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The present volume is the first of a series intended 
for those students of Maratha history who do not 
know Marathi. Original materials, both published 
and unpublished, have been accumulating for the 
last sixty years and their volume often frightens the 
average student. Sir Asutosh Mookerjee, therefore, 
suggested that a selection in a handy form should be 
made where all the useful documents should be in- 
cluded. I must confess that no historical document 
has found a place in the present volume, but I felt 
that the chronicles or bakhars could not be excluded 
from the present series and I began with Sabhasad 
bakhar leaving the documents for a subsequent 

This is by no means the first English rendering of 
Sabhasad. Jagannath Lakshman Mankar translated 
Sabhasad more than thirty years ago from a single 
manuscript. The late Dr. Vincent A. Smith over- 
estimated the value of Mankar's work mainly because 
he did not know its exact nature. A glance at the 
catalogue of Marathi manuscripts in the British 
Museum might have convinced him that the original 
Marathi Chronicle from which Mankar translated 
has not been lost. Mankar's was a free rendering 
and his work is so rare now that I need not offer any 
apology for bringing out a second translation. I have 
translated from the text edited by Rao Bahadur 
Kashinath Narayan Sane, the most reliable and 
authoritative text in print. I have tried to be not 


only accurate but literal in my rendering of Sabhasad ; 
the translation of the extracts has been more or 
less free, but there also my attempt has been to be 
fairly accurate so that it may be safely recommended 
as reliable. 

For the notes at the end I am indebted to Mr. V. 
K. Raj wade's Sources of Maratha History (Marathi). 
The second and third notes are entirely based on 
Mr. Rajwade's introduction to his 8th volume. In 
the first note, however, I have differed on so many 
important points from Mr. Rajwade's views that I 
must take upon myself the responsibility for them. 

I have to add here a word about my translitera- 
tion of Marathi words. The only thing that should 
be noted is that ^ has been represented both by 
v and w according to pronunciation and VR has been 
represented by / in words of Persian origin, * (anuswar) 
and other nasal sounds have not been properly indi- 
cated, I have used n or m to represent the sound as 
in Chiranjlv and Sampanna. Persian words and 
proper names have not been properly transliterated 
mainly owing to my ignorance of that language and 
I have in some cases reproduced them in their Marathi 
form as in Saista Khan, Nizamsahi, etc., while in 
Badshah, Bahlol and Adil Shah, I believe the Persian 
form has been retained. I owe an explanation for 
writing Maratha and Marathi instead of Maratha and 
Marathi. My reason is that the former pronuncia- 
tion is prevalent almost everywhere outside Maha- 
rashtra proper though the latter forms are correct. 

I am deeply grateful to the Hon'ble Sir Asutosh 
Mookerjee, Kt., C.S.I., President of the Post- 
Graduate Councils, Calcutta University, but for 


whose kind and inspiring encouragement this work 

would never have seen light. 

I am indebted to Professor Jadunath Sarkar, 

M.A., who not only revised my manuscripts and gave 
me many valuable suggestions but also placed his 
whole library at my disposal, and Eai Bahadur, B.A.* 
Gupte, who, inspite of his heavy work and advancing 
age, revised my manuscripts twice. Mr. G. S. Sardesai,( 
B. A. borrowed for me a copy of now rare Sivadigvijay 
from the State Library of Baroda. 1 shall fail in my 
duty if I do not avail myself of this opportunity of 
publicly recording my gratitude to the late Professor 
H. G. Limaye, M.A. of Poona and Professor D. B. 
Bhandarkar, M.A., Carmaichsel Professor, Calcutta 
University, for the encouragement and the ready 
assistance I always got from them. My thanks are 
also due to Professor Harendranath Gupta, M.Sc. of 
Serampur College and Mr. Aswinikumar Mookerjee, 
B.A., who kindly prepared the Index. . None of these 
gentlemen is, however, responsible for any defect of 
this work. 

The misprints are mainly due to my inexperience 
in proof reading. It is futile to give a list of correc- 
tions. The main errors however can be easily 
corrected by my readers, leirud, for example 
in p. 125 should be birud, Kamaldakar in p. 113 
Kamalakar and Jaigir in p. 2 Jagir. 

Calcutta, the 1.9th May, 1920. 


Life of Siva Chhatrapati by Krshnajl Anant 

Sabhasad ... ... 1-154 

Extracts from Sivadigvijaya and Chitms 

bakhar ... ... 155-250 

Sivajl at Bijapur ... ... 157 

Sivajl invited to the Darbar ... ... 159 

Sivajl goes to the Darbar ... ... 160 

Capture of Torna ... ... 162 

Unfriendly attitude towards the Muhamma- 

dans ... ... 162 

How Sahaji excused Sivaji's Rebellion ... 163 

Sivaji's education ... ... ... 164 

Sivajl enlists Pathan Deserters from the 

Bijapur Army ... ... 164 

Capture of Purandar ... ... 165 

Chandra Rav More ... ... 168 

Sahajl's Imprisonment ... ... 171 

The Bhavani Sword ... 181 

Afzal Khan Incident ... 182 

Fighting after AfzaFs death ... ... 190 

Jija Bai congratulates Sivajl ... ... 191 

Operations against Jan jira ... ... 191 

Malavan ... ... ... 193 

Fortification of Henry and Kennery and 

operations against Jan jira ... 194 

- Bhukhan the Poet ... 197 

Phirangoji Narsala's Defence of Chakan ... 200 

Saista surprised at Pujja ... ... 201 


Sivajl avenges his father's Arrest . . . 

Java Sing's Expedition ... ... 209 

Difference between Jaya Sing and Dilel ... 211 

Sivajl demands Janjira from the Mughals 215 

&ivaji goes to the Imperial Court ... 216 

Sivaji interviews Aurangzib ... ... 218 

Sivajl's night visit to his Torts ... 220 

Vyankaji and Raghunath Narayan 221 

Sivajl demands his share from Vyankaji ... 227 
Terms of the treaty between Siva j I and 

Vyankaji 232 

Sambhajl's defection 236 

Sam bhajl joins Dilel Khan ... 238 

Sambhaji captures Bhupalgad ... 239 

Rajaram's marriage ... ... 241 

Coronation ... ... ... 241 

The future of Sivajfs Kingdom ... 243 

The duties of the Ashta Pradhans ... 243 

Sivaji's death ... ... 246 

Sivaji's death-bed prephecy ... ... 248 

Notes and Appendices ... 251-264 

Siva j 1's Marathi Biographies ... ... 251 

Sivaji's relation with the Udayapur family 259 

The influence of Persian on old Marathi 261 




With humble respects, his servant Krshnajl 
Anant Sabhasad, begs to submit thus, Your Majesty 
graciously enquired of your servant, " Our father, 
the great king, (or the elder king) performed so 
many feats of bravery and subdued four different 
empires (Padsahis). In spite of his performing such 
prodigies of valour, Aurangzib came, and captured 
many of the forts. What was the cause of this ? You 
are a man well informed of (the affairs) of the old 
kingdom. Write therefore a biography from the 
beginning." So said Your Majesty. Accordingly I 
beg to submit the information thus : 

The King's father, the elder Maharaj was Rajsrl 
Sahaji Raje ; his father, that is, the Raje's grand- 
father, Maloj! Raje and Yithoji Raje Bhonsle held 
Jaigirs as high officers 1 under the Nizams'ahi and 

1 In the text they are called Wazirs (^^fa), but a perusal of the text 
will convince every reader that the word is loosely used for any high official 
or noble, 


enjoyed great importance. He had great devotion 
for Sri Sambhu Mahadev. 2 Upon that hill a fair is 
held in the month of Chaitra, when five to seven 
lakhs of people assemble. There was much scarcity 
of drinking water. Water there was none. It had 
to be brought from a distance of three cosses. 
People were much distressed (by it). So Malojl Raje 
selected a site there and constructed a big tank 
(by building an embankment), so that water might 
be had for use by all the people. An immense sum 
of money was spent. The tank was wholly filled 
with water. As soon as this was done Sri Sambhu 
Mahadev appeared in a dream at night [6] and 
pleased (with Malojl) said " I will be incarnate in 
your family, the gods and the Brahman s will I 
protect and destroy the mlechchhas. The sovereignty 
of the South I confer on your family." These words 
were thrice repeated by way of blessing. There- 
upon the Raje was highly pleased and performed 
many deeds of charity. 

Then two sons, Rajsri Sahajl Raje and Rajs'rl 
Sarafjl Raje were born of Rajs'ri Malojl Raje. 
Both obtained Jaigirs under the Padsahi. While 
they were still in service the Nizam s'ahi came to 
an end. After that Sahajl Raje became a noble of 
the Adilsahi. The title of Maharaj was conferred 
on him. He maintained an army of ten? to twelve 
thousand soldiers. Sahaji Raje had two wives. 
The first wife was Jijal Au, and the second wife 

2 The name of the god as well as of the hill where the temple stood. 
It is in the District of Satara, 


Tukal Au. Ekojl Raje, 3 a son, was born of the 
latter. As soon as a son, Rajsrl Sivajl Raje 4 was 
born of Jija! Au, Sri Sambhu Mahadev stirred him- 
self and said in a dream " I myself have descended 
[to earth]. I will in future perform many feats of 
valour. [7] You should keep (the child) with you 
for twelve years Do not keep him afterwards. 
Let him go wherever he will. Do not restrain him." 
Such was the prophecy. Sahaji Raje used [there- 
after] to reside at Bengrul[=Bangalore] in the 

Naropant Dikshit served as his agent (Karbhari). 
Two very intelligent sons Raghunath Pant and Janar- 
dan Pant were born to him. The Pargana of Puna was 
within Sahaji Raje's Jaigirs. The intelligent and 
shrewd Dadaji Konddev had been appointed there. He 
went to Bengrul to see the Maharaja, Rajsrl Sivajl 
Raje and Jijal Au went with him. The Raje was 
then 12 years of age. Dadaji Pant and the Raje were 
despatched to Puna. With them were sent a man 
named Sam Rav Ni]kanth as Pesiva, Balkrshna Pant, 
cousin of Naro Pant Dikshit, as Majwndar, Sono 
Pant as Dablr and Raghunath Ballal as Sabnls. They 
came to Puna. 

On coming [there], he [Dadaji Konddev] took 
possession of the twelve Mawals. 5 The Mawle Des- 

3 Better kno vn as Venkoji 

* The date commonly accepted is 1627 A.D., but Mr. B. G. Tilak suggests 
1629 as a possible date on the strength of Jedhe Yanche Sakavall. A 
recently discovered Tamil work, Siva-bharat also gives Tilak's date. 

5 The twelve Mawals are, (1) Rohidkhor, (2) Velvand, (3) Muse, (4) 
Muthe, (5) Jor, (6) Kanad, (7) &vthar, (8) Murum, (9) Paud, (10) Gunjan, 
(11) Bhor, (12) Pavan. 


mukhs were seized, and taken in hand, the refractory 
among them were put to death. 6 Then in course of 
time Dadajl Konddev [8J died. Henceforth Sivaji 
himself began to manage his own affairs. At a place 
in the Mahal of Supe, was his uncle, his stepmother's 
brother, named Sambhajl Mohita. The Maharaja 
had appointed him to the charge of the Mahal. Sivaji 
went to see him on the pretence of asking for po&t 7 
on the day of the Simga festival. The mama (uncle) 
was thrown into prison. He had three hundred horses 
of his own stable and much wealth. All his belong- 
ings and clothes were taken possession of, and Supe 
annexed. One Tukoji Chor Maratha was made Sarno- 
bat of the army (Sarnobat=a general), Sam Rav Nil- 
kanth Peswa, Balkrshna Pant Majumdar, Naro Pant, 
Sonajl Pant and Raghunath Ballal Sabnis, with these 
men as his Karbharls he conducted his affairs with 
much care and prudence. 

Then he plundered the city of Junnar. Two hun- 
dred horses were captured. He returned to Puna 
with goods worth 3 lakhs of Hons besides clothes and 
jewels. Then he looted the city of Ahmadnagar, 
fought a great battle with the Moghuls, captured 
seven hundred horses. He captured elephants also, 

These are under the jurisdiction of Puna, there are another dozen in the 
jurisdiction of Junnar, such as Bhimner, Ghodner, Parner, J Sinner, etc. 

As Dadajl had conquered a portion of Mawal, I prefer to insert his 
name here. 

6 Chitnis says that the Mawle Desmukhs were won over to his project 
by conciliatory means. Mr. Rajwade thinks that the passage in our text signi- 
fies that the Mawle Desmukhs were united to him,- m&ft in the text means 
'bound to his cause.' 

T Post Money or liquor given to dependents OB great festivals. 


much wealth was found. The Paga at that time 
numbered twelve hundred and the Siledars two thou- 
sand ; [9] there was thus a total of three thousand 
horsemen. Mankojl Dahatonde was then made Sartio- 
bat of the forces. Then the fort of Kondana that 
belonged to the Adilsahi was taken by assault. He 
established his own military outpost (thana) 
there. At that time; died a brahman named Nilkan- 
tha Rav, commandant of the Adilsahi fort of Puran- 
dar. His two sons 8 began to quarrel with each other 
(about the succession). The Raje went to Purandar to 
mediate between them. And he possessed himself of 
the fort by imprisoning the two brothers. He estab- 
lished his own garrison [there]. 

After this he raided Kalyan and Bhivandi in 
Konkan and took the Adilsahi fort of Mahull. (He) 
went on enlisting the Mawles. A hill called 
Murband was fortified. It was renamed Raj gad. 
The hill-side was also terraced and fortified. One 
Chandar Rav More 9 reigned in Konkan and Surve 
reigned at St-ngarpur. Sirke was his minister 
(Pradhan). In this manner did they rule and hold 
strong forts and hill forts and about 10,000 to 12,000 
forces with infantry. Raghunath Ballal Sabnls was 
summoned and sent to him. When questioned 
(Sivaji) said to him "The principality cannot be 
conquered unless Chandar Rav is killed, [10] and 
none but you can execute this work. You are to go to 
him on an embassy." With him were appointed one 
hundred to hundred and twenty-five choice 

8 See Extracts, where three brothers are mentioned. 

9 Chandra Rav was not his name but hereditary title. 


swordsmen. They rode to a place near Jawli and 
then sent a verbal message to Chandar Rav " We 
have come from the Raje, we have some negotiations 
and alliance to make." So they told him. Then he 
invited them to him and granted an audience. Some 
pretended negotiations were made. (Raghunath) 
then retired to the quarters appointed for him and 
remained there. He went back (to the court) next 
day, got a private audience, made a parley and as 
chance offered (itself) stabbed the two brothers 
Chandar Rav and Suryajl Rav with a dagger. 10 He 

10 It is clear that Sabhasad regards this case as one of murder. Messrs. 
Kincaidand Parasnis, however, have tried to justify it. (History of the Maratha 
People, vol. I, p. 150) Chandar Rav More had, according to them, tried to 
betray &vaji. " Before carrying on Shahaji's injunction to punish Baji Ghor- 
pade, Shivaji had his own quarrel to settle with Balaji More. He was, 
however, loth to destroy one whom he had known in boyhood and resolved 
to make an effort to win over More by personal influence. He visited Jaoli 
himself and in an interview with Balaji More did his utmost by appeals to his 
religion and patriotism to gain to his side the reluctant noble. He merely 
wasted his breath, Balaji during the interview tried to secure his visitor's 
person." Sivaji managed to escape but still persisted in his pacific attempts 
but at last it became clear that Chandar Rav could not be won over. 
Messrs, Kincaid and Parasnis think that Chandar Rav and his brother were 
killed after an angry meeting and their murder was not premeditated. This 
version of the Jawli incident is based on a Bakhar published by R. B. Parasnis 
in the Itihas Sangraha. I do not find any reason why the evidence of 
Sabhasad should be rejected in favour of a Bakhar whose date and authorship 
are unknown. Prof. Sarkar's view on this subject is worth quoting. He says, 
" Some Maratha, writers have recently " discovered " what they vaguely call 
" an old chronicle " written no body knows when or by whom, preserved no 
body knows where and transmitted nobody knows how, which asserts that 
Chandar Rao had tried to seize Shiva by treachery and hand him over to the 
vengeance of Bijapur * ' unfortunately for the credibility of such 

convenient "discoveries" none of the genuine old historians of Shiva could 
anticipate that this line of defence would be adopted by the twentieth 
century admirers of the national hero ; they have called the murder a murder." 
Sarkar, Shivaji, pp. 54-55. 


came out and started for his band. Those who pursued 
him were killed and out he went. When the chief 
himself had fallen why should his men exert 
themselves ? This deed performed, he came back to 
meet the Raje. The Raja at once led an expedition 
in person and captured Jawll. The Mawles were 
granted assurances of safety and enlisted. A new 
fort called Pratapgad was erected. Hanmant Rav, a 
brother of Chandar Rav, had strengthened himself at 
a place called Chaturbet, belonging to Jawli. The 
thorn of Jawll could not be removed unless he was 
killed. Cognisant of this, the Raje sent Sambhaji 
Kavjl, a Mahaldar of his, to Hanmant Rav on a 
diplomatic project. Sambhaji Kavjl got a private 
audience with him on the pretence of negotiating a 
matrimonial alliance and stabbed Hanmant Rav to 
death with a dagger. [11] Jawll was conquered. There 
was a rebel named Babji Rav in the valley of Sivtar. 
He was put into prison and his eyes were put out. 

Then an expedition was made against the ruling 
chief Surve. Sfngarpur was captured. Surve fled to 
another province. His Karbharl Sirke was won over 
and the province was taken possession of. Some 
villages (mahals) were conferred on him (Sirke) and 
his daughter, the Raja, got married to his son 
(Sambhaji). In this manner the two principalities of 
Jawll and Srngarpur were conquered. The Brahman 
Moro Trimbak Pingle had laboured hard in this 
connection and the Peswa-ship was on that account 
taken from Samrav Nilkanth and conferred on 
Moro Pant ; Nilo Sondev also had worked hard and 
was therefore appointed Surnis ; one Gangajl Mangajl 


was appointed Vdknls, Prabhakar Bhat, a great 
Brahman, was JJpadhyaya (family priest) ; the office 
was continued to his sons Balam Bhat and Go v hid 
Bhat. Netajl Palkar was made Sarnobat of the 
forces. During Netajl's Sarnobat-ship the Paga 
numbered seven thousand and the Siledars three 
thousand ; the whole army was thus ten thousand 
strong, about 10,000 Mawles were enlisted. One 
Yesajl Kank was made their Sarnobat. In this 
manner were careful arrangements made for the 
kingdom. The Raja's wife he had married Sal Bai 
the daughter of the Nimba]kar was delivered of a 
child. [12] A. son was born. He was named 
Sambhaji Raje. Great festivities took place. Many 
deeds of charity were performed. The Raja 
remained at Raj gad. 

Then the Badshah at Delhi learnt this news. 
Ali Adilsaha reigned at Bijapur while the entire 
administration was in the hands of Bad! Sahebin, 
the wife of Sultan Muhammad. She felt much 
distressed when she learnt this news. Padshah i 
forts had been captured, provinces conquered (one 
or two) some principalities overthrown. He 
(Sivajl) had turned a rebel. She contemplated the 
means to be adopted for routing and killing him 
and wrote a letter to Rajsrl Sahaji Raje then at 
Bengrul. A Mahaldar was sent (to him) with the 
letter : " Although you are a servant of this Govern- 
ment, you have committed treachery by sending 
your son Sivajl to Puna and upsetting the 
authority of the Badshah there. He has captured 
some forts belonging to the Badshah, conquered 


and plundered several districts and provinces, over- 
thrown one or t\vo principalities and killed some 
chiefs submissive to the Badshah. Now keep your 
son under proper control or your Jaigir (province 
over which Sahajl had been appointed governor) 
will be confiscated." Then the Maharaja answered 
" Although Sivajl is my son he has fled from me. 
He is no longer under my control. I am a faithful 
dependent of the Badshah. Though Sivajl is my 
son His Majesty may attack him, or deal with him 
in any way he likes, I shall not interfere." So 
answered he. 

[13]. Thereupon the Dowager Queen 11 (Bad.1 
Sahebm) summoned all the Adilshahi nobles and 
ministers and asked them to march against Sivajl 
but no one agreed. Afzal 12 Khan, a wazir, however, 
agreed (saying) " What is Sivajl ? I will bring him 
alive, a prisoner, without alighting from my horse 
(even for once)." When he asserted this, the princess 
(Badshah Zadi) became pleased (with him) and gave 
him clothes, ornaments, elephant, horse, wealth, 
promotion and honour and despatched him with 
Omraos of note at the head of twelve thousand horse 
besides infantry. 

Then the whole force was mobilised and set off in a 
vast array. 13 Then they came to Tul japur. They came 
there and encamped. Sri Bhavanl, the patron deity of 

11 The Dowager Qoeen left for Mecca in 1660, and Afzal's expedition took 
place in 1659. He was killed in September of that year. See Sarkar's Shivaji. 

12 One Khopde waited on Afzal at Wai, and gave a written undertaking 
to arrest SivajT. See Kajwacle, Vols. XV and XVII, also Jedhe Yanche Sakavali. 

13 The word in the original ^ffTJJ ^TO literally means lengthwise 
and breadthwise. 


the Maharaja's family, was broken (into pieces), thrown 
into a hand-mill and pounded into dust. No sooner was 
Bhavan! broken than a heavenly voice was heard 
AfzalKhan ! thou mean wretch ! On the twenty-first day 
from this will I behead thee ; the whole of thy army 
will I destroy and satiate the 90 million Chamunclas 
(bloodsucking deities)." So said the bodyless voice. 
Then the army marched and came to Pandharpur. 
They descended to the valley of the Bhima [rather the 
Mann river]. They came to Wai committing 
sacrilege on the gods (along their route). There they 
decided that some one should be sent on an embassy 
to the Raje and he should be captured alive 
when his confidence had been inspired by the 
conclusion of a truce. Krshnaji Bhaskar, the envoy, 
was summoned and instructed (to say) that 
"The old friendship between your father the 
Maharaja and myself has been continued in brotherly 
intercourse. You are not on that account a stranger 
to me. You should come and see me. I shall 
obtain for you the grant of the principality of 
Talkonkan and a Jaigir from the Badshah. The forts 
and hill forts you have captured, I shall get 
confirmed in your possession. I shall get for 
you further distinctions. I shall have conferred on you 
as big a Saranjam as you may want. If you like 
to see the Badshah you may, if not, I shall get you 
exempted from the regular attendance at court [14]. 
You should peacefully bring the Raja for an inter- 
view, by making some such professions. Else we 
shall come." So was Krshnaji Pant instructed. And 
then he arranged to despatch him. 


In the meantime (or then) the Raja got the 
news that Afzal Khan has been appointed at the 
head of twelve thousand horse (to march against 
him) from Bijapur. When he learnt this, the Raja 
decided to mobilise all his forces, fight at Jawll and 
to go to Pratapgacl in person. Then he was 
dissuaded by all ; " You (they counselled) should not 
give battle, peace should be concluded." The Raja 
answered to that " As he killed Sambhaji, 14 so 
will he kill me. I will do what is possible before 
I am killed. Peace I will not conclude." This 
decision was made. That night Sri BhavanI of 
Tuljapur appeared (to him) in a bodily shape and 
said "I am pleased. I shall assist you in everything. 
At your hands I shall get Afzal killed. I grant you 
success. Thou shouldst have no anxiety." In this 
manner did the goddess enliven him with resolu- 
tion and confidence and assured him of security. 
The Raje awoke, called Jija Bai Au and related to 
her the details of the dream. And men of note, like 
Gomaji Naik Pansambal Jamdar, Krshnaji Naik, 
Subhanjl Naik and Sardars and Sarkarkuns like 
Moropant and Nilopantand Annajipant and Sonajipant 
and Gangaji Mangaji and Netaji Palkar Sarnobat and 
Raghunath Ballal Sabnis and the Purohit were 
summoned and to them all [15] was the dream relat- 
ed. " The goddess is favourably disposed, now will 
I kill Afzal Khan and rout his army " so said he. 
It was in the opinion of all, a hazardous step, if 
successful, it would be all right ; if not, what would 

1 * The Marathi chroniclers erroneously think that Afzal had something 
to do with SambhSjI's death. See Extracts. 


happen ? this became the subject of their debate. 
Then the Raja said " (The conclusion of peace will 
also) cause loss of life. If we fight and win, well 
and good, if life is lost fame remains. A. verse runs 
to this effect 

"Victory brings fortune, death the celestial maids ; 
This body is but transient, 
What terror has then death in battle ?" 
Such is the course prescribed in the books of polity. 
Therefore it is right that we should fight. Now we 
should make one arrangement only. There are 
my son Sambhaji and my mother ; they should be 
kept at Raj gad. If I kill Afzal Khan and win 
victory, then I shall remain what I am. If perchance 
1 lose my life in the course of the war, then there is 
Sambhaji Raje, deliver the kingdom to him and 
place yourselves at his commands." Leaving such 
instructions for an extreme case and exhorting every- 
body, he placed his head at his mother's feet and took 
leave of her. His mother 15 blessed him, saying " Sivba 
thou shalt be victorious ! " 

Then the Raje started, after receiving such bless- 
ings, and went to Pratapgad. He instructed Netajl 
Palkar Sarnobat to come up the Ghats with his 
forces. And he said " I shall invite Afzal Khan to 
Jawll, meet him by offering to make peace, and draw 
him near me by inspiring his confidence. You 
should then come to Ghat Matha and block the roads." 
Raghunath Ballal Sabnls was sent with him. And it 
was arranged that Moropant Peswa should take in 

1 5 Chitnis and the author of Sivdigvijaya say that Sambhaji and Jijabai 
were at Pratapgad. 


his company Sam Rav Nilkanth and Trimbak Bhas- 
kar and come from Konkan. 

In the meantime Krshnaji Pant came as envoy 
from the Khan. He was taken up to Pratapgad. 
The Raja had an interview with him. The Khan's 
message, as he had charged him, was delivered. 
[16] Some formal conversation made, the Raje said, 

"As is the Maharaja, so is the Khan an elder 16 
to me. I shall certainly have an interview with 
him." So saying, (he) gave Krshiiajl Pant a house 
for his quarters. (He) gave him leave to go there. 
The next day the Raje sat in his court and 17 summoned 
the Sarkarkuns and all Sardars, (in short) all of like 
rank. And there was a faithful and respectable man 
named Pantajl Gopinath in the Raje's service. Him 
did he summon and with him he held a private coun- 
cil in the palace. 18 The Raje said to Pantajl Pant 
" The Khan's envoy Krshnaji Pant has come on an 
embassy, I shall give him leave and send him off. I 
shall despatch you also to Afzal Khan Go there, have 
an interview with the Khan and conduct the negotia- 
tions. Demand the Khan's solemn oaths (of assur- 
ance or sincerity). If he asks for your oaths give them ; 
make no hesitation. Anyhow bring (the Khan) to 
Jawli. Resides, you are to institute an 
enquiry in his army by some device and get 

information by whatever means it can be obtained. 

Enquire whether the Khan's heart is set on my 
good or harm. With these instructions the Raje 

nft<*[ means, a father, ancestor or elder. 

Hall of public audience or simply the Darbar Hall. 
ma 7 stand here either for the palace or the seraglio. 


went to the court (Darbar). (He) summoned 
Krshnajl Pant there. The Raje spoke (in the 
following style) A solemn oath (faqi) from the 
Khan is necessary. Take on that account Pantaji 
Pant of our side with you to see the Khan. 
Make the Khan give him a (written ?) oath with 
an imprint of his (Khan's) palm on it. 19 
Bring the Khan to Jawli. I shall go and 
have an interview with uncle (the Khan). 
There is nothing evil in my mind." So said the 
Raje. To him (Kishnajl Pant) the proposal was 
agreeable. Then he presented robes of honour 
to Krshnajl Pant and sent him back. [lv ] Similarly 
robes of honour were presented to Pantaji Pant and 
he was despatched to Af zal Khan. 

He went and interviewed the Khan. The Khan 
honoured him. Krshnajl Bhaskar submitted that 
" {ivajl had sent Pantaji Pant as his ambassador. 
He should be given a private interview." On his 
making this suggestion, the Khan sat in a private 
apartment, summoned Krshnajl Pant and Pantaji 
Pant and asked for the news. Krshnajl Pant 
said " The Raje is not opposed to your views. 
As is Maharaja Sahajl Raje, so are you (to him) ; 
so he asserted on his oaths. The Raje will without 
any fear come to Jawll. The Khan also should 
come to Jawll without entertaining any suspicion. 
An interview between you and him will be held. 
He will listen to all that you will say." When 

19 I do not know what l^sUJSlTNNrTO exactly means ; but both 
Prof. Limaye and Mr. B. A. Gupte are of opinion that it was an oath 
confirmed with the print of one's palm or panja. 



the Raja's message to this purport was made known 
to the Khan, he took an oath with evil intentions 
in his mind. The Khan said" The Raja is a 
base-horn unbeliever (^TW5tt^T 3TT%O> Jawli is a 
place difficult of access, he asks me to meet him 
there. Therefore, if thou Brahman as an inter- 
mediary, wilt take an oath, (for my safe return) 
I shall go to meet Sivaji." Therefore, Pantaji Pant 
gave an assurance on a solemn oath. " The Raje 
is not disposed to do you harm. Have no suspicion. 
Arrange for going for an interview." Saying so 
to the Khan, he bribed men in the army and 
enquired of the clerks and ministers and questioned 
them. They said, " Sivaji is a rogue (^TtTsn^r). 
He cannot be captured by fighting. 20 Therefore 
an interview should be arranged by diplomacy. [18] 
The Khan has so contrived that he should be 
captured at the time of the interview." When he 
learnt this, Pantaji Pant came to the Khan the 
next day, and begged permission for going to the 
Raje. The Khan sent him to the Raje, with 
great honours. 

Pantaji Pant came to Pratapgad. He saw the 
Raja. (He) gave Pantaji Pant leave to go home 
at that time. At night Pantajl Pant alone was 
summoned to an interview. The Raje and Pant 
sat together and the Raje asked him for information 
in private with many solemn oaths " Tell me the 
real facts. Tell me what is in the mind of the 
Khan, (and how he is inclined). You and I are 

20 What they evidently meant was that it was SivSji's practice to 
avoid a pitched battle. 


not separate. If my kingdom is preserved, its 
entire management I shall confer on you. I shall 
give you much wealth also. Give me true informa- 
tion." Thus did the Raje take him in a brotherly 
fashion and enquire. Then he said, "There is evil 
intention in the Khan's mind. It is that he will 
bring you to an interview by a truce, capture you by 
treachery and then take you a prisoner to Bijapur. 
If you have courage I shall bring the Khan to Jawll, 
after detaching him [from his army] by many 
devices. You have to muster courage and single- 
handed kill him in a lonely place and plunder the 
whole of his army. Make the entire kingdom your 
own." Such was the counsel he gave. It pleased 
the Raje. Then he gave Pantajl Pant a reward of 
five thousand Hons. 21 And (he instructed the 
Pant) 22 to tell the Khan, " The Kaje is very much 
afraid. He has not the courage to come to Wai for 
interview. The Khan is (my) superior, if he will 
kindly come to Jawll and grant (me) an audience 
then I may go to see him. It will signify his great- 
ness, if the Khan will take me by his hand, restore 
my confidence by words of hope and secure my wel- 
fare by conducting me to the audience of the 
Badshab. Bring him with you by some such profes- 
sions." With these instructions, he sent Pantajl 

[19] He went and met the Khan at Wai. He 
submitted (to him) the message. "The Baje is 

21 Hon, a gold coin worth 4 to 5 Rupees. 

22 Pantaji is believed to be the ancestor of SakharSm Bapu. Mr. P. N, 
Patwardhan however differs from this view. 


timid. He has his suspicions about coming here for 
an interview. You should yourself proceed to Jawll. 
He will come there to meet you. Give him assuran- 
ces and take him with you." So said he. Thereupon 
the Khan, highly pleased, marched on and came to 
Jawll down the ghat of Radtondl. He encamped 
helow Pratapgad and halted there. On all sides 
in the neighbourhood, in various places where 
water could be had, descended 12,000 soldiers and 
musketeers with artillery waggons, elephants, 
and carts, in connection Avith camel swivels. 
Pantajl Pant was sent up to the fort with a message 
asking the Raje to come to the interview. 

Thereupon he went and saw the Raje. He 
made some formal communication proper to such 
occasions. Afterwards in private he communicated 
all the informations (in the following manner). "As 
instructed by you, I have brought the Khan. Now 
I shall bring about a private interview between you 
two in person. You should boldly do what is 
necessary." In this sense did he speak. It was 
arranged that the interview should take place 
another day, after a day's interval. " The Raje 
should descend from the fort, the Khan should 
advance from his tent and the two should meet 
each other in a tent at some intermediate place." 
Having settled (the matter) in this manner, he de- 
scended with the Raje's message, to the Khan 
in the hill-side 23 below the fort. The news was 

^v terrace on a hill-side below the crest of a hill These 
places were often fortified for the better security of the strongholds above. 



communicated to the Khan, who also agreed (to abide 
by the settlement). 

Then the next day, the Raje prepared a place of 
meeting 2l below the fort. Tents were erected, 
beds spread, big pillows (feraTfen) arranged, can- 
opies raised, and tassels of pearls (wsrft) hnng, 
screens of variegated colour were fitted up, bolsters 
were laid (for sitters to recline on), and cushions and 
pads placed. The meeting-place was made ready. 

[20] Netajl Palkar with his forces had been 
brought to the Ghatmatha ; to him was sent 
the instruction by word of mouth, " To-morrow 
I go to meet the Khan, I shall win victory 
and return to the fort. Then only one shot 
will be fired from the fort. Then you are to 
descend from the Ghats, fall upon the Khan's army 
and attack it." Similarly Moro Pant Peswa had been 
brought from Konkan. He was also told of the 
signal of a shot fired from the fort. (The Eaje) 
descended from the fort and stationed selected men in 
thickets at various points. The Raje himself put on 
a coat of mail. On his head he put on an em- 
broidered turban (tfffa), to it he attached a (fitei) 
tassel of pearls. He put on short trousers and 
tucked a sash round his waist. And in his hands he 
held a licit mi (i%^T) 25 and a vaghnakh 

2 * The word ^T means a fcac/iari or a place for holding a 

35 The bichva was a short curved dagger, so named from its shape, that 
resembled a scorpion. Vaghnalch, literally tiger's claws, were short sharp still 
claws and could be adjusted to one's fingers. These two weapons with Sivaji's 
svrord have been preserved at Satara and are still worshipped by the present 
representative of his family. 


While going to the interview he took with him two 
bravo men, namely Jiu Mahala a dauntless fellow, 
who had with him a paWl (straight sword qfl), '& 
firang?* and a shield; and Sambhaji Kavjl Mahal- 
clar similarly armed with a patta, a firang, and 
a shield. Other swordsmen were stationed in thick- 
ets (kept in ambush) at different places in the neigh- 
bourhood. And the Eaje took his meal, after a 
bath. He descended from the fort prepared for 
going to the rendezvous. 

The Khan also got ready and started from his 
camp for going to the interview. In his company 
started 1,000 or 1,500 musketeers armed ready. 
Many expert swordsmen came out in his train and 
started (with him). Pantajl Pant at once came 
forward and submitted " If you go with such an 
assemblage, the Raja will be frightened. He will go 
back to the fort. The interview will not take place. 
[21] What is Sivaji ? What is the necessity of 
so much ado for this ? The Raja will come from there 
with two men. You should go from here with two 
men. You both should sit together and have an 
interview. Do then what the exigency requires." On 
his saying so, the whole following was made to wait 
at the distance of an arrow-shot, and the Khan in a 
palanquin, two officers, 27 and Krshnaji Pant the 
envoy, (these only) went forward. A soldier named 

2(5 A fining was a long sword of western make possibly Toledoblade. 
ji' s Bhavani was a Genoese blade. 
37 flf ^tft, according to Rao Bahadur Sane, means armsltearer, but it may 
also mean simply an officer. 


Said Banda, skilled in swordsmanship was taken 
with him (the Khan), Pantajl Pant also was in his 
company. They went to the pavilion (of meeting). 
The Khan burnt with anger in his mind as he saw 
the pavilion, thinking "What is Sivajl ? Sahajl's 
son. Even a wazir has not got such gold embroid- 
ered beds. What does this pearlbedecked pavilion 
mean ? He has got such furniture as is not pos- 
sessed by the Badshah." As he made this remark, 
Pantajl Pant replied, " The Badshah's things will go 
to the Badshah's palace. Why so much anxiety 
for that?" When this was said, he sat down in the 
pavilion, couriers and messengers were sent to bring 
the Raje quickly. 

The Raje was waiting at the foot of the fort. 
Thence he proceeded slowly. He stopped, when 
on enquiry, he heard that Said Banda, an expert 
swordsman, was with the Khan. And (he) sent for 
Pantajl Pant. He came. To him (the Raje) said 
"As is the Maharaja so is the Khan (to me). I am 
the Khan's nephew. He is my guardian (senior). 
I feel afraid as Said Banda is with the Khan. Send 
away this Said Banda at once from here." 
So he told Pantajl Pant. Thereupon Pantajl Pant 
went, appealed to the Khan through Krshnaji 
Pant, 28 (and) Said Banda too was sent away. Then 
the Khan and the two officers (alone) remained. 
Then the Raje from this side [22] went with 

28 Grant Duff says that Pantajl was the Khan's envoy and Krshnaji was 
sent with him by SivSji. This is a mistake as has been proved by the Sanad 
granted to Pantajl. His descendants also enjoyed the village of Hirve as 
an Inam. 


two armed men Jiu Mahala * 9 and Sambhajl Kavjl. 
The Khan stood up, and met the Raje, advancing 
a little. As the Raje embraced him, the Khan 
caught his head tightly (in an embrace) in his 
armpit. And unsheathed the Jamdad he had 
in his hand, and struck at the side of the Raje. The 
weapon slid over the steel armour the Raje had 
on, (and) did not reach the body. Seeing this the 
Raje, who had the raghnakh in his left hand, 
struck (the Khan's) belly with that hand. The 
Khan had only a cotton garment (tf*TT) 31 on. The 
Khan's guts came out at the blow of the vaghnakh. 
With the right hand a blow of the bichva, that 
he held in it, was struck. After dealing two blows 
in this manner, he drew out his head, jumped below 
the terrace (of the tent), and went away. The 
Khaii bawled out " I am killed ! I am killed ! 
Treachery ! Run quickly ! " As he said so, the 
bearers brought the palanquin. And they put him 
into the palanquin, lifted it and began to carry 
him off. Sambhaji Kavji Mahaldar, slashed at 
the legs of the bearers at once. And (he) felled the 
bearers below the palanquin. He cut off the Khan's 
head. With it in his hands he came to the Raje. 
At this juncture Said Banda, the swordsman, who 
had been running up, came near the Raje. He dealt 
a blow of his patta (Sword) at the Raje. The Raje 

a9 Jiu Mahala was a barber by caste. His descendants are still living 
at Kondvali, a village on the way from Wai to Mahavalesvar Bharat Itihas 
Sansodhak Mandal Sammelan vritta, Vol. V, p. 16. 

30 .Tamdad is a sh<>rt sword. Indo-persian Jamdhar g?p^l^ 'Death's 

3 1 HIT a robe or a gown. 


took from Jiu Maliala the pa (fa entrusted to lain, 
and warded off four blows of Said Banda by holding 
the patta and the bichva crosswise. At the fifth 
blow the Raje intended to kill Said Banda, (but) in 
the meantime Jiu Afahala dealt a blow of his firany 
at Said Banda on the shoulder. That blow severed 
the sword arm with the weapon in it. And the Raje 
went quickly to the fort above, with Jiu Maliala and 
Sambhajl IQlvji Mahaldar, carrying with him the 
Khan's head. 

[23] As soon as he reached the fort, he fired a 
cannon. At once did, men below the fort, the men 
and the forces on the Ghat, and Moro Pant from 
Konkan, and the Mawles, msh from four sides and 
four directions on the Khan's camp. On learning 
the news that the Raje had gone (back) to the fort 
after killing the Khan, and cutting off his head, all of 
the Khan's twelve thousand soldiers were struck with 
panic and lost heart. But in the meantime the Raje's 
forces carried slaughter on all sides. Severe and 
frightful fighting went on. For two prahars (6 
hours) a frightful battle was fought. High grade 
noble men (^sftr) of the Khan's party and Mahomedan 
soldiers of the Mahadin, the Uzdin, the Pathan, the 
Rohila, the Sum-is (?) 9 and the Arab races; and the 
Marathas of good families, the Dhangars, and the 
Brahmans ; similarly the artillery men, the Baile 3 - 
infantry, the Karnatak footmen (isn^) the muske- 
teers, the light-armed men, (^(^ f snf^) the lancers, 33 

32 Baile or Bahile means infantry. 

13 Rochevar, Rai Bahadur B. A. Gnptc thinks, means men with long 
shafted lances of three cornered blades. 


the right and the left wings of the army, 34 
and spearsmen (f5ffft) of other castes, Ha-tulve, 
? archers, mace-bearers (^ffal^f). swordsmen 
, (camp-followers) camp guards 
rocket throwers (^T^rlCcT), 35 and gunners, 

all mustered strong and gave battle. It became 
a big battlefield. Men and Mawles in the Raje/s 
army fought on foot. They smote down elephants, 
which succumbed in their places. Of many 
elephants they cut off the tails, of several elephants 
they broke the tusks. Of many they chopped off 
the legs. Horses were likewise killed at one 
blow. Similarly many men in the Khan's army they 
killed outright. Of several they severed the legs. 
Of many they knocked out the teeth. Of many 
they shattered the skulls. Several died. 

[24] Those who offered fight were killed, felled, 
and levelled with the earth. Similarly they killed 
camels. A heavy slaughter was made as they fought. 
The dead could not be numbered. Blood flowed like a 
river. A desperate fighting took place. The elephants, 
horses, camels, treasures, palanquins and nobles 
(^5ffa) captured, after fighting in this manner, were 
as follows : 

Elephants male and female numbering 65 
Horses ... ... ... 4,000 

Camels ... 1,200 

J. N. Sarkar suggests, are corruptions of the 
Turkish words Jaranghar aud laraiiyliar moaning the right and left wings of 
an army. Also see Irvine, Moghul Army. 

""' According to Irvine, Bffn means a rocket and waa used in the Moghul 
armv also. 


Jewels worth ... ... Rs. 3,00,000 

Clothes ... ... 2,000 bundles. 

Coins, llohors, Rons and Gold 

coins (worth) ... 7,00,000 

All the guns and artillery were captured. 
The officers captured were as follows : 
Sardar and Wazir of high rank ... 1 

Lambajl Bhonsle ... ... ... 1 

Son of Afzal Khan ... ... 1 

(Afzal Khan's) concubine's son ... ] 

Rajs'rl Jhunjar Rav Ghadge ... ... 1 

And privates besides these. 

Such were the captures made. Besides (these), 
commodities, goods, cattle, bullocks, and cash were 
taken. Combatants, who begged protection hold- 
ing grass in their teeth, the women and children, 
Bhat Brahmans and the poor, released on their 
professing helplessness. The Raja was a man of 
sacred renown, and did not kill those who sought 
his protection ; his men also on that account released 
some helpless (enemies). Eazal, son of Afzal Khan, 
fled among the forest, with rags tied to his feet. 
Similarly fled many men of good birth. They 
could not be numbered. 36 

Thus was conquest made and victory svon. Then 
the Raje had the Khan's son and those sardars who 
were attempting to escape, captured and brought to 
him. He himself descended from the fort, met all 
his men as well as Afzal Khan's men, and as many 
of his soldiers' sons as were of fighting age ; treated 

S(i Grant Duff's account of the Afzal Khan incident lias been borrowed 
from Khan" Khan who wrote long after Sivftjl'fl death. 


them kindly and [25] reassured them, and took into 
his service the sons of the combatants who had 
fallen (in the action). He directed that the widows 
of those who had no sons, should be maintained 
by (a pension) half (their husbands') pay. The 
wounded were given (rewards of) two hundred, one 
hundred, twenty-five or fifty Hons per man, accord- 
ing to the nature of their wound. Warriors of 
renown and commanders of brigades (^J*T%) were 
given horses and elephants in reward. Some were 
sumptuously rewarded with (ornaments like) brace- 
lets, necklaces, crests, medallions, earrings (^oR%), 87 
and crests of pearl. Such were the presents con- 
ferred on the men. Some were rewarded with grants 
of villages in mokasa. 

In the days of yore, the Pandavas extirpated the 
Kauravas, (and then alone) did such hand to hand 
fight between individual heroes take place. The 
Haje himself killed in single combat the Khan w r ho 
was by nature a veritable Duryodhan ; as much 
in strength of body as in wickedness of heart. 
Bhim killed him single-handed. Similarly did [the 
Raje]. Sivaji Raje was Bhim himself. It was he 
who killed Afzal. This deed was not that of a 
human being. An incarnation he surely was, and 
so indeed could he perform this deed. Success 
was attained. It happened in the above manner. 
The nobles of the Khan's army who had been 

An ornament composed of four golden rings, each having a 
pendant of pearl. Two such rings are worn in each ear, encircling the 
auricle. Molesworth. 



captured were released, on professing helplessness, 88 
with presents of clothes, ornaments, and horses. After 
that Pantajl Pant was given numerous rohes, horses, 
and ornaments. (He was) given immense w r ealth 
also. Rejoicings were made, news of the victory 
was communicated in writing to the Lady Mother 
(Jija Bal), and also to all at Bajgad. On hearing the 
news they too distributed sweets, and caused kettle 
drums (^rnt) an( i cornets to be played, and cannon 
to boom, and made great rejoicings. In this manner 
did things happen concerning the Raje. 

On the fourth day after that the spies and 
messengers (5TT^ f^fnt) brought the news to 
the Badshah and Badshah Zadi at Bijapur (that) 
Afzal Khan himself had been killed, his head 
severed and carried away. The whole army was 
plundered and utterly destroyed. On being thus 
informed [26] Ali Adilshah descended from 
his throne, went to the harem and took to his 
bed. 39 He lamented much. The Badshah Zadi like- 
wise, when the news reached her, threw herself 
on the couch, whereon she was then seated, and 
began to cry, "Alia ! Alia! Khuda! Khuda!" (she 

38 The meaning is not altogether clear. Eao Bahadur Sane reads, it as 
*HiqehV1 but remarks that in the original, the word seems to be ^Tcf 
In that case it must be a corruption of Persian inayet, meaning favour. The 
above translation is made on the supposition that like the Komans who made 
their enemies pass under a yoke, Sivaji had also made his enemies undergo 
some humiliation before their release. I must however admit that there is 
no historical evidence in its favour - 

3 8 *Fi*rraft faSRIT -the ordinary meaning of the word f^5f% is not 
applicable here, and I think the idea of throwing is also understood. 
Sabhaiad's style is very condensed. 


cried) " Khuda has overthrown the sovereignty of 
the Mahomedans." In this strain did she bewail 
(long) and lament much. For three days the 
Badshah Zadi did not eat or drink. In the same 
manner were all the nohles, the army and the entire 
city dejected. " To-morrow will the Raja come," 
they went on saying, " plunder the city and 
capture the fort ;" so scared were they. " It seems 
that Khuda has taken away the Badshahi from the 
Mahomedans, and conferred it on the Marathas." 
In this manner they began to talk. 

After this Sri Bhavani of Tuljapur came to the 
Raja in a dream, and said, " I have got Afzal 
killed with thy hands, and those who came after- 
wards I caused to be defeated. In future too are 
great deeds to be performed. I shall live in thy 
kingdom. Establish me and maintain my worship" 
(5J5UH5R Jrafrc). Then the Raje loaded a cart 
with money, sent it to the Gandakl, brought a 
stone of that river, made an image of Sri Bhavani 
with it and established the goddess at Pratapgad. 
Many deeds of charity were performed, jewelled 
ornaments of many different styles were made 
for the goddess. Mokasa villages were granted 
(to Bhavani) and separate Havaldar, Majwndar 
and Peswa appointed for the goddess's property 
and a great festivity was inaugurated. Vows * have 
always been offered and fairs held (at Pratapgad) 
exactly as at Tuljapur, and a behest was made in 
a dream to the people going to the fair of Tuljapur. 

has the same meaning as Bengali *f M<T 


" I am at Pratapgad, you should go there, see me, 
and fulfil your vows." So said the goddess. 
It became [known] as the shrine of a living 

Afterwards, realising that Afzal Khan, who was 
one of the principal wazirs of Bijapur, had heen 
overthrown and that kingdom consequently weak- 
ened, the E/aje captured all the forts belonging 
to the Bijapur state in Talkonkan. Fifty to sixty 
[27] were taken. Talkonkan was conquered. 
Varghat also was occupied. Then a mighty force 
of seven thousand Pag a and eight thousand fiiledars, 
fifteen thousand in all, and 12,000 militia (hasm) 
was mobilised. With the whole of the assembled 
army Netajl Palkar Sarnobat led an expedition 
to the Mughal dominions and plundered Bale ghat, 
Parande, Havell [of] Kalyan, Kulbarga, Avsa, 
TJdgir and territories as far as the valley of the 
Godavery. Contribution was levied. Lands were 
confiscated. The suburbs of Aurangabad were 
plundered. The Mughal Faujdar of Aurangabad 
advanced and there took place a battle with him. 
Horses and elephants were captured. The Mughal 
territory 41 was utterly disturbed. He (Netaji) 
went on performing such heroic deeds. 

41 Two Maratha leaders, Minaji Bhonsla at the head of 3,000 horse 
and Kashi, crossed the Bhima and plundered the Mughal villages in Chamar- 
gunda and Raisin late in March 1657. Shivaji was at this time busy looting 
Junnar. He was there for some time, he slipped away to the Ahmaduagar 
District at the approach of Rao Karn and Shaista Khan. About May he -was 
overtaken and defeated by Nasiri Khan. At the approach of rain Shiva 
retreated to his own territories and the Mughal officers fell back and the 
campaign closed. Sarkar'e Shivaji, pp. 60-61. 


The Raje appointed officers and framed the fol- 
lowing regulations for the management of the forts 
that had been captured. In every fort there should 
be a Havaldar, a Sabms, (and) a Sarnobat, (and) these 
three officers should be of the same status. These 
three should conjointly carry on the administration. 
There should be kept a store of grain and war mate- 
rial in the fort. An officer called KarJchanms was 
appointed for this work. Under his supervision [28] 
should be written all accounts of income and expen- 
diture. Where the fort was an important one, (and) 
where forts were of extensive circuit, should be kept 
five to seven Tat Sarnobats 42 (?rcwijta?{). (The charge 
of) the ramparts should be divided among them. 
They should be careful about keeping vigilant watch. 
Of every ten men of the garrison to be stationed in 
the fort, one should be made a Nalk. Nine pri- 
vates 43 (trRcff) an d the tenth a Nalk men of good 
families should in this manner be recruited. Of the 
forces, the musketeers fa*ft), the spearsmen 
the archers (ft<^T^), and the light armed men 
^nft), should be appointed after the Raje him- 
self had carefully inspected each man individually, 
(and selected) the brave and shrewd. The garrison 
in the fort, the Havaldar and the Sarnobat should 
be Marathas of good family. They should be ap- 
pointed after some one of the Royal personal staff 
(^STCTrT) had agreed to stand surety (for them). 
A Brahman known to the personal staff of the king 
should be appointed Sabnls and a Prabhu Kdrkhannls. 

41 Tat Sarnobat ~ Officer in charge of the wall. 

* * Pa-iJc stands for an ordinary sepoy of the infantry. 


In this manner each officer retained should be dis- 
similar [in caste] to the other. The fort was not 
to be left in the hands of the Havaldar alone. No 
single individual could surrender the fort to any rebel 
or a miscreant. In this manner was the ad- 
ministration of the forts carefully carried. A new 
system was introduced. 

Similarly Pagas were organised in the army. The 
strength of the Paga was rendered superior [to 
that of the Siledar.] The Siledars were placed 
under the jurisdiction of the Paga. To none was 
left independence enough for rebelling. To every 
horse in the Paga was appointed a trooper (Bargir) ; 
over twenty-five such J3argirs was appointed an expert 
Maratha Havaldar. (Each body of) five Havalas 
was named a Jumla. The Jumladar should have a 
salary of five hundred Horn and a palanquin ; and 
his Majumdar a salary of one hundred to one hun- 
dred and twenty-five Hons. Eor every twenty-five 
horses (there should be) a water carrier (mi^5ft) and 
a farrier (nji^.). A Hazarl was (a commander of) 
ten such Jumlas. 4 * To this (office was attached) 
a salary of one thousand Hons, a Majumdar, a 
Maratha Karbharl, and a Prabhu Kayastha Jamnls ; 
for them (was allotted) five hundred Hons. Salary 
and palanquin should be given to each individual 
according to this scale. Accounts of income and 
expenditure should be made up in the presence 
of all the four. Five such [29] Hazarls should be 

44 According to Grant Duff, 5 Jumlas made a Subha and 10 Subhas a 


(united under) a Panch Hazarl. To him (should be 
given) a salary of two thousand Hons. A Majumdar, 
a Karbharl and a Jamnls should likewise he (attached 
to) him. These fiv.e Hazarls were under the 
command of the Sarnobat. The administration of 
the Paga was of the same kind. Similarly the 
different brigadiers (subhas) of the Siledcirs also were 
under the command of the Sarnobat. Both the 
Paga and the Siledars should obey the orders of the 
Sarnobat. With each Hazarl and Panch Hazarl 
should be stationed Karkuns for the Vaknisi (news- 
writing) work, Harkaras (couriers and spies) and 
Jasuds appointed by the Sarnobat. Bahirjl Jadhava, 
a very shrewd man, was appointed Nalk of the 
Jasuds 45 under the Sarnobat. This man was selected 
after great scrutiny. 

The army should come to cantonments in the 
home dominions during the rainy season. There 
should be kept stored grains, fodder, medicines, 
houses for men and stables for horses thatched with 
grass. As soon as the Dasra was over, the army 
should march out of their quarters. At the time 
of their departure, an inventory should be made, 
of the belongings of all the men, great or small, 
in the army, and they should start on the expedition 
(fjg^filft). 46 For eight months, the forces should 
subsist (on their spoils) in the foreign territories. 

*'A Jasud acted both as a spy and a courier. The Barbaras' function 
also seems to have been the same. For the latter, see Broughton's Letters 
Written in A Mahratta Camp. 

40 Mulk-giri is a Persian term meaning the conquest of a (foreign) country, 
but in Marathi records it is used in the sense of plunder. 


They should levy contribution. There should be 
no women, female slaves, or dancing girls in the 
army. He who would keep them should be be- 
headed. In enemy territories, women and children 
should not be captured. Males, if found, should be 
captured. Cows should not be taken. Bullocks 
should be requisitioned for transport purposes only. 
Brahmans should not be molested ; where contribu- 
tion has been laid, a Brahman should not be taken 
as a surety. No one should commit adultery. 

For eight months, they should be on their 
expedition in foreign territories. On the way back 
to the barracks in the month of Faisakh, the whole 
army should be searched at the frontiers of the 
home dominions. The former inventory of the 
belongings should be produced. Whatever might be 
in excess, should be valued and deducted from the 
soldiers' salary. Things of very great value, if any, 
should be sent to the royal treasury. If any one 
secretly kept (any thing) and the Sardar came to 
know (of it), the Sardar should punish him. After 
the return of the army to their camp, an account 
should be made, and all the Svrdars should come 
to see the Haje, with gold, silver, jewels, clothes, and 
other commodities [30]. There all the accounts 
should be explained and the things should be 
delivered to His Majesty. An account of the 
expenditure upon men in the army should be 
submitted. If any surplus should be found as 
due to the contingents it should be asked for 
in cash from His Majesty. Then they should 
return to the barrack. Saranjam should be given to 


the men who had worked hard (in the late campaign). 
If any one had been guilty of violating the rules 
or of cowardice, an enquiry should be made and 
the truth ascertained with the consensus of many 
and (the offender) should be punished with 
dismissal. Investigation should be quickly 
made. For four months they should remain 
in the barracks and on the Dasra day they should 
wait on the Raje. (Then) they should march out 
to the country, selected for the expedition, by the 
order of the Raje. Such were the rules of the 

Similarly, among the Mawles, there was one 
Nalk for every ten men. Over (every) fifty men 
or five Nalks there was a Havaldar. Over two or 
three Havalas there was a Jumledar. Over ten 
Jumlas there was a Hdzari, the Jumladar had a 
salary of one hundred Hons per year. (He had) a 
Sabms who had salary of 40 Hons. The Hazarl 
got a salary of five hundred Hons. His Sabnls's 
salary was from 100 to 125 Hons. .Such were the 
terms of the Hazards appointment. Over seven 
Hazards, was appointed a Sarnobat, Yesajl Kank 
by name. Every body was to abide by his 

To the Sarnobat, and the Majumdar, and the 
Karkuns, and men on the personal staff of the 
Raje, were given assignments on land revenue, 
for their salary. The land cultivated by them 
was taxed like that of the Eayats and the sum 
credited as [part of] their pay. The balance, of 
their dues (was paid by) ' varat ' (orders) either on 


the Huzur (Central Government) or on the District 
(establishments). In this manner were their 
annual accounts punctually settled. Mokasa Mahals 
or villages with absolute rights should on no 
account be granted to the (men in the) army, 
the militia (Hasam) and the fort establishments. 
Every payment should be made by varats or 
with cash from the treasury. None but the 
Karkuns had any authority over the lands. All 
payments to the army, the militia, and the fort 
establishment should be made by the Karkuns. 
If mokasa were granted, the Ray at s [31] would 
grow unruly and wax strong ; and the col- 
lection regulations would no longer be obeyed. If 
the Ray at s grew powerful, there would be (rebel- 
lions) disturbance at various places. Those, who 
were given mokasas, if united with the Zamindars, 
would grow unruly. Therefore mokasas should not 
be granted to anybody. 

Karkuns should be appointed for conducting 
investigation into the provinces that were conquered. 
In the first place an expert scribe, experienced in 
the Daftardar's work, one who has drafted papers 
(documents) and drawn accounts, in short, an in- 
telligent man (well versed in) Daftardar's work 
should be selected and stationed in each tract and 
charged with the Majmu office (Mcywndar** office) 
of the Mahal. To some should be entrusted the 
custody of the Mahal. To some should be given the 
accountantship of the Subha. Then as things 
progress, an intelligent and careful Havaldar should 
be picked up and the Subha should be conferred 


on (him). The mamla* 1 of the Mahal should be 
given to a clever Majumdar of the Subha, skilled 
in writing and conversant in account keeping. The 
charge of a province (or district) should not be 
entrusted to one, who did not know how to write or 
had not served as a Kamavis. Such a man should be 
sent back by being told, either to serve und;3r the 
Badshahi or to enlist as a Siled&r with his (own) 
horse. 48 Of the Karkuns employed in the province, 
the Havaldar, according to the size of his Mahal 
should be given a salary of three Rons, or as much 
as four or five Horn, the Majumdar should be paid 
at the rate of three, four, five, fifty or seventy-five 
Horn. Over two Mahals (yielding) a lakh, one and 
a quarter of a lakh, and three quarters of a lakh of 
Hons (approximately), should be placed a Subhedar 
and a KarJcun. To them should be assigned a 
salary of four hundred Hons per man. The 
Majumddr, appointed to the Subha should be given 
a salary of one hundred to one hundred and twenty- 
five Hons. The Subhedar should be made to 
maintain a palanquin (on an allowance) of four 
hundred Hons. The Majumdar should be given 
a sunshade. 49 An allowance (for maintaining 
Abdagiri) should be granted from the Sarkar. Under 

4T Mmla means mam latdarship. 

4 6 Badshahi cannot mean any Mahomedan government here. Does the 
author mean that the under-qualified candidate should be advised either to 
enter the army as a siledar or to enter the civil service in some subordinate 
capacity ? The meaning is not clear. 

49 Abdagiri is an ornamented sunshade probably derived from the 
Persian word Aftab (Sun). It still forms a necessary part of marriage 
procession and used by all men of high rank even on ordinary occasions. 


the Badshahi, (the honour of using) umbrellas used 
to be granted to wazirs, omraos and distinguished 
nobles ; that system was recently abolished, (as it 
seemed to be) an anomaly that umbrellas (should 
be held) over the Badshah, as well as over his 
servants. Therefore the Badshahi system of (grant- 
ing the use of) umbrella was abolished and the use 
of) the sunshade (Abdagiri) introduced. All officers 
with a salary of full one hundred in the army 
or in the militia, that might be out on a 
mulukhgiri expedition, should keep the sunshade. 
Within the dominions, a Subha was placed 'in 
charge of) each tract (yielding) one lakh of Rupees. 
[32] To the unsettled provinces on the frontier, 
a force of infantry, cavalry, and militia, as strong 
as each place might require should be sent with the 
Karkun in charge of the mulukhgiri. 

Similarly lands in the provinces were surveyed, 
(including forest lands) 50 and their area as calculated 
in chavars. 51 The length of the (measuring) rod was 
five cubits and five muthls. 52 A cubit should be equal 
to fourteen tansus (rf^j) 53 The length of the rod, in 
cubits and muthls, (should be) eighty tansus. Twenty 
kathis (rods) square made one bigha. One hundred 
and twenty bighas made one chavar. According to 

10 Two different readings are given, ^**T ^T^ and ^T 5TP?. Of the first, 
the word UT? means tree but what ^T<T means 1 do not know. The second 
reading may mean, ' painted in thick bi-colour.' Does that signify that the 
result of the survey had been embodied in a map ? 

* 1 chavar-120 Bighas. 

1 a ^H$i a fist) hence the area covered by a fist of average size. 

8 * A tansu is equal to T th *T5f or yard rod. 


this measurement were lands surveyed and measured, 
and the area ascertained by measuring each village 
(separately). An estimate was made of the produce 
(in grain) of each bigha, and after dividing the grains 
into five shares, three of the shares should be given 
to the Ray at ; two shares should be taken for the 
government. According to this scale should (rent) 
be realised from the Ray at. New Rayats, (who) will 
come (to settle), should be given cattle. Grain 
and money should be given (to them) for (providing 
themselves with) seeds. Money and grain (should be ?) 
given for their subsistence (and) the sum should be 
realised in two or four years according to the means 
(of the Rayats). In this manner should the Rayats 
be supported. In every village, from each individual 
R.ayat, should the Karkun, according to the assess- 
ment, realise rent in grains from the crops (at the 
time of each harvest). In the provinces, the Rayats 
were not to be subject to the jurisdiction and regu- 
lations of the Zemindar, the Desmnkh and the Desai. If 
they offer to plunder the Rayats, by assuming autho- 
rity [over them] it does not lie in their power. 54 
The Adil Sahi, the Nizam Sahi, and the Mughlai 
Des 55 were conquered (by Sivaji) ; in the Des all Rayats 
used to be under the Patll and the Kulkarnl of those 
places, and the Desmukhs. They used to make the 
collection and to pay an unspecified sum (tribute). 
For a village, where the Mlrasdars took one to two 

54 The phrase in the text STR ^Ttff TT'ft, literally means that 'it was not 
in their hands' so it can be rendered as above. 

fi Des (3*l) here does not mean a country but the region above the 
ghSts, that is generally known by that name. 


thousand (Rons or Rupees ?), (they) used to render 
two hundred to three hundred to the government as 
quit-rent. Therefore the Mirasdar grew wealthy 
and strengthened (himself) by building bastions, 
castles (3T) and strongholds in the village, and 
enlisting footmen and musketeers. (They) did not 
care to wait on the revenue officers. If the revenue 
officer said that they could pay more revenue [33] 
the (Mircisdars) stood up to quarrel with him. In 
this way (they grew) unruly and forcibly misappro- 
priated (the lands in the Des). On this account did 
the Raje demolish the bastions, the castles and the 
strongholds, after conquering the Des. Where there 
were important forts, he posted his (own) garrison. 
And nothing was left in the hands of the Mirasdars. 
This done, (he) prohibited all that the Mimsdars used 
to take at their sweet will, by Inam (right) or 
revenue farming and fixed the rates of the dues in 
cash and grains, for the Zamindars, as well as of the 
rights and the perquisites of the Desmukh, the Des- 
kulkarnl and the Patll (and) the Kulkarnl according 
to the yield of the village. The Zamindars were 
prohibited to build bastioned castles. (They were to) 
build houses (and) live (therein). Such were the 
regulations for the provinces. 

There were gods and shrines (^^^n^f) 56 at differ- 
ent places in the country, their illumination, 
(f^l^t), food offering (^?ra), and ablution (^rfvpfaf), 
were properly maintained, (by granting an allowance) 
according to the importance of the place. The 

literally means a sacred place, 


illumination of, and food offerings to the shrines of 
Mahomedan saints (qfa) and the mosques of the 
Mahomedans were continued (by state allowance) 
according to the importance of (each) place. 
Brahmans reciting the Yedas should be placed in 
comfortable maintenance and learned Brahmans, 
Vedic scholars, astrologers, ritualists (*T*n&l^) 
ascetics, and pious men should be selected from 
every village, and a grant of money and grains should 
be assigned to each in his own village in the Mahal, 
according to the size of their (respective) families, 
and the expense of feeding and clothing them ; 
and it should be arranged that the Karkwn should 
convey their allowance to them every year (regu- 
larly). The Brahmans, should subsist on this 
(grant), continue prescribed baths and prayers 
(^TT*f ^fen), pray for the Raje's welfare and live 
happily. In this manner the Raja ruled his 
kingdom, continuing his enquiries about the forts 
and the strongholds, the army and the militia, 
the provinces and the personal staff. 

Aurangzib Badshah learnt at Delhi the news 
of the disturbance created in the Mughal territories, 
and (he) felt much troubled in his mind thinking 
" Sivajl has waxed powerful, a Bijapur force like 
that under Afzal Khan, (consisting of) twelve 
thousand horse (he) has overthrown, he is captur- 
ing Badshahi forts and strongholds. What steps 
should be taken with regard to him ?" So thought 
he and having assembled all his wazirs and 
omraos, and deciding to send a general with one 
hundred thousand horse to the south against the 


Raje. [34] and so arranging that Nawab Saista-Khan, 
who was the second image of the Emperor and a 
relation (of his), should be sent, called the Nawab to 
the presence and questioned him. The Nawab said, 
" What is Sivajl? I will take him a prisoner as soon 
as I go (there). I will win (the war) by capturing 
his forts, strongholds and dominions." By many 
effusions of this nature he accomplished (his purpose). 
After this, the Badshah became highly satisfied (with 
the Khan) and favoured him, by giving him a 
jewelled crest for his turban (^f^rot), a dress of 
honour, horses, elephants, and ornaments. With him 
(were sent) one hundred thousand horses and ele- 
phants, and besides them, many attendants including 
clerks (Mutsuddies) etc., archers, musketeers 
Rajputs, and camel-riders (shutar-ban) 
. 57 Similarly artillery drawn by elephants 
camel swivels 

and horse battery (irffST^rte cftmiHT), lancers, 
light armed men and infantry, (sent with him) 
were beyond counting. To the carpet and 
tent department (Faraskhana) (that went) with 
the Khan, (were attached) one hundred elephants ; 
similarly (there were) four hundred war elephants ; 
so there were five to six hundred elephants (in all). 
Similarly (there were) innumerable camels. Besides 
these, (were sent) shopkeepers for (camp) markets, 
shells and ammunition, war chariots (carryingrockets,) 
and artillery ; an innumerable force of this nature 

* 7 Rai Bahadur Gupte think that it should be read as *j^rai^ which 
means water carriers. 


was despatched. The army was (comparable only 
to) the Ravana of the Kaliyuga. As Havana's 
wealth baffled all calculation, so (did) the .innu- 
merable treasure, in cash, gold, silver, Mohurs, 
Hons and Rupees** loaded on elephants, camels, 
mules and carts, to the value of 3^0 millions in all, 
with which (wealth) he started from Delhi. The Nawab 
was a (second) image of the Badshah. With such 
an ocean-like army and with all these treasures, he 
came to attack the Raje, in the south. When the 
army encamped, it used to cover an area, 2 ganvs in 
length and 1^ in breadth. (The Khan) reached 
Puna in three months, marching from one station 
to another. 

As soon as the army started from Delhi, the Raje 
learnt of it. He was at Rajgad. He assembled all 
the Sarkarkuns, important persons, and the Sarnobat, 
and questioned them. In the opinion of (them) 
all- " Peace should be concluded. An interview 
should be sought. [35] It is not possible to hold 
out by fighting. What is our force and what is the 
Delhi army ?" Such were (their) reasons. 

The Raje was of opinion (that), " If peace is decid- 
ed on, there is no influential Rajput, (with the Khan) 
as would, (considering the fact that) we are Rajputs 
and he too is a Rajput, protect the Hindu religion 
and guard our interests. Saista Khan is a Mahomedan, 
a relation of the Badshah ; bribe and corruption can- 
not be practised 011 him. Nor will the Khan protect 

3 8 Rupees and Mohurs alluded to in the text should not be confused 
with modern coins ; as there were Mohurs and Kupees of different weight and 
value current in Sivaji's time. See Ranade'a essay on Mahratta currency. 


us. If I meet him in peace, he will bring about 
(our) destruction. It is injurious to us." So 
he argued. Then the Raje formed the brave 
resolution of fighting to the last and taking 
what came of it. That day, at night Sri Bhavanl 
(entered) the Raje's body and said (by his mouth), 
" Tell my child that he should not be anxious on ac- 
count of Saista Khan's coming. As I killed Afzal Khan 
so will I beat him away. You should not be anxious. 
As you killed Afzal Khan, so should you enter into 
Saista Khan's camp after he comes down (here) and 
fight (there). I shall get him defeated." When the 
Sri had said so, the Raje regained consciousness. 
The Karkun, who was with (the Raje), had put the 
goddess's speech into writing, (then) informed the 
Raje of it. The Raje mustered courage as he learnt 
that the goddess was favourably disposed. He chose 
good swordsmen after making selections in (from) 
his army, the Mawle forces, and the personal staff. 
One thousand select men were set aside from the 
remaining part of the army, one to two thousand 
infantry (?T3Kf) were selected, each individually. The 
confirmation of the news of Saista Khan's arrival at 
Puna was brought and the Raje descended from 
Raj gad and marched with his select men and forces. 
Babaji Bapujl and Chimnajl Bapujl, Deskulkarnis of 
Tarf Khed, both very intelligent and [36] brave, were 
favourites of the Raje. These two brothers were taken 
in his company. The Raje formed two detachments 
under Netajl Palkar and Moro Pant Peswa. One 
detachment (he) formed out of a body of Paya horse 
and (placed) Netajl Palkar (in command of it). The 


Peswa's detachment consisted of the Siledcirs, the 
Mawles and the Hasams. These two detachments 
were stationed on both sides of the road, outside 
Saista Khan's camp, and at a distance of about one 
mile from it. And the Raje himself took a shield and a 
sword in his hands, got ready, and took with him 1000 
dismounted 59 soldiers (m^I^cfTTT) and started for the 
Nawab's camp. Babajl Bapuji and Chimnaji Bapujl 
Khedkar marched in front (of the column). Behind 
them went all the men and the E/aje. The Maho- 
medan army was vast at various places, in the camp 
they questioned the B/aje, (in the following manner), 
"Whose men are you?" "Who are you ?" "Where 
had you gone ?" Babajl Bapujl and Chimnaji Bapujl 
replied, as they went on, "We belong to the army 
and had gone on sentry duty." Soon after, it was 
midnight. They went near the Nawab's tent. A 
body of one thousand men was got together. They 
went into the camp and stood (in rows) on two 
sides. Selecting two hundred men out of them, the 
B/aje himself cut the screen with a dagger, (^RZf^ ) 
and entered in, bidding Chimn.ajl Bapuji to accom- 
pany him. There were tents within tents, a maze 
like that of seven different concentric houses, (but 
the Raje) tore and rent them all, and went in. The 
guards were asleep. They were left in ignorance. 
Then the Raja himself reached the Nawab's (private) 
tent. In his camp there were seven enclosures 
and female attendants (Daya?) in them all. [37]. 

59 It does riot mean that all these men belonged to the infantry, they 
went on foot on this particular occasion. 

00 Dai literally means a nurse. Prof. D. B. Bhandarkar thinks that the 
word may be ^jq-j (ladies) instead of ^\q\ in the original text. 


The women, who were there came to know that 
the enemy had broken into the camp. Apprised 
of this, Nawab Saista Khan became utterly panic- 
stricken, put out the candles and lights (and) 
remained concealed among the women. The Raje 
never raised his hands against women. Two ghatkas 91 
passed in that way. Shortly afterwards, the Nawab 
found an opportunity, and stepping aside from the 
women, turned to get (his) sword. The Raje seized 
that opportunity and dealt a blow. Three of the 
Khan's fingers were struck off at once. Then arose 
a great tumult. The forces, on becoming cognisant 
of the arrival of the enemy, got prepared on all the 
four sides. Then the Raje went out. The guards- 
men and the men of the army, began to run about 
(noisily) enquiring where the enemy was. With 
them, he also ran forth shouting (like them), 
" Where is the enemy ? " and went out. And (he) 
marched off (after) joining his forces (left) with 
the Sarnobat and the Peswa. The whole of the 
enemy forces got ready and began to search in 
their own camp. No trace of them was found, 
(the invaders) went away by the direct route and 
reached their own place. 

When day dawned all the wazirs came to 
enquire after the Nawab. They found that three 
of the Nawab's fingers had been lost. Moreover many 
men had been killed and women and eunuchs 
wounded. Many men died. Learning this, the 

6 * 1 ghatJca 24 minutes. 


Nawab said, " The enemy came so far as my 
private tent, but no wazir was vigilant. No one 
is careful. All have combined in this treason. Now 
I cannot put my faith in anyone. To-day the 
Raje came and cut off my fingers, to morrow he 
may come again, cut off my head and carry (it) 
away. Siva j I is very treacherous. He has committed 
treachery (once) ; he may commit more. I have 
no faith in my army. I should now march away 
hence and go back to Delhi. With these people I 
should not stay." Making such a short-sighted 
decision, on the third day he commenced his march 
back to Delhi. 

The Raje had returned to Raj gad. News was 
brought from the enemy's camp that " Three of 
Saista Khan's fingers had been severed. His right 
hand was maimed. Many men moreover were dead. 
[38] The Nawab being frightened was running 
away to Delhi." This news came. Thereupon the 
Raje felt highly pleased (and said) " I have come 
back victorious. I have punished Saista Khan. The 
Badshah gave him the name of $asta but it was 
not rightly given. He did not perform any heroic 
deed to justify his name. By changing the name 
to Sasta (punished) I have corrected it." 62 So 
rejoicing, he distributed sugar and caused the canon 
to boom. 

has no force from what follows. Therefore I accept 
and translate another reading offered in the foot note by E. B. Sane. 
A- pun is here made upon the name tiasta punisher and the word 


The news of this victory had reached the Badshah 
at Delhi 63 [before the Khan's return]. The Badshah 
wondered in his mind and was at heart dejected, say- 
ing "What is the Nawab's army ? And what is 
meant by the Raja's personally entering the army 
and fighting there ? Sivajl is not a man, he is a 
big devil." After many such effusions, he remained 
silent. Later on being informed that the Nawab 
was come, he forbade his visit. Eirst, the expedi- 
tion had miscarried, secondly, he had been punished. 
On these two grounds he was forbidden to come 
for an interview. He was ordered to stay in his 
own house. The wazirs who had gone with him, 
were brought (to the presence), (and) degraded, 
and their jagirs were confiscated. They (however) 
answered (in their defence) that " The Sardar had 
been appointed by the Badshah, he (the Badshah) had 
ordered (us) to obey his (their general's) commands. 
Although this was done, the Sardar has returned 
unsuccessful, what should we do ? Now give us a 
brave Sardar. We shall go with him and exert our- 
selves in the toils of fighting." As soon as such an 
answer was given, they were all reassured (of the 
Emperor's favour) and mansabs were granted to 
them. Which Sardar should be sent next ? Who 
will return victorious ? In selecting a Sardar on such 

8 3 Aurangzib heard of the disaster early in May, when on the way to 
Kashmir. As a mark of his displeasure, he transferred Saista Khan to the 
Government of Bengal which was then regarded as a penal province or in 
Aurangzib's own words " a hell well stocked with bread " in December 1663, 
without permitting him even to visit the Emperor on his way to his new 
charge. (Sarkar.) 


considerations, choice was made of the Kajput 
Mirza Raja Jaya Sing. He was summoned, the 
Badshah sat with him in the private audience hall 
( ^JIT^f *ITTf ) and instructed him in various ways, 
" Go against Sivajl. Either the Badshah in person 
should go or you should go. Realising this, I am 
sending you, I shall send an army with you. Cap- 
ture Sivajl by various artifices and bring him with 
you." So saying, he gave him more than the normal 
complement of elephants, horses, shields, swords (men 
armed with Firangan), cross-bow, jayir and promo- 
tion, [39] and after greatly ex tolling him, despatched 
him with military robes of honour. The Badshah 
conferred the command of the vanguard of the 
whole army on Dilel Khan, a Pathan noble, 
wazir and a very brave man ; five thousand Pathans 
were sent with him. Elephants, horses and clothes 
(of honour) were given to Dilel Khan also. Eighty 
thousand cavalry were sent with him. Besides these, 
canon and ( ^STMT ) artillery of different varie- 
ties were given. Pathan and haughty Rajput horse- 
men were sent. The Badshah called (back) Dilel Khan 
privately by another way, (and) said to him, " The 
Mirza Raja is a Rajput and Sivajl is a Hindu. 
(They) may commit some treason. But you are a 
hereditary servant ( ?T^T^T^ ) 64 of the Emperor and 
faithful to us. Keep yourself so informed (of their 
movements) that you may not be deluded." So said 
(the Emperor) and despatched (Dilel Khan.) 

* Rao Bahadur Gupte thinks that ^Ivfisn^ me ans one brought up in 
the family. 


They started from Delhi as Saista Khan had pre- 
viously done, with a (mighty) host. A cloud of dust 
spread from the earth to the sky, such was the 
ocean like (immensity) of the army, that started for 
the south. They marched stage by stage. Where 
they encamped, the army, used to cover (an area 
of) 1^ ganvs in length and one ganv in breadth. 
Then Jaya Sing Uaje argued within himself thus, 
" Sivaji is intensely perfidious, full of devices 
and a brave soldier. He personally killed Afzal 
Khan. He entered Saista Khan's tent and fought 
(him) there. How can success come to us (in a 
contest with him) ?" So thought he. Then great 
Brahman priests suggested (to him) the means. " A 
religious rite should be solemnised to please the 
Devi (^t goddess) and then success will come to 
you." So they said. Then the Mirza Raja replied 
" One kotl^ of Chandl and eleven kotis of Linga 
should be made (and worshipped). For the fulfil- 
ment of my desire prayers ( 5TCf ) should be offered 
to propitiate Bagalamukhl Kalaratrl 66 (^JMT*pft 
^n^TTT^). These performances should be made." 
Eour hundred Brahmans were employed in these 
performances and they were celebrated every day. 
Two krores of Rupees were set apart for these per- 
formances. The performances were completed after 
continual celebration for three months. Final obla- 
tions of the performance were made and the Brahmans 

65 1 koti = 10 millions. 

6 6 Bagalainukhi is one of the 10 Mahavidyas and ^f^fft here is 
apparently Kali to be worshipped at midnight. 


were gratified with Dakshina and charity gifts. 
Then he marched on, stage by stage. 

[40] The Maharaja was at Rajgad; and the 
couriers and spies came to him. They submitted 
the news that, " Jaya Sing Mirza Raja is coming with 
an army of eighty thousand horse, with Dilel Khan 
(and his) five thousand Pathans." Hearing this the 
Rajsr! fell into (serious) deliberations. He sum- 
moned his Kdrkuns to the presence, and questioned 
(them). They all said " Afzal Khan was killed, and 
Saista Khan was surprised. They were unwary 
Mahomedans. The devices adopted [against them] 
were also new, but these are now well-known to the 
Rajput. He will not allow you to hoodwink him. 
Peace should be concluded with him/' 67 So said 
(they). The Raje said that" The Rajputs will 
be somehow won over, hut this Dilel Khan is a 
great scoundrel (f TTTT^fT^T) and a faithless (rogue) 
(^?*TR). He is one of the Badshah's favourites. That 
is not at all good. What he will do, I cannot divine. 
If he were not with (Jaya Sing), my desire would have 
been fulfilled. Well ! But what about it now ? 
The kingdom is Srl's (goddess). The burden has 
been placed on Sri. She will do what she likes." 
So he said. Then that day passed. The next day, 
Sr! Bhavani came (over him) and said, " Oh child ! 
the occasion this time is a formidable one. I shall 
not kill Jaya Sing. He will not sue for peace. You 
will have to see him. After an interview, you will 
have to go to Delhi. Serious difficulties will come 
(upon you) there. But I will go in your company. 

87 Sardars do not speak in the second person to the King. 


I will put forth various endeavours, protect the child 
and bring him 'back. I shall give him success. Do 
not be anxious. Tell my child so. The kingdom 
I have conferred on my child as a boon, has not been 
granted for one generation only. For twenty-seven 
generations it has been granted. The kingdom of 
the Deccan (extending) to the Narmada has been 
conferred (on you). Care for the kingdom is mine. 
Realise it fully. Whatever faults of action my 
child may commit I have to rectify. Do not be 
anxious on any account." So saying the goddess 
disappeared. The scribes had put those words in 
writing. After that, the Raje regained consciousness. 
[41] Then the words of the goddess were delivered 
to him by all. Thereupon the Raje felt highly 
satisfied and mustered courage. 

In the meantime Jaya Sing came midway between 
the forts of Purandar and Kondana, and encamped 
(there). And (he) sent a messenger and letters to 
the Raje (with the following message)" You are 
a Sisodia Rajput. 68 You and I are one and the same. 
Come for an interview. I shall secure your welfare 
in every way." Letters were sent with this proposal. 
These letters came to Rajgad. After reading (them) 
the Raje made an enquiry about who should be 
sent as envoy, and on questioning (people), (it was 
suggested that), Raghunath Pandit, a great scholar, 
who was near by, should be sent. It is a business 
with a Rajput (and) then he is a great scholar of 
the Sastras. The Rajput also knows the Sastra. 

08 Sivaji's descent from the Sisodia seems to have been a current fiction. 
See notes in the appendix. 


He (Ragunath) will suit him (the Rajput) well. 
Considering so, he conferred the title of Pandit Rav 
OrfeclTTor) on Raghunath Rav. And with clothes 
and ornaments (the Raje) sent him to the Mirza 
Raja. He went to the enemy's camp. 

Learning (the news) that the Raje's envoy was 
come, the Mirza Raja, received him with great 
honour. Jaya Sing said " The Badshah of Delhi is 
very powerful ; in hostility with him, (success in) 
the end cannot be secured. The Raje should come 
to meet me. T shall take him along with me, and 
procure for him an interview with the Badshah. As 
Ram Sing is my son, so are you; I shall not do you harm." 
(In confirmation) of this (offer), he handed over the 
Bel and Tulsl leaves, (iNRJoS^t) (to Raghunath) after 
performing the puja (ij^ff) of &rtkarpur Gaur. 69 And 
he gave rohes to the Pandit Rav and sent robes and 
ornaments [with him] for the Raje. And he sent 
the (following) verbal message, (through the Pandit 
Rav?) "Come to meet me. For six or four months 
defend (your) forts, show (your) power, then come 
to see me." Bidding him to do so, (he) dismissed 
Raghunath Pandit Rav secretly. 

He came back to the Raje at Raj gad, and reported 
the news. Thereupon, the Raje became pleased. 
[42] (He) sent injunctions to the forts and the 
strongholds at different places and had (them) all 
strengthened. And verbal orders were sent to vari- 
ous places for defending forts. 

09 :! ^n^T, iffr must have been the family god of the Mirza Kaja. Both 
the word jfj^; and ^q^ (camphor) signify white complexion, and the god 
meant was Siva. 


"When Dilel Khan learnt (the news) that the 
Raje's envoy had come to Jaya Sing's camp, he felt 
distressed at heart. " At last the Hindus will unite 
with the Hindus, and spoil the work." Saying so, 
Dilel Khan came to meet the Mirza Raja, the next 
day. And (he) began to say " Why are you sitting 
quiet ? There are two forts, Kondana and Purandar 
near the camp. I shall storm Purandar and capture 
the fort. You should take the fort of Kondana. 
If we go on capturing the forts, Sivajl will come 
(to make submission)." When (he had) spoken thus, 
the Mirza Raja said, " If the fort comes (to our 
possession), (it will be) well. If not, our reputation 
will be gone. Therefore we should not be engaged 
with forts. The country should be conquered. If 
forts are prevented from being provisioned, they will 
of themselves, come (into our possession)." As he 
said so, Dilel Khan, got up in anger (and) walked 
off. " I shall go just now and capture Purandar. 
Take Kondana if you like." So saying (he) got 
up, returned to his camp, beat his kettle-drums took 
a shield and a firang, marched to the foot of 
Purandar, encamped there, and delivered an assault 
upon the fort. Five thousand Pathans got down 
from horseback, and ten thousand Bailes attached 
to the cannon were dismounted. The Pendharis n 
the light troop (Adhatyarls,} and the Khalasls, 
twenty thousand men (in all), great and small, got 

70 The Bailes were footmen and could not therefore dismount. 
7 x The Pendharis were allowed to accompany an army and participate 
in the plundering of enemy lands and enemy camps. 


down, 72 (and) continued to approach the fort in a 

At that time, a famous man named Murar Bajl 
Prabhu was the commander of the forces at Puran- 
dar. With him there were one thousand men. [43] 
Besides these, there were one thousand men of the 
fort (garrison). There were thus two thousand men. 
Making his choice from them, Murar Bajl took with 
him seven hundred men (and) rushed on Dilel Khan 
below the fort. Dilel Khan had been ascending the 
fort on all the four sides Avith a large army of five 
thousand strong Pathans, besides IB dies and such 
other men. (The Maratha soldiers) went forward 
and became everywhere mixed with them. A severe 
and frightful battle took place. The Maw]es and 
Murar Bajl himself fought with extreme obstinacy. 
Five hundred Pathans succumbed (on the spot). 
Murar Bajl himself, with sixty men cut his way 
through, as far as the entrance of Dilel Khan's camp. 
Dilel Khan left the gate and fell back ; and order- 
ing (his v ) men made the artillery, and the archers, 
the lancers and one thousand light-armed men 
(Adhatyarls) to fight (Murar Bajl's men). Out of 
them (the) sixty men fell. Murar Bajl Prabhu, 
with a shield and firang, rushed on Dilel Khan. 
" Men cherished by the favour of the Maharaja 
are dead. How can I show my face [to him] 
now? (I should) therefore rush on straight." 

7 2 The utara dismounting, or fighting on foot, was a peculiarity of Indian 
horsemen of -which they were very proud. It was specially affected among 
Indian Mahomedans by the Barah Sayyads Irvine, Army of the Indian 
Moghjuls, p. 297. 


Deciding thus (he) came upon the Khan. Then 
the Khan said " Take thou a kaul (assurance of 
safety)" (thou art) a very intrepid soldier. I shall 
promote thee. As he said^o, Murar Bajl replied 
" What is thy haul. Do I, a soldier of Sivajl Raje, 
take thy kaul ?" (Saying so) he rushed straight upon 
the Khan. As he (Murar Bajl), was going to deal 
a blow with his sword, the Khan took a bow in his 
own hand, shot an arrow and despatched him. He 
fell. Then the Khan (in wonder) put his fingers 
in his mouth, " Such a soldier did God create !" In 
this strain did he wonder. Three hundred men 
died with Murar Bajl. The remaining four hundred 
men went back to the fort (above). Dilel Khan took 
the turban off his own head. And as he moved 
towards the fort (he) took (an oath) " I shall put on 
my turban when I have captured the fort." With 
this resolution he went forward. He came below the 
portals of the fort (and) halted there forming a ram- 
part of shields. The garrison of the fort [44] con- 
tinued to fight resolutely without taking into account 
that Murar Bajl had fallen " What then if one 
Murar Bajl (alone) is dead ? We are as brave (as 
he was). We will fight with similar courage." 

The Raje at Bajgad learnt the news, " Dilel Khan 
has beleaguered Purandar. Murar Bajl has fallen. 
Three hundred men have died in battle." Learning 
this he felt much troubled with (these) thoughts in 
his mind, " When Dilel Khan will capture this fort, 
(then) the remaining forts will surrender voluntarily. 
Then there will be no grace in my going for an interview. 
It is proper, (that) peace should be concluded by 


meeting (Jaya Sing) and offering with my (own) 
hands what forts have to be given up, while the fort 
still holds out." Therefore (he) sent Raghunath Bhat 
Pandit Rav to the Mirza Raja (with the following 
message) " I am coming to see you presently. 
I shall be lowered if our (^rant ?) JS inter- 
view takes place after Dilel Khan has captured 
the fort." Sending this message orally, (he) ar- 
ranged for going for an interview. The Pandit Rav 
went and met Jaya Sing (and) informed him of 
the news. Then he (Jaya Sing) too, considering 
(the proposal) to be well, repeated his oaths and 
solemn undertaking (f?fi2JT)- 74 And the Pandit Rav 
came to Raj gad. As soon as he was come, the 
Raje himself, took one thousand select men with 
him. He made obeisance to Sri Sambhu and Bhavam, 
and he saluted (and) met the Matusri (mother). He 
saluted good ascetic Brahmans. Receiving the bless- 
ings of all he descended below the fort and started. 
All at once he went into the camp of the Mirza Raja. 
The Pandit Rav went ahead, and reported that the 
Raje was come. As soon as he learnt this news, 
Jaya Sine? came himself on foot outside the portals. 75 

7 3 The word in the text as read by R. B. Sane does not give any meaning. 
Rai Bahadur Gupte suggests ^f^f^ as an alternative, which I have 

7 * A f$pn 1S a solemn oath accompanied by some religious rites. As for 
instance the Mirza Kaja performed a Kriya when he handed over Bel and Tuls! 
leaves. Sometimes gods are simply asked to be witnesses to the undertaking. 

75 Jaya Sing did not come out to receive SivajT. He sent his Secretary 
Udairaj and and Ugrasen Kachhwa to meet him on the way. Sabhasad is 
also wrong in thinking that Dilel Khan and Jaya Sing had any difference 
about the military transactions. Jaya Sing concerted his plans with con- 
spicuous ability and Dilel gave his whole-hearted support ; but Dilel was 
naturally offended at Sivaji's surrender to Jaya Sing : as he thus lost the 


The Raje descended from the palanquin and met 
(him). They went and sat together on the same seat. 
And the llaje began to say to the Mirza Raja, "As 
Ram Sing is to you so am I. As you will protect 
him, so should you protect me." So saying, he took 
his seat. Then Jaya Sing said " That is true. I am 
a Rajput, you and I are of the same tribe. My head 
will go first, before any [harm] can be done to you." 
After speaking such (words of) assurance, (Jaya Sing) 
took an oath. Then the Raje said " I shall give 
you what forts you may want, call back Dilel Khan 
I shall give you (the fort of) Purandar. I shall raise 
your standard (there). But to a Mahomedan [45] 
I shall not gi^e the credit." On (his) making 
such professions, Jaya Sing felt pleased and said, 
"Dilel Khan is proud. (He) is in the Badshah's 
favour. One has to make obeisance to him with (his) 
hands. You yourself will have to go for an inter- 
view with Dilel Khan. I am sending a Rajput 
relation (of mine) with you, he will bring you (back) 
after conducting you (to the interview), you should 
not be anxious. If your hair is touched, I will die 
with an army of fifty thousand Rajputs." Hearing 
(this) the Raje began to say " I am Sivaji. Do 
I take Dilel Khan into account ? As you have 
ordered I shall go and meet (him)." So saying 
(he) took leave. The Mirza Raja sent with him 76 

credit of capturing Purandar. See Sarkar's Sivaji, pp. 150-151. Prof. 
Sarkar has based his account on the official correspondence of Jaya Sing, 
Mannucci however partly agrees with Sabhasad. See Storia, ed. Irvine, 
Vol. II, p. 120. 

76 Sivajl was sent with Raja Rai Sing to wait on Dilel Khan who presented 
ivaji with two horses, a sword, a jewelled dagger and two pieces of precious 
clo th See Sarkar's ivaji, pp. 154-155. 


Subhan Sing, his mama, (maternal uncle) a great 
warrior of immense strength, brave and twice as 
powerful as Dilel Khan. Dilel Khan also knows him. 
Saying, " Take care of the Raje and bring him back ; 
I send (him) relying on thee " (the Mirza Raja) 
despatched him. Subhan Sing took with him fifty 
Rajputs, his peers (in valour) and started. The Raje 
went where Dilel Khan was near the gates of Puran- 
dar. Then he sent intimation to Dilel Khan to say 
" Sivajl Raje has come and interviewed the Mirza 
Raja. He is coming to see you.' 5 Learning this 
Dilel Khan burnt (with anger) at heart. Biting his 
lips in anger (he thought) " I have not yet achieved 
success (in the affair) of the fort of Purandar. The 
negotiations were not held in my presence. The 
Rajput has got the credit of it." Vexed on this 
account, he then came forward, and in anger violently 
held the Raje fast and his embrace lasted for a 
Ghadi. 71 Dilel Khan was very stout. (He had) the 
strength of an elephant or perhaps more. He ate as 
much as an elephant. Every day he consumed the 
same measure of (food) as an elephant eats. In his 
body he was a second Hedamba Rakshasa. 78 So huge 
(was he). He, in his rage violently held the Raje fast 
(in his arms) angrily for a Ghatka. But the Sardar 
was powerful (and) equally stout, he took no notice 
of it. Then the hug of welcome loosened, they sat 
together, on one side, near a big bolster (^ftel) on the 
other side of the bolster sat Subhan Sing. Dilel Khan 

77 Ghadi ^f =20 minutes. 

78 Hedamba was the brother of Hidimba a wife of Bhim the Indian 
Hercules. Bhim killed Hedamba in a single wrestling combat. 



kept a dagger near (him) (and) sat with his hands on 
it. And [46] angrily asked Subhan Singh, " Are you 
come with the Raje ? " So (he) asked. Then nodding 
in affirmation, Subhan Sing replied " Khanji ! the 
Raje is come to you. Now, (we shall) give you what 
forts you want to-morrow. You should get down and 
come to the camp. Such is the order of the Mirza 
Raja." When this was said, he (Dilel Khan) felt 
much disappointed that his intentions were not ful- 
filled. " You are my superior. I shall come according 
to your order. But to-day I shall capture this fort for 
you. I shall come after raising the standard (on it)." 
On his saving so, Subhan Singh began to urge, 
" The fort has been given to us. You should come." 
Thereupon, Dilel Khan got down and came to his 
private tent. (Guards) were appointed to watch the 
fort. The Raje was sent away with (the usual 
presents of) betel leaves. " You two should together 
go to the Mirza Raja. He is the senior Commander. 
I am agreeable to what he will do." (So said he.) 

As soon as he had said so, the Raje and Subhan 
Sing came to the Mirza Raja. (They) reported the 
news. Then Jaya Sing and the Raje dined in the 
same line (T^ infft iffaR %it). A tent was given 
to the Raje for residing. At night the two held a 
consultation. "All the forts should be ceded to the 
Badshah, and (you) should go to Delhi." As soon 
as this was proposed, the Raje began to say 
"Twenty-seven of my forts I shall cede, 79 and we 

7 9 Jaya Sing in his letter to the Badshah says 

We came to this agreement : (a) That 23 of his forts, the lands of which 
yielded 4 lakhs of hun as annual revenue, should be annexed to the Empire ; 


myself and my son Sambhajl, shall go to interview 
the Badshah. After making the interview, I should 
be appointed against the Badshahis of the south, the 
Adilsahi, the Kutabs'ahi and the Nizamsahi, of this 
region. I shall conquer the three Badshahis. One 
Badshahi (is) the Nizamsahi, that has (already) been 
conquered. Two Badshahis I shall conquer for you." 
So he proposed. The Mirja Raja agreed. And (he) 
marched from Puna. The Raje had Sambhaji Raje 
(also) brought, Twenty-seven forts were ceded to 
the Mughals, whose standards were raised (thereon). 
Rajgad and the other forts, together with Moro Pant 
Peswa and Nilo Pant [47] Majwmdar and Netajl 
Palkar Sarnobat 80 were placed in his Lady Mother's 
charge. And he made a compact that he himself 
should go to Delhi, and interview the Badshah. Then, 
Jaya Sing Raja sent his agent to inform the Badshah. 
With him (an envoy) of the Raja should go, and on 
this service Raghunath Pant 81 Korde brother-in- 
law of Sonajl Pant Dablr was deputed. These two 

and (6) that 12 of his forts including Rajgarh, with an annual revenue of 1 
lakh of hun, should be left to Shiva, on service and loyalty to the Imperial 
throne. Sarkar's Shivaji, p. 152. 

The following are the forts ceded : 

(1) Endramala or Vajragarh. (2) Purandar. (3) Kondana. (4) Rohjira. 
(5) Lohgarh. (6) Isagarh. (7) Tanki. (8) Tikona in Konkan. (9) Mahuli. 
(10) Muranjan. (11) Khirdrug. (12) Bhandardrug. (13) Tulsikhul. 

(14) Nardurg. (15) Khaigarh or Ankola. (16) Marggarn or Atra. (17) Kohaj. 
(18) Basant. (19) Nang. (20) Karnala. (21) Songarh. (22) Mangarh. 
(23) Khandkala near Kondana. See Sar&ar's Shivaji, pp. 156-157. 

8 This is inaccurate. Netaji had been deprived of his command in 1660. 

81 Rai Bahadur Gupte says that the Prabhu Kayasthas, to which caste 
Korde belonged, do not add Pant after them ; the name therefore should be 
Raghunath Rav. But it appears from Old Bakhars that they indulged in 
that privilege in Sivaji's time. 


were then sent. The Raje sent a petition to the 
Emperor (with the message) " I am coming for an 
interview." He wrote and sent a letter to this effect. 
After this the Raje went, in the company of the 
Mirza Raja, with his own forces towards Bijapur. On 
the march, the Mirza Raja and Sivaji Raje sat on the 
same hawda, and proceeded (on their journey). All 
the wazirs used to come and salute them. Dilel 
Khan would not salute. The reason was, that the 
Raje and he (Jay a Sing) were at the same place 
(together on the same seat) ; how then could he 
salute ? On this ground, he would not salute. Then 
peace was made with Bijapur also. Then they were 
to have gone together to Delhi. 

But to this proposal, the Mirza Raja said " The 
Bad shah is very expert in devices, (and) is 
faithless. If you and I go together, and (some) 
treachery is committed against both of us, what 
should (we) do? . I shall go there afterwards. I 
shall stay at Aurangabad, You go to Delhi. My 
son Ram Sing is at the court. He is also a man 
of equal weight [with me]. I am sending (verbal) 
instructions to him. Get the interview through him. 
Obtain (the grant) of a saranjam and come to the 
south. After you have started from Delhi I shall go 
there. Till then I shall remain away. (So that) the 
Badshah may not commit treachery against you, after 
you have met him. Giving counsels in this manner, 
(he) then sent a letter to Ram Sing (and) adjusting 
(everything) properly, and despatched the Raje. 
(Following is) the list of the Karkuns and personal 
attendants the Raje took with him 


Niraji Raujl Sahana 82 Trimbakjl Sondev, son of 
Sonajl Pant (item 1) Manko Han Sabnls (I) Dattajl 
Trimbak (1) Hiroji Farzand (1) Raghojl Mitra (1) 
Davlji Gadge (1). 

Mawles 1,000 one thousand, Lashkar (forces 
Sawar according to a different reading) 3,000 three 
thousand, [48] and such like. With these, the Raje 
carne to Rajgad, took leave of all and took with him 
the above attendants. And the Raje and his son 
these two proceeded to Delhi 83 stage by stage. 
The Badshah learning that the Raje was coming 
for an interview, sent instructions to all his Fauj- 
dars and Mahal Mokasaholders. " Sivajl Raje 
is coming to pay homage. Wherever he may en- 
camp, the Faujdar of the place should wait on him. 
(And) supply food and drink as may be necessary. 
He should be honoured in the same manner as the 

Such orders were sent. Then, (wherever) the 
Raje broke his journey, the Faujdars used to meet 
him there, and supply him with food and drink and 
what expense was necessary. In this manner, 'he) 
reached Delhi in two months. 

The Badshah, learning that the Raje was come, 
sent Ram Sing forward, to receive him. Ram Sing 
came and met (the Raje). Raghunath Pant Korde, 
(who) had been previously sent as an envoy, also 

82 Persian Sahana means a Kotwal. 

83 He went to Agra and not to Delhn See Sarkar's Shivaji, p. 171. Prof. 
Sarkar however does not give any reason for discarding Sabhasad's view. 
Kincaid and Parasnis, Hist, of the Maratha People, Vol. I, p. 117. 

The credit of first pointing out that Sivaji went to Arra, however, belongs 
to Prof. Sarkar. 


came and met (the Raje). (He) reported every news 
about the Badshah. "Outwardly he expressed satis- 
faction and pleasure, but what is in the Badshah's 
mind we do not know." So said (Korde). Having 
interviewed (the Raje) Ram Sing came to the 
Badshah (and) reported the news. The Badshah 
allotted a big independent house in its own garden 
(haveli) and named the place Sivapura and there 
the Raje took up his residence. At an auspicious 
moment, he set out to see the Badshah. The Badshah 
assembled his Darbar, sat on the Royal throne, 
keeping five weapons near (him) 84 girding his waist, 
and putting on a steel armour. Similarly he made 
great warriors of (known) valour to stand near 
the throne, and (stationed) two thousand (men) 
in its neighbourhood. Likewise all the wazirs 
were assembled in readiness, in the Hall of Public 
Audience (^TITOT^). In his mind (the Badshah) 
argued " Sivaji is not an ordinary man, he is the 
Devil. He killed Af zal Khan at (a friendly) inter- 
view. What should be done, if in a like manner, 
he jumps on the throne, and makes a treacherous 
attack on me ? " So thinking, he sat prepared for 
every contingency [49]. (Then) he called the Raje 
for the interview. Ram Sing conducted the Raje, 
and his son Sambhajl Raje, and a few men (literally 
ten men ^jfT^^) Karkuns and near relatives of the 
Raje, to the interview. Nazar was offered to the 
Badshah. The Badshah said," Come ! Sivaji Raje !" 
As soon as he said so, the Raje offered three salutes. 

84 This however was an ordinary practice, and not a measure of precaution. 


In his mind he meant the first (for) Sri Sambhu 
Mahadev, the second (for) Sri Bhavani, the third 
(for) the Maharaja his father ; in this manner were 
the salutes offered. And the Badshah ordered him 
to stand on the right side, near (and below) Jasvant 
Sing Maharaj, the Raja of Navkot of Marvad. The 
Raje and his son stood (accordingly). (The Raje) 
asked Ram Sing " Who is the neighbour in front 
of us ? " Ram Sing answered " Maharaj Jasvant 
Sing." On hearing so, the Raj e got angry (and) said 
" An Omrao like Jasvant Sing, whose back my 
soldiers have seen ! why should I stand below him ?" 
Saying so in his anger, he began to beg of Ram 
Sing (his) dagger, (threatening) to kill the Maharaja 
with the dagger that hung by Ram Sing's waist. 
Then Ram Sing began to counsel him to be patient. 
When these words were being exchanged, the 
Badshah became aware [of the tumult]. He asked 
" What is the matter ? " Ram Sing replied "The 
tiger is a wdld animal of the forests, he feels hot. 
Something has happened." As he said so, fear grew 
in the Badshah's mind. There was no knowing 
what might happen. Therefore the Badshah said 
to Ram Sing " Go (back) with the Raje to (his) 
quarters. To-morrow (we) will have an interview at 
leisure." As he said so, the Raje, his son, and Ram 
Sing and the Raje's men, all returned to his quarters. 
When the Raje was gone, the Badshah felt, relieved. 
" A great evil is over. I and Sivaji have seen each 
other " So saying he remained (silent). 

After the Raje had returned to his residence, he 
and Ram Sing sat (together), (and the Raje) said 


"Who is the Badshah ? I am Sivaji ! Am I to be 
made to stand below Jasvant ! i 50 j The Badshah 
does not understand anything (of propriety)." So 
said (he). Bam Sing said, " Do not go to the inter- 
view. As you have come, keep up appearances and 
(then) go back. It will be a great gain to us, if 
you can safely go from here." So saying, B;am Sing 
went to his own haveli. 

The Raje summoned his Karkuns, courtiers, (i|5JT) 
and Raghunath Pant Korde, ^and) asked (them) 
" What step should be taken next ? The Emperor's 
policy is known (to us). How to achieve suc- 
cess in it, (against the policy), secure leave of the 
Emperor (and) go hence? The Badshah will not 
give (us) leave, unless (we) undertake to render 
some service to him." Then, Raghunath Pant was 
sent with the (following) instructions " You should 
go to the Badshah to-morrow, and petition (him to the 
following effect). We have no other interest except 
that of Your Majesty. 83 I have, without any suspicion, 
come with my son also, for an interviews Services 
should be accepted from (this) servant. I undertake 
to conquer for His Majesty, the two Badshahis, 
the whole of the Adilsahi and the whole of the Kutub 
Sahi, in the south. (The Badshah) should reflect on 
the services rendered by the other governors (subah) 
that he sends and my services [in comparison]. After 
making some such professions, (suggest that) if I am 
called for a private interview in the (private) Council 
chamber, I shall meet (the Emperor) and communicate 

8 5 Sivaml in the text literally means ' master.' 


something (important). Petition to this effect." So 
he instructed. Thereupon Raghunath Pant Korde 
went to the Badshah, the next day, wrote the peti- 
tion as instructed, and submitted it. The Badshah 
(however) entertained suspicion in his mind after 
reading the petition. And he wrote on the back of 
the petition, (as) an answer, " Wait, I will do what 
you have asked for." Such was the answer (he) 
wrote. He (Raghunath) came, and told the Raje to 
wait. " Then there is suspicion (in his mind), he has 
not given a frank answer ; " so the Raje inferred. 
On that very day, Saista Khan sent (the following) 
verbal message to Jafar Khan the Dewan, since the 
reign of the late Badshah he had been Dewan, 
but the administration was conducted by his deputy, 

" Sivaji is intensely perfidious. (He) is learned 

(in the black arts). [51 1 When he entered into my 
camp, he jumped over forty yards and entered into 
the house ; the Badshah should not call such a man 
to an interview. If he is called, he will make a 
treacherous attack, jumping over a space of forty or 
fifty yards." He sent words (to this purport). 
Thereupon Jafar Khan made this information known 
to the Badshah. The Badshah offended at heart 
regarded it as true. (He) entertained strong sus- 
picions in his mind. 

The next day the Raje learnt that Jafar Khan, 
the Dewan, had slandered him before the Badshah. 
Learning this, he sent Raghunath Pant Korde to 
Jafar Khan Avitli the message, "I am coming to see 
you." (With this message) he sent (him). After 
making deliberations in his mind, for a long time, he 


said, "All right ! let him come." So the Raje went 
to see Jafar Khan. (He) honoured him greatly, and 
spoke something about (his) saranjam, but he did not 
like it. (Jafar Khan) said outwardly 'very well'. 
His wife was Saista Khan's sister, she sent words 

from the harem, "Saista Khan's fingers were cut 

off. Afzal Khan was killed. ivaji will likewise kill 
you too. Give him leave soon." Then (he) gave the 
Raje leave, with robes (of honour). ""I shall peti- 
tion the Badshah and get (you a) 8aranjam."8o he 
said. Then the Raje came to his quarters. "Jafar- 
Khan also, has not spoken frankly. Well ! What- 
ever the Sri will do is right." So saying he remained 

The next day, the Badshah appointed Fulad Khan, 
Kotwal, (with) five thousand cavalry and infantry 
(to be) near the Raje and (gave him the following) 
order, "Thou shouldst stay around the Raje's quarters 
keeping careful watch (over it)." Thereupon the 
Kotwal came and pitched (his) tent. Then the Raje 
became scared He began to feel distressed. He 
lamented much, holding Sambhajl Raje to his breast. 
[52] Nirajl Pant, and Dattajl Pant, and Trimbak 
Pant consoled (him) in various ways. Then the 
Raje said " What device should we now resort to ?" 
While (they were) so deliberating, night fell. Then 
Sri BhavanI came in a dream and showed herself 
(saying), "Do not be anxious. I shall take thee back 
hence, with (thy) son, casting confusion on all (thy) 
foes, by means of the bewitching weapon ( tfl^Fn^r). 
Do not be anxious." In this manner (did the 
goddess) assure (him) of safety. Then the Raje 


awoke, told his relatives (all about the dream), and 
felt secure. 

The next day (he) got by purchase various kinds 
of sweets. 86 Obtaining bamboo baskets (he) filled tea 
baskets with sweets employing two porters for each 
basket, (and) inserting a rod of wood in the middle, 
(he) sent the sweets to the wazirs. The men of the 
watch asked, "Whose baskets (are these) ? Where 
do they go ?" The porters answered " The Raje has 
sent sweets to a few wazirs. They opened one or 
two (baskets) (and) found (there were) really sweets. 
Then (they) let (them) pass. This process was con- 
tinued everyday. Then after eight or four days he 
instructed his sawars and some Karkuns to get away. 
Then they all fled. 

Then one day the Raje and his son crouched in 
a basket. Sending baskets before and behind 
(them), they set out, seated in the middle one. At 
that time, the Raje took off all his garments dressed 
Hirojl Earzand (in them) and made him sleep on 
his cot. His uncovered hand alone was left visible 
outside. And (he) was laid wrapped in a coverlet. 
And a boy was kept for massaging (his limbs). 
Having selected a place in a village, three cosses 
beyond Delhi, (he) had previously sent the Karkuns 
attached to him (there). And the two of them set out 
seated in a basket. The men of the watch, inspected 
one or two of the foremost baskets (by) opening 
(them), (and) let the others pass without opening. 
Arriving at a place two cosses outside the city, they 

so Fruits or sweets, for ^eft in Marathi stands for both. 


left the baskets, set out on foot, and went to the 
village, where the Karkuns were. (The Raje) took 
the Karkuns with (him). All of them satin a jungle 
and (there) argued, [53] "If we go straight to 
home 87 now, an army will be sent in pursuit, turning 
to that direction. We should not go towards (home). 
We should go to the opposite side of Delhi, we should 
go towards Benares." So deciding, the Raje, and 
Sambhajl Raje, and Nirajl Rauji, and Dattaji 
Trimbak, and Ragho Mitra Maratha, (these men) 
left (the jungle) (and) set out. The rest were told to 
go where they liked. (The Raje) himself, the 
prince, and the other men, (who were) Karkuns, 
besmeared their bodies with ashes and putting on 
the disguise of Fakirs went towards Muttra. 

In the meantime, Hiroji Farzancl, was lying on 
the cot, at Delhi. For four quarters (prahas) of the 
night, and three quarters of the next day, he lay 
like that. Fulad Khan's watchmen, coming into the 
room, found that the Raje was sleeping wrapped 
in a coverlet, (and) the boy was massaging his legs. 
The men asked the boy, "(Why) is the Raje sleeping 
(so) long to-day?" The boy answered, --"(His) 
head aches." Seeing it, the men retired. In that 
manner Hiroji lay for three quarters of the day. 
When there was (only) one quarter of the day left 
Hiroji got up, put on his wrapper, breeches, and 
turban and came out with the boy (with him.) To the 
enquiries of the watchmen Hiroji answered "(His) 

87 Des is the word used in the original, which means native country or 
simply country. 


head aches. If any one tries to go into his room, 
forbid him. I am fetching medicine." So instruct- 
ing the watchmen, the two went out. (Hirojl) 
went to Ram Sing's camp 88 , told him the news in 
private, and getting out thence, took the road for 
the Deccan. 

Then Ram Sing went to see the Badshah. He 
submitted to the Badshah, " Sivajl had come 
through our mediation. The Badshah has set (on 
him) separate guards. I have no concern (with him)." 
The Badshah answered " You have no concern. [54] 
He is a servant of the Badshah, and the Badshah 
will look after his welfare. You have nothing to 
do with him." (When the Badshah had) said so, 
Ram Sing returned to his quarters, after making 
(his) obeisance. 

It was the ninth hour of the day. At the ninth 
hour (cfT^O the watchmen reflected "There is 
no concourse of men to-day. The servant says 
that the Raje is unwell After that no one comes 
or goes, what is the matter ? " So they went into 
the room to see (but) then, there was no one 
on the cot. It so appeared, that the Raje had 
fled. Finding this, Fulad Khan reported the news 
to the Badshah, "The Raje was in the room. 
Though we had been paying repeated visits of inspec- 
tion he suddenly disappeared. Whether he has 
fled, or entered into the earth, or gone (up) in the 
sky we cannot surmise. We have been (very) close 

88 According to some BaTthars Hiroji was thrown into prison and cruelly 


(to him). He vanished in our view. (We) do not 
know what device he took." As he reported so, 
the Badshah felt astonished and was much per- 
plexed. And issuing injunctions to the (whole of 
his) army, (he) sent two lakhs and sixty thousand 
sawars, to search (for Sivajl), in eight directions. 
He told (them), " Sivajl is clever in devices. He 
must be going under some disguise. You should 
therefore look through the disguises of the 
Jctngams, 88 Yogis, Sanyasls, Tapsis, Bairagls, 
Nanakpanthls Gorakhpanthls, Fakirs, Brahman s, 
beggars (3hTRl)j Erahmacharls, Paramphanses, 
mad men, and various others, detect the R,aje and 
bring him a prisoner. Having given such hints, (he) 
despatched them. The soldiers rode in four directions. 
And the Badshah cherished the suspicion 
in his mind, (that) " The Eaje must be hiding 

68 5J3TT = 6aiva lingayet Sanyasfs. Sir R. G. Bhandarkar gives the 
following account of the origin of the Jangamas. " Basava (the Prime 
Minister of Vijjanaray) had another sister named Nagalambika who had 
a son named Chenna Basava or Basava the younger. In concert with him 
Basava began to propound a new doctrine and a new mode of worshipping 
Siva, in which the Linga and the Nandin or bull were predominant. He 
speedily got a large number of followers, and ordained a great many 
priests, who were called Jangamas. This took place towards the close of 
the llth century A. D. *** (After Basava's death Chenna Basava) became 
the sole leader of the Lingayats ; but even before, his position was in some 
respect superior to that of Basava. The religious portion of the movement 
was under his sole direction, and it was he who shaped the creed of the 
sect. In him the Pranava or sacred syllable Om is said to have become 
incarnate to teach the doctrines of the Viraiiaiva faith to Basava, and according 
to Chenna-Basava-Purana, " Chenna Basava was Siva, Basava, Vrishabha or 
Siva's bull, (the Nandin), Bijjalathe door keeper; Kalyana Kailasa; and Siva 
worshippers (or Lingayats), the Siva host. Early History of the Dekkan, 2nd 
Ed., pp. 94, 95. This new creed spread widely among the trading classes, 
which before were the chief supporters of Jainism, ibid, p. 96, 


some where in the city, and at night 
(he) will commit some treachery. " Accordingly, 
after making investigations, (and) appointing careful 
watchmen, he sat (all night) awake on his cot. Men 
with girt waist were kept near (him) night and 
day. In this manner he lived. 

Then the Eaje and the prince'went on hy stages 
and reached Muttra. (While) looking for some 
acqauintances in Muttra, (they found) Krshnajl 
Pant and Kasl Rau and Visaji [55] Pant, three 
Brahman brothers, brothers-in-law of Moro Pant 
Peswa, whom Nirajl Pant knew. The party went 
[to their house] met them, and related the news. 
They summoned resolution and agreed (to his pro- 
posal). Thereupon the Raje, left (his) son Sambhajl 
Raje in their house, (with the following instruction) 
"I shall send you a messenger and a letter, intimating 
that I have reached home in my own kingdom. 89 
Come home with the prince, all (three) brothers 
with your families. I shall maintain you in every 
way. I shall make you prosperous and give you a 
reward." So saying he left the prince, and went 
to Benares, taking Krshnajl Pant, one of the brothers, 
in his company. " Get the religious rites at Gaya and 
Prayag performed for me through [men] you know." 
So saying, (he) took him in his company, and came 
to Benares. There (he) performed the b'ath in secret, 
visited Sr! Visvesvar and performed the bath at 
Prayag and the gayavarjan ceremony. There he 
contracted an immense loan and performed [deeds of] 

1 9 <S| the word used in the text means a country or the region above 
the ghats. I think the word home will give the sense here. 


charity. Then it was so arranged that he should 
come home to his own kingdom. Should they go 
hy the direct route? The Badshah's army had 
gone that way, so they should not go. So deciding 
he came through Gondawana, 90 Bhaganagar 91 and 
Bijapur to Raj gad. On the way, vigorous searches 
were made at many places, arid ruin and treachery 
seemed to be imminent. But Sri BhavanI guarded 
(him) and brought him safe and sound. Nirajl Pant 
and Dattajl Pant and Raghojl Maratha, these four 92 
came. On his arrival at Rajgad, big charities and 
great festivities were made. Sugar was distributed, 
(and) cannon were fired. The Matusri, and the 
Karkuns, and the soldiers in the army, and the 
forts, and strongholds, and the militia, all were 
pleased and held festivities. 

Preparations were then made for recovering the 
twenty-seven forts ceded to the Mughals. He said 
to Moro Pant Peswa, and Nilo Pant Majumdar 
and Annajl Surnls, "You should capture (these) 
forts by diplomacy and exertions. 3 ' And the Raje 
personally said to the Mawles " Capture forts." 
Thereupon, there was a Hazarl of the Mawles, 
Tanajl Malsura by name, (he) made (the following) 
offer, "I shall take the fort of Kondana." 93 [56] 

90 The country of the Gonds the central provinces of to-day. 

91 Golconda. So called, according to later chroniclers, aftar Bhagtf, 
a Brahman lady, who had offered a dish to the founder of the city when the 
latter was very hungry and tired. In return she prayed that the city should 
be named after her. There is another story about the name Golconda. 

9 2 why Four ? Is the Raje also counted with them. 

9 3 For an English translation of a charming ballad of the capture o 
Sinhagad see Rawlinson, Shivaji the Maratha, pp. 102 111. 


Making such (an) offer, and accepting robes of 
honour and betel leaves, he went below the fort, 
with five hundred men for the enterprise against it. 
And selecting two good (and) intrepid Mawles (he) 
made them climb up the precipice of the fort at 
night. They proceeded up the cliff in the same 
manner as the monkeys move, and climbing the 
precipice they reached the (ramparts of the) fort. 
Eixing a rope ladder (mal) to 9i that point, the 
remaining men with Tanajl Malsura climbed up, 
(and) three hundred men went up to the fort. 93 
Udebhan, a Uajput, was (in command) in the fort. 
He learnt that the enemy forces had come. At 
this news, all the Rajputs girt their waists, took 
MATCH 96 and CHARGE in their hands, and lighted 
torches and chandrajotls? 1 Twelve hundred men 
composed of gunners, and archers, lancers, swords- 
men, rushed on with upraised blades and small 
arms and shields. Then the Mawles repeating 
(the name of) Sri Mahadev, rushed straight on the 
Rajput army, and confronted (them). For one 
prahar a great battle raged. Udebhan, the Killedar 98 

9 * Mai is used in Persian histories of the time in the sense of a rope ladder 
with leather foot-rests. 

95 The Maratha method of scaling a rampart with human ladders was very 
peculiar. The soldiers first formed a human pillar by standing on each 
other's shonlders that reached the rampart and the top-most man then 
dropped a rope, which was held fast by the men forming the column. The 
remaining men then climbed up the rope in close succession, thus completing 
the garland or maL I am indebted to Rai Bahadur Gupte for this information. 

90 <IFSWIT- The Match the name of this was in Persian either Jamgi 
or Falitah in Hindi Tora Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls, p. 107. 

' " Chandra.'} yoti is the Sanskrit translation of the Persian word tnahtab t 
a kind of caudle filled with powder. 

9 8 The commandant of the Fort. 


in person, encountered Tanajl Malsura Subhedar. 
The two great warriors, and very intrepid (men) 
fell on one another. (They) went on dealing 
blows. The shield which Tanajl (had) in his left 
hand was broken. A second shield did not come in 
time. Then Tanajl made a shield of his left hand, 
and received (the enemy's) blows on it ; (and) both 
of them were fired with anger. (They) fought 
furiously. Each was cut to pieces by the other, and 
fell at the blow of firangs. Both died on the spot. 
Then Suryajl Malsura, Tanaji's brother, mustered 
courage, rallied all (his) men, (and) killed the re- 
maining Kajputs. Many Rajputs leaped (down) the 
cliff and died in their descent. In this manner, 
(they) killed twelve hundred men, (and) captured 
the fort. And fire was set to the [thatched] stables 
of the cavalry in the fort. The Raje noticed its 
light from Rajgad and cried out, "The fort has 
been captured ! Victory has been achieved ! " It 
happened like this. Then a Jasud, came the next 
day, with the news, " Tanajl Malsura fought bravely. 
(He) killed Udebhan Killedar and Tanajl Malsura 
also fell." So (he) reported. As he said that the 
was captured, the Haje remarked, " One 
fort has been taken, but another fort is gone." 99 
[57] So (he) felt very sad for (the loss of) 
Tanajl. Then a garrison was placed in the fort. 
Suryajl Malsura the brother (of Tanajl) was extolled, 

99 Kondana was called Sinhgad or Lion's fort (or den). It is said that 
Sivaji remarked, when TanajI's death was reported " The fort has been 
captured but the Lion is gone " ( *T^ ^HT TO f^f *T*IT ). See Grant Duff, 
Vol. I (Cambray's edition), p. 197. 


and the Subha (ship) was conferred on him. Brave 
soldiers got gold bracelets in reward. (He) gave 
(them) immense wealth. Gold embroidered clothes 
were given to all men. In this manner was Kondana 
captured first. Then Moro Pant Peswa and Nilo 
Pant, and Annajl Pant, and the "Mawles. with similar 
distinction, took twenty six forts in four months. 
(The Raje) went on governing his kingdom, recaptur- 
ing what forts had been ceded by the treaty. 100 

After safely reaching Raj gad from Benares, (the 
Raje) sent men and letters to Muttra. Thereupon, 
Krshnajl Pant, and Kasi Rau and Visajl Pant, the 
three, with their families, dressing Sambhajl Raje in 
a dhotar ( ^f\^ ) and sacred thread and calling him 
their nephew, came to Raj gad and met the Raje. 
Then the Raje met his son. Great rejoicing took 
place. (He) performed many deeds of charity. And 
(he) conferred the title of Visvas Rav on the three 
brothers Krshnajl Pant (and the other two). (He) 
gave (them) a reward of a lakh of Hons. A salary 
of ten thousand Rons was granted to the three 
brothers. (They) were enlisted among the chiefs 
[of the court]. Mokasa Mahals were granted (to 
them). (They were) extolled. Similarly Nirajl Pant 
had come along with (the Raje), exhibiting much 
courage, and labouring hard ; and Dattajl Pant was 
in (the Raje's) company, and Ragho Mitra also was 
with him. Of them Niraji Pant, knowing all about 
justice and equity, an intelligent Nizamsahi Brahman, 

100 Sabhasad's account is inaccurate here. Sivaj! did not invade the Mughal 
territories immediately after his return. For two years he kept peace, and 
busied himself in consolidating his power. See Sarkar's Shivaji, pp. 202-203. 


was appointed to the office of Ngayadhte, by the 
Government. All law-suits in the kingdom should 
be decided by him. His son Prahlad Pant, was 
a small (boy) of twelve or fourteen years. 
Knding that he was clever and intelligent, (the 
Raje) appointed him to the office of the vicar to the 
Sabnls of the forces, and kept him with the army, 
attached to the Saniobat. " Prahlad Pant will be 
a great man, (he) will bear great burdens," so the 
Raje foretold. Investigations were made about what 
office should be conferred on Dattajl Pant. Then 
Gangajl Pant Vaknis died His Fu-knisl was con- 
ferred on Dattaji Pant. He was reckoned as one of 
the Sarkar/cuns. Ragho Mitra was placed in charge 
of the household forces. Whoever had in the 
(Raje's) company, (in his journey from Delhi) shown 
courage and (performed) labour were glorified. 

[58] Then the Raje selected good men, and ap- 
pointed the picked men (to be) with his palanquin. 
" I am the enemy of four Badshahs (and if) some- 
time occasion arises, those who are near will then 
be of service/ 5 Realising so, he selected choice men 
after inspection and examination of the Mawles, 
(and) organised them into Pataks. m 

Their names (according to the order on the roll) 
(were as follows) 

(1) A body called hundred men. 

(1) A body sixty men. 

(1) A body sixty men. 

(1) A body forty men. 

(1) A lody thirty men. 

(1) A body twenty men. 

101 rr;h e Turkish word sanjar meaning a standard was used in the sense of 
a regiment or a province. Pataka is Sanskrit for standard. (Prof. J. N. Sarka : ) 


In this manner was each Patak named. Excel- 
lent men were selected from among the Mawles. 
The picked men being enlisted, the four Pataks com- 
bined made two thousand -men. Of them, some (were) 
musketeers, some spearmen ( ftzffft ) and the rest 
(had) light arms, (and) firang . In this manner were 
the men equipped. So many men (as were selected) 
were given (uniform) dresses. (They were equipped 
with), embroidered turbans ( 4-^1^ ) for the head, 
jackets of broad cloth for the body, two gold brace- 
lets for the two hands, to some (were given) silver 
bracelets, gold and silver rings to be attached to 
the upper and lower ends of the sword sheaths, 
silver rings for the guns and similar rings for the 
spears, and a pair of kudkis wl for the ears. In 
this manner were all the men equipped with 
dresses, at the expense of the government. All 
had the same dress. As for their courage each 
one of them was superior to the others. 103 Two 
thousand Mawles selected after such [careful] 
scrutiny should always be with the palanquin near 
(the Raje's person). In the like manner (he) ap- 
pointed over them a tainati sardcir of the position of 
a Hazarl in the hasam. Likewise were Jumledars 
appointed. And two thousand to two thousand and 
five hundred men were enlisted in the hasam [of the 
bodyguard]. They should be [always ready to take] 
the road. At the time of (the Raje's) going (out), 
they should march on four sides of him with his 

10 - A earring with seven pearls arranged like a little flower. Molesworth. 
103 The author means that all the soldiers were equally remarkable for 
their superhuman courage. 


palanquin. In this manner were the men employed. 
Then an assault was made on the fort of Panhala, 
(that) belonged to the Adilsahi, and the fort was 
captured. The Raje remained in the fort. Siddi 
Johar, (a) wazir from Bijapur, (with) twenty [59] 
thousand horse besieged the Raje. The fort had 
been (only recently) captured, (and) there had been 
no time for strengthening (it) with stores But the 
fort was well defended. Letters with a Jasnd were 
sent to Netaji Palkar, the Raje's Sarnobat ; (with the 
following message) " You should come with your 
forces for a counter attack, and beat off Siddi Johar." 
(With such a message) were letters sent. But the 
forces (were) far away. (He) could not come in 
time. And (there was) no store in the fort. Then 
the Raje deliberated (on the situation), and surrender- 
ed the fort to Siddi Johar. (He) himself came 
down. Siddi Johar took the fort and placed his own 
garrison (there). 104 

Then the Raje summoned Netaji Palkar, and with 
reproof "Why didst not thou come in time?" 
took away (his) Sarnobat ship, and gave it (the Sarno- 
batship) to the Sarnobat of Raj gad, Kadtajl Gujar 
by name, (and) conferred on him the appelation of 
Pratap Rav, instead of his old name. Pratap Rav, 
while serving as the Commander-in-Chief, assembled 
all the Marathas of the ninety-six families 

) (including) those that were in the four 
Badshahis and those that were in (Sivajfs)dominions. 

104 The Siddi was both " a fool and traitor." He believed in the false 
professions of Sivaji and secretly hoped with his assistance to carve out an 
independent principality of his own. (J.N.S.), 


(He) bought horses for the cavalry. He went on 
equipping the state service cavalry ( paga) and enlist- 
ing Siledar8. m In this manner (he) made a numer- 
ous assemblage, 'and) established (his) sway, in the 
four Badshahis. 

The Eaje escaped from Delhi (and) the father 
and son came to (their) own country safely. Coming 
(home), (he) took twenty-seven forts in four months. 
Great fame was won. Learning this, Aurangzib 
felt anxious in his mind. Then the Badshah, gave 
diplomatic counsel to Shah Alam, his eldest son, and 
sent him with (an) army. He said to the Shahzada 
" Sivajl cannot be conquered by force. You go and 
stay at Aurangabad and win his friendship by 
entering into negotiations for a treaty with 
him. If he does not like to come to an interview, 
then excuse him that (formal) homage. And grant- 
ing Jagir in his name [60] or in the name of his 
son get his army for service with you. Work 
so, by giving him whatever rent free villages, 
money or military outposts, he may demand, that 
Sivajl may become our servant. You win (but) this 
much success and complete success will come 
[naturally out of it.] Do so. " 106 Giving counsels in 

105 As a rule, his (the Mansabclar's) followers brought their own horses and 
other equipment ; but sometimes a man with a little money would buy extra 
horses and mount relations or dependents upon them. When this was the 
case, the man riding his own horse was called in later parlance, a Silhadar 
(literally equipment holder) and one riding some body else's horse was a 
bargir (burdentaker). Irvine, Army of the Indian Mughals. 

108 It was Sivajl who begged Yasovant to act as mediator between him 
and the Emperor and it was through him that the Prince was won over. 
The Prince wrote to his father recommending peace and his suggestion was 
accepted by the Emperor. 


this manner, (he) despatched the Prince with (an) 
army. He set out with sixty to seventy thousand 
cavalry. Arriving at Aurangabad (by marching) 
stage by stage, (he) remained there, and sent to the 
Raje, letters, spy (srre^), messenger (f^nt ) (and) 
envoys. They reached Rajgad, (and) delivered the 
Shahzada's letters. (He) read them and learnt the 
contents. It was written there, "You and I 
should unite by treaty." So (he) wrote. 107 Thereupon 
the Raje, feeling highly pleased, sent Raghunath 
Pant Korcle to Aurangabad. Some jewels (and) 
clothes were sent for the Prince. Raghunath Pant 
went (and) had (an) interview. The Shah honoured 
(him) greatly. (He) said a few things in private 
(that) " The Raje and I are brothers. You and I 
should be of the same view (and) you should come 
for (an) interview also. I shall grant Jagir in 
(your) son's name. Appoint for (my) service a Sardar 
and an army and send a Brahman of rank. (I shall) 
maintain (them) by granting mokasa. You should 
be at the Badshah's orders." It was settled that a 
Hapt Hazards Jagir should be granted in the 
name of Sambhajl Raje, and territories yielding 15 
lakhs of Hons (in) Berar and Khandesh should be 
given. (Raghunath) was despatched with valuable 
ornaments and clothes. 

He came back to see the Raje. (An) interview 
took place. The Shahzada's ornaments, clothes, (and) 

107 Literally so he wrote and sent ( ^% f^TfnjT3fa% ) tne idiom here as 
well as in a previous sentence <^T^f ^nf%<ft exactly correspond to the Bengali 



letters, were delivered. The proposal about the 
Jagir was conveyed. When (he was) acquainted 
with all the purport the Raje argued, " We have 
firstly, enmity with the Badshah of Bijapur, enmity 
with the King of Bhaganagar, 108 (and) enmity 
with the Mughals. Three such enemies cannot be 
endured. Mine is a new kingdom, within it also 
my rule has been established after enduring two or 
three very hard knocks. Therefore one enemy at 
least should be made a friend, and for two years (I) 
should muster strength and recover (my power). 
Then (I) should do what is fit." So thinking he 
came to the conclusion that peace should be made 
with the Mughals ; and despatching five thousand 
troopers with Pratap Hav Sarnobat, deputed Nirajl 
Pant as Sarkarkun in his company. [61] And 
agents of Moropant Peswa, and the Majumdar and 
the Surnis were sent. The office of the Sabnls of 
the forces was conferred on Prahlad Pant, son of 
Niraji Pant. Raujl Somnath, a Karkun, was sent as 
Subhedar for the mokasa territories, that would be 
given. These were despatched. Peace was con- 
cluded with the Mughals. Agreeing to Hapt Hazari 
(mansab) for Sambhaji Raje, Niraji Pant and Pratap 
Rav went to Aurangabad. 

Then the Prince received them with great honour. 
A separate site was assigned, and a suburb was 
founded (for them there). Elephants, horses, jewels, 
(and) clothes, were given to all. A Jagir land 
yielding 15 latchs of Hons, was granted in the 

108 The Sultan of Golkonda. 


province of Berar. Raujl Somnath was stationed as 
Sarsubhedar in that province. The Government share 
of the produce also was granted to them. The men 
got enough of money, (and) remained contented. 

Then the Shahzada wrote (and) sent this news to 
the Badshah at Delhi. Thereupon the Badshah felt 
much pleased as soon as he learnt of it. The Bad- 
shah had the pleasure (of seeing that) his dominions 
were undisturbed. In this way the army remained 
at Aurangabad for two years. And the Raje on 
his part got leisure. In his dominions, (he) amassed 
money. (He) conquered many forts, strong-holds, 
and territories, belonging to the Adilsahi. There 
was much intimacy between the Prince and the 
Raje, (and) they went on sending presents to" each 
other. Therefore the suspicion arose (in the mind 
of) Aurangzib at Delhi that, " The Shahzada and 
the Raje are united. (They will) sometimes rebel 
and do me treachery." So he planned " Now I 
should sow dissension between these two." So he 
wrote to the Shah, "Sivajlis a traitor (f?;nRt). His 
Sardars (generals) Pratap Rav and Nirajl Pant, these 
two are with (their) army (with you). Therefore 
do not put your faith in them. They will sometimes 
(if occasion arises) create disturbance at Daulatabad. 
Therefore, you should imprison these two, put all 
their horses in (your) stables. Let there be no 
remissness (^Tcf) in this respect." So (he) wrote. 
This news, the Shah's !Takil 9 who was with the 
Badshah, [62] immediately transmitted by veiled 
language (^siRcf), "Things here have happen- 
ed in this manner." You should be careful. 


Such information (obtained), the Badshahzada 
called Mraji Pant in private, (and) communicated 
this news, and giving (him) clothes and ornaments 
dismissed (him) secretly, (with these instructions) 
" To-morrow night, run away with the whole army 
(and) escape to the Raje. If your goods are left, 
(you) will get (them). Keep the infantry with you. 
Take (your) baggage afterwards at your leisure. In 
a few days the Badshah's note (efirn^) will arrive. 
Then I shall have to imprison you. Therefore you 
should previously get away." So (he) said. There- 
upon Nirajl Pant returned (and) getting Pratap Rav 
and all other men ready next day, set off with the 
army at night. They went to the Raje (marching) 
stage by stage. (An) interview took place. (They) 
came with some treasures and clothes and ornaments 
of variegated colours and figures. The Raje felt 
pleased and said, " Eor two years the army has 
gained its subsistence and (we) have obtained a 
friend (in) the Shahzada. This is a good occur- 
rence (that) has taken place. Now, an occasion 
has arisen for plundering the Mughal territories." 
So (he) said. Then the Raje's army left for 

Eight days after this, arrived the Badshah's 
autograph letter. (The Shah) learnt the con- 
tents. Then the Shah said " The Marathas are 
villains (WT^T^n^). They fled eight days previous- 
ly. If they had been here, I would [certainly] have 
imprisoned them." So (he) said, and wrote to 
Delhi in answer to the Badshah, " I am ready to 
do as ordered, but the Marathas fled eight days ago ; 


there was no chance of imprisoning them." To 
this effect (he) wrote 109 Then the Badshah was 
nonplussed on learning of it, " The Mara thas are 
very cunning" he remarked. Things happened 
in this manner. 

An interview took place between Pratap Rav 
and the Raje. The cavalry got ready. Beating 
back the (enemy) forces who had invaded the home- 
territories, (they) invaded the Mughal provinces 
created confusion there. Then and there was the 
Raje's fort of Rangna. [63] (There came) from 
Bijapur Rustam-i-Zaman, wazir, with seven to 
eight thousand soldiers (and) laid siege to the fort. 
At that time the garrison made a stout defence and 
the Raje reinforcing (them) by sending troops 
repelled Rustam-i-Zaman and saved the fort. 
After Rustam-i-Zaman had been defeated, Abdul 
Karim Bahlol Khan 110 wazir (came) from Bijapur 
with an assembly of twelve thousand horsemen laid 
siege to Rangna. The garrison fought much and the 
Raje also attacked them by sending troops, (and) 
assisting from outside. Bahlol Khan was much 
harassed. And the rains ensued (and) storm com- 
menced. Many perished during the rains. Elephants, 
horses, (and) camels died. The [Bijapur] army was 
spoilt. Such became (his) condition. Bahlol Khan 
fled away saving his life (alone). The fort remained 

r if literally translated would be "sent (the letter) 
(after) writing (it). " It corresponds exactly to Bengali f?}f^1 *t$t^T, 
but there is no corresponding English phrase for it. 

119 R. B. Sane has retained the letter j (and) between Abdul Karim and 
Bahlol Khan, but Bahlol Khan was the title of Abdul Karim. 


safe. Then in all the cities that were in the Moglai 
(Mughal dominions) were stationed four to five men 
in disguise for spying (out their wealth and oppor- 
tunities of plundering them). 111 The informations 
gathered, two were to come to report the intelligence, 
(and) two were to remain there on the watch. Then the 
residences (i^feri) and cities were to be plundered 
by sending the army. This arrangement was made- 
Shortly afterwards came Bahirji Jasud from Surat, 
with the information that " If Surat is plundered, 
wealth beyond counting will be found." So (he) 
reported. Thereupon the Raje argued, " (If) the 
army (is led) by servants, the work is not likely to 
be done satisfactorily. Therefore, if going (is decided) 
I should go in person with the army." So he 
decided. And Makajl Ananda Rav the natural son 
of Maharaj Sahaji, and Vyankoji Datto, a Brahman, 
a great military Sardar of renown, who had left the 
services of the Maharaja and come to the Raje, 
these the Raje exalted and invested with the rank 
of Panch Hazari. And Pratap Rav Sarnobat and 
Vyankoji Datto and Ananda Rav and other Sardars, 
ten thousand Paga 112 and ten thousand fiiledar an 
assembly of twenty thousand men, similarly five to 
seven thousand choice Mawles and the Sarkarkuns> 
Moropand Peswa, [64] and Annaji Pant, and Dattajl 
Pant, and Bal Prabhu Chitnls (Balajl Avjl), these 

t One set to watch the conduct or motions of another or to 
take note of his items of property and of the facilities and difficulties 
presented for stealing them. Molesworth. 

1 1 * Paga here as distinguished from Siledar means Bargirs, or those who 
were armed and accoutred at the Raje's expenie. 


(he) took with him. Erom Ko]avan [Koli country, 
north of Kalyan] (he) marched straight to Surat 113 at 
the rate of five to seven ganvs 114 per march and all 
of a sudden arrived at Surat. The men of Surat 
were off their guard, (and) the army entered the 
suburb near the gates of Surat at the gallop. The 
Mughal forces 115 also came forward. Great fighting 
took place. Many men of the Mahomedan side were 
killed. And seizing bankers' houses they filled their 
bags with gold, silver, jewels of nine various sorts, 
(viz.) pearl, coral, ruby, diamond, emerald, topaz, 
(and) sapphire, coins like Mohars, Putlis, Ibhramis, 
Sdtramis, Asrqfis, Sons, coins of various kinds, and 
many such (precious) things. Hands were not even 
laid on clothes, copper vessels and minor things. In 
this manner was the city looted for two whole days 
and nights. As many good horses as were captured 
in the battle or found in the bankers' houses were 
taken and the Raje decided that (he) should quickly 
depart. This done, half the horses from the entire 
army were kept with the forces for fighting (pur- 
poses), on half the horses were laden the bags of 
spoils. Long bags were made for the infantry (and) 
given to their care. Making such preparations, they 
started with their loads. The fort of Surat was not 

113 This was the second sack of Surat. The first sack took place in 
January 1664, when Sivaj! did not get much above a Teror of Rupees in all. 

114 1 Oanv = 

(a) About 6 miles (Ind. Ant., 1898, p. 295). 

(b) G(ttos = 40 Tcos (Eng. Factory Records) or 11 miles each. 

(c) 3 G<Mi<s = 30 miles (Eng. F. R.). 

1 1 They retired into the fort after making onl a g h ow O f res j s tance. 
There was no fighting. 


captured. As there was (very) little time (the Eaje) 
went away after plundering the city. (On receiving 
this news, the Mughal Subhedar) (with) twenty 
omraos, and Mahahat Khan and Daud Khan, made 
a race of seven ganvs, and came on, each Subha 
being accompanied by a thousand horse. They 
intercepted the Eaje. (He) learnt the news that 
the enemy was come. The Eaje himself mounted 
horse, put on a cloak of steel netting with cover for 
the neck and head, 116 arming his hand with a patta 
(UfT) 117 (and) sending forward the baggage horses 
and the infantry [65] stopped with ten thousand 
horsemen, unburdened of all. There is a 
city called Van! Dindorl. There (they) stopped, 
and fought a severe action with the Subha's men 
who had come. Mahabat Khan and Daud Khan 
fought. The Eaje stationed his forces in the front, 
and placing himself in the rear, offered battle. 
Pratap Eav Samobat and Vyankojl Datto, and 
Anand Eav, (with) other Sardars advanced forward 
(and) made a great slaughter and killing the 
Mughals, felled (their) corpses. For two prahars the 
battle raged. The Marathas fought as neplus ultra. 

110 The Khogi must be something worn on the head * * * Has 
it anything to do with Ghoghi, a pocket, a pouch, a wallet (Shakespear 1756) 
Ghunghi, cloths folded and put on the head as a defence against the rain 
(Shakes. 1758) ? The latter may point to a solution. The Khogi or better 
the Ghugi, may have been folds of cloth adjusted on the head to protect it 
from a sword blow Irvine. Army of the Indian Mughals, p. 65, Baktar 
This is the name of a body armour in general, whether it were a cuirass or 
chainmail description Ibid, p. 66. 

1 1 T A patta is a long double edged sword with a broad hilt protecting the 
forearm of the swordsman. oivajT is seen armed with a patta in Kavi Varma's 
popular portrait. 


(They) killed three thousand Mughals, 
took three to four thousand horses. Two Mughal 
wazirs were captured. They came after winning 
a victory in this manner. After this Jagjivan the 
son of Udaram, a wazir of the Mughals, and Bay 
Bagln, Udaram's wife came with (other?) Sardars 
and five thousand Mughals to Umbarkhindi. 
They were beaten back. Bay Bagm was besieged. 
Then she begged for an (kaul) assurance of safety 
declaring herself to be a child of the Baje, holding 
grass in her teeth. Then the Baje gave her a 
kaul (a safeguard), released her on her professing 
helplessness and came back to Bajgad. 

The spoils of Surat being calculated (it was 
found) that in all goods worth five krors of Hons 
had been brought. 118 Pour thousand horses had been 
seized, a cavalry force was organised with them. 
As the distinctive mark of this force, a quadran- 
gular sign was branded on the right buttock of 
the horses. 119 Such marks of recognition having been 
put, all the Adilsahi and Nizamsahi forts that (still) 
remained in the country were then captured. Ports 
were built on some rocks at impregnable places. 
New forts were constructed at villages at various 
places in the country. Bealising that territories 
are kept under control by means of forts (he) built 
them, and in the Konkan conquered the country 

11$ Highly exaggerated "An official inquiry ascertained that Siva j I had 
carried off 66 laics of Rupees worth of booty from Surat." 

119 This was no innovation of Sivaji's. It prevailed in the Mughal army 
and in the Pathan Army (see Tarikh-i-Sher Shahi). In the Moghul army, 
the scale of pay depended on it. See Irvine, The Army of the Indian Moghuls, 
p. 13. 


as far as Kalyan, Bhivandi and Rajapur. In the 
course of this conquest, (he) killed and routed 
those of the rebel Palegars and Desmukhs of 
different places that came to fight, and protected 
(and) properly maintained those who accepted 
his kaid. [66] Revdanda and Rajpurl were Nizam- 
sahl forts in the sea, the Habsl commander was 
(practically) the master there. His fleet in the 
sea, consisted of forty to fifty ships, Gurabs, 120 
with it he plundered territories, obtained mainte- 
nance (and) preserved (his) lands. His men began 
to molest the Raje's country. Then the Raje sent 
a force (of) two thousands Mawles (under) Bajl 
Pasalkar. Similarly sea-going ships were built. 
The Raje saddled the sea (with a dam), thus was one 
arm made ready. Raj pur! (alone of the Nizamsahl 
dominions) was left [unconquered by him] in the 
sea, and on that account the name of the Nizamsahi 
still continued there. As that place had to be 
conquered, the Raje built forts selecting (for their 
sites) rocks at various places, as these commanded 
the sea and (these forts) would weaken the sea 
kings. Realising this, (he) fortified some submarine 
rocks (and) constructed forts in the sea. Building 
such seaforts or Janjiras (and) uniting ships 

1 - " The gurabs have rarely more than two masts, although some have 
three ; those of three, are about 300 tons burthen ; but the others are not 
more than 150 : they are built to draw very little water, being very broad 
in proportion to their length, narrowing however from the middle to the 
end, where instead of bows they have a prow, projecting like that of a 
Mediterranean galley, and covered with a strong deck level with the main 
deck of the vessel, from which however, it is separated by a bulk head which 
terminates the forecastle." Oriue, War in ludostau (1775), Vol. I., p. 408, 



with forts, the Raje saddled the sea. 1 ' 21 Thinking 
that his name would he maintained (i.e., his autho- 
rity would be recognised) as far as marine forts 
would be built, he built innumerable forts and 
Janjiras (island strongholds) on land and in the 
sea. Such were the deeds (he) performed. 

Thereupon, one Kay Savant from Raj pur! 
came with a force of five thousand to fight. A great 
battle was fought (and) furious fighting took place. 
Kay Savant himself and Bajl Pasalkar were great 
warriors. His (Pasalkar's) moustaches were as thick 
as arms ; curling them (he) used to place two 
lemons on two sides on the support of (the copious) 
hair ; such a prodigy of strength (the Raje) enter- 
tained (in his service). They (Savant and Bajl) 
met each other in a duel. Each inflicting on the 
other twenty-five wounds fell dead. Their respective 
armies thereupon retired, each to its own place. 

In the meantime, the Raje's father Sahajl 
Maharaj, who lived at Bangalore, suddenly died 
of a fall from his horse, at Bogdarl a vil- 
lage in the province of Chitradurga, while com- 
ing towards Bijapur. This news made the Raje 
[67] very sad. After performing the prescribed 
rite, (he) celebrated many deeds of charity. And 
he said " It would have been well, if the Maharaj 
had (survived longer and) witnessed the heroic deeds 
of a son like me. Now to whom should I show 

1 - 1 Prof. Sarkar suggests that it should be translated as follows : At sea, 
with the exception of Jaujira, he combined forts and ships and (thus) 
saddled the sea." If <fr^f is inserted after ^q in line 12 we get the above 


my valour ? Formerly I killed Afzal Khan, punished 
and defeated Saista Khan, and went to Delhi after 
an interview with the Mirza Raja. Having seen 
the Badshah I came back to my own kingdom. 
Then I captured many forts, plundered many 
towns and enlisted an army of 40,000 cavalry in 
Pag a and Siledar. The Maharaja was pleased at 
the news of such heroism. Letters of approbation 
used to come to me regularly. He used to send 
robes of honour and ornaments likewise. I have no 
elder (left) after him now." In this strain he 
lamented much. The Matusrl was going to immo- 
late herself ; the Raje sat on her lap, twined his 
hands round her neck and made her take an oath 
(that she should live) and refrain (from self-immola- 
tion). " There is none to witness my heroic deeds, 
thou must not go." With such exhortations the 
Raje, as well as all other great men, after great 
exertion made her desist. Things happened in this 

Then the Siddi of Rajpurl was to the Raje 
an enemy like rats in a house, and he began to 
enquire about how he should be defeated. Then 
Raghunath Ballal Satin-is voluntarily prayed that he 
should lead an expedition against the Siddi. (So 
saying) he marched towards Rajpurl with five 
to seven thousand Mawje irregular infantry. He 
went, overran the whole province as far as Rajpurl 
(including) Tale and Ghosale, and cleared the coast 
frontier up to Raj purl. One or two of Siddi's 
regiments that had come were beaten. Then nego- 
tiations were opened from Rajpurl with Raghunath 


Pant, and peace was concluded. Then (they) sent 
some good men asking for some territories and with 
(the assurance of) strong oaths induced Raghunath 
Pant to go for an interview. The interview took 
place, friendship was established by the ratification 
of the treaty. Raghunath Pant was given clothes 
(and)- a horse (and) came to his country. Then 
in course of time he died, and thereafter the rock 
that checked the Siddis was broken. Thereupon the 
(conduct of the) Habsis underwent a change, (and 
they) began to disturb (the Raje's) country. Then 
the Raje despatched Vyankoji Datto with the army 
designated (for the work). He went and utterly 
devastated their dominions [68] (and) annexed their 
land. Then the Siddi sent a Habsi force (of his own 
nationality) of cavalry and militia against the cele- 
brated Vyankoji Datto. A battle was fought 
between them. Vyankojl Pant killed three hundred 
Habsis (and) captured their horses. Vyankoji 
Pant toiled hard (and) got (no less than) twelve 
wounds. He came after inspiring such terror that 
the Siddi had to open negotiations for peace. 
But the Raje did not conclude peace and remained 
in his (Siddi's) country, 122 strengthening himself 

122 Although it was SiviijT's life's ambition to capture the Siddi's strong- 
hold of Janjira, he never succeeded. The attempt was repeated by his 
successors without any better result. Although Danrla Eajpnri was once 
captured by his general, it was recaptured by the enterprising Mahomedan 
Admiral. Sivaji however left no means untried to overthrow the Habsl sea- 
power. He tried bribe, he sowed dissension among them but the only 
result was to drive the desperate Habsis to acknowledge Mughal supremacy 
and range themselves on the side of Aurangzib. The Habsl Admirals gave 
the Mariithas immense trouble. They not only nu'decTtheir coast but often 


(by the erection of) new forts and strongholds at 
various places. Formerly a hill near Raj pur! had 
been fortified, (the Raje) captured it, built a fort 
(there) and conquered the whole country. Military 
posts were established. Then he (the Siddi) had 
no resource. (The Raje) stationed a Snbha with a 
train of five to seven thousand militia men. Such 
(measures) did he take. Then no territory was left 
to Rajpuri. Wherefrom was grain to come ? (For 
that) there were ships in the sea. With them 
they began to plunder other lands, bring provision, 
and subsist (thereon). On that account the Raje 
fitted ships in the sea. (Fitting out) ships 
of various types as Gurabs 123 , and Tarandes 123 , and 
Tarns 123 , Galvats 123 , sibads 128 , Gurabs 123 and Pagar 123 , 
(he, appointed two Subhedars, a Musalman Svbhed&r 

sent chortas or professional thieves to rob Maratha subjects. The chiefs 
of Janjira ruthlessly tortured their unhappy captives and compelled them to 
abjure their faith and embrace the religion of the Arabian prophet. It may be 
noted here that Balaji Avji was originally a subject of the HabsTs and was 
forced to leave his ancestral home and seek Sivaji's service by the tyranny 
of the alien rulers. 

1 - 3 Gurabs are repeated twice here and their description has already been 
given (see 120). " Galivats (Galvats) are large row boats built like the Gurab 
but of smaller dimensions, the largest rarely exceeding seventy tons : they 
have two masts, of which the mizen is very slight ; the main mast bears only 
one sail which is triangular and very large, the peak of it when hoisted being 
much higher than the mast itself." Orme, Vol. I, p. 409. 

Tarii means a sailing vessel generally. 

A Tarande is a sailing vessel of large dimension. 

" The Shibar is a large square-sterned flat-bottomed vessel with 2 masts 
but no- deck." J. N. Sarkar, Modern Review, Dec. 1918, p. 540. 

Shibar trading boats Orme Hist, Fragments, p. 79. 

The Pagar is only a well smoothed canoe. 


Darya Sarang 121 (sea captain) by name and May 
Nalk (water leader) a Bhandari, 125 constituting a 
subha of two hundred ships ; in this manner was the 
navy equipped. A battle was fought between them 
and the Siddi's fleet, and the Siddi's vessels were 
captured. Many battles were fought, (and it came 
to such a pass) that Tarandes could not sail in the 
sea. (They) went on making constant attack on 
them (the sailing vessels). Then the HabsT used 
to secure provision by theft and robbery. The Eaje's 
ships began to plunder the cities and forts at various 
places belonging to the Mughals, the Firangis (Portu- 
guese), the Dutch, the English and the Kilatav, 126 
and twenty-seven such sea powers (Badshahs that 
are in the sea), as well as various sea coast towns as 
Bednur, Saunda and Srlrangapattan and subsist 
(thereby). They fought at various places (and) used 
to bring the Raje grains and other provisions, after 
providing for their own needs. 127 In this manner 
seven hundred ships were (equipped) in the sea. A 
force was organised in the sea also. (Thus) was 

124 " Daria is Persian for ocean and Maa is Arabic for water. Sabhasad 
speaks of Darya Sarang, a Musalman and Mai Nayak as a Hindu of the 
the Bhandari caste. But a Bombay letter dated 21st November, 1670, 
says ' The admiral of the [Maratha] fleet is one Ventgee Sarungee com- 
monly called Durrea Sartingee. Daulat Khan was an officer distinct from 
the Dariya Sarang." J. N. Sarkar, Modern Review, Dec. 1918, p. 540. 

125 A class of Madras who extracts spirituous liquors from the cocoanut 

128 f%^fTcflT 1S either (1) Kalantar a Persian word meaning superior 
applied to the president of an English factory or (2) the Kiladi dynasty of 
Bednnr. (J. N. Sarkar.) 

1 2 7 The fleet was probably mannied by fishermen of the coast like the 
KolT. There is a statue of Sivaji at Malavan with the Kol! head gear. It is not 
improbable that it formed the uniform head dress of his sailors. 


(this) one plan [69] worked out. Only Rajpurl 
(I.e., Janjira) remained of the Nizamsahi naval domi- 
nions. On this account the name of the Nizamshah 
is still preserved. 

As he wanted to conquer that place * * * (the 
sentence is incomplete here). At Kuda] in Konkan, 
lived a rehel (chief) Lakham Savant Desai by name, 
with (a force of) twelve thousand hasam. Kudal 
was under (the sway ot) Adilsahi. He sent word to 
Bijapur that after assembling an army of horse, 
foot, and militia, he was going to march against the 
Raje to recover Konkan. To this effect he sent a 
(verbal) message. Thereupon, from Bijapur, Khawas 
Khan, commander-in-chief, a great warrior, came 
to Kudal with ten thousand horsemen. Lakham 
Savant united with him with twelve thousand 

X * 

irregulars (hasam) (and) went on reconquer- 
ing Konkan. In the meantime, the Raje got 
the information, and selecting (his forces from) 
the army and the militia marched straight on them. 
Bajl Ghorpade was coming from Bijapur with 
fifteen hundred horsemen to help Khawas Khan 
(He) descended from the Ghats and halted. There- 
upon the Raje sent an army against him (and) by 
a surprise attack (utterly) destroyed Bajl Ghorpade 
with all his relations and following. Twelve hundred 
horses were captured. A great battle was fought. 
Then he was to fall upon Khawas Khan at Kuda!, (and) 
to destroy him also like this (Bajl), (but) by this time 
the Khan heard this news. "Bajl Ghorpade had been 
destroyed with fifteen hundred horses " learning this 
news, he Avas struck with terror (and) fled over the 


Ghats, (and) went straight to Bijapur. Then the Raje 
undertook the command of the force against Lakham 
Savant. (The Raje) killed many of his soldiers 
also. Thereupon Lakham Savant left the province 
of Kuda] and fled to the foreign provinces in the 
Portuguese dominions. The Raje conquered the 
province of Kuda]. The Portuguese dreaded the 
Raje, and so it happened that they would not harbour 
him there. When he had nowhere to go to, (he) 
sent a fish -eating Brahman, Pitambar Senv!, 128 by 
name, as envoy to Kudal for opening negotiations 
with the Raje. [70] With a safe conduct from the 
Raje he came to meet him. The interview took 
place. "We are Savants that is we are of the 
same family as the Bhonsle. It is v meet that you 
should maintain us." On (his) speaking at some 
length in this strain, the Raje granted (the Savant) 
the -\'8mukhi of Kuda], (and he so ordered) that an 
assignment of six thousand (Rons) should be made 
to him as (his) salary. (He) was not to build any 
bastioned mansion. (He) should live at Kuda]. (He) 
should not make any assembly (of force). He was 

128 " Sheii vis, according to Sahyadri Khand, are said to have come at 
Parashura m's request from Trihotra or Tirlmt in Northern India. This legend 
is probably confirmed by the fact that specially in "Goa, Shenvis, like Bengalis, 
freely rub their head with oil, and also like them are fond of rice gruel pej, 
and fish. The honorific Bab as in Puruhottam Bab, is perhaps a corruption 
of Babu in Bengali. Their broad pronunciation of vowel sounds is like that 
of the Bengalis. ' hough they fled from Goa to escape conversion by the 
Portuguese, every family has still a private idol there. They claim to be 
Silrusvat Brahmans of the Punch Gaud order." Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. X, 
p. 116. The Bengalis and the Sarasvatas are very probably descended from 
common ancestors, but the tradition about their separation in Trihut is rather 


kept in this condition. Conferring on his Sardars 
Ram Da]vl and Tan Savant, Hazariship of the 
hasams, (the Raje) stationed and appointed other 
three officers of his own at three places. He did not 
let anv interview between them and Lakham Savant 


take place again. In this way he subjugated the 
province of Kudal. The fort of Phond belonged 
to the Adilsahi. The princely ( ?j5|f^T ) Mahabat 
Khan, a mighty general, was (commandant) there. 
(The Raje) laid siege to that place and by laying 
mine by means of tunnelling (^JT*T ^pf) blew up 
the bastions. Phond was captured. Mahabat Khan 
was granted a safe conduct ( cjffa ) and permission 
to go to Bijapur. On that occasion an officer in the 
Raje's service, Ibhram (Ibrahim) Khan, a great 
Musalman warrior, (and) a Hcizari of the forces, was 
with him. He toiled (and) laboured very hard. After 
capturing Phond, (and) taking Carw r ar, Sives'var, 
Miraj, An kola, Kadre, Supe, Udve, all these forts of 
Konkan (he) extended the frontier as far as Gokarna, 
Mahaba]esvar on the Ghats, (and) Supe; and intimi-^ 
dating the Portuguese of Goa took from them 
cannons, (money) in cash and jewels, (and) after 
winning them to his side ( snq%% cfi^f) came 
after giving them a license to trade. (He) gave 
them leave to export and import. In this manner 
he subdued the whole of Konkan. 

Then, in Bednur was a Lingayat named Sivappa 
Nalk. 129 His city of Basnur (Barcelore) was of great 

129 ISivappa was a powerful prince and a good ruler. He had considerably 
extended his kingdom. For a short account of Kiladi Nayaks and 6ivappS 
see Bowring ! Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan, pp. 35-37. 



renown. (Sivaji) sent spies. to the seacoast, obtained 
informations (through them), (and) as there was no 
path for going across the Ghat, the sea-going ships 
were brought and fitted, and the Baje himself 
embarked on a ship, and one day suddenly appeared 
before Barcelore for raiding. The people of the city 
were off their guard. (He) landed from the ship 
all at once (and) plundered the city. For one day 
the city was sacked empty (^f{ qpsn %%). As he 
had brought goods by plundering Surat, so [now] he 
came back to his own country with innumerable 
goods and property (in) gold, gems, clothes (and) 
merchandise. [71] (It was found) that property in all 
to the value of 2 krors of Horn had been brought 
Again there was in the Mughal dominions the big 
city of Karanja. Information was procured thence, 
(and) the Raje himself proceeded there taking the 
force with him. On his way he plundered the peth m 
of Aurangabad. Making a rapid march of seven 
ganvs (he) went to (and) halted at Karanja for 
three days, took possession of all the mansions of the 
city, (and) with shovels dug out (buried) treasures. 
After taking cash, jewels, gold, silver and rich clothes, 
he rode (back). The Mughal Subhas at various 
places, Dilel Khan, and Bahadur Khan, Ikhlas 
Khan, and BahlolKhan and Indramani 131 (and) Omraos 
like these (from) different places, some with ten 
thousand, some with twelve thousand (forces) came 

1 3 A Peth is a city or village, often unwalled, under the shelter of a fort 
usually on an eminence hard by. 

la ' Indramani or Inclrabhan was a brother of Raja" Sujan Sing Bundela ; 
see Ferishta's History of Dekkan by Jonathan Scott. (1794), Vol. II, p. 33. 


on (the Raje) from (all the) four directions. He 
went on, fighting with them (and) offering resistance. 
He fought many great battles, killed the Mughals, 
levelled them to the dust, (and) captured and brought 
elephants, horses, camels (and other) property. And all 
the enemy's wazirs went back unsuccessful. The Raje 
reached his dominions in safety with his forces. 
Dilel Khan with twelve thousand horsemen came up 
and pursued him, at a distance of ten to twelve ganvs 
up to the banks of the Bhlma. Then the Raje went 
to Rajgad. The spoils when valued were (found to 
be) worth seven krors. 

Then Rayrigad 132 that belonged to the Adilsahi was 
captured. The Raje himself Avent and found that 
the fort was very fine, the precipices on the four 
sides looked as if scraped perpendicular, (and were) 
[72] one and a half ganvs in height. During the rains 
grass did not grow on the cliff and (it looked as if 

i s a The following account of Rayri by an English traveller is worth quoting 
in this connection " The Mar-rajah, the sovereign of these people, generally 
keeps his court, or more properly speaking, considering their purely military 
constitution, his head quarters, at the fort of Raree, in the mountains of 
Dekkan ; and if reports do not hely it, this must be the most completely 
impregnable place in the universe. It is represented as a fortified mound of 
rocks, extremely high, and so steep, as by no one narrow path way, to be 
accessible to human footing ; with this advantage, that the enclosure of it 
is large enough, independent of the stores accumulated there, to grow grain 
sufficient for the maintenance of its garrison, which were it but a handful 
of men, could with pleasure defend it against the greatest armies that could 
be brought to take it : not to mention that the passes and denies leading to 
it among the mountains are so rugged and narrow that the Morattoes must 
be all asleep, to suffer any armies to penetrate to that frontage." Grose, 
A voyage to the East Irdies (1772), Vol. I, p. 88. For another account, see 
Fryer A new account of East India and Persia in Eight letters, p. 79 (original 
edition). A graphic description of Rayri and a sketch map will be found 
in Bombay Gazetteer (Kolaba Volume). 


it were) one chiselled slab of stone. (So fine was it.) 
It is true that Daulatabad also was one of the finest 
forts in the world, but it was less in height. This fort 
was ten times as high as Daulatabad. The Raje 
was very pleased to find it so, and (he) said that, 
this fort should be made the seat of his throne. 
Resolving thus, he built houses, palaces, state rooms, 
buildings and a separate mansion for the eighteen 
departments, and seraglio for the queens, similarly 
separate quarters and bazar for the Sarkarkuns, 
separate quarters for Panchhazaris, and dwelling 
houses for men of note, (different) stables for 
elephants and horses and camels, and garages for 
palanquins and chariots, and cowsheds, in that fort 
with chunam plaster and hewn stones. 

The first wife of the Raje, the mother of Sambhaji 
Raje, died. After her, the Raje married six 
other wives. Of them Sayera Bal, a daughter of 
the Mohite 133 (family) became pregnant. A son 
was born to her. He was born with face downwards. 
The news was delivered to the Raje. The Raje 
remarked. 134 " (He) willupset the Badshahi of Delhi." 
So (he) said. Then the astrologer prophesied, " He 
will be a reat king. (His) fame will be greater 
than (that of) Sivaji Raje." So he prophesied. 
Then the Raje named him Raja Ram. 135 And (he) 
said, " Raja Ram will make his subjects happy. His 

133 Her father was a Sirke (Raj wade). 

134 Literally 'went on remarking,' iu Bengali it will be 


lls RSjaram was named after the hero of the Ratnayana, because he was 
boru on the Ramnavami day. Sivacligyijaya, p. 225. 


power will be greater than mine. The fame of his 
name will be great. If my name is preserved, it will 
be by him." So (he) said, and performed many 
deeds of charity. 

Then Moro Pant Peswa took many new forts 
from Trimbakgad to the fort of Salheri (and) built 
many new ones. He captured forty such forts new 
and old. He subdued Kolawan. (He) annexed the 
kingdoms of Ramnagar and Jawahir. In those 
provinces also he built forts. In this manner did 
(he) distinguish (himself). 

[73] The Badshah at Delhi learnt all these news, 
viz., that " Surat has been plundered, Barcelore 
plundered, Burhanpur, (and) Aurangabad have been 
plundered. Salheri and all other forts have been 
taken. (Sivajl) is establishing (his authority) in the 
provinces of Khandesh, Baglan, Gujrat, (and) Berar." 
Hearing this, he felt much distressed, (and) said, 
" What remedy should be adopted ? Commanders 
of lakhs of horse I sent, but (he) overthrew 
them. They came back with failure. Whom to 
send now ? If I send a Shahzacla then (he) will 
join in a revolt thither, and take Delhi itself. There- 
fore none appears fit to be sent, (or) should I myself 
gird my waist and march against Sivajl? Then what 
should I do if something like Saista Khan's (affair) 
happens (to me) ? Therefore I shall not leave Delhi 
so long as Sivajl is alive." So he decided and sum- 
moning Ikhlas Khan, a perfect warrior, and Bahlol 
Khan, sent (them) with twelve thousand horsemen 
to Salheri. (Their instruction was) to take (and; 
utterly destroy Salheri. Similarly Dilel Khan was 


despatched against Ahivant with ten thousand horse- 
men. Dilel Khan came and beseized Ravta Javta. 
The garrison defended (it) well. Great fighting took 
place. The fort did not fall into his hands. Moro 
Pant Pesiva sent twelve thousand Mawles to succour 
(the garrison). They went (and) made a sudden 
attack. In this way (they) frightened (the enemy). 
Ramajl Pangera, a Razari of the militia, with one 
thousand men, encountered Dilel Khan below Kanera- 
gad. Deeming a thousand men (a) small (force), 
Dilel Khan came upon them with his army. Ramajl 
i'angera made a selection from among his men; and 
as he selected bidding those (alone) to remain who 
would be his companions in a desperate struggle 
seven hundred men stood (there with him). They 
offered a desperate battle. The forces of Dilel Khan 
dismounted (and) came on (them). (They) surrounded 
the Mawles on four sides For a prahar, as sticks 
beat (on drums) quick and noisily on the Simga day, 
the Mawles fought. Twelve hundred of Dilel Khan's 
Pathans were laid low. Then the seven hun- 
dred men and Eamajl Pangera, throwing off their 
turbans and upper garments (^S^FTt^effT), and each 
(of them) getting twenty to thirty wounds from 
arrows or spears, [74] died. A great battle was 
fought. Then Dilel Khan wondered for one ghatka 
with his finger in mouth. 

After that, Nawab Ikhlas Khan came and laid 
siege to Salheri, and dismounted below the fort. As 
the Raje learnt this news, he sent letters and Jasuds 
to Pratap Rav Sarnobat, whom he had sent into the 
Mughal dominions with an army, [with the message] 


" Go quickly with your army by (the) Warghat road 
to Salheri make a sudden attack on Bahlol Khan, 
and drive Bahlol Khan away. And Moro Pant 
Peswa has been sent for from Konkan with the militia 
(hasams). He will come from this side and you are 
to come over the Ghats (by the Warghat road) 
Thus coming from two sides, attack the enemy and 
(utterly) rout (them)." To this effect were letters 
written. Thereupon Pratap Rav came with his 
army by the Warghat road. Moro Pant Peswa 
came from Konkan. Both of them reached Salher. 
Erom one side the cavalry charged on their horses, 
from another side the Mawles rushed in. And they 
fought. A great battle took place. For four prahars 
of the day the fighting lasted. Mughals, Pathans, 
Rajputs and Rohilas fought with artillery 
swivels carried on elephant and camel. 136 As the 
fighting began, such a (cloud of) dust arose that for 
a space of three cosscs square, friend and foe could 
not be distinguished. Elephants were killed. Ten 
thousand men on the two sides became corpses. The 
horses, camels, elephants (killed) were beyond count- 
ing. A flood of blood streamed (in the battlefield). 
The blood formed a muddy pool and in it (people) 
began to sink, so (deep) was the mud. As the 
slaughter was carried on, not a living horse remained. 
The horses that were captured alive, numbered six 
thousand (when delivered) to the Raje. One hundred 
and twenty-five elephants were taken. Six thousand 

186 For a learned account of the Mughal artillery see Irvine. The Army of 
the Indian Mughals, pp. 121-122, and for a discussion about the meaning- of 
the word Arabah, see ibid, pp. 141-142. 


camels were captured. Goods, treasures, gold and 
jewels, clothes and carpets (ft^T^T anything 
spread for sitting on) to sit on, beyond calculation 
came into (his) hands. 

Twenty-two wazirs of note were taken prisoner. 
Ikhlas Khan and Bahlol Khan themselves were cap- 
tured. In this manner was the whole subha destroy- 
ed. One or two thousand (soldiers) escaped, each 
man alone. Such was the battle (that took place). 
In that battle Pratap Rav Sarnobat, and Ananda 
Rav, and Vyankojl Datto, and Rupajl Bhonsle, and 
Surya Rav Kankde, Sidoji [75] Nimba]kar and 
Khandojl Jagtap, and Gondji Jagtap, and Santajl 
Jagtap, and Manajl More, and Visa j I Ballal, Moro 
Nagnath, and Mukunda Balla], other wazirs and 
omraos of less note, exerted themselves hard. Simi- 
larly did the Mawle soldiers and Sard-are toil hard. 
The commanders Moro Pant Peswa and Pratap Rav 
Sarnobat, both (distinguished themselves) by personal 
valour. And during the battle, Surya Rav Kankde, 
a PanchMzari of the army, a great warrior, fought 
with great valour. At that time, he fell struck by 
a cannon ball. Surya Rav was not an ordinary 
soldier. As Kama was a (great) warrior in the 
B karat (so) was he his (veritable) image ; such a 
hero l37 fell. Other heroes of note also fell, victory 
was won after such lighting. 

Pratap Rav and Moro Pant Peswa wrote letters 
and sent Jasiids (and) this news (was transmitted) 
to the Raje. The Raje was very pleased to hear the 

1ST SurySji was one of SivajI's earliest adherents. 


news. Cannon boomed (and) sugar was distributed. 
Gold wristlets were put on the arms of the mes- 
senger, who had brought the news ; and immense 
wealth was given to Par tap Rav Sar/wbat, and Moro 
Pant Peswa, Anand Rav, (and) Vyankojl Pant, in 
reward. Rewards were also given to the Hazari 
and the Panchhazarl officers of the army, (and) the 
Mawles. N Orders were sent, that wazirs of renown, 
who had been captured should be dismissed with 
clothes and horses. Thereupon the Peswa and the 
Sarnobat and Sardars were pleased, Bahlol Khan 
and the Nawab and wazirs who had been taken 
prisoners were dismissed with horses and robes. 
Dilel Khan was (at a distance of) four marches from 
Salheri. On hearing this news, he fled back. 

The Badshah at Delhi felt much distressed on 
learning this news. For three days he did not come 
out. For three days he did not come to the Hall of 
Public Audience [76]. So sad was he. " It seems God 
has taken away the Badshahi from the Musalmans 
(and) conferred it on Sivaji. It will be well now if 
my death will occur before (that of) Sivajl. Now 
the thought of Sivajl does not agree with my life." 
So he said. Then Bahadur Koka, the Emperor's 
foster brother 138 came (and) consoled him (in the 
following manner) " Reign at Delhi at ease. I shall 
march against Sivajl. I will reduce him to the state 
that he ought to be in. I shall so arrange that his 
forces may not come to the Badshahi dominions. I 
shall reduce him by various artifices. The Badshah 

138 Khudda Bhau is a misprint for Dud Bhai which means foster brother. 
Prof. Saikar tells me that Kolca means the same thing in Turkish. 



should not be anxious." After consoling in this 
manner (he) brought the Badshah (out) (and) seated 
him on the throne. 

(The Emperor) exalted Bahadur Khan, gave (him) 
clothes and ornaments, a locket from his own neck, 
a jewelled crest (kalgl) for (the turban of) his head, 
two elephants and horses, jagir and promotion of 
rank, and sent with him seventy thousand horsemen. 
Dilel Khan was ordered to act as the leader of his 
van. Such a (mighty) force was despatched to the 
south against the Raje, They proceeded stage 
by stage from Delhi. This news came to the Raje 
from Delhi. The Raje observed, " Bahadur Khan is 
a bribe-taker (ff^^f^j^ 4 a calf fed on and fattened 
by oilcakes). What (do I) care about him ? He 
will take two years to come to my dominions." So 
(he) remarked. 

Then Annajl Datto Surnls by bidding Malsavant, 

a Hazari of the Mawles (to his assistance), captured 

by assault the fort of Panhala, that belonged to 

the Adilsahi and took such forts as Satara, Ohandan, 

Vandan, Nandgirl (and) Farll [77]. The Raje set 

out in person from Rayri, to inspect the forts and 

the provinces. No sooner did he come than the 

fort of Wai was taken. Similarly the fort of 

Karhad was captured. The forts of Sirwal (and) 

Kolhapur were taken. Territories were annexed 

as far as Hukerl and Raybag. The kingdom was 

extended on four sides. How to carry on the 

governance of the kingdom ? Then in Moro Pant 

Peswa's charge were placed the country from Kalyan 

and Bhivand! including Kolawan up to Salheri, the 


country above the Ghats and Konkan, Lohgad 
and Junnar with the twelve Mawals from the pass of 
Haralya (were placed) under the Peswa. Konkan from 
Chaul to Kopal (including) Dabhol, Rajapur Kuda], 
Bande and Phond, was placed under Annaji Datto. 
The Warghat (country above the Ghats) from Wai to 
Kopal on the Tungabhadra (was) the province placed 
under Dattajl Pant Vaknls. Dattaji Pant was 
stationed at Panhala. In this manner was the king- 
dom placed under three Sarkarkuns. Besides these 
a few (five to seven) Brahman Subhedars were 
stationed in the Mughal provinces. They were 
(kept) under the orders of the Peswa. The Sarkar- 
kuns were to enquire into the needs and welfare of 
the forts and strongholds. But what Killedar and 
Karkims were to be appointed, the Raje himself 
should appoint after personal scrutiny. [78] If the 
Sarkarkum found any serviceable soldier they should 
enlist him in excess of the fixed number of the 
quota (tainat). Arrangement of this nature was 
made. The agents of the Sarkarkuns should remain 
with the Raje. The Sarkarkuns should come to see 
the Raje (once ?) every year with the accounts 
and the revenue of their provinces. (He) went on 
carrying the administration according to these regula- 

Then Abdul Karim Bahlol Khan came that way, 
with twelve thousand horsemen from Bijapur. 
Learning the news, that he was moving in that 
direction, the Raje summoned Pratap Rav with the 
whole army and ordered him (as follows) " Bahlol 
Khan of Bijapur has been stirring too much. Attack 


him and win victory." Exhorting (them) to this 

effect, (he) sent the army against the Nawab. 

They went (and) encountered the Nawab at 

Umbrani. The Raje's forces surrounded him on 

four sides (and) made him halt. He had no access 

to water, so hemmed round was he. Great fighting 

also took place. In the meantime the sun set. Then 

the Nawab made a desperate effort, made his way to 

the water (and) drank it. After that he secretly 

informed Pratap Rav " I do not come against you 

(of my own initiative), I came at the orders of the 

Badshah. Henceforth I am yours. I shall not ever 

commit hostility against the Raje." He sent some 

friendly message like this, and made peace. Then 

the Raje's forces went away. On learning this news 

the Raje urged the forces and disgraced (Pratap 

Rav) asking " Why peace has been concluded ?" So 

angry had he become. Then Pratap Rav came back 

with the army after plundering in the Mughal 

dominions, 139 the province of Bhaganagar, Devgad, 

Ramgiri 'and) other places. Then Nilo Sondev 

Majumdar, who was in the service of the Raje, 

suddenly died. It was decided that his office of 

Majumdarship should be conferred on his son. But 

the eldest son Naro Pant was not at all intelligent. 

Ramchandra Pant, the younger son, was intelligent. 

The Raje had great affection (for him) and hoped 

(that, as) he was very intelligent, fortunate (and) 

lucky, he would be (a) hundreds of thousand times 

greater (man) than his father. On these grounds, 

138 The word Mughal here is used in a comprehensive sense for 
Mahomedans, for Bhaganagar or Golcondu was still an independent state, 


the MajumdarsMp was only (nominally) conferred 
on Naro Pant (and) the office was continued (in the 

Thereafter the Badshah again sent Bahlol Khan 
from Bijapur against the province of Panhaja, [79] 
He came to the above province. Thereupon the 
Raje learnt that Bahlol Khan had again come. Then 
the Raje commented " He comes again and again." 
Therefore he again sent (a message) to Pratap Rav 
" Bahlol Khan is coming, you are to go with the 
army, encounter (and) rout him, (and) win victory. 
Otherwise do not show your face (to me again)." Such 
was the peremptory verbal message that (he) sent to 
Pratap Rav. Thereupon Pratap Rav went and 
encountered Bahlol Khan. The Nawab had come to 
Jesrl. (Pratap Rav) encountered him. A great 
battle was fought. The fates being contrary, Pratap 
Rav Sarnobat was killed by a sword-cut. Many fell 
in the battle. A river of blood flowed. Thereafter 
Bahlol Khan went to Bijapur. And the Raje's forces 
came back to Panhaja. 

The Raje was greatly distressed on hearing the 
news that Pratap Rav had fallen, and said, " To-day 
I have lost a limb. I had written to Pratap Rav 
not to show his face without winning victory. He 
has extorted applause by acting accordingly. How 
should the army be regulated now ? Whom to 
appoint Sarnobat ? After making such enquiries, he 
came in person to the army, went with the forces to 
Chiplun, in Konkan, a place sacred to the god 
Parasuram, (and) remained there. Then after 
reviewing the army, (he) opened the treasury and 


distributed the money among the horsemen, 140 great 
and small and men of the infantry. And looking for a 
man for Sarnobatship, (he) (lighted on) one Hasaji 
Mohite, who was a Jumledar of the cavalry ( qi?u). 
Finding him (to be) a very intelligent, brave, patient, 
and cautious soldier, (and) a great swordsman, 
(the Raje) conferred on him the title of Hambir Rav 
(and) appointed him Sarnobat. The whole of the 
army was then assembled and placed under Hambir 
Rav. And he was despatched with the army to 

(80) Then, Sahaji Raje died. His youngest son was 
Vyankaji Raje. On him did the Badshah of Bijapur 
confer his Jdgir. Naro Dikshit, who was the sole 
Karbhari of the Maharaja (Sahajl) died. Of him (were 
born) Raghunath Narayan and Janardan Narayan ; 
these two brothers were skilled in all (branches of) 
learning, good diplomatists, sagacious, shrewd and 
intelligent. They and Vyankaji Raje did not agree 
well. Then the two brothers, [leaving him] came to 
the Raje. Raghunath Pant and Janardan Pant and 
Balkrshna their cousin, and Balkrshna Pant's son 
Kamlajl Pant, Gangadhar Pant a sensible fellow 
born of Janardan Pant, these five, with their house- 
hold, horses and elephants, (and) similar belongings, 
and women, came to the Raje. As soon as (he) learnt 
this news, the Raje went forward and received them. 
The Sarkwrkuns also went to receive them (and) 
brought them with honour. An allowance of forty 

140 The word ^^ here, I think means cavalry and has not been used 
in the ordinary sense of an army, as it has been used in contradistinction to 


thousand Ho us per year, was granted to them all, 
horses included, an assignment on the revenue 
was made for their pay, a chief place of honour 
among the Sarkarkims was accorded to them, 
(and they were thus) entertained and maintained. 
Hambir Rav went to Sampganv with the army. 
(After a short time,} a Bijapur general Husain Khan 
Miana, a Pathan of great eminence, (who Avas the 
Commander of) five thousand Pathan archers, lancers, 
light armed men, * * * * similarly Bailes, musketeers 
and artillery Husain Khan (who) was a Sardar of 
the same rank as Nawab Bahlol Khan, came against 
Hambir Rav. The Marathas were very bold, they gave 
battle with the utmost valour. They * * ( *T^n* ?) 
charged straight Avith their horses and fought. 
(They) killed many of Husain Khan's men and 
slew horses, and brought down elephants (in battle). 
A great and vehement battle raged from two 
prahars of day to four prahars of night. In six 
prahars the Avhole army Avas routed. Husain Khan 
himself was taken prisoner. Four thousand to forty- 
five hundred horses were captured. Twelve camels 
were taken. Similarly (they) seized camels and 
other goods, sheets to sit on ( f3$r?3 ), treasure and 
clothes innumerable. Victory was won after great 
fighting. Countless men fell on both sides in the 

[81] Then (they) wrote the news of the victory 
(and) sent letters to the Raje through the Jasuds. 
They went (and) delivered the information. There- 
upon the Raje got much pleasure (and) felt delighted. 
Husain Khan's brother Avas at the fort of Kopal, 


Moro Pant led an expedition against him and cap- 
tured Kopal. Kopal was the gate of the South, a 
place (fit) to be a seat of royalty. Such a fort was 
captured. A place of great importance was acquired. 
Kopal is on the banks of the Tungabhadra. (There- 
fore) territories extending to the banks of the 
Tungabhadra came into (the Raje's) possession. Owing 
to (the situation of) Kopal, (the Palegars of) Kanak- 
giri, Harpanhalli, Raydurga, and Chitradurge, and 
Vidyanagar, Bundi Kot (and) other Palegars sub- 
mitted. Such (an important) work was accom- 

Bahadur Khan with Dilel Khan, as the com- 
mander of his van had previously come from Delhi 
with (an) army and stopped at Ahmadnagar. When 
he learnt this news, the Raje enquired about the 
(condition of the) forts and strongholds, and strength, 
ened (them). Then (he) secretly sent a spy (5fT^) 
with letters to Nawab Bahadur Khan, (with the 
following instructions" " Enquire about his motives, 
then do whatever will humour him " Ul he did so. 
And the Raje issued orders to his army, (and) 
Hambir Rav Sarnobat entered the Mughal domi- 
nions with the forces. Khandesh, Baglan, Gujrat, 
Ahmadabad, Burhanpur, Berar, Mahur and other 
provinces, up to the banks of the Narmada, includ- 
ing Jalnapur, were invaded and plundered ; contri- 
bution was levied (on the people), (and their) property 
was seized. (They) proceeded after collecting an 
immense booty. Then Bahadur Khan, with all his 

111 It means that Bahadur Khan was bribed to connive at the raid. 
Prof. J. N. Sarkar. 


forces, marched after Hambir Rav. The Raje's 
army (when encountered), proved to be too powerful. 
The Mughals overcome by too much dread, marched 
at a distance of seven to eight ganvs. Dilel Khan 
impetuously came up with the army. (But) Hamblr 
Rav took no notice of Dilel Khan and returned 
(safely) to the home provinces with (the plundered) 
goods. The booty was delivered to the Raje. 

Then one Vedmurti 142 Rajsrl Gaga Bhat, drawn by 
the Raje's fame came to see him. The Bhat Gosavi 
was a great scholar [82], well versed in the four 
Yedas and six Sastras and well practised in the Yoga, 
skilled in astrology, mantras, and all (branches of) 
learning ; he was the Brahma Dev of the Kali Age ; 
such a learned man was he ; the Raje and the 
Sarkarkuns went forward to receive him, and brought 
him with (all) honours. He was worshipped with 
the offerings of jewelled ornaments of many varieties, 
palanquins, elephants, horses, and inimense pro- 
perty. Gaga Bhat 143 was very much pleased. In the 

142 Generally used before the names of learned Brahmans. 

143 Visvesvar alias Gaga came of a learned family His father Din kar, 
had written no less than twelve works, and his uncle Kamlakar was the 
another of a seiies of another twelve, the most well known of which is 
Nirnayasindhu. The following geneological table has been given by Mr. G. S, 
Sardesai in MarSthi Riyasat, Vol. I, p. 355. 

Govinda Bhatta. 


Narayan (author of Prayogaratna), 


I ~T~ I 

Dinkar Kamaldakar Lakshman. 
Visvesrar alias Gaga. 



opinion of the Bhat Gosavi, (as) the Musulman Bad- 
shah reigned (seated) on a throne with an umhrella 
(over his head), and Sivaji though he had subdued 
four Badshahis, and possessed seventy- five thousand 
cavalry, infantry, forts and strongholds, had no throne, 
the Maratha Raja should (also) be the Lord of the 
Umbrella (Chhatrapati) \ so he reasoned. And the 
Raje also approved 144 (of it). All the principal men 
were summoned and when consulted gave their 
approval. Then the Bhat Gosavi said, (that the Raje) 
should be installed on a throne. Then an enquiry 
being held about the Raja's family, it was found that 
the Raje was a Suddhakshatriya ; a Sisodia family 
had come from the north to the Deccan, that was the 
Raja's ancestral family. Having previously decided 
that the sacred thread ceremony should be performed 
as the Kshatriyas of the north assumed the sacred 
thread, the Bhat Gosavi conferred the sacred thread 
on the Raje at a holy place. 145 (The Raja) was made 
a Suddhakshatriya before (the coronation). Much 
wealth was distributed in charity. Eif ty thousand 
Brahmans learned in the Vedas, were assembled from 
the home provinces, as well as from foreign territories 
and holy places of great sanctity. They were all made 
to stay. Every day they were fed with sweets. Then 
for the coronation a throne was made of thirty-two 

144 According to other chroniclers it was the Raja, who had either of his 
own initiative, or at the suggestion of Balaji Avji, approached Gaga Bhat with 
the proposal of coronation. 

145 It should be noted that the Raje was above forty when he assumed 
the sacred thread. It appears from an extract in the Peshwa's Diaries that 
the descendants of Sivajl had for sometime after the rise of the Peswas given 
up the practice of wearing the sacred thread. 


mauncls of gold. Jewels of great value were sought 
from among the nine varieties of priceless jewels that 
were in the treasury, and set in the throne. A throne 
inlaid (with jewels) was prepared. Rayrl was renamed 
Ray gad (and) that fort was selected as the seat of the 
throne. It was decided (that the Raja) should ascend 
the throne in the fort. Water from the seven holy 
rivers, as well as from other big rivers, and sea water 
and holy water from famous places of pilgrimage 
were brought. Gold jars and gold basins were 
made. Having so decided that the eight ministers 
(Pradhans) should pour water over the Raja from 
the eight jars and the eight basins, an auspicious 
day was selected (and) an auspicious time ascertained. 
A lucky moment was found on the Suddha 
Trayodasl day, in the month of Jyaistha in the 
year 1596 of the Salivahan era. [83] On that day, 
after performing the auspicious ablution (mangal- 
snan), the Raje worshipped, Sri Mahadev and Sri \ 
Bhavanl his family gods, Balam Bhat the son of the 
priest Prabhakar Bhat the family preceptor, the Bhat 
Gosavi and other great Bhats and good ritualists 
according to the prescribed forms, with ornaments 
and clothes. After saluting (them) he sat on 
a gold stool for the (ceremonial) ablution (^rfwfaf) 
The eight Pradhans and great Brahmans poured over 
him (holy) water of different places from gold jars 
and vessels. (Then) dressed in resplendent clothes 
and ornaments, he sat on the throne, after saluting 
all his superiors. Many gold lotuses inlaid with 
gems of nine varieties and various other gold 
flowers and clothes were distributed in abundance, 


According to the prescribed forms of charity, sixteen 
Mahadans 146 (great forms of alms-giving) and other 
charities were performed. The eight pillars of the 
throne were studded with gems. By them were to 
stand the eight Pradhans. Formerly in the Krtayuga, 
Tretayuga, Dvapar and Kaliyugas, many kings of 
holy memory had been enthroned; all the Sastrik 
rites performed on those occasions were celebrated 
now. The eight Pradhfins stood by the eight pillars. 
Their names are as follows : 

1. Moro Pant son of Trimbak Pant, Pesiva (or) 
Mukhya Pradhan. 

2. Naro Ni]kanth and Ramchandra Nilkanth 
Majumdar, their (new) designation (was) Amatya. 

3. Ravji was Pandit Rav, on his son (the title of) 
Rayjiraj(?) (the office was conferred). 147 

4. Hambir Rav Mohite, Senapati. 

5. Dattaji Trimbak TaknU, his (new) designa- 
tion Mmtrt. 

6. Trimbakjl Sondov Dablr's son Ramchandra 
Pant Swnant. 

7. Annajl Pant Snmis, his (new) designation 

8. To Niraji Ravji, (was given the) Nyaya- 

In this manner were Sanskrit designations given. 
The (eight Pradhans) were made to stand, at the 

14 * These are (1) Tulapurush, (2) Hiranya garblia, (3) Brahmmanda, (4) 
Kalpa Brksha, (5) Gosahasra, (6) Hiranyakamadhenu, (7) Kamdhenu, (8) 
Hiranyasva, (9) Hirnyasvaratha, (10) Panclilanglak, (11) Dhara, (12) Visva- 
chakra, (13) KalpalatS, (14) Saptasagar, (15) Ratnadhenu, (16) Mahablmtghnt. 

147 Another reading is " The son of Raghunath Fanditrav was made 
or Grand Almoner, 


places assigned according to the designations given 
to them. 

[84]. They stood at their respective places. Bal 
Prabhu CJiitnls and Nil Prabhu Parsms, also the 
agents of the eight Pradhans, and the officers of the 
household as well as all respectable men, stood in 
conformity with the rules in order (of their rank). 
A gold umbrella inlaid with gems, having pearl 
fringes, was held over (the Raja's head). The style 
of Chliatrapati was assumed. In all letters and 
documents, the Rajyabhishek era preceded by the 
phrase Svastisrl, was always used from the day he 
ascended the throne. Fifty thousand Brahmans 
learned in the Vedas had assembled. Besides them 
had assembled many Taponidhis, and holymen, 
Sanyasls, guests, Manbhcivs m 9 Jatadharis, Jogls, 
and Jangams of various denominations. Eor four 
months they were given unhusked corn and sweets ; 
when dismissed, money, ornaments, and clothes in 
abundance were presented to every one according 
to his merit. To Gaga Bhat (who had officiated as) 
the chief priest was given immense wealth. The 
total expenditure amounted to one Jcror and 
forty-two lakhs of Eons. To every one of the eight 
Pradhans, was given a reward of one lakh of Hons, 
and a gift of one elephant, one horse and robes 
besides that (the money reward). In this manner 
was the Raje installed on the throne. In this age 
the Mleccha Badshahs (rule) all over the world. Only 

148 The Manbhavs were an order of mendicants, who dressed themselves 
in black and had community of women. They were very severely persecuted 
under the Peswa regime, 


this Maratha Badshah became Lord of the Umbrella 
(Chhatrapati). This affair, that came to pass, was 
not, one of little importance. 

Bahadur Khan KoJca learnt this news. He then 
came and encamped at Pedganv on the Bblma. And 
(he) wrote this news of the coronation to the Badshah 
at Delhi. As he learnt this, the Badshah descended 
from his throne and retired to the harem. He 
struck both his hands on the earth and lamented 
much, repeating the name of his god, "Khuda 
has taken away the Musalman's Badshahi, 
destroyed (our) throne, and conferred it on the 
Maratha. It has reached the climax now." 
In this strain he lamented much and cherished a 
mountain of sorrow. Then the principal ministers 
consoled him in various manners, and by various 
promises made him sit on the throne. Similarly, 
when th-> Badshahs of Bijapur and Bhaganagar and 
all others heard this, they became distressed [85]. 
The Badshahs of Constantinople (Hum), Syria, 
(Sham), Persia (Iran), and Turkestan (Turan) and of 
the Sea began to lament in their minds, when they 
learnt this news. (They) lamented and felt afraid. 
Events of this nature took place. 

Then the Raje (duly) installed on his throne, 
ruled his kingdom. He conquered the Nizamsahi 
provinces and seized the Mughal territories. The 
Badshah of Bhaganagar (Golkonda) concluded a 
treaty with the Raje, accepted Prahlad Pant, son of 
Niraji Pant, a highly intelligent man, as envoy (at 
his court), and secured, the friendship of the Raje 
by paying a tribute. There were other insignificant 


principalities, these were annexed. Some prin- 
cipalities paid tribute and became dependent. 

The Raje entertained in his heart the desire of 
conquering the Karnatak from the Tungabhadra 
valley, to the Kaverl. It would cause delay, if the 
army was sent for the conquest ; so the Raje decided 
to go in person. But Bahadur Khan, (was) at 
Pedganv, and the enemy might fall upon his rear, 
Nirajl Pant the Nyayadhls was therefore sent (to 
him). Some presents and gem-studded ornaments 
were sent. Secret amity was made with him 
(Bahadur), " It will take us a year to conquer the 
Karnatak. Do not commit any disturbance to (our) 
kingdom (during that period)." So was he 
(Bahadur) told, and he was kept (inactive) at his 
station. And for accompanying him to Karnatak the 
Raje selected from the Royal Cavalry (Pago) 
regiments, (that had in all) twenty five thousand 
horsemen, and he took with him the Sarkarkuns 
Raghunath Narayan and Janardan Narayan, who had 
local knowledge of Karnatak. The rest (of the Sarkar- 
kmis\ the Peswa and the Stirnls and the Vakms and 
the rest of the forces were kept for the defence of 
the kingdom. And the Raje thought (that) "Money 
will be required for conquering the Karnatak ; the 
cash (accumulated) in the treasury should not be 
spent for that (purpose). The extra (money) should 
be procured from new sources and the province 
should be conquered by spending it." While making 
such considerations, (he thought that) there* was 
an abundance of Aveajth in the Badshahi of Bhaga- 
nagar. Money could be procured by violence 


from there ; but the Sultan of Bhaganagar used to 
pay a tribute annually. Cruelty should not be 
committed there An interview with him (Sultan) 
should be obtained by friendly means. After 
the interview he would give every friendly help. 
[86] Having deliberated in this manner, the 
Raje decided to have the interview arranged, by 
writing about it to Prahlad Pant who was his envoy 
at Bhaganagar. Tana Shah, the Badshah of Bhaga- 
nagar, entertained in his mind a strong suspicion, 
" As Afzal Khan was destroyed, or Saista Khan was 
ruined, or as the Raja had exhibited his valour to 
the Badshah Alamgir after going to Delhi, what 
should be done if he similarly commits some mis- 
chief? (I) should have no interview with the Raje, 
I shall give him whatever he demands." So 
said (the Shah). Then Prahlad Pant by taking many 
oaths and (offering to undergo) many ordeals (f$fi*n) 
assured the Badsliah, and (his) Karbharis Akanna 
Pant and Madanna Pant, that there was no evil 
(intention,) that the Raje would go away after a friend- 
ly visit. To this effect was a friendly agreement made 
with the Raje. Then with the aim that the two 
should meet, the Raje proceeded to Bhaganagar, 
marching stage by stage with his army. A strict 
warning was issued after (he) had entered the 
Bhaganagar territory. The Raje ordered that the 
Rayats should not be given the least trouble. 
He intimidated (intending offenders) by beheading 
some (miscreants) and (when he) arrived at the 
halting places he procured everything by peaceful 
purchase there (and then) went forward. There 


was no plunder. As he proceeded in this manner, 
the Badshah became very pleased as he learnt the 
news (of his strict discipline). The Badshah intended 
to come forward to a distance of two to four ganvs 
(to receive him). (But) the Raje was a highly cour- 
teous man; he sent the following verbal message 
with assurances of oaths " You should not come. 
You are (my) elder brother, I am (your) younger 
brother. You should not come forward. 5 ' The 
Badshah was very pleased at the Raje's sending such 
a verbal message. And Madanna Pant and Akanna 
Pant, the virtual 149 (?) sovereigns and the real masters 
of the whole Badsha li, these two, came forward, 
received the Raje and conducted him to the city. 
The Raje had formerly furnished his army with 
rich gold embroidered accoutrements. He entered 
the city at an auspicious moment to see the 
Badshah. The Badshah had adorned the whole city. 
Streets and lanes were all around coloured with a 
thin layer of kunkum powder and saffron. Festive 
poles and triumphal arches were erected and flags 
and standards hoisted in the city. Krors of citizens 
stood (by the roads) to have a look at the Raje. 
The ladies welcomed him by waving innumerable 
lamps round him. Gold and silver flowers [87] were 
showered upon the Raje. The Raje distributed 
much wealth beyond measure and countless dresses 
among the people in charity and reached the Dad 
Mahal with all his forces. He sent the following 
verbal message, confirmed by oaths to the Badshah ; 
" Do not come down stairs I am going (to you) in 

, Wazirs ? 



person." The I'adshah remained in the palace. 
The Raje made the men of his army gird their waist, 
and sit down below the palace, and (he) proceeded 
up the stairs. The Raje himself and Janardan 
Narayan and Prahlacl Pant and Sonajl Nalk the 
lloyal Door Keeper and Babajl Dhandhere, these 
live akrie ascended (the stairs) and entered the 
palace. The Badshah came forward and gave 
(the Raja) a friendly embrace. The two sat on the 
same seat. Madanna Pant, and Akanna Pant and 
Janardan Pant, Prahlad Pant, Sonajl Naik (the Royal 
Door Keeper) and Blbaji Dhandhere, these were 
(present). The Badshah and the Raje and Madanna 
Pant these three sat down, the rest remained stand 
ing. There was very great affection between the 
two, (and they) had a conversation. The ladies of 
the Badshah's harem looked at the Raje through the 
latticed window and were much astonished. The 
Badshah was highly pleased, for three hours he 
listened to the stories of the Raje's heroism. Then 
he presented some ornaments set with jewels, robes, 
horses, and elephants to the Raje and to all his men, 
(and) dismissed them. The Raje and the Badshah 
descended from the palace, and the Raje went to 
his quarters. 

Raghunath Pant and Hamblr Rav and other 
Sardars had been left below the palace. Taking them 
in his company, the Raje came to his place. On 
his way back he (again) distributed alms among the 
citizens. After the Raje had left, the Badshtlh was 
convinced that he was honest, and had protected 
him (the Badshah), (and the Raje) had respected 


his oath. Wondering in this manner, the Badshah 
gave some rewards to Prahlad Pant (saying), " You 
are honest." Saying so and exalting (him) the 
Badshah sent Prahlad Pant to the Raje. The next 
day Madanna Pant took the Raje to his house to be 
his guest. And getting the dishes prepared by their 
Lady Mother, [88] Madanna Pant and Akanna Pant 
sat near the Raje and (saw) him feeding. All other 
men of the Raje's party were also fed, and after 
presenting (to the Raje and his party) ornaments, 
robes, elephants and horses, (Madanna and Akanna) 
conducted them to their place. The Badshah sum- 
moned Madanna Pant and (the two) settled that 
" The Raje should be given whatever he wanted, he 
should be pleased (in that manner and then) sent 
away." Having come to this decision, (they) selected 
an auspicious moment (and) again brought the Raje 
for a second interview and gave him innumerable 
jewels, ornaments inlaid with gems, elephants, and 
horses. Then the two Qhhatrapatis sat on the (ter- 
race) of the palace and received the obeisance of 
all the Sarkarleuns and Hambir Rav and other 
military officers, and ornaments, robes, elephants, and 
horses were presented to them all, each individually 
according to his valour and fame. And the Badshah 
said, " You should help me on every occasion." 
After, confirming (the alliance) in this manner, and 
taking oaths in the Raje's favour, (the Badshah) 
gave him leave. " I shall regularly pay the stipu- 
lated tribute every year, and you should keep in our 
connection, Prahlad Pant always with me." So sug- 
gested the Badshah. The Raje returned to his place, 


After this the principal officers of Bhaganagar 
entertained the Raje as (their) guest. In this 
manner he spent a month at Bhaganagar. With the 
treasures and provisions of that place he led his 
army towards Jinji. Then he went to Sri Sailya. 
He bathed in the Nfgariga and saw the god (of" the 
place). The rites of the holy place were performed. 
The Raje was highly pleased with this sacred place, 
it seemed to be a second Kailas to him. He felt 
disposed to offer his body to the god there and to 
sacrifice his head. At that time Sri Bhavanl took 
possession of his body and said, " Thy salvation 
does not lie in such things. Do not commit this 
act. There are many duties to be performed by thy 
hands in the future/' So saying the Sr! departed. 
When the Raje regained consciousnc ss the Karkuns 
delivered the message. Then the idea of sacrificing 
his head to the god was kept in abeyance. 

Then Jinji was besieged with a view to the con- 
quest of the Karnatak. Rauf Khan and Nasir 
[Muhammad] Khan, [89] sons of Khankhanan, the 
wazir of Bijapur, (these two) were at Jinji ; they 
were by diplomacy given an assurance of safety 
and induced to come out, and the place was taken. 
Sher Khan, a wazir of Bijapur, was with five thousand 
horse at a place called Trimal (Trinomali ?). The 
Pathan was an (officer) of eminence, he had 
elephants and immense military stores. Sher Khan 
marched upon the Raje. (The Raje) fought and 
destroyed him. Sher Khan was captured alive. Five 
thousand horses and twelve elephants were taken. 
Money and jewels came into the Raje's possession 


beyond calculation. A great battle was fought. 
Trimal Mali fil was conquered after such performances. 
Then RajsrI Vyankaji Raje, Raje's younger 
brother, who had taken possession of the kingdom 
of Tanjore and was ruling there, came to see the 
Raje accompanied by his Karkuns. The brother 
met the brother. Kakajl Pant Peswa, Ekojl Raja's 150 
Karkun, and Konher Mahadev Majuwdar, saw (the 
Raje). Jagannath Pant, son of Vyankajl Datto, the 
whole army and Bhimjl Raje andPratapjl Raje, sons 
of the Maharaja's (Sahajis) concubines, also came 
to the interview. Great rejoicings took place. The 
two brothers entertained each other as guests, 
and they both made immense presents. For eight 
days they were together. Then the Raje said to 
Vyankaji Raje "The Maharaja was our common 
father. I took leave of him, went towards Puna, 
and conquered so big a kingdom. I have established 
my fame. However, our father's twelve birandes 1 
are in your possession and you are enjoying them. I 
am, however, his eldest son and a hero, I have dis- 
played greater heroism than you. You should give 

1 3<> Another name of Vyankaji. 

151 Sanskrit Leiruda moans title. The word seems to have been used in 
old Hindi also in the same sense c/. Bhushan Siva-Raj- Bhushan il Liyobirad 
sixodiu diyo Isko sis." In old M&rath! we came across sin-h phrases as Aneka- 
lirudankita. .Mahamnhanta (see Sanads and Letters ed bv Parasnis and Mawji, 
Sanad No. 16). 

But birnnde here certainly moans something more than mere titles 
According to Holes worth it meant badges of honour. The Tanjore Temple 
inscriptions, however, mentions Horse li'runde, Elephant bfrundc and other 
linindcs wliic-h conferred upon their ownc-rs the right and privilege of putting 
certain ornaments on their horse and elephants, etc. These have been 
described at some length in the Tanjore Toinple inscription published by 
Mr. V, K, Raj wade in the now defunct Prabhat, 


me only the twelve birandes of my v father you 
have, and I shall display them. Of course I can have 
ne\v ones, but I am demanding these, as I should 
have what was earned by my father." Thereupon 
Vyankaji held a different opinion and did not yield 
(what was demanded). Then Ekojl Raja's Karkuns 
and Karbharis roused fear in his mind, (telling him) 
that the Raje would have an altercation with him 
and take the birandes by force [90]. (They) told 
him so, roused fear (in his mind), and at night Vyan- 
kaji Raja fled with the birandes to Tan j ore. 

Then the next day the Raje learnt the news that 
Vyankaji Raja had fled. Thereupon he wondered 
(saying), " Why has-he fled ? Was I going to imprison 
him ? What should I do with the birandes ? My 
own birandes have spread over the eight directions. 
Over the seagirt earth my fame has spread, what 
then should I do with those birandes. I had asked 
for them, as one should have his patrimony. If 
he did not like to part with them, he was at liberty 
not to give them. Why did he flee for nothing? 
He is young, very young, and he has acted like a 
child." So observed the Raje. Then Vyankajl's 
Karkuns and Sardars, who had been fleeing, fell into 
the hands of the Raje's men. They arrested and 
brought them to the Raje. Then (the Raje) gave 
robes, ornaments and horses to them all, and sent 
them to his brother to Tanjore. There was one 
Santajl Raje a son of the Maharaja (Sahaji) by a 
concubine. He was a hero of (great) valour. He 
came to see the Raje. The interview took place. 
The Raje conferred on him (the command of) one 


thousand horse in the Karnatak. Rent-free villages 
were given to him. He was dismissed with a pre- 
sent of elephants, horses and robes. There was 
an Adilsahi (military) outpost at Vellore. That 
fort was so strong, that there was not another like 
it on the earth. Hound the fort \vas a ditch of 
flowing water. The water was bottomless (so deep 
was the ditch). In that water lived ten thousands 
alligators. Two carts could be driven side by side, 
over the rampart of the fort, so strong was it. The 
rampart had four circuits one after (within) another. 
The fort was of this nature. The Raje captured the 
fort by besieging it. Other forts and strongholds 
also were taken at different places. Some new forts 
were built. One hundred such new forts were 
constructed in that province. The Raje conquered 
a kingdom yielding twenty lakhs of Hons. Jinji was 
like Bijapur and Bhaganagar, a metropolitan city 
(the seat of a throne). The Raje ought to have re- 
mained there. But there was a vast kingdom on this 
side also. It was necessary to preserve that (king- 
dom). Therefore the Brahman Raghunath Narayan 
was appointed Majumdar of the entire kingdom, 
[91] and he was posted at Jinji, with that province 
under his charge. As he wanted an army for the 
time being, Hamblr Rav, the Commander-in-Chief, 
was stationed (there) with his army. And the 
Raje sot off from Jinji with the two generals Anand 
Rav and Manaji More and (their) regiments. 
He ascended the Ghats and reached above. The 
forts of Kolhar and Balapur Avere captured. The 
country was conquered. Some forts were built. 


Turbulent Palegars were destroyed and reduced to 
dust. That province also was placed under Raghu- 
nath Pant. General Manajl More was with his 
army stationed in the province of Kolhar. The 
Raje went to, accompanied by Anand Rav. 
Thence lie went t > L-ikslimes'var. Thence he march- 
ed by stages to t'ie province of Sampganv. There 
was a fort called Belvadi. 152 There (ruled) a woman 
Desaln. She carried off the transport bullocks of 
the Raje's army. The Raje learnt this news and 
laid siege to Belvadi, captured the fort, ( and ) arrest- 
ed the Desojn. She was punished. Then he returned 
to Panhala and made an enquiry about the state 
of the kingdom. Then every body learnt that the 
Raje was come. Thereupon Niraji Pant, who had 
been stationed with Bahadur Khan, also came to 
see ( the Raje ). And the Khan also sent jewels 
and robes for the Raje. 

Then Vyankaji Raje, learning ( the news ) that 
Hamblr Rav with the army and Raghunath Narayan 
had been stationed in the Karnatak, mustered his 
own forces and those of the Palegars and marched 
against Hamblr Rav. At that time, Vyankaji Raje 
had innumerable cavalry, infantry and militia, four 
times as strong as these under Hamblr Rav. Then 
a battle between Vyankaji Raje and Hamblr Rav 
took place. But the influence of the Raje's ( Sivaji's) 
virtue was more potent, and (his) fortune was (still) 

135 Grant Duff wrongly identities ii with Btllary, the chief town oi' a 
Madras district. Belvadi is a small village about 10 miles from Sainpganv, 
The name of this brave lady was Saras w at i Bai and she was a Prabhu by 
caste. (J. N. Sarkar.) 


in the ascendant ; Hambir Rav routed Vyankajl 
B-aje's army. A great battle was fought. Many 
fell in fighting. And four thousand of Vyankajl 
Raje's horses were taken. And elephants, jewels, 
minor chiefs, Bhimji Raje and Pratapjl Raje besides 
[ 92 ] other men of note were captured. Such a 
victory was won. Fame was won. And the cap- 
tured officers were released with robes of honour. 
Then Raghunath Pant and Hambir Rav marched 
towards Tan j ore. Then Vyankajl Raje was prepared 
to restore friendship through the mediation of some 
courtiers. Then Raghunath Pant and Hambir Rav 
sent a messenger with letters to the Raje. Then 
the Raje on being apprised of the news, sent a reply 
to them (two), " Vyankajl Raje is my younger 
brother. He has acted like a child. But still he is 
my brother, protect him. Do not ruin his king- 
dom. " When such an answer came, the two con- 
cluded peace with Vyankajl Raje. And they took 
immense money [ indemnity ]. Then Raghunath 
Pant dismissed Hambir Rav with the army, and sent 
them to the Raje. And Raghunath Pant himself, 
on that side, raised an army of ten thousand horse, 
Pdga and Siledar, in the Karnatak, and lived there 
( and ) maintained the kingdom. 

An interview took place between Hambir Rav 
and the Raje. Many were applauded and given 
rewards. Then the Raje himself besiezed Jalnapur in 
the Mughal territories, with the whole of his army. 
The suburb was raided. The town was plundered to 
destruction. Immense wealth, gold and silver, jewels 
and clothes, horses, elephants and camels were 


plundered. Ranmast Khan came with the Mughal 
army. A battle was fought. Five thousand soldiers of 
Sidoji Mmbalkar Raje fought for three days. He took 
Ranmast Khan a prisoner. His (Ranmast Khan's) 
army was about to be ruined, when Kesar Sing 5 Sardar 
Khan, and other nobles, came to his assistance with 
twenty thousand soldiers and halted three cosset 
off. Then Kesar Sing sent a secret message (to the 
Raje) saying, " There are brotherly relations between 
the two parties. You should march away, before 
we encounter you." As soon as he got this informa- 
tion, the Raje started thence. [93]. It was decided 
that the army should go by the Jadgiri route. At 
that time Bahirji Jasud offered (to act as guide) 
saying "I shall conduct the army to a safe place 
avoiding any meeting with the Mughals. Your 
Majesty should not be anxious." After a watchful 
exertion of three nights, without taking any rest dur- 
ing day or night, (he) brought the army to Pavgad. 138 
The Raje was pleased with Bahirji Nalk. The 
balance of Government money due from him was 
written off and some additional rewards were given 
to him, The Raje came at his leisure to Purandar 
with his army. 

In the meantime Sambhaji Raje, the Raje's 
eldest son, took offence with him, and went over to 
the Mughal dominions and met Dilel Khan there. 
He (Dilel Khan) maintained him with great honour. 
Dilel Khan wrote to the Badshah at Delhi," The 
Raje's son, Sambhaji Raje, being angry with his 

1 5 3 Another variant is Pattfigad which name is given in the English 


father, has come to me. I have entertained him with 
great honour. If the Badshah should graciously 
exalt him there will be two parties in (Sivajfs) king- 
dom. The soldiers of the kingdom (of Sivaji,) will 
voluntarily desert (to us), and will capture his forts 
and strongholds." So he wrote. Thereupon the 
Badshah thought, " The Raje's son has come (to us), 
if he is exalted, he will create a rebellion in my 
dominions and ruin the empire. So, he should not 
be exalted." So arguing he wrote and sent an 
order to Dilel Khan, " Come with Sambhajl Raje 
to the presence." So he wrote. But the Khan's 
agent at the Badshah's court wrote this news to him 
before (the Badshahi order reached the Khan). 
As soon as the Khan learnt this news, he made 
Sambhajl escape by throwing out some hints. 134 He 
fled and came back to Panhala. The Raje felt 
pleased when he learnt this news at Purandar [94] 
and came to see his son at Panhala. Father and son 
met together. Much rejoicing took place. Then 
the Raje said," My boy do not leave me. There 
is enmity between us and Aurangzib. He intended 
to commit treachery against thee. But the Sri has 
kindly rescued thee and brought thee safely back. 
A great deed has been done. Now, thou, my eldest 
son, hast grown big, and I have learnt that it is in 

1 5 * According to a Persian account also, Dilel Khan had connived at 
Sambhaji's flight. " Sewajee's messengers were allowed communication with 
Sambah, who now made his escape with only eleven attendants; so that 
it must have happened by the connivance of Dilel Khan, who made no 
enquiries or example among the guards who watched his person." Scott's 
Feriahta, Vol. II., p 53. 


thy mind that thou shoudst have a separate kingdom. 

This is also to my interest. I shall give thee a 

kingdom then. I have two sons. Thou Sambhaji 

art one ; and Rajaram is the second. So I shall 

divide all my kingdom into two. The kingdom of 

Jinji stretching from the Tungabhadra to the Kaverl 

is one kingdom. The second is a kingdom on the 

other side of the Tungabhadra extending up to the 

river Godavarl. Such are the two kingdoms (I have). 

Thou art my eldest son, I confer on thee the kingdom 

of the Karnatak ; the kingdom on this side I give 

to Rajaram. You two sons, should rule over these 

two kingdoms. I shall (henceforth) meditate upon 

the Sri, (and thus) secure my future welfare." So 

he said. Then Sambhaji Raje replied, " My fortune 

lies at the feet of Your Majesty. I will live on 

milk and rice (at peace) and meditate on your feet." 

So answered Sambhaji, and the Raje was greatly 

pleased. Then the father and the son sat together, 

and reviewed the affairs of the whole of their state. 

What was the extent of the Karnatak ? And what 

was the total revenue? How many departments 

were there? And who were the clerks and the 

SarJcarkuns ? How many soldiers, state cavalry and 

Siledars were there ? Who were their officers ? 

Where and how many were the forts ? What militia 

was there ? How many marine forts and sea-going 

vessels (had the Raje) ? An account was made of 

each item. The list is as follows. The following 

is the list of the eighteen departments, villages and 

territories, that he enumerated, drawn up item by 





1. Khajina 

2. Jawhahirkbana 

3. Ambarkhana 

4. Sarbatkhana 

5. Tophkhana 

6. Daftarkhana 

7. Jamdarkhana 

8. Jiratkhana 

9. Mutbakkhana 

10. Ushtarkhana 

11. Naqarkhana 

12. Tallmkhana 

13. [95] Pilkhana 

14. Faraskhana 

15. Abdarkhana 

16. Sikarkhana 

17. Darukhana 

18. ^ahatkhana 

... Cash. 

... Jewel store. 

... Elephant trappings. 

... Medicines. 

. . . Artillery. 

,.. Record Department. 

... Treasury. 

... Agriculture. 

... Kitchen. 

... Camels and their trap- 

... Band. 


... Elephant sheds, etc. 

... Carpets, tents and acces- 

... Drink. 

... Game, aviary, chase and 
allied materials. 

... Magazine. 

. . . Conservancy Department. 


1. Pote ... 

2. Saudaglr 

3. Palkhi ... 

4. Kothl ... 

5. Imarat ... 

6. BahilT 

... Treasury, 
... Merchandise. 
... Palanquins 

. . . Warehouse and granaries. 
... Building. 
, Chariots. 


7. Paga ... Stables. 

8. Sen ... ... Comforts. 

9. Daruni ... ... The Zenana. 

10. Thatti ... ... Cowsheds. 

11. Tanksa] ... ... Mints. 

12. Chhablna Guards. 


Gambar ... ... 100,000. 

Mohar ... ... 200,000. 

Putlis ... ... 300, 000. 

Badshahi Hon ... 1,364, 525. 

Satlaml ... ... 100, 000. 

Ibhraml ... ... 100, 000. 

Sivra! Hon ... ... 1,500,000. 

Kaveripak ... ... 1,274,656. 

Sangarl Hon... ... 254. 030. 

Achyutrai Hon ... 300,450. 

Devral Hon ... ... 100, 400. 

Ramchandrarai Hon ... 100, 000. 

Gutl Hon ... ... 200, 000. 

Dharvadi Hon ... 300, 000. 

Eanam of different kinds . . . 200, 000. 

Pralkhati (?) Hon ... 100, 000. 

Pak (v) Nalkl Hon ... 300, 000. 

Adavam Hon ... 500, 000. 

Jadmal Hon ... ... 1, 400, 000. 

Tadpatn Hon ... 100, 000. 

Gold in bullion, ornament and bar 12 Khandis in 



1. Apharjl. 

2. Trivalurl. 

3. Trisuli. 

4. Chandavarl (Tanjore). 

5. Bildharl. 

6. Ulaphkarl. 

7. Muhammad Shahi. 

8. Velurl (Vellore.) 

9. Kateral. 

10. Devajvall. 

11. Ramnath purl. 

12. Kungotl. 


Rupees ... ... 500, 000. 

Asrafis ... ... 200, 000. 

Abasa ... ... 1,000,000. 

Dabholi kabrl ... 2, 500, 000. 

Chull kabrl ... ... 1, 000, 000. 

Basri kabrl ... ... 500,000. 

1,000,000 (Rupees) worth of Silver, in bullion, 
dishes and ornaments weighing 50 khandis. 


1. Ruby. 

2. Emerald. 

3. Lapis lazuli. 

4. Sapphire. 


5. Turkois. 

6. Pearl. 

7. Coral. 

8. Topaz. 

9. Diamond. 

9 (sorts) in all. 


Plain and worked with gold and silver thread, 
coloured and fine, collected from fifty-six provinces 
and the sea worth about, 1,00, 00, 000, Hons. 
50, 000, Nisam Hons. 

There was an immense collection of grains, salts 
and spices etc, in the grananies and the provinces. 


25, 00, 500, 

500, 000, Yeluri (Vellore) Hons. 
1,05,000 Troopers in the state cavalry, and Siledar, 


(1) Hambir Rav Sarnobat, 

(2) Santaji Ghorpade, 

(3) Manajl More, 

(4) Yesajl Katkar, 

(5) Santaji Jagtap, 

(6) Nimbaji Patole, 

(7) Jetojl Katkar, 

(8) Parsojl Bhonsle, 


(9) Ganojl Sirke, 

(10) Ba]oji Katkar, 

(11) Niloji Kate, 

(12) Netajl Palkar, 155 

(13) Tukoji Nimbalkar, 

(14) Gondjl Jagtap, 

(15) Sambhaji Hamblr Rav, 

(16) Dhanajl Jadhava, 

(17) Shama Khan, 

(18) Vaghojl &rke, 

(19) Harjx Nimbalkar, 

(20) Bhavan B,av, 

(21) Anand Rav Hasam Hazari, 

(22) Telaag Rav, 

(23) Rupaji Bhonsle, 

(24) Vyankat Rau Khandkar, 

(25) Khandoji Jagtap, 

(26) Udaj! Pavar, 

(27) Ramjl Kankde, 

(28) Krshnajl Ghadge, 

(29) Savjl Mohite. 

Total ... 29 


(1) Nagoji Ballal, 

(2) Ganes Sivdev, 

(3) Chando Hirdev, 

(4) Nemajl Sinde, 

1 9 5 Does Sabhaaad mean NetajT the former Sarnobat ? NetSjibad returned 
home shortly before SivSji'a death uud had been re-admitted into the 
Hindu society after a formal penance. 



(5) Ramaji Bhaskar, 

(6) Bayajl Gadrlare, 

(7) Ba]ajl Ni]kanth, 

(8) Hiroji e]ke, 

(9) Trimbak Yiththal, 

(10) Mahadji Narayan, 

(11) Baloji Sivtare, 

(12) Jan Eav Vaghmare, 

(13) Sankrojl Mane, 

(14) Amroji Pandhre, 

(15) Ramajl Janardan, 

(16) Mudhojl Thorat, 
(17; Krshnaji Bhandde," 

(18) Bahirjl Badgare, 

(19) Chando Narayan, 

(20) Khemni, 

(21) Khandojl Atole, 

(22) Ragho Balla], 

(23) Balvant Rav Devkante, 

(24) Bahirjl Ghorpade, 

(25) Malojl Thorat, 
... (26) Balajl Bahirav, 

(27) Devajl Ughde, 

(28) Ganes Tukdev, 

(29) Keroji Pavar, 

(30) Uchale, 

(31) Narsojl Shito]e. 

Commanders of the fleet 

Elephants, male, fe- 
male and young about 

and Sea-going vessels 

1 Dariya Sarang. 

2 Ibrahim Khan. 

3 Maya Nalk, 



(1) Yesajl Kank Sarnobat, 

(2) Suryajl Malsure, 

(3) Ganoji Darekar, 

(4) Mugbajl Benmana, 

(5) Mai Savant, 

(6) Vithojl Lad, 

(7) Indroji Gavde, 

(8) Javji Mahanlag, 

(9) Nagoji Pralhad, 

(10) Pilaj! Gole, 

(11) Mudhojl Sondev, 

(12) Krshnajl Bhaskar, 
(18) Kaldhonde, 

(14) Hirojl Marathe, 

(15) Ramajl More, 

(16) Hiroji Bhaldar, 

(17) Tukojl Kadu, 

(18) Ram Dalvl, 

(19) Dattajl Iditulkar, 

(20) Pilajl Sanas, 

(21) Javji Paye, 

(22) Bhikjl Dalvl, 

(23) Kondjl Vadkhale, 

(24) Trimbakjl Prabhu, 

(25) Kondjl Earzand, 

(26) Tanaji Tunduskar, 

(27) Tan Savant Mawle, 

(28) Malmdji Parzand, 

(30) Yesji Darekar, 

(31) Balajl Rav Darekar, 


(32) Son Dalve, 
[98] (33) Changojl Kadu, 

(34) Kondajkar, 

(35) Dhavlekar, 

(36) Tan Savant Bhonsle. 

Total ... 36 

The following is the list of forts and strongholds 
and fortified islands (Janjiras) : 

* 1 Kondana or Sinhagad. 

2 Ghangad. 

3 Yelbarglgad. 

4 Eangna or Prasiddhagad. 

5 Lingana. 

6 Chandan. 

7 Masitbade or Mangad. 

8 Jayagad. 
W 9 Lohagad. 

10 Kot Phond. 

11 Kot Lavd. 

12 Rasalgad. 

13 Hadsar or Parvatgad. 
I4i Kot Kechar. 

15 Sataragad. 

16 Parallgad or Sajjangad. 

17 Vallabhgad. 

18 Javlegad. 

19 Harushgad. 

20 Kurdu or Mandargad. 

21 Salobhagad. 

22 Rohida. 

23 Madgirigad. 
2^ Jivghan. 


25 Kot Manglur. 

26 Kopalgad. 

27 Kot KushtagL 

28 Panhalagad. 

29 Naubatgad. 

30 Kot Supe. 

31 Purandargad. 

32 Pall or Sarasgad. 

33 Achalagirlgad. 

34 Bhorap or Sudhagad. 

35 Kot Ankole. 

36 Pandavgad. 

37 Vandan. 

38 Kot Sivesvar. 

39 Khilna or Visalgad. 

40 Trimbak or Srlgad. 

41 Kot HaliyaJ. 

42 Bahadurgad. 

43 Tanbada. 

44 Salherigad. 

45 Manohargad. 

46 Ahivantgad. 

47 Thakrigad. 

48 Mahullgad. 

49 Chaud or Prasannagad. 

49 in all. 


1 Raj gad with four fortified lower terraces 

2 Torna 156 or Prachandgad. 

190 Evidently Sabhasad is mistaken here for? Torna was an old for* 
repaired and renamed by Sivfiji. 


3 Kelja. 

4 Vairatgad. 

5 Kamalgad. 

6 Vardhangad. 

7 Pratapgad. 

8 Kangorl or Mangalgad. 

9 Gahangad. 

10 Patakagad. 

11 Padmagad. 

12 Subakargad. 

13 Sabalgad. 

14 Bahiravgad or Saranga. 

15 Gagangad or Bavda. 

16 Saranggad. 

17 Surgad. 

18 Janjira Vijayadurga. 

19 Janjira Sindhudurga. 

20 Janjira Khanderl. 

21 Pavangad. 

22 Pargad. 

23 Bhinvgad (Bhlmgad). 

24 Bhudhargad. 

25 Rajgad. 

26 Sahana (j) gad. 

27 Nakagadgad. 

28 Lonjagad. 

29 Kachnagad. 

30 Sidlchagad. 

31 Vasantagad. 

32 Sundargad. 

33 Mahlmangad. 

34 Machchhandragad. 


35 Vyankatgad. 

36 Manikgad. 

37 Lokalgacl(Kalaul?) 

38 Kothjagad. 

39 Srlvardhangad. 

40 Kamargad. 

41 Vasota or Vyagragad. 

42 Kholgad. 

43 Prachitgad. 

44 Praudhgad. 

45 Vanagad. 

46 Nargundgad or Mahadgad. 

47 Ramdurga or Bhujabal. 

48 Baleraja. 

49 Anjanveli. ' 

50 Sargad. 

51 Murgod. 

52 Srlmantgad. 

53 Gajendragad. 

54 Kot Yelur. 

55 Kanakadriga4. 
50 Ravlagad. 

57 Nachnagad. 

58 Ramsejgad. 

59 Rudramalgad. 

60 Samangad. 

61 Vallabhagad. 

62 Mahipalgad. 

63 Mayorgad or Navalgund. 

64 Patgad. 

65 Songad. 

66 Kunjargad. 


67 Tunggad or Kathlngad. 

68 Mahipatgad. 

69 Madangad. 

70 Kangorlgad. 

71 Varugad. 

72 Bhushangad. 

73 Kot Botglr. 

74 Kambalgad. 

75 Mangalgad. 

76 Svarupgad. 

77 Dholagad. 

78 Manranjangad. 

79 Bahulgad. 

80 Mahlndragad. 

81 Eajegad. 

82 Balvantgad. 

83 Srigaldavgad. 

84 Pavitragad. 

85 Kalanidhigad. 

86 Grandharvagad. 

87 Sumangad. 

88 Gambhirgad. 

89 Mandargad. 

90 Mardangad. 

91 Dahlgad. 

92 Mohangad. 

93 Gadagad. 

94 Vlragad or Ghosala. 

95 Tikona Vidgad. 

96 Janjira Suvarnadurga. 

97 Janjira RatnagirT. 

98 Eajkot 


99 Sevnagad. 

100 Sevakagad. 
[100] 101 Kohajgad. 

102 Kathorgad. 

103 Bhaskargad. 

104 Kapalgad. 

105 Harischandragad. 
y/106 Janjira Kolaba. 

107 Siddhagaci. 

108 Mandangad. 

About 108 in total. 

About 79 forts newly conquered in the Karnatak 
as in the following list. 

Kolhar, Balapur Warghat 

(1) Kolhar Balapur Bhor, 
(2), Nandlgad, 
(3) Chandangad, 
(4)- Brahmagad, 

(5) Ganesgad, 

(6) Srivardhangad, 

(7) Vajragad, 

(8) Mardangad, 

(9) Kot Bednur, 

(10) Bhaskargad, 

(11) Pipla or Prakasgad, 
(L2) KotDhamkur, 

(13) Kot Kolar kadim (old), 

(14) Durgamgad, 

(15) Bhlmgad, 

(16) Sarasgad, 

(17) Ahinijadurga, 


(18) Kattargad, 

(19) Makrandgad, 

(20) Burvadgad, 

(21) Soms'ankargad, 

(22) Hatmalgad, 
(2.3) Bhnmandangad, 

(24) Mejkolhargad, 

(25) Mahlpalgad, 

(26) Kapserl near Bhimgad, 

(27) Bundikot, 

(28) Kot Yelur, 

(29) Kailasgad, 

(30) Mahlrnandangad, 

(31) Arjungad, 

(32) Arkatgad, 

(33) Padvlrgad, 

(34) Bhanjangad, 

(35) Rajgad Chandl (Jinji), 

(36) Madoiimattagad Chandl, 

(37) Mukhne>ad Kotvel, 

(38) Bhatur, 

(39) Palekot. 

Total 39. 15 ' 
Forts and strongholds belo\v the Ghat. 

(1) Patanagadanegad, 

(2) Jagdevgad, 

(3) Keyalgad, 

(4) Gagangad, 

(5) Madgad, 

(6) Kasturigad, 

157 U. B. Sane gives 38. But we find 39 names and the grand total will 
therefore be 80 and not 79. 


(7) Ratnagad, 

(8) Pravalgad, 

(9) Martandgad, 

( 10) Krshnagiri Chandi, 

(11) Saranggad Chandi, 

(12) Laggad Chandi, 
(18) Kot Trichandi, 

(14) Sudarsangad, 

(15) Maharajgad, 

(16) Ktshiiagirfsrad, 

(17) Ranjangad, 

(18) Sidgarl 

(19) Mallalvarjungad, 

(20) Pranagad, 

(21) Kunjargad, 

(22) Arkotgad. 

(23) Earnatakgad, 

(24) Bigevalugad, 

(25) Bahiravsad, 

(26) Kot Subha, 

(27) Mangad, 

(28) KotTrikalur, 

(29) Vetval or Kemal, 
vX(30) Visalgad, 

(31) KotTrimal, 

(32) Chelgad Chandi, 

(33) Garvagad Chandi, 
[101] (34) Kot Deynapati, 

(35) Ram gad. 

(36) Chintahar kot, 

(37) Vrdhdhachal kot, 

(38) Chavikot, 


(39) Nilsajitgad, 

(40) Yasavantgad, 

(41) Devgad. 

Total 41. Grand total 80. 


First fifty forts... 50, 
New ones constructed by the Raje 111. 

In the province of Karnatak...80 (79). 

Total 241 (240). 

One province of the Kingdom extended from the 
fort of Salheri on the hither banks of the Godavarl 
over the whole country of Tajghat and Warghat to 
the Tungabhadra, and the other province extended 
beyond the Tungabhadra to the banks of the Kaveri 
and included N Kolhar, Balapur, Jiriji and Vellore 
(Yelur). These two provinces made the Kingdom. 
After making this review he kept Sambhaji Raje at 
Panha]a. Janardan Narjiyan Sarkarkun, and Sonaji 
Nalk, the door keeper (Bankl), and Babaji Dhandhere 
were kept with him. And the (Raje) (then) consoled 
his son (saying), "I am going to Raygad. I shall 
come back after celebrating the marriage of Raja- 
ram (my) younger son. Then we shall decide what 
should be done about the burden of reigning. Thou 
art my eldest son. I rely on thee in every way." 
So saying, (he) went to Raygad. 

While looking for a wife for Rajaram, the 
younger son, the daughter of Pratap Rav the former 
Senapati was selected bride, and the marriage was 
celebrated. The bride was named Saubhagyavati 


Janaki Bal. Great festivities were made and many 
deeds of charity were performed. 

After a few days the Raja became ill of fever. 
The Raja was a virtuous man^and had presentiment 
of his death. He judged that the end of his Jife was 
come. [102] Peeling so, he summoned the following 
respectable courtiers among the Karknns and the 
Household officers, who were near : 


(1) Nilo Pant, the son of the Pradhan, (2) Prahlad 
Pant, (3) Gangadhar Pant, son of Janardan Pant, 
(4) Ramchandra Nilkanth, (5) Ravji Somnath, (6) 
Abaji Mahadev, (7) JotT Rav, (8) Balaprabhu Chit- 


(t) Hiroji Parzand, (2) Babajl Ghadge, (3) Bajl 
Kadam, (4) Mudhoji Sarakhvas, (5) Suryajl Malsure, 
(6) Mahadji Naik Pansambal. 

These noble men were summoned (to his bedside) 
and (the Raje) said to them, "The term of my life 
has expired. I am going to Kailas to see the SrJ. 
Peeling that my body was growing weak, I said to 
my eldest son Sambhajl ' You two are my sons. 
I am dividing the kingdom between you, and you 
two should live in amity.' So I said. But the eldest 
son Sambhajl Raje did not listen to (this counsel). 
It seems my end has come. Puna was only a Mahal 
of 40,000 Rons., since then I, Sivajl, have founded 
a kingdom of one kror of Rons. I have built these 


forts and strongholds, organised (an army of) 
cavalry and infantry, but I do not see such a son 
as will protect this kingdom after me. If the 
younger prince Rajaram lives, he will extend this 
kingdom. Sambhaji Raje, the eldest son, is conversed 
(in politics) hut he is free of tongue and unwise. 
What should he done under the circumstances ? [ 
am departing. You are old Karkuns and Maratha 
officers of this kingdom. These things must he 
known to you. After me Sarnbhaji Raje will take 
the whole kingdom in hand with great power, and 
the army will hail him as Samhhajl Raje is the 
elder, and follow him. AS Rjijaram is younger, the 
army will not join him. The Sarkarkuns will side 
with Rajaram and propose a partition of the two 
kingdoms between the two brothers. 158 But ultimately 
the Marathas of the army will not support the 
counsel of the Karkuns. At last, (Sambhaji) will 
arrest all the Sarkarkuns [103] after inspiring their 
confidence. 159 Sambhaji Raje will murder many 
of the great Brahmans of our time. He will commit 
Brahmanicide. Then he will murder, arrest and 
dishonour the Maratha officers of the army. Men 
of low standing and slaves will be promoted while 
men of rank will be degraded. Sambhaji will 
indulge in intoxicating drugs, smoke ganja and 
practise debauchery. The forts and strongholds will 
(be suffered to) remain without commanders and the 

138 We should remember that the author was a servant of Rajaram. In 
Siradigvijaya we get an altogether different account of oivaji's death. 

159 This is not quite accurate. Some of the principal ministers espoused 
the cause of the elder prince while others were in the interest of the younger. 
Sambhaji arrested and put to death his enemiea. 


king will not look after their welfare. He will 
squander the revenue and all his wealth. He will 
ruin the whole kingdom. Aurangzih will march 
from Delhi on hearing of the evil propensities of 
Sambhaji. The Mughal Avill annex Bijapur and 
Bhaganagar. (They) will take this kingdom also. 
And at length Samhhajl will be betrayed. As after 
Malik Ambar, his son Fate Khan ruined the Nizam 
Shah's kingdom when he took up the government, 
so will Sambhaji ruin this kingdom. Then Rajaram 
will take up the administration and recover the lost 
kingdom. He will be more powerful than myself. 
So much about the qualities of my sons. Sambhaji 
will spare none of the older Kjarkuns of my time. Of 
thejn (Karkuns) Prahlad Pant, son of Nirajl Pant, 
and Ramchandra Pant, son of Nilo Pant, these two 
Brahmans will acquire great power. Ni]o Pant, lflo 
son of the Pradhan will also be a man of note. Some 
other besides these may also acquire fame. Of the 
Marat-has, many will be ruined by Sambhaji. Of the 
survivors, if Santaji Ghorpade, and Bahirji Ghorpade 
and Dhanajl Jadhava live, they will perform many 
brave exploits. The ruined kingdom will be re- 
covered by these three Brahmans and these three 
Marathas." So said (the Raje). * The Raje spoke like 
this. Everyone's throat was choked and tears began 
to flow from (every) eye. A great sorrow overcame 
them. Then the Raje said, " You should not be 
bewildered. This is but a mortal world, Many were 
born before us (but) they are all gone. You should 

IBO These three rose to eminence during Rajaram's administration. 
Prahlad Niraj! became the first Pratintdhi of the Chhatrapati. 


keep your mind unsullied by sorrow. You should 
all stay outside now. I will meditate on the Sri." 
So saying he made them all sit outside. And the 
Raje (caused to be) brought Bhagirathi water and 
bathed in it. Besmearing the body with ash, (he) 
[104] put on rudraksha. Then by the perform- 
ance of Yoga, he took his soul to the Brahmand 181 
(sic) and made it depart by bursting open all the 
ten gates l62 (of the body). This happened at Ray gad 
about the second prahar on Sunday, the Suddha 
15th of Chaitra in the year 1602 of the Salivahana 
Saka era, the Samvatsar being Raudra by name. 
The messengers of Siva then came with a heavenly 
car, (the Raje) ascended it and went to Kailas. 
The material body alone was left in the mortal 

On the day of the Raje's death there was an 
earthquake. A comet appeared in the sky and 
meteors were showered from heaven. At night 
double rainbows became visible. All the eight 
directions assumed a fiery appearance. The water of 
the Sri Sambhu Mahadev tank became blood red. 
The fishes leaped out of the water and the water 
became fishless. These evil omens took place. 163 

11)1 Probably the author means Brahmarandhra or Sahasrar, 

1B2 Here Brahmnrandhra is evidently counted with the other nine gates, 
of which the mouth, the ears, the eyes and the nostrils make seven. 

ias This long list of bad omens is not peculiar to Indian literature. St. 
Matthew says that similar omens were seen when Christ was crucified. " And, 
behold, the veil of the temple was rent in twain from the top to the bottom ; 
and the earth did quakp, and the rocks rent. And the graves were opened; 
and many bodies of the saints which slept arose, and came out of the graves 
after his resurrection, and went into the holy city, and appeared unto 


Then the Raje's body was burnt with sandal wood 
and bel wood. The queens, the KarJcuns and the 
household officers all said that Rajaram, the younger 
son, should perform the necessary rites. Everybody 
lamented the loss. Rajaram also lamented much. 
Then it was settled that the funeral rites should be 
performed by the younger son. The elder son 
Sambhajl Raje was not present at that time. 
Consequently the younger son performed the rites. 
This is the biography of the Raje from the time of 

his birth to that of his death. 

The Raje was a veritable incarnation born (in 

this earth), and performed many brave exploits. 
His authority was invoked from the (banks of the) 
Narmada to Ramesvar. He conquered these pro- 
vinces and defeated (the armies) and annexed the 

many." Matthew, Ch. 27, 51*53'. Mr. Karkaria however thinks that 
Sabhasad's account here is not altogether inaccurate. A comet and a 
tremendously big one, did appear shortly after Sivaji'g death in 1680. 
The appearance of this comet has been mentioned by the English physician 
Fryer. Karkaria however is not right in identifying it with Halley's 
comet which appeared in 1682. As for other omens he quotes the 
following extract from Fryer who wrote on the last day of 1679, " This year 
has been filled with two pprtentions calamities, the one inland, a shower 
of blood for twelve hours ; the other on the sea coast, Mechalapatam being 
overturned by an inundation wherein six thousand souls perished" (Fryer, 
p. 414.). This was. four months before ivaji's death. Writing' "on, 
January 25, 1681, he mentions a still more strange event. "This year a 
draught was feared (p. 418). I should have concluded these remarks here, 
had not a wonderful sign in the heavens appeared to call for animadversions. 
# * # Eleven degrees from the earth, south-east, a terrible flaming torch 
was seen in the skies in Capricorn . *-, * At first no bigger than a man's 
hand from its coming forth of the horizon which thence arose with a mighty 
flag of spinning light for more than nine degrees as big as a rainbow." 
Mr. Karkaria also points out that SivnjT and Napoleon died exactly at the 
same age and Julius Caeser was only two years older at his death. Journal 
of the Bom. Br. of R.A.8. 



territories of the four Badshahis (on land), vis., the 
Adilsahi, the Kutubsahi, the Nizamsahi a.nd the 
Mughlai, and the twenty-two Badshahs of the sea. 
A new kingdom was founded and the Maratha 
Badshah hecame a (duly) enthroned Lord of the 
Umbrella (Chhatrapati). By a voluntary death he 
went to Kailas. None like this was born before him, 
and none will be born in the future. Such is the 
account of the Maharaja (and^ you should know this. 
Whoever will copy this account of the Raje of 
holy memory and keep the manuscript in his house 
will have unlimited good fortune. He who will 
read it will acquire great merit. The soilless will be 
blessed with sons, the poor with riches, the unlucky 
will acquire fame and holiness and bravery. Those 
who have sons will have more, and those who are 
rich will have more good fortune [105]. Those 
who are already famous will be conquerors of the 
world. In this manner will every one's desire be 
fulfilled. Understand it well. This bakhar is 
finished. The account was finished on the Sudhha 
Pratipada day of ChaitrainthQ year 1616 of the 
Salivahana era, the Samvafsar being Isvara by name, 
at Jinji. I submit this for your information. 
What more should I write? (with respectful sub- 






S. D. [66] Then Sahajl Raje returned from 
Karnatak and sent for (Saubhagyadisarnpanna) 
fortune-favoured Jija Bai Saheb, and Srlman Sivajl 
Maharaj, well skilled in war, endowed with valour 
and beauty, and a veritable incarnation to relieve 
mother earth of her unbearable burden, by the 
performance of notable human deeds, from Sivnerf, 
desirous of seeing them, and called Dadaji Konddev. 
Thereupon the latter made proper arrangements for 
the fort of Sivnerl and the Mahals attached to it 
and [67] proceeded to Bijapur. At Bijapur, Sultati 
Muhammad Shah Badshah was ill, and at that junc- 
ture arrived Sivaji Maharaj with his mother and 
officers. * * * [68] The city was under the Muham- 
madan Government and cow slaughter was therefore 
frequent. He felt disgusted ***** anc { used to 
say to the officers in his father's house, " It is- not 
good to live upon the bread of the Muhammadans 
and to witness cow slaughter. Death is far more 
desirable. I shall no longer tolerate any slight 
upon religion, or any act of Muhammadan injustice. 
If *ny father abandons me on that account, I shall 
not mind, but it is not good to stay at such a place. 5 ' 
But who would create difference by reporting the 
speech to his father ? The father and the son would 
ultimately be reconciled but the reporter's head 
would be lost. In this manner a few days passed. 
One day, when Sivaji Maharaj was going in the 
train of the Raja (his father), he heard the lowing of a 


cow that was being slaughtered in a butcher's house. 
Sivaji had the butcher arrested and caned by his 
men. [69] The cow was released and its price was 
put into the butcher's hand. The case was reported 
to the authorities but they took no notice of it 
because of the influence of the Raja. On another 
occasion also a second quarrel with a butcher took 
place, and the matter was similarly reported to the 
Government. But Sivaji Maharaj had strictly warned 
the butchers not to use their knives except to kill 
goats, and it became known to all. The Muham- 
madans assembled everywhere and began to complain 
in the following manner, " Has Muhammadan 
sovereignty come to an end now ? It seems he has 
forgotten the day his father came from Daulata- 
bad." * * * [70] The Raja felt greatly troubled when 
he heard from common report what had happened. 
."The eldest son died in the battle of Kanakgirl," 
thought he, '' Now he is my eldest son. He should 
manage my affairs and take care of the Darbar. He 
is intelligent, a good writer, speaker and rider. At 
his age Sarnbhaji acted as Sarsubhedar of Kanakgirl. 
Alone did he go on that occasion and people still 
remember it. In qualifications, Sivaji is his superior. 
It is only for some deeds of my previous birth that 
he has formed such evil conceptions. When he was 
at $ivnerl, I heard various good reports about him 
and I decided to bring him here and keep him near 
me. The reports of his good parts were verified but 
on his way to the kachari, the sight of the butchers 5 
houses disturbs his spleen and he feels it very difficult 
to salute Muhammadans by touching earth with 


his hands. If the Badshah comes to know of this, 
I shall fall into great troubles." * * * (A play mate 
of Sivaji, at Sahajl's request, questioned Sivajl 
about this matter and got the following answer) 
[71] "I will not live on the bread of the Yavanas 
and salute them by touching earth with my hands. 
And if cow slaughter takes place in the city, or I 
hear of its occurence, I will not remain content 
without punishing it, whatever may be the conse- 
quence thereof." The Raja was informed of the 
answer and fell in a current of thought. Vyankajl 
Raje hitherto kept in Karnatak was brought to 
Bijapur. " He (Sivajl) and I should be of one mind, 
but he does not like it. He is but a child. But 
if he stays here the difference will go on increasing 
and reach what climax I do not know." Thereupon 
it was decided to send him to Puna and as it 
was expected that the guidance of some good officer 
may do him good, Dadajl Konddev was asked to be 
ready. (Sivaji was only eight years at this time). 

According to Chitnis Sivaji was seven years old 
at the time of his first visit to Bijapur (p. 25). 


Ch. [27] It was decided to take Sivaji to an inter- 
view with the Badshah. The Pant (Murar Jagdev) had 
highly eulogised the Raja's son as well qualified and 
fit for wuzir's office in the Badshah's presence. (The 
Badshah) wished him to be brought to the court, and 
when the Pant sent this information, an auspicious 
moment was ascertained. Sivajl sent the following 


message to the Maharaja " We are Hindus and they 
Yavanas. They are very low in fact there is none 
lower, I feel a loathing to salute them. Ihey 
commit evil deeds like cow slaughter. It is wrong 
to witness any slight on religion and the Brahmans. 
Cows are slaughtered as we pass by the roads. It 
pains me and I feel inclined to cut off the head of 
the offender. In my mind I feel disposed to decapi- 
tate the oppressor of the cows but I am helpless 
as I do not know what my father will think of it. 
But I think it wrong to associate ourselves with the 
Muhammadans and to visit the houses of the amirs 
and the wazirs. If perchance we touch them we 
should change our clothes. 


8: D. [Ill] The Badshah asked the Raja whether 
Sivaji was married or not. When the latter answered 
in the affirmative the Badshah got angry and said, 
i( The marriage celebrated in my absence was a mere 
play and no marriage at all. Get him married again 
here." Thereupon arrangement was made for a 
second marriage. * * * The second wife was 
named Sayra Bal Saheb Putja Bal, (Putla Bal was 
another wife of Sivaji). There was much rejoicing 
but the Maharaja did not feel well at heart after 
witnessing the behaviour of the Yavanas. "We are 
Hindus and the rightful lords of the realm, it is not 
proper for us to witness cowslaughter and oppression 
of the Brahmans." (So argued he.) When he went 
to the palace with the Raja his father, the latter 


made his obeisance by touching the earth with his 
hand. He (Sivajl) should have paid his respects in 
a similar manner after his father, but he sat in the 
court without doing so. His conduct was discussed 
after the Raja's return home. " Slvajl Raje is Sahajl 
Raje's son ; the father and the son came together. 
The Raja [112] made the usual salute but lvajl 
omitted to do so." (The Raja learnt this and did not 
take Sivaji to the court after this event). On the 
Dasra day, however, Sahajl Raje wanted Sivajl to 
accompany him and to behave properly. He there- 
fore made the young friends, old servants, and con- 
stant companions of Sivaji, and Jija Bal Saheb, to 
counsel Slvajl to that effect. Sivajl in his delicacy 
accompanied his father, On their arrival,, the Raja 
made the usual obeisance, Sivajl ought to have done 
so but took his seat without paying his respects (to 
the Sultan). The sight of the full court excited him, 
and in his heart arose the desire of killing the Bad- 
shah with the weapon he had in his hands. If his 
attitude was noticed by any one else the Badshah's 
favour would for ever be lost ; so the Raje kept his 
son behind (him) and himself sat in his front. The 
Badshah noticed it and questioned by a signal of his 
hand. Thereupon the Raje said, " He is a mere 
child and he had never before seen the royal 
court. This is the first time he comes to the 
Shahansha's court. He is scared by the crowd." 
Thus did he execuse his (son's) conduct and 
while away his time and then (they) took leave 
and came home. On his return home he argued 
in the following manner, " It is not at all 


well to keep him here. His behaviour will appear 
hostile to the Yavanas and hasten the future evil. 

Chitnis's account of the interview is somewhat 
different. According to him Sivajl had accompanied 
Murar Pant to the court at his earnest request. The 
excuse offered by Murar Pant for the omission of 
the customary obeisance was that, " The Raja's son 
was really a learned and well qualified man, but he 
had never before seen the royal court. Nevertheless 
he was fit for the royal service." The chronicler 
then goes on to say " As the Raja's son had gone 
to the court for the first time, he was given jewels 
\ and a dress of honour, but on his return home he 
bathed and flung the dress aside." It was 
thereupon decided with the counsel of Murar Jagdev 
to keep Sivaji away till he came of age (Ch. p. 28). 


Ch. [30] Then he was thirteen years old. He had 
affectionately entertained (in his service) Mawles, 
Pasalkar, Kank, Malusare and other generals. With 
them he plotted against the fort of Torna within 
the dominions of the Badshah of Bijapur. The 
officers of the fort were won over by the Mawles * 
* * and the fort was secured. 


S.D. [114] Near Puna were many Muhammadan 
chiefs, great and small, and they used to come to 
see the Raja, as the friendship of a feudatory chief 


like him might be of use to them. Dado Pant used 
to receive them and treat them with courtesy and 
favour as was due to their rank. Every one was 
favourably disposed towards Sahajl Raje, and as his 
son was there, Muhammadan nobles of very high 
rank sometimes came to see him. It was all right 
when they took leave after the formal expression of 
friendship. But on the other hand, if any of them 
began any conversation with soldierly familiarity 
that they were all servants of the Badshah, that they 
were of the same rank, etc., the Raja used to get 
excited and said, " I am not a servant of the Badshah." 
If the visitor, unable to bear this, gave any further 
reply, the Maharaja used to seize his weapon to 
kill him. The matter usually was reported to Bija- 
pur, but everybody pleaded Sivajl's childhood and 
ji Raje's service. 


Gh. [31] (The first outburst of Sivaji's patriotic 
ambition and the consequent capture of Torna 
and other forts were explained by Sahajl in the 
Bijapur court in the following manner). " Some 
political intrigue on the part of some outsiders in 
the fort was discovered and so necessary arrangements 
were made in Torna. The adjoining place was found 
excellent for the purpose and fortified, commanding 
places adjoining to my Jagir should naturally be in 
my charge." At the same time he wrote to Sivajl and 
Dadaji that it was not a good thing and he wondered 
how Dadaji allowed such acts, when he was on the 



S.D. [72] Sivajl Maharaj lived in the province 
of Puna and was educated by Dadajl Pant. He was 
taught the arts of wrestling and throwing missiles. 
The Raja was a discerner of good qualities and 
learnt his lesson if he was told only once (by hear- 
ing only once), so keen was his intelligence. "When 
only 11 or 12 years old, he used to pay attention to 
every detail of management, whether important or 
unimportant. If anything was done without his cogni- 
sance he used to say to Dadajl Pant, " Should you 
not inform me of these things because I am young ? 
You are my senior and should get everything done 
by me. * * * My father asked you to train me 
and (if) you act (without my knowledge), how should 
I gain experience ? Thenceforth Dadajl Pant did not 
do anything great or small without consulting him. 


Ch. [33] Eive to seven hundred Pathans, deserters 
from the Bijapur service, came for employment to the 
Raja. There arose a question about the prudence 
of employing them. " The Sultan of Bijapur is 
our enemy and these are Muhammadans, how can 
we rely on them ?" To this remark, Gomajl Nalk 
Pansamb 1 Havaldar, (whose service had been trans- 
ferred by Jadhava Rav at the time of Jija Bai's 
marriage, and who had been promoted in rank for 
his faithful services) answered, " You wish to invade 


foreign dominions. If those who have come are not 
kept, why will good men from those kingdoms come 
to you ?" This counsel was deemed excellent and 
they were enlisted. 


Ch. [39] Nilkantha Haibatrav, a brave intelligent 
and ferocious soldier held the fort of Purandar, [40] 
built by Murar Pant, with its Inam villages and all 
dues and perquisites under the Mughal Badshahi, and 
subsequently transferred his allegience to the 
Nizamsahi. * * The army of the Governor of 
Aurangabad came upon his fort. His people advised 
him not to turn a traitor against his master, but he 
paid no heed. When his wife offered the same 
counsel she was blown from a cannon. When this 
news reached the Mughal army they marched away. 
The cruel man who had rebelled and forcibly taken 
possession of the fort in this manner, died. There- 
upon his three sons Nilo Nilkanth, Pilajl Nilkanth and 
Sankrajl Nilkanth, these three brothers, Chavllkar 
Brahman Nalks, began to quarrel (about the inherit- 
ance). Nilo Pant had friendly relations with Dadajl 
Konddev and consequently enjoyed the friendship 
of the Maharaja. The Maharaja marched from 
Raj gad towards Purandar on his way to Supe and 
encamped near the temple of Narayan. The garrison 
of Purandar argued at that time that, as there was 
family dissension the fort will be captured by some 
enemy. Sivajl Maharaj was a great man and the 
adjacent lands belonged to him. Therefore they 


decided to submit to him, and said to the three 
brothers, "The Raja Saheb is a friend of your 
father, and he has come in the neighbourhood of the 
fort. You should go and see him, honour him in every 
way, and submit your case (quarrel) for his decision 
and do as he advises." They accepted the suggestion, 
saw the Raja and invited him to come up in the 
fort for a bath as it was the Dipwall day. The 
Raja said that it was not nice for him to accept 
the invitation when his Sardars were not invited. 
He was thereupon invited to go with all his officers. 
He went up and remained in the fort for three days. 
During those three days he listened to the cause of 
the three brothers. As the eldest brother did not 
yield to the younger two their due share, the latter 
decided to do homage to the Maharaja. A diplomatic 
feat was thus achieved. The garrison was already 
favourable. On the third day when the Maharaja 
was to take his leave, the two (younger) brothers 
informed him that Ni]o Pant had gone to bed. Some 
men in the fort were on the look out for an oppor- 
tunity. Sivaji sent them and some of his own men 
and arrested Nilo Pant, 'ihe three brothers were 
brought down below the fort. Order was established 
in the fort. It was decided that the three brothers 
should enjoy, their proper share of the Inam villages 
and other dues. 

S.D. [121]. From the day of his coming to Puna 
the Maharaja had maintained friendly relations with 
Ni]o Nilkanth Nalk of Purandar and had entertained 
his people. * * * When Aurangzib overthrew the 
Nizamsahi monarchy, every one left (his home) for 


some foreign lands. He wanted to capture the fort 
of Purandar, but Sahaji Raje was ready with an 
army, and the neighbouring military stations belonged 
to him. He did not allow Badshahi force passage, 
so the fort was left undisturbed. It was very near 
Puna and also a good place, so the Maharaja wanted 
to take it, but it was inhabited by the Kolis and there 
was no good opportunity of creating disturbance. 
So friendship was studiously maintained. Sivaji 
encamped near Sasbada with the intention of leading 
an expedition against Nimbalkar of Phaltan and at 
that time a severe rain set in. * * On the day of 
the Dipioali Nilkanth Nalk came to see the Maharaja. 
Words of mutual welcome were exchanged, and the 
Naik brought for the Maharaja many presents and 
invited him in the following manner, "Your 
servant's house is hard by, when will you set your 
feet there ? The Dipwali, the festival of lamps, is 
the best of all festivals, and you will all kindly [122] 
sweeten my bread and vegetables (dine with me) 
for four days.'* This earnest invitation was accepted. 
Nilo Nilkanth had grown very old. Pilaji Nilkanth 
and Sankrajl Nilkanth were young. They had a 
conversation with the Maharaja and then they went 
to the foot of the hill for a bath. Before the 
Maharaja reached the foot of the hill, his brave 
servants raised his standard on the fort. The three 
Nalk brothers got the hereditary watan (the eldest 
brother Nib Nilkanth had the senior rights) of 
Nalkship and Inam villages. It was settled that 
they should remain below the hill and serve the 



Ch. [41]. Chandra Rav More of Javli, having 
ten thousand men with him, had forcibly taken 
possession of forts and valleys. Although a friendly 
message was sent to him, that he should submit to 
Sivajl and be guided by his orders and an alliance 
was proposed, More, in his haughtiness, decided to 
take no notice of the Maharaja and resolved to go 
against him. A leader of the Mawles, it was not 
easy to get hold of him. Ragho Balla] Sabnls was 
therefore, sent to capture him by some artifice. Two 
hundred select men were sent with him. Ragho 
Ballal opened a negotiation for a matrimonial 
alliance and remained there waiting for decision. 
Finding that Chandra Rav used to indulge in intoxicat- 
ing drugs and there was disunion among his soldiers, 

he formed a project and wrote to the Raja, 

" Thanks to the influence of your virtuous deeds, I 
shall soon finish the business of Chandra Rav. Your 
Majesty should on some pretext come towards this 
place, I shall give you intimation after performing 
the stipulated deed. [42] . lease, thereupon descend 
the Ghat. The Maharaja wrote in reply, " As 
advised in your letter I have come from Rajgad to 
Purandar and paid my respects to Srimahabalesvar." 
In the meantime Ragunath Pant invited Chandra 
Rav and his brother Surya Rav to a secret consulta- 
tion and murdered them (in the room). When he 
came to the gate, their people became vigilant, but 
as they were very few he safely fought his way and 
came to his own men. Sambhaji Kavjl killed 
Hanmant Rav, the Karbhari of More and a soldier 


of renown. The Maharaja was at Mahabalesvar ; 
he bowed unto the god of that place, and when the 
intimation reached him came to Javll by the Nisnl 
pass. After a battle that lasted two prahars, he 
took the stronghold and captured Chandra Rav's 
sons Bajl Rav and Krshna Rav. They were imprisoned 
at Purandar. The women and the two sons were 
taken to Puna, and the two brothers were put to 
death at a place south of Puna. After a few days 
the women were released and Javll was annexed. 


S. D. [128] Chandra Rav More of Javll, a ser- 
vant of Bijapur, had assembled twenty-five to thirty 
thousand Mawjes. He plundered the neighbouring 
provinces as far as he could, enjoyed his Jagir, etc., 
behaved like an independent ruler, but he paid an 
annual tribute to the Bijapur government. The 
Maharaja sent the following message to him, "Give 
me what tribute you pay to the Bads hah and be a 
dependent of mine. I will help you when neces- 
sary. Or I shall excuse you the tribute you pay 
if you serve me with five thousand followers. " The 
Maharaja argued that, More was an old Maratha 
Sardar and had enlisted good fighting men ; so it 
would not be proper to ruin him. At first the 
policy of conciliation should be tried and he should 
be protected in case he submitted. Otherwise it 
would not take long to punish him. So he decided. 
A vakil was accordingly sent, but More had no regard 
for the Maharaja and took no account of his officers. 


" Where the master is not. honoured what good result 
can be expected of good counsel ? " So argued the 
officers, and after some conversation took leave of 
More, came back to the Raja and reported what had 
happened. ***** [129]. The Maharaja then 
went to Raj gad for necessary arrangements. From 
Raj gad he sent Raghunath Balla] Sabnls with three 
to four hundred brave followers. Raghunath went 
to Hanmant Rav More, brother of Chandra Rav, 
a brave soldier and his brother's sole representative 
at Johar Khore, [130] for negotiating a matrimonial 
alliance. Raghunath Pant sent word to him that, as 
he (Hanmant) had a marriageable daughter, Raghu- 
nath Pant had come to negotiate for a marriage on 
behalf of the Maharaja. Raghunath was asked 
(by More) to see him. As Raghunath had come for 
a matrimonial alliance and not on a political mission, 
More did not take the necessary precaution (about 
his safety) and was careless. Finding that More was 
unguarded, Raghunath Pant killed him and fought 
with his men at the gates. The Maharaja had come 
to the fort of Purandar, Raghunath went there by 
the Wai route and reported what had happened. 
The Maharaja highly lauded his soldierly qualities, 
bravery, intelligence, and diplomacy and gave him 
robes of honour. Then he argued that, Hanmant 
Rav was a very able man ; now that he was dead and 
there was no other man like him in More's army, 
this was the proper opportunity for attacking 
Chandra Rav. * * * Raghunath Ballal Atre was 
sent with five to seven thousand Maw]es [131] and 
four to five hundred sawars by the route of Radtondi 


Ghat and the two armies arrived at Javli simul- 
taneously before sunrise. The army there was a 
big one, and Chandra Rav fought with great courage 
for two prahars and offered a bold light. * * * 
Chandra Rav More fell on the battlefield and his 
two sons Bajl Rav and Krshna Rav More were 
imprisoned with the women. * * * [132]. In the 
year 1764 of the Saka era, the Sambatsar being 
Chitrabhanu by name, the two brothers were be- 
headed but the women and children were released. 


Ch. [36] The Badshah wrote to Sahajl Raje- 
" Your son has turned a rebel and is behaving im- 
properly. He has captured forts and plundered 
cities. You are a faithful omrao of this empire. 
It is not at all right (on the part of your son) 
to do so. You should therefore bring him to the 
hwiur. The Raje answered, " My son does not 
obey me. (Your Majesty) should punish him as 
you please." So wrote the Raje, but the Badshah 
got angry and did not believe him. The Raje 
wrote a letter to Sivajl Raje (in the following 
manner) " Your conduct has put me into disfavour, 
so it is not good. Come and see the Badshah and 
restore the forts and territories according to his 
order." He wrote much in this strain. Then the 
Maharaja argued, " Father is to a son as sacred as a 
god. His orders should be respectfully obeyed. 
But religion has been overthrown and in every thing 
the Mlechchhas are supreme. I should risk my life 


and all (that belongs to me) for preserving my 
religion by overthrowing them. How can I then do 
what my father has asked me (to do) in his letter. 
I have adopted this course because I thought it more 
creditable. But the Badshah is displeased with my 
father on my account, and if my father feels troubled 
what should I do ? " He was arguing to himself in 
this manner. Near him was his wife Sal Bal Sabeb 
and the Maharaja asked for her counsel, " What 
should be done with respect to my father's letter ?" 
"We are women," answered she, "and the Sastras 
say that women's counsel proves disastrous. There 
are many great and wise KarJcuns and Sardars in 
Your Majesty's [37] service, you should seek their 
counsel. But as you have asked me, I beg to 
submit that, you should found a kingdom, restore 
the gods and the Brahmans (in their place of honour) 
and your desire to preserve the religion is worthy of 
you. Depend on God and proceed with your work. He 
is powerful enough to grant you success. If you 
have to found an empire what is the use of fond 
affection ? The Maharaja is far off, otherwise he too 
would have been pleased with your aims and achieve- 
ments." The Maharaja felt pleased with her words 
as he also was of the same opinion. Then he assem- 
bled his Karbharis and Sardars and put the same 
question to them. They also gave the same counsel. 
It was then decided to send the following answer 
to be shown to the Badshah " You say that the 
Badshah will extol me if I come, but I shall not 
surrender what forts and strongholds I have cap- 
tured. On the other hand I shall capture more. 


How will this please him ?" But to the Maharaja 
he wrote as follows, " Strengthen your province, 
mobilise your army and make alliance with the 
Hindu chiefs. I am coming shortly, after making 
proper arrangements here. Then arrange to come 
here but proceed with caution till then." Then 
ahaji showed the letter (fit to be shown) to the 
Badshah and assured him that he had no control 
over his son. But the Badshah did not believe the 
Raje as his suspicion had not been removed. At 
that time Baji Ghorpade was in that province. He 
was ordered to arrest Sahajl by any means and bring 
him to the metropolis. The Raje was then at 
Tanjore near Trivapi. Ghorpade invited him to a 
dinner and with a show of good feeling took him to 
his meal. He treacherously arrested Sahajl there 
and took him to the Badshah. * * * 

[38] When Sahajl was brought to Bijapur, the 
Badshah questioned him personally and also through 
Murar Pant, but he answered that he had no control 
over his son. Thereupon a recess was made in a 
wall and a hewn stone was placed at the opening. 
The nitch was made with sitting space for one man 
only, and a letter was sent to Sivajl that unless 
he surrendered their (the Sultan's) territories his 
father would be dealt with in this manner. They 
began to take Sahajl out of the recess once or twice 
daily and then put him back into it. It was settled 
to block the opening of the recess with the hewn 
stone on receipt of the reply. The Maharaja began 
to repent when he learnt this news. " The result 
will not be happy if I do not go. I have done this 


for restoring religion. God has put my father to 
such troubles on my account. Nothing can now 
be done by diplomacy or by my personal visit. If 
the Maharaja comes to such an end I shall commit 
suicide. I found no other way out of it. If I 
march upon Bijapur and fight, they will give him 
more trouble." While troubled with such thoughts 
the Maharaja received the following message from 
the goddess, " I will allow no mishap to befall 
the Raje. This difficulty will be presently removed." 
The Maharaja was pleased at this message and sent 
the following answer (to Bijapur). " What destiny 
has in store for you will happen to you. I shall do 
according to my destiny." $ahajl produced this 
letter and said, [39] "My son has gone out of 
my hands. Do with me what you like " * * * 
Sahaji was then released at the prayer of Bandulla 
Khan, Murar Pant and Sarja Khan. 


S.D. [133] A letter came from Bijapur (that ran 
as follows), " You are by heredity a servant of the 
Badshah. It is not fit that you should behave im- 
properly (towards the Badshah) while you live upon 
his bread. I have to stay at the court, you are my 
son, and yet you are plundering treasuries and cap- 
turing forts without pausing to think that it will 
compromise me. (Its only result will be) the 
Badshah's displeasure and the loss of all we have. 
What I have earned is for you. You should main- 
tain and gradually increase it. It is your duty to 


keep secure what my service has procured for me 
in my old age. This should be your aim. But keep- 
ing this aside, you are behaving improperly. But 
the Badshah is kind, and up to this time he has 
pardoned your misdeeds in consideration of my ser- 
vice. It is now his gracious pleasure that you should 
stay at the court and such is also the desire of us 
all. You should start as soon as you get this note 
without any hesitation." So ran the letter, and there 
was a Badshahi letter (also) (to the following effect), 
" Your misdeeds will be pardoned and the provinces 
will be confirmed. Come to the presence." Such 
was the tenor of the letter. The letter came to 
the Maharaja and he gave it full consideration. 
In his mind he thought, "They will put me 
into troubles after getting me there. If I behave 
according to their wish, well and good ; otherwise 
there will be no difficulty in punishing me as I 
shall be within their hold. I shall not earn my 
living by serving the Yavanas, but my rebellion will 
imperil my father. But it is his destiny. * * * * 
But if I remain indifferent on this account, my 
mother will be grieved and her grief will make my 
mind disquiet." * * * * [134] (So he decided to 
take counsel of his mother and all his officers, great 
and small). Accordingly a majala-s was held, and 
Jija Bal Saheb was informed of the contents of the 
letter. ****** [135] jij a Bal Saheb said, 
" What property your father has, he has earned for 
you. Do what may secure future good, That will 
please your father and do not entertain any doubt 
about it." Her order (counsel) was accepted with 


all honour and the assembly was dismissed. Then 
the Maharaja went to his first wife, fortune-favoured 
Sal Bal Saheb. As in olden days Sumitra had 
welcomed Raja Das'aratha with clasped hands after 
washing his feet and offering sweet scented garlands, 
presents, and due salutations, when he had gone to 
enquire after the desires of his pregnant queens, so 
(also) the Maharaja was honoured by Sal Bal Saheb. 
* * With clasped hands the queon enquired after 
her lord's will. The Raja well pleased with her 
manner, told her all about the invitation from the 
Badshah, the danger of his father's being troubled 
on account of his (Sivaji's) (rebellious) conduct, and 
then asked for her counsel as to what should be done. 
[136] The queen answered, " What do we, women, 
understand of politics ? You should not ask my 
opinion. * * * But my submission is that you 
want a kingdom and you can win one when you have 
risen above affection for parents, wives and brothers." 
* * * * [137] Thereupon the Raja offered his 
prayers to the Devi and asked for her advice. And 
the Devi's order was (as follows) "See the king of 
the Yavanas at Bijapur. You will fall into some 
dangers there but do not be frightened. I shall assist 
you. I take great interest in the extension of the 
Maharashtra Kingdom." * * * Thereupon it was 
decided that an answer to the abovementioned letter 
should be given (telling) that the Raja was coming to 
Bijapur. The following was the purport of his letter 
to the Badshah " You have written about coming to 
the presence. As ordered by my father, I shall start 
on an auspicious moment." * * (About the 


confirmation of forts and strongholds recently captured 
by him, he wrote that, he had punished those who had 
defied him and disobeyed his orders, and in future 
also he would mete similar treatment to those who 
should behave so.) In the letter to his father, he 
wrote in addition to the above, " I owe my birth 
to you but not my deeds. One owes (his,) happi- 
ness or sorrow to the deeds of his previous birth. 
My destiny is mine. But you should not undergo 
any trouble on my account. The Yavanas accuse 
you, because you are their servant. But I will 
never serve them and live upon their bread. 
You may argue that till to-day I have eaten their 
bread and why should I not do so in future ? Erom my 
childhood I have been acquainted with their oppression 
of the Brahmans, but up to the twelfth year one is ac- 
counted a child, and up to that age I lived upon your 
bread. You served (the Muhammadans) but I do 
not call myself a servant and do not serve them. Till 
to-day I have passed my days as a rebel ; in the 
future the goddess will do as she likes. [138] As I 
have taken forts and strongholds belonging to others, 
so are yours in my possession. About them you 
should decide as is fit. I am born of you and shall 
come to see you once for I cannot disobey your order. 
You should do as appears well to you about that. 
I shall in this way acquit myself of the duties of a 
son, and in future I shall do as my fortune guides 
me." The letter reached Bijapur. It was opened 
and road by all the Amirs and the Omraos and 
officers. There was not even the slightest reference 
to loyalty therein. The letter was written in the 


style of one of equal rank. Then the letter written 
to Sahajl was sent for to see whether there was 
anything different. In it also a son's natural 
regard for a father was not to be found. Thereupon 
suspicion was roused in the mind of the Badshah 
and he asked his officers, " The Raja says that 
his son does not obey him. What does it mean ? 
How does the son dare capture forts and strong- 
holds ? The Raja should be punished but how 
to get him into (our) power without stirring ? 
He is a good general at the head of an army in 
the service of the Government. Think out what to 
do." Thereupon it was decided by all that the 
Raja was a man of rank. He was in the service 
of the Government and present at the court, 
He could not possibly be guilty of such an offence. 
(If politely asked by some of his intimate friends 
he might frankly tell the fact.) So Baji Rav Ghor- 
pade Mudholkar and Sarja Khan, these two men of 
rank and honour, were sent for and told what had 
happened. They were also informed of the pleasure 
of the Government, " The Raja is a general of high 
rank, and it is not proper to dishonour him. You 
are well-wishers of the Raja, you [139] should ask 
him whether he thinks it well to create rebellion 
through his son, while he himself stays at the court." 
(After this Sivajl plundered the Bljapur territories 
and thereupon the Sultan summoned Sahaji to the 
presence and rebuked him for his conduct.) * * * * 
(When the Nawab was desired to arrest the Raja- 
he excused himself on the ground of his friend- 
ship with Sahajl. Ghorpade however was ready 


to carry out the order of his master on the 
promise of promotion. Dreading however Sahajl's 
power, and uncertain whether he should succeed 
in an open attempt, Bajl Ghorpade decided to take 
recourse to treachery.) 1 143] The Badshah said to 
him, -" If you can hring the Raja a prisoner your 
fame will increase and you shall he promoted." 
Thereupon Ghorpade agreed. The handle of the 
axe proves the destruction of its kin. Similiar was 
the case on this occasion. The source of growth 
often proves the source of ruin also [144J. This 
is an old law of nature. Ghorpade was ordered and 
he accepted his commission (willingly). He invited 
the Raja to his house for a dinner, but his family 
was not equal to that of the Raja. * * * * The 
Raja usually dined with 150 of his relatives and 
dependents. Even when only one of them went 
away on some business, the Raja dined when 
their business allowed all of them to be present. 
This was the custom. He did not go anywhere 
without their company. While making the invita- 
tion Ghorpade had requested the Raja not to bring 
with him many attendants as there was lack of rooms 
(at his place). His real motive however was to 
arrest the Raja when the dishes would be served after 
the dance, and when the Raja was expected to be 
unarmed. But it was the custom of the Raja's 
family not to go or sit anywhere unarmed even when 
in another man's house. And this was (strictly) 
observed even in going to another's house. Only in 
his own house could he deliver his arms to his 
attendants when strangers were not present, Ghorpade 


ignorant of this, took him to the dining place. In 
the kacharl there were one thousand or five hundred 
men. From that crowd the Raja was taken into the 
house. While going in, he was followed hy all his 
friends and attendants. Ghorpade had secured the 
inside doors of the central hall on pretence of 
preserving the privacy of his women. There was a 
staircase by the side of the front door, there Ghor- 
pade stationed himself. The Raja was to go upstairs 
and his company would sit below. [145] Ghorpade 
asked the Raja to come and have a look at the new 
room upstairs. After that the dishes were to be 
served. But suspicion arose in the mind of the Raja 
and he turned back to see how many of his followers 
had come in. But at the preconcerted signal 
from Ghorpade his men shut the door of the 
central hall. Only five or ten of the Raja's men 
were with him, the rest had been left outside. 
Wrangling between the Raja's and Ghorpade's men 
increased. The Raja did not stir though taken by 
hand by Ghorpade and requested to follow. Ghor- 
pade then said, " You are a traitor ; while you live 
on Government money your son is harassing terri- 
tories of the Badshah. I have been therefore ordered 
to punish you." Hearing this, the Raja's men drew 
their swords, ready to attack, but the Raja forbade 
them. He then accompanied Ghorpade to the 
Badshah's court, and addressed him in the following 
style after the usual salutation. " I have been an 
evildoer towards Your Majesty. My master can 
punish me in whatever way he pleases. But it is 
not proper to have me arrested by him (Ghorpade). 


It is not at all proper to put a stain on one's family 
(honour) by assailing one's bread giver. It is on 
this account that I did not draw my sword. Other- 
wise it would not be at all difficult to punish him. 
I have never told an untruth until now and will 
never tell one in future." The Raja stood with 
clasped hands and the best courtiers remarkad that 
the Raja was not guilty. Thereupon the Badshah 
ordered a strict examination of the Raja. The 
officers when they heard the order prepared an ash 
mound, as is made for practising archery, put the 
Raja into it, and began to throw mud. When he 
was buried up to his navel, the Raja was asked to 
reveal the truth. But he did not give a different 
answer and said " What I formerly said is true." 
The mud gradually rose up to his throat, [146] but 
still he gave the same answer. * * [The Raja 
was then released at the prayer of his fellow officers 
and courtiers.] Hearing their unanimous opinion 
the Badshah released the Raja, had him bathed, and 
presented to him clothes and ornaments and restored 
him to all his honours. 


S.D. [L54] The Savants had an excellent dhop 
tarwar (a long and straight sword) worth two hun- 
dred Hons. Sivaji wished that such a famous sword 
should be with him. But it is not proper to wish 
for a good thing that belongs to one's Sirdars [155] 
or a neighbour of rank. * * * The Maharaja 
wished to have the sword but it would bring him 


disrepute, as the precedent showed, and so the 


Maharaja observed that the matter should not be 
even spoken of ; as in another age such a cause 
had resulted in the slaughter of many. * * * 
But the sword, that had divine properties, addressed 
the Maharaja in a dream. " If thou goest to fight 
with me in thy hand even at the head of a small 
force against a mighty army, thy enemies will be 
routed and victory shall attend thee. Do not give 
the sword back, keep it always near thee and duly 
worship it." That very night, the Savant heard the 
following behest in a dream, " Give the sword to the 
Maharaja and secure his friendship thereby. Other- 
wise thou shalt lose thy kingdom. I shall no longer 
stay with thee and I am going away." The Savant 
assembled his officers and related all about the dream. 
With the counsel of all, it was decided to secure the 
friendship of the Maharaja by presenting the sword. 
Accordingly the Savant came to see the Raja and 
presented the sword to him. It was named Tu]ja 


[Grant Duff seems to have partly followed 
Chitnls. Sabhasad's account is rather obscure. It 
is difficult to understand why Sivaji should take 
Pantajl, his own envoy, into a private apartment 
and offer him money and rank for revealing the 
Khan's secret. Chitnls's version that Sivaji bribed 
Krshnajl Bhaskar is more rational.] 

Ch. [5l] The Elder Begam and All Adilshah 
Badshah observed that, Sivaji had turned a rebel, 
taken possession of provinces, forts and strongholds, 


and led raiding expeditions as far as Bidar. His 
army and revenue had grown considerable. And it 
would not be well unless a general of high rank 
was sent with a well matured plan and punished 
Sivajl. He did not listen even to his father's counsel. 
What should be done ? When this question was 
put, Afzal Khan made the following determined 
speech, " Is Sivajl's atfair of so much importance ? 
If I am ordered I shall go and bring him a prisoner 
or kill him outright." Thereupon he was greatly 
extolled, given robes of honour, and sent with a 
powerful army and vast stores. Then three thousand 
new Mawle footmen, well acquainted with the 
locality, were enlisted and with a total force of 
thirty thousand Afzal, in his pride, marched to Tulja- 
pur. He would have committed sacrilege upon the 
goddess but she was removed by the officiating 
priest. Then the Khan came to Pandharpur and 
molested the people of that place, but the image 
was hidden by the attending priest. Thence he 
marched towards Mahadev, committing oppression 
upon gods and Brahmans as he went. 

The Maharaja was at Raj gad. It was settled at 
the assembly of all his Karbharis not to fight the 
Mughal army in an open field, and he left Raj gad 
and came to Pratapgad. Necessary preparations were 
made in all the forts and strongholds and the cav- 
alry was mobilised. When the Khan learnt the news 
of the Raja's arrival at Pratapgad, he left the Puna 
road, marched towards Pratapgad and encamped at 
Wai. " Sivaji Raje has entered the thickets," thought 
the Khan, " I should draw him out by some artifice 


or if I can meet him personally by inspiring his 
confidence, I shall follow what course may then 
occur to me, and render (commendable) service to 
the Badshah." [55] Having matured this treacher- 
ous plan, he sent Krshnajl Bhaskar on an embassy, 
fully intimating him of his real designs. 

Hither the Maharaja called a war council of his 
principal officers, as Afzal was approaching Wai, and 
put the following questions for their deliberation and 
decision, " What method should be adopted in fight- 
ing the Khan ? What plan should be made ? Men 
will be spoilt, if they tried to find out the Mughal 
army and fight a pitched battle. The army should 
be cleverly kept intact and the enemy harassed " * * 
Deeming this counsel wise, the Maharaja prayed to 
the goddess and she took possession of his body and 
said, "Oh my child ! why dost thou feel so troubled ? 
Thou hast my blessings. I will remove thy difficul- 
ties and I will give thee success in this hunting 
expedition also. Do not be anxious." In this man- 
ner did the goddess encourage him. Balajl Avjl 
Ohltnls and Vaknls had been told to record in pri- 
vate the message of the goddess, when she should 
take possession of the Maharaja's body, and to com- 
municate it (afterwards to the Raje). Accordingly he 
communicated to the Raje what he had said after 
the divine possession. The Raje was greatly pleased 
and said, " I shall presently finish Afzal's business. 
There is no anxiety. As the goddess has assured, 
victory will attend (my efforts). I feel exulted in 
my heart and there appear other auspicious auguries. 
My officers and men also seem to be sanguine." 


As the Maharaja finished his speech, every one ob- 
served that what the Maharaja wanted to do did not 

seem difficult to* them. What was this affair of 
Afzal ? If they were ordered to overpower him in 
the battlefield and to belabour him with sticks, 
they would certainly do so. The Maharaja might 
remain quiet. When they had thus confidently 
concluded, the envoy of the Khan arrived. When 
the R/aja was informed of his arrival, he was conduct- 
ed up to the fort. The interview and the usual wel- 
come of courtesy over, he was given a residence and 
dismissed with the assurance that another interview 
would take place after dinner. He was sumptuously 
entertained with great honour. The next day all 
the principal officers were assembled and the envoy 
was invited to attend the court. He was asked the 
reason of the Khan's coming and of his oppression 
of the gods and the Brahmans on his way. " The 
Khan says," the envoy then answered, " That he 
and your father are fellow officers of the empire and 
friends. [56] They (are of the same counsel and) 
have no difference. Though an Omrao of the same 
empire, you are capturing forts and plundering cities 
and withholding yourself from the court. The Bad- 
shah thinks that the Raje's son is a brave soldier 
and a competent man. His Majesty is pleased with 
you. Therefore you should surrender what terri- 
tories belonging to him you have conquered and 
retain what foreign territories you have annexed. 
Sahajl Raje has long been in his service and he has 
been duly promoted in rank and honour. You are 
his son, and it is His Majesty's intention to confer 


on you an office of great responsibility and get 
great services at your hands. You should be guided 
by His Majesty's commands and should not be 
inattentive to your father's counsel. His Majesty 
will graciously appoint you his sole wazir. "With 
this intent he has sent the Khan to you. Your con- 
duct appears to be wrong to His Majesty and he has 
instructed the Khan to demand explanation for 
everything and to take you with him(to the Badshah). 
But the Khan says that, ' what is past is past.' If 
you frankly obey the commands of the Emperor 
henceforth, all your offences will be pardoned. He 
undertakes to get your fief and command increased. 
Take what assurance you want and come and see 
him. Your father is a Mansabdar of the Empire, 
and as the Emperor is favourably disposed towards 
him, His Majesty will grant you a bigger Jagir than 
that of your father, although you are an offender." 
To this sense the envoy spoke. The Raje listened to 
him, and said, " Your proposal is quite good, and 
what the Khan proposes is to my profit, and it is my 
duty to do as he suggests. What I have done is 
nothing but the subjugation of some turbulent 
Palegars, the reconquest and settlement of Govern- 
ment lands, the annexation of foreign territories, 
construction of forts and strongholds, and the orga- 
nisation of an excellent army. I have thereby added 
to the wealth and power of the Empire." So said the 
Raje and gave him leave. The envoy went to his 

The next day the Raje called the envoy in private 
and thus addressed him, " You are a Brahman and 


a good man. My aim is to found a Maharashtra 
Empire. Our religion has been overthrown, gods 
and Brahmans are troubled, the Mlechchhas are 
supreme everywhere, every one is oppressed, my aim 
is to remove this state of things. If you are favour- 
able to this idea, then tell me frankly what is in the 
mind of the Khan, what is his real design. I have 
no other question to ask you." In this manner did 
the R/aje respectfully address the envoy. He was a 
Brahman, the Raja wanted to be the defender of his 
faith. His good luck, valour, and men were all 
wonderful. His virtue and energy were also wonder- 
ful. Therefore it seemed probable that his power 
would wax stronger. So he said, " The Khan wants 
to give you such assurances as may bring about a 
meeting. He is resolved to commit treachery in that 

[Chitnls's account does not differ materially from 
that of Sabhasad on any important point. According 
to him, Sivajl's son and mother were at Pratapgad, 
and he had with him fifty-five attendants at the time 
of the interview. Chitnls gives the following account 
of the interview.] 

Ch. [61] " Is this the Raje ?" the Khan enquired of 
the envoy. " The same," answered the latter. They 
rendered good wishes to each other, and as they 
advanced for the usual embrace, the Khan, who was 
tall and stout in body, took the Maharaja by his 
hand, dragged him forward, held him fast under 
his left arm, and tried to stab him with a dagger, the 
Khan had in his hand. The Maharaja had a steel 
armour ou, and as he nimbly drew himself out, the 


blow could take no effect. The Raja was pleased 
that the Khan was the first to commit treachery 
and struck his belly with the tiger's claws, from the 
back. The Khan had a thin coat on. The blow was 
very skilfully dealt and it brought out the intestines. 
Then the Khan let go hold of Sivajl (whom he still 
held under his armpit) and shouted, " Sivaji ! You 
hare committed treachery, this is the climax of a 
soldier's deed." Then he'caught hold of his wounded 
belly with his left hand and dealt a blow at the Maha- 
raja, saying, " Now feel my sword." The Maharaja 
had a chain helmet on, it was slightly broken and the 
Maharaja suffered a wound of a wheat's size. Then 
the Maharaja said, " Thou Pathan, now feel Sivaji's 
Bhavani," and dealt a blow at the Khan's shoulder. 
The wound reached as far as the belly and the Khan 
fell dead. 


S. D. [156.] Abdul Khan had won distinction 
against the rebel Palegars of Karnatak. * 
He came to Tuljapur by stages. It was his design 
to destroy the goddess of that place, but she 
warned the priests in a dream, " Abdul Khan 
is coming to defile me, therefore remove me to 
some other place." Thereupon the goddess was 
removed. When the Khan arrived, she was not to 
be found. On enquiry, he learnt that the goddess 
had fled. Thence the Khan marched to harass 
the god of Pandharpur and to demolish the temples 
of the Hindu gods. This was his life's ambition. 
But the priest learnt the Tuljapur affair and he too 


removed his god, [157 J And he sent some Brahmans 
to the Maharaja with the following message, " It is 
your fond ambition to establish the Hindu faith ; 
hut the king of the Yavanas has sent a general to 
punish you. He has oppressed in various manners 
the Hindus, Brahmanas and cows of Tuljapur and 
Pandharpur. If you can protect us from his 
tyranny, then alone will Hinduism prosper. Other- 
wise you will save your useless life, and like stale 
flowers, be a source of harm to the people. What 
shall we do in that case but commit suicide and 
throw upon you the sin thereof ? But if this message 
fires you with rightful wrath, and you exert your 
valour and punish the Yavanas, a quarter of what 
virtue we have acquired in the past and may win 
in future by our religious performances will be 
yours ; but for our sin we alone shall suffer. 

[From the day of Abdul Khan's arrival at 
Wai, Visvas Rav Nanajl Prabhu, Musekhorekar, a 
ftcilk of five thousand Mawles, used to disguise 
himself as a Fakir and go to Abdul Khan's camp 
every night to beg alms. He used to inform the 
Maharaja of every design of Abdul Khan as soon as 
he learnt it. So the Maharaja came to know of the 
real motive of Abdul, p. 159.] 

According to the author of Sivadigvijaya, Sivajl 
was accompanied by forty to fifty select companions, 
when he set out to meet Afzal or Abdul. The follow- 
ing officers are mentioned by name. (p. 166). 

(1) Sambhajl Earzand. 

(2) Jiva Mahala. 

(3) Babu Savant 


(4) Mahadji Kank. 

(5) Yesjl Kank. 

(6) Baloji Jagtap. 

(7) Hiroji Earzand. 

(8) Son Mahala 

(9) Nirajl Savant. 
(10) Kavjl Farzand. 

The Khan was also accompanied by some atten- 
dants, according to the same author, as will be seen 
from the following extract. 

S.T). [169] There were some ten or twenty 
Pathans of rank and they drew their weapons ; 
Tanajl Malusare, Vis'vas Rav Nanaji and other men 
in the Raja's service, put the Raja back and in his 
presence rendered praiseworthy service. Knowing 
that their Sardar was dead and they would not be 
allowed to retire, the Pathans decided to sell their 
lives dear and drew their swords. While the Maha- 
raja was stepping behind, Krshnajl Pant, a brave 
man and the Dewan of the Khan, aimed his fir any 
at his head. Yesaji Kank pushed back the Maha- 
raja, and holding his weapon ready for a bloAV, ad- 
dressed Krshnaji Pant in the following manner, 
"You are a Brahman. It is not your duty to use 
weapons. Go away, I grant you your life." But 
he did not pay any heed to this warning and came 
forward; so Yesajl Kank dealt a blow and though 
it had not the full effect, the wound was very severe. 
The palanquin bearers availed themselves of this 
opportunity of thrusting the Khan's corpse into the 


palanquin a'nd hurried with it. When Yesajl Kank 
perceived it, fifty-five men rushed on the bearers and 
felled the palanquin. They chopped off the Khan's 
head. In this manner did the Maharaja win victory. 
* * * [171] A new bastion was built where 
Abdul Khan was killed and it was called after him 
Abdul buruj. 


[According to Sivadigvijaya, Jija Ba! was in the 
fort of Pratapgad at that time, and Sivajl saw her 
directly after the affair was over. Jija Ba! is said 
to have made the following remark on that occa- 

S.D. [171] Your elder brother was killed by this 
man. As you are his loving brother, you espoused 
his cause and killed this bhatari (inn-keeper). This 
will secure your welfare more and more in future. 


Ch. [66] The Habs'i of Janjira had laid siege to 
Tale (when Sivaji was busy in checking an invasion 
from Bijapur). As they troubled the people of vari- 
ous places by their thieving raids, Baji Rav Pasalkar 
Desmukh of Musekhore was sent with a militia force 
to punish them. He laid siege to Hajpuri and Kay 
Savant, a dependent ally of the Habsi, attacked him. 
An action took place and both the contending 
generals, Baji Eav Desmtikh and Kay Savant, fell in 
the battle. Thereupon the Maharaja sent Raghunath 
Balla] Sabnls with an additional force. He went 
and plundered and laid waste the territories of the 


Habsi. The army of Janjira attacked him but were 
defeated. Thereupon the Habsis of Janjira conclud- 
ed a treaty to the effect that henceforth the forts and 
territories annexed by the Maharaja should not be 
harassed and the Maharaja (in return) should not 
harass their remaining territories. After concluding 
this treaty, Raghunath Pant returned with some 

Eor some days, they observed the terms of the 
treaty, then they commenced their old raids again. 
Thereupon the Maharaja sent Vyankaji Pant with 
an army. He defeated the Siddi's forces who 
came to oppose him, harassed them by plunder- 
ing their lands and kept them down. He selected 
various peaks in that province and fortified them. 
He constructed a fort on the hill of Danda- 
Rajpuri. In this manner he built forts, so that 
the Siddis could not harass the Maharaja's territories. 
[67] At various places, he stationed bodies of 
five to seven thousand men and prevented ingress 
into and egress from Janjira. But Janjira was 
a fort surrounded by water and could not be 
captured. The Maharaja, however, wanted to extend 
his power to the sea by the conquest of Janjira and 
built many ships for fitting out a fleet. The ships 
were of the following types, Gurab, Tarandi, Gahat, 
Dubare, Sihade, Pagar, Machva, Vabhor, Tirkatl and 
Pal. Pour to five hundred ships of these different 
types were built and five to ten lakhs of Rupees were 
spent for the purpose. Darya Sagar (Sarang) and 
Maynak Bhandarl were appointed commanders and 
they were supplied with cannons and other requisite 



materials. "Warlike Ko]ls and Khalasls were enlisted 
and they began to raid the sea and harass the people 
of Janjira. The Europeans (Toplkar) in the sea 
were awestruck and their ships and cargo were 
plundered and the spoils brought to the Maharaja. 
The heavy expenses of the navy were paid out of 
these spoils. The Maharaja's influence was established 
in the sea. 


S. D. [174] The Maharaja entertained a strong 
desire for possessing Janjira, and he made what 
attempts he could, but the fort could not be 
captured. Then he began to fast before the sea. 
For seven days he fasted, and the sea was pleased, 
and made the following communication in a dream, 
" Janjira will not fall into your hands. Do not 
allow yourself to be possessed by this idea (of cap- 
turing Janjira). In its lieu I will give you another 
place in the sea, equal in strength to Janjira. Build 
a fort there. That fort will not fall into the hands 
of your enemy unless you abandon it. If any war 
takes place I will punish your enemy. In three 
years, property to the amount of three lakhs of Rupees 
will come to your house, hoard that." Thereupon 
the Maharaja got up and saw that, water had suddenly 
subsided and rocks appeared where formerly there 
was unfathomable water, and an island was seen, six 
cosses in length and breadth and about ten to twenty 
cubits above the sea level. * * At that place a 
fort was built and it was called Malavan. 



S. D. [192] (Baba Yakud, when approached, 
prophesied that Rajpuri would be conquered). 
Thereupon another new fort was built near 
Janjira. The Admiral of the Navy was ordered to 
build another nearer to Janjira. He quickly fortified 
the island of Underl. Daulat Khan and May Nalk 
Bhandar! proceeded at the head of their squadrons to 
fortify the island of Khanderl. They were going to 
build a fort, but English ships came from Bombay, 
saw the extent of the (projected) fortification, and 
wrote to Yakud Khan at Janjira. The Habsis, 
informed of the news, got ready and laid siege 
to Khander! with the co-operation of the English, 
and demanded that no building should be constructed 
on their frontier. The forces were not strong enough 
to fight the enemies, so the Bhandar! concluded 
a treaty, came away amicably and informed the 
Maharaja of what had happened. He took it to 
his heart and decided to punish the Habsis. , : n 
the meantime Yakud Khan was ordered to Bijapur. 
Information was collected about the journey of the 
Habsi with the intention of capturing him some- 
where on the way. When he reached the Ghats, 
Samraj Nilkanth and Baji Gholap were sent to him 
as envoys. They met him. And although addressed 
in a friendly manner, the Habsi felt vexed and 
said, " Are you my master ? He wants Janjira. 
It is not at all good that one who is creating distur- 
bance in the Badshahi dominions by committing 


robbery should assume the tone of a great man. He 
will r !93] be punished." So said he and imprisoned 
the two envoys. But beset with fear the Habsi 
marched by stages to Bijapur. The Maharaja, when 
informed of this, pursued him. And as Yakud Khan 
fled by night, the two envoys found some opportu- 
nity and escaped to the Maharaja, who was informed 
of what had happened. The Maharaja was greatly 
enraged. " Had Yusuf Khan the audacity $f giving 
such a reply ? Well, he will soon be punished." So 
thought the Raja. And resolved to punish the 
Siddi, he sent about one thousand sawars near 
Janjira and commenced a war. Vyankajl Datto, 
a good soldier of known courage, was commissioned 
to capture (the Khan) on his way back from Bijapur. 
The Khan, however, kept information about it and 
fled by the route of Raj gad, Tale, Ghosala and 
Birvadi. Vyankajl Datto pursued him and went as 
far as Janjira. There he established military stations 
and harassed the country as much as he liked. As 
the Rayats were greatly troubled, Fate Khan and 
Yakud Khan assembled their relatives and tribesmen 
and urged them to fight with courage and unity. 
But the behest was not liked by all, as the Maha- 
raja's army was strong in cavalry, elephantry, 
chariotry and infantry (chaturctnga sena) and had a 
very large supply of military stores. " We (the 
Habsis) have infantry and shall have to march 
forward in order to fight them. They are ready to 
meet us at a place where they have strengthened 
themselves. If tired, we shall have no energy to 
come back after the battle and we shall lose our lives. 


We should not therefore fight the enemy. We 
should block the roads and stop their provision and 
reinforcements." So said they, but their counsel was 
not heeded to. * * * And Siddi Abar and Sheikh 
Yakud were sent for a pitched battle. They fought 
with great valour [194] but many were killed and 
the Habsis were defeated. Then they wanted to go 
back (to their fort) but Vyankajl Pant pursued them 
as far as the entrance to the fort with sword and 
slaughter. Thereupon they had no more desire for 
fighting and sued for peace. Vyankajl however 
paid no heed and committed great slaughter. The 
Habsis had no friend and the fierce fighting for exit 
and entry had exhausted their energy. At length 
they took shelter in Rajkot, a place that belonged to 
the Habsis of Janjira, and w r as near by. Vyankajl 
Pant, however, laid siege to the place, sieged two 
bends on either side of the place, placed his cannons 
there and opened fire upon Rajkot. The fort was 
captured, thanks to the power of the Maharaja's 

As soon as the Maharaja learnt the news of the 
capture of Rajkot, he sent reinforcements under 
Moro Pant Peswa and Darya Sarang, (amraj, Pant 
was dismissed because he disobeyed the Maharaja's 
order to march against Janjira and the clothes 
of appointment was given to Moro Pant Pingle on 
the first Dasaml of Ckaitra of the year 1 584 of 
aka era. S. D., p. 197) the Subhedar of the fleet. 
They came and laid seige with the fleet. Darya 
Sarang speedily built the fort of Kash, and the 
bastion of another fort to be luilt hard by was 


finished. Cannons were mounted on that bastion 
and fire opened, but at that juncture Siddi Sambol 
came to Janjira with the imperial fleet. He seduced 
some men into defection and captured five to ten 
men of the Maharaja. Some of them were thrown 
into prison and the rest into the sea. Necessary 
arrangements were made (for the defence) of the 
fort. He plundered Dabhol, and putting his fleet 
in the creek of that place, began to fight Darya 
Sarang. Darya Sarang was forced out with his men 
and fleet and the Siddi gave him no chance of getting 
any help. Khair Khan was the officer in charge 
of Janjira. The Maharaja's officers stationed their 
guns at NanvaH and opened fire on Janjira. [195] 
The seige was maintained by the fieet and everyone 
was confident of success. But Janjira had the 
blessings of Malik Saheb, an Awlia saint, that 
it should be in possession of the Habsis for seven 
generations. So God protected the place and all 
human efforts were unsuccessful. 


Ch. [88] While Bhukhan the poet was living 
with his brother Chintaman Kavi, who was a 
court poet of the Emperor of Delhi, some of the 
domestics remarked that Bhukan spent his time at 
home (without doing anything). The poet thereupon 
said that he would not live upon the bread of the 
Yavanas and left home. He went to the Raja of 
Kumaun, and lived at his court, diverting the Raja's 
mind with his poetry. The Raja honoured him 
highly and offered him a present of a lakh of Rupees 


when Bhukhan took leave to go home. But at 
the same time the Raja, in his pride, enquired 
whether there was another such liberal donor on the 
earth.- The poet at once retorted that there were 
many such donors but the Raja must not have seen a 
recipient who scorned to touch a gift of a lakh of 
Rupees because it ,had been offered with a proud 

x *4{faQj}jy\j 

assertion. The poet then went to the Deccan. As 
the fame of Sivajl Maharaj had reached him, 
Bhukhan went to his court and saw the Raja. " If 
there is any enemy of the Yavanas I shall stay 
with him," said the poet, and the Maharaja replied 
that he was the death of the Muhammadans. 
Thereupon the poet remained in the Maharaja's 
court and charmed him with his poetry. He 
wrote a new book of verses, Siva Bhukhan (Siva Raj 
Bhushan) by name, inspired by the heroic deeds of 
the Raja. He spent about four to five years, pleas- 
ing the Maharaja every instant. Then he took leave 
of the Maharaja for going to Delhi and the Maha- 
raja rewarded him with clothes, ornaments, elephants, 
horses, and jewels, with lakhs of Rupees, and insisted 
on his return. The poet promised to return soon 
and left for Delhi. The Badshah learnt that 
Bhukhan had come from Slvajl's court after receiving 
high honours there, and he ordered his (Bhu- 
khan's) brother Chintaman to bring Bhukhan 
for an interview. Thereupon Chintaman [89] said 
to his brother, " My master wants you." " He is 
my master's enemy," answered Bhukhan, " Why 
should I seek an interview with him ? Nothing 
but the praise of Sivajl's heroism will come out of 


my lips and that will cause the Badshah 's anger." 
Chintaman entreated him much, and petitioned to the 
Emperor that the poet would come to see him but 
he would sing of Sivajfs brave exploits. If the 
Badshah permitted he would bring Bhukhan. Then 
the Badshah ordered him to bring Bhukhan. Chin- 
taman thereupon took Bhukhan to the court and 
the interview took place. The Badshah asked the 
poet to sing something. Then the poet said, 
" Wash your hands, I will sing some heroic songs and 
your hands will certainly go up to your moustache. 
Then the Emperor demanded his reasons for wash- 
ing the hands and the poet answered, " You are fond 
of love poems, and when my brother sings such songs 
your hand touches your trousers. Therefore you 
should wash your hands." Then the Badshah washed 
his hand saying, " If my hand does not go up to 
my moustache I will have you beheaded." Then 
the poet began to recite heroic poems and first of 
all sang of Sivajfs heroism. Then the Badshah said, 
" I am a Sarbabhaum, all the feudatory chiefs 
render tribute to me. Sing to this effect." Then 
the poet described all other kings as flowering trees 
and compared the Badshah with the black bee. 
But he likened Sivajl to a Champaka tree for the 
black bee does not even touch a Champaka. Then 
the Badshah again demanded the reasons for making 
him wash his hands. The poet recited six excellent 
stanzas. When the poet was reciting the seventh, 
the Badshah, in his excitement, suddenly raised his 
hand to his moustache. The poet finished his song 
there, and the Emperor was highly pleased and 


rewarded him with clothes, jewels and elephants. He 
honoured the poet (in this manner). The news of 
this incident was transmitted to the Maharaja by 
his envoy at Delhi, and he was highly pleased, and 
ordered the poet to come back and had him brought. 
In this way did the Maharaja test each man like 
jewels and promoted and kept them. 


S.D. [216] fiaista Khan reached Chakan, beseiged 
the fort, mounted his guns (on a bastion) and began 
to fight. Narsala Phirangojl, Havaldar of the fort 
defended it for nine months with great valour. The 
Maharaja was engaged in some other exploits. Re- 
inforcement was sent but it did not reach the place. 
Saista Khan made all necessary arrangements and 
then ran a mine. The north-eastern bastion was 
blown off and the Mughal army was prepared to 
try an assault. Narsala, a great man, knew that he 
was now helpless and capitulated on condition of 
safe retreat. The Khan highly eulogised the ffaval- 
dar on that occasion and expressed an earnest desire 
to have him (in his service). But Narsala was a 
man of honour and integrity. He answered, " I have 
eaten the Maharaja's bread and styled myself as his 
servant. I cannot be disloyal to him and serve you. 
I shall go back to the Maharaja and continue in 
his service." * * * * [217] Saista Khan was highly 
pleased and said, " If Sivaji Raja does not keep you 
then come to me." But Narsala thought that his 
parent (Sivajl) will not forsake him as he had com- 
mitted no treachery and only submitted to the 


Yavanas as no reinforcement came. If chance offers, 
one should save his life and that was why he had 
capitulated. Under these circumstances he had to 
submit to the Yavanas. With such thoughts he 
came to the Maharaja and explained what had 
happened. But the Maharaja thought, "A servant 
of mine has submitted with humility to the Yavanas 
and surrendered a fort to them. To-morrow other 
officers will follow a similar course and there will 
be no discipline. Therefore I should punish him. 
Jf he is really an honest man, he will stay at home. 
If on the other hand he is a dishonest self-seeking 
fellow, he will go over to the Yavanas. It will not 
then be at all difficult for me to punish him." With 
this intent he dismissed Narsala and the latter, much 
distressed, went back with all his horse and men 
to Saista Khan. With profuse praises he enlisted 
Narsala into his service with five hundred men, and 
commissioned him to take charge of a military 
station at Malkar, a village in the Pargana of Chakan. 
The Maharaja however was informed of it and sent 
Netajl Palkar. He went with an army, gathered 
information, captured Narsala Havaldar, [218] and 
brought him back. He was appointed Havaldar of 
Bhupalgad on taking an oath of fidelity. 


S.D. [219] The Maharaja had excellent know- 
ledge of every house at Puna. From Raygad he 
came to Raj gad for carrying out his project. There he 
selected his men. Then he came to Sinhagad and 
thence made an enquiry about where Saista Khan 


usually stayed, where he slept and where he sat. 
Carefully collecting every information about the 
Khan's daily routine, the Maharaja matured his plan 
of going to Puna. If he went by the usual road 
he would be noticed by the watchmen, and the 
news would reach the enemy who would consequently 
be careful. So the Raja decided to go to Puna by 
a bye-road under cover of night and started out with 
Samraji Pant. Harm would befall him if he pur- 
sued any other course, so he decided to go by a bye- 
road. Some men were sent to the pass of Katraj 
to light a continuous line of torches by the road side. 
They bound torches to the trees by the roadside and 
also to the horns of the cattle, arranging that on a 
signal the torches should all be simultaneously lighted 
as soon as the expedition left Puna. The Raja descend- 
ed with his men by the pass of Donja but it was 
arranged that he should return by another route. 
He had with him five to seven thousand select men. 
[220] With them he went to Ambilbada and there 
addressed his followers in the following manner, 
" Will you bring me the head of Saista Khan ? He 
who has the courage should come with me and he 
who lacks it should save his life and go back. I 
have become a Fakir for the sake of Hinduism. 
Though I had both wealth and kingdom I have 
thrown myself into this current. Those who are my 
real followers will come with me. Success and 
failure lie with the goddess. Speak out frankly." His 
followers answered without hesitation, " Maharaj ! 
You are our master, father and mother, and 
our religion is common to us all. While you lead 


us we know no fear. What do we care for Saista 
Khan ? We can defy even the most powerful foe, 
such courage has your bread infused into us." * * * 
As settled before, the roads were barred without 
giving the enemy any cause of suspicion, and four 
to five hundred men were stationed in an orchard 
very near Puna, and the Raja himself entered the 
house with ten to twenty brave and expert swords- 
men. He stationed one or two of his companions 
to keep watch at different places as he proceeded 
and entered the house in person. He took with him 
Yesajl Kank and Tanajl Malusare. These three 
entered the house and came near the harem. Eunuchs 
were on the watch there. Perceiving the light of 
a lamp, Sivajl and his men changed their course and 
entered the Rangmahal. Saista Khan's son was 
sleeping there. The Raja saw him and mistook him 
for the Khan. He unsheathed his sword which in 
those days was called afirang. He drew his firang 
and struck a blow. That blow sent the Khan's son 
to Yama's place. [221] The blow was a powerful 
one and his body was severed into two. The noise 
woke his wife and the sight frightened her. The 
Maharaja asked in a threatening tone," Is this 
Saista Khan ? peak out. If you speak an untruth 
I will put an end to your life." And all her limbs 
shook with fear and she became inarticulate. * * * 
Fearing that he would really kill her she simply said, 
" His son." Saista Khan's son died in his sleeping 
chamber, the husband was killed, and she was 
utterly overcome with the fear of death. When the 
Maharaja commanded her to show where Saista 


Khan was, she had to stand up to point out (the 
place). But she was in a great dilemma and stood 
there motionless. " He is at such and such a place/' 
said she. Saista Khan was sleeping in another room 
hard by. The Maharaja went that way and entered 
the room. The naked sword shining in the light of 
the lamp attracted the notice of the Khan's wife 
who was somewhat awake. She got up, and in her 
fright stood with her hack towards the Raja. When 
ordered to move off she understood that assassins had 
come to murder the Khan, and deeming her own 
life of no account placed her head at the Raja's feet, 
and humbly beseeched him not to kill her husband. 
The Khan also awoke, but as he saw the Maharaja, 
he had not the firmness to muster courage and take 
arms. So he covered his face with one end of his sela 
and pretending sleep lay still on the cot in his fright. 
The lady's piteous appeal touched the kind-hearted 
Raja and he granted her prayer saying, [222] " If 
I do not kill him, he will get up, raise an alarm and 
pursue me as I go hence. I shall not in that case 
be able to get through it safely. Therefore ft is 
necessary to kill him. I shall however save him on 
condition that he will leave my house and remain here 
no longer. As a punishment I will take off his fingers, 
and he should raise an alarm and order a pursuit only 
after I have safely left the place. Till then he must 
keep quiet." The lady agreed to these terms and 
raised Saista Khan and made him agree. Saista Khan 
and his wife then took oaths in confirmation of their 
promise. Then he cut off the fingers of Saista Khan's 
right hand and led him to the gate of the house. 


" Leave my house to-morrow or I will kill you," said 
the Raja, and let off the Khan's hand when he was 
outside the gate, In this manner did the Maharaja 
return after achieving success. 


Ch. [97]. The Khan on his arrival laid siege to 
Chakan first. There was a cavalry leader named 
Sambhaji Kavjl ; he was so stout and strong that he 
could lift a horse, and he was as brave as he was 
strong. The Maharaja was displeased with him for 
some reasons and he joined the Khan with his cavalry 
regiment. Babajl Ram Honap Despande of Puna 
had also gone forward to Barhanpur and joined the 
Khan. They were entertained and honoured for their 
local knowledge. 

The fort of Chakan was defended by Phirangoji 
Narsala Havaldar. The Khan blew off the bastion 
of the north-eastern corner by tunnelling, and the 
fort was captured. Narsala accepted a kaul and 
capitulated with the Maharaja's permission. Although 
the Khan wanted to keep Narsala extolling his bravery 
and generalship and promising to promote him, the 
latter refused the offer and came back to the 
Maharaja. The Maharaja remarked that Narsala 
had shown the climax of soldierly courage and 
conferred on him the Havaldarship of Bhupalgad. 
After capturing Chakan the Khan encamped at 

[Chitnis's account of the preparatory arrange- 
ments for surprising the Khan is practically the same 
as those of Sabhasad and 8ivadigvijaya, but his version 


of the actual encounter with the Khan is somewhat 

[98]. The Khan's son was sleeping, he was be- 
headed and killed where he slept. Then the Raja 
entered the Khan's tent and sat on his chest. As he 
was going to strike the blow, the Khan's wife awoke, 
saw him, and fell at his feet. She was asked to he 
silent hut she entreated the Raja not to kill the 
Khan. " Grant him his life and me my bracelets." 
(Bracelets signify that the lady is not a widow.) In 
this way did she piteously implore. The Maharaja's 
heart was melted but he argued, " I personally 
came and did this deed, but I have to go out of this 
camp safely and join my men. What should I do about 
that ?" Then he again thought within himself, 
" What cause of anxiety is there if the Khan, thus 
saved, leads an expedition ? I will punish him and 
kill him on the battle field." So he carefully held 
the Khan down, placed his sword on his throat, and 
with one hand applied the tiger's claws to his belly. 
Then he addressed the Khan in the following manner, 
" Come with me without speaking as far as 
I lead you by hand. Go back when I release you 
and call yourself Sasta Khan as some sort of punish- 
ment will be inflicted ; your ladies should also come 
with you." [99 J. To this effect did he exact from 
them both oaths on their honour and the Kuran, and 
he threatened to kill the Khan in case he made any 
noise. Then the Raja struck off two fingers of the 
Khan's hand. Saista Khan was utterly awe- 
stricken. Sivaji then caught hold of his hand and 
led him with his wife to the picket and joined his 


men by the same way as he had entered. " I am 
if thou leadst an expedition (against me) I will 
punish thee. Go back therefore without fighting, or 
I will kill thee/' So said the E/aja and then joined 
the men stationed outside the camp. With them he 
went to his followers near the stream called the 
Ambe and then sounded the bugle of signal. His 
men thereupon lighted the torches on the Katraj hill 
and sounded their horns. The Khan, greatly frightened, 
returned to his camp without making any noise. He 
was even ashamed to tell people that his son was 
killed. In the meantime a noise arose among the 
khojas and the watchmen, and a noise arose in the 
army too that the enemy had made a surprise attack. 
Men got ready and began to run in four directions by 
the road to Katraj. in this confusion they were all 
dispersed. Some began a flight and others got ready 
and rushed in the direction of the suspected attack. In 
the meantime the Maharaja united his men stationed 
at different places by the prearranged signal and 
reached Sinhagad well guarded and victorious. 
Although he had laid his sword on the Khan's throat, 
the Maharaja took it off and let him go with some 
punishment as formerly Sri Krshnajl had done with 
Kaliya at the entreaty of his wife. In the morning 
the enemy forces went to the thickets and discovered 
that torches had been bound to the branches of trees 
and horns of cattle. Finding that it was not a 
surprise attack, they came below Sinhagad and halted 
there. The guns of the forts opened fire and the 
flag elephant of the enemy was killed. [As rain set 
in Saista Khan retreated with his army to Pedganv.] 



S. P. [198] A letter came from gahaji Raje to the 
Maharaja, [199] "Baji Ghorpade took me to the 
Badshah, and in my old age entertained me with 
excellent hospitality. Thanks to the blessings of our 
ancestors and the favour of the gods, you have no 
deficiency of wealth, hut still you are behaving im- 
properly. You do not pay any attention (to my counsel) 
even if I write to you. What property I have earned 
will be of use to you. You should pay full attention 
to what ?nay improve or impair it ; and so behave as it 
may continue undiminished in future. But the coun- 
sels in my letter appear injurious to you and you 
behave according to the dictates of your own mind. 
* * * We had prayed for what was due to our good 
deeds of previous births and you were born. You are 
now exerting yourself and you are an expert in what 
you have undertaken. My prayer is that through God's 
blessings your heart's desire may be fulfilled, and you 
may enjoy ever increasing wealth being always well 
bathed in the stream of tears from the eyes of enemy 
women. Entertain Ghorpade Raje with notable 
respect. I need not write at length about it. He 
has done me great fovours and you must have heard 
of them." The letter greatly enraged the Maharaja 
and he went to Panhala. Thence he gathered infor- 
mation and led an expedition to Mudhol, the fief of 
Ghorpade. Two to three thousand men were put to 
the sword and fire was set to Mudho]. Baji Ghorpade, 
his son, and all the family were beheaded. Only a 
wife of Baji Ghorpade, and Akaji Ghorpade, her son, 
survived as they had gone to the lady's -father's place. 



Ch. [101 j Jaya Sing appreciated the Raja's cha- 
racter and power of conquest. " This king is a very 
virtuous Hindu," thought he " He will restore the 
religion. He rules his kingdom with justice. He 
should somehow be saved and at the same time the 
Badshah's interests should also he served by 
diplomacy. If we fight against him no one knows what 
will be the result, victory or defeat. His army and 
stores are good, f 102 j he is himself a diplomat, his 
strongholds are excellent, and every thing else is to 
his advantage. Moreover other generals had to retreat 
unsuccessful; it will be bad if the same thing happens 
to me. I should therefore (manage to) go with my 
honour (intact)." Arguing in this manner, he decided 
to seek the Maharaja's friendship and sent an envoy 
with the following message, " Aurangzib is the 
mighty ruler of the Earth, you should make friend- 
ship with him. The ultimate result of hostility will 
not be good. I am a Hindu and Raja of Jayapur, 
you are a Sisodia of the Udayapur family. You are 
a scion of a great family, and the defence of 
our faith is traditional in your family. Your efforts 
are directed to that end. I am therefore favourably 
disposed towards you. It is my earnest 
desire te save you and to maintain your kingdom. 
Let me know whit is your intention." When this 
message was sent the Maharaja deliberated thus, 
" It is the Srf s order that I should go to Delhi once, 
see our eastern provinces and visit the Ganges and 
the holy places. It is therefore well that a friendly 
proposal has come. I should, therefore, receive (the 


envoy) with honour and respect and send my own 
envoy with him." This decision being approved by 
all, Raghunath Bhat Pandit Rav was sent on an 
embassy with horses, elephants and servants. Clothes 
of honour were sent to Jayasing Raje and the Khan. 
When the Pant obtained an interview, he submitted 
the following proposal of the Maharaja in course of 
his negotiation, "You say that I should make friend- 
ship with the Badshah and (I know) I should do so. 
But what territories and forts I possess I have won 
by my own prowess. They were foreign territories 
(previous to my conquest). They should not be 
disturbed by the Badshah and peace should be main- 
tained. It is necessary to me that I should secure 
promotion and advancement by a personal interview. 
We have therefore no difference of opinion." Hear- 
ing this frank proposal Jaya Sing Raje answered, 
, " As you have restored and defended the overthrown 
| Hindu religion, I am pleased with you. As Ram 
Sing is my son, so are you. By my oaths I assert I 
have no other intention. Let me know what you 
want me to get for you from the Badshah and we 
will decide (our future course) accordingly." Having 
answered him in this manner, Jaya Sing arranged an 
interview between the envoy and Dilel Khan. 
Clothes and jewels, the envoy had brought, 
were persented to Dilel Khan and he was 
made acquainted with the purport of the negotia- 
tion. His (Dilel's) counsel taken, Jaya Sing gave 
clothes to the Pandit Rav and then sent him 
back with a dress of honour and jewels for the 


[103] The envoy came back and acquainted the 
Maharaja with the proposal of Jaya Sing. The 
Maharaja then wrote out his own intents, " What 
territories I have conquered should be all left to me. 
Besides them the Chauth and the Sardesmukhi of the 
Deccan should be granted to me. What forts and 
strongholds I have built or captured should be conti- 
nued in my possession and friendship should be con- 
cluded." With this message the envoy was again 
despatched. He went and produced the paper. 
Jaya Sing was thereupon convinced that the Maha- 
raja wanted to conclude peace. 

[It was settled that terms of peace should 
be settled after an interview with Sivaji but 
Dilel Khan protested that no terms should 
be settled without previously obtaining the Imperial 
sanction. In the meantime he proposed to make 
an exhibition of their power by capturing Purandar 
and Sinhagad. As Jaya Sing was not agreeable 
Dilel Khan tried to storm Pairandar without waiting 
for Jaya Sing's co-operation, but he had to return 
unsuccessful. Sivaji naturally resented this breach 
of faith 'and the subsequent negotiation according 
to Chitnis was very humiliating to the Mughals] 


S. D. [236] Then Saista Khan was recalled and 
another expedition was sent with Jaya Sing as 
Commander-in-Chief, and Dilel Khan as his second. 
He came to Aurangabad and made every necessary 
arrangement for the province. Thence he marched 


to Sinhagad and constructed a battery. The Maha- 
raja decided to go to Purandar, encouraged his 
men, went out and reached the fort. He used to 
assemble his men there, go to Rajgad, destroy the 
battery, or failing that, provision the fort ; and in 
this manner was the fort defended for sometime. 
As he used to lead the assault upon the battery 
personally and the casualty was very great, the 
Mirza Raja raised the siege of Sinhagad when he 
learnt the news of the Maharaja's coming, and 
applied himself against Purandar. The Maharaja's 
men stopped all provision as far as Pedganv. They 
also used to harass the roads, fall upon the enemy 
force, and destroy the batteries. At that time the 
Mirza Raja and Dilel Khan had erected a battery 
on the hill near Rudramal, and mounting their guns 
thereon, opened fire, and balls began to hit the fort. 
Another battery was erected on the Narayan side, 
but the garrison used to sally through the Kedar 
gate and destroy the batteries. The garrison could 
not be defeated and the Mirza Raja thought, " The 
Maharaja has risen to re-establish the Hindu faith, 
and if I offer him any hindrance it will cause the 
disappearance of religion. This is not at all good. 
Men, money, heart and luck are all in Sivajfs 
favour. So long as time (fate) is not against him, 
he will not be defeated. It is better that I should 
unite with him and maintain Hinduism. If I try 
to injure him, [237] well. he singly killed Abdul 
Khan and punished Saista Khan and destroyed many 
armies, and what weight have I ? If each fort 
defends itself for one year I cannot conquer the 


province. Therefore I should conclude a treaty, 
and winning him over by a peace, we should con- 
duct our projects in unity." When Dilel Khan 
learnt this he grew very angry. " All Hindus are 
one (at heart). They have their eyes on the destruc- 
tion of the Badshahi empire. But why should I 
care? I will myself (singly) punish him." So 
thought he, and made an assault on Purandar. 
Murar Dadaji Prabhu Despande with five thousand 
Mawles and Konkanese beat that assault back. 
* * * *. The courage of the garrison surprised 
him and he realised the correctness of the Mirza 
Raja's decision. Success could be attained only 
in that way and not by fighting. 

Ch. [104] At sunset Raja Jaya Sing sent 
the following message to Dilel Khan, " What you 
are doing is not proper. Of Sivajfs men each is the 
other's superior. Therefore the fort cannot be 
captured. If you lose so many men for one fort, 
how can we expect to conquer the strongholds 
in the dense forests like Konkan frontier ? What 
will you do to capture the impregnable forts in the 
forests of Sahyadri ? Sivajl Raja was coming for 
a diplomatic settlement, but you have not only 
averted that but lost his confidence too. You have 
upset (my) diplomatic efforts. What course should 
be followed now? " In the meantime an officer 
named Sultan Dhava had been sent with an army 
to lay siege to Sinhagad ; news came that the Maha- 
raja had routed him by four or five surprise attacks 
in the early morning and plundered the army. There 
upon the Khan was cooled down and he addressed 


Jaya Sing as follows, "Do what will bring about 
the interview and inspire the Raja's confidence. 
But I 4 constructed batteries against Purandar and 
led an assault upon it. I had taken a vow for 
capturing the fort but it was not fulfilled. [105] 
Therefore he (!ivajl) should raise our standard 
on the fort but it will be returned to him by treaty 
again. Do this much and the rest may be done 
according to the former negotiation." " I shall try 
and see what can be * done, " answered the Raja. 
The Maharaja and Jaya Sing were of the same 
mind. The envoy had been sent away simply 
because of the Khan's obstinacy, but in reality 
they held the same view. An envoy was again sent 
(to Sivajl) with the following message, " What 
is done is done. The terms previously settled should 
be now confirmed. Our standard should be only 
once raised on the fort but the fort should remain 
yours. Concede this much only. " To this message 
Sivaji answered, " Your standard cannot be raised 
on the fort. The Khan may visit the fort with 
one thousand followers in any manner he likes." 
Thereupon it was settled that the Khan should 
visit the fort. Two thousand select men with 
excellent military stores had been carefully stationed 
in the fort, and the Khan was taken above when 
the principal hall was made ready for an as- 
semblage. The Khan noticed that the military 
stores in the fort were excellent and if any treachery 
was attempted he would himself suffer. He there- 
fore came below and felt ashamed. " The project 
cannot be successfully carried out. It is difficult 


to capture the fort as the Raje has stationed 
excellent mer (there), and they fight to the best 
of their power." So thought the Khan 
and he returned to his camp. It had heen settled 
that a personal interview (between Sivaji and Jaya- 
Sing) should take place. But the Raja sent the 
following message, "The Khan captured Rudramal 
by erecting batteries. It should first be restored and 
the army should be withdrawn from Purandar, the 
interview should take place afterwards." Thereupon 
Rudramal was restored, the army was withdrawn 
and the Pandit Rav was again despatched. "How 
can we believe you ?" said he, "Although some 
terms had been settled, you committed a breach of 
the treaty ; how can a meeting be arranged now r 
Some assurances should be given." Thereupon the 
Khan and Jaya Sing gave assurance. 


S. D. [240] The Maharaja issued orders for 
delivering the twenty-seven forts, according to the 
terms of the treaty, but demanded the possession of 
Janjira, and both Jaya Sing and Dilel Khan agreed 
to give it. But Siddi Sambal and Yakud Khan, 
when ordered to surrender the fort, replied that they 
would do so as soon as a Sanad from Delhi was pro- 
duced, not otherwise. Every other place had been 
garrisoned according to the San ads of Mirza Raje 
and Dilel Khan, but the Habsis did not deliver Jan- 
jira and demanded a letter from Delhi. The Mirza 
Raja became displeased in vain. The Maharaja 


answered, "You require sanction from Delhi. 
Therefore get the proper guarantee from that place 
and give up the fort. When I get Janjira I will 
surrender the twenty seven forts including Trimhak, 
and I am quite agreeahle to the other terms of the 

[Sivajl, it appears, went to the imperial court to 
press this point] 


Ch. [110] The Raja went to Muttra and in a few 
days visited Gokul Brndaban. While leaving 
that place a Chaube Brahman of Muttra came be- 
fore him. As the Maharaja was going to sit upon 
the elephant, he saw the Brahman and remarked, 
"Foolish Brahman, you have come at an improper 
moment." (It was a bad omen). [Ill] The Brah- 
man also answered in the same spirit, "I am not a 
fool, Raja ! but you are." The Raja then called the 
Brahman near him, took his hand, and begged his 
pardon for his rude speech. Then the Raja respect- 
fully asked the Brahman the reason for calling him 
a fool. The Brahman said, "What I have said is 
true, and what you have said is proper too. I should 
not have come before you at such a time but I came 
inconsidarately. Why I called you a fool ? Well, 
the Emperor of Delhi is as cruel as Ravana. You 
are going to see him with a small force after you 
have bravely conquered his territories, and you are 
taking with you your son also. What judgment 
have you shown in this ? You have not done right." 


The Raja listened to him and admitting that he was 
right, respectfully gave him clothes and money and 
conferred on him the priesthood of that place. He 
granted him an annual allowance of five hundred 
Rupees, and gave him a village of that income in 
that very province, and arranged that the grant 
might be continued to him by requesting Ram Sing. 
That grant is still continued. Then he took the 
Brahman with him and proceeded to Delhi. On his 
arrival at Delhi, Ram Sing informed the Badshah 
that the Raja had come for an interview. There- 
upon the Badshah ordered that the Raja should be 
brought on an auspicious day. Thereupon an aus- 
picious day was ascertained and (Ram Sing) took 
the Raja for an interview. 

On that day the Badshah arranged the royal 
court very carefully and assembled all the princi- 
pal nobles. Ram Sing had carefully tutored the 
Maharaja about the customary proceedings that 
such an occasion demanded, as for example a nazar 
before the interview, obeisance and salutes, etc. He 
had told the Raja to observe the customs of the 
court and to serve the purpose for which he had 
come. The Raja agreed but when he went for the 
interview he felt a strong disinclination for saluting 
the Emperor by touching the ground with his hands, 
and in contradiction to the advice previously given, 
omitted to salute the Emperor. Then Ram Sing 
noticed this and came forward with the nazar. 
The Badshah signalled (the Raja) with his hand to 
stand among the Amirs on the right side and the 
Raja went where the Khan, the wazir, and Raje 


Yasvant Sing of Marwad stood, and instead of 
remaining standing he sat above them. Ram Sing 
noticed this and he himself stood in front of the 
Raja. When questioned by the Badshah (by a sign) 
Ram Sing said, "The Raje is a Dakshini, he has not 
seen the imperial court before." The Badshah rea- 
lised [112] that the Raja was a man of firm deter- 
mination. He applied a handkerchief to his mouth 
and with a smile admired him. Then he made the 
customary enquiries about the time of the Raja's 
arrival, his business, etc. The Raja also made ap- 
propriate answers. As the Sanad was produced, the 
Emperor gave the Raja betel leaves of leave and 
permission to retire to his quarters. 


S. D. [245] Ram Sing met him there and made 
the substance of the Emperor's speech known to 
him. The interview was to be according to the man- 
ner and style of one that Sahajl had, when he had 
visited Bijapur. " After due salutations you will 
answer what he will ask, or you will point your 
hands to me and I shall submit your prayers and get 
them granted" [said Ram Sing]. The Raja answered, 
" The interview should be on terms of equality. 
I will not salute a Turk by touching the earth with 
my hands." Ram Sing's reply to the Raja's objec- 
tion was that as the Maharaja had come to the 
Emperor for his own interest, it would not be wrong 
to pay respects in the prescribed form. "Get what 
you want and when the Emperor will go to your 


place, demand an interview on terms of equality. 
Until that time do not think of it." Ram Sing then 
explained to him the usual limit to be observed in 
approaching the throne and in speaking there. The 
Raja listened to him but in his own mind he 
thought, " I am an independent king of the Hindus, 
why should I make obeisances ? What do I care 
for this Turk ? Has my position at all been affected 
because I have come to Delhi ?" When asked by 
Ram Sing he went for the interview. On the right 
near the imperial throne was the place of honour of 
Rohila Khan wazir. The Maharaja sat there. 
Sambhaji Raje was near him and so was Ram Sing. 
Ram Sing first made his obeisance and then stepped 
aside to enable the Raja to pay his respects, but he 
lost his corporal consciousness [246]. He was greatly 
excited and thought, " I am a Sarbabhawm King, 
why should I salute a Yavana ?" The Maharaja 
in his rage appeared to be the Yama himself armed 
with the rod of death (danda) for punishing the 
world on the day of extinction. The Emperor 
noticed it but he understood the case and was calmed 
when Ram Sing remarked that the Maharaja was a 
Dakshini. Then Aurangzib addressed the Maharaja 
in the following manner, "You have come a 
great distance. I have heard much about your 
deeds and I am highly pleased to see you. What 
I have heard of you is really true. You are really 
a man of extraordinary capacity/' Such was the 
regardful speech made by the Emperor, and then he 
presented to the Raja and his son a necklace of 
pearl, a pearl tura (tassel) 3 a head dress and clothes. 


The Maharaja replied, " You wanted to see me and 
sent a friendly invitation, so I came. You say I have 
come far, but this is my country, so the question of 
distance does not arise at all." In this manner did he 
speak. Then Ram Sing got the signal for going away 
and he did the same thing to the Maharaja. He and 
his son got up without making the usual salute, to 
retire to the house appointed for them. 


S.D. [262]. To find out whether proper watch 
and caution were observed in every fort, the Maha- 
raja used to go before the forts all alone and exhort 
the garrison to open the gates. " I am come. The 
Mughals are pursuing me, open the gates and take 
me in." So he would say. And when the Havaldar 
opened the gate and took him in, the Maharaja 
would censure him severely and sometimes dis- 
miss him. This happened at one or two places. 
He paid a similar visit with Ba]ajl Avji to Panhala, 
and he asked at the guard room below the fort for 
permission to enter, but was forbidden by the garri- 
son. "You are no doubt' our master," said they, 
"But you should first get the permission of the 
Havaldar and then enter." Thereupon he proceeded 
as far as the gate guarded by a sepoy. When the 
Havaldar got the information, [263] he came on the 
rampart with other officers of the fort and they 
made their obeisance from that place. The Maha- 
raja appealed in various ways, " I am fleeing pur- 
sued by an army. Open the gates and take me in. 


But the Prabhu Kdrbhari of Panhala and the Kille- 
dar answered, " We will open the gates at the time 
fixed (by the military regulations) and not before 
that." A bed was let down from the wall for the 
Maharaja's repose but the gate was not opened. 


Ch. [131] Naro Pant's son, Raghunath Narayan, 
was a learned man of great intelligence and ability. 
After Sahaji's death he conducted the administra- 
tion, preserved the estate and made considerable 
addition to the treasury. So long as Vyankaji Raje 
was a minor he was guided by him. But afterwards 
though he had little power and application, Vyankaji 
aspired to take the Government into his own hands. 
But he was wanting in intelligence and could not 
act as instructed. So he began to dislike the doings 
of the Karbharis and great men and promoted low 
people and listened to their advice. Thereupon 
Raghunath Pant perceived that it would be difficult 
to maintain the influence won by his father in the 
service of Vyankaji. It was true that Vyankaji was 
his master, but the power and influence of Sivajl 
Maharaj was daily increasing and he too was an 
owner of the kingdom. He might therefore blame 
Raghunath. It appeared fit to Raghunath that he 
should remain indifferent (to worldly matters) per- 
forming baths and prayers and live at holy places. 
But it would be a stain on his faithful service, if the 
kingdom suffered any diminution while he was 
still alive. Therefore Raghunath decided to offer 


Vyankaji some counsel. So he began to watch the 
Raje's doings indifferently, and when the Raje did 
something wrong he admonished him in the follow- 
ing manner. " Raje Saheb ! We are your ancestral 
servants. We know that it is beneficial to us to bring 
about your good and we work to that end. But you 
do not think well of our work. It is not good that 
you keep the company of low people. As your father 
earned celebrity, [132] so has your brother Sivajl 
Raje extended his fame all over the world by the 
extension of his kingdom. As you are his brother, 
you too should do similar things, or Sivajl Raje will 
complain that nothing was done although I was 
near you. You should accept our service and it is 
our duty to serve you. Although you have men and 
money at your command you are idly wasting your 
wealth at the hands of unfit men. One can justify 
one's birth in a celebrated family only by acquiring 
more fame than his ancestors." In this way did 
he admonish him, but his counsel had no effect on 
Vyankaji Raje and he went on treating him 
(Raghunath) with greater slight. Even his good 
counsels appeared to Vyankaji as bad. Thereupon 
Raghunath wrote everything to the Maharaja and 
the Maharaja wrote the following letter, " You are 
indifferent (to state affairs). You are paying your 
men for nothing without mak x ng any exertion (for 
conquest). Father gathered able and faithful men, 
you slight them. This is not proper." But low 
people had greatly confused his judgment. The 
Pant then thought,- " We have eaten his bread from 
the time of my father. Therefore it is not proper to 


wish evil of him. It is therefore well to go to Sivajl 
Raje, his elder brother and an (equal) owner of the 
kingdom." After he had made this decision Vyankaji 
once rejected his counsel and told him that he 
was nothing but a servant and should do as he was 
ordered. " It is true, Oh Raje ! that I am your 
servant," Raghunath Pant promptly retorted, "But 
if I leave your service I am fit to occupy half your 
seat." The retort was very galling to Vyankaji. 
Then the Pant took leave of his family. " I shall 
see Sivajl Raje," thought he, " What I have asserted 
here in course of my speech I should verify by my 
deeds." " But," he thought, " It will be disgraceful 
to carry out my threat by making an alliance with 
the Palegars and thereby causing harm to the king- 
dom. Sivaji Raje is very fond of conquering new 
dominions and he is making new annexations every 
day. I should go to him." So decided Raghunath. 
But as he was an old servant of Sivaji's father, he 
did not feel it proper to meet him without accom- 
plishing any thing. Sivajl respected diplomatic 
achievements. Therefore Raghunath decided to go with 
projects about the southern principalities and matured 
his plans about Jinji and other places. [13o] He 
decided to place this kingdom under the new Raja and 
with more diplomatic projects left Karnatak for going 
to the Maharaja. 

At that time the Pant argued in his mind that 
the kingdom of Bijapur was greatly loosened and 
repressed, but the kingdom of Bhaganagar lay on 
the Maharaja's way to Karnatak. This would appear 
as a difficulty to the success of the project and the 


Pant therefore came near Bhaganagar with the 
intention of effecting a friendly alliance with the 
Bhaganagar Government (by diplomacy). Akanna 
and Madanna Pant were acting as wazirs there with 
sole power (of administration). How to meet them ? 
Madanna Pant used to entertain Brahman scholars 
with great honour if they went to his house. Raghu- 
nath Pant kept all his attendants at a distance of 
ten cosses or thereabout and went to Madanna Pant's 
place early in the morning at the time of his morn- 
ing bath and prayer, disguised as a Brahman scholar, 
as he expected in this manner to gain his purpose 
before his project became known. 

Madanna Pant was a very great man, devoted to 
the Brahmans, and given to charitable and religious 
deeds. He always fed a lakh of people and never 
took his meal until he heard from his guest house 
that every one there had done so. He faithfully 
observed this practice as was well known in the 
city. When Raghunath went to his place, the 
assembled scholars were debating about the rival 
claims of Siva and Vishnu to the superior position 
among gods. Raghunath Pant, though himself a 
Vaishnava, espoused the cause of Siva and established 
his supremacy to the satisfaction of all. When 
Vishnu's party was thus weakened, he turned to 
their side and established the supremacy of Vishnu. 
Then he pointed out the defects of the doctrine of 
duality and proved the validity of the doctrine of unity. 
Madanna Pant was highly pleased with him and 
honoured and praised him as a great scholar. " You 
are a great man Oh sir ! Whence have you come ? 


Please order whatever you may require," so said 
Madanna. And Raghunath then answered, " I 
do not want money, nor do I hanker after land, rent 
free villages or a living. You are a virtuous man 
and well versed in the Sastras. My only desire is 
to have a private discussion with you for four 
ghatkas only. Then Anna took the Pant to a private 
place and the latter said, "I am not a begging 
scholar but a servant of Sivajl Mahavaj. Raghunath 
Pant [134] is my name. Some diplomatic projects 
about Karnatak have been submitted to the Maha- 
raja, and he intends to see some places in his pro- 
vinces. He wants to visit the province of Tanjore. 
I have been desired to see you and bring about a 
friendly alliance with your empire, so that you may 
be of use to him when need arises j and similarly he 
may be of service to you in time ot need. With 
this intent I have come. You are devoted to reli- 
gion, and to uphold that religion is the ambition of 
the Maharaja; you should therefore help and assist 
him. You should effect friendship between him and 
your master without any loss of honour on the part 
of the latter." Madanna Pant was highly pleased 
with Raghunath Pant. The Pant's speech and argu- 
ments were convincing, and in this manner did they 
meet. He was already acquainted with the Maha- 
raja's fame and had also heard of the Pant. Madanna 
Pant now listened to him with more honour and 
attention than before and swore that eternal amity 
should be established. After settling that the aims 
of both the parties should be fulfilled, Madanna 
detained Raghunath and brought his attendants. It 


was arranged that Siva]! should see the Badshah 
on his way to Karnatak and the Pant was then 


S.D. [287] Vyankajl Raje was at Tanjore. land- 
ing that he was behaving improperly, Raghunath 
Pant Hanrnante counselled him in the following 
manner, "Both Sivajl Maharaj and yourself are 
Sahaji Raje's sons. You know how Sivajl Maha- 
raj has of his own valour founded a kingdom [288] 
and won renown. You are his brother and should 
keep up the reputation (of the family). This is our 
earnest hope, and we, your hereditary servants, are 
here for this purpose." When he had said this the 
Raja got fiercely angry. 

Then Hanmante began another speech with 
folded hands and in a voice audible to all present, 
" Through our co-operation has the kingdom been 
extended. We have always done what is to your 
good and will do so in future. Sivajl has a share in 
this property. He has not demanded it so long, as 
the Maharaja cannot be present every where, but he is 
represented by his servants. Then why should he 
dishonour you ? He does not therefore demand his 
share still. As he is just, so should be you. It is 
not good to enlist Muhammadans. Keep only a few 
where necessary. You should so behave as if you 
too are a part incarnation for the protection of the 
Hindus. You should listen to the counsel of your 
servants like us, treat the subjects as your children, 
love everyone and revile none. Collect wealth, 


entertain brave men in your service, give up the 
wrong path and pursue the right one. Be a Krtanta 
in punishing the bad and to the good be a protector 
like Samb (Sambhu). I am not one of those ser- 
vants who always follow every whim of yours and 
natter you as the Maharaja. What is good we will 
call good ; but what is bad we will condemn as bad. 
Without taking it ill, you should give your consent 
to what is profitable. I shall not accept any dissent 
because Sahajl Haje never went against what we did. 
You should have more regard for our counsel than 
he had. If we advise the wrong way do not listen 
to us on any account, but why should you not listen 
when it is good counsel ? If you listen, well and 
good ; but it depends on your sweet will whether 
you should or should not. But we are not servants 
of the ordinary sort. [289] If we go somewhere 
else then we will have you seated on half of our seat 
or we will occupy half of your seat. 


Ch. [139] From the camp of Jinji the Maharaja 
wrote to Vyankaji Raje requesting him to send some of 
the principal men of his court, Govind Bhat Gosavl 
and Kakaji Pant and Niloba Nalk and Eangoba Nalk 
and Timajl Ikhtyar Eav. Thereupon Vyankaji Eaje 
sent them. To them the Maharaja said, " Thirteen 
years have passed since the death of the late Maha- 
raja. Raghunath Pant then placed you at the head 
of the Goverment and completely rendered to you 
all the belongings of the late Maharaja ; his jewels, 


horses, elephants and lands. But they are my patri- 
mony as well. You have till to-day enjoyed my 
half share of them ; I wanted to demand it of you 
but 1 had been far away. As you would not relin- 
quish it voluntarily, I waited for these twelve or 
thirteen years. In my mind I argued that you were 
also a son of the Maharaja and a rightful owner of 
the property. So I let you enjoy it as long as you 
would, and I thought I would demand and get my 
share whenever I need it and was at leisure. How- 
ever, I came to Bhaganagar for an interview with the 
Kutub Shah for some diplomatic reasons, from there 
I came to Karnatak. Coming to this province I 
captured Jinji. I have taken possession of the terri- 
tories on the banks of the Varuna. Sher Khan came 
to fight me, he was completely routed and I annexed 
what territories he held. I then came to the banks 
of the Kaveri and thence wrote to you requesting 
you to send some good men and you did so." Sivaji 
asked them (Vyankaji's men) to deliver this mes- 
sage to Vyankajl and gave them a letter to the same 
effect. Then he despatched them with his officers 
Balambhat Gosavi and Krshna Jos! and Krshnaji 
Sakhojl. They went [140] to Vyankajl and 
submitted to him all that the Maharaja had 
said. But it had no good effect on Vyankaji's mind 
and with evil designs he himself started for 
a personal interview with the Maharaja. In his 
mind however he was resolved to enjoy the whole 
property by using humble words without adverting 
to the question of partition at all. The Maharaja- 
spoke to him in all possible manners but Vyankajl 


had no intention of relinquishing the share, Then 
the Maharaja thought, " He is my younger brother. 
Instead of settling the terms previously he has 
personally come to see me. Therefore it is not 
appropriate to the honour of an elder, that I 
should imprison him and exact my share in that 
way. The Maharaja then gave him clothes of 
honour and message of leave. Rupajl Bhonsle, 
Man Sing More and Annajl Ranganath Kelkar 
Avere sent with him to see him safely to home. 
And they came hack after Vyankajl Raja had 
reached Tanjore. 

After the departure of Vyankajl Raje the Maha- 
raja sent Samji Naik Punde, Konerl Pant and 
Sivajl Sankar with a fresh message. " Let us divide 
the property and live in peace. An increase of 
family quarrel will be injurious to both of us and 
we shall both suffer. In days of yore the Pandavas 
and Kauravas suffered much. Remember that and 
do not contribute to the growth of family dissension. 
Relinquish my half of the patrimony I demand. 
Ear from doing that, you have unjustly enjoyed my 
share till to-day and intend to do so in future. This 
is not proper." Though this message was delivered, 
Vyankajl did not give a proper answer and sent 
back the envoys. Then the Maharaja thought, 
" As I have come (here) he personally came to see 
me. He is my younger brother. I should not 
personally march against him and exhibit my power 
at his cost." So argued he, and overlooked the 



S. D. [310] The Raja Saheb was with the Maha- 
raja for a period of two or, two and a half months. 
The Maharaja gave the Karbhari the following 
instruction one day. " We are entertaining the 
followers of Vyank'iji Raje with provision and fodder. 
We shall have to make a military expedition very 
soon and so to give the Raje Saheb leave to go home. 
Therefore give a feast to all his men, great and 
small, and make a list of clothes to be presented at 
the time of leave giving." * * * Vyankajl Raje 
was then given leave to go to Jinji and the Karbhari 
accompanied him to see him off. Jewels, elephants, 
horses and palanquins, etc., were presented to 
Vyankajl Raje. * * * [311] Then Samjl Nalk, 
Konher Pant and Sivaji Pant were despatched with a 
letter to Vyankajl Raje. The purport thereof was 
as follows, " You should give me my share of our 
patrimony. Although I spoke to you personally 
about it you kept silent. But you are like a son to 
me. It is not nice that I should, as your elder, speak 
direct to you about it. I gave you hints in various 
ways but you took no notice of them. I am sending 
these three men and you should make a clear settle- 
ment before them. If you do not, I will not give 
up my share but you shall be compelled to surrender 
it. If you behave yourself properly, the question 
of any deficiency in the share is only a family 
matter." [312] When Vyankajl got this letter and 
understood that the Maharaja's expedition had gone 
back, he held a council with four of his principal 
officers and asked for their advice. " These three men 


have come to demand the share." he said " During 

our father's life-time Sivajl Maharaj rebelled against 

the Badshah and forcibly took possession of the 

imperial territories. Our father on that account 

suffered in various ways. I remained with my father 

and behaved obediently and so the Badshah preserved 

our property. It is not an ancient hereditary gift 

that he demands a share. Share can be claimed of 

ancient watans alone. But this property is held on 

service tenure. I call myself a Badshahi officer and 

enjoy this property in accordance with the Badshah's 

order. What claim has he to this property ? If 

there are any elephants, horses and jewels, and if he 

claims a share thereof, Baghunath Pant will explain 

the papers and point out what these are, and I have 

no objection to giving him his proper share. 

Although these are the facts, my brother personally 

spoke to me and wrote letters about his share and 

you have come. Eaghunath Pant is our senior in 

age. I kept silent because I did not like to give an 

impertinent answer to my elder brother. You should 

inform him to this effect. I shall reply his letter 

after proper deliberation." So said the Eaje and 

dismissed the three envoys with clothes of honour. 

Then Vyankaji wrote to Bijapur, " My elder brother 

demands a share of the patrimony and I have 

answered that the property is in lieu of service. 

Why should I give him any share ?" The Badshah 

answered his letter to the following effect, "We 

have learnt the purport of your letter. Sahaji Eaje 

served us faithfully and the Sanod was granted to 

him and his descendants, Sivajl now demands his 


share. Although a traitor, he is a Government servant 
and we are quite ahle to demand explanation of him. 
Why do you create family squabbles and bring trouble 
to the Government ? If we write that you should 
not give him his share he will commit disturbance 
in our territories [313] and that is not good. His 
father was our servant and he will enjoy the ances- 
tral property and serve us. Although an enemy, if he 
demands his rights as a servant in a friendly manner 
you should certainly surrender them. He is the senior 
owner of your patrimony." * * , jl But some Muham- 
madans encouraged him in the following manner 
Sivajl is a rebel. The Bads'hah is afraid of that 
devil but we are your servants ; and if you decide on 
war we are here present to die for you. Fight you 
should, for once at least, and see who wins and 
who loses. 


[The following terms were offered by Sivajl in a 
letter written to Ragunath Narayan] S. D. [328] 

1. The Mankaris related to us should be properly 
and honourably maintained. They should not be 
slighted, neither should they be taken into service. 

2. No work should be done without the know- 
ledge of the Darakhdars and the Kdmdars. Their 
counsel should be sought. Get work done by the 
[329] honest alone but do not let the general public 
know that they have no real power. Do not disturb 
the hereditary character of their office but continue 
it with dignity and honour. 


3. Honest and faithful clerks should be selected 
from good families and appointed after getting a 
security. They should be kindly treated and kept 
near you. You should keep information of every 
place but none should be let to guess that you listen 
to them. Keep them under strict discipline and 
obtain their service in every delicate business. 

4. With both friends and foes you should keep 
your political agents and newswriters and news 
should reach you from every place without any one's 

5. Members of the household cavalry, Siledars 
and cavalry regiments should be suitably maintained 
according to the importance of their service. Horse 
and Siledars should be kept under observation and 
in a working order making them do some duty, 
otherwise they will grow careless and ruin will 
inevitably be caused in times of a foreign invasion. 
Therefore, cavalry, artillery, and other departments 
should always be kept intact. 

6. The wicked, thieves, haters of Hindus, 
drunkards, etc. should not be allowed to remain 
within the dominion. But in case they are allowed 
to live, they should be made to give security and a 
strict watch should be kept that no disturbance may 
be created. 

7. If any treaty about boundary with parties, 
great or small, is made, no dispute [330] about it 
should be allowed to be raised. The poor and the 
helpless should be supported and their claims 
should be asserted and steps should be taken to 
prevent interference. 



8. Religious endowments should be continued 
as before. They should on no account be discontinued 
and you should properly manage them. 

9. All suits should be referred to the Panohayet 
and properly enquired into without taking any bribe. 
You should not forget that the sovereign is the 
parent of the poor. Do not hanker after their 
money. It is wicked to do so. 

10. Protection being once offered, mere might 
has never been resorted to in the history of our 
family, and any such breach of promise should 
not be committed in future. 

11. The Mahal of fort Ami was previously 
conferred on Yado Bhaskar by the late Maharaja. 
He has eight sons. It will be altf right if they render 
proper service, but do not give them any trouble if 
they do not work ( on the ground that the Mahal 
is held in lieu of service ). Do not covet for a 
Rupee or two. 

12. We have a Sanad grant ( for Jagirs ) from 
Bijapur. Some of our Jagirs were brought under 
their jurisdiction by a treaty when we came here 
from Daulatabad. Besides that, many Palegars were 
forced to submit to us and their territory was 
brought under our jurisdiction. There may be some 
deficiency or excess of revenue from them in our 
joint holding. We have to serve the Bijapur 
Government with a force of 5000. But in the treaty 
concluded about the service, it has been settled that 
we shall not serve him ( the Sultan of Bijapur ) in 
person but we shall render military help when 
necessary. [331] This had been settled when my 


father was still alive. Therefore you will not have 
to serve the Bijapur Government personally, hut 
in lieu of personal service you will have to send an 
army whenever necessary. You will he held 
responsible for failure to do it and in that case I will 
exact from you the money required for such military 

13. The Patllki, Desmukhi, and Nadgaunda 
waians in the Deccan, viz., Hingne Beradi and 
Deulganv are our ancestral property. You will have 
nothing to do with them. I shall continue to manage 

14. If people from these provinces go to yours, 
and your people come to mine, they should he 
amicahly induced to return to their respective 

15. The Pargana of Bengrul yields to-day, 
with the neighbouring stations of Baskot and Silekot 
a revenue of two Itkhs of Barai. If they are brought 
under our administration they may yield five lakhs. 
These I have conferred on Ohirnujlv Saubhagyavail 
Dlpa Ba! for chollbangdl (pin money). These should 
be continued in the fe'male line. These Mahals 
should be managed by you but the revenue should 
be enjoyed by her on whom it may be conferred by 
the Saubhagyavail. 

16. A Mahal yielding seven lakhs of Hons, out 
of my conquests near Jinji, I have granted as a 
hereditary mam to Chiranjlv Rajs'ri Vyankajl Raje 
for dudhbhat (pocket money). [332] I shall send 
the Sanads according to the list of the Mahals sent 
by you. 


17. I have writen to Chiranjiv Bahirji E/aje. 
He will deliver to you what Mahals you may want. 
You are a faithful ancestral servant and knowing 
that it is necessary to the Maharaja to maintain 
your family and relatives, a hereditary inam of 
villages yielding one lakh of Bari in the province of 
Tan j ore is conferred on you. Sanads will be sent 
when you name the villages. 

18. If thieves from your province come to mine, 
I will deliver them to you on demand and if 
traitors from my province go to yours you should 
not raise any objection about handing them over 
to me. 

19. You should continue the monthly allowance 
granted for the Maharaja's tomb, including the band, 
horses, elephants and Karkuns that should be kept 
there. Do not allow any slackening in this respect. 


Oh. [173] One day, on the occasion of the 
Haladkunkum festival, a beautiful lady came to 
the palace among the Suvasinls ( ladies whose 
husbands are alive). She was taken into the Mahal 
and wrongly violated. When he got this informa- 
tion, the Maharaja said in disgust, " The heir to the 
crown has violated one of a higher caste. All the 
subjects are the king's relatives. They are so many 
children to him. What can I do if the offender is 
my son, I shall discard and punish him." So said 
(the Raje) in his firm resolution. When Sambhajl 
Maharaja learnt this news, he mounted a horse. 


placed his wife on another, and left at night with 
only a few of his personal attendants. He went to 
Dilel Khan who was at Aurangabad. Dilel Khan felt 
highly pleased, settled a monthly allowance on him 
and entertained him with great honour. Sambhajl 
assembled a force of his own. Dilel Khan then gave 
him some of his own men, and sent him to capture 
Bhupalgad. He marched to that place, laid siege to 
it and erected batteries against the fort. When the 
garrison was going to open fire Sambhajl himself 
came forward, and ordered the Havaldar to open the 
gates to him, otherwise he threatened to behead him 
and massacre all his men. The men then lost heart, 
they co aid not fire ( for fear of killing him ) and 
began to run away in terror. The Havaldar of the 
forts was Phirangoji Narsala, who had formerly 
defended Chakan against Saista Khan. Vitthal 
Bhale Rav Avas Sabms. These also lost heart as 
their subordinate officers had fled away. " The men 
have lost courage ", they argued, " What should we 
do ? This is the condition of the garrison. If we 
however muster courage and defend the fort, 
Sambhajl Maharaj will come forward, we should not 
open fire ( on him )." So they left the fort at night 
and went to the Maharaja. Of the garrison, some 
who remained there were taken prisoner when the 
fort was captured. Their hands and legs were 
chopped off. Such was the cruel punishment 
inflicted, that the garrison in all the forts might be 
overawed. Victory was won but some people were 
of opinion that such deeds were not proper, and thev 
returned to Dilel khan. 


The Maharaja learnt this news and was much 
pained at the conduct of his son. [134] As Sambhaji 
might deal similarly with other forts so the comman- 
dants were ordered not to capitulate but to fight. 
And he sent a KarJcun to Sambhaji Raje with the 
following instructive message, " What are you 
doing ? Eor whom have I reclaimed this kingdom 
with so much labour ? 

Is it for you or for any body else ? You wish to 
remain with the Yavanas and restore the kingdom 
to their house, but whose will be the loss ? Under 
these circumstances I have no duty to perform. I 
should live in some holy place or remain with 
Ramdas Swami. But yours will be the loss. The 
past is past. Come back to me. Remain wherever 
you like, some Talukas will be set aside there for 
your personal expense." i Sambhaji then left the 
Mughal camp and joined the Maharaja at Panhala.] 


S.D. 1 263] Sambhaji Maharaj, the eldest son, 
was kept at Raygad. Nilo Pant Majumdar was 
Karbhari there. As Sambhaji had behaved impro- 
perly, there was some talk in the way of instruction 
between the two. The Maharaja took it ill and 
became hostile to him. Some wrong was done to 
Nilo Pant. When Sivajl Maharaj learnt this, he 
severely chid his son. Sambhaji became much de- 
jected. TJmajl Pant, a class-fellow of Sambhaji and 
of the same age as the prince, was regarded as the 
wisest fellow among his companions. When con- 
sulted in private, Umajl noticed Sambhaji's dejection 


and said, [264] " Do not be anxious. One of my 
relatives, a man of influence, is in the service of 
Dilel Khan. If you like, I shall make arrangements 
there." Sambhajl much pleased with the suggestion 
sent Umajl Pant to Dilel Khan, and a compact was 
made with him. On some pretence the prince went 
out with his wife, Saubhagyavatl Yesu Ba! Saheb, 
and came by stages to the army of Dilel Khan. 


S.D. [266] Sambhajl was told to capture Bhu- 
palgad and he marched to that place. The Maha- 
raja had stationed an army near his frontier as a 
measure of caution. A letter (to the following effect) 
was addressed to Sambhajl Maharaj from that army. 
" You are our master. The Elder Maharaj has 
risen for founding an empire, it is your duty to 
preserve the kingdom he has founded. Far from 
doing that, you are going to ruin what he has con- 
quered. This is not at all good. Think over it and 
do what appears well to Your Majesty." * * * * 
[267] Early at dawn Sambhajl appeared before 
Bhupalgad, and wrote to Narsala Havaldar demand- 
ing the surrender of the fort. In reply Phirangojl 
Narsala Havaldar and the Karkhanms and the 
Sab Ms jointly wrote, " Humble submission of 
obedient servants to Your Highness. The Maharaja's 
expedition is come. What should we servants do 
when you undo the work of the Elder Maharaja. 
To die is not difficult at all. Each one of us will 
kill two, and then what has been ordained by God 
will take place. We are ready to die. It is not 


proper for you to proceed." So answered the Com- 
mandant of the fort but Sambhajl got still more 
angry and made an assault. They have no consider- 
ation for the respect due to my position. If I 
retreat, the Nawab's men will dishonour me as if 
I am a servant deputed by Sivajl. The Nawab's assur- 
ance will bear no fruit." So thought he, and prefer- 
ring death to dishonour, put himself at the head of 
his men and led a violent assault. Narsala and the 
Darakhdara thought that the very gates of the fort 
would be befouled by fighting. Who knew what 
Sivajl Maharaj would think of it. They therefore 
decided to leave the fort to the garrison and go to 
the Maharaja at Panhala. The garrison was very 
intrepid and killed men avoiding killing the prince. 
In this manner did fighting go on and many men 
were killed. The prince got angry and he himself 
came shouting against the fort. How could the 
garrison use their arms against their master, and so 
they stood still. Those who sued for quarters were 
instantly killed and in this manner three to four 
hundred men were killed. Sambhajl took up arms 
in person, killed men, and captured the fort. Nar- 
sala and the Darakhdars went to the Maharaja at 
Panhala, made their obeisance and reported what 
had happened. " Do not you know how the Haval- 
dar of Panhala had treated me ? [268] Inspite 
of my order to maintain similar discipline, you fled 
because of my son. He will destroy the whole king- 
dom. It would have been well if you had killed 
him but still you fled." The Maharaja ordered the 
Killedar, and Phirangojl Narsala was blown from 


a cannon to intimidate others from committing such 
an offence. 


S.D. [287] At Raygad, the well-behaved daughter 
of Hamblr Rav Mohite was selected, and she was 
married at an auspicious moment. She was named 
Sita Bal but as she was as bright as a star in her 
beauty she was also called Tarau Saheb. 


[According to Sivadigvijaya the coronation was 
necessitated by the attitude of some old Maratha 
Sardars like Sirke, Mohite and Mahadik, who refused 
to sit below Sivaji even in his Kachari, claiming 
equality in rank and family honour from old customs 
(pp. 406-408). It was Balajl Avjl who had advised 
the ceremonial coronation, p. 407.] 

S.D. [410] "Then arrange for the chhatra 
sinhasan ceremony," observed the Raja, and Balajl 
said, "All right, Your Majesty." There were 
four Brahmans who had seen and heard of some of 
the necessary performances, and they were asked to 
bring together their several knowledge of the cere- 
mony and to counsel how to prepare for it. But 
they said that there was at Kasi, a Brahman of very 
great attainments, Gaga Bhatta, who resembled the 
Sun itself in his power and austerities and seemed to 
be the personification of the Vedas. " Somebody," 
they said, " should be sent to him, and if preparations 



were made according to his directions, there would 
be none to object to the ceremony. So he should be 
consulted." Thereupon Bajajl Baba submitted to 
the Maharaja that there was a very great Kasl 
Brahman named Gaga Bhatta, somebody should 
be sent to him to obtain from him the Sastrik injunc- 
tions and that it would be well to get the 
ceremony performed by him. The Maharaja was 
highly pleased and commissioned Balaji Baba to 
despatch a Karkun to Kasl and to pay what money 
was necessary from the treasury. Ram Chandra 
Babaji was accordingly sent. [411] He went with 
the Maharaja's letter and explained his mission. 
Thereupon the Bhatta replied that he would answer 
after proper deliberation. Several Brahmans of the 
place, great and small, were accordingly consulted, 
and the Bhatta answered that only the Kshatriyas were 
entitled to chliatra and sinhasan, the udras were 
no t * * * * -p or a y ear an ^ a b a if Ramchandra 

Babajl pleaded that there were so many Sudra kings 
without any knowledge of: Kshatriya rites, but to 
no avail. Thereupon Balaji Avjl wrote to Ram- 
chandra to enquire on what grounds the chhatra and 
smhasan had been conferred on the Udayapur royal- 
family, with whom the Raja was connected. * * * * 
[412] The Maharaja however remarked "How is 
it that one who does good to the subjects and 
establishes the religion should have no right (to 
chhatra and sinhasan). He who has power is 
really a king. Are not many kings of low origin 
enjoying sovereignty ? In what respects do they 
behave like the Kshatriyas ? 



Ch. [140] [While in Karnatak, encamped at 
Trivapi on the Kaverl, the goddess took possession of 
the Raja and made the following prophecy.] 

1. The kingdom of Des will be conquered by 
the Muhammadans, Bay gad will be lost. Sambhaji 
Raja will be captured and tortured (by the Mughals). 

[141] 2. Then another king named Siva will 
reign. He will conquer the country as far as Delhi 
and establish undisputed sway (over the whole area). 

3. Rajaram will reign at Jinji. From Jinji 
he will recover the kingdom of Des. 

4. The Bhonsle family will reign for twenty- 
seven generations. Their era will continue for one 
thousand years. 

5. In a previous birth, Sivajl had carried twenty- 
seven loads of pitchers filled with the Ganges water 
on his own shoulders and poured the water at Rames- 
var, and in his twenty-seven previous births offered 
his head to Sri Bhavani. 

6. Owing to the merit of these deeds, the 
Bhonsle power will last for twenty-seven generations. 
The twenty-seventh descendant will be born blind 
and he will lose the kingdom. 


Ch. [167] The MuMiya Pradhan should do all 
political and administrative works. He should have 
equal treatment for all, and without any hatred or 
disrespect for any (of his colleagues) work with the 
counsel and co-operation of all. The welfare of the 



king should be to him, dearer than his own life, and 
he should always work with dexterity, wisdom and 
diligence without the least thought for his own 
personal interest. In times of war he should bravely 
lead the army and subjugate new kingdoms. He 
should gather information about the enemy and over- 
throw them. On state documents and letters he 
should put his own (additional) seal. 

The maintenance of the army should be the 
special care of the Senapati. He should uphold the 
dignity and honour of the soldiers and punctually 
distribute their pay, as it falls due. He should report 
the good services of the soldiers to the state and get 
for them watans and reward. He should lead the 
army in war. 

The Amatya should get the accounts of 
the whole kingdom, income, expenditure and 
balance drawn by the LekhwiadhiJcarls and submit 
it to the Raja after personally auditing it. He 
should put a sign on all official letters and on the 
accounts of income and expenditure of the whole 
kingdom as well as of individual Mahals. He 
should be very expert in account-keeping and sub- 
mit the papers to the king every day. In times of 
war or when the necessities of the state demanded 
he should serve with the army. 

The SacMv should after a careful enquiry about 
the omission or erroneous addition of letters, make 
fair copies of official correspondence. He should 
in a similar manner make enquiry about the ac- 
counts of Mahals and Parganas. He should record 
his comments on official letters and documents and 


enter them into the register. He should bring about 
the king's welfare in war time (by fighting). 

[168] The Mantri should be skilled in states- 
manship and do diplomatic works. He should also 
keep a diary of the daily work of the Raja. He 
should also look after the invitations to royal dinners 
and the necessities thereof. Skilled in business of 
the state, he should also serve in war. He should 
put his sign of approval on state papers and docu- 

The Sumanta should be in charge of foreign 
affairs. He should keep himself informed of the 
union or disunion among the enemies and honour- 
ably entertain the envoys of foreign powers coming 
to or going from the Court. He should submit 
all informations to the Raja and act according to 
his orders either in the line of diplomacy or war. 
On state papers he should put his mark of consent. 

The Panditrav should honour the Dharmadhikar 
(censor), all scholars and learned Brahmans: and 
he should get all religious ceremonies, sacrifices, 
etc., performed in due time. He should put his 
sign of consent on all papers concerning religious 
penalties and penances. 

The Nyayadhls should decide all disputes about 
professions and ownership of L*nds, etc., with the 
co-operation of officers and Brahmans learned in the 
Sastras, in a manner that no blame may be laid at 
the king's door. He should keep the king always 
informed of these decisions and he should put his 
sign of consent on all nibadapatras or judgment 



S.D. [458] The Maharaja was practising austeri- 
ties and had ceased going to his harem. One day, 
while the Maharaja lay reclined, he was informed 
that the Bal Saheb wanted him. The Maharaja- 
entertained no suspicion and went in. The Bal 
gracefully placed her head at the Maharaja's foot, 
and placed a plate of betel leaves before him. This 
was the first time she offered betel leaves. The 
Maharaja said, Thirteen months have elapsed since 
the death of my mother. Till to-day you did not 
think of betel leaves, how did you suddenly remem- 
ber it to-day ? I have given up the habit." But the 
Bal offered them again with oaths of various sorts. 
The Maharaja thought in his mind, "None dies 
with the dead. "What was ordained has happened. 
My first wife too is gone. In none do I notice any 
capacity for undertaking the management of my 
household. But what can I gain by not fulfilling 
a loving desire ? "Why should I not please her ? " 
The Raja accepted the leaves. Then he was request- 
ed to sleep there but the Maharaja paid no heed to 
her and slept outside. This disgusted the Bal, "I 
too have faithfully dealt with him from my child- 
hood. He has known my character. But he has no 
affection for me, that is why he has left me and slept 
outside." So thought the Bal and asked the women 
of the harem to suggest any remedy that might 
influence him [459] and offered to give them money 
or whatever they might demand if they could by any 
means make the Raja love her and listen to what 


she might say. (Thereupon all sorts of magic were 
tried) * * * *. One day the Ba! said to the 
Raja, " Your elder son is the rightful heir to the 
throne, but he cannot pull on well with the officers. 
My son is still young but he enjoys your Majesty's 
affection. Tell me whether you will confer the in- 
heritance to the throne on him or on the elder son." 
Thereupon the Maharaja answered, "It is your wish 
that I should die and the kingdom should pass over 
to somebody else. If God wills so, it is all right. 
But you do not entertain in your mind the desire 
that I and you should jointly enjoy this monarchy. 
It is better that I should not henceforth come to 
you. So it has come to this pass. All depends on 
Ram's will." The Raja then got up to leave. 
The Ba! got angry, she was first a woman and 
secondly she enjoyed power and had no senior. 
The idea that her son and not Sambhajl should 
have the kingdom got hold of her mind, Eor 
the Maharaja she expressed only outward affection, 
but in her mind she wished his death. The 
Maharaja watched her mood and one day said 
to the Swam! (Ramdas), "Thanks to your bless- 
ings all my desires have been fulfilled. Now it will 
be good if Ram kindly summons me to his feet. I 
can no longer bear the separation from my mother. 
[460] My younger wife does not wish that Sambhajl 
should get the throne. She spoke to me wishing 
to give it to her son. It seems that at heart she 
wishes that I should die soon. Oh Swam! ! It is 
not good to live when others wish that one should 
not live. What is the good of living when my own 


wife is anxious for my death " * * * The Raja then 
summoned Ba]ajl Baba and ordered him to send the 
following letter to every fort. " If any order is issu- 
ed to you to do any illegal act without any informa- 
tion to the Government, then do no obey it. You 
should see whether it is in my handwriting and then 
do what is needful, but you should take no notice of 
any symbols." ***** [462] Although there was 
no deficiency of anything (as if the goddess of wealth 
herself was present), evil intention grew in the mind 
of the Ba! Saheb and she administered poison to the 
Raja. * * * * The Maharaja did not feel happy 
since the death of Sal Bal Saheb. And he had 
become indifferent to worldly affairs since the depar- 
ture to Kailas of Jija Ba! Saheb. Sayra Ba! 
Saheb became only the apparent cause of his 


Ch. [181] " Thanks to the blessings of Sri I have 
founded this kingdom with great heroism. Eighty 
thousand horsemen I have enlisted. Ports and strong- 
holds, naval stations, provinces, and wealth of various 
sorts worth krors of Rupees, I have acquired. By 
charity and religious deeds I have earned fame and 
made a name for this life and the next. My 
life was not long enough for the conquest of the 
Empire of Delhi and the kingdom of the north. 
In future, the kingdom I have founded, should be 
consolidated and extended, with more heroism than 
I have ever exhibited and you (my brave officers) promoted. The eldest son has come to 


age but is cruel and given to pleasure; therefore 
the future plan does not seem practicable. The 
younger son is well qualified, but he is as yet a minor 
and moreover he is the younger of the two. The 
kingdom might be partitioned, [182] but that will 
make the principal men of the state conspire against 
one another for selfish ends. The result will be 
internal dissension without end instead of further 
extension of the kingdom. It is the practice of 
the states that the elder should reign and the younger 
should serve and obey him. But that does not 
seem to be possible. The enemy will get an oppor- 
tunity and this kingdom, the gift of the gods, will 
be ruined. Sambhajl Baje is the elder, therefore 
people will look to him (for support) and that is 
rational. But his way is peculiar. He will dishonour 
and ruin the Sarkarkuns and those great men who 
have worked hard for the extension of the kingdom. 
He will ruin the kingdom and waste all wealth. He 
will cause the total ruin of everything. He will 
keep the company of low people and dishonour the 
great. Nobody will fear anybody else. Ihe founda- 
tion I laid, the qualified men I assembled, will not 
remain, treasures and cash will all be lost. Aurangzib 
is a powerful enemy, although he has started against 
us he still keeps within his own bounds owing to 
the power of our kingdom but he will in future 
move forward. The empires of Bijapur and Bhaga- 
nagar have been weakened, he will conquer them 
and then covet this kingdom. The kingdom will not 
then be saved in the hands of Sambhajl, but this 
seems to have been predestined." He kept quiet for 


about a ghatka with his eyes closed and then pro- 
phesied " Sambhajl will be betrayed. Rajaram will 
recover the kingdom from Jinji. Moro Pandit, 
Nirajl Ravjl, Eamchandra Nilkanth, Santaji Ghor- 
pade, Dhanaji Jadhava will again cause the rege- 
neration of the kingdom. There will be a king 
named Siva. His kingdom will extend as far as 


No. 1. 

No less than nine bakhars or chronicles of Sivaji have 
come down to us. Of these the first in date as well as in 
importance is that by Krshnaj! Anant Sabhasad ; in fact his 
is the only work that can claim to be contemporary. The next 
in importance are Chitnls bakhar and Sivadigvijayo. The rest 
may be dismissed with a cursory glance, as for students of 
history they are of little or no worth. 

Chitragupta,'s bakhar for instance is nothing but an elaborate 
paraphrase of Sabhasad, with florid verses of the author's com- 
position interposed here and there. It is significant that at 
least three out of these nine writers were Prabhu Kayasthas 
by caste, and two of these if not all were courtiers. Chitragupta 
was closely related to Sivaji's celebrated Chitnls Ba]ajl Avj?, 
whose surname was Chitre. The author Raghunath Yadava, 
writing in the pauranic style assumed the pauranic name of 
Chitragupta. According to his own statement, Chitragupta 
wrote his history in compliance with the request of Sambhajl 
of Kolhapur, so the possible date of his work must fall between 
\760 and 1/70. The Shedganvkar bakhar is also an adaptation 
of Sabhasad, it has been largely copied from Sabhasad's work 
but its date and authorship are unknown, The Sahanav kalml 
bakhar claims to be a contemporary work but its claim has not 
yet beer, uncontrovertably established. The Tanjore temple 
inscription is interesting only as a wonderful specimen of 
human industry and has very little intrinsic merit. Sri 8ivajl 


Prapap, published at Baroda as early as 1895, is very meagre 
and consists mainly of myths and legends. 

Who wrote the bakhar first found in the fort of Rayri and 
highly eulogised by Scott- Waring we do not know. An 
English rendering has been appended to Professor Sir George 
Forrest's Selections, who also holds a very high opinion of its 
reliability and historical merit. Forrest has merely echoed Scott- 
Waring who cannot be regarded as an authority. The late 
Justice Telang expressed his doubts about the authenticity of 
the so-called Rayri bakhar. The translation at any rate does 
not seem to be accurate. The translator in all probability has 
been more or less free and sacrificed accuracy to the elegance 
of his style. The two languages are poles apart, so far as style 
is concerned, and it is futile to expect an elegant English 
rendering of an old Marabhi bakhar to be so accurate as may be 
safely recommended for uncritical use by the average student. 
It is also difficult to believe that a Maratha chronicler, writing 
long after the foundation of the 'Hindu Padshahi' and fully 
believing Sivaj! and his ancestors to be in the special favour of the 
goddess of Tuljapur, compared a dark night with Sivaji's heart. 

The earliest in date, as we have already seen was the work 
of Krshnaj! Anant Sabhasad, an officer in the service of 
Chhatrapati Rajaram. Sabhasad 's historical efforts were inspired 
by the command of his master and he wrote a succinct account 
of the deeds of Sivaji some of which he must have witnessed. 
Written only sixteen years after Sivajl's death, Sabhasad 's 
biography is a contemporary work, mainly based on the personal 
knowledge of the writer and hearsay evidence. It is needless 
to say that the science of historical c n ticism was absolutely 
unknown to the Maratha chroniclers. Incapable of sifting 
historical evidence and over credulous of divine and non-human 
agencies, these simple old men recorded what they honestly- 
believed to be true. To them Sivaji was a divinity, an in- 
carnation of Siva, guided at every step by a divine mentor, 
rescued at every crisis by his patron deity and none of his 
actions to their opinion at least needed any justification, So 


the stories of the capture of Purandar, of the murder of Chandar 
Rav More and his brother Hanmant Rav are plainly told 
without any comment and without any attempt at justification, 
the only exception being the Afzal Khan incident. There, 
however, all the Maratha chroniclers are unanimous. Sabhasad 
knew how to call a murder a murder, and he and his fellow 
historians did not think that Sivajl was the party to be 
blamed so far as that incident was concerned. Grant Duff put his 
reliance on Khali Khan why, of course, he knew best. But 
the different accounts of Sivaji's death and 'death bed will are 
perhaps tainted by party bias. Sabhasad serving under Rajaram 
could not possibly accuse his mother of an ignoble conspiracy. 
The unknown author of Sivadigrijaya however boldly accuses 
Sayra Ba! of the unnatural offence of poisoning her illustrious 

Sivajl had become a divinity even in his life-time ; people 
expected, with a fond belief, superhuman deeds of him, and 
as time progressed, the glamour of the past went on increasing 
and obscuring more and more the less brilliant but perhaps not 
less glorious kernel of truth that underlies the tangled masses 
of Sivajl legends. Every age had some thing new to contribute 
to the legends of the brave deeds of the glorious dead and that 
explains many of the interesting anecdotes of Chitnls and 
Sivadigvijaya net to be found in the earlier work of Sabhasad. 
What evidence did these later works rely on, and what new 
sources of information had their authors discovered ? Both 
Mai bar Ram Rav and the author of Sivadig.njaya were well 
versed in Sanskrit lores, they were certainly better scholars than 
their old predecessor, but what old state papers thnt they profess 
to have used could tell them that Sivaji, when a boy of eight, 
bad chastised a Muhainmadan butcher in the wry streets of the 
Mubammadan metropolis for 'he very common offence (?) of 
cow-slaughter? Whence could they learn that the young boy 
smarting under the disgrace of Muhammadan dependence and 
dying to liberate his motherland and coreligionists from the 
intolerable tyranny of the mlechclihas, boldly refused to salute 


the Don-hindu Sultan of Bijapur, heedless of the earnest expos- 
tulations of his timid father? We can guess why the author 
of Sivadigvijay > laid so much emphasis on the misgovernment 
and the tyranny of the alien rulers, but what evidence, better 
than tradition, had he for his assertions ? Traditions they 
evidently had in their favour, and ignorant of the science of 
history they uncritically recorded what they believed to be true. 
Sabhasad, a contemporary, had the advantage of having more 
intimate knowledge of his own times but he is absolutely silent 
about the incidents of his hero's childhood. Anecdotes he had 
very few to relate and except while contemplating with evident 
satisfaction upon the discomfitures of his Muharnmadan enemies, 
and dilating on their lamentations, we can safely rely upon the 
evidence of the old courtier. Traditions had not yet sufficiently 
grown in volume to mislead him, nor is he in a mood to be too 
much talkative. Very brief is he and we wish he might have 
been more communicative, but he writes his history more as a 
task than as a labour of love and begins his work with his 
master's behest and ends it with a very expressive though 
formal sentence, " What more should I write ? " 

Equally incapable of sifting and fabricating evidence as they 
were, the old chroniclers laboured under a still greater difficulty. 
They had not realised the necessity of a sound chronological 
arrangement. Narration devoid of chronology seems to have 
b^en their sole idea of a historian's work, and they narrated 
what legends or facts they could compile from traditions, hear- 
say and state papers without any attempt of ascertaining the 
date of any event. No doubt they give us a few dates of very 
important events, as for example those of the birth and death 
of Sivajl but even on these rare occasions the chroniclers do not 
agree with one another. Nor are they unanimous in their ac- 
count of the deeds and exploits of their great hero. Not only 
do they give different accounts of Sivaji's marriages but they 
hold very different views about the paternity of his wives. Sai 
Bal, the first wife of Sivajl, says Sabhasad, was a daughter of 
the Nimbalkar family. According to Chitragupta she belonged 


to the Mobile family, while according to Chitnis and Siva- 
digmjaya she was a Siike by birth. According to the last two 
authors, Sivajl was born on Thursday the Sudd/ia Dvitiya of 
Taiaakh, the Samvatsar being Prabhava by name, in the year 
1 549 of the Saka era. But the Vai&akh Suddha Dvitiya of that 
year was a Saturday and not Thursday. These contradictions 
and mistakes led Mr. V. K. Rajwade to hold the extreme view 
that all bakhan are equally untrustworthy except when they 
are corroborated by foreign evidence. But Sabhasad, 1 think, 
should be credited with greater authority than his successors in 
historical efforts. Let us take for example his account of Afzal 
Khan's sacrilege at Tuljapur. Both Chi this and the author of 
Sivadigvijaya say that the goddess was not pounded in a mill 
but she was saved by a timely removal by her priest, whom 
she had forewarned of the evil designs of Afzal. Modern 
criticism will not allow the admi:?sion of such divine agencies 
into sober history and Sabhasad as a contemporary had certainly 
better means to know the truth. The author of Sivadigvijaya 
evinces throughout his work a more hostile attitude towards the 
Muhammadans than Sabhasad anywhere does. It was perhaps 
the Hindu pride of thesejater writers that led them to give an 
irrational account of the Tujjapur incident. Evidently for such 
events Sabhasad is more reliable. But Mr. Raj wade is certainly 
right when he says that neither a reliable chronology nor a 
satisfactory history of the period can be compiled unless the 
ill-arranged materials of the bakkars are rearranged and supple- 
mented by original Marathi state papers and letters, the Persian 
twarikks and the contemporary English, Dutch, French and 
Portuguese papers. 

Let us now try to ascertain the date and the authorship of 
the remaining two hakhars, viz., Chituis and Sivadigvijaya 
About the authorship of the former there is no doubt, as it is 
named after the author Mai liar Ram Rav Chitrus. He commenced 
his work on the 10th of June 1810 at the command of Sahu 
Chhatrapp,ti at least so says he or the writer of the introductory 
sentences of his history. But Mr. V. K. Rajwade points out that 


the Second Sahu Chhatrapati died on the 4th of May, 1808 and 
so it is absurd to suppose that he could request Malhar Ram Rav 
to write a history of his great ancestor (on the 8th of June 
J810) two years later. This discrepancy, says Mr. Raj wade, 
makes us hesitate to put implicit confidence in Chi'nls. It 
may be an oversight on the part of the author but it is difficult 
to believe that a contemporary could commit such a blunder, 
and I feel inclined to suppose that these introductory sentences 
were not written by Malhar Ram Rav at all. We know how the old 
Bengali poets felt it incumbent on them to atribute their poetical 
inspiration to some divine behest. There is at least one case 
(see Vijayagupta's Manasamangal) where the introductory 
portion dealing with the supposed interview of the diety and 
the poet was the work of a second party, Such might have 
been the case with Malhar Ram RaVs work also. Almost every 
chronicler offers the customary excuse that his literary effort 
had its origin in the request of some royal personage or some 
grandees or some friends in short their work was not alto- 
gether voluntary. Perhaps the convention of the times demand- 
ed for such historical work some excuse more valid than the 
initiative of the historian's own mind Malhar Ram Rav had 
perhaps ommitted to supply this customary plea for his literary 
attempts. The omission was perhaps regarded as so glaring a 
blunder in those days that perhaps later on a relative or 
an admirer or a mere copyist felt it his duty to supply it. 

A comparison of these introductory sentences with those in 
Sabhasad bakhar will confirm the above view ; writes Krshnaji 
Anant Sabhasad To Srlmant Maharaj Rajsri Rajaram Saheb 
Chattrapati with the humble respects of his servant Krshnaj! 
Anant Sabhasad Your Majesty very kindly said to your servant 
etc. (Wft t^r aron^t *RCT uww? *<n^ fa^mi ftst t *nMt 
ftf^ift ^T ?Nwre H*ft^i' s^t etc.) The introductory sentences of 
Chitnls run as follows, on (a date is given), Kshatriyakulavatansa 
Srlrajadhiraj Srimaharaja Paratap! (valiant) Sahunrpati 
master of the throne and umbrella ordered Rajmanya liaj'sn 
Malhar Ram Rav Chitnls as follows. The customay phrases 


RajmSnya Rajshri before Chitiiis's name offer a striking con- 
trast to Sevaka (Servant) as Sabhasad styles himself. An officer 
in the royal service writing at the personal commard of his 
royal master, would with more consistence to courtesey and good 
manners dispense with these ordinary terms of distinction. 
The death of that master would entitle him still more to the 
humble respects of his servant. The absence of such courteous 
considerations on the part of a courtier like Mai bar Ram Rav 
cannot otherwise be explained. The obvious conclusion is that 
these few lines were added by one to whose courtesey and respect 
Mai bar Ram Rav also was entitled. 

Although, ignorant of the necessity of a chronological 
arrangement, Malhar Ram Rav divided his history into seven 
chapters and Grant Duff describes his history as a voluminous 
work. Chitnis says that he used many Sanskrit works and old 
state papers, for writing his biography of 6ivajl and he 
gives us many additional materials mainly anecdotal. Whatever 
may be the value of these legendary contributions we cannot 
dispense with his account of the administrative system where we 
get more details than in the short pages of Sabhasad and as 
Chitnis had access to old state papers his authority on this 
branch of history should not be challenged. 

As Sabhasad's is the shortest, Bivadigmjaja is the most 
voluminous of these three bakhars. Its authorship is however 
a mystery yet unsolved and its date cannot be very accurately 
ascertained. It was published at Baroda about a quarter of 
a century ago and its authorship is ascribed by the joint editors, 
Messrs. Nandurbarkar and Dandekar, to Khando Ballal Chitnis 
son of Balaji Avaji. It is certain that the author was 
a Prabhu Kayastha by caste and probably a lineal descendant 
of Sivajl's Chitnis. Balajl is described by the unknown author 
a> the foremost statesman whose wisdom and fidelity secured 
the confidence of his master to such an extent that nothing 
was done without previously consulting him. He was entrusted 
with the highly important and delicate task of recording the 
divine behest when the king himself was possessed by the 


goddess of Tuljapur. While Brahman, Maratha and even 
Mohammedan commanders were won over by bribe or pursuation, 
the Prabhu subjects of the Hab&i clung to their master and 
proudly told the founder of the Maratha power that they could 
not sully their honour by committing treachery even for so 
good a cause. The heroism of the Prabhus roused the enthu- 
siam of the chronicler much above the ordinary bound of 
admiration and he devotes page after page to an account of 
the gallant defence of Bhuikot of Belvaji by aPiabhu Kayastha 
lady. All these jointly and severally leave no doubt about 
the caste of the author, he was a Prabhu and rightly 
proud of the brilliant service rendered by his castemen to the 
national cause. He was like 'Malhar Ram Rav a good Sanskrit 
scholar, he had evidently read the Puranas and his work is 
full of Sanskrit quotations both short and long. But who was 
he? Certainly not Khaudo Ballal. According to him artisans 
from Calcutta were invited to participate in the construction 
of Sivaji's throne. Had such an intimate relation either 
commercial or political been established with Calcutta in 
Khando BallaTs time ? Probably not. While describing the boun- 
daries of the four provinces that constitute the Deccan, he 
mentions Madras to indicate the frontiers of one. W T e should 
expect Khando Ballal and even his grandson to call it by the now 
obsolete name of Chinapattan. Evidently Khando Ballal could 
not be the author of Sivadigvijaya. 

Mr. Raj wade thinks that its author was probably some 
scion of the Baroda branch of the Chitnis family. This does 
not however settle the question of authorship The question 
of its date of composition is no less uncertain. If we accept 
the suggestion of Mr. Shankar Balkrisbna which has 
the support of Mr. Rajwade, we get the possible date of 
1818. But here the language of the chronicle stands in our 
way. Messrs. Nandurbarkar and Dandekar are of opinion 
that the language is very old and resembles more the style of 
the first half of the 1 8th century than that of the first decade 
of the lUth. I am not well acquainted with the Marathi 


literature other than historical and do not feel myself ompe- 
tent to pass any opinion on such a delicate question as aat of 
style so 1 must yield to such high authorities as Messrs. 
Nandurbarkar, Dandekar and Raj wade, but all the same 
I cannot help noticing that the language of the work is at 
times very modern. But this only confirms the view of Mr. 
Rajwade who holds that the work was nothing but a revised 
edition of an old bakhar by a comparatively modern editor. 
Prof., Sarkar thinks that Sivadigvijaya is the revised edition 
of a now lost bakhar of which Tarikk-i-Sivaji is the Persian 
rendering. The chronicler derived his information from documents, 
letters and state papers among other sources, and gives minute 
details of many incidents not to be found in older works with 
perfect confidence. But voluminous as the work is, it lamentably 
lacks any detailed account of Sivaji's administrative system. 
Sabhasad and Chitnis are by far its superior in this respect but 
the legends of Sivajl found one of their best compilers in the 
unknown Prabhu author who wrote or revised Sivadigvijaya 
On the whole I am inclined to think that the work is more 
modern than is ordinarily supposed. 

No. II 


(From Mr. Y. K. RajwadJs Marathi Article) 

A controversy has lately arisen on the question of Sivajl's 
relation with the royal family of Mewar. It appears from the 
old bakhars, that the claim was first set forward at the time of 
Sivajl's coronation. According to the author of Sivadigvijaya 


the learned Brahmans of Benares headed by the renowned Gaga 
Bhat were opposed to the coronation of a Sudra monarch, and 
Sivajl's envoy tried in vain to obtain their sanction and spent 
no less than six months in his fruitless attempts at persuation. 
The resourceful Chitww* Balaji Avjl, however, was not to be so 
easily baulked, and although his master had made some remarks 
similar to that of Napoleon about the vanity of fabricated 
pedigrees, it was by that very means that Bajaji gained his end. 
He maintained that Sivajl was descended from the- royal family 
of Udayapur and was therefore a Kshatriya. The Brahmans 
could no longer object to take part in his coronation, and Sivajl 
assumed the sacred thread, when according to Indian ideas he 
had welnigh passed the prime of his life. His family name 
Bhonsle was according to this tradition, derived from his ancestor 
Bhosajl, son of Dilip Sing, son of Sujan Sing, son of A jay 
Sing, son of Lakshman Sing, the Rana of Chitorand a contem- 
porary of the famous Allauddin Khilizi, Emperor of Delhi. Mr. 
G. S. Sardesai holds that there is nothing improbable in the 
story. And he argues that like the Pawars, the Jadhavas and 
many other northern families, with whom Sivaji had blood 
relation, the Bhonsles also might have migrated from the 
north. Mr. V. K. Rajwade is however opposed to this view 
and his arguments are here quoted in extenso. In the 
temple inscription of Math, says Mr. Rajwade are found 
the names of Narsldev and Bham Savant of Wadi. The date 
of this inscription is 1397 A. D. As Narsldev built this 
temple to gratify his departed father Bhamdev, the latter must 
have died a few years before 1397 A.D. Therefore Bhamdev's 
regime may be roughly calculated to Jmve lasted from 1360 
A.D. ti 1397 A.D. The original surname of the Savants 
was Bhonsle. Before Bham Savant could have assumed the 
new surname, his ancestors for 3 or 4 generations must have 
been feudatories to some great overlord. Otherwise the new 
surname of Savant could not be assumed in lieu of the old 
family name of Bbonsle. Therefore it seems that for about 
a centurv the Savants were known in Konkan as chiefs of note 


and their old surname Bhonsle must have been familiar there 
at least for a century before Bhamdev came to power. This 
gives us the possible date of 1*260 A. D. The Savants of 
Wa.-i belonged to the same stock as Sivajl and his ancestors, 
as can be conclusively proved by the evidence of Sabhasad and 
also from two documents published by Mr. Rajwade in the 
8th volume of his sources of Maratha History (documents 
No. 132 and 6*2). According to the tradition however Devji, 
son of the Bhosajl was the first man in the family to come to 
the south. Devj! was the seventh in descent from Lakshman 
Sing, whose date was 1235 to 1303 A. D. From the evidence 
of the temple inscription of Math, it has been proved that the 
old familiar surname of the family was known in Konkan as 
early as 1260 A. D. It is therefore incompatible with the 
traditional genealogy which Mr. Rajwade holds to have been 
forged by Sivajl's admirers. 

No. Ill 

(From Mr. J\ K. Raj wade's Marrtthi Article) 

In modern Marathi, Sanskrit words abound as much as 
in modern Bengali, but in the Marathi of Sivajl's time there 
was a preponderence of Persian words, so much so that old 
Marathi documents are as unintelligible to a non Persian-knowing 
Maratha, as to a foreigner. Yt-t in the earliest Marathi writings 
like Dnanesvarl or, Parsaramopdes, not one word of Persian 
origin is found. From Sivaji's time downwards the Maratha 
writers were striving for eliminating Persian from their writings, 
and although the movement was crowned with eminent success, 



Persian has not failed to leave a lasting impression, not only 
upon the Marat hi vocabulary, but also upon its style and 

How far Marathi was influenced by Persian is very interest- 
ing to note. Mr. V. K. Rajwade says that out of 91 words 
in a letter written by Dianat Rav, a Brahman minister in the 
service of the Bijapur Government, thirty were purely Persian 
and out of the rest all except three or four were translation 
of Persian words or terms. Even ^fclfea \**$\ Jrera and 
trfta^nTJjf^ in the address of the letter are nothing but a literal 
translation of Damdaulatlnin and Mnshfkmiftrlan. The word 
ffa^f so often found in Marathi letters, is also, according 
to Mr. Rajwade, an imitation of Persian banda for such 
use is not found in the few Sanskrit and pre Muhammadan 
Marathi letters that have come down to us. It may be objected, 
says Mr. Rajwade that Diauat Ray was an officer of a Muham- 
madan state and the prevalence of Persian in his letters, does 
not prcve that other Marathas also used so many Persian or 
Persianised words in their everyday language. In answer 
to this possible objection Mr. Rajw?de points out that in 
a letter of Sivaji himself no less than 31 Persian words 
have been used and some of them more than once. The 
following figures collected by Mr. Rajwade is worth noticing 

Marathi. Total. 

Percentage of 
Mahrathi words. 

Date of Persian 

letters. word. 

1628 202 34 236 14'4 

1677. 51 84 135 62'2 

1728 8 119 127 96-3 

Nor was this influence confined to state papers and deplo- 
matic correspondence alone. Although the general literature 
and poetry were better protected against the foreign invasion, 
they had not escaped altogether unscathed. And to illustrate 
how the poetic language also had been affected by Persian in- 
fluence Mr. Rajwade quotes an extract from Eknath's writings. 
We quote here only half a dozen verses from the above mentioned 


extract and a cursory glance will convince the reader how far 
Persian had replaced words of purely Sanskrit origin 


Let us now see how far Marathi syntax and style have been 
influenced by Persian. In Marathi documents and state papers, 
we come across, at every step, expressions likes ftnpf A, *ft^ 
B, and q^ C; Mr. Rajwade points out that in pure Marathi they 
should be fan A, ^ffan B and qr^OT C, but the form in use is 
the Persian form Killa-i-A, Mauja-i-B and Pargana-i-C. Some 
common expressions like an?ra *n$ to swear and fw WR:^ to call 
out are nothing but literal translation of Persian expressions 
like Kasam Khurdan and Bang jadan. Instances of this kind 
could be multiplied, it will suffice here if we simply quote from 
Rajwade some Persian adjectives and adverbs now in common 
use in Marafchi 

1 . ^ (each), -5T fta 

2. % (without), t^Nf (disheartened). 

3. f^Nr, with, even. 

4. ft to, ^isJte ?t T9W 

5. SIT wrong, ^T Tl^T etc. 

A list of proper names of Persian extraction, once so common 
in Maharashtra will also be of interest to us 

(1) Sultan Bay, (2) Jan Rav, (3) Bajl Rav, (4) Rustum Rav, 
(5) Sahaj! Ray, (6) Sahu, (7) Phirangojl Rav, (8) Dianat Rav, 
(9) Sarje Ray, (10) Haibat Rav, (11) Sarfojl Rav, (12)Gul BaT, 
(13) DaryajT Rav, etc. And surnames like Chitnis Fadnis, 
PotnTs, Mushrif have also been borrowed from Persian. We 
may also note that for such sobriquets as ^^T. ^TW , ^, ^RTT, ITTOT, 
^t, *W?t, ^^n, TT^t, fs?t, ^T^JT, sfircft, etc., Marathi is indebted to 



How far Marathi writers have been successful in shaking 
off the influence of Persian may be seen also from a comparative 
study of the three bakhars presented here to our readers. In 
style as well as in language, Sabhasad's work gives evidence 
of the Persian influence, and the style and language of Chitnu 
and Sivadigvijaya as conclusively show that their work belonged 
to a period when Persian words had gradually yielded place to 
words of Sanskrit extraction. 


Abdul Karim Bahlol Khan 
Abdul Khan, (see Afzal KhSn,) 
Afzal Khan 

Akaji Ghorpade 

Akanna Pant ... 

Ali Adi 1 shah ... 

Anand Rav 

Annaji Datto (Surnfs) 

AnnS j I Ranganatb. 


An Tnkai 


84, 107, 

188, 189, 191, 212, 
2, 37, 

9, 10, 11, 12, 14, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 39, 

48, 49, 62, 66, 91, 120, 183, 184, 

185, 188, 189, 191, 212 


120, 121, 122, 123 
8, 26, 182 

87, 104, J05, 127, 128 

11, 72, 75, 85, 106, 107 




1, 39, 79, 151. 166, 209, 219, 249 

Babaji Bapuji ... 

Babaji Dhandhera 

Babaji Ram Honap 

Babaji Rav ... 

Baba Yakud ... 

Bad! Sahebm ... 

Bahadur Khan 

Bahadur Khan Koka 

BahirjJ Ghorpade 

Bahirji Jadhav, Naik, Jasud 

Bahlol Khan ... 

Bajl Gholap 

Bajl Ghorpade 

Baj! Pasalkar ... 


Bala Prabhu (BalajT Avji)... 

Balam Bhat ... 

Bal Krshna 

Bal Krshna Pant 


42, 43 





98, 106, 112, 118, 119, 128 

31, 85, 130 

98, 103, 104, 105, 109, 111 

95, 169, 171, 173, 178, 179, 191, 208 
89, 90 
52, 53 

85, 117, 184, 220, 241, 242, 248 

8, 115, 228 





Bands, Said 

Bhimji RSje 


125, 129 
197, 198 

Chandar Rav More 
Chimnaji Bapuji 

5, 6, 7, 168, 169, 171 

197, 198, 199 


Dadaji Kouddev 


Darya SSrang ... 


Dattaji Trimbak 

Daud Khftn 

DaHlat KhSn ... 

DSvlji Gadge ... 


Dei Kulkarni 


Dhanaji Jadhava 

Dikshit, Naro Pant 

Dilel Khan 

Dlpa B8I 


3,4, 157,163,164,165 

94, 192, 197 

61, 66, 68, 72, 75, 76, 85, 107 


151, 250 


47, 49, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 60, 

98, 99, 102, 105, 106, 112, 113, 

130, 131, 210, 211, 212, 213, 

215, 237, 239 



Ekojl Raje 

3, 125, 126 

Pate Khftn 
Pazal Khan 
Fnlad KhSn 



66, 68, 69 

INDEX 267 

Gaga Bhat 1 13, 1 17, 241, 242 

Galvats ... ... ... 93 

Gangaji Mangaji ... 7, u 

Gangaji Pant Vakms ... ... 76 

Ghorpade ... ... ... 180 

Ghorpade, Baji (see under Baji) 

Gomaji Naik ... ... ... 11,164 

GondjiJagtap ... ... ... 104 

Govind Bhat ... ... ... 8,227 

Gurab ... ... 89, 93 

Harabir Ray ... 110, 111, 112, 113, 122, 123, 128, 

129, 241 
Hanmant Rav More ... ... 7,168,170 

Hedamba Rakshasa ... ... 57 

Hirojl Farzand ... ... 61,67,68,69 

Husain Khan Miana 111 

Ibrahim Khan ... ... 97 

Ikhlas Khan ... 98, 101, 102, 104 

Indramani Qft 

JSdhava Rav ... ... ... 164 

Jfffar Khan ... ... ... 66, 66 

Jagjivan ... 88 

Jagannath Pant ... ... ... 125 

Jaranis -... ... ... 30, 31 

Jasvant Sing ... ... 63, 64, 218 

JanSrdan NSrayan ... ... 110,119,122 

Janardan Pant ... ... ... 3 

Jaya Sing ... ... 47, 48, 49, 50, 52, 53, 59, 60, 209, 

210, 211, 213, 214, 215 

Jhunjar Rav Ghadge ... ... 24 

Jija B3I ... ... 2, 8, 11, 26, 157, 161, 164, 175, 191, 


Jiu MahAlfi ... ... ... 19, 21, 22 

268 INDEX 

Kadtaji Gujar (also see Pratap Rav) ... 78 

Kakaji Pant ... ... 125,227 

Kaliya ... ... 207 

Kamavis ... ... ... 35 

KarkhannTs ... ... ... 29 

KasIRau ... 71,75 

Kauravas ... ... ... 25 

Kay Savant ... ... ... 90,191 

Kesar Sing ... ... 130 

Khair Khan ... ... ... 197 

Khandojj Jagtap... 104 

Kha was Khan ...... 95 

Kilatav ... ... ... 94 

Killedar ... ... ... 73 

Konddev Dadaj! (see under Dadaji) 

KonerTPant ... 229,230 

Krshnaji Bhaskar ... 10, 13, 14, 19, 182,184 

Krshnaji Pant Dewan ... 190 

Krshna Rav More ... .. 171 

KrshnaJosi ... ... ... 228 

Krshnaji Naik ... 11 

Krshnaji Pant ... ... ... 71,75 

Krshna Rav ...... 169 

Krshnaji Sakhoji ...... 228 

Kulkarnl ... ... ... 37 

Kutub Shah 228 

Lakham Savant ... 95 

Lambaji Bhonsle ... ... 24 

Madanna Pant 120, 121, 122, 123, 224, 225 

Mahabat Khan ... ... 87,97 

MahSdev ... ... ... 2 

Maha<Jik ... ... 241 

Majuradar ... ... 3,31,33,35 

Makaji Anand Rav ... ... 85 

Mai Savant 106 

Malik Ambar 151 

Malik SSheb ... 197 

Maloji Raje ... 1, 2 

ManajiMore ... ... .,. 104,127,128,229 

INDEX 269 

Manbhavs ... ... 117 

Mankoji Dahatonde ... 5 

Mawles ... ... 3,4,5,83 

May Naik ... 94,192,194 
MirjaKaja ... ... 47,51,56,58,59,60,212,213,215 

Mohite ... ... 100, 241 

MoroPant ... ... 7,11,12,18,22,42,59,71,72,75, 

81, 85, 101, 102, 103. 104, 105, 
106, 112, 196,250. 

Moro Nagnfith ... 104 

Murar 3ajf Prabhu ... ... 53 

Murar, Dadaji ... 213 

Murar Pant ... 162, 173, 174 

Naik 29, 31, 33 

Naro Pant ... 4, 108, 110, 221 
Narsala Phirangoji (see under Phiran- 

goj!) ... ... 200,201,205,237,239,240 

Nasiri Khan ... 124 

Netajl Palkar 8, 11, 12, 18, 28, 42, 59, 78, 201 

Nilkantha Haibatrav ... 165 

Nilkantha Naik 167 

Nilkantha Rav ... 5 

Nilo Nilkanth 165, 166 

Nilo Pant ... ... 11, 59, 72, 75, 151, 166, 238 

NilobaNaik ... 227 

Nilo Prabhu ... 117 

Nijo Sondev ... 7, 108 

Nimbalkar ... 8 

Niraji Pant ... 66, 71, 72, 75, 81, 82, 83, 118, 1 19, 

128, 151. 

Niraji Kauji ... ... ... 61,68,250 

Nizam 6shi ... ... 1,2,37 

Nyayadhis ... ... ... 76 


Palegars 89, 223 

Panda vas ... ... ... 25 

PantSji Gopinath ... 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 26, 182 

Pataks ... ... ... 76 

Patll ... 37, 38 

Pendharls ... ... ... 52 

Peswa ... ... ... 3,44 

Phirangoji ... ... ... 200, 201, 205, 237, 239, 240 



Pilaji Nilkanth 

Pitambar envl 

Prabhakar Bhat 

PrahlSd Pant 

Pratapji Raje ... 

Pratap Rav (also see Kadtaji Gujar) 

RSghoji Mitra 
Raghunath Pandit 
RaghunSth Ballal Sabnis 

RaghunSth Narayan 

Raghunath Pant Korde 
RajS Ram 
Ram DSs SwamI 
Ram Dalvl 
Ramchandra BabSjI 
Ramchandra Pant 
Rftmchandra Nilkanth 
Ramajl Pangera 
R5m Sing 

Randulia Khan 
Rangoba Nfuk 
Ranmast Khun 
Rauf Khan 
RSuji SomnSth 
Rfiy Bagm 
Rohila Khin 
Rupaji Bhonalo 

165, 167 

8, 115 

76, 81, 118, 120, 122, 123, 151 
125, 129 

78, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 87, 102, 103, 
104, 105, 107, 108, 109. 


50,51,55, 210 

3, 4, 5, 11, 91, 92, 168, 170, 191, 


110, 119, 122, 127, 128, 129, 221, 
222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 
231, 232. 

59, 61, 64, 65, 80 

100, 132, 150, 153, 243, 250 

238, 247 






51, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 69, 210, 217, 
218, 219, 220, 





81, 82 




104, 229 

Sabhffsad Krshnftji Anant 

3, 29, 33 

1, 2, 3, 8, 14, 20, 90, 110, 157, 159, 
161, 163, 167, 171, 173, 174, 178, 
185, 208, 218, 221, 226, 227, 


Sal Bai 
Said Bandfi 
SSista Khan 

am Rav Nijkanth 
Snmj! NSik Punde 
Sambhajl Raje 

Sambhaji Kftvji 
Sambhajl Mohiti 
Sankraii Nilkanfch 
Santajl Ghorpade 
Sardar Khan 
Saraf j! R8je 
Sarja Khan 
Santajl Jagtfip... 
Sayra B8I 
Shah Alam 
Sheik Yakud ... 
Sher KhSn 

Siddi Abar 
Siddi Johar 
Siddi Sambol ... 
Sidoji Nimbalkar 

Slta Bai 

SonajIPant ... 
Sri Bhav8iii 
Sri Karpur Gaur 

8, 172, 176, 248 

20. 22 

40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 48, 49, 65, 
66, 91, 120, 200, 201, 202, 203, 
204, 206, 207, 211, 212, 237. 

3, 4, 7, 13, 194, 202 
229, 230 

8, 11, 12,59, 66, 68, 75,80, 81, 
130, 131, 132, 150, 153. 236, 237, 
238, 239, 240, 247, 249, 250. 

19, 21, 22, 168, 205 

165, 167 

151, 250 



174, 178 

4, 6, 29, 31, 33, 41, 44 

100, 160, 248 



124, 228 

94, 192, 195 

197, 215 

104, 130 


3, 4, 8, 9, 20, 25, 39, 57 : 61, 79, 82, 105, 
157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 164, 168, 
173, 182, 183, 187, 198, 199, 200, 203, 
206,207, 208, 211, 212, 213,214,215, 
221, 222, 223, 225, 226, 228, 231, 232, 
238, 240, 241, 243 


229, 230 

5, 241 


3, 4, 11, 59, 61, 122 

9, 11, 27, 42, 63 




SriKrshnaji ... 

Sri Sambhu MahSdev 

Subhanji Nalk ... 

Snbhan Sing ... 


Sultan Dhava . . . 

SultSn Mahammad 



Suryaji Malsura 

Surya Rav More 

Surya Rav Kankde 

Tana Shah 
Tanaji Malsura... 
Tan Savant 
TatSarnobat ... 

TarauSaheb ... 

Timaj! Ikhtyar Rav 
Trirabak BhSskar 
Trimbak Pant ... 
Tukoji Chor Maratha 

Ude Bhan 
Umaji Pant 


3, 55, 63, 152 








6, 168 


72, 73, 74, 190, 202 






238, 239 

Visajl Ballal ... 

Visaji Pant ... 

Visvas R5v NanSji Prabhu 

Vitthal Bhale Rav 

Vithoj! Raje Bhonale 

Yyankojl Datto (also VyankajT Pant) ... 

Vyankaji Raje... 



189, 190 



85, 87, 92, 104, 105, 192, 195, 196 

110, 125, 126, 128, 129, 221, 222, 223, 

226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 235 

Yado Bhaskar 
Yakud Khan 

Yesaj! Kank 
Yesu Bft! 


195, 215 


8, 33, 190, 191, 203 

1 LAV: ijrc 




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