this time (1515) a youth of fifteen ; he had 


been proclaimed King of Castile on the death of his grand 
father Ferdinand in January, 1516 (see Introduction). 

1. 13. cuthebert Tunstall. Born in 1474 at Hack- 
forth in the North Riding of Yorkshire. He studied both at 
Oxford and Cambridge, and was appointed to several eccle 
siastical preferments, including the Prebend of Stowe Longa, 
Lincoln, and the Archdeaconry of Chester. In May, 1515, 
he was appointed Ambassador to Brussels, as is here recorded, 
and in the following May he became Master of the Rolls. 
In 1522 he was made Bishop of London, and in the following 
year Keeper of the Privy Seal. In 1530 he was translated 
to the See of Durham. On the accession of Queen Elizabeth 
he refused to take the oath of allegiance, and was accordingly 
deprived of his preferment in 1559, and died the same year 
at Lambeth where he was residing with Archbishop Parker. 
The high character given by More to Tunstall is not 
exaggerated ; he was honourably distinguished not only 
by his scholarship but by his humanity. Dispeream si quid 
habet haec aetas cum eo viro conferendum is Erasmus s 
expression about him (Ep. 241, c. 1658). For more about 
TunstalTs character see Jortin s Life of Erasmus, vol. I. i. 

1. 25. as the Prouerbe sayth. The earliest forms 
of this proverb appear to be those given by Erasmus 
(Adag. 1629, p. 12) Lucernam adhibere in meridie, and 
(p. 18) solem adiuvare facibus, to bring up a lamp at 
noonday, to assist the sun with torches. 

1. 26. Bruges, the chief mercantile town of Belgium 
for many centuries. As early as the seventh century it held 
the rank of a city. But in 1488, on account of a rising by 
its citizens against the Archduke Maximilian, it was deprived 
of its privileges, and thenceforth lost its commercial import 
ance, which was for the most part transferred to Antwerp. 

1.29. Marcgraue. This title (= count of the marches), 
originally a territorial title possessed by the Princes of the 
Empire, came to be applied to the chief magistrate of 

1. 31. George Temsice. Georgius a Tempseca (de 
Theimsecke) was a native of Bruges, and wrote a history 
of Artois (Lupton) ; beyond these facts nothing seems to 
be known about him. 

P. 2, 1. i. Casaelles. Now Cassel, a town in the depart 
ment du Nord of France, between Hazebrouck and Dunkirk. 

1. 9. Bruxelle, Brussels, a French form of the word, 
now spelt Bruxelles. 


1. 15. Peter Gyles. Petrus Gillius, or Aegidius, to whom 
More dedicated the Utopia, was the son of Nicholas, quaestor 
urbis, and was born at Antwerp in or about 1486. He was 
a pupil of Erasmus, who not only directed his studies, but 
remained through life his cordial friend. See the many 
affectionate letters addressed to him in Erasmus s correspon 
dence. The Epithalamium in Erasmus s Colloquia (Opera 
Omnia, ed. 1703, vol. i. pp. 746-9) was composed in honour 
of his marriage. He had been made town clerk (Stadt- 
schreiber) of Antwerp in 1510. Erasmus speaks of him 
in the highest terms in the Epithalamium as candidissimus 
ille iuvenis et omnibus politioris literaturae deliciis expo- 
litissimus. It would appear that Erasmus recommended 
More and Tunstall to Giles. (See Erasmus, Letter civ.) 
Giles was an accomplished Latin poet. He died Nov. II, 
1533. The character which More gives of him is amply 
borne out by what Erasmus says of him. See particularly 
Epistolae, cc, cciii, and Appendix, Epist. cxv. 

1. 19. the yong man. Giles would be at this time 
about twenty-nine. 

1. 28. vsithe . . . dyssymulatyon. This is a very dif 
fuse rendering of the original, which is nemini longius 
abestfucus (from no man is paint artifice farther off). 
The distinction between simulation and dissimulation which 
Robynson was thinking of is given in the well-known line 
Quod non es simulas, dissimulasque quod es, You pretend 
to be what you are not, and you pretend not to be what 
you are. 

P. 3, 1. i. when I hadde herde. Ed. i, as I was 

1. 2. our ladies churche. The Cathedral of Notre 
Dame at Antwerp, which had been completed only a few 
years before, though begun early in the fifteenth century. 
It is still one of the finest specimens of Gothic architecture 
on the Continent, with a spire 366 feet high. 

1. 5. the seruice beynge done. Ed. I reads when 
the deuyne was done. The adjective seems occasionally to 
have stood alone in this sense. The N. E. D. quotes ( Will of 
Vavesour) to sing devyne for my sowle. Burnet paraphrases 
the original peracto sacro, as I was returning home from 

1. 9. homely, plainly, carelessly. Cf. Chaucer, Prol. 
325 He rood but hoomly in a medlee cote, and Latimer 
(Second Sermon before Edward VI), Homilyes, they may 

L 2 


well be called, for they are homely handeled. Dr. Lupton 
thinks there may be some allusion to the careless way 
in which More, according to Ascham, wore his gown (see 
Scholemaster, ed. Mayor, p. 180). 

1. 10. fauour, appearance, aspect, or face, a common 
use of the word in sixteenth-century English. Cf. Skelton, 
Poems against Gamishe, The favyr of your face is voyd 
of all grace ; and Shakespeare, Macbeth, L 5. 73 to alter 
favour ever is to fear. 

This sense survives in the term ill-favoured, well- 

1. ii. But when thys. Ed. 2 reads But the sayde 
Peter seyng me, came vnto me & saluted me. 

1. 23. Than I coniectured, i.e. then. Then is fre 
quently spelt than in older English. The two words 
than and then like turn and tarn, quum and quam in 
Latin are closely connected, and are indeed simple variants 
of the same word. (See Abbott s Shakespearian Grammar, 
Ed. 1883, p. 52.) 

1. 27. Palynure. Palinurus was the pilot of Aeneas. 
Virg. Aen. iii. 202, and v. 832 seqq. 

1. 28. Ulisses. Ulysses the son of Laertes, the Greek 
chief, and Lord of Ithaca, whose adventures after the fall 
of Troy are related in Homer s Odyssey. 

1. 29. Plato. Plato is said to have visited Egypt, 
Sicily, and other foreign places for the purpose of acquiring 
knowledge. To his travels there are many references in 
ancient writers. Cf. Cicero, De Finibus, v. 29, Valerius 
Maximus, viii. 7, 3, and Diogenes Laertius, iii. 6. 

1. 30. Raphaell Hythlodaye. Dr. Lupton derives this 
name from vO\os, babble or idle talk, and Saieiv, to distribute. 
But is it not more natural to suppose that the derivation is 
from dd ios in its secondary sense of skilled in, knowing in, 
from 8ao>, or rather &a.r)i>ai ? Stephens s Thesaurus under o rii of 
paraphrases f/jL-rreipos (skilled in) and translates peritus, 
quoting Anth. Plan. iv. 119 to support this sense of the 
word, which is also preserved in Satypaiv. Dr. Lupton some 
what fancifully suggests that the Christian name Raphael is 
borrowed from Raphael Volaterranus, the voluminous author 
of the Commentarii Urbani printed in 1511. This is at any 
rate more plausible than the theory of the French translator 
(1559), who supposes that it is borrowed from the Archangel 
Raphael, and is meant to indicate the spiritual energy at 
work in the composition of the romance. 


1. 37. Senecaes. Lucius Annaeus Seneca, the Roman 
philosopher, and tutor of the Emperor Nero, by whom he 
was subsequently ordered to put himself to death. He 
flourished during the first half of the first century, dying 
A.r>. 65. His philosophical writings are certainly more 
original than is common with Romans when treating of such 

Ciceroes. Marcus Tullius Cicero, the great Roman 
orator and man of letters; born B.C. 106, assassinated 
B.C. 43. The reference is to his voluminous philosophical 

doinges. Now a rare use of the word as a synonym 
for works, and always in plural in this sense. 

P. 4, 1. i. Portugalle. The form commonly used in 
Elizabethan English for Portuguese. So Hakluyt speaks 
of the Spaniards and Portu gales in Barberie, Voyages, ii 
Ded., and Peele, Battle of Alcazar, iv. 2 Now have I set 
these Portugals a work. 

1. 4. Amerike vespuce. Amerigo Vespucci was born 
at Florence, March 9, 1451, the son of a Notary. After 
passing some time as a clerk in the service of the Medici he 
entered the service of Juonoto Bernard!, a Florentine mer 
chant who had fitted out the second expedition of Columbus 
in 1493. This brought Amerigo into contact with the spirit 
of exploration and travel so energetic at that time, and 
in 1497 he embarked on his first voyage. Between that 
date and 1504 he made, according to his own account, no 
less than four voyages, of which an account is given, drawn 
partly from his own narrative in the Quatuor Amend Vesputii 
Navigationesthe work referred to by More appended to 
Cosmographiae Introductio, printed at St. Die in the Vosges 
in 1507. For the portion of the narrative on which the 
Utopia was founded, see Introduction. After his return 
to Lisbon from his fourth voyage Amerigo went back to 
Spain and settled at Seville, where he died February 22, 
1512. For an excellent account of him and a discussion 
of the attempt made to attribute to him the honour of 
having anticipated Cabot and Columbus in the discovery 
of the American Continent, see Major s Life of Prince Henry 
of Portugal, p. 366 seqq. 

1. 13. Gulike. A very singular misinterpretation of 
More s Latin by Robynson. As he found Castellum printed 
with a capital C he supposed it to be the name of a place, 
and finding, as Dr. Lupton conjectures, in the old dictionaries 


that Castellum was the Latin name for Jiilich (the French 
Juliers, or as it was sometimes spelt, Gulike, a town twenty- 
three miles west of. Cologne) he assumed that it was this 
place. More is no doubt referring to the passage in 
the Quatuor Navigationes (see Introduction), where it is 
described how a garrison or factory of twenty-four men 
with arms and provisions was left in Cape Frio by Vespucci 
in June, 1 504 : the words being Relictis igitur in castello 
praefato Christicolis xxiiii, &c. 

1. 14. for hys mindes sake. Lat. ut obtemperaretur 
animo eius, to comply with his inclination. 

1. 17. He that hathe no graue, &c. Lucan, vii. 819 
Caelo tegitur qui non habet urnam, cf. too the line of 
Maecenas cited by Seneca, Epp. xiv. 4 Nee turnulum euro : 
sepelit natura relictos. 

The second saying is, as Dr. Lupton notes, plainly an 
adaptation of the saying of Anaxagoras (preserved by Cicero, 
Tusc. i. 104), who, on his friends asking him, when he was 
dying at Lampsacus, whether in the event of his death he 
would wish to be carried to his country Clazomenae, replied 
There is no necessity ; for on all sides the way to the 
shades below is equally long, Nihil necesse est, inquit, 
undique enim ad inferos tantundem viae est. Cf. Roper s 
Life of More, p. 79 (Ed. Singer), where More is represented 
as saying of his prison the Tower, Is not this house as 
nighe heaven as myne owne ? 

1. 24. Gulykyans, a mistranslation of Castellanorum, 
i. e. those in the fort (see note on Gulike, above). 

1. 25. Taprobane. The Greek corruption of the native 
name for Ceylon, TarrpopdvT], situated on the S.E. of the 
peninsula of Hindostan. Utopia would thus lie somewhere 
between India and S. America. 

1. 26. Calyquit. Now Calicut; a seaport town in the 
province of Malabar, India. It was the first Indian port 
visited by Vasco de Gauia in May, 1498. The name of the 
place is properly Colicodu. 

1. 28. nothynge lease then lokyd for. Anything 
rather than expected, quite unexpected by any one. The origi 
nal has praeter spem ; N. E. D. quotes Greneway s Tacitus, 
xxx The Barbarous people know nothing less than engines 
and subtill devises. French rien moins que. 

1. 35. haylsede. Hailed, greeted ; from Old Norse heilsa, 
to greet, say, hail. N. E. D. quotes from Palsgrave, I 
haylse, or greete, je salue. 


P. 5, 1. I. tomes. Middle-English plur. of torf, a form of 
turf. Cf. original in scamno cespitibus herbeis constrato. 
The same sort of seat is mentioned in Chaucer s Marchantes 
Tale (990-1), Adoun him sette, Upon a bench of turves, 
fresh and grene. 

1. 9. harmelese. Free from harm : uninjured. Chaucer, 
Leg. of Good Women, 2664 To passen harmlesse of that 

occupyed. In the earlier English sense of dealing or 
trading with; N. E. D. quotes Marbeck, Boke of Notes, p. 653 
He gained much by occupieing with the Jewes and Chris 
tians. Cf. Tyndale s translation of St. Luke xix. 13 Occupy 
till I come, that is, go on trading. 

1. 13. mere. Exactly the Latin merus, pure ; cf. our 
modern expression, pure generosity. 

1. 17. was in botys, i.e. in boats, one of the many 
variants of boat, and of the plural. 

1. 21. holsom. Wholesome,. but a more correct form, 
for the word comes directly from the Middle-English holsum, 
holsom, halsum being suggested by the Icelandic heilsamr 

1. 22. lyne equynoctyall, i. e. the equator. 

1. 28. owte of fasshyon. A curious translation of the 
original horrida, which simply means rough. Fashion 
here = form or shape, so the phrase means out of shape, 
or ill made, so, rough, uncouth. 

P. 6, 1. I. borderers. The Lat. has finitimos, neigh 
bouring people. 

1. 3. occasion, i. e. an opportunity afforded. Almost = 
the Latin occasio. Cp. Milton, Par. Lost, ix. 480 Let me 
not let pass Occasion which now smiles. 

1. II. rydged kyeles. Keels running like a ridge at 
the bottom of the ships. The original is acuminatas cari- 
nas, sharpened or pointed. 

1. 17. feate; here answers closely to use, 1 merely em 
phasizing that word the original being simply usus. 

lode stone. Though the polarity of the mag 
netic needle had been known long before More s time, 
it was not, as Dr. Lupton remarks, till the fifteenth cen 
tury that it seems to have been applied to purposes of 

1. 22. in so doynge, ferther frome care then iec- 
pardye ; i.e. freer from anxiety than from danger, a literal 
rendering of the Latin securi magis quam tuti. 


1. 25. tourne them. As the Latin shows, them is 
here the dative, shall turn to evil and harm for them. 

1. 31. in an other place. That is, in the Second Book 
of the Utopia. 

1. 36. cyuyle pollycye. Such a course of conduct as 
becomes citizens living as citizens should live in the original 
civiliter conviventes. Cf. Starkey s Dialogue between Pole 
and Lupset : I cal the cyuyle lyfe lyuyng togyder in 
gud and polytyke ordur, one euer redy to dow gud to a 
nother, and as hyt were conspyryng togydur in al vertue 
and honesty (Ed. J. M. Cowper, Early English Text Soc., 
p. 11). 

P. 7, 1. 4. Scyllaes. Scylla, the monster represented by 
Homer, Odyssey, xii. 85 seqq., and Virgil, Aen. iii. 426 seqq., 
as residing on one of the two rocks between Italy and Sicily 
the barking is Homer s Seivov \f\aKvln, and Virgil s 
caeruleis canibus resonantia saxa. For a full description of 
the monster see Ovid, Met. xiv. 51 seqq. 

Celenes. Celaeno was chief of the Harpies ; see Virgil, 
Aen. iii. 211. 

Lestrygones. A savage tribe who destroyed eleven of 
Ulysses ships with their crews. See Odyssey, x. 82 seqq. 

1. 12. ensample = example, the reading of the second 

1. 15. intreate. Archaic form of entreat, to deal with 
or treat of in a specified matter, so describe or relate. 
Frequently used without the preposition of. Cf. Latimer, 
2nd Serm. Convoc. i. 43 It should be too long to intreate 
how the children of light are ingendered. 

1. 26. connynge knowing, as we might say. Per- 
fecte is the reading of Ed. 2. 

1. 29. geaste wyse, like or after the manner of a guest. 
The suffix wise from old Saxon wisa, Anglo-Saxon wise, 
way, manner, was used more frequently in early English 
than it is now, though it is stereotyped in the adverbs and 
adjectives, anywise, nowise, otherwise, sidewise, cross 
wise, 1 &c. 

1. 31. I wondere greatlye, &c. For the connexion of 
this passage with More s life see Introduction. 

1. 37. are meat. Ed. 2 omits are. 

P. 8, 1. 5. I passe not greatly for them. A common 
use of the word in earlier English, meaning care or 
have regard to. It is almost universally found with the 
negative, like aXeytiv in Greek. As for these silken-coated 


slaves, I pass not (Shakespeare, 2 Hen. VI, iv. 2. 156) ; 
and Drayton, I pass not what it may be 1 (Question of 

1. 17. Naye god forbedde, &c. Robynson s version 
is here most inadequate and defective. The original Latin 
is Bona verba, inquit Petrus ; mihi visum est non ut servias 
regibus, sed ut inservias. Hoc est, inquit ille, una syllaba 
plus quam servias ; that is, soft and fair, said Peter, I do 
not mean that you should be a slave to kings, but an 
assistant to them. This latter, said Hythlodaye, is only 
a syllable longer than the former : that is, the one is 
servias, the other inservias. Dr. Lupton paraphrases 
this as service at a Court is only short for servitude. 
Robynson omits the passage in Hythlodaye s reply containing 
the play on the word. 

1. 29. greate states . . . Robynson s paraphrase 
of the single word Purpurati of the original. For this 
sense of States cf. Middleton, Game of Chess, Prol. First 
you shall see the men in order set, States and their Pawns. 
So Hexam (quoted in Balees Boole] speaks of The twelve 
Peeres or States of the Kingdome of France. 

1. 31. sike. Ed. 2 sue. 

1. 32. thynke it. Note the imperative mood, Do not 
you think it. 

P. 9, 1. 11. For from the prynce. Cf. Starkey s Dia 
logue, J. M. Cowper (E. E. T. S.), p. 48: For lyke as 
al wyt, reson and sens, felyng, lyfe and al other natural 
powar spryngeth out of the hart, so from the prynces 
and rularys of the State commyth al lawys, ordur and 
pollycy, al justice, vertue and honesty to the rest of thys 
polytyke body. 

1. 20. nother. See Glossarial Index. 

1. 23. moste parte of all princes. This picture of the 
Princes and Kings of More s time is amply illustrated by 
Erasmus. Hallam in his Introduction to the Literature of 
Europe, vol. i. pp. 286, 289, has collected and translated the 
chief passages in the Adagia bearing on this question. The 
most remarkable are in the commentary on the adage 
Scarabaeus aquilam quaerit, chil. iii, cent, vii, prov. i, 
and Frons occipitio. With these compare Philip de 
Commines, Memoires, bk. i. ch. x ; bk. ii. vi ; bk. v. xviii. 
Both especially dwell on their ignorance, selfishness, 
rapacity, cruelty, tyranny, and indifference to everything 
except what concerns their ambitions or contributes to their 


pleasure. The Dialogue between Pole and, Lupaet dwells with 
equal emphasis on the injuries inflicted on subjects by these 
vices and the necessity for reform by curtailing their power. 
Compare Swift s Gulliver s Travels, part iii. ch. viii : Three 
kings protested to me that in their whole reigns they never 
did once prefer any person of merit, unless by mistake or 
treachery of some minister in whom they confided, neither 
would they do it if they were to live again, and they showed 
with great strength of reason that their royal throne could 
not be supported without corruption, because that positive, 
confident, and restive temper, which virtue infused into a 
man, was a clog to public business. 

1. 34. sauing that they do shamefully, &c. More 
may have been thinking of Juvenal s description of the 
parasite, Sat. Jii. 101 seqq. 

P. 10, 1. 2. So both the rauen and the ape. An adapta 
tion or another form of proverbs quoted by Erasmus 
(Adagia, chil. iv. cent, x) as illustrating asinus asino, et 
sus sui pulcher. 

1. 5. haue despite at. Hold in contempt. Cf. Chaucer, 
Melib. 452 Peradventure Christ hath thee in despit ; 
Caxton, Golden Legend, He hadde in despite fader and moder. 

1. 9. fare, behave. A rare use of the word. Nares 
quotes Hey wood, Troia Britannica, His bottles gone, still 
stands he strangely faring. 

1. 12. diserdes, a variant of dizzards = clowns, jesters, 
blockheads. The word is found in many forms, disarde, 
dysarde, dyzerde, and is probably derived from diseur 
(Lat. dicere]. N. E. D. quotes Skelton, Image Ipocr.: To 
go gaye With wonderful array As dysardes in a play. See 
Glossarial Index. 

1. 14. fawt. M. E. faut, from O.F./awte; I inserted in 
F. in the l6th century, and adopted by English writers. 

1. 20. As who should saye, &c. This was the favourite 
cry of the Obscurantists ; see Epistolae obscurorum 
Virorum, passim. 

1. 28. lewde, ouerthwarte. Lewd is here used in the 
primary sense of unlearned, ignorant (see Glossary). Over- 
thivarte = perversely. So in Nares s Terence, obstinate 
operam dat is translated he deals overthwartly with me ; 
cf. Euphues, ed. Arber, p. 378 Necessary it is that among 
friends there should be some overthwarting. 

1. 33. insurreccion, i. e. the Cornish insurrection of 
1497. The men of Cornwall, led by Lord Audley and 


Flammock an attorney, and one Michael Joseph, marched 
on London, but were defeated at Blackheath, on June 22 
of that year, the leaders being captured and executed. There 
were, says Hall, slaine of the rebels whiche fought and 
resisted two thousand men and moo. For a vivid account 
of this see Hall s Chronicle, Henry VII, sub ann. XII Yere ; 
cf. Holinshed s Chronicles, ed. 1808, vol. iii. p. 515 seq., and 
Bacon s Henry VII, sub ann. 1497. 

1. 38. Jhon Morton. Born either at Bere Regis or 
Milborne St. Andrew in Dorsetshire about 1420. He received 
his early education at the Abbey of Cerne, and then went to 
Balliol College, Oxford. While practising as an advocate 
in the Court of Arches, he attracted the notice of Cardinal 
Bourchier, who bestowed on him several preferments besides 
introducing him to King Henry VI. His fidelity to that 
unhappy monarch throughout his misfo~tunes attracted 
Edward IV, who on his accession took Morton into his 
councils, appointed him Master of the Rolls in 1473, and 
Bishop of Ely six years later, and made him one of the exe 
cutors of his will. Richard III had no love for him, but put 
him into prison, nominally as a ward of the Duke of Bucking 
ham ; he escaped to the Isle of Ely, and shortly after fled in 
disguise to the Continent, where he joined the Earl of Rich 
mond (subsequently Henry VII), and is said to have been the 
first to propose the union of the two Houses of York and Lan 
caster by marriage with Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of 
Edward IV. In 1486 he was made Archbishop of Canterbury, 
in 1487 Lord Chancellor, and in 1493 created a Cardinal by 
Pope Alexander VI. He died in September 1 500, and was 
buried in Canterbury Cathedral. More s character of Morton 
is not corroborated by Bacon, who describes Morton as a wise 
man and an eloquent, but in his nature harsh and haughty, 
much accepted by the King, but envied by the nobility and 
hated of the people. The unpopularity of the deviser of 
Morton s fork is not difficult to understand. 

P. 11, 1. 25. in the chiefs of hys youth, ab prima fere 
iuventa ; almost from boyhood would be a simpler 

1. 28. tumbled and tossed in the wanes of. The first 
edition reads troubled and tossed with ; which is not 
so near to the Latin, variis fortunae aestibus assidue 

1. 33. a certayne laye man. In More s time and 
previously it was not common for laid that is, non-clerics to 


be acquainted with the law ; and therefore More emphasizes 
the fact that the speaker was a layman. 

1. 37. fellones. The derivation of this word is very un 
certain ; its general meaning is a vile or wicked person, 
a villain or wretch, and in that sense it is used here. The 
punishment against which More represents Hythlodaye as 
protesting continued to be the law in England till 1827 
(7 and 8 George IV, c. 28, 7) ; see Stephen, Hist, of the 
Criminal Law in England, vol. i. p. 472. Philanthropists 
had continually protested against the severity of the penalty, 
and with More s words may be compared what Starkey says 
in his Dialogue between Pole and lAipset (ed. Cowper, p. 119) : 
Wyth us for every lytyl theft, a man ys by and by hengyd 
wythout niercy or pitie, wych, me semyth, ys agayne nature 
and humanyte. Specyally when they steyle for necessyte 
wythout murdur or manslaughter commytted therein. The 
remarks with which Coke, scarcely a century after More s 
death, concluded his Third Institute may also be compared. 
What a lamentable case it is to see so many Christian 
men and women strangled on that cursed tree of the gallows, 
insomuch as if in a large field a man might see together 
all the Christians that but in one year throughout England 
came to that untimely and ignominious death, if there were 
any sparke of grace or charity in him, it would make his 
heart to bleed for pity and commiseration. Coke upon Little 
ton, Epilogue to Third Inst. (Ed. Hargrave and Butler, vol. 
vi. p. 244). 

1. 38. were for the moste part. Robynson is not quite 
accurate in his rendering of the Latin original, quos 
passim narrabatnonnunquam suspendi viginti in unacruce, 
who, he said, were being hanged in all quarters, some 
times twenty at a time on one gallows. 

P. 12, 1. 8. the limites (of) Justyce. Ed. I reads of the 
lymytes Justyce. 

1. ii. refrayne men. The proper sense of the word 
refrenare, hold in with a bit. So Proverbs i. 15 my son, 
refrain thy feet from their path. Ed. 2 reads rei rayne and 

1. 32. blacke heath Side. See note on p. 10, 1. 33. 

1. 33. warres in Fraunce. On the death of Francis 
Duke of Brittany at the end of 1488, Henry VII, who had 
promised to protect his interests and was under great 
obligations to him, sent aid to his daughter Anne, whose 
territory was being overrun by the French king, Charles 


VIII. In October, 1492, he laid siege to Boulogne, but being 
secretly in treaty with King Charles, he soon terminated 
the expedition at the peace of Etaples on Nov. 14, 1492, 
being contented to receive an indemnity. 

1. 37. because warre lyke the tyde ebbeth and 
floweth. This was altered in the second edition to foras 
much as warres have their ordinarie recourses, which is also 
the reading of the subsequent editions. 

P. 13, 1. 5. dorres = drones. The word is said to be de 
rived phonetically from the noise made by the insect. O.E. 
dora. The word is vaguely used, being applied to a humble 
bee, a hornet, or a drone, as here. 

1. 6. polie. Properly to remove the top or head (poll), 
so to cut the hair, and then generally to rob or pillage. 
It is frequently found in combination with pil ; so 
Spenser, F. Q. v. 2. 6 Which pols and pils the poore in 
piteous wise. 

1. 7. reysing their rentes. This account of the poverty 
and misery prevalent in England and Europe, as well as of 
the causes of them, finds abundant illustration in con 
temporary testimony. The details are well summed up by 
Brewer. The arbitrary rule of its monarchs bent on their 
own aggrandizement, and careless of the improvement of 
their people, the disputes among their Councillors, agreed 
in one point only, to flatter and mislead their sovereigns 
the wide separation between the luxury of the rich and the 
hopeless misery of the poor the prevalence of crime the 
severe execution of justice, earnest for punishment but re 
gardless of prevention the frequency of capital punishment 
the depopulation of villages, the engrossing by a few 
hands of corn and wool the scarcity of meat the numbers 
of idle gentlemen without employment of idle servingmen 
and retainers turned adrift on a life of vagabondism. Letters 
and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII, vol. ii. part i. 
Preface, p. ccxxii. For the grievance involved in raising 
the rents, see the Preambles to the Acts of 7 and 25 
Henry VIII, and the Prayer for Landlords in one of 
Edward s Liturgies, quoted in Cowper s Introduction to the 
Select Works of Robert Crotcley (E. E. T. S.), p. xxii : We 
heartily pray Thee that they who possess the grounds, pastures 
and dwelling-places of the earth may not rack and stretchout 
the rents of their houses and lands nor yet take unreasonable 
fines and incomes . . . but so let them out to others that 
the inhabitants thereof may both be able to pay their rents 


and also honestly to live. 1 See also Crowley s sermon, Tfie 
Way to wealth, where, speaking of landlords, he says : some 
have purchased and some taken by leases whole alleyes, 
whole rentes, whole rows, yea whole streats and lanes, so 
that the rents be reysed, some double, some triple and 
some four fould ; and his epigram on Rente Razers. Em 
phatic expression is given to the same grievance in Brinklow s 
Complaynt of Roderyck Mors, in Starkey s Dialogue. The 
common term for landlords in Latimer s Sermons is rent 

1. 12. a greate flocke or trayne of ydell, &c. Cf. 
Starkey s Dialogue betiveen Pole and Lupset (ed. Cowper, 
p. 77) : Fyrst loke what an idul route our nobul men kepe 
and nurysch in theyr housys, wych do no thyng els but 
cary dyschys to the tabul and etc them when they have 
downe, and aftur gyuyng themselfe to huntyng, hawkyng, 
dysyng, cardyng and al other idul pastymes and vayne. And 
these men, as ample testimony shows, when dismissed by 
their masters, or on the death of their masters, were turned 
loose on the country to swell the number of beggars. 

1. 16. incontinent=immediately, forthwith ; a common 
word in the English of the I5th-i7th centuries, and in the 
adverbial form incontinently not quite obsolete. 

1. 25. appayred their health. Injure or damage, im 
pair; cf. Prynne, Power of Parliament, ii. 7 1 The ancient laws 
be greatly appaired. Originally from the Lat. adpeiorare 
through the Old-French empeire. The word has a curious 
history. The prefix of the early ampayre, or anpayre, was 
subsequently treated like the native an- before a consonant 
and reduced to a- which in the fifteenth century was 
frequently though erroneously spelt ap. Caxton restored 
the Fr. form enipeyr, empayr, which soon afterwards passed 
into the now current form impair. The word, common 
enough before, is rarely used after the sixteenth century. 

1. 34. iette. Strut and swagger, boast or talk big. 
See Glossarial Index. 

I. 37. Naye by saynt Marie, ser. An interpolation of 
Robynson s. 

P.14, 1. i. stomackes temper, inclination, courage. 
Cf. Shakespeare : He which hath no stomach to this fight, 
Let him depart (Henry V, iv. 3. 35). The transition to this 
meaning comes from its use for appetite, e.g. a good 
stomach for roast beef. 

II. 7-9. theues. As the Latin context makes a distino 


tion, using fures in 11. 7 and S, and latrones in 1. 9, this 
should be preserved in the English ; and Burnet very pro 
perly, in 1. 9, translates robbers. 

1. 14. Fraunce . . . plage. Fortescue, in the third chapter 
of his Governance of England, comments on this custom and 
its inconveniences in France, adding : Lo, this is the fruit 
of his lus regale. With More s remarks on mercenaries may 
be compared the similar remarks of Macchiavelli, 11 Principe, 
cap. xii. 

1. 20. wisafoolea and very archedoltes. In the original 
this is all comprised in the one word Morosophi, which is 
the plural of a latinized Greek word Mo>poo-o<oi, foolishly 
wise, from Lucian (Alexander, 40). Pope has imitated 
the Oxymoron ; the wisest fool much time has ever 
made. Moral Essays, Epist. II. 124. 

1. 21. archedoltes. As a prefix the usual sense of arch- 
(Gk. apxos) is chief, principal, high, occasionally first 
in time, original, initial, but in modern use it is prefixed 
intensively to words of bad or odious sense, as arch-traitor, 
4 arch-enemy " (N. E. D.). 

1. 25. fayne. Ed. 2 reads forced. 

1. 28. Saluste. The quotation is from Sallust, Cat. xvi 
4 Ne per otium torpescerent manus aut animus. 

1. 34. the Romaynes, &c. Macchiavelli notices the rui 
nous effects on Rome and Carthage of employing mercenaries. 
With regard to the eastern nations, More may, as Dr. Lupton 
says, have had in his mind the Janizaries and Mamelukes. 
Dr. Lupton quotes Gibbon on the Mamelukes : The rage of 
these ferocious animals who had been let loose on the 
strangers was provoked to devour their benefactor (Decline 
and Fall, ch.lix). 
P. 15, 1. 3. inured. Ed. I reads vrede = ured. 

1. 10. vplandishe. Belonging to the uplands or country- 
parts ; so rude or boorish. Lumby quotes Puttenham, 
Art of Poetry (ed. Arber, p. 157): any uplandish village or 
corner of a realme where there is no resort but of poor 
rustical people. 

1. 16. yf they. Edd. i and 2 read they yf. 

1. 20. spill. To injure or destroy. A. S. spillan, an 
assimilated form of spildan, to destroy ; in this sense it 
became obsolete in the seventeenth century. 

1. 25. avayleable. Serviceable, that may avail. 

warre eacke = war s sake. We frequently find 
4 sake joined with an uninflected noun in Elizabethan 


English; so Shakespeare, i Henry IV, i. 2. 174 for recrea 
tion sake, and As You Like It, iii. 2. 271 for fashion sake. 
It is found even now in nouns ending in e, for experience 
sake, to avoid the clash of s s. 

1. 29. noyoua = troublesome, grievous, and Middle- 
English noyous ^ noyes. Cf. Chaucer, Thou art noyoua 
for to carye (House of Fame, i. 574) ; and Spenser, noyous 
injuries ( F. Q. ii. 9. 16). 
L 1. 31. not onlye the = not the only. 

1. 35. your shepe, that were wont. More now enters 
specifically on the chief grievances of the time, namely 
(a) turning the arable land into pasture for the purpose 
of breeding sheep for their wool, and (b) the wrong done by 
the enclosures. The best comprehensive commentaries on 
More s view are the Preambles and First Sections of the 
Statutes 7 and 25 Henry VIII, and Starkey s Dialogue between 
Pole and Lupset, edited by J. M. Cowper for the Early English 
Text Society. To these may be added the Petition to 
Henry VIII (cited in Furnivall s Ballads from Manu 
scripts, vol. i. 101-2) ; the ballad Now-a-dayes and that of 
Vox populi, Vox Dei in the same collection ; Robert 
Crowley s Sermons and Epigrams (E. E. T. S.) ; Henry Brink- 
low s Complaynt of Roderyck Mors, printed by the same 
society ; William Roy s Rede me and be Nott Wrothe ; and 
Certaijne causes gathered together wherein is shewed the decay e 
of England only by the great multitude of Shepe, to the utter 
decay of household kepying, mayntenance of men, dearth of 
corne and other notable dyscommodityes approved by syxe olde 
Proverbes, which was a supplication to Edward Vl s Council 
1550-3, also printed by the E. E. T. S. The sermons of 
Lever edited by Arber, and the sermons of Latimer edited 
for the Parker Society, throw much light on these subjects. 
These publications, ranging between about 1515 and 1553, 
very exactly illustrate every detail of More s terrible picture. 
Dr. Furnivall s Preface to the Ballads from Manuscripts and 
Mr. Cowper s Preface to Starkey s Dialogue may be consulted 
with advantage. 

P. 16, 1. i. They consume, &c. Cf. Petition to Henry VIII 
(1514) : The ploughes be decayed and the fferme houses and 
also other dwelling houses in many townes, so that where 
was in a towne XX or XXX dwelling houses they be now 
decayed ploughes and all, and all the people clene goon and 
decayed and no more parisshons in many parisshes, but 
a nettard and a sheppard, or a warner and a sheppard in the 


stede of 60 or 80 persones. Cf., too, ballad of Now-a- 
dayes : 

The townes go down, the land decayes ; 
Off cornefeydes, playne layes ; 
L, Great men makithe now-a-days, 

/R A sheepecott in the Churche. 

(Furnivall s Ballads from MSS. i. 97.) 

1. 5. certeyn Abbottes. Many and bitter are the com 
plaints made in the ballads, and many and emphatic the 
supplications and protests against this action on the part 
of the Church. See particularly A supplicacyon for the 
Beggers, attributed to Simon Fish, which was answered by 
More himself, and Roy s Rede me and be Nott Wrothe : 

The abbeys then full of covetyse, 
Whom possessions could not suft yse, 
Ever more and more encroachynge, 

but see the whole passage (ed. Arber), pp. 99-100, and 
A proper Dyalogue, ed. Arber, a full and elaborate review 
of those grievances, emphasizing and amply illustrating, 
what is condensed in the couplet : 

Our patrimonie given away is 
Unto these Wolffes of the Clergye. 

See the complaint made to the Commons (Hall s Chronicle, 
Nov. 1 529) that Priests beying surveiers stuardes and officers 
to Bishoppes, Abbotes and other spiritual heddes had and occu- 
: pied Fermes, Graunges and grazing, in every country so that 
the poore husband men coulde have nothyng but of them ; 
and yet for that they should pay derely. 

holy men. Of course satirical, the abbots being con 
sidered the chief offenders in this respect. The Civil Wars 
no doubt were a source of much loss to them, as the Black 
Death in the fourteenth century had been before. As they 
were not able to look after their lands, the property lost its 
value as productive soil, and they were only too glad to be 
able to derive any profit from their neglected estates ; but it 
does not appear that they were more rapacious than lay 
landlords. See Gasquet s Henry VIII and the English Monas 
teries, vol. i. pp. 30-5. 

1. 23. coueyne = fraud. The word is French covin, 
corme, from Low-Latin convenium, and properly means a 
coming together for agreement, so a compact or agreement. 


From this it passed into meaning a fraudulent agreement, and 
since the fifteenth century is generally used in a bad sense. 

1. 27. pore, sylie, wretched soules. For all this see 
the Ballads passim and Starkey s Dialogue. Ascham did not 
exaggerate when he wrote : Vita quae nunc vivitur a pluri- 
mis, non vita sed miseria est ; the life nowadays which 
most live is not life, but misery. Sylie is of course used 
in the earlier sense of simple, innocent, being derived 
from A. S. scelig, happy, prosperous ; the word then, fol 
lowing the analogy of eiirjdrjs in Greek, came to be used in 
a derogatory sense. 

1. 35. abyde the sale. This obscure phrase can best 
be explained by reference to the Latin, haud magno uendi- 
bilem, etiam si manere possit emptorern, 1 i.e. their household 
stuff would not be worth much, even though it could await 
a buyer (an advantageous time for selling). 

P. 17, 1. i. God wote. Literally God knows, wote 
being the third person singular present indicative of wit 
(A. S. u itan, to know). It passed into a mere formula of 
emphasis. Ed. 2 changes the God wote of the first 
edition into forsothe. 

1. 2. a beggyng. The common form of the verbal sub- 
,ntive still commonly used dialectally. This prefix, a form 
of on, appears also in aboard, afloat, &c. So in A. V., 
John xxi. 3 I goe a fishing. 

1. 6. For one shapherde . . . Cf. Latimer. For where 
as have been a great many house-holders and inhabitants 
there is now but a shepherd and his dog. (First Sermon 
before Edward VI.) 

1. 7. Robynson has omitted a sentence in the Latin preced 
ing this paragraph : Nam rusticae rei, cui assueuerunt, nihil 
est quod agatur, ubi nihil seritur, which Burnet thus trans 
lates : For there is no more occasion for country labour, 
to which they have been bred, when there is no arable ground 

1. II. the pryce of wolle. Cf. the tract Certai/ne 
Causes (Furnivall s Ballads from MSS. vol. i. p. 23) : The 
more shepe the dearer is the wool ; and Becon s Jewel 
of Joy quoted by Dr. Lupton: Those beastes which were 
created of God for the nouryshment of man do nowe deceive 
man. . . . Since they [" gredy gentlemen "] began to be shepe 
maysters and feders of cattell we neyther had vyttayle nor 
cloth of any resonable pryce. 

1. 20. morreyn = murrain, cattle plague; from 0. F.- 


marine, M. E. murrin, moreyne, ultimately from Latin mori. 
It is not easy to identify the epidemic to which More refers. 
Dr. Lupton observes that the extreme wet of the year 1 506 
must have been injurious to cattle ; and it would seem from 
Becker s Epidemics of the Middle Ages, translated by Babing- 
ton (p. 204), that there was a severe visitation of it in Ger 
many and France. But in a state paper in the Record 
Office cited by Furnivall (Ballads from MSS. vol. i. p. 18), 
we find : the same selff yere thatt the warre ended there 
ffelle as greatt a generall Rott and Morregn amongst Cat- 
telle as ever was seen eny time forty yeres beffore. Brewer 
supposes that this refers to the termination of the French 
wars of 1523-5, but it may refer to the war concluded by 
the Treaty of Etaples in 1492 : if so, this would fix the year. 

1. 22. And though the numbre of shepe, &c. Robyn- 
son s version is inadequate. The Latin is Quod si maxime 
increscat ouium numerus, precio nihil decrescit tamen ; quod 
earum, si monopolium appellari non potest, quod non unus 
uendit, certe oligopolium est. The latter clause is thus ren 
dered by Burnet, Though they cannot be called a Monopoly, 
because they are not engrossed by one Person, yet they are 
in so few Hands, and these are so rich, &c. More s anti 
thesis between monopolium and oligopolium a, -word coined 
by himself cannot be rendered in English. For the remark 
that though the number of sheep increase the price does 
not fall, see Certayne Causes (Furnivall, Ballads, i. 23), 
The more shepe, the dearer is the wool. 3 

1. 37. incommoditie. Inconvenience. French in- 
commodite. Cf. Higden viii. 241: In the ende of harveste 
were so moche wete and reyne whereby many incommo- 
dities followed. The word is not quite obsolete in this sense. 

1. 38. make dearth, i. e. raise the price. The Latin 
has reddunt cara. M. E. cfr>Y/je = dearness. 

P. 18, 1. 8. in the whiche thyng. That is, hospitalitie, 
as we gather from what follows. 

1. 9. this great dearth, &c. Cf. Certayne Causes, cited 
by Furnivall (Ballads, i. 23) : And where that the said per 
sons were wont to have meate, drynche, rayment and wages, 
payinge Scot and lot to God and to our Kyng, now there is 
nothing kept there but onely Shepe . . . (they) go forthe 
from shyre to shyre to be scattered thus abroad . . . and for 
lacke of maysters by compulsyon dryuen, some of them to 
begge, and some to steale. 

1. 16. this wretched beggerye. On this The Dialogue 
M 2 


between Pole and Lupset furnishes a commentary (ed. Cowper, 

P- 95)- 

1. 19. gentle. Ed. I reads gently. 

1. 20. handy craft men. First Edit., hand y craft men. 
1. 24. qweynes. Loose women. The word is from the 
A. S. cicfne, another form of ctven, a woman, but from an 
early time having a bad sense attached to it. In M.E. the 
word was distinguished from its kindred word Queen by its 
open e, the one having the form queyne, the other queene. 
So in Piers Plowman (C) ix. 46 : 

Other a knyght fro a knave, 
Other a queyne fro a queene. 

In Elizabethan English it is commonly spelt quean; so 
Shakespeare, 2 Henry IV, ii. I. 51 throw the quean in the 

1. 28. tables, i. e. backgammon. So Chaucer, BoTce of 
the Duchess, 51 Play either at Chesse or tables, and 
Harington, Epig. i. 79 Then with thy husband dost play 
false at tables. The Latin word is fritillus, a dice-box. 
Dr. Lupton observes that More once spoke less harshly of 
such amusements, as to cast a coyte, a cokstele and a 
ball, was one of the child s accomplishments in his pageant. 

1. 31. Caste out, &c. Such is the advice given in 
Dialogue, p. 175. 

1. 33. towne is here used in the old sense of an enclosed 
place, and so a farmstead with its land. 

1. 37. ingrosse. Buy up wholesale or monopolize the 
trade in any commodity : cf. Cranmer, Catech. 77 Fore 
stalling, regratyng, ingrossing of marchaundise. 

forstalle. To buy up beforehand in order to sell at 
a higher price to those who come later. 

P. 19, 1. 2. let clothe workynge. Cf. Dialogue: If thys 
stapul were broken or otherwyse redressyd & clothyng set 
up again in England . . . the commodyte of our wolle & 
cloth schold bryng in all other thyngys that we haue need of. 

1.9. auuance your selfes of = boast or pride yourselves 
on. Cf. Caxton, Golden Legend, 267 He had no more wyll 
to advaunce him ; and Bishop Hall, Hard Texts, 477 Thou 
advancest thyself to be as that glorious Cherub. 

1. 10. For this iustice, &c. The Latin is iusticiam 
nempe speciosana magis quam aut iustam aut utilem. In 
his second edition Robynson turns it, is more beautiful in 
appearance and more florishyng to the shewe then either 


just. . . . His first version is too cramped, his second too 
diffuse. Burnet has, which tho it may have the Appear 
ance of Justice, yet in itself is neither just nor convenient. 

1. 15. they be cornmen. Ed. 2, being come. 

1. 37. Hold your peace. There is a marginal note in the 
Latin calling attention to Morton s habit of cutting loqua 
cious people short : Expressitmorem eiCardinali familiarem, 
interpellandi si quis loquacius ageret. 

1. 38. by lyke ( = later, belike ), probably, in all like 
lihood : now obsolete. Cf. Udall, Aphor. Harpalus who by 
like had a good insight in suche matters. Ed. 2 substitutes 
it appeareth that. 

P. 20, 1. 6. earnest lette. Serious hindrance. The original 
has nisi quid impediat aut te aut Raphaelem hunc. 

1. 8. not worthy to be punished with death. Com 
pare the similar discussion between Pole and Lupset in the 
Dialogue, where Pole takes the same view as Hythlodaye, 
and Lupset the view of the Lawyer. 

1. 22. counteruayle = make up for, be an equivalent 
for, Latin contravalere, to be of the same value as ; com 
monly used in the English of the i6th and I7th centuries. 

1. 25. is recompensed = is repaid, finds retribution. 
1 Recompense was frequently used in earlier English for 
good or evil, but has now lost the latter meaning. 

1. 28. so streyte rules. This is Robynson s translation 
for tarn Manliana imperia, which is to be found in Livy iv. 
29, and implies stringent decrees. Cf. Draconian laws. 
Lucius Manlius, surnamed from the imperious harshness 
of his character Imperiosus, was dictator B.C. 363. Both 
he and his son Titus M. C. Torquatus were noted for their 
sternness and severity. 

1. 30. by and by. At once, immediately ; so generally 
in i6th and lyth century English. 

1. 31. stoycall. The later Stoics considered that all 
crimes were equal, omnia peccata esse paria an absurd 
paradox very pleasantly ridiculed by Cicero, Pro Murena, xix, 
and Horace, Sat. i. 3. 94 seqq. 

1. 34. bothe a matter, i. e. both one matter, equally 
guilty, dn is the A. S. form of one, and in M. E. the n is 
sometimes dropped. N.E.D. quotes Hampole, Piose Tr. 32 
Some ere of a tree and some er of another. 

P. 21, 1. 16. daunger = jurisdiction, or power a sense 
illustrating the history of the word, which is derived from 
dominium through 0. F. dangier: so it comes to mean from 

166 . UTOPIA 

power, power to hurt or harm, and so liability to come 
within that power. 

1. 23. Moyses. The Greek form of Moses (Mavo-^ 
The reference is to Exodus xxii. 1-9. Dr. Lupton appositely 
refers to Colet s Letters to Itadulphus. where he observes that 
Moses adapted his language to the uncultivated nature 
of those poor people, but lately occupied among the bricks 
and clay : Sed crassiter et pingue docenda fuit stulta ilia 
et macra multitude. 

1. 28. the newe lawe, i. e. the teaching of the Gospel. 
P. 22, 1. 6. care. Ed. 2 reads feare. 

1. 7. bewrayed, i. e. betrayed. From A. S. wrtgan, 
to accuse, through M. E. bewraien. Cf. A.V. of Isaiah xvi. 
3 Bewray not him that wandereth, and Shakespeare, 
Lear, ii. i He did bewray his practice. 

1. 8., removed. 

1. 9. vttered, put forth, made public. Cf. Elyot, Gover- 
nour: Marchauntes do utter . . . wares and commodoties ; 
now used chiefly in the sense of circulating coins, genuine or 

1. 10. discriued = descried, detected. See Glossarial 

1. 12. single fellonye = mere theft. 

1. 30. abowt the wordle. So often spelt in M. E. Skeat 
quotes Ayeribite of Inwyt, p. 7, 1. 10. Robynson repeatedly 
spells it so. 

1. 32. the polylerytes. Like the Utopians, an imaginary 
people. Their name is derived from no\vs AJjpo?, much 
nonsense. 1 

! 33- wyttelye = wisely, the common meaning in the 
English of the early sixteenth century and later. 

P. 23, 1. 8. to their chiefs lord and kinge. The first 
edition, misreading the original, which is rerum potienti 
as potenti, translated the myghtye Kynge. 

1. 10. gallawnte = comfortable, rather than gay or 
showy. Gallant is from French galer to rejoice. 

1. 1 6. that they stoole. Ed. 2 has that which for that. 

1. 21. paide of, i.e. paid out of. 

1. 29. be not only tied, &c. The Latin has non tarn 
vinculis cohercent quam excitant uerberibus, they not so 
much imprison as flog them, 1 i. e. they more often resort 
to flogging than imprisonment. The English version is 
therefore misleading. 

1. 35. indyfferent good = fairly or moderately good. 


Cf. Shakespeare, Hamlet, iii. I. 122 ! am myself indifferent 

P. 24, 1. i. that = that which, the reading of the second 

1. 4. In some places . . . mainteined. The Latin has 
simply, alibi reditus quidam publici ad id destinantur ; 
landis is interpolated by Robynson. The first edition 
reads fownde 1 for mainteined, both meaning the same 

I. 9. for so be thies, &c. This is not in the Latin 
here, but comes afterwards with reference to seruynge 
men in 1. 29. It may have been an omission which Robyn 
son inserted later in the wrong place ; or possibly he thought 
it desirable to introduce this phrase earlier. Damned, con 
demned, in the Latin damnati. 

1. 19. sum thynge, i.e. their earnings, which they 
were not allowed to keep. 

P. 25, 1. 1. openeth, i. e. discloses. Cf. A. V. Acts xvii. 2, 3 
Paul . . . reasoned with them . . . opening and alleging, that 
Christ must needs have suffered. 

1. 5. of that they were of councell in that pretence, 
i. e. for being of counsel = Latin conscientiae. 

1. 22. to theyre guydes, i. e. for their guides. 

1. 23. sheyre. This is a good example of Robynson a 
or his printer s fondness for varying the spelling of words. 
He has already spelt this sheire and shyere, and further 
on we have shere. 

1. 28. wyth the maner, i. e. red-handed. The word is 
derived from manus, hand, and opus, work, act ; whence 
manuopere = in the very act. 1 Mainour in Cowell s 
Law Dictionary (quoted by Nares) is thus explained : 
Mainour, alias manour, alias meinour from the French 
manier, i. e. " manu tractare," in a legal sense, denotes the 
thing that a thief taketh away or stealeth ; as to be taken 
with the mainour is to be taken with the thing stolen about 
him. Cf. Latimer : even as a thief is taken with the 
maner that he stealeth (Sermons, ed. Parker Society, p. no). 
The manner of it is, I was taken with the manner, 
Henry IV, ii. 4. 437, and Love s Labour s Lost, i. I. 205 
villain . . . thou wert taken with the manner. 

1. 35. But. In the Latin At (raising an objection)-: 
But, some one will say. 

1. 36. dowted. To fear or be afraid, common in old 
English and not obsolete now. Cf. Holinshed, Chron. ii. 19 


The French king began to doubt of the puissance of King 
William, and Shakespeare, passim. 

P. 26, 1. 8. of their cownsell. Depending on make ; 
i. e. they would not confide in, or take into their confidence. 

1. II. openner = discloser, detector, cf. supra 25. i. 

1. 17. For euery yeare. As Dr. Lupton remarks, an 
anticipation of our ticket-of-leave system, instituted by 
the Penal Servitude Act of 1853. 

1. 27. made a wrie mouth. Lat. distorsit labrum, 
twisted his lip, i. e. pouted. Cent. Diet, quotes Scott, Quentin 
Durward, Die like a man without making wry mouths. 

1. 31. withowte a proffe, i. e. without putting it to the 
proof: Lat. nullo facto periculo. 

1. 34. differryd = deferred. Both words come from Lat. 
differre. But defer in the sense of submit, or lay before, 
is from deferre. 

1. 35. saintuaries. Originally every church or church 
yard was a sanctuary for criminals. Some had special 
reputation, e. g. Westminster Abbey and Beverley Minster. 
The right of sanctuary in relation to common law was 
extended to any person accused of felony, who might thus 
preserve his life. There is ample testimony that this right 
was grossly abused. The Dialogue (p. 140) again illustrates 
More on this point, as well as the abuse of the privilege. 
And what think you by privylegys graunted to Churchys 
and al Sanctuarys ? Can you judge them to be convenient ? 
Thinke you that hyt ys wel a man when he hath commytted 
murder, or outragyouse robbery, decycevued hys credytorys, 
to run to the sanctuary with al hys godys ? . . . Who wil be 
aferd to kyl hys enemy, yf he may be sauyd by the pryuylege 
of sayntuary ? On the gross abuses of the rights of Sanc 
tuary, More comments at length in his History of King 
Edward V, in the speech he puts into Buckingham s mouth, 
when he is urging the Council to take the Duke of York out 
of the sanctuary to which his mother had fled with him 
(ed. 1641, pp. 68-76). 

P. 27, 1. 14. sad = serious. From O.E. seed, full ; so sated, 
heavy, with other meanings naturally deduced. Cf. in sense 
of text, Saclde resoun, Piers Plou-man, B. xv. 541 ; A few 
sad words, Beaumont and Fletcher, King and no King, ii. i. 

1. 17. parasite. From Greek napd, beside, and a-lros, 
food, one who eats beside another at another s table; so 
a hanger-on or sycophant. 

1. 1 8. which wold seme = who wished to simulate. 


11. 25-6. indifferent and reasonable. Lat. non 
absurda, not absurd ; indifferent practically qualifies 
reasonable, and here means neither very reasonable nor 
very unreasonable. 1 

1. 27. he that shoteth oft, &c. : in the Lat. crebro iactu 
iaci aliquando Venerem. Erasmus gives the Lat. proverb in 
his Adagia, chil. i. cent. iii. prov. 13 Si saepe iactaveris, 
aliquando Venerem iacies, i. e. If you throw [the dice] 
often, you will at some time or other throw a Venus. The 
highest throw was called a Venus, and the lowest a Canis 
so Propertius iv. 8. 45-6 Me quoque per talos Venerem 
quaerente secundos, Semper damnosi subsiluere canes. 

1. 34. vnweldye, unwieldy. Used in an active sense ; 
here practically synonymous with impotent, that cannot 
wield. Cf. Chaucer, Horn, of the Hose, 359 Al woxen was 
hir body unwelde. 

1. 37. For I had rather then anye good = For I had 
rather than anything. 

P. 28, 1. 2. with their lamentable teares, &c. The Lat. 
is stronger : cum querulis illis opplorationibus flagitarent 
pecuniam, when with that pitiful weeping they kept implor 
ing me for money. 

1.9. leese=lose. Cf. Shakespeare, Sonnet v. 14 But 
flowers distill d . . . leese but their show ; it is very common 
in Elizabethan English. 

1. 14. into houses of religion. Lat. has in Bene- 
dictinorum coenobia, into the monasteries of the Benedic 
tines. The Benedictines are an order of monks and nuns 
following the precepts of St. Benedict (c. 480-0. 543). Fifty 
Benedictines have already occupied the Papal throne. As 
they were by far the most numerous and most important of 
the Monastic Orders, their establishments are to some extent 
synonymous with houses of religion. 

1. 15. laye bretherne, i.e. those who take the habits 
and vows of religion, but are employed mostly in manual 
labour, and are not admitted into even minor orders. 

1. 33. towchyd one the quiclce touched on the quick. 
Quick from A. S. civic, alive ; so the quick means what is 
sensitively alive, as in the phrases stung to the quick, &c. 

hit on the gawl. This and the above phrase com 
bined are Robynson s equivalent for the Latin tali perfusus 
aceto (an expression borrowed from Horace, Sat. i. 7. 32 
At Graecus, postquam est Italo perfusus aceto, &c.), mean 
ing literally deluged with such vinegar. Gall here 


means a blister, and is especially applied to the sore on 
a horse produced by rubbing. It is possible that the word 
is connected with gall, in the sense of bile, gall-bladder ; 
the notion of venom being transferred to envenom d spot. 

1. 34. fret = fretted. This word originally meant to 
eat (A. S. fretan, German fressen) ; in 1835 it was used 
in an absolute sense to champ the bit. Not to be con 
founded with fret-work, fretted ceilings, and the like, where 
the word is from frcetwan, frcetwian, to adorn or ornament. 

1. 37. iauell. A low worthless fellow, a rascal. The 
derivation is uncertain. Cf. More s English Works, p. 1272 
a lewde, vnthriftye javell ; and Spenser, Mother Hub. Tale, 
309 These two javells (N. E. D.). 

P. 29, 1. 4. Patient iourself. Compose yourself. A not 
uncommon use of the word in earlier English. Cf. Shake 
speare, Titus Andron. i. 2. 58 Patient yourself, Madam, and 
pardon me. 

1. 8. gallons = gallows, i. e. the name adjectivally 
used for one deserving of it, a gallows bird. Cf. Shake 
speare, L. L. L. v. 2. 12 He hath beene five thousand 
yeeres a Boy. I, and a shrewd unhappy gallou-es too. 

1. 10. be you angry. The reference is to Ps. iv. 4, where 
the A. V. reads, Stand in awe, and sin not ; but More follows 
the Septuagint and the Vulgate, corroborated by St. Paul s 
citation in Eph. iv. 26, as Dr. Lupton points out. 

1. 14. the zeale of thy house. Ps. Ixix. 9. 

1. 1 6. The skorners of Helizeus, &c. The original 
lines are, as Dr. Lupton points out, from the De Resurrectione 
Domini of Adam of St. Victor : Irrisores Helisaei, Dum 
conscendit domum Dei, Zelum calvi sentiunt. Helizeus = 
the Greek and Latin form of Elisha. The scorners of 
course refer to the children who mocked him for his bald 
ness ; see 2 Kings ii. 23. To indicate the Friar s want of 
scholarship More makes him use zelus for zelum as if (see 
marginal note) it were a neuter noun like scelus. 

1. 22. set your wit to a fooles witte. Lat. Si te ita 
compares, ne cum homine stulto et ridiculo ridiculum tibi 
certamen instituas. 

1. 26. Answer a foole, &c. Prov. xxvi. 5. 

1. 29. bald man. The monks and friars of course shaved 
the crown of their heads. 

1. 33. excommunicate, suspended, and acursed. A 
periphrastic rendering of the original, which has simply 


1. 35. preuy beck. A secret signal. Lat. has nutu, 

turned. The Latin has an adverb, commodum, 
meaning opportunely. Neither Robynson nor Burnet 
translates it. 

1. 37. heare his sueters. Up to 1858 all probate 
matters were under ecclesiastical jurisdiction ; and the fact 
of his being also Lord Chancellor of England would make 
the Cardinal s legal duties particularly heavy. 

P. 30, 1. 5. hit. So frequently spelt till the middle of the 
sixteenth century. 

parcell. In its original meaning of portion or part, 
still preserved in the phrase part and parcel. 

1. 9. improued. This is from the Latin improbare= 
probare, to approve of, with the negative prefix in-, so that 
the word means to disapprove of. The N. E. D. quotes 
Bale, Eng. Votaries, 8 They have improved that doctrine 
and taught the contrarye. 

1. 10. incontinent = immediately; that is, hearing the 
Cardinal allow them, or let them pass, they immediately 
gave their approval to what was said. The Lat. original is 

1. 1 8. ensure = assure. 

1. 24. of a child, i. e. as a child. Lat. has simply puer. 
For the reference see Introduction. Cf. Mark ix. 21. 

1. 36. youre Plato. The passage referred to is in the 
Republic, bk. v. 473 : Until philosophers are kings, or the 
kings and princes of this world have the spirit and power of 
philosophy, and political greatness and wisdom meet in one, 
and those commoner natures who follow either to the 
exclusion of the other are compelled to stand aside, cities 
will never cease from ill. More, quoting probably from 
memory, gives only the general sense. By youre Plato he 
seems to mean the Plato whom you have plainly so carefully 
studied, and whose philosophy has had so much influence on 
you, a well-known Latin usage. 

P. 31, 1. 4. wyll (not) vouchesaufe. Original omits 
1 not, which Lupton supplies. Latin nee dignentur. 

1. 1 6. Dionise. Dionysius the Younger succeeded his 
father as tyrant of Syracuse in 367 B. C. He was indolent and 
dissolute, and Dion, his father s son-in-law, sought to im 
prove him by inviting Plato to Sicily to instruct him in 
philosophy. He improved for a while ; but a faction led 
by Philistus, the historian, succeeded in poisoning his 
mind against both Dion and Plato. Dion was accordingly 


banished, and Plato, not succeeding in obtaining his recall, 
left Syracuse. Thereupon Dionysius resumed his old life, 
and gave himself up to unrestrained debauchery. He was 
afterwards in turn driven out of Syracuse by Dion (who 
was later murdered), and several tyrants succeeded each 
other, until he at last retook the city in 346 B. c. After his 
return his conduct and mode of living were worse than 
ever, and two years later he was driven out by Timoleon, and 
Bpent the remainder of his life in Corinth (v. Plutarch, Dion}. 

1. 19. noughtenes. Much stronger than our use of it, 
and with the force of its derivation, A. S. nawiht, nothing, 
worth nothing. Cf. I Sam. xvii. 28 I know thy pride, and 
the naughtiness of thy heart. 

1. 20. laughynge stocke. Stock meant originally a 
stump, 1 stake, post, and came to mean an object espe 
cially stupid or dull, such a thing as would provoke scorn 
ful laughter ; but laughing-stock seems to mean a fixed 
object for laughing at; cf. the phrases laughing matter, 
laughing thing, and the like. 

1.22. Frenche kynge. Louis XII (1498-1515). Onhis 
accession he asserted his claims to the duchy of Milan, de 
rived from his grandmother Valentina Visconti, and forth 
with marched with an army into Italy and took possession 
in 1499. Encouraged by this he laid claim to Naples, derived 
from the Anjous, which had been unsuccessfully asserted by 
his predecessor, Charles VIII. Frederic, king of Naples, 
applied for assistance to Ferdinand, king of Spain, his 
relative, who thereupon sent him an army led by the cele 
brated Gonzalo of Cordova. Louis then secretly proposed to 
divide the kingdom of Naples with Ferdinand, who readily 
agreed ; and they were joined in this infamous transaction 
by Pope Alexander VI. The unhappy Frederic, perceiving his 
hopeless condition, surrendered to Louis, who bestowed upon 
him the duchy of A.njou and a pension. Ferdinand and 
Louis, however, soon quarrelled over their respective shares ; 
and after two battles the French were defeated and Naples 
was lost, 1503. A few years after Pope Julius II joined with 
Ferdinand, and after several campaigns Louis was finally 
driven out of Italy in 1513. 

1. 29. fugatyue. Lat. fugitivam. So called because 
it was always slipping out of the grasp of the French. 

1. 30. Venetians. At the treaty of Canibray (1508) 
Venice was divided between Louis XII, Ferdinand of Spain, 
Maximilian I of Austria, and Pope Julius II. 


1. 32. Flaunders. From the death of Count Louis III 
in 1384, as he left an only daughter married to Philip of 
Burgundy, Flanders had practically formed part of this duchy. 
But in 1477 Mary of Burgundy married Maximilian of 
Austria, so that at this time Flanders was included in the 
Austrian Netherlands. 

Brabant. Formerly a most important province of 
the Netherlands. On the death (1477) of Charles the 
Bold, the last independent duke of Burgundy, Brabant, 
which was part of their dominion, passed with Flanders to 
the Empire. 

Burgundie. This duchy should also have passed with 
Brabant and Flanders to Mary of Burgundy ; but her right 
to it was disputed by Louis XI, who affirmed that, as it 
had been given to Philippe le Hardi as an appanage, it 
reverted to the Crown in default of male heirs. It was 
therefore annexed to France, while its possessions passed 
to the House of Austria. See Bryce, Holy Roman Empire, 

P. 32, 1. 5. Germaneynes. The lance-knights served 
as mercenaries with the French. They were particularly 
conspicuous at the battle of Ravenna in 1512 when opposed 
to the Spaniards. 

1. 6. Swychers. Later, Switzers. The Swiss were 
notorious as mercenary infantry. (See Book II. ch. viii, with 
the Notes.) 

. 1. 7. emperours maiestie. This refers to Maximilian 
of Austria. Though he is said to have taken pay when 
serving with the English at Tournay, and generally to have 
been mean and grasping, his country s debt to him was in 
calculable. He consolidated both the power of his House 
and that of the Empire. He reformed German law and 
created German discipline, and was the first to establish an 
organized standing army. He also secured the reversion of 
Hungary and Bohemia to his descendants, by a diplomatic 
marriage of his grandchildren. 

1. 10. kynge of Arragone. Ferdinand, husband of 
Isabella of Castile, and father of Catharine of Arragon, first 
wife of Henry VIII. 

1. n. Wauarra. Navarre, a province on the borders of 
France and Spain. This kingdom shared the fate of the 
other little states over which France and Spain were dis 
puting in the sixteenth century; and in 1512 the portion 
south of the Pyrenees passed to Ferdinand of Spain. The 


portion north of the Pyrenees was afterwards united to the 
crown of France by Henri IV. It is now known as the 
department of the Lower Pyrenees. 

1. 13. wyth. his .v. egges. A proverb indicating some 
paltry, worthless proposition, or a statement officiously in 
truded ; the full phrase seems, as Ray gives it, to be five 
eggs a penny, and four of them addle. N. E. D. quotes 
Udall, Apoph. 272 Persones comying in with their five 
egges, c. In Swift s Journal to Stella, where the proverb 
frequently occurs, two is substituted for five. There is 
nothing to correspond to it in More s Latin. 

1. 14. Caetell. The reference here seems to be to the 
recent negotiations for a marriage between Charles, Prince 
of Castile, and Madame Renee, the youngest daughter of 
Louis XII, and to the anxiety of Charles and his German 
ministers for an alliance with France. See Brewer, Iteiyn of 
Henry VIII, vol. i. pp. 79 and 148-52. 

1. 17. staye = stick, stop. 

1. 23. skottea. The French were ever ready for an 
alliance with the Scots, to aid them against England. 

1. 24. in aunters = usually, inaunter, enaunter, in case 
that. French, aunter, aventure = English adventure, thus 
in adventure, at adventure = in case that. Cf. per- 

1. 29. peere of Englande. The definite reference, if 
any, cannot be explained. Dr. Lupton thinks it refers 
to Perkin Warbeck ; and Gilpin (Utopia, vol. i. p. 105) 
suggests Richard de la Pole, fifth son of John de la Pole, 
Duke of Suffolk; but neither conjecture is quite satis 

1. 34. affiaunce = O.F. afiance, trust or confidence. So 
Coverdale, Erasm. Paraphr. puttyng his affyaunce in God. 

1. 38. turne ouer the leafe, and learne a newe lesson. 
Robynson has adopted an entirely different metaphor from 
the Latin uerti iubeam uela, should order the sails to be 
shifted, i.e. to go on another tack, as Dr. Lupton 
points out. 

P. 33, 1. 8. Achoriens. Derived from a, priv., and >-copn, 
place = those without a place of habitation, who dwell in 
a non-existent place. Cf. Utopia. In classical Greek the 
adjective a^wpos would mean literally homeless, as in Aelian. 

1. 13. aliaunce, i.e. an alliance by marriage. Lat. 

1- 23. pylled = plundered. Cf. French piller, Lat. 


pilare (common in compound compilare), scrape to 
gether and carry off. Cf. Engl. compile. Cf. Shakespeare, 
Richard the Second, ii. I. 246 The Commons hath he pilVd 
with grievous taxes. 

1. 26. peace nothynge better then, warre. Lat. 
pacem nihilo tutiorem. 

1. 32. set by. A synonym for regarded or esteemed. 
Cf. His name was much set by, i Sam. xviii. 30. 

P. 34, 1. 3. mo = more. In M. E. mo and more were 
different words, mo relating to number, and more to 
size. Cf. Chaucer, Prol. 578 Mo then thries ten. 

1. 5. take hym for his mulettour. Another form of 
the proverb qui aliena servat sua negligit. moyles = mules. 
Cf. And at the sayd Noualassa we toke moyles to stey us vp 
the mountayne. Sir R. Guylforde, Pylgrymage, p. 80. 

1. 12. hys sake. Referring to the French king. 

1. 13. hurley-lrurley = commotion, tumult, turmoil. 
Cf. Macb. i. i. 3 When the Hurley-burley s done, When 
the Battaile s lost and wonne. The phrase hurling and 
burling preceded this. Hurling itself means a dis 
turbance, and burling is merely an initially varied repeti 
tion to intensify the meaning. Cf. topsy-turvy. 

1. 21. endeuoure himself. Used reflexively. Cf. 
Caxton, Gold. Leg. 422, 423 He . . . moche endeuoyred hym to 
make hym to lerne the deuyne Scripture ; and Elyott, Gov. 
Pref. 2 I endeavoured myself while I had leisure ... to 

1. 26. turne hym to, i. e. turn his attention to. 

1. 29. Suppose that some kyng. In the passage which 
follows More is glancing at abuses notorious in his time. 
Edward IV and Henry VII dealt with the coinage as More 
describes : Edward issuing, for the old coins, nobles and half- 
nobles worth respectively 6s. 8d. and 35. ^d. ; angels and 
angelots which, though considerably inferior in weight to 
the former coins, were ordered to pass as equivalent in value ; 
and Henry VII securing great profit by calling in minished 
or impaired coins and receiving them at the Mint by weight. 
See Dr. Lupton s Note. 

P. 35, 1. i. to fayno warre. The particular reference seems 
to be to the subsidy levied in 1490, of a tenth and fifteenth 
for the maintenance of the army which was being raised 
for the defence of Brittany against France, and the subsidy 
of two entire tenths and fifteenths granted by the Parlia 
ment of January, 1492. The King came to peace with 


France at the treaty of Etaples, and appropriated the rest 
of the subsidy. See Stubbs, Lectures on Mediaeval and 
Modern History, ed. 3, 410 sq. 

1. 10. certeyn olde and moughte-eaten lawes. This 
refers to the rapacious proceedings of Empson and Dudley 
under Henry VII, who put into force obsolete (moth-eaten) 
laws in order to exact a fine from those who were able to 
afford it and so increase the revenue. Lupton appositely 
quotes Hallam, Const. Hist. ch. i, who says that Statutes 
passed in previous reigns were raked out from oblivion, and 
Henry, prosecuting such as could afford to endure the law s 
severity, filled his treasury with the dishonourable produce 
of amercements and forfeitures. See Bacon s Henry VII; 
Kennett, i. 629. 

1. 19. dispence for money with. This is a literal 
translation of the mediaeval Latin phrase dispensare cum, 
which More employs in the original. It means to arrange 
administratively with a person so as to grant him a relaxa 
tion or remission of a penalty incurred by breach of law, or 
special exemption or release from a law or obligation 
N. E. D., which quotes Latimer, 2 Serm. Toefore Edw. VI, God 
had dispensed wyth theym to have many wives, and Holland, 
Suet. 104 He dispensed with a gentleman of Rome for his 
oath . . . never to divorce his wife ; the condition being 
expressed in English by for. 

not be vsed = not to be used. 

1. 25. preuyleges and licences, i. e. monopolies ; an 
abuse which reached its height in the reign of James I. 

1. 31. endaunger = subject (the judges) to his absolute 
control, which is the primary meaning of endanger. 

1. 35. And they muste be called, &c. The second 
edition reads yea, and further to call them into his palace, 
and to require them there to argue, &c. 

P. 36, 1. 3. pike a thanke = pick a thank or favour; one 
who picks a thank, i.e. filches a favour. Hence a pickthank 
came to mean a toady ; cf. Shakespeare, Henry IV, iii. 2. 25 
By smiling pickthanks and base newsmongers. So Wither, 
Britain s Remembrancer, By slavish fawning or by picking 
thanks (Nares). 

1. 5. take ... in a trippe. As we say, catch them 

1. 10. fyt occasion. Robynson has apparently, as 
Dr. Lupton notes, mistaken the adverb commodum. season 
ably or opportunely, for an adjective agreeing with ansam. 


1. 16. equitie of. The second edition reads on. But 
it is by no means uncommon to have of for on or for. 
See Glossarial Index. 

1. 17. wrythen and wrested = distorted and twisted. 
Wry then is the old past participle of writhe. 

1. 22. Crassus. Marcus Licinius Crassus, surnamed, 
from his ancestor Publius Licinius Crassus Dives, and cele 
brated for his enormous wealth. He was elected consul with 
Pompey in B.C. 70 and joined him and Caesar in forming 
the first triumvirate. While endeavouring to conquer the 
Parthians he was defeated and taken prisoner by Surenas, 
their general, who put him to death. Dr. Lupton observes 
that this passage looks like a reminiscence of Pliny, Hist. 
Nat. xxxiii. 10 * M. Crassus negabat locupletem esse, nisi 
qui reditu annuo legionern tueri posset. 

P. 37, 1. 6. if I shuld declare. This doctrine, so daring 
in a subject of the Tudors, finds emphatic expression in 
one of More s Latin Poems to which he affixes as a title 
4 Populus consentiens regnum dat et aufert 

Quicunque multis vir viris vnus praeest, 

Hoc debet his quibus praeest: 
Praeesse debet neutiquam diutius 

Hi quam volent quibus praeest. 

The same is maintained in Starkey s Dialogue between Pole 
and Lupset, ii. I : After the deceise of the pry nee, by electyon 
of the common voyce of the parlyamant assemblyd to chose 
one most apte to that hye oftyce and dygnyte, wych schold 
not rule and govene al at hys owne plesure and lyberty but 
ever be subjecte to the ordur of hys lawys. Monarchy on 
this principle and of this kind is one of the remedies pro 
posed for the lamentable condition of the kingdom. 

1. 9. wealthily, i. e. well. So also supra, 47. 5 wealthely 
deuysed ; wealthe = well-being. See Glossarial Index. 

1. 13. to feade his shepe. Lupton compares Ezek. 
xxxiv. 2 Woe be to the shepherds of Israel that do feed 
themselves : should not the shepherds feed the flocks ? and 
Plato, i. 343 You fancy that the shepherd or neatherd 
fattens or tends the sheep or oxen with a view to their own 
good, and not to the good of himself or his master. 

1. 26. behated=- thoroughly hated. The prefix be here, 
as usual, intensifies the word. Cf. belove. 

1. 35. hardie and couragius. This is hardly a trans* 


lation of the Latin vir erecti ac sublimis animi, which 
Burnet more correctly translates A man of a noble and 
exalted Temper. 

1. 36. Fabrice. This is Caius Fabricius Luscinus who 
was elected consul in 282 B.C., and was renowned for his fru 
gality and incorruptibility. After the defeat of the Romans 
by Pyrrhus king of Epirus, 281 B.C., Fabricius was sent to 
treat with that king, who tempted him with large bribes to 
enter his own service. Fabricius, though poor, refused. It 
is also said that Pyrrhus s own physician proposed to Fabricius 
to poison his master for a bribe ; at which the consul in 
dignantly put him in chains and sent him back to the king, 
who was greatly impressed by this example of Roman in 
tegrity. The saying attributed to him in the text is to be 
found in Valerius Maximus iv. 5 ; but is there related of 
M . Curius Dentatus who finally defeated Pyrrhus in 275 B.C. 
P. 33, 1. 6. be taking from them. Be is an old form 
of by still retained in compounds. Of. supra, p. 26, and 

P- 55, IS- 

1. 8. feate. Properly an action or deed (factum), 
then an art or trick. Cf. Chaucer, Clerks Tale, 429 Grisel- 
dis Coude all the feate of wifely homeliness. 

1. 9. let hym, &c. This could scarcely have been 
palatable advice to Henry VIII, to whom it plainly relates. 

1. n. rtinne in = incur, from Lat. incurrere, which, 
however, never means incur in classical Latin. 

1. 13. Let him do coste not aboue Ms power =let 
him adapt his expenditure to his income. 

1. 1 8. callynge agayne lawes = reviving laws. The 
favourite device of the sharks under Henry VII. 

1. 19. lawes, whiche a custome. Cf. supra, p. 35, 1. 10, 
note on Empson s and Dudley s Extortions. Hist, of 
Henry VII, Kennett, p. 629. 

1. 22. take suche fynes, &c. Cf. what Bacon says of 
Empson and Dudley, Henry VII, ed. Lumby, p. IQO: Their 
manner was to cause divers subjects to be indicted of sundry 
crimes ... to suffer them to languish long in prison and by 
sundry devices and terrors to extort from them great fines 
and ransoms which they termed compositions and mitiga 
tions. Dibdin sees a pointed allusion to Henry VII s treat 
ment of More s father. 

1. 26. Macariens. The happy people. From the Greek, 
paKapfs, fortunate, blessed. It is not difficult to understand 
why this epithet is bestowed on them. Some, however, 


fancifully think that it refers to the Fortunatae Insulae or 
Islands of the Blessed. 

1. 30. golde or syluer. Dr. Lupton compares with this 
the fortune which Henry VII is said to have left at his 
decease, amounting to not less than 1,800,000, or in modern 
equivalent, certainly not less than eighteen millions. The 
Lat. says a thousand pounds of gold in weight, or silver of 
equivalent value. 

1. 35. The translation is here somewhat obscure. The 
Latin of this passage is, Nempe eum thesaurum videbat 
suff ecturum, sive regi aduersus rebelleis, sive regno adversus 
hostium incursiones esset confligendum ; caeterum minorem 
esse quam ut animos faciat invadendi aliena. He thought 
that sum sufficient should the King require it against rebels, 
or the country against invasion, yet insufficient to encourage 
the prince to invade the rights or possessions of others. As 
Dr. Lupton remarks, invadendi aliena may mean foreign 

P. 39, 1. 3. able = enable, which is the reading of the second 

1. 10. prescript some = prescribed sum. 

1. 13. of euell, of good = by ... by. 

1. 14. informatyons. Lat. haec ... si ingererem. 

1. 25. cleane eontrarye. Though clean in this sense 
is now colloquial, it was commonly used in dignified com 
position in the sixteenth century. 

1. 26. schole philosophie. Lat. scholastica. 

1. 27. in the counselles of kynges . . . phylosophye 
hadde no place among Kinges. Cf. Philip de Commines, 
Memoirs (English trans., bk. ii. ch. x), They are brought 
up to nothing but to make themselves ridiculous. They 
have no knowledge of letters ; no wise man is suffered to 
come near them to improve their understandings. 1 

1. 35. cyuyle. The Lat. civilis = pertaining or adapted 
to citizens : civil in this sense is not yet obsolete. 

P. 40, 1. 3. Plautus. T. Maccius Plautus (or M. Accius 
Plautus as he is also, but incorrectly, called) was the most 
prolific and original of Roman comic dramatists ; twenty 
of his plays are extant. Born about 2503.0., he died 
184 B.C. 

1. 4. vyle bondemen, i. e. the slaves who were imper 
sonated in the comedy. 

1. 8. Seneca. Lucius Annaeus Seneca, the philosopher, 
born about 4 B. c. ; he was a very versatile author. The 

N 2 


tragedies which he wrote, among which Octavia which he 
certainly did not write is included, are imitations of Greek 
Alexandrian models and distinguished rather for rhetorical 
than dramatic power. He was accused of taking part in 
the Pisonian conspiracy against Nero, and condemned. 
He elected to open his veins, and so perished, 65 A. D. 

1. 8. dysputeth with Wero. This occurs in the second 
act of Octavia, and forms a very animated dialogue. 

1. 9. domme persons. The muta persona, or, in 
Greek, the K<aj>bv irpoa-amov ; the character who plays a 
thinking part and says nothing. 

1. 12. gallymalfreye (or gallimaufry 1 as it is more 
commonly spelt), was originally a dish made up of odds and 
ends of food, a hodge-podge ; then used for any confused 
jumble or mixture. Here it means a ridiculous medley. 
This is probably the earliest use of the word in English ; from 
fourteenth-century Fr. gallmafree. 

1.37. wyttelye, i.e. wisely; handsomely = handily, 
in a suitable manner. 
P. 41, 1. 9. as for to speake = as for speaking. 

1. 19. as much. First edition a smuch. 

1. 20. seuerall, separate. Cf. Milton, Hist. Eng. ii fin. 
So different a state of things requires a several relation. 
Cf. the modern phrase they went their several ways. 

1. 26. hedlonges, adverbial genitive in -s. The word 
was originally headling, but altered by erroneous assimila 
tion to -long. -ling is an old suffix for forming adverbs 
from nouns. 

1. 32. wyncke at, shut our eyes to. Cf. Shakespeare, 
Macbeth, i. 4. 52 Let not night see my black and deep 
desires ; The eye wink at the hand ! 

1. 36. in open howses. The expression is not clear 
in the English. The original is palam in tectis, openly on 
the housetops. See Luke xii. 3. 

1. 37. dissident from, at variance with. 
P. 42, 1. 3. euel willing, evil or ill willing, and so un 

1. 4. wrested, twisted. Wrest once the law to your 
authority : To do a great right do a little wrong, Shake 
speare, M. of V. iv. i. 215. wriede, turned or twisted, 
and so perverted. The verb wry meant to turn or 
twist : the verb is now almost obsolete in all forms, but 
the phrase awry still remains, as well as the adjective 


1. 5. a rule of leada (Greek fi.a\ifi8ivof Km-uv, plunibea 
regula in More s Latin) was used in ancient Greece in 
Lesbian building probably because, being./fc xible, it could 
be adapted to curved Lesbian mouldings : it is mentioned 
for its adaptability by Aristotle, Ethics, V. 10. 7, whence 
More drew the metaphor. (For other examples in English 
literature, see N. E. D. s.v. Lesbian, and see in loc. Stewart s 

1. 6. at the leaste waye, at least. 

1. 9. sickerlye, securely, surely. M. E. sikerly, in its 
turn derived from the Lat. securus. 

1. 10. aamuche. The second edition reads as little. 

1. 13. Mitio saieth in Terence. Adflphi, i. 2. 66 
Verum si augeam Aut etiam adiutor sim eius iracundiae, 
Insaniam prof ecto cum illo. 

Terence. P. Terentius Afer is the only Roman comic 
dramatic poet, with the exception of Plautus, whose works 
have come down to us. He died 159 B.C. 

1. 15. traine. That which draws or lures on, so an 
artifice. Now obsolete in this sense, but common in earlier 
English. Cf. Spenser, F. Q. i. 3. 24 Subtil Archimag that 
Una sought By traynes into new troubles to have toste, 
and Shakespeare. Macbeth, iii. 4. 118 By many of these 
traines hath sought to win me. 1 

1. 20. there. The emphasis is on this word, as it 
renders ibi in the original. 

1. 27. occasyon. This is the meaning of the Latin 
word occasio, opportunity. 

1. 33. laycle in hys necke, i. e. laid to his charge : 
cf. infra 114, 1. 26, and them they sette in they re neckes. 1 
The metaphor appears applicable to a yoke rather than to 
setting on dogs to the neck of a hunted animal. Compare 
Cicero, Ad Fam. xii. 23 Cogitabat legiones ad urbem 
adducere et in cervicibus nostris collocare, and many similar 
instances in Lewis and Short s Latin Dictionary. 

1.36. Plato. From liepub. vi. 496: And he [the wise 
man] reflects upon all this and holds his peace and does his 
own business. He is like one who retires under the shelter 
of a wall in the storm of dust and sleet which the driving 
wind hurries along ; and when he sees the rest of mankind 
full of wickedness, he is content if he only can live his own 
life and be pure from evil or unrighteousness, and depart 
in peace and goodwill with bright hope*. 

P. 43, 1. 10. as my mynde geueth me, as my feelings 


incline or move me. The verb is still retained in my 
mind misgives me. 

1. II. beareth all the stroke, i. e. has the chief influence. 
He has a great stroke with the reader when he condemns 
any of my poems, to make the world have a better opinion 
of them (Dryden). 

1. 25. had in pryee. The Latin is ut et virtuti precium 
sit, et tamen aequatis rebus omnia abundent omnibus ; 
which seems to mean that, while worth receives its proper 
wage, nobody shall lack. 

1. 26. common. On this, the basis of the Utopian 
Commonwealth, see Introduction. 

1. 38. holde well with Plato, agree with Plato. This 
anecdote is related by Diogenes Laertius in his Life of Plato 
(De Vitis Clar. Phil. iii. 17) ; translated, it runs thus : 
Pamphila says in the twenty-fifth book of her Commentarii 
that the Arcadians and Thebans. after building a great city, 
asked him [Plato] to be its legislator ; but that, on learning 
that they would not consent to an equality of rights, he 
declined to go thither. Aelian ( Var. Hist. ii. 42) tells the 
same story at greater length. 

P. 44, 1. 12. all the riches that there ia. Ed. 2 reads 
all the whole riches. Robynson here seems to regard the 
word as sing., no doubt correctly (= M. E. richesse) ; but it 
also occurs as plur. from the Ayeribite onwards (see Skeat s 
Etymological Dictionary}. 

1. 25. propriety, ownership ; right of possession. The 

, propnet 
1. 32. a 

certein measure of ground. In the draft 
of a Bill of 1548 by Hales preserved in the Piecord Office, 
which in its preamble sums up the distresses and miseries 
caused by the wrongs and grievances here indicated, the 
limitation suggested by More was proposed. See tran 
script in Appendix to Introduction to A discourse of the 
Common Weale of England, edited by Miss Lamond, pp. 
47, 48. 

1. 37. offices shold not be obteined. The all but 
universal corruption which More here exposes is the theme 
of almost all who illustrate the social history of the time. 
See the ballad of Now a dayes, and others in Furnivall s 
Ballads from Manuscripts, the Dialogue between Pole and 
Lupset, and the Sermons of Latimer and Lever. The saying 
is now, says Latimer, that money is heard everywhere : 
if he be rich he shall soon have an end of his matter. 


Everything was for sale employments, offices, justice. In 
his own rigid incorruptibility More stood alone. 

suyte, suit, solicitation. 

P. 45, 1. 4. gather vp their money again, recoup them- 

1. 9. kept vp. Ed. 2 reads kept and botched vp for 
a time. 

1. 17. taken from an other. Cf. Publilius Syrus (Sent. 
ed. Nisard, p. 785), Lucrum sine damno alterius fieri non 
potest : and Bacon s Whatsoever is somewhere gotten is 
somewhere lost (Of Seditions and Troubles}. Spenser, F. Q. 
v. 2. 39, furnishes a picturesque illustration ; and the 
proverb, Serpens nisi serpentem comederit non fit draco, 
a fancifully practical one. 

1. 32. what place it maye haue, i. e. how it can have 
a place. 

1. 38. presently = personally (Lat. praescns]. 
P. 40, 1. 33. impery. A form of the word directly from 
the Latin imperium. The commoner form in early Einglish 
is empery, from the old French emperie. 

1. 36. So great proffyte . . . from hence. This is a 
little obscure, through being so literal ; the original is tanto 
bono fuit illis aliquos hinc semel illuc esse delates. Burnet 
turns it so happily did they improve that accident of having 
some of our people cast upon their shore. 

P. 47, 11. 1 6, 17. This is an interesting illustration of the 
purely capricious spelling common with Robynson, his pre 
decessors and contemporaries, and printers. Their is spelt 
in the course of two lines in no less than four different ways. 

1. 25. Content ... be it. Original hasy?a, let it be 


P. 48. In the title, for Godly gouernement, Ed. 2 reads 

Topography and general description of Utopia ; its havens, 
defences and cities ; its capital and the connexion of the 
capital with the cities and country districts ; rural life and 
its organization ; its agricultural system, transference of 
produce to the cities, and relation of the cities to the rural 


The general description of Utopia is plainly modelled on 
Plato s picture of Atlantis in the Critias, pp. 112-20 (see 
Jowett s translation). It bears also some resemblance, as 
Mr. Cannan has pointed out to me, to Tacitus s account 
of Britain. Agricola, cap. x Formam .... eloquentissimi 
auctores oblongae scutulae vel bipenni assimilavere. . . . 
Immensum et enorme spatium procurrentium extreme iam 
littore terrarum velut in cuneum tenuatur. In More s 
Latin this becomes fines versus paulatim utrimque tenua 
tur ; . . . while the ends insulam totam in lunae speciem 
renascentis effigiant. There can be little doubt that the 
contrast presented by such towns as Bruges and Antwerp 
to London must have greatly contributed to draw More s atten 
tion to the deficiencies in English social life and its sur 
roundings. The same contrast was noticed some years later 
by Starkey. Methought, when I came fyrst into Flaunders 
and Fraunce, that I was translatyd as hy t had byn in a nother 
world, the cytes and townes apperyd so gudly, so wel bylded 
and so clene kept: of the wych ther ys in every place so 
grete cure and regard that every towne semyd to me to 
stryue wyth an other, as hyt had byn for victory, which 
schold be more beautiful and strong, bettur byld and clennur 
kept (Dialogue, ed. Cowper, pp. 92, 93). 

1. 16. Whiche. Referring to endes. 

fetchynge about a circuite or compasse, i. e. form 
ing a circle, making a circular course. N. E. D. quotes 
Coverdale, Eccles. i. 6 The wynde goeth toward ye South & 
fetcheth his compase about unto the North ; and Gilpin, 
Demonol. 56 He falls not directly upon what he intended, 
but fetcheth a compass. 

.v.c. = 500. 

1. 1 8. Betwene thys two corners, &c. The island 
would be roughly horse-shoe shaped, the two extremities 
being only eleven miles apart in a bee line, whilst the sea, 
enclosed like a harbour, would be of a circular shape and 
160 miles across, the whole island being 360 miles in diameter. 
The general description of the haven recalls what may 
possibly have suggested it, Virgil, Aen. i. 159-64: 

Est in secessu longo locus : insula portum 
Efficit obiectu laterum, quibus omnis ab alto 
Frangitur inque sinus scindit sese unda reductos. 
Hinc atque hinc vastae rupes geminique minantur 
In caelum scopuli, quorum sub vertice late 
Aequora tuta silent. 


1. 20. surmounteth, mounts over the two corners, 
that is, the fons Anydri and the ostium Anydri (as marked 
in the woodcut opposite the title-page of the original 
edition), and forms a bay. 

1. 25. nor mountith not. This is like the Greek double 
negatives, not making, of course, an affirmative but inten 
sifying one other ; it is common in Elizabethan English. 
Cf. This England never did (nor never shall), Lie at the 
proud foot of a conqueror. Shakespeare, K. John, v. 7. 


P. 49, 1. I. fordys. A ford is properly a shallow place 
which may be crossed by wading. Here it means shallow 
tracts of water. shelues. shoals, sand-banks. 

1. 5. bicause it ia in sight. There is nothing to cor 
respond to this in the Latin. 

1. 15. translatynge = transferring, translates is used 
as p.p. of transferre^ but -latus is from a different root, 
tal, to bear, or cany across, whence Lat. tollere. Tor 
Eobynson s now obsolete use of it cf. A. V. Heb. x. 15 
By faith Enoch was translated that he should not see 

1. 1 8. The out side. Ed. 2 adds or vtter circuite of. 

1. 19. suerly = securely, what by ... what by. 
Like what with . . . what with, supra 1. I ; the two whats 
meaning partly, partly, or both, and ; aut, out in the 

1. 26. Abraxa. Dr. Lupton suggests that this name 
may be derived from or connected with the Greek afipfKros, 
unwetted or wanting rain a city on which no rain 
fell, and he compares Anyder, though the derivation there 
has certainly more point. But there can be little doubt that 
what suggested the word to More was what suggested to him 
the letters of the Utopian alphabet, namely the symbols or 
gems of the Gnostics. See the plates in King s Gnostics and 
their Remains. More says in the ninth chapter that the 
Utopians worshipped Mithras. Now, by the Gnostics, Abraxas 
was frequently associated with Mithras in the gems. Abraxas 
is a mystic name said to mean either in actual Coptic Holy 
Name, or, as seems equally probable, merely the Hebrew 
Ha-B rachah, i. e. The Blessing. The symbolic figure 
embodying the idea of the Abraxas god has a reference 
to the sun in all its components. See King s Gnostics, 
pp. 117 seqq. and pp. 251-9. Abraxas, there can be little 
doubt, suggested this name to More. 


1.28. humanitie = civilization, culture exactly, the 
Lat. humanitas. N. E. D. quotes Wyclif, 2 Mace. iv. 1 1 
Because of humanytee or curtasie. 

1. 32. vplandyshe, i.e. up country, = right inland, or 
possibly in the sense used supra, 15. 10. 

1.35. because = that, in order that. Cf. Matt. xx. 31 
And the multitude rebuked them because they should 
hold their peace. 

1. 38. into = among. A rare use of the word. 
P. 50, 1. 6. .liiii. Dr. Lupton thinks that More had Eng 
land in his mind. Harrison (Description of England, ed. 
Furnivall, pp. 96-7) gives the number of English counties 
as fifty-three, and More may have reckoned the City as 
a county in itself, and so made up his number. 

1. 7. agreyng all together. So Tacitus on the Ger 
mans. Germ. ch. ii. 

1. 10. as farfurth as. The difference between far- 
furth and far is not easy to grasp. 

1.14. Amaurote. The dark, dim, obscure 1 city, 
Gk. apavpos, a fitting name for the capital of Utopia. It is 
applied in the Odyssey (iv. 824) to a spectre or vision which 
Athene sends to Penelope ecfiwAov apavpov. 

1. 15. entreate=- treat. Cf. Richarde, the third sonne, 
of whom we now entreate. More s Rich. Ill, xxxvii. i. 

1. 17. in the myddes. In the midst. The Lat. has 
in umbilici), in the navel. 

1. 28. husbandes, i. e. husbandmen. Cf. Fabyan, Chron. 
vii. 421 In this yere . . . fell so excedynge rayne that 
husbondys myght not bring in their store of corne ; and 
Dryden, When Husbands have survey d the last Degree, . . . 
and order d ev ry Tree (Virg. Georg. ii. 578). 

1. 32. of the cytezens, by the citizens, common use 
of of. N. E. D. quotes Gower, C. A. iii. 1332 (Macaulay), 
The Cite ... Of worthi folk . . . was enhabited here and 

1. 33. by course, i. e. in turn, alternately. Cf. Sidney, 
Arcadia, i. 5 They took their journey. . . . Claius and 
Strephon by course carrying his chest for him. Tacitus 
notes that the same custom prevailed among the Germans : 
Agri pro numero cultorum ab universis in vices occupantur 
(German, xxvi). Vices has been corrected to vicis in modern 
editions ; see Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. p. 19, n. 3. 

1. 35. bonden men. Men who have transgressed 
the law and are made slaves. They are attached to the 


soil, and pass transferred accordingly to its successive 

11- 36, 37- good man, good wyfe. Still used commonly 
for the master and mistress of a house. 

P. 51, 1. i. Phylarche. Strictly chief of a tribe or clan 
from the Greek <>v\apxos, (frvXr], clan, and dp^oy, chief. 
Robynson is more accurate than the original, which mis 
prints it philarchus, the reading at the end of this chapter 
being correct phylarchi. Cf. Macaulay on Croker s Bos- 
well (Essays, ed. 1861, p. 161). 

1. 2. baylyffe. After 1531 applied to a landlord s 
agent: here he is acting for the State. 0. F. and M. E. 
buillif, from the late Latin laiulivus, properly meaning one 
charged with public administrative employment in a certain 

1. 15. occupiers, i. e. those occupied in. 

1. 1 6. solempne = customary. Lat. sollemnis, literally 
annual, applied to religious rites which occurred annually ; 
hence solemn = serious. For the sense in which it is here 
employed cf. Milton, Par. Lost, iv. 646-7 silent night with 
this her solemn bird. 

1. 22. bryde vp = breed or bring up : a variant not 
noticed by the N. E. D. 

1. 25. pulleyne, i. e. poultry. Low Lat. pulla, a hen. 
policie, i. e. contrivance. The Lat. has artificium. For 
the account in the text Dr. Lupton quotes Bacon, Nat. 
Hist., cent. ix. 856, and Pliny, Hist. Nat. x. 54, and refers to 
a curious passage in the pseudo-Maundeville s Travels (ed. 
1883, p. 49). The whole subject is discussed and amply 
illustrated by J. A. St. John in his Egypt and Mohamed 
Ali, vol. ii. p. 327. 

1. 31. nor non. Another instance of a double negative 
emphasizing the negation. 

very fearce ones. The idea of horses being employed 
for this purpose may have been suggested, as Dr. Lupton 
thinks, by Plato, Repiib. v. 467 We must mount them 
on horses in their earliest youth, and when they have 
learnt to ride take them on horse-back to see war : the 
horses must not be spirited and war-like, but the most 
tractable and yet the swiftest that can be had. Cf. too 
Xenophon, Cyropaedia, iv. 3. 

1. 36. at a sodeyne brunt . . . dead lifte. Ed. I reads 
as for at a. 1 According to the N.E.D. the primary mean 
ing of brunt is a sharp blow. The derivation is doubt- 


ful ; it is probably an onomatopoeic word. At a brunt, 
means at one blow, at once, tout d coup. Here it means 
spurt ; and a dead lifte = lifting a dead weight, being still 
used dialectally for the pull of ahorse exerting his utmost 
strength at a dead weight beyond his power to move. The 
original is boves . . . equis impetu cedere. 

1. 37. they = oxen, which is the reading of the second 

P. 52, 1. 2. so manye dysseaaes. The many infirmities 
to which horses are subject became proverbial. So Shake 
speare, He s mad that trusts in the tameness of a wolf, 
a horse s health, &c. (K. Lear, iii. 6. 1 8). 

1. 7. other wyne, i.e. either, a common M.E. variant. 
N.E. D. quotes Wyclif, ether to kyng, other to deukes, 
cf. nother for neither. See Glossarial Index. 

1. 8. methe = mead. A. S. medu. A drink made from 
honey and water. 

1. 9. liqueresse. Liquorice is derived from Lat. 
glycyrrliiza, Gk. yXvKvs = sweet -4- pifr = root. 

sodde, i. e. sodden, boiled. Cf. Can sodden water, 
. . . their barley broth, Decoct their cold blood to such 
valiant heat ? Shakespeare, Hen. V, iii. 5. 18. 

1.13. spende. Consume or dispose of. Whitney quotes 
Hakluyt s Voyages, i. 276 a little bread which they spent 
by Thursday at night. 

1. 22. Philarches. This mode of spelling the word 
makes the derivation from Gk. </n\a/>xot, fond of rule. But 
in the Latin it is here phylarchi, clan-chiefs, as at p. 51, 1. I, 
philarchi thus affording another instance of Robynson s 
fondness for variety in spelling. 



The cities are modelled on the Capital ; particular 
description of the Capital : the river Anyder and its bridge: 
the water supply, defences of the city, its streets, houses and 
gardens described in detail. 

This description of Amaurote was drawn from London, 
and its reference to London is marked in the marginal notes 
of the Latin text ; in some of its features it recalls London 
as it was, in others London as it ought to be, the satire 


being implied in the touches of description. Stow, in his 
Survey of London and Westminster, vol. ii. pp. 573-4, after 
observing that More s description of Arnaurote doth in 
every particular thing so exactly square and correspond 
with our City of London that I make little doubt that 
writer did thereby mean the same place, transcVibes More s 
account of it as a picture of London in Henry VIII s 
time. In its excellent sanitary arrangements Amaurote 
certainly did not square with London. See the General 
Introduction, and compare particularly the letter of 
Erasmus to Francis, Wolsey s physician, cited and translated 
by Brewer, Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, pref. ccix : 
Englishmen never consider the aspect of their doors or 
windows ; next, their chambers are built in such a way as 
to admit of no ventilation. Then a great part of the house 
is occupied with glass casements which admit light but 
exclude the air, and yet they let in the draught through 
holes and corners, which is often pestilential and stagnates 
there. The floors are in general laid with white clay and 
are covered with rushes occasionally removed, but so imper 
fectly that the bottom layer is left undisturbed, sometimes 
for twenty years, harbouring expectoration, ale-droppings, 
scraps of fish, and other abominations not fit to be men 
tioned. And to these unhealthy and noisome conditions he 
is inclined to attribute the epidemics which so often visited 

P. 53, 1. 2 (title), namely = in particular, especially. 

1. 7. skylleth not = it does not matter. Cf. It skills 
not whether I be kind to any man living. Shirley, Gamester, 
0. PI. ix. 36. 

1. 17. Anyder. A fitting name for the river of No- 
Peace-Land, from the Greek iirvSpos, waterless a river which 
is no river. Its general description recalls, as was intended, 
the Thames. See Stow, Survey, ii. 458. 

1. 25. .Ix. The Latin has sexaginta. Ed. 2 has fortie. 
London is 40 miles in a bee-line to the sea, and about 
60 miles following the course of the river, London Bridge 
to the Nore. 

1. 26. By al that space, i. e. throughout the whole of 
this area. The Lat. has Hoc toto spacio. The marginal 
note in the Latin directs attention to the same thing occurring 
in the Thames : Idem fit apud Anglos in flumine Thamysi. 

1. 27. a good sorte = colloquial lot, a good many 
miles. Ed. 2 reads certen. 


P. 54, 1. i. chaungethe. Lat. has corrumpit. So 
chaungethe is used in the sense of taints ; cf. the 
dialectal or colloquial use, the milk is changed (by 
thunder, &c.). 

11. 3, II. forby, for-by, past. Cf. German vorbei. 

1. 7. a brydge. London Bridge is intended. 

1. 8. stonewarke. Many bridges were erected on piles 
in More s time ; London Bridge was of stone. 

1. 12. lette = hindrance. A reference to the drawbridge 
at the fourteenth arch of London Bridge, which was raised 
to allow the larger ships to pass through. 

an other ryuere. This, says Stow, must be the 
river of the Wells that ran down by Walbrook, probably not 
the Flete river. 

1. 23. deryued, i. e. diverted, turned aside. Lat. dirivatur. 

1. 24. cannellis, i. e. channels or canals. The reference 
is to the Conduits : the Conduit in Cheapside, erected in 
1289 ; the Tonne in Cornhill (1401) ; the Bosses of Water at 
Paul s Wharf and Cripplegate (1423) ; the Little Conduit in 
Fleet Street and Aldermanbury (1471), and others (Stow). 

dyuers wayes : and so distributed in all directions. 

1. 30. full of turrettes, i. e. with a long array of 
turrets. The Lat. has turribus frcquens. This is a remini 
scence of the Wall of London and the moat or ditch round 
it ; and More, in speaking of the drye dyche of Amaurote, 
is contrasting it with the filthy city ditch of London, one 
of the most noisome and disgusting features of the London 
of his time. References to this horror are frequent in the 
writers of those times. 

1. 35. appoynted, i. e. laid out. Here the satire on 
London comes in. For a description of the streets of London 
see Introduction. 

1. 36. carriage, i. e. transport. The Lat. has vectura. 
P. 55, 1. 2. twenty fote brode. The streets of London 
were as a rule about ten or twelve feet broad. See Brewer, 
Henry VIII, vol. i. p. 204. In this part of the description 
More was no doubt drawing on his experience of Bruges, 
which he could not fail to contrast with London. (See 
Dr. Lupton s Introduction, p. xxx.) 

1. 8. with two leaues, i. e. they were folding doors. 
The original has bifores. 

1. u. Euerye man that wyll. In the marginal note 
of the Latin it is pointed out how this savours of Plato, 
Haec sapiunt communitatem Platonis. The reference is 


to the conclusion of the third book of the Republic. None 
of them (the citizens) should have any property beyond 
what is absolutely necessary, neither should they have 
a private house with bars and bolts closed against any one 
who has a mind to enter (Jowett s Trans.). 

1. 15. They sett groat stcore be, &c. In his ac 
count of the gardens, More recalls the pleasantest features 
of the London of his time. It is represented by Fitz Stephen, 
writing as early as about 1 170, as a city of gardens. Undi- 
que extra domos suburbanorum Horti civium arboribus 
consiti, spatiosi, et speciosi, contigui habentur (Descriptio 
nobilissima Civitatis Londonicce, printed in Appendix to 
Stow s Surrey, ed. 1603). See too the verses by Sir Thomas 
Chaloner, describing the gardens of London in Elizabeth s 
reign, quoted by Stow, Survey, vol. ii. p. 459: 

An quod amoena tibi facies hinc, inde viretis 
Clauditur? Arboribusque frequens, quod villa sub ipsis 
Moenibus erigitur patulis umbrosior hortis. 

1. 16. vyneyardes. In More s time London was not 
without its vineyards, as is still indicated by the name 
Vine Street, Saffron Hill, which marks the site of the great 
vineyard of Ely Palace. Dr. Lupton says there was another 
at Westminster, near St. John s Church, and that even as 
late as towards the end of the eighteenth century there was 
one on the site of what is now Addison Eoad Station. 

]. 1 8. thynge = anything. 

1.31. platte fourrne, French plateforme, Italian piatta 
forma, the ground plan. 

1. 38. M.viic.lx., i.e. one thousand seven hundred and 

P. 56, 1. 2. verye lowe. This is a reference to the mean 
hovels, mud walls, thatched roofs struggling with overhang 
ing gables and shutting out both air and light (Brewer, 
Henry VIII, vol. i. p. 294), which in More s time and long 
afterwards disgraced London. 

1. 4. at all aduentures. The Lat. has temere, at 
random, hap-hazard, anyhow. This is the primary meaning 
of the phrase. Hence it came to mean at all hazards, 
at any risk, and then at all events, at any rate. Cf. 
Smeaton, Edystone Lighthouse, p. 275 At all adventures they 
were to fit the outside shell of the building. 

1. 8. storries. From the 0. F. estoree, a building, pp. 


of estorer, late Latin staurare, Latin instaurare, to erect, 

1. 9. Flynte. This word has no connexion with the 
Welsh county of that name ; but is possibly cognate with 
the Gk. n\ii>8os, a brick. 

1.14. peryahe. Used actively, destroy, kill. Cf. 
You are an innocent, A soul as white as Heaven : let not 
my sins Perish your noble youth, Beaumont and Fletcher, 
Maid s Tragedy, iv. i. Cf. also our colloquialism, You look 
perished with cold. 

1. 17. glasse. In the houses of the richer classes glass 
was coming into use in the reign of Henry VIII (see 
Erasmus to Francis, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. ii. pt. i, 
p. ccix), but in ordinary houses it was not common till the 
reign of James I. As late as 1567 it was such a rarity that 
special precautions were used to protect it. See Eden s 
State of the Poor, vol. i. p. 77. As it was commonly used 
for windows in the great towns of the Low Countries, More 
was no doubt pressing its use in England. 

1. 1 8. sumwhere, i.e. in some places; the Lat. is 
interim, which, used in the sense of interdum, means here 
sometimes, a rare use of the word which may have puzzled 

1. 19. cyle or ambre, Lat. succinum, amber in its 
resinous state ; or probably spirit of amber, succinic acid. 
When heat was applied to amber it was resolved into a 
sticky substance like resin or pitch. Cf. Tacitus, Germ. 
xlv si naturam succini admoto igni tentes, . . . mox ut in 
picem resinamve lentescit ; and of this More may have 
been thinking. 



The Syphogranti and Tranibori and their functions : 
method of electing Princes of the cities: the Tranibori and 
other officers: duration of their time of office: mode of 
conducting consultations. With the functions of the Sypho- 
grauntes and Tranibores may be compared Tacitus s account 
oi the German principes and comites, Germ, xi, xii. 


P. 57, 1. 3. fermes, i. e. farms. 

1. 6. Syphoagrauntes. The Lat. is Syphogranti. 
Whether any derivation can be traced for this word is as 
yet an unsolved problem. Dr. Lupton half humorously but 
most ingeniously suggests that the only Greek word to 
which it bears a resemblance, a-ofaos, a sty, may throw 
light on its origin, and that More was thinking of the 
Benchers and Steward (Sty-ward) of his old Inn. Certainly 
the title Tranibori, which is associated with it, savours at 
least of Greek, dpavtfiupoi, bench-eaters, and so points in 
this direction. It is just possible that More may, fancifully 
and erroneously coining, have written the word Sypliogronti, 
the printer changing the o into a, and that the third 
syllable of the word may be traced to yepovrts, so that it 
would mean seniors of the sty, i. e. <ru<peov ytpovrts. But 
all this is very unsatisfactory. 

1. 7. 300. The second edition corrects thirtie ; which 
of course comes to the same thing, meaning each with their 
thirty families. 

1. 12. secrete electyon. An election held privately. 
The prince elected is of course the chief magistrate of each 
city only, not of the whole island. 

1. 16. put vp. Lat. unus commendatur senatui. 

1. 20. lightlye. For a slight or trivial reason. 

1. 26. by and by. Latin has mature, speedily, 

1. 32. It is deathe, i. e. it is considered a capital crime. 
The Lat. is capitate habetur. 

P. 58, 1. 6. Therfore matters of greate weyghte. With 
this passage cf. Tacitus, Germ, xi De minoribus rebus 
principes consultant, de maioribus omnes, ita tamen ut ea 
quoque, quorum penes plebem arbitrium est, apud principes 

1. 1 6. Bycause that. In order that. Cf. supra 49, 
35. Lat. has ne quis. 

1.17. that = what, that which. Cf. P. B., to do 
always that is righteous in thy sight. 

1. 1 8. fyrste to hya tongea ende. Fyrste is omitted 
in the second edition. 

1. 19. defende and confyrme, i. e. strengthen. The 
second edition has defende and mainteine. The Lat. has 

1. 24. existymatyon. Estimation, esteem, reputation. 
His worth in the opinion of himself and of others. Cf. Moral 


State Eng., Pref. : He who striveth to wound his Brother s 
Existimation, at the same time stabbeth his own. 

wolde not for shame . . . ba cowntede annye 
thynge ouerseen in the matter at the fyrste. The second 
edition reads wolde be ashamed ... to be at the firste ouer- 
sene in the matter, i. e. be ashamed to appear to have been 
lacking in foresight at the beginning. The Lat. has ne 
initio paruni prospexisse videatur. ouerssen = deceived, 
deluded. The verb oversee, as well as its past participle 
in this sense, is now obsolete except in literary use. Of. 
Fuller : The most expert gamester may sometimes oversee, 
i.e. see wrongly, go astray. So Middleton, Chaste Maid, iv 
They re mightily o erseen in it methinks. 



Craftes and Occupatyons. 

Importance attached to husbandry : other trades and 
occupations of the Utopians : regulations of labour ; of their 
recreations ; no idlers and fribbles the pest of other com 
munities allowed to exist : employments of those who are too 
old or otherwise unfit for manual labour. Why there is less 
need for incessant work, such as house-building and clothes- 
making, and more leisure for mental cultivation, than in 
other states. 

This chapter is full of satirical strokes at the customs and 
condition of things in England, tacitly satirizing them by 
depicting, in contrast, the Utopian treatment of artisans 
and labourers. 

P. 59, 1. 8. brought vp. Robynson, as Dr. Lupton points 
out, has confused the Lat. educti for educati. It should be 
taken out, i. e. into the fields outside the city. 

1. 13. seuerall. Separate, distinct. 

1. 14. clothe-workinge. For the point of this, see Intro 
duction and notes on bk. i. 

1. 1 8. For their garmentes, cf. Tacitus, Germ. xvii. 

1. 24. weldynge. Wielding, exercising. 

1. 26. maketh theire owne. In the Dialogue, Starkey 
(ed. Cowper, pp. 94-5) represents Lupset as saying that much 
of the poverty so rife arose from people preferring foreign- 


made garments to home-made : Now you se ther ys almost 
no man content to were cloth here made at home in our 
owne countrey, nother lynyn nor wolen, but every man wyl 
were such as ys made beyond the sea. 
P. 60, 1. 2. stonde, i. e. tend. 

1. 4. fantasy = to fancy, as often in Elizabethan Eng 

1. 10. occupyethe whether, i. e. he takes up which 
of the two he wishes. 

1. 15. applye, i. e. ply. The Latin has incumbere, 
to devote oneself to. Apply, from 0. F. aplier, Lat. appli- 
care, means first to put a thing into practical contact 
with another, then to devote one s energy to something. 
N. E. D. quotes Elyot, Gov. iii: Quintius . . . repaired again to 
his plough and applied it diligently. The form now in use 
is ply. 

1. 20. the myserable and wretced condytyon, &c. 
More is here glancing at the hard lives of labourers and 
artisans in England, their severe work, and their long hours. 
Dr. Lupton quotes an Act passed in 1496, and, though re 
pealed, revived with but little modification in 1514 (2 Henry 
VIII, cap. 22), which enacted that every artificer and labourer 
was to be at his work, between the middle of March and the 
middle of September, before five in the morning; that he 
was to have only half an hour for his breakfast, an hour and 
a half for his dinner : and at such time as is here appointed 
hee shall not sleep ; then hee to have but one houre for his 
dinner, and halfe an houre for his noone-meate ; and that hee 
depart not from his worke between the midst of the said 
moneths of March and September, till between seven and 
eight of the clock in the evening . . . and that from the 
midst of September to the midst of March every artificer and 
labourer be at their work in the springing of the day and 
depart not till night of the same day. 

1. 24. iust, i. e. equal. 

1. 25. iii. before none. iii. is omitted in Ed. 2. 

1.31. voide time, i.e. unoccupied time. 

1. 36. lycensed, i. e. freed. 
P. 61, 1. i. solempne, 1. 3. namelye ; see Glossary. 

1. 10. ryse not in = are not elevated; the Lat. is con- 
surgit in nullius contemplatione disciplinae. 

1. n. scyence lyberal. The Lat. has simply disciplinae, 
branches of education, departments of knowledge. 

L 14. After supper, &c. This reminds us of Cresacre 

O 2 


More s account of More s own household at Chelsea : Every 
one was busied about somewhat or other : no cards, no dice 
. . . their recreation was either music of voices or viols 
(Life of More, ed. Hunter, p. 107). 

1. 21. thebattell of nombers, in original Latin nume- 
rorum pugna, was known later (see Burton s Anatomy of 
Melancholy, fol. 172, col. 2) as philosopher s game, and 
is thus described by Strutt (Sports and Pastimes, 4th ed., 
p. 277) : It is called a " number fight " because in it men 
fight and strive together by the art of counting or numbering 
how one may take his adversary s king and create a triumph 
upon the deficiency of his calculations. The second game 
the fyghte with vertues is a moralization of the game 
of chess probably suggested by Jacobus De Cassulis, Liber 
Moralis de Ludo Scaccorum, the French version of which, 
Le Jeu des Echecs moralise" or Le Traite des Nobles et des Gens 
du Peuple selon le Jeu des Echecs, was translated by Caxton, 
and enjoyed extraordinary popularity. Possibly the Morali 
ties may have suggested the idea to More. For a very 
curious moralization of the game for satirical purposes 
see Middleton s A Game of Chess. In any case, these games 
are More s proposed substitutes for the folish and pernycious 
games to which he has referred. Plato proposes (Laws, 
bk. i. p. 643) that children s games should be subservient to 
the useful purpose of fitting them for the several serious 
occupations of life. Rabelais, who was a diligent reader of 
the Utopia, represents Gargantua as receiving useful instruc 
tion from the games prescribed for him (see Hist, of Gargantua, 
and Pantagruel, bk. i. ch. xxiii). 

1. 24. set fyld. A set field is little more than a 
synonym for battle array. Cf. Latin original, collata 

1. 31. puissaunce , power. 

1. 32. frustate. The omission of the r is probably 
a misprint. 

1. 33. sleight = cunning, dexterity, trick. The word 
is now only used in the phrase sleight of hand. It is akin 
to sly. 

1. 35. lease = lest. One of the many variants of the 
word. See N. E.D. ; it gives no example of this precise form. 

1. 36. looke more narrowly vpon. We now say into. 
P. 62, 1. 10. be ydle. The Latin is more vigorous, stet^ 
tunt, are snoring. 

1. 12. relygyous men. One of the commonest com- 


plaints in the literature of More s time. For ample illus 
trations see Starkey s Dialogue, Latimer s Sermons, and 
Furnivall s Ballads from Manuscripts. Dr. Lupton pertinently 
quotes Erasmus, De sarcienda Ecclesiae concordia, the passage 
beginning Dolendum est tarn multos esse monachos. 

1. 13. Put there to, i. e. add. 

1. 1 6. flocke of stout, bragging, russhe bucklers. 
Lat. has cetratorum nebulonum colluvies, meaning a rabble 
of shield-bearing ruffians. Russhe-bucklers here simply 
means what we should call swashbucklers ; it is very- 
improbable that it has anything to do with the idea of 
bucklers as flimsy or as worthless as if they were made of 

1. 1 8. valiaunt, i. e. lusty, strong. From the Latin valere, 
through 0. F. vaillant, or volant. 

lefle=life. One of the many variants of life, but not 
given by N.E.D. 

1. 21. that men vse. In Ed. 2 Robynson turned this 
more diffusely : that in men s affaires are daylye vsed and 

1. 24. where money beareth all the swing. Where 
money is everything. Lat. has ubi omnia pecuniis meti- 
mur, where we measure all things by money. Swing 
means sway or control ; cf. Sackville, Induct. Mir. That 
whilome here bare swinge among the best. 

1. 29. so few only so many as. 

1. 33. bisiede, i. e. busied. 

P. 63, 1. 9. scaselye, i. e. scarcely. So spelt by Robynson, 
49, 13 ; 108, 12 ; 132, 26. It may have been adopted for the 
sake of euphony ; cf. the Spanish escaso. Or it may be 
dialectal : cf. e. g. the local pronunciation of Carisbrooke 
and Carshalton, where the r disappears. 

1. 12. licensed. Freed (after French licencier). Ed. 2 
adds and discharged from. N.E.D. quotes from Sir H. 
Wotton, When he listed he could license his thoughts, 
i.e. dismiss them (Parallel in Rdig. 17). 

1. 22. expectation and hoope of him conceaued, i. e. 
expectation conceived of him. 

1. 27. handy occupation, i. e. manual labour. 

1. 31. Barzanes. The name was probably suggested tc 
More either by that of the king of Armenia who, according 
to Diodorus Siculus (ii. i), was one of the tributaries of the 
Assyrian Ninus ; or that of the Satrap of the Parthyaei men 
tioned by Arrian, Anabasis, iv. 7. There is of course no 


Persian or oriental word which can connect it etymo 
logically with a S^/ior. 

1. 32. Ademus. This name Robynson mis-spells Adanus 
in his first edition, and misprints Adamus in his second. 
More spells it with the e, intending it of course to mean 
a king without a people, from the Greek a privative and 
8/7/xor ; cf. Anydrus. The word is More s invention. There 
is no such word as aS^/zo? in Greek, except as the poetical 
form of arr6Sr)fj.o?, away from one s people. 

P. 64, 1. 2. asketh, i. e. demands, requires. Lat. requirit, 
Cf. Dryden, Virg. Georg. iii. 478 Goats of equal profit ask 
an equal care. 

1. 9. stoode one man in = cost one man. This idiom 
is still in common use. 

1. 28. Now, Syre. The Latin has lam, introducing 
a new subject. 

1. 30. homely, i. e. in a plain style. 

1. 36. spende, i.e. use, cf. 52, 13. The Cent. Diet, quotes 
Campion (Arber s English Garner, i. 56): The oils which 
we do spend in England for our cloth are brought out of 

P. 65, 1. 5. that ys no thynge passed for, i. e. that is 
not cared for at all. See note supra, on 8, 5. 

1. 12. hapt. Wrapped. The derivation of this word is 
unknown. It occurs as early as the fourteenth century, and 
is probably of Norse origin, meaning to cover up, to wrap or 
tuck up. N. E.D. quotes York Mysteries, xviii. 195 I pray 
Jje Marie happe hym warm, and Paston Letters, 1465 Worsted 
for dobletts to happe me thys cold wynter. 

1. 27. pretended. This is almost in the literal sense 
of the Latin word from which it is derived, praetendere, 
1 stretch forth, put forward, and so set before (their eyes). 

1. 32. garnisshing. Culture. The Lat. has cultus. 




Constitution of social life ; regulations and distribution 
of the population, the surplus employed to colonize and 
cultivate the waste lands of the continent which are claimed 
as a right. Family: life ; regulations about markets and 
slaughter-houses". Thirty families under a Syphograntus 


occupy one of the large Halls which are set at equal distances 
in every street. Arrangements made for the sick. How 
the meals are arranged in the Halls, and in what order and 
position the men, women, and children are disposed ; moral 
instruction and recreation provided for them. 

In this interesting chapter satire is subordinate to sugges 
tions for increasing the comforts of social life. 

P. 66, 1. 4. occupieng and enterteyiiement. Lat. com- 
mercia intercourse. 

1. 7. families. It must be remembered that More uses 
the wordfamilia in the Latin sense of the term, i.e. a house 
hold including all who belong to it either in kinship or in 

1. 8. kinredes. The early and more correct spelling, 
as the word is derived from er/w = kin, and reden condition. 
The d is excrescent; cf. thunder. 

1. 19. fewer ehyldren, c. This is very diffuse and 
misleading. More s word is simply puberes, by which he 
means adults as distinguished from children (impuleres) . 

1. 22. appointed. In Ed. 2 Robynson prefixed pre 
scribed, or to appointed. 

1. 31. in the nexte lande, i.e. on the mainland nearest 
the island. Lat. in continente proximo. 

1. 32. waste and vnoceupied grounde. The right here 
claimed by the Utopians is defended by Grotius, De Belli 
lure ac Pads, bk. ii. chap. ii. sect. 17: And if there be 
any waste or barren land within our dominions, that also is 
to be given to strangers at their request or may be lawfully 
possessed by them, because whatever remains uncultivated 
is not to be esteemed a property, only so far as concerns 
jurisdiction, which always continues the right of the ancient 
people. But Puffendorf, Law of Nations (Kenneth s trans 
lation^, bk. iii. ch. iii. sect. 10, denied the right, basing 
it merely on the consent of the original occupiers : they 
are not to fix themselves as it were by some right in any 
spot of waste land they find, but ought to rest satisfied with 
the station and privileges we assign them ; and Barbeyrac 
(see note on Grotius ad loc.) agrees with Puffendorf against 

P. 67, 1. I. the inhabitauntes to them, i.e. the same 
countrey people to them (the reading of the second edition;. 
Lat. ascitis una terrae indigenis. 

1. 12. limited. Defined. The Latin is describunt 
1 which they now mark out for themselves. 


1. 14. lust cause of warre. According to Grotius, but 
not according to Puffendorf. See note supra on 66, 32. 

1. 24. pestilente plage. The population of London 
and England greatly suffered from sweating sickness, of 
which there were several severe visitations between 1485 and 
1517. See Hecker s Epidemics of the Middle Ages, 181 seqq. 

1. 26. forreyne townes, i. e. on the mainland inhabited 
by their own countrymen ; Latin colonia. 

1. 30. conuersation, society, intercourse. Cf. Parsons s 
Conference concerning the next Succession, I. i. 6 the natural 
instinct which man hath to live in conversation. 

1. 35. foure equall partes, i. e. the four wards, quarters ; 
supra, 57, 14. 

P. 68, 1. i. seuerall. Used adverbially, = separately. Cf. 
We ll dress us all so several, They shall not us perceive. 
Robin Hood and the Golden Arrow, in Child s Ballads, v. 385. 

1. 5. without annye gage or pledge, i. e. without any 
security. The second edition reads gage, pawne or pledge, 
Lat. hostimentum, a rare word found in Ennius and Plautus, 
but obsolete in classical Latin. 

1. 19. meate markettes. Meat here means any kind 
of food, not necessarily flesh. The word comes probably 
from a root connected with Lat. mandere, to chew. Cf. 
Matt. iii. 4 his meat was locusts and wild honey. In the 
R. V. of the Bible, the meat-offering of the A. V. has been 
replaced by meal-offering. In this passage More is again 
glancing at the London of his time. As far back as 
Edward Ill s reign, we find a royal order, forbidding the 
slaughter of beasts in the city, the preamble of which ran : 
Whereas by reason of the slaughters of great beasts in the 
city, from the putrefied blood of which running in the 
streets, and the extracts therefrom thrown into the water 
of the Thames, the air in the same city has been greatly 
corrupted and infected, and whereby the worst of abomina 
tions and stenches have been generated, &c. See Riley s 
Memorials of London and London Life, p. 356. And the 
nuisance was not abated. 

1. 38. seuerall name, i. e. special name, Lat. nomine 
suo, by its own name. 

P. 69,1. 5. numbre of their halles, i.e. the number 
(of persons) in their halls. 

1. 8. hospitalles. Hospitals grew out of the infirmaria 
attached to every monastery. In More s time there was only 
one hospital in our sense of the term, St. Bartholomew s, 


founded by Rahere, Henry I s jester and minstrel. More 
here makes several suggestions not carried out till our own 
time, cured, i. e. looked after, taken care of. Lat. 

1. 14. thronge, i. e. thronged, crowded. See Dialect 
Dictionary, s. v. 

strayte, i. e. confined in space, close. Der. from Lat. 
strictus = drawn tight, through O.F. estrait (etroit). It is 
a doublet of strict. 1 

P. 70, 1. 7. of small honestie, i. e. rather dishonourable 
behaviour, in the Latin sense of honestas = honour. 

1.8. dresse, make ready, prepare. O.F. dresser, to 
arrange. Of. make oneself ready = to dress, of the 
Elizabethan dramatists. 

1. 13. by course = in turns, Lat. per vices. Cf. A. V., 
I Cor. xiv. 27. 

1. 14. sethinge, i.e. boiling. Thou shalt not seetJie 
a kid in his mother s milk, A. V., Exod. xxiii. 19. 

1. 30. Euery mother, &c. Such is the provision in 
Plato. See Republic, v. p. 460, and Plutarch, De Liberis 
Educandis, ch. v : The next thing is the nursing of 
children, which in my judgment the mothers should do 
themselves, giving their owne breasts to what they have 
borne. So Tacitus notes of the German women, sua 
quemque mater uberibus alit, nee ancillis aut nutricibus 
delegantur (Germania, cap. xx). 

P. 71, 1. 5. meruelous silence. For the behaviour of 
children at table, see ample information in The Babees Book. 
For the particular qualities noted by More, cf. Latte 
curtesye and sylence with you dwell (p. 6); Tylle thou 
have thy fulle servuyse Touche noo misse in noo wyse 
(p. 18). Cf. too the Stans puer ad mensam, pp. 28-33 i n 
the same collection. Plutarch also lays great stress on 
insisting on silence (De Liberis Educandis, cap. 14). 

1. 12. ouer wharte = overth wart, across. ouer = upper. 

1.14. meesse. The word mess, O.F.mes, is from the Latin 
missits, p.p. of mittere, to send, in Low Latin to set or place. 
It originally meant a portion set or placed, viz. on a table, 
and afterwards came to mean those sitting at the table. 
All these arrangements resemble what More must have 
been familiar with at the Messes of the Inns of Court ; 
but were undoubtedly suggested by those of Lycurgus de 
scribed by Plutarch in his Life. See his description of the 
dvftpela Or <f)ei8iTia. 


1. 23. yongers. We do not use this plural now, but 
say young people or young ones. The grouping of the 
young with the old at these messes was no doubt suggested 
by Plutarch s account of the regulations of Lycurgus 
referred to above. 

1. 31. dainties. After this in the Latin there follows 
a clause in parentheses, omitted by Robynson, quarum 
non tanta erat copia ut posset totam per domum affatim 
distribui = of which there was not enough to go round. 

1. 32. of both sides them. Ed. 2 reads on eche side 
of them. 

1. 36. of reading = by reading. This was the usual 
custom in the monasteries, but a marginal note in the 
Latin version points to its decline : Id hodie vix monachi 
obseruant. Sermones in conviuiis. In More s own house 
hold it was the custom. He used to have one read daily at 
his table, which being ended he would ask of some of them 
how they understood such and such a passage, Cresacre 
More, Life of More, p. 103. 

P. 72, 1. 7. towardnes = tendency, inclination. 

1. 12. more strengthe. First ed. erroneously inserts 
no before more. 

1. 14. rmisicke. More s own fondness for music and 
belief in its composing effects were very great. Cresacre 
More says that the recreation of his family was either 
music of voices or viols, for which cause he procured his 
wife to play thereon to draw her mind from the world, to 
which by her nature she was too much addicted (Life, 
p. 107). Dr. Lupton points out that, in Holbein s picture of 
More s household, a viol is seen hanging up. 

nor . . . no. Another instance of the double negative, 
though special emphasis seems unnecessary. 

1. 15. bankettes = banquets. See Glossary. Lat. mensa 
secunda. conceytes nor ionekettes. The Latin has bellaria 
= what we should call dessert, i. e. fruits, nuts. &c. Conceit 
orig. a conception, and so a fancy or fancy trifle, as 
here. Cf. He wolde gladlye se conseytes and fantasies at 
his table (Ld. Berners Froissart, ii. 26. 72). A junket 
was originally a basket made of rushes (Lat. iuncus). It 
then got the meaning of a cream cheese or any preparation 
of cream served on a rush mat. Now it is almost exclusively 
confined to the popular Devonshire dish consisting of 
sweetened and flavoured curds with a layer of scalded 
cream on the top. Here of course the word is used loosely, 


and means simply a dainty delicacy. Cf. Bread pasties, 
tartes, custardes and other delicate wnckettes dipped in 
honie, Adlington, trans, of Apuleius s Golden Ass, x. xlv. 

1. 1 6. for perfumes. Ed. 2 reads or perfumes. 

1. 19. maketh for, i.e. contributes to, favours. Cf. 
Not that I neglect those things that make for the dignity 
of the commonwealth. Cf. infra, 103, 31. 

1. 26. as from whome, seeing that from them. 



Regulations as to the Utopians leaving their country on 
visits ; as to their recreations ; their industrial and mercantile 
employments ; their contempt for gems, the precious metals, 
and gorgeous apparel ; their education and studies in leisure 
hours ; their ethical philosophy based on the tenets of Epi 
cureanism, tempered with Platonism ; their ideal of the 
Summiim Bonuni that is, pleasure rationally defined and 
interpreted ; their intelligence, and sympathy with Greek 
literature and philosophy ; their eager welcome of strangers 
from other countries who can tell them about these countries 
or teach them anything. 

P. 73, 1. 9. som profitable let = a very good reason to 
prevent them from going. 

1. 13. retourne. Dr. Lupton thinks that this curtail 
ment by law of their visits to foreign countries may have 
been suggested by the provision of Lycurgus for the Spartans : 
He would not permit all that desired it to go abroad and 
see other countries, lest they should contract foreign man 
ners, or gain traces of a life of little discipline and of a dif 
ferent form of government (Plutarch, Lives (Langhorne), ed. 
1805, p. 155). 

1. 23. gentilly enterteined. Lat. humanissime tra 
ct a ntur. 

1. 24. of his owne head, on his own authority. 

1. 28. sharpely. Ed. I reads shapely. 
P. 74, 1. 12. There be nether, &c. A contrast with the 
state of things in London, where one of the worst of these 
iniquities was licensed. 

1. 15. in the present sight, in full view (Burnet). 

1. 28. the lacke of the one is performed i. e. the 


want is at once supplied. Cf. Chaucer, Astrolabe, ii. 10 : 
Yif thow abate the quantitee of the houre in-equal by daye 
out of 30, than shal the remenant that leveth performe the 
hour inequal by night. 

P. 75, 1. 3. proffe, proof. The meaning is the uncer 
tainty of what next year s crop may prove or turn out. Lat. 

1. 6. madder. A plant of the genus Rubia : it yields a 
valuable red dye. The Lat. word here is coccum, cochineal. 

purple die felles. Ed. 2 has died. See Glossary. A 
fell is the skin or hide of an animal. 

1. 10. meane = moderate. 

1. 19. at a daye = on an appointed day. 

1. 20. in so doyng. This is a mistranslation of the 
original, arising apparently from Robynson s ignorance of 
the meaning of the Latin phrase nomina facere = to lend 

followe the credence of pryuat men : i. e. rely on 
the credit of individuals. For this meaning of credence* 
cf. Hall, Chron. 212. b The Merchaunt should stande in 
adventure, both of losse of stocke and credence. 

1. 22. instrumentes = legal documents, formal agree 
ments. Cf. We shall show that Instrument, that was made 
under the Hand and Seal of the Prisoner at the Bar, as well 
as others, for Execution of the King ; that Bloody Warrant 
(Trials of the Regicides, 45). 

1. 31. they thinke it no righte nor conscience. Lat. 
haud aequum credunt, they do not think it fair. To think 
a thing not conscience is to think it such a thing as the 
conscience or innate sense of right cannot approve. 
P. 76, 1. i . straunge = foreign. Lat. extemi. 

1. 6. sette togethers by the eares. Said of animals 
fighting ; Lat. inter se committi. 

1. 10. beleued. The contempt shown for the precious 
metals and for gold, of which More proceeds to speak so much 
and so humorously by way of illustration, appears to have 
been suggested by Vespucci s account of the tribes visited in 
his fourth voyage- (See Introduction.) Plato also forbids 
the use of the precious metals in his Commonwealth, Laws, v. 
p. 742 ; cf. his remarks in the Republic, iii. p. 417. Tacitus s 
Germania, v, notes that the Germans had the same contempt 
for the precious metals. Cf. too Bacon, New Atlantis (Ed. 
Bohn, p. 287). 

1. 1 6. guyse and trade, i. e. manners and ways ; Lat. 


imply moribus. Guise is now obsolete in this sense. Of. 
A military roughness, resembling most of the Lacedae 
monian guise (Milton, Areop., ed. Arber, 37). Trade is akin 
to tread (O.E. tredan, v), and so primarily meant a foot 
step, hence path, way, and so way of living, a prac 
tice. Cf. Thy sin s not accidental, but a trade (Shakespeare, 
M. for M. iii. i. 149). The transition to occupation and 
business is easy. 

1. 1 8. indyfferente estymer, i.e. impartial judge. I 
leave to all worthy and indifferent men to judge, Raleigh, 
Apol. 21. estymer *= one who esteems or estimates. 

1. 22. applyed = adapted. Lat. accommodetur. 

1. 23. occupye. See Glossary. 

1. 31. vnder, i. e. lower in value, inferior to. 

1. 34. lacke, i.e. miss, endure the absence of; so, I 
shall be lov d when I am lack d, Shakespeare, Cor. iv. i. 15. 

P. 77, 1. 3. thynges. For the sentiment, cf. Horace, Odes, 
iii. 3. 49 seqq. : 

1 Aurum irrepertum et sic melius situm, 
Cum terra celat, spernere fortior 
Quam cogere humanos in usus 
Omne sacrum rapiente dextra, 

and Milton, Paradise Lost, i. 687-8. 

1. 10. plat, i.e. plate. Lat. phyalas . . . aliaque id 
genus opera fabre excusa. ( Vessels, Burnet.) 

1. 19. from ours : depending on discrepant and repug- 
naunt i. e. very different from ours. 

1.24. proper-lie *= finely, handsomely; proper is very 
commonly used in this sense ; the Latin is elegantissimis. 

1. 31. infamed, i.e. disgraced. 
P. 78, 1. I. forgo, i.e. give up, go without. 

1. 2. at ones. Lat. semel, on one single occasion, once. 
Robynson seems to mistake it for simul (Lupton). 

1. 15. sharnefastenes. This is the correct orthography 
of the modern form, shamefacedness, and has been adopted 
by the Revisers of the A.V. 

1. 17. nuttes, broaches, and puppettes. Dr. Lupton 
illustrates nuttes 1 (nuces), brouches (&wftae),and puppettes 
(pupae], from Persius, Sat. i. 10, v. 31, andii. 70 respectively. 
All three expressions, as he points out, refer to putting 
away childish things. 

1. 22. Anemolians. From Gk. ai/f^wAio?, windy ; 
in ftdffiv, to talk words of wind, is a common phrase 


in Homer. Dr. Lupton compares Cicero s description of 
Lepidus, homo ventosissimus. Anemolius was the Poet 
Laureate of Utopia, the alleged author of the Utopian 
Hexastichon included in the preliminary matter prefixed to 
the text (Lupton, p. xciii). 

1. 25. those .iii. citizeins, i.e. the old wise men sent 
yearly from the country to confer about the common matters 
of the land. See supra, 50, 14. 

1. 31. enfamed. Infamed, despised. 

P. 79, 1. 3. dasell = dazzle. A diminutive and frequenta 
tive form of daze. 

1. 4. silie = plain, simple. This satire by implication 
on the ostentatious pomp in dress common in More s time 
is illustrated by Hall s account of Henry VIII s appearance 
on the occasion of his procession to the Tower before his 
marriage with Catharine : His grace wered in his upperst 
apparrell a robe of crimsyn velvet furred with armyns 
[ermines] : his jacket or cote of raised gold ; the placard 
embroidered with diamonds, rubies, emeraudes, greate pearles 
and other riche stones : a greate bauderiche [baldric] about 
his neck of large balasses [rubies] ( Chronicle, p. 508, 
ed. 1809). 

1. 5. in chaungeable colours. This may mean either 
a parti-coloured material or else what is called shot silk. 
The Lat. is versicolori, which may seem to favour the former 

1. 1 1 . aglettes here means small pendants. The word 
is the French aiguillette, a small needle ; hence it was used 
for the point or tag of a lace. Aiguillette at the present 
day, both in French and English, has passed from the tag to 
the braid itself, and is the technical name for the cord hang 
ing from the shoulder to the breast on certain military and 
naval uniforms. 

1. 15. infamed. Lat. infamare, and French infamer, 
to render infamous, to disgrace. N. E. D. quotes Holinshed, 
Chron. i. 66, 2 Because ... he somewhat persecuted the 
Christians, he was infamed by writers. 

1. 17. howe proudelye . . . them selfes. A good instance 
of how Robynson expands ; the Lat. has simply quo pacto 
cristas erexerint. 1 

P. 80, 1. 2. lubbor = a dull, clumsy fellow ; a dolt. The 
word is now chiefly used by sailors with land prefixed. 
The derivation is obscure. 

1. 23. For they mameyle, i.e. the Utopians. 


1. 30. a shepe weare. Cf. Pope, Essay on Man, iii. 44 
The fur that warms a monarch -warm d a bear. 

1. 32. of the owne nature = of its own nature, in 
itaelf. Lat. has sitapte natura. 

1. 37. lumpyshe blockehedded churle. The Lat. has 
plumbeus quispiam, transl. by Burnet as a Man of Lead. 
P. 81, 1. I. noughtenes = wickedness. See 31, 19 supra. 

1. 6. wyle. The second edition reads wyle and cautele, 
the latter word being practically a synonym for the former 
and derived from the Lat. cautela, a caution, precaution. 

1. 9. dreuell, earlier form of drivel = driveller. As 
it is here a synonym for slave, it perhaps does not so much 
mean imbecile as drudge. Cf. Erasm. Par. I Cor. xi. n 
To use his wife as a vile dreuell, because she is commaunded 
to obeye. The Lat. has nebulonem. 

then shortely after. The sense is that money is the 
important thing and the first consideration ; the man is, as 
it were, thrown in. 

1. 14. daunger, i. e. power. See, for an exhaustive ac 
count of this interesting word, N. E. D. 

1. 16. nigeshe penny fathers. Nigeshe = niggardly 
(see Skeat, s. v.). Penny father == a miserly person, a 
skin-flint ; the idea being possibly that the attempt to draw 
one penny from him is attended with the greatest difficulty. 
Cf. Dray ton, Mirrour, p. 1262 To nothing fitter can I thee 
compare, Than to the son of some rich penny father. 

1. 35. They be taughte learninge. We now come 
to a very important part of More s work his account of the 
educational system of the Utopians which is of course 
satire by implication on the pre-Renaissance theory and 
practice of it. 

P. 82, 1. i. syde of the wordle. For this form of the 
word see Glossary. 

1. 8. comen. The strong past participle. Cf. knowen. 

1. 13. clerkes. Originally a cleric or ecclesiastic 
in holy orders. As learning was in the Middle Ages prac 
tically confined to the clergy, the word came to mean 
as here a scholar. It is also used of the old pre-mediaeval 
philosophers, Aristotle, &c. 

1. 15. For they haue not deuysed, &c. The marginal 
note in the Latin, Apparet hoc loco subesse nasum, pre 
pares us for sarcasm. More is here ridiculing the logical 
studies so extensively, and to so little purpose, cultivated in 
the Schools and Universities of the Middle Ages and of his 


own time. Cf. Bacon s remarks, Advancement of Learning, 
bk. i, on barren logical subtilties. Butler also ridicules 
them Hudibras, part i. canto i. 65 : 

He was in Logic a great critic, 
Profoundly skill d in Analytic 
He could distinguish and divide ; 
A hair twixt south and south-west side. 

And see too Mephistopheles sensible sneers at the same thing 
in Goethe s Faust : 

Mein theurer Freund, ich rath euch drum, 
Zucrst Collegium logicum, 
Da wird der Geist euch wohl dressirt, 
In spanische Stiefeln eingeschniirt &c. 

Ed. Tetot, ii. p. 167. 

1. 16. restryctyons, amplyfycatyons, and supposy- 
tyons in the small Logycalles. Logical terms found in 
the book referred to by More, viz. the Parva Logicalia, the 
name given to the last part of the Summulae Logicales 
of Petrus Hispanus, afterwards, it is said, Pope John XXI, 
who died in 1277, only eight months after his election. 
There seems to be some doubt, however, as to the identifica 
tion of the author with the pope. 

1. 1 9. seconde intentyons. Rabelais, II. vii Questio 
subtilissima, utrum chimera in vacuo bombinans possit 
comedere secundas intentiones [in ridicule of subtle dis 
cussions of Schoolmen]. As it would be impossible to 
give a clearer definition and account of what is meant by 
second intentions than is given by Mansel in his edition 
of Aldrich s Logic, I shall content myself with transcribing 
his note. 

A first intention or notion is a conception under which 
the mind regards things, whether facts of external or of 
internal perception. Thus, the individual Socrates is re 
garded by the mind as man, animal, body, substance. All 
these are first intentions. And a mental state may be suc 
cessively regarded as a smell, a sensation, a fact of conscious 
ness. These again are first intentions. 

A second intention or notion is a conception under 
which the mind regards its first intentions as related to each 
other. Thus the relation of animal to man and of man 
to animal is expressed in the second intention genus or 
species. First intentions as conceptions of things are pre- 


dicable in the individuals conceived under them. Thus we 
may say " Socrates is man, animal," &c. Second intentions 
are not so predicable : we cannot say, " Socrates is species, 
genus," &c. Mansel s Aldrich (ed. 1842), pp. 20, 21. For 
a very lucid and interesting dissertation on First and Second 
Intentions see Mr. Shadworth Hodgson s Time and Space, 
33-45. Marcus Aurelius I. xvii, agreeing with More, enume 
rates among the things which he was thankful for, the fact 
that he had not wasted time on the subtilties of Logic. 

1. 21. man hymselfe in comrnen, i. e. man in the 
abstract, man regarded not as an individual, but Ka06\ov 
(in general). 

1. 24. the course of the starres, &c. Observe how 
the good sense of the Utopians separates Astronomy, which 
they study, from Astrology which they despise. Rabelais 
(Pantagruel, bk. ii. ch. viii), in the admirable letter which 
Gargantua writes to Pantagruel, recalling in many respects 
More s scheme of education and dated from Utopia, speaks 
in the same way of Astrology and Astronomy. 

P. 83, 1. 9. manners and vertue. We now come to the 
moral philosophy of the Utopians. It is founded partly on 
the doctrines of Epicurus, partly on those of Stoicism, and 
partly on those of Christianity : from the first is derived the 
tenet that the summum bonum of life is pleasure in the 
proper sense of the term ; from the second the precept that 
life should be regulated according to nature ; from the 
third, the association of Theology, and Theological belief, 
with Ethical Philosophy. For the two former More has 
drawn almost perhaps entirely on Cicero s De Finibus. 

1. 16. felycytye of man. Cf. De Finibus, passim. 

1. 20. chiefyste parte of mans felycytye, &c. This 
was the teaching of Epicurus. Vespucci had said of some of 
his newly discovered tribes, from which More (see Introduc 
tion) seems partly to have derived the fable of the Utopia, 
that they were followers rather of the Epicureans than of the 
Stoics ; vivunt secundum naturam, et Epycuri potius dici 
possunt quam Stoici (Mundus Novus, fol. 3 verso). 

1. 23. sharpe, bytter, and rygoroua. The epithets are 
unsuitable and hardly the meaning conveyed by the Latin, 
grauis et seuera est fereque tristis et rigid a. Burnet s is an 
improvement : notwithstanding its severity and roughness. 
P. 84, 1. 3. the lease pleasure should not be a let, &c. 
De Finibus, i. cap. 14. 

1. 14. onlye in that pleasure that is good. Cf. De 


Finibus, ii. 15 Idem (Epicurus) dicit . . . non posse iucunde 
vivere nisi etiara honeste. 1 

1. 18. life ordered according to nature. To this 
phrase the Stoics attached diffei ent meanings, but the 
meaning attached to it by More is no doubt that 
J attached to it in Da Finibus, iv. 10. 27 secundum naturam 
vivere ; quod est ... habere ea quae secundum naturam 
sunt, vel omnia, vel plurima et maxima. To live according 
to nature was to live in accordance with the entire course of 
the world, as opposed to individual and special ideas and 
impulses, and according to a man s whole nature, not to 
a part of it only. See Grant s Ethics of Aristotle, vol. i. 
p. 255, and Long s Marcus Aurelius (ed. Bohn), p. 56. 

1. 24. of whoes goodnes it is that we be, i. e. have 
our being, exist. 

1.25. in possibilitie. Misprinted impossibilitie in 
Ed. i. 

1. 26. leade our lyfe out of care. Cf. De Finibus, 
i. 12. 41. 

1. 31. inioyne = enjoin. From Lat. iniungere = to im 
pose (a penalty or duty). 

laboures, watchinges, and fastinges. There is an 
allusion here evidently to 2 Cor. vi. 5, though, as Dr. Lupton 
points out, it is only in the English rendering. 

P. 85, 1. 5. For a ioyful lyfe. Robynson s punctuation 
is here rather perplexing; dashes after euell and hurtefull 
instead of commas would make the sense clearer. 

1. 12. natur biddeth the. Cf. De Finibus, i. 9. 30. 
^ 1. 18. aceordyng to the prescrypt of nature, i.e. 
according to the law or ordinance of nature. Lat. ex cuius 

1. 21. not without. Lat. quod certe merito facit. 

1. 23. carke. A synonym of care. From the late 
Latin carcare, to load ; cf. charge. Hence to load oneself 
with care. See N. E. D. So in Kingsley, Alton Locke s 
Song 9 Why for sluggards cark and moil ? 

1. 30. Wherfore their opinion is. St. John 
quotes Hobbes, De Give, i. 3. 36 Cum omni homine vel 
servanda est fides vel non paciscendum : hoc est, vel declara- 
tum bellum vel certa et fida habenda est pax. 

1. 36. constitute = constituted. This form of the 
p. p. is still retained in technical phraseology in Scotland 
(N. E. D.). 
P. 86, 1. i. Thies lawes not offendid. Nominative 


absolute, not often used in English. It is an attempt to 
translate the essentially Latin ablative absolute ; the original 
has Hiis inoffensis legibus, so long as these laws are not 

1. 8. they selfe = thy self. 

1. 9. humanitie = politeness. 

1. 27. Appetite they ioyne to nature. That is to say, 
in their definition of pleasure they not only include every 
motion and state of the body, &c., but healthy or right 
desires or inclinations. The Lat. is Appetitionem naturae 
non temere addunt, naturae being, as Dr. Lupton suggests, 
not dative but genitive. 

P. 87, 1. i. taken place, i. e. become deeply seated. Lat. 

1. li. counterfeat kinde of pleasure. From his 
reference to false notions of pleasure, More goes on to 
satirize directly some leading foibles of his time vanity in 
dress and in ancestry. 

1. 19. thought. Both editions misprint thoughe. 

1. 21. and not by their mistakyng, i.e. and not 
through a mistake on their own part. 

1. 30. vayne and vnprofitable honoures. With this 
passage compare Erasmus s comments on Sileni Alcibiadis, 
Adagia, chil. iii. cent. iii. prov. I, the passage beginning: 
Videas in nullis minus esse verae nobilitatis quam in 
Thrasonibus istis qui vetustis stemmatibus, qui torquibus 
aureis, qui splendidis cognominibus summam iactant nobili- 
tatem, &c. 

1. 35. for the opinion of nobilitie, i.e. in considering 
themselves of noble birth. 

P. 88, 1. 5. of one heare : i. e. even by a single hair, not 
a whit, the less noble, a Latin idiom ; cf. Cicero, Q. Fr. ii. 
16 ego ne pilo quidem minus me amabo. 

1. 6. take pleasure ... in gernmes. The rage of 
Henry VIII and his courtiers for the ostentatious display 
of jewelry is notorious, and is frequently commented on 
by the writers of the time. More s own simplicity, and 
contempt for such distinction as he has here described, is 
well illustrated by an anecdote told of him by Cresacre More: 
He exercised acts of humility that he made most worldie 
men to wonder at him. On the Sunnedaies euen when he 
was Lord Chancellor he wore a surplice and sang with the 
singers at high mass and matins in his parish church 
at Chelsea, which the Duke of Norfolk on a time finding 

P 2 


sayde, " God bodie, God bodie My Lord Chancellor, a Parish 
Clarke ! you disgrace the king and his office." " Nay," sayde 
Sir Thomas, smiling, "your grace may not thinke I dishonour 
my prince in my dutifulness to his Lord and Yours " (Life of 
More, p. 19). 

1. 12. styll= constantly, continually. 

1. 27. Or of them, i. e. or what shall I say of them ? 

1. 35. hoppest=dancest ; N. E. D. quotes Coverdale 
I Kings xviii. 26 They hopped aboute the altare as their 
vse was to do. Psalms Ixviii. 16 Why hoppe ye so, ye 
greate hilles ? The Lat. has gestis, to throw oneself about, 
to be transported. 

P. 89, 1. 9. thu=thou, the reading of Ed. 2. 

1. 24. reiected, i. e. given over. 

1. 26. they counte huntyng. This tenderness to ani 
mals and objection to unnecessary slaughter one of the 
great notes of the Utopia More shared in common with 
Pythagoras and the Pythagoreans. With his remarks here 
compare what Plutarch says in his De Solertia Animalium, i 
and ii, about hunting, to which pursuit he traces the cruelty 
and inhumanity of men : Men became insensible and in 
human, having once tasted of murder and being accustomed 
by hunting and following the chase not only to behold 
without pity the wounds and blood of wild beasts, but to 
rejoice at their being killed and slaughtered : and see also 
his De Esu Carnium, Orat. ii ; cf. Ovid, Met. xv. 75 seq. ; 
Gay, Fable xxxvi ; Pope, Essay on Man, Ep. iii. 160-8, and 
Thomson s eloquent invective, Autumn, 384-457 ; Shelley, 
Queen Mob, viii. 77-82 and 111-18. 

P. 90, 1. 20. of the good lyfe past. In the Latin 
this sentence is followed by et spes non dubia futuri boni, 
omitted by Robynson. Burnet : and the assured Hope of 
a future Happiness. 

1. 28. voided = evacuated. 

1. 32. scratchynge. First ed. stratchinge. 
P. 91, 1. 2. vpright. The Latin is ctequabili = here well 
balanced, with all the humours in harmonious concert. 

1-5- yf yt be not letted nor assaulted with no greiffe, 
i. e. if it be not checked or attacked by pain. 

1. 20. whyche sayde that stedfaste and quyete healthe. 
The substance of this passage seems to have been partly 
suggested by the arguments of Cicero and Torquatus on the 
summum bonum in bk. i of the De Finibus, and partly by 
the argument between Socrates and Callicles in Plato s 


Gorgias, pp. 494-5, but mainly by the discussion in bk. ix of 
the Republic, pp. 583-7. 

11. 24-5. by some owtwarde motion. Robynson is 
translating the extrario of the first three Latin editions, 
printed by Dr. Lupton contrario. The allusion is to the 
externall or outwarde pleasure of 1. 7, supra. Robynson 
has omitted nisi (which is in the Latin editions) before 
motu ; nisi rnotu quopiam extrario sentiri. 

P. 92, 1. 3. procedyng, i. e. progress. A synonym to on- 
wardnes following. 

11. 8-9. thee pristynate Btrengthe, i. e. its former 
strength. Lat. pristinatus. 

1. ir. imbrace the owne wealthe, i.e. cling to and 
take to itself its own good. Lat. bona sua amplexabitur. 

1. 12. For that, i. e. for where, as in the second edition. 

1. 13. For what man wakynge, &c. Robynson is here 
a little obscure. Burnet s version is better : for what man 
is in health, that does not perceive it [is not conscious of it] 
when he is awake ? 

1. 1 6. stonyshe = stony. 

sleping sicklies. Robynson changed this in the 
next version to lethargic. Sleeping sickness is, as is well 
known, the name now popularly given to the disease called 
nelavan, which attacks the negroes on the west coast of 
Africa and in Uganda, and generally ends fatally. 

1. 21. they imbrace. This in the Latin is properly 
followed by ergo, therefore, omitted by Robynson. 

1. 32. preuelye stealynge one, i.e. secretly stealing on. 

1. 35. carefull greyffes, i.e. pains which give care and 

1. 37. sealynge. Robynson s translation is obscure ; it 
has been suggested that sealynge may be a misprint for 
fealynge orhealynge. The Latin is: ita hoc quoque voluptatis 
genere non egere quam deliniri praestiterit. Ed. 2 reads, 
1 then thereby to be eased of the contrarie grief. 

1. 38. The whyche kynde of pleasure. Cf. Plato, 
Republic, ix. p. 583 : There are many other cases of suffer 
ing in which mere rest and cessation of pain ... is extolled 
as the highest pleasure ? Yes. . . . When pleasure 
ceases, that sort of rest will not be pleasant but painful ? 
Doubtless. Then the intermediate state of rest will be 
pleasure and will also be pain? That is assumed. But 
can that which is neither become both ? I should say 
not. And both pleasure and pain are motions in the soul, 


are they not? Yes. But that which is neither was just 
now shown to be rest and not motion and in a mean 
between them ? Yes. How then can we be right in 
saying that the absence of pain is pleasure or that the 
absence of pleasure is pain ? Impossible. 

P. 93, 1. 11. egal = equal. 0. F. egal; this form of the 
word, preserved also in the substantive egality and the verb 
egall, was common till about the middle of the seventeenth 

1. 20. which of necessitye, &c. The second edition is 
clearer : to the necessarie vse whereof they must from time 
to time continually be forced and driuen. 

1. 29. no other kind. Cf. the well-known lines in 
Ovid, Met. i. 85-6 Os homini sublime dedit, caelumque 
tueri lussit, et erectos ad sidera tollere vultus, with the 
comments of Cicero, De Nat. Deorum, ii. 10. 56 ; De Senectute, 
21 ; De Legibus, i. 9, where the same idea is put very 
strikingly : Nam cum ceteros animantes abiecisset ad 
pastum, solum hominem erexit, ad caelique quasi cogna- 
tionis, domiciliique pristini, conspectum excitavit. 

1. 35. allowe *= commend, approve of. The English 
word identifies, after 0. F., the two Latin words, allaudare, 
to praise, and allocare, to assign. Hence its various 
meanings, reioysinges. Robynson, as Dr. Lupton points 
out, has not given the force of the Latin condimenta in the 
above word. Burnet is better : as the pleasant Relishes 
and Seasonings of Life, but it may possibly be a misprint 
for releysinges, relishes. 

1. 36. cautell = precaution. 

P. 94, 1. 2. yet to dyspyse, &c. In this most interesting 
passage (to which a marginal note in the Latin original 
directs special attention), More seems to question the wisdom 
of that severe ascetic discipline which, in the milder form, 
he himself practised. But he is guarded, and merely con 
demns it in its harsher form where it is not conducive to 
the common good. It is a condemnation of such fanatics as 
St. Simeon Stylites. 

1. 4. sloughishnes = sluggishness. 

1. 9. forborne, i.e. denied, refrained from. Cf. Fruits 
Whose taste, too long forborn, at first assay Gave elocution 
to the mute (Milton, P. L. ix. 747). 

1. 10. at Goddes hand. Ed. i reads of GOD. 

1. 18. in her daunger, i.e. in her power, under an 
obligation to her; v. supra, 81, 14. 


1. 26. lores and ordenaunces. Lat. instituta. Burnet 
better : constitution and principles. See Glossary. 

1. 36. defende them. Note how More prudently guards 

1. 37. husbande theyr grounde : cultivate. 
P. 95, 1. 4. exploited and furnished, i. e. performed, 
achieved, administered. Lat. has simply administrata. Cf. 
They departed without exploytinge their message (Elyot, 
Gbv. I. xxvi). Exploit has lost this meaning, and now 
means either technically to work (a mine, &c.j, or else in 
a derogatory sense to utilize for one s own ends. 

1. 20. Greke. For the point of this, and the associa 
tion of Utopian ideals with classical, see General Introduc 

I. 38. free. Both editions misprint faee. 

P. 96, 1. 2. lesse then iii. yores. Milton, in his Tractate 
on Education, allows one year for mastering the rudiments 
and making much progress in Greek. 

II. 4-5. wythout anny staye, i. e. without any stopping 
or hesitating ; Lat. inoffense. 

1. 5. if the booke were not false, i. e. if the text were 
not at fault. 

1. 7. allyaunte, i.e. allied, akin. The word is very rare. 

1. 15. pretye = moderately large. The word was used 
to express moderately great in size, quantity, duration, &c. 
It is now used almost exactly in the same way, but adverbially, 
necessitating an adjective or adverb after it. For the former 
use, cf. A pretty while these pretty creatures stand, Like 
ivory conduits coral cisterns filling (Shakespeare, Lucrece, 
i- 1233). 

fardell, i. e. bundle. The word is possibly akin to 
the Arabic fardah, a package. It is common in English 
of this period, though now obsolete. Cf. There lyes such 
Secrets in this Farthell and Box, which none must know but 
the King (Shakespeare, W. T. iv. 4. 7^3). 

1. 1 6. rather neuer than shortelye, i. e. never to return 
rather than quickly (to return). 

1. 1 8. Theophrastus. A Greek naturalist and philo 
sopher, born at Eresos in Lesbos about 370 B. c. He 
afterwards went to Athens and heard Plato and Aristotle, to 
the latter of whom he was particularly attached and from 
whom he inherited the whole Aristotelian library, the 
largest then known. He succeeded Aristotle as head of the 
Peripatetic school, over which he presided for thirty-five 


years till his death in 288 B. c. He was the reputed author 
of 227 works, most of which however are lost. The History 
of Plants, Causes of Plants, and the well-known Characters 
are perhaps his most important extant works. 

1. 20. mormosett. A marmoset is a small kind of 
American monkey (Hapale jacchus). For the history of the 
word, see Skeat s Dictionary. The Lat. has cercopithecus, 
a long-tailed ape. 

1. 24. Lascaria. The Erotemata or Grammatica Grdeca 
of Constantine Lascaris was published at Milan in 1476, and 
has the distinction of being the first Greek book ever 

Theodoms. Theodorus Gaza was born at Thessa- 
lonica in 1398. The Greek Grammar, his chief work, was 
first published by Aldus at Venice in 1495. This work was 
held in very high estimation by subsequent scholars, and 
was generally recognized as the best of its kind. Theodorus 
died in 1478. 

1. 25. Hesichius. Hesychius, a Greek grammarian of 
Alexandria, was the author of a Greek lexicon. Although 
the text is very corrupt, the book has been of considerable 
use in interpreting obscure and rare words and phrases 
of the great Greek classical writers. It was not known 
till the sixteenth century, when it was published by Aldus in 
1514. Little is known about the author, but he nourished 
probably towards the end of the fourth century A.D. 

1. 26. Dioscorides. Pedanius Dioscorides was a native 
of Anazarbus in Cilicia, and nourished in the reign of Nero. 
In early life he probably accompanied the Roman armies 
through many countries as physician. He has left us his 
celebrated Materia Medica in five books, which treats of 
all the then known medicinal substances and their proper 
ties. This work enjoj^ed a universal celebrity and popularity 
for over sixteen centuries. The first edition of the Greek 
text was published by Aldus in 1499 at Venice. 

I. 27. Lucianes. Lucian, the Greek Voltaire, was born 
at Samosata in Syria about 125 A.D., and is one of the most 
interesting and amusing of Greek writers. He was evidently 
a great favourite with More as he was with Erasmus, and 
More translated four of his dialogues into Latin (see Intro 

II. 28-9. Aristophanes. The greatest of the Greek 
comic poets, born about 448 B.C. He is said to have written 
fifty-four plays, but only eleven are extant in their entirety. 


He died about 388 B.C. The first printed edition, containing 
nine plays, was published by Aldus at Venice in 1498. 

1. 29. Euripides. The third and last of the great 
Greek tragedians. Born at Salamis in 480 B.C., died 
406 B. c. The first edition of his plays, consisting however 
only of four, was published by J. Lascaris at Florence at the 
end of the fifteenth century. But Aldus in 1503 brought out 
an edition containing seventeen. 

Sophocles. The second of the trio of Greek trage 
dians, born 496 B.C. He entered into competition with 
his great predecessor Aeschylus in 468 B.C. Only seven 
of his plays are now extant, which in their probable order 
are Ajax, Antigone, Electra, Oedipus Tyrannus, Trachiniae, 
Oedipus Coloneus, Philoctetes. He died in 405 B. c. The 
first edition of his plays was printed at Venice in 1502. 

Aldus. From the preceding notes it may be per 
haps correctly inferred that Aldus was the most cele 
brated of the early printers. Aldus Pius Manutius was the 
founder of the firm which was carried on after him by his 
two sons. The works that issued from this establishment 
were renowned for the correctness of the typography, and so 
great was the demand for them that the printers of Lyons 
and Florence began the system of issuing counterfeit Aldines 
as early as 1502. The press continued in active operation 
for upwards of loo years, from 1490 to 1597, and printed 
908 different works. The distinguishing mark is an anchor, 
entwined by a dolphin, inscribed either with Festina lente or 
Sudavit et alsit. 

1. 30. Thucidides. The greatest Greek historian. He 
was born probably in 471 B.C. and wrote a history of the 
Peloponnesian War in eight books, though it is doubtful if 
the whole of the eight is from his hand. After living in exile 
for twenty years he returned to Athens in 404 B. c. But the 
date and manner of his death are unknown. The Greek 
text of his work was first published by Aldus in 1502. 

1. 31. Herodotua. The father of history. Born 
about 484 B.C. at Halicarnassus. His History, written in 
nine books, is a general history of the Greeks and Barbarians 
(i. e. non-Greeks) between the fall of Croesus 546 B. c. and 
the capture of Sestos 478 B.C. He is said to have died 
at Thurium, but the date is unknown. The first Greek 
edition of his work was printed by Aldus in 1502. 

Herodian. A Greek historian. Wrote a history in 
eight books of the Roman Emperors of his own lifetime, 


Beginning with the death of Marcus Aurelius A.D. 1 80 and 
ending with the accession of the younger Gordianus in 
238 A.D. 

11. 31-2. Tricius Apinatus. A name coined by More 
to signify a trifler or fribble. Apina and Trica were two 
towns in Apulia said to have been sacked by Diomede, but so 
vile and insignificant before their destruction that they had 
become proverbs for vileness and insignificance. See Forcel- 
lini s Lexicon, sub verb. Apina. Martial in two epigrams, 
i. 112. 2 and xiv. i. 7, uses them to signify trifles: Sunt 
apinae tricaeque et si quid vilius istis. 

1. 33. Hippocrates. The father of medicine. Born at 
Cos 460 B. c. Before his time the science of medicine was 
confined to the priests or else taken up in a subordinate way 
by the philosophers of the age. He wrote many medical 
books, and died in 357 B.C. The first Greek edition of his 
works was published by Aldus in 1526. 

Galenes Microtechne. Claudius Galenus, the famous 
Greek physician, was born at Pergamus 131 A.D. He 
attended M. Aurelius, the Roman Emperor, and also his 
two sons, and was afterwards physician to the Emperor 
Severus. He died about 201 A. D. His most important 
works are De Anatomicis Administrationibus, and De Usu 
Partium Corporis Humani. The Microtechne mentioned, 
i. e. Little Art, was in contradistinction to the larger book 
known as Megalotechne or Methodus Medendi, a fuller and 
more elaborate work. 

1. 36. Phisick, i. e. medicine. Lat. res medica. 
P. 97, 1. 8. maruelous and gorgious frame. With 
this cf. the fine passage in Plato s Republic, vii. p. 529, 
which probably suggested it. St. John compares Cicero, 
De Natura Deorum, ii. 37-8. 

1. 14. maruelour, i. e. admirer. Lat. admirator. 

1. 20. feates, i. e. devices, arts. 

1. 33. rides, i. e. reeds. La,t. papyrus, whence our word 
paper. The papyrus reed from which paper was originally 
made is now very scarce in lower Egypt, but it still exists 
about the lake Menzaleh, near Damietta, as well as in Sicily. 

1. 36. assayings, i. e. essaying, attempting. The word 
is now archaic, except as applied to the testing of metals. 
Cf. Spenser, Sonn. lib. 8 Never ought was excellent 
assayde Which was not hard t atchieve and bring to end. 

feate, i. e. method of doing, knack. 
P. 98, 1. 7. sene, i. e. versed, skilled ; an imitation of the 


Lat. spectatus not uncommon in Elizabethan English. Cf. 
Hakluyt s Voyages, ii. 2 She was seene in the Hebrew, 
Greeke and Latin tongues ; and Spenser, F. Q. vi. 6. 3 
For he right well in Leache s craft was seene. 

1. 10. wonders, i. e. wondrously. The old genitive case 
of wonder used adverbially. Cf. needs, &c. ; Me mette 
swiche a swevenyng, That lykede me wonders wel. Bom. oj 
the Rose, Chaucer, ed. Skeat, i. 27. 

1. 17. geer. For the derivation of this word see Glossarial 
Index, and for the order of senses N. E. D. Its earliest 
meanings were apparel, 1 dress ; arms, accoutrements ; 
harness ; apparatus, machinery ; movable property ; 
material substance, &c. Hence it came to mean affairs, 
1 business generally, as here. Cf. 

4 But I will remedy this gear ere long, 
Or sell my title for a glorious grave. 

(Shakespeare, 2 Henry VI, iii. I. 91.) 

1. 20. owte landes, i. e. foreign countries. 

vre : not from same root as use, being adapted 
from 0. F. eure, Lat. opera, work. It was common in M. E., 
but became obsolete about the middle of" the seventeenth 



Slave labour, performed either by criminals convicted of 
some heinous offence, or criminals condemned to death in 
some other state, or by voluntary slaves. Their treatment of 
the sick and encouragement of suicide in particular cases. 
Their marriage regulations : when divorce is allowed, their 
treatment of adulterers. How criminal offences are punished 
by them. Their delight in social buffoons ; their abhorrence 
of jesting at deformed people, and contempt for such vanity 
as the application of cosmetics to the face. Their encourage 
ment of noble and virtuous actions by the institution of 
rewards. The fewness of their laws and their dislike to 
lawyers and pettifoggers. Their regard for justice, and their 
incorruption, the admiration of neighbouring states. Why 


jthey make no leagues - reflections on the characters and 
practices of contemporary princes. 

P. 89, 1. 6. nor bondemens, i.e. nor of bondemens, 
which is the reading of ed. 2. So also annye man = of 
any man in 1. 7. 

1. 15. for gramercye, i.e. gratis, which is the word in 
the Latin. A contraction for grand merci, great thanks. 
Gramercy was an interjection meaning originally thanks ; 
hence for gramercy means for a thank you, for nothing. 
Cp. He made Corn to be distributed to the People at a very 
mean price to some, and for gramercy to the poor (North, 
Plutarch, 966). 

1. 17. bandes. Bonds. 

1. 21. godlye. In a godly way. Latin ad virtutem 
egregie instruct!. 1 

1. 25. drudge. One employed in mean or servile work 
a hack. The derivation of the word is obscure; it is probably 
allied to the Lowland Scotch verb dree, which means to 
endure, undergo. Cf. Many they held as drudges and 
captyues (Fabyan, Chron. vii. 497). 

1. 27. handle and order. Edition 2 reads intreate 
and order, possibly so as not to repeat the word from the 
second sentence preceding. The Lat. has tractant. 

1. 30. as thereto accustoinede. Being accustomed 
to it. 

P. 100, 1. 3. as I sayde. Supra, ch. v. pp. 69 sqq. 

1. 4. lette notbynge at all passe, i. e. omit nothing at 
all, which is the literal translation of the Latin, viz. nihil 
prorsus omittunt. 

1. 9. But yf the dysease, &c. In so devout a Christian 
as More this defence of suicide is truly remarkable, even 
when we consider the conditions under which it is alone 
represented as justifiable. Orthodox Christian ethics have 
always been unanimous against it. More s favourite divine 
St. Augustine absolutely forbids it under any circumstances 
(see De Civit. Dei, lib. i. ch. xv-xxiv), though some 
heretics allowed it : see Fulke s Defence, Works, vol. i. 
p. 23, and Whitgift, Works (Parker Society), vol. iii. p. 57. 
But suicide under the condition specified by More was unani 
mously allowed and even encouraged by the Ancients, Stoics 
and all other sects alike, even by Plato : see Laws, bk. ix. 
p. 873; for it is doubtful whether the apparently unqualified 
condemnation of it by Pythagoras (see Cicero, De Senectute, 
ch. xx), by Plato in the Phaedo and Apology, and by certain 


philosophers, was meant to include such cases as More de 
scribes. At Marseilles, according to Valerius Maximus, II. 
vi, Poison, a compound of hemlock, was kept in the city 
and given to those who could assign to the Council of Six 
Hundred a sufficient reason for wishing to rid themselves of 
life : for, though the Council took care that no one should 
have it without being able to assign such sufficient reasons, 
they were quite willing to provide the means of easy death 
to such as could assign such reasons. For the whole ques 
tion see Lipsius, Manuductio ad Stoicam Philosophiam, and 
lib. iii. Diss. 22 and 23 ; Donne s Biathanatos, passim ; Hume s 
Essay on Suicide ; More, Essay on Suicide ; and Lecky s 
Hist, of European Morals, vol. i. In 1872 what More 
here inculcates was seriously proposed in a powerful and 
eloquent little work by Mr. S. D. Williams entitled Eutha 
nasia. See for an account of it, and for an interesting dis 
cussion on the subject, Tollemache s Stones of Stumbling, 
pp. 1-32. But above all see the admirable disquisition in 
Sidney s Arcadia, lib. iv, Ed. 1628, pp. 419-23; a short 
passage from which may be quoted : To prejudicate his 
(i. e. God s) determination is but a doubt of goodnesse in 
him who is nothing but goodnesse. But when indeed he 
doth either by sicknesse or outward force lay death upon 
us, then are wee to acknowledge that such is his pleasure, and 
to know that all is well that hee doth. That we should be 
masters of ourselves we can show at all no title nor claime ; 
since neither we made ourselves, nor bought ourselves, we 
can stand upon no other right but his gift, which hee must 
limit as it pleaseth him. 

1. 13. overlyuing hys owne deathe. Overlive is of 
course the literal translation of the Latin supercivat ; we 
should now say outlive or survive. More means that a 
man is to all practical purposes dead when he ceases to be 
of any further use in the world, after which he is outliving 
his death. For overlive in this sense, see Sidney, Arcadia, 
iii Basilius will not long overlive this loss. 

1. 1 8. take a good hope to hym, i.e. rely on good hope ; 
Lat. bona spe fretus. 

1. 22. by other, i.e. by others. 

1. 24. lyse, i. e. lose, a variant not recognized by the 
Cent. Diet. 

1. 30. dye in theyre sleape. The phrase is sufficiently 
expressive for a death by anaesthetics. The Lat. has sopiti 
soluuntur, having been put to sleep, they are released. 


I. 31. wytkowte annye fealinge. Both editions mis- I 
print fealnige. 

II. 32-3. nor they vse no lesse dilygence. They do 
not relax their care and attention over him, even though he 
does not terminate his life. 

1. 34. beleuynge thys to be an honorable deathe. 1 
Robynson has here mistranslated through mistaking per- ] 
suasos for persuasi, and connecting it with the former clause. 
Burnet turns it correctly, though loosely : They believe 
that a voluntary death, when it is chosen upon such an 
authority, is honourable. 

Elles, on the other hand ; Lat. alioqui. With this 
cf. Plato, Laws, ix. p. 873 : The suicide who deprives ; 
himself by violence of his appointed share of life, not because 
the law of the State compels him, nor yet under the com- ,; 
pulsion of some painful and inevitable fortune which has 
come upon him, nor because he has had to suffer from 
irremediable and intolerable shame, . . . should be cast naked ; 
out of the city, and all the magistrates on behalf of the 
whole city shall carry stones, and each of them shall cast a ; 
stone upon the head of the dead man, . . . and after that they < 
shall bear him to the borders of the land and throw him out 

1. 37. of fyer, i. e. of being cremated. 

P. 101, 1. i. xvni. yeres. This is the age prescribed by ; 
Aristotle, Politics, vii. 16 ; but he thinks the proper age for : 
a man to be thirty-seven or thereabouts. 

1. 3. bodely. Ed. 2 actually. 

1. 5. whether = whichever, which one (of two). Cf. ! 
Whether of them twaine did the will of his father ? (Matt, j 
xxi. 31, A.V.). 

1. 21. sheweth the woman. No doubt suggested by 1 
the custom sanctioned by Lycurgus. See Plutarch s Life of . 
Lycurgus, ch. xiv. Cf. Bacon who refers to this passage, 
New Atlantis (ed. Bohn, p. 291). 

1. 22. wower = wooer. 

1. 24. disalowed it = disapproved of it. Cf. Though < 
they ... do take liberty to ... use . . . sports and exercises 
upon the Lord s Day, yet most of their ministers disallow it 
(Ray, Journ. 436). 

1. 28. in hassarde, at stake. Cf. My reputation, and 
my worship had beene in hazard (Fleming,Pano^Z. Epist. 260 ). 

1. 36. esteme, i. e. value, estimate her worth. Lat. 


P. 102, 1. 2. myslyke, i. e. disgust, offend. Cf. Bellaria 

. . oftentimes comming berselfe ... to see that nothing 

should be amis to mislike him, Greene, Pandosto (1581). For 

a commentary on what More says here see Milton, Doctrine 

and Discipline of Divorce, ch. iii. 

1. 13. well a worthe, alas! See Glossarial Index; 
and cf. wellaway, which occurs in Chaucer and in Piers 
Plowman in this sense. 

1. 29. a greate poynte of crueltie. Swift, with charac 
teristic cynicism, reverses this, and makes old age a ground 
ipso facto for divorce (Gulliver s Travels, part III. ch. x). 
The thought, as Dr. Lupton points out, is from Terence, 
Phonnio, iv. I CH. Pol me detinuit morbus. DE. Unde ? 
aut qui ? CH. Rogas ? Senectus ipsast morbus. 

1. 33. withall. This is another form of with, not 
infrequently used when with ended a sentence. Cf. 
These banished men that I have kept withal (Shake 
speare, T. G. of Verona, v. 4. 152). 

1. 34. man and the woman cannot well agree. Here 
More is again as paradoxical from the orthodox point of view 
as he was in his defence of suicide, but Milton agrees with 
him, seriously contending that indisposition, unfitness and 
contrariety of mind arising from a cause in nature unchange 
able, hindering, and ever likely to hinder, the main benefits 
of conjugal society, which are solace and peace, is suffi 
cient cause for divorce provided there be "mutual consent" 
(Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce, ch. i). 

P. 103, l.i I. auoutrers, i.e. adulterers. 0. Fr. avouttre. 
Cf. God wyll condempne advouterers and whorekepers (Bale, 
Yet a Curse at the Romyshe Foxe, fol. 70 c). 

1. 12. luste, like, wish. 

1. 22. eftsones : eft = a second time, again, + soon. 
Thus it means lit. soon afterwards, or simply soon. Cf. 
If he do not accomplishe the order ... to be eftsones taken 
and whipped (Act 22 Hen. VIII, c. 12). 

1. 28. husbandes chastice, &c. The old Common Law 
of England allowed the husband to give his wife moderate 
correction, says Dibdin. The Civil Law gave him the right 
to castigate her severely with whips and cudgels ( flagellis 
et fustibus acriter verberare uxorem ). See Dibdin s Note, 
and Blackstone s Commentaries (vol. i. p. 44, edit. 1787). 

1.30. open punyshemente, i.e. public punishment. 
Cf. If Demetrius . . . have a matter against any man, the 
law is open (Acts xix. 38). 


1. 31. maketh for, i. e. is for the advantage of, favours, 
tends to. Cf. Ben Jonson, Epicoene. v. i Not that 
I neglect those things that make for the dignity of the 
commonwealth. 1 

1. 32. But moste commenlye. Perhaps suggested by 
the policy of Anysis in Herodotus (ii. 137), who, when an 
Egyptian committed any crime, would not have him put 
to death, but employed such criminals on public works-, 
apportioning their labour and the time of it to the magni 
tude of their offences. 

P. 104, 1. 1. feare other, i. e. frighten others. Lat. has deter 
rent, which is stronger than the English word derived from it. 
For the active use of fear, cf. Shall it not feare us from 
so foule a custome? (Babington, Commandm. 135). Also, 
Warwicke was a Bugge that fear d us all (Shakespeare, 
3 Hen. VI, v. 2. 2). 

1. 4. desperate. First ed. reads desperace. 

1. 14. moueth to = attempts. 

1. 17. pretensed = pretended, i. e. intended or designed. 
Lat. praetensus, p. p. of praetendo. Cf. Matt. v. 28 ; and 
Juvenal, xiii. 208-9 Nam scelus intra se taciturn qui 
cogitat ullum Facti crimen habet. 

1. 19. too haue no lette, i. e. to have no hindrance, 
to be successful. 

1. 21. sette greate store by fooles. Plutarch tells us 
that Lycurgus dedicated a little statue to the god of laughter 
in each hall, as he considered facetiousness a seasoning of 
their hard exercises and diet, and therefore ordered it to 
take place on all proper occasions (Life of Lycurgus, 
Langhorne s version, ed. 1846, p. 61). Gregorius Lainp- 
rechter, Chancellor of Wirtemberg, and afterwards of 
Charles V s council, used to say that every prince should 
have two fools, one whom he might tease, and the other 
who might tease him, einen den er vexirt, den andern der 
ihn vexirt (Flogel, Geschichte der Hofnarren, p. 7). Rabe 
lais set the same store by them ; see Pantagruel, bk. iii. 
ch. xxxvii. More s fool, Henry Pattinson, is introduced into 
Holbein s well-known sketch of More s family. 

1. 27. tuition. Here simply care, the original meaning 
of the word. Cf. Paston Letters, i. 103 The . . . tuycyon of 
your seid realme of Fraunche. 

1. 34. dishonestie, i. e. dishonour or dishonourable 
conduct. Also cf. Shame, that eschueth alle deshonestee 
(Chaucer, Persones Tale, 759). 


i. 36. imbrayde, or embrayde = upbraid. M. E. up- 
Irciden, A. S. up-bregdan, to attack, accuse, &c., cognate with 
braid, to weave. Elyot, Gov. 16, has He was of his enimies 
embrayded, and called a schoole master. 

P. 105, 1.2. payntinges, i.e. painting the complexion 
with rouge. In all ages men have objected to this practice, 
as in all ages it has been practised by women. See Strutt s 
Manners and Customs, vol. iii. p. 103, and for much curious 
information Dibdin s Note, More, pp. 318-19, ed. Boston, 1878. 

1. 6. honest conditions, honourable behaviour, re 
spectful deference. Lat. morum probitas et reuerentia. 

1. 7. loue is oftentimes wonne. So Crabbe of his 
Phoebe Dawson, Admirers soon of every age she gained, 
Her beauty won them and her worth retained. Par. 
Reg. ii. 

1. 17. may sturre and prouoke. Lat. has calcar et 
incitarnentum sit, i. e. may be a spur and an incitement. 
This was also suggested by a regulation of Lycurgus; see 
Plutarch, Instituta Laconica, xviii. 

1. 22. hawte or ferefull = haughty or terrifying. 

1. 23. vse themselfes, i. e. show, behave themselves. 
Lat. has exkibent, where there is an ellipse of se. 

1. 27. cappe of maintenaunce. The cap of mainten 
ance, also called cap of dignity, is a cap of crimson velvet 
lined with ermine with two points turned to the back. 
Originally worn by dukes only, it is carried in the hand 
before the sovereigns of Great Britain on the occasion of 
their coronation, whence in all probability its name. In 
the Latin text, diadema serves for all three head-dresses. 

I. 31. Thei haue but few lawes. Tacitus remarks 
that it is in the corruptest states that there are most laws: 
Corruptissima republica plurimae leges (Annals, iii. 27) ; 
while he observes of Germany plus ibi boni mores valent 
quam alibi bonae leges (Ger mania, xix). 

II. 31-2. instructe and institute, i.e. instructed and 
trained. The original has institutis only. 

1. 38. blinder and darker. Lat. has obscuriores, more 

P. 106, 1. 2. proctours and sergeauntes at the lawe. 
With the contempt which More here shows for lawyers and 
the technicalities of their profession compare the equally 
contemptuous expressions of Cicero, Pro Murena, xi and xii, 
and Rabelais, Pantagruel, bk. iii, ch. xxxix-xliv, and bk. v. 
xiv-xvi. See, too, Swift, whose contempt for lawyers equalled 


his contempt for soldiers, Gulliver s Travels, pt. ii. ch. vi 
(Scott s ed. vol. xii. p. 168). A proctor (Lat. procurator, one 
who acts for another) was a person who performed the 
duties of an attorney or solicitor in the Ecclesiastical and 
Admiralty Courts in England. Proctors were formerly 
a distinct body from solicitors, but the office is now merged 
in the latter class, any solicitor being allowed to practise in 
these Courts since 1877, at which time jurisdiction had 
already been taken from the clergy, and the Admiralty 
Court included in the Probate, Divorce, and Admiralty 
Division of the High Court of Justice. The serjeant-at-law 
was formerly the highest degree of barrister, ranking next 
to the judge, and could only be appointed after sixteen 
years standing. Moreover, he had exclusive audience in 
the Court of Common Pleas. He was appointed by a writ 
or patent of the crown. This distinction was entirely 
honorary, merely giving precedence over ordinary barristers. 
The order is now practically extinct, for, since 1868, no 
person except a Judge-Designate has taken the degree, 
though it has never been formally abolished. The Lat. has 
simply causidici, advocates, for both these titles. 

1. 8. lesse circumstaunce of wordes, i. e. circumlocu 
tion, Lat. minus ambagum. 

1. 13. circumuertions, perversions. Lat. calumnias. 

chyldren, i. e. people. As often in the Bible. 
Cf. Ps. cxliv. 7 And deliver me . . . from the hand of 
strange children. Also I Pet. i. 14 As obedient children, 
not fashioning yourselves according to the former lusts in 
your ignorance. So passim, the children of Israel. 

1. 25. grosse, i. e. the obvious, general. The original 
has crassa. 

1. 30. blynde an interpretacion. For an excellent 
commentary on this see Cicero, pro Murena, xi, xii. 

P. 107, 1. 18. affection, i.e. bias, feeling, prejudice. Cf. 
Harrison, Exhort, to Scottes, 227 Weigh the querell indiffer 
ently and without affection. 

auryce = avarice. 

take place, i. e. have a place. 

1. 19. breake, i. e. break down. 

1. 27. neuer . . . none. Another instance of a double 
negative for emphasis. 

1. 35. here in Europa. For what follows see the 
General Introduction. The bitter irony of this passage will 
be obvious. The direct references seem to be to the shame- 


ful treachery of the French and of Ferdinand against 
Frederick of Naples when Ferdinand joined with Louis XII 
in the Treaty of Grenada to portion out Naples between 
them in 1500 ; to the treachery of Julius II when in 1510 he 
deserted his allies the French, and formed a league with the 
Swiss, the Venetians, the Emperor and the Kings of Spain 
and England to expel the French from Italy ; and to the 
circumstances which in 1514 broke up the Holy League. 
See Erasmus s commentaries on the Adagia Simulatio et 
Dissimulatio and Imperitia. 

P. 108, 1. I. through the reuerence, &c. The second 
edition reads at the reuerence and motion of the head 
byshoppes. The Latin reads summorum reverentia metu- 
que pontificum. Robynson afterwards apparently read 

1. 7. thynke well, i. e. rightly think. 

1. lo. faythfull, holding the faith, i. e. Christianity. 

1. 12. lyne equinoctiall, the equator. 

1. 1 6. some cauillation founde in the woordes, i. e. 
some legal quibble as to the meaning of the words. To cavil, 
Lat. cavillari, is properly to mock or jest, hence to raise 
frivolous objections. For the substantive N. E. D. quotes 
Lydgate, Pylgr. Sowle, iv. xxix Yf lawes be keped stably 
withoute ony cauyllacions. 

1. 27. a shamefull death. Lat. has furca, the cross, 
i. e. crucifixion, this being the most ignominious death 
amongst the Romans. 

euen verye they, i. e. even these very men. Lat. hi 

1.31. aualeth it self, i.e. lowers itself. The word 
is directly from O.F. avaler, to descend, from the Lat. ad 
vallem, to the valley (speaking of rivers flowing down). Cf. 
Phoebus gan availl His weary waine. Spenser, Sheph. 
Cal., Jan. 73. The root is also found in avalanche. 

1- 34- i>y lowe = below. This was altered in the second 
edition to lowe by the = near. The Lat. has humirepa for 
the whole phrase. 

1. 36. because it shall not run at rouers, i. e. that 
it may not run wild. The Lat. has neve usquam septa tran- 
silire queat =that it may nowhere be able to leap over the 
bounds. To shoot at rovers is a term of archery meaning 
to shoot an arrow at random and not at any particular 
object or target. Cf. Drayton, Polyolbion, xxvi With broad 
arrow or prick, or roving shaft, At marks full fortie score 


they used to prick or sore, and South s Sermons, Providence 
never shoots at rovers 

P. 109, 1. 4. so euyll kepers of, i. e. who so loosely 

I. 9. was verye euel begonne, i. e. it was a bad thing 
ever to have commenced them. 

II. 9-10. this causeth men. A reference to the ill- 
feeling between England and Scotland, particularly from 
the time when James IV allied himself with France to the 
results of the Battle of Flodden Field. 



Dislike of the Utopians to war, and their method of 
conducting it. Their chief aim to minimize bloodshed. 
Preference of stratagem to force. Immoral intrigues and 
practices to which they resort. Employment of mercenaries 
and the character of those mercenaries. How their battles 
are conducted and their camps fortified. Cost of -the war 
imposed on the conquered. 

With this chapter should be compared Erasmus s Pacts 
Querela and his commentary on Dulce bellum inexpertis, 
Adagia, chil. iv. cent. iv. prov. I. More s opinions on this 
subject were identical with those of his friends Erasmus and 
Colet, but they were shared also by the Anabaptists and 
afterwards by the Quakers. 

P. 119, 1. i. beastelye, i. e. fit for beasts. Lat. rem 
plane beluinam. 

1. 6. glory gotten in warre. With More s abhorrence 
and contempt for war should be compared Swift s Gulliver s 
Travels, the remarks of the King of Brobdingnag, part ii. 
ch. vii. The Anabaptists and Quakers have always held the 
same view. In modern poetry it is a distinct note. Cf. 
Browning s Love among the Ruins ; Tennyson s Loclcsley Hall 
Whittier s Poems passim ; and Longfellow, In the Arsenal at 
Springfield : 

The warrior s name should be a name abhorred, 
And every nation that should lift again 
Its hand against a brother, on its forehead 
Should bear for ever more the curse of Cain. 


1. II. to seke in the feat of armes, i.e. unaccus 
tomed to the use of arms. To be to seke = to be wanting 
in. Cf. Does he not also leave us wholly to seek in the art 
of political wagering ? Swift, Tale of a Tub, v. 

1. 12. goo to battayle. So Ed. 2; Ed. i inserts to 
before goo. , 

1. 19. not euer, i. e. not always. 

I. 24. probable, i. e. able to be substantiated, a just one, 
exactly in the Latin sense. Cf. Milton, Civil Power in Eccles. 
Causes, He who maintains tradition not probable by Scrip 
ture ; and Jeremy Taylor, Holy Living, iv. 5 a probable 

the contrarye parte, i. e. the other side. 

II. 29, 30. much more mortally, i. e. with much more 
rancour. Lat. multo infestius. 

1. 30. frindes marchauntes, i. e. the merchants with 
whom their friends do business. 

P. Ill, 1. 4. iNephelogetes. A very appropriate Utopian 
name, the people of Cloudland. Ne^Xo-yerni, a word coined 
by More and no doubt suggested by the Homeric vf<f>e\r]y(p(Ta, 
which has of course quite a different meaning. From Gk. 

Alaopolitanes. The inhabitants of the City of 
Blind men. From Gk. dAaor, blind, and noXis, a city. 

1. 13. shrewedely = severely. Cf. The air bites 
shrewdly; it is very cold, Shakespeare, Hamlet, i. 4. i. 
Also, I knew one shrewdly gor d by a Bull, Dampier, 
Voyages, II. ii. 99. 

1. 25. wiped, i. e. defrauded, cheated. Cf. We are but 
quit ; you fool us of our moneys, In every cause, in every 
quiddit wipe us. Fletcher, Spanish Curate, iv. 5. The 
expression is more common in Greek and Latin than in 
English. Cf. Greek cmopvaro-fiv and Lat. emungere. beside 
= out of. Cf. That no God was able to put him besides his 
Kingdom. Ussher, Ann. v. 88. N. E.D. quotes Fox, Acts and 
Mon. ii. 384 He put the new Pope Alexander beside the 
cushion, and was made pope himself. 

1. 27. occupieng. See Glossary. 

1. 32. frindes marchaunte men. Those who are 
trading with their friends. The Lat. is amicorum nego- 

1. 33. leise = lose. There are four variants of the 
spelling of this word by Robynson. 

P. 112, 11. 3, 4. nother in his liffe, nother in his liuinge, 


i. e. there is no loss of life nor livelihood. Lat. out vita out 

1. 19. sett vp a pyller. With this cf. Plutarch, Insti- 
tuta Laconica, xxv : Whenever a victory war gained through 
a well-contrived stratagem, and thereby -with little loss 
of men and blood, they always sacrificed an ox to Mars : but 
when the success was purely owing to their valour and 
prowess, they only offered up a cock to him ; it being in 
their estimation more honourable for their generals and 
commanders to overcome their enemies by policy and 
subtlety than by mere strength and courage (Goodwin s 
paraphrase of Plutarch s Morals, vol. i. pp. 94-5. 

1. 22. cracke, i. e. brag. Crack is primarily to make 
a sharp noise ; hence, to utter or tell in a loud voice. We 
still use the word in crack a joke. Then, as here, to talk 
big, boast. Cf. Thou art always cracking and boasting. 
Addison, Drummer, I. i. when. Lat. quoties, how often. 

1. 26. puisance. Ed. i reads pusyaunce. 

1. 34. moued battayle, i. e. made war. 

1. 37. aferde, i. e. afeard, afraid. Cf. Fye, my Lord, fie ! 
A Souldier and affear d. Shakespeare, Macbeth, v. i. 41. 

P. 113, 1. i. sette forewarde, i. e. further the interest 
of, help on. Cf. Prayer Book, In the Ember Weeks, that 
. . . they may set forth thy glory, and set forward the salva 
tion of all men. 

I. 5. denounced, i. e. proclaimed. Lat. indicto hello. 

II. 5, 6. manye proclamations. The whole of this 
passage with all that follows is an exact account of the 
intrigues of Henry VIII and his minister Lord Dacre against 
Scotland. See Brewer, Letters and State Papers, vol. ii. pt. i. 
Introduction, p. cclxix. It may be added that this would 
be brought home to More, as the correspondence passed 
through Tunstal s hands when minister in the Netherlands. 

I. 19. takinge their partes, i. e. if they will join them. 

II. 22-3. they haue, i. e. their enemies, the reading of 
the second edition. 

1. 29. So that, &c. There is no consequence here. 
The original is Tarn facile quodvis in facinus impellunt 
munera, so easily do gifts drive men to any kind of deed. 

1. 30. enforce, i. e. force, impel. Cf. My serving you 
. . . Enforced this to come to pas (Tusser, Husbandry 
(1878), 5). 

1. 31. they kepe no measure, i. e. they fix no limits. 

1. 33. endeuoure themselfes, reflexive. See Glossary. 


P. 114, 1. 4. amonge other people ya dyeallowed, i. e. 

is not permitted by other people. Lat. apud alios impro- 

11. 6-7, 36. as who = as those who. 

I. 14. basse = lower. 

II. 20-1. occa^yons of debate and dyssentyon. The 
best commentary on this will be an extract from Lord 
Dacre s dispatch to the Lords of the Council dated August I, 
1515 : Received their letter . . . directing him as of himself 
to practise with the Lord Chamberlain and other lords of 
Scotland to induce the sending of an embassy for peace, to 
foment quarrels between Albany and Angus, and between 
Albany and the Chamberlain, so as to drive the Duke out of 
Scotland (Brewer, Letters 4 State Papers, vol. i. pt. ii. p. 205). 

1. 33. intyerlye = entirely, i. e. singularly. The Lat. 
original is unice. 

P. 115, 1. 5. of = from. Lat. ex. 

Zapoletea. The people intended are the Swiss, 
and the word, as Dr. Lupton has pointed out, is plainly 
coined by More from the Greek, and means ready sellers 
(of themselves), or readily sold. Zairca\f)Tai. or Zana>\f)Toi 
from Za-, the intensive, and TrcoXetV, to sell. More s character 
of the Swiss is amply corroborated by their conduct in the 
Italian wars. They first fought against their own country 
men on the side of Ludovico Sforza, when they simply sold 
themselves to the highest bidders. In 1500 they deserted 
Sforza and went over to the French. In 1513, entering the 
service of Leo X, they defeated the French at the battle 
of Novara. More gives them this prominence because, at 
the very time he was writing, Henry, through Pace, was 
bargaining for their assistance in the war against France, 
they being willing to assist him with 2o,cco men at 40,000 
florins a month (Brewer, Letters and State Papers, vol. ii. 
pt. i. p. 264). 

1. 7. hydeous. The Lat. is horridus, and probably 
simply means rough. 

I. 10. abide, i. e. endure. Cf. He could not abide an 
ass (De Foe, Hist. Apparitions, Works, xv. 370). The word 
in this sense is extremely rare in an affirmative sentence as 
we have it in the text, being almost invariably used with 
a negative or quasi-negative, e. g. I cannot abide, He could 
scarcely abide, &c. 

II. 10, ii. abhorrynge from, i.e. shrinking from, Lat. 
abhorrere. Cf. Fynes Moryson, I. 3. i. 208 Most part of 


the Mariners are Greekes, the Italians abhorring from being 
sea men. 

1. 15. breede = breeding. 

1. 25. whomewyth they be in wayges, i. e. from whom 
they receive pay. 

1. 31. lytle more moneye. For the greed of the Swiss, 
cf. Pace s letter to Burbank (Brewer, Letters and Papers of 
Henry VIII, Preface, Iviii) : The Swiss be unreasonable in 
asking money, and remedy there is none, " quia talis est 
illorum barbaries ut pecuniam petitam neganti mortem 

1. 32. there awaye, i. e. in those parts, an interpolation 
of Robynson s. 

1. 34. nye = nigh, i. e. near in relationship. 

1. 37. separate = separated, Lat. distmcti. 
P. 116, 1. 7. taken, a smacke in, i. e. acquired a taste for. 

1. 1 6. abuse, use ill. 

1. 20. on liue >= alive, the reading of Ed. 2. 

1.31. ioyne to = join-to, i.e. add. Lat. suos ciues 

I. 33. conductyon, i.e. leadership, command. Cf. 
Holinshed, Chron. ii. 221 English horsemen under the 
conduction of the lord William Evers. 

II. 37-8. by inherytaunee. The Lacedaemonian cus 
tom. Thucyd. iv. 38 (Lupton). 

1.38. miscarry = fail, or be incapacitated. The original 
is ex euentu. Cf. Two ill-looking Ones, that I thought 
did plot how to make me miscarry in my journey (Bunyan, 
Pilg. Prog. i. 256). 

P. 117, 1. 10. be. Ed. I misprints by. 

1. 13. so that = provided only that. 

1. 14. dyspose them, i.e. set them out. 

I. 15. maye not flye. The original is non sit refugi- 
endi locus, there may be no occasion for flight. 

II. 16, 17. what for . . . what for, see supra, 49, 19. 

11. 22-3. women . . . accompanye their husbandes. 
Suggested no doubt either by Plato, Republic, v. p. 457 : 
Then let the wives of our guardians strip, having virtue 
for their robe, and share in the spoils of war and the 
defence of their country (Jowett s translation), or by 
Tacitus, German, xviii ne se rnulier extra virtutum cogita- 
tiones extraque bellorum casus putet, ipsis incipientis matri- 
monii auspiciis admonetur venire se laborum periculorumque 
sociam, idem in pace, idem in praelio passuram auswrawque. 


1. 26. sett fylde, i. e. line of battle, battle array ; Lat. 
in acie. 

1. 29. alliaunce, i. e. kindred, Lat. cognati. Cf. There 
fore let our Alliance be combin d (Shakespeare, Jul. Caes. 
iv. i. 43). 

P. 118, 1. 7. bronte = shock, onslaught. See Glossary. 

1. 10. gyue backe, i.e. retreat. Cf. So they (Fiends) 
gave back and came no further (Bunyan, Pilg. Prog. i. 
p. 108). 

1. 14. pensifenes = M. E. pensifnesse, gloomy thought. 

1. 17. knowledge in cheualrye, i.e. practical know 
ledge of military discipline. Lat. militaris disciplinae 

1. 1 8. putteth them in a good hope, i.e. gives them 

1. 28. honestie = honour, exactly the Latin honestas. 

1. 31. bende = band, modification of band. bende is 
rare in this sense, from F. bande, Low Lat. banda, a gang, 
after 1600 (N. E. D.). 

1. 34. inuade = attack. 

P. 119, 1. 10. rerewarde, i.e. the rear guard. Rere is 
short for M. E. arere, behind. Warde is an 0. F. form 
of garde. Cf. The God of Israel will be your rereward 
(Isa. Hi. 12). 

1. 24. spyte of there tethes = in spite of their teeth, 
their direct opposition ; i. e. despite all resistance. The 

ghrase in the teeth means in direct opposition to. The 
ent. Diet, quotes Urquhart s Rabelais, i. 49 They met 
Picrochole in the teeth ; and Shakespeare, C. of E. ii. 2. 22 
Dost thou geer and flout me in the teeth ? 

1- 37- pollicie, i. e. stratagem. Lat. stratagemate. 

1. 38. softely = quietly. Lat. sensim. 
P. 12O, 1. 8. in harneis, i. e. under arms. The Lat. is in 
armis, and cf. the same phrase in 1. 18, armati. M. E. 
harness, 0. F. harneis. Cf. Ital. amese it properly means 
tackle, gear. It was afterwards applied to armour and 
particularly to a coat of mail, and in Elizabethan English 
is commonly so used. So Shakespeare, Macbeth, v. 5. 52 
At least we ll die with harness on our back. 

1. 9. auentures, i. e. events, surprises. 

1. 19. afarre of, i. e. for long-distance fighting. 

1. 22. mortall, i. e. death-dealing, deadly. Lat. letales. 

1. 23. foynes, i.e. thrusts made with the point of the 
weapon thrust forward, as distinct from the strokes made 


with the edge of the weapon. Usually derived from 0. F. 
foine, a three-pronged fish-spear. Lai. fuscina. 

I. 30. handsome = handy, easy to manipulate. Cf. 
Neither were the barbarous huge targets, and long spikes 
BO handsome among trees and low shrubs as darts and swords. 
Grenewey, Tacitus 8 Ann. ii. 4. 37. 

P. 121, 1. 3. espiall, i. e. a spy. This is an obsolete meaning 
of the word, which now means the action of espying. 
For the former meaning cf. Holinshed, Chron, i. 174 His 
(Harold s) vnskilfull espials took the Normans for priests. 

II. 1 8, 19. laye it vpon theire neckes that be con 
quered, i. e. put it down to the conquered. The Lat. has 
simply victis imputant. 

11. 26-7. vii. hundreth thousand ducates. This is 
probably the gold ducat, which was worth 95. 4^., and was 
current in Holland, Sweden, Austria, and Russia, and not 
the Italian or silver coin worth about 33. 6d. The total 
amount would therefore be about 326,500. 



Of the various forms of religion in Utopia. Readiness 
with which many of the Utopians embraced Christianity. 
Their remarkable tolerance, and dislike of intolerance, in 
culcated by King Utopus ; his reasons for such indulgence ; 
his two restrictions on liberty of thought, and why they were 
imposed. Utopian belief in the immortality of the souls of 
brutes. Burial of the dead, and how it is conducted. Belief 
in the presence among the living of the souls of the dead ; 
contempt for soothsaying and divination. Importance 
attached to the study of natural history, to manual labour, 
and to good exercises as a preparation for an after-life. 
Devout citizens divided into two sects ; tenets and practices 
of these sects. The Utopian priests ; their characteristic 
functions. Festivals of Churches and religious services in 
Utopia. Concluding reflections of Hythlodaye and More on 
the application of Utopian theories and practices to con 
temporary life. 

P. 123, 1. 5. Some worshyp. In this account of the 
forms of religion current in Utopia, More simply specifies 
the forms which religion has actually assumed among man 
kind, possibly drawing on the first book of Cicero s De Natura 


Deorum and the first book of Lactantius, De Falsa Eeligione, 
where those forms are enumerated. Cf. also Tacitus, 
Germania, ix. 

11. 5, 6. the sunne . . . the mone. Cf. Cicero, De Nat. 
Deorum, I. ii. 27 Crotoniates Alcmaeon, qui soli et lunae 
reliquisque sideribus . . . divinitatem dedit. It was the 
religion of the primitive Germans (see Caesar, De Bella Gall. 
vi. 10) and of many other barbarous peoples. 

1. 7. to a man. As Gaudama the Buddha, Confucius, 
Zoroaster (Lupton). 

1. 10. the moste. This pantheistic conception of 
Deity reminds us of the accounts given of the Pythagorean 
creed (Lactantius, De Falsa Religione (ed. 1685), i. p. ll) and 
of that of Zeno (Diogenes Laertius, Vita Zenonis, Ix. 2) ; it 
is also the conception of Deity formulated by Cicero and 
constituting apparently his own creed. See Tusculanae 
Quaestiones, lib. i. 26. 66. 

1. 1 8. Nether they, i.e. nor do they. 

1. 25. Mythra. Mithras was the Persian Sun-God. See 
Strabo, xv. p. 732 (Casaub.) The Persians . . . worship the 
sun, whom they call Mithras. As the Utopian language 
was not unlike the Persian tongue, it is not unpatural that 
they should worship the same God. The worship of Mithra 
was attended with elaborate ritual observances and cere 
monial mysteries, and spread far and wide, being also prac 
tised in Rome under the early Empire, especially in the 
army, for upwards of 300 years. There is proof of the 
presence of Mithraism in Britain, tablets being found in the 
Roman wall at York relating to it. 

P. 124, 1. 8. as he was mynded, i. e. while he was making 
up his mind. Lat. inter mutandae religionis consilia, think 
ing of a change of creed. The reminiscence here of St. 
Augustine s De Civitate Dei is unmistakable. That work 
was written to refute the popular opinion that the fall of 
Rome had been the result of the wrath of the Pagan deities 
at the neglect of their worship through the substitution of 
Christianity for Paganism. 

1. 1 2. reuenge, i. e. exact retribution for. Lat. vindicante. 

1. 22. next vnto, i. e. nearest to ; the second edition 
reads nieghest. That opinion is explained by what follows, 
namely, that Christ approved of communism. 

1. 26. Christ instytuted. The original merely says 
Christo placuisse, = that Christ approved. 

1. 28. Tightest Christian companies. The marginal 


note in the Latin, coenobia, seems to show that More meant 

1. 32. amonge vs foure. Originally Hythlodaye had 
five companions. Cf. Book I, and General Introduction. 
Note the touch of realism. 

1. 35. entered, i. e. initiated, Lat. initiati. Cf. Ellwood, 
Autobiography, 202 He asked me if I would enter his Chil 
dren in the Rudiments of the Latin Tongue ; and Shake 
speare, Cor. i. 2. 2 They of Rome are entredin our Counsailes. 

I. 37. minister, i. e. administer, confer. Cf. Christ 
hath commanded prayers to be made, sacraments to be 
ministered, his Church to be carefully taught and guided 
(Hooker, Eccles. Pol. III. ii). 

P. 125, 1. 5. mynded to chuse one. It was this passage 
which suggested and gave point to what More relates in hi 
letter to Peter Giles, namely, that a certain godly man was 
anxious to go out as a missionary to Utopia, hoping to be 
made bishop. (See Appendix.) 

II. 9, 10. one of cure companye, i. e. of those who had 
been converted. 

1. 12. with more earnest affection then wisdome, 
i. e. with greater zeal than prudence. 

1. 21. not as a despyser, &c. This conception of 
religion purely in its political aspect is very remarkable in 
a man tempered like More. (See Introduction.) For the 
sentiment cf. Dryden, Beligio Laid, 447-50: 

. . . Private reason tis more just to curb 
Than by disputes the public peace disturb ; 
For points obscure are of small use to learn, 
But common quiet is mankind s concern. 

1. 31. seuerall partes, i.e. different sides. As the 
country was thus split up by these religious factions Utopus 
found little difficulty in conquering it. 

P. 126, 1. 20. trewe. For the discrepancy of what is here 
inculcated with More s measures against the Protestants, see 

1. 24. trewthe of the owne powre. The original has 
ipsa per se ueri uis, the mere force of truth by itself. 

P. 127, 1. 7. aualed, i. e. lowered, degraded, see Glossary. 
With the sentiment cf. Bacon s Essay on Atheism : They 
that deny a God destroy man s nobility ... as Atheism is in 
all respects hateful, so in this, that it depriveth human 
nature of the means to exalt itself above human frailty. 


11. 8, 9. muche lease in the numbre of their oitizieng, 
i. e. be is not even counted in the number of men, much less 
as one of their citizens. 

1. 13. breake, the commen lawes. For this idea that 
a man who is an atheist will have no regard for the law or 
for morality, cf. the freethinker Collins s reply, when he 
was asked why he was careful to make his servants go to 
Church : I do it that they may neither rob nor murder me ; 
and Tillotson s sermon on the Advantages of Roligion to 
Societies (Works, vol. iii. 43 seqg.}, both quoted in Pattison s 
Tendencies of Religious lliouyTit in England, 1688-1750, 
reprinted from Essays and Reviews in Pattison s Essays, 
Oxford, 1899, vol. ii. 

I. 1 7. reiecte, i. e. rejected. 

II. 1 8, 19. of all sortp, i.e. by all classes; sort is 
commonly used in old English for a number of persons, and 
for a particular class. 

1. 21. punyshemente. This of course refers to physical 
punishment. The original has supplicium. 

1. 22. beleue. The original has sentiat, i. e. be of such 

1.28. dispute in his opinion, i.e. discuss his opinion. 

and that onlye. The omission of these three words 
and the comma makes the meaning clear. 

1. 29. elles a parte, i. e. otherwise. Lat. alioquin. 

1. 37. liuinge. Ed. I misprints gliuine. 
P. 128, 1. 4. all they, i. e. they all. 

1. 5. blesse, i. e. bliss. This spelling is very rare, though 
blisse is common. It occurs, however, in Walkington, 
Opt. Glass, 65 The soul is ... wrapt up into an Elysium 
and paradise of blesse. 

1. 8. carfully, i. e. full of care, anxiously and reluctantly. 

1. II. forefeilyng = fore-feeling, presentiment. 

1. 22. merely = merrily, cheerfully. 

1. 24. ioyfull synging. Suggested perhaps by what 
Herodotus says (Hist. v. 4) of the Traugi : rbv 6 aTroyivonevov 
nni^ovrty re Kal f]86/j.(voi yfj Kpvmovtri, iv&.syOVTtS uamv KUKUV 
e^anaXXax^fis fan fv rrdcrr) (v5nifj.ovir] ( One that dies they 
bury in the earth, making merry and rejoicing, recounting 
the many evils from which being released he is now in per 
fect bliss ) ; or possibly Euripides ( Fragments of the Cresphon- 
tes), where he says that, considering the evils of life, we 
ought rather to mourn those who enter life, TOV 8 av Qavovra 


( but him who is dead and hath ceased from his labours we 
ought with rejoicings and congratulations to escort from his 
home to the grave ). Cf. too Sir Thomas Browne, Eeligio 
Medici, part i. sect, xliv: The first day of our jubilee is 
death ; the devil hath therefore failed of his desires : we are 
happier with death than we should have been without it. 

1. 33. their vertue, i. e. of the dead. 

1. 38. feoble. This form is recognized in N. E. D. 

inuisible. Ed. I, invisibly. 

P. 129, 1. 6. charytye. Ed. 2 reads amitie. Lat. 

11.9, 10. bepresentlye conuersaunte. i.e. arepersonally 
present among the living. The original is versari, to turn 
oneself about. Hence to turn oneself about much in a place, 
and so frequent. There is no word corresponding to pres- 
entlye in the Latin, but here it probably means in presence, 
actually. See also present conuersacion in 1. 14; Lat. 
credita maiorum praesentia. The beautiful superstition of 
which More here speaks was no doubt suggested by the 
Eoman Lares and Manes. Cf. 11. 13-16, with the sentiment 
of Tennyson, In Memoriam, i. 

I. 17. despise and mocke sothe sayinges, &c. The 
favourite butts of Euripides scorn and contempt. 

II. 21-2. esteame and worshippe miracles. Cf. 
More s confutation of Tyndale, quoted in Tyndale s Works, 
Answer to More s Dialogue (Parker Soc. ed., p. 100) : I 
say that the Catholic Church bringeth miracles for their 
doctrine, as the Apostles did for theirs, in that God ceaseth 
no year to work miracles in his Catholic Church, many and 
wonderful, both for his holy men quick and dead. And see 
chaps, iv-xvii of the First Book of the Dialogue. 

1. 30. the prayse thereof cumminge, i. e. the praise 
given to God which is inspired by the contemplation of 

1. 33. nor . . . no. Double negative for emphasis. No 
is changed to any in ed. 2. 

1. 34. of thinges, i.e. except religion. 

1. 36. exercises, i. e. duties. Lat. qfficia. It is on the 
salutary effect of such exercises as these that Ruskin lays 
so much stress ; see Sesame and Lilies and Fora Clavigera, 

P. 130, 1. 7. lothsumnes = loathsomeness. 

fraye, i. e. frighten. Cf. Instead of fraying they them 
selves did feare (Spenser, F. Q. ii. 12. 40). 


I. 13. seruiseable. Not in our sense of the word use 
ful, but as servants, proffering their services. The Latin 
has sese servos exhibent, behave themselves as slaves. Cf. 
Milton, Ode on the Nativity, 244 And all about the courtly 
stable, Bright-harness d Angels sit, in order serviceable. 

II. 18, 19. flesh . . . beastes. Whilst the former (Lat. 
caro) would mean meat, the latter (Lat. animal) would also 
include birds and fish. 

1. 22. sweatynge, i. e. toiling, labouring. Cf. Cowley, 
Tree of Knowledge, st. 4 Henceforth, said God, the wretched 
Sons of Earth shall sweat for Food in vain. 

1. 27. labour and toyle. Ed. I misprints tiole. 
P. 131, 1. I. worship them. After these words comes 
a sentence in the Latin which Robynson omits to translate : 
Nihil enim sollicitius observant, quam ne temere quicquam 
ulla de religione pronuncient (translated by Burnet, There 
is nothing in which they are more cautious, than in giving 
their Opinion positively concerning any Sort of Religion ). 

I. 3. Buthrescas. From Gk. ftov- (Qovs, an ox), used in 
compounds for something very big, huge, as ftovnais, a big 
boy, @ov\i[, ravenous hunger (cf. our horse in horse- 
chestnut, &c.) ; and 6prja-Kos, religious, devout. So that it 
means extraordinarily religious. 

II. 5, 6. therefore very few. More s dislike of priests 
finds strange illustration in this remark. 

1. 1 8. a(uoyding of strife. The first edition omits every 
thing between a in auoyding and consecrate. 

1. 20. religions, i.e. religious ceremonies and services. 
Cf. Milton, Par. Lost, i. 372 The invisible Glory of him 
that made them to transform Oft to the image of a brute 
adorn d With gay religions full of pomp and gold. 

1. 23. dissolute. Both editions misprint dissolate. 

1. 28. sauynge that the priestes, &c. This is a Latin 
construction, and perhaps not quite clear in the English. 
We should say, except that the priests excommunicate those 
whom they find exceeding vicious livers from having any 
interest in divine matters. 

1. 32. runne in verye great infamy, i. e. incur very 
great disgrace ; a not uncommon use of the word even now, 
as run in debt, or run in danger. 

1. 35. approue, i.e. prove, demonstrate. Cf. Shake 
speare, Cymbeline, v. 5. 245 One thing . . . which must 
approve thee honest. 

P. 132, 1. II. risinge of, i. e. arising from. 


1. 12. women. It is remarkable that in his controversy 
with Tyndale there were no points more emphatically and 
intemperately denounced by More than Tyndale s vindication 
of women as ministers of religion and the contention that 
priests should be allowed to marry. See More s Confutation, 
bk. v, and Tyndale s Answer (Works, Parker Soc. ed., pp. 18, 
29, 30, 98, 176). What More says about women in the text 
was perhaps suggested by Plutarch, Laconica, xxxv. The 
Lacedaemonians did not exclude either sex from their 
temples and religious services, but as they were always bred 
up to the same civil exercises so they were to the same com 
mon performances of their holy mysteries (Plutarch, Morals, 
Goodwin s translation, vol. i. p. 97). Possibly More may 
have been thinking of Phoebe, who is described as a SIUKOVOS 
in Epistle to the Romans, xvi. i. Among the Collyridian 
heretics women were admitted to the priesthood. See Lecky, 
Hist, of European Morals, ii. 365. 

1. 19. common. As before, public. 

1. 22. after so singuler a sort, i.e. in so special a 

1. 37. runne in, &c. Incur, as above. 
P. 133, 1. 3. mean, i. e. average, mediocre. 

1. 4. thies priestes. In this picture of the conduct of 
the priests in Utopia we have another oblique satire on the 
part too often played by Christian priests both in mediaeval 
times and in More s own day. Instead of composing, they 
had too often inflamed war, as Henry the Fifth s bishops had 
done and such a Pope as Julius II. Wolsey had encouraged 
Henry VIII in his invasion of France, and More had just 
seen the Archbishop of St. Andrews and the bishops of 
Caithness and of the Isles abetting James IV in his am 
bitious designs, and falling at his side at the battle of Flodden 

1. 14. in to the mayne battayle, i. e. into the thick of 
the fight. Lat. acies = fighting-line. 

1. 26. reculed, i. e. recoiled. Fr. reculer. 
P. 134, 1. 4. Cynemernes. Lynemernes is the reading 
of the first English editions ; probably a misprint. Dr. Lupton 
expresses his surprise that Robynson should have altered 
Cynemernos into Lynemernos ; but he does not, at least 
in the editions I have consulted. Dr. Lupton s explanation 
(and I have no better one to give) is that the word is meant 
to suggest Kwr)nepiv6s [KVVOS and], " the dog s day of 
the month," strictly the night between the old and the new, 


when food was placed out at the crossways, and the barking 
of the dogs was taken as a sign of the approach of Hecate 
(see Theocritus, Idyll, ii. 35-6). 

Trapemernes. This Dr. Lupton explains as rpan- 
T)p.tpiv6f, the turning or closing day of the month : from 
rptTTtiv and rjpipa, through the adjective fifupuids. 

1. 8. curious. In the Latin sense of careful or 
1 elaborate. 

1. 14. ouer much light. From the earliest times it was 
usual for churches to be brilliantly lighted. More s sugges 
tion that in an ideal church the light should be dim and 
subdued, because such subdued light was conducive to devo 
tion, appears to be original. Possibly the idea may have 
been suggested to him by Euripides Bacchae, 485-6, where 
it is said that in religious rites darkness adds solemnity : 
Penilieus. ra 8" Ipa vvKrap fj p.ed j]p.tpav reXfls , 
Dionysus. VVKT<OP TO. rroXXa artftvorrft f\ft (TKOTOS. 
All readers will recall Milton s Storied windows richly 
dight, Casting a dim religious light (II Penseroso, 159-60). 

1. 23. indifferently, i. e. equally, alike, impartially. So 
till the eighteenth century. Cf. Steele, Toiler, No. 57 
All Mankind are indifferently liable to adverse strokes of 

1. 24. sacrifice. As the Utopians had no sacrifices (see 
p. 136, 1. 4), the Latin (sacrum) would be more correctly 
translated rite. 

P. 135,1. i. yet, i.e. still. 

1. 20. knowe themselfes to beare, &c. The parallel 
between this passage and the Rubric before the Communion 
Service in the Liturgy will be obvious : The same order shall 
the Curate use with those betwixt whom he perceiveth malice 
and hatred to reign ; not suffering them to be partakers 
of the Lord s Table, until he know them to be reconciled. 

1. 26. the men goo, &c. The separation of the sexes 
in the Christian churches, Dr. Lupton observes, is as old as 
the Apostolical Constitutions. 

1. 27. the women in both editions. 

1. 30. goodman. The original has paterfamilias. Good 
wyfe, Lat. materfamilias. Words not yet wholly obsolete. 
Cf. Macaulay s Horatius, st. Ixx : 

When the goodman mends his armour, 
And trims his helmet s plume ; 
And the goodwife s shuttle merrily 
Goes flashing through the loom. 


1. 12. women. It is remarkable that in his controversy 
with Tyndale there were no points more emphatically and 
intemperately denounced by More than Tyndale s vindication 
of women as ministers of religion and the contention that 
priests should be allowed to marry. See More s Confutation, 
bk. v, and Tyndale s Answer (Works, Parker Soc. ed., pp. 18, 
29, 30, 98, 176). What More says about women in the text 
was perhaps suggested by Plutarch, Laconica, xxxv. The 
Lacedaemonians did not exclude either sex from their 
temples and religious services, but as they were always bred 
up to the same civil exercises so they were to the same com 
mon performances of their holy mysteries (Plutarch, Morals, 
Goodwin s translation, vol. i. p. 97). Possibly More may 
have been thinking of Phoebe, who is described as a SH IKOVOS 
in Epistle to the Romans, xvi. i. Among the Collyridian 
heretics women were admitted to the priesthood. See Lecky, 
Hist, of European Morals, ii. 365. 

1. 19. commen. As before, public. 

1. 22. after so singular a sort, i.e. in so special a 

1. 37. rxinne in, &c. Incur, as above. 
P. 133, 1. 3. mean, i. e. average, mediocre. 

1. 4. thies priestes. In this picture of the conduct of 
the priests in Utopia we have another oblique satire on the 
part too often played by Christian priests both in mediaeval 
times and in More s own day. Instead of composing, they 
had too often inflamed war, as Henry the Fifth s bishops had 
done and such a Pope as Julius II. Wolsey had encouraged 
Henry VIII in his invasion of France, and More had just 
seen the Archbishop of St. Andrews and the bishops of 
Caithness and of the Isles abetting James IV in his am 
bitious designs, and falling at his side at the battle of Flodden 

1. 14. in to the mayne battayle, i. e. into the thick of 
the fight. Lat. acies = fighting-line. 

1. 26. reculed, i. e. recoiled. Fr. reculer. 
P. 134, 1. 4. Cynemernes. Lynemernes is the reading 
of the first English editions; probably a misprint. Dr. Lupton 
expresses his surprise that Robynson should have altered 
Cynemernos into Lynemernos ; but he does not, at least 
in the editions I have consulted. Dr. Lupton s explanation 
(and I have no better one to give) is that the word is meant 
to suggest Kwrjutpivos [KW 6s and rj^fpn], " the dog s day of 
the month," strictly the night between the old and the new, 


when food was placed out at the crossways, and the barking 
of the dogs was taken as a sign of the approach of Hecate 
(see Theocritus, Idyll, ii. 35-6). 

Trapemernes. This Dr. Lupton explains as rpair- 
rjfjLfpivos, the turning or closing day of the month : from 
rptneiv and >7M f P a > through the adjective fifupu>6s. 

1. 8. curious. In the Latin sense of careful or 

1. 14. ouer much light. From the earliest times it was 
usual for churches to be brilliantly lighted. More s sugges 
tion that in an ideal church the light should be dim and 
subdued, because such subdued light was conducive to devo 
tion, appears to be original. Possibly the idea may have 
been suggested to him by Euripides Bacchae, 485-6, where 
it is said that in religious rites darkness adds solemnity : 
PentJieus. ra 8" ipa VVKTO>P r) p.e6 ijp.epav reXeij ; 
Dionysus. vvKrop TO. iro\\a (rep.voTr)^ f\fi CTKOTOS. 
All readers will recall Milton s Storied windows richly 
dight, Casting a dim religious light (II Penseroso, 159-60). 

1. 23. indifferently, i. e. equally, alike, impartially. So 
till the eighteenth century. Cf. Steele, Tatler, No. 57 
All Mankind are indifferently liable to adverse strokes of 

1. 24. sacrifice. As the Utopians had no sacrifices (see 
p. 136, 1. 4), the Latin (sacrum) would be more correctly 
translated rite. 

P. 135,1. I. yet, i.e. still. 

1. 20. knowe themselfes to beare, &c. The parallel 
between this passage and the Rubric before the Communion 
Service in the Liturgy will be obvious : The same order shall 
the Curate use with those betwixt whom he perceiveth malice 
and hatred to reign ; not suffering them to be partakers 
of the Lord s Table, until he know them to be reconciled. 

1. 26. the men goo, &c. The separation of the sexes 
in the Christian churches, Dr. Lupton observes, is as old as 
the Apostolical Constitutions. 

1. 27. the -women in both editions. 

1.30. goodman. The original has paterfamilias. Good 
wyfe, Lat. materfamilias. Words not yet wholly obsolete. 
Cf. Macaulay s Horatius, st. Ixx : 

When the goodman mends his armour, 
And trims his helmet s plume ; 
And the goodicife s shuttle merrily 
Goes flashing through the loom. 


P. 140, 1. I. presently, i. e. at the present time. Lat. in 

1. 3. kylleth them vp. up = off. Cf. Shakespeare, 
As You Like It, ii. i. 62 To fright the animals and to kill 
them up, In their assign d and native dwelling-place. 

1. 22. acquyteth, i. e. requiteth. Cf. Gower, Confess. 
Amant. (ed. Macaulay), bk. viii, 11. 2298-9 This wold I 
for my laste word beseche, That thou mi love aquite as 
I deserve. ( 

1. 24. commen lawes. A reference to the Statute of 
Labourers passed in 1495-6, and again in 1514. 

1. 31. by force of a law. The Statute of 1514. 
P. 141, 1. 17. rauine. From O.F. ravine, ralrine (Lat. 
rapind), robbery, rapine, and so plunder. The original sense 
of the word is lost in French, where it now means a violent 
rush of water (N. E. D.). 

brabling, i. e. cavilling or wrangling. The deri 
vation of the word is obscure. Cf. Raleigh, History of the 
World, i. 172 The brabblings of the Aristotelians. 

1. 36. lady money. The Latin is simply beata ilia 
pecunia, translated by Burnet that blessed thing called 
money. Robynson was no doubt thinking of the phrase 
lady Pecunia which became so common afterwards among 
the Elizabethans. See Barnfield s Encomium of Lady 
Pecunia ; and the Queen or Lady Pecunia in Ben 
Jonson s Staple of News. 

1. 37. a goddes name = in God s name. Latin has 
scilicet. Cf. Chaucer, Prol. 854 What, welcome be the cut, 
a Goddes name I 

P. 142, 11. 8, 9. oure sauioure Christe. This association 
of Christ with communism was one of the heresies of the 
Anabaptists, which makes More s insistence on it the more 
remarkable. See Bullinger s Letters (Parker Society ed.), 
vol. ii. 1 8, 21, iv. 18 ; and Hooper s Works (Id.), vol. ii. p. 42. 
It is a heresy condemned in one of the articles, Liturgi/, 
Edw. VI. 536. But see More s repudiation, supra, p. 45 foil. 

1. 13. not that one. Ed. i, No that one. 

1. 14. princesse. The first edition reads prince. 
What More here says of pride he says with equal emphasis 
in his De Quatuor novissimis (English Works, 1577, pp. 82, 
1270, referred to by Dr. Lupton). It is condemned not less 
strongly, and for the same reasons, by his contemporaries, by 
Warner, as Satan s chief instrument for leading men astray, 
see Fair s Select Poetry, p. 379 ; as the headspring of all 


evil by Becon, Works, i. 198 ; as the source of heresies by 
Tyndale, Works, ii. 140. 

1. 1 8. by her good will, i. e. of her own -will. 

1. 23. hell hound. The original has auerni serpens, 
serpent of Avernus. 

1. 28. yet, i. e. at least. Lat. reads saltern. 

1. 29. chaunced to, i. e. fallen to. Lat. contigisse. 

1. 32. wealthely, happily, successfully. Lat. feliciter. 

1. 37. ieopardye of domesticall diasention. Lat. 
1 nihil impendet periculi ne domestico dissidio laboretur, 
i. e. no risk of party strife. 

P. 143, 1. i. well fortefied and strongly defenced 
wealth and riches of many cities. Robynson has once 
more paraphrased the Latin : quae una multarum urbium 
egregie munitas opes pessundedit. For defenced, cf. A.V., 
Jer. i. 18 I have made thee this day a defenced city. 

1. 25. other = others. Lat. quosdam. Cf. P.B. version 
(Coverdale s) of the Psalms, vii. 16 He is fallen himself 
into the destruction that he made for other. 

1. 29. communication, i. e. conversation. See Glossary. 

1. 33. ones = at some future time. 

1. 35. els, Lat. alioquin ; i. e. but for Raphaell s love of 



THOMAS MORE the singular ornamente of this our age, as 
you your self (right honourable Buslide) can witnesse, 
to whome he is perfectly wel knowen, sent vnto me this 
other day the ylande of Vtopia, to very few as yet knowen, 
but most worthy which, as farre excelling Platoes commen 
wealthe, all people shoulde be willinge to know: specially 
of a man most eloquent so finely set furth, so conningly 
painted out, and so euidently subiect to the eye, that as oft 
as I reade it, me thinketh that I see somwhat more, then 
when I heard Raphael Hythloday himselfe (for I was present 
at that talke aswell as master More) vtteryng and pronounc 
ing his owne woordes : yea, though the same man, accordinge 
to his pure eloquence, did so open and declare the matter, that 
he might plainely enough appeare to reporte not thinges, 
which he had learned of others onelye by hearesay, but 
which he had with his own eyes presently sene, and 
throughly vewed, and wherein he had no smal time bene 
conuersant and abiding: a man trulie, in mine opinion, as 
touching the knowledge of regions, peoples, and worldly 
experience, rnuche passinge, yea euen the very famous and 
renowmed trauailer Vlysses: and in dede suche a one, as for 
the space of these viij. c. yeres past I think nature into the 
worlde brought not furth his like : in comparison of whome 
Vespuce maye be thought to haue sene nothing. 


Moreouer, wheras we be wont more effectually and 
pitthely to declare and expresse thinges that we haue sene, 
then whiche we haue but onelye hearde, there was besides 
that in this man a certen peculiar grace, and singular 
dexteritie to discriue and set furth a matter withall. Yet 
the selfe same thinges as ofte as I beholde and consider 
them drawen and painted oute with master Mores pensille, 
I am therwith so moued, so delited, so inflamed, and so rapt, 
that sometime me think I am presently conuersaunt, euen 
in the ylande of Vtopia. And I promise you, lean skante 
beleue that Raphael himselfe by al that flue yeres space 
that he was in Vtopia abiding, saw there somuch, as here 
in master Mores description is to be sene and perceaued. 
Whiche description with so manye wonders and miraculous 
thinges is replenished, that I stande in great doubt wherat 
first and chieflie to muse or marueile : whether at the 
excellencie of his perfect and suer memorie, which could 
welniegh worde by woorde rehearse so manye thinges once 
onely heard : or elles at his singular prudence, who so well 
and wittyly marked and bare away al the originall causes 
and fountaynes (to the vulgare people commenly most 
vnknowen) whereof both yssueth and springeth the mortall 
confusion and vtter decaye of a commen wealth, and also 
the auauncement and wealthy state of the same may riese 
and growe : or elles at the efficacie and pitthe of his 
woordes, which in so fine a latin stile, with suche force of 
eloquence hath couched together and comprised so many 
and diuers matters, speciallie beinge a man continuallie 
enconibred with so manye busye and troublesome cares, 
both publique and priuate, as he is. Howbeit all these 
thinges cause you litle to maruell (righte honourable Buslid) 
for that you are familiarly and throughly acquainted with 
the notable, yea almost diuine witte of the man. 

But nowe to procede to other matters, I suerly know 
nothing nedeful or requisite to be adioyned vnto his 
writinges. Onely a meter of .iiij. verses written in the 
Vtopian tongue, whiche after master Mores departure 
Hythloday by chaunce shewed me, that haue I caused to be 
added thereto, with the Alphabete of the same nation, and 
haue also garnished the margent of the boke with certen 
notes. For, as touchinge the situation of the ylande, that 
is to saye, in what parte of the worlde Vtopia standeth, the 
ignoraunce and lacke whereof not a litle troubleth and 
greueth master More, in dede Raphael left not that vnspoken 


of. Howbeit with verie fewe wordes he lightly touched it, 
incidentlye by the way passing it ouer, as meanyng of 
likelihod to kepe and reserue that to an other place. And 
the same, I wot not how, by a certen euell and vnluckie 
chaunce escaped vs bothe. For when Raphael was speaking 
therof, one of master Mores seruauntes came to him, and 
whispered in his eare. Wherefore I beyng then of purpose 
more earnestly addict to heare, one of the company, by 
reason of cold taken, I thinke, a shippeborde, coughed out 
so loude, that he toke from my hearinge certen of his 
wordes. But I wil neuer stynte, nor rest, vntil I haue gotte 
the full and exacte knowledge hereof: insomuche that 
I will be hable perfectly to instructe you, not onely in the 
longitude or true meridian of the ylande, but also in the 
iust latitude therof, that is to say, in the subleuation 
or height of the pole in that region, if our frende Hythloday 
be in safetie, and aliue. For we heare very vncerten newes 
of him. Some reporte, that he died in his iorney horne- 
warde. Some agayne amrme, that he retorned into his 
countrey ; but partly, for that he coulde not away with the 
fashions of his countrey folk, and partly for that his minde 
and affection was altogether set and fixed vpon Vtopia, they 
say that he hathe taken his voyage thetherwarde agayne. 

Now as touching this, that the name of this yland is 
nowhere founde amonge the olde and auncient cosmographers, 
this doubte Hythloday himselfe verie well dissolued. For 
why, it is possible enoughe (quod he) that the name, whiche 
it had in olde time, was afterwarde chaunged, or elles that 
they neuer had knowledge of this iland : forasmuch as now 
in our time diuers landes be found, which to the olde 
Geographers were vnknowen. Howbeit, what nedeth it in 
this behalfe to fortifie the matter with argumentes, seynge 
master More is author hereof sufficient ? But whereas he 
doubteth of the edition or imprinting of the booke, in deede 
herein I both commende, and also knowledge the mannes 
modestie. Howbeit vnto me it semeth a worke most vn- 
worthie to be long suppressed, and most worthy to go abrcd 
into the handes of men, yea, and vnder the title of youre 
name to be publyshed to the worlde : either because the 
singular endowmentes and qualities of master More be to no 
man better knowen then to you, or els bicause no man is 
more fitte and meete then you, with good counselles to 
further and auaunce the commen wealth, wherin you haue 
many yeares already continued and trauailed with great 


glory and commendation, bothe of wisedome and knowledge, 

and also of integritie and vprightnes. Thus o liberal! 

supporter of good learninge, and floure of this cure time, 

I byd you moste hartely well to fare. At 

Antwerpe .1516. the first daye of 





I AM almoste ashamed, right welbeloued Peter Giles, to 
sende vnto you this boke of the vtopian commen wealth, 
welnigh after a yeares space, which I am suer you loked for 
within a moneth and a half. And no marueil. For you 
knewe welenough, that I was already disbourdened of all 
the labour and study belonging to the inuention in this 
work, and that I had no nede at all to trouble my braynes 
about the disposition or conueyaunce of the matter ; and 
therefore had herin nothing els to do, but only to rehearse 
those thinges, which you and I togethers hard maister 
Raphaell tel and declare. Wherefore there was no cause 
whie I shold study to set forth the matter with eloquence ; 
for asmuch as his talke cold not be fine and eloquent, being 
firste not studied for, but sodein and vnpremeditate, and 
then, as you know, of a man better sene in the greke lan 
guage then in the latine tong. And my writing, the nigher 
it shold approche to his homely, playne, and simple speche, 
somuch the nigher shold it go to the trueth ; whiche is the 
only marke, wherunto I do and ought to direct all my trauail 
and study herin. 

I graunt and confesse, frende Peter, meself discharged of 
eomuch labour, hauing all thies thinges redy done to my 
hand, that almoost there was nothing lefte for me to do. 
Elles other the inuention, or the disposition of this matter, 
might haue requyred of a witte, nother base nother at all 
vnlearned, bothe some time and leasure, and also some 
studye. But yf yt were requysyte and necessary, that the 
matter shoulde also haue bene wryten eloquentelye, and not 
alone truelye: of a suerty that thynge coulde I haue per- 
fourmed by no tyme nor studye. But nowe, seynge all 


thyes cares, stayes, and lettes were taken awaye, wherin 
elles somuche laboure and studye shoulde haue bene em 
ployed ; and that there remayned no other thynge for me to 
doo, but onelye to write playnlye the matter as I hard it 
spoken ; that in dede was a thynge lyghte and easye to be 
done. Howe beit, to the dyspatchynge of thys so lytell 
busynes my other cares and troubles did leaue almooste 
lesse then no leasure. Whyles I doo daylye bestowe my 
tyme abowte lawe matters ; some to pleade, some to heare, 
some as an arbytratour wyth myne awarde to determyne, 
some as an vmpier or a judge with my sentence finallye to 
discusse ; whiles I go one way to see and visite my frend, 
an other way about mine owne privat affaires; whiles I 
spend almost al the day abrode emonges other, and the 
residue at home among mine own ; I leaue to meselfe, 
I meane to my boke, no time. 

For when I am come home, I muste commen with my wife, 
chatte with my chyldren, and talke wyth my seruauntes. 
All the whyche thynges I reken and accompte emonge 
busynes, forasmuche as they muste of necessytye be done : 
and done muste they nedes be, oneles a man wyll be a 
straunger in hys owne howse. And in any wyse a man muste 
so fassyon and order hys condytyons, and so appoynte 
and dyspose hym selfe, that he be merye, iocunde, and pleas- 
aunte amonge them, whome eyther nature hath prouyded, 
or chaunce bathe made, or he hymselfe hathe chosen, to be 
the fellowes and companyons of hys lyfe : so that wyth to 
muche gentle behauyoure and famylyaryte he doo not marre 
them, and, by tomuche sufferaunce, of hys seruauntes make 
them hys maysters. Emonge thyes thinges nowe rehearsed 
stealethe awaye the daye, the moneth, the yeare. When doo 
I wryte, then ? And all thys whyle haue I spoken no woorde 
of slepe, nother yet of meate, whyche emonge a greate num 
ber doth waste no lesse tyme then dothe slepe, wherin 
almooste halfe the lyfe tyme of man crepethe awaye. I 
therefore doo wynne and gette onelye that tyme, whyche 
I steale from slepe and meate. Whyche tyme bycause yt ys 
verye littell, and yet somwhat it is, therfore haue I ones 
at the last, thoughe it be longe first, finished Vtopia, and 
haue sent it to you, frende Peter, to reade and peruse ; to 
the intent that if anye thynge haue escaped me, you might 
putte me in remembraunce of it. For though in this behalf 
I do not greatly mistruste meself (whiche woulde God 
I were somewhat in witte and learnyng, as I am not all 


of the worste and dullest memory), yet haue I not so great 
truste and confidence in it, that I thinke nothing could fall 
out of my mynde. 

For John Clement my boye, who as yow knowe was there 
present with vs, whome I suffer to be awaye from no talke, 
wherin may be anye profit or goodnes (for out of this yong 
bladed and newe shotte vp corne, whiche hath alredy be- 
gonne to sprynge vp bothe in Latine and Greke learnynge, 
I looke for plentiful increase at length of goodly rype 
grayne), he, 1 saye, hath brought me into a greate doubte. 
For wheras Hythlodaye (oneles my memory fayle me) sayde 
that the bridge of Amaurote, which goeth ouer the riuer 
of Anyder, is fyue hundreth paseis, that is to saye, half 
a myle, in lengthe ; my Jhon sayeth that ii. hundred of those 
paseis must be plucked awaye ; for that the ryuer conteyneth 
there not aboue thre hundreth paseis in bredthe. I praye 
yow hartely call the matter to youre remembraunce. For 
if you agree with hym, I also wyll saye as you saye, and 
confesse me selfe deceaued. But if you cannot remember 
the thynge, then suerly I wyl write as I haue done, and 
as myne owne remembraunce serueth me. For as I will take 
good hede that there be in my booke nothyng false, so, if 
there be anythynge in doubte, I wyll rather tell a lye then 
make a lye ; bicause I had be good then wise rather. 

Howbeit this matter maye easely be remedied, if yow wyll 
take the paynes to aske the question of Raphaell himselfe, 
by worde of mouthe, if he be nowe with yow, or els by youre 
letters. Which you must nedes do for an other doubte also, 
whiche hath chaunced, throughe whoes faulte I cannot tell, 
whether throughe myne or youres or Raphaels. For neither 
we reniembred to enquire of hym, nor he to tell vs, in what 
parte of that newe worlde Vtopia is situate. The whiche 
thinge I had rather haue spent no small somme of money 
then that it should thus haue escaped vs ; aswell for that 
I am ashamed to be ignoraunt in what sea that Ilande 
standeth, wherof I write so longe a treatyse, as also because 
there be with vs certayne men, and especially one deuoute 
and godly man, and a professour of diuinitie, who is ex- 
cedynge desierous to go vnto Vtopia ; not for a vayne and 
curious desiere to see newes, but to the intent he maye 
further and increase our religion, whiche is there already 
luckely begoune. And that he may the better accomplyshe 
and perfourme this his good intent, he is mynded to procure 
that he maye be sent thether of the byshoppe, yea and 


that he hymselfe may be made bishop of Vtopia; beynge 
nothynge scrupulous herein, that he must obteyne this 
byshopricke with suete. For he counteth that a godley 
suete, whiche procedeth not of the desiere of honour or 
lucre, but only of a godly zeale. 

Wherfore I moste earnestly desyere you, frende Peter, to 
talke with Hythlodaye, if you can, face to face, or els to 
wryte youre letters to hym ; and so to worke in this matter, 
that in this my booke there maye neyther any thynge be 
founde whiche is vntrue, neither any thinge be lacking 
whiche is true. And I thinke verely it shalbe well done 
that you shewe vnto hym the booke it selfe. For if I haue 
myssed or fayled in any poynte, or if any faulte haue 
escaped me, no man can so well correcte and amende it, 
as he can : and yet that can he not do, oneles he peruse and 
reade ouer my booke written. Moreouer by this meanes shal 
you perceaue, whether he be well wyllynge and contente 
that I should vndertake to put thys worke in wr3 7 ting. For 
if he be mynded to publyshe and put forth his owne labours 
and trauayles hymselfe, perchaunce he woulde be lothe, 
and so would I also, that in publyshynge the Vtopiane 
weale publyque, I should preuente and take from hym the 
flower and grace of the noueltie of this his historie. 

Howbeit, to saye the verie truthe, I am not yet fully 
determined with me selfe, whether I wyll put forth my 
booke or no. For the natures of men be so diuers, the 
phantasies of some so wayewarde, theire myndes so vnkynde, 
theire iudgementes so corrupte, that they which leade a 
merie and a iocunde lyfe, followinge theire owne sensuall 
pleasures and carnal lustes, maye seine to be in a muche 
better state or case, then they that vexe and vnquiete them- 
selfes with cares and studie for the puttynge forth and 
publyshynge of some thynge, that maye be either profett 
or pleasure to other ; whiche neuertheles wyl disdaynfully, 
scornefully, and vnkyndly accepte the same. The moste 
parte of al be vnlearned : and a great numbre hath learnynge 
in contempte. The rude and barbarous alloweth nothynge 
but that which is verie barbarous in dede. If it be one that 
hath a lytell smacke of learnynge, he reiecteth as homely 
and commen ware whatsoeuer is not stuft ed full of olde 
moughteaten wordes, and that be worne out of vse. Some 
there be that haue pleasure onely in olde rustie antiquities ; 
and some onely in theire owne doinges. One is so sowre, so 
crabbed, and so vnpleasaunt, that he can awaye with no 


myrthe nor sporte. An other is so narrow in the sholders, 
that he can beare no iestes nor tawntes. Some selie poore 
soules be so aferd that at euery snappishe worde theire nose 
shalbe bitten of, that they stande in no lesse drede of euerye 
quicke and sharpe worde, then he that is bytten of a madde 
dogge feareth water. Some be so mutable and waueryng, 
that euery houre they be in a newe mynde, sainge one 
thynge syttynge, and another thynge standynge. An other 
sorte sytteth upon theire allebencheis, and there amonge 
theire cuppes they geue iudgement of the wittes of wryters, 
and with greate aucthoritie they condemne euen as pleaseth 
them euery wryter accordyng to his writinge ; in moste 
spiteful maner mockynge, lowtynge, and flowtynge them : 
beynge themselfes in the meane season sauffe, and, as sayth 
the proverbe, out of all daunger of gonneshotte. For whye, 
they be so smugge and smoethe, that they haue not so much 
as one heare of an honest man, whereby one may take holde 
of them. There be moreouer some so vnkynde and vngentell, 
that thoughe they take great pleasure and delectation in the 
worke, yet for al that they can not fynde in theire hartes to 
loue the author therof, nor to aforde hym a good worde ; 
beynge muche lyke vncourteis, vnthankefull, and chourlishe 
guestes, whiche, when they haue with good and deyntie 
meates well filled theire bellyes, departe home, geuynge no 
thankes to the feaste maker. Go youre wayes, nowe, and 
make a costly feaste at youre owne chargeis for guestes so 
deyntie mouthed, so dyuers in taste, and bisydes that of so 
vnkynde and vnthankefull natures. 

But neuertheles, frende Peter, do I praye you with 

Hythlodaye as I willed you before. And as for this matter, 

I shalbe at my lybertie afterwardes to take newe aduisement. 

Howebeit, seynge I haue taken great paynes and laboure in 

wrytynge the matter, if it may stande with hys mynde and 

pleasure, I wyll, as touchinge the edition or publishing of 

the booke, followe the counsell and aduise of my frendes, 

and specially yours. Thus fare you well, ryght 

hartely beloued frende Peter, with 

youre gentell wyfe ; and loue 

me as you haue euer done ; 

for I loue you better 

then euer I dyd. 




o. adjective, ace. *= accusative, adv. = adverb, adv. Gen. = 
adverbial Genitive. AF. = Anglo-Norman French, cf. = confer, 
compare, con; . = conjunction, dat. = dative, dim. = diminutive. 
F. = French. G. = German. Gk.= Greek. Icel. = Icelandic, 
in*. = interjection. Ital. Italian. L. -= Latin. MDu. = Middle 
Dutch. ME. = Middle English. MHG. - Middle High German. 
MLG. = Middle Low German. Mod. Eng. = Modern English. 
OE. = Old English (Anglo-Saxon). OF. = Old French. OHG. = 
Old High German. OLG. = Old Low German. ON. = Old Norse. 
part. = participle, pi. = plural. ppl. a. participial adjective. 
prep. = preposition, pron. = pronoun, q. v. = quod vide, which see. 
sb. = substantive, v. = verb. vbl. sb. = verbal substantive. 

Proper names invented by More (or Robynson) are dis 
tinguished by *. 

A, a. one, 20. 34. OE. an, 

numeral and article ; ME. 

an, on, a. 
A, prep, in, on. A Goddes 

name, in God s name, 19. 

14, 141.37. A beggynge, 

on begging, 18. 13. OE. on, 

prep. ; ME. on, o, a. 
Abhor from, v. dislike, shrink 

from, 115. 10. L. ab, from ; 

horrere, to dread. 
Able, v. enable, empower, 

39. 3. From Able, a. OF. 

habit ; L. habilis. 
* Abraxa, 49. 26. 
Abrode, adv. abroad, 17. 34. 

OE. on, prep. + brad, a. broad. 
Abunde, r. abound, 142. 4. 

ME. abunden, abounden ; L. 

dbunddre, to overflow, ab, 
from, away + unda, wave. 
Accorded, ppl. a. come to an 
agreement, 109. 16. OF. a- 
corder, to agree ; late L. accor- 
dare, from cor, cordis, heart. 

* Achoriens, the, 33. 8, 9. 
Acquyte, v. requite, 140. 22. 

Late L. acquitdre, to appease, 

* Ademus, 63. 32. 

Aduance, auaunce, v. exalt, 
79.20, 105.5, 132.27. OF. 
avancer ; late L. abanteare 
(ab, away, ante, before), to 
go forward ; d inserted from 
mistaken derivation from 
L. prefix ad. 

Aduauncemente, sb. further 
ance, advancement, 103. 31. 

Aduentures, auenturea, sb. ; at 



al a., 56. 3, 127. 2, haphazard, 
at random. OF. aventure, a 
chance occurrence. Also 
with a changed to ad after 
L. adventura. 

Aduisement, sb. consideration, 
deliberation, 109. 19. OF. 
avisement, from aviser, v. ; 
late L. advlf&re. 

Aduoutrye, sb. adultery, 104. 
14. OF. avoutrie, with ad- 
tor a- after L. adulleriurn. 

Aduoyded, v. avoided, 
shunned, 102. 15. For 
Avoid, OF. esvuidier, from es, 
(L. ex, out) and. vuidier, to 
empty ; ad- for a-, as in prec. 

Aferd, aferde, ppl. a. afraid, 
frightened, 22. 13, 128. 12, 
135. 19, 143. 25. OE. a, 
intensitive prefix, + past 
part, of fteran, to frighten. 
Of. dialectal afeared. 

Affectioned, ppl. a. disposed, 
inclined, 129. 32. From 
Affection, v. F. affectionner ; 
from L. affectio (-onem), dis 

Affiaunce, sb. confidence, re 
liance, 129. 13. OF. afiance, 
cf. after, to trust ; L. ad + 

Aglette, sb. hanging ornament, 
pendant, properly a tag, 79. 
ii. OF. aiyuillette, dim. of 
aiguille, needle, late L. 
acucula, for acicula, dim. of 
acus, needle. 

A goo, adv. ago, 31. 33. Past 
part, of OE. agun, to go away ; 
ME. ago(n). 

Agreable (to), a. in keeping 
with, consonant with, 77. 
1 8. OF. agreable, from a gre, 
favourably ; L. ad gratum, 
neut. of gratus, pleasant. 

* Alaopolitanes, 111. 4, 7, 15, 19. 

Aldus Manutius, 96. 29, 97. 25. 

Allow, a lowe, r. praise, 
approve, sanction, 22. 38, 
31. 12, 39. 20, 95. 22. OF. 
alouer ; L. allaudare, to praise. 
Cf. allow from L. allocare, to 
assign, allow. 

All togethers, adv. altogether, 
12-3. 21. OE. togcedre, to 
gether, with intensitive 
prefix all. and adv. suffix -5, 
as if an adv. Gen. 

Allyaunte, ppl. a. allied, akin, 
96. 7. Pres. part, of ally ; L. 
ad + ligare, to bind. 

* Amaurote, city of, 50. 14, 53. 8, 

13, 74. 24. 

* Amaurotians, 54. 18. 
Ambre, sb. amber, 56. 19. 

Oyle or ambre, probably for 
oil of amber obtained by 
distillation of the resin. F. 
ambre ; Arab, anbar, amber 
gris, extended by confusion 
to the yellow amber. 

Amerike, see Vespucci. 

Amityes, sb. friendships, i. e. 
favourable conjunctions, 82. 
31 (with reference to the 
relative positions of the 
planets). F. amitie; late L. 
amicitas, friendship. 

Amonge, amonges, prep. 
among, amongst, 5. 8, 44. 
12. OE. on gemonge, in the 
throng, shortened to on- 
nionge, amonge, and used as 
a prep. Also with adv. 
Gen. -s, corrupted later to 
-st, cf. against. 

An. conj. and, 33. 14, 125. 16. 
Weakened form of And. 

* Anemolians, 78. 22, 33. 
Angerlye, adv. angrily, 87. 27. 

ME. angerlich, a. or adv. ; 
ON. angrligr from angr, grief, 
anger. Mod. Eng. remodelled 
on Angry. 
Antwerp, 2. 12, 1 6. 



*Anyder, river, 53. 17, 20, 54. 16. 
Appayre, v. to injure, weaken, 

impair, 13. 25, 91. 38. OF. 

m-, am-peirer ; L. pejordre, to 

make worse ; ME. am-, an-, 

Applye, v. ply, practise, 60. 15. 

OF. aplier ; L. applicare, to 

apply to. 
Appoynt. v. plan, arrange, 54. 

35. OF. apointer ; late L. 

appunctare, to prick, mark 

with a point. 
Aragon, King of, 32. 10. 
Archedolte, sb. arch-dullard, 

chief of fools, 14. 21. ME. 

dolte, related to OE. dol, dull. 
Aristophanes, 96. 28. 
Aristotle, 96. 17. 
Artyfycers, sb. handycrafts- 

men, 60. 22. 
Asmuche as, conj. so much as, 

26. 5. OE. eallsicd . . . eattswa 

ME. alse . . . alse, as . . .as, 

often combined with OE. 

swd, ME. so. 
Assay, c. try, practise, 97. 36. 

OF. essai, assai, a trial ; L. 

exagium, trial of weight. 
Assentacion, sb. assenting, 

agreeing, 9. 37. L. assentatio 

(-onem), from asscntdri, to 

Aswell, adv. as much, in a like 

degree, 46. g. 
Attayntede, ppl. a. convicted, 

found guilty, 23. 15, six 
teenth-cent, form for older 

Attaint. OF. ateint, from altein- 

dre, to accuse, convict ; L. 

atiingere, to hit. 
Auale, v. lower, debase, 108. 

31, 127. 7. OF. avaler, to let 

descend, from aval, down ; 

L. ad + vallem, to the valley. 
Auaunce, v. 105. 5, 132. 27. 

See Aduance. 
Auaunce, auuance, t>. boast, 

vaunt oneself, 19. 9, 108. 28. 
A contamination of avaunt, 
OF. avanter (late L. vdnildre, 
to boast) with avaunce, OF. 
avancer. See Aduance. 

Auaunte, v. boast, vaunt, 
112. 16. See Auaunce. 

Auentures, sb. chances, 
hazards, 120. 9, 127. 2. See 

Auncetours, si. ancestors, 
progenitors, 10. 17, 87. 37, 
88. a, 105. 17. OF. ancestre ; 
L. antecessor, a foregoer, 
predecessor ; ME. ancetre, 
aunceter, dialectal anceter, 
anster ; remodelled in six 
teenth cent, on F. auncestre 
+ L. suffix -or. 

Auncyetnes, sb. Error for 
Auncyentnes, ancientness, 
antiquity, 46. 15. From 
Ancient, OF. ancien ; L. 

Aunswere to, v. answer 
meet, rebut, 19. 34. OE. 
andswarian with Dat. ; hence 
in ME. with to; Cf. F. 
repondre a. 

Aunters. See In aunters. 

Auoutrers, sb. adulterers, 103. 
ii. See Aduoutrye. 

Avaleth, r. 108. 31. See Auale. 

Avayleable, a. available, ser 
viceable, 15. 25. From Avail, 
v. new formation for vail, F. 
valoir, to be worth ; L. valSre. 

A-worke, 17. 5. On work, i. e. 
to work. A weakened form 
of On. 

Ayer, sb. variant of Air, 94. 
35> 36. OF. air ; L. aer. 

Bandes, sb. bonds, fetters, 99. 
17. Same word as Bond ; 
both from Icel. band. 



Bankettes, sb. banquets, 72. 15. 
OP. banquet, feast, dim. of 
bane, from G. bank, bench. 

* Barsancs, 63. 31. 

Be, prep by, 38. 6, 16, 84. i. 
Weak form of By. OE. bl. 

Be it, v. imper. let it be so, 
47. 25. 

Be to seke. Be to be sought 
i. e. be wanting, 110. 10. 

Beareth all the stroke, 43. 10, 
all the swing, 62. 24 ; has 
the chief power, is reckoned 
as the most important 
thing. Cf. To have the blow 
or swing, to have the power. 

Beastelye, a. bestial, pertain 
ing to beasts, 110. a. OF. 
beste ; L. bestia ; ME. suffix 
-lich, -ly. 

Beck, sb. gesture, sign, 29. 35. 
From Beck, v. shortened 
form of Becken, from OE. 
beacn, sb. sign. 

Beggerlye, adv. in beggarly 
fashion, 43. 20. From Beggar, 
OF. begard ; late L. begardus, 
one of the order of lay 

Behalfe, in thys. On, in be 
half of this, 25. 9. A con 
fusion of two constructions ; 
on his halve, and bi halve him, 
on, by his side. 

Behate, v. hate, dislike, 37. 26. 
OE. hdtian, to hate, made 
transitive by prefix be-. 

Bende, s6. band, troop, 118. 31. 
From confusion of Band, 
OF. bande, a company, with 
Band, Icel. band, bond, 
fetter ; and further with 
Bend, OE. bende, bond. 

Bente, ppl. a. inclined, prone, 
60. i. Past part, of Bend ; 
OE. bendan. 

Bethinkynge hymselfe, v. refl. 
reflecting, calling to mind, 

47. 34. OE. befiencan, call to 
mind, used reflexively. 

Bewray, v. betray, expose, 22. 
7. OE. bi + ivregan, to ac 
cuse, denounce. 

Bicause, bycause that, con/. 
because, by reason that, 40. 
19, 58. 16, 64. 3. ME. M (be, 
by), prep., cause, sb., L. causa. 

Blackheath, defeat of Cornish 
rebels at, (1547), 10.33, 
12. 32. 

Blesse, sb. bliss, joy, 128. 5. 
Confusion of Bliss, v. to 
make glad, OE. blifisian, with 
Bless, OE. bletsian. 

Bloodis, sb. persons of gentle 
blood, 18. 13. OE., ME. 
blod, with Northern pi. -is. 

Bonden men, sb. bondsmen, 
serfs, 50. 35. For Bonde-men, 
representing OE. bonda, 
bondsman. Bonde wrongly 
regarded as a strong past 
part, in -en. 

Borderours, sb. those dwelling 
on their borders, next neigh 
bours, 23. 14. 

Brabant, 31. 32. 

Brabling, sb. contention, 141. 
1 7. From Brabble, to quarrel ; 
cf. Du. brabbelen, to stammer. 

Breed, sb. breeding, 115. 15. 
From Breed, v. OE. bredan, 
a derivative of the usual sb. 
brod (Mod. Eng. brood). 

Bretherne, sb. brethren, 28. 
15. ME. breferen ; OE. 
brewer, pL of broker, with 
weak pi. ending -en. 

Erode, a. broad, wide, 53. 24. 
Brodest, superl. 48. 12. OE. 
brad ; ME. brod. 

Bronte, brunt, sb. brunt, first 
rush or attack, 118. 7. So- 
deyne brunte, 51. 36, a 
sudden rush or exertion. 
(Origin unknown.) 



Brouches, sb. brooch, trinket, 

properly a pin, 78. 17. OF. 

broche, spit ; late L. brocca, 

pointed stick. 

Bruges, 1. 26. Harcgrave of, 1. 29. 
Brussels, 2. g. 
Bryde, bryed, c. breed, rear, 

51. 22, 52. 14. Variants of 

Breed ; OE. bredan. 
Burgundy, 31. 32. 
* Buthrescas, 131. 3. 
By and by, adv. straightway, 

57. 26. OE. bl, prep, by, 

7ence close at hand, at once ; 

cf. similar change to future 

time in presently. 
Bycause that, conj. 40. 19, 58. 

16. See Bicause. 
Bye, v. buy, purchase, 17. 34, 

18.36, 112.15. OE. bycgan, 

to buy ; ME. bien, buyen. 
By lowe, adv. below, 108. 34. 

OE. bl, by ; Icel. Idgr, low. 
By lyke, adv. belike, probably, 

19. 38. By, prep. + like, a. or 


Calicut, Calyquit, 4. 26. 

Call agayne, v. recall, revive, 

38. 18. 
Cannellis, sb. channels, 54. 24. 

OF. chanel, canel ; L. canalis, 

a channel. Northern pi. -is. 
Cappe of maintenaunce, 105. 

27. See Note. 
Careful, a. full of care, anxious, 

92. 35. OE. caru, anxiety, 

Carfully, adv. sorrowfully, 

128. 8. 
Carke, v. to be anxious, to 

trouble, 85. 23. North. F. 

carkier , late L. carricdre, to 

Carpente. sb. carpenter, 59. 16. 

AF. suffix -er confused with 

Eng. agent suffixes -er, -e 
(OE. -cere, -a). 

Carthaginians, 14. 34. 

Cast, v. to find guilty, convict, 
condemn, 27. 2. Figurative 
use of Cast, v. to throw, over 
throw. ON. kasta. 

Castile, King of, 1. 9, 32. 14. 

Cauillation, s6. quibble, objec 
tion, 108. 16. OF. cavilladon ; 
L. cavilldn, to wrangle, object. 

Cautell, sb. precaution, device, 
93. 36. OF. cautele, cunning ; 
L. cautela. 

Celenes (Celaenos], 7. 4. 

Chaffare, chaffayre, sb. trade, 
traffic, 5. 38, 39. 8. OE. ceap, 
bargain, faru, dealing ; ME. 
chapfare, chaffare. 

Chardge, sb. expense, 64. 8, 14. 
OF. charge, burden ; late 
L. carricum, load (of a car). 

Charles, King of Castile, 1. 9. 

Charye, a. careful, 101. 28. 
OE. cearig, full of care. 

Chastyce, t;. chastise, correct, 
24. 15, for older Chasty; L. 

Chaurice, v. to come by chance, 
to happen (to come) into, 42. 
28. From Chaunce, sb. ; late 
L. cadentia. 

Chaungeable coloures, 79. 5, 
136. 17, changing or shot 
colours. Cf. Shakesp. Twelfth 
Night, ii. 4. 76 Changeable 

Cherissing, sb. care, tending, 
45. 8. From pres. part, of 
F. cherir, to cherish ; from 
F. cher, L. carus, dear. 

Chesse, sb. the game of chess, 
61. 20. OF. escltes, pi. of eschec, 
check ; from Persian shah, 

Cheualry, sb. military art, 
knightly exercises, 9. 25, 138. 
15, 143. 12. OF. chevalerie ; r 

8 2 



from L. caballarius, horse 

Cheuse, chewse, chuose, v. 
choose. Variant spellings 
of Chuse, OE. closan, ME. 
chSsen, chosen, chusen. 

Christen, o. Christian, 41. 31. 
OE. cristen. 

Chueseth, v. 37. 6. See Cheuse. 

Church, our Lady s, at Antwerp, 
3. 2. 

Chyldren, sb. persons, people, 
106. 13. OE. cildru, pi. + 
weak pi. -en. Used in ME. 
in a general sense. Cf. 
Psalm cxliv (A.V.), 7, n 
strange children. 

Cicero, 3. 37. 

Circumstaunce, sb. circum 
stantiality of detail, circum 
locution, 106. 8. (Without 
indef. art., of. To use great 
circumstance of woordes, to 
goe aboute the bushe. 
Baret s Alvearie, 1580.) L. 
cj rcwwsfantta,standiiig round, 

Circutnuertion, sb. Error for 
Circumvention, overreaching, 
malicious device or strata 
gem, 106. 13. L. circumvenire, 
to encompass, get round. 

Cleane, a. pure, unadulterated, 
52. 8. Cleane contrarye, 39. 

25, 40. 34, the very opposite. 
OE. dizne, clear, pure. 

Cloke, sb. cloak, covering, 74. 

ii. Late L. cloca, a bell, 

also a bell-shaped cape. 
Coliars, sb. colliers, 140. 14. 

OE. col, coal, with Romanic 

suffix -ier. 
Come to their handes, fall to 

their lot, reach them, 1 17. 35. 
Commen, a. public, general, 

23. 36. Common boxe, 75. 

26, public chest. L. com- 

Commen, see Man in, 82. ai. 
See Note. 

Commeth in, v. contracts, 
draws together, 48. 15. 

Commoditie, sb. comfort, con 
venience, 8. 22, 56. 19, 63. 
37, 71.34, 140.36. L. com- 
moditas, from commodus, fit, 

Commodye, sb. comedy, 40. 3. 
L. comcedia. 

Common boxe. See Commen. 

Communicate, ppl. a. commu 
nicated, granted, 132. 35. 
L. communicatus, past part, of 

Communycatyon, sb. speech, 
converse, 2. 33 ; conversa 
tion, personal intercourse, 
11. 8, 72. i ; discourse, 143. 
39. L. communicatio (-onem), 
action of communicating. 

Concelour, sb. concealer, hider, 
26. 10. AF. concelour, from 
conceler, to conceal. 

Conceytes, sb. skilfully or fan 
tastically devised dishes, 
72. 15. From Conceive, OF. 
concevoir ; cf. deceit from de 

Condition, -dytyon, sb. con. 
duct, behaviour, 25. ai, 105. 
6. L. condicio (-onem), com 
pact, a so situation, nature, 

Conductyon, sb. conduct, man 
agement, 116. 33. From L. 
conductus, past part, of con- 
ducere, to lead. 

Conscience, sb. consciousness, 
86. 12, 92. 24. According to 
conscience, i. e. just, 75, 31. 
L. conscientia. 

Consecrate, ppl. a. consecrated, 
131. 19, 132. 33. L. conse- 
crdtus, past part, of consecrart 
(con + sacrart}. 

Constitucions, &b. decree, or- 



dinance, 21. 4, 14. L. con- 
stitutio (-onem), that which is 
constituted or established. 

Constitute, ppl. a. constituted, 
established, 85. 36. L. con- 
stitulus, past part, of constituere, 
to make to stand together. 

Conuersation, sb. intercourse, 
66. 2. Late L. conversdtio-nem ; 
from convcrsari, to live with. 

Conuict, conuycte, ppl. a. con 
victed, proved guilty, 22. a, 
24. L. cottwtas, past part, of 

Cormaraunte, sb. cormorant, 
an insatiably greedy person, 
16. 19. OF. cormoran, cor- 
maran, corruption of L. 
corvus marinus, sea- raven ; 
ME. corruption of -an to -ant. 

Coueyne, couyne, sb. fraud, 
deceit, 16.23, HI- 24, 114. 
2. Late L. convenium, a 
coming together, henct with 
treacherous intent. 

Counteruaile, counteruayle, v. 
to counterbalance, be equi 
valent to in value, 20. 22, 
136. 23. AF. countrevaloir ; 
L. contra valcre, to be of worth 

Courage, currage, sb. disposi 
tion, temper, 14. 2, 36. 37 ; 
spirits, 80. 18. OF. cor age, 
curage ; L. *coraticum (cor, 

Course, a. coarse, 87. 19, 24. 
Earlier form of Coarse, ap 
parently from course, sb. de 
noting anything usual or 
ordinary, as in phrases In, 
Of course. 

Cowardenes, sb. cowardice, 117. 
10, 19. OF. couard, coward; 
OE. suffix -ness. 

Cowardyshe, a. cowardly, 114. 
5. OF. couard; OE. suffix 

Coytes, sb. quoits, 18. 28. ME. 

coite, quoite. 
Cracke, v. brag, boast, 15. 4, 

112. 22. OE. cracian, to make 

a cracking noise. 
Crassus, 36. 22. 
Credence, sb. belief, 75. 21. 

L. credentia (credo, I believe). 
Cummeth of, v. proceeds from, 

is caused by, 55. 20. 
Cunnyng, a. wise, knowing, 

69.22. Pres. part, of ME. 

cunnen, to know ; OE. cunnan. 
Cure, v. care for, tend, 69. 8. 

L. curare, to care for, from 

cura, care. 
Currage, sb. 14. 2, 80. 18. See 

Customablie, customablye, adv. 

customarily, usually, 4. 16, 

36, 61. 16. From Custom, sb., 

OF. coustume, from shortened 

form of L. consuetude, custom. 
*Cynemernes, 134. 4. 
Cyuyle philosophy, 39. 35. 

That which is adapted to the 

public life of the community, 

politic. L. cmlis, belonging 

to citizens. 


Damned, ppl. a. condemned, 
sentenced, 24. 9. L. dam- 
nare, to condemn. 

Dasell, . dazzle, 79.3. Earlier 
form of Dazzle, a frequenta 
tive and dim. of Daze ; ME. 
dasen, of Norse origin. 

Daunger, sb. jurisdiction, 
power, 21. 16, 81. 14. In her 
daunger, 94. 18, in her 
power. OF. dangier ; late L. 
*dominarium from dominium, 

Decrey, v. decree, appoint, 25. 
2, from Decree, sb. : see next. 

Decry e, sb. decree, 125. 34, 



126. rr. ME. variant of 
Deere, decrey ; L. dScrSfum, the 
thing decreed. 

Dedicate, ppl. a. dedicated, 
132. 22. L. dedicatus, past 
part, of dedicdre, to devote. 

Defenced, ppl. a. defended, 
protected, fortified, 49. 19, 
143. i. From L. defensus, 
past part, of defendere, to 

Delectacion,-ntyon, sb. delight, 
pleasure, 11. 15, 87. 4. L. 
delectdtio (-onem), action of 

Delete, sb. delight, pleasure, 
Sl.ig. Variant of Delite. 

9. 24, 11. 9, 136. 5. From 
the verb. See Delyte, v. 

Del vote, sb. delight, 83. 29. 
The c was apparently after 
L. delectdre : see next. 

Delyte, v. refl. to take pleasure, 
gratify oneself, 7. 35. ME. 
deliten, OF. deliter, L. de 
lectdre, to delight. Misspelt 
delight in Mod. Eng. 

Denounce, v. to declare, pro 
claim war, 113. 5. OF. de- 
noncer ; L. dtnuntiare, to de 

Deryue, t. obtain, 54. 23. L. 
derivare, to drain off water. 

Descriue, v. discover, detect, 
22. 10, 25. 35. Properly 
Descry. From ME. con 
fusion of OF. deserter, to 
publish, with descrivre to de 

Deuise, v. say, imagine, 45. 34, 
46. 14. OF. deriser; late L. 
*divisdre, to divide. 

Deuyse, sb. device, purpose, 

plan, 58. ii. Late L. dlvisum, 

a division, also a device ; 

from divider*, to divide. 

Differryd, v. deferred, post 

poned, 26. 34. L. differre, (i) 
to delay, (2) to differ. Mod. 
Eng. defer on analogy of delay, 
but differ. Northern -yd for 

Dionysius, 31. 16. 

Dioscorides, 96. 26. 

Disallow, v. refuse to praise, 
disapprove, refuse to accept, 
27.9, 30.9. OF. disalower, 
desalouer. Cf. Allow. 

Diserde, sb. fool, blockhead, 
10.12. Apparently from OF. 
disour, -eur, & professional 
jester, with change of suffix. 

Dispatched from, ppl. a. quit, 
rid of, delivered from, 28. 23. 
Ital. dispacciare ; Span, dts- 
pachar ; L. type *dispactiare, 
from L. pactus, past part, of 
pangere, to fix. 

Displeasaunt, a. unpleasant, 
disagreeable, 126. 4 ; OF. 
desplaisant, pres. part, of 
desplaire, to displease. 

Disproue, v. disapprove, dis 
allow, 28. 31. OF. desprover, 
to disprove. 

Dissident, a. dissenting from, 
41. 37. L. dissidens (-entem) 
pres. part, of dissidere, to sit 
apart, disagree. 

Distribute, ppl. a. distributed, 
28. 13. L. distributes, past 
part, of distribuere. 

Do coste, v. make outlay, incur 
expense, 38. 13. Cf. Tindale, 
.4ctexxi. 24 do cost on them. 

Domesticall, a. domestic, 142. 
37. From L. domesticus, 
belonging to a household. 
Domme, a. dumb, 40. 9. OE. 
dumb ; ME. dumb, domb,with 
b silent, therefore not always 

Dorre, sb. drone, idler, 13. 5. 
OE. dora, a humming in 



Dowt, v. doubt, 22. 18 ; fear, 
188.34. OF. douter. Changed 
to doubt after L. dubitdre. 

Dreuell, sb. menial, drudge, 
81.9. Cf. MDu. drevel, 
scullion, turnspit. 

Drydynge, pres. part, dreading, 
139.6. ME. dreden; OE. 
drcedan, to dread. 

Dyffucultlye, adv. with diffi 
culty, 76. 12. From a variant 
of Difficult, a. 

Dysanulled, t;. abolished, 83. 
37. L. annulldre, to bring 
to nothing. Prefix dis- 
here intensifying the nega 
tory force of the verb. 

Dyscryue, v. 25. 35. See 

Dystyncte, ppl. a. distin 
guished, differentiated, 24. 
30. L. distinctus, past part, 
of distinguere. 

Dytty, sb. song, ditty, 137. 14. 
OF. dite, poem ; L. diddtum, 
from dictdre, to dictate. 


Earnest, a. serious, 20. 5. OE. 

eorneste, from eornust, sb. 
Effemynatede, ppl. a. rendered 

unmanly, enervated, 15. 16. 

Past part, of Effeminate, from 

L. effeminatus. 
Eftsones, adv. afterwards, 

again, 103.22. OE. eft, 

again, afterwards ; sone, 

soon ; with adv. suffix -s 

from the adv. Gen. 
Egal, a. equal, 93. n. OF. 

egal ; L. aequdlem. 
Egerly, adv. zealously, keenly, 

111.22. OF. egre ; L. acer, 

acrem, sharp, keen. 
Egyptians, 46. 29. 
Elder, a. older, 101. 2. OE. 

ieldra, eldra, mutated com 

parative of eald, old. Dis 
placed by new form older 
from the positive. 

Elles, adv. else, otherwise, 
28. 20. OE. elles, adv. Gen. 

Embrayd, imbrayde, v. up 
braid, reproach, 104. 36, 
130. 10. OF. em- (L. tin-, 
in) ; OE. Iregdan, denoting 
sudden movement, as to 
weave, brandish ; hence to 

Embrodered, ppl. a. em 
broidered. OF. embroder, to 

Emong,prep. variant of Among. 
ME. among, ymong, also 
emong. See Amonge. 

Emperor, 32. 7. 

Enbrace, v. to embrace, wel 
come as a friend, H. 17. 
OF. embracer ; L. *imbracchiare 
from in and bracchia, arms. 

Endaunger viito, v. bring 
under the jurisdiction of, 
35. 31. See Daunger. 

Endeuoure, sb. effort, 46. 23. 
OF. en, in + deveir, duty, 
properly to owe ; L. debSre. 

Endeuoure, v. rejl. try, exert 
oneself. 34. 21, 40.35, * 2 - 
17, 113. 33. See prec. 

Enfamed, infamed, ppl. a. de 
famed, branded with infamy, 
77. 31, 78. 31. L. infdmare, 
to render infamous. 

Engines for warre, sb. im 
plements, machines, 120. 23. 
L. ingenium, an invention. 

England, 32. 18, 29. 

Englishmen, 15. 33, 32. 19, 35 ; 
the western, 10. 34. 

Enhaunce, v. increase, aug 
ment, 34. 34. AF. enhauncer, 
OF. enhaucer, to lift. 

Entreat of, v. deal with, 
discuss, 78. 24. OF. entraiter, 
to treat of ; L. tractdre. 



Espiall, sb. spy, 121.3. OF. 

espiaille, the action of spying. 
Estymer, sb. estimator, judge, 

76. 18. L. aestimdre, to value. 
Euel willing, ppl. a. unwilling, 

averse, 42. 3. Euel, OE. 

yfel, in sense of tm-, not. 
Euen verye they, 108. 27 ; 

even those very persons. 

OF. verai, true. 
Euennynge, sb. evening, 60. 

18. OE. afnung, from v. 

afnian, to become evening. 
Euer, adv. always, at all times, 

49. 23, 110. 19. OE. &fre. 
Euripides, 96. 29. 
Europe, 107. 35. 

Excommunicate, ppl. a. ex 
communicated, 29. 33. L. 

excommunicaius, past part, of 

Existimacion, -ymatyon, sb. 

estimation, valuation, 10. 

10, 58. 24. L. existimdtio 

(-onem), estimation. 
Exploit, v. perform, achieve, 

95. 4. From Exploit, sb. 

L. explicitum, that which is 

unfolded, ended. 
Expresslye pronounced, 137. 

20, uttered clearly or with 

emphasis ; or possibly, exactly, 

according to a set formula. 

L. expressus, distinct. 

Fabricius, 37. 36. 

False, a. faulty, an erroneous 

or corrupt version, 96. 5. 

L. falsus, false, from fallere, 

to deceive. 
Falshed, sb. falsehood, 127. 25. 

From OF. /ate, with ME. 

suffix -hed, denoting quality. 
Fantasy, v. to fancy, desire, 

60. 4. From Fantasy, sb. ; 

late L. phantasia. 
Fardell, sb. burden, load, 96. 

15. OF. fardel, dim. of 

farde, a burden. 
Farfurth, ferfurth, adv. far, 

far on, 50. 10, 53. 5, 109. 19. 

OE. feor, far ; forjt forward, 

with u from the compar. 

Fasion, fassion, -yon, sb. 

method, manner, fashion, 

19. 22, 66. 6, 67. 4, 73. 28. 

OF. fafon ; L. factio (-onem), 

fromfacere, to make. 
Fauour, sb. countenance, looks, 

3. 10. L. favor (-em). 
Faute, fawt, sb. fault, 10. 14, 

80. 6 ; defect, 64. 19. OF. 

faute. Mod. Eng. fault. 
Fayne, v. feign, make pretence 

of, 35. i ; imagine, invent, 

41. 15. OF. feindre (feign- 

ant), L. fingere, to form, 

Fearce, a. fierce, spirited, 51. 

32. OF. fers, fiers ; Mod. F. 

fter ; L. fenis. 
Feare from, v. frighten from, 

make afraid of, 104. i, 105. 

10, 125. 8, 129. 15. OE. 

f-eran, to frighten, terrify. 
Feate, sb. act, deed, 9. 25, 26 ; 

crafts, industries, 97. 20 ; 

art, employment, 6. 17, 38. 8. 

OF. fait, feit ; L. factum, a 

thing done. 
Felles, sb. skins, 75. 7. OE. 

Fellones, sb. pi. felons, 11. 37. 

OF. felon, a. and sb. ; low 

L. fcllon-em. 
Ferefull, a. terrible, causing 

fear, 105.22. OE. fr, 

sudden danger, fear. 
Ferfurth, adv. 53. 5. See Far 
Feruent, a. eager, hot, 118. 31. 

L. fervens, pros. part, of 
fervSre, to boil. 
Fetch about a circuit or com- 



passe, 48. 16, to describe a 
compass, make a circuit, go 
round in circular form. 

Finifest, 134. 5. See Note. 

Flanders, 1. 12, 81.32. 

Flickering, a. unstable, wan 
dering, 87. 7. OE. Jlicorian, 
to flutter. 

Fond, a. foolish, silly, 7. 9, 
9. 35. Past part, of archaic 
v. Fon, to lose savour. 

Forbie, forby, prep, beside, 
past, 54. 3, ii ; for, adv. and 
prep. + by, prep. 

Forefrontes, sb. front, fore 
shore, 48. 29. OE. fore, 
before, OF. front, forehead, 
Ij.frons, -tern. 

For euer more, adv. per 
petually, 59. 22. 

Fcrrein, -eyn, a. foreign, 
39. i, 67. 26, 37, 133. 5, 143. 
4. OF./oram, alien, strange ; 
late L. foraneus, belonging 
to outside ; g inserted as in 
sovereign from false analogy 
with reign. 

Forsake, c. I forsake God, 
139. 1 8. A form of oath 
representing L. dispeream. 
Lit. I deny, renounce. OE. 

Forsene, ppl. a. provided, 135. 
32. A literal translation 
of L. prcvidere. 

Forstalle, v. to intercept goods 
before the market, to buy 
up in order to obtain a 
monopoly, 18. 37. From OE. 
foresteall, sb. intercepting, 

For whie, why, wherefore, 
65. 26. ME. for whi ; cf. OE. 
to hwy; hwy, instr. of hwcet, 

Foynes, sb. thrusts, 120. 22. 
OF. foine, an eel-spear ; L. 
fuscina, trident. 

France, 12. 33, 14. 14, 83. 3, 

34. 1 8. 

Franckely, adv. readily, liber 
ally, 75. 9. From Frank, a. 

low L. francus, free, from 

OHG. franko, a Frank. 
Fraye, t\make afraid, frighten, 

130. 7. A shortened form 

of Affray; OF. effraier, to 

Freare, sb. friar, 28. 18, 32, 

29. 5, 7, ii, 30. ME. frere ; 

OF. frere, brother. 
French, 14. 32, 15. 2. French 

king, 31. 22. 
Frie, a. Variant of free, 68. 28. 

OE. freo, /no. 
Frindes marchauntes, sb. 

merchant-friends, friends 

who are merchants, 110. 30. 

The two nouns in apposition. 
Frindes marchaunte men, 

111. 32 ; the merchants of 

their friends. L. amicorum 

From thens, adv. phr. from 

that place, 18. a. OE. 

Jxennes, adv. Gen. 
Frustate, v. 61. 32. Error for 

Frustrate ; from stem of L. 
frustrarl, to render vain. 
Fugatyue, a. having run 

away, 31. 29. L. fugitlvus; 

-ative from analogy with 
fug-ator, -acious. 


Galen s Microtechne, 96. 33. 

Gallaunt, -awnte, a. showy, 
gorgeous, 23. 10 ; rich, 
goodly, 55. 33. OF. galant, 
pres. part, of galer, to make 

Gallous, a. fit for the gallows, 
villainous, wicked, 29. 8. 
From Gallows, sb. OE. gealga 
ME. galwe, galow, usually pi. 



Gallymalfreye, sb. medley, 
hotchpotch, 40. xa. OF. 

Garnishing, sb. adornment, 
furnishing, 55. 33, 65. 32. 
From Garnish, v. ; OF. garnir 
(garniss-anf), to fortify, gar 
nish ; OHG. warnon. 

Gather boldenes, gain heart, 
pluck up courage, 33. 30. 

Gawl, sb. to hit on the gawl, 
to touch on a sore or tender 
point, 28. 34. OE. gealla, 
a gall or sore on a horse. 

Geaste wyse, adv. guest-wise, in 
manner of a guest, 7. 29. OE. 
giest, guest ; wise, manner. 

Geer, sb. gear, tackle, stuff, 
98. 17 ; trappings, appur 
tenances, 136. 10. Icel. 
germ, gear, apparel, from gorr, 
prepared, past. part, of gora, 
gera, to make, prepare. 

Gentle, o. of gentle birth, 
18. 19. OF. gentil ; L. 
genfilis, from gens, race, 
family. Confused with adj. 
in -ly. 

Germaneynes, sb. Germans, 
32. 5. L. Germanus ; ME. 
Germayne, Germanys. 

Geue, v. as my mynde geueth 
me, 43. 10, imparts (to), 
teaches, directs, moves. 

Gieste, v. jest, 50. 3. From 
Jest, sb. ; OF. geste, tale, 
romance ; L. rBs gesta, a 
thing done. 

Giles, Peter, of Antwerp, 2. 15, 
3. 7, 4. 30, 7. 30, 46. 6, 47. 

Gladlier, adv. more gladly, 

47. 21. Compar. of Gladly ; 

OE. glcedRc. 
Gode wote, int. God knows, 

35. 7. OE. wat, he knows ; 

from witan, to know. 
Godlye, adv. in godly fashion, 

piously, 99. 20. OE. God, sb. 

+ adv. suffix -lice. 
Goo to, int. go to ! come ! 

81. 22. Cf. L. age. 
Gown, sb. garment, 87. 12. 

OF. goune, a loose robe ; 

mediaeval L. gunna, a gar 
ment of fur. 
Gramercye, for. For nothing, 

literally for thanks, 99. 15. 

OF. grand, great ; merci, 

Greeks, 96. 9. 
Greued, ppl. a. troubled, bored, 

71. 38. F. grever ; L. gravare, 

to burden. 
Greyffes, sb. griefs, 92. 35. 

OF. grief, gref. 
Griblye, a. terrible, 28. 20. 

From Grise, v.; OE. &grisan, 

to shudder. 
Grosser, a. plainer, simpler, 

106. 17. Compar. of Gross ; 

L. grossus, fat, thick. 
Ground upon, v. take as one s 

basis, take one s stand on, 

130. 37. From OE. grund, 

sb. ground. 

*Gulike, country of, 4. 13, 5. 5. 
*Gulikians, 4. 24. 
Guyse, sb. way, manner, 76. 16. 

OF. guise, from OHG. wlsa, 

way, manner. 
Gyaunte, sb. giant, 82. 23. OF. 

geant, geiant ; ME. geant ; 

L. gigantem. 
Gyell, sb. guile, 85. 36. ME. 

gile, gyle ; OF. guile. 
Gyues, sb. fetters, shackles. 

23. 26. ME. give, fetters, 

specially for the legs. 


Habilitye, sb. ability, capacity, 
9. 20. Be in habylyte, 8. 2, 
be able to. OF. abkte, 
habilite; L. habilitdtem. L. 



initial h common in six 
teenth cent., but probably 

Handsome, a. manngeable, 
convenient, fit, adapted, 
120. 14, 30. From Hand, v. 
to handle, manage. 

Handy, a. belonging to the 
hands, mechanical, 63. 27. 
A new formation from Hand 
in place of OE. hendig. 

Handycraft, sb, handicraft, 
18. 20. For Handcraft, re 
modelled on hand-ywork, 
OE. hondgeweorc. 

Hapt, ppl.a. wrapped, covered, 
65. 12. Past part, of Hap, v. 
to cover, perh. from Norse. 

Hard, harde, v. pret. and part. 
heard, 21. 32, 34. 27, 46. 25, 
95. 20, 124. 15, 134. 22. OE. 
hieran, past part, gehiered ; 
ME. heren, herd, hard. Cf. 
influence of r + consonant on 
pronunciation of e in clerk, 

Hardenes, sb. hardship, 16.23. 
OE. heartiness, hardness. For 
sense cf. hardship. 

Hardynes, sb. hardihood, bold 
ness, daring, 6. 25. From OF. 
hardi, a. with OE. suffix 

Harneis, sb. armour, 120. 8, 
13. 1 8. OF. harneis. 

Hastie to, a. eager, precipitate, 
20. 38. OF. hastif, pi. hastis, 
whence a new sg. hasti. 

Hawte, o. haughty, 105. 22. 
In fifteenth cent., haute, from 
F. haut-e, high, L. alt-us : later 
haught ; with gh from ana 
logy with native words, cf. 
delight for delite. 

Haylse, r. greet, salute, 4. 
35. ON. heilsa, to greet, 

Heare, sb. hair. Of one heare, 

by one hair, 88. 5. OE. her, 
hair ; ME. heer, hear, haire. 

Hedlonges, adv. headlong, pre 
cipitately, 41. 26. ME. 
heuedlinges; OE. heafod, head, 
with adv. suffix -linga, lunga, 
corrupted from analogy with. 
long, and addit. suffix -s from 
adv. Gen. 

Helizeus (Elisha"), 29. 16, 28. 

Helpes, sb. remedies, aids, 100. 
9. OE. help, sb. 

Henry VIII, 1. a. 

Herodian, 96. 31. 

Herodotus, 96. 31. 

Hesychius, 96. 25. 

Hippocrates, 96. 33. 

Hole, a. whole, 120. 7. OE. 
ha!, whole ; Mod. Eng. has 
a dialectal spelling with wh. 

Holsom, a. wholesome, 5. 21. 
OE hcil, whole, + suffix -sum ; 
ME. hglsurn, -som. See prec. 

Holy, adv. wholly, utterly, 44. 
30. From prec. +-ly, OE. 

Homely, a. and adv. plain, 
simple, 64. 33 ; in homely 
fashion, plainly, simply, 3. 
9, 64. 30. 

Homer, 96. 29. 

Honest, a. honourable, 89.29. 
L. honestus, honourable. 

Houses, b. households, 18. 

Howke, t>. to hook or drag 
one in against his will, 32. 
13. From Hook, sb. ; OE. 

Howke, sb. by howke or crook, 
16. 26, by any device, by 
fair means or foul. A com 
mon phrase from the six 
teenth cent, on, of doubtful 

Hundreth, a. hundred, 121. 
26. OE. hundred corrupted 
by Icel. hundraS. 



Hurley-burley, hurlie-burlie, 
sb. tumult, confusion, 34. 
13, 37. 23. OF. hurlee, howl 
ing, from hurler ; L. ululdre, 
to howl. Burly, a reduplica 
tion of hurty. 

Husbande, v. till, cultivate, 
tend as a husbandman, 94. 
37. From Husband, sb. ; see 

Husbandes, sb. tenders, hus 
bandmen, 50. 28. OE, Ms- 
bbnda, one dwelling in a 
house, the master of the 

*Hythloday, Raphael, 1.3, 8.30, 
4.34, 7.21,47.3!. 

I, J 

lauell, sb. a rascal, a worthless 
fellow, 28. 37. ME. iavelle. 

leopardye, Ioperdie,sb. hazard, 
danger, 6. 23, 10. u, 22. i, 
II. OF. jeu parti ; L. jocus 
partttus, a divided game, 
hence uncertainty, hazard. 

leoperdous, a. dangerous, haz 
ardous, 49. 2. From prec. 

lette, v. strut, swagger, 13. 34. 
OF. jetter, to throw ; L. jac- 
tare. Meaning influenced by 
L. jactari, to boast, strut. 

Ight, a. eighth, 1. a. OE. 
eahtoSa ; ME. eighthe, ighthe. 

Ilande, sb. island, 48. u. OE. 
igland (tg, island, + land) ; 
ME. Hand. Mod. isl- from 
analogy with isle. 

Imbrayde, t>. 104. 36. See Em- 

Impery, sb. empire, 46. 33. L. 
imperium, empire. 

Importunate, a. unseasonable, 
troublesome, 18. 8. L. im- 
portunus, + suffix -ate. 

Importune, a. importunate, 
4. 10. L. importunus. 

Imprint letters, v. print in type, 
97. 34. From OF. empreinte, 
sb. a stamp, print ; past part, 
fern, of emprcindre, L. impri- 
mere, to impress. Hence 
the Mod. Eng. shortened 
form print. 

Imprintyng, sb. printing, 97. 
23. See Imprint, v. 

Improue, v. disapprove, dis 
allow, 29. 9. L. improbare, 
to condemn, disapprove, 
from imprabus, bad. 

Impudency, sb. effrontery, in 
solence, 11. 14. L. impu- 
dentia, shamelessness. 

In awnters, in case, properly 
in the adventure, 32. 24. 
F. en aventure. 

Incommoditie. sb. inconveni 
ence, discomfort, 17. 37, 85. 
29, 103. 33, 112. 2. L. in- 
commoditas. See Commoditie. 

Incommodj ous, a. uncomfort 
able, 23.34. In + Med. L. 

Incontinent, incontynente, 
adv. immediately, forthwith, 
13. 16, 19. 29, 3*0. 10, 32. 25, 
et passim. F. incontinent ; L. 
in continents, in continuous 
time, without break. 

Indifferent, indyfferente, a. 
moderate, reasonable, just, 
27. 25, 76. 18, 133. 31. L. 
indifferens(-entem), ofmedium 

Infamed, ppl. a. 77. 31. See 

Ingrosse, v. to monopolize, buy 
up the whole market, 18.37. 
From the phrase In gross ; F. 
en gros, in the lump, whole 

Iniurie, sb. injury, hurt, 20. 
27. L. injilria, wrong, hurt. 

Inordinate, a. excessive, un 
controlled, 44. 33. L. inor- 



dindtus, from ordindre, to 

Insensibilitie, sb. absence of 

feeling, 92.15. Late L. in- 

sensibilitas, the condition of 

being insensible. 
Institute, ppl. a. established, 

constituted, 105. 32. L. m- 

stitutus, past part, of instituere, 

to establish. 
Instructe, ppl. a. instructed, 

taught, 59. 5, 81. 30, 105. 

31. L. instructus, past part, of 
instmere, to instruct (strutre, 
to build). 

Instrumentes, documents, 75. 

32. L. instrumentum, instru 
ment, tool ; from instruere. 

Into, prep, among, 49. 38. OE. 
into, in, into, among. 

Intreataunce, sb. entreaty, in 
tercession, 4. 9. From OF. 
entraiter L. in + fracture, to 
treat, handle. 

Intreate, v. See Entreat. 

Inuade, v. attack, makewaron, 
118. 34. L. incadere ; in, in, 
+ vadere, to go. 

Inuehyng, pres. part, inveigh 
ing, sailing, 126. i. L. in + 
vehere, to carry, bear. 

Inuisibly, a. for invisible, 
128. 38. L. invlsibilis, that 
cannot be seen. 

Inurede, ppl. a. accustomed, 
exercised, practised, 15. 3, 

33. 27, 97. 18. L. in, in + 
ure, to exercise, use. 

lonckettes, sb. junkets, sweet 
meats, delicacies, 72. 15. 
Ital. giuncata, a kind of 
cream-cheese, so-called be 
cause served on rushes. (L. 
juncus, rush.) 

Italy, 31. 31, 33. a. 

Juger, sb. arbiter, judge, 131. 
si. Agent from v. Judge ; 
F. juger, L. judicare. 


Kendle, v. kindle, 84. 23. ME. 
kindlen ; ON. kynda, to 

King, the (of England}, 11. 23. 

Kinrede, sb. kindred, members 
of the same family or race, 
66. 8. OE. cyn, kin, + suffix 
-rtfden, state, condition. 
Mod. Eng. has excrescent d. 

Kipe, kype, v. keep, maintain, 
14. 19, 140. 38. OE. cepan ; 
ME. kepe, also kip, possibly 
influenced by ME. kip, to 
seize. (ON. kippa.) 

Knowledge, v. acknowledge, 
53. 9, 93. 17, 137. 24. ME. 
knowlechen, v. from know + 
vbl. suffix -lechen, OE. liecan. 
Hence Mod. Eng. acknowledge. 

Kyele, sb. keel. Kydged 
Kyeles, 6. n, keels project 
ing below the bottoms of the 
vessels. Icel. kjolr, keel. 

Kyll, v. kylleth them vp, 140. 3, 
kills them off. Cf. Shakesp. 
As You Like II, ii. i. 62 < Kill 
them up. 

Laborsome, laboursome, a. 
laborious, toilsome, 46. 23, 
59.30, 70.ii. OF. labour, 
L. labor, + OE. suffix -sum. 

Laestrygones (Lestrygones"), 7. 4. 

Landed, a. having land, land 
owning, 62. 14. Formed as 
if a past part, from Land, sb. 

Lascaris, 96. 24. 

Lauasse, a. lavish, profuse, 13. 
9. OF. lavasse, lavache, sb. 
a deluge of rain ; ME. la 
vasse, lavesse, sb. and a., later 
corrupted to lavish. 

Laundes, sb. glades, grassy 
plains, 16. 15. OF. lande ; 



Mod. Eng. (with loss of d), 

Lay their heddes togither, take 

counsel together, 25. 36. 
Layde in hys necke, laid to 

his charge, at his door, 42. 


Leade one s life, 43. 18. 

Leage, sb. bond, alliance, 
league. 31. 35. Late L. Uga, 
from ligare, to bind. 

Leaned vnto, v. depended 
upon, derived support from, 
11. 24. OE. hi ana, n, to lean. 

Lease, oonj. lest, 6l. 35. A 
form of Less ; OE. Sy Ids tie, 
by that the less that, gener 
ally shortened to Mod. Eng. 

Leaste, cony , lest, 15. 16. See 

Leaue, v. to forsake, give up, 
20. 14. OE. Icefan. 

Leese, leise, v. lose, 37. 25, 88. 
31, 111.33; lose, waste, 28. 
9. OE. leosan, to lose ; ME. 
llsen, losen. 

Leffe, sb. 62. 18. Variant of 
Life. OE. lif. 

Lese, o. less, 113. 25. OE. 
Lzssa used as comparative of 

Let, v. to prevent, hinder, 61. 
n, 86. 31, 91. 5. OE. lettan, 
to hinder, make late ; from 
Icet, a. late. 

Lee, lette, sb. hindrance, im 
pediment, 20. 6, 23. 9, 59. 
23, 104. 19. From the prec. 

Lewde, a. ignorant, worthless, 
10.28, 90.8, 118.26. OE. 
Idwed, ignorant ; properly, be 
longing to the laity ; from 
L. Idicus, lay. 

Licensed, lycensed from, ppl. a. 
exempt from, excused, 60. 
36, 63. 12. From Licence, L. 
licentia, freedom to act. 

Licuetenauntes, sb. lieuten 
ants, deputies, 121. 28. F. 

lieu tenant ; L. locum tenens 

(tenentem\ one who takes 

another s place. 
Lightlye, adv. easily, for any 

slight cause, 57. 20. OE. 

leohtllce, from leoht, easy, 

Liqueresse, sb. liquorice, 52. 9. 

AF. lycorys ; L. liquiritia, 


Logycalles, 82. 17. See Note. 
Looke, v. see, 16. a. OE. 

Lores, sb. doctrines, opinions, 

94. 26. OE. Idr, learning, 

Lubbor, sb. dolt, 80. a. ME. 

lobrs ; cf. MDu. lobbe, clown, 
Lucian, 96. 27. 
Lumpyshe, a. clumsy, stupid, 

80. 37. From Lump, sb., cf. 

Norw. lump, block ; Dutch 

lamp, clumsy. 
Lust, v. please, desire, 17. 26, 

103. 12. OE. lystan, impera. 

to please ; ME. listen, lusten, 

pers. or impers. 
Lusty e, a. joyful, 130. 23. 

From OE. lust, sb. delight, 

Lycensed, 60. 36. See Licensed. 
Lyghtly, adv. easily, 55. 35. 

See Lightlye. 
Lyse, v. lose, 100. 24. Set 


Lyst, v. desire, please, 127. aa. 
See Lust. 


*Macariens. Hie, 38. 26. 
Madder, sb. a plant used in 

dyeing, 75. 6. OE. mceddre. 
Made away, ppl. a. made away 

with, destroyed, 23. 21. 
Make nothing to, make no 

difference to, 91. 31. 



Make out of the waye, put out 
of the way, dispose of, 103. 


Maner, sb. Taken with the 
maner, 25. 28, caught in the 
act. AF. manere ; Ital. ma- 
niera, manner, mode of hand 
ling (Jj. manus, hand). 

Mansleers, sb. manslayers, 
killers, 14. 27. From OE. 
manslean, to kill, murder, 
with agent suffix -er. Cf. 
OE. manslaga, man-slayer. 

Marcgraue, sb. Mnrgrave, count 
or earl of the Marches, 1. 
29. Du. markgraaf; mark, 
boundary, graaf, a count. 

Marchaunte-men, sb. traders, 
merchants, 111. 6. OF. mar- 
chant, merchant. 

Marrish, sb. marsh, swamp, 
100. 38. OF. warns, late L. 
mariscus from mare, sea. 

Marueil, sb. marvel, wonder, 
28. 32. F. merveille ; L. mlrd- 
bilia, wonderful things. 

Master of the Rolls, 1. 16. 

Me selfe, pron. myself, 43. 38, 
44. 22. OE. me, dative of 
pers. pron. + emphatic 
pron. self. In ME. often 
weakened to miself, and mi 
confused with the posses 
sive, cf. Mod. Eng. myself. 

Meanes, sb. by thys meanes, 
24. 17, with the help of this. 
PI. form of adj. used as sb. 
and treated as singular. AF. 
meien, medium, hence aid, 
help ; L. medidnus, from me- 
dius, middle. 

Meate, sb. food, provision, 68. 
19. OE. mete, food. 

Meerye, a. merry, 130. 23. 
OE. myrge, merry; ME. merie, 

Meesse, sb. a dish, portion, 
course, 71. 14. OF. tnes, dish, 

course ; L. missum, that 

which is sent up. 
Merely, adv. gaily, joyfully, 

merrily, 128. 22. ME. meri- 

liche ; OE. myrig + licet 
Methe, sb. mead, a sweet drink 

usually made of honey, 52. 

8. OE. medu ; cf. ME. forth 

for ford. 
Middes, myddes, midst, 67. 35. 

OE. midd, a. + adv. Gen. -es ; 

to middes, in the midst. Cf. 

againes, Mod. Eng. against. 
Milan, 31. 28. 
Mind, sb. to mi mind, 28. 4, to 

my taste or liking. 
* Mithra, Mythra, 123. 25, 134. 


Mitio, 42. 13 

Mo, moo, a. more (in number), 
more numerous, 34. 3, 65. 
n, 83. 16, 105. 37, 108. 15, 
124. 32. OE. md, more ; in 
Bible of 1611 moe : Ps. xl. 12 
they are moe then the 
haires of mine head. 

Morderer, sb. murderer, 21. 
37. From OE. myrOrian 
ME. murSren, morOren, with 
agent suffix -er (OE. are}. 

More, Sir Thomas, 9. 18, 11. a, 
30. i, 43. 9. 

Morton, Cardinal John, 10. 38, 
12. 7, 15. 34, 26. 30, et passim. 

Moses, law of, 21. 23. 

Moughte-eaten, ppl. a. moth- 
eaten, 35. 10. OE. mohSa, 
modSe, moth ; ME. moughte, 

Mouinge, mouynge, sb. move 
ment, motion, 82. 25, 97. 16. 
120. 15. From Move, v. ; L. 

Moyles, sb. pi. mules, 34. 6. L. 

Mulettour, sb. muleteer, mule- 
driver, 34. 6. F. muletier, 
from mulet, a mule. With 



exchange of suffixes -ier, 


Myddes. See Middes. 
Myenes, mines, 22. 28. 

From Mine, v., F. miner. 
Myke, a. meek, quiet, 15. 36. 

Variant of Meek. Icel. 

mjukr; ME. meke. 
*Mythra. See Jlithra. 


Namelye, adv. especially, par 
ticularly, 61. 3, 137. 27; liter 
ally by name ; OE. nama, 
name, + adv. suffix -Uce. 

Naples, 31. 29. 

Navarre, kingdom of, 32. u. 

Neades, nedes, adv. needs, of 
necessity, 26. 25, 38. 7. OE. 
niedes ; ME. nedes ; adv. 
Gen. from rued, sb. need, 

*Nephelogetes, the, 111. 4, 17, 19. 

Nephewes, sb. 139. 10, nephews, 
or (possibly) grandsons, cf. 
L. nepos which may mean 
either. OF. neveu ; L. nepotem, 
ace. ; with partial assimila 
tion to L. spelling in six 
teenth cent. 

Nero, 40. 8. 

Nether, . . . nor, conj. neither 
. . . nor, 74. 12. OE. n + 
cegfier from ceghuxefer, either 
of two. Perhaps a misprint 
for the usual form Nother. 

Newe fanglenes, sb. love of 
novelty, 18. 22. See New 

Newfangled, a. novel, new- 
fashioned, 41. 14. ME. newe- 
fangel, a. fond of what is 
new (OE. *fangol, grasping 
after) + suffix -ed, as if a 
past part. 

Nexte, a. nearest, 103. 6, 106. 

37. OE. nshst, superl. of nth, 
neah, nigh. 

Nigeshe, a. niggardly, 81. 16. 
From Icel. hnoggr ; Swed. 
njugg, niggardly, with suffix 

Nother, adv. or conj. neither, 
88.15, 136. ii. Nother. . . 
nother = neither . . . nor, 63. 
33, 85. 34, 94. 24, 29, 100. i. 
Nother . . . nor, 9. 20, 25, 
47. ii, 63. n, 72. 2, 99. 4, 6. 
Alone after a negative = nor, 
12. 14, 65. 13, 68. 31, 93. 33, 
119. 7, 138. 38. ME. nowSer, 
nawSer; OE. nawder from 
ndhvxeder, pron. adj. neither 
of the two, cf. L. neuter. 
Further shortened in ME. 
to nor ; ME. adv. use 
probably influenced by oSer, 
either, or. 

Noughte, nowght, sb. nothing, 
a thing of no value, 41. 30, 
42. 29. OE. nawiht, ndht, 

Noughtenes, sb. worthlessness, 
31. 19, 81. i. From prec. 

Noughty, a. worthless, evil, 
40. 24. From Nought, see 

Noyinge, pres.part. annoying, 
harming, 16. 10. Pres. part, 
of ME. nuien for anuien, to 
annoy ; from OF. anoi, anui, 
vexation ; L. in odio, in 

Noyous, a. harmful, noxious, 
15. 29. From OF. anoi, vexa 
tion + suffix -ous. 

Noysome, a. troublesome, 
harmful, 5. 31. ME. noy 
for anoy, OF. anoi, vexation, 
+ OE. suffix -sum. 

Nyggyshe, a. niggardly, 138. 
38. See Nigeshe. 

Nyse, a. particular, fastidious, 
65. 9. OF. nice, foolish, 



simple ; L. nescius, ignorant, 
with change of meaning in 

Occupie, occupye, v. use, 
employ, trade with, 76. 23, 
88. 29, make use of, practise, 
60. 10, 115. ii. L. occupare, 
to lay hold of. 

Occupieng, occupyengo, sb. 
use, employment, 88. 26, 
143. 17 ; trade, traffic, 39. 8, 
111.27; intercourse, dealing, 
66. 4. From Occupie, v. 

f)f,prep. (i) from, out of (denot 
ing the source!, 23. 21, 24. i, 
24.5, 81. 26, 89.34, 107. n; 
(a) by (denoting the agent), 
14. 28, 38, 34. 4, 82. 23, 84. 
ao, 89. 20, 21, 131. 36, 137. 
2 3 (3) with, by, from 
(denoting the instrument), 
29. 19, 38. 13, 70. 36, 110. 17 ; 
of his owne head, 73. 24, of 
his own will or motion. 
OE. of, prep, of, from, out of. 

Of, prep. on. Of both sides, &c. ; 
on, 5. 22, 3C. 13, 48. ai, 98. 
ao, 133. 12 ; of the contrarye 
part, on the other hand, 
24. 38, 76. 36, 91. 25 ; of both 
sides them, 71. 32, on both 
sides of them ; of one heare, 
88. 5, by one hair. 

Of a child, 30. 24, from child 
hood. Cf. Mark ix. 21 < Of 
a child. 

Of that, 25. 4, for that, because. 

Of, adv. off, 24.22. OE. of, 
adv. off, away. 

On liue, alive, 116.20. OE. 
on life ; on weakened to o, a in 

One, prep, on, 28. 33, 92. 32. 
OE. on. 

Onely, onlye, adv. alone, 15. 

31, 115.23. OE. fin-Re, a. 
singular, only. 

Ones, adv. once, formerly, 22. 
6, 57. 8 ; once, sometime, 143. 
33. Adv. use of Gen. of OE. 
numeral an. Mod. Eng. 
has ce for final voiceless s ; 
cf. mice, pence. 

Onles, coy. unless, 43. 14. OE. 
on + las, less, hence on lesse 
that, on a less supposition 
than that. 

Onwardnes, sb. advance, pro 
gress, 92. 4. From Onward, 
adv. ; OE. onweard, against, 
toweard, approaching, going 

Openner, sb. revealer, discloser, 
26. ii. From OE. openian, 
to open, reveal, with agent 
suffix are. 

Order, v. control, dispose, 25. 
16. From F. ordre, sb. order ; 
L. ordo, -inem. 

Orelles, orels, or else, 9. 32, 
15. 14, 20. See Elles. 

Other, adv. or conj. either. 
Other . . . or = either . . . or, 
13. 22, 33. 21, 46. 33, 61. 10, 
55. 26. Other ... or els 
(else), 30. 28, 52. 7, 58. 6, 10. 
33, ... or elles, 31. 20, 100. 
ai, 105. 36. ME. ojter . . . 
ofier, oj>er ... or ; OE. oSde . . . 
odde, with compar. suffix -er, 
and shortening to or. Also 
strengthened by adv. Els, 
elks, q. v. 

Ouerlyuing, v. outliving, sur 
viving, 100. 13. 

Ouerrunned, ppl. a. overrun, 
14. 37. ME. runnen ; OE. 
urnen, past part, of irnan, to 
run ; treated as a weak verb. 
Prefix ofer, over. 

Ouerseen, ppl. a. having com 
mitted an oversight, impru 
dent, 58. 26. Active use of 



past part, of Oversee ; OE. 
oferseon, overlook. 

Ouerthwarte, a. perverse, 
cross, 10. 28. Icel./rert, neut. 
offoerr, perverse. 

Ouer wharte, prep, across, 
athwart, transversely across, 
71. 12. Dialectal for Over- 
thwart, used as adv. and prep. 

Owte, adv. out, forth, 126. 25. 
The use of the adv. alone to 
supply the sense of the vb. 
of motion is common in OE. 
and ME. 

Palinurus, 3. 27. 

Parson, sb. person, 27. i. ME. 
persone ; L. persona, a mask, 
character in a play. ME. 
also parsone, with change of 
to a before r + cons. Mod. 
Eng. differentiates according 
to meaning. 

Partein, v. pertain, belong, 
27. 16. OF. partenir ; L. 
pertintre, to belong. 

Partie, partye, sb. the person, 
22. 8, 102. 3. OF. partie, a 
part, party ; L. partita, fern, 
of partltus, divided. 

Passe, v. surpass, 87. 21. Late 
L. passare, to pass, from 
pass MS, step. 

Pass for, v. care for, trouble 
about, 8. 5, 17. 31, 65. 5, 107. 
31, 116. 23, 129. 32. Cf. 
Shakesp. 2 Henry VI, iv. a. 
156 I pass not. 

Payntinges, sb. painting, arti 
ficial means, 105. 2. From 
ME. peinten, to paint ; OF. 
print, past part, of peindre ; 
L. pingere. 

Penny father, sb. miser, nig 
gard, one who hoards his 
pence, 81. 16. 

Pensifenes, sb. care, anxiety, 
118. 14, 139. 4. From Pensive, 
OF. pensif; cf. penser, to 
think ; L. pensdre, weigh, 

Performe, v. complete, supply, 
74. 28. AF. parformer, OF. 
parfournir, lit. to furnish 

Persia, 22. 31 ; King of, 22. 36, 

Peruocation, sb. for Provoca 
tion, 20. 1 8. From L. provo- 
catus, called forth. 

Peryshe, v. destroy, make to 
perish, 56. 14. Transitive 
use of Perish. From OF. 
periss-, lengthened stem of 
perir ; L. perire. 

*Pltylarch, 51. i, 52. 22, 57. 6, 
g, 27, 58. 8. 

Pike a thanke, 54. 3, to curry 
favour, hence pickthank. 

Plain, a. obvious, evident, 91. 
9. L. planus, flat. 

Plat, sb. plate, 77. n. OF. 
plat, flat ; late L. platia, plate 
of metal. 

Plato, 3. 28, 30. 36, 81. 15, 41. 

Platte fourme, sb. ground plan, 
55. 31. F. plate-forme, plat 
form, model. 

Ptautus, 40. 3. 

Plesauntnes, sb. pleasingness, 
delight, 87. 5. From Pleasant, 
a. ; OF. plesant, pleasing, 
pres. part, of plesir ; L. placfre. 

Plotte, sb. plot of ground, site, 
50. 10, 64. 17. ME. plot. 

Pluck, v. to snatch, take, 44. n, 
to pull, 17. 30, 18. 32 ; pluck 
ed back, 63. 23, recalled, 
fetched back. OE. pluccian, 
to pluck, tear. 

Plutarch, 96. 06. 

Policie, sb. practice, mode of 
procedure, 51. 25. L. poKtta, 



Qr. TroXiTtia, polity, govern 

Polle, t\ to cut or crop the hair, 
24. 20, 37. 28, fig. to shear, 
clip bare, 13. 6. ME. pollen, 
to cut the hair; LG. polle, 
head, pate. 

*Polylerites, the, 22. 32. 

Portugalle, sb. a native of 
Portugal, a Portuguese, 4. i. 
The usual ME. name. 

Possible, adv. possibly, 18. n, 
F. possible, a. ; L. possibilis, 
able to be done. 

Posternne, s6. a small back 
door, 55. 7. OF. posterne, po- 
sterle, L. posterula, from po 
sterns, behind. 

Praye, sb. prey, booty, 82. i, 
110. 28, 121. 15. AF. preis ; 
L. praeda, prey. 

Precyncte, sb. boundary, limit, 
24. 33. L. praecinctus, past 
part, of praecingere, to gird 

Preparaunce, sb. preparation, 
making ready, 84. ii. From 
Prepare, v. ; L. praeparare, to 
make ready before. 

Prescript, ppl. a. prescribed, 
39. 10, 44. 33, 66. 15, 103. 24. 
L. praescriplus, past part, of 
praescribere, to write before 

Presently, adv. in one s very 
presence, being present, 45. 
38, 76.14, 91.24, 129. 9 . 
From Present, a. ; L. praesens 
(-sentem}, being in front. 

Pretensod, ppl. a. intended, 
purposed, 104. 17. Late L. 
praetensus for praetentus, al 
leged, held before. 

Preuy, a. privy, secret, 29. 35. 
ME. privi, previ, F. privi ; L. 
privdtus, private. 

Primifest, 134. 5. See Note. 

Pristynato, a. pristine, original, 

92. 8. L. pristinuSf ancient, 
+ suffix -ate. 

Proctour, sb. procurator in the 
law-courts, 106. a. Short for 
procurator ; late L. ace. pro- 
curdtorem, manager, deputy. 

Profe, proffe, sb. trial, proof, 
evidence, 26. 31, 83. 35. 
Nexte yearos proffe, 75. 3, 
what next year may prove 
to be. Older spellings of 
Proof, ME. prove, prei-c ; F. 
preuve, sb. Double forms 
from the ME. verb. ; cf. OF. 
prover, to prove ; preute, he 
proves ; L. proba re, pro bat. 

Profitable let, a. reasonable 
hindrance, 73. 9. 

Properlie, adv. singularly, pe 
culiarly, 77. 24. From F. 
propre, a. ; L. proprius, (-MW), 
one s own, peculiar to one 

Psalmist, The, 29. 10. 

Puisaunce, puysaunce, sb. 
power, might, 14. 4, 61. 
31, 111. ia. F. puissance, 

Pulleyne, sb. chickens, 51. 25. 
OF. poulaine, young of an 
animal; late L. puleanus from 

Puppettes, sb. dolls, 78. 17, 
MF. poupette, dim. of poupee, 
doll ; cf. L. pupa, girl, doll. 

Purple die fells, skins of pur 
ple dye, 75. 7. 

Putt furthe, ppl. a. brought 
forward, 58. 15. 

Putt to, apprenticed to, given 
into charge of, 60. 6. 

Puyssaunte, a. powerful, migh 
ty, 32. 7. F. puissant, pow 
erful ; L. possens (-entem) for 

Pyked, ppl. a. picked, chosen, 
95.36. ME. pikken; ON. 



Pylled, v. plundered, 33. 
23. F. piller ; L. pUare, to 


Quicke, quycke, s6. living, 128. 
34, 129. 10, the vital part, 
13. 7. Towchyd one the 
quicke, 28. 33, wounded in 
the most vital part. OE. 
cwic, a. living. 

Quod, v. quoth, said, 8. 17, 9. 
1 8. OE. cwati, pret. singular 
of cweSan, to say ; ME. quath, 
quoth, weakened to quod. 

Quyte, a. quit, free, 21. 15. 
OF. quite, released, free ; 
late L. quietus. 


Ranke, a. abundant, plentiful, 

12. 5. OE. ranc, strong, 

Rauin, rauyne, sb. rapine, 

plunder, 45. 3, 68. 13, 133. 

20, 141. 17. OF. ravine, L. 

rapina, plunder. 
Recule, v. retreat, recoil, 133. 

26. F. recultr, to recoil ; 

from L. ciilus, hinder part. 
Refrayne, refreyn, v. to check, 

restrain, 12. n, 99. 22, to 

restrain oneself, refrain 

from, 42. 37. L. refrenare, to 

curb ; from frenum, a curb, 


Reiecte, ppl. a. rejected, ex 
cluded, 127. 17. Past part. 

of Reject, v., OF. rejecter ; L. 

re, back, jactdre, to throw. 
Relygyous men, sb. members 

of the religious or monastic 

orders, 62. 12. 
Render, v. give up, surrender, 

112. 8. F. rendre; L. redd ere, 

to give back. 
Renowme, sb. renown, fame, 

105. 1 6. F. renom ; from L. 
nomen, name. 

Reparacions, sb. repairs, 64. 
22. From L. reparatus, past 
part, of repardre, to repair, 
make ready again. 

Repriued, ppl. a. reprieved, 26. 
38. Properly, having one s 
sentence re-proved or dis 
allowed. ME. reproven, re- 
preven ; OF. reprover, to dis 
allow 3rd sg. pves. repreuve. 

Reprochefull, a. full of re 
proach, disgraceful, 78. 32, 
79. 30. F. reprocher ; late 
L. *reprobicdre, from prope, 
near ; hence to bring near 

Retche, sb. reach, 123. 13. From 
OE. r<zcan, to reach ; ME. 

Reuenewes, renennues, sb. re 
venues, incomes, 16. 6, 24. 5. 
From F. revenu, past part, of 
revenir, to come back ; L. 

Reuerende, sb., 45. 31. Prob 
ably an error for Reverence ; 
L. reverentia, from revererl, to 

Reyalme, sb. realm, kingdom, 
35. 32. AF. realms ; late 
L. *regatimen, from rtgalis, 

Ribauld, ribbald, sb., worth 
less fellow, scoundrel, 28. 37, 
29. 19. Low L. ribaldus, 
ruffian ; from OHG. hnba, 
prostitute, with mnsc. suffix 
-wald (power), cf. Reginald. 

Ride, sb. Variant of Reed, 97. 
33. OE. hrSod. 

Romans, 14. 34, 46. 29. 

Rome, Empire of, 46. 34. 

Rotte, sb. & disease of sheep, 
17. 1 8. Cf. OE. rotian, to 

Roundinge, sb. the rounding 



of his head, the manner in 
which his hair is rounded 
off when cut, 25. 35. Cf. 
p. 24, 1. 21. 

Rubbers, sb. robbers, 20. 14. 
OF. robeor ; derived from 
OHG. rouba, booty, spoil. 

Run at rouers, run at random, 
rove about, 108. 36. Cf. Du. 
roorer, robber, pirate. 

Runne in, v. incur, 38. u. A 
literal translation of L. t n- 

Russhe bucklers, sb. a worth 
less boaster, a good-for-noth 
ing fellow, 62. 17. Properly, 
one whose shield is made of 
rushes. OF. buder, shield. 

Rydde, ppl. a. got rid of, dis- 
"patched. 22. 8. OE. hreddan, 
to free from. 

Ryffe, a. rife, abundant, 12. 
5. OE. rlf ; Icel. rifr, abun 
dant, frequent. 

Ryght, o. genuine, 88. 22. OE. 
riht, true, correct. 


Sacke, sb. sake, 15. 26. ME. 

sake, sake, cause ; OE. sacu, 

dispute, litigation. 
Sad, sadde, a. sober, serious, 

27. 14, 101. 20, 104. 25. OE. 

seed, sated ; hence quiet, 

Saintuarie, sb. sanctuary, 26. 

35. OF. saintuarie, shrine ; 

L. sanctuarium. 
Sallust, 14.28. 
Sauegarde, sb. safeguard, 25. 

22, 36. 31, 133. 18. OF. 

sauf-garde ; from L. salvus, 

safe, and OLG. warden, to 

watch, guard. 
Sauffe, prep, save, except, 37. 

9. OF. sauf, a., L. salvus, 

safe. Used in ME. as a 
prep, and conj. with meaning 
these things being safe, i.e. 

Sauitie, sb. safety, 37. 3. OF. 
sauvete ; L. salvitas. 

Scaselv, skaselie, adv. scarcely, 
hardly, 49. 13, 63. 9, 101. 36, 
108. 12. ME. scars-liche, OF. 
escars, scarce ; late L. ex- 
carpsus for L. excerptus, se 

Schole philosophic, philosophy 
of the schoolmen, 39. 26. 

Sclaunderer, sb. slanderer, 28. 
37. From Slander ; ME. 
sclaundre ; OF. esclandre, po 
pular form of L. scandalum. 

Scoupe, sb. scope, 21. 30. Cf. 
Ital. scppo, a mark to shoot 
at ; Gr. OVCOTTOS, look-out man, 
mark aimed at. 

Scyence liberal, sb. any ac 
cepted branch of knowledge, 
61. ii. 

Scyilas, 7. 4. 

Sealynge, pres. part. 92. 37, 
putting an end to, curing. 
But possibly an error for 

Seconde Intentyons, 82. 19. 
See Note. 

Seely, seilie, sely, a. simple, 
32. 37, 89. 20, 139. 28. OE. 
sielig from seel, time ; = 
timely then happy, inno 
cent ; simple, foolish. 

Seneca, 3. 37, 40. 8. 

Sergeauntes at the lawe, sb. 
Sergeants at law, 106. a. 
OF. sergant, serjant ; late L. 
serviens (-ientern), ari officer. 

Seruiseable, adv. usefully, ISO. 


Set by, ppl. a. esteemed, 93. 

1 6. Cf. next. 
Sette greate store, make much 

of, esteem highly, 104. 21. 



Sette in theyre neckes, set on 
them, 114. 26. 

Set fyld, field arranged for 
battle, 61. 24, 117. 26. 

Setting furth, vbl. sb. execu 
tion, carrying out, 55. 34. 

Seuerall, a. separate, distinct, 
24.30, 68.38, 71.7, 125.31, 
138. 28 ; adv. separately, 
apart, 68. i, 70. 23. OF. 
several ; med. L. sspardlis, 
separate, from slparare, to 

Sewer, a. sure, 68. n, 142. i. 
OF. seur, for segur; L. securus. 

Sewerly, adv. surely, 14. 8, 87. 
3, 120. 3. 

Sewter, 11. 10. Variant of 
Sueter, q. v. 

Shamefastenes, sb. shamefaced- 
ness, 78. 15. From OE. 
scamfcest, a. ; OE. scamu, 
shame, modesty ; fast, firm. 
Corrupted in Mod.Eng. to 

Shelues, sb. sandbanks, reefs, 
49. i. OE. scylf, ledge, shelf. 

Shere, sheyre, sb. shire, pro 
vince, 25. 23, 26. i. OE. 

Shiltreth, v. shelters, protects, 
48. 22. From OE. scUdtruma, 
shield-troop, guard ; ME. 
scheltrun, shiltroun, a protec 
tion ; hence Mod. Eng. 

Shrewedely, adv. roughly, 
badly, 111. 13. From 
Shrewd, a. ; ME. schrewed, 
past part, ofschrewen, tocurse. 

Sickerlye, adv. surely, cer 
tainly, 42. 9. From ME. 
siker, a. ; L. sScurus, sure. 

Simylitude, sb. simile, illus 
tration, 42. 36. L. similitado 
(-inem\ likeness ; from simi- 
lis, like. 

Single, a. simple, alone, 22. 

12. Late L. singulus, single, 


*Siphogrant. See Syphogrant. 
*Siphogranty ( = ward*), 69. 36, 

Sit, past part, sat, 47. 33. ME. 

seten (OE. seteri), also siten 

after the infin., OE. sillan. 
Skant, adv. scarcely, hardly, 

139. 29. ME. skant, a. and 

adv. insufficient, -ly ; Icel. 

skamt, neut. of skammr, 


Skaselie, adv. See Scasely. 
Skyrnyshe, sb. skirmish, 114. 

8. From ME. scarmish, skir- 

mishe, v. ; OF. eskermir (esker- 

missanf), to fence. 
Slacly, adv. lazily, 23. 28. OE. 

s-(ec, skac, a. slack, indolent. 
Sleane, ppl. a. slain, 114. 13. 

From the infin., OE. slean, 

to slay, past part, geslagen. 
Sleping sicknes, sb. lethargy, 

92. 16. 

Sloughfullenes, sb. slothful- 
ness, 60.35. From OE. slaw, 

a. slow, sluggish ; ME. stoic, 

Sloughishnes, s6. sluggishness, 

sloth, 94. 4. A formation 

from ME. slough, OE. slaw, 

as if with OE. suffix -we. 

See prec. 
Smacke, sb. flavour, taste, 116. 

8. OE. smcec, taste. 
So that, con;, provided that, 

86. 30, 125. 37, 126. 23, 135. 

25. OE. siva, so that + pron. 

Sodde, ppl. a. boiled, 52. 9. 

OE. soden, past part, of seoSan, 

to boil. 
Sodeyne, a. Sudden, 51. 36, 

120. 8. OF. sodain, sudain ; 

late L. *subitanus, sudden. 
Som, sb. sum, amount, 38. 36. 

F. somme ; L. summa. 



Sophocles, 96. 29. 

Sorte, sb. a lot, a number, 
53. 27. Cf. Puttenham, Arte 
of Eng. Poesie, a great sort 
of little children. OF. sorte, 
L. sors (sortem), properly lot, 

Spared, ppl. a. dispensed with, 
26. 34. OE. sparian, to 
spare, abstain from. 

Speces, sb. spices, 72. 16. ME. 
spice, spece ; OF. espice, spice ; 
L. species (-tern). 

Spedelier, adv. more speedily, 
64. 27. Compar. of spedeli, 
OE. spedttce ; from sped, 
success, speed. 

Spende, v. make use of, 
consume, 64. 36. OE. 
spendan ; from L. dis- or 
ex- pendere. 

Spill, v. to spoil, ruin, 15. 
20. OE. spillan, to destroy, 

Spite of there tethes, in des 
pite of their utmost resist 
ance, 119. 24. Cf. Shakesp. 
Merry Wives, v. 5. 133. 

Stage, sb. her owne stage, 
39. 36, her proper sphere. 
AF. estage, stage, dwelling- 
house ; late L. * staticum, 

Stand in, v. cost, 64. 9, 38. 
L. constdre, to stand one in, 

Staye, sb. pause, delay, 96. 5. 
In a good staye, 64. 16, 
stable, well-established. 
From the vb. Stay, (i) to 
support ; (a) to remain. 
OF. estaye, sb. a prop. 

Stomaked, ppl. a. tempered, 
hearted, 87. 22. From Sto- 
make, sb. 

Stomakes, sb. dispositions, 
hearts, 36. 38. OF. estomac, 

Stoole, v. stole, 23. 16. ME. 
stol, stool, pret. of stelen, to 

Stoycall, a. stoical, unyielding, 
harsh, 20. 31. From Stoic, 
sb., L. stoicus, Gk. Srcai/tos, 
a Stoic. 

Straunge, a. foreign, 76. i. 
OF. estrange ; L. extrdneus, 
belonging to the outside. 

Strayte, streyte, a. and adv. 
strict, severe, 11. 36, 20. 28; 
strictly, 28. 27. OF. estreit ; 
L. strictus. 

Subtell, a. subtle, skilful, 
40. 35. OF. sotil, soutil ; L. 
subfilis, fine, subtle, b in 
serted from L. in sixteenth 
cent., but not sounded. 

Sueter, sb. suitor, those having 
a suit with any, 29. 38. 
From F. suite, pursuit, suit 
at law; late L. type *sequita, 
for secuta, a following. 

Sumwhether, adv. somewhere, 
27. 38. OE. sum, some ; 
huxeder, hwider, whither ; 
ME. wheder, whider. 

Surmount, v. increase, 48. 
20. F. surmonter, to mount 

Suyte, sb. suit, 44. 37. See 

Swychers, sb. the Swiss, 32. 6. 
Cf. MHG. Switeer, Swiss; 
Mod. G. Schweizer. 

Symylitude, -lytude, sb. like 
ness, 20. 36, 45. 36. Set 

*Syphogrant, 57. 5, 58. 8, 60. 
14. 63. 12, 19, 69. i, 71. 8, 
73. 8. 

Syrians, 14. 34. 

Tables, the game of 
tables, the modern back- 



gammon, 18. 28. F. teWe ; 
L. tabula, a table, also the 

Take their houses, 43. 3; take 
to, &c. 

Taprobane (Ceylon), 4. 25. 

Temsice, George, provost of Cassel, 

Terence, 42. 13. 

Thadmynystratyon, sb. the 
administration, 22. 22. The 
elision of the e of the definite 
article before a word be 
ginning with a vowel was 
common in ME. ; cf. then- 
tente, 98. 19. 

Than. adv. then, 10. 3, 19. 14, 
46. i6, 131.8. OE. Ocenne , 
ME. than, then. 

The owne, its own, 80. 32, 
92. n, 126. 24. 

Thefe stolen, ppl. a. stolen by 
a thief, robbed, 23. 19. 
Compound of Thcfe, sb., OE. 
feof, and Stolen, past part, 
of to steal ; OE. stelan, past 
part, gestolen. 

Their whear, adv. there where, 
18. 5. OE. fo7r, there, 
hw&r, where ; ME. ther where ; 
ther confused in form with 
pron. their, ther*= their, from 
ON. fieggra, gen. pi. 

Them selfes, pron. themselves, 
44. 21. OE. Mom, dat. pron. 
+ self, pron. ; ME. hem-, 
themself. On the analogy 
of miself, herself, we have 
ME. tfteirselves with self treat 
ed as a sb. and made pi. 
Hence also, confusedly, them- 

Theodorus, 96. 24. 

Theophrastus, 96. 18. 

There awaye, adv. in these 
parts, 115. 32. Cf. there 

Thether, adv. thither, there, 

67.37, Q 8.5. OE. tider; 
ME. thider, theder; cf. hider, 
heder for hither, d changed 
to th before r as in father, 
OE. feeder, &c. 

This notwithstanding, not 
withstanding this, never 
theless, 61. 6. An absolute 
clause = L. hoc non obstante. 

Thorough, prep. 27. 29 ; 
through, 27. 29. OE. J>urh; 
ME. thuruh, thoruh, thruh. 

Thronge, ppl. a. crowded, 69. 
14. OE. gefirungen, past part, 
of J>ringan, to throng. ME. 
thrungen, throngen, thronged. 

Throughlye, adv. thoroughly, 
41. 24. OE. Jturh, prep, 
through + adv. suffix -lice. 
See Thorough. 

Thucydides, 96. 30. 

To, prep, for, 45. 13. adv. too, 
12. 10, 36, 62. 2, 65. 9. OE. 
to, prep, and adv. Mod. Eng. 
distinguishes between the 
accented adv. and the un 
accented prep. ; cf. of and 

Togethers, adv. together, 72. 
22. 124. 30. OE. to-gadre, 
together ; ME. togedere + -es 
from the adv. Gen. d be 
comes th before r see 

Torues, sb. pi. sods, turf, 5. i. 
OE. turf; ME. turf, sod, turf ; 
pi. turues, iorues. 

Towardnes, sb. inclination, 
72. 7, 81. 29. From Toward, 
a., ME. toward, well-disposed; 
OE. toiceard, approaching. 

Traine, trayne, sb. device, 
40. 35, 42. 15. ME. train ; 
OF. trahin, stratagem. 

*Traniboi~e, 57. 8,21, 68.4, 
63. 30, 73. 9. 

Translatynge. pres. part, trans 
ferring, 4i>. 16. Translate, 



v., late L. transldtdre from 
translates, transferred. 

* Trapemernes, 134. 4. 
Trauaile, trauayle, sb. labour, 

toil, 45. 25, 46. 32. OF. 
travail, labour. 

* Tricius Apinatus, 96. 31. 
Trippe, sb. a stumble, fault. 

To be taken in a trip = to be 

caught tripping, 36. 5. ME. 

trippen, to step lightly. 
Trough ewyse, adv. in the 

manner of a trough, 6. 8, i.e. 

made with flat bottoms, 

resembling troughs. OE. 

tr6g, troh, trough ; wise, 

Tryffelynge, trifling, playing, 

40. 5, pres. part, of ME. 

triflen, trujlen ; from OF. 

trufle, sb. jest, mockery. 
Tunstall, Cuthbert, 1. 13. 
Turfes, sb. pi. turf, sods, 130. i. 

See Torues. 
Twise, twyse, adv. twice, 2. 6, 

87. 14. ME. twies. Mod. Eng. 

substitutes c for final 

Toicelesa s ; cf. ones, once. 


Vacation, sb. holiday, exemp 
tion, 63. 17. L. vacdtio 
(-onem) , leisure, noun of ac 
tion from vacare, to be at 

Valiaunt, a. strong, able, 
62. 18. OF. vailant, pres. 
part, of valoir, to profit ; 
from L. valere, to be strong. 

Venetians, 31. 30. 

Vespucci, Amerigo, 4.4,11,23, 
5. 4 . 

Vesputius. See Vesputci. 

Ultraequinoctialles, sb. those 
living beyond the equator, 
46. 26. From Ij. ultra, beyond ; 
atquinoctium, time of equal 
day and night. 

Ulysses, 3. 28. 

Vnder, prep, below, inferior to, 
76.31. OE. under, beneath. 

Unneadfull, a. unnecessary, 
65. 25. OE. un- negative 
prefix ; ME. ntdful, needful, 
from OE. nied, necessity. 

Vnnumerable, a. unnumbered, 
countless, 15. 26. L. numerd- 
bilis, that can be numbered, 
with Eng. negative prefix 
un- for L. in-. 

Vnsensybylyte, sb. Forinsensi- 
bility, 91. 18. Ii.insensibilitas, 
with E. un- for L. in-. 

Vnsercheable, a. that cannot 
be sought out, 138. 5. From 
ME. serchen, to search ; OF. 
cercher ; L. circdre, to go 
round, explore. 

Vnthyfty, a. An error for 
Unthrifty, 64. 4. From 
ME. frift-, Icel. }rift from 
/n/a, to thrive. 

Vntyed, ppl. a. unbound, un 
fettered, 23. 26. Negative 
un- + past part, of ME. tiSn ; 
OE. tiegan, to tie, bind. 

Vnweldye, a. unwieldy, 
clumsy, 27. 34, 120. 16. ME. 
unweldi, from ME. welden, to 
wield, rule, manage ; cf. 
MLG-. unweldich, unwieldy. 

Void, a. empty, leisure, un 
occupied, 60. 31. OF. vuide, 
voide, empty. 

Vpholden, ppl. a. maintained, 
preserved, 64. 6. Prefix up- 
+ holden, pp. of ME. holden ; 
OE. healdan, to keep, hold. 

Vplandishe, -yshe, a. belonging 
to the rural districts, rustic, 
15. 10 ; belonging to the land, 
up-lying, 49. 32. OE. up- 
lendisc, from the uplands, 

Vprender, c. render up, 
surrender, 18. 34. OE. up, 



up + ME. rendren ; F. rendre, 

L. reddere, to give back. 
Vre, sb. use, practise, 98. 20 ; 

v. 15. 3. From OF. ure, eure, 

sb. work, operation. Cf. 

inure, manure. 
Vse themselfes, v. behave, 

bear themselves, 66. 3. F. 

user ; L. usare. 
Utopia, island of, 33. 9, 38. 27, 

46. 28. 

Utopians, 7. 17, 43. 23, et passim. 
Utopus, King, 49. 24, 55. 30, 

125. 26, 126. 8. 
Vtter, v. reveal, disclose, 22. 9, 

25. i. From ME. utter, adv. ; 

OE. utor, uttor, compar. of ut, 

Vyle, a. base, menial, 70. 10, 

79. 31. L. vllis, base, mean. 


Waiward, a. wayward, per 
verse, 102. 21. M.E.aweiward, 
wayward ; OE. on weg, away, 
+ suffix ward. 

Warrauntise, sb. warrant, 
guarantee, 75. 22. OF. 
warentise, garantise, from 
warantir, garantir, to warrant ; 
cf. warrandice = warranty, in 
Scotch Law. 

Wax, v. grow, become, 28. 8, 
48. 15. OE. weaxan. 

Way, v. weigh, 140.32. OE. 
wegan, to bear, weigh ; ME. 
waien, weien. Mod. spelling 
from contamination with 
the sb., OE. gt-uriht. 

Weale publyque, sb. state, 
commonwealth, 5. 20, 7. 20, 
9. 5, 23, 11. 16, 12. 34. OE. 
wela, weal, wealth ; L. 
publicus, belonging to the 
people. A rendering of L. 

Weldynge, &. control, move 

ment, 59. 24. Pres. part, of 
ME. welden ; OE. geweldan, 
to control, wield. 

Well a worthe, int. of sorrow, 
alas ! 102. 13. Apparently 
a mixture of two phrases ; 
wellaway, OE. wd Id wd, woe, 
lo, woe, and woe worth the day ; 
worth ** OE. weordan, to be 

Well-sene, ppl. a. having seen 
much, 98. 7. Active use of 
past part, as in well-read, 

Wlthes,s6. riches, possessions, 
44. 4. PL of ME. welSe, an 
extension of wele, OE. wela, 

Whan, conj. when. 26. 20. 
OE. hiccenne ; ME. whan, when. 

Whether, pron. which of two, 
whichever, 34. 2, 60. 10, 
101. 5. OE. hwcefier, pron. 
and conj. 

Whether, adv. whither, 18. 12, 
74. 7, 24, 129. 2. OE. hwceder, 
hwider, whither ; ME. whider, 
with change of d to th before r. 

Whiles, whyles, adv. and conj. 
while, the while that, 22. 12, 
86. 6, 45. 12; whyles that, 
81. 23, 41. 5. OE. hwlles, 
adv. Gen. from hwll, sb. time, 
while. Also as conj. alone 
or + that. 

Whomewyth, with whom, 
115. 25. The prep, is at 
tached enclitically like the 
L. cum. Cf. G. womit. 

Wiped beside their gooddes, 
111. 25 ; cheated of their 
goods. Cf. Cooper, Thesaurus, 
1 1 have wipte the fooles 
from their money. 

Witte, sb. understanding, 
intelligence, 46. 22. OE. 
witt, understanding ; cf. 
witan, to know. 



Wolle, wulle, sb. wool, 59. 30, 

64. 36, 75. 6, 80. 28. OE. 

imdl ; ME. wolle, wulle. 
Wonders, adv. wondrously, 

98. 10, 132. 8. Gen. of OE. 

wundor, sb. wonder, used 

Wonte, o. wonted, customary, 

92. 4. From ME. waned ; 

OE. wunod, past part, of 

wunian, to be accustomed to. 

Used as an adj. with change 

of d to t after n. 
Wordely, a. worldly, 143. 36. 

From Wwdle, sb. A ariant of 

Wordle, sb. world, 22.30, 

82. i, 6, 83. i, 94. ag, et 

passim. A. metathesis of 

World, common in ME. ; OE. 

weorold, worold, world. 
Wriede, past part, distorted, 

perverted, 42. 4. Past part. 

of ME. wrien, to twist ; OE. 

Wrythen, ppl. a. perverted, 

twisted, 36. 17. OE. wriSen, 

past part. ofivrlSan, to twist. 
Wul, wulle, sb. wool. See 


Wullen, a. of wool, 65. 3. 

A new formation from ME. 

wull, sb. Cf. OE. wyllen from 

wull + suffix -in. 
Wurse, a. worae, 22. 18. OE. 

wyrsa, worse ; ME. wurse, 

Wyckers, sb. twigs, wickers. 

ME. wiker, a pliant twig. 
Wyselyere, adv. more wisely, 

47. 10. Compar. of ME. 

viisli ; OE. w tsllc, a. and adv. 

Ye, int. yea, 16. 9. ME. ye ; 

OE. gea, yea. 
Ymages, sb. statues, 105. 13. 

L. imago (-inem}, likeness. 
Yocke, sb. yoke, 110. 15. OE. 

geoc ; ME. yok. 
Yong ones, young ones, 10. 3. 

ME. yong, young ; OE. geong 

+ ME. ones, pi. of on ; OE. 

an, one. 

* ZapoleteSj the, 115. 5.