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THE

SIYARvUL-MUTAKHERlN,^

HISTORY OF THE MAHOMEDAN POWER
IN INDIA

DURING THE LAST CENTURY,

MIR GHOLAM HUSSEIN-KHAN.

BBVISED FBOM THE TBAN8LATION OF HAJI MDBT£FA, AMD
COLLATED WITH THE PERSIAN OAIGINAL,

JOHN BRIGGS, M.R.A.S.,

LIBUT.COLOMBL IN TBC MADRAS ARMY.

VOLUME I.

LONDON:

PRINTED FOR THE ORIENTAL -TR^lNSLATION FUND
OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.

SOLO BY

John Murray, Albemarle Street ;
AND Parbury, Allen, & Co., Leadenuall Street.

M.OCCC.XXXII.

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PREFACE.

The work now presented to the public, was
written in the latter half of the last century, by
Mir Gholam Hussein-khan, a person of high family
at the court of Dehli, and who with his father
resided for many years at the court of the nabobs
of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa. He styles it Siyar-
ul-Mutakherin, *' a Review of Modern Times."*

It embraces a period of about seventy years, and
affords a complete insight into the events which
caused the downfall of the Mahomedan power, and
the elevation of the Mahrattas, and it brings us to
the first steps which led to the occupation of Bengal,
and eventually of all India, by the British govern-
ment. No period of Indian history can be so inte-
resting to Englishmen, as that which immediately
preceded the establishment of our dominion, and

* Or, more correctly, '* Manners of the Moderns."

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iv PREFACK.

no circumstances can be so instructive as those
which hurled to the ground the most potent empire
in the universe, and which elevated in its stead
nearly at the same moment, that of a race of illi-
terate and coarse barbarians, in one quarter; and
led to the introduction of a highly civilized people
in other parts.

The work is written in the style of private
memoirs, the most useful and engaging shape
which history can assume ; nor, excepting in tiie
peculiarities which belong to the Mahomedan cha-
racter and creed, do we perceive throughout its
pages any inferiority to those of the historical me-
moirs of Europe. The Due de Sully, Lord Cla-
rendon, or Bishop Burnet, need not have been
ashamed to be the authors of such a production.

So valuable was it deemed on its first appear-
ance, that Mr. Warren Hastings became extremely
anxious to have it translated into English; but
either the absence of Persian Scholars among our
own countrymen in India, or a want of time, or
perhaps of leisure to undertake the task, occasioned
the work to be placed in the hands of a French
gentleman^ who unfortunately undertook to put the

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PKEFACE. V

" Review of Modem Times" into an English dress,
instead of confining the translation to his native
language. Imperfect as this translation was, both
as to style and matter, an accident occurred to it,
which has deprived the world even of that ; for
with the exception of a few copies distributed at
the time in India, the whole of the edition printed
in Calcutta, was lost in the ship in which it was
consigned to England.

In the present state of oriental literature in Eu-
rope^ it would indeed be a reflection on the English
nation, to allow this valuable work to be reprinted
with the numerous Gallicisms that occur in the
former version. The present translator, therefore,
who is not altogether unknown to the public in a
similar character, has undertaken, at ttie suggestion
of the Oriental Translation Committee, to render
the " Siyar-ul-Mutakherin," available to the Eng-
lish reader. To Mr. Graves C. Haughton, who
kindly placed at his disposal a valuable copy of
this work in the original Persian, and to Colonel
Doyle, who sacrificed his copy of the former trans-
lation to his use, the translator feels himself highly
indebted ; and he trusts that this additional effort

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VI PREFACE.

to contribute to the development of the history of
Mahomedan India, will meet the approbation of
the distinguished individuals of the Oriental Trans-
lation Committee, who so liberally contribute to
maintain an establishment, which promises to be
so useful to England in particular, and to Europe
in general.

Madras^ ^Oth May 1831.

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CONTENTS OF VOL. I.

Ghaptbb I.

Death of Aurengzib^ and the contests of his sons for the throne.
— The Prince Mahomed Azim enters the king's camp^ and
ascends the throne. — The Prince Mahomed Muazem quits
Cabul^and ascends the throne under the title of Bahadur-shah.
—Mahomed Azim quits the Deckan^ and opposes his bro-
ther in the battle of Agra, in which he is slain.— The Prince
Mahomed Cambakhsh opposes his brother Bahadur-shah,
but is defeated and slain. — Nomination of Assed-khan to the
office of Vakil, and of Khan-khanan to the office of Vezir. —
Death of Bahadur-shah, and the contests of his sons for the
throne.— The eldest son, Mahomed Moiz-ed-din defeats his
three brothers, and assumes the title of Jehandar-shah. —
Sudden decline of the power of Jehandar-shah. — Pretensions
of the Prince Mahomed Ferokh-siar to the throne. — 19
supported by the two Seids, Hussein Ali-khan, and Abd-

^ ullah-khan. — Ferokh-siar ascends the throne at Azimabed
Patna, and marches against Jehandar-shah in per80Q.-^Mea-
sures taken by Jehandar-shah to oppose the pretender. —
SeccKid battle of Agra, wherein Jehandar-shah is defeated
and loses his life. — Accession of Ferokh-siar to the throne.
Abdullah-khan is sent to occupy Dehli. — Khan-khanan, enti-
tled Zulficar-khan, submits to Ferokh-siar, and is put to
death. — ^The Emperor becomes dissatisfied with the Seids,
and intrigues to restrain their influence and power. — Insur-
rection at Ahmedabad, in Guzerat, owing to the dissensions
between the Hindus and Mahomedansw — ^Victory gained by
Abd-us-semed-khan, in the Penjab, over the Siks. — ^Hussein
Ali-khan appointed viceroy of the Deckan.-^Battle-af Bur-
hanpoor. — Death of the great minister Assed-khan. Page 1.

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VUl CONTENTS.

Chapter II.

Dissensions at court, and in all parts of the empire^ owing to
the contests for power between the Emperor and the Seids,
which is the lead to the downfall of the house of Timoor.— •
Coalition between Seid Hussein Ali-khan and the Mahratta
chiefs, against the Emperor.— » Accession of the influence of
Etikad-khan and Rukn-ed-doulah at the court of Dehli. —
Return of Hussein Ali-khan from the Deckan to Dehli^ and
his reception at court.— ^Seizure and deposal of Ferokh-siar,
and accession of Refi-ed-derjat to the throne^ and his death.
— Accession of Refi-el-kadr, and his death.— Death of Fe-
rokh-siar. —Account of this event by Mahomed Hashem^
entitled Khafi-khan. — Death of Refi-el-kadr^ and accession
of Niko-siar to the throne, and his death. — Accession to the
throne ofRoshen-akhter, the grandson of Bahadur-shah, by his
son Jehan-shah, under the title of Mahomed-shah. Page 134.

Chapter IU.
Commencement of the intrigues of Nizam-uUmulk against tlie
Seids. — He proceeds to the Deckan.— Success of Abd-us-
semed-khan against some insurgents in the Penjab.— Insur-
rection in Cashmir. — Battle of Assere between Dilaver Ali-
khan and Hussein Ali-khan^ the general of Nizam-ul-mulk,
in which the farmer is defeated, and loses his life. — The
minister Seid Hussein Ali-khan marches to the Deckan. —
His assassination. — Rebellion of his brother the Vezir Abd-
ullah-khan, and the elevation of the Prince Ibrahim to the
throne. — ^Battle of Hassanpoor, in which the Vezir and his
partisans are all slain. — Religious dissensions produced by
one Mir Mahomed Hussein Enaiet-ullah-khan appointed
vezir.— War with Raja Jye-sing Rahtore. — Marriage of
Mahomed-shah with the daughter of the emperor Ferokh-
siar. — Return of Nizam-ul-mulk to Dehli, and his nomi-
nation to the office of vezir.— Death of Nilkant Nagar, and

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CONTENTS. IX

the appointment of Raja Jye-sing to the office of governor
of Agra. — ^Nizam-ul-mulk withdraws to the Deckan^ and
Kamer-ed-din-khan is appointed vesir.— Mobariz-khan op-
poses Nizam-ul-mulk in the Deckan^ but is defeated and
slain. — ^Nizam-ul-mulk excites his uncle Hamed-khan to
revolt in Ouzerat. — Ser-belend-khan appointed governor of
Guzerat— >He is recalled to Dehli — ^Nizam-ul-mulk excites
the Mahrattas to invade Hindoostan.— Mahomed-khan Ban-
gash defeated by the Mahrattas in Bundelkund. — Mozaffir-
khan deputed to attack the Mahrattas.— Revolt of Ajazee^ a
zemindar of Chikalgora. — ^Removal of Fakhr-ed-doulah from
the government of Behar to that of Bengal. — History of
Shuja-ed-doulah, the son-in-law of Jafer-khan, governor of
Bengal. — Union of the governments of Bengal and Behar
under him as viceroy.— >MozafBr-khan and Eamer-ed-din-
khan march to oppose the Mahrattas under the Peshwa
Bajy Rao. — They are defeated by Saadet-khan, governor
of Oude. — ^They appear before Dehli and retreat — Distracted
state of affairs in Gabul^ and the advance of Nadir-shah from
Persia. — Mahomed-shah quits Dehli, and opposes Nadir-
shah on the plain of Kemal. — Nadir-shah enters Dehli. —
Retires to Persia, leaving to Mahomed-shah all the country
east of the Indusw — ^Death of Shuja-ed-doulah, viceroy of
Bengal and Bdiar. — Alia Verdi-khan^ lieutenant-governor
of Patna, procures the viceroy's patent. — ^Defeats and slays
Ser-e&az-khan, the son of Shuja-ed-doulah, and enters Moor-
ahedabad in triumph. — His wise administration* Page 280.

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THE

SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

CHAPTER I.

The Emperor Aurengzib, after having spent great
part of his life in bringing under subjection the
region of the Deckan/ without being able fully to
accomplish that end, marched towards Dehli, then
the capital of the empire of the house of Baber,
He was, however, overtaken by fate at the city of
Ahmednagar, where, in the ninety-first year of his
age, and the fifty-second of bis reign, his vene-
rable person, assaulted by a variety of diseases,
was reduced so low that he despaired of his life.
There were then in his camp two of the princes,
his sons, Cambakhsh, the youngest and most be-
loved, and Mahomed Aazem-shah, who bore the
character of a man of ability, and of being fond of
military glory. On this young prince he conferred
the viceroyalty of the kingdom of Bijapoor, and
bade him depart instantly with the necessary re-

VOL. I. B

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2 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHEKIX.

tinue of a king, directing him, at the same time,

to pursue his journey by long stages, and to push

forward without stopping. The order required

17 ziikad. that he should set out on Tuesday the seventeenth

A.H.1118

lOFebruaiy, of Zilkad, four hours before daybreak. The object
A.D. 1707. ^|. g^^j^ precise instructions was to place the young
prince out of the power of his elder brother Maho-
med Aazem. Seven days after, having taken that
precaution, he ordered his second son to proceed
to his government of Malwa four hours after sun-
rise, with injunctions to make short stages of about
five coss daily, and to halt two days at each stage,
so as to march only every third day. In giving
such orders, the emperor told him that it was to
put it in his power to prevent the disorders that
might happen in that country in case of a vacancy
of the throne, and moreover that he might be at
hand to avail himself of his father's demise, and
take possession of his inheritance. But the em-
peror's real object was to keep so enterprising a
prince at a distance from him at that time, and to
prevent his availing himself of his feeble state of
body to seize and confine him, in the same way as
Aurengzib had confined his own father Shahjehan.
The prince had proceeded a few stages only when
the emperor fell into a state of extreme debility,
and having lent an ear to his Maker's summons,
he answered it by saying, " I am ready, O Lord,"

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHEUIN. 3

^nd he departed into eternity. This event hap-
pened on a Friday, the twentieth of the month, 20Ziiicad,

A. H. 1118.

one watch and three hours after daybreak, which ]3 Vebniary,
answers to five astronomical hours after sunrise. a.d.i«07.

The intelligence of the emperor's death reached
the Prince Mahomed Aazem in a few hours ; he
hastened back to the imperial camp, which he en-
tered on Sunday the twenty-ninth of the same sQzukad,

A«H 1118.

month, about one-quarter of an hour before dark, 22 F^bmaiy,
and on the next day two hours before sunrise he ^^' ^'^'
assisted in raising the imperial coffin and carried it
a few paces on his shoulders, after which he sent
it to Aurengabad.

On the morning of the eighth of the next month, s zuhaj,
he ordered the imperial music to strike up, and on 4 March,
the following Wednesday, which was also the day
of sacrifice,* Mahomed Aazem ascended the throne
of his ancestors, and bent his thoughts on gaining
the hearts of the nobility and on rendering his
reign acceptable to bis people. The next day he
took possession of the imperial treasures, invited
to his court the nobility of the provinces and the
absent grandees of the empire, and gave a public
audience ; his intention being to receive every one
according to his rank and station. He confirmed

* The anniversary kept by the Moslems in commemoration
of the intended sacrifice of his son Isaac by the patriarch Abra^.
nam.

B 2

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A.D. 1707.

4 SIVAR-UL-MUTAKIIERIN.

Assed-khan in the office of Vezir, and he raised
Zulficar-khan, the son of the minister^ to the com-
mand of the forces.

At this time Sultan Mahomed Muazem, the
eldest son of the deceased, was at Caljul, a city
and fortress on the frontier. Of this province he
was the viceroy. He had with him his tM^o younger
sons, Khujista-akhter, and Refi-al-cadr, while his
eldest son, Moiz-ed-din, resided in Multan, of
which district he was the goyemor, and his second
son, Azim-ush-shan (the ablest of the four, and
the object of his grandfather's affection) dwelt in
Bengal, whereof he was viceroy^ It appears that
the intention of Aurengzib was to leave the empire
of Hindoostan to his eldest son. Sultan Muazem ;
the dominions of the Deckan to his second son, Ma-
homed Aazem ; and the kingdom of Bijapoor to his
favourite son Cambakhsh, in full hopes that those
three princes, each satisfied with his lot, would pro-
mote the welfare of the people. But who is the man
who has not felt the effects of ambition ? and how
could 80 experienced a prince flatter himself that
his sons would be free from it ? Cambakhsh , who go-
verned Bijapoor in full sovereignty, seemed content
with his lot, and he was the move so, because Sultan
Mahomed Aazem, in order to please his mother,
had added another province to his dominions, and
had consented to allow him to coin money, and to

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A.D. 1707.

SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 6

have the khutba read in his. name.* But mat-
ters were not so quiet in Hindoostan ; for Sultan
Mahomed Muazem, on hearing of his father s ill-
nessy had set out from Cabuh as did his second son
Azim-ush-shan from Bengal. Both those princes,
taking what troops and artillery were at hand,
marched towards' Acberabad^t a great city on the
high road leading to the Deckan. Sultan Mahot
med Muazem was on his route when he received
the news of his father's demise, on which he im-
mediately assumed the imperial title and ascended
the throne. This ceremony took place on the first
Wednesday of the month of Muharrem, in the year Muharrem,

AH 1119

1119, precisely at midnight, being the hour pointed '^^j^
out by the astrologers, when the sun entered the
sign of Leo. After this. Sultan Mahomed Muazem
wrote to his brother, Mahomed Aazem, that, if sa-
tisfied with being king of the Deckan, which was
an extensive dominion, and that which their father
iiad set apart for his portion, he abstained from in^
terfering Mrith Hindoostan, such conduct would
not.fail to produce mutual benefits. This commu-
nication, however, made no impression on Mahomed
Aazem, who, trusting to his own personal influ-
ence and prowess, disregarded his brother's over-

* The coining of money, and having public prayer8 read in
the mosques in his name, are two of the peculiar privileges
which belong to a king alone.

t Agra.

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6 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

tures ; to whom he answered by the well-known
ad^e, *' It is impossible for two kings to sit toge-
ther upon the same throne." He consequently
made preparations for supporting bis pretensions^
but his efforts ended iii his own ruin.

Meanwhile Sultan Mahomed Muazem reached
Lahore, where in a few days he was joined by his
son Moiz-ed-din, who had set out from Multan
with all the troops he could collect on so short a
notice. There the latter was admitted to the ho-^
nour of kissing his father^s feet, after which he
pronounced a speech in his praise, prayed for his
prosperity and length of days, and then followed
him to Acberabad. Fortune seemed in other re-
spects to favour this prince, for Azim-ush-shan the
king's youngest son, who with a numerous and well-
appointed army was then on his march to Acber-
abad, intercepted a convoy of a corore* of rupees,
being the revenue of Bengal, which the finance
minister of that country was sending to the capital,
and secured the whole of it, but kept it untouched
at his father's disposal. He also seized Mokhtar-
khan, the governor of the province of Acberabad,
a nobleman of importance, who had given his
daughter in marriage to the prince Bedar-bakht,
and who was a hearty well-wisher to the cause of

^ A corore is a hundred lacs^ equal to about a million ster-
ling.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN* 7

Aazem-shah. With Mokhtar-kban was secured
at the same time the imperial treasure, and that
vast quantity of royal furniture of all descriptions,
which had lain deposited many ages in the pa->
laces of that city. Azim-ush-shan endeavoured to
strengthen his party by conciliating the minds of
the inferior governors and commanders, and by
gaining the hearts of the people : in which he sue*
ceeded so well that both his army and his party
gained daily accessions* But he could not prevail on
the governor of the city of Acberabad to cede that
fortress. He resolutely answered, that at a time
when the imperial throne was disputed by three
princes of the royal blood, he could not with any
propriety deliver the fortress to any one of them,
until that one should have fully established his
government ; in which case he knew too well what
became him, both as a subject and a servant, to
mistake his duty. With this reply he kept his
fortress shut up, and prepared to sustain a siege.
The prince thinking it inconvenient to lose any time
in prosecuting the siege, went on with other affairs
of importance, until his father, Sultan Mahomed
Muazem, arriving, he eiFected a junction with him,
and presented all the treasure which he had had
the good luck to secure.

No succour could be more welcome; for the
troops, already become clamorous for want of pay.

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8 SIYAU-UL-MUTAKHERIX*

were suffering great hardships, and had already
become dispirited. This timely assistance was
hailed as a good omen, and Sultan Muazem from
that moment conceived the fondest hopes of success.
He returned thanks to God, and distributed his
treasure according to the necessities of his troops.
Aazem-shah, who had only tarried a few days at
Ahmednagar to secure the services of the well-
appointed array which he had found ready-made
to his hand^ with which he marched to Acberabad,
resolved to dispute the crown with his elder bro-
ther. The natural ardour of his mind flamed by
sanguine hope, he marched with so much rapidity
that he left behind most of his infantry, and almost
the whole of his artillery, till he reached by forced
marches the fort of Gualiar, where he established
URebieu ^ig head- quarters, on Monday the eleventh of the
A.H. 1119. Rebi-el-Awel, in the year 1119. Seven days after
A.D. 17OT. he advanced towards his brother, whom he found
encamped on the plain of Ajaju, close to Acbera-
bad. Some of his troops advanced on the Impe-
rialists, and set fire to part of Sultan Mahomed
Muazem's tents, as also to those of Azim-ush-shan,
who was himself encamped there ; but the latter
was so hard pressed as to be compelled to stand
on the defensive.

Sultan Mahomed Muazem, who was then on a
hunting-party, no sooner heard of the enemy's

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SIYAR*UL-MUTAKHKRIN. 9

beiog at hand, than he flew to his son's assistance,
bringing with him his eldest son Moiz-ed-din, and
his best generals Mrith their troops. The combat
now thickened apace, when an event happened
which, by turning the fortune of the day in favour
of the Imperialists, was received as a token of appro-
bation from Heaven. There arose suddenly such a
violent wind as seemed to give the combatants an
idea of the dreadful server that buried the whole
tribe of Aad* under the sands of Arabia. Thi^ wind
blew on the bsuck of Sultan Muazem and in the
face of Aazem-shah's army. This last prince had
given the command of his left wing to his eldest son
Bedar-bakht, and that of his left to his second son
Wallajah. Aazem-shah led the centre against th^
enemy, having his youngest son Aali-tebar, then
a child, with him upon his elephant. But he had
left Assed-khan his vezir in the camp at Gualiar
with a body of troops. The prince meanwhile
pushed forward with ardour. Zulficar-khan, who
had been generalissimo under Aurengzib, repre-r
aented to him that the day was far spent, that si
violent tempest blew towards them,. and that great
part of the infantry and artillery were still at a
distance in the rear, for which reasons he conceived

* This is an historical event alluded to by the author. The
effects of the terser or simum are confirmed by modern tra-
vellers^ vrho have seen them in the Arabian deserts.

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10 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

it would be imprudent to risk a battle for a throne
on such disadvantageous terms : he recommended
the prince Mahomed Aazem, therefore, to remain
satisfied with the advantage he had already gained
over the enemy by having burned his camp-equi-
page and defeated part of his cavalry ; and that
when the remainder of the troops, infantry and
artillery, should come up, he might, with every
hope of success, fall on the enemy, already intimi-
dated. This speech had no effect on the prince,
who estimated too highly his own military genius
and the courage of his troops, besides which he
despised his brother and his party. He therefore
answered Zulficar-khan by some expressions that
indicated resentment. The latter, who was a man
of established courage and great experience, re-
plied, that since his Majesty would not listen to
advice dictated by his zeal and by common pru-
dence, and chose to run headlong on his own ruin,
he hoped he would not find fault Mrith him if he
abandoned a cause that looked so unpromising.
The prince, full of indignation, having uttered a
few broken words of reproach, turned his face
away, and Zulficar-khan, without farther expla-
nation, put spurs into his horse and joined his
father, who had been left in the camp at Gualiar.
Mahomed Aazem now fell on the enemy with fury,
and the troops on both sides being equally eager to

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srYAR-UL-MUTAKHEEIN; ] |

display their courage, a tremendous conflict ensued.
But the violence of the wind raised such clouds of
dust and sand, that the field of battle was entirely
darkened. The troops of Mahomed Aazem were
almost blinded, and it became impossible to dis«
tinguish firiend from foe. It was asserted by seve*
ral persons of character who fought in that battle,
that the sand was so hot, and it choaked so effec-
tually the mouth and eyes of the combatants, that
no one could stand such a tempest but by turning
his head about, nor could an arrow be distin-
guished at more than a few paces distant. Not-
withstanding all these disadvantages, the troops
of Mahomed Aazem gained ground. The impe-
rial army was in danger, and the desperation
with which both officers and men fought was
such, that to this day the battle of Ajaju, or
Acberabad^ is remembered all over Hindoostan
for its obstinacy, and the slaughter that ensued.
There was in Mahomed Aazem's army an Afghan
officer of great strength, called Manuwer-khan,
who commanded five thousand men of his own
nation, who used to say that a day of battle was
to him like a wedding-day. On this occasion, he
dressed himself in cloth of gold, and gave a tur-
ban of the same materials to every one of his fol-
lowers, each of whom was ready to shed his blood
for his chief. This officer having found a favour-

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12 SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

able moment, drew near to the Prince Mahomed
Aazem, and requested leave to descend from his
elephant, and mount on horseback, in order to
rush on the enemy, and shew his zeal in his
master's cause. The prince desired him to remain
upon the elephant which had been allotted to him
from the imperial stables; but Manuwer-khan,
mortified at the refusal, pushed on at the head of
his troops as far as the centre, where the Prince
Azim-ush-shan commanded. Here he was op-
posed by Hussein Ali-khan Barha, son of the
illustrious Seid Abdullah-khan of Ajmir, better
known by the appellation of Mia- khan. Hussein
Ali-khan himself having received several wounds,
fell senseless on the ground, and the greater part
of his division was destroyed. The enemy had
also lost many men; but Manuwer-khan ex-
horted the few that remained with him to push on
as far as Azim-ush-shan's elephant ; when having
in his hands one of those spears called hekm^^
he struck it vnth such force against the prince's
howdah,-)* that it passed through the back-board

* The helem is a weapon well known in the south of India ;
it is a spear about nine feet long, thick, and having a broad
blade. It is used to kill wild hogs.

f The seat which the elephant-rider occupies. The howdah
is a square box, and uncovered; the amarri has a canopy,
supported on pillars, and usually richly ornamented : the for-
mer is used in war, the latter on state occasions only.

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 13

on the opposite side ; and the prince had infallibly
been killed, had he not avoided the blow by in^
clining his body to the left. At length Manuwer-
khan, after performing many feats of valour, fell,
surrounded by the few intrepid men who had
refused to survive their brave commander. This
bloody action cost the lives of many persons of
illustrious rank; the prince Bedar-bakht, who
commanded the left wing, was slain, as also his
brother Wallajah, a young prince who had never
before been in action.

It now became necessary to announce these
losses to their father, Mahomed Aazem. This un-
fortunate prince, who tenderly loved all his chil-
dren, but particularly the eldest, heaved a deep
Sigh, and said that victory and life were hence-
forward alike indifferent to him. With these words
he ordered his driver to carry his elephant into the
midst of the enemy's ranks, where his howdah
was so thickly struck with arrows that one would
have imagined it had rained arrows on that day.
He was followed by a chosen band of guards,
personally attached to him, not one of whom would
leave their master. Mahomed Aazem, regardless
of his own safety, but anxious about the royal child,
Ali-tebar, covered him with his buckler, after
having made him squat in the howdah, though he
himself remained exposed. He still pushed on.

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14 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

using his bow ii^cessantly. But vain were all
those efforts. The day was already far spent, and
fortune had declared against him. His best officers
were slain; such as Terbiet-khan, Aman-ullah-
khan, and Matleb-khan, with the two brothers
Manuwer*khan and Khan Aalem, together with
the Hindu princes Raja Ramsing and Raja Dal-
pet, with many of their troops. His two hopeful
sons also were now no more* The prince himself,
wounded by several musket-balls, had fallen sense-
less in his howdah, when a wretch of the name of
Rustem-dil-khan, having clambered up on that
hero's elephant, had the baseness to cut off his
head. He then took the royal child, Ali-tebar, by
the hand, and carried him to Sultan Muazem, his
master. This spectacle made a deep impression
on the emperor. The sight of his brother's bloody
head was more than his feelings could bear ; he
wept bitterly, and pressed the royal orphan, his
nephew, the prince Ali-tebar, to his bosom, and
did every thing to pacify him. in the sequel, he
conceived so great an affection for him that he
never made any difference between him and his
own children. The latter took umbrage at these
tokens of his tenderness, and once resented and
complained of it ; but they were silenced with this
answer from the emperor's mouth: ** If your in-
quietude be about his being inimical to my for-

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SIYAH-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 15

tune and crown, I must tell you once for all, that I
believe you are much likelier to be so yourselves
than he, and that this child, in case of need, will
prove himself at all times more anxious for my pre«
servation than any of you." Fortune having put
an end to the contest with Mahomed Aazem, his
ministers and generals joined Assed*khan, the
vezir, and Zulficar-khan ; and the whole went in
a body to pay their homage to Sultan Muazem,
who was now every where recognized by the title
of Bahadur-shah. The Vezir Assed-khan, and
his son Zulficar-khan, with their hands bound
with a handkerchief, presented themselves in that
condition. At this sight the emperor rose from
his place, and with his own hands set the vezir's
hands at liberty ; turning, at the same time^ to his
saa Moiz-ed-din, he desired him to loosen those of
Zulficar-khan. Not content with this mark of
condescension, he spoke with the utmost kindness
to both father and son, especially to the former ;
and sending for one of his own suits of clothes, he
ordered him to put it on directly — an honour sel-
dom conferred on a subject. When he saw him
dressed, he advanced, and embracing him, made
him sit down in the presence. He conferred on
him the command and pay of a division of seven
thousand cavalry, with the grade attached to one
of nine ; added to which he ordered him a pre-.

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1 6 SlYAH-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

sent of two corores of dams,* and directed tliat his
palky should be admitted within the imperial en-
closure, as far as the gate of the bathing-rooms,
that his music might play within the imperial
enclosure — honours reserved only for princes of
the blood royal. As a last token of his favour, he
gave him the title of Jelil-al-cadr, and conferred on
him the office of Vakil-i-mutlak, or lord-lieutenant
of the empire. Munaim-khan received at the same
time the title of Jumlefr-el-mulk, with the office of
vezir, and the government of the province of Ac-
berabad. His station at court was on the ri^t
hand of Assed-khan, and he had the privilege of
offering his counsel. After these arrangements
the emperor turned his attention towards the con-
duct of certain Hindu princes, and chiefly of Jey
Sing, Raja of Amber, who had sided with the
prince Mahomed Aazem. That Raja's own bro-
ther, Bijy Sing, having taken part with the em-
peror, and having proved himself very useful, he
was placed at the head of the estates, and Jey
Sing received orders to attend at court.

Raja Ajit Sing, son of Jesvant Sing Rahtore
chief of Joodpoor, had likewise aided the prince
Mahomed Aazem; and moreover had since proved
refractory ; such conduct required immediate atten-

* Dam is a copper-coin> in value the fortieth part of a rupee.
Ayeen Akbery, vol. i. p. 32.

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SIVAR-UL-MUTAKHEKIN* 17

tion, and the emperor having inarched into those
countries, took the fortresses out of the hands of
the hereditfiry princes, and put them under the
management of the imperial oflScers, ordering the
dispossessed chiefs to attend the imperial stirrup*^
and to live henceforward at court. The vezir
Assed-khan was ordered to repair to the capital,,
which, with its dependent territory, was placed
under his special care. In this manner every part
of the empire was gradually coming into order ;
and every heart being gained over by the empe^
ror's affability, served to strengthen the throne.
Unfortunately, however, there arose a civil war
with the two remaining sons of Aurengzib.

The Prince Cambakhsh no sooner heard of his
brother Mahomed Aazem's death, than he proposed
to oppose the victorious party. In vain did the
new emperor send him soothing messages^ and ad-
vised him to live in peace. These mild overtures
served only to give confidence to Cambakhsh, and
he sent answers breathing nothing but defiance.
Even these the emperor would have overlooked,
but finding himself urged to war, and reproached
by his own sons, he resolved to reduce Cambakhsh.
With that view he quitted Dehli on Monday the
seventeenth of Shaban, in the year 1119, and nshabtn.

. A. H. 1119.

marched towards Bijapoor by the way of Fatepoor 5 bet.
and Ajmir. On the third of Zilkad of the ensuing

VOL. I. c

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18 SIYAR-UL'-MCTAKHERIN*

3 znkad. year, being a Wednesdayj the two armies fought a
14 Feb. ' battle in the vicinity of Hydrabad, of which city
Cambakhsh had made himself master. After re-
peated attacks and much slaughter, Bahadurs-
shah's army drove the enemy out of the field.
This happened at midnight, and by that time, most
of those chiefs personally attached to Cambakhsh
being slain, the rest betook themselves to flight,
leaving a complete victory to the emperor. The
prince himself, alter exhibiting great personal cou-*
rage, and receiving several wounds, which after-
wards proved mortal, had fallen senseless on the
ground, with hardly any other sign of life than a
faint respiration. In that condition he was found,
and being placed upon an elephant, was, together
with his children, brought before his brother. On
notice of his approach, the emperor sent his eldest
son Moiz-ed-din, with orders to shew him every
mark of respect ; and directed that the wounded
prince should be lodged in a retired tent, within the
imperial enclosure, where he went on foot to pay
him a visit. On seeing him, he heaved a deep sigh
and said, ** Alas ! 1 never desired to see you in
this condition ;" the prince, raising with pain Ids
dying eyes, answered, ** nor did I ever desire to
see you in the condition you now are :" with these
words he expired. The emperor was exceedingly
affected, and retired to his own apartments, tak*

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8IVAK*UL*MUTARHERIN. n

ing with him the young orphans his nephews*
He ordered them to be educated in the same
manner as he had done Aali-tebar, and he always
lent a deaf ear to the repeated remonstrances and
reproaches of his own children on their account
This battle having rendered Bahadur-shah master
of the Deckan, as well as put an end to all com;-
petition in Hindoostan, and his authority being
everywhere firmly established, he conceived it a
favourable time to introduce some changes on
which he had resolved. One day he communi«-
cated in as conciliatory a manner as poissible, both
to Assed*khan and to his son Zulficar-khan, that
the generalissimo Munaim-khan was an old ser-
Tant and a zealous friend, extremely attached to
his person, and added that he had on a former
occasion promised to make him vezir whenever
the crown should devolve on him. He now said
that Munaim-khan had reminded him of that pro^
mise ; '' but as I intend/' said he, '^ not to disoblige
you on the one hand, nor on the other to break my
word with him, I desire your advice in this deli-
cate conjuncture, and beg you to point out some
expedient that may satisfy both parties without
wounding my own honour."

Assed-khan, on observing the emperor's inclina-
tion, answered, ^ that adherence to their word
was always incumbent upon kings ; but that he

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20 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

hoped, likewise, that the honour of two feithful
servants, who had zealously served the imperial
family for such a number of years, would be pro-
tected from insult." This answer in some measure
jeased the emperor's mind, and he persuaded Assed-
khan to be content with the high oflSce of Vakil-i-
Mutlak or Lord Lieutenant of the empire, and he
ordered him to be invested anew with a rich dress
of honour. Munaim-khan at the same time,
who had often acted as lieutenant to the imperial
princes, and as divan or minister of finance, was
invested with the robes of vezir, and the imperial
jsignet was entrusted to his hands. The rank of
these two great men was also settled by the empe-
ror, who directed that after Assed-khan should
take his seat under the canopy of the vezir, Mu-
naim-khan should walk up to him in a respectful
manner, and should present to him the papers that
might require his signature. This arrangement
having satisfied these illustrious personages^ they
united their efibrts in despatching the afiairs of
•state, and in promoting the welfare of the empire.
Zulficar-khan, the generalissimo, was honoured
with the title and office of Amir-ul-omrah,* and
appointed viceroy of the Deckan, comprehending
all the provinces already conquered or to be con-
quered hereafter. This was a charge of vas( imr

♦ Chief erf the nobles.. /

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 52i

portance, for which he was eminently qualified; for
no other man at that time would have been able to
rule countries so newly conquered and so refrac**
tory* The new viceroy^ after having settled to his
nund the military and financial afiairs of his go-
vernment, returned to court ; having left as his ,
lieutenant an Afghan nobleman, called Daiid-^
khan Peni, a man famed in those countries for
his riches, his bodily strength, and his personal
prowess ; and who had rendered himself of so much
importance, that there were no noblemen in Deckan
who could be compared with him. He was made
the director of all political affairs, as also of the
finance department, with full liberty to undertake
any military expedition which he should deem
advisable. Zulficar-khan, after having eased his
mind of so great a burthen, went to court, where he
applied himself sedulously in aiding to introduce
order throughout every part of the empire.

The provinces of Bengal, Orissa, Aztmabad*
and Ilahabad^ had hitherto been governed by
Azim-ush-shan, the emperor's second son, and it
was thought politic to continue those countries
under the same administration ; an arrangement
which put it in that prince's power to reward two
illustrious nobles who had rendered him many im-
portant services, and had distinguished themselves

* Patna.

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22 &IYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

in the great battle of Acberabad. These were
Seid Abdullah-khan and Seid Hussem Ali-khan,
sons of the famous Seid AbduUah-khan, so much
revered in Ajmir under the name of Mia-khan.
On the elder, AbduUah-khan, he conferred the
government of Ilahabad; and he gave that of
Azimabad (Patna) to the younger, Hussein-Ali-
khan. At the same time Jafer-khan was entrusted
with the provinces of Bengal and Orissa, in which
he had hitherto acted as minister of finance. After
these arrangements the prince took up his residence
at his father's court, where he exercised great in«
fluence. The emperor, who was exceedingly good-
natured, and mild even to a fault, having remem-
bered a vow which he had once made to the Creator
of all things, that if ever he should ascend the
throne he would never deny any man's request,
now wanted to act up to the letter of this vow:
accordingly, dignities, titles, and employments
were lavished so indiscriminately, that they lost
much of their value, and ceased to be deemed
marks of honour or distinction ; although no less
a man than Munaim-khan was appointed to exa-
mine into the several petitions, and to report on
the respective claims of each person. Neverthe-
less, as men of low origin, whether Hindus or
Mussulmans, obtained every day the military grade
of six or seven thousand horse, and the titles of

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SITAtt-UL-MUTAKHERlN. 23

Jung and Mulk, as well as those of Ray and
Raja,* which were given to all classes, dignities
came at last to lose their value, and titles to forfeit
all estimation. For example, one of the dog*
keepers, who applied for a title, was honoured with
that distinction by the king's own private orders.
On the occasion of conferring this title, the prince
Azim-ush-shan, whose seal and signature wa3
requisite before the patent of nobility could pass,
remonstrated with his father, and said, Jf it be
your royal pleasure that there .should be a Khan
(noble) in every house, and a Ray (Hindu prince)
in every bazar, you may certainly confer the title
of Ray on this dog*keeper ; and he accordingly
became known hereafter by the title of Lord Dog-
keeper, to the great astonishment of the world,
and was pointed at as he passed through the
streets, people saying to each other there goes my
Lord Dog*keeper, till at length he was induced to
give money to people to refrain from molesting
him on the highway, but it had little effect.

Meanwhile the army, which pushed forward to-
wards the Deckan was overtaken by the rainy
season,-)* and the emperor conferred the govern-

* The affix of jung and muUc to all Mahomediui titles, and
those of ratf and raja, to Hindu titles, had their relative value. -

f This reference to the campaign in the Deckan is out of
place. Bahadur-shah made but one campaign to thatquart6r>
which was when he conquered Cambakhsh*

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24 ilYAR-UL-MUTAKHERlN.

ment of Guzerat on Ghazenfer-jung,* ruler of
fierar, an office he had once held under Aurengzib.
At the same time Raja Jye Sing Kichwaha and
Ajit Sing Rahtore both quitted the court, ^hen
near the Nerbedda, without permissicm, and re-*
turned to their own country ; where, having ejected
with a greal; deal of fighting and slaughter the
imperial officers, they retook possession of their
fortresses, and reinstated themselves in their own
dominions.

Having proceeded to the south, the emperor
remained some time at Hydrabad. He at length
returned towards Hindoostan in order to reduce
the fugitive Hindu princes who had quitted his
camp at the Nerbedda. The latter, availing them-
selves of their distance from court, had in the
meantime given battle to the three Seids brotheiSt
Ahmed Sayid-khan, Hussein-khsm, and Gheiret-
khan, who all three on the same day received the
honour of martyrdom. These events only added
to the emperor's indignation, but his apprehension
of those Rajpoots made it expedient to temporize

* This chief held the titles of Chin Khullich-khan Ghazi-
ed-din Ohazenfer-jung Bahadur. He was left governor of the
Deckan in 1688> after the capture of Oolconda by Aurengzib.
His descendants^ under the title of Nizam^ occupy the kingdom
of Hydrabad^ on the musned of which is seated his greats
grandson at this moment.

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filVAR*UL-MUTAKH£RIN. 25

with them, and having accepted their submission
lie granted them their pardon. He was induced
to this measure the more from hearing that Guru
ixovind was in arms in the northern mountains at
the head of a body of Siks, by whom this chief had
been joined. He had already slain in battle Vezir-
khan, the commandant of Serhind. The emperor
now ordered one Assed*khan, acting as lieutenant-
general under Zulficar*khan, to enter the moun-
tains, and to blockade on all sides the strong-holds
into which Guru Govind had thrown his forces ;
but that chief found means to effect his escape one
night with all his followers, of whom only a few
were intercepted, a neglect that very much re-
flected on the character of Assed-khan. The em-
peror, finding that no glory was to be acquired in
this campaign, left Rustem-dil-khan with a body
of troops to continue it, and proceeded towards
Lahore, where the general, Assed-khan,* departed
this life. His office of lieutenant-general was con-
ferred on Hedaiet-ulla-khan, the son of Enaiet-
eddin-khan. At this time also, Ghazi-eddin-khan
died in Guzzerat.-f The emperor was then en-
-camped on the banks of the Ravi, the river that

* It is ^ importance to bear in mind that this person is not
Assed-khan the Vakil-i-Mutlak, father of Zulficar-khan.

t His eldest son^ Mahomed^ received the title, and afterwards
flourished under that of Asof Jah Nizam-el-mulk.

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26 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKH£ilIN.

flows past Lahore, when Rustem*dil-khan ap-
peared at court after having quitted his post with-
out leave. He was consequently deprived of his
commission and jaghir and confined in the citadel
of Lahore, and Mahomed Amin-khan was sent in
his stead to take command of the army in the
hills. Some strange events happened during the
emperor's residence in Lahore. Bahadur-shah was
fond of the company of learned men, and passed
for an acute proficient in the subtil ties of law and
divinity; qualities in which he surpassed by far
all the princes of the house of Timur. In conse-
quence he loved to be surrounded by people
skilled in those sciences, and discoursed with plea-
sure on those topics wherein he had convinced
himself by reflection he was right. Accordingly,
on his arrival at Lahore, he assembled the learned
men of that city, most of them staunch Sunnies,
and ai*gued with them on the justice of the claim
of his holiness AH, the son of Abu Taleb the
Commander of the Faithful, on whom be peace.
These men were all defeated in argument, and the
confusion to which he reduced them made him
entertain the design of adding to the usual profess
sion of faith, as uttered in the public prayers and
in the khutba, the words *' and AH is the saint of
God, and the heir of the prophet of God."

An afiair of so much importance required a firm-

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHEEIN. 27

ness of mind which was nerer a conspicuous trait
in the characters of the princes of the house of
Timur, especially in those of latter times. Added
to this, the emperor's eldest sons Azim-ush-shan
and Khujista-akhter, both men of courage and
merit, were zealous Sunnies, so that this inno-^
vation proved very unwelcome to them. The em-
peror himself became apprehensive of vigorous
opposition on that score ; but being unwilling to
abandon his design without making some effort to
ascertain its practicability, he one day sent a
Shiah reader to the principal mosque, after having
put him under the safeguard of Azim-ush-shan.
The prince, who was in his heart averse to the
measure, took the man with him out of deference
to his father's will ; but remained entirely passive
when the congregation, which was mostly com-
posed of Hanefies,* having information of the
scheme, fell upon that innocent man and hewed
him in pieces, before he had time to utter the of-
fensive words.

This commotion was succeeded by another.
The men learned in the law, and some principal
inhabitants, all of the Sunny persuasion, having
forthwith assembled in the mosque, sent a message

* Followers of the tenets of AbuHanifa, a celebrated Ma-
homedan doctor, who suppcx^ the legal succession of the
three first khalifs.— See Asiatic Researches, vol. x. p. 483.

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28 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN*

to the palace^ by which they invited the emperor
over to their principles, and they required every
inhabitant of the city to assist them in resisting in-»
novation with their persons and fortunes. No fur-
ther attempt was made by the emperor ; but he
continued, during the remainder of his life, to pro-
mote the tenets of the Shiahs, and to pass a great
deal of his time in arguing with the doctors of the
opposite sect, though to no purpose : and indeed,
if the promulgation of new principles depended
entirely on argument and reason, why should the
prince of prophets and chief of messengers, on
whom, as well as on his posterity, be salutation
and peace, have received authority to fight from
the Lord of the creation ? he who was confessedly
the most eloquent man of his time, whether in
Arabia or in Iran*

Five years had already elapsed since the em-
peror's accession to the throne, and it was the
third year since he was encamped on the Ravi>
close to the city of Lahore, when some alteration
was perceived in his mind. It was about the mid-
A?H*n^ die of Muharrem, in the year 1124 of the Hegira,

A.D!ni2. ^^® ^*y *^^* ^^ ^^^ *' ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ '^ ^^® orders
for killing all the dogs in camp, as well as

those in the city of Lahore. As such an ord<^r,

from so sensible a prince, could not but appear

very strange, people were willing to account for it

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 29

by supposing that some witchcraft or enchantment
had been practised upon him. Such a state of
things was the more disagreeable, as the Siks were
becoming daily more numerous and troublesome.
Forbidden from coming into the city of Lahore, not
one of them was to be seen in the day-time, but
as soon as it was dark they never failed to return
to the houses of those that used to feed and cherish
them, and their orgies lasted during the whole
night. At day-break they would throw themselves
into the Ravi, and after having swam to the other
side, they lurked during the day in the neighbour-
ing fields.

This conduct on the part of the Siks, as well as
the tumult in the mosque, I mention upon the
faith of a letter which Amin-ed-doula of Sambal
wrote to his family, and which I found among the
papers of his secretary. The letter says that the
emperor, incensed against the doctors that had ex-
cited the tumult which had cost the Koran-reader
his life, ordered some of them to be thrown into
prison, and others to be sent to the fortress of
Gualior. Some time after, the emperor, having felt
a slight indisposition, which no one suspected to

, ^_, . -I1.1111 19MuhaiTem,

be severe, fell mto a swoon, and died suddenly on a. h. 1124.
the 19th of Muharrem, about two hours before a. d. 1712.
night.

The prince Azim-ush-shan, who was present

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30 SIYAR-UL'MUTAKHERIK.

\^hen the emperor fainted, unable to stand such a
spectacle, retired to his own camp, after having
desired Amin-ed-doula to tarry a few hours, in
order to bring him further intelligence^ so that as
soon as the emperor expired, that nobleman re*
paired to the prince and informed him of the event.
The prince wept bitterly ; but Amin-ed-doula bade
him take heart, as not a moment ought to be lost
in ascending the throne, and he ordered the impe^^
rial band of music to strike up immediately. This
being complied with, the few courtiers that chanced
to be at hand hastened to present their offerings,
according to custom, wishing the prince a long and
happy reign. At this time Amin-ed-doula, with
Niamet-uUah-khan, and some others, represented
that Zulficar*khan, the commander of the troops,
and Hemid-ed-din-khan, who were both inimical
to him, were now busy in preparing the funeral of
the late emperor, and would be so occupied with
that ceremony as to admit of their both being seized
and secured. The prince, neglecting so important
a measure, answered that the imperial honour
would suffer from so hasty and indecent a pro^
ceeding ; that for his own part he relied solely on
his own right and to God Almighty's assistance,
and that after all Zulficar-khan could do but little.
This answer struck his counsellors and well* wishers
dumb, who said in a low voice, *^ May God turn

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 31

this disposition to good account/' In fact th&
prince was guilty of a great oversight ; neverthe-
less Niamet-uUah-khan, of his own accord, went
away directly, and putting himself at the head of
his own numerous brigade, marched straight to the
imperial tents, where he found that Zuliicar-khan
had already gone to his camp, and was in the
middle of his troops, so that he missed the oppor-
tunity of seizing him as he had determined.

It must be observed that Azim-ush-shan had
always exercised great power in his father s life-
time, under whom he acted as his lieutenant,
whether in signing papers or in the transaction of
business, and the whole of the household, which
he commanded, was devoted to him, so that he
found no difficulty in taking possession of his fa-
ther's treasures and ascending the throne — a step
which afforded confidence and satisfaction to the
troops incamp : but this was not the case with all
classes.* Those who looked more narrowly into
afiairs were apprehensive of trouble and blood-
shed ; so that whoever could provide himself with
a carriage or a beast of burthen, hastened to send
his family with his effects into Lahore during the
night, whilst others went within the imperial en-
closure, and took up their abode there.f

* Azim-ush-shan was only the second sbn.

t The imperial inclosare embraced from one acre to two, or

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32 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

During this time the physicians Sadik-khan
and Hekim-el-mulk, together with Mahabet-khan
and the ministers of state, as well as all the crown-
officers, went in a body to pay homage to Azim-
ush-shan, to whose presence they were conducted
by Shah-nevaz-khan and Hemid-ed-din*khan. On
the other hand, Rustem-dil-khan and some others
paid their court to the prince Khujista-akhter.
Zulficar-khan,* who did not like this prince, and
was upon bad terms with Azim-ush-shan, joined
the eldest son Moiz-ed-din, and asked him whe*
ther he had any commands. ** None at all,"
answered the prince — ** at least at present ; for I
have neither money nor troops, having added to
the imperial army whatever I could bring together
when I came to join my father. I intend to retire
to my government of Multan, where I expect to
collect forces^ as well as the means of appearing
again upon the stage, when I shall act according
to circumstances.'^ Zulficar-khan disapproved of
such a proceeding ; he offered to supply money,
troops, and artillery, and proposed to invite both
the princes Khujista-akhter and Refi-ul-kadr, by
which measures he hoped to supersede Azim-ush-
shan's party; after which, the three brothers

even three acres of land^ surrounded by tent-walls, within which
the royal tents were pitched.

* Khujista-akhter was the third son.

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might consult about further measures. This pro-
posal was not relished by M oiz-ed-din, who, trust-
ing but little to the promises of Zulficar-khan,
desired first of all to sound his two brothers.
Zulfiear-khan returned directly to his own quar-
ters, where having collected what money and
effects he thought necessary^ he sent them to
Moiz-ed-din, repairing at the same time to the
two other princes, whom he gained over at the
first interview, after having made them agree to
take an equal division of the treasures and effects
of the late emperor.

All this while Azim-ush-shan, surrounded by
the crown-officers, and by the courtiers and gene-
rals attached to his party, remained in full posses-
sion of the imperial honours, and resolved to attack
whosoever should venture to dispute his right. He
surrounded his camp with a ditch, planted can-
non around, and for a few days waited the event,
in hopes that, as the other princes had no money,
their troops would disperse, or come over to his
camp. But as fortune did not favour him, the
very reverse of this took place ; for Zulficar-khan,
after having performed a service above all reward,
united the princes, who repaired with him to
Moiz-ed-din's camp, where they formed for him a
court worthy the imperial dignity. This event a.h. 1124.
happened in the 1 124th year of the Hegirah. The A.D.]7i2.

VOL. I. D

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34 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

next day they marched to attack Azim-ush-shan'e
lines. In a little time his troops were defeated,
and fled on all sides ; and it is most singular that
Azim-ush-shan's body was never found, notwith-
standing all the search made for that purpose.
This event is related in the following manner : —
On the first day there was a slight attack ; then,
as if both parties had changed their minds, the
confederate princes contented themselves for seven
days together with firing showers of cannon-ball
into Azim*ush-sban's camp, from which they were
answered in the same style. On the seventh day,
Niamet*ullah-khan and Aziz-khan, with Raja
Mohcam-sing Katry and Raja Raj-sing Jatt, came
in a body, with Shah Nevaz-khan at their head, to
Azim-ush-shan, and represented that, as the conr
federates were not so numerous as had been appre-
hended, it was possible to attack and disperse their
troops, by falling upon them at once, and coming
to short weapons. The new king desired them to
wait a little, and they were obliged to comply.
He hoped that Churamon Jatt and the Bunjaras
would so beset the roads, that no provisions could
reach the camp of the confederates, which would
oblige them to disperse for food. Whilst he was
thus disposed to dilatory measures, he took no
steps to gain the hearts of his troops; he was
extremely sparing of those treasures he had found

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SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 35

ready at his command/ and acted like one whp yrnB
aiudoua to carry them to the other lyojld with
him. With such sordid views no wonder that,
whenever any bold measure was proposed, he was
sure to oppose it, by answering in those memorable
words, * Wait a little more !' On the eighth day,
Zulficar-khan having procured from the city of
Lahore several large pieces of cannon, planted
them on a rising ground, from which they inces*
santly poured showers of shot into Azim-^ushnshan's
camp ; and as, in order to bring up these cannon,
the road to Lahore had been opened, the troops of
Azim-ush-shan, already exceedingly disaffected,
availed themselves of the excuse to put themselves
out of the reach of fire by returning from the rear
of his camp. This state of inaction having highly
disgusted the two Hindu rajas, they waited on the
king^ and represented to him that they would
put up no more with the eternal taunts of th^
enemy, and stated their determination to fall upon
them with their own men, whether they were sup-
ported (NT not. To this animated remonstrance,
the prince made the usual answer, ^ Wait a little
more !' The two brave Hindus, shocked at such a
reception, vented their indignation in expressions
of reproach ; and, sallying forth, fell, : sword in
hand, upon the enemy. As these did not expect
so sudden an attack, they were surprised, and gave

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36 SIYAR^UL-MUTAKHEUIN,

way ; and the two Hindu rajas, after performing
wonders, and passing through the enemy's ranks,
penetrated as far as the great battery, of which
they took possession. This would have been the
time to support those brave men ; but so far was
the king from making any such effort, that he sent
his aides-de-camp abroad to reprimand and bring
back some other commanders, who had sallied
forth to their aid. This moment of suspense hav-
ing been observed by Zulficar-khan and Rustem*
dil-khan, they made a brisk attack upon the rajas,
who received them with great bravery ; but being
overpowered by numbers, both these princes fell ;
and their men losing courage, fled towards Lahore,
at the very instant that Suliman-khan Peny was
coming to their assistance with a body of a thou-«
Band horse. That gallant leader came just time
only enough to lose his own life by a musket-balK
His body was sent to the city by tlie victors, out
of respect for his valour.

Of about sixty or seventy thousand men in Azim-
ush-shan's army, there now remained about his
elephant no more than ten or twelve thousand ;
and these, as soon as he returned to his head*
quarters in the evening, retired to Lahore in great
confusion : so that the next morning he found him-
self with no more than two or three thousand men,
and with this handful he now wanted to attack the

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siVar-ul-mutakherin. 37

fenemy. As he was going to mount the elephant
he usually rode, the animal refused to kneel in spite
of the efibrts of his driver to oblige him, and the
king was induced to send foi^ another. By this
time even the few troops that had remained with
him disappeared ; and when he put his elephant in
motion, he found about his person only Niamet-
uUah-khan with ten troopers, Amin-ed-doiilah-
khan with twenty, and Raja Jye-sing with a little
more than a thousand horsemen : the whole not
amounting to two thousand men. Still he advanced
to the field of 'battle; but hardly was the action
commenced, when there arose such a violent wind,
as put in motion all the sands oftheRavi, raising
such clouds of dust, that no alternative was left, but
that of shutting the eyes, and turning the head
away from its violence ; nor wag it possible to open
them but to see the flash of the enemy's cannon.
Some troops of the enemy's cavalry having come
up in the rear of Azim-ush-shan's party, let fly a
showeir of arrows; but, as there was no seeing
Azim-ush-shau's person, the troops pushed forward
to plunder his treasures. A moment after, a can-
non-ball struck the seat of the elephant, and setting

•

on fire the pillows, occasioned a great deal of smoke,
The king, in order to save his life, threw all the
furniture down ; and Amin-ed-doula having asked
whether he was not hurt^ he answered, '' Not at all :

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38 SIYAE-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

go oil, go on.'* At these words the genetal fetched
several deep sobs, and dropped some tears* He
was reprimanded by the king, who with unusual
coolness reproached him for his want of firmness.
'* Firmness !" repUed the general, ** to what pur-
pose can firmness avail us now ? The vessel of all
our hopes is about to be dashed against rocks, and
nothing remains to me but to strike my head against
a stone. In vain have all your faithful servants
entreated you to let them go forth, and make a
general attack ; in vain did they repeat their en-
treaties for adopting so salutary a measure : your
answer was always in those ominous words, * Wait
a little more/ But after all, how could your ma-
jesty do otherwise, since it was the Almighty's
decree that we should be undone? Still there
remains one step ; there is yet time — a moment
hence and it will be too late. Leave your elephant^
mount a horse, and fly with us towards Bengal.*
There you have your family and friends; and Daudt
khan Peny , who commands in the Deckan, is youf
devoted servant. Let us retire to Bengal, which
is a place of safety ; and there, after having recruited
your strength, you may return and act as occasion
shall require." " All that is very fine," replied
the prince, " but what did Dara Shekoh do, after

* Azim-us-shah had long been Governor of Bengal^ and
possessed influence there.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 39

his defeat ? did flight avail Shujah ?!^ If I am yet
destined to reign, the scriptural sentence, ^ Many
a time did a small number prevail over a multitude/
shall be verified in my person ; nor is victory and
success yet so far distant from us/'

To all this Amin*ed-doula rejoined that he had
no more than twenty troopers with him, for that
every one else was gone. ** Very well," said
the prince coolly, '^ let me have one-half of these
twenty, that I may rush with them on that wretch
Moiz-ed-din ; and with the other ten do you rush
on that other wretch Khujista-akhter." The gene-
ral was in despair on hearing these words. The
king was yet speaking, when Khwaja Hussein,
since Khan Douran, was heard to say from behind,
'* General, I am going to Bengal ; take my advice,
let us go together." * * Never ; " answered the gene-
ral : ''so long as there is breath in Azim-ush-shan,
I will never desert him." He had hardly said this
when a cannon-shot having struck the king's ele-
phant full on the root of the proboscis, made him
furious. The animal turned about, and ran to the
water-side; his driver lost his seat, and fell on the
ground. Jelal-khan Lody, who sat behind, laid
hold of the ropes, and sliding down on the ground,

* Dara Shekoh and Shujah were the brothers of Aureng-
sib^ whom he opposed^ defeated^ and slew, after they had fled'
fran the field.

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40 SIYAII-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

fled for his life. Several people attempted to stop
the elephant^ among whom was Amin-ed-doula,
but there was no restraining him. In a moment
he saw the animal throw himself down a cliffy part
of the bank, and plunging into the river he disap-
peared, causing an extraordinary commotion in the
water, from which arose a great deal of mud, but
the elephant never re-appeared, and it is concluded
that both the animal and the king sank never to
rise again. Amin-ed-doulah now took to flight;
but was overtaken and seized, and sent close pri-
soner to the citadel of Shah-jehan-abad, where he
remained, until he was set at liberty by an express
order, which Ferokh-siar, after his victory over
Moiz-ed-din addressed to the governor Mahomed
Yar-khan for that purpose ; and in the sequel he
rose to the highest dignities in the state.

This important victory which had cost the enemy
so little, raised the views of Moiz-ed-din, a prince
who wanted neither courage nor merit, and he now
conceived the design of setting aside the partition-
treaty, and of assuming for himself the crown of
all Hindoostan. He evinced his purpose so openly,
that the union of the three brothers ended in con-
fusion and bloodshed. These dissensions first arose
out of the division of the imperial treasures. These
consisted of eighty cart-loads of ashreflSes,* and

* Gold coins.

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aiYAH-UL^MUTAKHERlN, 41

of a hundred cart-loads of rupees. Khujista-akhter
wanted to divide all this money into three equal
parts ; but Zulficar-khan made use of so much chi-
caneryand broDght forward so many pretences, that
three-fifths of that immense sum became IVIoiz-ed-
din's share, and the other two-fifths only fell to the
lot of the other brothers. Such a proceeding could
not but exasperate them : Khujista-akhter forth-
with resolved to proclaim himself king, and he took
the title of Jehan-shah, so that there were two
parties now ripe for coming to blows. Khujista-
akhter, or Jehan-shah, having been joined by several
commanders of distinction, among whom were
Mahomed-khan and Rustem-dil-khan, men who
thought of nothing but slaughter and blood, the
two armies viewed each other with jealousy,. but
they did not immediately come, to blows. They
passed whole days and even whole nights under
arms, for as soon as the sun set, the two armies lit
fires, and seemed to wait for an attack. Jehan-shah
soon found himself at the head of a large body of
troops and a numerous artillerj^ nor was Moiz-ed-
din, who now assumed the title of Jehandar-shah,
worse prepared for action.

On the fourth day, Jehan-shah, afte^* considerable
skirmishing, said to his generals that he wanted to
examine his encampment from without, and di-
rected that (as on the three former days) they

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42 SIVAR-UL-MUTAKHERIK.

should keep their troops mounted ^nd ready, as he
intended to review them. At the same time he
desired his spies to be on the watch, and to give
him immediate notice the mom^it they perceived
the enemy^s cavalry alight, and prepare to clean
their horses. On that instant Jehannshah rushed
on his brother's camp, where, after a sli^t combat
the confusion became general. The enemy's troops
confounded by so unexpected an assault, made but
faint resistance and dispersed. The flight and
dismay became so general, that Lal*koor, Jehan-
dar-shah's favourite mistress, and who followed
him every where, mounted upon an elephant con-
cealed behind a curtain, was on this occasion
obliged to fly with the crowd on foot without a
veil. In this condition she fell into the hands of
Rustem-dil-khan, who was actually loosening the
string of pearl that hung in a tassel attached to the
string of her drawers, when she vras rescued from
his hands. The confusion was so complete, that Je-
handar-shah^ unable to wait for hisown elephant, got
upon the first that came to hand, without a canopy,
and wrapping himself up in a large sheet, bade the
driver carry him across the line of the enemy's
troops, as if he were carrying a lady, till he could
find his way to Zulficar-khan. This bold step
succeeded, and Jehandar-shah joined his general,
just as cries of victory were filling the air in the

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 43

enemy's lines. Zulficar-khan amazed to see Je-
handar-shah in such a plight, became anxious to
retrieve the fate of the day. He called aloud to a
body of choice musketeers long attached to his
person, and throwing handfuls of gold amongst
them, told them how they could now render him
an important service. ** There you see/' said he,
*' Jehan-shah surrounded by multitudes of officers
and soldiers, who are presenting him with offerings
in compliment of his victory. Let some of you
mix with that crowd, and whilst he is talking to
the people about him, and receiving congratula-
tions, fire upon him/* The infantry literally obeyed
their instructions, and discharging their matchlocks
at the same instant, he fell covered with wounds ;
and this event gave an unlooked-for victory to
their master. Jehandar-shah so unexpectedly vie*
torious, no sooner heard of his good fortune than
he retired with his mistress to his quarters, where
he spent the night in revelry ; whilst the troops,
fatigued by the exertions of the day, laid down to
sleep on the field of battle.

The next morning at day-break, the prince Refi-
al«cadr sent the principal eunuch of his seraglio to
compliment Jehandar-shah on his victory ; but the
victor, who had passed the whole night in drink-
ing, was now fast asleep, and there was no awaken-
ing him. The king's servants, hearing of the mes-

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44 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIX.

sage which the prince's eunuch had brought, fell
a laughing, saying that his master having seen
what had befallen Azim-ush^^shan and Jehan-shah,
had better beware of his own conduct. The in-
telligence of the state of the court acted on Refi-
al-cadr as if he had awoke from a dream. He
ordered the great kettle-drum to be beaten, and
instantly placed himself at the head of his troops.
This movement having put Zulficar-khan upon his
guard, he ranged the army in battle-array, and
sent a trusty eunuch, with orders to cause Jehandar-
shah to be mounted by any means whatsoever upon
an imperial elephant. Jehandar-shah was immersed
in intoxication, himself bare-headed, with his
clothes in the utmost disorder, and with hardly any
knowledge of what was going on around him. In
that condition he was seated upon his ^ephant
and brought to the field of battle, while Zulficar^
khan marched to oppose Refi-al-cadr. This prince
advanced at full gallop, and charged the troops of
his rival with heroic valour, that deserved a better
fate. He penetrated through the thickest of his
foes, and fell covered with wounds. The few
troops he had about his person were almost all
slain, and himself being wounded, and left nearly
alone, he took up his sabre and buckler, alighted
from his elephant, and after having performed pro-
digies of valour, he undauntedly drank of the bitter
draught presented him by death.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 45

This victory having placed Jehandar-shah ' in
undisputed possession of the crown, be sent notice
of his accession throughout all the provinces.
Moving at the same time from Lahore, he marched
to Shah-jehan-abad, where he made his entry with
all the pomp of an hereditary monarch, and with ujumad-
the pride of a conqueror, on Monday the fourteenth Afi^Tigi.
of the month Jumad-el-awel, of the year 1 124, aj/."i712.
about three hours before sun-set. On his passage
through Bidly he was received by Mahomed Yar-
khan, governor of the province, who went out on
purpose to pay his homage to the emperor as he
passed by on his elephant. Four days after Mon-
day, the sun being then in the meridian, the em-*
peror made his entry into the citadel of Dehli, and
took possession of the imperial palace. The new
sovereigp being now firmly seated on his throne,
confirmed Assed-khan in the high dignity of Vakil-
i-Mutlak, or lieutenant of the empire, and Zulficar-
khan, his son, in that of vezir. . Sultan Kerim-ed-
din, the eldest son of Azim-ush-shan, was seized at
Lahore through the agency of Hedaiet-kesh-khan,
and being brought to the emperor's presence suffered
death, as well as all the other princes of the blood,
sons of the princes Mahomed Aazim, or of Mahomed
Cambakhsh: thesewereAli-tebar,sonof Azem-shah,
and Fiiozmend, the two sons of Cambakhsh, besides
a third son, whose name is not certainly known*

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46 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

The king's foster-brother, Cocaltash-khan, i^as
promoted to the hi^est offices, and his name was
changed to that of Khan-jehan-bahadur. The king's
mistress, Lal-koor, received the title of Imtiaz-me-
hel«begum (the most accomplished of ladies), and
was distinguished with the privilege of riding close
to her sovereign on an elephant covered by a canopy,
an honour reserved for princes of the royal blood.
The king's foster-brother was eventually raised to
the office of Amir-ul-omrah, which was now the
third dignity in the empire, and he obtained every
day some addition to his influence and emoluments*
The king's partiality for Lal-koor was boundless ; he
seemed solely intent on pleasing her. Her brother
Khoshal was made a commander of seven thousand
horse, and her uncle Niamet-khan received the
command of five thousand ; not content with this:
he intended to dispossess an illustrious nobleman of
the viceroyalty of Acberabad, in order to bestow
it on Khoshal-khan, but here the emperor s partia-
lity met vdth an unexpected check. The vezir on
casting his eyes over the patent, refused to affix
the seals unless he also brought the fees of office,
which, in derision of the new governor's former
occupation, he fixed at five thousand guitars and
seven thousand timbrels. Khoshal-khan stung to
the quick by so severe a sarcasm, imparted his
resentment to his sister, whose influence over the

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 47

emperor's mind was unbounded. Jehandar-shah,
who owed the deepest obligations to the vezir,
commanded his attendance, and in a mild tone of
voice recommended Khoshal-khan's affair to him,
adding, that the strange kind of fees he had de-
manded was doubtless by way of joke. *^ No joke
at all/' answered the minister, in a serious tone.
" There is no pleasantry in the matter, please your
majesty, I was in earnest: for, as the nobility,
your servants, are from father to son in the habit
of serving the crown in vice-royalties, govern-
ments, and such other employments, so has it been
the custom of your imperial ancestors to amuse
themselves with dancers and singers, whose merits
it was usual to reward by pensions and bounties ;
but as soon as these last shall aspire to military
dignities and governments, and shall commence
to take possession of them, there will remain no
other alternative for your nobility, but that of be-
taking themselves to the profession just forsaken
by the dancers and singers : for they must after
all live as well as these. When, therefore, I asked
from this gentleman so many thousand guitars,
with as many timbrels, it was with a view to dis-
tribute them to your majesty's dispossessed gover-
nors and generals, who certainly have a right to
earn their bread as well as others." This answer
caused the emperor to hang his head, but he

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48 STVAR-UL-MITTAKHFRIX.

$aid not a word. The new viceroy lost his pro-
motion.

Lal-koor, when yet a common dancer, had been
so intimately connected with Zahra, a woman who
sold greens about the streets, that she had adopted
her as her dogana.* This woman now shared a
portion of the sweets of her friend's elevation.
This intimacy brought her so near the throne that
she became the channel of favour, by which she
was enabled to appear in the streets with a re-
tinue equal to that of the first noble of the land.
She rode upon an elephant magnificently capa-
risoned ; and whenever she went to see her
old friend Lal-koor, she rode through the citadel
quite up to the apartment of the royal ladies, a
privilege enjoyed only by wives of princes, or prin-
cesses of the blood. Her people too, in imitation
of their mistress, became insolent and overbearing;
so that whenever she went to the palace, they used •
to insult old women and other inoffensive people
they met in the streets. There was then in the
capital a son of the celebrated noble Ghazi-ed-din-
khan, whose original name was Chin-khalich-khan.
He had been commander-in-chief under Aureng-
zib, and had enjoyed the highest confidence of
that discerning monarch. This general, after his

* The wives of the same husband call each other dogana,
literally duplicate or double.

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sovereign's decease, had abstained from coming to
court ; he lived retired, was seldom seen abroad,
and then only for the purpose of pajring a visit to
some man renowned for his piety or his learning.
Unluckily one day, as he was passing along with
his retinue,he was met by that woman 21ahra's equi-
page^ whose followers were full as num^srous, but
much more insolent. In conformity with the com*
plexioti of the times> the general made a sign to
his people to step aside, and leave the street free,
so that the lady might not be stopped. But her
people threw out a number of sarcasms at the
general's servants, whom their master was at the
pains of keeping under control . When Zahra came
up, she asked whose retinue it was, and what was
their master's name? On being answered, she
put her head out from behind the curtain, and
called out, '' Thou, Ghin-khalich-khan, must
surely be the son of some blind father, not to move
out of the road." These words unhinged the gene*
ral's tamper, who made a sign to his people, which
they interpreted to be an order to chastise that in*
solent woman's servants. Hardly was the signal
given, when those old soldiers fell upon Zahra's
retinue, and after having handled them severely,
they dragged Zahra herself from her elephant to
the ground, and gave her several cuffs and kicks*
This was over in an instant ; but it was enough to

VOL. I. E

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60 SITAR«UL-MUTAKH£RIN.

make the general recollect in how much danger he
had involved himself^ and how critical was his
situation. Struck with this conviction, he turned
to the right, and for the first time in his life went
to pay a visit to Zulficar-khan. The vezir ex^
pressed his surprize^ and wished to know what
were, his commands, and to what he owed the
honour of so unexpected a visit. The general gave
him a faithful account of what had happened. The
vezir not only condoled with him, but applauded
his conduct. ' As soon as he was gone, the minis-
ter wrote this short note to the emperor: " The
honour of any one of the nobility belongs to them
all» and that of your devoted slave is identified
with Ghin-khalich*khan/' It was high time that
such a note should arrive, for by this time Zahra
had got within the precincts of the palace, but
without advancing farther than the gate, when she
threw ashes upon her head, and rolled in the dust.
Lal-koor, who thought herself involved in the affair,
worked upon the emperor's mind to induce him to
commit some act of severity, and God knows wiiM
might have been the result, when the note was put
into his hand.

This affair happened at the very time when
Lal-koor's worthy brother, unable to restrain him-
self in his sudden elevation, was guilty of all sorts
of excesses. This upstart, having chanced to see

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a beautiful woman, married to a gentleman who
lived in the vezir's neighbourhood, fell desperately
in love with her» and as eptreaties and presents
proved of no avail, he attempted to obtain posses-
sion of her person by force. The husband screamed,
and ran to Zulficar-khan. This minister, who was
naturally a lover of justice, and a man of decision,
was shocked at the atrocity.* In the agitation of
the moment^ he sent people with orders to bring
the guilty Khoshal-khan, dead or alive. The order
was executed with much severity : he was dragged
to the vezir's apartment, who, so soon as he saw
him, orctoned him to be put to the bastinado, so
that he was left for dead. He was afterwards sent
prisoner to the castle of Selimgur, and his whole
property was directed to be confiscated to the ex-
chequer.

This conduct on the part of the vezir displeased
the emperor so much, that the cordiality existingbe-
tween him and his minister was much shaken, but
as the king remembered that he owed his very life
and crown to that nobleman's conduct, he was in-
duced, from a sense of his vajue, to bear with him
for the present, especially as the news from the
Bast now engrossed his attention.

Beogaly the most eastern province of the empire,

* The aristocracy of Dehli must, indeed, have been sadly
■hacked at so gross an act of indelicacy.

E 2

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52 SIVAR-UL-MUTAKHEtllN.

and the only one which Mras entirely under the
management of the Khalsa, or exchequer-office,
produced the greatest revenue to the crown, and
the oflSce of divan, or superintendant of revenue of
that province, was one of the most important offices
in the empire. It was at this time filled by Jafer*
khan, who had been appointed in the reign of
Aurengzib. At the same time a prince of the blood,
Azim-ush-shan, was governor of the province and
commander-in-chief of the forces, possessing autho-
rity to make war or peace without waiting for
orders from court. This prince enjoyed, besides,
an absolute command over the neighbouring pro-
vinces of Orissa, Behar, and Ilahabad. To lights
the burthen of so weighty a charge, and in order
to reward two noblemen who had rendered services
of importance, Aurengzib bestowed the government
of Behar, whose capital was Azimabad Patna,
on Hussein Ali-khan, and that of Il^abad on his
elder brother, Abdullah-khan. At the same time»
he entrusted Jafer-khan with the military govern-
ment of Bengal and Orissa, of which he was
already divan, or superintendant of finance. On
the demise of Aurengzib, the prince Azim-ush'^
shan marched to the assistance of his father,
Bahadur-shah, and left his son, Ferokh-siar, with
some of the ladies of the seraglio at Acbemagar,
commonly called Rajmahal, a place situated on

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the banks of the Ganges, where Sultan Shujah,
the brother of Aurengzib, had built a noble palace,
Azim-ush-shan left likewise, under the care of
some persons of distinction, personally attached to
him, his treasures, and such of his effects, which
he did not think proper to take with him. The
young prince, Ferpkh-siar, remained there during
the whole reign of his grandfather, Bahadur-shah.
Matters remained in that state until fortune having
put an end to Azim-ush-shan's life, in the manner
we have related, Moiz-ed-din Jehandar-shah asr
cended the throne. One of his first car^s was to
dispatch an order to Jafer-khan, viceroy of Bengal,
to send the prince Ferokh-siar prisoner to court*
This order embarrassed the Khan, who felt him*
self under great obligations to the prince's father.
He sent, therefore, a trusty person to wait on
him, advising him to provide for his safety by
flight. The prince, who reckoned on the gratitude
of Hussein Ali-khan, set out from Rajmahal with
his famil]^, and arrived at Azimabad Patna in great
dejection of mind, and uncertain how to act. In-
stead of entering the city, he took his abode in a
caravansera, near a spot close to the water-side,
called Jafer-khan's garden, which touches the
eastern extremities of the walls. From thence he
sent a message to Hussein Ali-khan the governor^
in which he expressed himself like one in the

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64 SIYAR*UL-M€TAKH£&IN«

utmost despair. The governor, who did hot think
himself strong enough to espouse Ferokh-siar^s
cause, declined at first to have any ooncem with
him ; he even answered, that the orders he had
received from court required of him a very diffe-
rent line of conduct : that out of respect for the
memory of the prince's father, he could not bear
the thought of seizing his person as he was com--
manded to do, but that he recommended him by
all means to retire out of the province, and afibrd
the governor some excuse by which he might escape
the calumny of a jealous court, and the suspicions
of the emperor. This circumstance is, however^
related in a different manner in a memoir that ap«
peared after Ferokh-siar ascended the throne.
According to that narrative, Ahmed-beg Koosa, a
man who subsequently cut a great figure in that
province^ having taken an active part in this afiain
preveuled upon the governor to pay at least one
visit to the fugitive prince, who received him in
such a manner as had never been practised by any
prince towards a subject, or by any master to a
servants He was all humility and submission;
he stood when the governor entered^ and made
him sit in his presence. After such a reception^
he represented how friendless, hopeless, and di8>-
tressed was his condition^ and how fearful he was
lest he should meet at court with a fate similar to

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that of his brother Kerim-ed-diu. He added, that
unless he found some protection or assistance, he
had nothing to hope for his safety, or for his life.
He had hardly done speaking, when the ladies of
his family, whom he had stationed on purpose be^
hind a veil or curtain, began weeping alouda and
the priace's youngest daughter, Maleka-zemany,
came from behind the curtain, and seating herself
on the governor's lap, repeated to admiration the
part she bad been t^iught. In a soothing tone of
voice she entreated him to take pity on a forlorn
family^ and to lend bis assistance to her father, at
the same time she paid him some compliments,
and added these very words, that have been pre-
served by the author of the memoir : " It is true
you are of the race of God's messenger, and you
descend in a direct line from the holy Ali ; more*
over, you enjoy all the advantages which power
and a high character can confer, but yet it cannot
be denied that it is to Azim-ush*sban's favour thai;
you owe your present station. If, then, you make
use of this power in aid of my father, and render
him those services which may be expected from
your illustrious birth and your high character, you
will proye yourself worthy of the distinctions of
my grandfather Aurengzib. Whatever be our
destiny, beware of what the world shdU say of
you." The princess had hardly done speaking.

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66 8IYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

when several attendants, who remained behind the
curtain, joined their entreaties to hers, and, from
sobs and tears, they proceeded to screams and
lamentations. At this moment Ferokh-siar, who,
on the governor's introduction, had dressed him
in one of his own robes, and had made him sit
down, now rose from his seat and advanced to fasten
his own sabre on the governor's side. The latter,
overcome by such unexpected condescension, aaid,
*' that what he had hitherto done was nothing more
than what became him as a fiedthful subject, how-
ever uncourtly it might appear. I have (said he)
nothing but my life to offer, and this I dedicate to
your service ; and now that I have put on this
sabre, I have devoted it, as well as my fortune, to
your welfare. Command me then, that I may do
as I am bid. Now is the time, — ^raise troops, and
prepare every thing for pushing on the war. As-
cend the throne at once, and without allowing the
enemy time to look about him, let us follow our
destiny.'*

Ferokb-siar's behaviour produced this great
effect. Hussein Ali-khan now required that every
one of his followers should pay homage to the
prince, and make a tender of his life and fortune.
A proclamation to this purpose was issued through-
out the province. This brought together a great
concourse of people. Several astrologers, fortune-

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tellers, and men of learning now apfMroached the
prince, and he himself being exceedingly credulous
and ignorant, Mras for ever consulting them as to
what might be the fate of his expedition. This
behaviour put it in their power to feed him with
favourable predictions, and with hopes suited to
their own purposes. In these predictions some
were in earnest, and some meaned no more than
to obtain money for themselves, as several of them
did as soon as Ferokh-siar ascended the throne,
and had it in his power to bestow pensions upon
them.

Whilst the prince was employed in listening to
these soothsayers, Hussein Ali-khan was taking
every measure that could promote his object ; and
with that view he wrote to his elder brother AbduJ-
lah-khan, viceroy of Ilahabad, to give him notice
of what had happened, and to entreat his concur-
rence. Abdullah-khan, amazed at the intelligence,
animadverted severely on the precipitancy of his
brother^s conduct. He adverted on the impro-
priety of a step which involved in its consequence
the fate of their consorts, children, and families,
which being at Shah-jehan-abad must suffer from
the resentment of the emperor when he saw his
throne attacked. To this reproof Hussein Ali-khan
answered, that for his own part, he had taken his
line, happen what would, and could not retrace his

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58 SIYAE^UL^MUTAKHSaiN.

Steps ; but that his elder brother might if he chose
adhere to the emperor. In the sequel Abdullah^
khan himself, carried away by his brother's entrea-*
ties and example, wrote to his younger brother that^
since what had happened could not be recalled, it
became them both to make the best of it, now that
they were embarked in the undertaking. He said,
** Make haste to join me, as^ my projcimity to the
capital renders me more liable to become an object
of resentment. Let us unite, and have but one
cause." This is what I find in the memoir before
alluded to ; but there is another account, which is
as follows*

Bahadur-shah having appointed Az-ud*dowla,
a nobleman of high rank, to the government of
Bengal, commanded Ferokh-siar's attendance at
court. The latter, being apprehensive of a fate
similar to the^t which his two brothers, Kerim-ed^
din and Hum^un, had suffered, did not chuse to
trust himself near the emperor, and had protracted
the time by contriving a variety of delays. On
arriving at Azimabad Patna, and unwilling to pro<^
peed farther, he, under pretence of his wife beio^
near her time of confinement, found means to pro*
long Ms stay, and wrote to court accordingly^
During his sojourn there, some astrologers, fortune*
tellers, and others, men who wanted only to pio*
vide iot themselves, prevailed on Hekim-messih»

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the prince's {^ysician, to instil into his mind
notions of ascending the throne as the only means
of providing fbr his own safety. While these people
were working on his weak mind, there appeared
suddenly at Azimabad Patna, one Mahomed-reza»
better known under the name of Raiet*^khan, who
being one of those officers that had fled from Baha*
dur-shah's resentment, was seeking to repair his
fortune by producing a forged order for taking pos-*
session of Rhotas, a strong fortress south of Azirn*^
abad. He actually found means to effect his pur-
pose, and after laying in a stock of provision, cal-
culated on keeping possession. He had even the
audacity to write to the emperor and inform him
that his soldier had, through the negligence of the
governor, found means to get possession of such a
good post. This intelligence was likewise con-
firmed by the news-writeiB of those parts, and by
the trovm intelligencers. On this information there
came an order from the emperor, supported by a
letter of Azim-ush-«han's, enjoining prince Ferokh<»
siar to chastise the rebel. But, as it w^s not aa
easy matter to gain admittance in the fortress, one
of the prince's officers, called Dilachin-beg, a Cal-
muc by birth, who had once displeased the prince
and had been forbidden the court, found means to
send him a message by one of the courtiers to this
effisct. '' I propose," said he, ''that the prince shall

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60 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIV.

give out that he has received orders to confirm the
rebel in his post, and beg that I may be deputed to
carry to him the robe of investiture* Let the prince
therefore try my abilities in this undertaking, which
J hope may recommend me to his notice ; but in
case I perish in the attempt, I hope it will entitle
my family and children to a subsistence for their
lives."

This .project having been approved, the officers
of the government published a false account of the
imperial orders, and the prince having sent for the
Calmuc, put into his hands the khilat, standard,
and patent of investiture, and dispatched him with
due honours. Dilachin-beg thus provided, put
himself at the head of a numerous retinue, and
arrived at the foot of the mountain on which Rhotas
is situated, and from thence he sent uQtice of his
purpose. to Raiet-khan, who being upon his guard
and extremely suspicious, would admit only the
envoy and two more persons. The Calmuc went
up with only one attendant, and whilst the gover-
nor, into whose hands the standard had been deli^
yered, vtras intent on reading the patent, he stabbed
him with his poignard, and repeated the strokes
until the governor fell down dead* The Calmuc
with bis comps^ion were both wounded in the
scuffle. At sight of this, the officers of the garrir
son arose upon th^ impostor's followers, killed

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some, wounded others, confined the rest, and put-
ting the dead man's head into the Calmuc's hands,
they sent him to Ferokh-siar, who loaded him with
fevours. This event happened just at the time
when intelligence of Bahadur-shah's demise was
received, and when Hussein Ali-khan was gone on
an expedition in order to quiet some distant parts
of his government.

This period of suspense was seized by Ferokh-
siar, and before intelligence could arrive of any of
the deceased emperor's children having ascended
the throne, he caused the public prayers at the
mosques to be read in the name of his father
Azim-ush-shan. Having reflected on the impor-
tance of this proceeding, and dreading the conse-
quences of his precipitancy, he sent a message to
Hussein Ali-khan, the governor of the province,
justifying his conduct, and at the same time desir-
ing his attendance. Some days after, the governor
returned to Azimabad Patna ; but as he did not
seem disposed to form any contiection with Ferokh-
siar, he was visited by the prince's mother, who
conciliated him by promising to place at his dis-
posal all the affairs of the empire ; and after put-
ting into his hands her own Coran, which she had
brought for the purpose, she swore by it that he
should never repent of the union. This interview
calmed the governor's apprehension, and entirely

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62 SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

gained his heart ; When news came of Azim-usfa-
shan's death, and of the accession of Jehandar-
shah to the throne. By this time, Hussein Ali-
khan had engaged himself so deeply with Ferokhr
siar, that he could not withdraw with any safety;
and he thought it better boldly to push on. He
therefore ordered public prayers to be read in the
mosques for Ferokh-siar, coined money in his
name, and displayed the standard of open war
against Jehandar-shah. Ferokhnsiar, in return,
made it a point to cement his union with Hussein
Ali-khan, and to add every day to his influence and
authority.

The latter now assembled the bankers and prin-
cipal men of the city of Patna, and having bor-
rowed from them large sums of money, according
to their circumstances, gave them bonds signed by
the prince, made payable on his having subdued
his enemies. By this means he was enabled to
assemble a considerable army ; and on an auspi-
cious day he set out on his ezpediti<m, carrying
the prince at the head of his troops. At the same
time, he appointed Seid Gfaeiret-khan, his sister's
son, lieutenant-general in the province of Behar ;
aiid knowing that the tribute of Bengal was on its
way to Ilahabad, he wrote to his brother Abdullah*
khan, to seize and reserve it entirely for the prince's
use, unless he wanted some small part <^ it for his

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own necessities. This treasure was under charge
of Shujah-khan, son-in-law of Jafer-khan, viceroy
of Bengal. Abdullah-khan no sooner received the
prince*s order than he secured and converted part
of it to the payment of his trx)ops, and kept the
remainder for his brother's use* He also prepared
the artillery of the citadel and province for the
field, and selected a number of pieces to compose
his own train. Whilst thus engaged in pushing
his preparatives vnth vigour, Jehandar-shah, in-
formed of his rebellion, conferred tlje government
of Behar on raja Mahomed-khan, whose lieutenant
Seid Abd-ul-ghaffer-khan, a man of character, had
orders to attack Abdullah-khan, for which purpose
he had been supplied with twelve thousand cavalry
and a quantity of artillery. Abdullah-khan, who
had been all this while expecting his brother and
the prince, confounded at their non-appearance,
and conceiving his small force to be no match for
the imperial troops, shut himself up within his
citadel, after having sent one-half of tihe garrison
to hconss the imperialists on the march. The
troops of Abdullah-khan, which hardly amounted
to seven thousand men, cavalry and infantry, were
under the command of his three younger brothers
Nur-eddin Ali-kfaan, Nejm-eddin Alnkhan, and
Seif^din Ali-khan, to vdiom he attached his own
general Bakhshy Abd-ul-mohsen-khan, a native of

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64 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

Bijapoor in the Deckan. Seid Abd-ul-ghafFer, who
had as high an opinion of himself as he had a con-
temptible one of those three young men, turned
their rear, and pushing on the citadel of Ilahabad^
besieged it in form, after having sent word to the '
governor that he had left his nephews in the rear,
because he had no inclination to play with chil-
dren. This sarcasm, which was faithfully reported
to those young men, quickened their zeal, and they
fell upon his reserve ; but their troops, which, be-
sides being all new levies, were greatly inferior in
number to the enemy, fell into confusion, and lost
ground every moment. This was no sootier per-
ceived by the three young men than^they resolved
not to survive a defeat. They joined a body of Seids
of Barhar, who were personally attached to them,
and performed exploits worthy of being recorded in
history. Fortune seemed now to favour the young
heroes : one of those violent winds common at that
season of the year arose, and blew such clouds of
dust and sand into the face of the enemy as nearly
blinded them. Unable to resist its violence, and
still less to distinguish friends from enemies, the
imperialists fell into confusion, and became inca-
pable of listening to orders, or of keeping their
ranks. This being perceived by the young war-
riors, they redoubled their efforts, slew Abd-ul-
Staffer's brother, and pushed on with fury. As

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soon as it was known in the enemy's line that their
general was slain, a panic seized those that before
stood their ground, who now fell back and re-
treated, and the imperialists sustained a total
defeat. This victory could not fail to raise the
spirits of Ferokh-siar's party; but it affected
Abdullah-khan in a very different manner, for his
younger brother Nur-eddin Ali had lost his life in
the battle.

Abdullah-khan caused the military music to
strike up, but was unable to conceal his grief upon
the occasion of his brother's death. The loss of
this battle having given the emperor some doubt as
to the event of the war, he thought proper to try
what could be effected by intrigue. With that
view he sent a dress of honour to Abdullah-khan,
applauded what he had done, and added a confir-
mation of his government of Bengal and Behar,
But it came too late ; for Ferokh-siar was already
at Ilahabad with a numerous army, in which was
included a number of generals of character — such
as Sef-shiken-khan, Ahmed-khan Coca, Moiz-ed-
din Koosa, since created Galeb-jeng, and Khwaja
Hussein, afterwards Khan-dowran. The two Seid
brothers, who were the soul of the army, having
made choice of a favourable moment, invoked the
souls of their pious and brave ancestors, and de-
parted full of spirit on an expedition that had

VOL. I. F

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06 SIVAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

already begun so successfully. This intelligence
having been conveyed to the emperor, he resolved
to send his son Eiz-ed-din at the head of a powerful
army to oppose Ferokh-siar on his march. But, in
fact, the young prince Eiz-ed-din was under the
tutelage of Khwaja Ahsen-khan, brother to Cocal-
tash-khan. This nobleman, who held the rank of
a commander of five thousand horse, was now
raised to the command of seven thousand; and
the whole conduct of the expedition and the safety
of the prince's father was confided to him. After
his departure, the emperor despatched Chin-
khalich-khan with orders to reinforce him. The
prince having advanced as far as Kedjwa, near the
Ganges, heard that the two brothers were in full
march towards him. This piece of intelligence
stopped him short, and although vastly superior in
numbers (for he had above fifty thousand horse,
besides artillery), he did not think himself a match
for the enemy, and thought it requisite to en-
trench himself.

Abdullah-khan approached and cannonaded the
imperial camp. The prince could contain himself
no longer for fear ; and he and his general having
loaded themselves with as much gold and jewels as
they could take, fled together in the beginning of
the night, leaving their artillery, baggage-carts,
and military chest, in the hands of the enemy. The

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army was soon informed of the absence of their
prince and general-in-chief. The oflScers in the
camp disagreed, and could come to no resolution
amongst themselves as to what should be done, but
they passed the time in disputes. On the evening
the enemy got intelligence of the state of affairs,
and rushing into the imperial camp, plundered it
so effectually, that numbers of people enriched
themselves for the remainder of their lives ; not-
withstemding which there remained a vast deal of
treasure, which together with the artillery was
seized for Ferokh-siar's use. This prince tarried a
few days to give rest to his army, whilst Eiz-ed-
din in his flight towards Acberabad met the corps
commanded by Chin-khalich*khan. This general,
shocked at so flagitious a proceeding, made use of
force to stop the prince, who wanted to fly farther,
but he detained him in his camp until he should
receive orders from court. Such a shameful defeat
very nearly blasted all the emperor's hopes, who
trusting now to no one, resolved to march in person
against so successful a rival ; and on Tuesday the
twelfth Zilcad in the year 1 124, he left his capital {jt '{^at
with an army of seventy thousand horse, besides a so November,

^ ^ A. D. 1712.

numerous body of infantry, and a train of heavy
artillery. Zulficar-khan commanded this mighty
host, under whom were the famous Cocal-tash-
khan, with several generals and officers all re-

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68 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIX.

nowned for their achievements. Such were Aazem-
khan, Jany-khan, and Mahomed-khan, besides
other Turany and Irany nobles. On his march he
was joined by Ser-belend-khan and by Fojdar-khan
of Corrahy who, taking possession of the money he
had been receiving there on his master Ferokh-
siar's account, deserted to Jehandar-shah, to whom
that small service rendered him so dear, that he
immediately gave him the government of Guzerat.
On the other hand, Chebilram, the new Fojdar of
Corrah, and Ali Asgar-khan, son of Kar-teleb-khan,
Fojdar of Atava, went over to Ferokh-siar. But
by this time the emperor having arrived at Simogur,
a town in the neighbourhood of Acberabad, found
himself opposed to the enemy, who was separated
from him only by the river Jumna. The sight of
the enemy occasioned transports of joy to the two
Seids and throughout Ferokh-siar's camp, whereas
it created dismay in the emperor's court. The
reason is plain : unanimity reigned in the former,
whereas by his flagitious behaviour Jehandar-shah
had alienated the hearts of most of the members of
his court. Almost all the Turanies had promised
by letters and messages, that they would join
Ferokh-siar, Abdul-semed-khan alone excepted ;
nevertheless there was so visible a superiority of
force on the emperor's side, that it was generally
believed that his rival would have no chance against

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liiin. Unluckily, however, such, differences pre-
vailed between Zulficar-kh an and Cocal-tash khan,
as gave rise to a mutual and inveterate aversion,
so that nothing went on well in the emperor's
camp, for Cocaltash-khan, who enjoyed the empe-
ror*s confidence, was a man incapable either of
giving or of receiving advice* In this state of
afiairs, orders were issued to cross the Jumna for
attacking the enemy, and the two favourites agree-
ing in nothing but in their mutual jealousy and in
giving opposite council, the emperor was factually
incapable of deciding for himself. Desperately
attached to his mistress Lal-koor, he had of late
fallen into a delirious kind of melancholy that ren-
dered him totally incapable of conducting all pub*
lie business.

Such a state of things could not be concealed
from the enemy, and in fact, Abdullah-khan having
received information of a ford which was situated
eight miles above the enemy's camp, crossed in the
night, and marched on without stopping as far as
Kuchbehary, a village beyond Acberabad on the
high road to Dehli ; where some time after he was
joined by Ferokh-siar himself. In order to deceive
the enemy and to perplex his movements, Hus-
sein Ali-khan with a corps de reserve remained
where he was over against the enemy's camp, and
did not cross the river on that day> but waited till

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70 SIVAR-UL-MUTAKHERIX.

his motions could be effectually concealed by the
darkness of the night. He had with him Chebilram
Nagar, a Hindu of high character* Ferokh-siar's
army making its appearance at day*break on the
rear of the imperialists, it became necessary to
change 'front, and to marshal the troops anew, so
as to bring the artillery to the front, which could
not be done without confusion. It was on the
14. ziihai, fourteenth of Zilhaj of the same year, that the two

A.H.1J24. . , - . , , X 1 1

28 December, armics advauccd agamst each other. Jehandar-
A.D. 1712. gj^^ j.^^j^ p^g^ jj^ jj^^ centre, surrounded by a bril-
liant retinue, and by several regiments of choice
troops, with a train of artillery in front. Zulficar-
khan, by whom he seemed to be governed in what-
ever related to war and politics, placed himself with
a body of old troops and a quantity of artillery,
together with the imperial music, in front of the
emperor. Gocal-tash-khan, Jany-khan, Aazem-khan,
and other chiefs, took post on the right wing, and
the Turany nobles, such as Mahomed Amin-khan,
Abdul Semed-khan, and Chin-khalich-khan, com-
manded on the right. Raja Mahomed-khan, with
Hafiz-ullah-khan, and some other generals with
their corps acted as light troops. Reza Kuly-khan
commanded the artillery.

On the opposite side Ferokh-siar, in compliance
with custom, placed himself in the centre of his
troops,, seated u.pon a lofty elephant, having Abd-

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SirAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 71

uUah-khan before him, who with many other
commanders were opposed to Zulficar-khan, while
Khan-zeman and AH Asgar with Chebilram Na-
gar, were opposed to Cocal-tash-khan. The action
was begun by Abdullah-khan, who advanced first
against the Turany troops, and then inclining to-
wards the artillery, pushed past it, and closed on
the enemy's centre where was Jehandar-shah in
person, Hussein Ali-khan (supported by Fateh Ali-
khan, commander of Ferokh-siar's artillery, and by
Zein-ed-din Ahmed-khan, son of Bahadur-khan
Rohilla, as well as by the two illustrious brothers,
Mir Ashref and Mir Mushref ), directed his attack
against Zulficar-khan. This attack was steadily
received by the imperialists, and Ferokh-siar's
troops fell into confusion. They were slain in
heaps, and his bravest officers as well as his oldest
soldiers mowed down in his presence, covered the
field of battle with their bodies. Hussein Ali-khan,
seeing how his best troops had suffered, closed at
once according to the custom of good troops in
Hindostan, and jumping down from his elephant,
he headed his men and engaged hand to hand.
A number of brave soldiers who followed per-
formed prodigies of valour.

At length, Hussein Ali-khan having received
several wounds, fell senseless on the ground and
was trampled under foot. His brother Abdullah-

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72 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

khan had no better fortune in attacking the J^ura^
nies ; he was received by clouds of arrows, which
threw his troops into confusion, and caused them
to separate into several bodies, each of which was
opposed to a body of the enemy. Abdullah-khan,
while thus exerting himself in the hottest part of
the engagement, was carried away by the crowd
without knowing whither, until he found himself
amongst a body of about three hundred of his
own troopers parted from the standard-bearing
elephant, and at a distance from the main body
of his division. It was at this moment he saw
himself singled out by one of the enemy's gene-
rals, who proved to be the same Seid Abdul-
ghaffar who had sustained so shameful a defeat
at Ilahabad. He proclaimed aloud who he was,
and discharged an arrow at Abdullah-khan ; the
latter was as quick as he, and lodged an arrow in
his enemy's breast. The general finding himself
dangerously wounded, quitted the field and retired
to a distance. Luckily for Abdullah-khan, he was
joined at this critical moment by a considerable
body of his troops, with which he gained an emi-
nence, from whence he no sooner descried Jehan-
dar-shah in the midst of his guards than he charged
up to him, opening his way with showers of ar-
rows ; availing himself of the disorder into which
the enemy was thrown, he penetrated as far as

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SIVAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 73

the female elephants of the seraglio. The empe-
ror was himself carried off by an elephant that be-
came unruly, and unable to command his troops,
he found himself in the midst of a number of war
elephants, which having become furious were en-
gaging each other, and exhibited an awful scene.
Lal*koor's female elephant taking fright turned
about, and fled followed by multitudes of soldiers,
who sought to get out of the reach of the enemy's
arrows. This confused mass of men and elephants
falling back upon two divisions that yet stood their
ground, now threw their ranks into confusion, and
bore them down. The emperor unable to make a
stand and borne off upon an ungovernable elephant,
was closely pursued by Abdullah-khan, whose
troops now joined him from all. sides. This gene-
ral, without giving the enemy time to rally, carried
every thing before him, and the imperial troops
were flying on all sides. Cocal-tash-khan, who with
his division made an effort to cover Jehandar-shah ~ s
retreat, was encountered by Khan-zeman and Che-
bilram, who quitting the position assigned to them
at the beginning of the action, drove Cocal-tash-
khan's troops before them, and he was wounded in se-
veral places. Here was slain Reza Kuly-khan, com-
mander of the imperial artillery ; as also Janykhan,
and Mokhtyar-khan. Aazem-khan, the brother of
Cocal-tash-khan, though wounded, came up to the

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74 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

emperor, who finding matters past recovery, thought
now of his mistress Lal-koor, and taking her with
him, he retreated in the dusk of the evening to-
wards Acberabad. Such was the state of things
with the emperor ; but with Zulficar-khan they bore
B, very difierent aspect. This general, undismayed
by the general discomfiture, had maintained his
ground, and he even intended to renew the action as
soon as he could bring either the emperor or his son
£iz-ed*din to shew themselves at the head of the
troops, but all his endeavours to deserve them
proved abortive, and several intelligent persons,
who were prevailed on by dint of money and pro-
mises to go in search, came back without getting
any intelligence of them. All his efforts to recover
the day and to drive the imperialists from the field
failed, and the music of victory already filled the
air from the enemy's army. On the other hand,
officers of all ranks surrounded Ferokh-isiar, and
addressed him with their congratulations. This
joy, however, was mingled with the uneasiness he
felt on observing that Zulficar-khan, surrounded by
a strong body of veterans and by some artillery,
did not quit the field of battle. At last Ferokh-
siar sent him this message : *' He who pretended
to the empire has relinquished the throne and fled :
have you any pretensions yourself that you tarry
so long after him ? if you have, it is another affiiir :

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 75

but if you have not, and you are only desirous of
having an emperor of the house of Aurengzib, what
objections can you have to my being that prince,
instead of Moiz-ed-din Jehandar-shah ?" This mes*
sage informed Zulficar-khan that things were past
remedy, he marched off therefore at the head of
his troops in good order, maintaining, however, so
respectable a front that no one ventured to follow
him. The emperor meanwhile passed the night
at Acberabad, where he shaved his beard like a
Hindu, changed his apparel for a disguise, and
taking his mistress Lal-koor with him, he fled by
night towards the capital, having around his per-
son a number of people of all sorts personally at-
tached to him. On his arrival, instead of going
to the citadel, he went to the palace of the old
vezir, Assed-khan, who immediately seized and
confined him. Hardly had he been secured when
Zulficar-khan himself arrived.

Abdullah-khan on seeing the field clear of ene-
mies, ordered strict search to be made for his
brother, who was at last found lying on the ground
speechless and senseless. This fortunate disco-
very was made by two of his attendants, one of
whom remained by him, whilst the other went to
give intelligence of the circumstance. Abdullah-
khan was so overjoyed, that he took off all the
jewels he had on his person, and presented them

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76 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

to the man who brought him the welcome news.
Another account says, that on the servants dis-
covering their master, they found him guarded by
two officers at the head of a body of troops. These
were Leshker Ali-khan and Mokhtyar-khan, who
were personally attached to Hussein Ali-khan.
A third account by Mahomed Hashem, the son of
Khwaja Mir-khafi, a nobleman of distinction, who
wrote the history of the family of Timur, states
that Hussein Ali-khan having received several dan-
gerous wounds, had fallen senseless on the ground,
where he had been stripped stack-naked, and it
was in that condition that his servants found him
speechless, after a laborious search. On receiving
some assistance, he recovered his senses so far as
to hear with pleasure of the victory of his party ;
nevertheless it was with much difficulty he was
put in a palky and conveyed to his brother, who
on seeing him so unexpectedly, prostrated himself
on the ground and returned thanks to Providence
for his safety.

Zulficar-khan, on arriving at his father's palace^
disapproved of the seizure of the emperor's person^
and wanted to bring him again into the field to
try a second time the fortune of war ; for, as he
had been so instrumental in raising Jehandar-shah,
and in destroying Azim-ush-shan, the father of
Ferokh-siar, he apprehended nothing but severity

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SIYAR-UL-MtJTAKHKRIN. 77

from his son, and wanted to retire into the Deckan,
a rich country, where his power was absolute, and
where he thought himself capable of resisting the
new emperor. His father interposing his parental
authority, and adding entreaties and prayers, pre-
vailed on his son to lay aside all thoughts of oppo-
sition, and to submit quietly to the new prince
— ^a fatal acquiescence, which so prudent a man
would have never thought of, had he not been
under the influence of a fatality that hurried to a
termination Assed-khan's prosperity, and the ex-
tinction of his femily and the destruction of his
beloved son. The old vezir, without any certainty
of being well-received, and even at the imminent
risk of his own life as well as that of his son, went
to Ferokh-siar's court, trusting to the credit he
had acquired in Aurengzib's family, and to the
high regard constantly shewn him by both that
prince and his successors.

Ferokh-siar was yet on the field of battle, when
he resolved to assume the crown instantly ; and
on Thursday, being the fifteenth Zilhaj» in the year i5 zuhu.
1 124, he ascended the throne at day-break, and ijaimMy,
gave public audience. Immediately after his ^'^' *'''**•
inauguration, AbduUah-khan introduced Chin-
khalich-khan, Abdul-semed-khan, and Maliomed
Amin-khan, with all the Turany nobles. These
generals paid their homage to the new emperor,

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78r SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

wished him long life and a prosperous reign, and
were received with distinction and pardoned : at
the same time Abdullah*khan, attended by Lutf-
uUah-khan Sadik, and some other chiefs of dis-
tinction, received orders to depart immediately for
the capital, in order to compose the minds of the
people, and to establish order and tranquillity
throughout the country. He had likewise a com*
mission to assume charge of the imperial palace
and citadel, and chiefly of the princes of the blood
confined therein. Ferokh-siar himself followed in

14 Muharrcm. a wcck after, and on the fourteenth of Muharrem
A.H. H2j , _ , _ . , ^ ^

;jo January, ^^ cncampcd closc to the capital of Bara-palla,

A. D. 1 / 13. ^i^g,.^^ having sent for Abdullah-khan, he conferred
on him the rank and command of seven thousand
horse> bestowed upon him the title of Kutb-ul-
mulk, and raised him to the dignity of vezir. His
brother, Hussein Ali-kban, was honoured with the
title of £htimam-el-mulk, and was raised to the
rank and command of seven thousand horse, to
which was superadded the dignity of Emir-uU
omrah, as well as the high office of commander-
in-chief of the forces. Mahomed Amin-khan was
made second in command, with the addition of a
thousand horse to his actual command, and he re-
ceived the title of Imad-ud-doulah. Chin-khalich-
khan, who enjoyed already the command and rank
of five thousand horse, was raised to that of seven.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKIIERIN. 79

and being gratified with the title of Nizam-el-
mulk, was invested with the vice-royalty of Deckan,
in lieu of Daud-khan Peny, who acted as the lieu-
tenant of Zulficar-khan. Daud-khan was trans-
ferred from the government of the Deckan to that
of Guzerat. Khwaja Hussein was honoured with
the title of Semsam-ed-doula> and received the
surname of Khan-dowran. He was promoted to
the rank of seven thousand^ and received the com-
mand of six thousand horse. Ahmed-beg Coca,
who had signalized himself by much activity, and
had rendered important services, was honoured
with titles, promoted to the rank of six thousand
horse, with the command of five, and appointed
third in command in the army.

There was, however, one person who rose more
suddenly than all others to the highest dignities,
and whose elevation had so much influence over
the politics of Ferokh-siar's reign. This was Kazy
Abdullah, the chief judge of Dacca. He was
known for having executed with success several
commissions of consequence, and especially for
having gained over the Turany chiefs, he being a
Turany himself. Kazy Abdullah now appeared at
court, where he was dignified with the high title
of Amir-jumlah, and was created Khan-khanan ;
he was also promoted to the command and rank of
seven thousand horse, and acquired the utmost

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80 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHEHIN.

confidence of the new monarch. The latter seemed
to have no ear but for him, and entrusted him with
his private signet, although, ostensibly, he had no
other office than that of judge of Dacca. Maho-
med-jafer, the secretary of state, who already en-
joyed several offices, now received the title of
Takerrub-khan, and to his present duties was added
that of lord high steward. Seif-khan, a relation of
Abdullah-khan, was created master of the horse,
and offices and governments were bestowed on that
minister's two younger brothers, as well as on all
those who anticipated promotion. Abdullah-khan,
the new vezir, diligently applied himself to the
duties of his office, in curbing the insolence which
some chiefs had assumed during the confusion in*
evitable in civil wars. Happy had it been for the
emperor had he directed his mind to that object,
instead of paving the way for his own ruin, by de-
molishing most of the ancient families, and espe-
cially that of the venerable Assed-khan, the late
vezir, who was so universally respected.

Assed-khan marched with his son to the impe-
rial camp at Barapalla; where they no sooner
arrived than they expressed a desire of paying
their respects to the new emperor. This was pre-
cisely the course which the new favourite, Amir-
jumlah, desired. He was jealous of all the old
nobility, and formed the project of putting down

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 81

every one of them, in order to make room for his
own friends. Against no one was his hatred more
excessive than against Zulficar-khan, whose de-
struction he sought. Amir-jumlah, however, could
have effected but little, had Zulficar-khan only
attended to the advice of Hussein Ali-khan, who
had generously offered his aid, and had solemnly as-
sured him that if he chose to be introduced through
his mediation, not a hair of his head should be
touched. This offer did not long remain secret,
and Amir-jumlah, who perceived all the conse-
quences of a union between Zulficar-khan and the
Seids, exerted himself to oppose it* For this pur-
pose he employed the new lord high-steward Ta-
kerrub-khan, who being a Mogul as well as Zul-
ficar-khan, he thought he might have more influence
with that chief. He was directed to persuade Zul-
ficar-khan that the emperor was secretly dissatisfied
with the excessive power assumed by the two Seid
brothers; that to make his peace through their
means would be to lean on a rotten reed : adding,
** What need indeed is there of any mediation ? It
is quite certain, that as soon as you shall have paid
your respects, you will yourself become an object of
solicitation to all the courtiers and nobles of the
empire. Your dignities and influence will be aug-
mented by the emperor, who has the highest
opinion of your talents ; and I know he intends to

VOL. I. G

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82 SITAR-UL-HUTAKHERIN.

make use of them, and expects the greatest service
from your attachment/' This language had the
desired effect ; and oaths of sincerity and attach-
ment having been mutually exchanged, both by
father and' son, with Takemib-khan, they seemed
to g^ve their confidence to the messenger. The
old man was in earnest; but the son could not
divest his mind of doubts of the emperor's inten-
tions, as well as of his minister. To dispel these,
Amir-jumlah went himself to Zulficar-khan, and
after having pledged his oaths to him, he bound
his hands together with a shawl, and introduced
him to the emperor* In this condition he paid his
obeisance to the new monarch, whilst the vene*
rable Assed*khan, saying a few words in extenua-
tion of his son s conduct, supplicated his forgiveness^
The emperor, with every appearance of kindness,
commanded his hands to be set at liberty, and a
dress of honour to be brought in, with suitable
jewels ; he then dismissed the father,, on account
of his great age, but desired his son to remain
in an outer tent for a few moments, as he had some
questions of consequence to put to him, and some
objects of mompnt on which he wished to have his
advice. This unexpected proceeding rendered the
old nobleman uneasy, and he went away in great
anguish of mind. As to the distressed son, he
gave up all for lost ; but he was too far advanced

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SIirAR«-U£-MUTAKH£RIN'. 83

to recede, and did as he was bid. He was hardly
seated, when the tent was surrounded by a num-
ber of men, employed by the emperor to taunt
him with having been the cause of his father Azim-
shah's death. Zulficar-khan, who, to all his innate
loftiness of mind, and to his generous feelings,
added an undaimted courage, answered the re-
proaches with haughtiness* The Calmuc Dela-
chin-beg (now become Bahadur^il-khan), who
stood behind, seized this opportunity to throw a
leathern thcmg round his neck, and whilst he was
striving to disentangle the cord, a number of men
rushed in and despatched him with their poignards.
On that same day a number of men were de-
spatched to the citadel of Dehli, where, having
passed a leathern thong about the neck of Jehandar-
shah, they strangled him also. After such horrid
executions the emptor ventured to make a tri-
umphal entry into the imperial palace, and people
hoped all such frightful scenes were at an end;
but as soon as be was settled therein, it being
Tuesday the seventeenth Muharaem, in the 1125th nMuhairem,

A>xi« 1125.

year of the Hegira, he directed that Jehandar- 4 Febmuj,
shah's head should be fixed on a spear, and his
body tiirown across an elephant, to whose tail
Zulficar-khan*s body was made fast, in order that
both bodies might be exposed throughout the most
fi^quented parts of the city; they were theqi

G 2

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84 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

thrown before tbe main gate of the citadel there to
rot. Not satisfied with this barbarity, he ordered
the venerable Assed-khan to be seized, and put in
a palky with what clothes he might have on his
back, and he required that, in that condition, he
should follow the elephant in question, attended
by all the ladies of his family in veiled carriages.
After which, Assed-khan was confined for life in
Khan-jehan's palace, and all his property, as^well
as that of his son, was confiscated. Whilst this
mournful procession was proceeding round the
principal streets, the emperor recollected that a
Hindu of distinction, called Raja Sobachand, had
been too free of speech : he ordered his tongue to
be cut out, and his property to be seized. The
operation was performed in all its rigour, and, what
is singular, he could speak ever after, at least
so is the general report.* It was by such bloody
proceedings that Ferokh-siar marked the first day
of his reign. Nor was Zulficar-khan the only
victim he sacrificed to his resentment or fear :
most of the nobles of the old court underwent
the same treatment, and finished their days by

* The translator, in common with many other witnesses,
some of whom are still livings heard and understood the con-
versation of a Zend nobleman in Persia, whose tongue had been
cut out bj the roots, and he has understood that the pircum-
stance is not very uncommon in the Turkish dominions at the
|»resent day.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 85

the bow-string, and even the princes of the blood
were as mercilessly treated. Eiz-ed-din, son of
the late.Ali-tebar, grandson of the late Aazem-
shah, and eventhe young Homayun-bakht, younger
brother of Ferokh-siar himself, were deprived of
sight by a red-hot needle drawn across their eyes.
So many cruelties at the commencement of a reign •
and so many murders unnecessarily perpetrated,
inspired such terror into the minds of. every one,
from the highest to the lowest, that people with
the image of instant death constantly before their
eyes, did not think themselves safe for one single
day ; so that such persons as were by their stations
or by the duties of their offices obliged to attend
daily at court, never failed on returning home alive
to receive the congratulations of their equals, and
the offerings of their inferiors ; and nothing was so
common on coming home safe, as to distribute,
late at night, money to the needy and alms to the-
hungry, just as it is customary for people to do
when they have escaped from some imminent
peril.

It was in the midst of these proceedings that
people perceived a coolness between the emperor
and the two Seids ; those two potent nobles who
had saved his life at the risk of their own, and
who had raised him to the throne. The general
discontents now grew to a great height, so much

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ft6 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHEBXN.

SO indeed/ that in their consequences they pn>
dnced the ruin of the imperial family^ and the
desolation of the whole empire. The first spark
of that fire that has since blazed out, and caused
such a conflagration all over Hindoostan, was per*
ceived on the following occasion. Abdullah-khan,
immediately after the battle of Agra, had been
despatched to the capital with orders to conciliate
the minds of the people there, and to restore af-
fairs to their usual channel. Amongst other ar-
rangements he bestowed the divani of the kha-
lisah office, tjr first lord of the treasury, on Lutf-
ullah-khan Sadik, the person associated with him
in that commission ; he also confirmed Seid Amjed-
khan in the office of grand*almoner, with which
that nobleman had been invested so early as in
the reign of Bahadur-shah. Unfortunately, whilst
he was bestowing these offices in virtue of his
commission and office of vezir, the emperor was
disposing of the very same places on the plains of
Acberabad, where he gave the superintendence of
the treasury to Chebilram Nagar, and the office of
almoner to Afzul-khan, who had once been tutor
to his children.

Some days after the emperor arrived at the
capital, and upon his being required to confirm
some offices of state, and some promotions, par^
ticularly those two important ones, a long discussion

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SIYAR-^UL-MUTAKHERIN. 87

ensued between him and the minister. The latter
observed, " that if in the very beginning of his
administration a wound should be given to his
authority, he could no longer pretend to hold so
responsible an office with credit to himself, or ad-
vantage to the public;" on the other hand. Amir-
jumlah inculcated into the mind of the emperor,
that, be the powers ever so ample which sovereigns
found it sometimes expedient to delegate to any of
their servants for a time, still it would never an-
swer that a minister should forget himself so far,
as to dispose of such offices of his own accord,
without having previously obtained the king's as-
sent.

It was at last agreed that the khalisah should
remain with Lutf-uUah-khan Sadik, and that Afzal-
khan should be made almoner. This agreement,
which seemed to have effected a reconciliation, did
not fail to leave a rancorous impression on both
sides. Ferokh-siar had neither the genius, the
resolution, nor the penetration requisite for an em-
peror. He was mean-spirited, low-minded^ and
sordid; or, if at any time he chanced to shew
any liberality, it was towards low, vile people,
equally destitute of morals and capacity, when he
would thoughtlessly lavish on them presents which
they did not know how to use, and offices which
they were unable to fill. Ferokh-siar, who was

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88 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

fond of keeping low c<»npany, naturally became
attached to such fellows as Etikad-khan, and a set
of people oh a par with him. The truth is, that
being totally unfit to conduct himself with respec-
tability, he was more so to regulate the affairs of
an empire ; and what was still more unfortunate,
Amir-jumlah, his favourite, a man of much ambi^
tion and of high pretensions, was stupid and ob-
stinate, and unfit for any public office, though he
wanted to supersede all the chiefs of the empire.
This unworthy favourite, who made nothing of
pulling down and destroying the families of such
persons as Assed-khan and Zulficar-khan, two men
whose ancestors had been in possession of honours
and immense wealth for the two last centuries,
and had filled the highest dignities and offices of
the state, now endeavoured to overthrow the Seids,
two nobles who had conferred the greatest obliga-
tions on their king, and who now figured in the
world as the principal men at the court* It was
this which wounded the jealous mind of Amir-
jumlah, and which planted daggers in his rancorous
heart.

However, the disease that had fastened on the
vitals of the state would have never risen to such
head had not the administration of the most im-
portant affairs been neglected by the very persons
at the head of the empire. The vezir Abdullah-

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 89

khan was a man of abilities indeed, but so pas-
sipnately fond of women, so addicted to feasting,
music, and dancing, as well as to all kinds of
pleasures, and so desirous of ease, that he left the
whole management, both of his immense house-
hold and of his high office, to one Ratan Chand,
a man who had been once a retail shopkeeper, and
who, at all events, was too enthusiastic in his false
religion^ to discharge dispassionately all the duties
of his station, and too narrow-minded to feel the
delicacy of his office, and to act in a manner suited
to it ; and yet this was the man who, under his
master s name, carried every thing with a high
hand, and enjoyed an uncontrouled influence all
over Hindoostan. Thus, in consequence of inca-
pacity on the part of the king, and culpable neglect
on the part of the minister, enmities arose which
crushed the columns of the throne of Baber under
their weight, involving in its ruin the fall of the
families of the two Seids, and ultimately changing
the very constitution of the government.

Amir-jumlah and the emperor, with some others,
contrived a scheme for separating the two Seid
brothers, whose union and presence appeared to
them too formidable. It was proposed to Hussein
Ali-khan, the youngest, to undertake an expedition
against Raja Ajit Sing Rahtore, a powerful Hindu

* Ratan Chand was a Hindu, as the reader may suppose.

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90 SfYAR*UL-HUTAKH£BIK.

prince, who since the demise of Aurengzib had
assumed independence, and had been guilty of
some unwarrantable actions, such as demolishing
mosques, in order to raise idol-temples on their
ruins in the very middle of his capital, Oodipoor.
Such excesses had necessarily passed unnoticed
during the reign of Bahadur-shah, who being con-
stantly involved in civil wars, or busily engaged
against the Siks, had no time to spare for so inferior
an object. The Siks formed a large body, who,
from a fraternity of mendicants, had in his time
become a formidable army, which plundered and
desolated the whole province of Lahore.* Hussein
Ali-khan, fond of glory and military achievements,
accepted the command, and he set out at the head
of a numerous well-appointed host, accompanied
by a well-served train of artillery. Arrived in the
Raja's country he found him gone into a difficult
mountainous tract, where he had concealed his

* This bodj^ composed for the most part of the Jatt race^ has
a faith peculiar to itself. Their great teacher^ Ghiru Nanac^ esta-
blished a code of morals founded on Deism^ and permitted the
reception of converts of all classes into the society. From
small beginnings at the commencement of the eighteenth cen-
tury, the Siks now form a powerful nation, and their chief,
Ranjit^sing, at the head of an army of a hundred thousand
men, is perhaps the only formidable enemy the British nation
in India has to apprehend. Lahore is the capital of the present
king, who has conquered Cashmere, Multan and Cabul, in addi«
tion to the Penjab, during his own reign.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN* 91

family, his treasures, and even his troops, not con*
ceiving himself a match for so powerful an army ;
but what is singular, is, that the Hindu prince was
actually receiving letters from the capital, in which
the emperor exhorted him to stand upon his de-
fence, and to crush the invader by every means in
his power. The Raja, mistrustful of these proceed-
ings, thought it more politic to come to terms and
to obtain a pardon openly ; but he would not have
gained his object easily, if at all, had not Hussein
Ali-khan, at this very time, received intelligence
that the enemies of his family had availed them-
selves of the opportunity afforded by his absence,
to spread a snare for entrapping his elder brother,
Abdullah-khan. The latter, who had no certain in-
formation but who suspected mischief, sent letter
after letter to request his brother's immediate at-
tendance. These letters rendered Hussein Ali-khan
exceedingly anxious, and he thought it advisable
to listen to the Raja's proposals and grant him
terms. These were, that he should send his son
to humble himself on his father s name, before the
imperial general, and that he should forward his
daughter to the imperial seraglio, with a large sum
of money and suitable presents.

Hussein Ali-khan having thus put an end to the
war, returned to the capital, where his arrival
raised a firesh ferment. The two brothers, in con-

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92 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

sequence of their influence and of their oflice, were
applied to on every afiair, civil and military, but
the public business was conducted through Amir-
jumlah, who on his part endeavoured to render
them as odious as possible ; and in order to con-
ciliate the favour of the public, he made a point to
use dispatch in whatever application was made to
him. For (besides his being keeper of the privy
seal) he had so far engrossed his master's affection,
that the latter had declared more than once in full
court, that Amir-jumlah's word and sign-manual
were Ferokh-siar's word and sign-manual. Amir-
jumlah found so much account in forwarding the
business of individuals, that he became offensive to
the vezir Abdullah-khan and his deputy Ratan
Chand, who so soon as he perceived the hand of
Amir-jumlah in any affair, or his signet on any
patent, he was sure to put it aside for the time
without letting it pass the seals of office ; whereas,
whoever made a suitable present to himself, and
another to his master, was certain of carrying his*
point with dispatch. Such conduct could not fail
to provoke the emperor. It must be confessed that
this Hindu conceived such high notions of himself,
both on account of his immense wealth and the
great influence of his master, that he had become
intolerably insolent^ which rendered him obnoxious
to the emperor, the more so as by representing

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 93

Amir-jumlah's conduct to be the result of design
and craft» he had made him odious to both the
brothers.

Amir-jumlah on his part was perpetually drop-
ping expressions in the emperor's presence, which
had a tendency to depreciate the two brothers,
whom he represented as overbearing, and whose
behaviour he insinuated was disrespectful, and
strongly savoured of independence. Moreover, he
reflected occasionally upon their abilities, as being
wholly inadequate to the high posts they pretended
to fill. By such insinuations the emperor had be-
come so suspicious and fearful, that he formed the
design of seizing Abdullah-khan's person. It was
for this purpose that he frequently came out of
the citadel, sometimes under pretence of hunting,
and sometimes under that of taking exercise in
those delightful country-seats which adorn the
suburbs of Dehli, more especially in Mohsen-
khan's gardens. On these occasions he had the
art to vary his pretences for thus frequently col-
lecting together his retinue :* he was still too un-
decided and too faint-heartied to act, nor did all
his projects produce any other effect than that
of increasing the mutual aversion between him-
self and his minister. It is generally believed

* The emperor's ordinary retinue consisted of from one
thousand to two thousand cavalry.

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94 SITAil^UL-MUTAKHERjy.

that the empress mother herself, out of regard
to the oath she had taken upon the Koran at
Azimabad Patna, and from scruples of cotiseience,
more than once gave the two biothers secret
advice of the plots forming against them. It was
under such circumstances that Hussein Ali-khan
solicited from the emperor the viceroyalty of the
Deckan; not that he intended to remain there
himself, but he expected that the immense revenue
derivable from so rich a government would enable
him to maintain his footing at court. His object
was only to place therein, as his lieutenant, the
famous Daud-khan Peny, who vras to remit to him
the same sums which he used to pay to Zulficar-
khan. This was the very reverse of what the em-
peror and Amir-jumlah desired, for they reckoned
that he would repair to that rich, but distant
country, and leave his brother alone. This did
not suit Hussein Ali-khan's purpose, who thought
it highly imprudent to leave his brother exposed to
the resentment of tiie emperor, and to all the
machinations of his enemies. This difference of
opinion gave rise to a number of peevish expres-*
sions from both parties, and matters gained such a
height, that the two brothers henceforward ab-
stained from appearing at court, and commenced
to fortify their palaces, which they filled with
troops. The emperor, on hearing of this, sent for

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SIYAR*UL-MUTAKHERIN. 95

Amir-jumlah, Mahomed Amin-khan, Khan Douran,
and some others, with whom he held oouncils day
and night, without coming to any decision ; for he
was so irresolute, and so faint-hearted, that he
could determine on nothing. Meanwhile, the report
of these dissensions spread far and near, and occa-
sion^ such a dearth of all kinds of supplies in the
capital, that the inhabitants, as well as travellers,
found it difficult to obtain the necessaries of life ;
on which account, letters and messages were con-
tinually passing and repassing between the emperor
and the two brothers. God knows how far the
distresses of the poor might have been carried,
had not the empress mother^ been so affected by
what she heard of their miseries, that she came
out of the palace and visited Abdullah-khan^ on
whose mind she gained sufficient influence to
induce him to be reconciled to the emperor, on
condition that the two brothers, on going to pay
their respects, should be at liberty to take such
precautions for their own safety as they should deem
necessary, after which they should attend at court
as heretofore. The two brothers now appeared
before the emperw, implored his forgiveness for
the errors of their past conduct, and bitterly com-

* Qreat must have been the distress to justify a Mussulman
princess, whatever her age^ going openly to visit a minister ; but
we find throughout the Indian history, frequent disregard of
fonns when called for, to obtain essential objects.

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96 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

plained of his permitting certain insinuations to fill
his imperial mind with suspicions, and to estrange
his royal mind from his zealous and faithful ser-
vants. Growing warm with the subject, they both
loosened their sabres from their sides, and placed
them at the emperor's feet, while the eldest went
on with the following address : " If we be guilty,
here are our two heads, and there are our swords ;
or if remembrance of our past services should render
our execution unwelcome, divest us of our offices,
and dismiss us altogether from your service, that
we may be permitted to make a journey to the house
of God,* by which we may reap eternal honours
in visiting the tomb of the prince of men, our illus-
trious ancestor,! Ali, on whom be peace for ever and
ever ! Or if your majesty chooses to require further
services from us, and to keep us near your sacred
person, vouchsafe to dismiss your suspicions, and
cease to listen to the suggestions of a set of cove-
tous, envious, and designing tale-tellers, who are
perpetually aiming at the lives of your faithful
servants, without once regarding how much blood
we have spilt in the imperial cause. Be reconciled^
Sire, we pray you, to these your two approj^ed

* Mecca.

f All Seids are supposed to be lineally descended from Ali
the cousin, and Fatima the daughter, through their two sons
Hassan and Hussein, the latter of whom fell at KerbeUa.

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIK. 97

servants, and cease to harbour sentiments equally
repugnant to that sense of gratitude so natural to
generous minds, and to the stability of a compact
consecrated by the most solemn oaths."

This scene seemed to affect the emperor, and it
produced a momentary reconciliation* After many
conferences, it was agreed that the only way to
put an end to these dissensions was to part the
two adversaries. Amir-jumlah was ordered to quit
the court, and to repair to Azimabad Patna, the
government of which was given him for an honour-
able exile, and Hussein Ali-khan agreed to set out
for his viceroyalty of the Deckan, where nothing
but his presence could curb the refractory chiefs
of those countries, and give confidence to those
that had submitted. This arrangement, which
satisfied both parties, was not palatable to Amir-
jumlah, who thought himself sacrificed to the re--
sentment of the two brothers; whereas, in reality,
the whole intention of the emperor was to increase
his favourite's means of power, and to exasperate
his mind against his rivals. Hussein Ali-khan 's
patent was now drawn up, and orders were issued
to the several governors of provinces and fortresses
throughout the six and a half soobadaries or pro-
vinces of the Deckan, in whatever station they
might be, to submit to the new viceroy, and to be
henceforth^ obedient to his commands. Two letters

VOL. I. u

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98 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

of recal were likewise despatched : one to Chin-
khalich-khan Nizam-ul-mulk> the present viceroy
of the Deckan, to repair to the presence ; and the
other to Daud-khan Peny, governor of Guzerat,
requiring him to repair to Boorhanpoor, there to
await the new viceroy's arrival, whose commands
he was to obey. Such were the contents of the
public letters ; but a secret communication was at
the same time conveyed to Daud-khan, enjoining
him to lay in wait with a strong anny at Boorhan^
poor, in order to destroy Hussein Ali*khan and h\»
troops, with a promise that he should himself be
appointed viceroy in case of his success. After
despatching these secret instructions, the emperor
resolved to celebrate his nuptials with Ajit Sing's
daughter, as we shall soon relate ; but as Daud*
khan Peny is about to cut so great a figure in our
history, it will be as well to give in this place some
account of him, and of the disturbances to which
his imprudence had given rise between the Mussul-
mans and Hindus of Ahmed-ebad in Guzerat.

In the second year of that officer's administra*
lion, which was likewise the first of the emperor s
reign, it happened that in the night in which the
Hindus perform the ceremony of the Huli, one of
tiiem was going to do so in his own house-yard, a
small part of which was connected with some Mus*'
sulman's houses, when the latter objected to it.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 90

The Hindu, having pleaded that every man was
master of his own house, paid no regard to the
objection, and finished his ceremony. The very
next day the Mussulman, turning the Hindu's
argument against himself, brought a cow within
that very yard, and killed her for the purpose of
distributing beef to the poor, as it was the anni*
versary of the death of the saint Ali. This action
brought upon them all the Hindus of that quarter,
who having overpowered the Mussulmans, obliged
them to fly for their lives, and to conceal them-
selves in their houses. Transported by religious
fury, the Hindus sought out the butcher who had
slaughtered the cow; but not finding him, they
dragged his son, an innocent youth of fourteen,
into that very yard, and killed him. The Mussul-
mans, shocked at the outrage, created an outcry
throughout the city, and drew after them multi-
tudes of the Mussulman inhabitants, among whom
were some thousands of Daud-khan Peny's Afghan
soldiers. The whole now repaired to the kazy
(the judge), who did not chuse to meddle in the
afiair when he knew that the governor had taken
side with the Hindus, and shut his door. This only
tended to incense the Mussulmans the more, who
earned away by their fury, and possibly urged on
by the kazy himself, demolished and burned his gate,
and having seized his person, they proceeded to set

M 2

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100 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

fire to the shops in the market-place, and to many
Hindu houses. They would have gone on burning
and destroying, had they not been opposed by one
Capur Chand, a jewel. merchant, much in favour
with the governor, and a violent opponent of the
Mussulmans. This man, seeing his own house in
danger^ armed himself and friends, shut the gate
and defended it. He placed musketeers over the
gate, opened loop-holes through the parapets, and
in the ensuing fray numbers of lives were lost.
The disturbance continued for some days, all the
shops were shut, and business was at a stand. At
length the tumult subsided, the Mussulmans, who
thought themselves aggrieved, deputed three per-
sons of character to carry their complaints to court.
These were the very men that had been selected
on a former occasion to manage an accommodation
between the Mussulmans on. one side and the
governor and Hindus on the other. They were.
Shah Abdul-vahid, Shah Mahomed Ali (an emi-
nent preacher), and Abdul-aziz. Daud-khan, who
found himself identified in this affair, deputed
Capur Chand, after having put into his hand a
narrative of the whole transaction, signed by the
governor, the kazy, the commander of the troops,
and all the crown officers, which certified that the
Hindus were not in the wrong, and that the Mus-
sulmans were the aggressors. As soon as the three

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SIYAa-UL-MUTAKH£RlN. 101

deputies arrived at the capital, they were cast
ittto prison through the influence of Ratan Chand,
who found raeans to stifle their cqmplaints. And
God only knows how long these innocent persons
had remained in confinement, had not Khwaja
Mahomed Jafer, a dervish, chanced to hear of them
and use his interest in their behalf. This holy
man was no less a person than brother to Khan
Douran, one of the principal nobles of the court;
a pious man, who having devoted himself to God,
bad renounced the world and lived retired. It
was in his retreat that he heard of Ratan Chand's
cruel partiality, and in consequence he requested
his brother to procure the release of those unfor*
tunate persons. This conduct made such an im-
pression upon one of them. Shah Mahomed Ali,
that from that moment he attached himself for ever
after to his benefactor.

We shall now say a few words about the emr
peror's nuptials with the daughter of the Hindu
prince Raja Ajit Sing. Her father, in dismissing
her, gave into her hands a number of important
papers to deliver to the emperor, among which
were the letters and order he had received for
opposing and destroying Hussein Ali-khan. Whe-
ther during the nobleman's journey to court, or
during the Hindu prince's residence in his palace,
is not known, but it is certain that Hussein Ali-

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102 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIBT.

khan found means to get possession of these papers,
and also to appease the inquietude of the princess
on finding that they had been in his hands* These
papers were subsequently produced by the two
brothers to the emperor, who made an apology to
them, and his mother effected a reconciliation
between her son and the Seids. This explanation
put an end to the dissension,, and Amir-jumlah's
exile from court induced the emperor to celebrate
his nuptials with the Rana, after which it had
been agreed that Hussein Ali-khan should set out
for his government in the Deckan.

The emperor commanded his household-officers
to make the necessary preparations for their mar*
riage. Hussein Ali-khan conceiving his honour
concerned in rendering the ceremony verysplendid,
as the princess had been brought to court through
his means, and had been all this while lodged
in his palace, and treated as his own daughter, he
made it a point to give to that solenmity all the
magnificence for which Hindoostan is famous.
He accordingly made such preparations both for
the bride and the bridegroom, as exceeded all that
had ever been heard of in the capital, or that had
been made for the greatest mjas and kings of the
Deckan, or even for the magnificent emperors of
Hindoostan. The furniture, jewels and illumina*
tions, surpassed by far all those prepared by the

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 103

emperor himeelf. As soon as night came on, an
infinity of lights in imitation of stars threw out at
once such a blaze, as seemed to dispute pre-emi«
nence with the luminous firmament itself, and to
reproach it with its inferior twinkling ; then again
artificial parterres, by the variety of their colours,
gave the beholder an idea of the celebrated gardens
of Irem,* exhibitions of all sorts connected with
splendid entertainments enabled the lowest man
in the city to partake of them. Surprise, delight
and hilarity pervaded all classes, and such was
the concourse of spectators, that the streets and .
markets of the immense city of Dehli seemed to
have become narrower and scarcely able to con-
tain them. At last, after several days, the emperor,
attended by his whole court, repaired to Hussein
Ali-khan's palace, where an illustrious assembly
waited to receive him ; and the reading of the
marriage-ritual having closed the ceremony, the
emperor took his bride away to his imperial habi- 22 znhaj,
tation. This event occurred on Thursday the 22d 7 De^miJ,
of Zilhaj, in the year of the Hegira 1127. . ^'^' ^'^*^"

Who would have thought that such a scene of
pleasure and universal joy, would have been fol-
lowed so shortly by religious dissensions ? Shah
Abdullah, a dervish from Multan, having come to
the capital on some business, took up his abode

* The garden of Paradise.

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104 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

noar the great mosque, where he ofteti preached
to crowded audiences, among whom he soon
acquired so much celebrity, that the very passages
to that mosque were always thronged. Once, he
went to pay a visit to Khwaja Jafer, the brother of
the minister, Khan Douran, of whom we have
already spoken ; and, on observing that some of
the latter's followers and disciples saluted him by
prostrating themselves, and also that the singers
who frequented that holy retreat made it a prac-
tice to sing verses in honour of the Prophet and
his sacred offspring, he felt scandalized, and re-
marked that prostration was due to God alone,
and consequently indecent towards man ; that to
listen to songs and verses in matters of religion,
was forbidden ; and that to content oneself with a
few praises in honour of the ^prophet in order to
launch out in the praises of his descendants, with-
out saying a word of his four venerable successors,
was repugnant to the true principles of Islam.
Khwaja Jafer answered, that, as religious per-
sons, as well as their followers, acknowledge the
omnipresence of no being but that of God, it was im-
possible that they should require prostration to be
made to any other being, but that men who in their
religious zeal fancied God to be every where pre-
sent, and therefore prostrated themselves on that
ground and kissed it devoutly, could not be con-
demned.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 105

** As to the singing, and the verses of public
singers, these people sing nothing but what they
have learned from their masters, in which I do not
interfere ; and if you know of any verses in praise
of the four successors of the Prophet,* pray
impart them to these people, that they may sing
them, and adopt the practice at ail times and in
all places." This answer did not satisfy Shah
Abdullah, who, being opposed to the Shiahf sect,
went away discontented, and, on the next Friday,
he reflected on Khwaja Jafer, and openly con-
demned his faith. He added some invidious asser-
tions : for instance, that AH Murtaza, the son of
Abu-talib, was not within the pale of the saints —
that it was improper to call him a Seid — and that
the expression of * five pure bodies 'J was contrary
to the true principles of the faith ; for whoever
should admit it, would thereby exclude the three

♦ The khalif Abu Beer.

— Omar.

— Othman.

— Ali.

f The Shiahs deny the legitimate titles of the three first
khalifsj but consider Ali to be the first real khalif^ and that his
descendants by Fatima, the daughter of the Prophet^ partake in
some degree of the sanctity of the ancestors.

:( By the five pure bodies^ or holy personages^ are meant.
The prophet Mahomc-w,
His daughter Fatima ;
His son-in-law Ali ;
And their sons Hassan and Hussein.

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106 SIYAa-UL*MUTAKH£RIN.

first khalifs as not being equally pure. He added
several other expressions, all tending to depre-
ciate the Shiah sect, and to cast reflections upon
its tenets and practice. Khwaja Jafer, on hearing
of that sermon, sent him word that to drop such
expressions from the pulpit was dissonant from the
cufrent belief, and repugnant to the custom and
usages of the faith ; that it must give offence, and
might possibly excite dissensions. He observed
that if he would come to his humble cottage, or
to any other place where a number of learned per-
sons should be assembled, he flattered himself,
that the trouble he would be put to would not be
without advantage, as he might find an opportu-
nity of having his doubts removed by reason and
by the authority of tradition. This message was
received with peevishness and resentment ; and, a
few days after, a multitude of thoughtless young
men, of Persian extraction, having assembled at the
mosque, placed themselves at sermon-time oppo-
site the preachers, with their beads and amulets
of Kerbella-clay* before them, using at the same
time threatening gestures. This behaviour was
resented by two or three thousand followers of the

* Kerbella^ in Meflopotamia, is the gpot where are entombed
the remains of Hussein, who fell in his contest against Ziad, the
son of Moavia, and rosaries formed of the cla^r of his tomb are
held in high estimation by the Shiahs, and are supposed to pos-
sess magical qualities.

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SIYAR-UIi MUTA.KHER1N. 107

Sunny sect, who suspecting this scene to have
been concerted by Khwaja Jafer, and that it was
intended to set their preacher at defiance, took
fire, and falling upon the young men with impious
and blasphemous reproaches, drove them out of
the mosque. This afiair might have ended there ;
but an ill-fated Hindu, who was a military man of
some character, and had come tp hear the sermon,
chancing to go out immediately after them, was
observed by one of the servants of the mosque,
who taking him to be one of those that had just
given so much offence, ran after him with the in-
tention to stop or kill him ; but the Hindu having
turned round, and in self-defence having killed his
assailant, he was immediately beset by some
others, who hacked him to pieces ; nor would the
multitude, for three days together, suffer his body
to be removed, being in expectation of getting '
some further light from such as might come to
take him away. After this unhappy afiair, some
of the most zealous of the preacher's followers
having gained access to the principal courtiers,
and through them to the throne, went in a body to
the emperor, and complained that Khwaja Jafer
wanted to create a schism in the Sunny sect,
similar to that which had been excited in the reign
of BahadurHshah, when that prince attempted to
introduce the words " Ali is heir to God's elect "

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108 SIVAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

into the Mussulman creed ; and they added, that
as something still more serious seemed to be in
agitation, it was better that the leader should be
commanded to quit the capital.

One would hardly believe that so small a matter
should have raised such a commotion in that
immense city : for whereas, heretofore, it was
common enough to see professed singers going
about the streets, singing the praises of the pure
and holy family, and numbers even of learned
men used often to stop and to take pleasure in
hearing their music; yet now matters were so
altered^ that such singers were . sure of bemg
hooted, and accused of impiety and blasphemy.
The emperor, on hearing of this disturbance, con-
sulted the kazy Shenat-ullah-khan on the subject,
as the most eminent divine that attended the court.
He answered, that what Shah Abdullah had said
would not stand the test of examination with the
best treatises on the Sunny tenets, and that there-
fore it would be difficult to convict Khwaja Jafer
of heterodoxy ; but as, on the other hand, it would
be proper to put an end to this ferment, he gave
it as his private opinion that the Khwaja should
be required to change his abode, by retiring to the
suburbs. This opinion was no sooner rumoured
abroad than Khan Douran, one of the principal
nobles of the court, having sent for the preacher.

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A. D. 1716.

SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 109

inquired of him what might be his object in coming
so far to the capital. Khan Douran despatched his
business in a few days, and having wished him a
prosperous journey toMultan, his native country, he
returned thither. In this manner the commotion,
which bore a threatening aspect, subsided at once.

In the year 1128 of the Hegira, being the a. h. 1128.
fifth of Ferokh-siar's reign, a bloody action took
place in the plains of the Penjab, between the
Siks and the Imperialists, in which the latter,
commanded by Abdul-semed-khan, viceroy of that
province, gave those freebooters a signal defeat,
and their general, Benda, fell into the victor's
hands. This barbarian, whom nature had formed
for a butcher, trusting to the numbers and repeated
successes of those other butchers he commanded,
had inflicted upon God's creatures cruelties exceed-
ing all belief, and had. laid waste the whole pro-
vince of Lahore. Flushed with these victories, he
even aspired to a crown. Benda was of the Sik
persuasion, attached to the tenets of Guru Govind.
These people, from their birth, or from the moment
of their admission, if they enter as proselytes, never
cut or shave either their beard or whiskers, or any
hair whateverof their body. They form a particular
society, which distinguishes itself by wearing blue
garments, and going armed at all times. When a
person is once admitted into that fraternity, they

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110 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

make no scruple of associating with him, of what*
ever tribe, clan, or race he may have been hitherto,
nor do they betray any of those scruples and preju-
dices so deeply rooted in the Hindu mind.* This
sect or fraternity, which first became powerful
about the latter end of Aurengzib's reign, has for its
chief. Guru Govind, one of the successors of Nanec
Guru, the founder of the sect. Nanec was the son
of a grain merchant, of the Katri tribe, who in his
youth was as remarkable for his good character as
for the beauty of his person, and for his talents.
Nor was he destitute of fortune. There was then,
in those parts, a dervish of note, called Seid
Hussein, a man of eloquence as well as of we^tlth,
who having no children of his own, and being
struck with the beauty of the young Nanec, con-
ceived a great regard for him, and charged himself
with his education. As the young man was early
introduced to the knowledge of the most esteemed
writings of Islam, and initiated into the principles
of our most approved doctrines, he advanced so
much in learning, and became so fond of his
studies, that he made it a practice in his leisure
hours, td translate literally and make notes and
extracts of our moral maxims. Those which made
the deepest impression upon him were written in

* This alludes to the touching or eating with persons of im-
pure caeU, in r^ard to which the Hindus are so tenacious.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN* 111

the idiom of Penjab his maternal language. At
length he connected them into order, and put them
into verse. By this time he had so far shaken off
those prejudices of Hinduism which he had imbibed
with his rnilk^ that he became quite another man»
His collection becoming extensive, it took the form
of a book which he entitled Grant, and he became
famous in the times of the Emperor Baber, from
which time he was followed by multitudes of con-
verts. This book is to this day held in so much
veneration and esteem amongst the Siks, that they
never touch or read it without assuming a respectful
posture, and in reality, as it is a compound of what
Nanec had found most valuable in those books
which he had been perusing, and is written with
much force, it has all the merit peculiar to truth
and sound sense.

In times of yore, the religious persons of that
fraternity could not be distinguished, either in
their garb or their usages, from the Mussulman
dervishes ; nor is the difference easily perceptible
even to this day. They live in communities both
in villages and towns, and their habitations are
called Sangats, where we always see some one
who presides over the rest. Nanec,.their patriarch,
left only two children, one of whom, when grown
up, used to amuse himself in hunting and in other
pleasures, in which he has been imitated by his

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112 SlYAR-TJL-MUTAKHERIiV.

descendants, all of whom are the reputed heirs of
his propensities. The other son devoted himself
to a religious life^ and his followers live, to all
intents and purposes, like so many Mussulman
dervishes or fakirs. Nanec Guru had not for his
immediate successor either the one or the other of
his children, but only a servant of his house, called
Angad, who succeeded to his authority. The ninth
in succession from this Angad was one Tegh
Bahadur, who drew multitudes after him, all of
whom, as well as their leader, used to go armed.
Finding himself at the head of so many thousand
people, he aspired to sovereignty, and unit^ him-
self to one Adam Hafiz, a Mussulman dervish of
the fraternity of Shah Ahmed Serhindy. These
two persons no sooner saw themselves at the head
of many followers, than forsaking every honest
occupation, they began to plunder and to lay waste
the whole province of Penjab; for whilst Tegh
Bahadur levied contributions on the Hindus, Hafiz
Adam did the same upon the Mussulmans. Their
excesses having attracted the notice of the emperor
Aurengzib, he commanded the viceroy of Penjab
to seize these two leaders, with orders to send the
Mussulman to Afghanistan, warning him not to
cross the river Attock again under pain of death ;
while he directed that Tegh Bahadur, the other
freebooter, should be sent prisoner to the fort of

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 113

Gualiar . The governor executed his orders promptly.
Some time after this, Tegh Bahadur suffered death ;
and his body being cut into four quarters, was ex-
posed at the four gates of the fortress of Gualiar.

This act was followed by serious consequences.
Hitherto the Siks wore only the religious garb,
without any kind of arms. Guru Govind having
succeeded to his father, re-organized his numerous
bands into companies or troops, which he put under
the command of his most confidential disciples, to
whom he gave orders to provide themselves with
arms and horses. As soon as he saw them accou-
tred and mounted, he commenced plundering the
country and raising contributions. This conduct
did not go long unpunished: the fojdars* of the
province uniting, fell upon the freebooters, and dis-
persed them, and Guru Govind's two sons having
fallen alive into their hands, were put to death.
The father's situation was now become nearly
as dangerous : hunted down like a wild beast, he
retired to a strong-hold; but he was precluded
from escaping to his country and family beyond
Serhind, the intermediate country being full of
troops. In this critical situation, he applied to the
Afghans living beyond Serhind, and promised them
a large sum of money if they would conduct him
to a place of safety. A number of these people

* Fojdar, u e. military commander.
VOL. I. I

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114 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

accepted the fMt>posa], and coming down from their
mountains, recommended him to let his beard and
whiskers^ and the hair of every other part of his
body, grow ; and then clothing him in a short blue
tunic like that worn by themselves, brought him
out of his retreat, and carried him through the
whole country in perfect safety. Whenever any
one enquired who he was, they answered that he
was one of their holy men of the town of Oucha.
Guru Govind having been so lucky as to extricate
himself out of this difficulty, retained the Afghan
garb in memory of that event, and he henceforward
made it the distinctive dress of his followers. No
one was from that time received as a proselyte
unless his hair and beard were long, and unless he
adopted the garb of the proper pattern. The loss
of his children affected Guru Grovind so deeply that
he shortly after died of grief. He was succeeded
by Benda Guru, of whom we have before spoken.
This infernal monster having assembled multitudes
of desperate fellows, all as enthusiastic and as
blood-thirsty as himself, commenced to ravage the
country with unheard of barbarity. They spared
no Mussulman, whether man, woman, or child;
pregnant women were ripped open, and their chil-
dren dashed against their faces or against walls.
The emperor Bahadur-shah shuddered at hearing
of such atrocious deeds, and was induced to send

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 116

against those barbarians not only the troops of the
province^ but two other armies commanded by Khan
Khanan and Munaim-khan, who at the head of thirty
thousand horse surrounded the fort of Loghar, where
they besieged him. Having defended himself for
some time, Benda contrived to escape. He was
pursued by the troops which had united under
Mahomed Amin-khan, Asgar-khan, and Rustem-
dil-khan, but he again extricated himself. He
kept each body of the king's troops perpetually on
the wing ; for he no sooner escaped them at one
place, than he suddenly appeared in an opposite
direction, and destroyed every thing by fire and
sword, massacreing every Mussulman, and de-
stroying their mosques and tombs. Such was the
state of things when Bahadur-shah departed this
life. His children, occupied in disputes for the
throne, had no time to spare for cheeking the Siks,
so that their power at last became very formidable.
On the accession of Ferokh-siar, Islam-khan,
viceroy of Lahore, received orders to destroy those
freebooters; but he was totally defeated in a pitched
battle, and after losing the greatest part of his men,
he retired to Lahore covered with disgrace. Benda,
elevated by so unexpected a success, recommenced
his atrocities with additional fury. It was some
time after this battle that Bayezid-khan, the com-
mandant of Serhind, hearing of the approach of

I 2

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116 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIK.

Benda, went out to oppose him. He was encamped
without the walls, when in the evening, having
retired to a private tent, he was performing the
afternoon prayers, a Sik having crept under the
wall of the tent, inflicted on him a mortal wound
as he was in the act of prostration, and in the con-
fusion which ensued the assassin effected his escape.
This intelligence having reached the capital, the
emperor commanded Abdul-semed-khan, aTurany
chief, then viceroy of Cashmere, to march against the
Siks, and at the same time conferred the government
of Lahore on his son Zachariah-khan . This general,
who afterwards became so famous, had with him
many thousand soldiers of his own nation, with seve-
ral commanders of high distinction, suchasKamer-
ed-din-khan, Mahomed Amin-khan, and Asgar-
khan. To this army » the emperor added several
of his own guards, such as the Wala-Shahies and
Ahedies.

With these reinforcements, Abdul-semed-khan,
who waited only for a train of artillery, proceeded
to Lahore, having appointed his own slave Aref-
khan his lieutenant at Cashmere during his absence,
and taking with him the troops he found encamped
at that city. On coming up with the enemy, his
troops fell with such fury upon those barbarians
that they completely crushed them ; nor did the
imperialists give over the pursuit until they had

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siVar-ul-mutakherin. 117

entirely dispersed the enemy. Benda stood his
ground at first, and fought desperately ; for, although
beaten and vigorously pursued, he retired from post
to post, like a savage of the wilderness, and while
losing his own men, he occasioned heavy losses to
. his pursuers. At last, worn out by incessant flight,
he retired to Goordaspoor, where this chief had long
since built a strong fort, in which his followers kept
their wives and families with the booty they ac-
quired in their incursions. The imperial general
laid siege to this place; nor was it unfurnished
with provisions, though the multitudes that had
successively retired thither were so considerable.
The besiegers, however, were so vigilant^ that not
a blade of grass nor a grain of corn could find its
way into the fort ; so that at last, the magazines
within being exhausted, a famine commenced its
ravage amongst the besieged, who (contrary to the
prejudices of their religion) ate asses, horses, and
even oxen ; and such was the desperate resolution
of the garrison, that no one talked of submission,
till having consumed all that could be converted
into food', and having suffered from a bloody flux
that broke out among them, the survivors asked for
quarter, and offered to open their gates. The im-
perial general required them to repair to an emi-
nence, where they were called on to deposit their
arms. The famished wretches, reduced to comply

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1 18 SIY AH-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

with these conditions, conformed to it, when, hav-
ing been bound hand and foot, they were made
over to the troops, who had orders to carry them
close to a river that ran under the walls, and therein
to throw the bodies, after having beheaded the
prisoners. The officers being put in irons, were
mounted upon lame, worn^own, mangy asses and
camels, with each of them a paper cap upon his
head, and with such a retinue the general entered
the city of Lahore in triumph. Bayezid-khan's
mother, an old Turany woman, who lived in that
city, hearing that her son's murderer was amongst
the prisoners, requested her attendants to point
him out to her ; when, ascending a terrace that
overlooked the street, she lifted up a large stone
which she had provided, and let it fall so luckily
that she killed him on the spot. The old lady after
this action said, that being revenged she should
now die satisfied. This action worked as a signal,
and roused the people of Lahore, so that the gene-
ral, conceiving that the prisoners would be killed
by the mob, ordered them to be conveyed to a
place of safety amongst the baggage, where they
were covered with trappings of elephants and
every thing that could conceal them. The next
day he left the city at day-break, with the inten-
tion of presenting them alive to the emperor. By
way of precaution, they were left to the care of

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 119

Kamer-ed-din*khan, and his own son, Zachariah*
khan, under a strong escort. As soon as they
had arrived on the outskirts of the city, the em-
peror sent out Mahomed Amin-khan ¥ath orders to
bring them in, mounted as they were, but pre-
ceded by a number of heads upon pikes. Amongst
the prisoners was Benda, with his face smeared
with black, and a woollen cap placed on his head.
That Mrretch having been brought before the em-
peror, was ordered to the castle, where he was shut
up with his son, and two or three of his Chief com-
manders. The others were carried X& hundred
every day) to the town hall, where they were be-
headed unti] the whole number of them was com-
pleted. What is singular, these people not only
behaved patiently during the execution, but they
contended for the honour of being first executed.
At length Benda himself was produced, and his
son being placed on his lap, the father was ordered
to cut his throat, which he did without uttering one
word. His flesh was then ordered to be torn off
with red hot pincers, and it was in those torments
that he expired, expiating by his death, in some
measure, the enormities he had himself committed
on the people of God.* Mahomed Amin-khan,
struck with the appearance of Benda, could not
help addressing him : '' It is surprising (said he)

* The author alludes probabl)^ to Mussulmans in particular.

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120 SIYAK-UL MUTAKHERIN.

that one who shews so much acuteness in his coun-
tenance, and has displayed so much ability in his
conduct, should have been guilty of such horrid
crimes, that must infallibly ruin him in this world
as well as in the next." With the greatest com-
posure he replied, " I will tell you what, my lord,
whenever men become so corrupt and wicked as
to relinquish the path of equity, and to abandon
themselves to all kinds of excesses, then Providence
never fails to raise up a scourge like me, to chastise
a race become so depraved ; but when the measure
of punishment has been filled, then he raises up
such a man as you, to bring him to punishment."
We have already related how it had been agreed
between the two rival parties at court, that upon
Amir-jumlah's quitting the capital, Hussein Ali^
khan should repair to his post in the Deckan, and
it has been seen how his departure was delayed.
At last, after having accomplished all his purposes,
he departed, but not without first repairing to court,
and telling the emperor and his confidants plainly,
that if in his absence any thing should be attempted
against his brother, the vezir Abdullah-khan, his
majesty might rest assured that he would quit every
thing, in order to be again in the capital, within
twenty days. This open threat having convinced
the emperor of the viceroy's power, he was no
sooner gone, than the nunisters despatched letter

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 121

after letter toDaud-khahPeny, governor of Guzerat,
conferring on him the government of Boorhanpoor
in addition to his own, with orders to repair thither,
at the head of his army, and to destroy Hussein
Ali-khan and his troops, by any means in his
power, for which service he was promised the vice-
royalty of the Deckan. On the receipt of these
instructions Daud-khan, who made but little account
of his enemy, repaired to Boorhanpoor, where he
without hesitation assumed all the state of viceroy
of the Dekhan. This intelligence being conveyed
to Hussein Ali-khan, the latter wrote to the Afghan,
that as he himself was actually invested with that
viceroyalty, it was proper that Daud-khan Peny
should come to pay his respects to his superior,
and shew himself ready to execute his commands ;
else he had better repair to the emperor's court
at once, without rendering himself guilty of pro-
ceedings that could end in nothing but dissensions
and in his own ruin. This letter making no im-
pression upon Daud-khan, he came out of Boorhan-
poor and encamped in the plain, with a determi-
nation to oppose Hussein Ali-khan. He at the
same time invited a number of Mahratta generals
who had become servants of the crown, to join him.

These chiefs had obtained commands of honour

and emoluments, so early as the reign of Bahadur-
«hah. The most considerable amongst them was

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122 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

Bimbaji Sindiah, who enjoyed the revenue of

the whole territory of Aurengabad in lieu of pay.

All these chiefs came and remained encamped with

25 Ramazan, Daud-khan Until the twenty*fifth of Ramazan, in

A H 1 127

25 August. *^^ fourth year of the reign of Ferokh-siar, at which
A.D.1718. jj^^ Hussein Ali-khan appeared at the head of
twenty-six thousand horse, the only troops that
were able to keep up with the rapidity of his march.
They were all veteran troops, and accustomed to
be led to victory under his command. The viceroy
having arrived within sight of the enemy, endea-
voured to reclaim that haughty chieftain, by send-
ing him several conciliatory messages ; but finding
him deaf to all overtures^ he resolved to reduce
him by force. The battle proved obstinate and
bloody: the troops on both sides, pressing upon
each other, rushed forward, regardless of every
thing but how to engage amongst the foremost ; in
a moment the conflict commenced, and streams of
blood pouring down from the hands of so many
heroes, saturated the thirsty earth. How many
bodies, before accustomed to all the conveniences
and elegancies of luxurious life, reposed that day
on the bloody and hard ground, and how many
heads streaming with blood, were raised on the
point of spears, like so many full-blown roses fixed
on their stalks ! The firm earth, shaken by the
incessant roar of artillery, seemed to be in motion

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIK. 123

like liie heavens in a storm ; whilst the firmament
itself, confounded at the appearance of so many
Uood-thirsty warriors, stopped i^ort in its course,
and stood motionless to view the scene. Daud-khan
had given orders to the conductor of his elephant
to carry him close to that of Hussein Ali-khan, as
soon as he could descry him. Meanwhile Hiraman,
a Hindu, who commanded the van of the Afghan's
army, pushed on as far as the enemy s artillery,
where he was making great havoc^ when he was
himself perceived by a body of the Seids of Barha,
who threw themselves in his path, and killed or
wounded every one of those that had followed him.
This loss did not divert Daud-khan from his design.
He sought his rival every where, being preceded by
three hundred daring Afghans, who armed with
battle-axes, hewed down all who came in their
way. It was on this occasion that the bravest of
the viceroy's soldiers fell. Mahomed Yusuf-khan,
commander of his artiUery, as well as Rustem Beg,
and Basalet-khan at the head of their troops, which
were mowed down like grass and slain. Aalem
Ali-khan, with Khan Zeman-khan, and many per-
sons of distinction, were wounded. The Afghans
made their way good with great slaughter^ Daud-
khan at last found himself opposed to Mir-mushref,
an old general personally attached to Hussein Ali-
khan. He was in a full suit of armour, and literally

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124 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

cased in iron, Daud^-khan^ mistaking him for the
viceroy, cried out announcing himself, and said,
" why do you keep yourself muffled up like a
woman? up with your visor, man, that I may see
who you are/' Daud-khan said this in contempt,
as he never wore but a jerkin of muslin on the day
of battle. Having said this and placing an arrow
to his bow, he with an unerring aim, lodged it in
Mir-mushref s neck ; that officer fainting with an-
guish and loss of blood, fell down into his howda^
to which he just held by one hand. In this situation
Daud-khan's driver making use of his iron crook,
gave him two or three blows on the back, which
the old nobleman remembered the remainder of
his life ; and several years after^ when adverting to
the action, carrying his hand to his back, he used
to say that he could fancy he felt them still.
Whilst this terrible conflict lasted, Mir-mushrefs
elephant-driver seized the opportunity to part the
two elephants : but a report spread throughout the
army that he was slain, and created a temporary-
panic. Daud-khan drawing near to Hussein Ali-
khan's elephant, the people thought that all was
over ; numbers deserted their ranks, whilst others
fled in earnest. A signal discomfiture was about to
ensue, few choosing to stand by their general, except
a small body, resolved to perish rather than forsake
him. Matters had reached this critical point, and

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 126

the confusion was becoming general, when a mus-
ket-ball, as if by divine command, struck Daud-
khan in the forehead and killed him outright, thus
changing the morning of his glory into everlasting
night. The driver, seeing his master dead, turned
his elephant and fled, accompanied by those who
sought to avoid the sword. At sight of this, Hussein
Ali-khan ordered his military music to strike up
in token of victory ; and sending his people after
the Afghan's elephant, he was soon overtaken, and
his body being fastened to that animal's foot, it
was dragged through the city of Boorhanpoor.

It may be asked what became of Bimbaji and his
Mahratta cavalry, of which we have not said a
word. The answer is short. He, like a true Mah-
ratta, contented himself with scampering about at
the beginning of the action, and remained a spec-
tator ; but when he saw that victory had favoured
Hussein Ali-khan, he galloped over, and presented
him his offerings, as did all his officers. All this
while, the Mahrattas having entered the enemy's
camp, plundered every thing on which they could
lay their hands. Nevertheless there still remained
much booty for the victors. The whole of Daud-
khan's equipage, money, horses, and elephants
were secured for the viceroy s use, a small part of
which only he vouchsafed to send to the emperor,
and that too after a length of time.

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126 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

Daud«khan had left at Ahmedabad a wife by
whom he was tenderly loved. She was the daughter
of a Hindu zemindar, or great landholder. It had
been the practice in past times for some of those
Hindu princes to give their daughters in marriage
to the viceroys for the time being. This lady, who
had embraced the Mussulman religion on her en-
trance into the seraglio, was now seven months
gone with child. She had entreated to be allowed
to follow her husband, from whom' at his departure
she had obtained his poignard, as a token of his
love ; but the news of his death reaching Ahmeda«>
bad, she took the poignard and opened her own
belly, so that while she lost her life she saved that
of her child.* The report of this victory soon
reached Dehli : it was remarked that the emperor
could not conceal his concern. He even said, in
the vezir Abdullah-khan's presence, that it was a
pity that so brave a man as Daud-khan should have
been slain ; and he added, that his body had been
unworthily treated. This expression was taken up
by the vezir, who answered that '' had his brother
been slain by that savs^ of an Afghan, his death
he supposed would have appeared quite proper,

* The belief of this young female taught her^ that by mak^
ing this sacrifice to the manes of her husband^ she should ex-
piate both his sins and her own, and tliat they would be reunited
in a future state.

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN* 127

and would have been more acceptable to his
majesty/' Two remarkable circumstances occurred
shortly after this conversation ; these were, first,
the sudden dismissal of a body of select soldiers,
which the emperor had ordered to be raised with
a high pay, from forty to nine hundred rupees per
month, payable by assignment on crown-lands, and
in expectation of which they had been waiting
twelve months. They were suddenly dismissed,
and the paymasters told that at present there was
no money in the treasury. The second was the
arrival of Amir-jumlah from Azim-abad Patna;
where it seems, over and above the standing troops
of his government, he had raised a large body of
Moguls and other foreigners ; and as the revenues
of the country could not maintain those additional
troops, they subsisted by pillaging the flat country,
and by committing violences even in the middle of
his capital, where they put under contribution the
poor as well as the upper classes. Such enormi-
ties soon rendered their employer Amir-jumlah an
object of universal detestation; but as he had
most extravagantly squandered away the public
money, and no resource remained for him against
the disaffection of those people who threatened his
person, he resolved to fly. For this purpose he
got into one of those covered palkies that are used
to convey women, and without imparting even a

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128 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

hint of his design to his most intimate friends, or
even to his menial servaats, he fled towards Dehli^
where he arrived in fifteen days. He reached it in
the very middle of a dark night, and made his
appearance at the castle*gate like a ghost from his
grave. This was at a time when reports were
spread throughout the city that it was the emperor's
intention to seize the vezir's person ; and as the
former had now conceived a rooted aversion against
the two brothers, it was believed that Amir-jumlah
had been sent for secretly. This much is certain,
however, that when he did make his appearance at
court he was ill received, and this reception only
tended to increase his unpopularity. He went to
AbduUah-khan, to whom he commenced paying
assiduous court, and said he was resolved hencefor-
ward to devote himself solely to his family. All these
protestations were attributed to artifice by the
public, and even to a concerted scheme of seizing
the vezir's person. It was even suspected that the
unexpected dismissal of the eight thousand troo-
pers, and the appearance of the vast crowds of
Moguls, and other disbanded soldiers, who arrived
daily from Azim-abad Patna, and paraded every
where armed, about the streets, and especially at
the palace of Mahomed Amin-khan, the paymaster-
general, and of Amir-jumlah and Khan Dowran,
were measures preparatory to the seizure of the

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SIVA R-UL-MUTAKH ERIN. 129

minister. Abdullah-khan at last began to think
so himself/ and giving way to his apprehensions,
he ordered his quarter of the city and his palace
to be put in a state of defence, causing a number
of troops to be raised for the purpose. His nephew,
Gheiret-khan, who had just been appointed fojdar
of Narnole, and who had quitted the city with a
strong party to take possession, having heard of
these rumours, returned, and took lip his quarters
round his uncle's palace, not only with what troops
he had with him, but also with some new levies
which he collected on the way, chiefly composed
of a lai^e body of Seids of Barha, who flocked into
the city on hearing that the vezir, whom they looked
upon not only as their countryman but also as their
kinsman, was in danger. Such terror was spread
among Abdullah-khan's friends, that they fortified
themselves in his palace or in his neighbourhood,
and sat upon their elephants the whole day, ready
for battle, and stood to their arms the whole night.
But what looked very singular was, that at such a
moment of suspicion, Amir-jumlah, at a loss what to
do himself, sought an asylum with Mahomed Amir-
khan, after having rendered himself not only odious
but even contemptible towards him by his thought*
less behaviour. Notwithstanding this pusillanimous
conduct, Amir-jumlah harboured thoughts of con-
tending against such men as Hussein Ali-khan and

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130 SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

the yezir Abdullah-khan. Amidst all these in**
trigues, the emperor, who felt hiis own inability as
well as his faTOurite'a incapacity, undertook to put
an end to them by discarding Amir-junilab. He
was accordingly dismissed to his native country
of Multan, and Serbelend-khan appointed to his
government of Azimabad Patna. These steps pro-
duced no conviction in the mind of discerning men
of the emperor's real intentions towards the S^s;
for his want of sincerity was now so publicly known,
and suspicions had taken so deep root, that when*
ever he went out a hunting, or the least motion was
observed in his household, a report was instantly
spread that the vezir was seized. No wonder then
that that minister continued to raise troops and to
prepare for his defence.

This year, which was marked by so many tnra*
bles and feuds, became also memorable by tbib
demise of the venerable Assed*khan, that wise
Azof of the state, who had' been so long prime
minister to Aurengzib. He departed this life,
after having completed the ninety-fifth year of a
life full of merit and virtue, in the sixth year of
A.H. 1129. Ferokh-siar's reign, and in the eleven hundred and
twenty-ninth of the Hegira. He may be said to
have been the last member of that ancient nobility,
which had conferred so much honour on the em-
pire. He had every qualification that can con-

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A.D. 1716.

SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 131

stitute a character equally eminent in public, and
amiable in private life; of a pladd temper, and
of a benignity of disposition so engaging, that to
this day his name is affectionately remembered by
all who knew him. Without ever having stooped
to any nobles of the recent courts, he lived with
dignity and splendour to the very last, preserving
uninterruptedly great influence throughout every
part of the empire ; and to his immortal honour be
it said, he never ceased to employ his credit as
well as his purse, in conferring obligations on any
one that presented himself, whether a friend or
stranger. May God Almighty be merciful unto
his soul. Amen. It is well known that the proper
name of that venerable noble was Ibrahim, and
that of his son Ishmael. The latter was no other
than that same Zulficar-khan so unjustly murdered
by Ferokh-siar's order, in the beginning of his
reign* People well remembered, that the son, being
unwilling to submit to the new emperor, and fully
able to maintain his own independence, allowed
his father's entreaties to prevail. He was thus
totally subdued by the weight of paternal authority,
which engaged him to lay aside all thoughts of
opposition, and to repair to Ferokh-siar's head-
quarters.

Long before this venerable man's demise, the
emperor, whose misfortune it was never to discern

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132 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKnERIN.

real merit, and who now repented of his harshness,
endeavoured to make reparation to that noble
family . He himself wondered at his own conduct;
the more so, as he now felt deeply the fatal con-
sequences of it. On hearing that Assed-khan was
upon his death-bed, he sent a person to pay him a
visit of condolence on his part, and to address him
in these terms. " It is a pity that we should have
not been at first sensible of all the merits of your
illustrious family, and that such fatal ignorance
should have brought about a mournful event, that
ought never to have happened. Now we repent,
and lament and sob, but all these come too late,
and prove of no avail. Nevertheless, such is the
high opinion we have conceived of your eminent
character, and such is the perplexity of our situ-
ation, that we flatter ourselves that you will not
deny us your advice as to what we are to do with
the Seids." The venerable old man, ajfter having
attentively listened to the message, answered in a
mild tone of voice : ** You have committed a very
great error ; the destiny of my son was fulfilled,
and you were yourself under the impulse of fate ;
but now the day of retribution seems at hand, you
are full in its way ; and I much fear, that fix)m the
appearance of the general disaffection throughout
your kingdom, ruin sits beneath the columns of the
throne of Timur. You have unfortunately given

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SJYAll-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 133

up your authority into the hands of the Seids, it is
too late to retrace your steps ; spare nothing now
to keep them satisfied, lest these dissensions should
give birth to greater evils, and reduce you to the
necessity of suffering the reins of government to
slip absolutely out of your hands."

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134 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIR^.

CHAPTER II.

Nothing could be wiser than the dying noble^
man's advice ; but it made only a momentary im-
pression on the emperor, who continued as thought-
less as ever. Eternally importuned by courtiers
equally imprudent and ambitious, he conferred on
their friends most of the subordinate offices of the
Deckan, to the great dissatisfaction of Hussein
Ali-khan, the viceroy, who looked upon all those
appointments not only as encroachments on his
privileges as minister, but as even dangerous to his
safety. Hussein Ali*khan therefore set them aside
with fair words, and advanced his own dependents
to all offices of trust : a line of conduct that did
not fail to render him more obnoxious at court*
Nor was Abdullah-khan, the other brother, more
scrupulous. His deputy. Rattan Chand, proud of
his master's influence, interfered with the public
accounts, despite of the crown officers, whose pro-
vince it was to keep them. Even the head of the
khalisah office, who is properly speaking the mini-
ster of finance, or accomptant-general, had become
a mere cypher, and 'all affi^irs of revenue passed
through the hands of Rattan Chand, who in a few
hours' time could transact business to the amount

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SIFAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 135

of several corores. He also put up for rent all the
crown-lands. Conduct so overbearing could< not
but embarrass both Ehtesam-khan, who was at the
head of the khalisah office, and the Ray Rayan,
who was inspector-general of the troops. These
two officers were of different parties, the former
inclining to the emperor, and the latter to the
vezir; but they at last both sent in their resigna-
tions : so that those two offices were vacant, when
Enaiet-uUah-khan suddenly made his appearance
at court. This nobleman, who had fallen into
disgiace in the first year of the emperor's reign,
had gone on pilgrimage to Mecca, from whence he
BOW returned. He had acquired a great character
for acuteness and fidelity, in the several offices he
had held in the reigns of Aurengzib and Bahadur-
shah. The emperor was well pleased with the
arrival of a man of talents, attached to no party, of
whom he could avail himself to remedy the dis<^
orders occasioned by Amir-jumlah; and he was
now conscious how imprudent he had been in de*
stroying the ancient nobility. The emperor reoeiv«
ing the resignation of Ehtesam-khan, conferred oh
him the government of Cashmir, and appointed
£naiet-ullah«khan to be his successor in the Deck**
an. The latter evinced mifoh reluctance to hold
two offices,' the duties of which, he conceived, he
could not discharge to his own or to his master's

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136 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

satisfaction, so long as Abdullah*klian or his depoty
should continue to carry every thing with a high
hand ; nor was Rattan Chand himself pleased to
see a man appointed to so high an office under him,
whose severity he had more than once experienced
in Aurengzib's reign.

This disagreement was put an end to by Yeklas-
khan, a Hindu convert, who, though professedly
attached to the two Seids, was too little pleased
with the complexion of the times to accept of
office himself. He lived a retired life, solely occu-
pied in writing, by the emperor's order, the history
of his time, under the title of Ferokh-siar Nama.
This nobleman having connexions with both par-
ties, proposed the following expedient, viz. that
Enaiet-uUah-khan should promise that he would
never propose any thing to the emperor without
having first consulted Abdullah-khan. There were
also two more stipulations : the first, that Rattan
Chand should not interfere in Enaiet-ullah-khan's
office; the second, that Abdullah-khan himself
should be more assiduous in the discharge of his
duty as vezir, as the only means of preventing the
clamours of many persons, whose business was at a
stand for want of his seal or signature. It was
agreed also that Abdullah-khan should repair twice
a week at least to the castle, where he should sit
in state ready to hear petitions and to redress com-

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SIFAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 137

plaints. The vezir complied for some time ; but
he was so averse to the emperor's presence, and so
addicted to women and devoted to every species of
licentiousness, that he soon relapsed into his for-«
mer habits, and had no time to spare for public
business.

Whilst the minister's conduct left every thing to
take its course, Enaiet*ullah-*khan increased the
discontent, by a severity, of which his discernment
ought to have pointed out the inexpediency and
danger. Without sufficiently attending to the com-
plexion of the times, he proposed to the emperor to
enforce certain laws» relative to the capitulation*
tax on Hindus. The court and palace were full
of eunuchs, Hindus, and Gashmirians, who had
availed themselves of the inattention of the vezir's
administration, to obtain exorbitant salaries^ to
engross the best estates, and to disappoint the
pretensions of those who aspired to such emolu-
ments on better titles. The minister of finance
now proposed, that part of those exorbitant grants
and salaries should be resumed or altogether abo-
lished, and part reduced to such limits, as were
according to precedent in the imperial records.
These two proposals proved so disagreeable to
Rattan Chand, and to all the pillagers of the public
wealth, that they complained to Abdullah-khan.
To him likewise they proved equally unwelcome ;

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188 SITAR-UL-MUTAKH£RIN.

and all the sufferers by these arrangements writing
against the author of the reforms, a coolness arose
which displayed itself in daily bickerings, and
which terminated in mutual disgust between the
vezir and the minister. At length an open rupture
ensued on the following occasion.

A Hindu, who farmed some crown-lands, was
found indebted to the treasury in a large amount
fiMT which he was put under restraint, notwith-
standing the repeated applications of Rattan Chand
for his enlargement ; at length the defaulter cor-
rupted his guards, and made his escape to Rattan
Chand's house, where he was protected. Eniaet-
ulljah-khan having represented the matter to the
emperor, induced him to send a detachment of the
palace-guard to fetch the delinquent ; but Rattan
Chand's people defending themselves, the emperor
commanded the vezir to dismiss his deputy, which
he promised to do, though without any intention of
complying with the order. The main subject of
dissention, however, was the afiair of Churamon
Jatt. He was a powerful zemindar in the neigh-
bourhood of Acberabad, of a family which at sdl
times had proved so troublesome, that several em-
perors had been constrained to march against his
ancestors in person, and to bring them under sub-
jection. Churamon had himself been once chastised
for his refractory conduct, and becoming trouble-

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ipcemoer,
.D.1717.

SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 139

^some again, the emperor in the beginning of Shewal shewai,
in the year 1129, appointed the Raja Jye-sing September,
Sevay to reduce him. On this oecasiQn the em-
peror.promoted Jye-sing to a higher milita:ry rank,
and presented him -mih an elephant, a suit of
jewels, and some lacs of rupees. After his depart
ture, he dispatched to his assistance a large body
of troops under the command of Seid*khan Jehan,
brother of the vezir Seid Abdullah-khan. It wai
after the Raja Jye^sing having arrived before the
Jatt's fortress, had carried his trenches close to the
place and had sustained a great loss, that this rein-
forcement arrived. The new general being young
and fiery, disapproved of the slowness of this mode
of attack, and made several assaults^ but they
proved so unsuccessful, that the camp Mras sooii
fall of wounded men. The fort, however, after
having been at length besieged a whole year, and
suffering great distress from the want of supplies,
coiild resist no longer. Thus situated, Churamon
Jatt wrote to his agent at court> to apply to the
vezir AbduUah-khah, offering to submit, to send a
peshkesh or present of ^ money, and to attend at
court, should the emperor be pleased to overlook
his past conduct; but under the express condi-
tions, that the negotiation should not be conducted
through Raja Jye-sing, and that he should not be
permitted to have any share in concluding the

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140 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN,

treaty. This was no sooner communicated to the
vezir, than Jye-sing receiving advice of it, was
incensed at the insult offered to him. He quitted
the army and repaired to court, and imparted his
own resentment into the mind of the emperor, who
conceived his dignity was also compromised in the
affair. In addition to this, Churamon Jatt himself
arrived a few days after at the capital, and took up
his residence close to the vezir's palace. After all
these provocations, he had the assurance to present
himself before the emperor, who detesting his
person, refused to see him. The emperor seemed
greatly affected by the turn which this affair had
taken, especially at the present time, when nothing
but disagreeable news were daily arriving from the
Deckan, where disturbances had broken out, which
threatened to involve the emperor and the empire
in their consequences.

In that quarter Hussein Ali-khan, the vezir's
brother, was at the head of a victorious army. He
had gone to Aurengabad, the capital of his govern-
ment, where he was occupied in introducing order,
when he heard from the Candeish, that Kandu*
behary, one of the principal Mahratta generals in
the Raja Sahu's service, was committing excesses
in that province. It is to be observed, that although
that country was included within the viceroyalty
of the Deckan, yet it, as well as many other [wro-

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SIVAR-UL-MUTAKHERTN. 141

vinces of that extensive country, had a Mahratta
officer residing there, upon nearly an equal footing
with the imperial governor himself, and whose
business it was to collect on his sovereign's part
the chouty or fourth part of the gross revenue, which
had been allotted to him by former treaties. This
impost had been extended throughout the Deckan
ten or twelve years after the demise of the emperor
Aurengzib, at a time of civil war, and when the
princes of the imperial court, fully occupied by
their own intestine broils, had no time to attend to
the affairs of those distant parts. This Mahratta
general having lined the road from Boorhanpoor to
Surat, the principal sea-port of India, with a
number of mud forts into which he had thrown
garrisons, was in the habit of stopping merchants
and whole caravans and exacting from them one-
fourth of the customs ; to which exactions if they
submitted all was well : else he used to cause the
caravans to be plundered on the way, and the
merchants to be detained till they were ransomed.
Such arbitrary proceedings having created a general
clamour against him, the viceroy despatched his
general, Zulficar-beg, at the head of a force of
eight thousand men, cavalry and infantry, to put
an end to these extortions. This general having
got with some difficulty over the passes beyond
Aurengabad, was marching in that tract of hilly

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142 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

country which bounds Candeish in the direction of
Surat, when he fell in with Kandu-behary at the
head of eight or nine thousand veterans, all cavalry
and effective men, but whose numbers bad been
swelled by local recruits to as many as fifteen or
sixteen thousand. The troops came in sight of each
other on the confines of Baglana, at about seventy
coss westward of Aurengabad. Zulficar*beg im-
mediately prepared to attack the Mahratta, but he
choosing to fight only on his own terms, declined
the combat ; and continued to retreat until he had
drawn his enemy into a difficult country, full of
underwood and uneven ground. In vain Zulficar*
beg*s intelligencers warned their master against
engaging the Mahrattas on this spot, but confident
of his soldiers, and to the full as wreckless as the
body of Seids of Barha that followed him, he fell
upon the enemy, and killed a number of those
uncircumcised unbelievers, whom he sent to the
regions of hell. The Mahrattas, according to cus-
tom, gave way on all sides, their general seeming
to fly likewise, with no more than five hundred
men. This manoeuvre was calculated to draw the
Mussulmans further and further into the strong
country, which obliged them to separate into small
distinct parties, disunited from each other by ra-
vines and coppices. This was precisely the object
which Kandu-behary had in view, for as soon as

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIK. 143

he saw his enemies entangled within such a net,
he secured the few passes by which they might
escape, and having attacked them simultaneously
on all sides, he slew their general and killed or
wounded every one that fell in his way. The
massacre lasted for some time, when those that
survived, after delivering up their horses, arms and
cloths, were made prisoners.

So disgraceful a defeat affected the viceroy
deeply, who appointed Raja Mohcam-sing, his
minister, with an army of veteran troops to avenge
his honour, supported by another detachment
under the command of his own younger brother,
Seif-ed-din Ali-khan, whom he appointed to the
government of Boorhanpoor. The two generals,
who had orders to act in concert, were resolved to
put an end to the Mahrattas. Kandu-behary, who
had no inclination to fight on such disadvantageous
terms, retreated southward with all his people,
whom he placed in several strong-holds of the
Sahu-raja's dominions. As to his mud forts, as
soon as one of them was besieged, it was directly
evacuated, but no sooner had the troops marched
away than the garrison returned. And although
Mohcam Sing defeated and dispersed another body
of freebooters, that advanced from Ahmednagar in
quest of booty, and pursued it to the gates of Sat-^
tara, yet Zulficar-beg's defeat and death remained
unrevenged.

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144 SIVAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN'.

, Such a disgrace affected the viceroy s reputa-
tion and the credit of his government. The Deck-
anies, at all times an unruly people, were now
become sensible of the intestine feuds between
their viceroy and the emperor, and had in conse-
quence become refractory and rebellious. This
disposition was not a little encouraged by letters
from court, where not only the raja of Sattara, but
also all the crown servants and subordinate gover-
nors of the Deckan were directed to refuse obedi-
ence to Hussein Ali-khan's authority, and to do
all in their power to ruin and destroy him. These
secret orders excited resistance, and although, at
this very time, Mubariz-khan, governor of the
ancient kingdom of Hydrabad, had submitted to
the viceroy, yet neither was that kingdom nor Bija-
poor and Camatic brought under complete sub-
jection. The viceroy sensible of his situation, and
feeling that the orders from court were calculated
to undermine him, silently refused to admit the
divans, or superintendants . of finances, that were
sent to him daily from court, to enter on their
duties, and he either tired them out vnth delays,
or cut them short with a flat refrisal.

These differences between the viceroy and the
court, the foundations of that order, which the war-
like and victorious Aurengzib had been at so much
pains to establish, in countries where he had passed

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SIYAR-UL-BIUTAKHERIN. 145

SO great a portion of his life, and where he had ex-
pended all the treasures amassed by the emperor
Shah Jehan his father. With infinite labour and
personal toil Aurengtzib had, during five and twenty
years, wrested thirty or forty strong-holds out of
the hands of the Mahrattas, and reduced the gar-
risons to take shelter in other fastnesses. During
some years after his death intestine wars distracted
the attention of his successors, and Bahadur-shah,
who at last mounted the throne, having chosen for
his residence the city of Lahore, a place remote
from the centre of his empire, and still farther from
the Deckan, that country became the scene of
disorder. The Mahrattas availed themselves of
this circumstance to rush out of their fastnesses,
and to spread themselves over the neighbouring
provinces, and by degrees they not only recovered
several of their strong-holds, but committed such
ravages on the imperial territories, as induced the
viceroys to redeem them from total alienation by
submitting to pay a yearly tribute of one full
quarter of the revenue, under the appellation of
chout, while those districts that refused to bend
under so disgraceful a yoke, were subjected every
year to all the ravages of fire and sword. Not
but that the Mahrattas met with a vigorous resist-
ance in some particular stations, from whence after
a blockade pf some length they retired with loss,

VOL. I- L

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146 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

but they departed only to return again. This state
of eternal warfare had tired out even the Mahrattas
themselves, and at so early a period as the latter
end of Aurengzib's reign, Rana Bye, the relict of
Ram Raja, had solicited that prince to put an end
to the miseries of mankind by granting her the
ser des-muk'hy* in liisu of all other claims* This
proposal included a tenth of the tevenue of the six
provinces that composed the viceroyalty of Deckan*
To this Aurengzib refused to accede. Matters
remained in this state until the time of Daud-khan
Peny who governed all those countries as lieute-
nant of the vezir Zulficar-khan. The Mahrattas
entertained the highest respect for him, and he
lived in amity with them. It was at length agreed
that the Mahrattas should henceforward abstain
from any demands on such tracts and territories as

* The Des-muk'h^ literally Chief of the district, was an here-
ditary office throughout India under the Hindu government,
and in the local or modem appdlations of Dessavi, Nat Gour^
Natumkur, Naidu, Dessye^ Des-muk'h, and Zemindar, we
recognize the same person, from Ceylon to Cashmire, at the pre*
sent day. The local officers recdved a portion of the revenue
in money or in kind. The Mahomedans eemmuted such fee^
by giving up to them waste land abandoned through excess of
taxation. The Mahrattas had, long ere this period, imposed
this tax in great part of the Deckan held by the Mahomedans.
They demanded the same for the remainder, on the plea of their
raja being the head of the Des-muk'hs, or hereditary Hindu
district chiefs, to this claim they gave in consequence the appel-
lation of Ser Des-mukliy.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 147

were held by the princes of the royal blood, but
that all those districts belonging to the grandees of
the court, or any others, should pay chout to
Hiramon as lieutenant of Daud-khan Peny, with-
out the interference of the Mahrattas.

This agreement, though intended to put an end
to all other pretensions, gave birth to an infinity of
disputes, which usually ended in bloodshed ; and
under the government of Nizam-ul-mulk, which
lasted no more than one year and some months, the
chout, which had been hitherto levied by mutual
agreement, wa& raised in that way. He defeated
the Mahrattas once in a pitched battle, and took
from them a vast number of mares and two or
three elephants, which last he sent to the emperor,
under the care of Mirza Beg. This viceroy, who
was a man of vigour, was succeeded by Hussein
Ali-khan, whose attention was wholly diverted by
the machinations at court ; which, by perpetually
exciting the raja of Sattara, and by encouraging
the rajas • and governors of those distant parts
against him, effectually marred every measure he
adopted to suppress the Mahratta encroachments.
Unsupported by his master, whose designs against
his family he had every reason to dread, and desi-
rous to strengthen himself against his enemies, he
eventually came to Kn agreement with the Mahrat-
tas on the following conditions: that, over and

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148 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

above what had been agreed to under Daud-khan
Peny's administration^ the Mahrattas should be
entitled to the ser des-muk'hy, being a tenth of
all the revenues of the six and a half provinces of
the Deckan, and that the Mahratta generals, Jes-
went Row and Chimnajy Appa, should reside at
Aurengabad, at the head of a body of veteran troops,
near the viceroy's person, as deputies from the raja
of Sattara, in whose name they should collect their
chout from the Jaghirdars, as well as the ser des-
muk'hy rights from the ryots or cultivators.

In consequence of this treaty, the pillage and
massacre that had so long desolated the Deckan
ceased for a time, and the inhabitants began to
enjoy tranquillity ; but still the task of collector of
the revenue became troublesome, complicated, and
pregnant with difficulty. He was now obliged to
deal with three distinct offices: the collector of
the imperial revenue, the collector of the chout,
and the collector of the ser des-muk'hy. Hussein
Ali-khan, after the ratification of this treaty, and
after admitting the Mahrattas into all the cities of
jhis immense government, sent notice of it to the
emperor, for his approval. The emperor, instigated
by those nearest his person, rejected the treaty as
highly derogatory to his honour, being calculated
to support that spirit of independence with which
its author was supposed to be infected. At the

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sdme time he appointed Jan-nisar-khan to be the
viceroy's lieutenant in the province of Candeish*
The emperor on dismissing him presented him with
a splendid dress of honour, an elephant, and some
jewels. This was in public ; but in a private audience
he charged him with some advice for Hussein Ali»
khan, in hopes that as Jan-nisar-khan was regarded
as the uncle of the latter, he might by the weight
of his authority prevail on his nephew to behave with
more respect to the emperor. This happened in the
sixth year of his reign, which answers to the years
1130 of the Hegira. Mahomed Amir-khan was a.h. ]]30.

A TJ 1717

at the same time appointed to the viceroyalty of * *
Malwa ; on the frontiers of which he was to receive
his patent, and to convey a letter of recal for Raja
Jye-sing Sevay. The general opinion at court was
that he had been dispatched upon a very different
errand; a rumour which induced Jan-nisar-khan
to halt on the Nerbedda, with hardly any thing
more than his usual retinue. He was too prudent
to risk his person by appearing without a body of
troops on the frontiers of the province to which he
had been appointed, and where it was doubtful
whether he would be acknowledged. On the other
hand, Mahomed Amir-khan advanced to Seronj,
the first great town of Malwa. A report now spread
throughout the Deckan that Mahomed Amir-khan
was marching to Aurengabad, at the head of fifty

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160 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKUERIN.

thousand horse, and that his vanguard of eight
thousand cavalry had been pushed forward under
Jan-nisar-khab. This piece of intelligence having
been circulated in that great city by the news-
writers,* with which all capitals swarm, at last
impressed the viceroy himself with apprehensions.
His doubts, however, vanished, on the receipt of a
letter from Jan-nisar-khan himself, who requested
a small number of troops to escort him through
certain narrow and difficult passes, where a free-
booter of the name of Santa -f was plundering on
his own private account, independent of the raja
of Sattara, his master. The escort was sent, and
Jan-nisar-khan immediately waited on the viceroy.
Hussein Ali-khan, who felt that Candeish vras the
frontier most open to invasion from the side of the

* In the absence of the art of printings it becomes necessary
for all persons at the head of establishments^ whether mercan-
tile or political^ to have constant information of all changes
whatsoever that may take place in large cities, and where all
depended so much on political intrigues the necessity appears
the greater. Such is the case in all the cities of India under the
native governments, where news-writers reside as agents. The
practice is of very old standing in the East, and a reference to
files of these newspapers would lead to the development of
some of the most interesting events in the annals of India.

t Iliis was Santaji Kadam Bandy, whose fiunily still hold
some small estates in Candeish. The Gykwar of Baroda, and
Holker of Indore, are descended from chiefs who were follow-
ers of the Bandy family^ whose Aag they use at the present
day.

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court, did not choose to confide it to a chief of the
emperor's recommendation ; but as, on the other
hand, he had a high r^^ard for Jan*^nisar-khan,
he paid him every kind of respect, and welcomed
him on his arrival with several very rich presents.
Three other persons of importance now arrived
from court, with letters-patent for two of the
highest offices in the Deckan. These were Zia-
ed-din-khan, a Persian by birth, and a sherifi* of
Khorassan, who on the death of Dianet^khan,
nephew to Amanet-khan, had been appointed to
the office of divan, or receiver-general of the
finances in the Deckan. The two others were
Jelal-rcd-din-khan, appointed divan of Bur|ian-
poor, and Feiz-uUahrkhan appointed paymaster
of the forces. Zia-ed-din-khan, who was furnished
with a letter of recommendation from the vezir
Abdullah-khan, was permitted to take possession
of his office, where he had the prudence always to
act in conformity with the viceroy's wishes, and to
satisfy him. Jelal-ed-din-khan had for some time
the superintendance of Berar instead of Gandeish;
but as to the paymaster of the forces, the viceroy
did not even vouchsafe to return his salute. This
latter piece of intelligence, having soon found its
way to court, raised the emperor's indignation, but
without occasioning any change in his mode of
life, or inducing him to conceal from the public

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eye the infamous vices to which he was strongly
addicted. It was at this time one Mahomed Murad,,
a Cashmirian, universally held in abomination for
his vicious propensities, was presented to Saheb-
el-nissa, the empress mother, and by her to her
son, who gave him a private audience. This man
said that he had thought of a variety of plans for
seizing Abdullah-khan, and for destroying his
brother Hussein Ali-khan, without having recourse
to open force. This advice was grateful to the
emperor, who being too timid to adopt any vigour-
ous measures, was glad to hear of an expedient to
circumvent his enemies, and he increased his
affection towards his new associate in proportion
to the importance of his advice. He changed lus
name to that of Etikad-khan, and being himself
strongly addicted to the same vicious practices, he
henceforward became the king's bosom friend.

This man ingratiated himself deeper and deeper
into the emperor's good graces : titles and dignities
and honours were showered upon him : his titles
were lengthened into those of Etikad-khan Ferokh-
shahy Rukn-ed-doulah.* To these titles were su-
peradded the military grade of commander of
seven thousand horse, with the full pay and com-
mand of ten thousand. He received besides daily

* Le, The confidential noble of the court of Ferokh-sfaah^
die prq> of the state.

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presents of great value, consisting of jewels of
exquisite beauty, and the most curious and costly
stuffs from the emperor's wardrobe. Meanwhile
as the emperor every day held council with his
new favourite, it was at last agreed that three
persons should be sent for to court, viz. Serbelend-
khan from his government of Azimabad Patna,
Nizam-ul-mulk, from Muradabad, and Raja Ajit
Sing from Guzerat, all men of talents and military
character, whom it was intended to gain over
against the ministers by promising them the highest
offices of the empire. But hardly had Nizam-ul-
mulk arrived, when his government of Muradabad,
together with the rich estate he enjoyed in that
province, were both transferred to the favourite
Etikad-khan, and the name of Muradabad wras
changed to that of Rukn-abad, and the whole
bestowed upon him as an estate. The emperor,
however, reflecting on the impolicy of disobliging
powerful men, attempted to make amends to the
Hindu prince by conferring on him the title of
Maharaja, and by pointing out to him superior dig-
nities, if the emperor should effect the destruction
of the two Seids. The Hindu prince, aware of
the emperor's character, declined taking any con-
cern in such an affair, and reflecting on the inno-
cence, and the great power of the two brothers, he
became the vezir Abdullah-khan's bosom-friend.

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154 SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

As to Nizam*ul-mulk and Serbelend-khan, who
had come so far under the promises of being pro-
moted to the high offices of vezir and commander-
in-chief, they were not only disappointed, but even
lost the governments they had hitherto enjoyed.
Their surprise and discontent knew no bounds,
but having set their hearts on those offices, they
supplicated his majesty to entrust the vizarat to
either of his faithful servants, if he wished to get
rid of Abdullah-khan. To this resolute proposal
the emperor made this memorable answer : ^' I
know no man fitter for vezir than Etikad-khan."
There were then at court several great chiefs, both
of Iranian* and Turanian extraction, all men of
known character and enterprise; but so soon as
any of them proposed to rid the emperor of the
two Seids, on condition of having the vizarat, he
was immediately saluted by these ridiculous words :
*' I know no man fitter for vezir than Etikad-
khan." What made all those nobles so forward in
ofiering their services at this moment, was the
favourable opportunity afforded by the approaching
feast of the korban, or sacrifice, when the whole
city would go out beyond the suburbs, to pray in
the open fields. The retinues and troops brought
by those two chiefs, and by the Hindu princes,
added to those always attending the emperor's
* Iran signifying Persia ; Turan^ Choraaoiia.

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person 9 could not amount to less than seventy
or eighty thousand cavalry, whilst it was well
known that the vezir Abdullah-khan had no more
than four or five thousand retainers about his
person ; at all events it is certain, that on that very
day a report prevailed throughout the city, that
Abdullah-khan was going to be arrested or slain:
In spite of all these circumstances nothing was
done by the emperor, and not a man raised his
voice. The reports but served to put AbduUali-khan
upon his guard, and he who had hitherto admit-
ted none but Seids around his person, now ordered
twenty-five thousand horse to be raised forthwith,
without any distinction of country or nation. Ac-
counts of these proceedings reached the ears of
Hussein Ali-khan, viceroy of the Deckan, who im-
pressed with well-founded apprehensions for the
safety of his brother, and his family, resolved to
postpone every other object, and quitting the
Deckan to march to the capital, where he resolved
to remove all doubts for the future, by not quitting
Dehli without crushing all his enemies.

This design having taken possession of his mind,
he recollected one Moiz-ed-din, a neglected young
man now at the raja of Sattara's court, who
passed for a son of the prince Acber, the youngest
son of the emperor Aurengzib. He sent an escort
to bring him, and caused him to enter the city of

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166 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIir*

Aurengabad with a pompous train, but in such a
manner that no one should distinguish his features.
This event formed a paragraph in one of his dis-^
patches to the emperor, and instructions were de-
manded as to the treatment of this young man.
Hussein Ali^khan added also a private request that
he might be allowed to quit his station and to
repair to the capital, on account of his health,
which he stated was much impaired by his resi-
dence in the Deckan, as well as by the fatigues of
continual and laborious campaigns. These letters
alarmed the emperor. His natural timidity in-
stantly evinced itself, and in order to remove his
own uneasiness, at a time when one of the brothers
was coming to the city with a powerful army,
whilst the other was enlisting men on all sides, he
resolved to effect an accommodation with so power-
ful a family. He therefore sent the Hindu prince^
Ajit Sing, to convey an apology to Abdullah-khan,
and as the messenger was known to profess sin-
cerity to both parties, he soon found means to
effect a reconciliation. To confirm this good un-
derstanding, which took place at the end of the
month of Sheval, the emperor left the citadel
accompanied by his favourite Etikad-khan and his
minister Khan Douran, and went in state to pay a
visit to Abdullah-khan. When there, he swore that
henceforward he would be his sincere friend ; but

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such was the insincerity of the king's disposition,
that he never continued in the same mind for any
length of time ; at one time submitting quietly to
events and assuming dissimulations, at another
resolving to come to extremities with the Seids,
and making them feel the weight of his resentment.
This conduct of the emperor influenced the differ-
ent opinions of his confidents and favourites, who
being alike pusillanimous with himself, discouraged
even men of resolution from coming forward, who
were ready to execute the most difficult orders. The
latter, jealous of the vile set of low associates who
had the emperor's ear, refused to have any concern
with them, so that they withdrew one after another,
AiU of indignation and disgust. The very men whom
the emperor had sent for from afar, in order to
strengthen his hands, had lost their employments,
and now remained neglected and unthought of ;
as was the case with Serbelend-khan and Nizam-
ul-mulk^ who had come upon his pressing invi-
tations and his express commands, on the faith of
promises given in his own hand-writing. These
two generals, joined by Mubariz-el-mulk and the
Rajah Jye Sing Sevay, went at length to the em-
peror, and proposed that Abdullah-khan should
be dismissed from office forthwith, as success de-
pended upon acting openly; after which, he, as
well as his younger brother, might easily be

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168 SIYAR-tJL-MUTAKHERIN.

crushed. In that case the cabal undertook either
to prevail on the two brothers to submit quietly,
or to put them down by force. So bold a propo-
sition did not rouse the emperor. He continued
to listen to his favourite Etikad-khan's advice, and
disappointed and disgusted the two generals, as we
have already said ; he moreover now took a rich
estate from Serbelend-khan, and bestowed it upon
Amir-jumlah, that chief who had already effected
the ruin of Assed-khan's family, and who was now«
working hard for destroying the empire itself. The
emperor on returning to his palace sent for Ekhlass-
khan, a nobleman whose intimate connexion with
the two Seids was well known, and he commis-
sioned him to appease Abdullah-khan's mind, so
as to induce him to restrain from exciting troubles
at the capital, and to prevent hils brother from
quitting the Deckan. It was reported that the
latter was already in full march, and that he had
already sent his younger brother Seif-ed-din Ali-
khan to Burhanpoor, at the head 6f a body of
four or five thousand cavalry, with orders to pre-
pare troops and a train of artillery. He had been
roused by the rumours that were abroad in the
capital, and he resolved to march, when he re-
ceived intelligence that the emperor had gone to
visit Abdullah-khan, in. order to bury the past in
oblivion and to swear eternal fHendship to the

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family. These contrary reports perplexed his mind,
and determined him to wait for further advices from
the capital. He was in this state of suspense, when
to his amazement he received a pressing letter from
Abdullah-khan, requesting his assistance without a
moment's delay. At the same time the general re-
port at Aurengabad was, that his brother the vezir
was reduced to extremities at the capital. There
was therefore not a moment to lose, if he wanted to
save him froni destrudaoo. What added greatly
to his embarrassment, was an answer to his appli-
cation for leave to this effect ; viz. that it might be
better for him to repair to Ahmedabad in Guzerat,
where his presence was required, if he on]y wanted
change of air, else he might come to the capital,
where his majesty would see him with pleasure.
This reply was accompanied by an order to send
to court the reputed son of prince Acber. Whilst
Hussein Ali-khan was preparing for his journey,
his brother Abdullah-khan wajs enlisting troops at
the capital. In this he was greatly aided by the
distress which all the troops, including those of
the househdd, suffered for want of pay. Full
nine months' arrears were due to them, whether
in consequence of Abdullah-khan'» neglect, or
through his own contrivance. They had received
nothing in that long time, and their discontent had
risen to excess, but they had no one to direct it.

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160 SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

or to lead them to action : so that Abdullah-khan's
levies soon amounted to full twenty thousand
cavalry*

Serbelend-khan was by this time reduced to
extreme necessity. He had been at all times im-
pnidept; his estate had been lately taken from
him, and he had spent all his ready money in
supporting the troops he had brought with him,
which were now persecuting him for their arrears.
Driven to despair by demands which he could not
otherwise satisfy, he had resolved to get rid of the
clamours of his followers, and of the persecution of
his creditors, by abandoning to them his elephants,
horses, equipage, furniture, and jewels; after which
he intended to put on a religious garb, and to turn
hermit. Nor was Nizam-ul-mulk in better circum-
stances : that general, who had been sent for to
court, with such pressing invitations and under a
solemn promise of succeeding the vezir, had not
only been disappointed, but he had also lost the
rich estate he possessed ; and he had the mortifi-
cation to see it bestowed on Etikad-khan, the new
favourite, of whom the emperor was so fond that
he seemed to have eyes and ears only for him.
The vezir took advantage of these circumstances,
and induced the two generals, by dint of entreaties,
to come to his palace. When they arrived, he
sent for Serbelend-khan's military officers and his

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SIYAR UL-MUTAKHERIN. 161

Other creditors, and paid them out of his own
private treasury. He moreover recommended him
for the government of Cabul then vacant. He also
gave Nizam-ul-mulk hopes that he should shortly
be appointed to the government of Malwa. It was
at this time that Mahomed Amir-khan arrived
suddenly at court from Malwa, virithout leave or
without letters of recall. He had advanced only
as far as Seronj, when receiving no further instruc-
tions from court, and hearing that Hussein AH
khan, viceroy of the Deckan, was on his march to
the capital, he returned to Dehli. The emperor was
so incensed that he would not see him, but dis-
missed him from his service. Abdullah-khan no
sooner heard of this than he sent for him, and bv
dint of persuasion and flattery gained him over to
his party; and he was so successful that Khan
Douran himself, who in conjunction with Amir-
jumlah had been so instrumental in fermenting
dissensions against the Seids, now went over to
the vezir's party, and was admitted to share his
councils.

So many desertions perplexed the emperor, who
was every day contriving expedients for having his
revenge. One day the emperor going out with a
hunting party, had agreed on his return to call at
the vezur's ; and as Maharaja Ajit-sing's lodgings
were on the road, and close to that minister's

VOL. I. M

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162 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

palace, it was expected the raja would come out
to make his bow and present his nezer^ in which
case his majesty thought he knight be easily seized,
without the emperor appearing to be privy to the
plot. The Hindu chief, apprehensive of what might
happen, and conscious how much his attachment
to the Seids had rendered him obnoxious to the
empercNT, thought proper to repair to the vezir's
palace. This disappointment affected the emperor's
spirits; and, although part of his retinue was
alrekdy opposite the vezir's, and tiiat minister him-
self had come out and waited for a long time at
the entrance for the moment of paying his respects,
the emperor kept his eyes fixed on the opposite
Mde, and having ordered his bargemea to steer by
the middle of the stream, arrived at his own palace,
without noticing the vezk or his attendants.

Meanwhile Hussein Ali-khan having quitted
Aurengabad^ wtatm full march towards the capital.
Although his araay and camp-followers were nu-
merous, he had made them preserve such strict
discipline, that no man dared to offer the least
violence to any one in the many villages which
every night necessarily became enclosed within his
encampment. One day a country girl, the daughter
of a poor widow, that could hardly subsist, impelled
by the pangs of hunger, came out at night, and was
strolling about the tents in quest of food. A soldier.

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STYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 163

who was then cooking some victuals, asked her whe-
ther she chose to follow any one who would take care
of her. She consented ; and after eating food, fell
asleep close to the man, who overcome by the
fatigues of a long march slept soundly the whole
night, without thinking more of the girl. At day-
break he caused her to be mounted upon a camel,
and sent her on with his baggage. Meanwhile the
widow, who had in vain waited late at night for
her daughter's return, could not obtain a moment
of sleep, but at day-break took post upon a rising
ground, close to which she knew the viceroy would
pass. On descrying his elephant, she screamed
out that her virgin daughter, the only prop of her
widowhood, having strayed last night about the
camp in quest of food, had been enticed away by
some of his people.

The viceroy, affected by the woman's story,
stopped his elephant, halted the line, and after
having sworn that he would neither taste food nor
drink until she was found, he ordered strict search
to be made throughout the whole army. On this
order each commander was enjoined to send a
number of trusty men amidst the ranks, in order
to recover the girl. There are angels always ready
to second the intentions of virtuous men in high
offices. This immense multitude, that equalled
the crowds that will appear at the day of the

M 2

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164 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

judgment, and which moved like the waves of a
sea, presented no obstacle to the investigation, for
after inquiry the man and the girl were both found
and brought before the general.

The latter, turning towards the girl^ asked her
how she came with the camp, and whether her
person had been violated ; the girl answered, that
tired with suffering every day the pangs of hunger,
and the thoughts of famine, she had followed the
soldier of her own free-will, in hopes of putting an
end to her sufferings, but that he had not defiled
her person. The general, on this answer, returned
thanks that he had it in his power to gratify the
disconsolate mother. At the same time he sent
one of his guards with orders not to quit her cot*
tage, until the whole army had passed and was at
a distance.

It has been mentioned that Hussein Ali-khan

had sent his younger brother to Burhanpoor to

^i5^sheiju prepare camp equipage and a train of artillery. It

90 August, was the fifteenth of Sheval, in the year 1131 of

A.D* 1719.

the Hegira, that on receiving intelligence of his
brother's danger he quitted Aurengabad, and

* having tarried only a few days in Candeish to per-

form some pressing business, he commenced his

^S^5' march, in the beginning of Muharrem, in the

Not. seventh year of the emperor's reign, which answers

to the year 1 132 of the Hegu^. He was accom-

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 165

panied by a vast number of persons of distinction,
among whom was a son of his uncle, called the
holy Nawab, whose name was Assed-uUah-khan.
He had also that nobleman's children, together
with Jan-nisar-khani Ekhlass-khan, deputy to
the governor of Berar, Assed Ali-khan, the lame, a
relation of Ali-merdan-khan, Dilere-khan, of Pani-
put, brother of Zakariah-khan Sadik, and Ekhtisas-
khan, nephew of Khan Aalem, as well as Haji
Seif-ullah-khan and Zia-eddin-khan, divan, also
Firoz Ali-khan, one of the most renowned Seids of
Barha. Several Hindu princes likewise accom-
panied him of their own accord, such as Raja Pre-
tab Sing Bundelah, and Raja Mohcam Sing, one of
the principal nobles of the viceroy's court. He
was also attended by all the crown-servants of the
Deckan, some of whom c^me of their own accord,
but others much against their will. His army, as
numerous as the billows of the sea, covered a vast
plain. His cavalry alone, amongst which were ten
or twelve thousand Mahrattas, amounting to full
thirty thousand ; the infantry was innumerable,
for several Deckany mansabdars, or military
officers, who had never moved from their homes,
for either viceroy or prince of the blood, had now
been made to attend. As to the fortresses, some,
like Ahmedns^ar, were occupied by his own
troops, while he left others in the hands of Mah-
rattas.

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166 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIX.

All these arrangements being completed and
some days spent in concluding his business at
Burhanpoor^ he departed, and proceeding by con-
tinuous marches, crossed the river Nerbedda at
Acberpoor. On his arrival at Mandoo, he was met
by Ekhlass-khan, a nobleman who had been sent
by the emperor to Hussein Ali-khan, to prevail
upon him to return to the Deckan. This chieftain
recounted in a private audience, how an accommo-
dation had been twice effected and twice broken ;
how the seeds of dissension seemed to spring up
every where ; how the grandees of the emjMre
were flocking to the capital ; how both Nizam-ul-
mulk and Mahomed Amir-khan continued sullen
in their discontent; and how the emperor was
more than ever attached to Etikad-khan. All these
matters could not fail to render the viceroy anxious
about his brother's fate. He advanced with promp-
titude, and received the homages and compliments
of all the governors and commanders on the road ;
but he had the mortification to find himself slighted
by Mahomed-khan, an officer of character who
commanded at Mandoo in Malwa, whither he had
been sent from court for the purpose of bringing
into subjection the refractory zemindars of that
country ; a service which he had performed with
much credit. This officer having neglected to
visit the viceroy gave great offence, as we shall

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see in the sequel. Whilst the anny was on full
march and encamped near Oojein, news came, that
the emperor intimidated by the viceroy's approach,
had again visited the vezir Abdullah-khan, and had
entered into a fresh treaty with him. He had
solemnly sworn to be henceforward a friend to his
family, and had ended his visit by taking his own
turban from his head, and putting it on that of the
mmister, as a token of indissoluble amity. The
emperor, not content with these protestations,
turned towards Etikad-khan and his other favou-
rites, and strongly recommended them to bury all
dissensions in oblivion, and to live henceforward
upon good terms with his minister. This infor-
mation had such an affect on Hussein Ali*khan
that he said aloud in the middle of the court, that
since the emperor was reconciled to them (the
two brothers), he might rest assured that they on
their part would always behave as became dutiful
subjects. '' And I intend nothing more," added he,
** than to pay my respects, and then to retire to
the Deckan." The major part of the assembly
being composed of Deckanies, were much pleased
at these words, as every one of them expected soon
to. return home.

The viceroy's friends, however, were not de»
ceived ; especially as he was heard to say in private,
that the visit of the emperor was a mere farce,

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168 SIYAR-UJL-MUTAKHERIN.

and that all his protestations were but a tale to lull
him to sleep^ and to prevent his brother from
advancing ; there was, he observed, not the least
sincerity in the king's promise, whom he knew too
well to repose any confidence in him : ** and/*
added he, ** if the emperor finds an opportunity to
get us within his power, he will not fail to do so on
any terms, nor will it be possible to save either our
honour or our lives. If he fall into ours, we shall
probably not treat him better."

Hussein Ali-khan advanced into the territory
of the Raja of Gohud, where some villages were
plundered, and some havoc committed at first;
but on that prince's ambassador appearing with an
offering of money, the country was spared, and
suffered no further damage. This was not the
case with the dominions of Raja Jye-sing Sevay.
His country was sacked, in order to punish him for
espousing so warmly the cause of the emperor.
In vain did this prince's principal agent humble
himself before the viceroy, to whom he presented
a considerable sum of money. The compliment
was rejected, and every thing in his country was
abandoned to the rapacity of the soldiery. The
fields were ravaged, and young persons of both
sexes carried into captivity. At length the army
arrived within three or four days' journey of the
capital, and the roads became thronged with the

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SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 169

retinues of people of the highest distinction, who
flocked to pay their court to the viceroy. Jafer-
khan was of this number, as well as Rattan Chand.
These, together with a vast multitude of the weal-
thiest citizens behaved respectfully, and were re-
ceived with favour ; but Jafer-khan, who made a
great display of his numerous retinue, and was on
that account deemed presumptuous, had the mor*
tification to see himself slighted. This conduct on
the part of the viceroy was caused by the reports
of tale-bearers, who themselves desirous of fur-
nishing news, whether true or false, seemed un-
aware of the fatal consequences that might ensue
from such dissentions. Every day widened the
breach which subsisted between the two brothers
and the emperor. The principal incendiary was
Rattan Chand, who, impelled by his religious zeal
against Mussulmans, as well as by his personal
animosity to the emperor, and many grandees of
the court, propagated the most extravagant reports,
and irritated the viceroy's mind. With feelings
highly excited, he advanced close to the capital,
and encamped at the staff of Firoz-shah, on the
first of Rebi-ul-awal. On approaching his tent he i ReWui.

swe]

caused the music to be played for him, which is a. h. iW
never done but for the emperor ; and having en- a. n^Tie!^'
tered it with a retinue and a pomp truly imperial,
he was heard to say, that as he did not consider

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170 SITAR-^UL-MUTAKU£KIM.

himself a subject, he could not pay much attentkoi
to etiquette.

Even this did not rouse the pusillanimous Ferokh-
siar. Eternally undecided, he talked of the impe-
rial dignity, and of the chastisement which might
be the consequence of its infringement ; and a day
after he spoke only of forbearance, and made ad*
vances towards a reconciliation by a renewal of
promises and new stipulations. So much weak*
nes3 discouraged even his most zealous servants.
Eaja Jye-sing, tired out with such irresolution,
once proposed to him to come out of the castle and
put himself at the head of his household^troops,
and to fall suddenly upon those two rebellious
brothers. *' The moment," said he, *'that your
troops and friends (and these after all cannot be
reckoned at less than twice the number of those
that follow your enemies), the moment your friends
shall perceive that you are acting boldly, and with
vigour, they will flock to you from all parts, and
will put it in your power to punish your enemies.
I am even inclined to believe, that at such a sight
vast numbers that now seem disposed to follow
the standard of the two brothers, will quit it, to
return to their lawful master, and assist in crushing
them to atoms."

This judicious advice did not produce any effect,
so that none of the nobles of the court, who saw

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 171

the emperor^s infataation towards his unworthy
fayourites, thought it right to declare themselves,
or to take the lead in an afiair in which their
master himself seemed quite passive. It is most
singular, that whilst Jye-sing's advice was disre-
garded, no measure was taken to come to some
sincere accommodation. The sober advice of many
nobles zealous for the honour of the crovm was
disregarded, and the emperor approving of nothing
but what was suggested by his own mind, or by
his thoughtless favourites, diifused despair ev^y
where, and ruined his cause. No wonder then if
at last he saw what came to pass ; for numbers
of his great officers equally wise and brave, on
beholding such a state of things, burned with in-
dignation, and lamented having their hands tied
up and condemned to inaction. Nay, some who
had heretofore been put under the vezir's command
quitted his party of their own accords, on disco-
vering to what lengths his ambition was leading
him ; and matters might have taken another turn,
when the vezir, aware of his danger, and obliged
to hasten the crisis, sent the following message to
the emperor : *' Should your majesty vouchsafe
to dismiss Jyensing, that inveterate enemy of our
family, from your court, and send him back to his
own country, and condescend to add to that favour
the two offices of grand master of the artillery

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172 SIVAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

and superintendent of the halls of audience, with
permission to take our own measures in the castle,
we your faithful servants, being henceforward free
from apprehension, will attend your majesty's
person as heretofore." The emperor, without be-
traying astonishment at such a message, answered,
** that in fact, the two offices alluded to were in
the vezir's possession, or in that of his friends, and
that nothing had been withheld from them but the
execution of the laborious part which had de-
volved on Etikad-khan as his deputy, but that at
any rate his deputyship would cease of itself on
New Year's Day. That as to Jye-sing, that chief-
3 Rebiui- tain had received so early as on the third of Rebi-
A.H. 1198. ul-awal, an order to repair forthwith to his own
a.dTitS. country, and had already quitted the court/'

So moderate an answer served only to embolden
the two brothers ; the more so, as it became evident
every day that Ferokh-siar had not a particle of
courage ; for although he detested the Seids, and
wished their destruction, and was eternally impor-
tuned by his servants to place himself at their
head, and to attack them at once, nevertheless
such was his pusillanimity that he did not dare to
prepare openly for defence, still less to sally forth
and assault his enemies. Against his own convic-
tion and inclination, he formally consented to the
request of the vezir Abdullah-khan, and on the 5th

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 173

of Rebi-us-sani, that minister repaired to the castle, 5 tLebi.i
attended by a crowd of persons of distinction de- 3 pcimiary,
voted to his interest, amongst whom was Ajit-sing. ^'^* ^^^'
He dismissed the emperor's troops and officers from
all their posts and offices in the castle, and placed
his own in their stead ; so that of all chiefs of dis-
tinction, who attended daily on the emperor's per-
son, there remained no one but his favourite Etikad-
khan ; Imtiaz-khan, the comptroller of the house-
hold ; and Jafer-khan, master of the ceremonies,
¥rith a few others of whom the vezir made no
account, together with some menial servants and
eunuchs. A few hours after, the viceroy, sur-
rounded by a pomp truly imperial, placing himself
at the head of his forces, marched through the city
in battle array, and having taken possession of the
gates and ramparts, which his troops overspread so
as to fill several streets, he continued his march to
the palace, where having alighted he paid a very
short visit to the emperor. It was remarked that
few words were exchanged between them ; and,
although the emperor presented him with a num-
ber of elephants, horses, and jewels, he vouchsafed
his acceptance of a few only, and on his departure
made so careless a bow that it gave general offisnce
to the court. Even such a scene could not rouse
Ferokh-siar: he continued motionless, and pas-
sively saw himself divested of his dignity and •

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174 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

patrimony, in the midst of his court. Two days
after, the vezir returned to the castle, dismissed
the few persons that remained attached to the
emperor, placed his own creatures every-where, and
giving charge of the gates to one of his own trusty
servants, he sent for the keys of the private stairs,
the dormitory, and the hall of justice. As soon ajs
the viceroy was informed that all was quiet within
the citadel, he set out in as much state and pomp
as before, and proceeding along several streets
which had been filled for two whole days with his
troops, he repaired to his own residence, called
Shaistah-khan's Palace, situated close to the cita-
del. On this occasion he had brought with him the
pretended son of prince Acber, mounted on an
elephant in such a way that his face could not be
distinguished. The next morning the vezir went
to the castle ; and after having again requested to
have the offices he had before-mentioned conferred
on him, he enumerated the various grievances which
he as well as his brother had been suffering for
many years; and history has preserved his very
words : " In return for the important services we
have rendered you in times of weakness and dis-
tress ; in return for the blood our family have shed
in your service, as we had already done in that of
your father and grandfather, — «uch faithful ser-
vants have experienced nothing but mistrust and

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81YAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 175

suspicion, and a variety of plots have been con-
trived against our lives and honour. In proof of
which assertion we want no more than this letter,
which you wrote to that savage Daud-khan Peny,
exhcnting him to arm himself for the destruction of so
meritorious and innocent a servant as my brother,
Hussein Ali-khan. Nor do we need any other vouch-
ers than the repeated and pressing orders which
you have been continually sending to all the great
chiefs of the Deckan, for the purpose of exciting
them against us« Now there remains but one
expedient, in order to quiet the minds of us your
faithful servants ; which is, to put us in possession
of the two offices which we have requested, instead
of leaving them still in the hands of strangers, who
make it a point to mislead your mind : for unless
we obtain those tvro favours, it will be unsafe for
us to come as subjects to the castle ; and as ser-
vants impossible to serve you, as our master, with
any confidence/'

To diis speech the emperor, still thoughtless as
ever, answered only by promising that he would
shortly comply with all their requests ; and this at
a time, when he saw that matters had come to such
a crisis that he had no alternative left but to
acknowledge the Seids for his masters. The con-
versation meanwhile being protracted, ended in an
altercation, in which bigh wcH^ds and harsh expres-

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176 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

sions were interchanged. The emperor, unable to
contain himself, called both the vezir and Etikad-
khan names, and made use of unbecoming language.
The latter foolishly endeavoured to pacify the em-
peror ; when the vezir stopped him short, by mak-
ing use of the most opprobrious abuse towards him,
and causing him to be taken out of the castle imme-
diately. Etikad-khan, thunder-struck, lost his pre-
sence of mind, and thought only of saving his
life; he retreated rapidly, and meeting his head-
accomptant's palky, he got into it, and fled as fast
as the bearers could convey him. The city was
instantly in an uproar ; which was occasioned by
multitudes of people running to and fro through
every street and lane. The emperor seemed now,
for the first time, to perceive his real situation.
He submitted to his fate, and retired into the
sanctuary, or women's apartment, where he took
up his abode, unmindful all the while of the sen-
tence of the word of God which says, " Death shall
find ye out, be ye shut up even in iron towers."

The vezir with Ajit-sing slept that night within
the castle, whilst the emperor's zealous servants
were obliged to take up their abodes without. In
that night of screams and distraction, which re-
sembled that darkness that is to precede the day
of judgment, nothing was heard throughout the
city but confused noises, nor did any one know

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SIYAK*UL-MUTAKH£RIN. 177

what might actually be passing within the castle ;
for the vezir's troops having taken possession of
every great street and market, as well as of all the
gates, passed the night under arms; whilst the
Mahratta officers with their cavalry remained on
horseback, in momentary expectation of being
called on. At dawn of day every citizen rose in a
state of incertitude, and with a mind fluctuating
between hope and fear, when a report was spread
that the vezir had been killed, and nothing was
heard in the streets and markets but cries and
screams. Just in that moment of suspense, some
nobles, incensed at Ferokh-siar's reverse of fortune,
of which they heard only from common report,
thought it incumbent on them to run to the empe-
ror's assistance, and as they thought to support his
defenders. These were Saadet-khan, his father-in-
law, Ghazi-ed-din-khan-kusa, and the brave Akgar-
khan Turk. These three officers mounted, and
advanced towards the castle with what troops
they could collect ; but Nizam-ul-mulk and Khan
Douran thought it most prudent to stay at home.
On the other hand, Mahomed Amin-khan mounted
likewise, but in order to go to the vezir's assistance.
In this state of afiairs, a body of troops, called the
Kamel-poshes, or blanket-wearers, going to join
Khan Douran, fell in with a party of Mahratta
horse, who forbade their passing. This threat was

VOL. I. N

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178 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN;

received by the others with a shower of arrows,
whilst Mahomed Amin-khan's standards made their
appearance on the opposite side. The Mahrattas,
who took them all for enemies, and finding them-
selves cooped up within walls, where they could
only fight in streets and lanes, took fright, and
putting spur to their horses, fled on all sides
without further inquiry. This step encouraged
the idlers and sharpers who thronged the streets,
especially the Mogols, and other disbanded soldiers
of the court, who already incensed at the intru-
sion of those infidels, rushed upon them, and
commenced to attack them. The Mahrattas,, sur-
prised at finding enemies in every street and at
every door, dispersed and fled to their camp,
leaving fifteen hundred of their men dead upon
the spot ; who, as well as the whole corps of one
Santa,* and of two or three officers more, were
hacked to pieces. They left also a great number
of wounded men. The horses of the slain were
laid hold on by the victors, and by the mob, who
on breaking some saddles by accident, were sut-^
prised to find them stufied full of pieces of gold.

At this moment Mahomed Amin-khan arrived
with his troops in the viceroy's camp, where he
was received with the highest applause for his
conduct. Whilst this scene was passing in the

* Santaji Kadam.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 179

streets, Saadet-khan with his five sons reached the
castle at the head of a body of troops, a3 did
Ghazi-ed-din-khan with another body ; the oppo-
site streets were filled by the troops brought by
the favourite Etikad-khan, and by the late grand
master of artillery, Seid-khan; these were fol-
lowed by three thousand Hindus in the emperor's
pay, imder the command of Malhar-row, an officer
of trust; all these occupied posts in and about
Saad-uUah-khan's market, and prepared for attack.
These movements becoming known in the viceroy's
camp, as well as the rumour of the vezir's death,
a rumour confirmed by the disorderly flight of the
Mahrattas, the whole of the viceroy's army was in
the utmost confusion, when luckily for him, certain
intelligence arrived at this critical moment of the
vezir's being alive and safe. This news having
revived the viceroy's spirits, he despatched a choice
body of his best troops to expel the troops that
had assembled in Saad-uUah-khan's market. They
fell upon the enemy furiously, and commenced a
sharp engagement; in the midst of which, Ghazi*
ed-din-khan's elephant being wounded in the trunk
by a rocket, turned about, and ran off with his
master, who was immediately followed by hia
whole corps. Saadet-khan, together with his five
sons, were wounded at the same time, and quitted
the field, while Etikad-khan, after having made

N 2

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180 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

some movements without any inclination to fight,
retired to his house, and fortified it. His person was
but of small moment, but his trepidation and flight
became a signal for his troops to fall upon several
shops in the streets near Saad-uUah-khan's market,
which were all plundered. The brave Akgar-khan
now appeared from the suburbs at the head of a
body of Moguls and other foreigners, to support
the emperor. He found the Lahore gate shut, and
the walls lined with the enemy's troops. Mortified
at such a disappointment he was obliged to return.
Some firing and fighting was still kept up in the
streets and lanes, when proclamation was made by
a number of public criers, that Ferokh-siar was con-
fined, and had ceased to reign, and that the prince
Refi-ed-derjat had ascended the throne. The im-
perial music now striking up, and cessation of aims
being proclaimed, with injunctions to every one to
return to his home, the king's party recovered from
their despair, the citizens retired to their homes,
and the tumult subsided.

Ferokh-siar had retired within the apartment of
the ladies, and the vizir with Ajit-sing were waiting
in expectation of his coming out, to hear what
further he had to say, and of his furnishing them
with an opportunity to seize his person, when the
tumults, that had apparently subsided, commenced
afresh, and pillage and slaughter were renewed.

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SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 181

Ferokh-siar did not appear, and the viceroy, sen-
sible of the fatal consequence of any further delay,
sent message after message, representing to his
brother that the tumults were increasing, that the
throngs of armed men were becoming more nume-
rous, that a general revolt was about to take place,
and could not fail to defeat their purpose, and that
therefore he ought to enter the city at once. Whilst
this last message was delivering, a body of Afghan
soldiers, mixed up with some of the vezir's slaves,
found means from the top of the house of Nejm-
ed-din Ali-khan, the vezir's youngest brother, to
descend within the yard of the king's female apart-
ments, which proved to be guarded by a number
of Abyssinian, Georgian, and Calmuc women.
These being driven away, the soldiers penetrated
within the gate, and every apartment was searched
for Ferokh-siar. At last some women, too deli-
cate to bear the tortures to which they were ex-
posed, pointed to the place of his confinement, and
the soldiers ran to him. At this sight that emperor's
mother, with his wife and daughter, unable to wit-
ness his seizure without emotion, ran to his assist-
ance, with a number of princesses and ladies of the
first rank ; who, having enclosed him within a circle
which they formed round his person, addressed the
soldiers with prayers and entreaties. But of what
avail could be their tears at such a moment ? After

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182 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

some struggle, he was disengaged from the women,
dragged upon the ground, and thrown into a small
dark room on the top of the Tirpowliah ; and all
this with such outrage and indignity as had never
before been offered to the Imperial person.

His reign, without reckoning the time of Moiz-
ed-din Jehandar-shah's elevation, lasted six years
and four months. The men of letters have found
in this sentence of holy writ the chronogram com-
memorating this event —

*^ Take warning, ye that have eyes."

The vezir having disposed of Ferokh-siar in this
manner, thought that, as the whole city was yet
in confusion, it was incumbent upon him to pro-
claim another emperor; he therefore produced
Shems-ed-din Refi-ed-derjat the younger, son of
Refi-al-kadr, the nephew of Bahadur-shah, by
a daughter of the Prince Acber, the youngest son
of Aurengzib. This event took place on Wednes-
day, about nine o'clock in the morning, of the
iteM-iM-sani, secoud of Rcbi-us-sani, in the year of the Hegira
February 1132. The young prince was then twenty years
old ; and, as the confusion throughout the city did
not admit of time sufficient to send him to the bath,
or even to change his clothes, he was taken in
haste from the apartments of his confinement, and
placed upon the throne, wearing only a string of
large pearls, which Abdullah-khan had just time

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 183

to takeoff his own neck, and to throw over his
robe just as it was. The imperial band having
struck np to announce this event to the people, the
uproar ceased, and in a little time the tumult every
where subsided.

The vezir, after so eventful a day, thought pro-
per to pass that night in the citadel, surrounded by
a numerous body of his bravest and most trusty
friends, having previously placed at the only gate
left open a guard on which he could depend. Not
satisfied with these precautions, when it became ne»
cessary to form a household for the young emperor,
he appointed the whole of it from his household and
dependents, down to the eunuchs, chamberlains,
menial servants, cooks, and water-carriers. As a
further precaution, he placed his own guards every
where, and filled all the avenues to the palace, and
even to the private apartments, with his own de-
pendents. The next day the new emperor having,
according to custom, given a public audience, Ajit-
sing and Rattan Ghand supplicated that all Hindus
throughout the empire might be relieved from the
poll-tax.* This favour was granted ; and orders were

* This odious tax, abolished by the wise Acber, was renewed
in the reign of Aurengzib^ and had continued without inter-
mission till this time, and it is believed by the Hindus^ and by
most reflecting persons well read in the history of the times,
that to this impolitic measure, and the excessive impost on the
land, the do¥mfal of the Mahomedan power is mainly to be
attributed.

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184 SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

at the same time despatched confirming in their
respective commands all governors, commanders,
viceroys, and crown officers. In the mean time,
Etikad-khan was confined, and his public estate
resumed; while his palace, wherein he had amassed
immense treasure in gold and silver, costly jewels,
and exquisite stufis, was taken possession of. On
searching for this treasure, there was discovered
another secret hoard, consisting of gems and jewels
of amazing value, which had been presented to
him by Ferokh-siar ; but which now served only
to enhance his disgrace, and to add to the affronts
imposed upon him. The whole of this wealth was
seized for the vezir's use. At the same time were
resumed all the public and private lands which
Ferokh-siar had bestowed on his other sycophants :
none were spared but that which was enjoyed by
the Rany, his consort, out of regard to Ajit-sing
her father. The military chiefs and officers of the
body-guard, called Wala-shahies, who enjoyed
lands until they could be paid in ready money,
were deprived of them in the same manner ; and
as to the common troopers, they were given to
understand that if they wanted service they must
repair to the viceroy's camp, where they would be
enlisted at the rate of fifty rupees per month,*

* The troopers of this description not only provide them-
selves with arms and their horses with fodder, but are required

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SIVAR-UL-MUTAKHEKIN. 185

one with another. Mahomed Amin-khan, already
second in command , was confirmed in his office,
and Jafer-khan succeeded Seif-ullah-khan as third
in command. Nizam*ul-Mulk was created viceroy
of M alwa, although he was so far from being recon«
ciled to the times that he repeatedly refused office.
Ser-belend-khan, who had been appointed gover-
nor of Cabul some time before the revolution, and
who had on that account halted at fifteen coss
distant from the capital to see what would be the
fate of the emperor, was sent for, and received anew
the patent and investiture of that government ; after
which ceremony he took leave with suitable honour.
The rich office of Fojdar of Muradabad was given
to Seif-ed-din Ali-khan, the vezir's youngest bro-
ther. One Mahomed Reza was appointed supreme
judge of the court, and Amir-khan Alemgiry, who
had before held the government of Acberabad was
made Sadr-el-sudur.* Dianet-khan was made super-
intendant of finance, as was also Raja-bakht-mul
of the military chest ; but all these officers, together
with those connected vidth finance and administra-
tion, were held to be no more than the deputies of
Rattan Chand. Himmet-khan, one of the vezir's

to provide the horses themselves^ which must be of a certain
size and description^ and pass a committee before they are
admitted.

* This office answers to that of Lord Chancellor.

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186 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

friends, was made keeper of the privy-purse, and
also tutor to the young emperor ; and several other
lucrative offices were also bestowed upon him. As
to the offices and governments that were at a dis*
tance from the capital, no change was attempted
in them, for fear of losing all authority in those
remote parts. The government of Mando alone
was taken from Mahomed-khan, the officer who
had slighted the viceroy of the Deckan when he
passed through his district, and was given to Hus-
sein Ali*khan, a Turany chief. Raja Ajit-siug,
had become particularly unpopular for the part be
had acted in the revolution, and in order to get rid
of the eternal curses and hootings of the populace,
wished to retire to his government of Guzerat, did
not obtain leave, but was required to remain for
the present at the capital.

The account of the fate of Ferokh-siar having
been related in two different ways by two men of
distinction and credit, both of whom were at the
time upon the scene of action, we shall insert the
statement of each, leaving the truth or falsehood of
either narrative to be decided by the respective
merits of each. The one observes, " I have heard
from men of honour and veracity, that the two
brothers never entertained thoughts of attempting
Ferokh-siar's life, or had ever intended to ill-use
him ; their only view being to secure his person.

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERliV. 187

for which purpose they placed him under charge
of a trusty Afghan officer, who was to have him
under his eye night and day. Nevertheless, it
happened that Ferokh-siar availed himself of an
opportunity to steal away unperceived in the dusk
of the evening, and going from terrace to terrace,
he wanted to jump down, being already at a
distance from the place of his confinement, when
the Afghan returned. On not finding his prisoner,
and knowing that his own life was at stake, he
searched narrowly every where, and spying some
one at a distance lurking under the shadow of the
prison-wall, he threw himself upon him, and
brought back the captive emperor. That vile
fellow had no sooner replaced him in confinement,
than making him sit on the floor, he with that
hardness of heart and that brutality which seem
to distinguish the Afghans, beat him unmercifully.
Ferokh-siar, unable to submit to such usage, ran
to the wall, and dashed his head with so much
violence against it that his skull was fractured, and
he died on the spot."

Hashem Ali-khan Khafi, the son of Khwaja-mir
the historian, refers Ferokh-siar's death to an ex-
press order from the two brothers, betraying at
the same time throughout his work, the utmost
detestation of, and enmity towards them and their
family ; but as it is possible that I may incur the

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188 Slir AR-U L-MUTAKHERIN.

imputation of partiality for them, I have thought
it right to quote his own words, save that of cor-
recting some grammatical errors which had crept
into the narrative, either through the writer's in-
accuracy, or from the copyist's ignorance. Let
then the credibility of the following account rest
with its author.

'' Two months had already elapsed since that
unfortunate prince (Ferokh-siar) had been confined
in that narrow dungeon^ where he experienced a
variety of hardships, when a red-hot needle was
passed through his eyes, a cruel operation, which
however did not deprive him entirely of sight.
Worn out by such repeated instances of barbarity,
that ill-fated prince, in the simplicity of heart
natural to one in his distress, betook himself to
several expedients for putting an end to his suffer-
ings. At one time he would send to his enemies
excuses for his former conduct, promising to let
them govern the empire, if they would but replace
him on the throne. At another he would turn
towards the Afghan, Abdullah-khan (for such was
his keeper's name), and would offer him an im-
mense sum of money if he would but carry him as
far as the dominions of Raja Jye-sing Sevay. All
this was minutely reported to the two brothers,
who being incessantly instigated by their cour-
tiers, as well as prompted by their own fears.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 189

detennined to put an end to so dangerous a life.
To effect their purpose, they caused poison to be
mixed on two different occasions with his food,
without effect, but the third time, the dose ope-
rated ; and as they went to see how the unfortunate
man's soul was wrung out of his body, he lost
all patience, and after having reproached them in
severe terms for their atrocious ingratitude, and
disregard of solemn oaths, he wondered that the
sacred volume itself had not worked a miracle
instantly for the punishment of so much perfidy.
He even vented reproaches against the Majesty
of Divine justice, which had supinely suffered
such wicked men to live. While in the act of
venting his feelings in this reproachful strain, the
vezir ordered a leathern thong to be strained round
his neck. The unfortunate prince laid hold of it
with both hands so as to keep it from his neck, and
having struggled with his hands and feet, the two
barbarians (the Seid brothers) ordered his hands to
be parted by dint of blows. The prince suffered
for a length of time all the agonies of a lingering
death, and at last departed this life."

*^ It is true that a report then prevailed, and
does to this very day, that the two brothers finished
him by plunging their poignards into his bowels ;
but this report was contradicted to me by the per-
son who superintended the execution. He never

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190 S1YAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN\

could relate that mournful event without shedding
abundance of tears, and without bitterly lament-
ing his situation on that occasion. He has been
heard positively to say, that there was no stabbing
at alL Be that as it may, the body remained for
six»and-thirty hours imattended to and unburied,
and it was only after such an interval that it was
thought of. At that time it was purified according
to the rites of our religion, put upon a bier, and
carried to the emperor Humayun's sepulchre. On
its being brought out, two or three thousand needy
men and women, who used to be fed by his libe-
rality, tore their clothes, covered their heads and
faces with dust and ashes, and having surrounded
the hearse, accompanied it the whole way, shed-
ding abundance of tears, and pouring forth curses
and execrations upon his enemies, whom they
reviled with the grossest epithets. Two persons of
distinction, namely, Dilaver Ali-khan and Seid
Ali-khan, both officers of high rank, were sent to
attend the body as chief mourners, followed by a
crdwd of the principal citizens ; but no sooner had
the procession quitted the suburbs, than the chief
mourners were hooted and several times assailed
with stones, brick-bats, and clods of earth. Nor
would any one out of that multitude of needy
people accept of the money brought for distribu-
tion, or partake of the victuals prepared in con*

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 191

fonnity to custom. On the third day after, a num-
ber of poor people having assembled in a peace-
able manner at the place where Ferokh-siar's body
had been washed and perfumed, made a collection
amongst themselves and prepared a large quantity
of food, which they distributed to others ; they
sent likewise for several readers of the Koran, and
having passed the whole night with them in
prayers and lamentations, they departed in an
orderly manner.

" Oh wonderful Grod ! How did thy divine jus-
tice manifest itself in the several events of this
revolution! His enemies had many causes for
being expeditious with him, and many motives of
hatred besides, that one would think it was incum-
bent upon them if his death was to take place, to
make him pass rapidly from this little fragile habi-
tatk>n into the other world. Ferokh^siar, in his
days of power had strangled his own brothers, yet
in their tender years ; he had murdered numbers
pf innocent persons, and blinded others ; and he
was therefore destined to suffer all these cruelties,
before he was permitted to die ; he was doomed to
experience from the hands of strangers all those
agonies which others had suffered at his. Nor did
the two brothers escape the day of retribution,
or go themselves unpunished. In a little time
they met with that same usage which they had

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192 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

inflicted on others." Thus far Hashem Ali-khan
Khafi.

The two brothers, after having disposed of Ferokh-
siar, took possession of the imperial treasures, ele-
phants, horses, rich furniture, ready money, and
exquisite jewels. It is even reported that Ab-
dullah-khan, who was exceedingly addicted to the
female sex, carried away some women of incom-
parable beauty from the seraglio; but this God
only knows.

Soon after this fatal event, it Mras remarked that
all cordiality had ceased between the two brothers^
and although that coolness did not appear in public,
it was perceived by their friends, and several cir-
cumstances evinced the fact to bye-standers. There
was some inequality in the merit of these two cele-
brated persons. It was universally acknowledged
that Hussein Ali-khao, the younger, was superior
to his elder brother in many qualifications, which
bountiful heaven had bestowed on him. In actual
power he excelled all the princes of his time, nay,
he surpassed several that bore a character in his-
tory, for having bestowed kingdoms and crowns,
and conquered empires ; but neither his power nor
his life was destined to endure long. If they had,
it is probable that the times which we have now
the mortification to behold, would not be so humi-
liating as they have proved, nor had the honour of

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SITAR-UL-MUTAKH^RIN. 193

Hindoostan been thrown to the winds, nor the
Indian nobility and gentry been reduced to that
deplorable condition, to which we now see them
brought.

Unfortunately for the two brothers, the young
emperor Rafi-ed-derjat laboured under a consump-
tion, and was subject to a spitting of blood, which
soon put an end to his reign ; so that three months
and some days after he had submitted to the odium
of ascending the throne, he departed this life on a 21 Rejeu,

° > r A.H.1132.

Saturday, the twenty-first of Rejeb. His younger le june,
brother, Refi-ed-dowlah, was now brought forth and
seated in his stead, while the two Seids continued
to dispose of every thing in the empire as before.
These two sickly young princes seemed to have
just made their appearance upon the theatre of
the world with the bare title of emperors, in order
to be immediately withdrawn; and were like two
travellers who had made a short pause on the
throne, in order to continue their journey towards
the regions of eternity. We therefore hardly know
any thing of them. The elevation of Niko-siar,
son of prince Acber, and grandson of Aurengzib>
who was then confined at Acber-abad, took place
in Refi-ed-dowlah's life-time; we have therefore
thought it expedient to bring into one point of
view all that we have been able to collect of those
three persons of the race of Timur, in order to

VOL. I. o

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194 SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERlfir.

connect it with the body of our history : what little
we do Icnow concerning the younger prince has
been carefully ascertained, although the lives of
both were so obscure, and themselves so little the
objects of attention, that their very names are
hardly known even at this day.

A short time after Refi-ed-dowlah had been
brought from his prison to Hie throne, another
prince of the imperial family, who was confined in
the citadel of Acberabad^ was proclaimed by the
governor and officers of the place, as well as by
the militia of the villages subordinate to that for*
tress, and recognized by the officers of cavalry
dependent on the governor of the province, all of
whom soon formed a court about his person. His
name was Niko-siar : he was a younger son of the
prince Acber. His supporters were ajssisted by
the inhabitants of the city of Acberabad, who, on
seeing the convulsions that shook the empire, wil-
lingly embraced his cause. Such an event being
likely to prove dangerous to the two brothers, they
resolved to stifle it at once. They accordingly
quitted the capital, and taking with them the
young emperor Refi^d-dowlah, and the principal
persons of the city and court, marched to Acber-
abad, and laid siege to the fort. Niko-siar did not
betray any want of courage or capacity in defend-
ing the place, but the gates were blown open, and

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 196

he was seized and confined. The garrison waa
relieved, and punishment inflicted on the officers of
the fort, and on the commanders of the militia,
who had plotted the revolution. This success did
not tranquillize the minds of the two brothers;
The young emperor Refi^ed-dowlah was found to
be consumptive as well as his elder brother, and
although the vezir spared no pains in bringing toge*
ther the ablest physicians of the empire^ his care
Bad anxiety proved of no avail. This prince, after
a nominal reign even shorter than that of his pre-
decessor, gave evident signs of his drawing to his
end. In a short time his life was despaired of» and
the two Seid brothers, who needed some pageant
for the throne, sent two nobles to bring another
prince from the castle of Selimgur, which is a part:
of the citadel of Dehli. These persons were Nejm-
ed-din Ali-khan, their younger brother, and Gho-
1am Ali-khan ; although some people say that the
first, as governor of the province of Dehli, was
alone entrusted with that commission, and that the
other only accompanied him. The orders were to
bring Rosh^i-akhter, son of Khujistah-akhter, com-
monly calledi Jehan-shah, one of the sons of Ba-
hadur-shah. This young prince was then in his
eighteenth year, and from the accession of his
uncle Moiz-ed-din to the throne, under the title of
Jehandar-shah, he had lived in obscurity in an

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196 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

apartment of the castle of Selimgur. He was a
youth of beautiful aspect, his beard just budding.
He had a benevolent countenance, in which shone
that acuteness of mind which seemed to prognos-
ticate all his future greatness. He was not yet
arrived at Acberabad, when news arrived that Refi-
ed-dowlah was dying. His death, which soon after
occurred, was kept a secret (some say) for a whole
week, others say for ten days, until his successor
could arrive : then the coffin of the deceased
prince was carried to the mausoleum of Khwaja
Kutb-ed-din, where he was buried in the same
manner as his brother. This event left the throne
open for Roshen-akhter .

The prince arrived at Fatehpoor, and on the
A. H. 1132. fifteenth of the same month, in the year 1132 of
AD. 1780. ji^g Hegira, at about four astronomical hours of the
morning, he availed himself of a fortunate hour to
step forth and grace the throne with all the attrac-
tions to which he was heir. The steps of that
sublime place were dignified by his accession, and
silver and gold coin, distributed on the occasion,
acquired additional value from the honour of his
name. He assumed the auspicious title* of Abul-
fateh, Nasir-ed-din, Mahomed-shah. From that
moment provisions, which had risen to an immo-

♦ The lord or father of victory, the champion of the faith,
the king Mahomed.

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 197

derate price, became cheaper, and once more
plenty shewed her face in every market. The
king's mother was a princess of great acuteness
and wisdom, and had taken care to foster with
attention, in the shade of obscurity and silence,
that fondling of the sun of glory. Fully sensible
of the diflSculty and delicacy of her situation, she
made a point to conform herself to the will of the
two brothers, whose authority was paramount;
and her prudence was so great, that when she
quitted the capital to pay a visit to her son, at
Acberabad, she went attended with a slender
retinue, and declined the voluntary attendance of
numbers of people of distinction who had been in
the service of her husband Jehan-shah. On hear-
ing that they were preparing to follow her, and to
augment her train, she requested them to forbear,
and even forbade their coming to the gate of her
apartment and sending in their offerings.

The three preceding reigns had been so short as
to serve only to confound history; it was com-
manded, therefore, that the seven or eight months
which had elapsed under the short-lived reigns of
those three princes should be omitted entirely, and
that they should be comprehended within that of
Mahomed-shah's reign^ which was thus made to
commence immediately on Ferokh-siar's demise.
At the same time, to provide for some of the most

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198 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHSRIN.

urgent expenses of his mother's female household^
a sum of fifteen thousand rupees was allotted for
that purpose. But the command of the Gulal-
pajra,* and the office of nazir, or steward of the
household, were conferred on trusty eunuchs of
the vezir's selection, as had been the practice under
the three preceding princes (on whom be mercy for
ever)^ and the minister, in providing eunuchs,
guards, elephant-drivers, menial servants, cooks,
and even water-carriers, took care to place none
in that munber but his own dependants. It was
on the same principle that Himmet-khan, one of
the vezir's intimates, a man who enjoyed already
five or six offices, was placed over the new monarch
as his governor, and entrusted with the charge
of the privy purse and with the treasury of the
palace. All this was patiently submitted to by
the young emperor, who, sensible of the delicacy
of his situation, made no opposition to the vezir's
pleasure, and had the good sense to shew him
every mark of deference and regard. This did not
effect the least abatement of the jealousy with
which he was watched; for whenever he went
abroad, which happened once or twice a month,
for the purpose of taking an airing, the king was
encircled by a body of Seids, who did not lose sight
of him a moment, nor ever carry him farther than

* The incense and perfume-apartment.

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3IYAR-UL-MUTAKHEEIN. 199

the seats and gardens in the suburbs, which at
most are at one or two coss from the palace, and
they always came back before the dusk of the
evening. Whilst the vezir was busy in quieting
the capital, disaffection was rising in the neigh-
bouring provinces.

. Chebilram Nagar, governor of the province of
Ilababad, refused to acknowledge the new king's
authority, thinking it unsafe to do so, on account
of some improper behaviour on his part towards
the two brothers. The latter, in return, resolved
to make an example of him ; and Hussein Ali-khan
had already sent his camp-equipage forward, when
news arrived that the. obnoxious governor had died
suddenly. This news was gratifying to the viceroy;
but as it deprived him of an opportunity of dis-
tinguishing himself, he was heard to say, ** Is it
not a pity that we should be deprived of the plea-
sure of seeing that proud man's head on the point
of a spear?" Immediately after, news came that*
Giridhar Bahadur, son of Dia Bahadur, and the
cousin of Chebilrami had seized on the government
after his uncle's demise, and was raising troops and
repairing the fortifications of Ilahabad. The vice-
roy, on this intelligence, ordered a bridge of boats
to be thrown across the Jumnah, and sending for
Mahomed Shah to Acberabad, he gave out that he
was going to attack Ilahabad. It was at this crisis

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200 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

that Amir-jumlah made his appearance, and was
invested with the office of grand-almoner. This
circumstance did not hinder Rattan Chand from
continuing to act in all matters relative to the
finance of the government, and he interfered even
in judicial and religious concerns, in a way that re-
duced the crovra officers to the condition of cyphers.
It was impossible to become a kazy of any city
without the consent of this Hindu being previously
obtained. One day he brought to the vezir a per-
son whom he had appointed kazy or judge of some
city, when the minister turned towards a nobleman
sitting near him at the time, and said with a smile,
'' Our Rattan Chand, you see, can make kazies, and
even recommends to ecclesiastical preferments."
The other answered, *'True, my lord: the lord
raja, after having finished his worldly concerns^ is
now turning his attention to religious affairs."*

All this while the preparations for the siege of

• Ilahabad were going on with so much vigour, that

Giridhar's vakil or agent thought it full time to

* The Mahomedan kazy (or cadi) is a judge, bat whose law
is derived from the Koran^ he is therefore an ecdesiaatioal
judge. Rattan Chand was a Hindu, and was not supposed to
know any thing of Moslem scriptures ; the repartee of the
nobleman is therefore peculiarly smart, because it shews at once
the folly of allowing him to interfere in those appointments^
and indirectly adverts to the probability of the Hindu aposta-
tising from his own religion, by turning his attention to religioua
affairs.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN, 201

come to campi and entreat the viceroy's forgiveness
for his master's conduct. He offered to submit on
condition of being suffered to remain in his govern-
ment^ or of having another in exchange, vnth the
addition of some title of honour. The conditions
were accepted : Giridhar was required to surrender
the castle of Ilahabad and his government, and to
be transferred to that of Oude, with the title of
Bahadur. But whilst this agreement was discussing,
commotions arose in the country of Bundy, in con-
sequence of certain disputes regarding an hereditary
principality^ from which Raja Bhim-sing, the heir,
had been ejected by Bud'h-sing. The displaced
prince retired to the viceroy's camp, to whom he
paid his court assiduously, in hopes of being rein-
stated ; and at last he obtained a body of six thou-
sand cavalry, all veteran troops and all Seids of
Barha, who considered themselves as so many
kinsmen of the two brothers. They were com-
manded by Seid Dilaver Ali-khan, who had orders •
to reinstate the Hindu prince, and then to repair
with him, and with another Hindu prince called
Gaj-sing, as far as the frontiers of Malwa, there to
wait for further orders. As little reliance was re-
posed on the promises made by Giridhar, a large
body of good troops was sent under Heider Kuly-
khan towards Ilahabad^ to enforce the execution of
the treaty. Heider Kuly-khan, who was a man of

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202 SITAR-UJL-MUTAKHERIN.

character and abilities, laid siege to that fortress,
but, as he had not the sole command, little progress
was made in the siege, the governor having fre-
quently entered into negociations for surrendering
the place, and then suddenly breaking them off
and driving the besiegers from their works. The
siege being thus protracted, Hussein Ali-khan
crossed the Jumnah, and marched towards Ilahar
bad. The report of this movement intimidated the
besieged : Giridhar retired within his fortress, into
which he introduced a great quantity of ammunition
and provisions. His family, at the same time, gave
countenance to the refractory spirits of that pro-
vince, and the holders of Jaghir lands in particular
availed themselves of that opportunity to withhold
their payments. Such a state of things embarrassed
the viceroy ; he reflected on the great strength of
the place, situated at the confluence of two large
rivers, on the courage and personal talents of Giri-
dhar, and on the increasing difficulties he would
probably encounter in a siege likely to be pro-
tracted. This he knew would at all events occupy
much precious time, while his presence was re-
quired in other parts of the empire, where the
enemies of his family might avsal themselves of his
absence to excite commotions. Sensible of the
difficulties of his situation, he was discouraged to
persevere by some symptoms of disunion which

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SIYAR-UL-HUTAKHERIN. 203

then occurred between himself and his elder bro-
ther^ the vezir Abdullah*kban. The difference
arose concerning the jewels and treasure found in
the castle of Acberabad, and several angry mes-
sages passed and repassed between them, but only
privately, for Rattan Chand did every thing in his
power to conceal these dissensions from the public.
Whilst the viceroy was hesitating in his mind
how to act, letters came from Giridhar, promising
to submit, if Rattan Chand were sent with full
power to guarantee the former conditions and the
safety of his person. The two brothers, desirous
of accommodating matters, dismissed Rattan
Chand, who setting out about the end of Rebi- Rebi-us-soni,
us-sani, arrived at the city of Ilahabad, when the jj^g^
governor of the fortress paid him a visit, and a
treaty was concluded, which these two Hindus
both swore, by the waters of the Ganges, to
maintain inviolably. By this treaty the govern-
ment of the province of Oude was given to Giri-
dhar, with all the Fojdaries* contained in it,
in lieu of the fortress of Ilahabad ; which being
evacuated, received a new garrison, and thus came
again into the hands of the two ministerial brothers.
This event occurred in the second year of Maho-
med-shah's reign.

* Estates the revenues of which are set aside to support
troops.

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A.D.1T20.

204 SIYAR-UL-liUTAKHERlN.

Whilst the insurrections in the northern parts
of the empire were thus put down, discontent and
broils of a very threatening aspect arose in the
south.

We have already mentioned that Nizam-ul-mulk
had reluctantly accepted the government of Malwa.
He found the province infested with banditti, and
its tranquillity otherwise disturbed by a number of
refractory zemindars, who were not to be brought
under subjection without much trouble and perse-
verance. But the subject which most embarrassed
Nizam-ul-mulk originated on account of Maho-
med-khan, the govern6r of the fortress of Mando,
who had been removed by Hussein Ali-khan for
having, when he passed close to the walls, ne-
glected, to pay him a visit. This neglect was re-
sented, and Kassim Kuly-khan, a Turany officer,
had been appointed in his stead as governor of
Mando. Mahomed-khan refused, under various
pretences, to deliver over the fortress, and Kassim
Kuly-khan wrote to court to complain of the delay,
and obtained an order from court to Nizam-ul-
mulk, governor-general of Malwa, to see placed
therein Kassim Kuly-khan. Nizam-ul-mulk, who
entertained a favourable opinion of Mahomed-
khan, sent for him, and persuaded him to sur-
render the place quietly; and as he discovered
considerable talents in that officer, he took him

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 205

into his own service, and seized the first occasion to
employ him. In the anarchy that had prevailed
in the province, owing to the neglect of the court,
the fortress of Rahatgur had been seized by a re-
fractory zemindar of the neighbourhood, whom
Nizam-ul-mulk desired to expel. Oh this service
he despatched Mahomed-khan, the late governor
of Mando, at the head of a body of troops. He
performed the duty with great promptitude, and
flattered himself that it would soften the asperity
of the two Seid brothers: but they were irrecon-
cileable.

Nizam-ul-mulk afterwards employed the same
officer to rid the province of banditti that lurked in
it, and of bringing the whole of the zemindars into
submission. This service he also successfully per-
formed, by having, in the first instance, secured
certain difficult passes and strong-holds in the
district of Chandery, which served as a retreat to
numberless free-booters.

As soon as Nizam-ul-mulk saw every thing set-
tled in his government, he turned his attention
towards increasing the number of his troops, filling
his magazines, exercising his officers and soldiers,
and in making new acquisitions in the district of
Chandery.

Such warlike preparations were not concealed
from Abdullah-khan, who received daily infor-

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206 SIYAR-'UL MUTAKHERIN.

mation from his intelligencers ; but he felt another
subject of inquietude. He obtained information
that Mahomed Amin-khan^ instead of speaking
Hindustany, was in the habit of making use of the
Turkish language when he entered into close con-
versation with the emperor, and he also learned
that he held secret correspondence with Nizam -
ul-mulk,* about whose person there were more
troops than he had occasion for^ whilst he enter-
tained a still more numerous body under the com-
mand of the disaffected officer Mahomed-khan*
This intelligence gave such inquietude to the
brothers, that Hussein Ali-khan the younger;
who was viceroy of the Deckan, wrote to Nizam-
ul-mulk, that as both he and his brother, with a
view to put an end to the internal troubles of the
Deckan, wished to establish their residence in the
province of Malwa, midway between the Deckan
and the capital, they hoped that, to accommodate
them, Nizam-ul-mulk would take his choice of the
four governments of Multan, Candeish, Acberabad,
or Ilahabad. This letter produced the very breach
it was intended to prevent. Nizam-ul-mulk,
already discontented at Dilaver Ali-khan's being
encamped upon the limits of his government with
an army in the interest of the Seids, and suspicious

* Nizam-ul-mulk, though bom in India, was of Turany
piurents.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. .207

of his motives in affecting a junction with the
Hindu princes Raja Bhim-sing and Raja Gaj-
sing, whose presence excited commotions amongst
the zemindars of his frontier, answered the mode-
rate letter of Hussein Ali-khan's in a haughty
style.

The brothers sent for his principal agent at
court, with whom they had some sharp conver-
sation, which ended in threats against his master.
Nizam-ul-mulk having received intelligence of this
proceeding, and having also learned that Mahomed
Amin-khan was endeavouring to kindle the indig-
nation of the young emperor against him, concluded
that the preservation of his own power and life, as
well as that of all the foreign nobles and other
numerous persons of distinction, depended on the
downfall of the two brothers. He had also reason
to be excessively provoked at the insolent beha-
viour of Rattan Cband and Aj it-sing, the Hindu
agents of the Seids. Full of these feelings, he
held a consultation with his friends and military
chiefs, and resolved to display openly the standard
of revolt. He accordingly wrote a short letter to
the two brothers, and coming out of his palace
with Abd-ur-rahim-khan, Marhamet-khan, and
Rahim-khan, he put himself at the head of his
army, which, including his old troops and his new
levies, amounted to twelve thousand horse. This

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A.D.1721.

208 SIYARrUL-MUTAKHERIN.

occurred about the middle of the month of Jumad-
jamad-uA-sani, us-sani, in the year 1132 of the Hegira^ which
April. answers to the second year of Mahomed-shah's
reign. He was in the neighbourhood of the town
of Sironj, where he had been long encamped in
order to overawe a number of refractory chiefs on
that frontier. His purpose being now accom-
plished, he decamped suddenly, and marched to
the south.

This intelligence arrived at Acberabad in a few
days, and soon became public. The vezir wrote
immediately to Dilaver Ali-khan and to the two
Hindu princes to follow Nizam-ul-mulk rapidly,
recommending them at the same time to gain over
the numerous clans of Afghans settled throughout
the Deckan, after which their business would be
to crush Nizam-el-mulk before he should have time
to make head.

These disorders throughout the kingdom afforded
a bad example, so that the meanest men availed
themselves of their distance from the capital to
aspire at independence.

One Hussein-khan Afghan, head-man of the town
of Cossore in the Penjab, had for many years taken
possession of the best districts about Cossore and
Lahore, where he acted as if he was the hereditary
sovereign. These troubles commenced whilst Abd-
us-semed-khan, the viceroy of Lahore, was occu-

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN, 209

pied against the Siks, during which time the
Afghans expelled his collectors and the crown-
officers. After this he assembled troops, and hearing
that Kutb-ed-din-khan, an officer of character, was
marching against him, he encountered him on the
way, destroyed or dispersed his cavalry, took all
his baggage, and slew the commander. This vic-
tory raised his character, and he soon found him-
self at the head of eight or nine thousand horse,
with which he levied his contributions far and
near^ so that the viceroy himself, whose force was
reduced to seven or eight thousand horse about his
person, found it necessary to march against him.
The two armies met at Chaony, about thirty coss
from Lahore. Abd-us-semed-khan gave the com-
mand of his centre to Kerim Kuly-khan, his chief
commander; on his right he placed Jany-khan
and Khwaja Rahmet-uUah, two of his relations,
both men of tried valour ; the whole being under
the command of Hafiz Ali-khan, brother to Khan
Mirza. The advance consisted of a body of one
thousand Rohilla Afghans, which he knew to be
personally hostile to the rebel. On his left he
placed Arif-khan, his lieutenant, with Akgar-khan,
and he took post in their front. On the opposite
side, Hussein-khan put his own nephew Mustefa-
khan in his first line, together with Rahmet-khan,
Seid-khan, and some other Afghan commanders,

VOL. I. p

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210 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIX.

all mounted upon elephants. No sooner had the
combat commenced by a fire of musketry, than
Hussein-khan advanced at full gallop towards the
enemy's artillery, through which having passed, he
pushed on to Kerim Kuly-khan, whom he un-
horsed at the first onset, and made a great slaughter
of his men. Following up his blow, he fell next
on Akgar-khan, whose troops being mostly new
levies, were soon broken, so that their commander
remained with only five or six hundred veterans,
all Turanies, armed with bows. These troops un-
willing to forsake their general, discharged such
showers of arrows that they threw the Afghans into
disorder. Akgar-khan now rushed upon the enemy,
and encouraging his men both by his voice and
example, made such havoc amongst the Afghans,
that Mustefa-khan was slain, together with the
greater part of the thr^e thousand men who had
followed him. Hussein-khan, meantime, pushed
on Mrith ardour against Abd-us-semed-khan him-
self, so that this general was on the point of being
borne down amid the host of men wounded and
slain around him. At this critical moment Akgar-
khan arrived with his corps of victorious Tura-
nies, and changed the face of afiairs. Just then,
the driver of Hussein-khan's elephant fell dead
from his seat. Shah Baz-beg, that chief's religious
preceptor, and who used always to be seated on his

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&IYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 211

right hand, was also killed ; while Hussein-khan
himself being struck in the forehead by a musket-
ball by Hafiz Ali-khan, fell down likewise. From
this moment a panic seized the Afghan troops, and
the trappings and cushions on the elephant having
taken fire, the troops of Hussein*khan, who had lost
almost all their officers, deserted their ranks, and
fled in disorder. Abd-us-semed-khan rewarded
his commanders upon the field of battle. Akgar-
khan, who had so much contributed to the success
of the day, received the additional military grade
of five hundred horse, and two hundred more were
added to the six hundred horse already under his
command ; he was also presented with an elephant,
n, dagger, and a sabre.

On the report of this victory at court, the two
brothers wrote letters of congratulation to the
viceroy, and the title of Seif-ed-dowlah, or sword
of the state, was superadded to those already borne
by Abd-us-semed-khan.

While these events were passing in the Penjab,
the Deckan became the scene of ftiore serious
commotions. Nizam-ul-mulk, resolved not to sub-
mit to the Seids, had passed the Nerbedda, the
northern boundary of the Deckan. His good for-
tune, to which he had entirely committed himself,
now favoured him, so that after fording that river
at Acberpoor, the fortress of Assir, which had cost

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212 SIYAR-UL-HUTAKHERIN.

a siege of many years to the victorious Acber,
surrendered without a blow. The oflScers and troops
of the garrison were gained over at the instigation
of their commander Talib-khan, notwithstanding
he owed both his appointment and elevation to
the younger of the two brothers. He delivered
the keys to Nizam-ul-mulk, who paid the troops
instantly two years* pay, which was due to them*
and conferred many favours on other individuals.
The citadel of Boorhanpoor fell in much the same
manner ; and to crown all, Ghows-khan, governor
of the province of Berar, who bore the character
of a man of courage and talents, came to join
Nizam-ul-mulk, to whom he was nearly allied,
and brought with him a body of veteran troops
and a train of artillery. Hardly was he in camp,
when Sumbha, a M ahratta officer, who was dis-
contented with the Sahu Raja, his master, quitted
his service, and with two thousand horse, which
he commanded, also joined Nizam-ul-mulk. This
example was followed by several zemindars of
Berar, and by some Afghan cliieftains, long settled
in that country. The defection becoming con-
tagious, Anwar-khan, governor of the province of
Candeish, who owed every thing to Abdullah-

* It was not to be supposed that a garrison two years in
arrears would defend the place against a chief who promised
to pay them.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 213

khan^ one of the two brothers, came over likewise,
and what was most singular is, that he was actu-
ally in the camp of Alem Ali-khan, a nephew of the
two Seids, who was their deputy in the Deckan,
when he adopted this step. The latter chief also,
hearing of the progress of Nizam-ul-mulk, forgot
all his obligations to the two brothers, and under
pretence of providing for the city of Boorhan-
poor, went over to their enemy. The approach of
80 successful a general as Nizam-ul-mulk (styled
also Asof-jah), diffused such terror throughout
the Deckan, that numbers of the Mahratta com-
manders, who at the head of their troops were
every where collecting chout for. their master the
Raja of Sattara, withdrew from their stations,
and gradually retired to Sattara. Whilst Nizam-
ul-mulk was advancing southward, an adventure
happened that set his character in a very advan-
tageous point of view. A lady of high distinc-
tion, who knew nothing of the revolution, was
advancing towards the north. She was the mother
of Seif-ed-din AJi-khan, and sister of the two
Seids. She was going to the capital to pay a
visit to her son, accompanied by his wife, and
several small children. On reaching Boorhanpoor,
she was amazed to hear of her being in an enemy's
country, and that Nizam-ul-mulk was advancing
in that direction. Struck with the difficulty of

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214 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKH£RIN.

her situation, she sent a person of distinction, with
an oiler of money and jewels, to be allowed to
prosecute her journey with honour and safety.
Nizam-ul-^mulk smiled on perusing the letter, and
sending for a dress of honour, he conferred it on
the lady's agent, whom he requested to take
charge of some fruit, which he sent for the chil-
dren, and calling at the same time for one of his
officers, who commanded two hundred horse, bade
him wait on the lady with his corps, and escort
her safely to the camp of Dilaver Ali-khan, who
commanded the vezir's army marching to attack
him. This general, who was provided with every
thing necessary, had orders to fight and destroy
Nizam-ul-mulk, and Hussein Ali-khan waited only
for letters from him, in order that he might set
out himself for the Deckan. Rattan Chand, in-
deed, more than once proposed to get rid of Nizam-
ul-mulk, by quietly relinquishing to him the vice-
royalty of the Deckan, but such a proposal was
opposed to the feelings of his master. The north-
em parts of the empire seemed convulsed as much
as the southern, for violent and bloody conuno-
tions had now arisen in Cashmire.

There one Mula Abd-ul-neby, a Cashmirian,
known by the appellation of Mohtevy-khan, a man
who was celebrated for his prejudice against the
Hindus, availed himself of the confusion of the times

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 216

to give vent to this feeling. He assembled a
number o£ idle, disorderly, inconsiderate Mus-
sulmen, and went at their head to Mir Ahmed,
the lieutenant-governor, and to the kazy or chief
judge of the province, to whom he proposed
that henceforward Hindus of all sorts should be
prohibited the use of horses, white robes, turbans,
and arms ; and also that they should be forbidden
to go out, but at stated hours, to gardens and bath-
ing places. The lieutenant-governor and the judge
answered calmly, that whatever regulations his
majesty should think proper to promulgate, by the
advice of the learned divines of his court, on those
matters, as a standing rule for all the Hindus of
his dominions, would of course find their way into
Cashmire, where it would be their business as his
special servants to carry them into execution. This
answer being unsatisfactory to Mohtevy-khan, he,
in concert with a number of low people about him,
adopted the stupid practice of attacking and ill-
treating every Hindu of rank he chanced to meet
in the streets. One day, as Sahib Ray, a Hindu
of distinction, was giving an entertainment at a
garden in the suburbs, that disturber of the peace,
aided by his associates, fell unexpectedly on these
innocent people, and killed and wounded many of
them. Sahib Ray finding himself aimed at, fled
to the palace of Mir Ahmed-khan, the lieutenant-

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216 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

govenior; and while he was there concealed, hfe
house in town was plundered and sacked by Moh*
tevy-khan and his followers. They likewise plun-
dered the whole Hindu quarter of the city ; after
which they set it on fire, killing and dispersing not
only all the Hindus who came out to entreat their
mercy, but all Mussulmans who attempted to in-
tercede for them . Heated with this success, the mob
marched down to the governor's palace, which
they attacked at first with stones and brick-bats,
and at last with arrows and musket-balls; and
whoever came out was insulted and plundered, if
not killed and stripped, upon the spot. The lieu-
tenant-governor remained besieged for a whole day
and night; nor would it have been possible for him
to escape, had he not adopted several contrivances
and exposed himself to the most imminent peril.
The next day he assembled a few soldiers and some
other people, mounted horses, and being supported
by the commander of the forces of Shah Nevaz-
khan, and by several military officers, he advanced
towards the seditious insurgents; but the latter,
having received advice of his design, had assembled
a vast number of men of their own stamp with
intention to stand their ground. On observing that
the lieutenant-governor had crossed a bridge to
approach them, their leader sent some of his fol-
lowers to set it on fire ; and following up the blow.

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 217

he also burnt all the streets in his flank and rear^
whilst some others of his people getting amongst
the ruins maintained incessant discharges of mus-
ketry, arrows, stones and brick-bats; while the
wives and children of the Mussulman mob strove
to outdo them, by tossing baskets-full of filth and
every missile they could obtain from the houses
into the streets. In a little time Seid Welly the
lieutenant-governor's nephew, and Zulficar-beg, the
cotwal's deputy, were slain, with a number of others,
and many more were grievously wounded or dis-
abled ; so that Mir Ahmed-khan saw himself almost
alone. Unable to go back, and afraid of advancing or
stopping, he had recourse to entreaties and supplica-
tions; and after undergoing every sort of indignity
and outrage, he was suffered to escape. Mohtevy-
khan, now fiercer than ever, returned to the gover-
nor's house, where Sahib Ray had taken shelter
with a multitude of Hindus. Having entered it by
force, he seized every one of them, killed some,
cut off the noses of others, and circumcisM all
those he thought proper otherwise to save. The
latter operation was performed in so brutal a man-
ner that some lost their members altogether. The
next day he repaired, at the head of a great throng,
to the great mosque ; where, of his own authority^
he deposed the lieutenant-governor, proclaimed
himself in his stead by the style and title of Din-

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218 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

dar-khan,* and ordered that until the arrival of
another lieutenant-governor, the kazy should hear
and determine all causes of complaint ; so that for
five months together, Mir Ahmed-khan remained a
private man in his own capital, whilst Mohtevy-
khan sat every day in state in the mosque, hearing
and determining all matters concerning finance and
government.

An account of these disturbances having reached
court, Momin-khan was deputed to Gashmire on
the part of Enaiet-uUali-khan, governor of the
province, but who resided at court. This intelli*
gence intimidated Mohtevy-khan, who by this
time had repented of what he had done. In the
first impulse of the moment, he took two of his
small children by the hand, and went with them
to Khwaja Abdullah, one of the principal holies
of the city, with whom he had some acquaintance,
and having heard that he intended to go out to
meet the new lieutenant-governor at the head of the
principal religious men and the citizens, he wished
to accompany him. The holy mam answered that
he had no objection, but that he thought he ought
in the first instance to go to the commander of the
troops, Mir Shah Newaz-khan, whose forgiveness
he ought to ask for what had passed. Mohtevy*
khan accordingly went to the general's quarters,

* The supporter of the faith.

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SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 219

where the latter had, by the kwajah'B advice, con-
cealed a number of men from the Judbel, that much
injured quarter of the city. On his entering the
room, a few words were exchanged, when the gene-
ral excused himself and went away; the concealed
men rushed on Mohtevy-khan from their retreat
and seized him ; they first ripped open before his
face the beUies of his two children, and then fall-
ing upon him, put him to death with all the tor-*
tures which their resentment prompted. Hardly
had this event taken place, when the followers of
Mohtevy-khan resolved to revenge his death, and
running to the Judbel, they commenced killing,
wounding, beating, and mangling the inhabitants,
and eventually set fire to their houses. About
three thousand men were hacked to pieces by
these wretches. These proved to be mostly Mo-
gul merchants, and other strangers who resided in
Cashmire for the purpose of trade. A vast num-
ber of women and children were likewise seized
on, and carried away. Property to the amount
of several lacs was plundered or utterly spoiled ;
nor is there any describing the usage to which
those defenceless people were subjected by those
miscreants. Having finished what they called the
first campaign of their religious war, they pro-
ceeded to the second, that is, they marched in a
body to the house of the kazy and the general

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220 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

Shah Newaz*khan. The latter found means to
remain concealed; the kazy changed his dress and
slunk away, and the mob, incensed at his escape,
tore up his house from the very foundation, and
scattering the materials about, they left not a brick
on the spot. It was some days after this occur-
rence that Momin-khan, the new lieutenant-
governor, arrived. His first care was to send Mir
Ahmed-khan to a place of safety ; his second, to
re-establish order and subordination, a difficult
task in a country notorious for the turbulent dis-
position of its inhabitants, a wicked race of men,
among whom a man in power must contrive to rule
as much by conciliation and concession as by
rigour.

Whilst the northern part of the empire was reco-
vering from this state of convulsion, the southern
states had become the theatre of a very dangerous
war, that struck at the very existence of the two
Seids. We left Dilaver Ali-khan in full march
for Boorhanpoor. Nizam-ul-mulk, informed of his
motions, sent against him one of his generals, with
his best troops. He was soon joined by Ghows-
khan's cavalry with a train of artillery, the whole
under command of his trusty friend, Enaiet-khan,
while himself, mounting his elephant, came out of
the city with his kinsman Ghows-khan, and with
the rest of his army he encamped in the neigh-

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SIYAR*UL*MUTAKH£RTN. 221

bourhood, so as to be at hand. As soon as the
enemy was discovered, £naiet-khan drew up his
army, and pursuing Nizam^ul-miilk's instructions,
he placed the greatest part of his light and heavy
artillery in a bushy spot of grqund, where it re-
mained loaded with grape-shot. It was along the
sides of a brook, whose shady banks were well
calculated for concealing it. The artillery was
supported by a numerous body of infantry, whose
valour had been tried, and whom Nizam-ul-mulk
knew to be capable of preserving their presence of
mind in a moment of danger. On the other hand,
Dilaver Ali-khan, with that fiery courage peculiar
to him, and that bluntness of intellect proverbial
among the men of Barha, advanced, accompanied
by Dost Mahomed-khan, an Afghan commander.
He ranged his army in the following manner. He
placed himself at the head of eleven thousand
horse ; and the two Hindu princes, Bhim-sing and
Gaj-sing, followed with a compact body of Raj-
puts. In rear of these was his artillery, and behind
all his war-elephants. It was in this order of
battle he advanced in a frantic manner against the
enemy, who waited steadily for him. Enaiet-khan,
on the contrary, merely watched the motions of
the enemy. The battle commenced by mutual
discharges of musketry and rockets, when Dilaver
Ali-khan, inflamed by the sight of his foes, ad-

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222 SlVAR-UL-MUrAKHEnil^.

vanced farther and farther on the retiring enetny,
without suspecting an ambuscade, until he found
himself involved in very unequal ground, which
obliged his troops to break their ranks. Unmindful
of this disorder, he pushed on till he reached the
spot which concealed the enemy. Here he was
opposed by a steady body of men, who taking aim
leisurely, discharged a volley of musketry, cannon,
and rockets, which brought down almost the whole
of the leading columns. Those behind, terrified
by the terrible execution, availed themselves of
the smoke which now covered the plain to retreat ;
in so much that Dilaver Ali-khan was almost alone,
with no one about his person but the two rajas,
and about four or five hundred men. The ground
was too uneven for either a horse or elephant to
move vrith ease, and the greatest part of the
cavalry with the Rajputs were lying dead or
wounded on the field of battle, whilst the rest
were flying in all directions. In this situation.
Dost Mahomed*khan, that Afghan so renowned
for his courage and great character, thought proper
likewise to retire ; the sense of honour having been
superseded in him by a sense of fear : for fortune
appeared now to have turned her back upon the
two brothers, and nothing connected with them
seemed to terminate favourably. Dilaver Ali-
khan, in despair, still pushed on with the two rajas

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SIVAR-UL-MUTAKHEBIN. 223

and his few remaining brave troops. These being
shot at like so many targets, were all slain to a
man. This victory, which had almost destroyed
the enemy's army, cost Nizam-ul-mulk hardly any
loss, and it is universally admitted that he did not
lose a single officer of rank. The enemy flying
in every direction, a shout of victory arose, and
Dilaver Ali-khan's military chest, baggage, sotillery
and equipage, with every thing that could escape
a general pillage, was taken possession of for Ni-
zam-ul-mulk's use. This chieftain now returned
in triumph to Boorhanpoor, where he spent his
time in conciliating the inhabitants, and in reward-
ing his soldiers with elephants, costly dresses of
honour, rich arms, and other favours ; whilst he
took care to relieve the wounded by supplying
them with money and medicines.

The report of this victory having reached Agra,
gave a secret but sincere satisfaction to the em-
peror, as well as to Mahomed Amin-kban, and to
all those who professed an attachment to that
prince, but it filled the two brothers with fear
and anxiety. They now held consultations daily.
Sometimes they proposed to march against Nizam-
ul-mulk together; at others they thought it would
be better to carry the emperor to the capital (Dehli),
where he should be left under the care of the elder
brother, whilst Hussein Ali-khan, the younger.

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224 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

should march against the dangerous rival that had
risen in the Deckan. At one time they intended
to carry the emperor into the middle of the theatre
of war, so as to make him partake of their own
danger; and at another, they thought it more
decent, first of all to send for Hussein Ali-khan's
wife and children, and then only to march against
Nizam-ul-mulk. Another object of their appre-
hension was Mahomed Amin-khan, who gave them
very great umbrage, in so much that there was a
public report one day current that he had been
put to death by the Seids, or at least, arrested ;
and on another, that a reconciliation had taken
place, and that all animosity between them was
buried in oblivion. It is said that the younger
brother voted for bis being put to death, but that
the elder, regardful of the oaths and promises which
had passed between him and the Turany chief,
objected, declaring that such a step would not
only be ungenerous and dishonourable, but even
impolitic. The dispute on this point grew warm,
and the elder brother was heard to say, '* My life
is a pledge for his ; if you are bent on killing him,
then kill me also, or let me kill myself." It was
not till after such debates that his life was spared,
and indeed, as he was doomed to slay Hussein
Ali-khan himself, how could it occur that he should
be killed by him ?

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SIYAR-UI.-Mt TAKHERIN. 226

The mighty events with which the womb of
time was pregnant, seemed to have been foretold
by the convalsions which the elements underwent
in these days. On the twenty-second of the bles- 22 Ramazu,

A H IISSl

sed month of Ramazan, in the year 1 133, as the ji j„|y^
people were assembled at the mosque at a little ^'^* *^''
past twelve, to say the noon-tide prayers, on a
sudden the whole building was shaken by a vio-
lent earthquake, and bricks fell from the cupola
to the great terror of the congregation, who thought
it presaged some mighty and unusual event. Many
of the houses in Shah Jehanabad, and in old
Dehli, fell down, or were shaken to the foun-
dation. Numbers of inhabitants were crushed to
death under the ruins, and others were maimed.
The rumbling noise under ground was so frightful
and so repeated, that it conveyed dismay and con-
sternation into every heart. There were on that
day no fewer than nine successive shocks, which
overturned most of the good houses in the city.
The earth continued shaking at intervals for forty
days and forty nights together, producing every
day some new damage. Strange noises, voices,
and groans were occasionally heard from under
ground, and the affrighted inhabitants were in such
dismay, that no man in his senses had the hardi-
hood to sleep in a place shut up, or under a roof.
After these forty days of continual shaking, the

VOL. I. Q

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226 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

earthquake seemed to have subsided indeed, but

not without undergoing, now and then, some

slighter commotions during the four or five months

}^^* that followed. On the first of Zilkad, it was dc-

8 Amist, termined in council, that the Emperor's camcH

A.IX J781. • .

equipage, with that of the vezir's, should quit the
environs of Acber-abad, in order to march to the
capital, and that the younger brother, Hussein
Ali-kban, should, with a number of noblemen ac-
customed to a camp life, set out at the bead of a
numerous army for the Deckan.

Whilst the preparations for such a campaign
were making, the tale-bearers were so busy, and
the suspicions entertained of all the Turanies were
so prevalent, that Mahomed Amin-khan's life and
death came again to be a subject of debate. Fresh
disputes arose between the brothers regarding his
fate, and the differences of opinion having transpired
abroad, became a topic of general conversation
throughout the city. Matters became so critical,
that he expected every moment an attack upon his
person, and he used to sleep in armour, and to be
surrounded day and night by a body of Turany
soldiers (Jevoted to his person. At last, and whilst
extremities of the most fatal kind were expected,
both parties came to an accommodation ; mutual
promises and solemn oaths were interchanged
with a sincerity apparently quite remote from dis-

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKIIfcRIN. 227

guise and treachery. How far all these protes-
tations were really sincere on the part of one of
the parties, we shall soon have occasion to see ;
meanwhile we shall resume our narrative of the
projected campaign in the Deckan. As the van-
quished army had been almost destroyed, the very
few that escaped from that slaughter, but which
did not amount to more than two or three thou-
sand men, made the best of their way to Aalem
Ali-khan's army in a most wretched condition,
whilst Nizam-ul-mulk employed his time in im-
proving his artillery and camp-equipage, in pro-
viding ammunition, and in distributing medicines
to his wounded, as well as in quieting the minds
of the citizens, and in recruiting his troops, whose
hearts he endeavoured to gain by every means in
his power. His main object, though conducted in
secret, was how to debauch and entice away
Aalem Ali-khan's soldiers and officers ; the more
so, as while he was busy in gaining the enemy's
soldiers, he was occasionally losing some of his
own. Anwer-khan, that ungrateful chief, who
had so far forgotten all the obligations he owed to
the Seid brothers, as to go over to Nizam- ul-mulk,
now turned again to the opposite party, as if one
treason could not suffice. He wrote to Aalem
Ali-khan, that Nizam-ul-mulk was not grown
so powerful but that he might be crushed by a

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A. D. 1721.

228 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHEUIN.

timely and rapid march. He represented him as
spending his time in making up medicines, and in
raising contributions on the people ; a state of in-
action, he observed, which afforded a precious
opportunity, that a man of genius ought not to
let slip. This letter having been intercepted,
served only to render the writer despicable, and
to. bring on him so much the sooner the punish-
ment he merited.

Aalem Ali-khan had no need of excitement ; be
Raroazan, set out in the bcginninff of Ramazan with an army

A.H.1133. ° ^ -^

June, of twenty-five thousand horse, amongst which
were ten or twelve thousand Mahrattas of the
Raja of Sattara under the command of Kandu
Behary and Sankrajy Malhar. He was likewise
accompanied by some commanders of character,
who remembering how they had shed their blood
more than once under Hussein Ali-khan's com-
mand, were attached to his cause and devoted to
his person. Several other officers and persons of
distinction were also in his army, some of whom
followed him out of sincere zeal, and others from
motives of interest. With these troops Aalem
Ali-khan thought himself a match for the enemy,
and having with some difficulty carried his army
through the pass of Feridapoor, which lies midway
betwixt Candeish and Aurengabad, he encamped
in the neighbourhood of the latter city, where his

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHEHIN. 229

Mahratta horse, according to their wonted custom,
spread over the plain and plundered all the vil-
lages. These ravages induced Nizam-ul-mulk
to send his family and heavy baggage within the
fortress of Assir, and then take the field. But
the river Purna, which flows at about seventeen
coss from Boorhanpoor, being then swollen by the
rains, was likely to occasion much delay. From
this difficulty he was extricated by Ghows-khan,
who being well acquainted with the country, pro-
posed to cross about eighteen coss higher, at a spot
which he knew to have a ford. Here they arrived
sooner than expected by bye-ways, which were
pointed out by the zemindars of the country, and
Nizam-ul-mulk, having forded the river, was
already in full march towards the enemy in his
return from Assir, before the latter knew of his
approach. At last, when he received the intelli-
gence, he marched towards his antagonist, whilst
the Mahratta horse in his service, scouring the
country, occasioned a dearth in Nizam-ul-mulk's
camp during the heavy rains which were now
falling, and had spoiled the roads, so that they
harassed him on all sides. On this occasion
Ghows-khan was of great service. At the head of
some thousands of Mahratta horse that served in
Nizam-ul-mulk's army, he cut his way through
the other free-booters. That general now advanced

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230 SIYAB«Ut*MUTAKH£RIN.

to the south through a series of perpetual skirmish-
ing, his intention being to avoid a general action
until he found a field of battle suited to his pur-
pose. Having reached at last the town of Bala-
poor, he prepared for action so soon as the two
armies got within sight of each other, and Aalem
Ali-khan prepared to attack the enemy. This was
5 shewmi, pu the fifth of ShcwaL Aalem Ali-khan put his
.H. 1133. g^^ ji^^ under the command of Manuwar-khan,

14 JOJjy

A.D. 1781. g^^ Galib Ali-khan Deckany, and supported their
right by several corps commanded by Amir-khan,
brother of Khan Aalem, by Amir-khan, cousin of
the late Daud-khan Peny, and by Shamshir-khan,
Ashref-khan, and Fidwy-khan. His left was com-
posed of the several corps commanded by Refat-
khan, and by some other officers of character, to
whom he attached all the Mahratta cavalry, v^th
strict injuactions not to allow them to mix in the
ranks. Aalem Ali-khan himself took post in the
centre, where he shared his elephant with Ghias-
khan. His artillery marched in front, surrounded
by ten or twelve thousand Camatic musketeers,
supported by a number of war-elephants, that
looked like so many mountains cased in iron. The
general having reviewed his troops, seemed satis-
fied in his mind, and advanced with a cheerful
countenance, pleased to think that he was going
into an engagement likely to prove prosperous.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHEUIN. 231

Dut he was lately arrived in those parts, unac-
quainted with the nature of the country, and totally
unexperienced in war : for although he was aware
that Dilaver Ali-khan had lost both his life and
army by giving way to an impetuosity which had
carried him headlong into an ambuscade, which,
Mrith a little more precaution, he might have
avoided, nevertheless Aalem Ali-khan fell himself
into a similar snare, where after exhibiting prodi-
gies of valour, the sweet flower of his life was
cropped in the very season of youth. The truth
is, that he was under the impulse of fate.

" By no scheme nor contrivance is destiny to be evaded,
'' Be it a hoary sage or an unexperienced youth."

On the morning of the sixth of the month, Aalem e shewai.

A H. 1133*

Ali-khan, surrounded by thirty or forty comman- jsjuiy

ders, all mounted on elephants, marched against
the enemy with a blind security, which can nei-
ther be concealed nor dissembled in the page of
history.

Nizam-ul-mulk on his side gave the command
of his first line to the brave Merhamet-khan, and
in order to make trial of his son, Ghazi-ed-din-
khan's fortune, he placed him under that renowned
officer. Abd-ur-rahim-khan, Raiet-khan, Saad-ed-
din<khan, Darab-khan, Kamyab-khan, and Enaiet-
khan, all at the head of their troops, were distri-
buted on his right and left wings, together with

5 July,
A.D.172L

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232 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKIIERIN.

the corps commanded by Kadir-dad-khan, Akh*
tisas-khan, Dilir-khan, aud Anver-khan. To those
troops he added all the Rajputs commanded by
their rajas^ and brought by some commanders
discontented with the two brothers, but desirous
of distinction. Nizam-ul-mulk himself took post
in the centre with Ghows-khan by his side. As
to the troops brought by the zemindars, as well as
some thousands of Mahratta cavalry, he thought it
better to leave them in his rear under Sambah,
their general, with orders to secure his camp
against the enemy's Mahrattas. Nizam-ul-mulk
had a numerous artillery, which had been vastly
augmented by what he drew from the fortresses of
Assir and Boorhanpoor, but especially by those
guns which he had acquired in his late victory.
This he placed in his front in full view of the
enemy; but as soon as it became dark, he sent
great part of his guns to the left and right, where
they were concealed by a copse from the enemy's
sight, and they were managed with skill by offi-
cers of tried valour and ability. The guns were
loaded with grape, and there were intermixed
with them swivels, wall-pieces, and rockets. This
arrangement was hardly complete, when Alem
Ali-khan's army was seen in motion; and the
action was commenced by the advance consisting
of ten or twelve thousand horse, which under the

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 233

command of Manuwar-khan, charged the Deckan
artillery. Upon the first discharge Manuwar-
khan was slain, together with some of the bravest
of his men. At sight of this, the first line of
Nizam-ul-mulk, principally composed of Mogols,
attacked the enemy's line, which it threw into
confusion. This being reported to Aalem Ali-
khan, he moved a number of choice troops in haste
to repair the disorder in his centre. Here the
battle raged with fury. Aalem Ali-khan was the
foremost in every attack, overthrowing the enemy's
troops, confounding their ranks, and making them
lose ground. Flushed with this success, he pushed
on with ardour^ but without caution ; the Deckan
line fell back in good order, Aalem Ali-khan pur-
sued, and both parties were drawing nearer and
nearer to that fatal spot where the cannons were
concealed. The Deckan artillery was under the
management of a body of tried men, personally
inimical to the two Seids. At length it opened
its fire, and afforded a specimen of the day of judg-
ment. The sun's light was darkened, and the
day was turned into night. When the smoke
cleared up, Ghalib-khan, Shemshir-khan, Ashref-
khan, Khwaja Rahmet-khan, Muntehy-khan, and
Mahomedy-beg, with a vast number of the bravest
commanders and soldiers were found among the
slain, weltering in their blood. The best and

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234 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERrN,

bravest part of the cavalry was destroyed or dis-
abled. Still this did not dismay Aalem Ali-khan,
who, although wounded, made a brave stand, and
rallied round his person a number of veteran sol-
diers, all ready to spill their blood for his sake.
With these he continued to advance, when his
progress was stopped by Akhtisas-khan and by
Enaiet-khan, as well as by numbers of others,
who could not help admiring the valour of that
young hero. Here commenced a new, a long and
bloody contest, which ended by Akhtisas-khan's
engaging Aalem Ali-khan hand to hand, when the
latter lost his right arm in the combat. This wound
having disabled him, he was over-powered and
slain on the spot, together with nineteen other
commanders of note ; and the greatest part of that
brave body that had adhered to him. The young
Seid cheerfully, and with a face glowing with
honour, resigned his soul, which fled to join his
holy and valiant ancestors. Sankrajy Mulhar,
the Mahratta commander, who followed Aalem
Ali-khan, with a number of the bravest of his
nation, was wounded, and taken prisoner with
some of. his best troops.

Whilst this scene of slaughter was acting, Omer-
khan, brother of the late Daud-khan Peny, and
Amir-khan, brother of Khan Aalem, two com-
manders, who had treacherously abandoned Aalem

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SirAR-Ut«MUTAKH£RlV. 235

Ali^khaD, ayailmg themselves of the general con*
fusion, seized on three or four elephants and on
three or four lacs of rupees, quitted the field of
battle, and to their eternal disgrace, wheeling
round with a number of troops, as treacherous as
themselves, surrendered to Nizam-ul-mulk. That
general ordered the enemy's artillery, military
chest, camp equipage, and whatever belonged to
the commanders slain in battle, to be applied to
his use. In this second battle, as in the former,
the Deckan troops suffered so little, that not
an officer of character was slain, and few only
wounded.

When intelligence of this second disaster was
brought to the two brothers at Dehli, it threw
them into a state of despair, especially the younger,
who from his deep sensibility of reverse of fortune,
was inwardly consumed by grief and impatience,
and he suffered the utmost anguish when he re-
flected that his wife and family were yet in the
Deckan. Fortimately for him, in a few days more
he received intelligence that before Nizam-ul-
mulk's approach to Aurengabad, the governor of
Dowletabad, although he had been ill-used by the
two Seids, and was dissatisfied with their pro*
ceedings, had the generosity to receive that forlorn
family, with all their dependants and effects, with-
in that strong fortress, although he wajs actually

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236 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

upon ill-terms with the very man to whose consort
and children he was affording all the assistance,
and all the conveniencies in his power. In a word,
he took ample revenge of the two Seids, his ene-
mies, by conferring upon them an important be-
nefit at a most critical juncture.

" It is easy to return evil for evil ;

" But if thou be a man, return good for evil."*

Hussein Ali-khan, on hearing such consoling
news, recovered his wonted firmness, and became
easy in mind, although he heard at the same time
that Mubariz-khan, governor of Hydrabad, as
well as Dilaver Ali-khan, his brother-in-law, had
both quitted his party and gone over to Nizam-
ul-mulk, to whom they carried a body of seven or
eight thousand horse.

The news from the Deckan becoming every day
more alarming, the two brothers determined that
Abdullah-khan should march to the capital, in order
to retain it in quietness ; and that Hussein Ali-khan
should march to the Deckan at the head of a nu-
merous army accompanied by the emperor. This
resolution once taken, the viceroy turned his whole

* These sentiments do the author great credit ; they are in
the true spirit of Christianity, v^hich teaches us to do good even
to our enemies. The delicacy and the chivalrous attention
paid to females in India, among the upper classes, is little known
or appreciated by us. It surpasses, in reality, the tales of romance
in the days of chivalry in Europe.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 237

attention towards making additions to his army
and to his artillery. With that view he dispatched
Seid Mahomed-khan with money and letters to
the brave inhabitants of Barha, and to the Afghans
who lived beyond them, whose bravest comman-
ders he invited into his service, and thus in a
little time he saw himself at the head of fifty thou-
sand horse. Besides these were the imperial
guards, and a number of rajas with their Rajputs.
He was also followed by many other persons of
distinction, who went as volunteers, desirous to
signalize themselves under such a commander.
His train of artillery, composed of such large can-
non apparently intended for shaking the earth to
its foundation, was protected by a numerous body
of musketeers, formed by himself. Having re-
viewed all this army about the end of Shewal, 5®7?m
Hussein Ali-khan sent his equipage on the high August,
road to the Deckan, and on the same day he ad-
vanced with the emperor two coss from Acberabad.
But as his last hour was at hand, he became guilty
of several improper proceedings, which can only
be referred to the imperative impulse of fate. He
took from Seid-khan Jehan the office of comman-
dant of artillery, and gave it to Heider Kuly-khan,
an office of the utmost importance, as it always in-
volved the protection of the emperor's household,
family, and even person. Several days more having

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238 SITAU-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

been spent in that encampment, it was the ninth
9Ziicad, of the month of Zilcad, when the kinsf quitting

A H. 1133 <j M. o

18 August, Acberabad advanced three coss on the road to
AD. 1721. Deckan. He was attended by the vezir Abdullah-
khan, who waited only for a fit opportunity to
take his leave, and to commence his journey to-
wards the capital. The anniversary of the empe-
ror's coronation was at hand, and occurred on the
P ziicad. fifteenth. He wished to assist at the ceremonies

A.H* 1133*

34 August, usual on that occasion before he set out. Hussein

A D 1721

Ali-khan objected to this delay, and induced the
emperor to dismiss the vezir earlier, after which
the emperor himself decamped, and on the four*
teenth he marched two full stages more to Fateh-
poor, where he spent three or four days in rejoic-
ings for the anniversary. These being over, he
thought only of marching to the Deckan, but his
brother Abdullah-khan remained on the spot two
or three days longer, with Hamid-khan, the uncle
of Nizamrul-mulk, and some other nobles, such
as Ghazi-ed -din-khan, Ghalib-khan, and others.
After this stay, the reason for which no one could
guess, he set out for the capital, and on the road
was met by Mahomed-khan Bangash, who not
satisfied with several lacs of rupee3 which he had
received from Hussein Ali«khan, under promise of
following him with a corps of soldiers of his own
nation, protested he was in want of money, and

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 289

obtained fifty thousand rupees more from the vezir.
The latter continued his march to the capital,
whilst his brother was intent on marching to the
south.

The vezir continued his route, and was at the
distance of two short joumies from the capita],
when he received intelligence that his elder brother
had been assassinated, together with his younger
brother Nur-ed-din Ali-khan, and his nephew
Gheiret-khan. This news was contained in a
short note brought by a dromedary courier, which
Rattan Chand had sent off on the occasion. The
following is the detail of this event.

As the empetor was a mere pageant in his own
dominions, his situation was pitied by some
nobles of the old court of Aurengzib, such as
Nizam-ul-mulk, Mahomed Amin-khan, and others,
who beheld with indignation the vast power of the
two brothers, and resolved to deliver him from a
thraldom. so degrading to the imperial family and
to themselves.

Mahomed Amin-khan, though narrowly watched^
found means to say a few words in Turkish to the
king, and obtained his consent to the subsequent
measures, which having been imparted to Nizam-
ul-mulk, determined him to assert his own indepen-
dance, and to wrest the Deckan from the two
brothers. It is to these intrigues at court, and to

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240 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERI\.

that general's exertions in the fields that Dilaver
Ali-khan and Aalem Ali-khan owed their misfor-
tunes, though after all, it must not be denied that
the whole happened by the immediate intervention
of an unavoidable destiny. Mahomed Amin-khan,
who saw that the viceroy was bent on the destruc-
tion of Nizam-ul-mulk, and who suspected that
the latter was not a match for his adversary, con-
cluded that the ruin of Nizam-ul-mulk would be
followed by his own downfall, and that of all his
countrymen, the Turanies. Fully impressed with
these notions, he watched day and night with his
confederates for a favourable opportunity to de-
stroy Hussein Ali-khan. But it must not be
believed that they would have raised their views
so high, had they not been assured of support
from a powerful party which was gaining ground
every day. The first person they thought of gain-
ing over was Seid Mahomed Amin, better known
by the name of Saadet-khan, an Irany, bom at
Nishapoor in Khorassan. This chiefs first appear-
ance was as commandant of that corps of infantry
guards called Vala-shahies, raised in Ferokh Siar's
time. Some time after, he was promoted to the
ofiSce of Fojdary of Hindown Biana, one of the
principal and most troublesome districts of the
province of Acberabad. It was here he first gave
proof of his valour and abilities. With a few

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 241

troopfi which he obtained from the Vezir Abdullah-
khan, and a few more of his own countrymen, he
contrived to bring that province under control;
and this service having procured him an augmenta-
tion of five hundred horse to his military grade, he
henceforward became known at court, where he
bore the character of a resolute and an able com-
mander. Mahomed Amin-khan finding him cal-
culated for his purpose, insinuated himself into his
confidence, and he became henceforward his con-
stant companion and the depository of his secrets.
This connexion was greatly facilitated by their
both being Moguls,* and they cast their eyes upon
a third Mogul, a man altogether fit for that pur-
pose. This person was Mir Heider*khan, a Cha-
ghatay Calmuc of Cashgar, whose family enjoyed
for many years the oflSce of sword-bearer to the
prince of his own country. Mir Heider bore also
the title of Mir Miran. He was a man of intrepid
character, whom no danger could appal ; and he
united himself with Mahomed Amin-khan, not only
out of ambition, but out of a religious, zeal, he
being as zealous a Sunny as the viceroy was a
zealous Shiah, and he took upon himself the task
of despatching Seid Hussein Ali-khan with his own
hand. These three resolute men being thus con-

* By the word Mogul here the author means a foreigner,
either from Persia, Gabul, or Khwarazm.

VOL. I. R

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242 SIVAR-UL-MUTAKHEBIN.

nected, determined to cast lots who should giTe
the first blow, and having for this purpose applied
to the Koran, the task devolved on Mir Heider, a
wretch unworthy of living either in this world or
the next. This man, without suspecting how near
he was. to his own end, framed a petition full of
complaints against Mahomed Amin-khan, and in
order to present it, he took for his associate a coun-
tryman of his own, whom he knew to be as in-
famous as himself. It was on Tuesday, the sixth
6 ziiiiaj, of Zilhaj, in the year 1 133 of the Hegira, the army
14 September, was eucamped fifty coss south of Acberabad, and
the emperor was just alighting to enter his tent.
At this moment Mahomed Amin-khan whispered
to him in Turkish to be ready and upon his guard,
after which he made his bow, and retired to the
quarters of Heider Kuly-khan, one of the principal
conspirators. As he was retiring, the viceroy ad-
vanced, and having accompanied the emperor as
far as the first entrance of the lady's enclosure, he
withdrew, and took the road to his own tent, which
being in the vanguard, could not be less than one
coss distant. On approaching the outlet of the
royal enclosure, Mir Heider, who availed himself
of a rising ground to shew himself, made his bow,
and raised his petition as high as he could ; the
attendants forbade his approaching nearer, but fate,
unavoidable fate, put it into the viceroy's mind to

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SIYAE*UL-MUTAKHERIN. 243

beckcm to him, and to command his people to let
him draw close. Mir Heider having augured well
of this extraordinary condescension, approached,
presented his petition, and as the viceroy's palky
was going on, he ran alongside, holding, as is
usual on those occasions, by the side of that con-
veyance with one hand, whilst with the other be
explained the objects 'of his complaint. The mo-
ment he saw the viceroy's attention engaged in read-
ing the petition, he drew his dagger, and gave that
valorous and innocent Seid such a violent stab, as
threw hhn on the opposite side of the palky, where
he expired without a groan, and assumed the
Grown of martyrdcMn. In the act of falling, he gave
the murderer a violent kick in the breast, which
overset tlie palky, but the body fell motionless on
the ground. Nur-uUah-khan, a relation of the
viceroy's, was likeviFise marching on foot and hold-
ing the palky,. and on seeing the blow, he drew his
sabre and felled the assassin to the ground. He
was himself cut down by the Mogul attending Mir
Heider. The latter was himself collared and
killed by Mir Mushref, who although grievously
wounded in the scuiBe, found means to escape
alive. From that moment a promiscuous slaughter
ensued round the palky. Numbers of Moguls who
were in the plot, arriving one after another, cleared
the ground, and both the heads of Hussein Ali-

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244 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

khan and Nur-uUah-khan being severed from their
bodies, were carried to the emperor's quarters.
This sight made so deep an impression on the
eunuch Macbul, superintendant of the viceroy's
seraglio, that assuming courage out of his very
despair, he drew his sabre, attacked the Moguls
vigorously, and received several wounds, of which
he died three or four days after. Whilst so much
noble blood was streaming round Hussein Ali-
khan s body, his water-bearer and head-scavenger,
taking to their sabres and bucklers, ran with all
their might to the imperial tents, and throwing
themselves headlong amongst the body-guard, cut
their way as far as the Tesbih-khana* apartment,
where they were hewn in pieces, or, as some others
say, killed by Saadat-khan, who barred the en-
trance with his body.f A troop of resolute men,
attached to Mohcam-sing, divan of the murdered
viceroy, havipg at the commencement of tumult ran
with drawn sabres as far as the royal tents, pene-
trated through as far as the main tent of audience,
and fought valiantly. Most of them were wounded,
but they cut their way back on hearing that their

* The chapel-tent

f The extraordinary attachment and personal devotioD of
Indian domestics to their masters is a remarkable feature in
their character. Some strong instances of this nature have
occurred even towards Europeans, but among themselves the
feeling is common^ and wonderfully powerfuL

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- SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 245

master could not recover. As for Hussein Ali-
khan*s infantry, which had already commenced
firing, they were soon silenced, or dispersed of
themselves, on hearing that all was over.

The news of Hussein Ali-khan's death was di-
rectly communicated to Gheiret-khan, his nephew,
who was then in camp. That gallant young soldier,
without collecting his troops, or bringing up his
artillery, or even giving himself time to assemble
his friends about his person, quitted the table
where he was taking his meal, and having wiped
his mouth and hands, mounted his elephant, and
without uttering a word, advanced to opJ306e the
murderers of his uncle. With about three thou-
sand horse and foot that joined him troop by troop
on the way, he rushed towards the royal tent with
a fury which can be compared only to the rapidity
of lightning, or to the fury of a storm. Whilst
advancing, Saadet-khan and Mahomed Amin-
khan, with Heider Kuly-khan, sensible of the
emperor's danger, threw themselves headlong
amongst a number of men that had penetrated as
far as the ladies' apartments, and were thronging
around, and barring the very entrance. Having
-cleared the passage by sheer bodily exertions,
they called on the emperor to shew himself; but
he was actually restrained by his mother, and
entangled amongst a crowd of women, who had

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246 SITAR-UL«MUTAKH£RlW.

seized his person. Saadet-ldian, sensible of the
importance of his presence, and how little thk
rules of etiquette deserved his attention at such a
moment, had the boldness to rush beyond the
door, and having entreated die emperor to shew
himself at the head of a number of iaitfafiil ser-
vants, ready to shed their blood in his cause, seized
his hand, and by main strength disengaged him
from the women. He brought him out to Ma^
homed Amin-khan, who mounted him upon his
elephant, and took his post in the seat behind. It
was customary for the imperial guards, and for
some other corps, to assemble daily at the entrance
of the royal enclosure. They now assembled there
earlier than usual, whilst some troops of Moguls
hastened towards the same spot. Saadet-khan,
and others, joined Mahomed Amin-khan, byde*
tached bands, so that the king at once appeared
surrounded by a respectable body of men. Still
his danger had been great but for Heider Kuly^
khan, who sensible that some such emergency
was at hand, had the foresight to exercise the
artillery daily, having previously secured the men
by his liberality; insomuch, that On the first
report of the tumult, they marched up to head*
quarters ; and whilst Ghetret-khan was advancing
on one side with a confused disorderly body of
men, Heider Kuly-khan was marching on the

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SIYAH-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 247

Other with a steady pace, and a numerous troop
marshalled in order, with which he surroumled
the emperor's person, forming without the inner
circle of troops, another circle of field-pieces and
war-elephants. This being done, he went up to
a body of his own horse, and advanced to the
charge, himself at their head. A battle, terrible
as the day of j udgment, now commenced. Gheiret-
khan, lyho had come with all the fury of a hungry
lion or a famished tiger, was boiling with impa-
tience ; his eagerness did not give him time to take
breath, little apprehensive that all his haste would
only serve to precipitate him into the abyss of
eternity. He had resolved to sacrifice his own life
if he could but revenge his uncle's murder, and close
either with the emperor, Mahooied Amin«khan, or
Heider Kuly-khan, in single combat. The cannon
and musketry of the latter general, long accus-
tomed to good practice, fired steadily, and their
balls rained as thick as a storm of hail. The two
adverse parties engaged with so much fury, that
nothing was heard but the groans of the dying,
and the cries of ** have at you." By this time
the nobles of the imperial party were flocking
firom all parts round the royal person, and Gheiret-
khan's troops were likewise hastening to their
chiefs assistance, so that the two parties which
had now assumed the consistence of armies, were

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248 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHEBIN.

already come to short weapons, and engaging
hand to hand. Gheiret-khan had advanced so near
to Heider Kuly*khan, that he shot an arrow at
him, which sunk with so much violence in the
latter's bow, that it required considerable force
afterwards to extract it. This was no sooner per-
ceived by Saadet-khan and Kamer-ed-din-khan,
than they flew to his assistance, and performed
exploits worthy of their attachment to their sove-
reign. He himself was employed incessantly in
filling his bow, and discharging arrows on all sides.
Whilst the two parties were solely intent on each
other's destruction, the camp-followers, availing
themselves of the confusion, fell on Hussein Ali-
khan's quarters, set them on fire, as well as all
the tents of his body of Seids; and whilst the
servants were busy in putting out the fire, they
plundered out of the viceroy's tents money and
jewels to the amount of several crores of rupees.
At this moment Khan Dowran arrived. Gheiret-
khan, enfeebled already by two wounds, was shot
dead with a musket-ball by an Abyssinian, who
sat in the seat behind Heider Kuly-khan. The
young Seid, without uttering a groan, went to
Mrait upon his glorious ancestor, the divine Ali»
the prince of the pious, on whom be grace and
mercy for ever! Meanwhile the viceroy's pro-
perty had been plundered leisurely, and there

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHEttlN. 249

remained but little of it to be secured for the
emperor's use.

The victory being now decided^ Heider Kuly-
khan sent word to Mohcam Sing, the divan of
Hussein Ali-kban, advising him to pay his homage
to the king, as that prince had ordered his life and
property to be spared. He came, and on his mak-
ing his bow, the emperor pardoned his past con-
duct, and augmented his military grade to six
thousand horse. Word was also sent to Rattan
Chand, but he knowing how unpopular he was,
made haste to despatch a dromedary courier to
Abdullah-khan, as we have already said, and
getting into his palky, hastened to his quarters.
On the road he was stopped by some Moguls, as
well as by crowds of the mob, who long incensed
at his violent oppression, flew at him, and having
torn him from the palky, they gave him a severe
beating, and dragged him stark naked to Mahomed
Amin-khan's quarters, who immediately ordered
him some clothes, but sent him into confinement
with a chain attached to his feet. Ray Narotum
Dass, the agent of Abdullah-khan, was more
lucky; observing how matters went, he shaved his
beard and whiskers, changed his apparel, and
whilst his baggage was pillaged, he went like a
thief into his own tent, took some jewels, and re-
tired to the quarters of some trusty friends, who

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250 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKU£HIN.

found means to conceal him, and he at last made
his escape to his master, Abdullah-khan. Mir
Ali-khan did not meet with such good fortune.
He was a servant long attached to Hussein Ali*
khan. His master set so much value upon his
services, that he had raised him to offices both
lucrative and honourable, and he in acknowledg-
ment for these favours, proved himself a companion
worthy of Gheiret-khan. He was now plundered
as well as others, and sent into confinement, al-
though his person had been respected for three
days by the populace, that had been so merciless
to others. To Mir Mushref, who had cut so con-
spicuous a figure when Hussein Ali-khan was mur-
dered, offices, and even money, were now offered,
but he declined both, and lived for a long while
retired and in obscurity, when the emperor, of his
own accord, sent for him and gave him employ-
ment.

The bodiesof Hussein Ali-khan, Nur-ed-din Ali-
khan, and Gheiret-khan, were wrapped up in cloth
of gold by Mahomed Amin-khan's order, and
decently put into coffins, he intending by this mea-
sure to avoid the reproaches of the public. He
even went to the place where they lay in state,
made his devotions at their feet, performed the
usual rites, and said aloud, *' Here lie three va^
lorous lions asleep." After this, he ordered the

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SITAR*UL-MUTAKU£aiV« 261

three coffins to be tsijkm ttp and carried to the
bmilj vault at Aj/mar, where lay buried the great
AbdoUaMdMii, commonly called Mia-khan, the
£nBder of that family. It k probable that the
motive for covering them with gold cloth and other
costly ornaments^ was to excite the cupidity of
banditti, who by plundering the whole and insult-
ing the bodies, might render the procession ridi^
culous; but if such was his intention he was
disappointed. Wherever the coffins were descried
from afer, people of all ranks flocked to them,
and, out of respect, accompanied them a great
way, and it was with such an escort they arrived
at Ajmir, where they were deposited under the
family monument.

Praise be to God Almighty, that the qualities of
wisdom and justice shone forth conspicuously in
Hussein Ali-khan's character. It appears from
authentic memoirs and unquestionable records,
that what befel Ferokh Siar^ and some others of his
enemies, was the result of their own machinationsi
and had never taken place but in the vezir's own
defence. Indeed, where is the man that would not
strive for the preservation of his life and honour. It
is a thing unheard of to this day» that any man of
the world has ever parted with either whilst
he had power to defend them« It may even be
said that few men have been found so free from

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252 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIK.

vice as to have devoted their lives and honour even
m the cause of glorifying God and his prophet,
although a disregard of life is in such a mighty
cause a divine obligation, and never fails to pro-
duce in the other world the highest degree of hap-
piness and glory. Whereas similar resolution,
exerted in the cause of our own species, is far from
producing any such return. Indeed, how shall we
believe it can, since we find the many important
services rendered to Ferokh Siar by these two
illustrious brothers, at the expense of so much
blood and property, met with no better reward
than perpetual animosity, evinced in the intrigues
of such vile reprobates as Amir Jumlah and £ti-
kad-khan, the most contemptible and profligate
wretches that ever disgraced a court. The victor's
lenity was never more conspicuous than in his pre-
sent condescension towards the adherents of the
Seids. Assed-uUah-khan, better known by the
name of Nawab-awleat, a son of the aunt of Hus-
sein Ali-khan, having lost all his effects in this
general confusion, as well as his credit and in-
fluence, obtained leave to quit the court, and to go
on pilgrimage to the house of God at Mecca.
Gholam Ali-khan, who had the merit of having
been one of those persons that went to fetch the
young emperor from Selimgur, and had on that
account been spared both as to his honour and pro-

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 263

perty, no sdoner saw himself at full liberty, than
he made his escape to Abdullah-khan. Nusret-
yar-khan, one of the principal Seids of Barha,
although' much dissatisfied with Abdullah-khan,
had the generosity to march to Hussein Ali-khan's
assistance at the head of his body of horse, and
was already within three coss ; but finding on his
arrival that all was over, he applied to Khan Dow-
ran, with whom he was on terms of friendship, for
pardon. He was immediately sent for by that
nobleman and presented to the emperor. On pay-
ing his respect, he was raised to the grade of five
thousand horse, with an addition of two thousand
to his corps. This favour seemed only the prelude
to greater promotion. Mahomed Amin-khan, who
enjoyed already the rank of eight thousand horse,
was complimented with the actual command of so
many troopers having two horses* each ; he was
also presented with a purse of two crores and a
half of dams, and raised to the dignity of prime
minister, under the title and style of Vezir-el-me-
malik, Zafer-jung. The office of commander-in-
chief was conferred on Khan Dowran, together
with the grade of eight thousand horse, and the

* The Do-aspah cavaliy have been frequently described ; each
trooper has' two horses, one of which he leads, and by this
means the regiment is able to make marches of extraordinary
length and rapidity. In modem times this practice has alto-
gether ceased.

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254 SlYAR-VL^MUTAKQERIK.

title of Amir-ul-umra^ that is, chief of the nobles.
^Kamer-ed-din-khan, son ofthenew vezir, was ap-
pointed second in command in the army, and had
the superintendance of the royal baths, which in-
cludes the private apartments.* He was also nomi-
nated to some offices, and promoted to the command
of five thousand horse with the rank of seven.
Heider Kuly-khan was promoted to the same rank,
with the actual command of six thousand troopers,
having one and two horses each, and was ennobled
with the title of Nasir-jiing. Saadet-khan was
raised to the grade and command of five thousand
horse, and received the title of Bahadur, with the
privilege of beating a nagara, or kettledrum.
Zafer-khan also shared in the royal favour. In
short, none of the emperor's former or recent
friends were forgotten, and every one was re-
warded by offices, dignities, and employments,
according to his merits or his interest at court.

Abdullah-khan had proceeded about forty coss,
and was already only two short joumies from the
capital, when he received that note which Rattan
Chand despatched on the first tumult. That
mournful note which almost rendered his existence
a burthen, filled his eyes with tears, and over-
loaded with grief his affectionate breast. He
thought it unsafe to halt, but resolved to march on

* This office is like that of Lord Chamberlain in Europe.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 265

tb the capital. Some of his friends objected to this
measure, and were of opinion that as the emperor
had not yet been joined by the provincial troops,
and had not had time to tamper with many thou-
sands of old soldiers attached to his late brother,
it would be desirable to return to Acberabad, and
to attack the emperor before he should have lei-
sure to strengthen his party. This advice did not
please Abdullah-khan, who observed, ** that there
was no success to be expected by attacking with
dispirited and diminished troops, a prince firmly
seated upon the throne, and surrounded by nobles
and generals closely connected together. That, for
his part, be firmly believed such a contest would
fail, unless he could gain over for his party a prince
of Aurengzib's blood, whose person might attract
the eyes of the multitude, and reconcile many
nobles of the old regime, who were now living in
the capital, and who by forming a court around
the new prince, might afford a plea to assemble an
army and artillery." Having adopted this opinion,
he continued his journey to the capital. But he
found matters there much altered.

As soon as the news of the revolution had spread
far and near, the peasants, turning highwaymen
and banditti, plundered every one of those that
chanced to lag behind, and even the ba^age that
happened to be at some distance from the vezir's

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266 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIV.

army ; and although they were '^more than once
chastised, it did not deter them from persisting in
such practices. One day a body of foot, with their
officers at their head, was cut off near Abdullah-
khan's quarters, and almost within his sight
Another day the plunderers surrounded a convoy
that came from the capital, with a quantity of
articles for Hussein Ali-khan, and plundered it
entirely, stripping all those persons who composed
it, at a distance of only two coss from Abdullah*
khan's camp. On the other hand, all the landed
estates that belonged to the two brothers, or to
their adherents, were seized by the zemindars,
who collected the revenues until they knew to
whom they were to appertain. These, however,
were inconsiderable objects. Abdullah-khan des-
patched Shujaat-uUah-khan and Murteza-khan,
two noblemen of consequence, to the capital, with
orders to bring from thence one of the princes of
the house of Timur ; and he wrote to his younger
brother, Nizam-ed-din Ali*khan, governor of Dehli,
to raise soldiers and to provide camp-equipage, and
every thing requisite for taking the field instantly.
s ziihaj, The letter arrived in the evening of the eighth of

A.H ] 133»

16 September, Ziihaj, before any certain intelligence had reached
A.D. 1721. ^j^^ ^jjy ^ l^^j. ^g ^^^ rumour had already found

its way thither, the governor sent a number of
armed men, with the city cutwal at their head^ to

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SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 257

take possession of Mahomed Amin-khan's palace,
which was surrounded the greatest part of the
night, whilst the people within shewed a resolu-
tion to defend it. In the morning, the governor,
either of his own accord, or in consequence of an
order from Abdullah-khan, recalled the cutwal,
and desisted from a proceeding so hazardous. His
attention was besides diverted to objects of greater
importance. Two days after, (that is) on the tenth
of Zilhij, which is always the day of corban or lo zuhij.
sacrifice, he went out of the city to make his devo- is September

A D 1781

tions in the field, as is the custom, with a vast
multitude of people ; and on returning to town, he
repaired directly to the tower where the princes
of the imperial blood resided. He was accompa-
nied by Abdullah-khan's two envoys, and it was ^
with them he presented himself at the door of the
apartment of the princes, the sons of Moiz-ed-din
Jehandar-shah, whom he requested to come out.
But so far firom complying they all refused, and
even one of them, Nico-siar, concealed himself.
The envoys confounded at such a repulse, repaired
to the apartment of Sultan Ibrahim, a young prince,
the son of Refi-el-kadr, grandson of Bahadur-shah,
and having prevailed upon him to accept their prof-
fered aid, they brought him out on the 11th iiziiiiij,

' A.H. 1132.

Zilhij, A. H. 1132, and placed him on the throne 19 September,
under the name and style of Abul-fet'h Zehir-ed- ^^' ^'^^^'

VOL. I. s

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268 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.*

din Mahomed Ibrahim. Abdullah-khan arriving
two days after, went immediately to pay his ho-
mage to the new prince, from "whom he obtained
for Ghazi-ed-din-khan, the office of commander-
in-chief, with the rank of eight thousand horse, and
the title of Amir-ul-umrah. Nejnl-ed-din Ali-khan
was cieated second in command; Selabet-khan»
third, and Beiram-khan, fourth. Favours and pro-
motions were likewise conferred on their relations
and friends. The minister now turned his atten-
tion towards many ancient nobles, who having
been members of the court of Refi-ed-derjat, now
lived in retirement, without employment, neglected
and forgotten. These being sent for, were received
with respect, nominated to offices and employ-
ments, and assisted with sums of money adequate
to their wants, from fifty thousand to a lac of ru-
pees each.*^ Some of those who had served with
distinction, were appointed to the command of
several new bodies of horse, which they were re-
quired to raise at the rate of eighty rupeesf per
month for each trooper. Hamid-khan, the uncle
of Nizam-ul-mulk, but who was upon bad terms
with him, was gratified with a new estate, besides
that which he enjoyed already, and with a large

♦ £5,000 to £10,000 sterling.

t The usual rate in garrison was only fifty, and now is as low
as twenty and thirty rupees.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 259

sum of money. Several nobles attached to the
late Ferokh Siar^ such for instance as Etikad-khan,
Shaista-khan, Sefy^khan, and Islam'^khan, with'
many others, who lived neglected and even* uncer-
tain of their fate^ were now induced to attend^'
They were promised honours and dignities, pro-
vided they would attach themselves to the youngs
prince. Some of them, such as. Islam-khan and
Mahomed Yar-khan, and Sefy-khan, who did not
tike the appearance of the times, excused them<^
selves on the plea of ill-health, and refused to ac-
cept of dignities or offioes. But Etikad-khan and
Seif-khan consented, and accepted money for their
necessities, without being really sincere; for both
these chiefs, as well as several others who had
served in the guards called Valashahies, returned
home after having followed Abdullah-khan for
form's sake during one or two day's march. Thfe
officers of lesser note, such as those who com-
manded from five hundred to a thousand horse,
proved more faithful in their attachment, and were
subsequently preferred according to their merits.
The pay of the common trooper was raised from
fifty rupees a month to eighty, but as men and
horses were promiscuously admitted^ without giv-
ing a due preference to old soldiers, those that
were best mounted and armed evinced much dis-
content. Nevertheless, the urgency of the times

s 2

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260 . SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

required the levies to be continued without refer-
ence to the distinctions of old or new soldiers, and
still less to that of the tribe and race, insomuch
that whoever brought a horse was enlisted, with-
out inquiry as to what nation or tribe he belonged.
In this manner an army of ninety thousand cavalry
was in a short time levied in the capital, at the ex-
pense of one crore of rupees bounty.
iTZiihij, On the seventeenth of Zilhij, that is five days

A.H. 1132.

1 October, siter the coronation, Abdullah-khan brought the

A T\ 1791

new king out of the citadel, with as much royal
pomp as could be got up on so short notice, and he
marched with him to the Eid-gah out of the city,
where he encamped, and where he was joined by
several persons of consequence, who quitted the
imperial army and came to him with their troops.
At the same time Gholam Ali-khan and Nijabet
Ali-khan (the latter the nephew of Abdulla&-khan,
and only fourteen years old) were sent back to the
city in order to keep it quiet, and free from
tumults; and as the news regarding Abdullah-
khan now received assured him that Mahomed-
shah was advancing by the Jatt country, he took
the road of Kutb-ed-din*s monument in order to
intercept him ; but on being better informed, he
struck to the left and encamped at Feridpoor,
whilst Mahomed-shah's route lay through Acbera-
bad. The vezir made some stay at Feridpoor in

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SJYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 261

expectationof being joined by his younger brothers
Seif-ed-din Ali-khan and Seid Mahomed-khan,
as well as by some other commanders who pro-
mised to bring a body of Seids of Barha with their
own troops. This short stay proved of service to
Abdullah-khan, as he was joined daily .by some
body of regular troops, as well as by the bravest
amongst the Afghans, besides several zemindars,
who flocked to him from the neighbourhood at the
head of their men. Vast numbers of Hussein Ali-
khan's veteran soldiers, who had been prevailed
upon to swear allegiance to Mahomed-shah, and
to accept one month's pay, now stole away and
came by hundreds and two hundreds at a time,
all mounted and armed. Abdullah-khan thus
strengthened, moved to Pelool, where he was
joined by his two brothers, and by some other
commanders, who, besides their own troops, had
brought one hiindred and fifty carts conveying
Seids of Barha, each of whom thought himself
equal to a Rustem or an Afrasiab.* These were
ordered to form a guard round Abdullah-khan's
elephant, a post which they had solicited, not only
in hopes of preferment, but also to evince their re-
gard for that minister, with whom, as Seids, they
ckdmed common descent. The veterans brought

* Two heroes mentioned as famous for their heroism in the
Shah*nameh.

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262 SIYAR-UL*MUTAKHER1N.

by his two brothers amounted to at least ten
thousand effective troopers ; and hardly were they
in camp, when they were followed by Churamon
Jatt (father of Budennsing, and grand&ither of Bar
Chand), a powerful zemindar of the province of
Acberabad, and owner of the estates whereon
Mahomed-shah was encamped. Immediately after
arrived Raja Mohcam-sing, the late divan of Hus-t
sein Ali-khan, the same who had been so kindly
used by Mahomed-shah. But his inclination cnrer*
balancing those new ties, he deserted that camp,
and eame to Abdullah-khan, bringing with him a
considerable body of troops, with several veteran
officers.

AH these reinforcements were in addition to
that numerous army brought out of the capital,
and the whole occupied so immense a space that
the features of the soil, trodden. down byjtt> much
cavalry and infantry, disappeared and eouldnotbe
recognized without difficulty. All these forces
were in such high spirits, that Churamon Jatt
having gone out skirmishing on the very day of his
arrival, brought away three or four elephants and
a large number of camels, belonging to the imperial
camp, all of which he presented to Abdullah^khan>
but which that general requested him to accept at
bis.hand> as. an earnest of future victory. The
two adverse armies advanced so near that Mahomed*

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHEHIN. 263

shah encamped ii> the neighbourhood of Shahpoor,
where that prince halted to wait for the famous
Abd-us-semed*khan, governor of Multan and the
Raja Jye-sing» who however did not appear,
either through the badness of the roads, or for
some other reason. It was now the ninth of Mo- OMohamm,

A. H. 1133.

harrem ; but in the interval Mahomed-khan Ban- 19 October,
gash joined the emperor with three thousand horse,
as did Gheiret-khan Rohilah and Bayezid-khan
Mewaty, with their respective corps; and in a
little time more, four thousand effective troopars
arrived from Raja Jye-«ing's country.

Meanwhile the proximity of the two armies had
produced several skirmishes, in which the two
parties had tried each other's strength. On one
occasion, Churamon had very nearly set fire to
the park of the enemy's artillery ; and on another
he had. almost succeeded in bringing away all the
cattle belonging to their train. Nevertheless, it
was the tenth of Moharrem before the armies lOMobanem,

A.H< 1133*

were opposed to each other, and ranged in battle. «) October,
Heider Kuly«khan, commandant of the artillery,
who had been very instrumental in saving it from
Ghuramon's attack^ was put at the head of the
first line ; Saadet-khan, with Mahomed-khan Ban-
gash, commanded the right wing; and Khan Dow-
ran, with Nusret-yar-khan and some other com-
manders of distinction, commanded the left wing.

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264 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

in the centre of which was Azim-khan with a body
of veteran troops. Mahomed Amin-khan (the vezir),
with Hady-khan, Kamer-ed-din-khan, Azim-uUah-
khan, Fateh-yar-khan, and some other comman-
ders of the first rank, were in the centre of the
whole line, where Mahomed*shah took his station
surrounded by the troops commanded by Shir-
efken-khan and Terbiet-khan, besides a numerous
band of nobles of the highest rank, who fought as
volunteers around the imperial person. Amir-
jumlah and some other commanders, amongst whom
were Raja Gopal-sing Sesodia, were ordered to
cover the flanks, and Assed-ullah-khan with Seif-
khan and Raja Dehraj were placed so as to serve as
a reserve to protect the king's household. The
war-elephants, like so many mountains cased in
iron, were stationed in front of these troops, but
behind the artillery, and mixed with a number
of light horse that fought singly, or in detached
parties.
12 Moharrem, AbduUah-khan on his side, who on the twelfth

A H 1133

22 October! of Moharrcm arrived at Husseinpoor, three coss
A. D. 1721. short of the enemy's encampment, ranged his
army in battle-array. But the troops as well as
officers of Barha, on account of their pretension to
kindred with him, proved exceedingly troublesome
and unruly ; and so much time was lost in bring-
ing them into some order, that it became necessary

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 265

to marshal them several times. At last they were
prevailed upon to remain in front of Abdullah-
khan's elephant, under command of their three
generals, Seif-ed«din Ali-khan, Seid Mahomed-
khan, and Shahametrkhan, each of whom proved
full as headstrong as any of their men.

Hamed-khan, Seif-khan, Beiram-khan,and Yekh-
lasfr-khan Rohilah, with Omer-khan Afghan, and
several other commanders, amongst whom were
Shujah-khan Piloly, and Abdullah-khan, most of
them chiefs of note, and all mounted on elephants,
to the number of seventy, were placed with their
troops on the right and left of the Pretender and
Seid Abdullah-khan. Abul-mohsen-khan, Seid
Ali-khan, with Hiramon, paymaster of the troops
^m Barha, with twenty-five thousand horse, all
in Abdullah-khan's private pay, and consisting of
his veteran troops, were placed before his elephant,
which was already encircled by a corps of Seids
of Barha, all infantry, who considered themselves
rather as the countrymen and kinsmen of Abdullah-
khan than as soldiers in his pay. The army being
thus marshalled, passed the whole night, which
was that of the thirteenth, under arms. During 13 Mohamm*
the night. Raja Mohcam-sing (who although divan ^ October
to the late Hussein Ali-khan, had been treated A.D.1721,
with so much lenity by Mahomed Shah, taken into
favour, and promoted to the grade of five thousand

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266 S1YAB-UX.-MUTAKHER1N.

hocse, having found a fiatvourable opp<Hrtanity) came
ever and presented himself to Seid Abdullah-kfaan^
to whose aid :he brought a body of eight hundred
horse, with Khoda^ad Mirza and Khan Mirza,
two officers of distinction, at-^their. head. At the
dawn of day,: as soon as the trumpets sounded, and
the heralds had published three times as usual that
'^ courage in war is safer than cowardice," the
fi)remo8t on both sides saluted each other with the
whistling, of arrows .and the whiaczing of musket-
balls: this was the moment which Mahomed-shah,
in the centre of his army, chose for Rattan Chand's
punishment. . The headof that miscFeant was pre-
sented .to the emperor, and Jiis- body fastened to
the foot of the elephant. on which. he sat in his
royal attire. Upon this, as upon a. signal, the
army, whidi moved like the vwave8.of a sea, or like
some inundation jsieeking to covw a whole plain,
advanced with loud shouts. The artillery swept
away whole cranks, and so many mouths, of flame
opened th^r jaws at once as were enough to canry
terror into the heart of the bravest, whilst tiie ia*
cessantshowers of rockets put an end to the boasts
of many of the most courageous. It is universally
admitted that the artillery, directed by so able an
officer as Heider Kuly-4han, who had under his
orders a body of expert men accustomed to fire
with steadmess, performed wonders on that day.

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SITAR^UL^UUTillLHflllN. 267

These efibrts did not intimBlate the opposite army ;
for thousands of brave men, animated by a spirit
of attachment to their leader, threw themselves
fearlessly before those engines that vomited-^fice
and destruction ; and, although numbers v^ore
slain, the enemy's troops pressed forward: and
advanced with a steady step, so that the faint-
hearted bombardiers of Mahomednshah^s artiUery
began to give ground, and at last betook thiem*
selves to flight; especially after Nejmred-din Ali-
khan had given a turn to the day by a manoeuvre
judiciously conceived and. as gallantly executed.
With a division of twelve thousand horse and foot
he had detached himself from the main body^ .to
take possesion of a grove that skirted a village,
and from this post he maintained a hot and inces-
sant fire, which made the imperialists ready to take
flight. This'being observed by Heider Kuly-khan
and Khan Dowran, they detached Nusret-yar-khan
and Sabit-khan, with some other troops, from the
main body. These advanced boldly. against the
breast-work from which Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan was
dealing out destruction. By dint of hard firing a
breach vras made, and the imperialists rushing on
with8houts4o the assault, carried the battery, thus
reducing the enemies' fire to a few straggling shot
firom behind broken walls and fallen trees, from
which they were finally driven, so that Heider

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268 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. .

Kuly-khan remained master of this important post.
In this state of afiairs both parties remained on the
field of battle, after a bloody though undecisive
action. At sunset, Abdullah-khan ordered a small
tent to be pitched for him on the spot where he
was ; but on recollecting his loss, he sobbed aloud,
saying that no rest remained for him now in this
world. He then countermanded the tent, and de-
termed to remain in the open air.

As soon as it grew dark, Heider Kuly-khan, who
commanded the imperial artilleiy, put it again in
motion. He advanced, firing and gaining ground,
until he had taken an advantageous position, fi^m
whence he maintained an incessant fire during the
whole night, killing and wounding many of the
enemy; so that most of those commanders who
had distinguished themselves on their elephants in
the day-time, now sought safety in flight; but
they were intercepted in their retreat from camp
by armed bodies of peasants, who stripped them
as they fled . About the dawn of the day, a cannon-
shot having struck the howdah on which sat
Mohcam-sing, he jumped down from the elephant,
and mounting his horse fled with so much preci-
pitation that a long time elapsed before any tidings
UMoharrem, were rcceivcd of him. At day -break, on the four-

A.H. 1133. ^

84 October, tccuth of Moharrcm 1 133, it appeared that out of
fifteen or sixteen thousand cavalry that had stood

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SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 269

during the night under that terrible cannonade,
not one had eaten any thing for the last twenty-
four hours, or even drank any water, that element
being too far off, and in the possession of a body of
Jatts. Such was the high sense of honour and
zeal of this brave corps that not one of them quitted
his post. They were mostly Seids of Barha, com-
manded by their own countrymen, equally jealous
of their honour as faithfully attached to Abdullah-
khan's person. Similar steadiness was exhibited
on the opposite side. Mahomed-shah, mounted
on his favourite elephant Shah-pesend,* shewed an
example in his own person to all that host of
officers and illustrious volunteers who surrounded
his throne. He remained sitting the whole night
on his elephant, as well as the whole of the pre-
ceding day. At day-break the enemy was already
in motion ; and Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan, at the head
of a body of Seids of Barha and another body of
trusty soldiers, advanced again to the charge, with
the resolution of gaining the battle or perishing in
the attempt. Defying the thunder of that destruc-
tive artillery that had already done so much havock,
he made a furious attack in order to recover the
post which had been lost in the previous day. In
this effort he was opposed by Heider Kuly-khan

* The royal fiivourite. There is a beautiful and exquisite
mango so called in Candeish.

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270 SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

and Khan Dowran, who, sensible of the importance
of example in such cases, came out of the redoubt
to encounter the enemy. They were supported by
brave troops and valiant commandens: amongst
the latter was Nusret-yar-'khan, a Seid- of Barha,
who although priding hitnself on his being related
both to Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan and AbduUah^khan,
wished to signalize himself against them. Thecon*^
test again became furious; the commanders on
both sides exerted themselves heroically, emulous
only to surpass each other. Saadet*khan advanced
several times, like a ftuious elephant, to the assist*
ance of those that were shedding their blood in the
imperial cause ; as did also Shir-ef ken-khan, who
threw himself on the enemy's lances, Uke a famished
tiger that defies the hunters. Nevertiieless the im*
perialists seemed to lose ground : and Dervisdi Ali«
khan, commander of Khan Dowran's artillery;
Abd-ul-ghany«khan, who commanded that Of Heider
Kuly-khan, with Meari<-khan, his secretary, and.Ma*
homed Jafer, nephew of Hussein-khan, with many
others, were already slain ; Nusret-yar-khan had
two arrows fixed in his body, and Dost Ali-khan was
wounded and disabled. On the part of the vezir Ab-
dullah-khan> Shahamet-khan, a commander of great
renown, with one of his sons, was killed, together
with Abd-ul-kader-khan^ brother of the kazy Mir
Bahadur Shahy, and his brother Fatehryar'-khaQ,

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SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 271

and Tahoyer Ali-khan. Such was the fate also
of Abd-ul-ghany*khan^ son of Abd-ur-rahim*khan
Aurengzeby, of Gholam Mohi-ed-din-khan, of Sab-
kat-uUah-khan, sumamed Sheikha, and Gholam
A4i-khan. These last were three brothers, and all
three commanders . of importance in Abdullah-
khan's army, as also Shujah-khsm, son of Belole«
khan« All these chieftains were slain on that oc-
casion, where none but die bravest dared to shew
their faces : all of them having exhibited feats of
prowess and attachment that astonished the be-
holders. . They submitted to their fate without
hesitation, and drank of the dregs of the bitter
portion presented them by the hand of death.
Nejm-ed*din Ali-'khan, who had hitherto been the
most distinguished of the whole, after having re-
ceived several sabre wounds, was at last wounded
by an arrow, which striking in his eye deprived
him of sight, to the .unspeakable sorirow of his
brother Abdullah-khan, who instantly supported
his division with the Seids of Barha that remained
about his person. At this time also Churamon
Jatt, who was the most active partisan in Abdul**
lah-khan's service, wheeled round and fell upcHi
the rear of the imperialists. On this occasion he
seized on a thousand spare bullocks belonging to
the artillery, with a number of camels laden with
the emperor's private baggage^ sdl of which were

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272 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

grazing on the banks of the Jumna^ and pushing
on, he went as far as the imperial camp, where he
found a corps ready formed to oppose him. The
emperor himself shot an arrow at him, and Ma-
homed Amin-khan and Hady-khan marched
against him with the infantry, which surrounded
the royal elephant. Abdullah-khan, occupied
only with what was passing on his front, was
marching to the assistance of his people, when his
flank was attacked by Saadet-khan, Heider Kiily-
khan, and Mahomed-khan Bangash. This move-
ment being perceived by Abdullah-khan, he
wheeled round and opposed them, though his
people were severely galled by Heider Kuly-khan,
and that body of expert musqueteers whom he
had trained himself. Abdullah-khan lost two
oflScers of distinction in this attack. Shah Habeb-
uUah, commander of his artillery, and Seid Ali-
khan, brother of his paymaster-general, Abd-ul-
mohsen-khan. This attack having somewhat
disordered the ranks of Heider Kuly-khan, he
formed them again, and being joined by a good
corps brought up by Khan Dowran, he renewed the
assault with so much vigour, that Abdullah-khan
lost his usual presence of mind. He had always
made it a rule in the many battles in which he
had been engaged, never to be guilty, like other
Hindoostany generals, in a moment of danger to

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SIYAR-Ur-MUTAKHERIN. 273

quit hii^ elephant, and comhatting on foot, to mix
with the crowd. Abdullah-khan, on the contrary,
had always remained on his elephant, and had
made it a point to display the standard till the
last, conceiving that firmness in a commander was
more instrumental to the gaining of a battle than
a display of personal prowess. Nevertheless, for-
tune having turned her back upon him, he forgot
his own maxim, and jumping from his elephant,
took to his sabre and buckler, and mixed with the
crowd, although he had still three thousand Seids
of Barha about his person, who seemed likely to
stand by him to the very last. He was hardly
dismounted, when most of his officers and men,
taking it for granted that he was slain or disabled,
despairing of victory, abandoned their ranks and
betook themselves to flight. Some other accounts
say, that Seif-ed-din Ali-khan, his own nephew,
and ofne of his best generals, had fallen back be-
fore Abdullah-khan had thought of dismounting,
and that his example had been followed by others.
Be it as it may, AbduUah-khan, although astonished
at this desertion, kept his ground manfully, but
being surrounded on all sides, and the weight of
his armour restraining his activity, he received an
arrow in his forehead, and two successive cuts on
his neck and hand, and being overcome with
fatigue and loss of blood, he was made a prisoner.

VOL. I. T

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274 SITAR-U]>MUTAKH£RIN.

At this very moment, his yammer brother, Nejm*
ed-din Ali-kfaan, resolved to share his fate, and
threw himself forwsurd ; they were both about to
be slain, when Abdullah-khan was recognized by
Heider Kuly-khan, who rescued the brothers from
the hands of the soldiery. The destiny of those
two noble persons a£fected an infinite number of
men, and people thought they saw them pointed
out in these verses of the poet, which were then
handed about :

'^ I am he^ who in an attack could bear off on the point of

mj spear the golden ring,
" But being now forsaken by my good star, and abandoned

by fortune^
'' Have been in my tarn surrounded by a ring and taken —
'^ Of what avail then is the hehnet and cuirass,
" After good fortune has once turned her back ?"

Heider Kuly*khan having caused the two noble-
men to be raised upon the same elephant, carried
them to the emperor, and that prince, who had a
great fund of benignity in his nature, cast a look of
compassion on them, and consigned them both to
Heider Kuly-khan's custody, after which he or-
dered the royal music to announce the victory. Of
the vanquished army, some fled, and some mixed
with the victors. Ghazi-ed-din-khan returned to
camp, and packing up as much of AbduUah-khan's
ba^^ge as had not yet been plundered, fled to-
wards Dehli, during the time when the royal com-

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 275

manders and officers were presenting their offer-
ings, congratulating each other, and returning
thanks to God for so important a victory. In the
enemy's camp^ such of the baggage as escaped a
general pillage was secured for the emperor's lise.
The news of this engagement reached the capital
in the evening of the fourteenth of Moharrem, being * Vh**?^
Friday. Some persons were transported with joy, 2* October,
whilst to others it conveyed affliction. Those at-
tached to the throne ordered the imperial music of
the town to announce that happy event to the
public ; but the family and household of the three
Seids slain, performed funeral rites. The women,
especially those belonging to Abdullah-khan's three
brothers, exhibited the most affecting picture of
woe ; but some of the inferior females availed them-
selves of the confusion to carry off whatever came
to hand, and stole away in disguise, wearing dirty
clothes and common veils. These had disappeared
before the government officers thought of taking
possession of the palace of the Seids. Some of these
women were taken up by the police-officers, but
others effected their escape. The ladies of Abdul-
lah-khan's family, so far from quitting the house,
remained within their own apartments, and cover-
ing themselves from head to foot with the veil of
decency and modesty, sat weeping in a circle, with-
out any one offering to move or to escape the dis-

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276 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

mal scene around them. One Abdullah-khan, of
Cashan in Persia, to whom Abdullah-khan, his old
friend and master, had intrusted the care of his
seraglio, no sooner heard of the disaster that had
befallen his benefactor, than, forgetful of what was
due from him either as an honest man or a gen-
tleman, had the perfidy to penetrate within the
sacred precincts of the seraglio, and to gratify both
his infamous lust and avarice. He came to an under-
standing with the Hindu who commanded the guard,
and entering the sanctuary of the women, those two
wretches seized and carried away whatever persons
and effects they chose ; so that this villain has ever
been from that moment pointed at with the finger
of scorn as an apostate from good faith, a traitor to
his benefactor and friend, and an invader of the
most sacred rights of humanity. Fortune, who
had now turned her back on that forlorn family,
seemed bent on rendering abortive every attempt
at escape made by any of its members. Gholam
Ali-khan, one of the confidential attendants of
Abdullah-khan, and another, who, by changing
their apparel and disguising their faces, endea-
voured to effect their retreat to Jansita, the town
where they were bom, were intercepted on their
way home, and carried to the emperor.

This prince, now firmly seated on his throne,
and freed from all anxiety and scdicitude, adopted

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 277

^neasures for rewarding the generals and nobles
who had so well supported his cause, and honoured
them with a variety of titles and offices, and with
high preferment* The sixteenth of Moharrem was 16 Mohamm,

n -i n t , n , i A.H. 1133.

fixed on for the emperor s departure towards the 26 October,
capital of his empire, whither he marched with so ^'^' ^^^'
.much expedition, that on the nineteenth he reached
the monument of Nizam-ud*din Owliah, at which
venerable spot he performed his devotions, and
Jbestowed favours and gratuities on every one of the
attendants of the shrine of the saint. Here he spent
two days, waiting for a fortunate moment. On this
occasion he raised Heider Kuly-khan to the rank
of eight thousand horse, with the actual command
of seven thousand ; Saadet-khan was honoured
with the title of Bahadur Jung, and was permitted
to assume the insignia of the fish,* whilst a variety
of favours were poured on every side on their friends
and dependants. Nejabet Ali-khan having been
brought in whilst the emperor was bestowing prefer-
ments and conferring distinctions, that nobleman
was received with a look of compassion, and con-
signed to Heider Kuly-khan's custody.

The ceremonial of the emperor's entry into his
capital was fixed for Saturday, the twenty-second 22. Moharrem,

' ^ *f A.H. 1133.

of Moharrem, in the year 1133 of the Hegira, 2 November,

A.D. 1721.
* The order of the fish introduced into India by the Mogols
is the highest military decoration that can be conferred.

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278 SIYAR-UL-AIUTAKHERIN.

which took place with suitable pomp, amid the
mingled sounds of shouts, of trumpets, and kettle-
drums. The emperor*s own suite was followed and
preceded by lofty elephants, resplendent with gold
and silver trappings, by beautifal slave-boys and
young men clad in cloth of gold, by a gold throne,
and by sedans of jewel-work. Embroidered ensigns
and streamers, equally superb and elegant, were
borne by crowds of servants shining in gold and sil-
ver tissue, that shed a lustre around them. All these
were interspersed amongst bodies of troops that
marched in battle-array, accompanied by bands of
commanders and noblemen, all superbly mounted^
and conspicuous by the brightness of their arms
and by the richness of their apparel. A number of
beautiful horses, with saddles enamelled in gold
and jewel-work, announced from afar the emperor's
approach : and thus this prince, adorned by all
the graces of youth and beauty, made his appear-
ance mounted on a gigantic elephant, and seated
upon a throne that literally blazed with a profusion
of jewels and rich ornaments. He directed his
march through the Ajmere gate, sprinkling the way
with handfuls of gold, and enriching by a liberality
long forgotten a multitude of needy people, who had
long waited for this auspicious moment. He arrived
at the imperial palace at the fifth hour of the day,
where the empress mother, with a number of prin-

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIK. 279

cesses and ladies of the highest distinction, waited
for him at the inner door of the female apartments.
The empress mother, holding a large plate of gold
and silver, filled with new coins of several kinds,
and also with a variety of gems and precious jewels,
poured the whole as an offering over his head ; and
after wishing him a long and prosperous reign, she
took him by the hand, and introduced him within
the imperial sanctuary.

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280 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

CHAPTER III.

. Shortly, after the coronation, Abd-us-semed«
khan, viceroy of Lahore, marched with his son
Zakariah-khan, his general and deputy Akgar-khan,
and some other noble personages, but he did not
arrive in time to be of any service. He was, how-
ever, admitted to the honour of paying his respects,
and was distinguished by a dress of honour, a tiara
of jewels, a poignard, and several other presents.
The rank of Zakariah-khan was raised by the addi-
tional command of a thousand horse, so that his
corps now consisted of full five thousand men.
Raja Jye-sing and Raja Giridher not arriving in
time to aid the opposite party, were, in the com-
sefer, mencemcht of the month of Sefer admitted to the

A.H. Jl^iS

November, houour of kissiug the threshold of the imperial
presence, and they were pardoned. Shortly after
an order was issued to put in force the capitation-
tax upon the Hindus, but it ^as remitted on the
representation of Raja Jye-sing. Nizam-ul-mulk
congratulated the emperor on his victory, and
wished him a long and prosperous reign, as did
also Murshid Kuly-khan, viceroy of Bengal. The
latter announced the arrival of the revenue from

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 281

that province, with another large sum from himself
as an offering. Honours and dignities were be-
stowed this day on a number of nobles. Heider
Kuly-khan received the title of Moiz-ed-dowlah in
addition to that of Nasir-jung which he had already
acquired, and Jaafer-khan obtained that of Roshen-
ed-dowlah. The command of the household-guard
was conferred on Saadet-khan; and Zakariah-
khan received the government of Gashmir in lieu
of Enaiet-uUah-khan. On Tuesday the twenty- 22 Rew-ui-
second of Rebi-ul-awal, the emperor being on a A.SuiiaaL
hunting party, was informed by a messenger that ^i"?^'
his vezir Mahomed Amin-khan had been seized
with a sudden and excruciating pain in the bowels.
The next day his distemper increased in despite of
the remedies applied, continued vomiting took
place, and he died on the twenty-ninth, after a 29Rebi-ui.
short administration of three months and twenty- A.iTl'ias.
two days. His estate^ vastly swollen by the con- ^J l"l'^'
fiscation of Hussein Ali-khan's fortune, rendered
him extremely wealthy, and all his property was
suffered to pass quietly to his heirs. By his death,
God's people were relieved from oppressions which
they were likely to suflFer. It is related, that in-
tending to enlarge his palace in Dehli, and to
enclose more ground within its precincts, he by a
single command dispossessed seven hundred house-
keepers in his neighbourhood, of their houses and

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282 S1YAR-UL*MUTAKHERIN.

real property, without remuneration, who all quitted
their homes, and delivered their keys up to his
officers. After his death, this property was restored
by his son Kamer-ed-din-khan, who renounced the
invidious acquisition, and obtained the applause of
mankind and the blessing of God on this occasion.
We may observe of Mahomed-shah, who was ge-
nerally charged with rapaciousness and parsimony,
that he does not appear to have merited that cha-
racter. On the death of Mahomed Amin-khan the
imperial treasury was very low, the large sums
drawn from all parts of the empire by the two
Seids having been lavished in paying their im-
mense levies of troops, and by their preparations
for war, so that the emperor benefited very little
by what remained in their coffers. The greata:
part of that which existed there at all, had been
made away with by the plundering soldiers, and
by their own generals ; so much so, that the orna-
ments of gold and silver which had once deco-
rated the public and private halls of audience, had
in their latter days of necessity been converted
into coin, while their palaces even required a
thorough repair. When the list of the deceased
minister's property came to be presented to the
emperor, it was estimated at several crores, reck-
oning only the gold, silver, gems and precious
stuffs, all of which he ordered to be left to the

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SIVAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 283

tiatural heirs. This was generous in the extreme,
since it was an established custom among all the
emperors of the family of Baber, as well as with all
those of the race of Timur, to take possession of
the estates and wealth of their deceased ministers
and servants, to the exclusion of their heirs, to
whom they vouchsafed as a favour, such a share
as they thought fit. But, in truth, it was such a
custom as neither religion nor justice could justify,
that a man, after having served his sovereign
during his whole life, at the expense of his sweat
and blood, nay, after having perhaps sacrificed
himself in his cause, should at his death have all
his hard earnings carried away and confiscated,
and leave his children destitute, more solicitous of
how to subsist the next day, than how to lament
his death. It is highly to the credit of Aazem*
shah, that with so many precedents before his eyes,
he was the first of the race of Timur who totally
relinquished that privilege, and expressed a detes-
tation of it. One of his richest ministers having
died, a list according to established usage was pre-
sented to him of his estate, which in jewels and
money alone amounted to an immense sum. The
emperor diverted his head from it with strong marks
of displeasure, and forbade any one, under pain of
his indignation, from presenting to him such papers
for the future.

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284 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

In the reign of Aurengzib, one Mir Mahomed
Hussein, a native of the holy city of Meshed in
Iran (who, for aught I know to the contrary, may
have possibly been, as he pretended, a descendant
of one of those Seids entombed there, on whom be
peace), hearing of the extreme generosity and mu-
nificence of Umdet-el-mulk Amir-khan, governor
of Cabul, towards his countrymen, the Persians^
quitted his native city, in hopes of preferment, and
came to Cabul. As he was skilled in the Arabic
language and in philosophy, as well as in other
branches of knowledge, his qualities were highly
spoken of, insomuch that the son of Amir-khan s
secretary, wishing to benefit by his instructions,
gave some celebrity to Mir Mahomed Hussein.
The instructor's name thus came often to be men-
tioned with encomiums in Amir-khan's presence,
who thereby became desirous of seeing him, and
mentioned his name to Sahibji, his consort (daughter
of the late Ali Merdan-khan). The reason was
this : Sahibji had no children of her own ; and, to
console herself, she had adopted the daughter of a
Seid who had long been in her husband's service,
whom she had educated with great care. Her
views were to marry this adopted daughter to some
virtuous gentleman of her own country (Iran), when-
ever such a one should happen to come from thence.
Sahibji desired her husband to enquire further

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 285

regarding Mir Mahomed Hussein, which having
done, he conceived a warm regard for him, and
mentioned his name with encomimnf to his wife.
Sabibji accordingly ordered preparations to be made
for the wedding, and in a few days she bestowed
her adopted daughter on that shrewd man. Being
thus introduced into Amir-khan's family, he made
acquaintance with the principal men of his court ;
he obtained office, and got together some money.
In a few years after, the office of the superintend-
ence of the perfumery of the imperial household
was sent to him from court, at Amir-khan's recom*-
mendation ; and he, on his part, made friends with
several of Amir-khan's children bom of other ladies
than Sahibji. His ambition being equal to his
artifice, he came at last to be considered as an
extraordinary personage, on whose sanctity many
persons placed great faith. Hadi Ali-khan, the
eldest son of Amir-khan, with some others, was
among the number who seemed the most attached
to him. Amir-khan dying about this time, his
consort and family repaired to court; but Mir
Mahomed Hussein, attached by his office to the
city of Cabul, remained there, and after a certain
time prepared a quantity of essence of roses made
at Peshaver, as well as a quantity of rose-water
and other perfumes, for the emperor's use, and that
of the principal lords and grandees of the court.

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286 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

Thus provided, he set out for the capital, in hopes
of recommending himself to the emperor, ai]4
pushing his fortune at Dehli. Having arrived at
Lahore, he learned that the emperor Aurehgzib
was no more. His hopes of preferment being
blasted by that unexpected event, he sold his
perfumery at a high price, and having thereby
acquired a sum of money equal to sixty or seventy
thousand rupees, he thought it sufficient for the
remainder of his life, and putting on the garb of a
dervish, and assuming a grave sanctified air, he
conceived the design of establishing a new religion.
For this purpose he associated with himself that
very secretary's son mentioned above, in whom he
had discovered much talent, persuading him that
if they should form a new sect the consequences
would prove of manifold benefits to themselves.
In order to effect this purpose, he proposed to
invent a new language, which might strike by its
singularity, and also enable them to pretend to
receive revelations from heaven in a language un-
known to others, and that by raising their fame
they might at length come to be accounted beings
of a superior order, and that having once brought
the mob to throng round them, the learned and
people of respectability would in time come to be
swayed by the popular belief; in which case their
xiredit and influence over both high and low would
know no bounds.

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WTAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 287

As the turn of both their minds was alike, the
master's precepts took root in the disciple's heart,
and these two persons uniting their efforts, in-
vented a new language, established new gram-
matical rules, and wrote a book in it, fraught with
a number of strange expressions, and full of odd
conceits, which by correcting and amending from
time to time, they eventually formed into a trea-
tise, which they called Acoza Mucaddes, or the
Holy Acoza. As the master was not without
learning, he introduced a number of ancient Per-
sian terms and many obsolete words, and having
either translated them, or given them a particular
termination, he sprinkled them throughout his
compositions, which by degrees he put into verse.
But his pretensions to sanctity were wild in the
extreme, so that it is hardly possible to give an
intelligible account of them. In one word, he pre-
tended to be a Bekouk, which novel word he ex-
plained as expressive of the middle dignity and
nature betwixt prophecy and pontificacy, adding
that all prophets had not been Bekouks, but that
Mahomed, the last and seal of prophets, had been
both a prophet and Bekouk ; that the first simple
Bekouk was the Prince of Saints, Ali the son of
Abu Talib ; that Imam Reza was the eighth, and
that down to that Imam both the pontificate and
Bekoukiety had been united in one and the same

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288 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

person^ until the two natures being separated, the
Bekoukiety descended to himself, Mahomed Hus-
sein, on the one hand, and the pontificate to his
holiness the Imam Mahomed Taky on the other,
from whom it would be continued to the day of
judgment: ''and I, Mahomed Hussein" (added he),
'' am the last of the Bekouks." This is how he
explained the gift of Bekoukiety when in com-
pany with Shias, but when he found himself
amongst Sunnies, he commenced his account of
it by the four first khalifs, and then added four
persons more of the Ommiah and Abbasy families,
after whom he reckoned himself the ninth Bekouk.
Finally, he used to say, ** Gentlemen, I have no
business with any man's religion, but I am come
like a blazing torch to illuminate every nation and
every sect. My character, therefore, is of the
highest nature, for I am the ninth Bekouk, who
am to be the seal and last of the Bekoukiety, and
to whom it has been recommended to write a book
to invite all nations to this belief, and to promul-
gate the tenets of that recent law, the intent
whereof is to renew some customs and particular
doctrines, so that I am myself under the imme-
diate influence of inspiration from above, and under
an obligation to publish those tenets descended to
me from heaven."

After having set up such absurd pretensions, he

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 289

nsed at certain solemn festivals of Islam, to as-
semble his followers, whorii he called his Ferabuds,
to whom he explained his precepts, and with
whom he celebrated certain anniversaries. It is
written in the Maasir Nebevy that the revelations
which descended to the prophets were of two sorts ;
this man, therefore, in order to preserve the resem-
blance, used to say Ihat he was favoured in the
same way ; at one time receiving the inspiration
through the means of a luminous globe, or disc
like the sun, on which words appeared to be de*
lineated, and that eventually the luminous globe,
havin:g enveloped him in light, deprived him of his
senses, in which state he was quite overcome by
its effects; at another time, the revelation was
made manifest by a voice that pronounced certain
mystical words, which he immediately gave out
to his followers. The mode of address he insti-^
tuted was singular. His Ferabuds in their assem-
blies, after having saliited each other as is custo^
mary' amongst Mussulmans, by the words Selam
akikum, or Peace be on you, he used to add
in a lower tone of voice the mystical words Ke/r
$han nomud bud. The first day on which he pre-
tended to have received the revelation, he denomi-
nated the day of light, and on the anniversary
of that day he used to assemble a multitude of
people, to whom he distributed a perfume com^-

VOL. I. u

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29ft . SIYAR-UL^MUTAKHEEIN.

•

poeed of amber, with which they anointed each-
other's faces, after which they sung and made re*
joicings. When his disciples were sufficiently
excited by these exertions, he used to display two
standards, and putting upon his head a cap, not
unlike that worn by Armenians, but a little higher,
he marched at the head of his Ferabuds towards
those mountains near Lahore, where axe to be seen
the ancient buildings of Divel Rany, which go by
the name of the palace of the Bakhtiaries, This
journey he always performed in the night«time.
He stated that he received his first revelaticm on a
spot in those kills like the cavern of Herra,* and
he used to fast six days previous to the anniversary
of the new moon of the month of Zilhij, during
which period he remained silent, assuming the ap-
pearance of one being dumb ; as we read of in
scripture, in the case of the wife of Zacharia and
the Virgin Mary, when she. was delivered of the
holy Jesus, who remained silent in ord^to evade
the enquiries made on that occasion, and who re-
plied to no one. While Jesus (on whom,, and on
whose descendants be the peace of (Jod) replied to
them from the cradle, and this miracle fully con*
firmed the sanctity of his holy birth and the purity
of his mother.

* The cave into which Mahomed withdrew from the persf-
cu$ion of his enemies at Mecca.

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SITAR-UL-VUTAKHERIN. 291

On the sevaith of the said month the rejoicings
commenced and ended. For these holidays he
hxA a peculiar name, of which I have been unable
to learn the origin, but all I know is that he called
them Sowlan. On this occasion he used to collect
a great multitude in order to pray ; and, in addition
to the five times of daily worship required to be at-
tended to by divine command, he prayed three times
more, viz. first, at sun-rising, after the Mussulman
morning prayer ; secondly, when the sun is on the
decline after noon ; thirdly, at sunnset, when the
horizon still preserved some redness in the west.
The rites performed on the anniversary were the
following : he stood in the midst of his Ferabuds,
caumng them to form round him four ranks in a'
square, like the four walls of a house; those of
each rank standing with their faces towards the
fi^ur cardinal points. After having pronounced the
mystical words taught by their master, each person
inoUned his head very low, at the same time tum^
ing his body to the left in such a way that those
fixmting^the north should face the north-west ; those
fironting the west, the south-west; those fronting
the 30uth, the east ; and those fronting the east, the
norths After having in this manner changed their
positions, they cast their eyes upon the ground,
after which^ raising their heads upwards, they

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292 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. *

looked at the heavens, and repeated at each time
their particular mystical sentences.

After three genuflexions, they returned to their
former position. The saint then addressed the
people assembled in a circle about his person, say-
ing, " I am that being (great God, what blas-
pheiny \ !) that was brought into the world by the
young Fatema, on whom be peace, when she suf-
fered an abortion." He also made use of other
blasphemous and impious falsehoods, which I do
not now remember. What I relate is from that
which I have collected myself from his two sons.
Shah Feghar and Shah Did^ with whom I have con-
versed several times, as well as with his principal
followers, when I first went to Shah-jehan-abad,
which was about the end of Mahomed-shah's reign
and the beginning of Ahmed-shah's. This impostor
nominated four successors, in imitation of the snc-
cession of the four khalifs. The first of these was
Narshid, for whom he had coined in his new lan-
guage the name of Vezibar ; the second was Mir
Bakir, son-in-law of Amir-khan, besides two more
for whom he coined the names of Nemud-uUah
and Nemuda-nemud ; and in the same manner he
gave strange names to his children and to his fol-
lowers, all of which were derived from his newly-
invented language ; for whoever presented himself

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKH£RIN^ 293

ibr admission was sure to receive a new naine«
which was deemed a sign of acceptance into the
mysteries, nor was admittance given on any other
terms. Mir Mahomed Hassein Bekouk had three
90ns ; to the first of whom he. gave the name or
sign of Numa-nemud, to the second that of Fezhar,
to the third that of Did. His two daughters were
called NeiQuna the elder and Nemuna the younger;
and to three of his relatives on his wife's side
(whose name he changed into that of Hava-Numa),
he gave the names of Numa-yar, Nemud-yar, and
Fememud. In the end, that worthless liar quitting
Lahore, came some time after to Shah-jehan-abad,*
where, he took up his abode ; and as Bahadur-shah
resided at a distance from the city, his circle of
stupid followers increased daily, so that he drew
to his net every ignorant sot who was to be cap-
tivated with novelty. As he had private property
of his own, he made a parade of his disinterested-
ness, nor would he ever ask or accept of any thing;
insomuch that the multitude were amazed to find
he subsisted by suqh apparently invisible means :
they therefore gave him the more credit for ^hat
he said, although they did not understand his lan-
guage. By degrees his followers swelled to such
numbers, and proved so zealous in alluring others,
that at last they formed a vast multitude. Bahadur-
* Dehli.

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294 SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIK.

shah dying about this time, there arose divisions
amongst the princes of the blood, which occasioned
dissensions in every city and in every town ; and
the impostor^ availing himself of this opportunity
to make {Mroselytes, and growing bold and daring,
now dropped the veil he had before assumed, and
brought forth his new book and new language,
shewed himself to the gazing populace, and fear-
lessly exchanged his former obscurity for the broad
sunshine of publicity. His skill and subtilty in
argument rendered him a formidable adversary, «o
that whenever any one attempted to raise objec-^
tions to his pretensions, he was overpowe-ed by his
controversial expertness and by his sophistry. The
lower classes, confounded at what they saw and
heard, flocked to him in great numbers. This
was the cas6 throughout that period of dissensions
which ended in placing Ferokh-siar on the throne, a
prince exceedingly ignorant himself; whilst his
two ministers, busy in their own affairs, minded
nothing else : Hussein Ali-khan being mostly en-
gaged in wars and expeditions, and the other bro-
ther, Abdullah-khan, being engrossed by his plea-
sures : excepting indeed when his attention was
now and then roused by the emperor's intrigues
against hitti, at which time he had too much busi-
ness of his own on hand to think of the imposture
and lies of that worthless false prophet. The new

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 296

sect continued to spread^ and Kadi-khan, son of
Amir-khan, a man of the first rank and distinction,
became one amongst his many followers. His
conversation produced so imposing an effect on the
mob, that they readily adopted his belief; so that
in a little time he could reckon five and twenty
thousand men in his assembly at one time. The
emperor Ferokh-si&r himself, at the instance of
some of his cburtiers, lost to all sense of religion
and decency^ once went to siee that impostor. It
was in the night time and in disguise, accompanied
only by some eunuchs, but without any retinue,
and without impairting his design to any one. The
impostor Nemud, having got notice of this visit
from a prince equally silly and ignorant, had the
assurance and cunning to close the door of his
apartment from within, and to make some difficulty
in opening it, whiliit the emperor descended to
entreaties and supplications, supported by the
impostor's children and disciples.

At last he was prevailed on to open the door.
The emperor on seeing him, inclined his body,
made a bow, and went forward. Nemud, draw*
ing out a stag's hide, spread it for the prince, and
said, *' Here is wiiat will suffice as a seat either
for a king or a beggar, chuse which you please to
be." Ferokh-siar, pleased with his boldness in
the midst of his apparent poverty, conceived a

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296 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

higher opinion of his sanctity, and on his depar-
ture presented him with a bag containing a thou-
sand nipees and ashrefies,* mixed together, with
a quilted carpet* The impostor rejected both ;
nor was it till after a thousand refui^als- that he
could be prevailed upon to present the prince with
a koran of his own writing, for which he deducted
'seventy rupees out of the bag (this being his stated
price for korans of this description), and returned
the rest. The emperor stood up out of respect to
receive the koran, carried it to his forehead, and
making his bow, returned home. Nemud did not
reconduct the prince out of the room ; but on
finding the bag and money on the floor, he or-
dered it to be distributed among the by-standers,
affecting a piece of self-denial, by which he raised
his character so high in the public estimation, that
nothing henceforward could shake it, and rendered
him more bold than ever. He now thought it unne-
cessary to make a secret of the festivals and fasts
which he had appointed, nor had he the least scru-
ple in openly displaying his standard within the
city, and marching in state to his plac,e of meeting,
which he always did at the head of a great mob
of his disciples; and after having performed the
ridiculous ceremonies of his order, he used to re-

* The rupee is of silver^ the ashrefy is a gold coin of the
same size.

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SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIX. 297

tarn in triumph in the same way amidst vast
crowds, who repeated in a loud singing voice the
mystical words of the sect.

The reign of ^erokh-siar being at an end> and
the power and influence of the two Seid brothers
having ceased, the crown descended to Mahomed-
shah, and the office of vezirship to his favourite
Mahomed Amin-khan, whose ministry lasted only
three or four months and some days, as has been
shewn. He chanced to hear some days before his
death of the outrageous proceedings of the im-
postor Nemud, and directed a party of soldiers,
then at his gate, to set out immediately, and to
seize and bring before him that pimp, for such was
his expression. The soldiers had peremptory
orders, and were directed to kill him even if he
made the least resistance. As it was past noon
when this order was given, and the vezir had dis-
missed his people, there were but few men at the
gate, and only part of those went to the impos-
tor^s house, where they communicated their orders.
At that moment Kefshan-Nemud, for so he styled
himself, was taking his meal> and hearing the
soldiers talk without, he lost his presence of mind,
and remained stupified with fear ; but having time
to recollect himself, he sent out his youngest son
Did, who was extremely handsome, and putting
into his hands a few cakes of mixed wheat and

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298 8ITAR»UL-MUTAKH£RIN.

barley, with some dishes of pulse and greets,
which he had before him, sent this message to the
soldiers : '' Friends ! as you are come to a Fakir's
house, partake of his fare for a while, until he
comes himself." The soldiers, equally surprized,
and struck with the singularity of the message,
the beauty and tender age of the messenger,
waited awhile. In the mean time, Mahomed
Amin-khan being seized with a severe paroxysm
of the cholic, the news in an instant spread, and
reaching the soldiers, they all left Nemud, and
repaired to their station at their master's gate,
being anxious to have the arrears due to them
settled. The vezir, who was attacked by the most
violent type of that distemper, had lost his senses,
and was speechless ; but as soon as he could open
his eyes, he asked where was the impostor Ne-
mud. It was represented to him, that his illness
had so much affected his servants, that their atten-
tion was entirely engrossed by his situation, on
which account the seizure of the impostor had
been neglected. The minister was displeased,
and ordered him to be brought without fail on the
morrow-morning. But in the evening being again
seized with another violent attack, his life was
despaired of. Nemud was thinking how to make
his escape, but Hadi Ali-khan, and some others of
his friends conveying intelligence of the minister's

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SITAR-UL-MUTAKHEBIN. 299

desperate state, he gained courage, and sent for a
number of his followers, who now joined him,
to whom he gave intimation of the vezir's being
in the agonies of death. On this he confidently
came out of his house, and took his seat in the
mosque close to his own door, while his disciples
and friends filled the mosque and the street. At
this moment Kamer-ed-din-khan, son of the dying
minister, partaking of the fears and superstition of
the old women of the seraglio, and of the appre^
hensions of men as weak as the women them-
selves, sent at day-break his steward with a bag
of five thousand rupees to the impostor, as an
offering of atonement for his father's conduct, and
a request to have some amulets of his own writing
Sent to him as a preventive against danger. Ne-
mud^ who had just received a short note with
intelligence of the minister's death, said in a high
tone of voice, *' I have shot such an arrow into
that pagan's heart, as will never allow him to
recover ; nevertheless, in imitation of my ancestor
Ali, who suffered martyrdom in a mosque, I am
come to receive that honour in this place : although,
indeed," he added, after a pause, ** I cannot pro-
perly receive it, since I have already suffered
once," an expression by which he alluded to the
abortion sustained by the young Fatema. He
was yet speaking, when Kamer-ed-din-khan's

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300 StYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

steward came in, and laid the money at ^ his feet,
as the price for his writing an amulet ; adding,
at the same time, an humble message from the
soil, expressive of a hope that he would forgive
Mahomed Amin-khan's transgressions. The im-
postor replied, that an arrow once shot, and water
once spilt, could not return. This answer having
produced fresh entreaties and supplications, he
turned towards his future successor, and bade him
write these Arabic words of the koran. " We
have sent the koran down for the benefit of true
believers; but there is in it nothing for tyrants,
but loss and destruction." The paper being written,
he put it in the steward's hands, and bade him
carry it quickly, ** Although," added he, *' I know
it will avail nothing, as by the time thou shalt
arrive, the man will have already ceased to live/*
The steward humbly insisted on his accepting the
money, but he refused it constantly, saying, that
for his part he would not so. much as touch it,
but that the poor people present might take it, if
they pleased. Hardly had these words issued
from his lips, when those Indian beggars, accus-
tomed to overrun our cities for the sake of a few
pieces of copper, rushed in on the instant and
made away with the whole sum. The steward,
on his return, heard by the way that the vezir
was dead, and the intelligence being then pub-

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 301

licly announced to Nemud, he got up, dismissed
the multitude, and went home with an air of satis-
faction and triumph. Meanwhile this miracle
being noised abroad, and being exaggerated all
over the city, did not fail to produce a plentiful
addition of sots and idiots, who became his fol-
lowers. Three years after this Nemud himself
died, and was succeeded by his eldest son Numa-
Nemud, who fell out with his brothers, and with
several of his father's followers, on account of the
shares of a family-estate with which he had been
presented by his disciple Hadi Ali-khan, and
which the father had assigned to Vezibar, and
other confidential disciples in his lifetime, as an
acknowledgment for their faithful services. These
disputes did not please Vezibar, who more than
once observed to Nemud, that he had better be
peaceable, and not fall out with one, who by his
age was not likely to live many years longer.
But Numa-Nemud, who already in his father's
lifetime was accustomed to govern his followers,
did not suppose that they could alter the preva-
lent notions of his sanctity, and paid no attention
to Vezibar's clamours. This conduct incensed the
latter, who thought himself equal to his master
in every imposture, and had invariably acted as
his right-hand disciple. These dissensions ran so
high, that, one day, while the congregation of

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302 SI7AR*UL-MUTAKHERIK.

Ferabuds was more numerous than usual, he
appeared in the midst of them, and with great
deliberation delivered himself in these words:
** Friends (said he), do you know my hand-
writing from that of the late Nemud ?'* He w^
answered in the affirmative by numbers who
really knew both, upon which he went into a
closet and brought out from thence the flap of his
cloak full of papers, containing the rough draughts
and original minutes of the law-book which
the impostor had published. These appeared
evidently vmtten by both hands alternately, with
many alterations and interlineations in eidier
hand, and many erasures. These being handed
about amongst the bystanders, most of whom
could readily distinguish one hand from the other,
Vezibar addressed them in these words : ^' Friends,
let me tell you that this, new religion and sect have
been contrived by Nemud with your humble ser-^
vant's assistance. Had these documents come from
God, they would have come without needing so
much erasure, and so many alterations and c(m'ec»
tions." These words struck the whole assembly
vrith astonishment, the writings and evidence being
acknowledged on all hands. Many who had still
some common sense left, only smiled at their own
credulity, and went quietly away, much shaken in
their belief;, and in a few days the apostacy in-

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BIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 303

Creased, till that mixed assemblage of impostors,
idiots, and knaves was very much diminished.
Numa Nemud, confounded at this reverse, became
reconciled to Vezibar ; but it was too late, the die
was cast, and Numa Nemud finding how matters
stood, retired to an estate in the Doab, with which
Hadi Ali-khan had presented the family. Here he
took up his abode, styling himself Shah Feghar.

Shah Feghar was a man of pleasing counte*
nance, and very sensible in his conversation, nor
was he destitute of learning. The author of this
work knew both him and his brother Did, as well
as Vezibar, as also Mir Bakir, who all became his
successors, each in his turn. He has seen and
known them all personally, spoken often to them, and
that which has been recorded in these pages is the
result of what he has heard from their mouths, or
of what was said by those who knew them for
many years past. Shah Feghar lived in the reign
of Mahomed-shah, and he even saw some years of
the beginning of Ahmed-shah's reign. The latter
monarch, who after Nadir-shah's departure was
known to amuse himself with dervishes and other
religious. persons, gave him free access to his person
at all times. After that prince's decease, he found
means to introduce himself to the Nawab Javid^
khan, another inspired personage, whose revela*
tions, called Javidian, were collected into one
volume.

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304 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

. Did, the younger brother of Shah Feghar, died
about this time, and was in a few years followed
by his elder brother. Shah Feghar. Did died in
the beginning of Mahomed-shah's reign. Most of
his father's sectaries were already dead in Shah
Feghar's life-time, and more deserted him after
that event ; nor did there remain to him but a very
few idiots, who were stupidly attached to those
absurdities.

After Shah Feghar's decease and the ruin of
Shah-jehan-abad, some of Nemud's nearest rela-
tions, like the remains of the tribes of Ad and
Semud, taking a dislike to that ruined city, re-
paired to Bengal, where they were recommended by
some silly courtiers to Miren, the son of Mir Jaafen-
khan, who had assumed the Nizamet or govern-
ment of that province; and they were so well
supported that Miren presented them with a spot
of ground, since called Kadem-i-Rusul, and a
pension of five rupees a day. Most of these people
were already gone to hell, the place of their desti-
nation, in Mir Jaafer-khan's life-time ; of which
prince I propose to speak at large in the subsequent
pages of this work. No one of that worthless im-
postor's race remains that I know of, except Numa
Nemud-yar, and some of the impostor's women,
AH. 1194. who are alive at this day, in the year 1194 of the
AD. 1780. Hegira; SO that, having brought the account of

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 305

the race of that wicked man to an end, thanks to
God, we can now revert to our general history.

It is said that Mahomed Amin-khan bore such
a rooted aversion to the descendants of the prophet,
and detested so violently those descended from Ali,
the Prince of the Just, than on hearing a man sing-
ing the words, *' Ali is the saint of God,** he ordered
his tongue to be cut out ; and there is a common
report that, in imitation of some pious persons who
spread a table of victuals as an offering to th^ King
of Heroes,* and humbly waited for a token of his
acceptance, as an atonement of their sins, he
ordered such a table to be spread on his own
account for the purpose of ridicule. Now such a
token is often granted by his majesty the King of
Heroes to those who have sincere faith, and it
has been frequently witnessed by thousands of
people, some of whom were men of great sense
and knowledge, and rather prone to incredulity.
It has occurred to my humble self in particular,
who have often made such an offering, and have as
often observed a variety of tokens of acceptation,
for which I return my respectful acknowledg-
ments to God Almighty. This truth the wretched
minister could not bear to bear mentioned in his
presence ; and his aversion to the Seids was such,
that even his friends, servants, and dependants

♦ Ali is styled Shah-]«merdan, or king of beroe*.
VOL. I. X

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306 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

made no hesitation to call him Moaviah* and
Yezid, of which names he seemed to be proud.
He once said that he wanted himself to offer such
a table of victuals to those two venerable person-
ages, in hopes of having a token of acceptance by
some visible sign, in approbation of his attachment
to them. This was done in order to expose those
persons who have faith in Ali. In order to put
his plan into execution, an entertainment was
prepared in a retired apartment of the seraglio.
The governor made shift, with his broken consti-
tution, to limp thither, with a number of select
persons, and to pronounce the fateha^ or benedic-
tion, in the name of those persons ; after which he
went away, shutting the door of the room, and
putting the key of it into the hands of an old
woman of his household, whom he placed to watch.
She was ordered in an hour's time to open the door
and to see what sign had appeared, so as to make
her report to him, that he might immediately
repair thither with his courtiers, and convince the
incredulous. The woman happened herself to be
a Shiahf in her heart, but she concealed her
opinions and principles in his house. After a full
hour had elapsed she opened the door, and saw an

* Two of the caliphs of Damascus who persecuted the
£EMiiily of Ali,

t A sectarian of the house of Ali.

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 307

Ugly black dog sitting quietly upon his hams, and
tasting leisurely of every plate. Struck with the
sight, she ran to her master out of breath, and
screamed out, "Why, my lord, should you longer
wait for a sign ? Here is his holiness come himself:
he has honoured your table with his presence, and
is actually tasting of every dish." Mahomed Amin-
khan, getting up with all those present, repaired
to the chamber ; whilst the old woman, apprehen-
sive of her life, slunk away. The governor having
arrived, saw with his own eyes the dog feeding
heartily, and being incensed beyond measure, he
wanted to put the old woman to death; but,
although every search was made for her, she could
never be found. He suspected treachery, and on
speaking of the trick afterwards, he would often
bite his lips in the excess of his anger and resent-
ment, but without being able to wreak his resent-
ment upon any one. At last he quitted this world,
and repaired to that place which was most fit for him.
It is reported by people of veracity, that on
Amir Jumlah being appointed to the government
of Azim-abad Patna, the lords and grandees of the
court went out of the city to wish him a good
journey and to take their leave, but the late
Niamet-ullah-khan, son of Roh-uUah-khan, being
on that day taken up with the mourning-rites and
other ceremonials practised in the first ten days of

X 2

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308 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIK.

Moharrem (in commemoration of the death of the
Prince of Martyrs, Hussein son of Ali, on whom
be peace), came late, and ei(cused himself to Amir
Jumlah by saying that he had been mourning. Ma*
homed Amin-khan happened to be present at that
visit, and sat on one side of Amir Jumlah, whilst
Niamet-ullah-khan sat on the other. On hearing the
apology, Mahomed Amin-khan asked whether any
person had died in his lordship's palace. Niamet*
ullah-khan answered in the negative, but added
that his mourning was on account of the Prince of
Martyrs Hussein ; and " Pray, my lord," replied
Mahomed Amin-khan, ** were not Hussein and
Yezid descendants of the same holy family, and
does it become us to mourn for the one and to re-
ject the other." " The younger son of the holy
family," rejoined Niamet-uUah-khan, " was killed,
and we mourn for him, whereas your younger scmi
of the holy family gained the victory, do you then
rejoice on his account." At these words the con*
versation grew warm, and they both laid their
hands upon their daggers, when Amir Jumlah in-
terposing, made up the matter. But to returu to
public afiiedrs.

Mahomed Amin-khan being dead, the emperor,
without making a new vezir, appointed Enaiet-
ullah-khan, one of the old nobles of Aurengzib's
court, to act as deputy in that high office, and ke

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SI Y A H- U I--M LT A K H K R I X. 3C0

installed him in his new dignity with a rich dress
of honour* At that moment his majesty's atten*
tion was arrested by the following oflScial report ;
viz. that " Nizam-ul-mulk* his faithful servant,
after having set in order the affairs of the govern-
ment of Hydrabad, was coming to the presence,
and had marched as far as Ferdapoor, where
being informed of commotions excited by some re-
fractory Afghans of Bijapoor, and by some rebel-
lious zemindars of the Garnatic, he had hastened
thither to put an end to those disturbances/' A
communication was at the same time presented
from the Sahu Raja,* with an offering of five hun-
dred ashrefies in congratulation of his imperial
majesty's victory. The emperor dismissed Abd-
us-semed-khan, governor of Lahore, to his post,
while Kamer-ed-din-khan was invested with his
father's title of £timad-ed-doulah. Moiz-ed-
doulah Heider Kuly-khan had his surname of
Nasir Jung exchanged for that of Feroz Jung ;
Saadet-khan W3s nominated to the government of
Acberabad (Agra), and Mahomed-khan Bangash,
who had been promoted to the government of Ilah-
abad, and had already set out for it, was recalled
within the city, on account of his setting up some
unwarrantable pretensions for the lands of bis
jaghir, and on account of some other points. He
* RajaofSattara.

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310 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN,

was reprimanded in the first place, and subse-
quently taken into favour again, and appointed
anew. At the same time the imperial gazette
from Hydrabad brought the following news : that
on the seventh of Sefer, of the second year of his
majesty's reign, there fell out of season such a
vast quantity of rain in the Carnatic, that all the
rivers, reservoirs, and pieces of water, had over-
flowed their banks ; that all the grounds to the dis-
tance of ten or twelve coss to the right and left
were under water ; that the deluge had swept off
and drowned numbers of men and cattle, carrying
away whole villages and towns, and levelling them
with the ground. A mountain in the same coun*
try had split in two and crushed under its ruins a
whole town, with ail its inhabitants and cattle, and
had ruined the whole country around. The em-
peror soon after went out on a hunting excursion,
accompanied by Akgar-khan the Turk, on which
occasion he spoke Turkish to him during the whole
time, and shewed him much kindness and atten-
tion. Three or four days after, the emperor, of his
own accord, and without any one's mediation,
added fifteen hundred horse to his grade, and a
thousand more to his command, making him at the
same time a present of a tiara of jewels and a
kettle-drum. In a few days more, another thou-
sand horse were added to his grade, and another

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SIYAH-UL-MUTAKIIERIN. 311

to his command, so that in a short space he was
raised to the grade of four thousand horse, and to
the actual command of three thousand. At this
time news came from Acberabad that Dilere-khan,
the lieutenant of Mahomed-khan Bangash, having
some disputes about his master's estate with a
zemindar of the country of Bundelcund, had re-
paired thither with a body of two thousand horse>
in order to examine the disputed grounds himself,
but that the conference having grown into a serious
dispute, ended in a battle, in which Dilere-khan
was slain, with about eight hundred of his men.
On this intelligence the emperor ordered a letter
of condolence, with a dress and tiara, to be sent
to Mahomed-khan Bangash's son.

After having interrupted the narrative by re-
lating these little occurrences, we shall revert to
the thread of our history. The inhabitants of the
province of Ajmere, and the people of Ahmed-
abad Guzerat, being dissatisfied with their gover-
nor, the Nawab Raja Jye-sing, they sent some of
their body to complain of him at court* They
found that the raja, out of hatred to the two Seid
brothers, and also out of dislike to the Mussul-
mans in general, with whom he was eternally at
variance, had been guilty of various excesses.
These complaints being well-grounded, the raja
was removed, and HeiderKuly-khan was appointed

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312 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

to the goverament of Guzerat^ comprehending the
military command of all the dLstricts, together
with the controul of the exchequer, to all of which
duties were added the command of the troops,
and the receipts of the duties of the city and port
of Surat. Kazem-khan, one of the officers of the
province of Guzerat, was appointed naib-subah
(lieutenant-governor), with three thousand horse
added to his grade, and two thousand to his com-
mand, and was honoured with the title of Shujaat-
khan, with a standard and a nagara, as was his
brother Moorteza-Kuly-Beg, with the grade of a
thousand horse and the command of five hundred,
and the title of Rostem Ali-khan. To these dis-
tinctions were added the deputy-governorship of
the several pergunnahs, or districts dependant.
Distinctions were likewise bestowed on Ray Ra-
gunat, divan of Heider Kuly-khan. He was first
promoted to a higher grade, and to an additional
command, and then ordered to attend to the
finances of Guzerat, and to the duties of the port
of Surat. As a compensation to Kamer-ed-din-
khan, who had heretofore enjoyed the collection
of that port, he received the office of fojdary* of
Muradabad, vacant by Heider Kuly-khan*s pro-
motion . The government of the province of Ajmere
was bestowed on Muzaffer Ali-kban, a nobleman,
* Commander of the troops, and the chief executiire officer.

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8irAR*UL-MUTAKH£HIN. 313

who had been introduced at court by Khan Dowran
and Raja Jye-sing Sevai. He was further pre-
sented with a tiara of jewels, a dress of honour^
and an elephant, and then permitted to proceed to
his' government. Attah-ullah-khan, son of Enaiet-
uUah-khan, was appointed to the office of post-
master-general, as was Fazl Ali-khan to the ele-
phant-office, vacant by Terbiet-khan's removal.
Saad-ed-din AU*khan, who had come on the part
of Nizam-ul-mulk to pay his respects, and who
on that general's recommendation had been pro-
moted to the grade of five thousand horse, with
the command of three thousand, was now honoured
with a dress.

News were about this time received that Raja
Ajit-sing's naib, or deputy, in Ahmedabad, being
informed of his master's removal, and sensible
that he should himself soon meet with his reward
for the oppressions he was guilty of towards all
ranks of men, resolved, before a successor should
arrive, to have revenge on the inhabitants, by
plundering the merchants and sacking the city,
ere he finally took his leave. But he was mis-
taken. There was then in the city a nobleman
called Mehr Ali-khan, who having been paymaster
of the forces, and deputy-govemor on the part of
the Raja Ajit-sing, had fallen under the lash of
the auditor's office, and now lived upon ill terms

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314 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKtlERIN.

with his former master, as well as with the new
governor. Heider Kuly-khan, and his friend Sef-
dar-khan, being also dissatisfied with the lieute-
nant-governor, united in order to rid themselves
of him, both for their own sakes, and in hopes of
recommending themselves to the new governor.
Accordingly, calling to their assistance a number
of Afghans, and a multitude of the inhabitants,
they fell upon the lieutenant-governor, and after a
bloody engagement, in which a vast number of
Rajpoots were slain, they drove the former out of
the city. The naib, or lieutenant-governor, having
taken shelter in the house of a nephew of Sefdar-
khan Babi, was besieged therein, and at last es-
caped out of the city with the utmost difficulty
to Joodpore, his native country. In his flight he
took care to plunder some villages and districts
that were on his way. Mehr Ali-khan and his
colleague having taken revenge on that miscreant,
sent word to Nahir-khan, divan of Ahmedabad,
who was also one of the dependants of the Seids,
desiring him to abstain from meddling with the
public money in the treasury, or with the affairs
of government. Nahir-khan, who felt himself
strong, asked them by whose authority they ad-
dressed him. They were proceeding to an open
rupture, when Shujaat-khan arrived with a patent
under the hand and seal of Heider Kuly-khan ; at

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 315

sight of which Nahir-khan evacuated the city, and
this little disturbance accelerated some promotions
intended by the court.

Seid Nusret-yar-khan, subadar or viceroy of Azi-
mabadPatna, received the title of Rukn-ed-doulah,
with the additional rank of a thousand double horse
cavalry; Shir-af ken-khan was promoted to the
government of Multan, with the title of Izzet-ed-
doulah. News now came from Acberabad that
Saadet-khan had besieged four forts betwixt Mutra
and the capital, which served as shelter to a multi-
tude of banditti and zemindars that infested the
country. It was stated that he had taken them with
the loss of four hundred men and a vast slaughter of
the enemy. Orders were in consequence given for
sending to that general a letter of congratulation,
with a dress, and a poignard studded with jewels.

The emperor at the same time, although by dis-
position little fitted for business, yet, in order to
shew his inclination to do good and to afford jus-
tice, ordered that a bell should be made fast to a
long chain, so that it might hang down on the
outside of the octagon tower that overlooks the
water of the river Jumna, in order to put it in
the power of any one who should deem himself
aggrieved and could not obtain admittance at the
gate of the castle, to have recourse to the chain,
and to ring the bell. The ninth of Sheval, the

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316 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

anniversary of the emperor's accession to the
throne, was celebrated with great pomp and mag-'
nificence. Before the end of this year, Muzaffer
Ali-khan having been appointed to the government
of Ajmere, was, for want of means and proper equi-
page, detained at Revari, only three coss from the
capital, when news came that Raja Ajit-sing had
marched to that country from Joodpoor, with an
army of thirty thousand horse, accompanied by a
number of zemindars and Rajpoots. The new
governor was now obliged to make a further stay.
Ajit*sing meanwhile having possessed himself of
the city of Ajmere, first of all published by beat of
drum that all shopkeepers and mechanics should
keep themselves quiet, and attend to their callings
as usual without apprehension ; and, secondly, in
order to recover his character, which had suffered
so much by his former ill-usage of the Mussulmans,
he sent for the superintendants of the mosques,
and recommended their performing their religious
rites as usual. He also gave a sum of money
towards the repairs of those holy places ; after
which, having assembled all the crown officers, he
produced an imperial patent, marked with the im-
pression of the emperor's whole hand, conferring on
him, under the most sacred oaths and solemn pro-
mises, the gift of the two governments of Ajmere
and Ahmedabad for life. As the raja was known

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHEBIN. 317

to be a friend of the Seids and a man of great
power, whom it was important to gain over, the
patent had been placed in his hands by the empress
mother on the first intelligence of Refi-ed-derjat's
approaching dissolution, and of her son Roshan*
akhtar*s probable accession to the throne. Of
this patent the Hindu prince ordered authentic
copies to be taken by the imperial minister of
finance, and he sent them, under cover of letters
of his own, both to Khan Dowran and to Zafer-
khan, the two principal ministers. The purport of
his representation was, that although it was con-
trary to the promise made to him, to deprive him
of either of his governments, yet that in compliance
*with the imperial pleasure he had withdrawn from
the province of Ahmedabad Guzerat; but that
after such a sacrifice, to be deprived of the province
of Ajmere also, would so deeply afiect his honouring
the eyes of his clan and of the whole world, that
he could no more shew himself in public ; that as
honour had been at all times dearer than life to
men of high feelings, he hoped, out of respect to
his situation, his majesty would condescend to
leave him one of those two governments, as hi»
life and head depended on his decision.

In the month of Zilhij of this year, Padshah-^ ziihij,
begum, daughter of Aurengzib, called also ZineU September,
eUnissa, departed this life.

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318 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

Khan Dowran, on receiving the letter from Ajit*
sing, and who desired to avoid all dissensions, the
more especially as at present there was very little
money in the treasury, would willingly have acceded
to his wishes ; but as Ajmere was a province adjoin-
ing the territory of the capital, and as it contained
a number of tombs and monuments of ancient holy
personage?, it was thought indecent to commit it
to the care of any one but a Mussulman attached
to the emperor. It was therefore deemed advi-
sable to surrender Guzerat to the Hindu prince.
The emperor himself, however, with all of his court
(especially Heider Kuly-khan), were more disposed
to reduce the raja by force, and to chastise him for
his presumption in demanding one of these govern-
ments, than to submit to his terms. But this was
no easy task ; for, after much consultation, none
of the nobles shewed any willingness to undertake
it, and Heider Kuly-khan himself proposed to send
for Saadet-khan from Acberabad for that purpose.
This general, who was a man of high military re-
putation, immediately obeyed the imperial mandate
and hastened to court, giving orders for his cavalry
and infantry to follow as fast as they could with
his equipage and artillery. Arrived at court, he
suggested amongst other things the propriety of
being furnished with the necessaries requisite for
a siege ; but it soon appeared that some officers.

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 319

disinclined from proceeding on that service, opposed
his views.

Intelligence now arrived that Muzaffer Ali-khan,
incapable of satisfying the claims of his troops,
had suffered them to plunder two or three towns
of the dependency of Ajmere for their subsistence,
and that the mutineers had now surrounded their,
general. They had in the end forced him to part
with whatever he possessed in discharge of their
pay, not excepting his personal horses and ele-
phants, so that finding himself reduced to a situa-
tion so humiliating for a noble of his rank in life,
he fled to Amber, and took shelter under the
Raja Jye-sing's deputy, from whence he sent back
to court both his dress of investiture, and his
patent of governor. But the disgrace of Muzafier
Ali-khan was not complete, for Aj it-sing's two
sons having put themselves at the head of a large
body of troops, penetrated into his government,
and sacked and plundered four or five villages of
the imperial territory. Meanwhile a number of
banditti and zemindars joined together, and avail-
ing themselves of the times, and of Ajit-sing's appro-
bation, fell upon the town of Nample. Bayezid-
khan, the fojdar of the place, who had come out
to make his tour, thinking himself overmatched by
numbers, fled, and was with the utmost difficulty
re-enforced by his nephew, who was then within

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320 SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

the town. The principal men of that unfortunate
place finding themselves forsaken by their rulers,
resolved to sell their lives as dear as possible in
defence of their property and of the honour of their
fSBimilies; and having fought bravely as long as
they could, they concluded with the Indian cus-
tom, as a point of honour, of destroying their
families, which they put to the sword with their
own hands, and then laid violent hands on them-
selves. The wretched oppressors having at last
mastered the town, plundered it so mercilessly, as
to leave not a rag upon either man or woman, car-
rying away multitudes into captivity. This intel-
ligence coming to court. Khan Dowran resolved to
march himself and to chastise Ajit*sing, and he
actually sent his equipage out of town, but as
there was an enmity of long standing between him
and the Moguls of the court, and as he was aware
how unprovided the public treasury was to meet
the expense of such a campaign, he did not go
farther, but amused the public with a variety of
pretexts and excuses* Heider Kuly-khan, who
had hitherto harboured some ill-will against him,
now offered his services, and bound himself by the
most solemn oaths to follow his fortunes, whether
good or bad. He offered to place himself under
his command, and to lead the advance against the
enemy. Heider Kuly-khan having now become

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SIYAR-UL-BfUTAKHERIN. 321

hearty in the cmise, urged and reproached Khan
Dowran, but to no purpose^ for the latter being
little disposed to prosecute the expedition, remon-
ifttrated secretly with the emperor, sayings that
should the raja gain an advantage over the impe^
rialistsyit would be difficult to remedy the disorder
with an army ill paid, an empty treasury, and a
court full of factions and dissentions : that even
admitting that the enemy should be driven from
the field, the raja would withdraw to the difficult
mountains and deep valleys of his hereditary domi«
nions, where none would have either perseverance
or courage to follow him. He stated, in short, that
it would be improper to pursue such an expedition,
whilst there was at home so great a want of zeal
for the cause» and such a disposition for disunion
and misunderstanding as effectually damped every
one's spirit. This representation affected none but
Kamer-ed«din-khan. On Khan Dowran's shew-
ing so much backwardness, he engaged to conduct
the war ; but he requested that the two prisoners,
Abdullah-khan and Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan, should
be set at liberty and made over to him, as he in*
tended to employ their services in the future cam-'
paign. He likewise made some other proposals
that did not please the emperor. The granting
liberty to Abduliah*khan was very unwelcome to
most of the courtiers', and Kamer«ed-din <khan's

VOL. I. Y ^

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322 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

expedition was prevented. Some words having
passed on that occasion between Kamer*ed-din«
khan and Khan Dowran, the latter kept his house
for some days, and abstained from going to court ;
but the emperor, conceiving it impioper that a
schism should arise between the two principal
ministers of the empire, found means to recon-
cile them, and to put an end to their coldness*
Meanwhile, what betwixt these broils and recoor
ciliations, the war against Ajit-sing was suspended.
It must be acknowledged that repeated letters had
passed between that raja and Khan Dowran the
minister, who was endeavouring to soothe h}s
pdind, and to reclaim him from his disloyal inten-
tions, and recommended him to reflect on the eon-
sequences of his revolt.

At the same time news arrived at court that

Nizam-ul*mulk was coming to the pres^noe. That

viceroy, after having settled the affairs of the Car-

natic, returned to his head-quarters, Aurengabadj

17 zinug, where he arrived early in the month of Zilhaj, He

A.H. 1133. '^ 1^1

16 September^ now Set forth ou the seventeenth of that month,
with the intention of repairing to the presence.
Having arrived at Boorhanpoor, he sent for Dianetn
khan, a nobleman, sometime before propoGied by
the emperor for the office of divan of the Deckan,
presented him with a dress and an elephant, and
gave him possession of that office. The viceroy's

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A.D. 1722.

SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 823

approach to the capital being now certain, all other
affairs of state were suspended until his arrival.

News came also by the .route of Cabul and
Peshawer, that Khana-zad^khan, who had beed
sent by Serbelend-khan, his father, to quell'some
disturbances that had arisen in Cabul^ had been
stopped at the same place where Mahomed Amin-
khan, the son of Amir Jumlah, had once before
)>een plundered. Khana-zad-khan now under-
went the same fate> being surroilnded by the
mount^eer Afghans. The young man being pre-
pared for defence, a very brisk engagement en->
sued, in which Shah Mujahed-khan, an officer of
character^ who commanded the main body,, was
wounded, and taken, with the loss of about eight
hundred of his bravest men. Khana^zad-khan,
after having exerted himself to the utmost, had
two horses killed: under him, and was himself
wounded with a musket*ball, so thai finding it in
vain to contend any Icmger with so small a num-
1>er of men, he quitted the field, and saved his
life ; but the whole of his baggage, with the tents,
elephants,, and artillery, fell into the enemy's
hands. The Gabul Gazette mentioned rlikewise
that Abd-us-semed-khan, governor of Lahore,
whose ' son, Zacariah-khan, had been appointed
governor of Cashmir, hearing of the troubles in
that country, and of the defection of Ashref ed-

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324 SITAB-VL-UUTAKHERIK.

din, son of tlie late Muhtevi-khan, who had sur^
rounded and besieged his deputy^, resolved to
punish that intruder, and putting himself at the
head of three or four thousand Mogul horse,
marched with such expedition, that he arrrved
unexpectedly in Gashmir. Ashref-ed-din not dar-
ing to stand bis ground before such a general, at
first kept out of the way, and thinking it wise t»
submit without dispute, he surrendered his person,
and the troubles subsided.

There were at this time in. Cashmir numbers of
people who enjoyed charitable pensions from the
imperial treasury, and many others who had
estates granted on die same principle. Every one
of these whom the general considered to have been
engaged in the late troubles, lost their pensions,
and their grants were resumed.

The news of the restoration of tranquillity id

Cashmir was followed by another piece of intel^*

ligence still more agreeable to the imperial family.

SQMahamm, On Thursday the twenty^ninth of the month of

SNoiiember, Muharrcm, of the year 1134 of the H^ra, a

^19 M^^ daughter was bom in the palace, and on the nine^

A.H. iiai. teenth of the month of Sefer, the daughter of the

89 November, ,—,,,. «■ , .

A.D.1781. late Ferokh-siar was espoused by the emperor,
and the marriage celebrated with all the pomp
and magnificence which the dignify of the em--
peror required.

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 325

Hie contract was read, and the religious rites
performed under the influence of the sign of Leo ;
and the ceremony having been continued for some
.time with feastings, illuminations, music, and
dances, customary m Hindoostan on these occa-
sions, the solemnity ended by the princess becom-
ing the reigning empress of Dehli.

Meanwhile Nizam-ul-mulk was approaching,
and arrived at the capital on Thursday the eleventh ii Rebi-w-
of Rebi-us-saai, and had the honour to pay his A.H.iid^
respects on the fifth of Jumad-el*awla, of the same ^ dTitS'.
year, it being a Sunday, a little before the sun's ^•^^"Jj"*'"
declining: from the meridian. He was on that ^h. 1134.

^ i. 1 . ISFebniary,

occasion raised to the office of vezir, and received^ a.d. 17^.
according to custom, the investiture of that high
-dignity, by being presented with a dress of four
pieces,* and the imperial signet was placed in his
liands. On the next Sunday, being the third of Juniades-iani,
the month of Jumad-es-sani of the same year, the si March.
fiowruz^ or new-year's day occurred, and was cele-
brated at court with the usual ceremonies, on
which occasion the emperor assumed the title of
Abul-Fetah NasiF^d-din« In the same year, the
<^ce of body-physician was entrusted to Raja

* On presentiiig dresses of honour^ the dignity is measured
by the number of pieces of doth. A dress of four pieces
emteices a turban, brocade for an upper garment^ silk or linen
for trowsers, and a pair of shawls^ one for the girdle and one
for a mantle*

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326 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHElilN.

Gujer-mal, and a few days after that of com-
missary-general of musters was bestowed on Shah
Saad-uUah. Meanwhile Nizam*ul-mulk, who was
a man of much gravity, of a reserved behaviour,
and fond of power, undertook to bring about a
reform in some of the most important branches of
public affairs, and then to pass to other matteis
of a more private nature. He recommended the
young emperor himself to assume in public an air
of more gravity and seriousness ; to put aside aU
levity; to suit his behaviour to his situation; to
restrain his servants within proper bounds; to
divide his time into stated hours for business in
every department, and to appoint a time for ren^^
dering justice in person, (the most important duty
of all princes, and without which they cannot ex»
pect to satisfy heaven,) in one word, to dischai^
worthily the duties incumbent on a great sove^
reign. To all these admonitions the emperor lis<^
tened with patience, but they were not relished*
That prince was yet in the prime of youth, and
in the pride of dominion, and his disposition wholly
bent on a life of pleasure. Nor were these re-
presentations more acceptable to most of the gran-
dees, especially to Khan Dowran, who could not
bear to see such a man as Nizam-ul-mulk taking
the lead at court. The vezir, therefore, was looked
upon with an evil eye, and subjected to peevish

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SiYAH-UL-MUTAKHERlN. 327

6xpression&. One day Heider Kuly-khan, insti-
gated by the courtiers and the principal eunuchs^
went so far as to forget himself in the presence of
the minister. Heider Kuly-khan was a man of
undoubted courage and fond of power, had amassed
Isrge sums of money during his government of
Guzerat, especially by the, confiscation of part of
the estate of one Abd-ul-ghafur, an. eminent
Bohra merchant, whose 'wealth was matter of
notoriety all over the world, so that his riches
were reckoned by crores. Possessed of this
wealth, Heider Kuly-khan became so proud, and
so ambitious, as to entertain thoughts of raising
himself as high as the late Hussein Ali-khan ; a
project which, he thought, might be effected by
destroying Nizara-ul-mulk. This plot was encou-
raged and supported both by the emperor and by
many of the courtiers ; who while they wished to
get rid of Nizam-ul-mulk, through the agency of
Heider Kuly-khan, were likewise desirous of re-
moving the latter out of his government of Gu^
zerat, and of putting an end to his intended ex-
pedition^ an object which they hoped to attain
at all events, by setting him at variance with a
man of so much importance as Nizam-ul-mulk.

In the next year, which was the 1135th of the a. h. 1135.
Hegira, an event happened in the emperor's family ^^- 1722-»
whidi afflicted his mind. On Tuesday the first of

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328 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHEEIN.

1 Moharrem, MuhaiTem» at about day-break, Maleka-zemany,

A«H. Il«i5. , js. *

30 September, the reigning empress, had a miscamage. Oa the

A T) 179S

15 October, ^

A.D. 1722. Guzerat on the secession of Heider Kuly-khan ; and
2 sefer, ou Thursday, being the second of Sefer of the same

A.H. 1135. ,• * /• 1 • • VI

2 October, Y^ar, a little after noon, that nunister marched to

^•^•^^- AesouA. .

Burhan-el*mulk, entitled Saadet-khan, besides
the government of Acberabad, which he had long
enjoyed, had that of Oude also conferred upon him^
although the latter was then in the hands of Riya
Giri-dhar Bahadur, who was removed to the govem*-
ment of M sdwa. Saadet*khan, desirous of revmtr
ii^ his former governments, left as his deputy at
Acberabad one Ray Nilkant-nagur, a man of ability.
This deputy had a difference with a neighbouring
zemindar, and having gone out one day upon his
elephant to take an airing, was shot dead by a per**
son of the tribe of Jatt, idio had been instigated
to the act by the zemindar. He effected his pur*
pose in the following manner. Having taken his
seat in a lofty tree, he levelled his piece leisurely
at Ray Nilkant in the middle of his numerous re»
tinue; and having accomplished his end, found
means to effect his escape. Saadet-khan, informed
of this circumstance, resolved to defer his revenge
until he had taken possession of those two provinces

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S1TAR-UL*MUTAKH£RIN« 329

^uid established his government. Mean^^le Khan
Bowran, availing himself of a favourable opportu*
Aity, procured Acberabad for Raja Ajit-sing Sevai;
«o that there remained nothing to Saadet-khan but
his new government of Oude.

Ajit-sing, on being appointed, received orders
to march against Churamon Jatt, a powerful zemin-
dar of the province. He accordingly besieged his
fortress of Tun, and resolved to expel him out of
his zemindary. To this end he gained over Buden-
^g, nephew of Churamon Jatt, who laid close
«iege to the fortress ; so that Mohcam-sing, son of
Churamon, took the liberty in full derbar to re-
proach his father with the miseries endured by the
besieged. He likewise so far forgot the respect
due to a father, as to make use of violent and im-
proper expressions towards him. The father, out
of his tenderness for an only son, forbore to chas-
tise him as he deserved ; but, giving way to his
feelings, he, with the carelessness of life inherent
in the Hindu character, took poison and died. The
young man, incapable of managmg his possessions^
and overcome by Aj it-sing's superior power and
genius, was prevailed on to give in* Upon this
the latter raja appointed Buden-sing to govern
the zemindary, and procured the appointment to
be confirmed at court. He now recommended
Buden-sing to recall bis dispersed subjects, and to

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330 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHEHIN.

restwe the country to its former floarishing con^
dition. Buden-sing, armed with so much support,
found means to gain over most of Mohcam-sing'ft
dependants ; and the latter, not thinking himself
secure, fled from the fortress, which was imme*
diately taken possession of by Budennsing, who now
took up his residence there. About this time, Rajal
Giri-dhar Bahadur, having proceeded to M alwa,
soon put that province into excellent order.

Nizam*ul-mulk now proceeded to take possession
of his new government of Guzerat ; and he actually
marched thither with a good army and a train of
artillery. In order to facilitate matters, he con-
trived to debauch some of the troops of Heider
Kuly-khan, whose army consisted chiefly of Turany
Moguls, and of Peny, Ghazny, and Bany Afghans.
Nizam-ul-mulk, having himself a number of officers
and whole bodies of those same tribes in his army;
selected some of the most intelligent amongst them
to send under various pretences into Heider Kuly-
khan's camp, where they gained over to his interest
most of those who were of the same nation. In
consequence of this, several commanders of note,
such as Shujoat-khan and Mehr Ali-khan, Guze-
raties, with Sehbet-khan, and Zeber-dest-khan,
Banies, Assed-^khan Ghasmevy, and many other
comif anders, both Irany and Turany, quitted
Heider Kuly-khan's camp, and dispersed.

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SIYAtt-UL-MUTAKHERIN, 331

This gen<»*al, thunderstruck by so general a der
fection, fell into a melandioly tiiat preyed on his
£ram6 and disordered his mind. At length he;
with a number of Mends that followed his fortunes,
took, the road to the capital. Nizam^ul-mulk being
l^us left in quiet possession of the field, marched
to the capital of Guzerat, and took possession of it
as well as of the whole country. After having
firmly established his authority, he committed it
to the care of Hamid-khan, his maternal uncle,
who went by the name of the Prince Jungly ; and
himself departing soon after, marched southward
to revisit his governments of the Deckan, and pro-
ceeded to his head^iuarters at Aurengabad. Mean*
while Heider Kuly-khan, with what friends and
treasures he had in his camp, returned to the '
capital, and remained for some days unnoticed.

About this time the new year's day was cele-
bvated with the usual solemnities on the Sunday,
the thirteenth of Jumad-es-sani, of: the year 1136, is JmMd.«8.
and on the nijght of Saturday the eleventh Rejeb ^•^- ^'^
of the same year, the emperor's favourite mistress, a.d. itssl
Rofihenrabady, presented to him a daughter, who I^il?!^
was called Jehan-afroze Banu Begum. After some a%^]%.
days, Heider Kuly-khan having {H^esented himself
at courti was received with much kindness by the
emperor, who appointed him to the government of
Ajmere ; his intention being to chastise the Raja

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332 SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

Ajit-sing, against whom Heider Kuly-khan bore a

mortal emnity. The latter accepted the office with

alacrity^ and prepared an army sufficient to cope

with the Hindu prince ; but he declined the con-

shiOitti, test and fled. It was the end of the month of

June, Shaban in the same year^ that the son of Siddy

A.D. 172a. g^j^gg^jjj Cutwal was stabbed by one of the Surkh^

posh* guards^ who was himself wounded by the

other's sabre. This circumstance happened close

1 shend, to the Cutwal's tribunal.t In this year, on Sun-

^4j luT ^*y *^^ *^* ^^ Sheval, Nizam-ul-mulk, who was

A.D. 1123. returned from Guzerat and Malwa, paid his respects

9ft ziiciid* to ^h^ emperor ; and on Thursday the twenty-fourth

A.H. 113& ^f Zilcad, about an astronomical hour before day-

A-ixiTss. break, a son was bom to the emperor. In the

^A^SnS^ y^ar 1136 of the Hegira, in the middle of the

H oct^> month of Muharrem, a comet made its appearance

A.D. 1783. ^ *^^

in the heavens, in the sign of Aquarius, and re-
mained visible for ten or twelve days, after which
it disappeared ; when, at the end of that month,
the emperor's eldest son departed this life.

This year a number of promotions took place ia

the principal departments of the court. Kamer^

ed-din-khan, son of Mahomed Amin-khan, vezir,

^was appointed deputy paymaster -general and

^Surkh-posh guards were hoiuehold troops, dotliedmscailet
t The cutwal ifl the chief magigtnite of the city : the tribunal

ia the town-hall, or mansion-house of the Lord Mayor, as in

London.

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SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 333

superintendant of the bathing-apartments ; Khan
Dowran was made commander-in-chief, with, the
additional command of the body guards called
Wala-shahies and Ala-shahies ; Zafer-khan was ap-
pointed third in command of the troops, and Sela-
bet-khan fourth in command. The stewardship of
the household was given to Shir-efken-khan ; and
after him his brother Lutf4illah-khan was nomi-
nated commander of the body-guards called Sul-
tany. Amir Jumlah Tarkhan was made Sadr-el-
sudur, or grand-almoner. The superintendance of
the sanctuary, or sacred apartment of the ladies^
together with the care of the privy-purse, was
committed to Hafiz-khidmetgar-khan, an eunuch
of Aurengzib'stime; but on his demise, both those
offices passed to Rozrafzun-khan. Raja Gujer-
mal was appointed to the khalisa^ or exchequer-
office; which after him passed to Eradetmend-
khan, and afi»r him to Raja Bakht*maK Shah
SaaduUah was appointed commissary-general of
musters, and Heider Kuly-khan mir-atesh, or
master-general of the ordnance.

After him, Saad-ed-din-khan succeeded ; . and
again Heider Kuly-khan was re-appointed, from
whom that office passed to Muzafer^khan, brother
of Khan Dowran. The command of the personal
guards, called khawass, was given to Saadet-khan,
with orders to take Ahmed Kuly-khan as his deputy.

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334 SIT AR-UL-MUTAKH ERIN.

Amin-ed-doulah was made first mir-tozek, and
Daver-dad*khan second mir-tozek ; Mubariz-khan^
superintendant of the entrance-chamber^ and
after him, Akgar4chan succeeded to that office.
Mir Hussein-khan Koka was made .commandant of
the pike-men of the presence.

The office of aizbegy* was bestowed on Ali
Mahomed-khan Koka, as was the ijospection of
canals on Feiz Ali Hamid-khan. Bu-Ali-khan
Tuzbegy was appointed superintendant of the im^
perial tent-department, as was Mtinaver4chan of
the body of troops called Ahedies.

The office of superintendant of messengers was
bestowed on Inai^khan, ooa of Sadik-^khan Ku-
rawly. The chai^ of the purse for largesses was
entrusted to Behroze-^khan, and of the privy putase
to Javid-khan; both favourite eunuchs. The jeweK
office was bestowed on Jewahir-khan ; the kitehen
department on Bukhtaver-khan, as was the coffee
department on Vejih^khan, and the elephant de^
partment to Fazl Ali-khan. Seid Kutb^d-din Ali^^
khan was made superintendant of the- light artil*
lery. Yasin-khan was appointed to the command
of the Surkh-posh guards, and of the kulais^f
AUah-yar-khan was made governor 6f the citadel
of Shah Jehan*abad, and Kaun-khan, son of Zafer-

* The arzbegy is the gentleman-usher of European courts,
f Purchased and adopted slaves about the imperial person.

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SIVAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 335

khan, inspector of the post and the gazette office ;
as wasMaasum Ali-khan of the intelligence de-
partment. In this manner were the offices dis^
posed of. Zafer-khan availed himself of the empe*
ror's favour to make mcmey, being ever ready to
undertake the cause of every petitioner, for a con*
sideration. This was also the practice of a few of
the female favourites which the: emperor : now
brought forward. A certain girl, named Cowky^
daughter of Shah-jan Mahomed, a dervish, found
means to ingratiate herself so deeply into the
emperor's good graces, that she was entrusted with
the private signet, was suffered to sign ^' by order*'
the imperial answers to the petitions which she
carried within the seraglio ; of which circumstance
she availed herself to make her fortune.

The emperor, who was a youth of little enei^,
thought only of pleasure, so that whenever an
emergency did happen that called for vigour, he
passed it over from sheer indolence, satisfied with
the company of such men as Umdet-el-mulk,
Amir-khan, and some ot£er young nobles of a
lively temper and disposed to good fellowship.
Hence, by degrees, the respect and awe which the
imperial name used to impose, subsided, and many
men entertained thought of shaking off their depen-
dence. On the other hand, Nizam-ul-mulk wished
to wean the king from such company, and espe-

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336 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHEHIN.

cially to wrest from Cowky, and tke lords of her
party, that influence which they enjoyed. Such
a measure could not prove acceptable either to the
emperor or to his favourites* Nizam-ul-mulk's
austerity was by no means approved of at court, so
far from it, his person and manners were the sub*
ject of ridicule as soon as he was out of sight, and
never failed in his absence of becoming the topic
of the most pointed raillery. Nizam-ul-mulk in-
formed of this, conceived a disgust to the whole
court, and full of indignation, resolved to with-*
draw himself by repairing to his goverments of
Guzerat and Deckan, where he bore absolute
sway. He therefore feigned sickness, abstained
from going to court, and remained at home, but
at the same time resolved upon revenging himself
by exciting troubles and raising commotions, which
he knew would render his presence necessary in
the south. He wished to resign the vezirshipj^
but being a man of much prudence, he delayed
for some time to intimate his intentions. Mean^
while his views becoming known to the emperor,
it was agreed to humour him by accepting his
resignation, and permitting him to live as far from
court as he wished, provided he remained quiet.
The vezir himself, informed of the king's wishes,
resigned ; messages and notes were interchanged ;
an appearance of goodwill and sincerity was main-

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIK. 337

tained by both, and on the second of Sefer in the 2 sefer,

AH. 1136.

year 1136, Nizam-ul-mulk was honoured with the 21 October,
office of vakil-i-mutlak or lieutenant of the em- ^'^' ^^^'
peror ; at the same time also he received the new
title of Asef-jah, and met with every demonstra-
tion of favour.

The viceroy after this compromise asked leave
to go on a hunting excursion, instead of which
he marched towards the Deckan, an extensive
domain, where he reigned like a monarch to all
intents and purposes. It was already the seventh
month after his departure, when the emperor,
without encroaching in appearance on the two
high offices which the viceroy enjoyed, bestowed
on Kamer^d-din-khan the title of Jumlet-elnoiulk,
implying a general superintendence over the se*
veral territorial divisions of the empire, and that
nobleman, in receiving the appointment to that
high office, promised to respect Nizam-ul-mulk's
dignity.

But all this was mere matter of form ; for as
soon as he departed, the ministers at court, sen-
sible of the discontent of Nizam-ul-mulk, resolved
to be before-hand with him, and despatched, in
the greatest secrecy, a letter written in the em-
peror's own hand to Mubariz-khan, nazim or
military governor of Boorhanpoor, which gave him
instructions to fight and kill Nizam-ul^nulk by

VOL. I. z

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338 STYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIRT.

any means in his power; giving him to under-
stand, at the same time, that the commission of
the viceroyalty of the Deckan would be his re-
ward. Mubariz-khan thus supported, and being
naturally ambitious, resolved to attack Nizam-ul-
mulk. He discovered his project to Ibrahim-khan-
Peny, the brother of the late Daud-khan-Peny,
and to the relatives of Sheikh-Nizam and Sheikh-
Minhaj, whose families were of great power and
influence in the Deckan, and which cherished in
their bosoms a rooted enmity against Nizam-ul-
mulk, and his tribe. These chiefs having united
with Mubariz-khan, enabled him to raise an army
well appointed, and capable of appearing in the
iield against so formidable an enemy. Nizam-ul*^
mulk, informed of his intention, hastened to the
encounter, and the two armies engaged on Thurs-
**^^?***7S?' day the 24th of the month of Muharrem, in the
2 October, year 1137 of the Hegira, when a bloody engage-
ment ensued, in which Mubariz-khan lost four
thousand brave men, together with four elephants,
which were left on the field of battle. Victory
thus declared for Nizam-ul-mulk, and Mubariz-
khan, with his two sons, and his best friends,
were among the slain. Nizam-ul-mulk, after this
victory, sent a despatch to the emperor, containing
an account of the battle, with the number of those
killed on the part of Mubariz-khau, to which he

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 339

added his coDgratulations, and presented a number
of eshrefies as an offering usual on such occa-
sions, without neglecting to send even the property
seized in the enemy^s camp.

Hitherto the dissentions between the court and
Nizam-ul-mulk, although well known, and ap-
parent, had been concealed, or were conveyed
under the mask of dissimulation ; but after the
defeat of Mubariz-khan the veil was a little with-
drawn, and the emperor sent for Heider Kuly-
khan, whom he knew to be a man of talent and
courage, and one heartily attached to his person.
That nobleman, on this invitation, quitting Ajmere,
repaired to the capital, where he had the honour
of paying his respects to the emperor, on Friday
the fourteenth of Rebi-es-sani, at about two astro- 14 Retn^.
nomical hours after sunrise. He now assumed a-iTiis?.
chaise of the office of Mir-atesh (master-general of ^ ^SJ^Tai^
ordnance), to which was added the honour of a
suit of his imperial majesty's own robes. At the
same time, the person who then filled that im-
portant office, Saad-ed-din-khan, a Turany of Ni-
zam-ul-mulk's recommendation, was superseded.
The viceroy, when he became apprized of this cir-
cumstance, trusting to his power, wrote to Hamid-
khan, his maternal uncle, governor of Guzerat, to
commence hostilities, in combination with Sillaji
and Kantaji, two Mahratta commanders, whom he

z 2

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340 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERITT.

employed to make incursions into the imperial
territories. Hamid-khan on this intimation raised
the standard of defiance, and seizing on all the
jaghirs or estates belonging to the several nobles
now at court, expelled their stewards. The mi-
nisters, informed of this occurrence, held councils
amongst themselves, which ended in nothing, and
in fixing on no plan whatsoever. The emperor,
sensible that the Turanies had grown too powerful,
resolved to oppose to them the late vezir Seid
Abdullah-khan, his prisoner, in order to curb their
overgrown influence. He accordingly sent a trusty
person to inform him that the times were now
such, that even he might be of some use. Abd-
ullah-khan answered, that if his majesty should
please to extend to him his clemency and forgive-
ness, he trusted that he should be able to assemble
a good body of five or six thousand veterans, with
which his majesty's ministers might put his zeal
to the test, by employing him upon any service
they should think fit. This answer was no sooner
reported to the emperor, than the enemies of
Abdullah-khan's family, becoming fearful of the
consequences of his enlargement, found means to
convey a dose of poison to that much injured
Seid, and sent him to join the manes of his illus-
trious ancestors.

We have before seen that Serbelend-khan was

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SlYAU-UL-MUTAKIiEUl.V 341

dismissed from his government of Cabul, and Nasir*
khan promoted to that important office, through
Zafir-khan*s influence*

The ex-governor was now living retired at the
capital, and but seldom appeared at court. On
Abdullah-khan's death, the ministers resolved to
avail themselves of Serbelend-khan's abilities and
character; and one Hafiz Khidmetgar-khan, a
eunuch upon whose attachment and fidelity the
emperor reposed entire confidence, was engaged to
effect a reconciliation. The king now resolved to
send Serbelend-khan against Hamid-khan, and to
confer upon him the government of Guzerat. The
general, fully satisfied of the military genius of
Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan, brother of the late Seid
Abdullah-khan, entreated his majesty for his
liberty, and requested to be permitted to avail
himself of his services. This boon was granted
with the better grace by the emperor, as he had
always felt well-disposed towards Nejm-ed-din
Ali-khan, because he was the first person sent to
bring him away from the castle of Selimgur at
Dehli, and to conduct him to Acberabad. Nejm-
ed-din Ali-khan was accordingly released from
confinement, and admitted to the honour of paying
his respects to the emperor, who presented him
with a robe and a sabre and the title of Bahadur.
Serbelend*khan, who was present at the ceremony.

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342 SIYAR-UL-MCJTAKHERIN.

having received leave to proceed on his expedition,
took Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan from the derbar upon
his own elephant, and they arrived together at the
camp, which had been pitched outside of the city.
There Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan soon assembled a
body of Seids of Barha attached to his family,
and a body of cavalry that had before served under
him ; so that he soon found himself at the head of
a respectable force. Serbelend-khan also, who
had commanded in most of the provinces of the
empire, was known to be a man of great character
and a friend to the army, so that numbers of
officers, who even in their retreats had never ceased
to be attached to his person, and who wished for
the moment of his prosperity, hearing of his pro*
motion, quitted their homes, and with what esta-
blishments they could collect, flocked to his stand-
ard from all parts. Serbelend-khan, instead of
advancing at once, appointed Shujaat-khan Guze-
raty his lieutenant in the province till his arrival.
Hamid-khan, having no power to resist his autho-
rity in the province, left Guzerat, and encamped at
Dohud, whence he made overtures to Kantaji Mah-
ratta to come to his assistance. With this rein-
forcement, and with the addition of some troops
he himself raised at the moment, Hamid-khan
returned towards Guzerat. Shujaat-khan moved
also to oppose him, and having given him battle^

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHEUIN. 343

he lost his life. Rustem Ali-khan, the brother of
Shujaat-khan» then governor of Surat> on hearing
of the death of the latter, made preparations for
war; and having induced Pilaji Gaykwar, who
was at that time plundering in the neighbourhood,
to afford him aid, he marched from Surat.

Hamid-khan with his own army, and assisted
by Kantaji with nearly twenty thousand cavalry,
left Ahmedabad and fought an action on the banks
of the Myhee river. Pilaji Gaykwar, though
enlisted on the side of Rustem Ali-khan, was
gained over by Kantaji to the cause of Hamid-
khan ; so that Rustem Ali-khan also, owing to the
treachery of that Mahratta, lost his life, and
Hamid-khan obtained a victory* On hearing of
these events, Serbelend-khan, who was manoeu-
vring between the roads of Ajmere and Acberabad,
was in fact waiting with Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan for
the realization of the promise of the vizarat.
Having lost all patience, he demanded to know
the emperor's real intentions. The star of the
good fortune of the Turanies was at this tune
ascending to its zenith ; and, finding he could not at
present succeed at the capital in his wishes, Ser-
belend-khan proceeded towards Guzerat. Raja
Giri-dhar was appointed governor of Malwa in lieu
of Nizam-ul-mulk, and went to assume charge of the
province; while Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan, being taken

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344 SlYAK-UL-MUTAKHEUKV.

ill, remained a short time at the capital, but was
eventually nominated to the government of Ajmere,
and his services placed at the disposal of Ser-
belend-khan. The emperor, disgusted with the
spirit of intrigue and dissatisfaction which Nizam-
ul-mulk had excited amongst the Turanies, enter-
tained suspicions against their whole body; and
his aversion increased to such a degree that he
resolved to dispossess them of all influence . Kamer-
ed-din-khan was the nobleman who first felt his
displeasure. The emperor suddenly took from
him his government and some offices which he had
distributed to others; at the same time Saadet-
khan, a Persian noble, received leave to repair to
his government of Oude, where he employed him-
self in bringing that country into subordinadcHi
and order. Serbelend-khan, who had tarried a
little longer than he intended, until his colleague
(reduced in strength by his long illness) should
have so far recruited his strength as to appear in
the field, now marched against the revolted chief
of Guzerat, and formed a junction with Nejm^-
din Ali-khan on the march. Hamid-khan, who
disregarded the communications of Serbelend-
khan, secured the aid of Kantaji and Pilaji, the
two Mahratta chiefs above-mentioned, who pledged
themselves to follow his fortunes, and they joined
bis army, commanded by his general Aman-beg.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 345

These combined troops were encountered by
Serbelend-khan at Dohud, where they sustained
a signal defeat, in which Aman-beg remained
amongst the slain.

After this battle, Sheikh-alhayar-khan, of Bel-
gram, a general serving under Serbelend-khan^
was detached from the imperial army, and entered
the city of Ahmedabad by one gate, and took pos-
session of it, whilst Hamid-khan made his escape
out of another, and 6ed to the Deckan, where he
joined Nizam-ul-mulk. This viceroy, little dis-
couraged by such a check, employed four other
Mahratta generals to aid Hamid-khan, and to make
an incursion into Guzerat. This invasion led to
several bloody engagements, in which the Mah-
rattas were constantly defeated by Nejm-ed-din
Ali-khan, who every where exhibited proofs of
that valour which was hereditary in his family, and
which he derived from his glorious and holy ances-
tors. From skirmishes both parties at length
came to a general engagement, in which Nejm-ed-
din Ali-khan, with an army of sixty thousand
horse and a body of infantry composed of Arabs
and other races, supported by a park of artillery of
some hundred pieces of cannon large and small,
attacked the Mahrattas and gave them a complete
defeat, pursuing them for a long distance, and not
giving over the pursuit until he had driven them

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346 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

beyond the river Nerbedda. This great victory
was obtained on the plain of Cambay, where the
Mahrattas left a vast number of dead on the field
of battle ; it had been preceded by an irruption
which they had made into the districts of Dehna*
gar and Bilnagar, towns held by Kamer-ed*din*
khan in jaghir, and they were actually occupied in
sacking and plundering them when they were sud-
denly attacked by Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan and by
Khana-zad-khan^ son of Serbelend-khan. The
Mahrattas after this defeat totally evacuated Guze*
rat. It must be observed, that as the victorious
army was numerous, it received monthly a regular
supply of five lacs of rupees from the capital, which
sum was forwarded through Nazir-khan, and after
his death through Roshen-ed-doulah, in order to
enable Serbelend-khan to conduct his operations
without levying contributions on the country ; and
it was determined to continue the same practice
until Guzerat should be so far subdued as to afibrd
a sufficient revenue to support the army. On the
news of the great victory which had been obtained,
the supply of cash was stopped by the advice of
Khan Dowran, and an order was sent to dismiss
the extra troops ; for such was the dread which
the imperial general had diffused, that the refrac-
tory chiefs throughout those countries looked up
to him with respect.

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SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 347

It has been already shewn that Zafer*kban was
the person who had the greatest in6uence over the
emperor's mind ; but though it must be acknow-
ledged that this nobleman had many good qualities,
yet he was addicted to the love of money, and was
not only open to bribery, but capable of pecula-
tions. In proof of which it now appeared, that of
the twelve lacs it was his duty to transmit annually
to Cabul for the payment of the garrisons of that
province, half had been retained for his own use,
and the same corruption prevailed in all the affairs
that passed through his hands. In order to sup-
port his power, he ought to have kept upon the
best terms with every one of the ministers of state ;
but his conduct was quite otherwise, so that his
malpractices were represented to the emperor in
such terms, that the affair ended in his disgrace.
He first received a severe rebuke in public, and
his accounts being submitted to a committee, they
found a balance of full two crores of rupees against
him, which he was obliged to replace in the public
treasury, and was moreover disgraced. The duty
of providing for the government of Cabul was now
committed to Khan Dowran, whose integrity was
undoubted. A similar charge of corruption and
bribery was proved against one Shah Abd-ul-gha-
fur, a fakir of the Turany party, who had acquired
such ascendancy over the emperor's mind as in-

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348 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

duced him to appoint and to dismiss whomsoever
he thought fit of the officers of the khalisah office.
At length growing proud » he was guilty of many
shameful abuses, which now came to the empe*
ror's knowledge : he was therefore publicly dis-
gracedy cast into prison, and banished to Bengal.
Two crores of rupees having been found in his
house, besides a quantity of other effects, the
whole was confiscated and sent to the public trea*
sury. Cowky herself even, who had been en-
trusted with the imperial signet within the seraglio^
and who had assumed so much authority as to
recommend to offices, having been found to be the
associate and accomplice of those two personages,
was also dismissed with ignominy, forbidden to
enter the seraglio, and obliged to disgorge her ill-
gotten wealth.

After these instances of misconduct and exam-
ples of punishment, it might be supposed that the
great power and influence which KhanDowran
had acquired, would render him at least more
cautious ; instead of which he indulged only his
hatred against the disgraced minister Zafer-khan,
and was hardly fixed in office, when he hastened
to supersede Serbelend-khan. That great friend
of the disgraced minister Raja Abi-sing Rahtore
was nominated to succeed him in Guzerat^ whi-
ther he had orders to repair with the utmost

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 349

expedition, while Serbelend-khan was called to
court. Abi-sing, fond of repose, and satisfied with
his hereditary dominions, sent a deputy to take
possession of the new government ; but he having
been repulsed with disgrace by Serbelend-khan,
who refused to recognize him, another deputy was^
sent with a large force, who also met a similar
fate ; at last Abi-sing marched himself at the head
of an army of fifty thousand men, mostly cavalry,
and a good park of artillery, with which he en-
tered Guzerat. Serbelend-khan, although uneasy
at the intrigues in the capital, and fearful of the
power of Nizam-ul-mulk, resolved, with that incon-
siderable, ill-paid, and ill-furnished force which was
left to him, to encounter his enemy. He marched
out of the city of Ahmedabad, and encamped
at some distance from it ; putting himself at the
head of his little army, and of a certain number
of friends and old soldiers, on whom he could
rely. He attacked Abi*sing with so much con-
duct and bravery, that the raja thought proper to
quit the field of battle and retire ; but Serbelend-
khan, who saw himself exposed on the one hand
to the machinations of his enemies at court, and
on the other to the power and intrigues of Nizam-
ul-mulk, remained satisfied with Abi-sing's re-
treat, and resolved to come to terms with him.
Accordingly in the evening of the day of the

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350 S1TAR*UL-MUTARH£RIN.

battle, he put on a plain white dress, -without his
annour, and rolling a white turban round his head,
he with no other retinue than a few chopdars, of
mace-bearers, and private servants, advanced to
visit the Hindu prince. Abi-sing, though at first
extremely surprised, thought himself highly ho-
noured by such condescension. He rose at his
approach, advanced to the door of his tent to meet
him^ and after the usual embrace, he took the
veteran by the hand, made him sit on his own
mesned^ and shewed him every mark of respect.
Serbelend-khan, after some conversation, turned
towards the Hindu prince, and spoke to him in
these words : *• Young man," said he, ** you will
be surprised when I inform you that there ought
to subsist much friendship between us, for there
was a time when your father and I exchanged
turbans as brothers,* and I therefore look upon
you as my nephew. The trifling contest that has
passed between us was to defend my honour, and
to maintain my character as a soldier ; but there
must not be the least enmity between you and me
in future ; nor did I see why, being an hereditary
friend of your family, I should abstain from pay*
ing you this visit. The imperial service is the
point in question — it is on that very service I came

* The exchange of turbans is frequently practised as a token
of sworn fraternity.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 351

into this country ; but this being now committed
to your care, you are welcome to it, and I wish
you may bring the government into proper order.
I have myself no further business here. I come
only to request of you a travelling equipage^
and some money to defray my expense to the
capital."

This speech, which was delivered with all the
frankness of an old soldier, astonished the by-
standers, and the Hindu prince more than any.
It was true he had his enemy in his power ; but
struck with the general's high bearing and cha-
racter, and with the connection of his father, he
thought his honour concerned in fulfilling his
wishes, and sending for his steward, he ordered
him to comply with whatever directions Ser-
belend-khan should give him. Towards the end
of the vi^t, the general having again mentioned
the former friendship that subsisted between him
and the Hindu prince's father, proposed to renew
the same ties, on which he took his own plain
turban off and put it upon Abi-sing's head, then
raising up the latter's turban, which was enrfehed
with a variety of gems of value, he put it upon his
own, after which they embraced each other, in
token of fraternity, and he departed to his own
camp, where a sum of money and his equipage
arriving soon after, he quitted the country, and

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352 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

proceeded on his journey towards the capital. All
this conduct gave much umbrage at court, and so
far exasperated the emperor against him, that an
order was sent to the guards on the highways to
stop him wherever he should make his appear-
ance, with injunctions to hinder his advancing one
step farther, until he had obtained a pardon for
his misbehaviour. Moreover, two parties of one
hundred of the guards were sent, one-half on the
road to Ajmere, and the other towards Acberabad,
to detain him. Tlie general having arrived near
the last city, was stopped and forbidden to ad-
vance. Serbelend-khan being thus obliged to
tarry for several days at that city, in order to
assuage the emperor's displeasure, and to obtain
leave to proceed to court, was beset by the dis-
banded troops that accompanied him, who muti-
nied, rose upon him, and fiercely demanded their
arrears. Luckily for him Saadet-khan, who was
then in that city, and remembered to have served
under Serbelend-khan, and to have been pro-
moted by him, offered to assist his old commander,
and sent him a message, importing that if he were
pleased to refer the mutineers to him, he would
undertake to satisfy their claims. This generous
offer, instead of soothing the general's pride, served
only to wound it ; he politely declined his offer,
and answered that, thanks to Providence, matters

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SIVAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 353

had not yet come to such a pass as that he should
prove burtbensome to his friends. After this reply
he went into the apartment of his ladies, and
taking some gold which be had with him, be dis-
charged the arrears due to the troops, and the
tumult subsided.

The insults which had been offered to so distin-
guished an officer as Serbelend-khan, and the
ungrateful as well as the impolitic conduct of the
ministers, put Nizam-ul-mulk upon his guard.
He accordingly took advantage of the circumstance
by engaging the Mahrattas to invade Hindustan.
He applied to Bajy Rao, the principal officer of
the court of Sahu Raja, a prince of high character,
who derived his origin from the Rajas Sambha
and Siva, the founders of the Mahratta empire.
Nizam-ul-mulk proposed to Bajy Rao to conquer
Malwa from the hands of Raja Giri-dhar the pre-
seat governor, and to recover Guzerat out of the
hands of Raja Abi-sing Rahtore, or at least to ruin
and lay waste those two countries so as to render
them of no use to bis enemies. Nothing could be
more welcome at all times to the Mahrattas than
such proposals. Bajy Rao and the other Mahratta
chiefe assembled a mighty army, with which they
invaded both Malwa and Guzerat at one and the
same time. In the latter province they gained
several advantages over Abi-sing's lieutenants, and

VOL. I. 2 a

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364 SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

plundered to a great extent, but this was not the
case in Malwa. Raja Giri-dhar, who commanded
in that country with a small body of troops, would
not suffer his country to be ravaged ; and being an
officer of character, he engaged Bajy Rao several
times, after having in vain requested assistance
from the capital. His repeated repr^entations to
the throne and to the ministers availed nothing,
and that brave man, having wasted his small force
in endless skirmishes, at last fell himself in one of
them. He was succeeded in his command bj
Raja Dia Bahadur, a relative, and son of the brave
Chebilram, who, pursuing Giri-dhar's plans, did
notecase to harass the Mahrattas, giving them no
rest, and taking none himself. He moreover wrote
to the minister that, so long as he lived, he wo1lld^
prove a wall in the passage of the enemy towards
Hindustan, but that after his death he appre-
hended that they would spread like an inundation
all over the empire . None of these representations
produced any effect, and that brave man was also
slain in defending the country. The minister,
little affected by the death of Raja Dia Bahadur,
appointed Mahomed-khan Bangash to succeed
him with full powers. He advanced as far as
Oojein, but as the country was ravaged in all
directions by the Mahrattas, he could not occupy
it, and the ministers, dissatisfied with his conduct.

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SIYAR-Ul-MUTAKHERIN. 355

conferred the government on Raja Jye-sing Sevai.
This was ihe act of Khto Dovnran. The new
governor, who felt well inclined towards the Mah-
rattas from a principle of religion, proved luke*
warm in his measures against them.

Three years after this the court thought proper
to confer the government of that country on Bajy
Rao himself; so that in this manner Malwa passed
mider the Mahratta dominion* Nor did Guzerat
meet with a better fete- The Mahrattas, availing
themselves of Abi-sing's incapacity and neglect,
made themselves masters of the whole country,
which served only to exhibit in glaring colours the
incapacity of the minister, and the weakness of
his administration. To remedy such disorders it
required a strong mind full of zeal and activity,
and fertile in expedients ; but these qualities could
not be expected from men destitute of personal
courage, and lost to all sense of character. Indeed,
^' what figure can the fox make in the lion's den ;
or what can be expected from a wooden sword
opposed to a keen steel blade?'' Khan Dowran,
fancying that the evils that wer^ undermining Hib*
dustftn could be removed by a temporising policy,
aad that lost countries could be recovered by mere
diplomacy and cunning, expected to bring every
thing back into order by negociations. He even
had the folly to imagine that such powerful ene-

2 A 2

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356 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

mies as Nizam-ul-mulk and the Mahrattas might
be reduced by satirical letters, and overawed by
ironical dispatches. Such a state of things, how-
ever, required quite a different man from Khan
Dowran. In order to check the growth of the
towering tree of insubordination and independence,
which was daily shooting forth luxuriantly new and
wild branches, the sinewy arm of some active
valorous prince was required, who after having
felled it with repeated blows of lus battle-axe,
should have sagacity enough to dig it out by the
roots. The necessities of the state wanted the
exertions of such ministers as Zulficar-khan and
Hussein Ali-khan, two men who would have bent
the necks of the refractory, and strangled them ere
they had gained strength. The Mahrattas^ now
established in their conquests of Malwa and Guze*
rat, extended their views, and encouraged by the
supineness of the administration, advanced by
degrees to the frontiers of the provinces of Acber-
abad and Uahabad, till they encroached on the
imperial territory of Dehli. Mahomed-khan Ban-
gash, styled Ghazenfer Jung (the lion in war)
governor of Uahabad, assembled an army from his
own clan, bringing the Rohilla Afghans and a
train of artillery from his fortress ; and with these
troops he entered the province of Bundelcund, a
dependency of Uahabad, with intention to make a

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 357

conquest of it, and to expel the Rajas Chetersal
and Naga, the most powerful princes of that region.
Advancing into the very heart of the country, he
made himself master of all its strongholds ; and
having seized on the capital, he resolved to remain
there during the rainy season, in order to accustom
his new subjects to his rule. The dispossessed
rajas with the other princes of that vicinity, sen-
sible of the weakness of the Mussulman empire,
turned their views towards the Mahrattas of Nag-
poor, and also applied to the generals left by Bajy
Rao at Oojein, the capital of Malwa, promising
them a sum of money and a portion of their terri-
tory. These rajas having obtained the aid of an
ariny of Mahrattas, returned to Bundelcund, where
Mahomed-khan Bangash thought himself so secure
that he had dismissed the greatest part. of his
Afghans to their homes, retaining only a small
body about his person. He had too little local
information to be acquainted with all its passes, so
that the native princes found means to come upon
him before he had any intiination of their approach.
He had hardly time to mount his horse, and to
put himself at the head of the little force he had
left, and being soon overpowered by numbers, was
obliged to quit the field ; and after wandering two
or three days, he had just time to throw himself
into Jitgur with his troops and followers, wherein

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358 SIYAK-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

he was immediately besieged. A grfeat multitude
of people of both sexes aud of all ages had taken
shelter in this place ; a iscarcity of provisions was
soon experienced, which 6nded in a famine : cows,
horses, and asses became food to the garrison, and
a dead beast attracted a thousand eyes. Nor was
it possible to receive any supply from without, or
to get out of the fortress. Such a state of distress
did not long remain concealed from Mahomed*
khan's family. On the first news of the blockade,
his wife and children, quitting Ferokh-abad, the
place of their residence, repaired to the capital ;
where, with tears, they implored the minister's
assistance and the emperor's attention. No notice
was t^en of them; and this forlorn family
applied in despair, as a last resource, to their
own tribe, the Afghans of Rohilcand. Maho-
med-khan's lady sent her veil round amongst their
principal men, and Kaim-khan, her eldest son,
addressed them himself. Such a spectacle pro-
duced a great effect : the Afghans, touched with
the deep distress of their chief's family, resolved
to make an effort in its behalf, and to save their
countrymen from impending destruction. Having
accepted the little money and jewels which the
mother and son could afford to distribute amongst
them, they assembled in numbers, and appointed
the young man himself to lead them to action as

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SlYARoUL-MUTAKHERIN. 359

their general. Incessant marches, soon brought
them to Ji%ur. They no sooner arrived than
they attacked the besiegers, and forcing their way
to the gate of the fortress, they saved Mahomed*
khan Bangash and their countrymen, and carried
them safe to Ilahabad ; an action by which this
worthy son immortalized himself in saving his
father's life. The ministers, however, punished
Mahomed-khan Bangash for having engaged in the
expedition at all, by depriving him of his govern-
ment of Ilahabad, which was transferred to Ser-
belend-khan, who was again taken into favour.
Although he accepted the office, Serbelend-khan
sent thither his son Khana-zad-khan as his deputy,
and he remained in the capital, without appearing
much at court, but confining himself chiefly to his
own house.

A strange accident closed the end of this year.
The kava-khana* of Heider Kuly-khan took fire,
owing to which he was burned to death. The
banning of the next year was no less remarkable
in singular events. On Wednesday the eighteenth is jumiui-es.
of the month of Jumad-es-sani, in the year 1 136, a.h. iid6.
two or three hours after sun-rise, Mahomed Yar- ^.S^'m'
khan, nephew of Shaistah-khan, Khan-khanan, a
noblepan who so early as the times of Aurengzib
had enjoyed the government of the province of

* Coffee-room.

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360 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

Dehli, died suddenly. A few days after, it being
Friday, the office of Mir-ateshy, or master-general
of the ordnance, yacant by Heider Kuly-khan's
demise, was conferred on Muzaffer-khan, the bro-
ther of Khan Dowran. In this same year the
powder magazine, that went by the name of
Burhan-el-mulk, having taken fire, blew up, and
carried with it part. of the Lat Firoze-shah, with
the buildings adjoining ; the latter were torn from
their foundations and thrown to some distance. In
•this year also the brave Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan died,
and his government of Ajmere was bestowed on
Muzaffer-khan, who was already nominated to the
high office of master-general of ordnance. On
lojnmi^es- Wednesday the tenth of the month of Jumad-es-
A.H. li^i. sani in the year 1141, the emperor felt an acces-
^ASTim'^' sion of fever and sickness, from which however
he recovered. In the same year, in the month of
shaban, Shabau, ncws came to court that the Mahrattas

A.H. 1141.

March, from Guzcrat had advanced into the contiguous
country of the Hindu prince. Raja Abi-sing ; who
finding his hereditary dominions attacked, obtained
leave, and repaired with all speed to Joodpoor-
merta^ his capital. About the end of the same year,
a body of Penjaby shoemakers and some other
Mussulmans in the capital rising in a body, excited
a great disturbance during the Hindu festival of
the Huly, on which occasion one of the rioters, a

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 361

.man highly respected on account of his having
been on pilgrimage to Mecca, happened to be
killed by a Hindu jeweller. The Mussulmans,
finding their complaints were unattended to,
left the body for three days unpurified and un-
buried, and resolved not to meddle with it till
they had revenged the death of their companion.
The ministers, too busy with their own concerns,
never thought of affording justice to those injured
people. The shoemakers, incensed at such neg-
lect, tumultuously took possession of the great
mosque, and prevented divine service being per-
formed, or any Mussulmans assembling there,
until their wrongs were redressed. The kazi of
the city, in attempting to pacify them, met only
with insults. The tumult increasing, at last at-
tracted the attention of the court, and Kamer-ed-
din-khan, the vezir, as well as Zafer-khan, the
minister, were sent to see divine service performed.
They came with their own retinues and a number
of other nobles, and were preparing to begin
prayers, when the shoemakers commenced cursing
and reproaching them for their maladministration,
as well as for their odious supineness, in whatever
concerned religion ; and proceeding from words to
blows, they fell upon the ministers, and put them
to flight. Zafer-khan being closely pursued, took
shelter under the bucklers of the Afghan soldiers

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362 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

that accompanied him ; the shoemakers^ however,
continued throwing their slippers at the guards
and at the nobles, and again drove them away.
The vezir alone stood his ground, and on his order-
ing some rockets to be fired, and thrown over their
heads, the tumult subsided a little. The vezir,
finding them reduced to some order, addressed the
mob, and at length prevailed upon it to disperse.
The tumult had risen to such a height, that meet
of the nobles were insulted; and as the people
were preparing to proceed' farther, some dire event
might have occurred but for the vezir's presence of
mind and successful eloquence. At the end of
shevai. ziicad, this vcar, bctwcen the months of Sheval and

A.H. 1141. . ^ '

April, May, Zilcad, there arose for forty days together such an
abominable stench throughout the city of Dehli,
that the poor and rich being equally affected by
it, were attacked by an epidemic fever that filled
the houses with sick. The shops and markets were
shut up, the streets were deserted, and the city
looked like a place forsaken by its inhabitants.
People said that they had never before seen or
heard of such a calamity. The stench and sick-
ness commenced at Patna and Ilahabad, from
whence it proceeded to Acberabad and Dehli, and
continued spreading over Paniput and Serhend,
until it extended to Lahore, where it stopped.
Though many were affected by the sickness, the
deaths were not on the whole numerous.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 363

This strange event was followed by one more
strange. The winter proved so severe this year in
Shah Jehan-abad, and Old Dehli and its envi-
ronsy that the water froze in vessels of copper,
which burst from the pressure of the ice. Run-
ning water, and even the river was frozen. This
happened for three nights together in the month Rejeb,
of Rejeb, of the year 1143; snow also fell in jamury.

, , ^11- A. D. 1731.

several places on the plain.

* On Tuesday, being the fifth of Rejeb, of the 5 lujeb,
year 1145 of the Hegira, the emperor Mahomed- jop^wmbef
$hah quitted the citadel of Shah-jehan-abad, ad. 1732.
^th his vezir Kamer-ed-din-khan, Khan Dowran,
and his whole court, and marched to Eizabad,
Berhot, and Soanput, where he encamped, spend-
ing a whole month in the pleasures of hunting.
Returning firom thence, he alighted at the garden
called Tal-Katora, where he amused himself with
the b^uty of the place ; from thence he crossed
the river Jumna, at the palace of Ferah-bakhsh,
where he stayed twelve days. There, hearing
that the Mahrattas had made an incursion as far
as Acberabad, he resolved to march and to chastise
those freebooters, and advandng two stages more,
as far as the little river of Hinden, he encamped
at the palace of Bhat-kehl, where he stopt seven
or eight days. The freebooters having dispersed
and quitted those parts on the report of his ap-

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364 SIYAtt-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

proach, the emperor returned by Talputt to Ferid-
shevai, abad, and on the month of Sheval alighted at his

A.H. 1146.

March, palace in Dehli. This hunting party seemed to

be only a prelude to something more serious^ for

16 Ramasan, ou Suudav the sixteenth of Ramazan, in the year

A.H. 1146. ' rf

7 March, 1146 of the Hegira, about three hours and a half
after sunrise, Muzaffer-khan, brother of Khan
Dowran, received orders to march and chastise
the Mahrattas. He was invested with a robe of
honour, and marched at once out of the city, and
encamped at the garden of Jivandas. The Mah-
rattas, after having completed the conquests of
Guzerat and Malwa, had continued to extend
their ravages and incursions, to which they had
been encouraged by receiving contributions, in
order to purchase their forbearance, wherever they
appeared; so that as soon as they saw that no
measures were taken to oppose their movements,
they recommenced operations the next year. At
length they assumed the absolute dominion of
those districts which formerly only paid tribute.
By these encroachments the frontier of the em-
peror retrograded as their's advanced, till by the
most shameful neglect and supineness of the
emperor, they occupied the territories as far as
Gualior, and approached to the vicinity of Acber-
abad. Elated with these successes, they talked
of nothing but of new conquests, in which they

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SIVAR-UL-MUTAKHERJN. 365

were encouraged hitherto chiefly by Nizam-ul-
mulk.

Khan Dowran, who was too wise not to per-
ceive the consequences of such encroachments,
but who declined to march himself against them,
now sent his brother Muzaffer-khan to put a stop
to them. Muzaffer-khan, who was a man of
consummate vanity, was dismissed to the war
with great distinction, being placed at the head
of the household-troops, and was also accom-
panied by several generals, who, to the number
of two-and-twenty, were commanded to attend
him, the whole forming a superb army. The
Mahratta freebooters accustomed to wage war
only by skirmishes, without coming to a general
engagement, did not attempt to stand, but re-
treated before the imperialists as far as Seronj,
where Muzaffer-khan halted. On this the Mah-
rattas surrounded his camp, and by continual
skirmishes so streightened his resources, that
provisions became scarce in his army. In this
situation he contented himself with preserving
his person in safety, and waiting for orders from
his brother and from the emperor. He was at
length directed to return, and deemed himself
fortunate in bringing his army back entire. He
reached the capital on Tuesday the thirteenth of a.h, 114"'
Muharrem, in the year 1147. On the occasion a*d!^734.

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366 9ITAR-UL-MUTAKHEBIN.

of paying his obeisance to the presence^ he vrvts
presented with a plate full of jewels and gems,
after which he repaired to his own palace, which
vras after all the principal object of his desires.
Alms were now distributed by him, congratu*
latory offerings made by his friends, and nazers
offered by his favorites and flatterers, as thanks*
givings to Providence for extricating so illustrious
a commander from the manifold dangers of that
mighty expedition. All with one voice extolled
the amazing abilities, and the astonishing conduct
he had displayed in that momentous campaign,
and they felicitated him and themselves on his
safe return, an event beyond their most sanguine
hopes. People who knew the man, and were
unconnected with him, did not fail to speak of
him with contempt.
In this year also the prince Ali»tebar, son of
6Miiiiarreiii, Aazcm-shah, died, on the sixth of Muharrem, and
^2^Ma *^ he was buried close to his mother, Kirpapury, in
A.D. 1734. tii^ mausoleum she had built for herself.
24 Jumad-es- On the twcuty-fourth of the month of Jumad-
Aimi^?. es-sani, in the same year, the vezir Kamer-ed-din-
^A^D^m^' khan and Khan Dowran were appointed to chas-
tise the Mahrattas. Both these heroes, like Mu-^
zaffer-khan, after having sought the Mahrattas for
a long time, returned tc^ther to the city. On
their return to the capital^ the accursed finee-

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SITAR-UL-MUTAICHERIN. 367

booters attacked and plundered the town of San-
behr, which is only a hundred coss distant from
Shah*jehan«abad. The governor of that place, by
name Fakhr-ed-din, in order to save the town from
plunder, agreed to give up four elephants and three
lacs of rupees, with some other effects, an engage-
ment which he punctually performed on his part,
but the freebooters, after having been paid,
seized his person, and plundered him so effectually,
tiiat he was left with no other property in the
world than the clothes on his back. The kazi, or
chie(ju8tice of the place, with other silly people,
as a point of honour, murdered their whole fami-
lies, and then taking arms, defended themselves to
the last, and it cannot be denied but that they
behaved valiantly and died bravely. After such
calamities in other parts of the empire, the ele-
ments seemed to ccmspire against the inhabitants
of the capital. On the eighteenth of the month is rcIh-us-
Rebi-us-sani of the year 1148, in the evening of a.i?"iW
Wednesday, a rain commenced that continued for ^^^.^^i™^!^'
thirty hours tc^ether, with so much violence, that
many of the houses in Dehli fell down ; and the
little stream at the Serai of Roshenara rose to
such a height, that the water in several houses
was of the depth of a man ; and news came that
the city of Acberabad had likewise experienced
the same calamity at the same time.

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368 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

Whilst the empire suffered under the convulsions
we have mentioned, Ajazu, a zemindar of the dis-
trict of Cora, availed himself of the circumstance to
revolt against the governor of that district, and
having killed him, plundered his effects, and took
possession of his family. This governor was no less
a person than Jan-nisar-khan, brother of the vezir
Kamer-ed-din-khan. The latter, incensed at this
atrocity, deputed his kinsman Azim-uUah-khan
to attack the zemindar, and to rescue his brother's
family. But Ajazu, who knew how far he had
become obnoxious, quitted his usual residence, and
retired to a part of his country which he knew to
be difficult of access. This retreat having satisfied
Azim-uUah-khan, he concluded that his commis-
sion was at an end, and he consequently made
only a short stay in the country, where he left
Kazem-beg-khan Turany, with some other com-
manders, whilst he himself repaired to the capital.
No sooner did Ajazu. hear of his departure, than
yielding to the violence of his temper, and quitting
his strongholds, he suddenly fell upon Kazem-
beg-khan and his troops, the whole of which he
put to the sword. Kamer-ed-din-khan, on gain-
ing this intelligence was confounded, and being
himself deficient in personal courage, applied to
Saadet-khan, governor of Oude, whom he en-
treated, if he had any regard for the Mc^l name.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 369

or any zeal for the Mussulman religion, to march
and chastise that turbulent Hindu. Saadet-khan,
who was a man of great courage and a zealous
supporter of the faith, no sooner received the letter
than he resolved to undertake the expedition. He
was on his journey to the capital on business, when
receiving Kamer-ed-din-khan's letter, he quitted
the high-road, and struck off to the right, with the
intention of chastising the zemindar. The latter
attempted to amuse this general also with fair
words, but finding that he was not to be deceived,
he resolved to stand his ground and fight, and only
waited for the enemy's arrival to commMce the
attack. The governor of Oude, fatigued with his
day's journey, wasjust retiring to his tent to take
some repose, when Ajazu's spies, who were at
hand, informed their master of the circumstance.
They described him as a tall, robust man,, dressed
in green, with a flowing white beard.

The zemindar, who had just waited for such an
opportunity, moving directly from out of his am-
buscade, presented himself in camp at the head of
his troops. At sight of this, Saadet-khan mounted
his elephant, and exerted himself in marshalling
his troops. Having taken off his dusty clothes,
he had put on a white linen dress, and the foremost
of his commanders^ who advanced to engage, was
Abu-turab-khan Turany, one of his best officers.

VOL. I. 2 b

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370 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

He was that day dressed in green, and was re--
markable for having a long, flowing, white beard,
as well as the governor. Ajazu perceiving that
officer upon an elephant, took him for Saadet-
khan, and with a number of desperadoes who fcl-
lowed him, he charged him at full gallop. He
soon closed with the elephant, when^ brandishing
his spear, he gave the old officer such a violent
blow, as pierced him through and through, the
spear coming out at his back and burying itself in
the back-board of the howdah. Saadetrkhan's
foremost troops were intimidated by the execution
done by that select body, and began to waver, when
Saadet-khan himself, with a chosen band, arrived
to their assistance.

After having discharged a shower of arrows, he
closed at once with Ajazu, and engaged him sword
in hand. At this moment a Hindu officer, called
Durjan-sing, a relation of the zemindar's, but who
was in Saadet-khan's service, recognized and
pointed him out to his master, who, now spurring
his horse, engaged him with reproaches mixed
with blows. Ajazu having received two wounds,
one from Durjan-sing and another by an arrow
from Saadet-khan, fell from his horse, and was
trodden to death by the cavalry. The victorious
general took possession of the enemy's camp, and
ordered the zemindar's head to be sent to the

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 371

emperor, and his skin to be stuffed with straw, in
order to be presented to the vezir; after which,
leaving Abd-ul-mansur-khan, his nephew and son-
in-law, with the greatest part of his troops, in
charge of the country, he prosecuted his march to
the capital, and on the seventh of Rejeb in the /^J®/i'
same year paid his respects to the emperor, to is December,
whom he presented a nazer of one thousand and
nine eshrefies, with a curious poignard and sabre.
The emperor, in return, honoured him with a
rich robe, to which he added another poignard and
a sabre enriched with jewels, a horse, and an
elephant. Two months after, he was again sum-
moned to the field, by letters from Abd-ul-mansur-
khan, who wrote that the Mahrattas, whom Ajazu
had invited to his assistance, were at hand.

On the sixth of Zilcad, in the same year, Yad- 6 ziicad,
gar-khan Kashmiry, a friend of Khan Dowran, a lOApni,
shrewd, well-spoken man, was deputed to Raja
Jye-sing Sevai, and to Bajy Rao, the Mahratta
general. He was charged with a patent from the
king, granting to Bajy Rao the two provinces of
Malwa and Guzerat, which he already held by the
tenure of the sword. In making this formal ces-
sion, however, it was stipulated that Bajy Rao
should enter the imperial service, in which nego-
ciation Raja Jye-sing was expected to act as me-
diator. In the same year, on the fourteenth of

2 B 2

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372 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

u zohai, Zilhaj, at about three hours before midnight, Zafer-
19 May, l^han departed this life. He was a nobleman who

9 May,

D. ifa

A.D. 1736.

had acquired a character for many valuable quali-
ties, but especially for his munificent and benevo*
lent disposition. He bad contracted an intimacy
with Shah Reza, a dervish, whom he made the
keeper of his conscience; he was in truth his spi-
ritual guide, Zafer-khan submitting to his direc-
tions in every thing.

We shall now treat of the eastern part of the em-
pire, which, after having long been lost in obscurity
to the historian, now became the theatre of those
important events, which paved the way for its con-
quest by strangers, who have so rapidly extended
their dominion as to reach the neighbourhood of
the capital of Hindustan.

I am not informed what governor succeeded
Nusret-yar-khan in the government of Patna ; I
only know that, in the year 1 140, Fakhr-ed-doulah,
a brother of Zafer-khan, having obtained the govern-
ment of that province, remained in it five years ;
but, as he could neither read nor write, and was
wrong-headed, his actions evinced the grossest
ignorance. He was proud and prone to anger,
and at the same time so imprudent, that for a small
matter he quarrelled with Sheikh Abdullah, a
person of consequence in those parts, who con-
ducted all the public business in the province.

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SIYAU-UL*MUTAKH£RIN. 373

This sheikh had been for a length of time employed
by every successive governor, either as his deputy,
or as a controller-general of the revenue, and he
had in consequence connections with almost all
the zemindars. He was greatly respected by
them, and had acquired the good-will of the troops
as well as of every individual in the country.
Fakhr-ed-doulah, actuated by a feeling of petty
jealousy, intrigued against him, and made his situ-
ation so uneasy, that the latter thought it expedient
to quit his house at Patna, and to repair to the
other side of the Ganges, where he had built a
mud fort near the town of Sevan, having there
bought up several villages with a quantity of land.
The governor, dissatisfied with this conduct, crossed
the river and besieged him in the mud fort, and
wanted not only to obtain possession of it but also
to seize his person. Sheikh Abdullah, reduced to
extremities, applied to Saadet-khan, governor of
Oude, his next neighbour, to whom he explained
his situation ; and, on his being invited to proceed
to Oude, he sallied out from the fort, and bravely
forcing his passage through Fakhr-ed-doulah's
camp, effected his retreat. Sheikh Abdullah, hav-
ing arrived at Saadet-khan's court, was received
with distinction. The hostile governor, having
thus missed his prey, returned to his capital,
where he some time after became involved, in

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374 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN,

another quarrel with one Khwaja Mutaassem.
This dervish was no less a person than the brother
of Khan Dowran, who, under the garb of religion^
had retired from public business, and lived at
Patna in all the splendour of a nobleman of the
first rank. Disgusted with the imperious behaviour
of the governor, he quitted Patna, and repaired to
the capital ; when the minister, who had already
heard of his conduct, procured Fakhr-ed-doulah's
dismissal, and having annexed the government of
Patna to that of Bengal, he sent a patent to that
effect to Shujah-khan, who on the demise of Jafer-
khan, his father-in-law, had succeeded him in the
government.

Shujah-khan, now created Shujah-ed-doulah,
the subahdar or viceroy of Bengal, was a native of
the Deckan, and was by origin an Afshar, one of
the Turk tribes of Khorassan. He was one of the
principal men of Boorhanpoor, and having con-
tracted an alliance with Jaafer-khan of the same
city, by marrying his favourite daughter Zinet-en-
nissa Begum, he lived in that nobleman's family.
In Aurengzib's reign the latter became divan of
Bengal, and in process of time obtained the niza-
mut, or military government, of the same province.
By means of this alliance, every preferment obtain-
ed by Jafer-khan proved an accession of impwtance
to the son-in-law ; and the father»in-law, uniting in

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 375

his person the distinct offices of divan and nazim
of the two governments of Bengal and Orissa^
procured the subahdary or viceroyalty of the latter
province for Shujah-khan. The latter shortly after
went and established his residence in Orissa, not
only to inspect personally the afiairs of his govern-
ment^ but also because there had lately arisen
some misunderstanding between these noble per-
sons, so that they could no longer live together in
terms of amity. Shujah*khan was a man of even
temper and a lover of justice, and bore a character
for many valuable qualities, which acquired him
the esteem and respect of all the world. Jaafer-
khan was the very reverse, and was universally
disliked. One subject of their dissension was the
aversion of his wife Zinet-en-nissa Begum, daughter
of Jaafer-khan and mother of Ser-efraz-khan,to her
husband Shujah-khan. The latter, who was of a
virtuous disposition and a pattern of chastity, was
offended with her husband, not only on account of
his being on bad terms with her father, but more
especially on account of his excessive fondness for
other women. At length she separated from him,
and taking her son with her, took up her residence
in Moorshedabad, a city founded by her father,
and named after him when he was simply Moor-
shid-kuly-khan. Here this noble lady lived in
great splendour; and she would probably have

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376 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIV.

continued to enjoy tranquillity, had not fate thrown
in her way a man predestined to overturn her
family, and to change the whole face of afiairs in
those countries. There appeared at this time at
court a person called Mirza Mahomed, the husband
of a lady who, being herself of the A&har tribe,
was allied to Shujah-khan. Mirza Mahomed had
two sons, the elder named Haji Ahmed, and the
younger Mirza Mahomed Ali, afterwards better
known by the name of Alia Verdi-khan, and bear-
ing the title of Mehabet-jung. Mirza Mahomed had
been in the service of the late Mahomed Aazem-
shah ; but on the death of his sovereign was re-
duced to the utmost distress, being obliged to
support a numerous and indigent family. In this
extremity Mirza Mahomed Ali, son of Mirza Ma*
homed, adopted the expedient of sending his
mother and father to the court of Shujah-khan, in
the beginning of Mahomed-shah's reign. That
governor, happy to oblige a relation, conferred se-
veral favours on Mirza Mahomed, took him into
service, and shewed him so much kindness, that
Mirza Mahomed Ali, the son, resolved to repair
likewise to the court of Orissa, a measure which
he effected with much difficulty, on account of his
being destitute of the means of accomplishing so
long a journey. He at last arrived at the court of
Orissa, and in the end proved to be a man of

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN« 377

genius, and capable of conducting the most im-
portant affairs, added to which he possessed intrepid
courage. In a short time he acquired so great a
character that Shujah-khan congratulated himself
on the acquisition of so valuable a dependant, and
looked on his arrival as an event which prognosti-
cated the elevation of his protector's family. Mirza
Mahomed Ali rose in favour and in credit from day
to day, and was promoted to the highest offices ;
till at length he sent for his brother Haji Ahmed,
with the whole &mily, which then lived at Shah-
jehan-abad. Having now assembled most of his
relations, Haji Ahmed travelled into Bengal, from
whence he repaired to the court of Orissa, where
being arrived he was taken into favour and pro-
moted to office.

Both brothers were, indeed, men of abilities,
close application, and so capable of surmounting
the greatest difficulties, that they strengthened by
their very character Shujah-khan's government,
and laid the foundation of that elevation to which
it subsequently rose. New arrangements were in-
troduced by them into the department of finances,
and the revenues were greatly augmented by their
application and industry; but Mirza Mahomed
Ali, who to the civil talents of his brother united
a brilliant character as a soldier, and had always
displayed more genius than either his father or

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378 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHEBIN.

brother, began to eclipse his re&ttioiis, as well as
all the persons in Shujah-khan's service, in so
much that he became in time exposed to the
shafts of envy. This envy was more excited
when his protector Shujah-khan obtained for him
a grade of honour, with the title of Mahomed
Alia Verdi-khan.

All this time Jaafer-khan continued offended
with his son-in-law, and as his life was drawing to
an end, he conceived the project of procuring the
Nizamet of Bengal for his grandson Ser-efraz-
khan, the son of Shujah-khan by his daughter
Zinet-en-nissa. This young nobleman already
filled the office of divan of the province. Fully
bent on this design, he wrote to his friends at
court, and spared neither pains nor expense to
obtain an object, that had now become the fondest
desire of his heart, and by the fulfilment of which
he would be succeeded by his grandson in both
those offices. This circumstance having come to
the knowledge of Shujah-khan, he consulted both
Alia Verdi-khan and Haji Ahmed, who recom-
mended that one or two persons of talent and
eloquence should be immediately deputed to court
with applications, both to the emperor, to the
vezir, and to the prime-minister Khan-Dowran,
soliciting the patents of divan and nazim of both
the provinces of Bengal and Orissa, for Shujah-

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SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 379

khan. The deputies were enjoined to make the
utmost despatch. Besides this mission, other per-
sons of the military class were sent under various
pretences, after having been dismissed from
Shujah-khan's service, by different roads to Moor-
shedabad, with orders to hold themselves in readi-
ness in the neighbourhood of Jaafer-khan's palace,
to execute any orders they might receive. The
rainy season being near, and as it was foreseen
that the inundation in Cuttack would necessarily
delay all communication between that place and
Moorshedabad, a number of boats were provided,
and boatmen were assembled and kept in pay, to
the end that, on the very first intelligence of Jaafer-
khan's demise, Shujah-khan might instantly pro-
ceed to Moorshedabad. A secret post was also
established betwixt Cuttack and Dehli, not only
for the sake of receiving, as soon as possible, the
desired patents, but also for supplying daily intel-
ligence, both from the capital and Moorshedabad.
At last a letter came, informing Shujah-khan that
Jaafer-khan had hardly five or six days to live.
On this he instantly set out from Cuttack, taking
with him Alia Verdi-khan, and such number of
adherents as he thought sufiicient, and proceeded
hastily to Moorshedabad, sometimes by water,
and sometimes by land, just as opportunity served.
Shujah-khan had a son by another wife, named

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380 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

Mahomed Taky-khan, whom he now appointed
his deputy at Cuttack. Whilst proceeding with
so much expedition, certain intelligence was re-
ceived of Jaafer-khan's death, a few days after
which, while yet upon his journey, he received
the patent for which he had applied to court. He
now proceeded with the expedition of a courier,
and arrived in a few days at Moorshedabad, when
he repaired directly to the Chehel-sitoon, a hall
erected by Jaafer-khan, on forty pillars, and used
only on public occasions. He instantly sent for
the vakaa-neviss, or official news-writer, and the
sevaneh-neviss, or crown-intelligencer, with some
other officers of the government, as also for some
of the principal men of the city, and producing
his commissions, caused them to be read aloud by
those two officers ; and thus having proclaimed
himself the lawful subahdar, or governor, of the
two provinces, he took possession of the mesned,
sat in il, and ordered the public band of music to
strike up, after which he received offerings and
congratulations from every one present. It is sin-
gular that his son, Ser-efraz-khan, who was
residing at a country-seat about two miles from
the city, in the fullest confidence that he should
be recognized as the undoubted heir of his grand-
father Jaafer-khan, knew nothing of what had
passed in the city. The first hint he obtained

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SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. . 381

was from the sound of the public bands of music.
Confounded and astonished at the intelligence that
was now brought him, he consulted his friends
what ought to be done. Most of them wtfre of
opinion, that as his father had received his com-
mission from court, and had taken possession of
his office, and secured the palace and the city, as
well as the treasury, there remained no alternative
but quiet submission. The young man accord-
ingly having left his princely retinue behind, and
taking with him only a few servants, came and
threw himself at his father's feet, and presented
his offering of congratulation. Shujah-khan now
turned his mind towards putting into order the
affairs of his government. Alia Verdi-khan be-
came his prime-minister, but he availed himself
also of the talents of Haji-Amed, and Ray-Aalem-
chand, his former divan, who was certainly a
Hindu of great merit, and deserved all the con-
fidence reposed in him. He also called to his
councils several other persons, among whom was
Jagat-set Fateh-chand, a banker, whose wealth
amounted to millions. So much for the public
business.

With regard to private disputes between man
and man, he trusted no one ; . but sending for the
parties, he would listen patiently and leisurely to
the story of each, and with much judgment drew

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382 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

his conclusion, and pronouncing the decree, caused
it to be executed with punctuality. His equity
was no less conspicuous towards the zemindars
and other landholders of Bengal. These persons^
under Jaafer-khan's administration, had been mostly
kept m confinement, and tormented in such a
variety of ways, that it would be a pity to spend
paper and ink in describing them. Shujah-khan,
after having firmly established his government,
released such of the zemindars and otiier land-
holders as he found on enquiry free from crime or
firaud ; as to the others, he ordered them to be all
brought into his presence, and to form a circle
round his person : this being done, he asked them,
how they would behave in ftiture, should he release
them. These poor people, who had been for years
languishing in dungeons, surprised at this address,
burst forth into encomiums on his goodness, and
after supplicating heaven to grant him a long and
prosperous government, promised that hencefor-
ward they would pay the revenue with punctuality,
and would prove obedient and dutiftil servants.
Engagements in their own hand-writing, authenti-
cated by the proper formalities, being taken finom
them, they confirmed them by the most solemn
oaths. Shujah-khan now sent for a number of
rich dresses for each, according to his respective
rank and station, so that there was not one in that

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 383

assembly who did not receive a suitable present.
This ceremony being over they were all released,
with injunctions to transmit henceforward the re-
venue through Jagatset.

In consequence of so just an administration, the
kindom of Bengal, which is usually called the ter-
restial paradise, enjoyed so much prosperity as to
diffuse every where abundance and happiness ana-
logous to its title. As soon as the zemindars were
dismissed, Shujah-khan turned his thoughts to-
wards the distribution of offices and employments.
He confirmed his eldest son, Ser-efraz-khan, in
the office of divan of Bengal, and his second son,
Mahomed Taky-khan, became governor of Orissa.
The government of Jehangir-nagur (Dacca) he be-
stowed on his son-in-law Moorshid Kuly-khan. The
family of his friend and favourite. Alia Verdi-khan,
were not forgotten ; and as the favourite had three
nephews, to whom Shujah-khan had given his
three daughters, they were thus provided for. Seid
Ahmed-khan, second son of Haji Ahmed, was ap-
pointed fojdar of Rungpoor; Zein-ed-din Ahmed-
khan, the youngest, to that of Acber-nagur (Rajma-
hal) ; and Nevazesh Mahomed-khan, the eldest,
was invested with the office of bukhshy, or com-
mander of the forces. These were their especial
offices, but for the general affairs of his government
he formed a council consisting of Alia Verdi-khan,

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384 SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

Haji Ahmed, Ray Rayan, Aalem-chand, and
Jagat-set Fateh-chand. Matters remained in this
state in the eastern provinces of the empire until
Fakhr-ed-doulah being removed from the govern-
ment of Azimabad Patna, that province was an-
nexed to the Viceroyalty of Bengal, and the patents
conferred on Shujah-khan by Khan Dowran. On
being invested with the new government, Shujah-
khan hesitated whom he should appoint his deputy^
Several persons were proposed to him byjiis coun-
cil, to all of whom he objected. His own wish
prompted him to send one of his two sons : Zinet-
en-nissa, his wife, however, would not consent to
part with her son Ser-efraz-khan, while on the
other hand, she objected to the nomination of her
step-son, Mahomed Taky*khan, whom she viewed
as a stranger, and with jealousy ; so that as she
would consent to neither, her husband at last
gave up his intentions. He considered Behar as
a country that required a vigilant superintendence.
It bordered on Oude, Ilahabad, and on Berar, one
of the dependencies of Aurengabad; with the
governors of these countries it became necessary
to keep up a correspondence; and he considered
that such a post could not be more properly filled
than by Alia Verdi-khan. On his proposing hiqi
to his council, the choice was unanimously ap-
proved. The appointment being made public.

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 385

Shujah-khan resolved to procure for Alia Verdi-
khan new titles and honours from court. In ad-
dition to his military grade, he wished to raise
him to the command of five thousand horse, and
to procure for him the titles of Bahadur and Ma-
habah-jung, for which honours he applied through
his agents to the emperor and Khan Dowran. Zi-
net-en-nissa being informed of the new appoint-
ment, expressed her approbation; she sent, there-
fore, for Alia Verdi-khan to the door of her apart-
ment, and having ordered a rich dress to be put
upon his shoulders, she appointed him to the go-
vernment of Behar,^as from herself.* It was only
after this investiture, that Shujah-khan himself sent
for him, and presented him on his part with the
robes of the niabet, or deputy of Azimabad Patna,
to which he joined the commission, and gave him
an elephant, a sabre, and a set of jewels. A mili-
tary force was also appointed to serve under him ;
after which he was dismissed, with injunctions
to bring the province under proper subjection. I
ought to remark that a few days before this ele-
vation^ a grandson was bom to Alia Verdi-khan
by his youngest daughter^ the wife of his youngest
nephew Zein-ed-din Ahmed-khan, and as he had

* Zinet-en-nissa seems to have insisted on her husband
recognising her as the heiress to the government^ and con-
sidered him rather as the viceroy-consort than viceroy in his
own right.

VOL. I. 2 C

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386 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

no son of his own, the child was called Miraa
Mahomed, after himself. He adopted him as his
own son, and had him educated in his own house.
Alia Verdi-khan, on his departure for Patna, ob-
tained leave to take with him two of his sons-in-
law, as well as several of his relations ; and after
a prosperous journey, he made his entry into that
city, where having resided a whole year, he re-
turned to Moorshedabad to pay his respects to the
viceroy. -He was received with every mark of
distinction and favour, and sent back to his go-
vernment ; and shortly after received the confii^
< mation of all the dignities and honours from Dehli,
that had been proposed for him by his protector,,
which contributed not a little to raise him in the
estimation of the people. He now enlisted in his
service as many military chiefs of character as
were out of employ in the neighbouring provinces^
and by these means he soon found himself at the
head of a well-appointed army ; and being intent
on confirming his power, and preparing himself
for higher achievements, he was prompt in chas-
tising such of his dependants as attempted to
depart from the path of duty. Among other chiefs
in his service was one Abd-ul-kerim-khan, an
Afghan Rohilla, who commanded fifteen hundred of
his countrymen, and who had such an opinion of
his own importance as to undervalue others, and

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 387

in reality he had some title for vanity. Alia
Verdi-khan, who had employed him on many
trying occasions, was well satisfied with his ser-
vices ; but as he presumed upon them, he felt it
requisite to reduce him to more subordination.
Alia Verdi-khan, reflecting that to tolerate him
any longer would only add to his presumption,
and incite others to insolence, conceived it dan-
gerous to defer the punishment of a headstrong
man, who seemed ready to go into revolt. The
day then being fixed for the purpose. Alia Verdi-
khan ordered a number of trusty men to be in
readiness in the hall of audience, and to fall upon
Abd-ul-kerim-khan with their sabres, in case the
Afghan should presume to be insolent, in answer
to a reproof which he intended to give him. Ac-
cordingly on the next day, Abd-ul-kerim-khan
presented himself at the durbar with ten of his
followers, armed ; but as he had always at the gate
two hundred of his men ready to support him, and
himself being a man of great personal strength,
it was not an easy matter to find people to over-
power him. Three men, however, having been
selected, were ordered to attend, and to attack
him^ and he fell under their sabres the same
morning. The other mutinous soldiery in his army
now began to tremble ; and many of the zemin-
dars, who had hitherto proved refractory, owing

2 c 2

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388 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

to the weakness of the former administration, were
attacked and severely chastised ; some were de-
stroyed, and others that were guilty, but who had
evinced contrition, were pardoned, and taken into
, favour, and they afterwards attached themselves

to Alia Verdi-khan's person. By such vigorous
measures he secured Shujah-khan's goodwill and
esteem, and strengthened his own power.

But before we enter farther into the history of
Alia Verdi-khan, it is proper we should refer to
some events that now happened in the capital of
the empire or in its environs ; after which we shall
resume our account of the affairs of Bengal.

We have already mentioned that Yad-ghar-khan
of Cashmir had been sent from court to the Mah-
ratta camp, to open a negociation with Bajy Rao,
through the mediation of Raja Jye-sing Sevai, and
that these two persons had been entrusted with
the patent of the government of the provinces of
Malwa and Guzerat for the Mahratta general.
This extraordinary measure did not produce the
desired effect ; for it was so far from extinguishing
the ambition of the Mahrattas, that it seemed to
add to their presumption, and to encourage them
to make new encroachments. It was now resolved,
7 ziicad. therefore, to have recourse to coercion. On the
24 February seventh of the mouth of Ziicad of the year 1 149 of
the Hegira, about six hours after sunrise. Khan

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A.D. 1737

SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 389

Dowran left the court on an expedition for that
purpose. In taking leave, he was honoured with a
belt from the emperor's own hand, after which he
marched out of the city, and encamped at Talpat,
distant nine coss from Dehli, On the twentieth 20 ziicad,
of the same month, the vezir Kamer-ed-din-khan ^1^* ^^?*

Jo Marcli,

was also honoured with a belt, and departed on ^•^- ^*^^'
the same expedition, and encamped at Cheharbag.
On that same day Khan Dowran marched at the
head of his own division, and of the several bodies
of cavalry that had been put under his command,
to the number of about forty thousand horse ; he
was accompanied also by a great train of artillery,
and encamped in the territory of Acberabad.
There he was joined by several eminent rajas with
their troops; and his force at last became so
numerous that it covered the whole plain. Every
one now expected that Khan Dowran would advance
directly upon the enemy ; but he contented himself
with loitering away his time at about forty coss from
the capital. Nor did the vezir Kamer-ed-din-khan
display more promptitude. This minister had set
out at the head of his division, composed of a nu-
merous body of Moguls andHindoostanies, attached
to his person and in his own pay ; to these were
united the division of Turany Moguls, the house-
hold troops of the emperor, held in such high
estimation that the whole province of Serhind had

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390 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN,

been assigned to them for their pay. With such
an army he marched towards Ajmere> with the pro-
fessed intention of annihilating the Mahrattas, He
had with him every necessary for a campaign, and
was accompanied by many volunteers, who only
waited for opportunities to signalize themselves
and to acquire promotion. The magnificence of
his cavalcade is hardly to be described ; but, after
marching a short distance towards the frontiers of
Ajmere, he halted, under the plea of waiting for
the Mahrattas ; at least such was the impression
throughout his camp. He was shortly after joined
by Mahomed-khan Bangash, who having quitted
Ferokh-abad, came with a considerable body of
troops, and waited also the arrival of the Mahrattas.
But not one of these illustrious warriors had the
resolution to advance on those freebooters. Khan
Do^nran, without moving from the position he had
taken up, was perpetually contriving plans for the
campaign, the purport of which he communicated
to Raja Jye-sing; and the latter, after having added
his own observations, transmitted them to the vezir.
As to Raja Abi-sing Rahtore, instead of repairing
to the camp, as he had been required to do, he
retired to his capital, where he abandoned himself
to intoxication, which he maintained by the use of
opium. He slept the whole day, and spent the
night in asking what was to be done ; but when-
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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHEHIN. 391

ever he was sent for by Khan Dowran, he excused
himself by alleging the necessity of defending his
own hereditary dominions, and by making other
futile pretences. The vezir Kamer-ed-din-khan,
whether out of regard for himself or intent on the
preservation of his army, spent his time in consul-
tations with the Turany officers, his countrymen ;
but he kept his eyes fixed on the succours which
he expected from Nizam-ul-mulk. The latter, who
had quitted the court in disgust, paid but little
attention to the troubles in Hindoostan ; but rather
wished to see the present ministers humbled to
the dust. The emperor entertained strong sus-
picions against Nizam-ul-mulk, and was at all
events too much in the trammels of Khan Dowran,
to make an application to him ; he had formed a
bad opinion of all the Turany nobles of his court,
and he made a point of abstaining from all consul-
tation with them. Whole days and nights thus
passed away, but no decisive measure was taken ;
indeed, no principle of activity existed among
those impotent nobles, and most of the junior
officers, who swarmed in the capital as well as in
camp, were men totally devoid of capacity and
energy. As to those few who were capable of
thinking, they did not dare to offer any advice
that might clash with Khan Dowran's opinion;
and the emperor himself, over whose mind he

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392 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

exercised unbounded influence, was unwilling
to listen to any proposal that might ^ve him
umbrage. The emperor used to write both to
Khan Dowran and to Kamer-ed-din-khan whatever
came into his head, and they did not fail to ex-
cuse themselves for not meeting his wishes by
some feeble excuse. Letters were perpetually
passing and repassing between them, till at length
it came to be the general wish, that some com-
promise should be made with the Mahrattas.

Things were in this state, when, by one of those
dispensations of providence which man cannot
foresee, news came that the enemy had been de^
feated by Saadet-khan. This event was the more
unexpected, as Saadet-khan had no other govern-
ment than that of Oude, and no other office or
command than that of the household infantry. In
point of troops and money he was inferior to most
of the nobles of the empire ; and as his government
was to the north of the Ganges, he had naturally
no concern with an enemy on the south of that
river, and still less with the Mahrattas ; but being
a man of great personal courage, and jealous of the
glory of his country, he was shocked to perceive
the pusillanimity of the ministers ; and fired with
indignation at the continued encroachments of the
Mahrattas, he resolved to avenge the honour of
the crown, and he ventured to take that task upon

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 393

himself. Full of these high feelings, he reviewed
his troops, augmented their numbers, furnished
them with ammunition and provisions, and with a
small train of artillery he quitted Oude, his capi-
tal, taking with him his nephew and son-in-law,
Abd-ul-mansur-khan. He crossed the Ganges,
and was about to cross the Jumna, when be learned
that the raja of Bedaoon was besieged in his for-
tress by an army of Mahrattas. He applied to
Saadet-khan for assistance, who answered him
with these few words : " Be not dismayed, do
not give them one farthing ; for I will be with you
instantly." In the mean time the rajas of Bun-
delcund had united their force with the Mahrattas,
and were employed to guard the fords of the Jumna,
the passage of which was now become difficult ;
and the raja of Bedaoon sustained a defeat, and
was reduced to the last extremity. Consequent
on this, Mulhar Rao Holcar, who was one of the
greatest generals of Bajy Rao's army, having crossed
the Jumna, turned Saadet-khan's rear without his
knowledge, and falling upon the province of Etawa,
actually burned and sacked every thing from the
gates of that city to the palace of Moty-bagh, close
to Acberabad, marking his track with slaughter,
desolatioui and ashes. From thence he marched
towards the towns of Saadabad and Jelair. At
this moment, Saadet-khan, on the twenty-second

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394 SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

22zucad, of Zilcad> of the year 1149, suddenly appeared in
11 March, ^^ ^eaT of Mulhax Rao Holcar's troops. He fell
A.D. 1737. ^^ them like a storm that carries destruction in its
track; finding the freebooters dispersed, he as-
saulted them so vigorously, that he never ceased
the slaughter until he chased them beyond Etimad-
poor, four coss distant from the field of battle.
Heaps of dead were every where to be seen, and
for eight miles together the road was strewed with
carcasses of the slain. Three generals of note were
taken prisoners, and Mulhar Rao himself, being
severely wounded, made his escape with difficulty.
The main body of the fugitives, having thrown
away their booty, fled towards the Jumna, and in
their consternation, mistaking one place for another^
they plunged into a part of the river that had no
ford and perished. Mulhar Rao, with a few that
kept pace with him, found his way with infinite
difficulty to Bajy Rao, who was then encamped at
Kotal, a small town inhabited by Seids, close to
Gualior. Saadet-khan pursued the flying enemy
at the rate of twenty miles a day, until he reached
the town of Dholpoor-bary, situated eighteen coss
distant from Acberabad, on the north bank of the
river Chunbul. Here he learned that Bajy Rao
was encamped with the main army, and he in-
tended to attack him next day; but the enemy
had decamped. Finding he would have to en-

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SIVAU-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 395

counter severe marching, he made preparations ac-
cordingly. He directed that every trooper should
hold himself ready to march with four days* provi-
sions and water, and threatened, that if any one
should be found in his tent after the hour of depar-
ture, his horse would be hamstrung, and himself
carried in derision round the camp. Meanwhile
he caused a number of ox-hides and other
leathern vessels to be filled with water, and
a quantity of cakes to be baked, in order that
the troops might not want supplies in the intended
pursuit. Some light artillery were placed upon
elephants, and a quantity of wall-pieces and swivels
upon camels. Having distributed his water and
provisions upon mules, camels, and other beasts of
burthen^ he resolved to pursue the enemy beyond
the Chunbul, and promised his soldiers that he
would be the first man to throw himself into the
stream to cross that river. In the midst of these
preparations, letters came from Khan Dowran.
That minister having heard of Saadet-khan's suc-
cess, and stung to the quick by that event, he
wished either to join that general, and share in the
honour of the expedition, or by restraining him, to
make him a sharer in his own inaction. With
these feelings he wrote him several letters, in
which, under the most sacred oaths, he assured
him that he would join him, and recommended

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396 SIYAR-UL-HUTAKHERIN*

him by all means to avoid precipitation. Saadet*
khan, who had just mounted his horse, found him-
self thus suddenly stopped short, and was greatly
at a loss how to act. Nevertheless, he thought it
his duty to suspend his march ; and three or four
days after he was joined by Khan Dowran. All
this while the vezir Kamer-ed-din-khan remained
encamped within thirty coss of the capital, on the
high road to Ajmere, and Mahomed-khan Bangash^
with his troops, also waited the arrival of the
enemy in the same direction. On the junction of
Khan Dowran with Saadet-khan, six or seven days
were occupied in visits and entertainments. This
delay being perceived by the Mahrattas, they
availed themselves of the circumstance to recover
breath from Saadet-khan's pursuit; and, turning
suddenly round his rear, they marched direct on
the capital, which they rightly judged to be void
of troops. They advanced with such celerity that,
szuhij, on the eighth of Zilhij of that same year, they

A.H. 1140. ^ ^ ^ nt

25 March, cached Toghlukpoor, under the command of Bajy
A.D. 1737. j^^^ rjijj^ j^^j^ ^^ gjj^^ ^jjj^ ^ multitude of

Mussulmans and Hindus from Dehli, who had
gone thither both on account of devotion and on
parties of pleasure. These were now all leisurely
plundered* An immense booty was obtained by
the Mahrattas ; who, having passed the night near
KhwajaKutb-ud-din's monument, on the following

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 397

day plundered the Mina Bagh, and sacked and
burned all the shops. About noon they proceeded
farther, and sacked the town of Calem; from
whence the wounded flying into the city of Dehli,
alarmed the inhabitants with dreadful accounts of
what they had experienced. The citizens, with-
out further inquiry, lost their senses, and filling
the city with their uproar, the whole became one
scene of dismay and confusion. The emperor now
ordered the few officers and troops that were about
his person to sally forth and to repel the Mahrattas.
In consequence of which. Amir-khan^ Raja Bakht-
mal, and Mir Hussein-khan, Cocaltash-khan,
Munawer-khan, brother of (the late) Zafer-khan,
Abd-ul-maabud-khan, and Siva-sing, the com-
mandant of the corps called Amberies, with many
other commanders, marched out of the city and
took up an advantageous post between Kazi-sera
and Lal-katora. They extended their line, and
offered battle to the enemy. Mir Hussein-khan
and Siva-sing, who had more courage than pru-
dence, ad\*anced farther, although Amir-khan re-
peatedly sent them word to wait ; but this advice
had no effect on those two imprudent men, who
continued advancing alone. The Mahrattas at first
appeared at a distance, a few at a time, until they
had drawn this body farther and farther into the
plain ; when they suddenly fell upon it, and, with

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398 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN..

their spears and long swords did such execution*
as threw the whole into disorder. One of the
wounded men found means to escape, and, running
up to Amir-khan, had the boldness to reproach him
with cowardice and neglect* *' What are you doing
here/' said he, '' whilst a Seid and an Imam is
losing his life ?'' Amir-khan, who was a wit, and
never lost an opportunity of giving way to his
pleasantry, heard the remark with a smile, and
coolly replied, " Friend, we are perfectly satisfied
with twelve Imams ;* if some one has a mind to
set up for a thirteenth, and chooses to be cut down,
we have no objection to it." As the Hindoostanies
had not Mahratta horses, most.of them were slain ;
and their leader, Mir Hussein-khan, made his re-
treat, severely wounded and scarcely ahve ; while
his troops, despoiled of their arms and horses,
crept back every one to his house. Amir-khan
and the other commanders, after being under arms
the whole day, returned in the dusk of the evening
to their tents. Meanwhile the news of the sack of
Toghlukpoor, and the danger which threatened
Dehli, being rumoured abroad, the generals at the
head of the armies in the vicinity of the capital,
knowing that the emperor was left alone, hastened

* The twelve lineal descendants of Ali are called Imams, as
having filled the seat of their ancestor at the head of a schism
opposed to the descendants of Ommiah, caliph of Damascus.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 399

to court. The vezir Kamer-ed-din-khan, who was
nearest (being only at thirty coss distant)^ arrived
first ; and. having on the ninth of Zilhij a skirmish ^ znhii,

' ' ^ '^ A.H.1149.

with the Mahrattas, he encamped on the next day 26 March,

A D 17S7

in the suburbs of the capital, on which the Mah-
rattas retired a little farther. Saadet-khan quitted
Acberabad, and having marched sixty-five* coss
in two days, he arrived on the evening of the
second day at Talpat, close to the city. Khan
Dowran, who had set out with him, arrived some
time after ; and on the third day, Mahomed-khan
Bangash joined them. The Mahrattas, who had
already felt the weight of the blows dealt out by
Saadet-khan, did not like to see him again with
such numerous forces, and being besides heavily
laden with spoil, they decamped during the night,
burning, sacking, and devastating in their retreat
the towns of Rivary and Basoda ; after which they
retired into Malwa and Guzerat, their new con-
quests, destroying every thing in their route. The
result of all these movements was, that the emperor
perceiving that among so many generals and nobles
none, with the exception of Saadet*khan, had ven-
tured to attack the Mahrattas, he fell into a state
of despondency, and proposed to his whole council
to pay them chout or tribute, to insure their for-
bearance. The emperor, although convinced that
* Ninety-seven miles.

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400 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

Nizam-ul-mulk was the contriver of this incursion^
was also sensible how difficult it would be to punish
him ; he therefore thought it better to conciliate
than to provoke him. He wrote to him several
letters, full of kindness ; he conferred on him the
title of Asof-jah, raised his military grade to eight
thousand horse, and flattered his pride so much,
that the latter resolved to come to court. Leaving,
therefore, his second son, Nizam-ed-doulah Nasir
Jeng, as his lieutenant in the Deckan, Nizam-ul-
mulk set out for the capital. On the rumour of
his approach. Khan Dovirran hastened to conclude
the agreement with the Mahrattas, in order to
prevent his deriving any credit or influence in
framing the treaty. The terms stipulated that the
Mahrattas should henceforward approve themselves
the servants of the emperor and obey his com-
mands, as well as the directions of his ministers,
and that they should abstain from all communica-
tions with Nizam-ul-mulk. The Mahratta general,
perceiving the pusillanimity of the ministers at
court, made a separate treaty with each party, and
thus kept fair both with the court and with Nizam-
ul-mulk. The latter arrived at Dehli on the six-
^^j^^-ei- teenth of Rebi-el-awel in the year 1160, and paid
A.H. 1150. his respects to the emperor; about a month after
A.D. 1737. which, the honorary dress of the two governments
of Malwa and Guzerat were conferred on his eldest

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SirAR*UL-MUTAKH£RIN« 401

son, Ghazi-ed-din-khan, on the occasion of the
dismissal of Raja Jye-sing Sevai and Bajy Rao
from those offices. On the Friday fdllowing, news
arrived of llie decease of Abd-us-semed-khan, the
famous viceroy of Lahore. A dress of condolence
was bestowed on the vezir Kamer-ed-din-khan, his
brother ; and other robes of condolence were sent
to that general's family at Lahore, together with
a particular one to Zakariah-khan Sadik, his son,
who received at the same time a commission for
the governments of Lahore and Multan. Nizam-
ul-mulk now, in obedience to the emperor's com-
mand, marched southward to chastise Bajy Rao,
and advanced for that purpose as far as Acberabad,
where having fixed as his deputy in that city a
relation of his own, he marched to Malwa, cross-
ing the Jumna at Acberabad. He passed by
Etava, and recrossed that river at Calpy, and
arrived in Bundelcund, where, having seized the
raja, he advanced to Bhopal. Bajy Rao hearing
of these proceedings, came from the Deckan, at the
head of a mighty host, and meeting Nizam-ul^
mulk on the plains of Bhopal, several engage-
ments took place, none of which proved decisive.
Things were in this state, when Nizam-ul-mulk
received intelligence that Nadir-shah, the king of
Persia, had invaded Hindoostan, and now deeming
the war with the Mahrattas a small object, he came
VOL. I. 2d

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402 gITAR-UL-MUTAKH£BIN.

to an accommodation with Bajy Rao, and leaving
the Mahrattas behind^ he returned to the capital
with expedition.

Evils of this magnitude were deemed triflii^ by
a set of traitorous nobles, who, intent only on each
other's ruin, did not regard the ccmsequences, if
they could but promote their own private views ;
nor did they make any scruple, when necessary
for that purpose, to shed the blood of Mussulmans,
and to slaughter a whole race of Seids. Seif-ed«-
din Ali-khan, one of the noble persons attached to
the late Abdullah-khan, had, on that minister's
defeat, retired to his paternal estate, where he
subsisted upon a small income derived from a ja-
ghire of imperial gift, and a portion of land which
had been long hereditary in his family. This
slender subsistence he shared with a number of
old and infirm relatives. This estate^ however,
proved an eye-sore to Kamer-ed-din-khan and to
the Turanies, who, unable to bear the sight of a
Seid in prosperity, and cherishing in their bosoms
deadly hatred to the whole race, resolved to ruin
every relative of Hussein Ali-khan. With this
view alone, Kamer-ed-din-khan appointed one
Merhamet*khan to the command of the district of
Saharenpoor, with orders to confiscate the lands and
estates held by Seif-ed-din Ali-*khan and the other
dependants of Hussein Ali-khan's family. That

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SrTAR«UL-KUTAKH£fiIN« 403

wretch liaying arnred on the spot, usurped by
vicience the posdessio&s of the most noble of men,
and wanted to deprive 9eif-ed-din Al>khan and
his unfortunate rektives of the little which consti-
tuted their subsistence. Reduced to the last
extremity, they acted acccnrding to the proverb,
** Despair knows no laws," and rising in their own
defence, they deprived their oppressor of life.
Tins act was keenly resented by the vezir and his
brother A;rin>tillah«khan. Those men, who bad
put up patiently with Jaurnesar-khan's death, who
had suffered a miscreant Hindu to take possession
of a Mussulman's wife and family, who had so
little sense of honour and shame as not to punish
such enwmities ; those very, men now looked upon
this aiet of desperation, and the killing of Mevhamet-
khan by a Seid's hand, to be a flagitious act, that
cottcerhed the honour of the government, and re-
fleeted upon the pure character of its immaculate
ministers, so that nothing now could expiate such
an enormity^ but the blood of an illustrious Seid,
and the mfurder of a whole fsmiily of needy people.
The expedition wa» thought of importa;nce enough
to require the presence of that second Abu Sufian,*
his own brother, Azim<^llah-khan, who with the
reamiins of the army of Damascus, that is, with a

*" Abu Sufian, the ancle of the prophet Mahomed, was his
greatest and most determined enemy.

2 D 2

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404 SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

body of Turanies under his command, and a body
of Afghans under that of Ali-Mahomed-khan Ro-
hilla, joined by the troops of Ferid-ed^lin-khan
and Azmet-uUah-khan, sheikh-zadas* of Lucknow,
marched, to destroy Seif-^ed^lin Ali-khan and all
the noble Seids of Barha. Those wretches, ani-
mated by a diabolical spirit of revenge, having
arrived in that country, ranged their troops in
order of battle ; and Seif-ed-din Ali-khan putting
himself at the head of his dependants and kinsmen^
both parties advanced against each other. The
injured Seid resolved to defend his honour, life,
and property to the last extremity : he was greatly
inferior to his enemies in numbers, and destitute of
artillery; nevertheless, he derived so much strength
from despair, that he repulsed Azim-ulfah-khan,
and made him give ground; he was even on the
point of sending this wretch with his miscreant
bands to their destined abode in the regions of hell,
when another army of accursed Rohilla Afghans
made its appearance on the Seid's flank, and
poui*ed on it such a violent discharge of musketry
and rockets as caused all those brave men, with
their lord at their head, to sip of the cup of mar-
tyrdom. After this the enemy advanced to Jan-
sitah, a town where that unfortunate nobleman

* Literally^ the sons of holy men; but in this case it aliudes
to certain saints of Lucknow.

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 405

hsid taken up his residence, owing to its having
been built and peopled by his illustrious ancestors.
There, abandoning themselves to licentiousness,
they sacked the houses of those illustrious person-
ages ; nor were they restrained from laying their
prophane hands upon those chaste Seidany ma-
trons, who. had never set foot on a pavement, nor
exposed their faces to the open air. That devoted
town became for some days an image of the last
day: the cries and lamentations that incessantly
rent the air, and the screams that rose from those
desolated habitations, found their way to the vault
of heaven. It is reported by persons worthy of
credit, that for several days together after the per-
petration of these enormities, such an uncommon
redness "overspread the horizon morning and even-
ing, that it seemed as if the canopy of heaven had
been steeped in the blood of those unfortunate
people, or as if the firmament shed tears of blood
for the fate of those afflicted women. These vio-
lences exercised upon Seids, and the subsequent
redness of the horizon, gave room to conjectures
among persons well versed in history, that this
government would infallibly be afflicted by some
dreadful calamity, as a punishment for the vezir's
cruelty, and as a chastisement for the enormities
practised by the damnable Azim-ullah-khan on the
descendants of the prophet : for it is affirmed that

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406 JSIYAE-UL-MUTAKHERiN*

ihe calamities of great nations have frequently
been preceded by sueh extraordinary appearances
in the sky.*

At this time Khan Do wran's power and influence
were paramount^ but by a strange fatality he was
unfortunate in all he took in hand : such was the
fate of his treaty with the Mahrattas. He was,
however, highly culpable in conniving at the pe-
culations of the public money sent to Gabul, for
the purpose of guarding the narrow passes and
defiles of that province. He bestowed no attention
to the complaints of the troops appointed to protect
that mountainous province, whose numbers were
reduced, and whose pay was in arrears. It cannot
be doubted, that to such conduct was owing the
mighty calamity which Hindoostan suffered from
the invasion of Nadir-shah : for had he attended
to the due payment of the mountaineers, destined
to guard those difficult passes, and had he taken
such precautions as the case required, it is probable
that Nadir-shah would never have thought of en-
tering Hindoostan, or if he had, that he would not
have found those unexpected facilities which expe-

* The reader may easily imagine^ after this narrative^ the seal
with which Mahomedans in general espouse the cause of per-
sons, with whom they are connected by the common ties of
religion. The author seems throughout his work to shew his
decided partiality for the Shias, of which faith he must have
been himself.

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SITAR-UL-MUTAKHE^IN. 407

dited his march. Nasir-khan, the governor of
Cabul» waB a pious man, who spent much of his
time in hunting, or in devotion, and in reading the
Koran. He had never made the least remonstrance
against the minister's withholding the sum of twelve
lacks of rupees a-year, which used to be sent for
the garrisons of those parts. The vallies and defiles
of the province, therefore, were left unprotected,
for the guards being ill paid, abandoned their posts,
and the garrisons being utterly neglected, invited
invasbn. The roads and passes being left open,
everyone passed and repassed unobserved; neither
king nor minister had any intelligence.

It is singular, that the princes of the illustrious
house of Sefy never had occasion to apply to the
emperors of Hindoostan for assistance; while, on the
contrary, the emperors of Hindoostan,such asBaber
and Humaiun, sought refuge in the courts of the
immortal Shah Ismail, and of his virtuous son Shah
Tahmasp, by whom they were cherished and as-
sisted in the recovery of their dominions. Never-
theless it is notorious, that the emperors of the
Sefevian race, although in nowise influenced by
necessity, maintained by embassies of congratu^
lation a friendly intercourse with the emperors of
of Dehli, thereby exhibiting proofs of their cour-
tesy. So uncivil, however, was the court of Shah-
jebanabad under Mahomed-shah, and so inatten-

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408 SIYAR-tTL-MUTAKHERIN.

tive to those marka of etiquette, that it seemed on
tliat score quite insensible to those forms, on the
termination of the civil wars in Persia, and on the
accession of Shah Tahmasp the second. After ex-
pelling the Afghan invaders, Mahomed-shah, so
far from evincing any becoming interest in that
event by sending a congratulatory mission, opened
a friendly correspondence with Sultan Perveez^
although Perveez's son had never made any scruple
of invading Multan, and submitting every thing to
fire and sword, during the short time his family
kept possession of Candahar . Now it is certain tlu^
Shah Tahmasp, after securing to himself Ispahan
and destroying the Afghan power, deputed a noble-
man to the court of Dehli with an account of these
events, and with letters stating, that those perfi-
dious mountaineers having been chastised accord*
ing to their deserts, and driven out of Iran, had no
place of refuge but the empire of Hindoostan ; that
it was therefore incumbent upon the Hindoostany
court to refuse protection to those miscreants
within its territories. However, neither the letter
nor the embassy were noticed, but after some time
an ambiguous answer was returned by the same
ambassador. On the accession of Abbas-mirza
to the throne of Iran, another embassy was sent
from that court into Hindoostan ;. and this minister
too, after a lapse of time, was dismissed with a

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SiyAR-UL-MUTAKH£HIN. 409

letter iiill of words liiat meant nothing. Another
envoy arrived from the same quarter on Nadw-
8hah*s being firmly established on the throne. He
was a Kezil-bash of high character and noble birth,
but having been plundered by banditti on the road,
it was not without difficulty and many entreaties,
that he recovered even his credentials, and these
proved to be a letter for Saadet-khan and one for
Mahomed-shah. He performed his journey to
Dehli with difficulty, and delivered his letters, but
without having the means to return home; nor
did Mahomed-shah or any of his ministers attend
to his distress. They wondered at so many envoys
coming from Iran ; but were surprised to hear
that Hussein-khan Afghan had taken possession of
Candahar, where he was crowned, and from
whence he made incursions into Multan. The
king now sent for Nizam-ul-mulk from the Deckan,
intending to avail himself, in case of need, of the
abilities of that general, who had served with dis-
tinction uuder Aurengzib, and passed for an old
wolf that had seen much bad weather, and who
had much experience in the ways of the world.
The ministers kept him at court, although he wanted
to return to the Deckan, and they were resolved
to put his abilities and his experience to the test,
should any untoward emergency take place. About
liiis time. Nadir-shah had advanced as far as Can-

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410 SI7AR-UL-HUTAKHER1N*

dahar, to which he laid nege ; and from thence he
deputed Mahomed-khan Turcoman, with arepe*
tition of his former complaint regarding the Afghans.
The envoy having arrived at the capital, delivered
his letter, and was desired to wait, but without
obtaining a positive answer, although he insisted
upon his departure. The ministers were undecided
amongst themselves as to the purport of the answer
to be sent, and even about what style and title
should be given to Nadirnshah. They thought it
a piece of good policy to delay the ambassador's
return, and waited to see whether the Afghan
Hussein-khan, after having defeated Nadir-sbah*s
forces before Candahar, would not so far weaken
that prince as to reduce his power to nothing, when
there would not be any occasion to write an answer
at all. . Meanwhile, the siege of Candahar being
converted into a long blockade, and his ambassador
Mahomed-khan not making his appearance^ Nadir-
sbah wrote him a letter and sent it by a few horse-
men, inquiring the reason of so much delay, and
requiring him to return speedily with an answer*
But he continued to be detained under a variety of
pretences, without being able to obtain any reply
at all. The blockade of Candahar being protracted.
Nadir-shah ordered a town to be built over against
it, which he called Nadir-abad. From thence the
siege was renewed^ and a body of Kezil-bashe»

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN* 411

escalading the walls^ put the Afghans to* the sword
and took the fortress, tc^ther with Hnssein-khah,
who was sent to end his days in a fortress in Ma*
zindieran.

It must be observed, that since the signal defeat
sustained by the Afghans at Shiraz in Iran, that
body had led a wandering life without a leader, in-
somuch that most of them, hard pressed by their
enemies, had come to Hindoostan, where they be-
came husbandmen in some parts, and soldiers in
others, settling themselves in several provinces of
the empire, where they became incorporated with
the inhabitants. Ali Mahomed-khan Rohilla was
one of these settlers. In the battle against Seif-
ed-din Ali-khan, he had rendered an important
service to Azim-uUah-khan, which had recom-
mended him to the notice and favour of the vezir
Kamer-ed-din-khan, who gave him in free gift
some crown lands. This person, although only
the adopted son of an Afghan, being originally a
Hindu herdsman, proved himself a man of courage
and abilities, and having taken into his service and
assembled about his person those bands of Afghans
that were continually flying from Candahar, he
formed them into an army, and by their means
spread his authority in the countries contiguous to
his jaghire lands, such as Anowlah, Sumbul,
Moradabad, Bedam, Bereily, and some other

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412 5IYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

places of which he took possession. From the
above account, it will appear that the requisition
made to Mahomed-shah by Nadir-shah for shut-
ting the passages of Cabul, so as to prevent the
Afghans from entering India, was in fact out of
his power ; for the garrisons had been long n^
glected, the customary remittances in money from
the capital suppressed, and the guards of the
passes withdrawn ; and moreover, the governor of
Cabul resided at Lahore. Where were the means,
therefore, of restraining those troops of Afghan
banditti that were continually passing and repass-
ing, even if the emperor had wished to do so? and
how much more unlikely was it that a set of minis-
ters who, with such a man as Nadir-shah at their
elbows for years together, had paid no attention to
his motions, should now trouble themselves about
the movement of a few Afghan freebooters !

Nadir-shah, after the capture of Candahar, or>
dered that fortress to be destroyed, and its inhabi-
tants to be transported to Nadir-abad ; and from
thence he marched towards Ghizny and Cabul. On
his way thither he sent this message to the governor
of the latter place : ** Know, that I have no business
with Mahomed-shah's dominions ; but as these fron-
.tiers are an inexhaustable mine of Afghans, a num-
ber of whom have joined him as well as you, I wish
only to destroy that race ; be therefore under no

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN, 413

concern for yourself, but make every thing ready
to receive me as your guest." After this message.
Nadir-shah advanced and encamped under the
walls of Cabul. On the battlements the Cabulies,
with the governor at their head, appeared in
great numbers, ready to defend themselves, with*
out paying any regard to the message sent them ;
but upon a body of Kezil*bashes being ordered to
escalade the v^Us and to undermine the fortifica-
tions, the citizens called out for terms, which being
granted, they came out of the gates and surrendered
the fortress, acknowledging themselves his sub-
jects. Intelligence coming at the same time, that
several bodies of Afghans were lurking in the
mountains, some troops were sent to dislodge them,
and many of those mountaineers were put to the
sword. Still no news coming from Mahomed-
khan Turcoman, the envoy of Nadir-^shah, he made
choice of a certain number of respectable persons
of Cabul, and sent them to wait on Mahomed-
shah« The envoys proceeded by the route of
Lahore to Dehli, where they executed their com-
mission, but where none chose either to listen to or
to comprehend the nature of their communications.
It is reported by persons of veracity and credit
who were in Dehli at the time, that whenever any
person who came from the west opened their
mouths and mentioned any thing about Nadir-

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414 SIYAR-UL-HUTAKHERIK.

Asikf Khan Dowran tarned ft into ridicule, and
psed to observe that the houses of Dehli had very
lofty roofs, from which the citizens might see
Nadir-shah and his Moguls from afar, whenever
they chose. Khan Dowran and his friends locdied
upon the embassy of the Cabulies as a thing con-
trived by the vezir Nizam-uUmulk and the Turany
party at court, and especially by Zakariah-khan
the viceroy of Cabul, a relation of the vezir. Nadirs
shah, tired out by the repeated miscarriage of his
envoys, despatched another messenger from Cabul
utider the escort of ten troopers. Having arrived
at Jelalabad, they no sooner alighted than they
were beset by a mob that assembled about them,
and were slain. Biter having been first disarmed,
none escaping but one, who found his way back to
Cabul. There he gave an account of what had
passed to Nadir-shah, who had been already full
seven months in this province. On hearing of the
affiur of Jelalabad, he lost all patience, and march^
ing thither, he surrounded it on all sides, and
ordered all the inhabitants to be massacred. It is
a certsun fact that honorary dresses had been sent
from the court oi Dehli to revrard those concerned
in the nrarder of those ten men, and nothing pre-
vented thdr being worn by the perpetrators but
the vengeance that ensued. On the fir A intelli-
gence of Nadir-shah's having entered the province

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sitaaf-ul-mutakii^eein* 415

of Cabul, Khan Dowran and Nizain*ril-inulk were
ordered to march out to oppose hhn ; but they con-
tented themselves with wasting their time in the
city, after spreading reports of their mtention to
proceed, which they thought a piece of very re-
fined policy. Nadir^shah having sacked Jelalabad,
marched to Peshaver, in the environs of which
place he was encoilntered by Nasir-khan, governor
of Cabul, who having joined to what troops he
could muster a body of Afghans, was prepared to
make a stand in a certain narrow valley, which he
imagined he had rendered impregnable. Nadir-
ffhah hearing of his preparations, sent him this
short message : '^ I inform you that I shall be on
such a day in such a place, from whence you will
do well to retire until I have passed.'* The mes-
sage produced no effect. On that very day Nadir-
shah appeared, and put to the sword every one
that attempted to stand before him, whether Indian
or Afghan. Nasur-khan himself was wounded,
and fell a prisoner into the hands of the Kezil-
bashes. On his informing them who he was, they
carried him to Nadir-shah, who in a few days after
sent for him, and honoured him with a dress«
From Peshaver that prince advanced to Attock,
which river he crossed in boats, and entered the
territory of Multan, the capital of which is Lahore.
This unfortunate country already exhibited a scene

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416 SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

of woeful confusion. Several thousand banditti,
availing liiemselves of the weakness of the govern-
ment, coalesced, and forming into two opposite
parties, waged war amongst themselves, and put
under contribution several of the best districts.
On the approach of Nadirnshah, Zakariah-khan, the
imperial governor, confident in the conduct of the
troops he commanded, and of the artillery which
he could bring into the field, came out of Lahore*
and having chosen an advantageous post on the
Ravy, the river that washes that city, he prepared
for action. But fools know nothing of war or
peace, except when it is conducted at their own
expense. Nadir-shah, on descrying that multitude
of Indians huddled together, spurred his horse into
the water, and with the few Kezil-bashes that were
at hand pushed on to the opposite side, where he
put to rout the foremost of those that seemed the
best mounted. The remainder seeing this havock,
fled in disorder, and the governor joining them,
they took shelter within the walls of the city,
whilst Nadir-shah encamped close to . them.
Zakariah-khan, now sensible of his error, pro-
posed to surrender the place ; and the offer being
accepted, he came out, paid his respects, and
received a dress of honour. From Lahore Nadir-
shah proceeded direct to Dehli, from which city
Mahomed-shah had likewise moved out with his

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERI«. 417

whole court and a numerous army, but he marched
so slowly, that in two months time he had only
advanced to Kemal, a town situated at the head
of the canal made by Alia Verdi-khan. This
place is just four days' journey from the capital.
Here he encamped, and having ordered a numerous
artillery to be placed round the camp, he caused
the guns to be made fast to each other by chains.
Nadir-shah, on his march from Lahore, had on two
or three occasions sent a message to Mahomed-
shah, adverting to the embassy of Mahomed-khan
Turcoman to his court. To all of these messages
no answers were returned, nor was the ambassador
himself suffered to depart ; he was kept in camp,
without any one being able to guess what might
be the intent of such a strange proceeding. Khan
Dowran had long ago written to Raja Jye-sing
Sevai, and to several other powerful rajas. On the
valour and prowess of the Rajputs that minister
reposed the highest confidence, and he calculated
on their assistance as certain : but this resource
failed him, for every Hindu prince amused the
minister with frivolous pretences, and kept at home.
The emperor and his whole court expected with
impatience the arrival of Saadet*khan.

It is most strange, that although Nadir-shah was
now so very near, and his army so numerous, yet
not a man, public or private, in the Hindoostany

VOL. I. 2 E

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418 S1YAR-UL-MUTAKHER!N.

army, knew for certain where he was. The first
certain intelligence received was from the grass-
cutters and other camp-followers, who, going out
at about eleven in the morning for the purpose of
bringing in forage and other necessaries, had been
cut off by some detached troops of the enemy.
They returned wounded into the lines, which they
filled with consternation and dismay. The whole
camp was in a tumult in an instant ; a general
panic seemed to have seized every one, and all
anxiously expected the arrival of Saadet-khan. At
last news came that he was at hand, and on Wed-
J^ziicad, nesday the fifteenth of Zilcad, in the year 1160,

A*n. 1 150*

22 February, Khan Dowrau advauccd out of camp to meet him,
and having embraced him, brought htm to the
emperor. He was received with distinguished
marks of favour and attention, and ordered to en-
camp close to Khan Dowran's troops. That general
repairing to the spot, was waiting for his baggi^,
when news was brought that it had been attacked
by some of Nadir-shah's light troops, which were
now plundering it. Saadet-khan sent Khan Dow-
ran notice, that he could not avoid going to assist
his people actually engaged with the enemy, and
he immediately proceeded to the spot. Meanwhile
this message having been imparted by Khan
Dowran to the emperor, and by him to Nizam-ul-
mulk, the latter answered, ** that it was already

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 419

three in the aftenioon ; that Saadet-khan*s people
must be exhausted by the length of their march ,
and that it was unreasonable to expect them to
fight that day. Let his majesty (added he), issue
his commands to that general to restrain his eager*
ness for a few hours until to-morrow morning, when
the whole army being assembled in battle-array,
with artillery in the front, may engage the enemy,
and under his majesty's auspices obtain a glorious
victory." This answer being reported to Khan
Dowran, the latter ascribed it to jealousy on the
part of Nizam-ul-mulk, and he returned for answer,
that Saadet-khan was already far off, and must
undoubtedly be actually engaged with the enemy ;
that it would be ungenerous indeed and dastardly,
to suffer so brave an officer to be exposed alone to
the whole force of the enemy. ** Let others do as
they please (said he), for my part I shall go and
support Saadetrkhan." On these words, imme-
diately mounting his elephant, which was standing
in readiness, he marched forward, being followed
by his own troops and by some light artillery.
There remained only two or three hours of daylight
when he arrived on the field of battle, where he
took his post on Saadet-khan's flank, at about one
mile distance from him. Nadir-shah on seeing his
pickets engaged, left part of his army for the pro-
tection of his camp, and marching out with the

2 e2

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420 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHEtllK.

main body, found his troops drawn up in three
divisions. Keeping one division with himself^ he
ordered the two others to engage the two Indian
generals. The bjrave Kezil-bashes spurring on their
horses, rushed upon the Indians, and in two hours
did so much execution, that the troops of those
two divisions were thrown into the utmost disorder,
and fled, especially those of Khan Dowran, who
lost the bravest and most distinguished cf his
officers. Amongst these were his brother Muzaffer-
khan, his eldest son Ali Hamed-khan, Shahzad-
khan, Yadgar-khan, with Mirza Akil-beg, and most
of the men of his corps ; as also Mir Gooloo, the
son of Mir Mushref^ and Ratan-chand, the son of
Raj Khoshall-chand. Khan Dowran himself being
severely wounded, fell senseless, and was carried
away by a few friends, who in the dusk of the
evening arrived in the army, where in conformity
with that discipline so conspicuous in the camp of
the emperors of Hindoostan,* they found nothing of
Khan Dowran's encampment, and not even a tree
to afford that minister shelter. His treasure, for*
niture, tents, equipage, horses, and cattle, had been
plundered by the Hindoostanies and his own people.
At last a small tent was sent by some person, and
Khan Dowran was stretched at his length upon

* This is a piece of irony of the author against the slovenly
camps of the Indians.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 421

the ground, where the vezir Kamer-ed-din-khan
and Nizam-ul-mulk, together with the principal
eunuchs of his majesty's seraglio^ came to visit and
condole with him on his misfortune. Khan Dowran,
who had now come to himself, opened his eyes
with difficulty, and feeling that his wounds were
mortal, said : '^ As to me, I am a dead man ; but take
ye care of your own concerns ; beware of allowing
the emperor to visit Nadir-shah, and beware of
letting Nadir-shah proceed to the city ; avert that
calamity at any price, and induce him to go back
by every means in your power." After hearing
these words, and conferring a little togther, the
two chiefs returned to their tents, and Khan Dowran 19 ziicad.

1,1. , /• , 1 A.H. 1150.

died on the mneteenth of the same month. 26 Febmarj,

Meanwhile Saadet-khan was still in the field.
Those of his men who had escaped the slaughter
formed into a body, and surrounded him on all
sides, when the Kezil-bashes made a severe attack.
One of them, who was a young Turk of Nishapoor,
and a townsman of Saadet-khan, having forced his
passage, stood intrepidly before him, whilst the
latter vras shooting his arrows on all sides, and
called out to him, ** Mahomed-amin, against whom
art thou fighting, and on what soldiers dost thou
rely ? Art thou mad V Saying this, he fixed his
spear in the ground, alighted, and making his horse
fast to it, he got hold of one of the elephant's

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A.D. 1738.

422 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

ropes, and mounted into the howdah, where he
presented a poignard to Saadet-khan's throat, who
was made prisoner, and carried to Nadir-shah.
That prince spoke a few words to him, and treated
him with much kindness ; but on its growing dark
he quitted the field of battle, and retired to his
camp. Saadet-khan being now informed of Khan
Dowran's death, conceived that this was a favour*
able moment for succeeding to that nobleman's
station of Amir-ul-omrah, which he had always,
in view ; and in order to reconoanend himself to
Mahomed-shah, he made a merit of opening a
negociation with Nadir-shah. The latter prince
agreed to conclude a peace^ and to go back to his
dominions, on receiving two crores of rupees ; and
it was stipulated, that as soon as Nizam-ul-mulk
should come and provide for the payment of that
sum, Nadir-shah's sabre would be returned into
the scabbard. This piece of good news was an-
nounced by Saadet-khan to the emperor and to
Nizam-ul-mulk. The former, satisfied with the
turn affairs had taken, at a time when both he
and Nizam-ul-mulk had given themselves up to
despair, was at no loss how to act. He imme*
diately dispatched Nizam-ul-mulk with full powers
to conclhde a treaty to that effect. The latter
having arrived in Nadir-shah's camp, was intro-
duced through Saadet-khan's mediation, where he

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SIYAR-UL*MUTAKH£RIN. 423

promised to pay the two crores ;* after which, he
returned in high spirits to his master, to whom he
took care to exhibit in the fairest point of view
his own zealous conduct throughout this nego*
ciation. The emperor loaded Nizam-ul-mulk with
encomiums and favours, and conferred on him as
his reward, the office of Amir-ul-omrah. That
monarch, who had hitherto been agitated with
fears for both his life and crown, now felt it in-
cumbent on him to comply with this general's
ambitious demand, and to keep him in humour.
On the next day (the twentieth of Zilcad), the ^h^*}^^
king proceeded at daybreak to the Persian camp, ^ February,
according to Nizam-ul-mulk's advice. On his ap-
proach, Nasr-uUah Mirza, the son of Nadir-shah,
came out to meet him. On the young prince's
being descried at some distance, Mahomed-shah
ordered the regal palankins to be set down, when
he came forth and embraced him; after which
they proceeded together to Nadir-shah's head-
quarters. That monarch rose up, advanced to
the end of the carpet, and embraced Mahomed-
shah, after which he took him by the hand, carried
him to his own mesned or throne, made him sit on
it with himself, and after having shewn him every
mark of attention, he dismissed him with the

* Equal to about two millions sterling.

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424 SIVAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

utmost honour.* As soon as the emperor had set
out for his own camp, Saadet-khan heard that he
had been supplanted in the dignity of Amir-ul-
omrah, and that Nizam-ul-mulk had been invested
with it. This piece of intelligence threw him into
an agony of passion, and abandoning himself only
to his indignation, he waited on Nadirnshah, to
whom he represented, that no one in the Hindoos-
tany camp had so much power as Nizam-ul-
mulk, and none so much talent for public busi-
ness. " What mighty matter,*' said he, " is a
sum of two crores of rupees, that your majesty
should think of quitting India for so small a con*
sideration ; two crores in this country are a sum
that I myself can afford to pay, out of my own
private fortune, but immense riches may be had
from the emperor's camp, from his palace, from
those of his grandees, and from the bankers, and
merchants of the capital, provided only that you
proceed to the capital, which is only forty coss
fix)m hence." Nadir-shah's eyes being opened by
this speech, he wrote a note in his own hand
to Nizam-ul-mulk, commanding his attendance.
The latter, relying on the feith of the treaty
concluded, and on Nadir-shah's word, went with-

* The whole oF this ceremony proves that Nadir-shah treated
the emperor o£ Dehli on terms of perfect equality.

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SIYAU-UL-MUTAKJIERiy. 425

out hesitation. Being introduced to the pre-
sence, he received orders to return in the even-
ing, and to bring Mahomed-shah with him to a
second interview. Nizam-ul-mulk represented that
such were not the terms of the treaty: but
he was answered, that the treaty would not be
broken by such a'step. *' I have," said that prince,
'' no design against Mahomed-shah's empire, neither
against his life nor his honour, only it is proper
that I should see him again." Such being Nadir-
shah's pleasure, this message was transmitted by
Nizam-ul-mulk to his master, who yielding to
circumstances which he could not control, was fain
to comply ; and taking with him Amir-khan and
Isack-khan, with a few pikemen and some ser-
vants, he proceeded to the Persian camp. Find-
ing that his nobles and military chiefs, with his
whole household, were bent on following him, he
stopped and obliged them to go back. On his
arrival he was desired to alight at a tent that had
been pitched for him, and soon after he received
a message desiring him to send for the ladies of his
family, for all his household, and camp equipage
and furniture, and likewise for his councillors and
officers of state, in order that he might be at his
ease while in the Persian camp. This message
was followed by an order sent and published in
the Hindoostany camp, giving leave to every one to

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426 SIYAR*UL.MUTAKHEKIir.

remain where he was or to return to Dehli. Most
persons adopted the latter alternative. Mahomed-
shah having sent for his family and household, and
for his other officers, an order was brought by an
executive officer to Kamer-ed-din-khan vezir, com-
manding his attendance. A little before this,
Saadet-khan, in company with Tahniasp-khan Je-
lair, an officer who commanded the corps of that
name, had gone to the capital with an order from
the conqueror, and another from Mahomed-shah,
enjoining Lutf-uUah-khan Sadik, the deputy go*
vemor of the city, to open the gates of the citadel,
and to deliver over every thing and every office to
those two nobles. After their departure. Nadir-
shah himself approached the capital in company
with Mabomed-shah. As for the Hindoostany
army, most of the men on hearing of the emperor's
detention, and of the vezir's departure, took fright
and dispersed. Many were attacked, and either
killed or plundered by the enemy's parties that
were marauding ; many more by the peasantry
who rose every where upon them. On the eighth
8 ziihij, of Zilhij, in the year 1 150, Mahomed-shah entered

A.H- llio.

86 March. ^^^ ^^'Y' ^^^ wcut to the Citadel ; two days after

A.D. 1738. ^{jj^jj Nadir-shah followed and took up his quar--

ters there also. Mahomed-shah occupied his old

apartments, attended by all the nobles of his court

and all his household, who resumed their abodes

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 427

in the quarters to which they were accustomed.
On the tenth of the month, which was the day of J^^ M"i»
the Korban (or sacrifice), the khutbah was recited ^ March.
m the pnncipal mosque for Nadir-shah ; on the
next day a report was spread that he was no more.
Some said that he had died a natural death ; and
others, as if to screen Mahomed-shah, said that he
had been killed by a Calmuc woman of his own
camp. The report of his death, which ran through-
out the city, was believed in an hour's time, al-
though Nadir-shah was alive and well in the citadel,
the gates of which were open day and night. Some
of the Persian troops were encamped before the
gates ; many had taken up their lodgings in dif-
ferent parts of the city ; others were encamped on
an open plain situated betwixt the city and the
river. Hardly had this false rumour obtained cur-
rency, than armed bodies of Hindoostanies made
their appearance in the principal streets, putting
to the sword the Persians wherever they could lay
their hands upon them ; and as the latter, unin-
formed of the report, and unacquainted with the
language of the country, were roving about by
twos and threes without suspicion, many of them
fell victims. Night came on, and it was expected
that the tumult would subside, but it seemed to
gain more force. Nadir-shah, informed of these
events, ordered his men to assemble, but to re-

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428 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIJ^.

main quiet, armed and ready to repel force by
force if attacked. It is a remarkable fact that
of so many Indian nobles lodged or stationed
throughout the city, not one of them took the
trouble to move or to attempt to appease the
tumult ; nay, some of them who had taken from
Nadir-shah a number of Persians as safeguards
for their families and houses, suffered these guards
to be killed in those very houses, or massacred
them themselves, insomuch that although in the
engagement at Kemal there were no more than
three men slain and twenty wounded in the
Persian army, this insurrection cost Nadir-shah
more than seven hundred men. At daybreak, the
sedition raged with greater fury than ever. Nadir-
shah mounted his horse, and came out of the
citadel with the intention of appeasing it ; but on
perceiving the slaughter that had been made of
his people, he ordered them to retaliate on the
inhabitants ; and as the bodies of cavalry and in-
fantry left his camp for that purpose, he directed
them not to leave a soul alive wherever they
should discover the body of a murdered Persian.
In an instant the foreign soldiers entered the
houses, and commenced a cruel slaughter. They
not only plundered the people's property, but
carried away their wives and daughters. Num-
bers of houses were set on fire and destroyed.

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SITAU-UL-MUTAKHERIX. 429

About noon, when the number of the slain ex-
ceeded all computation, a cessation was proclaimed
by Nadir-shah's order, and the soldiers every-
where sheathed their sabres. In a few days, the
stench arising from the numerous unburied bodies
which filled the houses and streets, became so
o£fensive that the air was infected, and in many
places the streets were blocked up with carcases.
On information of this, the cotwal received orders
to bury the dead, and to cleanse and clear the
streets. That magistrate having brought all those
bodies together in heaps, surrounded them with
the beams and rafters of the ruined houses, and
setting fire to the wood, the whole was consumed,
without distinction of Mussulman or Hindu. A
few days after, Saadet-khan died of a mortification
in the foot, and the two crores of rupees which
he had promised were paid by his nephew and
deputy, Abul-mansur-khan, and brought to Nadir-
shah by Shir Jeng, who had been sent for that
purpose with a body of a thousand Persian horse.
Nadir-shah, not content with the treasures and
wealth found in the imperial treasuries, raised im-
mense sums by contribution on the inhabitants ;
after which he led forth a virgin princess from
amongst the descendants of the emperor Shah
Jehan, and married her to his son Nasr-ullah
Mirza ; and as he was in haste to return to his

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430 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKIIERIN.

dominions; he contented himself with severing
from the empire of Hindoostan^ and adding to his
own, the whole of the province of Sind and Gabul,
with some districts of Penjab, that had always
been set apart for the pay of the garrison of Ca-
bul. The empire oJ^ Hindoostan he restored to
Mahomed-shah. On his departure, Nadir-shah
received from Mahomed-shah a sumptuous enter-
tainment; on which occasion he appointed a
number of the nobles of his court to wait at table.
The duty of Amir-khan w^s to present the coffee,
on pouring out which^ in presence of the two
monarchs, it occurred to him, that if he did not
present the first cup to Mahomed-shah, his own
sovereign, such a neglect would be construed into
a want of respect, and would, besides, excite
suspicion in his master's mind; and if he did,
such a preference, under existing circumstances,
might give offence to Nadirn^hah, a sanguinary
prince, whose resentment no one could incur
with safety. At last he filled a cup, and put-
ting it into the hands of Mahomed-shah, he said,
^' Your servant is too inconsiderable to present
a cup of coffee to the king of kings; let your
majesty, who are my master, and his brother, pr^
sent it yourself." The two monarchs, pleased with
the ingenuity of this expedient, loaded him with
encomiums, and his conduct was applauded both

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN 431

by Hindoostanies and Persians. Amir-khan was
indeed a man of elegant manners, exceedingly inge*
nious, and full of delicate taste and address in what-
ever he did. After this entertainment, Mahomed-
shah being sent for with all his nobles, who were
formed into a circle, a tiara of- jewels was presented
to him by the hands of Nadir-shah, who gave him
also much advice, and returned to him his king-
dom in their presence ; and having likewise ordered
a dress of honour for every one of the Hindoostany
grandees, he quitted Delhi the seventh of Sefer, in .'^'-f^J*/',
the year 1151, and proceeded towards his own 15 May,
dominions. After his departure, Mahomed-shah
turned his thoughts toward restoring his own affairs ;
he was assisted by the counsels of the vezir Kamer-
ed-din-khan, by Nizam-ul-mulk, and by Isack-
khan, a nobleman lately come into the administra-
tion, who by his personal attachment, and by the
important service he had rendered in the battle of
Kemal, and throughout the whole v^rar with Nadir-
shah, had greatly recommended himself to the
emperor. He was created divan (chancellor of the
exchequer) ; Amir-khan received the title of Umdet-
til-mulk, and held the third military grade in the
kingdom ; while the office of sedr, or chief judge,
was conferred on Azim-uUah-khan. On the twenty- 29 sefer,
ninth of the same month Murteza*khan received 5 j^ne,
the robes of the office of Mir Akbor, as did Niamet-

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432 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

ullah-khan, nephew of Nizam-ul-mulk, those of
^ S*^' ^^^^^ ^^oX- O^ ^^ eighth of the month Rebi-
A.H. 1151. el-awel, the elephant-office was bestowed on Hadi

16 June,

A.D.173& Ali-khan, the brother of Amir-khan : and Selabet**
khan, the son of Saadet-khan, was made com-
mander of the Ahedy guards, as was Amir-khan of
the Alla-shahies.* The post-office and the gazette
office were bestowed on the physician Maasum

jLH^i Ali-khan. On the seventeenth of Shaban, the dig-

17 December, nity of the mahi or fish was bestowed on Isack-

khan, as well as on Selabet-khan ; and Saad-ed-

din-khan was placed at the head of the office for

registering patents and titles.

After these promotions, the emperor turned his
thoughts towards his personal afiairs. He had
long harboured suspicions against Kamer-ed-din-
khan and Nizam-ul-mulk, and against all the Tu-
ranies in general ; nor had these feelings been
removed by their conduct during Nadir-shah's in-
vasion. He resolved, therefore, to weaken their
power, though he was fearful to act openly. The
persons on whom he confided were Amir-khan and
Isack-khan, whom he consulted as to the line he
ought to pursue. Amir-khan, who to acute discern-
ment added great determination, was for acting
openly, and for instantly removing Kamer-ed-din-
khan from the ministry. The emperor seemed
* The Ahedy and Alliushahies were houBehold troops.

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SIVAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 433

resolved to do so, and said he waited only for the
departure of Nizam-ul-mulk to his government in
the Deckan ; and the latter was desirous of retiring
thither, in consequence of the troubles occasioned
in that quarter owing to Nadir-shah's invasion,
and which had evinced themselves under his son
Nasir-jeng. Fearful that these disorders might
subvert his authority in the south, Nizam-ul-mulk
transferred' his oflSce at court to his eldest son,
Ghazi-ed-din-khan, who was also son-in-law to
Kamer-ed-din-khan. On his departure, the empe-
ror sent the commission of vezir privately to Amir-
khan, and that nobleman having commenced to
act, made remarks openly on the measures of
Kamer-ed-din-khan, equally unbecoming the dig-
nity and station of both. The latter, on being
informed of his supersession, wrote to Nizam-ul-
mulk, who was still encamped in the vicinity of
the city, and asked what he thought ought to be
done. The viceroy returned for answer, that it
would be highly indecent to resist his sovereign's
will, or to oppose his pleasure ; he advised him to
do nothing more, than to ask leave to quit court
and accompany him to the Deckan. On this the
'vezir addressed a letter to the emperor in these
terms : ** Your faithful servant is not conscious of
having been guilty of misconduct ; but as a great
alteration has taken place in your majesty's beha-

VOL. I. 2 F

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434 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

viour, arising possibly out of the suggestions of
interested persons, yotir faithful servant, equally
incapable of ingratitude or disobedience, begs per-
mission to proceed to the Deckan with Nizam-ul-
mulk; and requests your majesty will therefore
transfer his office into the hands of a more favoured
subject." Kamer-ed-din-khan having forwarded
this letter, proceeded to Nizam-ul-mulk's encamp-
ment, and took up his abode under tents. The
emperor, wholly devoid of firmness, was confounded ;
sent both for Amir-khan and Isack-khan, and con-
sulted them on the posture of affairs. The former
made the same answer which he had done some
days before. The emperor said nothing, and that
nobleman for the present took leave. After his
departure, the emperor asked Isack-khan his opi-
nion, and conjured him by every thing sacred, as
he valued his sovereign's favour, to speak out, and
without reserve. Isack-khan, who owed his pre-
ferment to his brother Amin-khan, and had pro-
mised that nobleman that, in whatever circum-
stances he might be placed, he would never give
advice contrary to his opinion, declined answering,
and remained silent. The emperor astonished at
his reluctance, urged him with the most soothing
entreaties to speak out. At length he replied in
tliese terms : '' If I speak according to the dictates
of my conscience, I commit a breach of a solCTin

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 436

promise ; but if I abide by that promise, I may be
guilty of ingratitude, and fail in my duty to your
majesty. I trust, therefore, you will vouchsafe to
hold me excused." The emperor, astonished at
these words, became more eager than ever to hear
what he had to say, and at length Isack*khan,
unable to resist his sovereign's importunities, deli-
vered himself in these words: " Though Amin-
khan be undoubtedly a man of talent and courage,
yet he bears the character amongst the courtiers, of
preferring a piece of wit to any consideration what-
ever, and he often assumes an unbecoming style
in his language and behaviour. At the same time,
those who, like myself, have gained preferment
through his means, and owe to his recommendation
the honour of kissing the imperial threshold, and
of paying their respects personally to majesty, have
no weight with the Hindu rajas, with the old
nobles of Hindoostan, or with those of the court.
In the eyes of all these ancient families we are
deemed men of yesterday, and we can have no
influence. Those persons look up to Nizam-ul-
mulk, and to Kamer-ed-din-khan, with the highest
respect; and long accustomed to obey their com-
mands and to conform to their will, submission is
quite natural to them, and they think it an honour
even to be instrumental in carrying their orders
into execution. To remove two such ministers on

2 F 2

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436 SIYAR-UL-MTUTAKHERIN.

the bare strength of the abilities of such men as
we are, cannot, in the opinion of your faithful
servant, be productive of good. At the same time,
whatever your majesty has determined is undoubt-
edly founded on sound wisdom." The emperor at
these words was shaken in his late purpose, and re-
solved to be again reconciled both to Nizam-ul-
mulk and to Kamer-ed-din-khan. On the next
day Amin-khan came to court as usual, and per-
ceiving an alteration in the emperor's reception of
him, he with much surprise asked the reason. The
emperor answered ; "I have reflected on the late
proceeding, and find I have been wrong to offend
the Turany nobles, who are now the main hinge upon
which my affairs turn. It appears to me important
to the welfare of the empire, that they should be
satisfied, and it is incumbent upon you likewise, as
you value the character of a zealous faithful servant,
to abstain henceforward from any thing that may
create dissensions, or give them umbrage." Amin-
khan, sensible of the change that had taken place,
hastened out of town, and going to Nizam-ul-mulk,
made apologies both to him and to Kamer-ed*din-
khan, begging of them both to e:i!cplain their vnshes,
as he was prepared to meet them. Nizam-ul-mulk,
having passed many encomiums on Amin-khan's
good sense^ observed, that as some coolness had of
late occurred between him and Kamer-ed-din-

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 437

khan, be recommended that Amin-khan should
repair for the present to Allahabad, which, added
he, is your government. Amin-khan promising to
comply, took his leave; and having obtained the
emperor's consent, quitted the capital, and en-
camped in the neighbourhood, v^here having spent
some time in providing fieldnequipage, and ap-
pointing proper agents to act for him at court in bis
absence, he continued his journey ; whilst Isack-
khan, who remained at the capital, acquired the
highest ascendancy over the emperor's mind, and
became extremely respected both by Nizam-ul-
mulk and Kamer-ed-din-khan. Some other changes
however, took place at court. Abul-mansur-khan,
the son-in-law of the late Saadet-khan, who had
been honoured with the government of Oude, re-
paired to that city ; Zakariah-khan was suffered
to remain in his government of Lahore and Multan,
in which he had been confirmed by Nadir-shah.
His youngest son bore a high character for courage
and talent, and during the expedition against the
Afghan Nur Mahomed-khan Leily, had been ho-
noured by Nadir-shah with the sirname of Shah
Nevaz-khan, and was suffered to continue in the
Penjab, where his principal business was that of
quieting the districts entrusted to him, and of
increasing their revenues.

Shujah-khan, entitled Shuja-ed-doulah, viceroy

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438 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, departed this life
about the time when Nadir^hah arrived at Dehli.
It would be difficult to recount all the good quali-
ties of that worthy man, or even to describe a few
of them in this book ; for there was no man in his
service whom he had not essentially obliged by
some personal favour. On finding his dissolution
at hand, he made a present of two months' salary
to every person, civil and military, in his service ;
without excepting the domestics of his household,
or even the women that attended as menial servants
in his seraglio. A few days before his death he
sent to ask pardon from every one of them, entreat-
ing their forgiveness if he had ever injured them.*
His benevolence was such, that whoever had once
chanced to form his acquaintance was sure of
receiving some favour^ and even some old women
whom he had known at Boorhanpoor, the place of
his nativity, experienced his munificence and re-
ceived suitable pensions. He was so impartial an
observer of justice, that the poorest suitor in his
presence was upon a footing with his son ; and the
timid sparrow, certain of finding in his bosom a
shelter from the hawk's pursuit, flew towards him
with perfect reliance ; so that people acquainted

* This amiable feature is by no means uncommon among
those Mahomedans who have passed through a life of popularity
among their people.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN, 439

with history might have faacied they lived in the
reiga of Nushirvan. He was so benevolent, that
whenever a person possessing any capacity, or even
the air and manners of a gentleman, appeared in
Moorshedabad, and he received information of his
arrival and of the object of his coming, ^e would
wait three or four days until he heard of his having
some friend, through whose applicatiou he gene-
rally granted the whole or part of the strai^r's
request. If he found that he had neither acquaint-
ances nor friends, he would ask his courtiers if
none of theqi knew any thing of the stranger. *' I
suppose not," he would add, '' or I should have
received some application on his behalf." After
these few words, he gave time to some of those
present ta reply. He has frequently sent to en-
quire regarding strangers himself, and would send
word to say that, since they had come so far, they
ought to have given him notice, and paid him a
visit ; ,ftfter this, if requisite, he has been known to
send i^nderhand a supply of money : nor did any
of his servants^ dare to extort presents on these
occasions. No such custom prevailed in his house-
bold as has taken so deep a root since, and is now
practised every where^ of the servants on carrying
presents from their masters pestering the receivers
for a; gratuity, and in ci^se of refusal being insQ-
lent. Thisfvile practice, from becoming common

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440 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

among such low-minded people, has now spread
amoiigst others of the better sort, who are not
ashamed to imitate their example. Such exactions
never failed to come to the knowledge of Shujah-
ed-doulah, and the guilty were sure of being
dismissed the service, whilst the informer re-
ceived a reward. Hence such shameful habits
were unknown in his household; but it is true
that they were so handsomely paid that they need
not have coveted what was bestowed on others;
and by living contented and in ease, they were
little inclined to risk their situations by disobedi-
ence of his orders. To every one of the officers in
his service, whom he knew personally, he used to
send trays full of exquisite food, to some daily, to
others every other day, and to some twice a week;
and whoever had once been complimented in this
manner was certain of a continuance ; nor is there
an instance of its having ever been discontinued in
any one case. Of all those personally known to
him he kept a memorandum-book made up of ivory
leaves, into which it was his custom every night,
on going to bed, to look, and to note down such
presents as he thought proper to make. He would
sometimes send for a zemindar who had been dila-
tory in the payment of the revenue, or for his agent,
and inform him that he had appointed such a one
to receive the payment^ and he wished that a cer-

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 441

tain present might be made to him as his perqui-
site. This request was invariably complied with,
and often some addition was made by the zemin-
dar himself^ who deemed it a point of honour to
oblige a person so recommended. After some time
he would ask the person thus employed as to the
reception he had met with, and on a candid con-
fession of his profits he used to hold him in estima-
tion in future, and increase his favour towards him;
but if he prevaricated, or concealed the truth, from
that moment he ceased to repose confidence in him.
In this manner he put to the test the integrity of a
certain number of persons, on whom he fixed his
eye for public employment, and having satisfied
himself, he effaced their names, and noted down
those of others. He adopted this secret scrutiny
during the whole course of his life. May God's
mercy be upon him, and may he in his infinite
goodness assign him a place amongst the elect in
heaven! Amen, amen.

After the decease of that excellent man, he was
succeeded by his son Ser-efraz-khan, entitled
AUa-ed-doulah, who took possession of the three
Subahs. It was he who received Nadir-shah's
letter, that had been originally written to Shujah-
ed-doulah. Alia Verdi-khan, who had been pro-
moted to the office of governor of Patna, did not
much trust the new viceroy, and perceiving dis-

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442 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

tinctly the distractions that would follow at eourt
after Nadir-shah's departure, paid little deference
to his master, being entirely engrossed with the
idea of securing himself in his office, for which
purpose he was actually encamped on the fron-
tiers of hb new government. He had, however,
little to fear from the new viceroy. Ser-efraz-khan
was a pious man, full of the outward forms of
devotion, and extremely regular in his stated
prayers and ablutions. He moreover faisted three
full months besides the blessed month of Ramazan,
and was scrupulous in the discharge of the several
forms of worship to be attended to at different
periods throughout the year. He was, however,
totally deficient in those great qualities of mind,
so indispensably necessary in sovereigns. Wholly
engrossed in the little forms of religion, he neg-
lected the affairs of state^ and paid no attention to
the observance of those duties requisite in a man
of his high station and rank. It is true, he offered
no injury to the persons of Ray-rayan, Alum-chand,
the divan of his father, nor to Jagat-set or Haji
Ahmed, his two other ministers, thq latter, men of
great abilities and influence, who, together with
the Ray-rayan, had had the absolute direction of
affairs in the late reign ; but he resigned the reins
of government into the hands of a few interested
men, who had personal wrongs to revenge. Among

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sir AR-UL-MUTAKH ERIN. 443

these were Haji Lutf-uUah, Merdan Ali-khao^
Mir Murteza, and others, who, long incensed against
Haji Ahmed, depreciated his character every
where, and insulted him with taunting expressions.
These incensed noblemen, intent on giving vent to
their enmity and hatred against Haji Ahmed>
caused caricatures to be drawn of him, and even-^
tusdly effected in Ser*efraz-khan's mind a total
alienation of regard towards him. Haji Ahmed
was accordingly removed from the office of divan,
wUch he had held ever since Shujah-ed-doulah's
accession ; and the office was now bestowed on
Mir Murteza. The viceroy wanted also to deprive
Ata-ullah-khan, son-in-law of the Haji, of the
military command of Rajmahl, in order to give it
to his own son-in-law Hassan Mahomed-khan.
Haji Ahmed dreading the influence of his nume^
rous enemies, endeavoured to gain strength to
oppose them; he therefore wrote every thing to
his brother Alia Verdi-khan, magnifying trifles
exceedingly in the representation. Haji Ahmed
had the art^ too, to persuade the new viceroy to
disband great part of his forces, and otherwise to
retrench his expenses. Advice so consonant to his
feelings was adopted without hesitation ; but while
he listened to the counsel of Haji Ahmed to efiect
reduction, he allowed his enemy Menuchehr«JLhan
to propose the arrest of Haji Ahmed's two sons.

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444 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

Zein-ed-din Ahmed-khan, who was on the road
from Patna, and Seid Ahmed-khan, who had just
arrived from his command of Rungpoor. But the
viceroy acted with inconsistency ; for after having
listened to such advice, he had the weakness to
disclose it himself to Haji Ahmed, and made a
merit of his candour, in order to dispel the old
man's apprehensions, and to regain his confidence.
Shortly after, however, he affronted him grossly in
the following manner. Hearing that Ata-ullah-
khan's daughter, Haji Ahmed's grand-daughter,
had been betrothed to her cousin Mirza Mahomed,
another of his grand-children, who had been
adopted by Alia Verdi-khan, he endeavoured to
break off the match, and to marry the young lady
to his own son ; so that not content with himself
forming in his court a party against his own inte-
rests, he contrived to add strength and support to
it by inconsistency and folly. He now set on foot
an inquiry into the management of the public
revenue of Azimabad Patna, and recalled the troops
that had been placed by his father under Alia
Verdi-khan, and for whom during many years they
had conceived an attachment. On their seeming
to hesitate about being removed, he resumed the
grant of land which his father Shujah-khan had
bestowed on them. All these acts were minutely
reported by Haji Ahmed, aAd assiduously trans-

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SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 445

mitted to his brother Alia Verdi-khan with the
usual exaggeration ; and to give more weight to
his own assertions^ he used to superaidd the testi-
mony of his son Seid Ahmed-khan, who on such
occasions submitted to the influence of paternal
authority.

Alia Verdi-khan daily informed of these events,
resolved to avail himself of his acquaintance and
connexion with his friend Isack-khan, at the court
of Dehli, a nobleman who was now in complete
possession of the emperor's ear. He wrote him a
secret letter, in which he requested to have the
patents of the three provinces transferred to him-
self, under promise of sending to court a present of
a crore of rupees, besides the whole of Ser-efraz-
khan's wealth. To effect this, he required an
imperial commission directed to himself, empower-
ing him to wrest the three provinces out of the
hands of the present viceroy. After having dis-
patched these letters, he gave out that he intended
marching against the zemindars of Bhoojpoor, and
under that pretence he mustered bis troops, which
he always kept in constant readiness. At the same
time, he had the art to give Ser-efraz-khan public
notice of his project, though he in reality waited
ready to avail himself of the first opportunity to
effect his true purpose. At length, ten months after
Nadir-shah's departure for Persia, and just thirteen

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446 SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

months after Shujah-ed«doulah's decease^ he re-
ceived the imperial commission, drawn up in the
style he had requested. Being now resolved on
marching against Ser-efraz«khan, he caused the
day of his departure to be fixed by an eminent
astrologer, on whose predictions he reposed unli-
mited confidence. This object being efiected, he
threw such obstructions on the roads, that no tra-
veller could advance towards Moorshedabad ; and
he wrote secretly to Jaget-set Fateh-chand, that
on a certain day he would commence his march.
The letter was dispatched by a trusty messenger,
who had orders to deliver it on that very day. All
things being thus prepared. Alia Verdi-khan, on
ziihij, the latter end of Zilhij in the year 1 152, set out on
March, ^^ expedition to Bhoojpoor, and encamped near
A.D.i74a Varis-khan's tank, which is at some distance firom
the city of Patna. On his departure, he appointed
Zein-ed-din Ahmed-^khan, his youngest nephew
and son-in-law, to be his lieutenant, and he sent
Seid Hidaiet-uUah-^khan Assed-jung (the author's
father) to command in the districts of Seres and
Cootombah, where the people had for a long time
been accustomed to respect his orders. Two days
after my father's departure. Alia Verdi-khan wrote
to him a short note, informing him, that having
taken the resolution of marching to Moorshedabad,
he recommended both him and Zein-ed-din Ahmed-

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SirAR-UL-MUTAKH£RIN. 447

khan to the care of Almighty God ; '* and I hope,"
added he, ^Hhat you will manage so as to live
always upon good terms with each other, and that
you will act as emergencies require." On the eve
of his departure, Alia Verdi-khan gave orders to
assemble all the principal officers of his army,
whether Mussulmen or Hindus ; he then produced
two men in the middle of the assembly, one a
venerable Mussulman of known piety, bearing the
glorious word of God in his hand, and the other
a Brahmin, who held a vase full of Ganges' water
in his right, and a twig of black tulsy* in the
other: these two emblems being held in the
highest veneration by those of the Hindu persuasion.
After a moment's silence he required the Mussul-
men to swear by the Koran, and the Hindus to
lay their hands on those emblems of sanctity. He
then addressed the assembly in these words : " 1
am now going to fight my personal enemies, and
as I know you to be my old companions, on whom
I must trust, and by whose valour 1 must derive
success, I require of all those who intend to stand
by me and to follow my fortunes, to swear that
they will not abandon me, whether I rush into
water or into fire, whether my adversary be an
Afirasiab or a Rustem. I require you to swear

* The talaj, or penny-royal plant, is deemed so sacred among
the Hindus that they swear on it

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448 SIVAa-UL«MUTAKH£RlN.

that you will be friends of my friends, and enemies
to my enemies ; and that, be my fate what it will,
you will support me inviolably with your lives and
fortunes." This unexpected address produced its
full effect. Those old warriors who had been bred
in his camp, and were long attached to him from
numberless favours received at his hands, soon
afforded example to the rest by taking a solemn
oath to that effect. All of them swore : the Mus-
sulmans by carrying the glorious word of God to
their foreheads and eyes, and the Hindus by touch-
ing the Brahmin's feet, tasting some leaves of the
twig of tulsy, and drinking of the Ganges' water.
They all then joined in prayer for his prosperity,
and with one voice promised to follow him whither-
soever he might lead them. All this was done
first by the old officers attached to his person ; the
example was followed without hesitation by the
new ones. Alia Verdi-khan being now satisfied
of their fidelity, disclosed to them the object of his
expedition, and informed them that, forced by the
injuries offered to himself, to his brother, and to
every individual in their families, he was marching
against their common oppressor, Ser-efraz-khan,
These words startled some of them ; but as they
had taken an unconditional oath, and were now
too far engaged to withdraw, they saw that there
remained no alternative but that of abiding by

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 449

their engagement, and of following his fortune. It
being now dark, the assembly broke up; and the
next morning, being the favourable day, he turned
to the east and boldly advanced towards Moorshed-
abad. His army was composed of a numerous and
well-appointed body of old troops, and a good park
of artillery, furnished with every necessary store.
By continuous marches he reached Shahabad,
which town has a fortification that entirely shuts
up the passage between the hills and the bank of
the Ganges. There he concealed his army in a
valley of the neighbourhood, and selecting Mustefa-
khan Afghan, an oflScer of approved zeal and tried
courage, to whom he gave a hundred horse, and put
into his hands an order and passport signed by
the viceroy, but destined for another commander,
which Alia Verdi-khan had found means to obtain.
This oflScer had orders to present his passport to
the garrison, which, consisting only of two hundred
infantry, might not be upon their guard, and he
was directed, if possible, to render himself master
of the pass ; after which he was to strike up his
drums, as a signal for the army to advance. Mus-
tefa-khan advancing with his small troop into the
valley, was hailed from the works according to
custom, and ordered to stand. He sent one of his
men with the pass and the written order, which
being examined, the gate was ordered to be set

VOL. I. 2 G

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450 SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

open, tind the troop to be admitted. Mustefa-khan
inarched in, and ordered his drums to strike up, to
which signal were added some shouts by his people.
On this a party of the army concealed behind the
hills marched round, and suddenly making its
appearance, advanced in battle-array, with en-
signs displayed and music playing. The garrison,
alarmed at such a sight, shut the gate, and wanted
to offer resistance, when Mustefa-khan called out
to them, that if they made the least movement, he
would fall upon them directly and put them to
the sword. This threat having intimidated the
garrison, they suffered Mustefa-khan's people to
open the gate, and the troops of the advance pickets
passing without difficulty, took possession of all
the posts. This being the day on which the mes-
senger entrusted with the letter to Jagat-set had
received orders to present it, the latter, on perusing
the contents and comparing the dates, concluded
that his friend Alia Verdi-4chan must be by this
time on the side of the pass of Taliagary, and that
in four or five days more he would be in the terri*
tory of Moorshedabad. With an air of alarm he
immediately mounted, and with much consterna-
tion in his features, he presented the letter to Ser-
efraz^khan, saying that he supposed Alia Verdi*
khan to be now at Rajmahl ; at the same time he
produced another letter from Alia Verdi»khan to

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SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 451

the viceroy himself. In this it was stated that,
after the many afironts received by his brother
Haji Ahmed, attempts had been made upon the
honour df his family ; Alia Verdi-khan, in order to
save that family from disgrace, had been obliged
to come so far; but with no other view than that
of protecting his honour. " I require, however,"
said he, moreover, '' that Haji Ahmed shall be
permitted to come to me with his family and de-
pendants/' Ser-efraz»khan, confounded at the
intelligence, vented his resentment in fruitless' re-
proaches, and then called a council of his ministers
and general officers; when Haji Ahmed having
been likewise sent for, he gave him a severe repri-
mand mingled with threats. The latter, sensible
of his danger, assumed a soothing tone of voice,
and in his endeavours to pacify the viceroy, went
so far as to promise that the moment he should be
in camp, he would endeavour to persuade Alia
Verdi-khan to return to his government. This
proposal was variously received by the council :
some objecting to Haji Ahmed's being allowed to
proceed to his brother's camp, and others thinking
that he might be trusted, and his faith put to the
test. The matter remaining tlius in suspense,
Mahomed Ghous*khan, an officer of character and
reputation, who had for many years been attached
to the late Shujah-ed-doulah, thus addressed the

2g2

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452 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

viceroy : " I do not see," said he, raising his voice,
'' what benefit can result from imprisoning this old
man ; nor is it at all probable that Alia Yerdi-khan,
on his brother being arrested, should discontinne
bis operation. It becomes then a matter of small
moment, whether Haji Ahmed be dismissed with
full leave ta repair to his brother's camp or not.
If he fulfils his promise, well and good ; if he does
not, I do not perceive what harm he can do us. If
we are ready and willing to encounter Alia Verdi-
khan in the field, we care little whether or not he
is joined by his brother. Haji Ahmed is but a
single individual after all ; his being in his brother's
camp can neither add nor diminish the enemy s
strength." Mahomed Ghous-khan's opinion hav-
ing been approved, Haji Ahmed received his leave,
and he instantly set out for his brother's camp.
Whilst on his march thither, he repeatedly wrote
to the viceroy, and insinuated through the means
of his firiend, that Alia Verdi-khan was in his heart
as faithful and as zealous a servant as ever. ** Let
not my master think," said he, '' of marching with
arms in his hands against so powerful a servant, at
present full of sentiments of attachment and re*
spect. Let not your highness be at the trouble of
moving from your palace; for Alia Verdi-khan
wants only to enjoy the honour of kissing your
princely threshold, that he may have an opportu-

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SIYAR-UL-MUTARU£RIX. 433

nity of submitting his complaints, and of approving
himself a respectful and dutiful servant: this is
his only aim. But should your highness, at the
instigation of interested men, reject the counsel
now offered, and march out against him, I fear
that in his despair, and in the necessity of secur-
ing his life and his honour, he will venture upon
steps that will tend to his shame both in this world
and in the next/'

As very little effect was anticipated by dismiss-
ing Haji Ahmed, there arose a variety of opinions
about the expediency of marching or of not march-
ing against the enemy. It was at last resolved to
proceed, and by the exertions of Merdan Ali-khan
(who was greatly incensed both against Haji
Ahmed and Alia Verdi-khan), the army with Ser-
^fraz-khan at its head arrived in three or four days
at Comrah, on the twenty-second of Moharrem in ^^^^l^
the year 1153 of the Hegira. At that town it 9 April,

A.D. 1740.

halted a little, it being necessary to hear the report
brought by two persons, who had been sent by Ser-
eiraz-khan to ascertain Alia Verdi-khan's wishes
and designs. For this purpose the eunuch Sunnet
and Shujah Kuli-khan, fojdar of Hoogly, had been
deputed. On their return from the enemy's camp
they brought with them another deputy, who came
on the part of Alia Verdi-khan, viz. the physician
Mahomed Ali-khan. Their report amounted to

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454 SlYAR-UL-MUTAKHEBIN.

this, that AUa Verdi-khan was still a submissive
dutiful servant, and to this profession they added
the following message, as from his own mouth :
•* When persons of prmcely and generous dispo-
sitions vouchsafe to raise others to high stations and
dignities, they look upon them from that moment
to be their sons, and think it incumbent upon
them to preserve their honour and character in the
eyes of the world. Now it is notorious that I,
your dutiful servant, owe my prosperity to your
illustrious family, which vouchsafed to raise me to
high preferment ; and as I wish to shew the world
the estimation in which I am held, and to evince
my fidelity, which I conceive to be excelled by
none of your most zealous servants, I beg that you
will be pleased to grant me one of two requests.
The first is, that you will dismiss from your pre-
sence and counsels certain persons, who, having
conceived a jealousy of our family, are ever busy
in filling your princely mind vnth hostile feelings
towards us. These persons are Merdan Ali-khan,
Mir Murteza-khan, Haji Lutf Ali*khan, and Ma-
homed Ghous-khan. After their departure, your
servant thinking his person safe, will venture to
pay his respects. The second request is, that,
should you think this favour ought not to be
granted, then may it please you to retire to your
palace and issue your commands to them, to march

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into the field and to fight me in battle. If victory
favours them, let them avail themselves of the
privilege; but if they are vanquished, let tiiem
retire from your Highness's presence, and I shall
then come myself and lay my head at your feet
in token of my sincerity. I herewith send you the
holy Koran, on which I have taken the most sacred
oaths."

The glorious volume was accordingly produced
by the physician Mahomed Ali-khan ; but as the
noblemen in question possessed the highest in-
fluence over Ser-efraz-khan's mind, and over his
court, neither of the proposals were accepted.
Still no proper preparations were made for action,
as the best officers suggested. Meanwhile, Haji
Ahmed having arrived at Rajmahl, was received
with open arms by his brother, who directly took
him upon his elephant. Haji Ahmed, as if to fulfil
the promise he had made at his departure, pre-
vailed upon his brother to have his elephant turned
about, and retreated for some hundred yards, after
which he returned to the road again. Ser-efraz-
khan hearing of the enemy's march, advanced to a
village called Gurreed, a noted spot upon the
banks of the Bagretty, whilst Mahomed Ghous-
khan pushed forward in the direction where the
enemy was encamped, on the opposite side at
Sooty. The river, which was every where fordable

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466 SIYAR-UL-HUTAKU£R1N.

was about one arrow-shot across, and intervened be
tween Mohamed Ghous-khan and Ser-efiaz-khan,
nor was the distance between him and the enemy's
camp more than five or six coss. Meanwhile mes-
sages and messengers were continually passing and
repassing betwixt the two camps, Ser-efraz-khan
offering to receive Alia Verdi-khan into favour
again, and wishing to see him ; and the other
answering in the strain he had already done : '' In
grateful remembrance of the favours received from
your father, I will never form any designs s^nst
you ; but it is under condition only that you dis-
miss from your service those enemies of our family,
who by their rancorous hatred have brought matters
to the state of disunion that now leads to a crisis.
Dismiss them, or deliver them over to me ; but if
you are averse to this, then stand aloof, pitch your
tent upon yonder eminence, and from thence wit-
ness our contest. If I am victorious, I will cer-
tainly come to pay you my respects ; and if I am
vanquished, you may do with me whatever you
think proper." Although such messages were daily
exchanged, Jagat-set was busily employed in
writing to every one of Alia Verdi-khan's com-
manders, and in conveying to them, each according
to his station, promissory notes called tips, usual
amongst bankers, payable only on the condition of
seizing his person, and delivering him over to Ser-

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SirAR*UL-MUTAKH£RIN. 457

efraz-khan. Some of those notes were received
that very evening by many» and amongst others by
Mustefa-khan, who, in company with others zea-
lously attached to Alia Verdi-khan, carried them
to him. " If we are to fight," said that officer, ** let
it be to-morrow morning and without loss of time,
for the next day matters may take a very different
turn/' Alia Verdi-khan caught at the advice, and
that very moment ordered powder and ball to be
distributed to the troops. His army was divided
into three bodies: one division under the com<-
mand of Nandu-lal, a Hindu officer of character,
who was also entrusted with Alia Verdi-khan's
standard, his orders were to attack Ghous-khan
and the troops on the west-side of the river ; the
two other divisions fording the stream, one of them
was destined to turn the rear of Ser-efraz-khan's
army, with orders to fall upon it as soon as they
should see Alia Verdi-khan engaged with the front,
for which purpose he advanced direct on Ser-efraz-
khan. The body that had been thus detached, had
orders to remain concealed until it should hear the
artillery open, at which signal it was to fall at
once both upon Ser-efraz-khan's rear and his
camp. This division commenced its march at one
o'clock in the morning, and was commanded by
Nevazish Mahomed-khan, Alia Verdi-khan's eldest
son-in-law, who had under his command Abd-ul-

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458 SITAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

ali-khan, with Mustefa<*khan, Shemshir-Jchan, and
odier Afghan commanders. Alia Verdi-khan with
his corps followed, but at some distance, whilst
Nandu-Ial, in compliance Mrith his orders, ma-
noeuvered slowly and silently opposite to Ghous-
khan. The engagement commenced at dawn of
day, by which time Alia Verdi-khan being near
Ser-efraz-khan's front, fired one of his guns. On
this the division that had marched during the night
attacked Ser-efraz-khan's rear; whilst Nandu-lal
engaged Ghous-khan. Ser-efraz-khan, who was then
at his devotions, got up immediately, mounted his
elephant, and marched straight towards Alia Verdi-
khan, at the very time when some of the enemy,
getting into his rear, had penetrated to the middle
of his camp. Meanwhile Ser-efraz-khan, who had
already passed his band of music and was ad-
vancing at the head of his line, was killed by a
musket-ball. With him fell also a number of men
of distinction, amongst whom were Mir Kamal,
Mir Gadhy, Mir Ahmed, Mir Siraj-ed-din, Haji
Lutf Ali-khan, and Korban Ali-khan. The Raj-
rayan Aalem-chand being wounded, as well as
Mirza Erich-khan, they returned into the city. On
the other hand Mahomed Ghous-khan, who was
engaged with Nandu-lal, gave him a complete
defeat, in which that general was slain. Whilst
the troops of Nandu-lal were seen flying on the

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SIYAH-UL-HUTAKH£BfN. 459

Opposite side of the river, Ser-efraz*khan's elephant
was descried retiring towards the city. Ghous-
khan ascribing this flight to his master's want of
courage, dispatched a swift horseman with orders
to bring the elephant back at all events, and to
inform his master that he had defeated one division
of the enemy, and that now was the time for him
to join him, that they might fall together upon
those that yet stood their ground. Alia Verdi-
khan, sensible of this critical juncture, did all in
his power to restrain the ardour of his soldiers, and
endeavoured to keep them together ; for though he
knew for certain that Ser-efraz-khan was slain,
yet he was aware that Nandu-lal had been killed,
and his division defeated ; that Ghous-khan, of
whose valour and abilities he entertained high re-
spect, was at the head of a body of troops who still
stood firm at this time, and he had the mortification
to perceive, that the troops he had sent forwards to
fall on Ser-efraz-khan's camp, were actually plun-
dering those tents of a rich booty, and were every
where dispersed. Things were in this state when
the horseman dispatched by Ghous-khan returned,
and informed him that his master was slain.
Plunged into despair, and sensible that Alia Verdi-
khan, to whom his hatred of his family was known
long ago, would now carry every thing before, him,
and that he had no mercy to hope for at his hands.

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460 91YAR-UL*MUTAKH£RIN.

he was resolved to perish in the field. Calling
therefore for his two sons, Mahomed Kutb and
Mahomed Pir, he commanded them to loosen his
cuirass from behind, and then turning to them he
said : ** My children, nothing remains for us but to
perish in the field. Our lives are now at an end,
we must wash our hands of existence and rush
upon that body of troops that surrrounds Alia
Verdi-khan, to try if we can come at his person/'
Ghous-khan and his sons were considered the lions
of the field, and the irresistible heroes of their age.
With the few that chose to stand by them, they
advanced on their enemy with the greatest intre*
pidity. Many of Ghous-khan's troops, already
apprised of Ser«efraz-khan's death, had quitted
their ranks, and were retreating towards the city ;
so that a very few of them chose to stand by a man
resolved not to survive a defeat. With these few
he advanced, and was already close upon his
enemy, when he received a wound from a musket-
ball ; still he continued to advance, and calling for
his horse, with a determination to single out Alia
Verdi-khan, he was in the act of alighting finom
his elephant, when he was again struck by two
musket-balls which laid him dead. His two sons
seeing their father killed dismounted, let their
horses loose, and taking to their sabre and buckler
rushed on foot on the enemy; when on closing

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 461

with them, they were shot at on all sides, and fell
dead. Mahomed Kutb, the eldest, who bore a high
character for prowess and bodily strength, finding
himself dying, sat on the ground without quitting
either buckler or sword, and in that warlike posture
breathed his last. He was afterwards buried on
that very spot. Mir Delir Ali, another oflScer,
hearing of Ser-efraz-khan's death, refused to sur-
vive his master and friend, and with sixteen men
only, who stood by him, rushed on the enemy and
was slain, fighting valiantly to the last. In fact,
few soldiers and few friends in Hindoostan have
ever proved so fiuthful as those of Ser-efraz-khan.
Mir Sherf-ed-din, who, with the corps under his
command, had bravely encountered Alia Verdi-
khan in person and struck him with two arrows,
finding that the day was lost, retreated and quitted
the field. One of those arrows penetrated the bow
Alia Verdi-khan held in his hand, and the other
made a slight wound on his right shoulder. In a
word, every one of Ser-efi-az-khan's men exhibited
proofs of fidelity ; some fell on the field of battle,
and others in despair retreated towards the city.
Victory having now declared for Alia Verdi-
khan, he immediately despatched his brother Haji
Ahmed to Moorshedabad^ with orders to tran-
quillize the inhabitants of that city, and to place
guards over all the offices of the government and

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462 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

on all the apartments of Ser-eiraz-khan's palace,
with strict injunctions to establish order and se-
curity in every quarter. Haji Ahmed, in com-
pliance with these commands, proclaimed every
where the new viceroy, and by this means alone
put an end to those tumults that had already
began to display themselves.
Two days after the battle, it being about the
sefer. middle of Sefer, in the year 1153 of the Hegira,
May, Alia Verdi-khan marched slowly and leisurely into
A.D. 1740. ^^ ^j^y^ ^j^ great pomp and magnificence. On

advancing to the palace, and before taking his seat,
he struck off to the right, and went to the apart-
ments where Zinet-en-nissa Begum, daughter of
Jafer-khan, and mother to the late Ser-efraz-khan,
resided. He stopped at the gate, and assumed a
respectful posture, and in a moving tone of voice,
having first made a profound bow, he supplicated
her forgiveness, and sent in the following message:
** Whatever was predestined in the book of fate
has come to pass, and the ingratitude of this
worthless servant is now registered in the un*
fading records of history. But I swear, that so
long as life exists, I will never swerve from the
path of respect and the duties of the most com-
plete submission to your highness; and I hope
that the guilt of this poor humbled and afflicted
slave may in time be effaced from your memory.

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN. 463

and that you will at some distant period conde-
scend to accept in extenuation of my crime those
demonstrations of submission and tokens of dutiful
attachment, which I am disposed to exhibit/'

After this speech, in which he seemed greatly
affected, and to which no answer was returned, he
continued his route to the Chehel Sutun, or palace
of forty pillars, built by Shujah-ed-doula for pub-
lic ceremonies as well as for his residence. On
entering the hall of audience, he took his seat,
ordered the music to strike up, and received the
offerings of the public civil officers, of the military
commanders, and of the principal citizens of Moor-
shedabad, who hastened to pay him that token of
acknowledgment. Owing, however, to the black
ingratitude of which he had been guilty towards
his lord and benefactor's son, the person of Alia
Verdi-khan was at first viewed with sentiments of
detestation, for his real worth was not then known ;
but in time he displayed many virtues. He main-
tained a moral character, he treated the nobility
and the chiefs with so much kindness, he acted
with such condescension and benignity both to his
friends and to strangers, he applied himself so
earnestly to gain the hearts both of the powerful
and defenceless, he evinced such a lively sense of
gratitude for the services rendered him by those
attached to his person, he paid so much regard to

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464 SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERIN.

the rights of distant consanguinity or old acquaint-
ance, he had so much commiseration for the
poor, and paid so much attention to the oppressed,
and evinced such generosity in the forgiveness of
personal injuries, that he proved in the end to be a
great governor and an excellent man. A total
alteration gradually took place in public opinion
regarding him, and those who at first could not
bear to look on him, became in time so fascinated
yrith his amiable deportment, and so attached to
his person, that few instances have been observed
in his time or in any other of such strong attach-
ment. Upon the whole, although the slaying of
the son of his benefactor was unquestionably one
of the blackest acts that could be committed, yet
it cannot be denied that Ser-efraz-khan had no
talents for government, and no capacity for busi-
ness ; that had his government lasted for some time
more, such a train of evils and such a series of
troubles would have been the consequence of his
incapacity, that disorders without number and dis-
turbances without end must have arisen, and would
inevitably have brought ruin and desolation on
these countries and their inhabitants. The Mah-
rattas had already cast their eyes upon these rich
provinces, and they shortly after invaded them on
all sides ; but lucky was it for the inhabitants that
those merciless freebooters had to deal with such a

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SIYAR-UL-MUTAKHERlN. 465

governor as Alia Verdi-khan, who by his talents
both for war and government, and by the exertions
of his sword, found means to repel those ravagers,
and at last to drive them entirely out of Bengal,
as we shall succinctly mention in the course of
these sheets. Such exertions could not have been
anticipated from Ser-efraz-khan and his ministers,
who were not men to oppose such a torrent with
effect. By a peculiar felicity, the new governor's
three nephews proved men of merit, and did honour
to such an uncle. Every one of them, invested with
the military rank of seven thousand horse, and
elevated to the highest dignities and offices of the
state, seemed to have taken him for their pattern,
and to have had nothing in view but the welfare of
the people entrusted to their care. Of each of
whom, as well as of Alia Verdi-khan's children
and family, mention will be more particularly made
when the history shall reach to their time.

END OF VOL. I.

VOL. r. 2 H

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