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John Murray, Albemarle Street ; 
AND Parbury, Allen, & Co., Leadenhall Street. 






The work now presented to the public, was 
written in the latter half of the last century, by 
Mir Gholam Hussein-khan, a person of high family 
at the court of Dehli, and who with his father 
resided for many years at the court of the nabobs 
of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa. He styles it Siyar- 
ul-Mutakherin, " a Review of Modern Times."* 

It embraces a period of about seventy years, and 
affords a complete insight into the events which 
caused the downfall of the Mahomedan power, and 
the elevation of the Mahrattas, and it brings us to 
the first steps which led to the occupation of Bengal, 
and eventually of all India, by the British govern 
ment. No period of Indian history can be so inte- 
resting to Englishmen, as that which immediately 
preceded the establishment of our dominion, and 
* Or, more correctly, " Manners of the Moderns." 



no circumstances can be so instructive as those 
which hurled to the ground the most potent empire 
in the universe, and which elevated in its stead 
nearly at the same moment, that of a race of illi- 
terate and coarse barbarians, in one quarter ; and 
led to the introduction of a highly civilized people 
in other parts. 

The work is written in the style of private 
memoirs, the most useful and engaging shape 
which history can assume ; nor, excepting in the 
peculiarities which belong to the Mahomedan cha- 
racter and creed, do we perceive throughout its 
pages any inferiority to those of the historical me- 
moirs of Europe. The Due de Sully, Lord Cla- 
rendon, or Bishop Burnet, need not have been 
ashamed to be the authors of such a production. 

So valuable was it deemed on its first appear- 
ance, that Mr. Warren Hastings became extremely 
anxious to have it translated into English; but 
either the absence of Persian Scholars among our 
own countrymen in India, or a want of time, or 
perhaps of leisure to undertake the task, occasioned 
the work to be placed in the hands of a French 
gentleman, who unfortunately undertook to put the 


*• Review of Modern Times" into an English dress, 
instead of confining the translation to his native 
language. Imperfect as this translation was, both 
as to style and matter, an accident occurred to it, 
which has deprived the world even of that; for 
with the exception of a few copies distributed at 
the time in India, the whole of the edition printed 
in Calcutta, was lost in the ship in which it was 
consigned to England. 

In the present state of oriental literature in Eu- 
rope, it would indeed be a reflection on the English 
nation, to allow this valuable work to be reprinted 
with the numerous Gallicisms that occur in the 
former version. The present translator, therefore, 
who is not altogether unknown to the public in a 
similar character, has undertaken, at the suggestion 
of the Oriental Translation Committee, to render 
the ** Siyar-ul-Mutakherin," available to the Eng- 
lish reader. To Mr. Graves C. Haughton, who 
kindly placed at his disposal a valuable copy of 
this work in the original Persian, and to Colonel 
Doyle, who sacrificed his copy of the former trans- 
lation to his use, the translator feels himself highly 
indebted ; and he trusts that this additional effort 


to contribute to the development of the history of 
Mahomedan India, will meet the approbation of 
the distinguished individuals of the Oriental Trans- 
lation Committee, who so liberally contribute to 
maintain an establishment, which promises to be 
so useful to England in particular, and to Europe 
in general. 

Madras, SOth May 1831. 


Chapter I. 
Death of Aurengzib, and the contests of his sons for the throne. 
— The Prince Mahomed Azim enters the king's camp, and 
ascends the throne. — The Prince Mahomed Muazem quits 
Cabulj and ascends the throne under the title of Bahadur- shah. 
— Mahomed Azim quits the Deckan, and opposes his bro- 
ther in the battle of Agra, in which he is slain, — The Prince 
Mahomed Cambakhsh opposes his brother Bahadur-shah, 
but is defeated and slain. — Nomination of Assed-khan to the 
office of Vakil, and of Khan-khanan to the office of Vezir. — 
Death of Bahadur-shah, and the contests of his sons for the 
throne.— The eldest son, Mahomed Moiz-ed-din defeats his 
three brothers, and assumes the title of Jehandar-shah. — 
Sudden decline of the power of Jehandar-shah. — Pretensions 
of the Prince Mahomed Ferokh-siar to the throne. — Is 
supported by the two Seids, Hussein Ali-khan, and Abd- 
ullah-khan. — Ferokh-siar ascends the throne at Azimabad 
Patna, and marches against Jehandar-shah in person. — Mea- 
sures taken by Jehandar-shah to oppose the pretender. — 
Second battle of Agra, wherein Jehandar-shah is defeated 
and loses his life. — Accession of Ferokh-siar to the throne. 
Abdullah-khan is sent to occupy Dehli. — Khan-khanan, enti- 
tled Zulficar-khan, submits to Ferokh-siar, and is put to 
death. — The Emperor becomes dissatisfied with the Seids, 
and intrigues to restrain their influence and power. — Insur- 
rection at Ahmedabad, in Guzerat, owing to the dissensions 
between the Hindus and Mahomedans. — Victory gained by 
Abd-us-semed-khan, in the Penjab, over the Siks. — Hussein 
Ali-khan appointed viceroy of the Deckan. — Battle of Bur- 
hanpoor. — Death of the great minister Assed-khan. Page I. 


Chapter II. 

Dissensions at court, and in all parts of the empire;, owing to 
the contests for power between the Emperor and the Seids, 
which is the lead to the downfall of the house of Timoor. — 
Coalition between Seid Hussein Ali-khan and the Mahratta 
chiefs, against the Emperor. — Accession of the influence of 
Etikad-khan and Rukn-ed-doulah at the court of Dehli. — > 
Return of Hussein Ali-khan from the Deckan to Dehli, and 
his reception at court. — Seizure and deposal of Ferokh-siar, 
and accession of Refi-ed-derjat to the throne, and his death. 
— Accession of Refi-el-kadr, and his death — Death of Fe- 
. rokh-siar. — Account of this event by Mahomed Hashem, 
entitled Khafi-khan. — Death of Refi-el-kadr, and accession 
of Niko-siar to the throne, and his death. — Accession to the 
throne ofRoshen-akhter, the grandson of Bahadur-shah, by his 
son Jehan-shah, under the title of Mahomed- shah. Page 134. 

Chapter III. 
Commencement of the intrigues of Nizam-ul-mulk against the 
Seids. — He proceeds to the Deckan. — Success of Abd-us- 
semed-khan against some insurgents in the Penjab. — Insur- 
rection in Cashmir. — Battle of Assere between Dilaver Ali- 
khan and Hussein Ali-khan, the general of Nizam-ul-mulk, 
in which the former is defeated, and loses his life. — The 
minister Seid Hussein Ali-khan marches to the Deckan. — 
His assassination. — Rebellion of his brother the Vezir Abd- 
ullah-khan, and the elevation of the Prince Ibrahim to the 
throne.— Battle of Hassanpoor, in which the Vezir and his 
partisans are all slain. — Religious dissensions produced by 
one Mir Mahomed Hussein Enaiet-uUah-khan appointed 
vezir. — War with Raja Jye-sing Rahtore. — Marriage of 
Mahomed-shah with the daughter of the emperor Ferokh- 
siar. — Return of Nizam-ul-mulk to Dehli, and his nomi- 
nation to the office of vezir. — Death of Nilkant Nagar, and 


the appointment of Raja Jye-sing to the office of governor 
of Agra. — Nizam-ul-mulk withdraws to the Deckan, and 
Kamer-ed-din-khan is appointed vezir.— Mobariz-khan op- 
poses Nizam-ul-mulk in the Deckan, but is defeated and 
slain. — Nizam-ul-mulk excites his uncle Hamed-khan to 
revolt in Guzerat. — Ser-belend-khan appointed governor of 
Guzerat. — He is recalled to Dehli. — Nizam-ul-mulk excites 
the Mahrattas to invade Hindoostan. — Mahomed-khan Ban- 
gash defeated by the Mahrattas in Bundelkund. — Mozaffir- 
khan deputed to attack the Mahrattas. — Revolt of Ajazee, a 
zemindar of Chikalgora. — Removal of Fakhr-ed-doulah from 
the government of Behar to that of Bengal. — History of 
Shuja-ed-doulah, the son-in-law of Jafer-khan, governor of 
Bengal. — Union of the governments of Bengal and Behar 
under him as viceroy. — Mozaffir-khan and Kamer-ed-din- 
khan march to oppose the Mahrattas under the Peshwa 
Bajy Rao. — They are defeated by Saadet-khan, governor 
ofOude. — They appear before Dehli and retreat. — Distracted 
state of affairs in Cabul, and the advance of Nadir-shah from 
Persia. — Mahomed-shah quits Dehli, and opposes Nadir- 
shah on the plain of Kernal. — Nadir- shah enters Dehli. — 
Retires to Persia, leaving to Mahomed-shah all the country 
east of the Indus. — Death of Shuja-ed-doulah, viceroy of 
Bengal and Behar. — Alia Verdi-khan, lieutenant-governor 
of Patna, procures the viceroy's patent. — Defeats and slays 
Ser-efraz-khan, the son of Shuja-ed-doulah, and enters Moor- 
shedabad in triumph. — His wise administration. Page 280. 




The Emperor Aurengzib, after having spent great 
part of his life in bringing under subjection the 
region of the Deckan, without being able fully to 
accomplish that end, marched towards Dehli, then 
the capital of the empire of the house of Baber. 
He was, however, overtaken by fate at the city of 
Ahmednagar, where, in the ninety-first year of his 
age, and the fifty-second of his reign, his vene- 
rable person, assaulted by a variety of diseases, 
was reduced so low that he despaired of his life. 
There were then in his camp two of the princes, 
his sons, Cambakhsh, the youngest and most be- 
loved, and Mahomed Aazem-shah, who bore the 
character of a man of ability, and of being fond of 
military glory. On this young prince he conferred 
the viceroy alty of the kingdom of Bijapoor, and 
bade him depart instantly with the necessary re- 

VOL. I. B 


tinue of a king, directing him, at the same time, 

to pursue his journey by long stages, and to push 

forward without stopping. The order required 

17 ziikad *^^^ ^^ should set out on Tuesday the seventeenth 

A.n.1118, of Ziikad, four hours before daybreak. The object 

10 February, ... 

A.D. 1707. of such precise instructions was to place the young 
prince out of the power of his elder brother Maho- 
med Aazem. Seven days after, having taken that 
precaution, he ordered his second son to proceed 
to his government of Malwa four hours after sun- 
rise, with injunctions to make short stages of about 
five coss daily, and to halt two days at each stage, 
so as to march only every third day. In giving 
such orders, the emperor told him that it was to 
put it in his power to prevent the disorders that 
might happen in -that country in case of a vacancy 
of the throne, and moreover that he might be at 
hand to avail himself of his father's demise, and 
take possession of his inheritance. But the em- 
peror's real object was to keep so enterprising a 
prince at a distance from him at that time, and to 
prevent his availing himself of his feeble state of 
body to seize and confine him, in the same way as 
Aurengzib had confined his own father Shahjehan. 
The prince had proceeded a few stages only when 
the emperor fell into a state of extreme debility, 
and having lent an ear to his Maker's summons, 
he answered it by saying, " I am ready, O Lord," 


and he departed into eternity. This event hap- 
pened on a Friday, the twentieth of the month, 20Ziikad, 
one watch and three hours after daybreak, which 13 February, 
answers to five astronomical hours after sunrise. a.d.1707. 

The intelligence of the emperor's death reached 
the Prince Mahomed Aazem in a few hours ; he 
hastened back to the imperial camp, which he en- 
tered on Sunday the twenty-ninth of the same 29 ziikad, 

A.H. 1118. 

month, about one-quarter of an hour before dark, 22 February, 
and on the next day two hours before sunrise he '^ * 
assisted in raising the imperial coffin and carried it 
a few paces on his shoulders, after which he sent 
it to Aurengabad. 

On the morning of the eighth of the next month, s zuhaj, 
he ordered the imperial music to strike up, and on 4 March 
the following Wednesday, which was also the day 
of sacrifice,* Mahomed Aazem ascended the throne 
of his ancestors, and bent his thoughts on gaining 
the hearts of the nobility and on rendering his 
reign acceptable to his people. The next day he 
took possession of the imperial treasures, invited 
to his court the nobility of the provinces and the 
absent grandees of the empire, and gave a public 
audience ; his intention being to receive every one 
according: to his rank and station. He confirmed 

A.D. 1707. 


* The anniversary kept by the Moslems in commemoration 
of the intended sacrifice of his son Isaac by the patriarch Abra- 

B 2 


Asscd-khan in the office of Vezir, and he raised 
Zulficar-khan, the son of the minister, to the com- 
mand of the forces. 

At this time Sultan Mahomed Muazem, the 
eldest son of the deceased, was at Cabul, a city 
and fortress on the frontier. Of this province he 
was the viceroy, fle had with him his two younger 
sons, Khujista-akhter, and Refi-al-cadr, while his 
eldest son, Moiz-ed-din, resided in Multan, of 
which district he was the governor, and his second 
son, Azim-ush-shan (the ablest of the four, and 
the object of his grandfather's affection) dwelt in 
Bengal, whereof he was viceroy. It appears that 
the intention of Aurengzib was to leave the empire 
of Hindoostan to his eldest son. Sultan Muazem ; 
the dominions of the Deckan to his second son, Ma- 
homed Aazem ; and the kingdom of Bijapoor to his 
favourite son Cambakhsh, in full hopes that those 
three princes, each satisfied with his lot, would pro- 
mote the welfare of the people. But who is the man 
who has not felt the effects of ambition ? and how 
could so experienced a prince flatter himself that 
his sons would be free from it ? Cambakhsh, who go- 
verned Bijapoor in full sovereignty, seemed content 
with his lot, and he was the more so, because Sultan 
Mahomed Aazem, in order to please his mother, 
had added another province to his dominions, and 
had consented to allow him to coin money, and to 


have the khutba read in his name.* But mat- 
ters were not so quiet in Hindoostan ; for Sultan 
Mahomed Muazem, on hearing- of his father's ill- 
ness, had set out from Cabul, as did his second son 
Azim-ush-shan from Bengal. Both those princes, 
taking what troops and artillery were at hand, 
marched towards Acberabad.t a great city on the 
high road leading to the Deckan. Sultan Maho- 
med Muazem was on his route when he received 
the news of his father's demise, on which he im- 
mediately assumed the imperial title and ascended 
the throne. This ceremony took place on the first 
Wednesday of the month of Muharrem, in the vear iMuimnem, 
1119, precisely at midnight, being the hour pointed March, 
out by the astrologers, when the sun entered the 
sign of Leo. After this, Sultan Mahomed Muazem 
wrote to his brother, Mahomed Aazem, that, if sa- 
tisfied with being king of the Deckan, which was 
an extensive dominion, and that which their father 
had set apart for his portion, he abstained from in- 
terfering with Hindoostan, such conduct would 
not fail to produce mutual benefits. This commu- 
nication, however, made no impression on Mahomed 
Aazem, who, trusting to his own personal influ- 
ence and prowess, disregarded his brother's over- 

* The coining of money^ and having public prayers read in 
the mosques in his name, are two of the peculiar privileges 
which belong to a king alone. 

f Agra. 


tures ; to whom he answered by the well-known 
adage, " It is impossible for two kings to sit toge- 
ther upon the same throne." He consequently 
made preparations for supporting his pretensions, 
but his efforts ended in his own ruin. 

Meanwhile Sultan Mahomed Muazem reached 
Lahore, where in a few days he was joined by his 
son Moiz-ed-din, who had set out from Multan 
with all the troops he could collect on so short a 
notice. There the latter was admitted to the ho^ 
liour of kissing his father's feet, after which he 
pronounced a speech in his praise, prayed for his 
prosperity and length of days, and then followed 
him to Acberabad. Fortune seemed in other re- 
spects to favour this prince, for Azim-ush-shan the 
king's youngest son, who with a numerous and well- 
appointed army was then on his march to Acber- 
abad> intercepted a convoy of a corore* of rupees, 
being the revenue of Bengal, which the finance 
minister of that country was sending to the capital, 
and secured the whole of it, but kept it untouched 
at his father's disposal. He also seized Mokhtar^ 
^ khan, the governor of the province of Acberabad, 
a nobleman of importance, who had given his 
daughter in marriage to the prince Bedar-bakht, 
and who was a hearty well-wisher to the cause of 

* A corore is at hundred lacs, equal to about a million ster- 
ling. ^ • 


Aazem-shah. With Mokhtar-khan was secured 
at the same time the imperial treasure, and that 
vast quantity of royal furniture of all descriptions, 
which had lain deposited many ages in the pa- 
laces of that city. Azim-ush-shan endeavoured to 
strengthen his party by conciliating the minds of 
the inferior governors and commanders, and by 
gaining the hearts of the people : in which he suc- 
ceeded so well that both his army and his party 
gained daily accessions. But he could not prevail on 
the governor of the city of Acberabad to cede that 
fortress. He resolutely answered, that at a time 
when the imperial throne was disputed by three 
princes of the royal blood, he could not with any 
propriety deliver the fortress to any one of them, 
until that one should have fully established his 
government ; in which case he knew too well what 
became him, both as a subject and a servant, to 
mistake his duty. With this reply he kept his 
fortress shut up, and prepared to sustain a siege. 
The prince thinking it inconvenient to lose any time 
in prosecuting the siege, went on with other affairs 
of importance, until his father, Sultan Mahomed 
Muazem, arriving, he effected a junction with him, 
and presented all the treasure which he had had 
the good luck to secure. 

No succour could be more welcome ; for the 
troops, already become clamorous for want of pay, 


were suffering great hardships, and had already 
become dispirited. This timely assistance was 
hailed as a good omen, and Sultan Muazera from 
that moment conceived the fondest hopes of success. 
He returned thanks to God, and distributed his 
treasure according to the necessities of his troops. 
Aazem-shah, who had only tarried a few days at 
Ahmednagar to secure the services of the well- 
appointed array which he had found ready-made 
to his hand, with which he marched to Acberabad, 
resolved to dispute the crown with his elder bro- 
ther. The natural ardour of his mind flamed by 
sanguine hope, he marched with so much rapidity 
that he left behind most of his infantry, and almost 
the whole of his artillery, till he reached by forced 
marches the fort of Gualiar, where he established 
llRebi-ei- his he ad -quarters, on Monday the eleventh of the 
A.H. 1119. Rebi-el-Awel, in the year 1119. Seven days after 

31 May, , , . 

A.D. 1707. he advanced towards his brother, whom he found 
encamped on the plain of Ajaju, close to Acbera- 
bad. Some of his troops advanced on the Impe- 
rialists, and set fire to part of Sultan Mahomed 
Muazem's tents, as also to those of Azim-ush-shan, 
who was himself encamped there ; but the latter 
was so hard pressed as to be compelled to stand 
on the defensive. 

Sultan Mahomed Muazem, who was then on a 
hunting-party, no sooner heard of the enemy *» 


being at hand, than he flew to his son's assistance, 
bringing with him his eldest son Moiz-ed-din, and 
his best generals with their troops. The combat 
now thickened apace, when an event happened 
which, by turning the fortune of the day in favour 
of the Imperialists, was received as a token of appro- 
bation from Heaven. There arose suddenly such a 
violent wind as seemed to give the combatants an 
idea of the dreadful serser that buried the whole 
tribe of Aad* under the sands of Arabia. This wind 
blew on the back of Sultan Muazem and in the 
face of Aazem-shah's army. This last prince had 
given the command of his left wing to his eldest son 
Bedar-bakht, and that of his left to his second son 
Wallajah. Aazem-shah led the centre against the 
enemy, having his youngest son Aali-tebar, then 
a child, with him upon his elephant. But he had 
left Assed-khan his vezir in the camp at Gualiar 
with a body of troops. The prince meanwhile 
pushed forward with ardour. Zulficar-khan, who 
had been generalissimo under Aurengzib, repre- 
sented to him that the day was far spent, that a 
violent tempest blew towards them, and that great 
part of the infantry and artillery were still at a 
distance in the rear, for which reasons he conceived 

* This is an historical event alluded to by the author. The 
effects of the serser or simum are confirmed by modern tra- 
vellers, who have seen them in the Arabian deserts. 


it would be imprudent to risk a battle for a throne 
on such disadvantageous terms : he recommended 
the prince Mahomed Aazem, therefore, to remain 
satisfied with the advantage he had already gained 
over the enemy by having burned his camp-equi- 
page and defeated part of his cavalry ; and that 
when the remainder of the troops, infantry and 
artillery, should come up, he might, with every 
hope of success, fall on the enemy, already intimi- 
dated. This speech had no effect on the prince, 
who estimated too highly his own military genius 
and the courage of his troops, besides which he 
despised his brother and his party. He therefore 
answered Zulficar-khan by some expressions that 
indicated resentment. The latter, who was a man 
of established courage and great experience, re- 
plied, that since his Majesty would not listen to 
advice dictated by his zeal and by common pru- 
dence, and chose to run headlong on his own ruin, 
he hoped he would not find fault with him if he 
abandoned a cause that looked so unpromising. 
The prince, full of indignation, having uttered a 
few broken words of reproach, turned his face 
away, and Zulficar-khan, without farther expla- 
nation, put spurs into his horse and joined his 
father, who had been left in the camp at Gualiar. 
Mahomed Aazem now fell on the enemy with fury, 
and the troops on both sides being equally eager to 


display their courage, a tremendous conflict ensued. 
But the violence of the wind raised such clouds of 
dust and sand, that the field of battle was entirely 
darkened. The troops of Mahomed Aazem were 
almost blinded, and it became impossible to dis- 
tinguish friend from foe. It was asserted by seve- 
ral persons of character who fought in that battle, 
that the sand was so hot, and it choaked so effec- 
tually the mouth and eyes of the combatants, that 
no one could stand such a tempest but by turning 
his head about, nor could an arrow be distin- 
guished at more than a few paces distant. Not- 
withstanding all these disadvantages, the troops 
of Mahomed Aazem gained ground. The impe- 
rial army was in danger, and the desperation 
with which both officers and men fought was 
such, that to this day the battle of Ajaju, or 
Acberabad, is remembered all over Hindoostan 
for its obstinacy, and the slaughter that ensued. 
There was in Mahomed Aazem's army an Afghan 
officer of great strength, called Manuwer-khan, 
who commanded five thousand men of his own 
nation, who used to say that a day of battle was 
to him like a wedding-day. On this occasion, he 
dressed himself in cloth of gold, and gave a tur- 
ban of the same materials to every one of his fol- 
lowers, each of whom was ready to shed his blood 
for his chief. This officer having found a favour- 


able moment, drew near to the Prince Mahomed 
Aazem, and requested leave to descend from his 
elephant, and mount on horseback, in order to 
rush on the enemy, and shew his zeal in his 
master's cause. The prince desired him to remain 
upon the elephant which had been allotted to him 
from the imperial stables; but Manuwer-khan, 
mortified at the refusal, pushed on at the head of 
his troops as far as the centre, where the Prince 
Azim-ush-shan commanded. Here he was op- 
posed by Hussein Ali-khan Barha, son of the 
illustrious Seid Abdullah-khan of Ajmir, better 
known by the appellation of Mia- khan. Hussein 
Ali-khan himself having received several wounds, 
fell senseless on the ground, and the greater part 
of his division was destroyed. The enemy had 
also lost many men ; but Manuwer-khan ex- 
horted the few that remained with him to push on 
as far as Azim-ush-shan's elephant ; when having 
in his hands one of those spears called bdem* 
he struck it with such force against the prince's 
howdah,f that it passed through the back-board 

* The belem is a weapon well known in the south of India ; 
it is a spear about nine feet long, thick, and having a broad 
blade. It is used to kill wild hogs. 

\ The seat which the elephant-rider occupies. The howdah 
is a square box, and uncovered ; the amarri has a canopy, 
supported on pillars, and usually richly ornamented : the for- 
mer is used in war, the latter on state occasions only. 


on the opposite side ; and the prince had infallibly 
been killed, had he not avoided the blow by in- 
clining his body to the left. At length Manuwer- 
khan, after performing many feats of valour, fell, 
surrounded by the fev^^ intrepid men who had 
refused to survive their brave commander. This 
bloody action cost the lives of many persons of 
illustrious rank ; the prince Bedar-bakht, who 
commanded the left wing, was slain, as also his 
brother Wallajah, a young prince who had never 
before been in action. 

It now became necessary to announce these 
losses to their father, Mahomed Aazem. This un- 
fortunate prince, who tenderly loved all his chil- 
dren, but particularly the eldest, heaved a deep 
sigh, and said that victory and life were hence- 
forward alike indifferent to him. With these words 
he ordered his driver to carry his elephant into the 
midst of the enemy's ranks, where his howdah 
was so thickly struck with arrows that one would 
have imagined it had rained arrows on that day. 
He was followed by a chosen band of guards, 
personally attached to him, not one of whom would 
leave their master. Mahomed Aazem, regardless 
of his own safety, but anxious about the royal child, 
Ali-tebar, covered him with his buckler, after 
having made him squat in the howdah, though he 
himself remained exposed. He still pushed on. 


using his bow incessantly. But vain were all 
those efforts. The day was already far spent, and 
fortune had declared against him. His best officers 
were slain ; such as Terbiet-khan, Aman-ullah- 
khan, and Matleb-khan, with the two brothers 
Manuwer-khan and Khan Aalem, together with 
the Hindu princes Raja Ramsing and Raja Dal- 
pet, with many of their troops. His two hopeful 
sons also were now no more. The prince himself, 
wounded by several musket-balls, had fallen sense- 
less in his howdah, when a wretch of the name of 
Rustem-dil-khan, having clambered up on that 
hero's elephant, had the baseness to cut off his 
head. He then took the royal child, Ali-tebar, by 
the hand, and carried him to Sultan Muazem, his 
master. This spectacle made a deep impression 
on the emperor. The sight of his brother's bloody 
head was more than his feelings could bear ; he 
wept bitterly, and pressed the royal orphan, his 
nephew, the prince Ali-tebar, to his bosom, and 
did every thing to pacify him. In the sequel, he 
conceived so great an affection for him that he 
never made any difference between him and his 
own children. The latter took umbrage at these 
tokens of his tenderness, and once resented and 
complained of it ; but they were silenced with this 
answer from the emperor's mouth: " If your in- 
quietude be about his being inimical to my for- 


tune and crown, I must tell you once for all, that I 
believe you are much likelier to be so yourselves 
than he, and that this child, in case of need, will 
prove himself at all times more anxious for my pre- 
servation than any of you." Fortune having put 
an end to the contest with Mahomed Aazem, his 
ministers and generals joined Assed-khan, the 
vezir, and Zulficar-khan ; and the whole went in 
a body to pay their homage to Sultan Muazem, 
who was now every where recognized by the title 
of Bahadur-shah. The Vezir Assed-khan, and 
his son Zulficar-khan, with their hands bound 
with a handkerchief, presented themselves in that 
condition. At this sight the emperor rose from 
his place, and with his own hands set the vezir's 
hands at liberty ; turning, at the same time, to his 
son Moiz-ed-din, he desired him to loosen those of 
Zulficar-khan. Not content with this mark of 
condescension, he spoke with the utmost kindness 
to both father and son, especially to the former ; 
and sending for one of his own suits of clothes, he 
ordered him to put it on directly — an honour sel- 
dom conferred on a subject. When he saw him 
dressed, he advanced, and embracing him, made 
him sit down in the presence. He conferred on 
him the command and pay of a division of seven 
thousand cavalry, with the grade attached to one 
of nine ; added to which he ordered him a pre- 


sent of two corores of dams,* and directed that his 
palky should be admitted within the imperial en- 
closure, as far as the gate of the bathing-rooms, 
that his music might play within the imperial 
enclosure — honours reserved only for princes of 
the blood royal. As a last token of his favour, he 
gave him the title of Jelil-al-cadr, and conferred on 
him the office of Vakil-i-mutlak, or lord-lieutenant 
of the empire. Munaim-khan received at the same 
time the title of Jumlet-el-mulk, with the office of 
vezir, and the government of the province of Ac- 
berabad. His station at court was on the right 
hand of Assed-khan, and he had the privilege of 
offering his counsel. After these arrangements 
the emperor turned his attention towards the con- 
duct of certain Hindu princes, and chiefly of Jey 
Sing, Raja of Amber, who had sided with the 
prince Mahomed Aazem. That Raja's own bro- 
ther, Bijy Sing, having taken part with the em- 
peror, and having proved himself very useful, he 
was placed at the head of the estates, and Jey 
Sing received orders to attend at court. 

Raja Ajit Sing, son of Jesvant Sing Rah tore 
chief of Joodpoor, had likewise aided the prince' 
Mahomed Aazem; and moreover had since proved 
refractory ; such conduct required immediate atten- 

* Dam is a copper-coin, in value the fortieth part of a rupee. 
Ayeen Akbery, vol. i. p. 32. 


tion, and the emperor having marched into those 
countries, took the fortresses out of the hands of 
the hereditary princes, and put them under the 
management of the imperial officers, ordering the 
dispossessed chiefs to attend the imperial stirrup, 
and to live henceforward at court. The vezir 
Assed-khan v^as ordered to repair to the capital, 
which, with its dependent territory, was placed 
under his special care. In this manner every part 
of the empire was gradually coming into order ; 
and every heart being gained over by the empe- 
ror's affability, served to strengthen the throne. 
Unfortunately, however, there arose a civil war 
with the two remaining sons of Aurengzib. 

The Prince Cambakhsh no sooner heard of his 
brother Mahomed Aazem's death, than he proposed 
to oppose the victorious party. In vain did the 
new emperor send him soothing messages, and ad- 
vised him to live in peace. These mild overtures 
served only to give confidence to Cambakhsh, and 
he sent answers breathing nothing but defiance. 
Even these the emperor would have overlooked, 
but finding himself urged to war, and reproached 
by his own sons, he resolved to reduce Cambakhsh. 
With that view he quitted Dehli on Monday the 
seventeenth of Shaban, in the year 1119, and iTShaban, 

11 1 T.-- T 1 ^T^ A. H. 1119. 

marched towards 15ijapoor by the way of ratepoor 5 oct. 
and Ajmir. On the third of Zilkad of the ensuing 

VOL. I. c 

A. D. 1707. 


3 ziikad. year, being a Wednesday, the two armies fought a 
14 Feb. battle in the vicinity of Hydrabad, of which city 

A. D. 1709. J J ' J 

Cambakhsh had made himself master. After re- 
peated attacks and much slaughter, Bahadur- 
shah's army drove the enemy out of the field. 
This happened at midnight, and by that time, most 
of those chiefs personally attached to Cambakhsh 
being slain, the rest betook themselves to flight, 
leaving a complete victory to the emperor. The 
prince himself, after exhibiting great personal cou- 
• rage, and receiving several wounds, which after- 
wards proved mortal, had fallen senseless on the 
ground, with hardly any other sign of life than a 
faint respiration. In that condition he was found, 
and being placed upon an elephant, was, together 
with his children, brought before his brother. On 
notice of his approach, the emperor sent his eldest 
son Moiz-ed-din, with orders to shew him every 
mark of respect ; and directed that the wounded 
prince should be lodged in a retired tent, within the 
imperial enclosure, where he went on foot to pay 
him a visit. On seeing him, he heaved a deep sigh 
and said, *' Alas ! 1 never desired to see you in 
this condition ;" the prince, raising with pain his 
dying eyes, answered, ** nor did I ever desire to 
see you in the condition you now are :" with these 
words he expired. The emperor was exceedingly 
affected, and retired to his own apartments, tak- 


ing with Ilim the young orphans his nephews. 
He ordered them to be educated in the same 
manner as he had done Aah-tebar, and he always 
lent a deaf ear to the repeated remonstrances and 
reproaches of his own children on their account. 
This battle having rendered Bahadur-shah master 
of the Deckan, as well as put an end to all com- 
petition in Hindoostan, and his authority being 
everywhere firmly established, he conceived it a 
favourable time to introduce some changes on 
which he had resolved. One day he communi- 
cated in as conciliatory a manner as possible, both 
to Assed-khan and to his son Zulficar-khan, that 
the generalissimo Munaim-khan was an old ser- 
vant and a zealous friend, extremely attached to 
his person, and added that he had on a former 
occasion promised to make him vezir whenever 
the crown should devolve on him. He now said 
that Munaim-khan had reminded him of that pro- 
mise ; " but as I intend," said he, " not to disoblige 
you on the one hand, nor on the other to break my 
word with him, I desire your advice in this deli- 
cate conjuncture, and beg you to point out some 
expedient that may satisfy both parties without 
wounding my own honour." 

Assed-khan, on observing the emperor's inclina- 
tion, answered, " that adherence to their word 
was always incumbent upon kings ; but that he 

c 2 


hoped, likewise, that the honour of two faithful 
servants, who had zealously served the imperial 
family for such a number of years, would be pro- 
tected from insult." This answer in some measure 
eased the emperor's mind, and he persuaded Assed- 
khan to be content with the high office of Vakil-i- 
Mutlak or Lord Lieutenant of the empire, and he 
ordered him to be invested anew with a rich dress 
of honour. Munaim-khan at the same time, 
who had often acted as lieutenant to the imperial 
princes, and as divan or minister of finance, was 
invested with the robes of vezir, and the imperial 
signet was entrusted to his hands. The rank of 
these two great men was also settled by the empe- 
ror, who directed that after Assed-khan should 
take his seat under the canopy of the vezir, Mu- 
naim-khan should walk up to him in a respectful 
manner, and should present to him the papers that 
might require his signature. This arrangement 
having satisfied these illustrious personages, they 
united their efforts in despatching the affairs of 
state, and in promoting the welfare of the empire. 
Zulficar-khan, the generalissimo, was honoured 
with the title and office of Amir-ul-omrah,* and 
appointed viceroy of the Deckan, comprehending 
all the provinces already conquered or to be con- 
quered hereafter. This was a charge of vast im- 

* Chief of the nobles. 


portance, for which he was eminently qualified, for 
no other man at that time would have been able to 
rule countries so newly conquered and so refrac-' 
tory. The new viceroy, after having settled to his 
mind the military and financial affairs of his go- 
vernment, returned to court; having left as his 
lieutenant an Afghan nobleman, called Daud- 
khan Peni, a man famed in those countries for 
his riches, his bodily strength, and his personal 
prowess ; and who had rendered himself of so much 
importance, that there were no noblemen in Deckan 
who could be compared with him. He was made 
the director of all political affairs, as also of the 
finance department, with full liberty to undertake 
any military expedition which he should deem 
advisable. Zulficar-khan, after having eased his 
mind of so great a burthen, went to court, where he 
applied himself sedulously in aiding to introduce 
order throughout every part of the empire. 

The provinces of Bengal, Orissa, Azimabad* 
and Ilahabad, had hitherto been governed by 
Azim-ush-shan, the emperor's second son, and it 
was thought politic to continue those countries 
under the same administration ; an arrangement 
which put it in that prince's power to reward two 
illustrious nobles who had rendered him many im- 
portant services, and had distinguished themselves 

* Patna. 


in the great battle of Acberabad. These were 
Seid Abdullah-khan and Seid Hussein Ali-khan, 
sons of the famous Seid Abdullah-khan, so much 
revered in Ajmir under the name of Mia-khan. 
On the elder, Abdullah-khan, he conferred the 
government of Ilahabad; and he gave that of 
Azimabad (Patna) to the younger, Hussein-Ali- 
khan. At the same time Jafer-khan w^as entrusted 
with the provinces of Bengal and Orissa, in which 
he had hitherto acted as minister of finance. After 
these arrangements the prince took up his residence 
at his father's court, where he exercised great in- 
fluence. The emperor, who was exceedingly good- 
natured, and mild even to a fault, having remem- 
bered a vow which he had once made to the Creator 
of all things, that if ever he should ascend the 
throne he would never deny any man's request, 
now wanted to act up to the letter of this vow : 
accordingly, dignities, titles, and employments 
were lavished so indiscriminately, that they lost 
much of their value, and ceased to be deemed 
marks of honour or distinction ; although no less 
a man than Munaim-khan was appointed to exa- 
mine into the several petitions, and to report on 
the respective claims of each person. Neverthe- 
less, as men of low origin, whether Hindus or 
Mussulmans, obtained every day the military grade 
of six or seven thousand horse, and the titles of 


Jung and Mulk, as well as those of Ray and 
Raja,* which were given to all classes, dignities 
came at last to lose their value, and titles to forfeit 
all estimation. For example, one of the dog- 
keepers, who applied for a title, was honoured with 
that distinction by the king's own private orders. 
On the occasion of conferring this title, the prince 
Azim-ush-shan, whose seal and signature was 
requisite before the patent of nobility could pass, 
remonstrated with his father, and said, if it be 
your royal pleasure that there should be a Khan 
(noble) in every house, and a Ray (Hindu prince) 
in every bazar, you may certainly confer the title 
of Ray on this dog-keeper ; and he accordingly 
became known hereafter by the title of Lord Dog- 
keeper, to the great astonishment of the world, 
and was pointed at as he passed through the 
streets, people saying to each other there goes my 
Lord Dog-keeper, till at length he was induced to 
give money to people to refrain from molesting 
him on the highway, but it had little effect. 

Meanwhile the army, which pushed forward to- 
wards the Deckan was overtaken by the rainy 
season, -j* and the emperor conferred the govern- 

♦ The affix of jung and mulk to all Mahomedan titles, and 
those of ray and raja, to Hindu titles, had their relative value. 

f This reference to the campaign in the Deckan is out of 
place. Bahadur-shah made but one campaign to that quarter, 
which was when he conquered Cambakhsh. 


ment of Guzerat on Ghazenfer-jung,* ruler of 
Berar, an office he had once held under Aurengzib. 
At the same time Raja Jye Sing Kichwaha and 
A jit Sing Rahtore both quitted the court, when 
near the Nerbedda, without permission, and re- 
turned to their own country ; where, having ejected 
with a great deal of fighting and slaughter the 
imperial officers, they retook possession of their 
fortresses, and reinstated themselves in their own 

Having proceeded to the south, the emperor 
remained some time at Hydrabad. He at length 
returned towards Hindoostan in order to reduce 
the fugitive Hindu princes who had quitted his 
camp at the Nerbedda. The latter, availing them- 
selves of their distance from court, had in the 
meantime given battle to the three Seids brothers, 
Ahmed Sayid-khan, Hussein-khan, and Gheiret- 
khan, who all three on the same day received the 
honour of martyrdom. These events only added 
to the emperor's indignation, but his apprehension 
of those Rajpoots made it expedient to temporize 

* This chief held the titles of Chin Khullich-khan Ghazi- 
ed-din Ghazenfer-jung Bahadur. He was left governor of the 
Deckan in 1688, after the capture of Golconda by Aurengzib. 
His descendants, under the title of Nizam, occupy the kingdom 
of Hydrabad, on the musned of which is seated his great- 
grandson at this moment. 


with them, and having accepted their submission 
he granted them their pardon. He was induced 
to this measure the more from hearing that Guru 
Govind was in arms in the northern mountains at 
the head of a body of Siks, by whom this chief had 
been joined. He had already slain in battle Vezir- 
khan, the commandant of Serhind. The emperor 
now ordered one Assed-khan, acting as lieutenant- 
general under Zulficar-khan, to enter the moun- 
tains, and to blockade on all sides the strong-holds 
into which Guru Govind had thrown his forces ; 
but that chief found means to effect his escape one 
night with all his followers, of whom only .a few 
were intercepted, a neglect that very much re- 
flected on the character of Assed-khan. The em- 
peror, finding that no glory was to be acquired in 
this campaign, left Rustem-dil-khan with a body 
of troops to continue it, and proceeded towards 
Lahore, where the general, Assed-khan,* departed 
this life. His office of lieutenant-general was con- 
ferred on Hedaiet-ulla-khan, the son of Enaiet- 
eddin-khan. At this time also, Ghazi-eddin-khan 
died in Guzzerat-t The emperor was then en- 
camped on the banks of the Ravi, the river that 

* It is of importance to bear in mind that this person is not 
Assed-khan the Vakil-i-Mutlak, father of Zulficar-khan. 

t His eldest son, Mahomed, received the title, and afterwards 
flourished under that of Asof Jah Nizam-el-mulk. 


flows past Lahore, when Rustem-dil-khan ap- 
peared at court after having quitted his post with- 
out leave. He was consequently deprived of his 
commission and jaghir and confined in the citadel 
of Lahore, and Mahomed Amin-khan was sent in 
his stead to take command of the army in the 
hills. Some strange events happened during the 
emperor's residence in Lahore. Bahadur-shah was 
fond of the company of learned men, and passed 
for an acute proficient in the subtil ties of law and 
divinity; qualities in which he surpassed by far 
all the princes of the house of Timur. In conse- 
quence he loved to be surrounded by people 
skilled in those sciences, and discoursed with plea- 
sure on those topics wherein he had convinced 
himself by reflection he was right. Accordingly, 
on his arrival at Lahore, he assembled the learned 
men of that city, most of them staunch Sunnies, 
and argued with them on the justice of the claim 
of his holiness Ali, the son of Abu Taleb the 
Commander of the Faithful, on whom be peace. 
These men were all defeated in argument, and the 
confusion to which he reduced them made him 
entertain the design of adding to the usual profes- 
sion of faith, as uttered in the public prayers and 
in the khutba, the words " and Ali is the saint of 
God, and the heir of the prophet of God." 

An aflfair of so much importance required a firm- 


ness of mind which was never a conspicuous trait 
in the characters of the princes of the house of 
Timur, especially in those of latter times. Added 
to this, the emperor's eldest sons Azim-ush-shan 
and Khujista-akhter, both men of courage and 
merit, were zealous Sunnies, so that this inno- 
vation proved very unwelcome to them. The em- 
peror himself became apprehensive of vigorous 
opposition on that score ; but being unwilling to 
abandon his design without making some effort to 
ascertain its practicability, he one day sent a 
Shiah reader to the principal mosque, after having 
put him under the safeguard of Azim-ush-shan. 
The prince, who was in his heart averse to the 
measure, took the man with him out of deference 
to his father's will ; but remained entirely passive 
when the congregation, which was mostly com- 
posed of Hanefies,* having information of the 
scheme, fell upon that innocent man and hewed 
him in pieces, before he had time to utter the of- 
fensive words. 

This commotion was succeeded by another. 
The men learned in the law, and some principal 
inhabitants, all of the Sunny persuasion, having 
forthwith assembled in the mosque, sent a message 

* Followers of the tenets of Abu Hanifa, a celebrated Ma- 
homedan doctor, who supported the legal succession of the 
three first khalifs. — See Asiatic Researches, vol. x. p. 483. 


to the palace, by which they invited the emperor 
over to their principles, and they required every 
inhabitant of the city to assist them in resisting in- 
novation with their persons and fortunes. No fur- 
ther attempt was made by the emperor ; but he 
continued, during the remainder of his life, to pro- 
mote the tenets of the Shiahs, and to pass a great 
deal of his time in arguing with the doctors of the 
opposite sect, though to no purpose : and indeed, 
if the promulgation of new principles depended 
entirely on argument and reason, why should the 
prince of prophets and chief of messengers, on 
whom, as well as on his posterity, be salutation 
and peace, have received authority to fight from 
the Lord of the creation ? he who was confessedly 
the most eloquent man of his time, whether in 
Arabia or in Iran. 

Five years had already elapsed since the em- 
peror's accession to the throne, and it was the 
third year since he was encamped on the Ravi, 
close to the city of Lahore, when some alteration 
was perceived in his mind. It was about the mid- 
a.'h"u2L die of Muharrem, in the year 1124 of the Hegira, 
A.D!ni2. ^^^ d^y ^^^^ ^^ U)ok it into his head to give orders 
for killing all the dogs in camp, as well as 
those in the city of Lahore. As such an order, 
from so sensible a prince, could not but appear 
very strange, people were willing to account for it 


by supposing that some witchcraft or enchantment 
had been practised upon him. Such a state of 
things was the more disagreeable, as the Siks were 
becoming daily more numerous and troublesome. 
Forbidden from coming into the city of Lahore, not 
one of them was to be seen in the day-time, but 
as soon as it was dark they never failed to return 
to the houses of those that used to feed and cherish 
them, and their orgies lasted during the whole 
night. At day-break they would throw themselves 
into the Ravi, and after having swam to the other 
side, they lurked during the day in the neighbour- 
ing fields. 

This conduct on the part of the Siks, as well as 
the tumult in the mosque, I mention upon the 
faith of a letter which Amin-ed-doula of Sambal 
wrote to his family, and which I found among the 
papers of his secretary. The letter says that the 
emperor, incensed against the doctors that had ex- 
cited the tumult which had cost the Koran-reader 
his life^ ordered some of them to be thrown into 
prison, and others to be sent to the fortress of 
Gualior. Some time after, the emperor, having felt 
a slight indisposition, which no one suspected to 
be severe, fell into a swoon, and died suddenly on a. h. ii2j.' 
the 19th of Muharrem, about two hours before a. d. 17*12. 

The prince Azim-ush-shan, who was present 


when the emperor fainted, unable to stand such a 
spectacle, retired to his own camp, after having 
desired Amin-ed-doula to tarry a few hours, in 
order to bring him further intelligence ; so that as 
soon as the emperor expired, that nobleman re- 
paired to the prince and informed him of the event. 
The prince wept bitterly ; but Amin-ed-doula bade 
him take heart, as not a moment ought to be lost 
in ascending the throne, and he ordered the impe- 
rial band of music to strike up immediately. This 
being complied with, the few courtiers that chanced 
to be at hand hastened to present their offerings, 
according to custom, wishing the prince a long and 
happy reign. At this time Amin-ed-doula, with 
Niamet-ullah-khan, and some others, represented 
that Zulficar-khan, the commander of the troops, 
and Hemid-ed-din-khan, who were both inimical 
to him, were now busy in preparing the funeral of 
the late emperor, and would be so occupied with 
that ceremony as to admit of their both being seized 
and secured. The prince, neglecting so important 
a measure, answered that the imperial honour 
would suffer from so hasty and indecent a pro- 
ceeding ; that for his own part he relied solely on 
his own right and to God Almighty's assistance, 
and that after all Zulficar-khan could do but little. 
This answer struck his counsellors and well-wishers 
dumb, who said in a low voice, *' May God turn 


this disposition to good account." In fact the 
prince was guilty of a great oversight ; neverthe- 
less Niamet-ullah-khan, of his own accord, went 
away directly, and putting himself at the head of 
his own numerous brigade, marched straight to the 
imperial tents, where he found that Zulficar-khan 
had already gone to his camp, and was in the 
middle of his troops, so that he missed the oppor- 
tunity of seizing him as he had determined. 

It must be observed that Azim-ush-shan had 
always exercised great power in his father's life- 
time, under whom he acted as his lieutenant, 
whether in signing papers or in the transaction of 
business, and the whole of the household, which 
he commanded, was devoted to him, so that he 
found no difficulty in taking possession of his fa- 
ther's treasures and ascending the throne — a step 
which afforded confidence and satisfaction to the 
troops in camp : but this was not the case with all 
classes.* Those who looked more narrowly into 
affairs were apprehensive of trouble and blood- 
shed ; so that whoever could provide himself with 
a carriage or a beast of burthen, hastened to send 
his family with his effects into Lahore during the 
night, whilst others went within the imperial en- 
closure, and took up their abode there. f 

* Azim-ush-shan was only the second son. 

f The imperial inclosure embraced from one acre to two, or 


During this time the physicians Sadik-khan 
and Hekim-el-mulk, together with Mahabet-khan 
and the ministers of state, as well as all the crown- 
officers, went in a body to pay homage to Azim- 
ush-shan, to whose presence they were conducted 
by Shah-nevaz-khan and Hemid-ed-din-khan. On 
the other hand, Rustem-dil-khan and some others 
paid their court to the prince Khujista-akhter. 
Zulficar-khan,* who did not like this prince, and 
was upon bad terms with Azim-ush-shan, joined 
the eldest son Moiz-ed-din, and asked him whe- 
ther he had any commands. ** None at all," 
answered the prince — ** at least at present ; for I 
have neither money nor troops, having added to 
the imperial army whatever I could bring together 
when I came to join my father. I intend to retire 
to my government of Multan, where I expect to 
collect forces, as well as the means of appearing 
again upon the stage, when I shall act according 
to circumstances." Zulficar-khan disapproved of 
such a proceeding ; he offered to supply money, 
troops, and artillery, and proposed to invite both 
the princes Khujista-akhter and Refi-ul-kadr, by 
which measures he hoped to supersede Azim-ush- 
shan's party ; after which, the three brothers 

even three acres of land, surrounded by tent- walls, within which 
the royal tents were pitched. 

* Khujista-akhter was the third son. 


might consult about further measures. This pro- 
posal was not relished by Moiz-ed-din, who, trust- 
ing but little to the promises of Zulficar-khan, 
desired first of all to sound his two brothers. 
Zulficar-khan returned directly to his own quar- 
ters, where having collected what money and 
effects he thought necessary, he sent them to 
Moiz-ed-din, repairing at the same time to the 
two other princes, whom he gained over at the 
first interview, after having made them agree to 
take an equal division of the treasures and effects 
of the late emperor. 

All this while Azim-ush-shan, surrounded by 
the crown -officers, and by the courtiers and gene- 
rals attached to his party, remained in full posses- 
sion of the imperial honours, and resolved to attack 
whosoever should venture to dispute his right. He 
surrounded his camp with a ditch, planted can- 
non around, and for a few days waited the event, 
in hopes that, as the other princes had no money, 
their troops would disperse, or come over to his 
camp. But as fortune did not favour him, the 
very reverse of this took place ; for Zulficar-khan, 
after having performed a service above all reward, 
united the princes, who repaired with him to 
Moiz-ed-din's camp, where they formed for him a 
court worthy the imperial dignity. This event a.h. 1124.. 
happened in the 1124th year of the Hegirah. The a.d.]712. 

VOL. I. D 


next day they marched to attack Azim-ush-shan's 
lines. In a little time his troops were defeated, 
and fled on all sides ; and it is most singular that 
Azim-ush-shan's body was never found, notwith- 
standing all the search made for that purpose. 
This event is related in the following manner : — 
On the first day there was a slight attack ; then, 
as if both parties had changed their minds, the 
confederate princes contented themselves for seven 
days together with firing showers of cannon-ball 
into Azim-ush-shan's camp, from which they were 
answered in the same style. On the seventh day, 
Niamet-ullah-khan and Aziz-khan, with Raja 
Mohcam-sing Katry and Raja Raj -sing Jatt, came 
in a body, with Shah Nevaz-khan at their head, to 
Azim-ush-shan, and represented that, as the con- 
federates were not so numerous as had been appre- 
hended, it was possible to attack and disperse their 
troops, by falling upon them at once, and coming 
to short weapons. The new king desired them to 
wait a little, and they were obliged to comply. 
He hoped that Churamon Jatt and the Bunjaras 
would so beset the roads, that no provisions could 
reach the camp of the confederates, which would 
oblige them to disperse for food. "Whilst he was 
thus disposed to dilatory measures, he took no 
steps to gain the hearts of his troops; he was 
extremely sparing of those treasures he had found 


ready at his command, and acted like one who was 
anxious to carry them to the other world with 
him. With such sordid views no wonder that, 
whenever any bold measure was proposed, he was 
sure to oppose it, by answering in those memorable 
words, * Wait a little more 1' On the eighth day, 
Zulficar-khan having procured from the city of 
Lahore several large pieces of cannon, planted 
them on a rising ground, from which they inces- 
santly poured showers of shot into Azim-ush-shan's 
camp ; and as, in order to bring up these cannon, 
the road to Lahore had been opened, the troops of 
Azim-ush-shan, already exceedingly disaffected, 
availed themselves of the excuse to put themselves 
out of the reach of fire by returning from the rear 
of his camp. This state of inaction having highly 
disgusted the two Hindu rajas, they waited on the 
king, and represented to him that they would 
put up no more with the eternal taunts of the 
enemy, and stated their determination to fall upon 
them with their own men, whether they were sup- 
ported or not. To this animated remonstrance, 
the prince made the usual answer, * Wait a little 
more !' The two brave Hindus, shocked at such a 
reception, vented their indignation in expressions 
of reproach ; and, sallying forth, fell, sword in 
hand, upon the enemy. As these did not expect 
so sudden an attack, they were surprised, and gave 

D 2 


way ; and the two Hindu rajas, after performing 
wonders, and passing through the enemy's ranks, 
penetrated as far as the great battery, of which 
they took possession. This would have been the 
time to support those brave men ; but so far was 
the king from making any such effort, that he sent 
his aides-de-camp abroad to reprimand and bring 
back some other commanders, who had sallied 
forth to their aid. This moment of suspense hav- 
ing been observed by Zulficar-khan and Rustem- 
dil-khan, they made a brisk attack upon the rajas, 
who received them with great bravery ; but being 
overpowered by numbers, both these princes fell ; 
and their men losing courage, fled towards Lahore, 
at the very instant that Suliman-khan Peny was 
coming to their assistance with a body of a thou- 
sand horse. That gallant leader came just time 
only enough to lose his own life by a musket-ball. 
His body was sent to the city by the victors, out 
of respect for his valour. 

Of about sixty or seventy thousand men in Azim- 
ush-shan's army, there now remained about his 
elephant no more than ten or twelve thousand ; 
and these, as soon as he returned to his head- 
quarters in the evening, retired to Lahore in great 
confusion : so that the next morning he, found him- 
self with no more than two or three thousand men, 
and with this handful he now wanted to attack the 


enemy. As he was going to mount the elephant 
he usually rode, the animal refused to kneel in spite 
of the efforts of his driver to oblige him, and the 
king was induced to send for another. By this 
time even the few troops that had remained with 
him disappeared ; and when he put his elephant in 
motion, he found about his person only Niamet- 
ullah-khan with ten troopers, Amin-ed-doulah- 
khan with twenty, and Raja Jye-sing with a little 
more than a thousand horsemen : the whole not 
amounting to two thousand men. Still he advanced 
to the field of battle ; but hardly was the action 
commenced, when there arose such a violent wind, 
as put in motion all the sands of the Ravi, raising 
such clouds of dust, that no alternative was left, but 
that of shutting the eyes, and turning the head 
away from its violence ; nor was it possible to open 
them but to see the flash of the enemy's cannon. 
Some troops of the enemy's cavalry having come 
up in the rear of Azim-ush-shan's party, let fly a 
shower of arrows; but, as there was no seeing 
Azim-ush-shan's person, the troops pushed forward 
to plunder his treasures. A moment after, a can- 
non-ball struck the seat of the elephant, and setting 
on fire the pillows, occasioned a great deal of smoke. 
The king, in order to save his life, threw all the 
furniture down ; and Amin-ed-doula having asked 
whether he was not hurt, he answered, " Not at all : 


go on, go on." At these words the general fetched 
several deep sobs, and dropped some tears. He 
was reprimanded by the king, who with unusual 
coolness reproached him for his want of firmness. 
** Firmness !" replied the general, " to what pur- 
pose can firmness avail us now ? The vessel of all 
our hopes is about to be dashed against rocks, and 
nothing remains to me but to strike my head against 
a stone. In vain have all your faithful servants 
entreated you to let them go forth, and make a 
general attack ; in vain did they repeat their en- 
treaties for adopting so salutary a measure : your 
answer was always in those ominous words, * Wait 
a little more.' But after all, how could your ma- 
jesty do otherwise, since it was the Almighty's 
decree that we should be undone? Still there 
remains one step ; there is yet time — a moment 
hence and it will be too late. Leave your elephant, 
mount a horse, and fly with us towards Bengal.* 
There you have your family and friends ; and Daud- 
khan Peny, who commands in the Deckan, is your 
devoted servant. Let us retire to Bengal, which 
is a place of safety ; and there, after having recruited 
your strength, you may return and act as occasion 
shall require." " All that is very fine," replied 
the prince, " but what did Dara Shekoh do, after 

* Azim-us-shah had long been Governor of Bengal, and 
possessed influence there. 


his defeat? did flight avail Shujah?* If I am yet 
destined to reign, the scriptural sentence, * Many 
a time did a small number prevail over a multitude/ 
shall be verified in my person ; nor is victory and 
success yet so far distant from us." 

To all this Amin-ed-doula rejoined that he had 
no more than twenty troopers with him, for that 
every one else was gone. " Very well," said 
the prince coolly, " let me have one-half of these 
twenty, that I may rush with them on that wretch 
Moiz-ed-din ; and with the other ten do you rush 
on that other wretch Khujista-akhter." The gene- 
ral was in- despair on hearing these words. The 
king was yet speaking, when Khwaja Hussein, 
since Khan Douran, was heard to say from behind, 
*' General, I am going to Bengal ; take my advice, 
let us go together." '• Never ;" answered the gene- 
ral : " so long as there is breath in Azim-ush-shan, 
I will never desert him." He had hardly said this 
when a cannon-shot having struck the king's ele- 
phant full on the root of the proboscis, made him 
furious. The animal turned about, and ran to the 
water-side ; his driver lost his seat, and fell on the 
ground. Jelal-khan Lody, who sat behind, laid 
hold of the ropes, and sliding down on the ground, 

* Dara Shekoh and Shujah were the brothers of Aureng- 
zib, whom he opposed, defeated, and slew, after they had fled 
from the field. 


fled for his life. Several people attempted to stop 
the elephant, among whom was Amin-ed-doula, 
but there was no restraining him. In a moment 
he saw the animal throw himself down a cliffy part 
of the bank, and plunging into the river he disap- 
peared, causing an extraordinary commotion in the 
water, from which arose a great deal of mud, but 
the elephant never re-appeared, and it is concluded 
that both the animal and the king sank never to 
rise again. Amin-ed-doulah now took to flight; 
but was overtaken and seized, and sent close pri- 
soner to the citadel of Shah-jehan-abad, where he 
remained, until he was set at liberty by an express 
order, which Ferokh-siar, after his victory over 
Moiz-ed-din addressed to the governor Mahomed 
Yar-khan for that purpose ; and in the sequel he 
rose to the highest dignities in the state. 

This important victory which had cost the enemy 
so little, raised the views of Moiz-ed-din, a prince 
who wanted neither courage nor merit, and he now 
conceived the design of setting aside the partition- 
treaty, and of assuming for himself the crown of 
all Hindoostan. He evinced his purpose so openly, 
that the union of the three brothers ended in con- 
fusion and bloodshed. These dissensions first arose 
out of the division of the imperial treasures. These 
consisted of eighty cart-loads of ashreffies,* and 
* Gold coins. 


of a hundred cart-loads of rupees. Khujista-akhter 
wanted to divide all this money into three equal 
parts ; but Zulficar-khan made use of so much chi- 
canery and brought forward so many pretences, that 
three-fifths of that immense sum became Moiz-ed- 
din's share, and the other two-fifths only fell to the 
lot of the other brothers. Such a proceeding could 
not but exasperate them : Khujista-akhter forth- 
with resolved to proclaim himself king, and he took 
the title of Jehan-shah, so that there were two 
parties now ripe for coming to blows. Khujista- 
akhter, or Jehan-shah, having been joined by several 
commanders of distinction, among whom were 
Mahomed-khan and Rustem-dil-khan, men who 
thought of nothing but slaughter and blood, the 
two armies viewed each other with jealousy, but 
they did not immediately come to blows. They 
passed whole days and even whole nights under 
arms, for as soon as the sun set, the two armies lit 
fires, and seemed to wait for an attack. Jehan-shah 
soon found himself at the head of a large body of 
troops and a numerous artillery, nor was Moiz-ed- 
din, who now assumed the title of Jehandar-shah, 
worse prepared for action. 

On the fourth day, Jehan-shah, after considerable 
skirmishing, said to his generals that he wanted to 
examine his encampment from without, and di- 
rected that (as on the three former days) they 

42 siyar-ul-mutAkherin. 

should keep their troops mounted and ready, as he 
intended to review them. At the same time he 
desired his spies to be on the watch, and to give 
him immediate notice the moment they perceived 
the enemy's cavalry alight, and prepare to clean 
their horses. On that instant Jehan-shah rushed 
on his brother's camp, where, after a slight combat 
the confusion became general. The enemy's troops 
confounded by so unexpected an assault, made but 
faint resistance and dispersed. The flight and 
dismay became so general, that Lal-koor, Jehan- 
dar-shah's favourite mistress, and who followed 
him every where, mounted upon an elephant con- 
cealed behind a curtain, was on this occasion 
obliged to fly with the crowd on foot without a 
veil. In this condition she fell into the hands of 
Rustem-dil-khan, who was actually loosening the 
string of pearl that hung in a tassel attached to the 
string of her drawers, when she was rescued from 
his hands. The confusion was so complete, that Je- 
handar-shah, unable to wait for his own elephant, got 
upon the first that came to hand, without a canopy, 
and wrapping himself up in a large sheet, bade the 
driver carry him across the line of the enemy's 
troops, as if he were carrying a lady, till he could 
find his way to Zulficar-khan. This bold step 
succeeded, and Jehandar-shah joined his general, 
just as cries of victory were filling the air in the 


enemy's lines. Zulficar-khan amazed to see Je- 
handar-shah in such a plight, became anxious to 
retrieve the fate of the day. He called aloud to a 
body of choice musketeers long attached to his 
person, and throwing handfuls of gold amongst 
them, told them how they could now render him 
an important service. " There you see," said he, 
" Jehan-shah surrounded by multitudes of officers 
and soldiers, who are presenting him with offerings 
in compliment of his victory. Let some of you 
mix with that crowd, and whilst he is talking to 
the people about him, and receiving congratula- 
tions, fire upon him." The infantry literally obeyed 
their instructions, and discharging their matchlocks 
at the same instant, he fell covered with wounds ; 
and this event gave an unlooked-for victory to 
their master. Jehandar-shah so unexpectedly vic- 
torious, no sooner heard of his good fortune than 
he retired with his mistress to his quarters, where 
he spent the night in revelry ; whilst the troops, 
fatigued by the exertions of the day, laid down to 
sleep on the field of battle. 

The next morning at day-break, the prince Refi- 
al-cadr sent the principal eunuch of his seraglio to 
compliment Jehandar-shah on his victory ; but the 
victor, who had passed the whole night in drink- 
ing, was now fast asleep, and there was no awaken- 
ing him. The king's servants, hearing of the mes- 


sage which the prince's eunuch had brought, fell 
a laughing, saying that his master having seen 
what had befallen Azira-ush-shan and Jehan-shah, 
had better beware of his own conduct. The in- 
telligence of the state of the court acted on Refi- 
al-cadr as if he had awoke from a dream. He 
ordered the great kettle-drum to be beaten, and 
instantly placed himself at the head of his troops. 
This movement having put Zulficar-khan upon his 
guard, he ranged the army in battle-array, and 
sent a trusty eunuch, with orders to cause Jehandar- 
shah to be mounted by any means whatsoever upon 
an imperial elephant. Jehandar-shah was immersed 
in intoxication, himself bare-headed, with his 
clothes in the utmost disorder, and with hardly any 
knowledge of what w^as going on around him. In 
that condition he was seated upon his elephant 
and brought to the field of battle, while Zulficar- 
khan marched to oppose Refi-al-cadr. This prince 
advanced at full gallop, and charged the troops of 
his rival with heroic valour, that deserved a better 
fate. He penetrated through the thickest of his 
foes, and fell covered with wounds. The few 
troops he had about his person were almost all 
slain, and himself being wounded, and left nearly 
alone, he took up his sabre and buckler, alighted 
from his elephant, and after having performed pro- 
digies of valour, he undauntedly drank of the bitter 
draught presented him by death. 


This victory having placed Jehandar-shah in 
undisputed possession of the crown, he sent notice 
of his accession throughout all the provinces. 
Moving at the same time from Lahore, he marched 
to Shah-jehan-abad, w^here he made his entry with 
all the pomp of an hereditary monarch, and with i4jumad- 
the pride of a conqueror, on Monday the fourteenth ArH^Tr24. 
of the month Jumad-el-awel, of the year 1124, ^^1/77^12 
about three hours before sun-set. On his passage 
through Bidly he was received by Mahomed Yar- 
khan, governor of the province, who went out on 
purpose to pay his homage to the emperor as he 
passed by on his elephant. Four days after Mon- 
day, the sun being then in the meridian, the em- 
peror made his entry into the citadel of Dehli, and 
took possession of the imperial palace. The new 
sovereign being now firmly seated on his throne, 
confirmed Assed-khan in the high dignity of Vakil- 
i-Mutlak, or lieutenant of the empire, and Zulficar- 
khan, his son, in that of vezir. Sultan Kerim-ed- 
din, the eldest son of Azim-ush-shan, was seized at 
Lahore through the agency of Hedaiet-kesh-khan, 
and being brought to the emperor's presence suffered 
death, as well as all the other princes of the blood, 
sons of the princes Mahomed Aazim, or of Mahomed 
Cambakhsh: these were Ali-tebar, sonof Azem-shah, 
and Firozmend,the two sons of Cambakhsh, besides 
a third son, whose name is not certainly known. 


The king's foster-brother, Cocaltash-khan, was 
promoted to the highest offices, and his name was 
changed to that of Khan-jehan-bahadur. The king's 
mistress, Lal-koor, received the title of Imtiaz-me- 
hel-begum (the most accomplished of ladies), and 
was distinguished with the privilege of riding close 
to her sovereign on an elephant covered by a canopy, 
an honour reserved for princes of the royal blood. 
The king's foster-brother was eventually raised to 
the office of Amir-ul-omrah, which was now the 
third dignity in the empire, and he obtained every 
day some addition to his influence and emoluments. 
The king's partiality for Lal-koor was boundless ; he 
seemed solely intent on pleasing her. Her brother 
Khoshal was made a commander of seven thousand 
horse, and her uncle Niamet-khan received the 
command of five thousand ; not content with this 
he intended to dispossess an illustrious nobleman of 
the viceroyalty of Acberabad, in order to bestow 
it on Khoshal-khan, but here the emperor's partia- 
lity met vnth an unexpected check. The vezir on 
casting his eyes over the patent, refused to affix 
the seals unless he also brought the fees of office, 
which, in derision of the new governor's former 
occupation, he fixed at five thousand guitars and 
seven thousand timbrels. Khoshal-khan stung to 
the quick by so severe a sarcasm, imparted his 
resentment to his sister, whose influence over the 


emperor's mind was unbounded. Jehandar-shah, 
who owed the deepest obligations to the vezir, 
commanded his attendance, and in a mild tone of 
voice recommended Khoshal-khan's affair to him, 
adding, that the strange kind of fees he had de- 
manded was doubtless by way of joke. *' No joke 
at all," answered the minister, in a serious tone. 
" There is no pleasantry in the matter, please your 
majesty, I was in earnest: for, as the nobility, 
your servants, are from father to son in the habit 
of serving the crown in vice-royalties, govern- 
ments, and such other employments, so has it been 
the custom of your imperial ancestors to amuse 
themselves with dancers and singers, whose merits 
it was usual to reward by pensions and bounties ; 
but as soon as these last shall aspire to military 
dignities and governments, and shall commence 
to take possession of them, there will remain no 
other alternative for your nobility, but that of be- 
taking themselves to the profession just forsaken 
by the dancers and singers : for they must after 
all live as well as these. When, therefore, I asked 
from this gentleman so many thousand guitars, 
with as many timbrels, it was with a view to dis- 
tribute them to your majesty's dispossessed gover- 
nors and generals, who certainly have a right to 
earn their bread as well as others." This answer 
caused the emperor to hang his head, but he 


said not a word. The new viceroy lost his pro- 

Lal-koor, when yet a common dancer, had been 
so intimately connected with Zahra, a woman who 
^ sold greens about the streets, that she had adopted 
her as her dogana.* This woman now shared a 
portion of the sweets of her friend's elevation. 
This intimacy brought her so near the throne that 
she became the channel of favour, by which she 
was enabled to appear in the streets with a re- 
tinue equal to that of the first noble of the land. 
She rode upon an elephant magnificently capa- 
risoned ; and whenever she went to see her 
old friend Lal-koor, she rode through the citadel 
quite up to the apartment of the royal ladies, a 
privilege enjoyed only by wives of princes, or prin- 
cesses of the blood. Her people too, in imitation 
of their mistress, became insolent and overbearing; 
so that whenever she went to the palace, they used 
to insult old women and other inoffensive people 
they met in the streets. There was then in the 
capital a son of the celebrated noble Ghazi-ed-din- 
khan, whose original name was Chin-khalich-khan. 
He had been commander-in-chief under Aureng- 
zib, and had enjoyed the highest confidence of 
that discerning monarch. This general, after his 

• The wives of the same husband call each other dogana, 
literally duplicate or double. 


sovereign's decease, had abstained from coming to 
court ; he lived retired, vi^as seldom seen abroad, 
and then only for the purpose of paying a visit to 
some man renowned for his piety or his learning. 
Unluckily one day, as he was passing along with 
his retinue, he was met by that woman Zahra's equi- 
page, whose followers were full as numerous, but 
much more insolent. In conformity with the com- 
plexion of the times, the general made a sign to 
his people to step aside, and leave the street free, 
so that the lady might not be stopped. But her 
people threw out a number of sarcasms at the 
general's servants, whom their master was at the 
pains of keeping under control . When Zahra came 
up, she asked whose retinue it was, and what was 
their master's name? On being answered, she 
put her head out from behind the curtain, and 
called out, *' Thou, Chin-khalich-khan, must 
surely be the son of some blind father, not to move 
out of the road." These words unhinged the gene- 
.ral's temper, who made a sign to his people, which 
they interpreted to be an order to chastise that in- 
solent woman's servants. Hardly was the signal 
given, when those old soldiers fell upon Zahra's 
retinue, and after having handled them severely, 
they dragged Zahra herself from her elephant to 
the ground, and gave her several cuffs and kicks. 
This was over in an instant ; but it was enough to 

VOL. I. E 


make the general recollect in how much danger he 
had involved himself, and how critical was his 
situation. Struck with this conviction, he turned 
to the right, and for the first time in his life went 
to pay a visit to Zulficar-khan. The vezir ex- 
pressed his surprize, and wished to know what 
were his commands, and to what he owed the 
honour of so unexpected a visit. The general gave 
him a faithful account of what had happened. The 
vezir not only condoled with him, but applauded 
his conduct. As soon as he was gone, the minis- 
ter wrote this short note to the emperor : ** The 
honour of any one of the nobility belongs to them 
all, and that of your devoted slave is identified 
with Chin-khalich-khan." It was high time that 
such a note should arrive, for by this time Zahra 
had got within the precincts of the palace, but 
without advancing farther than the gate, when she 
threw ashes upon her head, and rolled in the dust. 
Lal-koor, who thought herselfinvolved in the affair, 
worked upon the emperor's mind to induce him to 
commit some act of severity, and God knows what 
might have been the result, when the note was put 
into his hand. 

This affair happened at the very time when 
Lal-koor's worthy brother, unable to restrain him- 
self in his sudden elevation, was guilty of all sorts 
of excesses. This upstart, having chanced to see 


a beautiful woman, married to a gentleman who 
lived in the vezir's neighbourhood, fell desperately 
in love with her, and as entreaties and presents 
proved of no avail, he attempted to obtain posses- 
sion of her person by force. The husband screamed, 
and ran to Zulficar-khan. This minister, who was 
naturally a lover of justice, and a man of decision, 
was shocked at the atrocity.* In the agitation of 
the moment, he sent people with orders to bring 
the guilty Khoshal-khan, dead or alive. The order 
was executed with much severity : he was dragged 
to the vezir's apartment, who, so soon as he saw 
him, ordered him to be put to the bastinado, so 
that he was left for dead. He was afterwards sent 
prisoner to the castle of Selimgur, and his whole 
property was directed to be confiscated to the ex- 

This conduct on the part of the vezir displeased 
the emperor so much, that the cordiality existing be- 
tween him and his minister was much shaken, but 
as the king remembered that he owed his very life 
and crown to that nobleman's conduct, he was in- 
duced, from a sense of his value, to bear with him 
for the present, especially as the news from the 
East now engrossed his attention, 

Bengal, the most eastern province of the empire, 

* The aristocracy of Dehli must, indeed, have been sadly 
shocked at so gross an act of indelicacy. 

E 2 


and the only one which was entirely under the 
management of the Khalsa, or exchequer-office, 
produced the greatest revenue to the crown, and 
the office of divan, or superintendant of revenue of 
that province, was one of the most important offices 
in the empire. It was at this time filled by Jafer- 
khan, who had been appointed in the reign of 
Aurengzib. At the same time a prince of the blood, 
Azim-ush-shan, was governor of the province and 
commander-in-chief of the forces, possessing autho- 
rity to make war or peace without waiting for 
orders from court. This prince enjoyed, besides, 
an absolute command over the neighbouring pro- 
vinces of Orissa, Behar, and Ilahabad. To lighten 
the burthen of so weighty a charge, and in order 
to reward two noblemen who had rendered services 
of importance, Aurengzib bestowed the government 
of Behar, whose capital was Azimabad Patna, 
on Hussein Ali-khan, and that of Ilahabad on his 
elder brother, Abdullah-khan. At the same time, 
he entrusted Jafer-khan with the military govern- 
ment of Bengal and Orissa, of which he w£is 
already divan, or superintendant of finance. On 
the demise of Aurengzib, the prince Azim-ush- 
shan marched to the assistance of his father, 
Bahadur-shah, and left his son, Ferokh-siar, with 
some of the ladies of the seraglio at Acbernagar, 
commonly called Rajmahal, a place situated on 


the banks of the Ganges, where Sultan Shujah, 
the brother of Aurengzib, had built a noble palace. 
Azim-ush-shan left likewise, under the care of 
some persons of distinction, personally attached to 
him, his treasures, and such of his effects, which 
he did not think proper to take with him. The 
young prince, Ferokh-siar, remained there during 
the whole reign of his grandfather, Bahadur-shah. 
Matters remained in that state until fortune having 
put an end to Azim-ush-shan's life, in the manner 
we have related, Moiz-ed-din Jehandar-shah as- 
cended the throne. One of his first cares was to 
dispatch an order to Jafer-khan, viceroy of Bengal, 
to send the prince Ferokh-siar prisoner to court. 
This order embarrassed the Khan, who felt him- 
self under great obligations to the prince's father. 
He sent, therefore, a trusty person to wait on 
him, advising him to provide for his safety by 
flight. The prince, who reckoned on the gratitude 
of Hussein Ali-khan, set out from Rajmahal with 
his family, and arrived at Azimabad Patna in great 
dejection of mind, and uncertain how to act. In- 
stead of entering the city, he took his abode in a 
caravansera, near a spot close to the water-side, 
called Jafer-khan's garden, which touches the 
eastern extremities of the walls. From thence he 
sent a message to Hussein Ali-khan the governor, 
in which he expressed himself like one in the 


utmost despair. The governor, who did not think 
himself strong enough to espouse Ferokh-siar's 
cause, declined at first to have any concern with 
him ; he even answered, that the orders he had 
received from court required of him a very diffe- 
rent line of conduct : that out of respect for the 
memory of the prince's father, he could not bear 
the thought of seizing his person as he was com- 
manded to do, but that he recommended him by 
all means to retire out of the province, and afford 
the governor some excuse by which he might escape 
the calumny of a jealous court, and the suspicions 
of the emperor. This circumstance is, however, 
related in a different manner in a memoir that ap- 
peared after Ferokh-siar ascended the throne. 
According to that narrative, Ahmed-beg Koosa, a 
man who subsequently cut a great figure in that 
province, having taken an active part in this affair, 
prevailed upon the governor to pay at least one 
visit to the fugitive prince, who received him in 
such a manner as had never been practised by any 
prince towards a subject, or by any master to a 
servant. He was all humility and submission ; 
he stood when the governor entered, and made 
him sit in his presence. After such a reception, 
he represented how friendless, hopeless, and disr 
tressed was his condition, and how fearful he was 
lest he should meet at court with a fate similar to 


that of his brother Kerim-ed-din. He added, that 
unless ha found some protection or assistance, he 
had nothing to hope for his safety, or for his life. 
He had hardly done speaking, when the ladies of 
his family, whom he had stationed on purpose be- 
hind a veil or curtain, began weeping aloud, and 
the prince's youngest daughter, Maleka-zemany, 
came from behind the curtain, and seating herself 
on the governor's lap, repeated to admiration the 
part she had been taught. In a soothing tone of 
voice she entreated him to take pity on a forlorn 
family, and to lend his assistance to her father, at 
the same time she paid him some compliments, 
and added these very words, that have been pre- 
served by the author of the memoir : " It is true 
you are of the race of God's messenger, and you 
descend in a direct line from the holy Ali ; more- 
over, you enjoy all the advantages which power 
and a high character can confer, but yet it cannot 
be denied that it is to Azim-ush-shan's favour that 
you owe your present station. If, then, you make 
use of this power in aid of my father, and render 
him those services which may be expected from 
your illustrious birth and your high character, you 
will prove yourself worthy of the distinctions of 
my grandfather Aurengzib. Whatever be our 
destiny, beware of what the world shall say of 
you." The princess had hardly done speaking. 


when several attendants, who remained behind the 
curtain, joined their entreaties to hers, and, from 
sobs and tears, they proceeded to screams and 
lamentations. At this moment Ferokh-siar, who, 
on the governor's introduction, had dressed him 
in one of his own robes, and had made him sit 
down, now rose from his seat and advanced to fasten 
his own sabre on the governor's side. The latter, 
overcome by such unexpected condescension, said, 
** that what he had hitherto done was nothing more 
than what became him as a faithful subject, how- 
ever uncourtly it might appear. I have (said he) 
nothing but my life to offer, and this I dedicate to 
your service ; and now that 1 have put on this 
sabre, I have devoted it, as well as my fortune, to 
your welfare. Command me then, that I may do 
as I am bid. Now is the time, — raise troops, and 
prepare every thing for pushing on the war. As- 
cend the throne at once, and without allowing the 
enemy time to look about him, let us follow our 

Ferokh-siar's behaviour produced this great 
effect. Hussein Ali-khan now required that every 
one of his followers should pay homage to the 
prince, and make a tender of his life and fortune. 
A proclamation to this purpose was issued through- 
out the province. This brought together a great 
concourse of people. Several astrologers, fortune- 


tellers, and men of learning now approached the 
prince, and he himself being exceedingly credulous 
and ignorant, was for ever consulting them as to 
what might be the fate of his expedition. This 
behaviour put it in their power to feed him with 
favourable predictions, and with hopes suited to 
their own purposes. In these predictions some 
were in earnest, and some meaned no more than 
to obtain money for themselves, as several of them 
did as soon as Ferokh-siar ascended the throne, 
and had it in his power to bestow pensions upon 

Whilst the prince was employed in listening to 
these soothsayers, Hussein Ali-khan was taking 
every measure that could promote his object ; and 
with that view he wrote to his elder brother Abdul- 
lah-khan, viceroy of Ilahabad, to give him notice 
of what had happened, and to entreat his concur- 
rence. Abdullah-khan, amazed at the intelligence, 
animadverted severely on the precipitancy of his 
brother's conduct. He adverted on the impro- 
priety of a step which involved in its consequence 
the fate of their consorts, children, and families, 
which being at Shah-jehan-abad must suffer from 
the resentment of the emperor when he saw his 
throne attacked. To this reproof Hussein Ali-khan 
answered, that for his own part, he had taken his 
line, happen what would, and could not retrace his 


steps ; but that his elder brother might if he chose 
adhere to the emperor. In the sequel Abdullah- 
khan himself, carried away by his brother's entrea- 
ties and example, wrote to his younger brother that, 
since what had happened could not be recalled, it 
became them both to make the best of it, now that 
they were embarked in the undertaking. He said, 
"Make haste to join me, as my proximity to the 
capital renders me more liable to become an object 
of resentment. Let us unite, and have but one 
cause." This is what I find in the memoir before 
alluded to ; but there is another account, which is 
as follows. 

Bahadur-shah having appointed Az-ud-dowla, 
a nobleman of high rank, to the government of 
Bengal, commanded Ferokh-siar's attendance at 
court. The latter, being apprehensive of a fate 
similar to that which his two brothers, Kerim-ed- 
din and Humayun, had suffered, did not chuse to 
trust himself near the emperor, and had protracted 
the time by contriving a variety of delays. On 
arriving at Azimabad Patna, and unwilling to pro- 
ceed farther, he, under pretence of his wife being 
near her time of confinement, found means to pro- 
long his stay, and wrote to court accordingly. 
During his sojourn there, some astrologers, fortune- 
tellers, and others, men who wanted only to pro- 
vide for themselves, prevailed on Hekim-messih, 


the prince's physician, to instil into his mind 
notions of ascending the throne as the only means 
of providing for his own safety. While these people 
were working on his weak mind, there appeared 
suddenly at Azimabad Patna, one Mahomed-reza, 
better known under the name of Raiet-khan, who 
being one of those officers that had fled from Baha- 
dur-shah's resentment, was seeking to repair his 
fortune by producing a forged order for taking pos- 
session of Rhotas, a strong fortress south of Azim- 
abad. He actually found means to effect his pur- 
pose, and after laying in a stock of provision, cal- 
culated on keeping possession. He had even the 
audacity to write to the emperor and inform him 
that his soldier had, through the negligence of the 
governor, found means to get possession of such a 
good post. This intelligence was likewise con- 
firmed by the news-writers of those parts, and by 
the crown intelligencers. On this information there 
came an order from the emperor, supported by a 
letter of Azim-ush-shan's, enjoining prince Ferokh- 
siar to chastise the rebel. But, as it was not an 
easy matter to gain admittance in the fortress, one 
of the prince's officers, called Dilachin-beg, a Cal- 
muc by birth, who had once displeased the prince 
and had been forbidden the court, found means to 
send him a message by one of the courtiers to this 
effect. " I propose," said he, *'that the prince shall 


give out that he has received orders to confirm the 
rebel in his post, and beg that I may be deputed to 
carry to him the robe of investiture. Let the prince 
therefore try my abilities in this undertaking, which 
I hope may recommend me to his notice ; but in 
case I perish in the attempt, I hope it will entitle 
my family and children to a subsistence for their 

This project having been approved, the officers 
of the government published a false account of the 
imperial orders, and the prince having sent for the 
Calmuc, put into his hands the khilat, standard, 
and patent of investiture, and dispatched him with 
due honours. Dilachin-beg thus provided, put 
himself at the head of a numerous retinue, and 
arrived at the foot of the mountain on which Rhotas 
is situated, and from thence he sent notice of his 
purpose to Raiet-khan, who being upon his guard 
and extremely suspicious, would admit only the 
envoy and two more persons. The Calmuc went 
up with only one attendant, and whilst the gover- 
nor, into whose hands the standard had been deli- 
vered, was intent on reading the patent, he stabbed 
him with his poignard, and repeated the strokes 
until the governor fell down dead. The Calmuc 
with his companion were both wounded in the 
scuffle. At sight of this, the officers of the garri- 
son arose upon the impostor's followers, killed 


some, wounded others, confined the rest, and put- 
ting the dead man's head into the Calmuc's hands, 
they sent him to Ferokh-siar, who loaded him with 
favours. This event happened just at the time 
when intelligence of Bahadur-shah's demise was 
received, and when Hussein Ali-khan was gone on 
an expedition in order to quiet some distant parts 
of his government. 

This period of suspense was seized by Ferokh- 
siar, and before intelligence could arrive of any of 
the deceased emperor's children having ascended 
the throne, he caused the public prayers at the 
mosques to be read in the name of his father 
Azim-ush-shan. Having reflected on the impor- 
tance of this proceeding, and dreading the conse- 
quences of his precipitancy, he sent a message to 
Hussein Ali-khan, the governor of the province, 
justifying his conduct, and at the same time desir- 
ing his attendance. Some days after, the governor 
returned to Azimabad Patna ; but as he did not 
seem disposed to form any connection with Ferokh- 
siar, he was visited by the prince's mother, who 
conciliated him by promising to place at his dis- 
posal all the affairs of the empire ; and after put- 
ting into his hands her own Coran, which she had 
brought for the purpose, she swore by it that he 
should never repent of the union. This interview 
calmed the governor's apprehension, and entirely 


gained his heart ; when news came of Azim-ush- 
shan's death, and of the accession of Jehandar- 
shah to the throne. By this time, Hussein Ali- 
khan had engaged himself so deeply with Ferokh- 
siar, that he could not withdraw with any safety ; 
and he thought it better boldly to push on. He 
therefore ordered public prayers to be read in the 
mosques for Ferokh-siar, coined money in his 
name, and displayed the standard of open war 
against Jehandar-shah. Ferokh-siar, in return, 
made it a point to cement his union with Hussein 
Ali-khan, and to add every day to his influence and 

The latter now assembled the bankers and prin- 
cipal men of the city of Patna, and having bor- 
rowed from them large sums of money, according 
to their circumstances, gave them bonds signed by 
the prince, made payable on his having subdued 
his enemies. By this means he was enabled to 
assemble a considerable army ; and on an auspi- 
cious day he set out on his expedition, carrying 
the prince at the head of his troops. At the same 
time, he appointed Seid Gheiret-khan, his sister's 
son, lieutenant-general in the province of Behar,; 
and knowing that the tribute of Bengal was on its 
way to Ilahabad, he wrote to his brother Abdullah- 
khan, to seize and reserve it entirely for the prince's 
use, unless he wanted some small part of it for his 


own necessities. This treasure was under charge 
of Shujah-khan, son-in-law of Jafer-khan, viceroy 
of Bengal. Abdullah-khan no sooner received the 
prince's order than he secured and converted part 
of it to the payment of his troops, and kept the 
remainder for his brother's use. He also prepared 
the artillery of the citadel and province for the 
field, and selected a number of pieces to compose 
his own train. Whilst thus engaged in pushing 
his preparatives with vigour, Jehandar-shah, in- 
formed of his rebellion, conferred the government 
of Behar on raja Mahomed-khan, whose lieutenant 
Seid Abd-ul-ghafFer-khan, a man of character, had 
orders to attack Abdullah-khan, for which purpose 
he had been supplied with twelve thousand cavalry 
and a quantity of artillery. Abdullah-khan, who 
had been all this while expecting his brother and 
the prince, confounded at their non-appearance, 
and conceiving his small force to be no match for 
the imperial troops, shut himself up within his 
citadel, after having sent one-half of the garrison 
to harass the imperialists on the march. The 
troops of Abdullah-khan, which hardly amounted 
to seven thousand men, cavalry and infantry, were 
under the command of his three younger brothers 
Nur-eddin Ali-khan, Nejm-eddin Ali-khan, and 
Seif-eddin Ali-khan, to whom he attached his own 
general Bakhshy Abd-ul-mohsen-khan, a native of 


Bijapoor in the Deckan. Seid Abd-ul-ghafFer, who 
had as high an opinion of himself as he had a con- 
temptible one of those three young men, turned 
their rear, and pushing on the citadel of Ilahabad, 
besieged it in form, after having sent word to the 
governor that he had left his nephews in the rear, 
because he had no inclination to play with chil- 
dren. This sarcasm, which was faithfully reported 
to those young men, quickened their zeal, and they 
fell upon his reserve ; but their troops, which, be- 
sides being all new levies, were greatly inferior in 
number to the enemy, fell into confusion, and lost 
ground every moment. This was no sooner per- 
ceived by the three young men than they resolved 
not to survive a defeat. They joined a body of Seids 
of Barhar, who were personally attached to them, 
and performed exploits worthy of being recorded in 
history. Fortune seemed now to favour the young 
heroes : one of those violent winds common at that 
season of the year arose, and blew such clouds of 
dust and sand into the face of the enemy as nearly 
blinded them. Unable to resist its violence, and 
still less to distinguish friends from enemies, the 
imperialists fell into confusion, and became inca- 
pable of listening to orders, or of keeping their 
ranks. This being perceived by the young war- 
riors, they redoubled their efforts, slew Abd-ul- 
ghaffer's brother, and pushed on with fury. As 


soon as it was known in the enemy's line that their 
general was slain, a panic seized those that before 
stood their ground, who now fell back and re- 
treated, and the imperialists sustained a total 
defeat. This victory could not fail to raise the 
spirits of Ferokh-siar's party; but it affected 
Abdullah-khan in a very different manner, for his 
younger brother Nur-eddin Ali had lost his life in 
the battle. 

Abdullah-khan caused the military music to 
strike up, but was unable to conceal his grief upon 
the occasion of his brother's death. The loss of 
this battle having given the emperor some doubt as 
to the event of the war, he thought proper to try 
what could be effected by intrigue. With that 
view he sent a dress of honour to Abdullah-khan, 
applauded what he had done, and added a confir- 
mation of his government of Bengal and Behar. 
But it came too late ; for Ferokh-siar was already 
at Ilahabad with a numerous army, in which was 
included a number of generals of character — such 
as Sef-shiken-khan, Ahmed-khan Coca, Moiz-ed- 
din Koosa, since created Galeb-jeng, and Khwaja 
Hussein, afterwards Khan-dowran. The two Seid 
brothers, who were the soul of the army, having 
made choice of a favourable moment, invoked the 
souls of their pious and brave ancestors, and de- 
parted full of spirit on an expedition that had 

VOL. I. F 


already begun so successfully. This intelligence 
having been conveyed to the emperor, he resolved 
to send his son Eiz-ed-din at the head of a powerful 
army to oppose Ferokh-siar on his march. But, in 
fact, the young prince Eiz-ed-din was under the 
tutelage of Khwaja Ahsen-khan, brother to Cocal- 
tash-khan. This nobleman, who held the rank of 
a commander of five thousand horse, was now 
raised to the command of seven thousand; and 
the whole conduct of the expedition and the safety 
of the prince's father was confided to him. After 
his departure, the emperor despatched Chin- 
khalich-khan with orders to reinforce him. The 
prince having advanced as far as Kedjwa, near the 
Ganges, heard that the two brothers were in full 
march towards him. This piece of intelligence 
stopped him short, and although vastly superior in 
numbers (for he had above fifty thousand^horse, 
besides artillery), he did not think himself a match 
for the enemy, and thought it requisite to en- 
trench himself. 

Abdullah -khan approached and cannonaded the 
imperial camp. The prince could contain himself 
no longer for fear ; and he and his general having 
loaded themselves with as much gold and jewels as 
they could take, fled together in the beginning of 
the night, leaving their artillery, baggage-carts, 
and military chest, in the hands of the enemy. The 


army was soon informed of the absence of their 
prince and general-in-chief. The officers in the 
camp disagreed, and could come to no resolution 
amongst themselves as to what should be done, but 
they passed the time in disputes. On the evening 
the enemy got intelligence of the state of affairs, 
and rushing into the imperial camp, plundered it 
so effectually, that numbers of people enriched 
themselves for the remainder of their lives ; not- 
withstanding which there remained a vast deal of 
treasure, which together with the artillery was 
seized for Ferokh-siar's use. This prince tarried a 
few days to give rest to his army, whilst Eiz-ed- 
din in his flight towards Acberabad met the corps 
commanded by Chin-khalich-khan. This general, 
shocked at so flagitious a proceeding, made use of 
force to stop the prince, who wanted to fly farther, 
but he detained him in his camp until he should 
receive orders from court. Such a shameful defeat 
very nearly blasted all the emperor's hopes, who 
trusting now to no one, resolved to march in person 
against so successful a rival ; and on Tuesday the 
twelfth Zilcad in the year 1 124, he left his capital l^H^nlt 
with an army of seventy thousand horse, besides a ^ November, 

^ "^ ' AD. 1712. 

numerous body of infantry, and a train of heavy 
artillery. Zulficar-khan commanded this mighty 
host, under whom were the famous Cocal-tash- 
khan, with several generals and officers all re- 

F 2 


nowned for their achievements. Such were Aazem- 
khan, Jany-khan, and Mahomed-khan, besides 
other Turany and Irany nobles. On his march he 
was joined by Ser-belend-khan and by Fojdar-khan 
of Corrah, who, taking possession of the money he 
had been receiving there on his master Ferokh-. 
siar's account, deserted to Jehandar-shah, to whom 
that small service rendered him so dear, that he 
immediately gave him the government of Guzerat. 
On the other hand, Chebilram, the new Fojdar of 
Corrah, and Ali Asgar-khan, son of Kar-teleb-khan, 
Fojdar of Atava, went over to Ferokh-siar. But 
by this time the emperor having arrived at Simogur, 
a town in the neighbourhood of Acberabad, found 
himself opposed to the enemy, who was separated 
from him only by the river Jumna. The sight of 
the enemy occasioned transports of joy to the two 
Seids and throughout Ferokh-siar's camp, whereas 
it created dismay in the emperor's court. The 
reason is plain : unanimity reigned in the former, 
whereas by his flagitious behaviour Jehandar-shah 
had alienated the hearts of most of the members of 
his court. Almost all the Turanies had promised 
by letters and messages, that they would join 
Ferokh-siar, Abdul-semed-khan alone excepted ; 
nevertheless there was so visible a superiority of 
force on the emperor's side, that it was generally 
believed that his rival would have no chance against 


him. Unluckily, however, such differences pre- 
vailed between Zulficar-khan and Cocal-tash khan, 
as gave rise to a mutual and inveterate aversion, 
so that nothing went on well in the emperor's 
camp, for Cocaltash-khan, who enjoyed the empe- 
ror's confidence, was a man incapable either of 
giving or of receiving advice. In this state of 
affairs, orders were issued to cross the Jumna for 
attacking the enemy, and the two favourites agree- 
ing in nothing but in their mutual jealousy and in 
giving opposite council, the emperor was actually 
incapable of deciding for himself. Desperately 
attached to his mistress Lal-koor, he had of late 
fallen into a delirious kind of melancholy that ren- 
dered him totally incapable of conducting all pub- 
lic business. 

Such a state of things could not be concealed 
from the enemy, and in fact, Abdullah-khan having 
received information of a ford which was situated 
eight miles above the enemy's camp, crossed in the 
night, and marched on without stopping as far as 
Kuchbehary, a village beyond Acberabad on the 
high road to Dehli ; where some time after he was 
joined by Ferokh-siar himself. In order to deceive 
the enemy and to perplex his movements, Hus- 
sein Ali-khan with a corps de reserve remained 
where he was over against the enemy's camp, and 
did not cross the river on that day, but waited till 


his motions could be effectually concealed by the 
darkness of the night. He had with him Chebilram 
Nagar, a Hindu of high character. Ferokh-siar's 
army making its appearance at day-break on the 
rear of the imperialists, it became necessary to 
change front, and to marshal the troops anew, so 
as to bring the artillery to the front, which could 
not be done without confusion. It was on the 
14 ziihaj, fourteenth of Zilhaj of the same year, that the two 

A.H.1124. . ^ , *' . , -^ , r . 1 

28 December,^'''^i6s advanced agamst each other. Jehandar- 
shah took post in the centre, surrounded by a bril- 
liant retinue, and by several regiments of choice 
troops, with a train of artillery in front. Zulficar- 
khan, by whom he seemed to be governed in what- 
ever related to war and politics, placed himself with 
a body of old troops and a quantity of artillery, 
together with the imperial music, in front of the 
emperor. Cocal-tash-khan, Jany-khan, Aazem-khan, 
and other chiefs, took post on the right wing, and 
the Turany nobles, such as Mahomed Amin-khauy 
Abdul Semed-khan, and Chin-khalich-khan, com- 
manded on the right. Raja Mahomed-khan, with 
Hafiz-ullah-khan, and some other generals with 
their corps acted as light troops. Reza Kuly-khan 
commanded the artillery. 

On the opposite side Ferokh-siar, in compliance 
with custom, placed himself in the centre of his 
troops, seated upon a lofty elephant, having Abd- 


ullah-khan before him, who with many other 
commanders were opposed to Zulficar-khan, while 
Khan-zeman and Ali Asgar with Chebilram Na- 
gar, were opposed to Cocal-tash-khan. The action 
was begun by Abdullah-khan, who advanced first 
against the Turany troops, and then inclining to- 
wards the artillery, pushed past it, and closed on 
the enemy's centre where was Jehandar-shah in 
person, Hussein Ali-khan (supported by Fateh Ali- 
khan, commander of Ferokh-siar's artillery, and by 
Zein-ed-din Ahmed-khan, son of Bahadur-khan 
Rohilla, as well as by the two illustrious brothers, 
Mir Ashref and Mir Mushref), directed his attack 
against Zulficar-khan. This attack was steadily 
received by the imperialists, and Ferokh-siar's 
troops fell into confusion. They were slain in 
heaps, and his bravest officers as well as his oldest 
soldiers mowed down in his presence, covered the 
field of battle with their bodies. Hussein Ali-khan, 
seeing how his best troops had suffered, closed at 
once according to the custom of good troops in 
Hindostan, and jumping down from his elephant, 
he headed his men and engaged hand to hand. 
A number of brave soldiers who followed per- 
formed prodigies of valour. 

At length, Hussein Ali-khan having received 
several wounds, fell senseless on the ground and 
was trampled under foot. His brother Abdullah- 


khan had no better fortune in attacking the Tuva- 
nies ; he was received by clouds of arrows, which 
threw his troops into confusion, and caused them 
to separate into several bodies, each of which was 
opposed to a body of the enemy. Abdullah-khan, 
while thus exerting himself in the hottest part of 
the engagement, was carried away by the crowd 
without knowing whither, until he found himself 
amongst a body of about three hundred of his 
own troopers parted from the standard-bearing 
elephant, and at a distance from the main body 
of his division. It was at this moment he saw 
himself singled out by one of the enemy's gene- 
rals, who proved to be the same Seid Abdul- 
ghafFar who had sustained so shameful a defeat 
at Ilahabad. He proclaimed aloud who he was, 
and discharged an arrow at Abdullah-khan ; the 
latter was as quick as he, and lodged an arrow in 
his enemy's breast. The general finding himself 
dangerously wounded, quitted the field and retired 
to a distance. Luckily for Abdullah-khan, he was 
joined at this critical moment by a considerable 
body of his troops, with which he gained an emi- 
nence, from whence he no sooner descried Jehan- 
dar-shah in the midst of his guards than he charged 
up to him, opening his way with showers of ar- 
rows ; availing himself of the disorder into which 
the enemy was thrown, he penetrated as far as 


•the female elephants of the seraglio. The empe- 
ror was himself carried off by an elephant that be- 
came miruly, and unable to command his troops, 
he found himself in the midst of a number of war 
elephants, which having become furious were en- 
ffaarinof each other, and exhibited an awful scene. 
Lal-koor's female elephant taking fright turned 
about, and fled followed by multitudes of soldiers, 
who sought to get out of the reach of the enemy's 
arrows. This confused mass of men and elephants 
falling back upon two divisions that yet stood their 
ground, now threw their ranks into confusion, and 
bore them down. The emperor unable to make a 
stand and borne off upon an ungovernable elephant, 
was closely pursued by Abdul]ah-khan, whose 
troops now joined him from all sides. This gene- 
ral, without giving the enemy time to rally, carried 
every thing before him, and the imperial troops 
were flying on all sides. Cocal-tash-khan, who with 
his division made an effort to cover Jehandar-shah's 
retreat, was encountered by Khan-zeman and Che- 
bilram, who quitting the position assigned to them 
at the beginning of the action, drove Cocal-tash- 
than's troops before them, and he was wounded in se- 
veral places. Here was slain Reza Kuly-khan, com- 
mander of the imperial artillery ; as also Janykhan^ 
and Mokhtyar-khan. Aazem-khan, the brother of 
Cocal-tash-khan, though wounded, came up to the 


emperor, who finding matters past recovery, thought 
now of his mistress Lal-koor, and taking her with 
him, he retreated in the dusk of the evening to- 
wards Acberabad. Such was the state of things 
with the emperor ; but with Zulficar-khan they bore 
a very different aspect. This general, undismayed 
by the general discomfiture, had maintained his 
ground, and he even intended to renew the action as 
soon as he could bring either the emperor or his son 
Eiz-ed-din to shew themselves at the head of the 
troops, but all his endeavours to deserve them 
proved abortive, and several intelligent persons, 
who were prevailed on by dint of money and pro- 
mises to go in search, came back without getting 
any intelligence of them. All his efforts to recover 
the day and to drive the imperialists from the field 
failed, and the music of victory already filled the 
air from the enemy's army. On the other hand, 
officers of all ranks surrounded Ferokh-siar, and 
addressed him with their congratulations. This 
joy, however, was mingled with the uneasiness he 
felt on observing that Zulficar-khan, surrounded by 
a strong body of veterans and by some artillery, 
did not quit the field of battle. At last Ferokh- 
siar sent him this message : " He who pretended 
to the empire has relinquished the throne and fled : 
have you any pretensions yourself that you tarry 
so long after him ? if you have, it is another affair • 


but if you have not, and you are only desirous of 
having an emperor of the house of Aurengzib, what 
objections can you have to my being that prince, 
instead of Moiz-ed-din Jehandar-shah ?" This mes* 
sage informed Zulficar-khan that things were past 
remedy, he marched off therefore at the head of 
his troops in good order, maintaining, however, so 
respectable a front that no one ventured to follow 
him. The emperor meanwhile passed the night 
at Acberabad, where he shaved his beard like a 
Hindu, changed his apparel for a disguise, and 
taking his mistress Lal-koor with him, he fled by 
night towards the capital, having around his per- 
son a number of people of all sorts personally at- 
tached to him. On his arrival, instead of going 
to the citadel, he went to the palace of the old 
vezir, Assed-khan, who immediately seized and 
confined him. Hardly had he been secured when 
Zulficar-khan himself arrived. 

Abdullah-khan on seeing the field clear of ene- 
mies, ordered strict search to be made for his 
brother, who was at last found lying on the ground 
speechless and senseless. This fortunate disco- 
very was made by two of his attendants, one of 
whom remained by him, whilst the other went to 
give intelligence of the circumstance. Abdullah- 
khan was so overjoyed, that he took off all the 
jewels he had on his person, and presented them 


to the man who brought him the welcome news* 
Another account says, that on the servants dis- 
covering their master, they found him guarded by 
two officers at the head of a body of troops. These 
were Leshker Ali-khan and Mokhtyar-khan, who 
were personally attached to Hussein Ali-khan, 
A third account by Mahomed Hashem, the son of 
Khwaja Mir-khafi, a nobleman of distinction, who 
wrote the history of the family of Timur, states 
that Hussein Ali-khan having received several dan- 
gerous wounds, had fallen senseless on the ground, 
where he had been stripped stark-naked, and it 
was in that condition that his servants found him 
speechless, after a laborious search. On receiving 
some assistance, he recovered his senses so far as 
to hear with pleasure of the victory of his party ; 
nevertheless it was with much difficulty he was 
put in a palky and conveyed to his brother, who 
on seeing him so unexpectedly, prostrated himself 
on the ground and returned thanks to Providence 
for his safety. 

Zulficar-khan, on arriving at his father's palace, 
disapproved of the seizure of the emperor's person, 
and wanted to bring him again into the field to 
try a second time the fortune of war ; for, as he 
had been so instrumental in raising Jehandar-shah, 
and in destroying Azim-ush-shan, the father of 
Ferokh-siar, he apprehended nothing but severity 


from his son, and wanted to retire into the Deckan, 
a rich country, where his power was absolute, and 
where he thought himself capable of resisting the 
new emperor. His father interposing his parental 
authority, and adding entreaties and prayers, pre- 
vailed on his son to lay aside all thoughts of oppo- 
sition, and to submit quietly to the new prince 
— a fatal acquiescence, which so prudent a man 
would have never thought of, had he not been 
under the influence of a fatality that hurried to a 
termination Assed-khan's prosperity, and the ex- 
tinction of his family and the destruction of his 
beloved son. The old vezir, without any certainty 
of being well-received, and even at the imminent 
risk of his own life as well as that of his son, went 
to Ferokh-siar's court, trusting to the credit he 
had acquired in Aurengzib's family, and to the 
high regard constantly shewn him by both that 
prince and his successors. 

Ferokh-siar was yet on the field of battle, when 
he resolved to assume the crown instantly ; and 
on Thursday, being the fifteenth Zilhaj, in the year 15 zniiaj, 
1124, he ascended the throne at day-break, and uanuary, 
gave public audience. Immediately after his 
inauguration, Abdullah-khan introduced Chin- 
khalich-khan, Abdul-semed-khan, and Mahomed 
Amin-khan, with all the Turany nobles. These 
generals paid their homage to the new emperor. 

A.D. 1713. 


wished him long life and a prosperous reign, and 
were received with distinction and pardoned : at 
the same time Abdullah-khan, attended by Lutf- 
ullah-khan Sadik, and some other chiefs of dis- 
tinction, received orders to depart immediately for 
the capital, in order to compose the minds of the 
people, and to establish order and tranquillity 
throughout the country. He had likewise a com- 
mission to assume charge of the imperial palace 
and citadel, and chiefly of the princes of the blood 
confined therein. Ferokh-siar himself followed in 
14 Muharrem, a wcck after, and on the fourteenth of Muharrem 

A.H. 1125. 

30 January, ^c cucampcd closc to the Capital of Bara-palla, 
A.D. 1713. ^jjgj.g^ having sent for Abdullah-khan, he conferred 
on him the rank and command of seven thousand 
horse, bestowed upon him the title of Kutb-ul- 
mulk, and raised him to the dignity of vezir. His 
brother, Hussein Ali-khan, was honoured with the 
title of Ehtimam-el-mulk, and was raised to the 
rank and command of seven thousand horse, to 
which was superadded the dignity of Emir-ul- 
omrah, as well as the high office of commander- 
in-chief of the forces. Mahomed Amin-khan was 
made second in command, with the addition of a 
thousand horse to his actual command, and he re- 
ceived the title of Imad-ud-doulah. Chin-khalich- 
khan, who enjoyed already the command and rank 
of five thousand horse, was taised to that of seven. 


and being gratified with the title of Nizam-el- 
mulk, was invested with the vice-royalty of Deckan, 
in lieu of Daud-khan Peny, who acted as the lieu- 
tenant of Zulficar-khan. Daud-khan was trans- 
ferred from the government of the Deckan to that 
of Guzerat. Khwaja Hussein was honoured with 
the title of Semsam-ed-doula, and received the 
surname of Khan-dowran. He was promoted to 
the rank of seven thousand, and received the com- 
mand of six thousand horse. Ahmed-beg Coca, 
who had signalized himself by much activity, and 
had rendered important services, was honoured 
with titles, promoted to the rank of six thousand 
horse, with the command of five, and appointed 
third in command in the army. 

There was, however, one person who rose more 
suddenly than all others to the highest dignities, 
and whose elevation had so much influence over 
the politics of Ferokh-siar's reign. This was Kazy 
Abdullah, the chief judge of Dacca. He was 
known for having executed with success several 
commissions of consequence, and especially for 
having gained over the Turany chiefs, he being a 
Turany himself. Kazy Abdullah now appeared at 
court, where he was dignified with the high title 
of Amir-jumlah, and was created Khan-khanan ; 
he was also promoted to the command and rank of 
seven thousand horse, and acquired the utmost 


confidence of the new monarch. The latter seemed 
to have no ear but for him, and entrusted him with 
his private signet, although, ostensibly, he had no 
other office than that of judge of Dacca. Maho- 
med-jafer, the secretary of state, who already en- 
joyed several offices, now received the title of 
Takerrub-khan, and to his present duties was added 
that of lord high steward. Seif-khan, a relation of 
Abdullah-khan, was created master of the horse, 
and offices and governments were bestowed on that 
minister's two younger brothers, as well as on all 
those who anticipated promotion. Abdullah-khan, 
the new vezir, diligently applied himself to the 
duties of his office, in curbing the insolence which 
some chiefs had assumed during the confusion in- 
evitable in civil wars. Happy had it been for the 
emperor had he directed his mind to that object, 
instead of paving the way for his own ruin, by de- 
molishing most of the ancient families, and espe- 
cially that of the venerable Assed-khan, the late 
vezir, who was so universally respected. 

Assed-khan marched with his son to the impe- 
rial camp at Barapalla; where they no sooner 
arrived than they expressed a desire of paying 
their respects to the new emperor. This was pre- 
cisely the course which the new favourite, Amir- 
jumlah, desired. He was jealous of all the old 
nobility, and formed the project of putting down 


every one of them, in order to make room for his 
own friends. Against no one was his hatred more 
excessive than against Zulficar-khan, whose de- 
struction he sought. Amir-jumlah, however, could 
have effected but little, had Zulficar-khan only 
attended to the advice of Hussein Ali-khan, who 
had generously offered his aid, and had solemnly as- 
sured him that if he chose to be introduced through 
his mediation, not a hair of his head should be 
touched. This offer did not long remain secret, 
and Amir-jumlah, who perceived all the conse- 
quences of a union between Zulficar-khan and the 
Seids/^erted himself to oppose it. For this pur- 
pose he efh|^oyed the new lord high-steward Ta- 
kerrub-khan, who being a Mogul as well as Zul- 
ficar-khan, he thought he might have more influence 
with that chief. He was directed to persuade Zul- 
ficar-khan that the emperor was secretly dissatisfied 
with the excessive power assumed by the two Seid 
brothers; that to make his peace through their 
means would be to lean on a rotten reed : adding, 
** What need indeed is there of any mediation ? It 
is quite certain, that as soon as you shall have paid 
your respects, you will yourself become an object of 
solicitation to all the courtiers and nobles of the 
empire. Your dignities and influence will be aug- 
mented by the emperor, who has the highest 
opinion of your talents ; and I know he intends to 

VOL. I. G 


make use of them, and expects the greatest service 
from your attachment." This language had the 
desired effect ; and oaths of sincerity and attach- 
ment having been mutually exchanged, both by 
father and son, with Takerrub-khan, they seemed 
to give their confidence to the messenger. The 
old man was in earnest; but the son could not 
divest his mind of doubts of the emperor's inten^ 
tions, as well as of his minister. To dispel these, 
Amir-jumlah went himself to Zulficar-khan, and 
after havmg pledged his oaths to him, he bound 
his hands together with a shawl, and introduced 
him to the emperor. In this condition he paid his 
obeisance to the new monarch, whilst the vene- 
rable Assed-khan, saying a few words in extenua- 
tion of his son's conduct, supplicated his forgiveness. 
The emperor, with every appearance of kindness, 
commanded his hands to be set at liberty, and a 
dress of honour to be brought in, with suitable 
jewels ; he then dismissed the father, on account 
of his great age, but desired his son to remain 
in an outer tent for a few moments, as he had some 
questions of consequence to put to him, and some 
objects of moment on which he wished to have his 
advice. This unexpected proceeding rendered the 
old nobleman uneasy, and he went away in great 
anguish of mind. As to the distressed son, he 
gave up all for lost ; but he was too far advanced 


to recede, and did as he was bid. He was hardly 
seated, when the tent was surrounded by a num- 
ber of men, employed by the emperor to taunt 
him with having been the cause of his father Azim- 
shah's death. Zulficar-khan, who, to all his innate 
loftiness of mind, and to his generous feelings, 
added an undaunted courage, answered the re- 
proaches with haughtiness. The Calmuc Dela- 
chin-beg (now become Bahadur-dil-khan), who 
stood behind, seized this opportunity to throw a 
leathern thong round his neck, and whilst he was 
striving to disentangle the cord, a number of men 
rushed in and despatched him with their poignards. 
On that same day a number of men were de- 
spatched to the citadel of Dehli, where, having 
passed a leathern thong about the neck of Jehandar- 
shah, they strangled him also. After such horrid 
executions the emperor ventured to make a tri- 
umphal entry into the imperial palace, and people 
hoped all such frightful scenes were at an end; 
but as soon as he was settled therein, it being- 
Tuesday the seventeenth Muharrem, in the 1125th HMuharrem, 
year of the Hegira, he directed that Jehandar- 4 February! 
shah's head should be fixed on a spear, and his ^•^•^'^^^ 
body thrown across an elephant, to whose tail 
Zulficar-khan's body was made fast, in order that 
both bodies might be exposed throughout the most 
frequented parts of the city ; they were then 

G 2 


thrown before the main gate of the citadel there to 
rot. Not satisfied with this barbarity, he ordered 
the venerable Assed-khan to be seized, and put in 
a palky with what clothes he might have on his 
back, and he required that, in that condition, he 
should follow the elephant in question, attended 
by all the ladies of his family in veiled carriages. 
After which, Assed-khan was confined for life in 
Khan-jehan's palace, and all his property, as well 
as that of his son, was confiscated. Whilst this 
mournful procession was proceeding round the 
principal streets, the emperor recollected that a 
Hindu of distinction, called Raja Sobachand, had 
been too free of speech : he ordered his tongue to 
be cut out, and his property to be seized. The 
operation was performed in all its rigour, and, what 
is singular, he could speak ever after, at least 
so is the general report.* It was by such bloody 
proceedings that Ferokh-siar marked the first day 
of his reign. Nor was Zulficar-khan the only 
victim he sacrificed to his resentment or fear : 
most of the nobles of the old court underwent 
the same treatment, and finished their days by 

* The translator, in common with many other witnesses, 
some of whom are still living, heard and understood the con- 
versation of a Zend nobleman in Persia, whose tongue had been 
cut out by the roots, and he has understood that the circum- 
stance is not very uncommon in the Turkish dominions at the 
present day. 


the bow-string, and even the princes of the blood 
were as mercilessly treated. Eiz-ed-din, son of 
the late Ali-tebar, grandson of the late Aazem- 
shah, and even the young Homayun-bakht, younger 
brother of Ferokh-siar himself, were deprived of 
sight by a red-hot needle drawn across their eyes. 
So many cruelties at the commencement of a reign, 
and so many murders unnecessarily perpetrated, 
inspired such terror into the minds of every one, 
from the highest to the lowest, that people with 
the image of instant death constantly before their 
eyes, did not think themselves safe for one single 
day ; so that such persons as were by their stations 
or by the duties of their offices obliged to attend 
daily at court, never failed on returning home alive 
to receive the congratulations of their equals, and 
the offerings of their inferiors ; and nothing was so 
common on coming home safe, as to distribute, 
late at night, money to the needy and alms to the 
hungry, just as it is customary for people to do 
when they have escaped from some imminent 

It was in the midst of these proceedings that 
people perceived a coolness between the emperor 
and the two Seids ; those two potent nobles who 
had saved his life at the risk of their own, and 
who had raised him to the throne. The general 
discontents now grew to a great height, so much 


ISO indeed, that in their consequences they pro- 
duced the ruin of the imperial family, and the 
desolation of the whole empire. The first spark 
of that fire that has since blazed out, and caused 
such a conflagration all over Hindoostan, was per- 
ceived on the following occasion. Abdullah-khan, 
immediately after the battle of Agra, had been 
despatched to the capital with orders to conciliate 
the minds of the people there, and to restore af- 
fairs to their usual channel. Amongst other ar- 
rangements he bestowed the divani of the kha- 
lisah office, or first lord of the treasury, on Lutf- 
ullah-khan Sadik, the person associated with him 
in that commission ; he also confirmed Seid Amjed- 
khan in the office of grand-almoner, with which 
that nobleman had been invested so early as in 
the reign of Bahadur-shah. Unfortunately, whilst 
he was bestowing these offices in virtue of his 
commission and office of vezir, the emperor was 
disposing of the very same places on the plains of 
Acberabad, where he gave the superintendence of 
the treasury to Chebilram Nagar, and the office of 
almoner to Afzul-khan, who had once been tutor 
to his children. 

Some days after the emperor arrived at the 
capital, and upon his being required to confirm 
some offices of state, and some promotions, par- 
ticularly those two important ones, a long discussion 


ensued between him and the minister. The latter 
observed, " that if in the very beginning of his 
administration a w^ound should be given to his 
authority, he could no longer pretend to hold so 
responsible an office with credit to himself, or ad- 
vantage to the public;" on the other hand, Amir- 
jumlah inculcated into the mind of the emperor, 
that, be the powers ever so ample which sovereigns 
found it sometimes expedient to delegate to any of 
their servants for a time, still it would never an- 
swer that a minister should forget himself so far, 
as to dispose of such offices of his own accord, 
without having previously obtained the king's as- 

It was at last agreed that the khalisah should 
remain with Lutf-ullah-khan Sadik, and that Afzal- 
khan should be made almoner. This agreement, 
which seemed to have effected a reconciliation, did 
not fail to leave a rancorous impression on both 
sides. Ferokh-siar had neither the genius, the 
resolution, nor the penetration requisite for an em- 
peror. He was mean-spirited, low-minded, and 
sordid; or, if at any time he chanced to shew 
any liberality, it was towards low, vile people, 
equally destitute of morals and capacity, when he 
would thoughtlessly lavish on them presents which 
they did not know how to use, and offices which 
they were unable to fill. Ferokh-siar, who was 


fond of keeping low company, naturally became- 
attached to such fellows as Etikad-khan, and a set 
of people on a par with him. The truth is, that 
being totally unfit to conduct himself with respec- 
tability, he was more so to regulate the affairs of 
an empire ; and what was still more unfortunate, 
Amir-jumlah, his favourite, a man of much ambi- 
tion and of high pretensions, was stupid and ob- 
stinate, and unfit for any public office, though he 
wanted to supersede all the chiefs of the empire. 
This unworthy favourite, who made nothing of 
pulling down and destroying the families of such 
persons as Assed-khan and Zulficar-khan, two men 
whose ancestors had been in possession of honours 
and immense wealth for the two last centuries, 
and had filled the highest dignities and offices of 
the state, now endeavoured to overthrow the Seids, 
two nobles who had conferred the greatest obliga- 
tions on their king, and who now figured in the 
world as the principal men at the court. It was 
this which wounded the jealous mind of Amir- 
jumlah, and which planted daggers in his rancorous 

However, the disease that had fastened on the 
vitals of the state would have never risen to such 
head had not the administration of the most im- 
portant affairs been neglected by the very persons 
at the head of the empire. The vezir Abdullah- 


khan was a man of abilities indeed, but so pas- 
sionately fond of women, so addicted to feasting, 
music, and dancing, as well as to all kinds of 
pleasures, and so desirous of ease, that he left the 
whole management, both of his immense house- 
hold and of his high office, to one Ratan Chand, 
a man who had been once a retail shopkeeper, and 
who, at all events, was too enthusiastic in his false 
religion* to discharge dispassionately all the duties 
of his station, and too narrow-minded to feel the 
delicacy of his office, and to act in a manner suited 
to it ; and yet this was the man who, under his 
master's name, carried every thing with a high 
hand, and enjoyed an uncontrouled influence all 
over Hindoostan. Thus, in consequence of inca- 
pacity on the part of the king, and culpable neglect 
on the part of the minister, enmities arose which 
crushed the columns of the throne of Baber under 
their weight, involving in its ruin the fall of the 
families of the two Seids, and ultimately changing 
the very constitution of the government. 

Amir-jumlah and the emperor, with some others, 
contrived a scheme for separating the two Seid 
brothers, whose union and presence appeared to 
them too formidable. It was proposed to Hussein 
Ali-khan, the youngest, to undertake an expedition 
against Raja Ajit SingRahtore, a powerful Hindu 

* Ratan Chand was a Hindu, as the reader may suppose. 


prince, who since the demise of Aurengzib had 
assumed independence, and had been guilty of 
some unwarrantable actions, such as demolishing 
mosques, in order to raise idol-temples on their 
ruins in the very middle of his capital, Oodipoor. 
Such excesses had necessarily passed unnoticed 
during the reign of Bahadur-shah, who being con- 
stantly involved in civil wars, or busily engaged 
against the Siks, had no time to spare for so inferior 
an object. The Siks formed a large body, who, 
from a fraternity of mendicants, had in his time 
become a formidable army, which plundered and 
desolated the whole province of Lahore.* Hussein 
Ali-khan, fond of glory and military achievements, 
accepted the command, and he set out at the head 
of a numerous well-appointed host, accompanied 
by a well-Served train of artillery. Arrived in the 
Raja's country he found him gone into a difficult 
mountainous tract, where he had concealed his 

* This body, composed for the most part of the Jatt race, has 
a faith peculiar to itself. Their great teacher. Guru Nanac, esta- 
blished a code of morals founded on Deism, and permitted the 
reception of converts of all classes into the society. From 
small beginnings at the commencement of the eighteenth cen- 
tury, the Siks now form a powerful nation, and their chief, 
Ranjit-sing, at the head of an army of a hundred thousand 
men, is perhaps the only formidable enemy the British nation 
in India has to apprehend. Lahore is the capital of the present 
king, who has conquered Cashmere, Multan and Cabul, in addi- 
tion to the Penjab, during his own reign. 


family, his treasures, and even his troops, not con- 
ceiving himself a match for so powerful an army ; 
but what is singular, is, that the Hindu prince was 
actually receiving letters from the capital, in which 
the emperor exhorted him to stand upon his de- 
fence, and to crush the invader by every means in 
his power. The Raja, mistrustful of these proceed- 
ings, thought it more politic to come to terms and 
to obtain a pardon openly ; but he would not have 
gained his object easily, if at all, had not Hussein 
Ali-khan, at this very time, received intelligence 
that the enemies of his family had availed them- 
selves of the opportunity afforded by his absence, 
to spread a snare for entrapping his elder brother, 
Abdullah-khan. The latter, who had no certain in- 
formation but who suspected mischief, sent letter 
after letter to request his brother's immediate at- 
tendance. These letters rendered Hussein Ali-khan 
exceedingly anxious, and he thought it advisable 
to listen to the Raja's proposals and grant him 
terms. These were, that he should send his son 
to humble himself on his father's name, before the 
imperial general, and that he should forward his 
daughter to the imperial seraglio, with a large sum 
of money and suitable presents. 

Hussein Ali-khan having thus put an end to the 
war, returned to the capital, where his arrival 
raised a fresh ferment. The two brothers, in con- 


sequence of their influence and of their office, were 
applied to on every affair, civil and military, but 
the public business was conducted through Amir- 
jumlah, who on his part endeavoured to render 
them as odious as possible ; and in order to con- 
ciliate the favour of the public, he made a point to 
use dispatch in whatever application was made to 
him. For (besides his being keeper of the privy . 
seal) he had so far engrossed his master's affection, 
that the latter had declared more than once in full 
court, that Amir-jumlah's word and sign-manual 
were Ferokh-siar's word and sign-manual. Amir- 
jumlah found so much account in forwarding the 
business of individuals, that he became offensive to 
the vezir Abdullah-khan and his deputy Ratan 
Chand, who so soon as he perceived the hand of 
Amir-jumlah in any affair, or his signet on any 
patent, he was sure to put it aside for the time 
without letting it pass the seals of office ; whereas, 
whoever made a suitable present to himself, and 
another to his master, was certain of carrying his 
point with dispatch. Such conduct could not fail 
to provoke the emperor. It must be confessed that 
this Hindu conceived such high notions of himself, 
both on account of his immense wealth and the 
great influence of his master, that he had become 
intolerably insolent, which rendered him obnoxious 
to the emperor, the more so as by representing 


Amir-jumlah's conduct to be the result of design 
and craft, he had made him odious to both the 

Amir-jumlah on his part was perpetually drop- 
ping expressions in the emperor's presence, which 
had a tendency to depreciate the two brothers, 
whom he represented as overbearing, and whose 
behaviour he insinuated was disrespectful, and 
strongly savoured of independence. Moreover, he 
reflected occasionally upon their abilities, as being 
wholly inadequate to the high posts they pretended 
to fill. By such insinuations the emperor had be- 
come so suspicious and fearful, that he formed the 
design of seizing Abdullah-khan's person. It was 
for this purpose that he frequently came out of 
the citadel, sometimes under pretence of hunting, 
and sometimes under that of taking exercise in 
those delightful country-seats which adorn the 
suburbs of Dehli, more especially in Mohsen- 
khan's gardens. On these occasions he had the 
art to vary his pretences for thus frequently col- 
lecting together his retinue:* he was still too un- 
decided and too faint-hearted to act, nor did all 
his projects produce any other effect than that 
of increasing the mutual aversion between him- 
self and his minister. It is generally believed 

* The emperor's ordinary retinue consisted of from one 
thousand to two thousand cavalry. 


that the empress mother herself, out of regard 
to the oath she had taken upon the Koran at 
Azimabad Patna, and from scruples of conscience, 
more than once gave the two brothers secret 
advice of the plots forming against them. It was 
under such circumstances that Hussein Ali-khan 
solicited from the emperor the viceroyalty of the 
Deckan ; not that he intended to remain there 
himself, but he expected that the immense revenue 
derivable from so rich a government would enable 
him to maintain his footing at court. His object 
was only to place therein, as his lieutenant, the 
famous Daud-khan Peny, who was to remit to him 
the same sums which he used to pay to Zulficar- 
khan. This was the very reverse of what the em- 
peror and Amir-jumlah desired, for they reckoned 
that he would repair to that rich, but distant 
country, and leave his brother alone. This did 
not suit Hussein Ali-khan's purpose, who thought 
it highly imprudent to leave his brother exposed to 
the resentment of the emperor, and to all the 
machinations of his enemies. This difference of 
opinion gave rise to a number of peevish expres- 
sions from both parties, and matters gained such a 
height, that the two brothers henceforward ab- 
stained from appearing at court, and commenced 
to fortify their palaces, which they filled with 
troops. The emperor, on hearing of this, sent for 


Amir-jumlah, Mahomed Amin-khan, Khan Douran, 
and some others, with whom he held councils day 
and night, without coming to any decision ; for he 
was so irresolute, and so faint-hearted, that he 
could determine on nothing. Meanwhile, the report 
of these dissensions spread far and near, and occa- 
sioned such a dearth of all kinds of supplies in the 
capital, that the inhabitants, as well as travellers, 
found it difficult to obtain the necessaries of life ; 
on which account, letters and messages were con- 
tinually passing and repassing between the emperor 
and the two brothers. God knows how far the 
distresses of the poor might have been carried, 
had not the empress mother* been so affected by 
what she heard of their miseries, that she came 
out of the palace and visited Abdullah-khan, on 
whose mind she gained sufficient influence to 
induce him to be reconciled to the emperor, on 
condition that the two brothers, on going to pay 
their respects, should be at liberty to take such 
precautions for their own safety as they should deem 
necessary, after which they should attend at court 
as heretofore. The two brothers now appeared 
before the emperor, implored his forgiveness for 
the errors of their past conduct, and bitterly com- 

* Great must have been the distress to justify a Mussulman 
princess, whatever her age, going openly to visit a minister ; but 
we find throughout the Indian history, frequent disregard of 
forms when called for, to obtain essential objects. 


plained of his permitting certain insinuations to fill 
his imperial mind with suspicions, and to estrange 
his royal mind from his zealous and faithful ser- 
vants. Growing warm with the subject, they both 
loosened their sabres from their sides, and placed 
them at the emperor's feet, while the eldest went 
on with the following address : "If we be guilty, 
here are our two heads, and there are our swords ; 
or if remembrance of our past services should render 
our execution unwelcome, divest us of our offices, 
and dismiss us altogether from your service, that 
we may be permitted to make a journey to the house 
of God,* by which we may reap eternal honours 
in visiting the tomb of the prince of men, our illus- 
trious ancestor,'!' Ali, on whom be peace for ever and 
ever ! Or if your majesty chooses to require further 
services from us, and to keep us near your sacred 
person, vouchsafe to dismiss your suspicions, and 
cease to listen to the suggestions of a set of cove- 
tous, envious, and designing tale-tellers, who are 
perpetually aiming at the lives of your faithful 
servants, without once regarding how much blood 
we have spilt in the imperial cause. Be reconciled. 
Sire, we pray you, to these your two approved 

* Mecca. 

•j- All Seids are supposed to be lineally descended from Ali 
the cousin, and Fatima the daughter, through their two sons 
Hassan and Hussein, the latter of whom fell at Kerbella. 


servants, and cease to harbour sentiments equally 
repugnant to that sense of gratitude so natural to 
generous minds, and to the stability of a compact 
consecrated by the most solemn oaths." 

This scene seemed to affect the emperor, and it 
produced a momentary reconciliation. After many 
conferences, it was agreed that the only way to 
put an end to these dissensions was to part the 
two adversaries. Amir-jumlah was ordered to quit 
the court, and to repair to Azimabad Patna, the 
government of which was given him for an honour- 
able exile, and Hussein Ali-khan agreed to set out 
for his viceroyalty of the Deckan, where nothing 
but his presence could curb the refractory chiefs 
of those countries, and give confidence to those 
that had submitted. This arrangement, which 
satisfied both parties, was not palatable to Amir- 
jumlah, who thought himself sacrificed to the re- 
sentment of the two brothers ; whereas, in reality, 
the whole intention of the emperor was to increase 
his favourite's means of power, and to exasperate 
his mind against his rivals. Hussein Ali-khan 's 
patent was now drawn up, and orders were issued 
to the several governors of provinces and fortresses 
throughout the six and a half soobadaries or pro- 
vinces of the Deckan, in whatever station they 
might be, to submit to the new viceroy, and to be 
henceforth obedient to his commands. Two letters 

VOL. I. H 


of recal were likewise despatched : one to Chin- 
khalich-khan Nizam-ul-mulk, the present viceroy 
of the Deckan, to repair to the presence ; and the 
other to Daud-khan Peny, governor of Guzerat, 
requiring him to repair to Boorhanpoor, there to 
await the new viceroy's arrival, whose commands 
he was to obey. Such were the contents of the 
public letters ; but a secret communication was at 
the same time, conveyed to Daud-khan, enjoining 
him to lay in wait with a strong army at Boorhan- 
poor, in order to destroy Hussein AH-khan and his 
troops, with a promise that he should himself be 
appointed viceroy in case of his success. After 
despatching these secret instructions, the emperor 
resolved to celebrate his nuptials with Ajit Sing's 
daughter, as we shall soon relate; but as Daud- 
khan Peny is about to cut so great a figure in our 
history, it will be as well to give in this place some 
account of him, and of the disturbances to which 
his imprudence had given rise between the Mussul- 
mans and Hindus of Ahmed-abad in Guzerat. 

In the second year of that officer's administra- 
tion, which was likewise the first of the emperor's 
reign, it happened that in the night in which the 
Hindus perform the ceremony of the Huli, one of 
them was going to do so in his own house-yard, a 
small part of which was connected with some Mus- 
sulman's houses, when the latter objected to it. 


The Hindu, having pleaded that every man was 
master of his own house, paid no regard to the 
objection, and finished his ceremony. The very 
next day the Mussulman, turning the Hindu's 
argument against himself, brought a cow within 
that very yard, and killed her for the purpose of 
distributing beef to the poor, as it was the anni- 
versary of the death of the saint Ali. This action 
brought upon them all the Hindus of that quarter, 
who having overpowered the Mussulmans, obliged 
them to fly for their lives, and to conceal them- 
selves in their houses. Transported by religious 
fury, the Hindus sought out the butcher who had 
slaughtered the cow; but not finding him, they 
dragged his son, an innocent youth of fourteen, 
into that very yard, and killed him. The Mussul- 
mans, shocked at the outrage, created an outcry 
throughout the city, and drew after them multi- 
tudes of the Mussulman inhabitants, among whom 
were some thousands of Daud-khan Peny's Afghan 
soldiers. The whole now repaired to the kazy 
(the judge), who did not chuse to meddle in the 
affair when he knew that the governor had taken 
side with the Hindus, and shut his door. This only 
tended to incense the Mussulmans the more, who 
carried away by their fury, and possibly urged on 
by the kazy himself, demolished and burned his gate, 
and having seized his person, they proceeded to set 

H 2 


fire to the shops in the market-place, and to many 
Hindu houses. They would have gone on burning 
and destroying, had they not been opposed by one 
Capur Chand, a jewel merchant, much in favour 
with the governor, and a violent opponent of the 
Mussulmans. This man, seeing his own house in 
danger, armed himself and friends, shut the gate 
and defended it. He placed musketeers over the 
gate, opened loop-holes through the parapets, and 
in the ensuing fray numbers of lives were lost. 
The disturbance continued for some days, all the 
shops were shut, and business was at a stand. At 
length the tumult subsided, the Mussulmans, who 
thought themselves aggrieved, deputed three per- 
sons of character to carry their complaints to court. 
These were the very men that had been selected 
on a former occasion to manage an accommodation 
between the Mussulmans on one side and the 
governor and Hindus on the other. They were. 
Shah Abdul-vahid, Shah Mahomed Ali (an emi- 
nent preacher), and Abdul-aziz. Daud-khan, who 
found himself identified in this affair, deputed 
Capur Chand, after having put into his hand a 
narrative of the whole transaction, signed by the 
governor, the kazy, the commander of the troops, 
and all the crown officers, which certified that the 
Hindus were not in the wrong, and that the Mus- 
sulmans were the aggressors. As soon as the three 


deputies arrived at the capital, they were cast 
into prison through the influence of Ratan Chand, 
who found means to stifle their complaints. And 
God only knows how long these innocent persons 
had remained in confinement, had not Khwaja 
Mahomed Jafer, a dervish, chanced to hear of them 
and use his interest in their behalf. This holy 
man was no less a person than brother to Khan 
Douran, one of the principal nobles of the court ; 
a pious man, who, having devoted himself to God, 
had renounced the world and lived retired. It 
was in his retreat that he heard of Ratan Chand's 
cruel partiality, and in consequence he requested 
his brother to procure the release of those unfor- 
tunate persons. This conduct made such an im- 
pression upon one of them. Shah Mahomed Ali, 
that from that moment he attached himself for ever 
after to his benefactor. 

We shall now say a few words about the em- 
peror's nuptials with the daughter of the Hindu 
prince Raja Ajit Sing. Her father, in dismissing 
her, gave into her hands a number of important 
papers to deliver to the emperor, among which 
were the letters and order he had received for 
opposing and destroying Hussein Ali-khan. Whe- 
ther during the nobleman's journey to court, or 
during the Hindu prince's residence in his palace, 
is nut known, but it is certain that Hussein Ali- 

-.. o' :l ^^ 


khan found means to get possession of these papers, 
and also to appease the inquietude of the princess 
on finding that they had been in his hands. These 
papers were subsequently produced by the two 
brothers to the emperor, who made an apology to 
them, and his mother effected a reconciliation 
between her son and the Seids. This explanation 
put an end to the dissension, and Amir-jumlah's 
exile from court induced the emperor to celebrate 
his nuptials with the Rana, after which it had 
been agreed that Hussein Ali-khan should set out 
for his government in the Deckan. 

The emperor commanded his household-officers 
to make the necessary preparations for their mar- 
riage. Hussein Ali-khan conceiving his honour 
concerned in rendering the ceremony verysplendid, 
as the princess had been brought to court through 
his means, and had been all this while lodged 
in his palace, and treated as his own daughter, he 
made it a point to give to that solemnity all the 
magnificence for which Hindoostan is famous. 
He accordingly made such preparations both for 
the bride and the bridegroom, as exceeded all that 
had ever been heard of in the capital, or that had 
been made for the greatest rajas and kings of the 
Deckan, or even for the magnificent emperors of 
Hindoostan. The furniture, jewels and illumina- 
tions, surpassed by far all those prepared by the 


emperor himself. As soon as night came on, an 
infinity of lights in imitation of stars threw out at 
once such a blaze, as seemed to dispute pre-emi- 
nence with the luminous firmament itself, and to 
reproach it with its inferior twinkling ; then again 
artificial parterres, by the variety of their colours, 
gave the beholder an idea of the celebrated gardens 
of Irem,* exhibitions of all sorts connected with 
splendid entertainments enabled the lowest man 
in the city to partake of them. Surprise, delight 
and hilarity pervaded all classes, and such was 
the concourse of spectators, that the streets and 
markets of the immense city of Dehli seemed to 
have become narrower and scarcely able to con- 
tain them. At last, after several days, the emperor, 
attended by his whole court, repaired to Hussein 
Ali-khan's palace, where an illustrious assembly 
waited to receive him ; and the reading of the 
marriage-ritual having closed the ceremony, the 
emperor took his bride away to his imperial habi- 22 ziihaj^ 
tation. This event occurred on Thursday the 22d 7 December, 
of Zilhaj, in the year of the Hegira 1127. 

Who would have thought that such a scene of 
pleasure and universal joy, would have been fol- 
lowed so shortly by religious dissensions ? Shah 
Abdullah, a dervish from Multan, having come to 
the capital on some business, took up his abode 

* The garden of Paradise. 


Dear the great mosque, where he often preached 
to crowded audiences, among whom he soon 
acquired so much celebrity, that the very passages 
to that mosque were always thronged. Once, he 
went to pay a visit to Khwaja Jafer, the brother of 
the minister. Khan Douran, of whom we have 
already spoken ; and, on observing that some of 
the latter's followers and disciples saluted him by 
prostrating themselves, and also that the singers 
who frequented that holy retreat made it a prac- 
tice to sing verses in honour of the Prophet and 
his sacred offspring, he felt scandalized, and re- 
marked that prostration was due to God alone, 
and consequently indecent towards man ; that to 
listen to songs and verses in matters of religion, 
was forbidden ; and that to content oneself with a 
few praises in honour of the prophet in order to 
launch out in the praises of his descendants, with- 
out saying a word of his four venerable successors, 
was repugnant to the true principles of Islam. 
Khwaja Jafer answered, that, as religious per- 
sons, as well as their followers, acknowledge the 
omnipresence of no being but that of God, it was im- 
possible that they should require prostration to be 
made to any other being, but that men who in their 
religious zeal fancied God to be every where pre- 
sent, and therefore prostrated themselves on that 
ground and kissed it devoutly, could not be con- 


* ' As to the singing, and the verses of public 
singers, these people sing nothing but what they 
have learned from their masters, in which I do not 
interfere ; and if you know of any verses in praise 
of the four successors of the Prophet,* pray 
impart them to these people, that they may sing 
them, and adopt the practice at all times and in 
all places." This answer did not satisfy Shah 
Abdullah, who, being opposed to the Shiahf sect, 
went away discontented, and, on the next Friday, 
he reflected on Khwaja Jafer, and openly con- 
demned his faith. He added some invidious asser- 
tions : for instance, that Ali Murtaza, the son of 
Abu-talib, was not within the pale of the saints — 
that it was improper to call him a Seid — and that 
the expression of * five pure bodies 'J was contrary 
to the true principles of the faith ; for whoever 
should admit it, would thereby exclude the three 

* Thekhalif Abu Beer. 

— Omar. 

— Othman. 

— Ali. 

t The Shiahs deny the legitimate titles of the three first 
khalifs, but consider Ali to be the first real khalif, and that his 
descendants by Fatima, the daughter of the Prophet, partake in 
some degree of the sanctity of the ancestors. 

if By the five pure bodies, or holy personages, are meant. 
The prophet Mahomcw 
His daughter Fatima ; 
His son-in-law Ali ; 
And their sons Hassan and Hussein. 


first khalifs as not being equally pure. He added 
several other expressions, all tending to depre- 
ciate the Shiah sect, and to cast reflections upon 
its tenets and practice. Khwaja Jafer, on hearing 
of that sermon, sent him word that to drop such 
expressions from the pulpit was dissonant from the 
current belief, and repugnant to the custom and 
usages of the faith ; that it must give offence, and 
might possibly excite dissensions. He observed 
that if he would come to his humble cottage, or 
to any other place where a number of learned per- 
sons should be assembled, he flattered himself 
that the trouble he would be put to would not be 
without advantage, as he might find an opportu- 
nity of having his doubts removed by reason and 
by the authority of tradition. This message was 
received with peevishness and resentment ; and, a 
few days after, a multitude of thoughtless young 
men, of Persian extraction, having assembled at the 
mosque, placed themselves at sermon-time oppo- 
site the preachers, with their beads and amulets 
of Kerbella-clay* before them, using at the same 
time threatening gestures. This behaviour was 
resented by two or three thousand followers of the 

* Kerbella, in Mesopotamia, is the spot where are entombed 
the remains of Hussein, who fell in his contest against Ziad, the 
son of Moavia, and rosaries formed of the clay of his tomb are 
held in high estimation by the Shiahs, and are supposed to pos- 
sess magical qualities. 


Sunny sect, who suspecting this scene to have 
been concerted by Khwaja Jafer, and that it was 
intended to set their preacher at defiance, took 
fire, and falling upon the young men with impious 
and blasphemous reproaches, drove them out of 
the mosque. This affair might have ended there ; 
but an ill-fated Hindu, who was a military man of 
some character, and had come to hear the sermon, 
chancing to go out immediately after them, was 
observed by one of the servants of the mosque, 
who taking him to be one of those that had just 
given so much offence, ran after him with the in- 
tention to stop or kill him ; but the Hindu having 
turned round, and in self-defence having killed his 
assailant, he was immediately beset by some 
others, who hacked him to pieces ; nor would the 
multitude, for three days together, suffer his body 
to be removed, being in expectation of getting 
some further light from such as might come to 
take him away. After this unhappy affair, some 
of the most zealous of the preacher's followers 
having gained access to the principal courtiers, 
and through them to the throne, went in a body to 
the emperor, and complained that Khwaja Jafer 
wanted to create a schism in the Sunny sect, 
similar to that which had been excited in the reign 
of Bahadur-shah, when that prince attempted to 
introduce the words " Ali is heir to God's elect" 


into the Mussulman creed ; and they added, that 
as something still more serious seemed to be in 
agitation, it was better that the leader should be 
commanded to quit the capital. 

One would hardly believe that so small a matter 
should have raised such a commotion in that 
immense city : for whereas, heretofore, it was 
common enough to see professed singers going 
about the streets, singing the praises of the pure 
cuid holy family, and numbers even of learned 
men used often to stop and to take pleasure in 
hearing their music; yet now matters were so 
altered, that such singers were sure of being 
hooted, and accused of impiety and blasphemy. 
The emperor, on hearing of this disturbance, con- 
sulted the kazy Sheriat-ullah-khan on the subject, 
as the most eminent divine that attended the court. 
He answered, that what Shah Abdullah had said 
would not stand the test of examination with the 
best treatises on the Sunny tenets, and that there- 
fore it would be difficult to convict Khwaja Jafer 
of heterodoxy ; but as, on the other hand, it would 
be proper to put an end to this ferment, he gave 
it as his private opinion that the Khwaja should 
be required to change his abode, by retiring to the 
suburbs. This opinion was no sooner rumoured 
abroad than Khan Douran, one of the principal 
nobles of the court, having sent for the preacher. 

A. D. 1716. 


inquired of him what might be his object in coming 
so far to the capital. Khan Douran despatched his 
business in a few days, and having wished him a 
prosperous journey toMultan, his native country, he 
returned thither. In this manner the commotion, 
which bore a threatening aspect, subsided at once. 

In the year 1128 of the Hegira, being the a. h. 1128. 
fifth of Ferokh-siar's reign, a bloody action took 
place in the plains of the Penjab, between the 
Siks and the Imperialists, in which the latter, 
commanded by Abdul-semed-khan, viceroy of that 
province, gave those freebooters a signal defeat, 
and their general, Benda, fell into the victor's 
hands. This barbarian, whom nature had formed 
for a butcher, trusting to the numbers and repeated 
successes of those other butchers he commanded, 
had inflicted upon God's creatures cruelties exceed- 
ing all belief, and had laid waste the whole pro- 
vince of Lahore. Flushed with these victories, he 
even aspired to a crown. Benda was of the Sik 
persuasion, attached to the tenets of Guru Govind. 
These people, from their birth, or from the moment 
of their admission, if they enter as proselytes, never 
cut or shave either their beard or whiskers, or any 
hair whatever of their body. They form a particular 
society, which distinguishes itself by wearing blue 
garments, and going armed at all times. When a 
person is once admitted into that fraternity, they 


make no scruple of associating with him, of what- 
ever tribe, clan, or race he may have been hitherto, 
nor do they betray any of those scruples and preju- 
dices so deeply rooted in the Hindu mind.* This 
sect or fraternity, which first became powerful 
about the latter end of Aurengzib's reign, has for its 
chief. Guru Govind, one of the successors of Nanee 
Guru, the founder of the sect. Nanec was the son 
of a grain merchant, of the Katri tribe, who in his 
youth was as remarkable for his good character as 
for the beauty of his person, and for his talents. 
Nor was he destitute of fortune. There was then, 
in those parts, a dervish of note, called Seid 
Hussein, a man of eloquence as well as of wealth, 
who having no children of his own, and being 
struck with the beauty of the young Nanec, con- 
ceived a great regard for him, and charged himself 
with his education. As the young man was early 
introduced to the knowledge of the most esteemed 
writings of Islam, and initiated into the principles 
of our most approved doctrines, he advanced so 
much in learning, and became so fond of his 
studies, that he made it a practice in his leisure 
hours, to translate literally and make notes and 
extracts of our moral maxims. Those which made 
the deepest impression upon him were written in 

* This alludes to the touching or eating with persons of im- 
pure castSj in regard to which the Hindus are so tenacious. 


the idiom of Penjab his maternal language. At 
length he connected them into order, and put them 
into verse. By this time he had so far shaken off 
those prejudices of Hinduism which he had imbibed 
with his milk, that he became quite another man. 
His collection becoming extensive, it took the form 
of a book which he entitled Grant, and he became 
famous in the times of the Emperor Baber, from 
which time he was followed by multitudes of con- 
verts. This book is to this day held in so much 
veneration and esteem amongst the Siks, that they 
never touch or read it without assuming a respectful 
posture, and in reality, as it is a compound of what 
Nanec had found most valuable in those books 
which he had been perusing, and is written with 
much force, it has all the merit peculiar to truth 
and sound sense. 

In times of yore, the religious persons of that 
fraternity could not be distinguished, either in 
their garb or their usages, from the Mussulman 
dervishes ; nor is the difference easily perceptible 
even to this day. They live in communities both 
in villages and towns, and their habitations are 
called Sangats, where we always see some one 
who presides over the rest. Nanec, their patriarch, 
left only two children, one of whom, when grown 
up, used to amuse himself in hunting and in other 
pleasures, in which he has been imitated by his 


descendants, all of whom are the reputed heirs of 
his propensities. The other son devoted himself 
to a religious life, and his followers live, to all 
intents and purposes, like so many Mussulman 
dervishes or fakirs. Nanec Guru had not for his 
immediate successor either the one or the other of 
his children, but only a servant of his house, called 
Angad, who succeeded to his authority. The ninth 
in succession from this Angad was one Tegh 
Bahadur, who drew multitudes after him, all of 
whom, as well as their leader, used to go armed. 
Finding himself at the head of so many thousand 
people, he aspired to sovereignty, and united him- 
self to one Adam Hafiz, a Mussulman dervish of 
the fraternity of Shah Ahmed Serhindy. These 
two persons no sooner saw themselves at the head 
of many followers, than forsaking every honest 
occupation, they began to plunder and to lay waste 
the whole province of Penjab ; for whilst Tegh 
Bahadur levied contributions on the Hindus, Hafiz 
Adam did the same upon the Mussulmans. Their 
excesses having attracted the notice of the emperor 
Aurengzib, he commanded the viceroy of Penjab 
to seize these two leaders, with orders to send the 
Mussulman to Afghanistan, warning him not to 
cross the river Attock again under pain of death ; 
while he directed that Tegh Bahadur, the other 
freebooter, should be sent prisoner to the fort of 


Gualiar. The governor executed his orders promptly. 
Some time after this, Tegh Bahadur suffered death ; 
and his body being cut into four quarters, was ex- 
posed at the four gates of the fortress of Gualiar. 

This act was followed by serious consequences. 
Hitherto the Siks wore only the religious garb, 
without any kind of arms. Guru Govind having 
succeeded to his father, re-organized his numerous 
bands into companies or troops, which he put under 
the command of his most confidential disciples, to 
whom he gave orders to provide themselves with 
arms and horses. As soon as he saw them accou- 
tred and mounted, he commenced plundering the 
country and raising contributions. This conduct 
did not go long unpunished: the fojdars* of the 
province uniting, fell upon the freebooters, and dis- 
persed them, and Guru Govind's two sons having 
fallen alive into their hands, were put to death. 
The father's situation was now become nearly 
as dangerous: hunted down like a wild beast, he 
retired to a strong-hold; but he was precluded 
from escaping to his country and family beyond 
Serhind, the intermediate country being full of 
troops. In this critical situation, he applied to the 
Afghans living beyond Serhind, and promised them 
a large sum of money if they would conduct him 
to a place of safety. A number of these people 

* Fojdar, i. e. military commander. 
VOL. I. 1 


accepted the proposal, and coming down from their 
mountains, recommended him to let hfs beard and 
whiskers, and the hair of every other part of his 
body, grow ; and then clothing him in a short blue 
tunic like that worn by themselves, brought him 
out of his retreat, and carried him through the 
whole country in perfect safety. Whenever any 
one enquired who he was, they answered that he 
was one of their holy men of the town of Oucha. 
Guru Govind having been so lucky as to extricate 
himself out of this difficulty, retained the Afghan 
garb in memory of that event, and he henceforward 
made it the distinctive dress of his followers. No 
one was from that time received as a proselyte 
unless his hair and beard were long, and unless he 
adopted the garb of the proper pattern. The loss 
of his children affected Guru Govind so deeply that 
he shortly after died of grief. He was succeeded 
by Benda Guru, of whom we have before spoken. 
This infernal monster having assembled multitudes 
of desperate fellows, all as enthusiastic and as 
blood-thirsty as himself, commenced to ravage the 
country with unheard of barbarity. They spared 
no Mussulman, whether man, woman, or child ; 
pregnant women were ripped open, and their chil- 
dren dashed against their faces or against walls. 
The emperor Bahadur-shah shuddered at hearing 
of such atrocious deeds, and was induced to send 


against those barbarians not only the troops of the 
province, but two other armies commanded by Khan 
Khanan and Munaim-khan, who at the head of thirty 
thousand horse surrounded the fort of Loghar, where 
they besieged him. Having defended himself for 
some time, Benda contrived to escape. He was 
pursued by the troops which had united under 
Mahomed Amin-khan, Asgar-khan, and Rustem- 
dil-khan, but he again extricated himself. He 
kept each body of the king's troops perpetually on 
the wing ; for he no sooner escaped them at one 
place, than he suddenly appeared in an opposite 
direction, and destroyed every thing by fire and 
sword, massacreing every Mussulman, and de- 
stroying their mosques and tombs. Such was the 
state of things when Bahadur-shah departed this 
life. His children, occupied in disputes for the 
throne, had no time to spare for checking the Siks, 
so that their power at last became very formidable. 
On the accession of Ferokh-siar, Islam-khan, 
viceroy of Lahore, received orders to destroy those 
freebooters ; but he was totally defeated in a pitched 
battle, and after losing the greatest part of his men, 
he retired to Lahore covered with disgrace. Benda, 
elevated by so unexpected a success, recommenced 
his atrocities with additional fury. It was some 
time after this battle that Bayezid-khan, the com- 
mandant of Serhind, hearing of the approach of 

I 2 


Benda, went out to oppose him. He was encamped 
without the walls, when in the evening, having 
retired to a private tent, he was performing the 
afternoon prayers, a Sik having crept under the 
wall of the tent, inflicted on him a mortal wound 
as he was in the act of prostration, and in the con- 
fusion which ensued the assassin effected his escape. 
This intelligence having reached the capital, the 
emperor commanded Abdul-semed-khan, aTurany 
chief,then viceroy of Cashmere, to march against the 
Siks, and at the same time conferred the government 
of Lahore on his son Zachariah-khan. This general, 
who afterwards became so famous, had with him 
many thousand soldiers of his own nation, with seve- 
ral commanders of high distinction, suchasKamer- 
ed-din-khan, Mahomed Amin-khan, and Asgar- 
khan. To this army the emperor added several 
of his own guards, such as the Wala-Shahies and 

With these reinforcements, Abdul-semed-khan, 
who waited only for a train of artillery, proceeded 
to Lahore, having appointed his own slave Aref- 
khan his lieutenant at Cashmere during his absence, 
and taking with him the troops he found encamped 
at that city. On coming up with the enemy, his 
troops fell with such fury upon those barbarians 
that they completely crushed them ; nor did the 
imperialists give over the pursuit until they had 


entirely dispersed the enemy. Benda stood his 
ground at first, and fought desperately ; for, although 
beaten and vigorously pursued, he retired from post 
to post, like a savage of the wilderness, and while 
losing his own men, he occasioned heavy losses to 
his pursuers. At last, worn out by incessant flight, 
he retired to Goordaspoor, where this chief had long 
since built a strong fort, in which his followers kept 
their wives and families with the booty they ac- 
quired in their incursions. The imperial general 
laid siege to this place; nor was it unfurnished 
with provisions, though the multitudes that had 
successively retired thither were so considerable. 
The besiegers, however, were so vigilant, that not 
a blade of grass nor a grain of corn could find its 
way into the fort ; so that at last, the magazines 
within being exhausted, a famine commenced its 
ravage amongst the besieged, who (contrary to the 
prejudices of their religion) ate asses, horses, and 
even oxen ; and such was the desperate resolution 
of the garrison, that no one talked' of submission, 
till having consumed all that could be converted 
into food, and having suffered from a bloody flux 
that broke out among them, the survivors asked for 
quarter, and offered to open their gates. The im- 
perial general required them to repair to an emi- 
nence, where they were called on to deposit their 
arms. The famished wretches, reduced to comply 


with these conditions, conformed to it, when, hav- 
ing been bound hand and foot, they were made 
over to the troops, who had orders to carry them 
close to a river that ran under the walls, and therein 
to throw the bodies, after having beheaded the 
prisoners. The officers being put in irons, were 
mounted upon lame, worn-down, mangy asses and 
camels, with each of them a paper cap upon his 
head, and with such a retinue the general entered 
the city of Lahore in triumph. Bayezid-khan's 
mother, an old Turany woman, who lived in that 
city, hearing that her son's murderer was amongst 
the prisoners, requested her attendants to point 
him out to her; when, ascending a terrace that 
overlooked the street, she lifted up a large stone 
which she had provided, and let it fall so luckily 
that she killed him on the spot. The old lady after 
this action said, that being revenged she should 
now die satisfied. This action worked as a signal, 
and roused the people of Lahore, so that the gene- 
ral, conceiving that the prisoners would be killed 
by the mob, ordered them to be conveyed to a 
place of safety amongst the baggage, where they 
were covered with trappings of elephants and 
every thing that could conceal them. The next 
day he left the city at day-break, with the inten- 
tion of presenting them alive to the emperor. By 
way of precaution, they were left to the care of 


Kamer-ed-din-khan, and his own son, Zachariah- 
khan, under a strong escort. As soon as they 
had arrived on the outskirts of the city, the em- 
peror sent out Mahomed Amin-khan with orders to 
bring them in, mounted as they were, but pre- 
ceded by a number of heads upon pikes. Amongst 
the prisoners was Benda, with his face smeared 
with black, and a woollen cap placed on his head. 
That wretch having been brought before the em- 
peror, was ordered to the castle, where he was shut 
up with his son, and two or three of his chief com- 
manders. The others were carried (a hundred 
every day) to the town hall, where they were be- 
headed until the whole number of them was com- 
pleted. What is singular, these people riot only 
behaved patiently during the execution, but they 
contended for the honour of being first executed. 
At length Benda himself was produced, and his 
son being placed on his lap, the father was ordered 
to cut his throat, which he did without uttering one 
word. His flesh was then ordered to be torn off 
with red hot pincers, and it was in those torments 
that he expired, expiating by his death, in some 
measure, the enormities he had himself committed 
on the people of God.* Mahomed Amin-khan, 
struck with the appearance of Benda, could not 
help addressing him : '* It is surprising (said he) 
* The author alludes probably to Mussulmans in particular. 


that one who shews so much acuteness in his coun- 
tenance, and has displayed so much ability in his 
conduct, should have been guilty of such horrid 
crimes, that must infallibly ruin him in this world 
as well as in the next." With the greatest com- 
posure he replied, " I will tell you what, my lord, 
whenever men become so corrupt and wicked as 
to relinquish the path of equity, and to abandon 
themselves to all kinds of excesses, then Providence 
never fails to raise up a scourge like me, to chastise 
a race become so depraved ; but when the measure 
of punishment has been filled, then he raises up 
such a man as you, to bring him to punishment." 
We have already related how it had been agreed 
between the two rival parties at court, that upon 
Amir-jumlah's quitting the capital, Hussein Ali- 
khan should repair to his post in the Deckan, and 
it has been seen how his departure was delayed* 
At last, after having accomplished all his purposes^ 
he departed, but not without first repairing to court, 
and telling the emperor and his confidants plainly, 
that if in his absence any thing should be attempted 
against his brother, the vezir Abdullah-khan, his 
majesty might rest assured that he would quit every 
thing, in order to be again in the capital, within 
twenty days. This open threat having convinced 
the emperor of the viceroy's power, he was no 
sooner gon^, than the ministers despatched letter 


after letter to Daud-khan Peny , governor of Guzerat, 
conferring on him the government of Boorhanpoor 
in addition to his ow^n, with orders to repair thither, 
at the head of his army, and to destroy Hussein 
Ali-khan and his troops, by any means in his 
power, for which service he was promised the vice- 
royalty of the Deckan. On the receipt of these 
instructions Daud-khan, who made but little account 
of his enemy, repaired to Boorhanpoor, where he 
without hesitation assumed all the state of viceroy 
of the Dekhan. This intelligence being conveyed 
to Hussein Ali-khan, the latter wrote to the Afghan, 
that as he himself was actually invested with that 
viceroyalty, it was proper that Daud-khan Peny 
should come to pay his respects to his superior, 
and shew himself ready to execute his commands ; 
else he had better repair to the emperor's court 
at once, without rendering himself guilty of pro- 
ceedings that could end in nothing but dissensions 
and in his own ruin. This letter making no im- 
pression upon Daud-khan, he came out of Boorhan- 
poor and encamped in the plain, with a determi- 
nation to oppose Hussein Ali-khan. He at the 
same time invited a number of Mahratta generals 
who had become servants of the crown, to join him. 
These chiefs had obtained commands of honour 
and emoluments, so early as the reign of Bahadur- 
shah. The most considerable amongst them was 



Bimbaji Sindiah, who enjoyed the revenue of 

the whole territory of Aurengabad in Heu of pay. 

All these chiefs came and remained encamped with 

25 Ramazan, Daud-khan Until the twenty-fifth of Ramazan, in 

A>H. 1127. 

25 August, the fourth year of the reign of Ferokh-siar, at which 
time Hussein Ali-khan appeared at the head of 
twenty-six thousand horse, the only troops that 
were able to keep up with the rapidity of his march. 
They were all veteran troops, and accustomed to 
be led to victory under his command. The viceroy 
having arrived within sight of the enemy, endea- 
voured to reclaim that haughty chieftain, by send- 
ing him several conciliatory messages ; but finding 
him deaf to all overtures, he resolved to reduce 
him by force. The battle proved obstinate and 
bloody : the troops on both sides, pressing upon 
each other, rushed forward, regardless of every 
thing but how to engage amongst the foremost ; in 
a moment the conflict commenced, and streams of 
blood pouring down from the hands of so many 
heroes, saturated the thirsty earth. How many 
bodies, before accustomed to all the conveniences 
and elegancies of luxurious life, reposed that day 
on the bloody and hard ground, and how many 
heads streaming with blood, were raised on the 
point of spears, like so many full-blown roses fixed 
on their stalks ! The firm earth, shaken by the 
incessant roar of artillery, seemed to be in motion 


like the heavens in a storm ; whilst the firmament 
itself, confounded at the appearance of so many- 
blood-thirsty warriors, stopped short in its course, 
and stood motionless to view the scene. Daud-khan 
had given orders to the conductor of his elephant 
to carry him close to that of Hussein Ali-khan, as 
soon as he could descry him. Meanwhile Hiraman, 
a Hindu, who commanded the van of the Afghan's 
army, pushed on as far as the enemy's artillery, 
where he was making great havoc, when he was 
himself perceived by a body of the Seids of Barha, 
who threw themselves in his path, and killed or 
wounded every one of those that had followed him. 
This loss did not divert Daud-khan from his design. 
He sought his rival every where, being preceded by 
three hundred daring Afghans, who armed with 
battle-axes, hewed down all who came in their 
way. It was on this occasion that the bravest of 
the viceroy's soldiers fell. Mahomed Yusuf-khan, 
commander of his artillery, as well as Rustem Beg, 
and Basalet-khan at the head of their troops, which 
were mowed down like grass and slain. Aalem 
Ali-khan, with Khan Zeman-khan, and many per- 
sons of distinction, were wounded. The Afghans 
made their way good with great slaughter, Daud- 
khan at last found himself opposed to Mir-mushref, 
an old general personally attached to Hussein Ali- 
khan. He was in a full suit of armour, and literally 


cased in iron, Daud-khan, mistaking him for the 
viceroy, cried out announcing himself, and said, 
** why do you keep yourself muffled up like a 
woman? up with your visor, man, that I may see 
who you are." Daud-khan said this in contempt, 
as he never wore but a jerkin of muslin on the day 
of battle. Having said this and placing an arrow 
to his bow, he with an unerring aim, lodged it in 
Mir-mushref s neck ; that officer fainting with an- 
guish and loss of blood, fell down into his howda, 
to which he just held by one hand. In this situation 
Daud-khan's driver making use of his iron crook, 
gave him two or three blows on the back, which 
the old nobleman remembered the remainder of 
his life ; and several years after, when adverting to 
the action, carrying his hand to his back, he used 
to say that he could fancy he felt them still. 
Whilst this terrible conflict lasted, Mir-mushref's 
elephant-driver seized the opportunity to part the 
two elephants : but a report spread throughout the 
army that he was slain, and created a temporary 
panic. Daud-khan drawing near to Hussein Ali- 
khan's elephant, the people thought that all was 
over ; numbers deserted their ranks, whilst others 
fled in earnest. A signal discomfiture was about to 
ensue, few choosing to stand by their general, except 
a small body, resolved to perish rather than forsake 
him. Matters had reached this critical point, and 


the confusion was becoming general, when a mus- 
ket-ball, as if by divine command, struck Daud- 
khan in the forehead and killed him outright, thus 
changing the morning of his glory into everlasting 
night. The driver, seeing his master dead, turned 
his elephant and fled, accompanied by those who 
sought to avoid the sword. At sight of this, Hussein 
Ali-khan ordered his military music to strike up 
in token of victory ; and sending his people after 
the Afghan's elephant, he was soon overtaken, and 
his body being fastened to that animal's foot, it 
was dragged through the city of Boorhanpoor. 

It may be asked what became of Bimbaji and his 
Mahratta cavalry, of which we have not said a 
word. The answer is short. He, like a true Mah- 
ratta, contented himself with scampering about at 
the beginning of the action, and remained a spec- 
tator ; but when he saw that victory had favoured 
Hussein Ali-khan, he galloped over, and presented 
him his offerings, as did all his officers. All this 
while, the Mahrattas having entered the enemy's 
camp, plundered every thing on which they could 
lay their hands. Nevertheless there still remained 
much booty for the victors. The whole of Daud- 
khan's equipage, money, horses, and elephants 
were secured for the viceroy's use, a small part of 
which only he vouchsafed to send to the emperor, 
and that too after a length of time. 


Daud-khan had left at Ahmedabad a wife by 
whom he was tenderly loved. She was the daughter 
of a Hindu zemindar, or great landholder. It had 
been the practice in past times for some of those 
Hindu princes to give their daughters in marriage 
to the viceroys for the time being. This lady, who 
had embraced the Mussulman religion on her en- 
trance into the seraglio, was now seven months 
gone with child. She had entreated to be allowed 
to follow her husband, from whom at his departure 
she had obtained his poignard, as a token of his 
love ; but the news of his death reaching Ahmeda- 
bad, she took the poignard and opened her own 
belly, so that while she lost her life she saved that 
of her child.* The report of this victory soon 
reached Dehli : it was remarked that the emperor 
could not conceal his concern. He even said, in 
the vezir Abdullah-khan's presence, that it was a 
pity that so brave a man as Daud-khan should have 
been slain ; and he added, that his body had been 
unworthily treated. This expression was taken up 
by the vezir, who answered that " had his brother 
been slain by that savage of an Afghan, his death 
he supposed would have appeared quite proper, 

* The belief of this young female taught her, that by mak- 
ing this sacrifice to the manes of her husband, she should ex- 
piate both his sins and her own, and that they would be reunited 
in a future state. 


and would have been more acceptable to his 
majesty." Two remarkable circumstances occurred 
shortly after this conversation ; these were, first, 
the sudden dismissal of a body of select soldiers, 
which the emperor had ordered to be raised with 
a high pay, from forty to nine hundred rupees per 
month, payable by assignment on crown-lands, and 
in expectation of which they had been waiting 
twelve months. They were suddenly dismissed, 
and the paymasters told that at present there was 
no money in the treasury. The second was the 
arrival of Amir-jumlah from Azim-abad Patna; 
where it seems, over and above the standing troops 
of his government, he had raised a large body of 
Moguls and other foreigners ; and as the revenues 
of the country could not maintain those additional 
troops, they subsisted by pillaging the flat country, 
and by committing violences even in the middle of 
his capital, where they put under contribution the 
poor as well as the upper classes. Such enormi- 
ties soon rendered their employer Amir-jumlah an 
object of universal detestation ; but as he had 
most extravagantly squandered away the public 
money, and no resource remained for him against 
the disaffection of those people who threatened his 
person, he resolved to fly. For this purpose he 
got into one of those covered palkies that are used 
to convey women, and without imparting even a 


hint of his design to his most intimate friends, or 
even to his menial servants, he fled tow^ards Dehli, 
where he arrived in fifteen days. He reached it in 
the very middle of a dark night, and made his 
appearance at the castle-gate like a ghost from his 
grave. This v^as at a time when reports were 
spread throughout the city that it was the emperor's 
intention to seize the vezir's person ; and as the 
former had now conceived a rooted aversion against 
the two brothers, it was believed that Amir-jumlah 
had been sent for secretly. This much is certain, 
however, that when he did make his appearance at 
court he was ill received, and this reception only 
tended to increase his unpopularity. He went to 
Abdullah-khan, to whom he commenced paying 
assiduous court, and said he was resolved hencefor- 
ward to devote himself solely to his family. All these 
protestations were attributed to artifice by the 
public, and even to a concerted scheme of seizing 
the vezir's person. It was even suspected that the 
unexpected dismissal of the eight thousand troo- 
pers, and the appearance of the vast crowds of 
Moguls, and other disbanded soldiers, who arrived 
daily from Azim-abad Patna, and paraded every 
where armed, about the streets, and especially at 
the palace of Mahomed Amin-khan, the paymaster- 
general, and of Amir-jumlah and Khan Dowran, 
were measures preparatory to the seizure of the 


minister. Abdullah-khan at last began to think 
so himself, and giving way to his apprehensions, 
he ordered his quarter of the city and his palace 
to be put in a state of defence, causing a number 
of troops to be raised for the purpose. His nephew, 
Gheiret-khan, who had just been appointed fojdar 
of Narnole, and who had quitted the city with a 
strong party to take possession, having heard of 
these rumours, returned, and took up his quarters 
round his uncle's palace, not only with what troops 
he had with him, but also with some new levies 
which he collected on the way, chiefly composed 
of a large body of Seids of Barha, who flocked into 
the city on hearing that the vezir, whom they looked 
upon not only as their countryman but also as their 
kinsman, was in danger. Such terror was spread 
among Abdullah-khan's friends, that they fortified 
themselves in his palace or in his neighbourhood, 
and sat upon their elephants the whole day, ready 
for battle, and stood to their arms the whole night. 
But what looked very singular was, that at such a 
moment of suspicion, Amir-jumlah, at a loss what to 
do himself, sought an asylum with Mahomed Amir- 
khan, after having rendered himself not only odious 
but even contemptible towards him by his thought- 
less behaviour. Notwithstanding this pusillanimous 
conduct, Amir-jumlah harboured thoughts of con- 
tending against such men as Hussein Ali-khan and 

VOL. I. K 


the vezir Abdullah-khan. Amidst all these in- 
trigues, the emperor, who felt his own inability as 
well as his favourite's incapacity, undertook to put 
an end to them by discarding Amir-jumlah. He 
was accordingly dismissed to his native country 
of Multan, and Serbelend-khan appointed to his 
government of Azimabad Patna. These steps pro- 
duced no conviction in the mind of discerning men 
of the emperor's real intentions towards the Seids; 
for his want of sincerity was now so publicly known, 
and suspicions had taken so deep root, that when- 
ever he went out a hunting, or the least motion was 
observed in his household, a report was instantly 
spread that the vezir was seized. No wonder then 
that that minister continued to raise troops and to 
prepare for his defence. 

This year, which was marked by so many trou- 
bles and feuds, became also memorable by the 
demise of the venerable Assed-khan, that wise 
Azof of the state, who had been so long prime 
minister to Aurengzib. He departed this life, 
after having completed the ninety-fifth year of a 
life full of merit and virtue, in the sixth year of 
AH. 1129. Ferokh-siar's reign, and in the eleven hundred and 
twenty -ninth of the Hegira. He may be said to 
have been the last member of that ancient nobility, 
which had conferred «o much honour on the em- 
pire. He had every qualification that can con- 

A.D. 1716. 


stitiite a character equally eminent in public, and 
amiable in private life ; of a placid temper, and 
of a benignity of disposition so engaging, that to 
this day his name is affectionately remembered by 
all who knew him. Without ever having stooped 
to any nobles of the recent courts, he lived with 
dignity and splendour to the very last, preserving 
uninterruptedly great influence throughout every 
part of the empire ; and to his immortal honour be 
it said, he never ceased to employ his credit as 
well as his purse, in conferring obligations on any 
one that presented himself, whether a friend or 
stranger. May God Almighty be merciful unto 
his soul. Amen. It is well known that the proper 
name of that venerable noble was Ibrahim, and 
that of his son Ishmael. The latter was no other 
than that same Zulficar-khan so unjustly murdered 
by Ferokh-siar's order, in the beginning of his 
reign. People well remembered, that the son, being- 
unwilling to submit to the new emperor, and fully 
able to maintain his own independence, allowed 
his father's entreaties to prevail. He was thus 
totally subdued by the weight of paternal authority, 
which engaged him to lay aside all thoughts of 
opposition, and to repair to Ferokh-siar's head- 

Long before this venerable man's demise, the 
emperor, whose misfortune it was never to discern 

K 2 


real merit, and who now repented of his harshness, 
endeavoured to make reparation to that noble 
family. He himself wondered at his own conduct, 
the more so, as he now felt deeply the fatal con- 
sequences of it. On hearing that Assed-khan was 
upon his death-bed, he sent a person to pay him a 
visit of condolence on his part, and to address him 
in these terms. ** It is a pity that we should have 
not been at first sensible of all the merits of your 
illustrious family, and that such fatal ignorance 
should have brought about a mournful event, that 
ought never to have happened. Now we repent, 
and lament and sob, but all these come too late, 
and prove of no avail. Nevertheless, such is the 
high opinion we have conceived of your eminent 
character, and such is the perplexity of our situ- 
ation, that we flatter ourselves that you will not 
deny us your advice as to what we are to do with 
the Seids." The venerable old man, after having 
attentively listened to the message, answered in a 
mild tone of voice : ** You have committed a very 
great error ; the destiny of my son was fulfilled, 
and you were yourself under the impulse of fate ; 
but now the day of retribution seems at hand, you 
are full in its way ; and I much fear, that from the 
appearance of the general disaffection throughout 
your kingdom, ruin sits beneath the columns of the 
throne of Timur. You have unfortunately given 


up your authority into the hands of the Seids, it is 
too late to retrace your steps ; spare nothing now 
to keep them satisfied, lest these dissensions should 
give birth to greater evils, and reduce you to the 
necessity of suffering the reins of government to 
slip absolutely out of your hands." 



Nothing could be wiser than the dying noble- 
man's advice ; but it made only a momentary im 
pression on the emperor, who continued as thought- 
less as ever. Eternally importuned by courtiers 
equally imprudent and ambitious, he conferred on 
their friends most of the subordinate offices of the 
Deckan, to the great dissatisfaction of Hussein 
Ali-khan, the viceroy, who looked upon all those 
appointments not only as encroachments on his 
privileges as minister, but as even dangerous to his 
safety. Hussein Ali-khan therefore set them aside 
with fair words, and advanced his own dependents 
to all offices of trust : a line of conduct that did 
not fail to render him more obnoxious at court. 
Nor was Abdullah-khan, the other brother, more 
scrupulous. His deputy. Rattan Chand, proud of 
his master's influence, interfered with the public 
accounts, despite of the crown officers, whose pro- 
vince it was to keep them. Even the head of the 
khalisah office, who is properly speaking the mini- 
ster of finance, or accomptant-general, had become 
a mere cypher, and all affairs of revenue passed 
through the hands of Rattan Chand, who in a few 
hours' time could transact business to the amount 


of several corores. He also put up for rent all the 
crown-lands. Conduct so overbearing could not 
but embarrass both Ehtesam-khan, who was at the 
head of the khalisah office, and the Ray Rayan» 
who was inspector-general of the troops. These 
two officers were of different parties, the former 
inclining to the emperor, and the latter to the 
vezir ; but they at last both sent in their resigna- 
tions : so that those two offices were vacant, when 
Enaiet-ullah-khan suddenly made his appearance 
at court. This nobleman, who had fallen into 
disgrace in the first year of the emperor's reign, 
had gone on pilgrimage to xAlecca, from whence he 
now returned. He had acquired a great character 
for acuteness and fidelity, in the several offices he 
had held in the reigns of Aurengzib and Bahadur- 
shah. The emperor was well pleased with the 
arrival of a man of talents, attached to no party, of 
whom he could avail himself to remedy the dis- 
orders occasioned by Amir-jumlah; and he was 
now conscious how imprudent he had been in de- 
stroying the ancient nobility. The emperor receiv- 
ing the resignation of Ehtesam-khan, conferred on 
him the government of Cashmir, and appointed 
Enaiet-ullah-khan to be his successor in the Deck- 
an. The latter evinced much reluctance to hold 
two offices, the duties of which, he conceived, he 
could not discharge to his own or to his master's 


satisfaction, so long as Abdullah-khan or his deputy 
should continue to carry every thing with a high 
hand ; nor was Rattan Chand himself pleased to 
see a man appointed to so high an office under him, 
whose severity he had more than once experienced 
in Aurengzib's reign. 

This disagreement was put an end to by Yeklas- 
khan, a Hindu convert, who, though professedly 
attached to the two Seids, was too little pleased 
with the complexion of the times to accept of 
office himself. He lived a retired life, solely occu- 
pied in writing, by the emperor's order, the history 
of his time, under the title of Ferokh-siar Nama. 
This nobleman having connexions with both par- 
ties, proposed the following expedient, viz. that 
Enaiet-ullah-khan should promise that he would 
never propose any thing to the emperor without 
having first consulted Abdullah-khan. There were 
also two more stipulations : the first, that Rattan 
Chand should not interfere in Enaiet-ullah-khan's 
office ; the second, that Abdullah-khan himself 
should be more assiduous in the discharge of his 
duty as vezir, as the only means of preventing the 
clamours of many persons, whose business was at a 
stand for want of his seal or signature. It was 
agreed also that Abdullah-khan should repair twice 
a week at least to the castle, where he should sit 
in state ready to hear petitions and to redress com- 


plaints. The vezir complied for some time ; but 
he was so averse to the emperor's presence, and so 
addicted to women and devoted to every species of 
licentiousness, that he soon relapsed into his for- 
mer habits, and had no time to spare for public 

Whilst the minister's conduct left every thing to 
take its course, Enaiet-ullah-khan increased the 
discontent, by a severity, of which his discernment 
ought to have pointed out the inexpediency and 
danger. Without sufficiently attending to the com- 
plexion of the times, he proposed to the emperor to 
enforce certain laws, relative to the capitulation- 
tax on Hindus. The court and palace were full 
of eunuchs, Hindus, and Cashmirians, who had 
availed themselves of the inattention of the vezir 's 
administration, to obtain exorbitant salaries, to 
engross the best estates, and to disappoint the 
pretensions of those who aspired to such emolu- 
ments on better titles. The minister of finance 
now proposed, that part of those exorbitant grants 
and salaries should be resumed or altogether abo- 
lished, and part reduced to such limits, as were 
according to precedent in the imperial records. 
These two proposals proved so disagreeable to 
Rattan Chand, and to all the pillagers of the public 
wealth, that they complained to Abdullah-khan. 
To him likewise they proved equally unwelcome ; 


and all the sufferers by these arrangements writing 
against the author of the reforms, a coolness arose 
which displayed itself in daily bickerings, and 
which terminated in mutual disgust between the 
vezir and the minister. At length an open rupture 
ensued on the following occasion. 

A Hindu, who farmed some crown-lands, was 
found indebted to the treasury in a large amount 
for which he was put under restraint, notwith- 
standing the repeated applications of Rattan Chand 
for his enlargement ; at length the defaulter cor- 
rupted his guards, and made his escape to Rattan 
Chand's house, where he was protected. Eniaet- 
ullah-khan having represented the matter to the 
emperor, induced him to send a detachment of the 
palace-guard to fetch the delinquent ; but Rattan 
Chand's people defending themselves, the emperor 
commanded the vezir to dismiss his deputy, which 
he promised to do, though without any intention of 
complying with the order. The main subject of 
dissention, however, was the affair of Churamon 
Jatt. He was a powerful zemindar in the neigh- 
bourhood of Acberabad, of a family which at all 
times had proved so troublesome, that several em- 
perors had been constrained to march against his 
ancestors in person, and to bring them under sub- 
jection. Churamon had himself been once chastised 
for his refractory conduct, and becoming trouble- 


some again, the emperor in the beginning of Shewal shewai, 

A H 1J29. 

in the year 1129, appointed the Raja Jye-sing September, 
Sevay to reduce him. On this occasion the em- ^•^•^'^^'^^ 
peror promoted Jye-sing to a higher military rank, 
and presented him with an elephant, a suit of 
jewels, and some lacs of rupees. After his depar- 
ture, he dispatched to his assistance a large body 
of troops under the command of Seid-khan Jehan, 
brother of the vezir Seid Abdullah-khan. It was 
after the Raja Jye-sing having arrived before the 
Jatt's fortress, had carried his trenches close to the 
place and had sustained a great loss, that this rein- 
forcement arrived. The new general being young 
and fiery, disapproved of the slowness of this mode 
of attack, and made several assaults, but they 
proved so unsuccessful, that the camp was soon 
full of w^ounded men. The fort, however, after 
having been at length besieged a whole year, and 
suffering great distress from the want of supplies, 
could resist no longer. Thus situated, Churamon 
Jatt wrote to his agent at court, to apply to the 
vezir Abdullah-khan, offering to submit, to send a 
peskkesh or present of money, and to attend at 
court, should the emperor be pleased to overlook 
his past conduct; but under the express condi- 
tions, that the negotiation should not be conducted 
through Raja Jye-sing, and that he should not be 
permitted to have any share in concluding the 



treaty. This was no sooner communicated to the 
vezir, than Jye-sing receiving advice of it, vv^as 
incensed at the insult offered to him. He quitted 
the army and repaired to court, and imparted his 
own resentment into the mind of the emperor, who 
conceived his dignity was also compromised in the 
affair. In addition to this, Churamon Jatt himself 
arrived a few days after at the capital, and took up 
his residence close to the vezir's palace. After all 
these provocations, he had the assurance to present 
himself before the emperor, who detesting his 
person, refused to see him. The emperor seemed 
greatly affected by the turn which this affair had 
taken, especially at the present time, when nothing 
but disagreeable news were daily arriving from the 
Deckan, where disturbances had broken out, which 
threatened to involve the emperor and the empire 
in their consequences. 

In that quarter Hussein Ali-khan, the vezir's 
brother, was at the head of a victorious army. He 
had gone to Aurengabad, the capital of his govern- 
ment, where he was occupied in introducing order, 
when he heard from the Candeish, that Kandu- 
behary, one of the principal Mahratta generals in 
the Raja Sahu's service, was committing excesses 
in that province. It is to be observed, that although 
that country was included within the viceroy alty 
of the Deckan, yet it, as well as many other pro- 


vinces of that extensive country, had a Mahratta 
officer residing there, upon nearly an equal footing 
with the imperial governor himself, and whose 
business it was to collect on his sovereign's part 
the chout, or fourth part of the gross revenue, which 
had been allotted to him by former treaties. This 
impost had been extended throughout the Deckan 
ten or twelve years after the demise of the emperor 
Aurengzib, at a time of civil war, and when the 
princes of the imperial court, fully occupied by 
their own intestine broils, had no time to attend to 
the affairs of those distant parts. This Mahratta 
general having lined the road from Boorhanpoor to 
Surat, the principal sea-port of India, with a 
number of mud forts into which he had thrown 
garrisons, was in the habit of stopping merchants 
and whole caravans and exacting from them one^ 
fourth of the customs ; to which exactions if they 
submitted all was well : else he used to cause the 
caravans to be plundered on the way, and the 
merchants to be detained till they were ransomed. 
Such arbitrary proceedings having created a general 
clamour against him, the viceroy despatched his 
general, Zulficar-beg, at the head of a force of 
eight thousand men, cavalry and infantry, to put 
an end to these extortions. This general having 
got with some difficulty over the passes beyond 
Aurengabad, was marching in that tract of hilly 


country which bounds Candeish in the direction of 
Surat, when he fell in with Kandu-behary at the 
head of eight or nine thousand veterans, all cavalry 
and effective men, but whose numbers had been 
swelled by local recruits to as many as fifteen or 
sixteen thousand. The troops came in sight of each 
other on the confines of Baglana, at about seventy 
coss westward of Aurengabad. Zulficar-beg im- 
mediately prepared to attack the Mahratta, but he 
choosing to fight only on his own terms, declined 
the combat ; and continued to retreat until he had 
drawn his enemy into a difficult country, full of 
underwood and uneven ground. In vain Zulficar- 
beg's intelligencers warned their master against 
engaging the Mahrattas on this spot, but confident 
of his soldiers, and to the full as wreckless as the 
body of Seids of Barha that followed him, he fell 
upon the enemy, and killed a number of those 
uncircumcised unbelievers, whom he sent to the 
regions of hell. The Mahrattas, according to cus- 
tom, gave way on all sides, their general seeming 
to fly likewise, with no more than five hundred 
men. This manoeuvre was calculated to draw the 
Mussulmans further and further into the strong 
country, which obliged them to separate into small 
distinct parties, disunited from each other by ra- 
vines and coppices. This was precisely the object 
which Kandu-behary had in view, for as soon as 


he saw his enemies entangled within such a net, 
he secured the few passes by which they might 
escape, and having attacked them simultaneously 
on all sides, he slew their general and killed or 
wounded every one that fell in his way. The 
massacre lasted for some time, when those that 
survived, after delivering up their horses, arms and 
cloths, were made prisoners. 

So disgraceful a defeat affected the viceroy 
deeply, who appointed Raja Mohcam-sing, his 
minister, with an army of veteran troops, to avenge 
his honour, supported by another detachment 
under the command of his own younger brother, 
Seif-ed-din Ali-khan, whom he appointed to the 
government of Boorhanpoor. The two generals, 
who had orders to act in concert, were resolved to 
put an end to the Mahrattas. Kandu-behary, who 
had no inclination to fight on such disadvantageous 
terms, retreated southward with all his people, 
whom he placed in several strong-holds of the 
Sahu-raja's dominions. As to his mud forts, as 
soon as one of them was besieged, it was directly 
evacuated, but no sooner had the troops marched 
away than the garrison returned. And although 
Mohcam Sing defeated and dispersed another body 
of freebooters, that advanced from Ahmednagar in 
quest of booty, and pursued it to the gates of Sat- 
tara, yet Zulficar-beg's defeat and death remained 


Such a disgrace affected the viceroy's reputa- 
tion and the credit of his government. The Deck- 
anies, at all times an unruly people, were now 
become sensible of the intestine feuds between 
their viceroy and the emperor, and had in conse- 
quence become refractory and rebellious. This 
disposition was not a little encouraged by letters 
from court, where not only the raja of Sattara, but 
also all the crown servants and subordinate gover- 
nors of the Deckan were directed to refuse obedi- 
ence to Hussein Ali-khan's authority, and to do 
all in their power to ruin and destroy him. These 
secret orders excited resistance, and although, at 
this very time, Mubariz-khan, governor of the 
ancient kingdom of Hydrabad, had submitted to 
the viceroy, yet neither was that kingdom nor Bija- 
poor and Carnatic brought under complete sub- 
jection. The viceroy sensible of his situation, and 
feeling that the orders from court were calculated 
to undermine him, silently refused to admit the 
divans, or superintendants of finances, that were 
sent to him daily from court, to enter on their 
duties, and he either tired them out with delays, 
or cut them short with a flat refusal. 

These differences between the viceroy and the 
court, the foundations of that order, which the war- 
like and victorious Aurengzib had been at so much 
pains to establish, in countries where he had passed 


SO great a portion of his life, and where he had ex- 
pended all the treasures amassed by the emperor 
Shah Jehan his father. With infinite labour and 
personal toil Aurengzib had, during five and twenty- 
years, wrested thirty or forty strong-holds out of 
the hands of the Mahrattas, and reduced the gar- 
risons to take shelter in other fastnesses. During 
some years after his death intestine wars distracted 
the attention of his successors, and Bahadur-shah, 
who at last mounted the throne, having chosen for 
his residence the city of Lahore, a place remote 
from the centre of his empire, and still farther from 
the Deckan, that country became the scene of 
disorder. The Mahrattas availed themselves of 
this circumstance to rush out of their fastnesses, 
and to spread themselves over the neighbouring 
provinces, and by degrees they not only recovered 
several of their strong-holds, but committed such 
ravages on the imperial territories, as induced the 
viceroys to redeem them from total alienation by 
submitting to pay a yearly tribute of one full 
quarter of the revenue, under the appellation of 
chout, while those districts that refused to bend 
under so disgraceful a yoke, were subjected every 
year to all the ravages of fire and sword. Not 
but that the Mahrattas met with a vigorous resist- 
ance in some particular stations, from whence after 
a blockade of some length they retired with loss, 

VOL. I. L 


but they departed only to return again. This state 
of eternal warfare had tired out even the Mahrattas 
themselves, and at so early a period as the latter 
end of Aurengzib's reign, Rana Bye, the relict of 
Ram Raja, had solicited that prince to put an end 
to the miseries of mankind by granting her the 
ser des-muk'hy* in lieu of all other claims. This 
proposal included a tenth of the revenue of the six 
provinces that composed the viceroyalty of Deckan. 
To this Aurengzib refused to accede. Matters 
remained in this state until the time of Daud-khan 
Peny who governed all those countries as lieute- 
nant of the vezir Zulficar-khan. The Mahrattas 
entertained the highest respect for him, and he 
lived in amity with them. It was at length agreed 
that the Mahrattas should henceforward abstain 
from any demands on such tracts and territories £is 

* The Des-muk'hj literally Chief of the district, was an here- 
ditary office throughout India under the Hindu government, 
and in the local or modern appellations of Dessavi, Nat Gour, 
Natumkur, Naidu, Dessye, Des-muk'h, and Zemindar, we 
recognize the same person, from Ceylon to Cashmire, at the pre- 
sent day. The local officers received a portion of the revenue 
in money or in kind. The Mahomedans commuted such fees, 
by giving up to them waste land abandoned through excess of 
taxation. The Mahrattas had, long ere this period, imposed 
this tax in great part of the Deckan held by the Mahomedans. 
They demanded the same for the remainder, on the plea of their 
raja being the head of the Des-muk'hs, or hereditary Hindu 
district chiefs, to this claim they gave in consequence the appel- 
lation of Ser Des-muk'hy. 


were held by the princes of the royal blood, but 
that all those districts belonging to the grandees of 
the court, or any others, should pay chout to 
Hiramon as lieutenant of Daud-khan Peny, with- 
out the interference of the Mahrattas. 

This agreement, though intended to put an end 
to all other pretensions, gave birth to an infinity of 
disputes, which usually ended in bloodshed ; and 
under the government of Nizam-ul-mulk, which 
lasted no more than one year and some months, the 
chout, which had been hitherto levied by mutual 
agreement, was raised in that way. He defeated 
the Mahrattas once in a pitched battle, and took 
from them a vast number of mares and two or 
three elephants, which last he sent to the emperor, 
under the care of Mirza Beg. This viceroy, who 
was a man of vigour, was succeeded by Hussein 
Ali-khan, whose attention was wholly diverted by 
the machinations at court ; which, by perpetually 
exciting the raja of Sattara, and by encouraging 
the rajas and governors of those distant parts 
against him, effectually marred every measure he 
adopted to suppress the Mahratta encroachments. 
Unsupported by his master, whose designs against 
his family he had every reason to dread, and desi- 
rous to strengthen himself against his enemies, he 
eventually came to an agreement with the Mahrat- 
tas on the following conditions : that, over and 

L 2 


above what had been agreed to under Daud-khan 
Peny's administration, the Mahrattas should be 
entitled to the ser des-muk'hy, being a tenth of 
all the revenues of the six and a half provinces of 
the Deckan, and that the Mahratta generals, Jes- 
went 'Row and Chimnajy Appa, should reside at 
Aurengabad, at the head of a body of veteran troops, 
near the viceroy's person, as deputies from the raja 
of Sattara, in whose name they should collect their 
chout from the Jaghirdars, as well as the ser des- 
muk'hy rights from the ryots or cultivators. 

In consequence of this treaty, the pillage and 
massacre that had so long desolated the Deckan 
ceased for a time, and the inhabitants began to 
enjoy tranquillity ; but still the task of collector of 
the revenue became troublesome, complicated, and 
pregnant with difficulty. He was now obliged to 
deal with three distinct offices: the collector of 
the imperial revenue, the collector of the chout, 
and the collector of the ser des-muk'hy. Hussein 
Ali-khan, after the ratification of this treaty, and 
after admitting the Mahrattas into all the cities of 
his immense government, sent notice of it to the 
emperor, for his approval. The emperor, instigated 
by those nearest his person, rejected the treaty as 
highly derogatory to his honour, being calculated 
to support that spirit of independence with which 
its author was supposed to be infected. At the 

A.D. 1717. 


same time he appointed Jan-nisar-khan to be the 

viceroy's lieutenant in the province of Candeish. 

The emperor on dismissing him presented him with 

a splendid dress of honour, an elephant, and some 

jewels. This was in public ; but in a private audience 

he charged him with some advice for Hussein Ali- 

khan, in hopes that as Jan-nisar-khan was regarded 

as the uncle of the latter, he might by the weight 

of his authority prevail on his nephew to behave with 

more respect to the emperor. This happened in the 

sixth year of his reign, which answers to the years 

1130 of the Hegira. Mahomed Amir-khan was a.h. iisa 

at the same time appointed to the viceroyalty of 

Malwa ; on the frontiers of which he was to receive 

his patent, and to convey a letter of recal for Raja 

Jye-sing Sevay. The general opinion at court was 

that he had been dispatched upon a very different 

errand; a rumour which induced Jan-nisar-khan 

to halt on the Nerbedda, with hardly any thing 

more than his usual retinue. He was too prudent 

to risk his person by appearing without a body of 

troops on the frontiers of the province to which he 

had been appointed, and where it was doubtful 

whether he would be acknowledged. On the other 

hand, Mahomed Amir-khan advanced to Seronj, 

the first great town of Malwa. A report now spread 

throughout the Deckan that Mahomed Amir-khan 

was marching to Aurengabad, at the head of fifty 


thousand horse, and that his vanguard of eight 
thousand cavalry had been pushed forward under 
Jan-nisar-khan. This piece of intelligence having 
been circulated in that great city by the nev^s- 
w^riters,* with which all capitals swarm, at last 
impressed the viceroy himself with apprehensions. 
His doubts, however, vanished, on the receipt of a 
letter from Jan-nisar-khan himself, who requested 
a small number of troops to escort him through 
certain narrow and difficult passes, where a free- 
booter of the name of Santa f was plundering on 
his own private account, independent of the raja 
of Sattara, his master. The escort was sent, and 
Jan-nisar-khan immediately waited on the viceroy. 
Hussein Ali-khan, who felt that Candeish was the 
frontier most open to invasion from the side of the 

* In the absence of the art of printing, it becomes necessary 
for all persons at the head of establishments, whether mercan- 
tile or political, to have constant information of all changes 
whatsoever that may take place in large cities, and where all 
depended so much on political intrigues the necessity appears 
the greater. Such is the case in all the cities of India under the 
native governments, where tiews-writers reside as agents. The 
practice is of very old standing in the East, and a reference to 
files of these newspapers would lead to the development of 
some of the most interesting events in the annals of India. 

t This was Santaji Kadam Bandy, whose family still hold 
some small estates in Candeish. The Gykwar of Baroda, and 
Holker of Indore, are descended from chiefs who were follow- 
ers of the Bandy family, whose flag they use at the present 


court, did not choose to confide it to a chief of the 
emperor's recommendation; but as, on the other 
hand, he had a high regard for Jan-nisar-khan, 
he paid him every kind of respect, and welcomed 
him on his arrival with several very rich presents. 
Three other persons of importance now arrived 
from court, with letters-patent for two of the 
highest offices in the Deckan. These were Zia- 
ed-din-khan, a Persian by birth, and a sheriff of 
Khorassan, who on the death of Dianet-khan, 
nephew to Amanet-khan, had been appointed to 
the office of divan, or receiver-general of the 
finances in the Deckan. The two others were 
Jelal-ed-din-khan, appointed divan of Biirhan- 
poor, and Feiz-ullah-khan appointed paymaster 
of the forces. Zia-ed-din-khan, who was furnished 
with a letter of recommendation from the vezir 
Abdullah-khan, was permitted to take possession 
of his office, where he had the prudence always to 
act in conformity with the viceroy's wishes, and to 
satisfy him. Jelal-ed-din-khan had for some time 
the superintendance of Berar instead of Candeish ; 
but as to the paymaster of the forces, the viceroy 
did not even vouchsafe to return his salute. This 
latter piece of intelligence, having soon found its 
way to court, raised the emperor's indignation, but 
without occasioning any change in his mode of 
life, or inducing him to conceal from the public 


eye the infamous vices to which he was strongly 
addicted. It was at this time one Mahomed Murad, 
a Cashmirian, universally held in abomination for 
his vicious propensities, was presented to Saheb- 
el-nissa, the empress mother, and by her to her 
son, who gave him a private audience. This man 
said that he had thought of a variety of plans for 
seizing Abdullah-khan, and for destroying his 
brother Hussein Ali-khan, without having recourse 
to open force. This advice was grateful to the 
emperor, who being too timid to adopt any vigour- 
ous measures, was glad to hear of an expedient to 
circumvent his enemies, and he increased his 
affection towards his new associate in proportion 
to the importance of his advice. He changed his 
name to that of Etikad-khan, and being himself 
strongly addicted to the same vicious practices, he 
henceforward became the king's bosom friend. 

This man ingratiated himself deeper and deeper 
into the emperor's good graces : titles and dignities 
and honours were showered upon him : his titles 
were lengthened into those of Etikad-khan Ferokh- 
shahy Rukn-ed-doulah.* To these titles were su- 
peradded the military grade of commander of 
seven thousand horse, with the full pay and com- 
mand of ten thousand. He received besides daily 

* i. e. The confidential noble of the court of Ferokh-shah, 
the prop of the state. 


presents of great value, consisting of jewels of 
exquisite beauty, and the most curious and costly 
stuffs from the emperor's wardrobe. Meanwhile 
as the emperor every day held council with his 
new favourite, it was at last agreed that three 
persons should be sent for to court, viz. Serbelend- 
khan from his government of Azimabad Patna, 
Nizam-ul-mulk, from Muradabad, and Raja Ajit 
Sing from Guzerat, all men of talents and military 
character, whom it was intended to gain over 
against the ministers by promising them the highest 
offices of the empire. But hardly had Nizam-ul- 
mulk arrived, when his government of Muradabad, 
together with the rich estate he enjoyed in that 
province, were both transferred to the favourite 
Etikad-khan, and the name of Muradabad was 
changed to that of Rukn-abad, and the whole 
bestowed upon him as an estate. The emperor, 
however, reflecting on the impolicy of disobliging 
powerful men, attempted to make amends to the 
Hindu prince by conferring on him the title of 
Maharaja, and by pointing out to him superior dig- 
nities, if the emperor should effect the destruction 
of the two Seids. The Hindu prince, aware of 
the emperor's character, declined taking any con- 
cern in such an affair, and reflecting on the inno- 
cence, and the great power of the two brothers, he 
became the vezir Abdullah-khan's bosom-friend. 


As to Nizam-ul-mulk and Serbelend-khan, who 
had come so far under the promises of being pro- 
moted to the high offices of vezir and commander- 
in-chief, they were not only disappointed, but even 
lost the governments they had hitherto enjoyed. 
Their surprise and discontent knew no bounds, 
but having set their hearts on those offices, they 
supplicated his majesty to entrust the vizarat to 
either of his faithful servants, if he wished to get 
rid of Abdullah-khan. To this resolute proposal 
the emperor made this memorable answer : "I 
know no man fitter for vezir than Etikad-khan." 
There were then at court several great chiefs, both 
of Iranian* and Turanian extraction, all men of 
known character and enterprise ; but so soon as 
any of them proposed to rid the emperor of the 
two Seids, on condition of having the vizarat, he 
was immediately saluted by these ridiculous words : 
" I know no man fitter for vezir than Etikad- 
khan." What made all those nobles so forward in 
offering their services at this moment, was the 
favourable opportunity afforded by the approaching 
feast of the korban, or sacrifice, when the whole 
city would go out beyond the suburbs, to pray in 
the open fields. The retinues and troops brought 
by those two chiefs, and by the Hindu princes, 
added to those always attending the emperor's 

* Iran signifying Persia ; Turan, Chorasmia. 


person, could not amount to less than seventy 
or eighty thousand cavalry, whilst it was well 
known that the vezir Abdullah-khan had no more 
than four or five thousand retainers about his 
person ; at all events it is certain, that on that very 
day a report prevailed throughout the city, that 
Abdullah-khan was going to be arrested or slain. 
In spite of all these circumstances nothing was 
done by the emperor, and not a man raised his 
voice. The reports but served to put Abdullah-khan 
upon his guard, and he who had hitherto admit- 
ted none but Seids around his person, now ordered 
twenty-five thousand horse to be raised forthwith, 
without any distinction of country or nation. Ac- 
counts of these proceedings reached the ears of 
Hussein Ali-khan, viceroy of the Deckan, who im- 
pressed with well-grounded apprehensions for the 
safety of his brother, and his family, resolved to 
postpone every other object, and quitting the 
Deckan to march to the capital, where he resolved 
to remove all doubts for the future, by not quitting 
Dehli without crushing all his enemies. 

This design having taken possession of his mind, 
he recollected one Moiz-ed-din, a neglected young 
man now at the raja of Sattara's court, who 
passed for a son of the prince Acber, the youngest 
son of the emperor Aurengzib. He sent an escort 
to bring him, and caused him to enter the city of 


Aurengabad with a pompous train, but iu such a 
manner that no one should distinguish his features. 
This event formed a paragraph in one of his dis- 
patches to the emperor, and instructions were de- 
manded as to the treatment of this young man. 
Hussein Ali-khan added also a private request that 
he might be allowed to quit his station and to 
repair to the capital, on account of his health, 
which he stated was much impaired by his resi- 
dence in the Deckan, as well as by the fatigues of 
continual and laborious campaigns. These letters 
alarmed the emperor. His natural timidity in- 
stantly evinced itself, and in order to remove his 
own uneasiness, at a time when one of the brothers 
was coming to the city with a powerful army, 
whilst the other was enlisting men on all sides, he 
resolved to effect an accommodation with so power- 
ful a family. He therefore sent the Hindu prince, 
Ajit Sing, to convey an apology to Abdullah-khan, 
and as the messenger was known to profess sin- 
cerity to both parties, he soon found means to 
effect a reconciliation. To confirm this good un- 
derstanding, which took place at the end of the 
month of Sheval, the emperor left the citadel 
accompanied by his favourite Etikad-khan and his 
minister Khan Douran, and Went in state to pay a 
visit to Abdullah-khan. When there, he swore that 
henceforward he would be his sincere friend ; but 


such was the insincerity of the king's disposition, 
that he never continued in the same mind for any 
length of time ; at one time submitting quietly to 
events and assuming dissimulations, at another 
resolving to come to extremities with the Seids, 
and making them feel the weight of his resentment. 
This conduct of the emperor influenced the differ- 
ent opinions of his confidents and favourites, who 
being alike pusillanimous with himself, discouraged 
even men of resolution from coming forward, who 
were ready to execute the most difficult orders. The 
latter, jealous of the vile set of low associates who 
had the emperor's ear, refused to have any concern 
with them, so that they withdrew one after another, 
full of indignation and disgust. The very men whom 
the emperor had sent for from afar, in order to 
strengthen his hands, had lost their employments, 
and now remained neglected and unthought of; 
as was the case with Serbelend-khan and Nizam- 
ul-mulk, who had come upon his pressing invi- 
tations and his express commands, on the faith of 
promises given in his own hand -writing. These 
two generals, joined by Mubariz-el-mulk and the 
Rajah Jye Sing Sevay, went at length to the em- 
peror, and proposed that Abdullah-khan should 
be dismissed from office forthwith, as success de- 
pended upon acting openly ; after which, he, as 
well as his younger brother, might easily be 


crushed. In that case the cabal undertook either 
to prevail on the two brothers to submit quietly, 
or to put them down by force. So bold a propo- 
sition did not rouse the emperor. He continued 
to listen to his favourite Etikad-khan's advice, and 
disappointed and disgusted the two generals, as we 
have already said ; he moreover now took a rich 
estate from Serbelend-khan, and bestowed it upon 
Amir-jumlah, that chief who had already effected 
the ruin of Assed-khan's family, and who was now 
working hard for destroying the empire itself. The 
emperor on returning to his palace sent for Ekhlass- 
khan, a nobleman whose intimate connexion with 
the two Seids was well known, and he commis- 
sioned him to appease Abdullah-khan's mind, so 
as to induce him to restrain from exciting troubles 
at the capital, and to prevent his brother from 
quitting the Deckan. It was reported that the 
latter was already in full march, and that he had 
already sent his younger brother Seif-ed-din Ali- 
khan to Burhanpoor, at the head of a body of 
four or five thousand cavalry, with orders to pre- 
pare troops and a train of artillery. He had been 
roused by the rumours that were abroad in the 
capital, and he resolved to march, when he re- 
ceived intelligence that the emperor had gone to 
visit Abdullah-khan, in order to bury the past in 
oblivion and to swear eternal friendship to the 


family. These contrary reports perplexed his mind, 
and determined him to wait for further advices from 
the capital. He was in this state of suspense, when 
to his amazement he received a pressing letter from 
Abdullah-khan, requesting his assistance without a 
moment's delay. At the same time the general re- 
port at Aurengabad was, that his brother the vezir 
was reduced to extremities at the capital. There 
was therefore not a moment to lose, if he wanted to 
save him from destruction. What added greatly 
to his embarrassment, was an answer to his appli- 
cation for leave to this effect ; viz. that it might be 
better for him to repair to Ahmedabad in Guzerat, 
where his presence was required, if he only wanted 
change of air, else he might come to the capital, 
where his majesty would see him with pleasure. 
This reply was accompanied by an order to send 
to court the reputed son of prince Acber. Whilst 
Hussein Ali-khan was preparing for his journey, 
his brother Abdullah-khan was enlisting troops at 
the capital. In this he was greatly aided by the 
distress which all the troops, including those of 
the household, suffered for want of pay. Full 
nine months' arrears were due to them, whether 
in consequence of Abdullah-khan's neglect, or 
through his own contrivance. They had received 
nothing in that long time, and their discontent had 
risen to excess, but they had no one to direct it. 


or to lead them to action : so that Abdullah-khan's 
levies soon amounted to full twenty thousand 

Serbelend-khan was by this time reduced to 
extreme necessity. He had been at all times im- 
prudent; his estate had been lately taken from 
him, and he had spent all his ready money in 
supporting the troops he had brought w^ith him, 
which were now persecuting him for their arrears. 
Driven to despair by demands which he could not 
otherwise satisfy, he had resolved to get rid of the 
clamours of his followers, and of the persecution of 
his creditors, by abandoning to them his elephants, 
horses, equipage, furniture, and jewels; after which 
he intended to put on a religious garb, and to turn 
hermit. Nor was Nizam-ul-mulk in better circum- 
stances : that general, who had been sent for to 
court, with such pressing invitations and under a 
solemn promise of succeeding the vezir, had not 
only been disappointed, but he had also lost the 
rich estate he possessed ; and he had the mortifi- 
cation to see it bestowed on Etikad-khan, the new 
favourite, of whom the emperor was so fond that 
he seemed to have eyes and ears only for him. 
The vezir took advantage of these circumstances, 
and induced the two generals, by dint of entreaties, 
to come to his palace. When they arrived, he 
sent for Serbel end-khan's military officers and his 


other creditors, and paid them out of his own 
private treasury. He moreover recommended him 
for the government of Cabul then vacant. He also 
gave Nizam-ul-rnulk hopes that he should shortly 
be appointed to the government of Malwa. It was 
at this time that Mahomed Amir-khan arrived 
suddenly at court from Malwa, without leave or 
without letters of recall. He had advanced only 
as far as Seronj, when receiving no further instruc- 
tions from court, and hearing that Hussein Ali 
khan, viceroy of the Deckan, was on his march to 
the capital, he returned to Dehli. The emperor was 
so incensed that he would not see him, but dis- 
missed him from his service. Abdullah-khan no 
sooner heard of this than he sent for him, and by 
dint of persuasion and flattery gained him over to 
his party ; and he was so successful that Khan 
Douran himself, who in conjunction with Amir- 
jumlah had been so instrumental in fermenting 
dissensions against the Seids, now went over to 
the vezir's party, and was admitted to share his 

So many desertions perplexed the emperor, who 
was every day contriving expedients for having his 
revenge. One day the emperor going out with a 
hunting party, had agreed on his return to call at 
the vezir's ; and as Maharaja Aj it-sing's lodgings 
were on the road, and close to that minister's 

VOL. I. M 


palace, it was expected the raja would come out 
to make his bow and present his nezer^ in which 
case his majesty thought he might be easily seized, 
without the emperor appearing to be privy to the 
plot. The Hindu chief, apprehensive of what might 
happen, and conscious how much his attachment 
to the Seids had rendered him obnoxious to the 
emperor, thought proper to repair to the vezir's 
palace. This disappointment affected the emperor's 
spirits ; and, although part of his retinue was 
already opposite the vezir's, and that minister him- 
self had come out and waited for a long time at 
the entrance for the moment of paying his respects, 
the emperor kept his eyes fixed ^n the opposite 
side, and having ordered his bargemen to steer by 
the middle of the stream, arrived at his own palace, 
without noticing the vezir or his attendants. 

Meanwhile Hussein Ali-khan having quitted 
* # Aurengabad, was on full march towards the capital. 

Although his army and camp-followers were nu- 
merous, he had made them preserve such strict 
discipline, that no man dared to offer the least 
violence to any one in the many villages which 
every night necessarily became enclosed within his 
encampment. One day a country girl, the daughter 
of a poor widow, that could hardly subsist, impelled 
by the pangs of hunger, came out at night, and was 
strolling about the tents in quest of food. A soldier. 


who was then cooking some victuals, asked her whe- 
ther she chose to follow any one who would take care 
of her. She consented ; and after eating food, fell 
asleep close to the man, who overcome by the 
fatigues of a long march slept soundly the whole 
night, without thinking more of the girl. At day- 
break he caused her to be mounted upon a camel, 
and sent her on with his baggage. Meanwhile the 
widow, who had in vain waited late at night for 
her daughter's return, could not obtain a moment 
of sleep, but at day-break took post upon a rising 
ground, close to which she knew the viceroy would 
pass. On descrying his elephant, she screamed 
out that her virgin daughter, the only prop of her 
widowhood, having strayed last night about the 
camp in quest of food, had been enticed away by 
some of his people. 

The viceroy, affected by the woman's story, 
stopped his elephant, halted the line, and after 
having sworn that he would neither taste food nor 
drink until she was found, he ordered strict search 
to be made throughout the whole army. On this 
order each commander was enjoined to send a 
number of trusty men amidst the ranks, in ord6r 
to recover the girl. There are angels always ready 
to second the intentions of virtuous men in high 
offices. This immense multitude, that equalled 
the crowds that will appear at the day of the 

M 2 



judgment, and which moved like the waves of a 
sea, presented no obstacle to the investigation, for 
after inquiry the man and the girl were both found 
and brought before the general. 

The latter, turning towards the girl, asked her 
how she came with the camp, and whether her 
person had been violated; the girl answered, that 
tired with suffering every day the pangs of hunger, 
and the thoughts of famine, she had followed the 
soldier of her own free-will, in hopes of putting an 
end to her sufferings, but that he had not defiled 
her person. The general, on this answer, returned 
thanks that he had it in his power to gratify the 
disconsolate mother. At the same time he sent 
one of his guards with orders not to quit her cot- 
tage, until the whole army had passed and was at 
a distance. 

It has been mentioned that Hussein Ali-khan 
had sent his younger brother to Burhanpoor to 
15 shevai, prepare camp equipage and a train of artillery. It 
20 August, vs^as the fifteenth of Shevai, in the year 1131 of 
the Hegira, that on receiving intelligence of his 
brother's danger he quitted Aurengabad, and 
having tarried only a few days in Candeish to per- 
form some pressing business, he commenced his 
Muharrem, march, iu the besinnino^ of Muharrem, in the 

A.H.1132. ' , . 

Nov. seventh year of the emperor's reign, which answers 
to the year 1132 of the Hegira. He was accom- 


panied by a vast number of persons of distinction, 
among whom was a son of his uncle, called the 
holy Nawab, whose name was Assed-ullah-khan. 
He had also that nobleman's children, together 
with Jan-nisar-khan, Ekhlass-khan, deputy to 
the governor of Berar, Assed Ali-khan, the lame, a 
relation of Ali-merdan-khan, Dilere-khan, of Pani- 
put, brother of Zakariah-khan Sadik, and Ekhtisas- 
khan, nephew of Khan Aalem, as well as Haji 
Seif-ullah-khan and Zia-eddin-khan, divan, also 
Firoz Ali-khan, one of the most renowned Seids of 
Barha. Several Hindu princes likewise accom- 
panied him of their own accord, such as Raja Pre- 
tab Sing Bundelah, and Raja Mohcam Sing, one of 
the principal nobles of the viceroy's court. He 
was also attended by all the crown-servants of the 
Deckan, some of whom came of their own accord, 
but others much against their will. His army, as 
numerous as the billows of the sea, covered a vast 
plain. His cavalry alone, amongst which were ten 
or twelve thousand Mahrattas, amounting to full 
thirty thousand ; the infantry was innumerable, 
for several Deckany mansabdars, or military 
officers, who had never moved from their homes, 
for either viceroy or prince of the blood, had now 
been made to attend. As to the fortresses, some, 
like Ahmednagar, were occupied by his own 
troops, while he left others in the hands of Mah- 


All these arrangements being completed and 
some days spent in concluding his business at 
Burhanpoor, he departed, and proceeding by con- 
tinuous marches, crossed the river Nerbedda at 
Acberpoor. On his arrival at Mandoo, he was met 
by Ekhlass-khan, a nobleman who had been sent 
by the emperor to Hussein Ali-khan, to prevail 
upon him to return to the Deckan. This chieftain 
recounted in a private audience, how an accommo- 
dation had been twice effected and twice broken ; 
how the seeds of dissension seemed to spring up 
every where ; how the grandees of the empire 
were flocking to the capital ; how both Nizam-ul- 
mulk and Mahomed Amir-khan continued sullen 
in their discontent; and how the emperor was 
more than ever attached to Etikad-khan. All these 
matters could not fail to render the viceroy anxious 
about his brother's fate. He advanced with promp- 
titude, and received the homages and compliments 
of all the governors and commanders on the road ; 
but he had the mortification to find himself slighted 
by Mahomed-khan, an officer of character who 
commanded at Mandoo in Malwa, whither he had 
been sent from court for the purpose of bringing 
into subjection the refractory zemindars of that 
country ; a service which he had performed with 
much credit. This officer having neglected to 
visit the viceroy gave great offence, as we shall 


see in the sequel. Whilst the army was on full 
march and encamped near Oojein, news came, that 
the emperor intimidated by the viceroy's approach, 
had again visited the vezir Abdullah-khan, and had 
entered into a fresh treaty with him. He had 
solemnly sworn to be henceforward a friend to his 
family, and had ended his visit by taking his own 
turban from his head, and putting it on that of the 
minister, as a token of indissoluble amity. The 
emperor, not content with these protestations, 
turned towards Etikad-khan and his other favou- 
rites, and strongly recommended them to bury all 
dissensions in oblivion, and to live henceforward 
upon good terms with his minister. This infor- 
mation had such an affect on Hussein Ali-khan 
that he said aloud in the middle of the court, that 
since the emperor was reconciled to them (the 
two brothers), he might rest assured that they on 
their part would always behave as became dutiful 
subjects. *' And I intend nothing more," added he, 
" than to pay my respects, and then to retire to 
the Deckan." The major part of the assembly 
being composed of Deckanies, were much pleased 
at these words, as every one of them expected soon 
to return home. 

The viceroy's friends, however, were not de- 
ceived ; especially as he was heard to say in private, 
that the visit of the emperor was a mere farce. 


and that all his protestations were but a tale to lull 
him to sleep, and to prevent his brother from 
advancing ; there was, he observed, not the least 
sincerity in the king's promise, whom .he knew too 
well to repose any confidence in him : ** and," 
added he, "if the emperor finds an opportunity to 
get us within his power, he will not fail to do so on 
any terms, nor will it be possible to save either our 
honour or our lives. If he fall into ours, we shall 
probably not treat him better." 

Hussein Ali-khan advanced into the territory 
of the Raja of Gohud, where some villages were 
plundered, and some havoc committed at first ; 
but on that prince's ambassador appearing with an 
offering of money, the country was spared, and 
suflfered no further damage. This was not the 
case with the dominions of Raja Jye-sing Sevay. 
His country was sacked, in order to punish him for 
espousing so warmly the cause of the emperor. 
In vain did this prince's principal agent humble 
himself before the viceroy, to whom he presented 
a considerable sum of money. The compliment 
was rejected, and every thing in his country was 
abandoned to the rapacity of the soldiery. The 
fields were ravaged, and young persons of both 
sexes carried into captivity. At length the army 
arrived within three or four days' journey of the 
capital, and the roads became thronged with thp 


retinues of people of the highest distinction, who 
flocked to pay their coiirt to the viceroy. Jafer- 
khan was of this number, as well as Rattan Chand. 
These, together with a vast multitude of the weal- 
thiest citizens behaved respectfully, and were re- 
ceived with favour ; but Jafer-khan, who made a 
great display of his numerous retinue, and was on 
that account deemed presumptuous, had the mor- 
tification to see himself slighted. This conduct on 
the part of the viceroy was caused by the reports 
of tale-bearers, who themselves desirous of fur- 
nishmg news, whether true or false, seemed un- 
aware of the fatal consequences that might ensue 
from such dissentions. Every day widened the 
breach which subsisted between the two brothers 
and the emperor. The principal incendiary was 
Rattan Chand, who, impelled by his religious zeal 
against Mussulmans, as well as by his personal 
animosity to the emperor, and many grandees of 
the court, propagated the most extravagant reports, 
and irritated the viceroy's mind. With feelings 
highly excited, he advanced close to the capital, 
and encamped at the staif of Firoz-shah, on the 
first of Rebi-ul-awal. On approaching his tent he i Rew-ui- 
caused the music to be played for him, which is a. h. i'i32. 
never done but for the emperor ; and having en- a. D.'^mg!^' 
tered it with a retinue and a pomp truly imperial, 
he was heard to say, that as he did not consider 


himself a subject, he could not pay much attention 
to etiquette. 

Even this did not rouse the pusillanimous Ferokh- 
siar. Eternally undecided, he talked of the impe- 
rial dignity, and of the chastisement which might 
be the consequence of its infringement ; and a day 
after he spoke only of forbearance, and made ad- 
vances towards a reconciliation by a renewal of 
promises and new stipulations. So much weak- 
ness discouraged even his most zealous servants. 
Raja Jye-sing, tired out with such irresolution, 
once proposed to him to come out of the castle and 
put himself at the head of his household-troops, 
and to fall suddenly upon those two rebellious 
brothers. ** The moment," said he, "that your 
troops and friends (and these after all cannot be 
reckoned at less than twice the number of those 
that follow your enemies), the moment your friends 
shall perceive that you are acting boldly, and with 
vigour, they will flock to you from all parts, and 
will put it in your power to punish your enemies. 
I am even inclined to believe, that at such a sight 
vast numbers that now seem disposed to follow 
the standard of the two brothers, will quit it, to 
return to their lawful master, and assist in crushing: 
them to atoms." 

This judicious advice did not produce any effect, 
so that none of the nobles of the court, who saw 


the emperor^s infatuation towards his unworthy- 
favourites, thought it right to declare themselves, 
or to take the lead in an affair in which their 
master himself seemed quite passive. It is most 
singular, that whilst Jye-sing's advice was disre- 
garded, no measure was taken to come to some 
sincere accommodation. The sober advice of many 
nobles zealous for the honour of the crown was 
disregarded, and the emperor approving of nothing 
but what was suggested by his own mind, or by 
his thoughtless favourites, diffused despair every 
where, and ruined his cause. No wonder then if 
at last he saw what came to pass ; for numbers 
of his great officers equally wise and brave, on 
beholding such a state of things, burned with in- 
dignation, and lamented having their hands tied 
up and condemned to inaction. Nay, some who 
had heretofore been put under the vezir's command 
quitted his party of their own accords, on disco- 
vering to what lengths his ambition was leading 
him ; and matters might have taken another turn, 
when the vezir, aware of his danger, and obliged 
to hasten the crisis, sent the following message to 
the emperor : " Should your majesty vouchsafe 
to dismiss Jye-sing, that inveterate enemy of our 
family, from your court, and send him back to his 
own country, and condescend to add to that favour 
the two offices of grand master of the artillery 


and superintendent of the halls of audience, with 
permission to take our own measures in the castle, 
we your faithful servants, being henceforward free 
from apprehension, will attend your majesty's 
person as heretofore." The emperor, without be- 
traying astonishment at such a message, answered, 
** that in fact, the two offices alluded to were in 
the vezir's possession, or in that of his friends, and 
that nothing had been withheld from them but the 
execution of the laborious part which had de- 
volved on Etikad-khan as his deputy, but that at 
any rate his deputyship would cease of itself on 
New Year's Day. That as to Jye-sing, that chief- 
SRebi III- tain had received so early as on the third of Rebi- 
A.H. ]i'32. ul-awal, an order to repair forthwith to his own 
A.D."i72o. country, and had already quitted the court." 

So moderate an answer served only to embolden 
the two brothers ; the more so, as it became evident 
every day that Ferokh-siar had not a particle of 
courage ; for although he detested the Seids, and 
wished their destruction, and was eternally impor- 
tuned by his servants to place himself at their 
head, and to attack them at once, nevertheless 
such was his pusillanimity that he did not dare to 
prepare openly for defence, still less to stilly forth 
and assault his enemies. Against his own convic- 
tion and inclination, he formally consented to the 
request of the vezic Abdullah-khan, and on tlje 5th 


of Rebi-us-sani, that minister repaired to the castle, 5 Rebi-us-sani, 

. . . A.H. 1132. 

attended by a crowd of persons of distinction de- 3 February, 

, , . . ^ , A --J. • A.D. 172U. 

voted to his interest, amongst whom was Ajit-sing. 
He dismissed the emperor's troops and officers from 
all their posts and offices in the castle, and placed 
his own in their stead ; so that of all chiefs of dis- 
tinction, who attended daily on the emperor's per- 
son, there remained no one but his favourite Etikad- 
khan ; Imtiaz-khan, the comptroller of the house- 
hold ; and Jafer-khan, master of the ceremonies, 
with a few others of whom the vezir made fio 
account, together with some menial servants and 
eunuchs. A few hours after, the viceroy, sur- 
rounded by a pomp truly imperial, placing himself 
at the head of his forces, marched through the city 
in battle array, and having taken possession of the 
gates and ramparts, which his troops overspread so 
as to fill several streets, he continued his march to 
the palace, where having alighted he paid a very 
short visit to the emperor. It was remarked that 
few words were exchanged between them ; and, 
although the emperor presented him with a num- 
ber of elephants, horses, and jewels, he vouchsafed 
his acceptance of a few only, and on his departure 
made so careless a bow that it gave general offence 
to the court. Even such a scene could not rouse 
Ferokh-siar : he continued motionless, and pas- 
sively saw himself divested of his dignity and 


patrimony, in the midst of his court. Two days 
after, the vezir returned to the castle, dismissed 
the few persons that remained attached to the 
emperor, placed his own creatures every-where, and 
giving charge of the gates to one of his own trusty 
servants, he sent for the keys of the private stairs, 
the dormitory, and the hall of justice. As soon as 
the viceroy was informed that all was quiet within 
the citadel, he set out in as much state and pomp 
as before, and proceeding along several streets 
which had been filled for two whole days with his 
troops, he repaired to his own residence, called 
Shaistah-khan's Palace, situated close to the cita- 
del. On this occasion he had brought with him the 
pretended son of prince Acber, mounted on an 
elephant in such a way that his face could not be 
distinguished. The next morning the vezir went 
to the castle ; and after having again requested to 
have the offices he had before-mentioned conferred 
on him, he enumerated the various grievances which 
he as well as his brother had been suffering for 
many years ; and history has preserved his very 
words : "In return for the important services we 
have rendered you in times of weakness and dis- 
tress ; in return for the blood our family have shed 
in your service, as we had already done in that of 
your father and grandfather, — such faithful ser- 
vants have experienced nothing but mistrust and 


suspicion, and a variety of plots have been con- 
trived against our lives and honour. In proof of 
v^^hich assertion we want no more than this letter, 
which you wrote to that savage Daud-khan Peny, 
exhorting him to arm himself for the destruction of so 
meritorious and innocent a servant as my brother, 
Hussein Ali-khan. Nor do we need any other vouch- 
ers than the repeated and pressing orders which 
you have been continually sending to all the great 
chiefs of the Deckan, for the purpose of exciting 
them against us. Now there remains but one 
expedient, in order to quiet the minds of us your 
faithful servants ; which is, to put us in possession 
of the two offices which we have requested, instead 
of leaving them still in the hands of strangers, who 
make it a point to mislead your mind : for unless 
we obtain those two favours, it will be unsafe for 
us to come as subjects to the castle ; and as ser- 
vants impossible to serve you, as our master, with 
any confidence." 

To this speech the emperor, still thoughtless as 
ever, answered only by promising that he would 
shortly comply with all their requests ; and this at 
a time when he saw that matters had come to such 
a crisis that he had no alternative left but to 
acknowledge the Seids for his masters. The con- 
versation meanwhile being protracted, ended in an 
altercation, in which high words and harsh expres- 


sions were interchanged. The emperor, unable to 
contain himself, called both the vezir and Etikad- 
khan names, and made use of unbecoming language. 
The latter foolishly endeavoured to pacify the em- 
peror ; when the vezir stopped him short, by mak- 
ing use of the most opprobrious abuse towards him, 
and causing him to be taken out of the castle imme- 
diately. Etikad-khan, thunder-struck, lost his pre- 
sence of mind, and thought only of saving his 
life; he retreated rapidly, and meeting his head- 
accomptant's palky, he got into it, and fled as fast 
as the bearers could convey him. The city was 
instantly in an uproar ; which was occasioned by 
multitudes of people running to and fro through 
every street and lane. The emperor seemed now, 
for the first time, to perceive his real situation. 
He submitted to his fate, and retired into the 
sanctuary, or women's apartment, where he took 
up his abode, unmindful all the while of the sfeh- 
tence of the word of God which says, *' Death shall 
find ye out, be ye shut up even in iron towers." 

The vezir with Ajit-sing slept that night within 
the castle, whilst the emperor's zealous servants 
were obliged to take up their abodes without. In 
that night of screams and distraction, which re- 
sembled that darkness that is to precede the day 
of judgment, nothing was heard throughout the 
city but confused noises, nor did any one know 


what might actually be passing within the castle ; 
for the vezir's troops having taken possession of 
every great street and market, as well as of all the 
gates, passed the night under arms; whilst the 
Mahratta officers with their cavalry remained on 
horseback, in momentary expectation of being 
called on. At dawn of day every citizen rose in a 
state of incertitude, and with a mind fluctuating 
between hope and fear, when a report was spread 
that the vezir had been killed, and nothing was 
heard in the streets and markets but cries and 
screams. Just in that moment of suspense, some 
nobles, incensed at Ferokh-siar's reverse of fortune, 
of which they heard only from common report, 
thought it incumbent on them to run to the empe- 
ror's assistance, and as they thought to support his 
defenders. These were Saadet-khan, his father-in- 
law, Ghazi-ed-din-khan-kusa, and the brave Akgar- 
khan Turk. These three officers mounted, and 
advanced towards the castle with what troops 
they could collect ; but Nizam-ul-mulk and Khan 
Douran thought it most prudent to stay at home. 
On the other hand, Mahomed Amin-khan mounted 
likewise, but in order to go to the vezir's assistance. 
In this state of affairs, a body of troops, called the 
Kamel-poshes, or blanket-wearers, going to join 
Khan Douran, fell in with a party of Mahratta 
horse, who forbade their passing. This threat was 

VOL. I. N 


received by the others with a shower of arrows, 
whilst Mahomed Amin-khan's standards made their 
appearance on the opposite side. The Mahrattas, 
who took them all for enemies, and finding them- 
selves cooped up within walls, where they could 
only fight in streets and lanes, took fright, and 
putting spur to their horses, fled on all sides 
without further inquiry. This step encouraged 
the idlers and sharpers who thronged the streets, 
especially the Mogols, and other disbanded soldiers 
of the court, who already incensed at the intru- 
sion of those infidels, rushed upon them, and 
commenced to attack them. The Mahrattas, sur- 
prised at finding enemies in every street and at 
every door, dispersed and fled to their camp, 
leaving fifteen hundred of their men dead upon 
the spot ; who, as well as the whole corps of one 
Santa,* and of two or three officers more, were 
hacked to pieces. They left also a great number 
of wounded men. The horses of the slain were 
laid hold on by the victors, and by the mob, who 
on breaking some saddles by accident, were sur- 
prised to find them stuffed full of pieces of gold. 

At this moment Mahomed Amin-khan arrived 
with his troops in the viceroy's camp, where he 
was received with the highest applause for his 
conduct. Whilst this scene was passing in the 

♦ Santaji Kadam. 


streets, Saadet-khan with his five sons reached the 
castle at the head of a body of troops, as did 
Ghazi-ed-din-khan with another body ; the oppo- 
site streets were filled by the troops brought by 
the favourite Etikad-khan, and by the late grand 
master of artillery, Seid-khan; these were fol- 
lowed by three thousand Hindus in the emperor's 
pay, under the command of Malhar-row, an officer 
of trust; all these occupied posts in and about 
Saad-ullah-khan's market, and prepared for attack. 
These movements becoming known in the viceroy's 
camp, as well as the rumour of the vezir's death, 
a rumour confirmed by the disorderly flight of the 
Mahrattas, the whole of the viceroy's army was in 
the utmost confusion, when luckily for him, certain 
intelligence arrived at this critical moment of the 
vezir's being alive and safe. This news having 
revived the viceroy's spirits, he despatched a choice 
body of his best troops to expel the troops that 
had assembled in Saad-ullah-khan's market. They 
fell upon the enemy furiously, and commenced a 
sharp engagement; in the midst of which, Ghazi- 
ed-din-khan's elephant being wounded in the trunk 
by a rocket, turned about, and ran off with his 
master, who was immediately followed by his 
whole corps. Saadet-khan, together with his five 
sons, were wounded at the same time, and quitted 
the field, while Etikad-khan, after having made 

N 2 


some movements without any inclination to fight, 
retired to his house, and fortified it. His person was 
but of small moment, but his trepidation and flight 
became a signal for his troops to fall upon several 
shops in the streets near Saad-ullah-khan's market, 
which were all plundered. The brave Akgar-khan 
now appeared from the suburbs at the head of a 
body of Moguls and other foreigners, to support 
the emperor. He found the Lahore gate shut, and 
the walls lined with the enemy's troops. Mortified 
at such a disappointment he was obliged to return. 
Some firing and fighting was still kept up in the 
streets and lanes, when proclamation was made by 
a number of public criers, that Ferokh-siar was con- 
fined, and had ceased to reign, and that the prince 
Refi-ed-derjat had ascended the throne. The im- 
perial music now striking up, and cessation of arms 
being proclaimed, with injunctions to every one to 
return to his home, the king's party recovered from 
their despair, the citizens retired to their homes, 
and the tumult subsided. 

Ferokh-siar had retired within the apartment of 
the ladies, and the vizir with Aj it-sing were waiting 
in expectation of his coming out, to hear what 
further he had to say, and of his furnishing them 
with an opportunity to seize his person, when the 
tumults, that had apparently subsided, commenced 
afresh, and pillage and slaughter were renewed. 

S 1 Y A U - U L - M U T A K H E 11 1 N . 181 

Ferokh-siar did not appear, and the viceroy, sen- 
sible of the fatal consequence of any further delay, 
sent message after message, representing to his 
brother that the tumults were increasing, that the 
throngs of armed men were becoming more nume- 
rous, that a general revolt was about to take place, 
and could not fail to defeat their purpose, and that 
therefore he ought to enter the city at once. Whilst 
this last message was delivering, a body of Afghan 
soldiers, mixed up with some of the vezir's slaves, 
found means from the top of the house of Nejm- 
ed-din Ali-khan, the vezir's youngest brother, to 
descend within the yard of the king's female apart- 
ments, which proved to be guarded by a number 
of Abyssinian, Georgian, and Calmuc women. 
These being driven away, the soldiers penetrated 
within the gate, and every apartment was searched 
for Ferokh-siar. At last some women, too deli- 
cate to bear the tortures to which they were ex- 
posed, pointed to the place of his confinement, and 
the soldiers ran to him. At this sight that emperor's 
mother, with his wife and daughter, unable to wit- 
ness his seizure without emotion, ran to his assist- 
ance, with a number of princesses and ladies of the 
first rank ; who, having enclosed him within a circle 
which they formed round his person, addressed the 
soldiers with prayers and entreaties. But of what 
avail could be their tears at such a moment ? After 


some struggle, he was disengaged from the women, 
dragged upon the ground, and thrown into a small 
dark room on the top of the Tirpowliah ; and all 
this with such outrage and indignity as had never 
before been offered to the Imperial person. 

His reign, without reckoning the time of Moiz- 
ed-din Jehandar-shah's elevation, lasted six years 
and four months. The men of letters have found 
in this sentence of holy writ the chronogram com- 
memorating this event — 

" Take warning, ye that have eyes." 

The vezir having disposed of Ferokh-siar in this 
manner, thought that, as the whole city was yet 
in confusion, it was incumbent upon him to pro- 
claim another emperor; he therefore produced 
Shems-ed-din Refi-ed-derjat the younger, son of 
Refi-al-kadr, the nephew of Bahadur-shah, by 
a daughter of the Prince Acber, the youngest son 
of Aurengzib. This event took place on Wednes- 
day, about nine o'clock in the morning, of the 
Rebi-us-sani, sccoud of Rcbi-us-sani, in the year of the Hegfira 

A.H. 1132. , -^ ° 

February, 1132. The young princc was then twenty years 
old ; and, as the confusion throughout the city did 
not admit of time sufficient to send him to the bath, 
or even to change his clothes, he was taken in 
haste from the apartments of his confinement, and 
placed upon the throne, wearing only a string of 
large pearls, which Abdullah-khan had just time 


to take off his owq neck, and to throw over his 
robe just as it was. The imperial band having 
struck up to announce this event to the people, the 
uproar ceased, and in a little time the tumult every- 
where subsided. 

The vezir, after so eventful a day, thought pro- 
per to pass that night in the citadel, surrounded by 
a numerous body of his bravest and most trusty 
friends, having previously placed at the only gate 
left open a guard on which he could depend. Not 
satisfied with these precautions, when it became ne- 
cessary to form a household for the young emperor, 
he appointed the whole of it from his household and 
dependents, down to the eunuchs, chamberlains, 
menial servants, cooks, and water-carriers. As a 
further precaution, he placed his own guards every 
where, and filled all the avenues to the palace, and 
even to the private apartments, with his own de- 
pendents. The next day the new emperor having, 
according to custom, given a public audience, Ajit- 
sing and Rattan Chand supplicated that all Hindus 
throughout the empire might be relieved from the 
poll-tax.* This favour was granted ; and orders were 

* This odious tax, abolished by the wise Acber, was renewed 
in the reign of Aurengzib, and had continued without inter- 
mission till this time, and it is believed by the Hindus, and by 
most reflecting persons well read in the history of the times, 
that to this impolitic measure, and the excessive impost on the 
land, the downfal of the Mahomedan power is mainly to be 


at the same time despatched confirming in their 
respective commands all governors, commanders, 
viceroys, and crown officers. In the mean time, 
Etikad-khan was confined, and his public estate 
resumed ; while his palace, wherein he had amassed 
immense treasure in gold and silver, costly jewels, 
and exquisite stuffs, was taken possession of. On 
searching for this treasure, there was discovered 
another secret hoard, consisting of gems and jewels 
of amazing value, which had been presented to 
him by Ferokh-siar ; but which now served only 
to enhance his disgrace, and to add to the aff'ronts 
imposed upon him. The whole of this wealth was 
seized for the vezir's use. At the same time were 
resumed all the public and private lands which 
Ferokh-siar had bestowed on his other sycophants : 
none were spared but that which was enjoyed by 
the Rany, his consort, out of regard to Aj it-sing 
her father. The military chiefs and officers of the 
body-guard, called "Wala-shahies, who enjoyed 
lands until they could be paid in ready money, 
were deprived of them in the same manner ; and 
as to the common troopers, they were given to 
understand that if they wanted service they must 
repair to the viceroy's camp, where they would be 
enlisted at the rate of fifty rupees per month,* 

* The troopers of this description not only provide th6ra- 
gelves with arms and their horses with fodder, but are required 


one with another. Mahomed Amin-khan, already 
second in command, was confirmed in his office, 
and Jafer-khan succeeded Seif-ullah-khan as third 
in command. Nizam-ul-Mulk was created viceroy 
of Malwa, although he was so far from being recon- 
ciled to the times that he repeatedly refused office. 
Ser-belend-khan, who had been appointed gover- 
nor of Cabul some time before the revolution, and 
who had on that account halted at fifteen coss 
distant from the capital to see what would be the 
fate of the emperor, was sent for, and received anew 
the patent and investiture of that government ; after 
which ceremony he took leave with suitable honour. 
The rich office of Fojdar of Muradabad was given 
to Seif-ed-din Ali-khan, the vezir's youngest bro- 
ther. One Mahomed Reza was appointed supreme 
judge of the court, and Amir-khan Alemgiry, who 
had before held the government of Acberabad was 
made Sadr-el-sudur.* Dianet-khan was made super- 
intendant of finance, as was also Raja-bakht-mul 
of the military chest ; but all these officers, together 
with those connected w^ith finance and administra- 
tion, were held to be no more than the deputies of 
Rattan Chand. Himmet-khan, one of the vezir's 

to provide the horses themselves, -which must be of a certain 
size and description, and pass a committee before they are 

* This office answers to that of Lord Chancellor. 


friends, was made keeper of the privy-purse, and 
also tutor to the young emperor ; and several other 
lucrative offices w^ere also bestowed upon him. As 
to the offices and governments that were at a dis- 
tance from the capital, no change was attempted 
in them, for fear of losing all authority in those 
remote parts. The government of Mando alone 
was taken from Mahomed-khan, the officer who 
had slighted the viceroy of the Deckan when he 
passed through his district, and was given to Hus- 
sein Ali-khan, a Turany chief. Raja Ajit-sing, 
had become particularly unpopular for the part he 
had acted in the revolution, and in order to get rid 
of the eternal curses and hootings of the populace, 
wished to retire to his government of Guzerat, did 
not obtain leave, but was required to remain for 
the present at the capital. 

The account of the fate of Ferokh-siar having 
been related in two different ways by two men of 
distinction and credit, both of whom were at the 
time upon the scene of action, we shall insert the 
statement of each, leaving the truth or falsehood of 
either narrative to be decided by the respective 
merits of each. The one observes, ** I have heard 
from men of honour and veracity, that the two 
brothers never entertained thoughts of attempting 
Ferokh-siar's life, or had ever intended to ill-use 
him ; their only view being to secure his person, 


for which purpose they placed him under charge 
of a trusty Afghan officer, who was to have him 
under his eye night and day. Nevertheless, it 
happened that Ferokh-siar availed himself of an 
opportunity to steal away unperceived in the dusk- 
of the evening, and going from terrace to terrace, 
he wanted to jump down, being already at a 
distance from the place of his confinement, when 
the Afghan returned. On not finding his prisoner, 
and knowing that his own life was at stake, he 
searched narrowly every where, and spying some 
one at a distance lurking under the shadow of the 
prison-wall, he threw himself upon him, and 
brought back the captive emperor. That vile 
fellow had no sooner replaced him in confinement, 
than making him sit on the floor, he with that 
hardness of heart and that brutality which seem 
to distinguish the Afghans, beat him unmercifully. 
Ferokh-siar, unable to submit to such usage, ran 
to the wall, and dashed his head with so much 
violence against it that his skull was fractured, and 
he died on the spot." 

Hashem Ali-khan Khafi, the son of Khwaja-mir 
the historian, refers Ferokh-siar's death to an ex- 
press order from the two brothers, betraying at 
the same time throughout his work, the utmost 
detestation of, and enmity towards them and their 
family ; but as it is possible that I may incur the 


imputation of partiality for them, I have thought 
it right to quote his own words, save that of cor- 
recting some grammatical errors which had crept 
into the narrative, either through the writer's in- 
accuracy, or from the copyist's ignorance. Let 
then the credibility of the following account rest 
with its author. ' ' ' 

" Two months had already elapsed since that 
unfortunate prince (Ferokh-siar) had been confined 
in that narrow dungeon, where he experienced a 
variety of hardships, when a red-hot needle was 
passed through his eyes, a cruel operation, which 
however did not deprive him entirely of sight. 
Worn out by such repeated instances of barbarity, 
that ill-fated prince, in the simplicity of heart 
natural to one in his distress, betook himself to 
several expedients for putting an end to his suffer- 
ings. At one time he would send to his enemies 
excuses for his former conduct, promising to let 
them govern the empire, if they would but replace 
him on the throne. At another he would turn 
towards the Afghan, Abdullah-khan (for such was 
his keeper's name), and would offer him an im- 
mense sum of money if he would but carry him as 
far as the dominions of Raja Jye-sing Sevay. All 
this was minutely reported to the two brothers, 
who being incessantly instigated by their cour- 
tiers, as well as prompted by their own fears, 


determined to put an end to so dangerous a life. 
To effect their purpose, they caused poison to be 
mixed on two different occasions with his food, 
without effect, but the third time, the dose ope- 
rated ; and as they went to see how the unfortunate 
man's soul was wrung out of his body, he lost 
all patience, and after having reproached them in 
severe terms for their atrocious ingratitude, and 
disregard of solemn oaths, he wondered that the 
sacred volume itself had not worked a miracle 
instantly for the punishment of so much perfidy. 
He even vented reproaches against the Majesty 
of Divine justice, which had supinely suffered 
such wicked men to live. While in the act of 
venting his feelings in this reproachful strain, the 
vezir ordered a leathern thong to be strained round 
his neck. The unfortunate prince laid hold of it 
with both hands so as to keep it from his neck, and 
having struggled with his hands and feet, the two 
barbarians (the Seid brothers) ordered his hands to 
be parted by dint of blows. The prince suffered 
for a length of time all the agonies of a lingering 
death, and at last departed this life." 

"It is true that a report then prevailed, and 
does to this very day, that the two brothers finished 
him by plunging their poignards into his bowels ; 
but this report was contradicted to me by the per- 
son who superintended the execution. He never 


could relate that mournful event without shedding 
abundance of tears, and without bitterly lament- 
ing his situation on that occasion. He has been 
heard positively to say, that there was no stabbing 
at all. Be that as it may, the body remained for 
si x-and- thirty hours unattended to and unburied, 
and it was only after such an interval that it was 
thought of. At that time it was purified according 
to the rites of our religion, put upon a bier, and 
carried to the emperor Humayun's sepulchre. On 
its being brought out, two or three thousand needy 
men and women, who used to be fed by his libe- 
rality, tore their clothes, covered their heads and 
faces with dust and ashes, and having surrounded 
the hearse, accompanied it the whole way, shed- 
ding abundance of tears, and pouring forth curses 
and execrations upon his enemies, whom they 
reviled with the grossest epithets. Two persons of 
distinction, namely, Dilaver Ali-khan and Seid 
Ali-khan, both officers of high rank, were sent to 
attend the body as chief mourners, followed by a 
crowd of the principal citizens ; but no sooner had 
the procession quitted the suburbs, than the chief 
mourners were hooted and several times assailed 
with stones, brick-bats, and clods of earth. Nor 
would any one out of that multitude of needy 
people accept of the money brought for distribu- 
tion, or partake of the victuals prepared in con- 


formity to custom. On the third day after, a num- 
ber of poor people having assembled in a peace- 
able manner at the place where Ferokh-siar's body 
had been washed and perfumed, made a collection 
amongst themselves and prepared a large quantity 
of food, which they distributed to others ; they 
sent likewise for several readers of the Koran, and 
having passed the whole night with them in 
prayers and lamentations, they departed in an 
orderly manner. 

" Oh wonderful God ! How did thy divine jus- 
tice manifest itself in the several events of this 
revolution ! His enemies had many causes for 
being expeditious with him, and many motives of 
hatred besides, that one would think it was incum- 
bent upon them if his death was to take place, to 
make him pass rapidly from this little fragile habi- 
tation into the other world. Ferokh-siar, in his 
days of power had strangled his own brothers, yet 
in their tender years ; he had murdered numbers 
of innocent persons, and blinded others ; and he 
was therefore destined to suffer all these cruelties, 
before he was permitted to die ; he was doomed to 
experience from the hands of strangers all those 
agonies which others had suffered at his. Nor did 
the two brothers escape the day of retribution, 
or go themselves unpunished. In a little time 
they met with that same usage which they had 


inflicted on others." Thus far Hashem Ali-khan 

The two brothers, after having disposed of Ferokh- 
siar, took possession of the imperial treasures, ele- 
phants, horses, rich furniture, ready money, and 
exquisite jewels. It is even reported that Ab- 
dullah-khan, who was exceedingly addicted to the 
female sex, carried away some women of incom- 
parable beauty from the seraglio; but this God 
only knows. 

Soon after this fatal event, it was remarked that 
all cordiality had ceased between the two brothers, 
and although that coolness did not appear in public, 
it was perceived by their friends, and several cir- 
cumstances evinced the fact to bye-standers. There 
was some inequality in the merit of these two cele- 
brated persons. It was universally acknowledged 
that Hussein Ali-khan, the younger, was superior 
to his elder brother in many qualifications, which 
bountiful heaven had bestowed on him. In actual 
power he excelled all the princes of his time, nay, 
he surpassed several that bore a character in his- 
tory, for having bestowed kingdoms and crowns, 
and conquered empires ; but neither his power nor 
his life was destined to endure long. If they had, 
it is probable that the times which we have now 
the mortification to behold, would not be so humi- 
liating as they have proved, nor had the honour of 


Hindoostan been thrown to the winds, nor the 
Indian nobility and gentry been reduced to that 
deplorable condition, to which we now see them 

Unfortunately for the two brothers, the young 
emperor Rafi-ed-derjat laboured under a consump- 
tion, and was subject to a spitting of blood, which 
soon put an end to his reign ; so that three months 
and some days after he had submitted to the odium 
of ascending the throne, he departed this life on a 21 Rejeb, 

Saturday, the twenty-first of Rejeb. His younger le June, 

A D nsOu 
brother, Refi-ed-dowlah, was now brought forth and 

seated in his stead, while the two Seids continued 

to dispose of every thing in the empire as before. 

These two sickly young princes seemed to have 

just made their appearance upon the theatre of 

the world with the bare title of emperors, in order 

to be immediately withdrawn ; and were like two 

travellers who had made a short pause on the 

throne, in order to continue their journey towards 

the regions of eternity. We therefore hardly know 

any thing of them. The elevation of Niko-siar, 

son of prince Acber, and grandson of Aurengzib, 

who was then confined at Acber-abad, took place 

in Refi-ed-dowlah's life-time ; we have therefore 

thought it expedient to bring into one point of 

view all that we have been able to collect of those 

three persons of the race of Timur, in order to 

VOL. I. o 


connect it with the body of our history : what little 
we. do know concerning the younger prince has 
been carefully ascertained, although the lives of 
both were so obscure, and themselves so little the 
objects of attention, that their very names are 
hardly known even at this day. 

A short time after Refi-ed-dowlah had been 
brought from his prison to the throne, another 
prince of the imperial family, who was confined in 
the citadel of Acberabad, was proclaimed by the 
governor and officers of the place, as well as by 
the militia of the villages subordinate to that for- 
tress, and recognized by the officers of cavalry 
dependent on the governor of the province, all of 
whom soon formed a court about his person. His 
name was Niko-siar : he was a younger son of the 
prince Acber. His supporters were assisted by 
the inhabitants of the city of Acberabad, who, on 
seeing the convulsions that shook the empire, wil- 
lingly embraced his cause. Such an event being 
likely to prove dangerous to the two brothers, they 
resolved to stifle it at once. They accordingly 
quitted the capital, and taking with them the 
young emperor Refi-ed-dowlah, and the principal 
persons of the city and court, marched to Acber- 
abad, and laid siege to the fort. Niko-siar did not 
betray any want of courage or capacity in defend- 
ing the place, but the gates were blown open, and 


he was seized and confined. The garrison was 
relieved, and punishment inflicted on the officers of 
the fort, and on the commanders of the militia, 
who had plotted the revolution. This success did 
not tranquillize the minds of the two brothers. 
The young emperor Refi-ed-dowlah was found to 
be consumptive as well as his elder brother, and 
although the vezir spared no pains in bringing toge- 
ther the ablest physicians of the empire, his care 
and anxiety proved of no avail. This prince, after 
a nominal reign even shorter than that of his pre- 
decessor, gave evident signs of his drawing to his 
end. In a short time his life was despaired of, and 
the two Seid brothers, who needed some pageant 
for the throne, sent two nobles to bring another 
prince from the castle of Selimgur, which is a part 
of the citadel of Dehli. These persons were Nejm- 
ed-din Ali-khan, their younger brother, and Gho- 
1am Ali-khan ; although some people say that the 
first, as governor of the province of Dehli, was 
alone entrusted with that commission, and that the 
other only accompanied him. The orders were to 
bring Roshen-akhter, son of Khujistah-akhter, com- 
monly called Jehan-shah, one of the sons of Ba- 
hadur-shah. This young prince was then in his 
eighteenth year, and from the accession of his 
uncle Moiz-ed-din to the throne, under the title of 
Jehandar-shah, he had lived in obscurity in an 

o 2 


apartment of the castle of Selimgur. He was a 
youth of beautiful aspect, his beard just budding. 
He had a benevolent countenance, in which shone 
that acuteness of mind which seemed to prognos- 
ticate all his future greatness. He was not yet 
arrived at Acberabad, when news arrived that Refi- 
ed-dowlah was dying. His death, which soon after 
occurred, was kept a secret (some say) for a whole 
week, others say for ten days, until his successor 
could arrive : then the coffin of the deceased 
prince was carried to the mausoleum of Khwaja 
Kutb-ed-din, where he was buried in the same 
manner as his brother. This event left the throne 
open for Roshen-akhter. 

The prince arrived at Fatehpoor, and on the 
A. H. 1132. fifteenth of the same month, in the year 1132 of 
the Hegira, at about four astronomical hours of the 
morning, he availed himself of a fortunate hour to 
step forth and grace the throne with all the attrac- 
tions to which he was heir. The steps of that 
sublime place were dignified by his accession, and 
silver and gold coin, distributed on the occasion, 
acquired additional value from the honour of his 
name. He assumed the auspicious title* of Abul- 
fateh, Nasir-ed-din, Mahomed-shah. From that 
moment provisions, which had risen to an immo- 

* The lord or father of victory, the champion of the faith, 
the king Mahomed, 


derate price, became cheaper, and once more 
plenty shewed her face in every market. The 
king's mother was a princess of great acuteness 
and wisdom, and had taken care to foster with 
attention, in the shade of obscurity and silence, 
that fondling of the sun of glory. Fully sensible 
of the difficulty and delicacy of her situation, she 
made a point to conform herself to the will of the 
two brothers, whose authority was paramount; 
and her prudence was so great, that when she 
quitted the capital to pay a visit to her son, at 
Acberabad, she went attended with a slender 
retinue, and declined the voluntary attendance of 
numbers of people of distinction who had been in 
the service of her husband Jehan-shah. On hear- 
ing that they were preparing to follow her, and to 
augment her train, she requested them to forbear, 
and even forbade their coming to the gate of her 
apartment and sending in their offerings. 

The three preceding reigns had been so short as. 
to serve only to confound history; it was com- 
manded, therefore, that the seven or eight months, 
which had elapsed under the short-lived reigns of 
those three princes should be omitted entirely, and 
that they should be comprehended within that of 
Mahomed-shah's reign, which was thus made to 
commence immediately on Ferokh-siar's demise.. 
At the same time, to provide for some of the most 


urgent expenses of his mother's female household, 
a sum of fifteen thousand rupees was allotted for 
that purpose. But the command of the Gulal- 
para,* and the office of nazir, or steward of the 
household, were conferred on trusty eunuchs of 
the vezir's selection, as had been the practice under 
the three preceding princes (on whom be mercy for 
ever); and the minister, in providing eunuchs, 
guards, elephant-drivers, menial servants, cooks, 
and even water-carriers, took care to place none 
in that number but his own dependants. It was 
on the same principle that Himmet-khan, one of 
the vezir's intimates, a man who enjoyed already 
five or six offices, was placed over the new monarch 
as his governor, and entrusted with the charge 
of the privy purse and with the treasury of the 
palace. All this was patiently submitted to by 
the young emperor, who, sensible of the delicacy 
of his situation, made no opposition to the vezir's 
pleasure, and had the good sense to shew him 
every mark of deference and regard. This did not 
effect the least abatement of the jealousy with 
which he was watched ; for whenever he went 
abroad, which happened once or twice a month, 
for the purpose of taking an airing, the king was 
encircled by a body of Seids, who did not lose sight 
of him a moment, nor ever carry him farther than 

* The incense and perfume-apartment. 


the seats and gardens in the suburbs, which at 
most are at one or two coss from the palace, and 
they always came back before the dusk of the 
evening. Whilst the vezir was busy in quieting 
the capital, disaffection was rising in the neigh- 
bouring provinces. 

Chebilram Nagar, governor of the province of 
Ilahabad, refused to acknowledge the new king's 
authority, thinking it unsafe to do so, on account 
of some improper behaviour on his part towards 
the two brothers. The latter, in return, resolved 
to make an example of him ; and Hussein Ali-khan 
had already sent his camp-equipage forward, when 
news arrived that the obnoxious governor had died 
suddenly. This news was gratifying to the viceroy; 
but as it deprived him of an opportunity of dis- 
tinguishing himself, he was heard to say, *' Is it 
not a pity that we should be deprived of the plea- 
sure of seeing that proud man's head on the point 
of a spear ?" Immediately after, news came that 
Giridhar Bahadur, son of Dia Bahadur, and the 
cousin of Chebilram, had seized on the government 
after his uncle's demise, ^nd was raising troops and 
repairing the fortifications of Ilahabad. The vice- 
roy, on this intelligence, ordered a bridge of boats 
to be thrown across the Jumnah, and sending for 
Mahomed Shah to Acberabad, he gave out that he 
was going to attack Ilahabad. It was at this crisis 


that Amir-jumlah made his appearance, and was 
invested with the office of grand-almoner. This 
circumstance did not hinder Rattan Chand from 
continuing to act in all matters relative to the 
finance of the government, and he interfered even 
injudicial and religious concerns, in a way that re- 
duced the crown officers to the condition of cyphers. 
It was impossible to become a kazy of any city 
without the consent of this Hindu being previously 
obtained. One day he brought to the vezir a per- 
son whom he had appointed kazy or judge of some 
city, when the minister turned towards a nobleman 
sitting near him at the time, and said with a smile, 
** Our Rattan Chand, you see, can make kazies, and 
even recommends to ecclesiastical preferments." 
The other answered, "True, my lord: the lord 
raja, after having finished his worldly concerns, is 
now turning his attention to religious affairs."* 

All this while the preparations for the siege of 
Ilahabad were going on with so much vigour, that 
Giridhar's vakil or agent thought it full time to 

* The Mahomedan kazy (or cadi) is a judge, but whose law 
is derived from the Koran, he is therefore an ecclesiastical 
judge. Rattan Chand was a Hindu, and was not supposed to 
know any thing of Moslem scriptures ; the repartee of the 
nobleman is therefore peculiarly smart, because it shews at once 
the folly of allowing him to interfere in those appointments, 
and indirectly adverts to the probability of the Hindu aposta- 
tizing from his own religion, by turning his attention to religious- 


come to camp, and entreat the viceroy's forgiveness 
for his master's conduct. He offered to submit on 
condition of being suffered to remain in his govern- 
ment, or of having another in exchange, w^ith the 
addition of some title of honour. The conditions 
were accepted : Giridhar was required to surrender 
the castle of Ilahabad and his government, and to 
be transferred to that of Oude, with the title of 
Bahadur. But whilst this agreement was discussing, 
commotions arose in the country of Bundy, in con- 
sequence of certain disputes regarding an hereditary 
principality, from which Raja Bhim-sing, the heir, 
had been ejected by Bud'h-sing. The displaced 
prince retired to the viceroy's camp, to whom he 
paid his court assiduously, in hopes of being rein- 
stated ; and at last he obtained a body of six thou- 
sand cavalry, all veteran troops and all Seids of 
Barha, who considered themselves as so many 
kinsmen of the two brothers. They were com- 
manded by Seid Dilaver Ali-khan, who had orders 
to reinstate the Hindu prince, and then to repair 
with him, and with another Hindu prince called 
Gaj-sing, as far as the frontiers of Malwa, there to 
wait for further orders. As little reliance was re- 
posed on the promises made by Giridhar, a large 
body of good troops was sent under Heider Kuly- 
khan towards Ilahabad, to enforce the execution of 
the treaty. Heider Kuly-khan, who was a man of 


character and abilities, laid siege to that fortress, 
but, as he had not the sole command, little progress 
was made in the siege, the governor having fre- 
quently entered into negociations for surrendering 
the place, and then suddenly breaking them off 
and driving the besiegers from their vs^orks. The 
siege being thus protracted, Hussein Ali-khan 
crossed the Jumnah, and marched towards Ilaha- 
bad. The report of this movement intimidated the 
besieged : Giridhar retired within his fortress, into 
which he introduced a great quantity of ammunition 
and provisions. His family, at the same time, gave 
countenance to the refractory spirits of that pro- 
vince, and the holders of Jaghir lands in particular 
availed themselves of that opportunity to withhold 
their payments. Such a state of things embarrassed 
the viceroy ; he reflected on the great strength of 
the place, situated at the confluence of two large 
rivers, on the courage and personal talents of Giri- 
dhar, and on the increasing difficulties he would 
probably encounter in a siege likely to be pro- 
tracted. This he knew would at all events occupy 
much precious time, while his presence was re- 
quired in other parts of the empire, where the 
enemies of his family might avail themselves of his 
absence to excite commotions. Sensible of the 
difficulties of his situation, he was discouraged to 
persevere by some symptoms of disunion which 


then occurred between himself and his elder bro- 
ther, the vezir Abdullah-khan. The difference 
arose concerning the jewels and treasure found in 
the castle of Acberabad, and several angry mes- 
sages passed and repassed between them, but only 
privately, for Rattan Chand did every thing in his 
power to conceal these dissensions from the public. 
Whilst the viceroy was hesitating in his mind 
how to act, letters came from Giridhar, promising 
to submit, if Rattan Chand were sent with full 
power to guarantee the former conditions and the 
safety of his person. The two brothers, desirous 
of accommodating matters, dismissed Rattan 
Chand, who setting out about the end of Rebi- Rebi-us-sanJ, 

. A.H. 1132. 

us-sani, arrived at the city of Ilahabad, when the june, 
governor of the fortress paid him a visit, and a ' ' 
treaty was concluded, which these two Hindus 
both swore, by the waters of the Ganges, to 
maintain inviolably. By this treaty the govern- 
ment of the province of Oude was given to Giri- 
dhar, with all the Fojdaries* contained in it, 
in lieu of the fortress of Ilahabad ; which being 
evacuated, received a new garrison, and thus came 
again into the hands of the two ministerial brothers. 
This event occurred in the second year of Maho- 
med-shah's reign. 

* Estates the revenues of which are set aside to support 


Whilst the insurrections in the northern parts 
of the empire were thus put down, discontent and 
broils of a very threatening aspect arose in the 

We have already mentioned that Nizam-ul-mulk 
had reluctantly accepted the government of Malwa. 
He found the province infested with banditti, and 
its tranquillity otherwise disturbed by a number of 
refractory zemindars, who were not to be brought 
under subjection without much trouble and perse- 
verance. But the subject which most embarrassed 
Nizam-ul-mulk originated on account of Maho- 
med-khan, the governor of the fortress of Mando, 
who had been removed by Hussein Ali-khan for 
having, when he passed close to the walls, ne- 
glected to pay him a visit. This neglect was re- 
sented, and Kassim Kuly-khan, a Turany officer, 
had been appointed in his stead as governor of 
Mando. Mahomed-khan refused, under various 
pretences, to deliver over the fortress, and Kassim 
Kuly-khan wrote to court to complain of the delay, 
and obtained an order from court to Nizam-ul 
mulk, governor- general of Malwa, to see placed 
therein Kassim Kuly-khan. Nizam-ul-mulk, who 
entertained a favourable opinion of Mahomed- 
khan, sent for him, and persuaded him to sur- 
render the place quietly; and as he discovered 
considerable talents in that officer, he took him 


into his own service, and seized the first occasion to 
employ him. In the anarchy that had prevailed 
in the province, owing to the neglect of the court, 
the fortress of Rahatgur had been seized by a re- 
fractory zemindar of the neighbourhood, whom 
Nizam-ul-mulk desired to expel. On this service 
he despatched Mahomed-khan, the late governor 
of Mando, at the head of a body of troops. He 
performed the duty with great promptitude, and 
flattered himself that it would soften the asperity 
of the two Seid brothers : but they were irrecon- 

Nizam-ul-mulk afterwards employed the same 
officer to rid the province of banditti that lurked in 
it, and of bringing the whole of the zemindars into 
submission. This service he also successfully per- 
formed, by having, in the first instance, secured 
certain difficult passes and strong-holds in the 
district of Chandery, which served as a retreat to 
numberless free-booters. 

As soon as Nizam-ul-mulk saw every thing set- 
tled in his government, he turned his attention 
towards increasing the number of his troops, filling 
his magazines, exercising his officers and soldiers, 
and in making new acquisitions in the district of 

Such warlike preparations were not concealed 
from Abdullah-khan, who received daily infor- 


mation from his intelligencers ; but he felt another 
subject of inquietude. He obtained information 
that Mahomed Amin-khan, instead of speaking 
Hindustany, was in the habit of making use of the 
Turkish language when he entered into close con- 
versation with the emperor, and he also learned 
that he held secret correspondence with Nizam- 
ul-mulk,* about whose person there were more 
troops than he had occasion for, whilst he enter- 
tained a still more numerous body under the com- 
mand of the disaffected officer Mahomed-khan. 
This intelligence gave such inquietude to the 
brothers, that Hussein Ali-khan the younger, 
who was viceroy of the Deckan, wrote to Nizam- 
ul-mulk, that as both he and his brother, with a 
view to put an end to the internal troubles of the 
Deckan, wished to establish their residence in the 
province of Malwa, midway between the Deckan 
and the capital, they hoped that, to accommodate 
them, Niza,m-ul-mulk would take his choice of the 
four governments of Multan, Candeish, Acberabad, 
or Ilahabad. This letter produced the very breach 
it was intended to prevent. Nizam-ul-mulk, 
already discontented at Dilaver Ali-khan's being 
encamped upon the limits of his government with 
an army in the interest of the Seids, and suspicious 

* Nizam-ul-mulk, though born in India, was of Turany 


of his motives in affecting a junction with the 
Hindu princes Raja Bhim-sing and Raja Gaj- 
sing, whose presence excited commotions amongst 
the zemindars of his frontier, answered the mode- 
rate letter of Hussein Ali-khan's in a haughty 

The brothers sent for his principal agent at 
court, with whom they had some sharp conver- 
sation, which ended in threats against his master. 
Nizam-ul-mulk having received intelligence of this 
proceeding, and having also learned that Mahomed 
Amin-khan was endeavouring to kindle the indig- 
nation of the young emperor against him, concluded 
that the preservation of his own power and life, as 
well as that of all the foreign nobles and other 
numerous persons of distinction, depended on the 
downfall of the two brothers. He had also reason 
to be excessively provoked at the insolent beha- 
viour of Rattan Chand and Ajit-sing, the Hindu 
agents of the Seids. Full of these feelings, he 
held a consultation with his friends and military 
chiefs, and resolved to display openly the standard 
of revolt. He accordingly wrote a short letter to 
the two brothers, and coming out of his palace 
with Abd-ur-rahim-khan, Marhamet-khan, and 
Rahim-khan, he put himself at the head of his 
army, which, including his old troops and his new 
levies, amounted to twelve thousand horse. This 


occurred about the middle of the month of Jumad- 
jumad-us-sani, us-sani, in the year 1132 of the Hegira, which 

A.H. 1132. , , ,> Tt/r , 111, 

Aprils answers to the second year oi Mahomed-shahs 
.D.1721. Yeign. He was in the neighbourhood of the town 
of Sironj, where he had been long encamped in 
order to overawe a number of refractory chiefs on 
that frontier. His purpose being now accom- 
plished, he decamped suddenly, and marched to 
the south. 

This intelligence arrived at Acberabad in a few 
days, and soon became public. The vezir wrote 
immediately to Dilaver Ali-khan and to the two 
Hindu princes to follow Nizam-ul-mulk rapidly, 
recommending them at the same time to gain over 
the numerous clans of Afghans settled throughout 
the Deckan, after which their business would be 
to crush Nizam-el-mulk before he should have time 
to make head. 

These disorders throughout the kingdom afforded 
a bad example, so that the meanest men availed 
themselves of their distance from the capital to 
aspire at independence. 

One Hussein-khan Afghan, head-man of the town 
of Cossore in the Penjab, had for many years taken 
possession of the best districts about Cossore and 
Lahore, where he acted as if he was the hereditary 
sovereign. These troubles commenced whilst Abd- 
us-semed-khan, the viceroy of Lahore, was occu- 


pied against the Siks, during which time the 
Afghans expelled his collectors and the crown- 
officers. After this he assembled troops, and hearing 
that Kutb-ed-din-khan, an officer of character, was 
marching against him, he encountered him on the 
way, destroyed or dispersed his cavalry, took all 
his baggage, and slew the commander. This vic- 
tory raised his character, and he soon found him- 
self at the head of eight or nine thousand horse, 
with which he levied his contributions far and 
near, so that the viceroy himself, whose force was 
reduced to seven or eight thousand horse about his 
person, found it necessary to march against him. 
The two armies met at Chaony, about thirty coss 
from Lahore. Abd-us-semed-khan gave the com- 
mand of his centre to Kerim Kuly-khan, his chief 
commander; on his right he placed Jany-khan 
and Khwaja Rahmet-ullah, two of his relations, 
both men of tried valour ; the whole being under 
the command of Hafiz Ali-khan, brother to Khan 
Mirza. The advance consisted of a body of one 
thousand Rohilla Afghans, which he knew to be 
personally hostile to the rebel. On his left he 
placed Arif-khan, his lieutenant, with Akgar-khan, 
and he took post in their front. On the opposite 
side, Hussein-khan put his own nephew Mustefa- 
khan in his first line, together with Rahmet-khan, 
Seid-khan, and some other Afghan commanders, 

VOL. I. p 


all mounted upon elephants. No sooner had the 
combat commenced by a fire of musketry, than 
Hussein-khan advanced at full gallop towards the 
enemy's artillery, through which having passed, he 
pushed on to Kerim Kuly-khan, whom he un- 
horsed at the first onset, and made a great slaughter 
of his men. Following up his blow, he fell next 
on Akgar-khan, whose troops being mostly new 
levies, were soon broken, so that their commander 
remained with only five or six hundred veterans, 
all Turanies, armed with bows. These troops un- 
willing to forsake their general, discharged such 
showers of arrows that they threw the Afghans into 
disorder. Akgar-khan now rushed upon the enemy, 
and encouraging his men both by his voice and 
example, made such havoc amongst the Afghans, 
that Mustefa-khan was slain, together with the 
greater part of the three thousand men who had 
followed him. Hussein-khan, meantime, pushed 
on with ardour against Abd-us-semed-khan him- 
self, so that this general was on the point of being 
borne down amid the host of men wounded and 
slain around him. At this critical moment Akgar- 
khan arrived with his corps of victorious Tura- 
nies, and changed the face of affairs. Just then, 
the driver of Hussein-khan's elephant fell dead 
from his seat. Shah Baz-beg, that chief's religious 
preceptor, and who used always to be seated on his 


right hand, was also killed ; while Hussein-khan 
himself being struck in the forehead by a musket- 
ball by Hafiz Ali-khan, fell down likewise. From 
this moment a panic seized the Afghan troops, and 
the trappings and cushions on the elephant having 
taken fire, the troops of Hussein-khan, who had lost 
almost all their officers, deserted their ranks, and 
fled in disorder. Abd-us-semed-khan rewarded 
his commanders upon the field of battle. Akgar- 
khan, who had so much contributed to the success 
of the day, received the additional military grade 
of five hundred horse, and two hundred more were 
added to the six hundred horse already under his 
command ; he was also presented with an elephant, 
a dagger, and a sabre. 

On the report of this victory at court, the two 
brothers wrote letters of congratulation to the 
viceroy, and the title of Seif-ed-dowlah, or sword 
of the state, was superadded to those already borne 
by Abd-us-semed-khan. 

While these events were passing in the Penjab, 
the Deckan became the scene of more serious 
commotions. Nizam-ul-mulk, resolved not to sub- 
mit to the Seids, had passed the Nerbedda, the 
northern boundary of the Deckan. His good for- 
tune, to which he had entirely committed himself, 
now favoured him, so that after fording that river 
at Acberpoor, the fortress of Assir, which had cost 

p 2 


a siege of many years to the victorious Acber, 
surrendered without a blow. The officers and troops 
of the garrison were gained over at the instigation 
of their commander TaUb-khan, notwithstanding 
he owed both his appointment and elevation to 
the younger of the two brothers. He delivered 
the keys to Nizam-ul-mulk, who paid the troops 
instantly two years' pay, which was due to them* 
and conferred many favours on other individuals. 
The citadel of Boorhanpoor fell in much the same 
manner ; and to crown all, Ghows-khan, governor 
of the province of Berar, who bore the character 
of a man of courage and talents, came to join 
Nizam-ul-mulk, to whom he was nearly allied, 
and brought with him a body of veteran troops 
and a train of artillery. Hardly was he in camp, 
when Sumbha, a Mahratta officer, who was dis- 
contented with the Sahu Raja, his master, quitted 
his service, and with two thousand horse, which 
he commanded, also joined Nizam-ul-mulk. This 
example was followed by several zemindars of 
Berar, and by some Afghan chieftains, long settled 
in that country. The defection becoming con- 
tagious, Anwar-khan, governor of the province of 
Candeish, who owed every thing to Abdullah- 

* It was not to be supposed that a garrison two years in 
arrears would defend the place against a chief who promised 
to pay them. 


khan, one of the two brothers, came over likewise, 
and what was most singular is, that he was actu- 
ally in the camp of Alem Ali-khan, a nephew of the 
two Seids, who was their deputy in the Deckan, 
when he adopted this step. The latter chief a]so> 
hearing of the progress of Nizam-ul-mulk, forgot 
all his obligations to the two brothers, and under 
pretence of providing for the city of Boorhan- 
poor, went over to their enemy. The approach of 
so successful a general as Nizam-ul-mulk (styled 
also Asof-jah), diffused such terror throughout 
the Deckan, that numbers of the Mahratta com- 
manders, who at the head of their troops were 
every where collecting chout for their master the 
Raja of Sattara, withdrew from their stations, 
and gradually retired to Sattara. Whilst Nizam- 
ul-mulk was advancing southward, an adventure 
happened that set his character in a very advan- 
tageous point of view. A lady of high distinc- 
tion, who knew nothing of the revolution, was 
advancing towards the north. She was the mother 
of Seif-ed-din Ali-khan, and sister of the two 
Seids. She was going to the capital to pay a 
visit to her son, accompanied by his wife, and 
several small children. On reaching Boorhanpoor, 
she was amazed to hear of her being in an enemy's 
country, and that Nizam-ul-mulk was advancing 
in that direction. Struck with the difficulty of 


her situation, she sent a person of distinction, with 
an offer of money and jewels, to be allowed to 
prosecute her journey with honour and safety. 
Nizam-ul-mulk smiled on perusing the letter, and 
sending for a dress of honour, he conferred it on 
the lady's agent, whom he requested to take 
charge of some fruit, which he sent for the chil- 
dren, and calling at the same time for one of his 
officers, who commanded two hundred horse, bade 
him wait on the lady with his corps, and escort 
her safely to the camp of Dilaver Ali-khan, who 
commanded the vezir's army marching to attack 
him. This general, who was provided with every 
thing necessary, had orders to fight and destroy 
Nizam-ul-mulk, and Hussein Ali-khan waited only 
for letters from him, in order that he might set 
out himself for the Deckan. Rattan Chand, in- 
deed, more than once proposed to get rid of Nizam- 
ul-mulk, by quietly relinquishing to him the vice- 
royalty of the Deckan, but such a proposal was 
opposed to the feelings of his master. The north- 
ern parts of the empire seemed convulsed as much 
as the southern, for violent and bloody commo- 
tions had now arisen in Cashmire. 

There one Mula Abd-ul-neby, a Cashmirian, 
known by the appellation of Mohtevy-khan, a man 
who was celebrated for his prejudice against the 
Hindus, availed himself of the confusion of the times 


to give vent to this feeling. He assembled a 
number of idle, disorderly, inconsiderate Mus- 
sulmen, and went at their head to Mir Ahmed, 
the lieutenant-governor, and to the kazy or chief 
judge of the province, to whom he proposed 
that henceforward Hindus of all sorts should be 
prohibited the use of horses, white robes, turbans, 
and arms ; and also that they should be forbidden 
to go out, but at stated hours, to gardens and bath- 
ing places. The lieutenant-governor and the judge 
answered calmly, that whatever regulations his 
majesty should think proper to promulgate, by the 
advice of the learned divines of his court, on those 
matters, as a standing rule for all the Hindus of 
his dominions, would of course find their way into 
Cashmire, where it would be their business as his 
special servants to carry them into execution. This 
answer being unsatisfactory to Mohtevy-khan, he, 
in concert with a number of low people about him, 
adopted the stupid practice of attacking and ill- 
treating every Hindu of rank he chanced to meet 
in the streets. One day, as Sahib Ray, a Hindu 
of distinction, was giving an entertainment at a 
garden in the suburbs, that disturber of the peace, 
aided by his associates, fell unexpectedly on these 
innocent people, and killed and wounded many of 
them. Sahib Ray finding himself aimed at, fled 
to the palace of Mir Ahmed-khan, the lieutenant- 


governor; and while he was there concealed, his 
house in town was plundered and sacked by Moh- 
tevy-khan and his followers. They likewise plun- 
dered the whole Hindu quarter of the city ; after 
which they set it on fire, killing and dispersing not 
only all the Hindus who came out to entreat their 
mercy, but all Mussulmans who attempted to in- 
tercede for them. Heated with this success, the mob 
marched down to the governor's palace, which 
they attacked at first with stones and brick-bats, 
and at last with arrows and musket-balls; and 
whoever came out was insulted and plundered, if 
not killed and stripped, upon the spot. The lieu- 
tenant-governor remained besieged for a whole day 
and night; nor would it have been possible for him 
to escape, had he not adopted several contrivances 
and exposed himself to the most imminent peril. 
The next day he assembled a few soldiers and some 
other people, mounted horses, and being supported 
by the commander of the forces of Shah Nevaz- 
khan, and by several military officers, he advanced 
towards the seditious insurgents; but the latter, 
having received advice of his design, had assembled 
a vast number of men of their own stamp with 
intention to stand their ground. On observing that 
the lieutenant-governor had crossed a bridge to 
approach them, their leader sent some of his fol- 
lowers to set it on fire ; and following up the blow. 


he also burnt all the streets in his flank and rear, 
whilst some others of his people getting amongst 
the ruins maintained incessant discharges of mus- 
ketry, arrows, stones and brick-bats; while the 
wives and children of the Mussulman mob strove 
to outdo them, by tossing baskets-full of filth and 
every missile they could obtain from the houses 
into the streets. In a little time Seid Welly the 
lieutenant-governor's nephew, and Zulficar-beg, the 
cotwal's deputy, were slain, with a number of others, 
and many more were grievously wounded or dis- 
abled ; so that Mir Ahmed-khan saw himself almost 
alone. Unable to go back, and afraid of advancing or 
stopping, he had recourse to entreaties and supplica- 
tions; and after undergoing every sort of indignity 
and outrage, he was suffered to escape. Mohtevy- 
khan, now fiercer than ever, returned to the gover- 
nor's house, where Sahib Ray had taken shelter 
with a multitude of Hindus. Having entered it by 
force, he seized every one of them, killed some, 
cut off the noses of others, and circumcised all 
those he thought proper otherwise to save. The 
latter operation was performed in so brutal a man- 
ner that some lost their members altogether. The 
next day he repaired, at the head of a great throng, 
to the great mosque ; where, of his own authority, 
he deposed the lieutenant-governor, proclaimed 
himself in his stead by the style and title of Din- 


dar-khan,* and ordered that until the arrival of 
another lieutenant-governor, the kazy should hear 
and determine all causes of complaint ; so that for 
five months together, Mir Ahmed-khan remained a 
private man in his own capital, whilst Mohtevy- 
khan sat every day in state in the mosque, hearing 
and determining all matters concerning finance and 

An account of these disturbances having reached 
court, Momin-khan was deputed to Cashmire on 
the part of Enaiet-ullah-khan, governor of the 
province, but who resided at court. This intelli- 
gence intimidated Mohtevy-khan, who by this 
time had repented of what he had done. In the 
first impulse of the moment, he took two of his 
small children by the hand, and went with them 
to Khwaja Abdullah, one of the principal holies 
of the city, with whom he had some acquaintance, 
and having heard that he intended to go out to 
meet the new lieutenant-governor at the head of the 
principal religious men and the citizens, he wished 
to accompany him. The holy man answered that 
he had no objection, but that he thought he ought 
in the first instance to go to the commander of the 
troops, Mir Shah Newaz-khan, whose forgiveness 
he ought to ask for what had passed. Mohtevy- 
khan accordingly went to the general's quarters, 
* The supporter of the ^aith. 


where the latter had, by the kwajah's advice, con- 
cealed a number of men from the Judbel, that much 
injured quarter of the city. On his entering the 
room, a few words were exchanged, when the gene- 
ral excused himself and went away; the concealed 
men rushed on Mohtevy-khan from their retreat 
and seized him ; they first ripped open before his 
face the bellies of his two children, and then fall- 
ing upon him, put him to death with all the tor- 
tures which their resentment prompted. Hardly 
had this event taken place, when the followers of 
Mohtevy-khan resolved to revenge his death, and 
running to the Judbel, they commenced killing, 
wounding, beating, and mangling the inhabitants, 
and eventually set fire to their houses. About 
three thousand men were hacked to pieces by 
these wretches. These proved to be mostly Mo- 
gul merchants, and other strangers who resided in 
Cashmire for the purpose of trade. A vast num- 
ber of women and children were likewise seized 
on, and carried away. Property to the amount 
of several lacs was plundered or utterly spoiled ; 
nor is there any describing the usage to which 
those defenceless people were subjected by those 
miscreants. Having finished what they called the 
first campaign of their religious war, they pro- 
ceeded to the second, that is, they marched in a 
body to the house of the kazy and the general 


Shah Newaz-khan. The latter found means to 
remain concealed; the kazy changed his dress and 
slunk away, and the mob, incensed at his escape, 
tore up his house from the very foundation, and 
scattering the materials about, they left not a brick 
on the spot. It was some days after this occur- 
rence that Momin-khan, the new lieutenant- 
governor, arrived. His first care was to send Mir 
Ahmed-khan to a place of safety ; his second, to 
re-establish order and subordination, a difficult 
task in a country notorious for the turbulent dis- 
position of its inhabitants, a wicked race of men, 
among whom a man in power must contrive to rule 
as much by conciliation and concession as by 

Whilst the northern part of the empire was reco- 
vering from this state of convulsion, the southern 
states had become the theatre of a very dangerous 
war, that struck at the very existence of the two 
Seids. We left Dilaver Ali-khan in full march 
for Boorhanpoor. Nizam-ul-mulk, informed of his 
motions, sent against him one of his generals, with 
his best troops. He was soon joined by Ghows- 
khan's cavalry with a train of artillery, the whole 
under command of his trusty friend, Enaiet-khan, 
while himself, mounting his elephant, came out of 
the city with his kinsman Ghows-khan, and with 
the rest of his army he encamped in the neigh- 


bourh(X)d, so as to be at hand. As soon as the 
enemy was discovered, Enaiet-khan drew up his 
army, and pursuing* Nizam-ul-mulk's instructions, 
he placed the greatest part of his light and heavy 
artillery in a bushy spot of ground, where it re- 
mained loaded with grape-shot. It was along the 
sides of a brook, whose shady banks were well 
calculated for concealing it. The artillery was 
supported by a numerous body of infantry, whose 
valour had been tried, and whom Nizam-ul-mulk 
knew to be capable of preserving their presence of 
mind in a moment of danger. On the other hand, 
Dilaver Ali-khan, with that fiery courage peculiar 
to him, and that bluntness of intellect proverbial 
among the men of Barha, advanced, accompanied 
by Dost Mahomed-khan, an Afghan commander. 
He ranged his army in the following manner. He 
placed himself at the head of eleven thousand 
horse ; and the two Hindu princes, Bhim-sing and 
Gaj-sing, followed with a compact body of Raj- 
puts. In rear of these was his artillery, and behind 
all his war-elephants. It was in this order of 
battle he advanced in a frantic manner against the 
enemy, who waited steadily for him. Enaiet-khan, 
on the contrary, merely watched the motions of 
the enemy. The battle commenced by mutual 
discharges of musketry and rockets, when Dilaver 
Ali-khan, inflamed by the sight of his foes, ad- 


vanced farther and farther on the retiring enemy', 
without suspecting an ambuscade, until he found 
himself involved in very unequal ground, which 
obliged his troops to break their ranks. Unmindful 
of this disorder, he pushed on till he reached the 
spot which concealed the. enemy. Here he was 
opposed by a steady body of men, who taking aim 
leisurely, discharged a volley of musketry, cannon j 
and rockets, which brought down almost the whole 
of the leading columns. Those behind, terrified 
by the terrible execution, availed themselves of 
the smoke which now covered the plain to retreat ; 
in so much that Dilaver Ali-khan was almost alone, 
with no one about his person but the two rajas, 
and about four or five hundred men. The ground 
was too uneven for either a horse or elephant to 
move with ease, and the greatest part of the 
cavalry with the Rajputs were lying dead or 
wounded on the field of battle, whilst the rest 
were flying in all directions. In this situation. 
Dost Mahomed-khan, that Afghan so renowned 
for his courage and great character, thought proper 
likewise to retire ; the sense of honour having been 
superseded in him by a sense of fear : for fortune 
appeared now to have turned her back upon the 
two brothers, and nothing connected with them 
seemed to terminate favourably. Dilaver Ali- 
khan, in despair, still pushed on with the two rajas 


and his few remaining brave troops. These being 
shot at like so many targets, were all slain to a 
man. This victory, which had almost destroyed 
the enemy's army, cost Nizam-ul-mulk hardly any 
loss, and it is universally admitted that he did not 
lose a single officer of rank. The enemy flying 
in every direction, a shout of victory arose, and 
Dilaver Ali-khan's military chest, baggage, artillery 
and equipage, with every thing that could escape 
a general pillage, was taken possession of for Ni- 
zam-ul-mulk's use. This chieftain now returned 
in triumph to Boorhanpoor, where he spent his 
time in conciliating the inhabitants, and in reward- 
ing his soldiers with elephants, costly dresses of 
honour, rich arms, and other favours ; whilst he 
took care to relieve the wounded by supplying 
them with money and medicines. 

The report of this victory having reached Agra, 
gave a secret but sincere satisfaction to the em- 
peror, as well as to Mahomed Amin-khan, and to 
all those who professed an attachment to that 
prince, but it filled the two brothers with fear 
and anxiety. They now held consultations daily. 
Sometimes they proposed to march against Nizam- 
ul-mulk together ; at others they thought it would 
be better to carry the emperor to the capital (Dehli), 
where he should be left under the care of the elder 
brother, whilst Hussein Ali-khan, the younger. 


should march against the dangerous rival that had 
risen in the Deckan. At one time they intended 
to carry the emperor into the middle of the theatre 
of war, so as to make him partake of their own 
danger; and at another, they thought it more 
decent, first of all to send for Hussein Ali-khan's 
wife and children, and then only to march against 
Nizam-ul-mulk. Another object of their appre- 
hension was Mahomed Amin-khan, who gave them 
very great umbrage, in so much that there was a 
public report one day current that he had been 
put to death by the Seids, or at least, arrested ; 
and on another, that a reconciliation had taken 
place, and that all animosity between them was 
buried in oblivion. It is said that the younger 
brother voted for his being put to death, but that 
the elder, regardful of the oaths and promises which 
had passed between him and the Turany chief, 
objected, declaring that such a step would not 
only be ungenerous and dishonourable, but even 
impolitic. The dispute on this point grew warm, 
and the elder brother was heard to say, " My life 
is a pledge for his ; if you are bent on killing him, 
then kill me also, or let me kill myself." It was 
not till after such debates that his life was spared, 
and indeed, as he was doomed to slay Hussein 
Ali-khan himself, how could it occur that he should 
be killed by him ? 


The mighty events with which the womb of 
time was pregnant, seemed to have been foretold 
by the convulsions which the elements underwent 
in these days. On the twenty-second of the bles- 22 Ramazan, 

A H 1133. 

sed month of Ramazan, in the year 1133, as the jj j^, 
people were assembled at the mosque at a little ^'^' ^^*** 
past twelve, to say the noon-tide prayers, on a 
sudden the whole building was shaken by a vio- 
lent earthquake, and bricks fell from the cupola 
to the great terror of the congregation, ^v^ho thought 
it presaged some mighty and unusual event. Many 
of the houses in Shah Jehanabad, and in old 
Dehli, fell down, or were shaken to the foun- 
dation. Numbers of inhabitants were crushed to 
death under the ruins, and others were maimed. 
The rumbling noise under ground was so frightful 
and so repeated, that it conveyed dismay and con- 
sternation into every heart. There were on that 
day no fewer than nine successive shocks, which 
overturned most of the good houses in the city. 
The earth continued shaking at intervals for forty 
days and forty nights together, producing every 
day some new damage. Strange noises, voices, 
and groans were occasionally heard from under 
ground, and the affrighted inhabitants were in such 
dismay, that no man in his senses had the hardi- 
hood to sleep in a place shut up, or under a roof. 
After these forty days of continual shaking, the 

VOL. I. Q 


earthquake seemed to have subsided indeed, but 

not without undergoing, now and then, some 

slighter commotions during the four or five months 

1 ziicad that followed. On the first of Zilkad,. it was de- 

A<Ii. 1133- 

8 August, termined in council, that the Emperor's camp- 

A.D. J 721. 

' equipage, with that of the vezir's, should quit the 

environs of Acber-abad, in order to march to the 
capital, and that the younger brother, Hussein 
Ali-khan, should, with a number of noblemen ac- 
customed t6 a camp life, set out at the head of a 
numerous army for the Deckan. 

Whilst the preparations for such a campaign 
were making, the tale-bearers were so busy, and 
the suspicions entertained of all the Turanies were 
so prevalent, that Mahomed Amin-khan's life and 
death came again to be a subject of debate. Fresh 
disputes arose between the brothers regarding his 
fate, and the differences of opinion having transpired 
abroad, became a topic of general conversation 
throughout the city. Matters became so critical, 
that he expected every moment an attack upon his 
person, and he used to sleep in armour, and to be 
surrounded day and night by a body of Turany 
soldiers devoted to his person. At last, and whilst 
extremities of the most fatal kind were expected, 
both parties came to an accommodation ; mutual 
promises and solemn oaths were interchanged 
with a sincerity apparently quite remote from dis- 


gaise and treachery. How far all these protes- 
tations were really sincere on the part of one of 
the parties, we shall soon have occasion to see; 
meanwhile we shall resume our narrative of the 
projected campaign in the Deckan. As the van- 
quished army had been almost destroyed, the very 
few that escaped from that slaughter, but which 
did not amount to more than two or three thou- 
sand men, made the best of their way to Aalem 
Ali-khan's army in a most wretched condition, 
whilst Nizam-ul-mulk employed his time in im- 
proving his artillery and camp-equipage, in pro- 
viding ammunition, and in distributing medicines 
to his wounded, as well as in quieting the minds 
of the citizens, and in recruiting his troops, whose 
hearts he endeavoured to gain by every means in 
his power. His main object, though conducted in 
secret, was how to debauch and entice away 
Aalem Ali-khan's soldiers and officers ; the more 
so, as while he was busy in gaining the enemy's 
soldiers, he was occasionally losing some of his 
own. Anwer-khan, that ungrateful chief, who 
had so far forgotten all the obligations he owed to 
the Seid brothers, as to go over to Nizam-ul-mulk, 
now turned again to the opposite party, as if one 
treason could not suffice. He wrote to Aalem 
Ali-khan, that Nizam-ul-mulk was not grown 
so powerful but that he might be crushed by a 

Q 2 


timely and rapid march. He represented him as 
spending his time in making up medicines, and in 
raising contributions on the people ; a state of in- 
action, he observed, which afforded a precious 
opportunity, that a man of genius ought not to 
let slip. This letter having been intercepted, 
served only to render the writer despicable, and 
to bring on him so much the sooner the punish- 
ment he merited. 

Aalem Ali-khan had no need of excitement ; he 
Ramadan, ggf Qut in the beginning of Ramazan with an army 

A.» ria 1 loo* 

June, of twenty-five thousand horse, amongst which 
were ten or twelve thousand Mahrattas of the 
Raja of Sattara under the command of Kandu 
Behary and Sankrajy Malhar. He was likewise 
accompanied by some commanders of character, 
who remembering how they had shed their blood 
more than once under Hussein Ali-khan's com- 
mand, were attached to his cause and devoted to 
his person. Several other officers and persons of 
distinction were also in his army, some of whom 
followed him out of sincere zeal, and others from 
motives of interest. With these troops Aalem 
Ali-khan thought himself a match for the enemy, 
and having with some difficulty carried his army 
through the pass of Feridapoor, which lies midway 
betwixt Candeish and Aurengabad, he encamped 
in the neighbourhood of the latter city, where his 


Mahratta horse, according to their wonted custom, 
spread over the plain and plundered all the vil- 
lages. These ravages induced Nizam-ul-mulk 
to send his family and heavy baggage within the 
fortress of Assir, and then take the field. But 
the river Purna, which flows at about seventeen 
coss from Boorhanpoor, being then swollen by the 
rains, was likely to occasion much delay. From 
this difficulty he was extricated by Ghows-khan, 
who being well acquainted with the country, pro- 
posed to cross about eighteen coss higher, at a spot 
which he knew to have a ford. Here they arrived 
sooner than expected by bye-ways, which were 
pointed out by the zemindars of the country, and 
Nizam-ul-mulk, having forded the river, was 
already in full march towards the enemy in his 
return from Assir, before the latter knew of his 
approach. At last, when he received the intelli- 
gence, he marched towards his antagonist, whilst 
the Mahratta horse in his service, scouring the 
country, occasioned a dearth in Nizam-ul-mulk's 
camp during the heavy rains which were now 
falling, and had spoiled the roads, so that they 
harassed him on all sides. On this occasion 
Ghows-khan was of great service. At the head of 
some thousands of Mahratta horse that served in 
Nizam-ul-mulk's army, he cut his way through 
the other free-booters. That general now advanced 


to the south through a series of perpetual skirmish- 
ing, his intention being to avoid a general action 
until he found a field of battle suited to his pur- 
pose. Having reached at last the town of Bala- 
poor, he prepared for action so soon as the two 
armies got within sight of each other, and Aalem 
Ali-khan prepared to attack the enemy. This was 
5 shewai, ou the fifth of Shcwal. Aalem Ali-khan put his 
A.H. 1133. ^j.g^ jjj^g under the command of Manuwar-khan, 

14 July, 

A.D. 1721. and Galib Ali-khan Deckany, and supported their 
right by several corps commanded by Amir-khan, 
brother of Khan Aalem, by Amir-khan, cousin of 
the late Daud-khan Peny, and by Shamshir-khan, 
Ashref-khan, and Fidwy-khan. His left was com- 
posed of the several corps commanded by Refat- 
khan, and by some other officers of character, to 
whom he attached all the Mahratta cavalry, with 
strict injunctions not to allow them to mix in the 
ranks. Aalem Ali-khan himself took post in the 
centre, where he shared his elephant with Ghias- 
khan. His artillery marched in front, surrounded 
by ten or twelve thousand Carnatic musketeers, 
supported by a number of war-elephants, that 
looked like so many mountains cased in iron. The 
general having reviewed his troops, seemed satis- 
fied in his mind, and advanced with a cheerful 
countenance, pleased to think that he was going 
into an engagement likely to prove prosperous. 


But he was lately arrived ini those parts, unac- 
quainted with the nature of the country, and totally 
unexperienced in war: for although he was aware 
that Dilaver Ali-khan had lost both his life and 
army by giving way to an impetuosity which had 
carried him headlong into an ambuscade, which, 
with a little more precaution, he might have 
avoided, nevertheless Aalem Ali-khan fell himself 
into a similar snare, where after exhibiting prodi- 
gies of valour, the sweet flower of his life was 
cropped in the very season of youth. The truth 
is, that he was under the impulse of fate. 

" By no scheme nor contrivance is destiny to be evaded, 
" Be it a hoary sage or an unexperienced youth." 

On the mornins: of the sixth of the month, Aalem 6 shewai, 
Ali-khan, surrounded by thirty or forty comman- 15 juiy, 
ders, all mounted on elephants, marched against ' " ' 
the enemy with a blind security, which can nei- 
ther be concealed nor dissembled in the page of 

Nizam-ul-mulk on his side gave the command 
of his first line to the brave Merhamet-khan, and 
in order to make trial of his son, Ghazi-ed-din- 
khan's fortune, he placed him under that renowned 
officer. Abd-ur-rahim-khan, Raiet-khan, Saad-ed- 
din-khan, Darab-khan, Kamyab-khan, and Enaiet- 
khan, all at the head of their troops, were distri- 
buted on his right and left wings, together with 


the coi'ps commanded by Kadir-dad-khan, Ak^- 
tisas-khan, Dilir-khan, and Anver-khan. To those 
troops he added all the Rajputs commanded by 
their rajas, and brought by some commanders 
discontented with the two brothers, but desirous 
of distinction. Nizam-ul-mulk himself took post 
in the centre with Ghows-khan by his side. As 
to the troops brought by the zemindars, as well as 
some thousands of Mahratta cavalry, he thought it 
better to leave them in his rear under Sambah, 
their general, with orders to secure his camp 
against the enemy's Mahrattas. Nizam-ul-mulk 
had a numerous artillery, which had been vastly 
augmented by what he drew from the fortresses of 
Assir and Boorhanpoor, but especially by those 
guns which he had acquired in his late victory. 
This he placed in his front in full view of the 
enemy; but as soon as it became dark, he sent 
great part of his guns to the left and right, where 
they were concealed by a copse from the enemy's 
sight, and they were managed with skill by offi- 
cers of tried valour and ability. The guns were 
loaded with grape, and there were intermixed 
with them swivels, wall-pieces, and rockets. This 
arrangement was hardly complete, when Alem 
Ali-khan's army was seen in motion; and the 
action was commenced by the advance consisting 
of ten or twelve thousand horse, which under the 


sivae-ul-mutakherin. 233 

command of Manuwar-khan, charged the Deckan 
artillery. Upon the first discharge Manuwar- 
khan was slain, together with some of the bravest 
of his men. At sight of this, the first line of 
Nizam-ul-mulk, principally composed of Mogols, 
attacked the enemy's line, which it threw into 
confusion. This being reported to Aalem Ali- 
khan, he moved a number of choice troops in haste 
to repair the disorder in his centre. Here the 
battle raged with fury. Aalem Ali-khan was the 
foremost in every attack, overthrowing the enemy's 
troops, confounding their ranks, and making them 
lose ground. Flushed with this success, he pushed 
on with ardour, but without caution ; the Deckan 
line fell back in good order, Aalem Ali-khan pur- 
sued, and both parties were drawing nearer and 
nearer to that fatal spot where the cannons were 
concealed. The Deckan artillery was under the 
management of a body of tried men, personally- 
inimical to the two Seids. At length it opened 
its fire, and afforded a specimen of the day of judg- 
ment. The sun's light was darkened, and the 
day was turned into night. When the smoke 
cleared up, Ghalib-khan, Shemshir-khan, Ashref- 
khan, Khwaja Rahmet-khan, Muntehy-khan, and 
Mahomedy-beg, with a vast number of the bravest 
commanders and soldiers were found among the 
slain, weltering in their blood. The best and 


bravest part of the cavalry was destroyed or dis- 
abled. Still this did not dismay Aalem Ali-khan, 
who, although wounded, made a brave stand, and 
rallied round his person a number of veteran sol- 
diers, all ready to spill their blood for his sake. 
With these he continued to advance, when his 
progress was stopped by Akhtisas-khan and by 
Enaiet-khan, as well as by numbers of others, 
who could not help admiring the valour of that 
young hero. Here commenced a new, a long and 
bloody contest, which ended by Akhtisas-khan's 
engaging Aalem Ali-khan hand to hand, when the 
latter lost his right arm in the combat. This wound 
having disabled him, he was over-powered and 
slain on the spot, together with nineteen other 
commanders of note ; and the greatest part of that 
brave body that had adhered to him. The young 
Seid cheerfully, and with a face glowing with 
honour, resigned his soul, which fled to join his 
holy and valiant ancestors. Sankrajy Mulhar, 
the Mahratta commander, who followed Aalem 
Ali-khan, with a number of the bravest of his 
nation, was wounded, and taken prisoner with 
some of his best troops. 

Whilst this scene of slaughter was acting, Omer- 
khan, brother of the late Daud-khan Peny, and 
Amir-khan, brother of Khan Aalem, two com, 
manders, who had treacherously abandoned Aalem 


Ali-khan, availing themselves of the general con- 
fusion, seized on three or four elephants and on 
three or four lacs of rupees, quitted the field of 
battle, and to their eternal disgrace, wheeling 
round with a number of troops, as treacherous as 
themselves, surrendered to Nizam-ul-mulk. That 
general ordered the enemy's artillery, military 
chest, camp equipage, and whatever belonged to 
the commanders slain in battle, to be applied to 
his use. In this second battle, as in the former, 
the Deckan troops suffered so little, that not 
an officer of character was slain, and few only 

When intelligence of this second disaster was 
brought to the two brothers at Dehli, it threw 
them into a state of despair, especially the younger, 
who from his deep sensibility of reverse of fortune, 
was inwardly consumed by grief and impatience, 
and he suffered the utmost anguish when he re- 
flected that his wife and family were yet in the 
Deckan. Fortunately for him, in a few days more 
he received intelligence that before Nizam-ul- 
mulk's approach to Aurengabad, the governor of 
Dowletabad, although he had been ill-used by the 
two Seids, and was dissatisfied with their pro- 
ceedings, had the generosity to receive that forlorn 
family, with all their dependants and effects, with- 
in that strong fortress, although he was actually 


upon ill-terms with the very man to whose consort 
and children he was affording all the assistance, 
and all the conveniencies in his power. In a word, 
he took ample revenge of the two Seids, his ene- 
mies, by conferring upon them an important be- 
nefit at a most critical juncture. 

" It is easy to return evil for evil ; 

" But if thou be a man, return good for evil."* 

Hussein Ali-khan, on hearing such consoling 
news, recovered his wonted firmness, and became 
easy in mind, although he heard at the same time 
that Mubariz-khan, governor of Hydrabad, as 
well as Dilaver Ali-khan, his brother-in-law, had 
both quitted his party and gone over to Nizam- 
ul-mulk, to whom they carried a body of seven or 
eight thousand horse. 

The news from the Deckan becoming every day 
more alarming, the two brothers determined that 
Abdullah-khan should march to the capital, in order 
to retain it in quietness ; and that Hussein Ali-khan 
should march to the Deckan at the head of a nu- 
merous army accompanied by the emperor. This 
resolution once taken, the viceroy turned his whole 

* These sentiments do the author great credit ; they are in 
the true spirit of Christianity, which teaches us to do''good even 
to our enemies. The delicacy and the chivalrous attention 
paid to females in In dia, among the upper classes, is little known 
or appreciated by us. It surpasses, in reality, the tales of romance 
in the days of chivalry in Europe. 


attention towards making additions to his army 
and to his artillery. With that view he dispatched 
Seid Mahomed-khan with money and letters to 
the brave inhabitants of Barha, and to the Afghans 
who lived beyond them, whose bravest comman- 
ders he invited into his service, and thus in a 
little time he saw himself at the head of fifty thou- 
sand horse. Besides these vvere the imperial 
guards, and a number of rajas with their Rajputs. 
He was also followed by many other persons of 
distinction, who went as volunteers, desirous to 
signalize themselves under such a commander. 
His train of artillery, composed of such large can- 
non apparently intended for shaking the earth to 
its foundation, was protected by a numerous body 
of musketeers, formed by himself. Having re- 
viewed all this army about the end of Shewal, ^H^i'fss 
Hussein Ali-khan sent his equipasre on the hierh August, 

^ ^ ° ° A.D. 1721. 

road to the Deckan, and on the same day he ad- 
vanced with the emperor two coss from Acberabad. 
But as his last hour was at hand, he became guilty 
of several improper proceedings, which can only 
be referred to the imperative impulse of fate. He 
took from Seid-khan Jehan the office of comman- 
dant of artillery, and gave it to Heider Kuly-khan, 
an office of the utmost importance, as it always in- 
volved the protection of the emperor's household, 
family, and even person. Several days more having 

A. D. 1721. 


been spent in that encampment, it was the ninth 
oziicad, of the month of Zilcad, when the kin^ quittinaf 

A.H. 1133 o 1 o 

18 August, Acberabad advanced three coss on the road to 
A.D. 1721. j)eckan. He was attended by the vezir Abdullah- 
khan, who waited only for a fit opportunity to 
take his leave, and to commence his journey to- 
wards the capital. The anniversary of the empe- 
ror's coronation was at hand, and occurred on the 
15 Zilcad. fifteenth. He wished to assist at the ceremonies 

A.H. 1133. 

24 August, usual on that occasion before he set out. Hussein 
Ali-khan objected to this delay, and induced the 
emperor to dismiss the vezir earlier, after which 
the emperor himself decamped, and on the foui^ 
teenth he marched two full stages more to Fateh- 
poor, where he spent three or four days in rejoic- 
ings for the anniversary. These being over, be 
thought only of marching to the Deckan, but his 
brother Abdullah-khan remained on the spot two 
or three days longer, with Hamid-khan, the uncle 
of Nizam-ul-mulk, and some other nobles, such 
as Ghazi-ed -din-khan, Ghalib-khan, and others. 
After this stay, the reason for which no one could 
guess, he set out for the capital, and on the road 
was met by Mahomed-khan Bangash, who not 
satisfied with several lacs of rupees which he had 
received from Hussein Ali-khan, under promise of 
following him with a corps of soldiers of his own 
nation, protested he was in want of money, and 


obtained fifty thousand rupees more from the vezir. 
The latter continued his march to the capital, 
whilst his brother was intent on marching to the 

The vezir continued his route, and was at the 
distance of two short journies from the capital, 
when he received intelligence that his elder brother 
had been assassinated, together with his younger 
brother Nur-ed-din Ali-khan, and his nephew 
Gheiret-khan. This news was contained in a 
short note brought by a dromedary courier, which 
Rattan Chand had sent off on the occasion. The 
following is the detail of this event. 

As the emperor was a mere pageant in his own 
dominions, his situation was pitied by some 
nobles of the old court of Aurengzib, such as 
Nizam-ul-mulk, Mahomed Amin-khan, and others, 
who beheld with indignation the vast power of the 
two brothers, and resolved to deliver him from a 
thraldom so degrading to the imperial family and 
to themselves. 

Mahomed Amin-khan, though narrowly watched, 
found means to say a few words in Turkish to the 
king, and obtained his consent to the subsequent 
measures, which having been imparted to Nizam- 
ul-mulk, determined him to assert his own indepen- 
dance, and to wrest the Deckan from the two 
brothers. It is to these intrigues at court, and to 


that general's exertions in the field, that Dilaver 
Ali-khan and Aalem Ali-khan owed their misfor- 
tunes, though after all, it must not be denied that 
the whole happened by the immediate intervention 
of an unavoidable destiny. Mahomed Amin-khan, 
who saw that the viceroy was bent on the destrucr 
tion of Nizam-ul-mulk, and who suspected that 
the latter was not a match for his adversary, con- 
cluded that the ruin of Nizam-ul-mulk would be 
followed by his own downfall, and that of all his 
countrymen, the Turanies. Fully impressed with 
these notions, he watched day and night with his 
confederates for a favourable opportunity to de- 
stroy Hussein Ali-khan. But it must not be 
believed that they would have raised their views 
so high, had they not been assured of support 
from a powerful party which ,was gaining ground 
every day. The first person they thought of gain- 
ing over was Seid Mahomed Amin, better known 
by the name of Saadet-khan, an Irany, born at 
Nishapoor in Khorassan. This chiefs first appear- 
ance was as commandant of that corps of infantry 
guards called Vala-shahies, raised in Ferokh Siar's 
time. Some time after, he was promoted to the 
office of Fojdary of Hindown Biana, one of the 
principal and most troublesome districts of the 
province of Acberabad. It was here he first gave 
proof of his valour and abilities. With a few 


troops which he obtained from the Vezir Abdullah- 
khan, and a few more of his own countrymen, he 
contrived to bring that province under control ; 
and this service having procured him an augmenta- 
tion of five hundred horse to his military grade, he 
henceforward became known at court, where he 
bore the character of a resolute and an able com- 
mander. Mahomed Amin-khan finding him cal- 
culated for his purpose, insinuated himself into his 
confidence, and he became henceforward his con- 
stant companion and the depository of his secrets. 
This connexion was greatly facilitated by their 
both being Moguls,* and they cast their eyes upon 
a third Mogul, a man altogether fit for that pur- 
pose. This person was Mir Heider-khan, a Cha- 
ghatay Calmuc of Cashgar, whose family enjoyed 
for many years the office of sword-bearer to the 
prince of his own country. Mir Heider bore also 
the title of Mir Miran. He was a man of intrepid 
character, whom no danger could appal ; and he 
united himself with Mahomed Amin-khan, not only 
out of ambition, but out of a religious zeal, he 
being as zealous a Sunny as the viceroy was a 
zealous Shiah, and he took upon himself the task 
of despatching Seid Hussein Ali-khan with his own 
hand. These three resolute men being thus con- 

* By the word Mogul here the author means a foreigner, 
either from Persia, Cabul, or Khwarazm. 

VOL. I. 11 


nected, determined to cast lots who should give 
the first blow, and having for this purpose applied 
to the Koran, the task devolved on Mir Heider, a 
wretch unworthy of living either in this world or 
the next. This man, without suspecting how near 
he was to his own end, framed a petition full of 
complaints against Mahomed Amin-khan, and in 
order to present it, he took for his associate a coun- 
tryman of his own, whom he knew to be as in- 
famous as himself. It was on Tuesday, the sixth 
6 ziihaj, of Zilhaj, in the year 11 33 of the Hegira, the army 
14 September, was cucampcd fifty coss south of Acberabad, and 

A D 1721 i' 

the emperor was just alighting to enter his tent. 
At this moment Mahomed Amin-khan whispered 
to him in Turkish to be ready and upon his guard, 
after which he made his bow, and retired to the 
quarters of Heider Kuly-khan, one of the principal 
conspirators. As he was retiring^ the viceroy ad- 
vanced, and having accompanied the emperor as 
far as the first entrance of the lady's enclosure, he 
withdrew, and took the road to his own tent, which 
being in the vanguard, could not be less than one 
coss distant. On approaching the outlet of the 
royal enclosure, Mir Heider, who availed himself 
of a rising ground to shew himself, made his bow, 
and raised his petition as high as he could ; the 
attendants forbade his approaching nearer, but fate, 
unavoidable fate, put it into the viceroy's mind to 


beckon to him, and to command his people to let 
him draw close. Mir Heider having augured well 
of this extraordinary condescension, approached, 
presented his petition, and as the viceroy's palky 
was going on, he ran alongside, holding, as is 
usual on those occasions, by the side of that con- 
veyance with one hand, whilst with the other he 
explained the objects of his complaint. The mo- 
ment he saw the viceroy's attention engaged in read- 
ing the petition, he drew his dagger, and gave that 
valorous and innocent Seid such a violent stab, as 
threw him on the opposite side of the palky, where 
he expired without a groan, and assumed the 
crown of martyrdom. In the act of falling, he gave 
the murderer a violent kick in the breast, which 
overset the palky, but the body fell motionless on 
the ground. Nur-ullah-khan, a relation of the 
viceroy's, was likewise marching on foot and hold- 
ing the palky, and on seeing the blow, he drew his 
sabre and felled the assassin to the ground. He 
was himself cut down by the Mogul attending Mir 
Heider. The latter was himself collared and 
killed by Mir Mushref, who although grievously 
wounded in the scuffle, found means to escape 
alive. From that moment a promiscuous slaughter 
ensued round the palky. Numbers of Moguls who 
were in the plot, arriving one after another, cleared 
the ground, and both the heads of Hussein Ali- 



khan and Nur-ullah-khan being severed from their 
bodies, were carried to the emperor's quarters. 
This sight made so deep an impression on the 
eunuch Macbul, superintendant of the viceroy's 
seraglio, that assuming courage out of his very- 
despair, he drew his sabre, attacked the Moguls 
vigorously, and received several wounds, of which 
he died three or four days after. Whilst so much 
noble blood was streaming round Hussein Ali- 
khan's body, his water-bearer and head-scavenger, 
taking to their sabres and bucklers, ran with all 
their might to the imperial tents, and throwing 
themselves headlong amongst the body-guard, cut 
their way as far as the Tesbih-khana* apartment, 
where they were hewn in pieces, or, as some others 
say, killed by Saadat-khan, who barred the en- 
trance with his body.f A troop of resolute men, 
attached to Mohcam-sing, divan of the murdered 
viceroy, having at the commencement of tumult ran 
with drawn sabres as far as the royal tents, pene- 
trated through as far as the main tent of audience, 
and fought valiantly. Most of them were wounded, 
but they cut their way back on hearing that their 

* The chapel-tent. 

•f The extraordinary attachment and personal devotion of 
Indian domestics to their masters is a remarkable feature in 
their character. Some strong instances of this nature have 
occurred even towards Europeans, but among themselves the 
feeling is common, and wonderfully powerful. 


master could not recover. As for Hussein Ali- 
khan's infantry, which had already commenced 
firing, they were soon silenced, or dispersed of 
themselves, on hearing that all was over. 

The news of Hussein Ali-khan's death was di- 
rectly communicated to Gheiret-khan, his nephew, 
who was then in camp. That gallant young soldier, 
without collecting his troops, or bringing up his 
artillery, or even giving himself time to assemble 
his friends about his person, quitted the table 
where he was taking his meal, and having wiped 
his mouth and hands, mounted his elephant, and 
without uttering a word, advanced to oppose the 
murderers of his uncle. With about three thou- 
sand horse and foot that joined him troop by troop 
on the way, he rushed towards the royal tent with 
a fury which can be compared only to the rapidity 
of lightning, or to the fury of a storm. Whilst 
advancing, Saadet-khan and Mahomed Amin- 
khan, with Heider Kuly-khan, sensible of the 
emperor's danger, threw themselves headlong 
amongst a number of men that had penetrated as 
far as the ladies' apartments, and were thronging 
around, and barring the very entrance. Having 
cleared the passage by sheer bodily exertions, 
they called on the emperor to shew himself; but 
he was actually restrained by his mother, and 
entangled amongst a crowd of women, who had 


seized his person. Saadet-khan, sensible of the 
importance of his presence, and how Httle the 
rules of etiquette deserved his attention at such a 
moment, had the boldness to rush beyond the 
door, and having entreated the emperor to shew 
himself at the head of a number of faithful ser- 
vants, ready to shed their blood in his cause, seized 
his hand, and by main strength disengaged him 
from the women. He brought him out to Ma- 
homed Amin-khan, who mounted him upon his 
elephant, and took his post in the seat behind. It 
was customary for the imperial guards, and for 
some other corps, to assemble daily at the entrance 
of the royal enclosure. They now assembled there 
earlier than usual, whilst some troops of Moguls 
hastened towards the same spot. Saadet-khan, 
and others, joined Mahomed Amin-khan, by de- 
tached bands, so that the king at once appeared 
surrounded by a respectable body of men. Still 
his danger had been great but for Heider Kuly- 
khan, who sensible that some such emergency 
was at hand, had the foresight to exercise the 
artillery daily, having previously secured the men 
by his liberality; insomuch, that on the first 
report of the tumult, they marched up to head- 
quarters ; and whilst Gheiret-khan was advancing 
on one side with a confused disorderly body of 
men, Heider Kuly-khan was marching on the 


other with a steady pace, and a numerous troop 
marshalled in order, with which he surrounded 
the emperor's person, forming without the inner 
circle of troops, another circle of field-pieces and 
war-elephants. This being done, he went up to 
a body of his own horse, and advanced to the 
charge, himself at their head. A battle, terrible 
as the day of judgment, now commenced. Gheiret- 
khan, who had come with all the fury of a hungry 
lion or a famished tiger, was boiling with impa- 
tience ; his eagerness did not give him time to take 
breath, little apprehensive that all his haste would 
only serve to precipitate him into the abyss of 
eternity. He had resolved to sacrifice his own life 
if he could but revenge his uncle's murder, and close 
either with the emperor, Mahomed Amin-khan, or 
Heider Kuly-khan, in single combat. The cannon 
and musketry of the latter general, long accus- 
tomed to good practice, fired steadily, and their 
balls rained as thick as a storm of hail. The two 
adverse parties engaged with so much fury, that 
nothing was heard but the groans of the dying, 
and the cries of " have at you." By this time 
the nobles of the imperial party were flocking 
from all parts round the royal person, and Gheiret- 
khan's troops were likewise hastening to their 
chiefs assistance, so that the two parties which 
had now assumed the consistence of armies, were 


already come to short weapons, and engaging 
hand to hand. Gheiret-khan had advanced so near 
to Heider Kuly-khan, that he shot an arrow at 
him, which sunk with so much violence in the 
latter's bow, that it required considerable force 
afterwards to extract it. This was no sooner per- 
ceived by Saadet-khan and Kamer-ed-din-khan, 
than they flew to his assistance, and performed 
exploits worthy of their attachment to their sove- 
reign. He himself was employed incessantly in 
filling his bow, and discharging arrows on all sides. 
Whilst the two parties were solely intent on each 
other's destruction, the camp-followers, availing 
themselves of the confusion, fell on Hussein Ali- 
khan's quarters, set them on fire, as well as all 
the tents of his body of Seids ; and whilst the 
servants were busy in putting out the fire, they 
plundered out of the viceroy's tents money and 
jewels to the amount of several crores of rupees. 
At this moment Khan Dowran arrived. Gheiret- 
khan, enfeebled already by two wounds, was shot 
dead with a musket-ball by an Abyssinian, who 
sat in the seat behind Heider Kuly-khan. The 
young Seid, without uttering a groan, went to 
wait upon his glorious ancestor, the divine Ali, 
the prince of the pious, on whom be grace and 
mercy for ever! Meanwhile the viceroy's pro- 
perty had been plundered leisurely, and there 


remained but little of it to be secured for the 
emperor's use. 

The victory being now decided, Heider Kuly- 
khan sent word to Mohcam Sing, the divan of 
Hussein Ali-khan, advising him to pay his homage 
to the king, as that prince had ordered his life and 
property to be spared. He came, and on his mak- 
ing his bow, the emperor pardoned his past con- 
duct, and augmented his military grade to six 
thousand horse. Word was also sent to Rattan 
Chand, but he knowing how unpopular he was, 
made haste to despatch a dromedary courier to 
Abdullah-khan, as we have already said, and 
getting into his palky, hastened to his quarters. 
On the road he was stopped by some Moguls, as 
well as by crowds of the mob, who long incensed 
at his violent oppression, flew at him, and having 
torn him from the palky, they gave him a severe 
beating, and dragged him stark naked to Mahomed 
Amin-khan's quarters, who immediately ordered 
him some clothes, but sent him into confinement 
with a chain attached to his feet. Ray Narotum 
Dass, the agent of Abdullah-khan, was more 
lucky; observing how matters went, he shaved his 
beard and whiskers, changed his apparel, and 
whilst his baggage was pillaged, he went like a 
thief into his own tent, took some jewels, and re- 
tired to the quarters of some trusty friends, who 


found means to conceal him, and he at last made 
his escape to his master, Abdullah-khan. Mir 
Ali-khan did not meet with such good fortune. 
He was a servant long attached to Hussein Ali- 
khan. His master set so much value upon his 
services, that he had raised him to offices both 
lucrative and honourable, and he in acknowledg- 
ment for these favours, proved himself a companion 
worthy of Gheiret-khan. He was now plundered 
as well as others, and sent into confinement, al- 
though his person had been respected for three 
days by the populace, that had been so merciless 
to others. To Mir Mushref, who had cut so con- 
spicuous a figure when Hussein Ali-khan was mur- 
dered, offices, and even money, were now offered, 
but he declined both, and lived for a long while 
retired and in obscurity, when the emperor, of his 
own accord, sent for him and gave him employ- 

The bodies of Hussein Ali-khan, Nur-ed-din Ali- 
khan, and Gheiret-khan, were wrapped up in cloth 
of gold by Mahomed Amin-khan's order, and 
decently put into coffins, he intending by this mea- 
sure to avoid the reproaches of the public. He 
even went to the place where they lay in state, 
made his devotions at their feet, performed the 
usual rites, and said aloud, " Here lie three va- 
lorous lions asleep." After this, he ordered the 


three coffins to be taken up and carried to the 
family vault at Ajmir, where lay buried the great 
Abdullah-khan, commonly called Mia-khan, the 
founder of that family. It is probable that the 
motive for covering them with gold cloth and other 
costly ornaments, was to excite the cupidity of 
banditti, who by plundering the whole and insult- 
ing the bodies, might render the procession ridi- 
culous; but if such was his intention he was 
disappointed. Wherever the coffins were descried 
from afar, people of all ranks flocked to them, 
and, out of respect, accompanied them a great 
way, and it was with such an escort they arrived 
at Ajmir, where they were deposited under the 
family monument. 

Praise be to God Almighty, that the qualities of 
wisdom and justice shgne forth conspicuously in 
Hussein Ali-khan's character. It appears from 
authentic memoirs and unquestionable records, 
that what befel Ferokh Siar, and some others of his 
enemies, was the result of their own machinations, 
and had never taken place but in the vezir's own 
defence. Indeed, where is the man that would not 
strive for the preservation of his life and honour. It 
is a thing unheard of to this day, that any man of 
the world has ever parted with either whilst 
he had power to defend them. It may even be 
said that few men have been found so free from 


vice as to have devoted their lives and honour even 
in the cause of glorifying God and his prophet, 
although a disregard of life is in such a mighty 
cause a divine obligation, and never fails to pro- 
duce in the other world the highest degree of hap- 
piness and glory. Whereas similar resolution, 
exerted in the cause of our own species, is far from 
producing any such return. Indeed, how shall we 
believe it can, since we find the many important 
services rendered to Ferokh Siar by these two 
illustrious brothers, at the expense of so much 
blood and property, met with no better reward 
than perpetual animosity, evinced in the intrigues 
of such vile reprobates as Amir Jumlah and Eti- 
kad-khan, the most contemptible and profligate 
wretches that ever disgraced a court. The victor's 
lenity was never more conspicuous than in his pre- 
sent condescension towards the adherents of the 
Seids. Assed-uUah-khan, better known by the 
name of Nawab-awleat, a son of the aunt of Hus- 
sein Ali-khan, having lost all his effects in this 
general confusion, as well as his credit and in- 
fluence, obtained leave to quit the court, and to go 
on pilgrimage to the house of God at Mecca. 
Gholam Ali-khan, who had the merit of having 
been one of those persons that went to fetch the 
young emperor from Selimgur, and had on that 
account been spared both as to his honour and pro- 


perty, no sooner saw himself at full liberty, than 
he made his escape to Abdullah-khan. Nusret- 
yar-khan, one of the principal Seids of Barha, 
although much dissatisfied with Abdullah-khan, 
had the generosity to march to Hussein Ali-khan's 
assistance at the head of his body of horse, and 
was already within three coss ; but finding on his 
arrival that all was over, he applied to Khan Dow- 
ran, with whom he was on terms of friendship, for 
pardon. He was immediately sent for by that* 
nobleman and presented to the emperor. On pay- 
ing his respect, he was raised to the grade of five 
thousand horse, with an addition of two thousand 
to his corps. This favour seemed only the prelude 
to greater promotion. Mahomed Amin-khan, who 
enjoyed already the rank of eight thousand horse, 
was complimented with the actual command of so 
many troopers having two horses* each ; he was 
also presented with a purse of two crores and a 
half of dams, and raised to the dignity of prime 
minister, under the title and style of Vezir-el-me- 
malik, Zafer-jung. The office of commander-in- 
chief was conferred on Khan Dowran, together 
with the grade of eight thousand horse, and the 

* The Do-aspah cavalry have been frequently described ; each 
trooper has two horses, one of which he leads, and by this 
means the regiment is able to make marches of extraordinary 
length and rapidity. In modern times this practice has alto- 
gether ceased. 


title of Amir-ul-umra, that is, chief of the nobles. 
Kamer-ed-din-khan, son of the new vezir, was ap- 
pointed second in command in the army, and had 
the superintendance of the royal baths, which inr 
eludes the private apartments.* He was also nomi- 
nated to some offices, and promoted to the command 
of five thousand horse with the rank of seven. 
Heider Kuly-khan was promoted to the same rank, 
with the actual command of six thousand troopers, 
having one and two horses each, and was ennobled 
with the title of Nasir-jung. Saadet-khan was 
raised to the grade and command of five thousand 
horse, and received the title of Bahadur, with the 
privilege of beating a nagara, or kettle-drum. 
Zafer-khan also shared in the royal favour. In 
short, none of the emperor's former or recent 
friends were forgotten, and every one was re- 
warded by offices, dignities, and employments, 
according to his merits or his interest at court. 

Abdullah-khan had proceeded about forty coss, 
and was already only two short journies from the 
capital, when he received that note which Rattan 
Chand despatched on the first tumult. That 
mournful note which almost rendered his existence 
a burthen, filled his eyes with tears, and over- 
loaded with grief his affectionate breast. He 
thought it unsafe to halt, but resolved to march on 

* This office is like that of Lord Chamberlain in Europe. 


to the capital. Some of his friends objected to this 
measure, and were of opinion that as the emperor 
had not yet been joined by the provincial troops, 
and had not had time to tamper with many thou- 
sands of old soldiers attached to his late brother, 
it would be desirable to return to Acberabad, and 
to attack the emperor before he should have lei- 
sure to strengthen his party. This advice did not 
please Abdullah-khan, who observed, " that there 
was no success to be expected by attacking with 
dispirited and diminished troops, a prince firmly 
seated upon the throne, and surrounded by nobles 
and generals closely connected together. That, for 
his part, he firmly believed such a contest would 
fail, unless he could gain over for his party a prince 
of Aurengzib's blood, whose person might attract 
the eyes of the multitude, and reconcile many 
nobles of the old regime, who were now living in 
the capital, and who by forming a court around 
the new prince, might aftbrd a plea to assemble an 
army and artillery." Having adopted this opinion, 
he continued his journey to the capital. But he 
found matters there much altered. 

As soon as the news of the revolution had spread 
far and near, the peasants, turning highwaymen 
and banditti, plundered every one of those that 
chanced to lag behind, and even the baggage that 
happened to be at some distance from the vezir's 


army; and although they were more than once 
chastised, it did not deter them from persisting in 
such practices. One day a body of foot, with their 
officers at their head, was cut off near Abdullah- 
khan's quarters, and almost within his sight. 
Another day the plunderers surrounded a convoy 
that came from the capital, with a quantity of 
articles for Hussein Ali-khan, and plundered it 
entirely, stripping all those persons who composed 
it, at a distance of only two coss from Abdullah- 
khan's camp. On the other hand, all the landed 
estates that belonged to the two brothers, or to 
their adherents, were seized by the zemindars, 
who collected the revenues until they knew to 
whom they were to appertain. These, however, 
were inconsiderable objects. Abdullah-khan des- 
patched Shujaat-ullah-khan and Murteza-khan, 
two noblemen of consequence, to the capital, with 
orders to bring from thence one of the princes of 
the house of Timur ; and he wrote to his younger 
brother, Nizam-ed-din Ali-khan, governor of Dehli, 
to raise soldiers and to provide camp-equipage, and 
every thing requisite for taking the field instantly. 
8 ziihaj. The letter arrived in the evening of the eighth of 

A H 1 133- 

16 September, Ziihaj, bcforc any certain intelligence had reached 
A.D. 1721. ^^^ ^.^y . ^^^ ^g g^^^ rumour had already found 

its way thither, the governor sent a number of 
armed men, with the city cutwal at their head, to 


take possession of Mahomed Amin-khan's palace, 
which was surrounded the greatest part of the 
night, whilst the people within shewed a resolu- 
tion to defend it. In the morning, the governor, 
either of his own accord, or in consequence of an 
order from Abdullah-khan, recalled the cutwal, 
and desisted from a proceeding so hazardous. His 
attention was besides diverted to objects of greater 
importance. Two days after, (that is) on the tenth 
ofZilhij, which is always the day of corban or loziihij. 

, , . A.H. 1132. 

sacrifice, he went out of the city to make his devo- 19 September, 
tions in the field, as is the custom, with a vast 
multitude of people ; and on returning to town, he 
repaired directly to the tower where the princes 
of the imperial blood resided. He was accompa- 
nied by Abdullah-khan's two envoys, and it was 
with them he presented himself at the door of the 
apartment of the princes, the sons of Moiz-ed-din 
Jehandar-shah, whom he requested to come out. 
But so far from complying they all refused, and 
even one of them, Nico-siar, concealed himself. 
The envoys confounded at such a repulse, repaired 
to the apartment of Sultan Ibrahim, a young prince, 
the son of Refi-el-kadr, grandson of Bahadur-shah, 
and having prevailed upon him to accept their prof- 
fered aid, they brought him out on the 11th 11 zniiij, 

A H 1 13^. 

Zilhij, A. H. 1132, and placed him on the throne ] 9 September, 
under the name and style of Abul-fet'h Zehir-ed- ^'^' ^^^^* 

VOL. I. S 


din Mahomed Ibrahim. Abdullah-khan arriving 
two days after, went immediately to pay his ho- 
mage to the new prince, from whom he obtained 
for Ghazi-ed-din-khan, the office of commander- 
in-chief, with the rank of ei^ht thousand horse, and 
the title of Amir-ul-umrah. Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan 
was created second in command ; Selabet-khan, 
third, and Beiram-khan, fourth. Favours and pro- 
motions were likewise conferred on their relations 
and friends. The minister now turned his atten- 
tion towards many ancient nobles, who having 
been members of the court of Refi-ed-derjat, now 
lived in retirement, without employment, neglected 
and forgotten. These being sent for, were received 
with respect, nominated to offices and employ- 
ments, and assisted with sums of money adequate 
to their wants, from fifty thousand to a lac of ru- 
pees each.* Some of those who had served with 
distinction, were appointed to the command of 
several new bodies of horse, which they were re- 
quired to raise at the rate of eighty rupeesf per 
month for each trooper. Hamid-khan, the uncle 
of Nizam-ul-mulk, but who was upon bad terms 
with him, was gratified with a new estate, besides 
that which he enjoyed already, and with a large 

* £5,000 to £10,000 sterling. 

t The usual rate in garrison was only fifty, and now is as low 
as twenty and thirty rupees. 


sum of money. Several nobles attached to the 
late Ferokh Siar, such for instance as Etikad-khan, 
Shaista-khan, Sefy-khan, and Islam-khan, with 
many others, who lived neglected and even uncer- 
tain of their fate, were now induced to attend. 
They were promised honours and dignities, pro- 
vided they would attach themselves to the young 
prince. Some of them, such as Islam-khan and 
Mahomed Yar-khan, and Sefy-khan, who did not 
like the appearance of the times, excused them- 
selves on the plea of ill-health, and refused to ac- 
cept of dignities or offices. But Etikad-khan and 
Seif-khan consented, and accepted money for their 
necessities, without being really sincere ; for both 
these chiefs, as well as several others who had 
served in the guards called Valashahies, returned 
home after having followed Abdullah-khan for 
form's sake during one or two day's march. The 
officers of lesser note, such as those who com- 
manded from five hundred to a thousand horse, 
proved more faithful in their attachment, and were 
subsequently preferred according to their merits. 
The pay of the common trooper was raised from 
fifty rupees a month to eighty, but as men and 
horses were promiscuously admitted, without giv- 
ing a due preference to old soldiers, those that 
were best mounted and armed evinced much dis- 
content. Nevertheless, the urgency of the times 

s 2 

A.D. 1721. 


required the levies to be continued without refer- 
ence to the distinctions of old or new soldiers, and 
still less to that of the tribe and race, insomuch 
that whoever brought a horse was enlisted, with- 
out inquiry as to what nation or tribe he belonged. 
In this manner an army of ninety thousand cavalry 
was in a short time levied in the capital, at the ex- 
pense of one crore of rupees bounty. 

iTZiihij, On the seventeenth of Zilhii, that is five days 
A.H. 1132. . -^ "^ 

1 October, after the coronation, Abdullah-khan brought the 

new king out of the citadel, with as much royal 
pomp as could be got up on so short notice, and he 
marched with him to the Eid-gah out of the city, 
where he encamped, and where he was joined by 
several persons of consequence, who quitted the 
imperial army and came to him with their troops. 
At the same time Gholam Ali-khan and Nijabet 
Ali-khan (the latter the nephew of Abdullah-khan, 
and only fourteen years old) were sent back to the 
city in order to keep it quiet, and free from 
tumults ; and as the news regarding Abdullah- 
khan now received assured him that Mahomed- 
shah was advancing by the Jatt country, he took 
the road of Kutb-ed-din's monument in order to 
intercept him ; but on being better informed, he 
struck to the left and encamped at Feridpoor, 
whilst Mahomed-shah's route lay through Acbera- 
bad. The vezir made some stay at Feridpoor in 


expectation of being joined by his younger brothers 
Seif-ed-din Ali-khan and Seid Mahomed-khan, 
as well as by some other commanders who pro- 
mised to bring a body of Seids of Barha with their 
own troops. This short stay proved of service to 
Abdullah-khan, as he was joined daily by some 
body of regular troops, as well as by the bravest 
amongst the Afghans, besides several zemindars, 
who flocked to him from the neighbourhood at the 
head of their men. Vast numbers of Hussein Ali- 
khan's veteran soldiers, who had been prevailed 
upon to swear allegiance to Mahomed -shah, and 
to accept one month's pay, now stole away and 
came bj^ hundreds and two hundreds at a time, 
all mounted and armed. Abdullah-khan thus 
strengthened, moved to Pelool, where he was 
joined by his two brothers, and by some other 
commanders, who, besides their own troops, had 
brought one hundred and fifty carts conveying 
Seids of Barha, each of whom thought himself 
equal to a Rustem or an Afrasiab.* These were 
ordered to form a guard round Abdullah-khan's 
elephant, a post which they had solicited, not only 
in hopes of preferment, but also to evince their re- 
gard for that minister, with whom, as Seids, they 
claimed common descent. The veterans brought 

* Two heroes mentioned as famous for their heroism in the 


by his two brothers amounted to at least ten 
thousand effective troopers ; and hardly were they 
in camp, when they were followed by Churamon 
Jatt (father of Buden-sing, and grandfather of Bar 
Chand), a powerful zemindar of the province of 
Acberabad, and owner of the estates whereon 
Mahomed-shah was encamped. Immediately after 
arrived Raja Mohcam-sing, the late divan of Hus- 
sein Ali-khan, the same who had been so kindly 
used by Mahomed-shah. But his inclination over- 
balancing those new ties, he deserted that camp, 
and came to Abdullah-khan, bringing with him a 
considerable body of troops, with several veteran 

All these reinforcements were in addition to 
that numerous army brought out of the capital, 
and the whole occupied so immense a space that 
the features of the soil, trodden down by so much 
cavalry and infantry, disappeared and could not be 
recognized without difficulty. All these forces 
were in such high spirits, that Churamon Jatt 
having gone out skirmishing on the very day of his 
arrival, brought away three or four elephants and 
a large number of camels, belonging to the imperial 
camp, all of which he presented to Abdullah-khan, 
but which that general requested him to accept at 
his hand, as an earnest of future victory. The 
two adverse armies advanced so near that Mahomed- 


shah encamped in the neighbourhood of Shahpoor, 
where that prince halted to wait for the famous 
Abd-us-semed-khan, governor of Multan and the 
Raja Jye-sing, who however did not appear, 
either through the badness of the roads, or for 
some other reason. It was now the ninth of Mo- OMoharrem. 

A. H. 1133. 

harrem ; but in the interval Mahomed-khan Ban- 19 October, 

A D 1721 

gash joined the emperor with three thousand horse, 
as did Gheiret-khan Rohilah and Bayezid-khan 
Mewaty, with their respective corps ; and in a 
little time more, four thousand eifective troopers 
arrived from Raja Jye-sing's country. 

Meanwhile the proximity of the two armies had 
produced several skirmishes, in which the two 
parties had tried each other's strength. On one 
occasion, Churamon had very nearly set fire to 
the park of the enemy's artillery ; and on another 
he had almost succeeded in bringing away all the 
cattle belonging to their train. Nevertheless, it 
was the tenth of Moharrem before the armies 10 Moharrem, 

A.H. 1133. 

were opposed to each other, and ranged in battle. 20 October, 
Heider Kuly-khan, commandant of the artillery, 
who had been very instrumental in saving it from 
Churamon's attack, was put at the head of the 
first line ; Saadet-khan, with Mahomed-khan Ban- 
gash, commanded the right wing; and Khan Dow- 
ran, with Nusret-yar-khan and some other com- 
manders of distinction, commanded the left wing. 


in the centre of which was Azim-khan with a body 
of veteran troops. Mahomed Amin-khan (the vezir), 
with Hady-khan, Kamer-ed-din-khan, Azim-ullah- 
khan, Fateh-yar-khan, and some other comman- 
ders of the first rank, were in the centre of the 
whole line, where Mahomed-shah took his station 
surrounded by the troops commanded by Shir- 
efken-khan and Terbiet-khan, besides a numerous 
band of nobles of the highest rank, who fought as 
volunteers around the imperial person. Amir- 
jumlah and some other commanders, amongst whom 
were Raja Gopal-sing Sesodia, were ordered to 
cover the flanks, and Assed-ullah-khan with Seif- 
khan and Raja Dehraj were placed so as to serve as 
a reserve to protect the king's household. The 
war-elephants, like so many mountains cased in 
iron, were stationed in front of these troops, but 
behind the artillery, and mixed with a number 
of light horse that fought singly, or in detached 
12 Moharrem, Abdullah-khau on his side, who on the twelfth 
22 0tber ^^ Moharrcm arrived at Husseinpoor, three coss 
A.D. 1721. short of the enemy's encampment, ranged his 
army in battle-array. But the troops as well as 
officers of Barha, on account of their pretension to 
kindred with him, proved exceedingly troublesome 
and unruly ; and so much time was lost in bring- 
ing them into some order, that it became necessary 


to marshal them several times. At last they were 
prevailed upon to remain in front of Abdullah- 
khan's elephant, under command of their three 
generals, Seif-ed-din Ali-khan, Seid Mahomed- 
khan, and Shahamet-khan, each of whom proved 
full as headstrong as any of their men. 

Hamed-khan, Seif-khan, Beiram-khan, and Yekh- 
lass-khan Rohilah, with Omer-khan Afghan, and 
several other commanders, amongst whom were 
Shujah-khan Piloly, and Abdullah-khan, most of 
them chiefs of note, and all mounted on elephants, 
to the number of seventy, were placed with their 
troops on the right and left of the Pretender and 
Seid Abdullah-khan. Abul-mohsen-khan, Seid 
Ali-khan, with Hiramon, paymaster of the troops 
from Barha, with twenty-five thousand horse, all 
in Abdullah-khan's private pay, and consisting of 
his veteran troops, were placed before his elephant, 
which was already encircled by a corps of Seids 
of Barha, all infantry, who considered themselves 
rather as the countrymen and kinsmen of Abdullah- 
khan than as soldiers in his pay. The army being 
thus marshalled, passed the whole night, which 
was that of the thirteenth, under arms. During 13 Moharrem, 
the night. Raja Mohcam-sing (who although divan 23 October 
to the late Hussein Ali-khan, had been treated a.d. 1721, 
with so much lenity by Mahomed Shah, taken into 
favour, and promoted to the grade of five thousand 


horse, having found a favourable opportunity) came 
over and presented himself to Seid Abdullah-khan, 
to whose aid he brought a body of eight hundred 
horse, with Khoda-dad Mirza and Khan Mirza, 
two officers of distinction, at their head. At the 
dawn of day, as soon as the trumpets sounded, and 
the heralds had published three times as usual that 
" courage in war is safer than cowardice," the 
foremost on both sides saluted each other with the 
whistling of arrows and the whizzing of musket- 
balls : this was the moment which Mahomed -shah, 
in the centre of his army, chose for Rattan Chand's 
punishment. The head of that miscreant was pre- 
sented to the emperor, and his body fastened to 
the foot of the elephant on which he sat in his 
royal attire. Upon this, as upon a signal, the 
army, which moved like the waves of a sea, or like 
some inundation seeking to cover a whole plain, 
advanced with loud shouts. The artillery swept 
away whole ranks, and so many mouths of flame 
opened their jaws at once as were enough to carry 
terror into the heart of the bravest, whilst the in- 
cessant showers of rockets put an end to the boasts 
of many of the most courageous. It is universally 
admitted that the artillery, directed by so able an 
officer as Heider Kuly-khan, who had under his 
orders a body of expert men accustomed to fire 
with steadiness, performed wonders on that day. 


These efforts did not intimidate the opposite army; 
for thousands of brave men, animated by a spirit 
of attachment to their leader, threw themselves 
fearlessly before those engines that vomited fire 
and destruction ; and, although numbers were 
slain, the enemy's troops pressed forward and 
advanced with a steady step, so that the faint- 
hearted bombardiers of Mahomed-shah's artillery 
began to give ground, and at last betook them- 
selves to flight; especially after Nejm-ed-din Ali- 
khan had given a turn to the day by a manoeuvre 
judiciously conceived and as gallantly executed. 
With a division of twelve thousand horse and foot 
he had detached himself from the main body, to 
take possession of a grove that skirted a village, 
and from this post he maintained a hot and inces- 
sant fire, which made the imperialists ready to take 
flight. This being observed by Heider Kuly-khan 
and Khan Dowran, they detached Nusret-yar-khan 
and Sabit-khan, with some other troops, from the 
main body. These advanced boldly against the 
breast-work from which Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan was 
dealing out destruction. By dint of hard firing a 
breach was made, and the imperialists rushing on 
with shouts to the assault, carried the battery, thus 
reducing the enemies' fire to a few straggling shot 
from behind broken walls and fallen trees, from 
which they were finally driven, so that Heider 


Kuly-khan remained master of this important post. 
In this state of affairs both parties remained on the 
field of battle, after a bloody though undecisive 
action. At sunset, Abdullah-khan ordered a small 
tent to be pitched for him on the spot where he 
was ; but on recollecting his loss, he sobbed aloud, 
saying that no rest remained for him now in this 
world. He then countermanded the tent, and de- 
termed to remain in the open air. 

As soon as it grew dark, Heider Kuly-khan, who 
commanded the imperial artillery, put it again in 
motion. He advanced, firing and gaining ground, 
until he had taken an advantageous position, from 
whence he maintained an incessant fire during the 
whole night, killing and wounding many of the 
enemy; so that most of those commanders who 
had distinguished themselves on their elephants in 
the day-time, now sought safety in flight; but 
they were intercepted in their retreat from camp 
by armed bodies of peasants, who stripped them 
as they fled. About the dawn of the day, a cannon- 
shot having struck the howdah on which sat 
Mohcam-sing, he jumped down from the elephant, 
and mounting his horse fled with so much preci- 
pitation that a long time elapsed before any tidings 
HMoharrem, wcrc rcccivcd of him. At day-break, on the four- 

A XT 11 qq 

24 October tccuth of Moharrcm 1133, it appeared that out of 
A.D. 1721. fiftggi^ Qjr sixteen thousand cavalry that had stood 


during the night under that terrible cannonade, 
not one had eaten any thing for the last twenty- 
four hours, or even drank any water, that element 
being too far off, and in the possession of a body of 
Jatts. Such was the high sense of honour and 
zeal of this brave corps that not one of them quitted 
his post. They were mostly Seids of Barha, com- 
manded by their own countrymen, equally jealous 
of their honour as faithfully attached to Abdullah- 
khan's person. Similar steadiness was exhibited 
on the opposite side. Mahomed-shah, mounted 
on his favourite elephant Shah-pesend,* shewed an 
example in his . own person to all that host of 
officers and illustrious volunteers who surrounded 
his throne. He remained sitting the whole night 
on his elephant, as well as the whole of the pre- 
ceding day. At day-break the enemy was already 
in motion ; and Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan, at the head 
of a body of Seids of Barha and another body of 
trusty soldiers, advanced again to the charge, with 
the resolution of gaining the battle or perishing in 
the attempt. Defying the thunder of that destruc- 
tive artillery that had already done so much havock, 
he made a furious attack in order to recover the 
post which had been lost in the previous day. In 
this effort he was opposed by Heider Kuly-khan 

* The royal favourite. There is a beautiful and exquisite 
mango so called in Candeish. 


and Khan Dowran, who, sensible of the importance 
of example in such cases, came out of the redoubt 
to encounter the enemy. They were supported by 
brave troops and valiant commanders: amongst 
the latter was Nusret-yar-khan, a Seid of Barha, 
who although priding himself on his being related 
both to Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan and Abdullah-khan, 
wished to signalize himself against them. The con- 
test again became furious; the commanders on 
both sides exerted themselves heroically, emulous 
only to surpass each other. Saadet-khan advanced 
several times, like a furious elephant, to the assist- 
ance of those that were shedding their blood in the 
imperial cause ; as did also Shir-ef ken-khan, who 
threw himself on the enemy's lances, like a famished 
tiger that defies the hunters. Nevertheless the im- 
perialists seemed to lose ground : and Dervish Ali- 
khan, commander of Khan Dowran's artillery; 
Abd-ul-ghany-khan, who commanded that of Heider 
Kuly-khan, with Meari-khan, his secretary, and Ma- 
homed Jafer, nephew of Hussein-khan, with many 
others, were already slain; Nusret-yar-khan had 
two arrows fixed in his body, and Dost Ali-khan was 
wounded and disabled. On the part of the vezir Ab- 
dullah-khan, Shahamet-khan, acommanderof great 
renown, with one of his sons, was killed, together 
with Abd-ul-kader-khan, brother of the kazy Mir 
Bahadur Shahy, and his brother Fateh-yar-khan, 


and Tahover Ali-khan. Such was the fate also 
of Abd-ul-ghany-khan, son of Abd-ur-rahim-khan 
Aurengzeby, of Gholam Mohi-ed-din-khan, of Sab- 
kat-ullah-khan, surnamed Sheikha, and GhoJam 
Ali-khan. These last were three brothers, and all 
three commanders of importance in Abdullah- 
khan's army, as also Shujah-khan, son of Belole- 
khan. All these chieftains were slain on that oc- 
casion, where none but the bravest dared to shew 
their faces : all of them having exhibited feats of 
prowess and attachment that astonished the be- 
holders. They submitted to their fate without 
hesitation, and drank of the dregs of the bitter 
portion presented them by the hand of death. 
Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan, who had hitherto been the 
most distinguished of the whole, after having re- 
ceived several sabre wounds, was at last wounded 
by an arrow, which striking in his eye deprived 
him of sight, to the unspeakable sorrow of his 
brother Abdullah-khan, who instantly supported 
his division with the Seids of Barha that remained 
about his person. At. this time also Churamon 
Jatt, who was the most active partizan in Abdul- 
lah-khan's service, wheeled round and fell upon 
the rear of the imperialists. On this occasion he 
seized on a thousand spare bullocks belonging to 
the artillery, with a number of camels laden with 
the emperor's private baggage, all of which were 


grazing on the banks of the Jumna, and pushing 
on, he went as far as the imperial camp, where he 
found a corps ready formed to oppose him. The 
emperor himself shot an arrow at him, and Ma- 
homed Amin-khan and Hady-khan marched 
against him with the infantry, which surrounded 
the royal elephant. Abdullah-khan, occupied 
only with what was passing on his front, was 
marching to the assistance of his people, when his 
flank was attacked by Saadet-khan, Heider Kuly- 
khan, and Mahomed-khan Bangash. This move- 
ment being perceived by Abdullah-khan, he 
wheeled round and opposed them, though his 
people were severely galled by Heider Kuly-khan, 
and that body of expert musqueteers whom he 
had trained himself. Abdullah-khan lost two 
officers of distinction in this attack. Shah Habeb- 
ullah, commander of his artillery, and Seid Ali- 
khan, brother of his paymaster-general, Abd-ul- 
mohsen-khan. This attack having somewhat 
disordered the ranks of Heider Kuly-khan, he 
formed them again, and being joined by a good 
corps brought up by Khan Dowran, he renewed the 
assault with so much vigour, that Abdullah-khan 
lost his usual presence of mind. He had always 
made it a rule in the many battles in which he 
had been engaged, never to be guilty, like other 
Hindoostany generals, in a moment of danger to 


quit his elephant, and combatting on foot, to mix 
with the crowd. Abdullah-khan, on the contrary, 
had always remained on his elephant, and had 
made it a point to display the standard till the 
last, conceiving that firmness in a commander was 
more instrumental to the gaining of a battle than 
a display of personal prowess. Nevertheless, for- 
tune having turned her back upon him, he forgot 
his own maxim, and jumping from his elephant, 
took to his sabre and buckler, and mixed with the 
crowd, although he had still three thousand Seids 
of Barha about his person, who seemed likely to 
stand by him to the very last. He was hardly 
dismounted, when most of his officers and men, 
taking it for granted that he was slain or disabled, 
despairing of victory, abandoned their ranks and 
betook themselves to flight. Some other accounts 
say, that Seif-ed-din Ali-khan, his own nephew, 
and one of his best generals, had fallen back be- 
fore Abdullah-khan had thought of dismounting, 
and that his example had been followed by others. 
Be it as it may, Abdullah-khan, although astonished 
at this desertion, kept his ground manfully, but 
being surrounded on all sides, and the weight of 
his armour restraining his activity, he received an 
arrow in his forehead, and two successive cuts on 
his neck and hand, and being overcome with 
fatigue and loss of blood, he was made a prisoner, 

VOL. I. T 


At this very moment, his younger brother, Nejm- 
ed-din Ali-khan, resolved to share his fate, and 
threw himself forward ; they were both about to 
be slain, when Abdullah-khan was recognized by 
Heider Kiily-khan, who rescued the brothers from 
the hands of the soldiery. The destiny of those 
two noble persons aifected an infinite number of 
men, and people thought they saw them pointed 
out in these verses of the poet, which were then 
handed about : 

" I am he, who in an attack could bear off on the point of 

>my spear the golden ring, 
" But being now forsaken by my good star, and abandoned 

by fortune, 
" Have been in my turn surrounded by a ring and taken — 
" Of what avail then is the helmet and cuirass, 
" After good fortune has once turned her back ?" 

Heider Kuly-khan having caused the two noble- 
men to be raised upon the same elephant, carried 
them to the emperor, and that prince, who had a 
great fund of benignity in his nature, cast a look of 
compassion on them, and consigned them both to 
Heider Kuly-khan's custody, after which he or- 
dered the royal music to announce the victory. Of 
the vanquished army, some fled, and some mixed 
with the victors. Ghazi-ed-din-khan returned to 
camp, and packing up as much of Abdullah-khan's 
baggage as had not yet been plundered, fled to- 
wards Dehli, during the time when the royal com- 


manders and officers were presenting their offer- 
ings, congratulating each other, and returning 
thanks to God for so important a victory. In the 
enemy's camp, such of the baggag^e as escaped a 
general pillage was secured for the emperor's use. 
The news of this engagement reached the capital 
in the evening: of the fourteenth of Moharrem, bein^ ^\^r^Y.o^' 

o ' o A.H. lido. 

Friday. Some persons were transported with joy, 24- October, 
whilst to others it conveyed affliction. Those at- 
tached to the throne ordered the imperial music of 
the town to announce that happy event to the 
public ; but the family and household of the three 
Seids slain, performed funeral rites. The women, 
especially those belonging to Abdullah-khan's three 
brothers, exhibited the most affecting picture of 
woe ; but some of the inferior females availed them- 
selves of the confusion to carry off whatever came 
to hand, and stole away in disguise, wearing dirty 
clothes and common veils. These had disappeared 
before the government officers thought of taking 
possession of the palace of the Seids. Some of these 
women were taken up by the police-officers, but 
others effected their escape. The ladies of Abdul- 
lah-khan's family, so far from quitting the house, 
remained within their own apartments, and cover- 
ing themselves from head to foot with the veil of 
decency and modesty, sat weeping in a circle, with- 
out any one offering to move or to escape the dis- 



mal scene around them. One Abdullah-khan, of 
Cashan in Persia, to whom Abdullah-khan, his old 
friend and master, had intrusted the care of his 
seraglio, no sooner heard of the disaster that had 
befallen his benefactor, than, forgetful of what was 
dive from him either as an honest man or a gen- 
tleman, had the perfidy to penetrate within the 
sacred precincts of the seraglio, and to gratify both 
his infamous lust and avarice. He came to an under- 
standing with the Hindu who commanded the guard, 
and entering the sanctuary of the women, those two 
wretches seized and carried away whatever persons 
. and effects they chose ; so that this villain has ever 
been from that moment pointed at with the finger 
of scorn as an apostate from good faith, a traitor to 
his benefactor and friend, and an invader of the 
most sacred rights of humanity. Fortune, who 
had now turned her back on that forlorn family, 
seemed bent on rendering abortive every attempt 
at escape made by any of its members. Gholam 
Ali-khan, one of the confidential attendants of 
Abdullah-khan, and another, who, by changing 
their apparel and disguising their faces, endea- 
voured to effect their retreat to Jansita, the town 
where they were born, were intercepted on their 
way home, and carried to the emperor. 

This prince, now firmly seated on his throne, 
and freed from all anxiety and solicitude, adopted 


measures for rewarding the generals and nobles 
who had so well supported his cause, and honoured 
them with a variety of titles and offices, and with 
hio^h preferment. The sixteenth of Moharrem was 16 Moimrrem, 

° ^ A.H. 1133. 

fixed on for the emperor's departure towards the 26 October, 

A D 1721 

capital of his empire, whither he marched with so ' ' 
much expedition, that on the nineteenth he reached 
the monument of Nizam-ud-din Owliah, at which 
venerable spot he performed his devotions, and 
bestowed favours and gratuities on every one of the 
attendants of the shrine of the saint. Here he spent 
two days, waiting for a fortunate moment. On this 
occasion he raised Heider Kuly-khan to the rank 
of eight thousand horse, with the actual command 
of seven thousand ; Saadet-khan was honoured 
with the title of Bahadur Jung, and was permitted 
to assume the insignia of the fish,* whilst a variety 
of favours were poured on every side on their friends 
and dependants. Nejabet Ali-khan having been 
brought in whilst the emperor was bestowing prefer- 
ments and conferring distinctions, that nobleman 
was received with a look of compassion, and con- 
signed to Heider Kuly-khan's custody. 

The ceremonial of the emperor's entry into his 
capital was fixed for Saturday, the twenty- second 22 Moharrem, 
of Moharrem, in the year 1133 of the Hegira, 2 November, 

* The order of the fish introduced into India by the Mogols 
is the highest military decoration that can be conferred. 


which took place with suitable pomp, amid the 
mingled sounds of shouts, of trumpets, and kettle- 
drums. The emperor's own suite was followed and 
' preceded by lofty elephants, resplendent with gold 
and silver trappings, by beautiful slave-boys and 
young men clad in cloth of gold, by a gold throne, 
and by sedans of jewel-work. Embroidered ensigns 
and streamers, equally superb and elegant, were 
borne by crowds of servants shining in gold and sil- 
ver tissue, that shed a lustre around them. All these 
were interspersed amongst bodies of troops that 
marched in battle-array, accompanied by bands of 
commanders and noblemen, all superbly mounted, . 
and conspicuous by the brightness of their arms 
and by the richness of their apparel. A number of 
beautiful horses, with saddles enamelled in gold 
and jewel- work, announced from afar the emperor's . 
approach : and thus this prince, adorned by all 
the graces of youth and beauty, made his appear- 
ance mounted on a gigantic elephant, and seated 
upon a throne that literally blazed with a profusion 
of jewels and rich ornaments. He directed his 
march through the Ajmere gate, sprinkling the way 
with handfuls of gold, and enriching by a liberality 
long forgotten a multitude of needy people, who had 
long waited for this auspicious moment. He arrived 
at the imperial palace at the fifth hour of the day, 
where the empress mother, with a number oif prin- 


cesses and ladies of the highest distinction, waited 
fpr him at the inner door of the female apartments. 
The empress mother, holding a large plate of gold 
and silver, filled with new coins of several kindsy 
and also with a variety of gems and precious jewels, 
poured the whole as an offering over his head ; and 
after wishing him a long and prosperous reign, she 
took him by the hand, and introduced him within 
the imperial sanctuary. 



Shortly after the coronation, Abd-us-semed- 
khan, viceroy of Lahore, marched with his son 
Zakariah-khan, his general and deputy Akgar-khan, 
and some other noble personages, but he did not 
arrive in time to be of any service. He was, how- 
ever, admitted to the honour of paying his respects, 
and was distinguished by a dress of honour, a tiara 
of jewels, a poignard, and several other presents. 
The rank of Zakariah-khan was raised by the addi- 
tional command of a thousand horse, so that his 
corps now consisted of full five thousand men. 
Raja Jye-sing and Raja Giridher not arriving in 
time to aid the opposite party, were, in the com- 
A ^®''^,'"^J mencement of the month of Sefer admitted to the 

A.H. 1 lo3 

November, houour of kissiug the threshold of the imperial 
presence, and they were pardoned. Shortly after 
an order was issued to put in force the capitation- 
tax upon the Hindus, but it was remitted on the 
representation of Raja Jye-sing. Nizam-ul-mulk 
congratulated the emperor on his victory, and 
wished him a long and prosperous reign, as did 
also Murshid Kuly-khan, viceroy of Bengal. The 
latter announced the arrival of the revenue from 


that province, with another large sum from himself 
as an offering. Honours and dignities were be- 
stowed this day on a number of nobles. Heider 
Kuly-khan received the title of Moiz-ed-dowlah in 
addition to that of Nasir-jung which he had already 
acquired, and Jaafer-khan obtained that of Roshen- 
ed-dowlah. The command of the household-guard 
was conferred on Saadet-khan ; and Zakariah- 
khan received the government of Cashmir in lieu 
of Enaiet-ullah-khan. On Tuesday the twenty- 22 Rebi-ui- 


second of Rebi-ul-awal, the emperor being on a a.h. 1133. 

hunting party, was informed by a messenger that a.STtsT 

his vezir Mahomed Amin-khan had been seized 

with a sudden and excruciating pain in the bowels. 

The next day his distemper increased in despite of 

the remedies applied, continued vomiting took 

place, and he died on the twenty-ninth, after a 29Rebi-ui- 

, . . . /» 1 awal, 

short admmistration 01 three months and twenty- a.h. 1133. 
two days. His estate, vastly swollen by the con- A.DT72T' 
fiscation of Hussein Ali-khan's fortune, rendered 
him extremely wealthy, and all his property was 
suffered to pass quietly to his heirs. By his death, 
God's people were relieved from oppressions which 
they were likely to suffer. It is related, that in- 
tending to enlarge his palace in Dehli, and to 
enclose more ground within its precincts, he by a 
single command dispossessed seven hundred house- 
keepers in his neighbourhood, of their houses and 


real property, without remuneration, who all quitted 
their homes, and delivered their keys up to his 
officers. After his death, this property was restored 
by his son Kamer-ed-din-khan, who renounced the 
invidious acquisition, and obtained the applause of 
mankind and the blessing of God on this occasion. 
We may observe of Mahomed-shah, who was ge- 
nerally charged with rapaciousness and parsimony, 
that he does not appear to have merited that cha- 
racter. On the death of Mahomed Amin-khan the 
imperial treasury was very low, the large sums 
drawn from all parts of the empire by the two 
Seids having been lavished in paying their im- 
mense levies of troops, and by their preparations 
for war, so that the emperor benefited very little 
by what remained in their coffers. The greater 
part of that which existed there at all, had been 
made away with by the plundering soldiers, and 
by their own generals ; so much so, that the orna- 
ments of gold and silvef which had once deco- 
rated the public and private halls of audience, had 
in their latter days of necessity been converted 
into coin, while their palaces even required a 
thorough repair. When the list of the deceased 
minister's property came to be presented to the 
^emperor, it was estimated at several crores, reck- 
oning only the gold, silver, gems and precious 
stuffs, all of which he ordered to be left to the 


natural heirs. This was generous in the extreme, 
since it was an established custom among all the 
emperors of the family of Baber, as well as with all 
those of the race of Timur, to take possession of 
the estates and wealth of their deceased ministers 
and servants, to the exclusion of their heirs, .to 
whom they vouchsafed as a favour, such a share 
as they thought fit. But, in truth, it was such a 
custom as neither religion nor justice could justify, 
that a man, after having served his sovereign 
during his whole life, at the expense of his sweat 
and blood, nay, after having perhaps sacrificed 
himself in his cause, should at his death have all 
his hard earnings carried away and confiscated, 
and leave his children destitute, more solicitous of 
how to subsist the next day, than how to lament 
his death. It is highly to the credit of Aazem- 
shah, that with so many precedents before his eyes, 
he was the first of the race of Timur who totally 
relinquished that privilege, and expressed a detes- 
tation of it. One of his richest ministers having 
died, a list according to established usage was pre- 
sented to him of his estate, which in jewels and 
money alone amounted to an immense sum. The 
emperor diverted his head from it with strong marks 
of displeasure, and forbade any one, under pain of 
his indignation, from presenting to him such papers 
for the future. 


In the reign of Aurengzib, one Mir Mahomed 
Hussein, a native of the holy city of Meshed in 
Iran (who, for aught I know to the contrary, may 
have possibly been, as he pretended, a descendant 
of one of those Seids entombed there, on whom be 
peace), hearing of the extreme generosity and mu- 
nificence of Umdet-el-mulk Amir-khan, governor 
of Cabul, towards his countrymen, the Persians^ 
quitted his native city, in hopes of preferment, and 
came to Cabul. As he was skilled in the Arabic 
language and in philosophy, as well as in other 
branches of knowledge, his qualities were highly 
spoken of, insomuch that the son of Amir-khan's 
secretary, wishing to benefit by his instructions, 
gave some celebrity to Mir Mahomed Hussein. 
The instructor's name thus came often to be men- 
tioned with encomiums in Amir-khan's presence, 
who thereby became desirous of seeing him, and 
mentioned his name to Sahibji, his consort (daughter 
of the late Ali Merdan-khan). The reason was 
this : Sahibji had no children of her own ; and, to 
console herself, she had adopted the daughter of a 
Seid who had long been in her husband's service, 
whom she had educated with great care. Her 
views were to marry this adopted daughter to some 
virtuous gentleman of her own country (Iran), when- 
ever such a one should happen to come from thence. 
Sahibji desired her husband to enquire further 


regarding Mir Mahomed Hussein, which having 
done, he conceived a warm regard for him, and 
mentioned his name with encomiums to his wife. 
Sahibji accordingly ordered preparations to be made 
for the wedding, and in a few days she bestowed 
her adopted daughter on that shrewd man. Being 
thus introduced into Amir-khan's family, he made 
acquaintance with the principal men of his court ; 
he obtained office, and got together some money. 
In a few years after, the office of the superintend- 
ence of the perfumery of the imperial household 
was sent to him from court, at Amir-khan's recom- 
mendation ; and he, on his part, made friends with 
several of Amir-khan's children born of other ladies 
than Sahibji. His ambition being equal to his 
artifice, he came at last to be considered as an 
extraordinary personage, on whose sanctity many 
persons placed great faith. Hadi Ali-khan, the 
eldest son of Amir-khan, with some others, was 
among the number who seemed the most attached 
to him. Amir-khan dying about this time, his 
consort and family repaired to court; but Mir 
Mahomed Hussein, attached by his office to the 
city of Cabul, remained there, and after a certain 
time prepared a quantity of essence of roses made 
at Peshaver, as well as a quantity of rose-water 
and other perfumes, for the emperor's use, and that 
of the principal lords and grandees of the court. 


Thus provided, he set out for the capital, in hopes 
of recommending himself to the emperor, and 
pushing his fortune at Dehli. Having arrived at 
Lahore, he learned that the emperor Aurengzib 
was no more. His hopes of preferment being 
blasted by that unexpected event, he sold his 
perfumery at a high price, and having thereby 
acquired a sum of money equal to sixty or seventy 
thousand rupees, he thought it sufficient for the 
remainder of his life, and putting on the garb of a 
dervish, and assuming a grave sanctified air, he 
conceived the design of establishing a new religion. 
For this purpose he associated with himself that 
very secretary's son mentioned above, in whom he 
had discovered much talent, persuading him that 
if they should form a new sect the consequences 
would prove of manifold benefits to themselves. 
In order to effect this purpose, he proposed to 
invent a new language, which might strike by its 
singularity, and also enable them to pretend to 
receive revelations from heaven in a language un- 
known to others, and that by raising their fame 
they might at length come to be accounted beings 
of a superior order, and that having once brought 
the mob to throng round them, the learned and 
people of respectability would in time come to be 
swayed by the popular belief; in which case their 
credit and influence over both high and low would 
know no boimds. 


As the turn of both their minds was alike, the 
master's precepts took root in the disciple's heart, 
and these two persons uniting their efforts, in- 
vented a new language, established new gram- 
matical rules, and wrote a book in it, fraught with 
a number of strange expressions, and full of odd 
conceits, which by correcting and amending from 
time to time, they eventually formed into a trea- 
tise, which they called Acoza Mucaddes, or the 
Holy Acoza. As the master was not without 
learning, he introduced a number of ancient Per- 
sian terms and many obsolete words, and having 
either translated them, or given them a particular 
termination, he sprinkled them throughout his 
compositions, which by degrees he put into verse. 
But his pretensions to sanctity were wild in the 
extreme, so that it is hardly possible to give an 
intelligible account of them. In one word, he pre- 
tended to be a Bekouk, which novel word he ex- 
plained as expressive of the middle dignity and 
nature betwixt prophecy and pontificacy, adding 
that all prophets had not been Bekouks, but that 
Mahomed, the last and seal of prophets, had been 
both a prophet and Bekouk ; that the first simple 
Bekouk was the Prince of Saints, Ali the son of 
Abu Talib ; that Imam Reza was the eighth, and 
that down to that Imam both the pontificate and 
Bekoukiety had been united in one and the same 


person, until the two natures being separated, the 
Bekoukiety descended to himself, Mahomed Hus- 
sein, on the one hand, and the pontificate to his 
holiness the Imam Mahomed Taky on the other, 
from whom it would be continued to the day of 
judgment: "and I, Mahomed Hussein" (added he), 
*' am the last of the Bekouks." This is how he 
explained the gift of Bekoukiety when in com- 
pany with Shias, but when he found himself 
amongst Sunnies, he commenced his account of 
it by the four first khalifs, and then added four 
persons more of the Ommiah and Abbasy families, 
after whom he reckoned himself the ninth Bekouk. 
Finally, he used to say, ** Gentlemen, I have no 
business with any man's religion, but I am come 
like a blazing torch to illuminate every nation and 
every sect. My character, therefore, is of the 
highest nature, for I am the ninth Bekouk, who 
am to be the seal and last of the Bekoukiety, and 
to whom it has been recommended to write a book 
to invite all nations to this belief, and to promul- 
gate the tenets of that recent law, the intent 
whereof is to renew some customs and particular 
doctrines, so that I am myself under the imme- 
diate influence of inspiration from above, and under 
an obligation to publish those tenets descended to 
me from heaven." 

After having set up such absurd pretensions, he 


used at certain solemn festivals of Islam, to as- 
semble his followers, whom he called his Ferabuds, 
to whom he explained his precepts, and with 
whom he celebrated certain anniversaries. It is 
written in the Maasir Nebevy that the revelations 
which descended to the prophets were of two sorts ; 
this man, therefore, in order to preserve the resem- 
blance, used to say Ihat he was favoured in the 
same way ; at one time receiving- the inspiration 
through the means of a luminous globe, or disc 
like the sun, on which words appeared to be de- 
lineated, and that eventually the luminous globe, 
having enveloped him in light, deprived him of his 
senses, in which state he was quite overcome by 
its effects ; at another time, the revelation was 
made manifest by a voice that pronounced certain 
mystical words, which he immediately gave out 
to his followers. The mode of address he insti- 
tuted was singular. His Ferabuds in their assem- 
blies, after having saluted each other as is custo- 
mary amongst Mussulmans, by the words Selam 
aleikum, or Peace be on you, he used to add 
in a lower tone of voice the mystical words Kef- 
shan nomud bud. The first day on which he pre- 
tended to have received the revelation, he denomi- 
nated the day of light, and on the anniversary 
of that day he used to assemble a multitude of 
people, to whom he distributed a perfume com- 

VOL. I. u 


posed of amber, with which they anointed each 
other's faces, after which they sung and made re- 
joicings. When his disciples were sufficiently 
excited by these exertions, he used to display two 
standards, and putting upon his head a cap, not 
unlike that worn by Armenians, but a little higher, 
he marched at the head of his Ferabuds towards 
those mountains near Lahore, where are to be seen 
the ancient buildings of Divel Rany, which go by 
the name of the palace of the Bakhtiaries. This 
journey he always performed in the night-time. 
He stated that he received his first revelation on a 
spot in those hills like the cavern of Herra,* and 
he used to fast six days previous to the anniversary 
of the new moon of the month of Zilhij, during 
which period he remained silent, assuming the ap- 
pearance of one being dumb ; £is we read of in 
scripture, in the case of the wife of Zacharia and 
the Virgin Mary, when she was delivered of the 
holy Jesus, who remained silent in order to evade 
the enquiries made on that occasion, and who re- 
plied to no one. While Jesus (on whom, and on 
whose descendants be the peace of God) replied to 
them from the cradle, and this miracle fully con- 
firmed the sanctity of his holy birth and the purity 
of his mother. 

* The cave into which Mahomed withdrew from the perse- 
cution of his enemies at Mecca. 


On the seventh of the said month the rejoicings 
commenced and ended. For these holidays he 
had a peculiar name, of which I have been unable 
to learn the origin, but all I know is that he called 
them Sowlan. On this occasion he used to collect 
a great multitude in order to pray ; and, in addition 
to the five times of daily worship required to be at- 
tended to by divine command, he prayed three times 
more, viz. first, at sun-rising, after the Mussulman 
morning prayer ; secondly, when the sun is on the 
decline after noon ; thirdly, at sun-set, when the 
horizon still preserved some redness in the west. 
The rites performed on the anniversary were the 
following : he stood in the midst of his Ferabuds, 
causing them to form round him four ranks in a 
square, like the four walls of a house ; those of 
each rank standing with their faces towards the 
four cardinal points. After having pronounced the 
mystical words taught by their master, each person 
inclined his head very low, at the same time turn- 
ing his body to the left in such a way that those 
fronting the north should face the north-west ; those 
fronting the west, the south-west ; those fronting 
the south, the east ; and those fronting the east, the 
north. After having in this manner changed their 
positions, they cast their eyes upon the ground, 
after which, raising their heads upwards, they 

u 2 


looked at the heavens, and repeated at each time 
their particular mystical sentences. 

After three genuflexions, they returned to their 
former position. The saint then addressed the 
people assembled in a circle about his person, say- 
ing, " I am that being (great God, what blas- 
phemy ! !) that was brought into the world by the 
young Fatema, on whom be peace, when she suf- 
fered an abortion." He also made use of other 
blasphemous and impious falsehoods, which I do 
not now remember. What 1 relate is from that 
which I have collected myself from his two sons. 
Shah Feghar and Shah Did, with whom I have con- 
versed several times, as well as with his principal 
followers, when I first went to Shah-jehan-abad, 
which was about the end of Mahomed-shah's reign 
and the beginning of A hmed-shah's . This impostor 
nominated four successors, in imitation of the suc- 
cession of the four khalifs. The first of these was 
Narshid, for whom he had coined in his new lan- 
guage the name of Vezibar ; the second was Mir 
Bakir, son-in-law of Amir-khan, besides two more 
for whom he coined the names of Nemu'd-ullah 
and Nemuda-nemud ; and in the same manner he 
gave strange names to his children and to his fol- 
lowers, all of which were derived from his newly- 
invented language ; for whoever presented himself 


for admission was sure to receive a new name, 
which was deemed a sign of acceptance into the 
mysteries, nor was admittance given on any other 
terms. Mir Mahomed Hussein Bekouk had three 
sons; to the first of whom he gave the name or 
sign of Numa-nemud, to the second that of Fezhar, 
to the third that of Did. His two daughters were 
called Nemuna the elder and Nemuna the younger; 
and to three of his relatives on his wife's side 
(whose name he changed into that of Hava-Numa), 
he gave the names of Numa-yar, Nemud-yar, and 
Fernemud. In the end, that worthless liar quitting 
Lahore, came some time after to Shah-jehan-abad,* 
where he took up his abode ; and as Bahadur-shah 
resided at a distance from the city, his circle of 
stupid followers increased daily, so that he drew 
to his net every ignorant sot who was to be cap- 
tivated with novelty. As he had private property 
of his own, he made a parade of his disinterested- 
ness, nor would he ever ask or accept of any thing; 
insomuch that the multitude were amazed to find 
he subsisted by sifch apparently invisible means : 
they therefore gave him the more credit for what 
he said, although they did not understand his lan- 
guage. By degrees his followers swelled to such 
numbers, and proved so zealous in alluring others, 
that at last they formed a vast multitude. Bahadur- 

* Dehli. 


shah dying about this time, there arose divisions 
amongst the princes of the blood, which occasioned 
dissensions in every city and in every town ; and 
the impostor, availing himself of this opportunity 
to make proselytes, and growing bold and daring, 
now dropped the veil he had before assumed, and 
brought forth his new book and new language, 
shewed himself to the gazing populace, and fear- 
lessly exchanged his former obscurity for the broad 
sunshine of publicity. His skill and subtilty in 
argument rendered him a formidable adversary, so 
that whenever any one attempted to raise objec- 
tions to his pretensions, he was overpowered by his 
controversial expertness and by his sophistry. The 
lower classes, confounded at what they saw and 
heard, flocked to him in great numbers. This 
was the case throughout that period of dissensions 
which ended in placing Ferokh-siar on the throne, a 
prince exceedingly ignorant himself; whilst his 
two ministers, busy in their own affairs, minded 
nothing else : Hussein Ali-khan being mostly en- 
gaged in wars and expeditions, and the other bro- 
ther, Abdullah-khan, being engrossed by his plea- 
sures : excepting indeed when his attention was 
now and then roused by the emperor's intrigues 
against him, at which time he had too much busi- 
ness of his own on hand to think of the imposture 
and lies of that worthless false prophet. The new 


sect continued to spread, and Kadi-khan, son of 
Amir-khan, a man of the first rank and distinction, 
became one amongst his many followers. His 
conversation produced so imposing an effect on the 
mob, that they readily adopted his belief; so that 
in a little time he could reckon five and twenty 
thousand men in his assembly at one time. The 
emperor Ferokh-siar himself, at the instance of 
some of his courtiers, lost to all sense of religion 
and decency, once went to see that impostor. It 
was in the night time and in disguise, accompanied 
only by some eunuchs, but without any retinue, 
and without imparting his design to any one. The 
impostor Nemud, having got notice of this visit 
from a prince equally silly and ignorant, had the 
assurance and cunning to close the door of his 
apartment from within, and to make some difficulty 
in opening it, whilst the emperor descended to 
entreaties and supplications, supported by the 
impostor's children and disciples. 

At last he was prevailed on to open the door. 
The emperor on seeing him, inclined his body, 
made a bow, and went forward. Nemud, draw- 
ing out a stag's hide, spread it for the prince, and 
said, '* Here is what will suffice as a seat either 
for a king or a beggar, chuse which you please to 
be." Ferokh-siar, pleased with his boldness in 
the midst of his apparent poverty, conceived a 


higher opinion of his sanctity, and on his depar- 
ture presented him with a bag containing a thou- 
sand rupees and ashrefies,* mixed together, with 
a quilted carpet. The impostor rejected both ; 
nor was it till after a thousand refusals that he 
could be prevailed upon to present the prince with 
a koran of his own writing, for which he deducted 
seventy rupees out of the bag (this being his stated 
price for korans of this description), and returned 
the rest. The emperor stood up out of respect to 
receive the koran, carried it to his forehead, and 
making his bow, returned home. Nemud did not 
reconduct the prince out of the room ; but on 
finding the bag and money on the floor, he or- 
dered it to be distributed among the by-standers, 
affecting a piece of self-denial, by which he raised 
his character so high m the public estimation, that 
nothing henceforward could shake it, and rendered 
him more bold than ever. He now thought it unne- 
cessary to make a secret of the festivals and fasts 
which he had appointed, nor had he the least scru- 
ple in openly displaying his standard within the 
city, and marching in state to his place of meeting, 
which he always did at the head of a great mob 
of his disciples ; and after having performed the 
ridiculous ceremonies of his order, he used to re- 

* The rupee is of silver, the ashrefy is a gold coin of the 
same size. 


turn in triumph in the same way amidst vast 
crowds, who repeated in a loud singing voice the 
mystical words of the sect. 

The reign of Ferokh-siar being at an end, and 
the power and influence of the two Seid brothers 
having ceased, the crown descended to Mahomed- 
shah, and the office of vezirship to his favourite 
Mahomed Amin-khan, whose ministry lasted only 
three or four months and some days, as has been 
shewn. He chanced to hear some days before his 
death of the outrageous proceedings of the im- 
postor Nemud, and directed a party of soldiers, 
then at his gate, to set out immediately, and to 
seize and bring before him that pimp, for such was 
his expression. The soldiers had peremptory 
orders, and were directed to kill him even if he 
made the least resistance. As it was past noon 
when this order was given, and the vezir had dis- 
missed his people, there were but few men at the 
gate, and only part of those went to the impos- 
tor's house, where they communicated their orders. 
At that moment Kefshan-Nemud, for so he styled 
himself, was taking his meal, and hearing the 
soldiers talk without, he lost his presence of mind, 
and remained stupified with fear ; but having time 
to recollect himself, he sent out his youngest son 
Did, who was extremely handsome, and putting 
into his hands a few cakes of mixed wheat and 


barley, with some dishes of pulse and greens, 
which he had before him, sent this message to the 
soldiers : ** Friends ! as you are come to a Fakir's 
house, partake of his fare for a while, until he 
comes himself." The soldiers, equally surprized, 
and struck with the singularity of the message, 
the beauty and tender age of the messenger, 
waited awhile. In the mean time, Mahomed 
Amin-khan being seized with a severe paroxysm 
of the cholic, the news in an instant spread, and 
reaching the soldiers, they all left Nemud, and 
repaired to their station at their master's gate, 
being anxious to have the arrears due to them 
settled. The vezir, who was attacked by the most 
violent type of that distemper, had lost his senses, 
and was speechless ; but as soon as he could open 
his eyes, he asked where was the impostor Ne- 
mud. It was represented to him, that his illness 
had so much affected his servants, that their atten" 
tion was entirely engrossed by his situation, on 
which account the seizure of the impostor had 
been neglected. The minister was displeased, 
and ordered him to be brought without fail on the 
morrow-morning. But in the evening being again 
seized with another violent attack, his life was 
despaired of. Nemud was thinking how to make 
his escape, but Hadi Ali-khan, and some others of 
his friends conveying intelligence of the minister's 


desperate state, he gained courage, and sent for a 
number of his followers, who now joined him, 
to whom he gave intimation of the vezir's being 
in the agonies of death. On this he confidently 
came out of his house, and took his seat in the 
mosque close to his own door, while his disciples 
and friends filled the mosque and the street. At 
this moment Kamer-ed-din-khan, son of the dying 
minister, partaking of the fears and superstition of 
the old women of the seraglio, and of the appre- 
hensions of men as weak as the women them- 
selves, sent at day-break his steward with a bag 
of five thousand rupees to the impostor, as an 
offering of atonement for his father's conduct, and 
a request to have some amulets of his own writing 
sent to him as a preventive against danger. Ne- 
mud, who had just received a short note with 
intelligence of the minister's death, said in a high 
tone of voice, " I have shot such an arrow into 
that pagan's heart, as will never allow him to 
recover ; nevertheless, in imitation of my ancestor 
Ali, who suffered martyrdom in a mosque, I am 
come to receive that honour in this place : although, 
indeed," he added, after a pause, *' I cannot pro- 
perly receive it, since I have already suffered 
once," an expression by which he alluded to the 
abortion sustained by the young Fatema. He 
was yet speaking, when Kamer^ed-din-khan's 


steward came in, and laid the money at his feet, 
as the price for his writing an amulet ; adding, 
at the same time, an humble message from the 
son, expressive of a hope that he would forgive 
Mahomed Amin-khan's transgressions. The im- 
postor replied, that an arrow once shot, and water 
once spilt, could not return. This answer having 
produced fresh entreaties and supplications, he 
turned towards his future successor, and bade him 
write these Arabic words of the koran. ** We 
have sent the koran down for the benefit of true 
believers; but there is in it nothing for tyrants, 
but loss and destruction." The paper being written, 
he put it in the steward's hands, and bade him 
carry it quickly, ** Although," added he, ** I know 
it will avail nothing, as by the time thou shalt 
arrive, the man will have already ceased to live." 
The steward humbly insisted on his accepting the 
money, but he refused it constantly, saying, that 
for his part he would not so much as touch it, 
but that the poor people present might take it, if 
they pleased. Hardly had these words issued 
from his lips, when those Indian beggars, accus- 
tomed to overrun our cities for the sake of a few 
pieces of copper, rushed in on the instant and 
made away with the whole sum. The steward, 
on his return, heard by the way that the vezir 
was dead, and the intelligence being then pub- 


licly announced to Nemud, he got up, dismissed 
the multitude, and went home with an air of satis- 
faction and triumph. Meanwhile this miracle 
being noised abroad, and being exaggerated all 
over the city, did not fail to produce a plentiful 
addition of sots and idiots, who became his fol- 
lowers. Three years after this Nemud himself 
died, and was succeeded by his eldest son Numa- 
Nemud, who fell out with his brothers, and with 
several of his father's followers, on account of the 
shares of a family-estate with which he had been 
presented by his disciple Hadi Ali-khan, and 
which the father had assigned to Vezibar, and 
other confidential disciples in his lifetime, as an 
acknowledgment for their faithful services. These 
disputes did not please Vezibar, who more than 
once observed to Nemud, that he had better be 
peaceable, and not fall out with one, who by his 
age was not likely to live many years longer. 
But Numa- Nemud, who already in his father's 
lifetime was accustomed to govern his followers, 
did not suppose that they could alter the preva- 
lent notions of his sanctity, and paid no attention 
to Vezibar's clamours. This conduct incensed the 
latter, who thought himself equal to his master 
in every imposture, and had invariably acted as 
his right-hand disciple. These dissensions ran so 
high, that one day, while the congregation of 


Ferabuds was more numerous than usual, he 
appeared in the midst of them, and with great 
deliberation delivered himself in these words : 
** Friends (said he), do you know my hand- 
writing from that of the late Nemud ?" He was 
answered in the affirmative by numbers who 
really knew both, upon which he went into a 
closet and brought out from thence the flap of his 
cloak full of papers, containing the rough draughts 
and original minutes of the law-book which 
the impostor had published. These appeared 
evidently written by both hands alternately, with 
many alterations and interlineations in either 
hand, and many erasures. These being handed 
about amongst the bystanders, most of whom 
could readily distinguish one hand from the other, 
Vezibar addressed them in these words : '* Friends, 
let me tell you that this new religion and sect have 
been contrived by Nemud with your humble ser- 
vant's assistance. Had these documents come from 
God, they would have come without needing so 
much erasure, and so many alterations and correc- 
tions." These words struck the whole assembly 
with astonishment, the writings and evidence being 
acknowledged on all hands. Many who had still 
some common sense left, only smiled at their own 
credulity, and went quietly away, much shaken in 
their belief; and in a few days the apostacy in- 


creased, till that mixed assemblage of impostors, 
idiots, and knaves was very much diminished. 
Numa Nemud, confounded at this reverse, became 
reconciled to Vezibar ; but it was too late, the die 
was cast, and Numa Nemud finding how matters 
stood, retired to an estate in the Doab, with which 
Hadi Ali-khan had presented the family. Here he 
took up his abode, styling himself Shah Feghar. 

Shah Feghar was a man of pleasing counte- 
nance, and very sensible in his conversation, nor 
was he destitute of learning. The author of this 
work knew both him and his brother Did, as well 
as Vezibar, as also Mir Bakir, who all became his 
successors, each in his turn. He has seen and 
known them all personally, spoken often to them, and 
that which has been recorded in these pages is the 
result of what he has heard from their mouths, or 
of what was said by those who knew them for 
many years past. Shah Feghar lived in the reign 
of Mahomed-shah, and he even saw some years of 
the beginning of Ahmed-shah's reign. The latter 
monarch, who after Nadir-shah's departure was 
known to amuse himself with dervishes and other 
religious persons, gave him free access to his person 
at all times. After that prince's decease, he found 
means to introduce himself to the Nawab Javid- 
khan, another inspired personage, whose revela- 
tions, called Javidian, were collected into one 


Did, the younger brother of Shah Feghar, died 
about this time, and was in a few years followed 
by his elder brother, Shah Feghar. Did died in 
the beginning of Mahomed-shah's reign. Most of 
his father's sectaries were already dead in Shah 
Feghar's life-time, and more deserted him after 
that event ; nor did there remain to him but a very 
few idiots, who were stupidly attached to those 

After Shah Feghar's decease and the ruin of 
Shah-jehan-abad, some of Nemud's nearest rela- 
tions, like the remains of the tribes of Ad and 
Semud, taking a dislike to that ruined city, re- 
paired to Bengal, where they were recommended by 
some silly courtiers to Miren, the son of Mir Jaafer- 
khan, who had assumed the Nizamet or govern- 
ment of that province ; and they were so well 
supported that Miren presented them with a spot 
of ground, since called Kadem-i-Rusul, and a 
pension of five rupees a day. Most of these people 
were already gone to hell, the place of their desti- 
nation, in Mir Jaafer-khan's life-time ; of which 
prince I propose to speak at large in the subsequent 
pages of this work. No one of that worthless im- 
postor's race remains that I know of, except Numa 
Nemud-yar, and some of the impostor's women, 
A.H.1194. who are alive at this day, in the year 1194 of the 
Hegira ; so that, having brought the account of 

A.D. 1780. 


the race of that wicked man to an end, thanks to 
God, we can now revert to our general history. 

It is said that Mahomed Amin-khan bore such 
a rooted aversion to the descendants of the prophet, 
and detested so violently those descended from Ali, 
the Prince of the Just, than on hearing a man sing- 
ing the words, ** Ali is the saint of God," he ordered 
his tongue to be cut out ; and there is a common 
report that, in imitation of some pious persons who 
spread a table of victuals as an offering to the King 
of Heroes,* and humbly waited for a token of his 
acceptance, as an atonement of their sins, he 
ordered such a table to be spread on his own 
account for the purpose of ridicule. Now such a 
token is often granted by his majesty the King of 
Heroes to those who have sincere faith, and it 
has been frequently witnessed by thousands of 
people, some of whom were men of great sense 
and knowledge, and rather prone to incredulity. 
It has occurred to my humble self in particular, 
who have often made such an offering, and have as 
often observed a variety of tokens of acceptation, 
for which I return my respectful acknowledg- 
ments to God Almighty. This truth the wretched 
minister could not bear to hear mentioned in his 
presence ; and his aversion to the Seids was such, 
that even his friends, servants, and dependants 

* Ali is styled Shah-i-merdan, or king of heroes. 
VOL. I. X 


made no hesitation to call him Moaviah* and 
Yezid, of which names he seemed to be proud. 
He once said that he wanted himself to offer such 
a table of victuals to those two venerable person- 
ages, in hopes of having a token of acceptance by 
some visible sign, in approbation of his attachment 
to them. This was done in order to expose those 
persons who have faith in Ali. In order to put 
his plan into execution, an entertainment was 
prepared in a retired apartment of the seraglio. 
The governor made shift, with his broken consti- 
tution, to limp thither, with a number of select 
persons, and to pronounce the fateha, or benedic- 
tion, in the name of those persons ; after which he 
went away, shutting the door of the room, and 
putting the key of it into the hands of an old 
woman of his household, whom he placed to watch. 
She was ordered in an hour's time to open the door 
and to see what sign had appeared, so as to make 
her report to him, that he might immediately 
repair thither with his courtiers, and convince the 
incredulous. The woman happened herself to be 
a Shiahf in her heart, but she concealed her 
opinions and principles in his house. After a full 
hour had elapsed she opened the door, and saw an 

* Two of the caliphs of Damascus who persecuted the 
family of Ali. 

\ A sectarian of the house of Ali. 


Ugly black dog sitting quietly upon his hams, and 
tasting leisurely of every plate. Struck with the 
sight, she ran to her master out of breath, and 
screamed out, '* Why, my lord, should you longer 
wait for a sign ? Here is his holiness come himself: 
he has honoured your table with his presence, and 
is actually tasting of every dish." Mahomed Amin- 
khan, getting up with all those present, repaired 
to the chamber ; whilst the old woman, apprehen- 
sive of her life, slunk away. The governor having 
arrived, saw with his own eyes the dog feeding 
heartily, and being incensed beyond measure, he 
wanted to put the old woman to death ; but, 
although every search was made for her, she could 
never be found. He suspected treachery, and on 
speaking of the trick afterwards, he would often 
bite his lips in the excess of his anger and resent- 
ment, but without being able to wreak his resent- 
ment upon any one. At last he quitted this world, 
and repaired to that place which was most fit for him. 
It is reported by people of veracity, that on 
Amir Jumlah being appointed to the government 
of Azim-abad Patna, the lords and grandees of the 
court went out of the city to wish him a good 
journey and to take their leave, but the late 
Niamet-ullah-khan, son of Roh-ullah-khan, being 
on that day taken up with the mourning-rites and 
other ceremonials practised in the first ten days of 

X 2 


Moharrem (in commemoration of the death of the 
Prince of Martyrs, Hussein son of Ali, on whom 
be peace), came late, and excused himself to Amir 
Jumlah by saying that he had been mourning. Ma- 
homed Amin-khan happened to be present at that 
visit, and sat on one side of Amir Jumlah, whilst 
Niamet-ullah-khan sat on the other. On hearing the 
apology, Mahomed Amin-khan asked whether any 
person had died in his lordship's palace. Niamet- 
ullah-khan answered in the negative, but added 
that his mourning was on account of the Prince of 
Martyrs Hussein ; and ** Pray, my lord," replied 
Mahomed Amin-khan, ** were not Hussein and 
Yezid descendants of the same holy family, and 
does it become us to mourn for the one and to re- 
ject the other." " The younger son of the holy 
family," rejoined Niamet-ullah-khan, '* was killed, 
and we mourn for him, whereas your younger son 
of the holy family gained the victory, do yon then 
rejoice on his account." At these words the con- 
versation grew warm, and they both laid their 
hands upon their daggers, when Amir Jumlah in- 
terposing, made up the matter. But to return to 
public affairs. 

Mahomed Amin-khan being dead, the emperor, 
without making a new vezir, appointed Enaiet- 
ullah-khan, one of the old nobles of Aurengzib's 
court, to act as deputy in that high office, and he 


installed him in his new dignity with a rich dress 
of honour. At that moment his majesty's atten- 
tion was arrested by the following official report ; 
viz. that " Nizam-ul-mulk, his faithful servant, 
after having set in order the affairs of the govern- 
ment of Hydrabad, was coming to the presence, 
and had marched as far as Ferdapoor, where 
being informed of commotions excited by some re- 
fractory Afghans of Bijapoor, and by some rebel- 
lious zemindars of the Carnatic, he had hastened 
thither to put an end to those disturbances." A 
communication was at the same time presented 
from the Sahu Raja,* with an offering offive hun- 
dred ashrefies in congratulation of his imperial 
majesty's victory. The emperor dismissed Abd- 
us-semed-khan, governor of Lahore, to his post, 
while Kamer-ed-din-khan was invested with his 
father's title of Etimad-ed-doulah. Moiz-ed- 
doulah Heider Kuly-khan had his surname of 
Nasir Jung exchanged for that of Feroz Jung; 
Saadet-khan was nominated to the government of 
Acberabad (Agra), and Mahomed-khan Bangash, 
who had been promoted to the government of I lah- 
abad, and had already set out for it, was recalled 
within the city, on account of his setting up some 
unwarrantable pretensions for the lands of his 
jaghir, and on account of some other points. Hq 
* Raja of Sattara. 


was reprimanded in the first place, and subse- 
quently taken into favour again, and appointed 
anew. At the same time the imperial gazette 
from Hydrabad brought the following news : that 
on the seventh of Sefer, of the second year of his 
majesty's reign, there fell out of season such a 
vast quantity of rain in the Carnatic, that all the 
rivers, reservoirs, and pieces of water, had over- 
flowed their banks ; that all the grounds to the dis- 
tance of ten or twelve coss to the right and left 
were under water ; that the deluge had swept off 
and drowned numbers of men and cattle, carrying 
away whole villages and towns, and levelling them 
with the ground. A mountain in the same coun- 
try had split in two and crushed under its ruins a 
whole town, with all its inhabitants and cattle, and 
had ruined the whole country around. The em- 
peror soon after went out on a hunting excursion, 
accompanied by Akgar-khan the Turk, on which 
occasion he spoke Turkish to him during the whole 
time, and shewed him much kindness and atten- 
tion. Three or four days after, the emperor, of his 
own accord, and without any one's mediation, 
added fifteen hundred horse to his grade, and a 
thousand more to his command, making him at the 
same time a present of a tiara of jewels and a 
kettle-drum. In a few days more, another thou- 
sand horse were added to his grade, and another 


to his command, so that in a short space he was 
raised to the grade of four thousand horse, and to 
the actual command of three thousand. At this 
time news came from Acberabad that Dilere-khan, 
the lieutenant of Mahomed-khan Bangash, having 
some disputes about his master's estate with a 
zemindar of the country of Bundelcund, had re- 
paired thither with a body of two thousand horse, 
in order to examine the disputed grounds himself, 
but that the conference having grown into a serious 
dispute, ended in a battle, in which Dilere-khan 
was slain, with about eight hundred of his men. 
On this intelligence the emperor ordered a letter 
of condolence, with a dress and tiara, to be sent 
to Mahomed-khan Bangash's son. 

After having interrupted the narrative by re- 
lating these little occurrences, we shall revert to 
the thread of our history. The inhabitants of the 
province of Ajmere, and the people of Ahmed- 
abad Guzerat, being dissatisfied with their gover- 
nor, the Nawab Raja Jye-sing, they sent some of 
their body to complain of him at court. They 
found that the raja, out of hatred to the two Seid 
brothers, and also out of dislike to the Mussul- 
mans in general, with whom he was eternally at 
variance, had been guilty of various excesses. 
These complaints being well-grounded, the raja 
was removed, and HeiderKuiy-khan was appointed 


to the government of Guzerat, comprehending the 
military command of all the districts, together 
with the controul of the exchequer, to all of which 
duties were added the command of the troops, 
and the receipts of the duties of the city and port 
of Surat. Kazem-khan, one of the officers of the 
province of Guzerat, was appointed naib-subah 
(lieutenant-governor), with three thousand horse 
added to his grade, and two thousand to his com- 
mand, and was honoured with the title of Shujaat- 
khan, with a standard and a nagara, as was his 
brother Moorteza-Kuly-Beg, with the grade of a 
thousand horse and the command of five hundred, 
and the title of Rostem Ali-khan. To these dis- 
tinctions were added the deputy-governorship of 
the several pergunnahs, or districts dependant. 
Distinctions were likewise bestowed on Ray Ra- 
gunat, divan of Heider Kuly-khan. He was first 
promoted to a higher grade, and to an additional 
command, and then ordered to attend to the 
finances of Guzerat, and to the duties of the port 
of Surat. As a compensation to Kamer-ed-din- 
khan, who had heretofore enjoyed the collection 
of that port, he received the oifice of fojdary* of 
Muradabad, vacant by Heider Kuly-khan's pro- 
motion. The government of the province of Ajmere 
was bestowed on Muzaffer Ali-khan, a nobleman, 

* Commander of the troops, and the chief executive officer. 


who had been introduced at court by Khan Dowran 
and Raja Jye-sing Sevai. He was further pre- 
sented with a tiara of jewels, a dress of honour, 
and an elephant, and then permitted to proceed to 
his government. Attah-uUah-khan, son of Enaiet- 
ullah-khan, was appointed to the office of post- 
master-general, as was Fazl Ali-khan to the ele- 
phant-office, vacant by Terbiet-khan's removal. 
Saad-ed-din Ali-khan, who had come on the part 
of Nizam-ul-mulk to pay his respects, and who 
on that general's recommendation had been pro- 
moted to the grade of five thousand horse, with 
the command of three thousand, was now honoured 
with a dress. 

News were about this time received that Raja 
Aj it-sing's naib, or deputy, in Ahmedabad, being 
informed of his master's removal, and sensible 
that he should himself soon meet with his reward 
for the oppressions he was guilty of towards all 
ranks of men, resolved, before a successor should 
arrive, to have revenge on the inhabitants, by 
plundering the merchants and sacking the city, 
ere he finally took his leave. But he was mis- 
taken. There was then in the city a nobleman 
called Mehr Ali-khan, who having been paymaster 
of the forces, and deputy-governor on the part of 
the Raja Ajit-sing, had fallen under the lash of 
the auditor's office, and now lived upon ill terms 


with his former master, as well as with the new 
governor. Heider Kuly-khan, and his friend Sef- 
dar-khan, being also dissatisfied with the lieute- 
nant-governor, united in order to rid themselves 
of him, both for their own sakes, and in hopes of 
recommending themselves to the new governor. 
Accordingly, calling to their assistance a number 
of Afghans, and a multitude of the inhabitants, 
they fell upon the lieutenant-governor, and after a 
bloody engagement, in which a vast number of 
Rajpoots were slain, they drove the former out of 
the city. The naib, or lieutenant-governor, having 
taken shelter in the house of a nephew of Sefdar- 
khan Babi, was besieged therein, and at last es- 
caped out of the city with the utmost difficulty 
to Joodpore, his native country. In his flight he 
took care to plunder some villages and districts 
that were on his way. Mehr Ali-khan and his 
colleague having taken revenge on that miscreant, 
sent word to Nahir-khan, divan of Ahmedabad, 
who was also one of the dependants of the Seids, 
desiring him to abstain from meddling with the 
public money in the treasury, or with the affairs 
of government. Nahir-khan, who felt himself 
strong, asked them by whose authority they ad- 
dressed him. They were proceeding to an open 
rupture, when Shujaat-khan arrived with a patent 
under the hand and seal of Heider Kuly-khan ; at 


sight of which Nahir-khan evacuated the city, and 
this little disturbance accelerated some promotions 
intended by the court. 

Seid Nusret-yar-khan, subadar or viceroy of Azi- 
mabadPatna, received the title of Rukn-ed-doulah, 
vi^ith the additional rank of a thousand double horse 
cavalry; Shir-af ken-khan wsls promoted to the 
government of Multan, with the title of Izzet-ed- 
doulah. News now came from Acberabad that 
Saadet-khan had besieged four forts betwixt Mutra 
and the capital, which served as shelter to a multi- 
tude of banditti and zemindars that infested the 
country. It was stated that he had taken them with 
the loss of four hundred men and a vast slaughter of 
the enemy. Orders were in consequence given for 
sending to that general a letter of congratulation, 
with a dress, and a poignard studded with jewels. 

The emperor at the same time, although by dis- 
position little fitted for business, yet, in order to 
shew his inclination to do good and to afford jus- 
tice, ordered that a bell should be made fast to a 
long chain, so that it might hang down on the 
outside of the octagon tower that overlooks the 
water of the river Jumna, in order to put it in 
the power of any one who should deem himself 
aggrieved and could not obtain admittance at the 
gate of the castle, to have rejcourse to the chain, 
and to ring the bell. The ninth of Sheval, the 


anniversary of the emperor's accession to the 
throne, was celebrated with great pomp and mag- 
nificence. Before the end of this year, Muzaffer 
Ali-khan having been appointed to the government 
of Ajmere, was, for want of means and proper equi- 
page, detained at Revari, only three coss from the 
capital, when news came that Raja Aj it- sing had 
marched to that country from Joodpoor, with an 
army of thirty thousand horse, accompanied by a 
number of zemindars and Rajpoots. The new 
governor was now obliged to make a further stay. 
Ajit-sing meanwhile having possessed himself of 
the city of Ajmere, first of all published by beat of 
drum that all shopkeepers and mechanics should 
keep themselves quiet, and attend to their callings 
as usual without apprehension; and, secondly, in 
order to recover his character, which had suffered 
so much by his former ill-usage of the Mussulmans, 
he sent for the superintendants of the mosques, 
and recommended their performing their religious 
rites as usual. He also gave a sum of money 
towards the repairs of those holy places; after 
which, having assembled all the crown officers, he 
produced an imperial patent, marked with the im- 
pression of the emperor's whole hand, conferring on 
him, under the most sacred oaths and solemn pro- 
mises, the gift of the two governments of Ajmere 
and Ahmedabad for life. As the raja was known 


to be a friend of the Seids and a man of great 
power, whom it was important to gain over, the 
patent had been placed in his hands by the empress 
niother on the first intelligence of Refi-ed-derjat's 
approaching dissolution, and of her son Roshan- 
akhtar's probable accession to the throne. Of 
this patent the Hindu prince ordered authentic 
copies to be taken by the imperial minister of 
finance, and he sent them, under cover of letters 
of his own, both to Khan Dowran and to Zafer- 
khan, the two principal ministers. The purport of 
his representation was, that although it was con- 
trary to the promise made to him, to deprive him 
of either of his governments, yet that in compliance 
with the imperial pleasure he had withdrawn from 
the province of Ahmedabad Guzerat; but that 
after such a sacrifice, to be deprived of the province 
of Aj mere also, would so deeply affect his honour in 
the eyes of his clan and of the whole world, that 
he could no more shew himself in public ; that as 
honour had been at all times dearer than life to 
men of high feelings, he hoped, out of respect to 
his situation, his majesty would condescend to 
leave him one of those two governments, as his 
life and head depended on his decision. 

In the month of Zilhij of this year, Padshah- ziihij, 
begam, daughter of Aurengzib, called also Zinet- September, 
el-nissa, departed this life. * ^'^' ^^^^' 


Khan Dowran, on receiving the letter from Ajit- 
sing, and who desired to avoid all dissensions, the 
more especially as at present there v^^as very little 
money in the treasury, would willingly have acceded 
to his wishes ; but as Ajmere was a province adjoin- 
ing the territory of the capital, and as it contained 
a number of tombs and monuments of ancient holy 
personages, it was thought indecent to commit it 
to the care of any one but a Mussulman attached 
to the emperor. It was therefore deemed advi- 
sable to surrender Guzerat to the Hindu prince. 
The emperor himself, however, with all of his court 
(especially Heider Kuly-khan), were more disposed 
to reduce the raja by force, and to chastise him for 
his presumption in demanding one of these govern- 
ments, than to submit to his terms. But this was 
no easy task ; for, after much consultation, none 
of the nobles shewed any willingness to undertake 
it, and Heider Kuly-khan himself proposed to send 
for Saadet-khan from Acberabad for that purpose. 
This general, who was a man of high military re- 
putation, immediately obeyed the imperial mandate 
and hastened to court, giving orders for his cavalry 
and infantry to follow as fast as they could with 
his equipage and artillery. Arrived at court, he 
suggested amongst other things the propriety of 
being furnished with the necessaries requisite for 
a siege; but it soon appeared that some officers. 


disinclined from proceeding on that service, opposed 
his views. 

Intelligence now arrived that MuzafFer Ali-khan, 
incapable of satisfying the claims of his troops, 
had suffered them to plunder two or three towns 
of the dependency of Ajmere for their subsistence, 
and that the mutineers had now surrounded their 
general. They had in the end forced him to part 
with whatever he possessed in discharge of their 
pay, not excepting his personal horses and ele- 
phants, so that finding himself reduced to a situa- 
tion so humiliating for a noble of his rank in life, 
he fled to Amber, and took shelter under the 
Raja Jye-sing's deputy, from whence he sent back 
to court both his dress of investiture, and his 
patent of governor. But the disgrace of Muzaffer 
Ali-khan was not complete, for Aj it-sing's two 
sons having put themselves at the head of a large 
body of troops, penetrated into his government, 
and sacked and plundered four or five villages of 
the imperial territory. Meanwhile a number of 
banditti and zemindars joined together, and avail- 
ing themselves of the times, and of Aj it-sing's appro- 
bation, fell upon the town of Narnole. Bayezid- 
khan, the fojdar of the place, who had come out 
to make his tour, thinking himself overmatched by 
numbers, fled, and was with the utmost difficulty 
re-enforced by his nephew, who was then within 


the town. The principal men of that unfortunate 
place finding themselves forsaken by their rulers, 
resolved to sell their lives as dear as possible in 
defence of their property and of the honour of their 
families; and having fought bravely as long as 
they could, they concluded with the Indian cus- 
tom, as a point of honour, of destroying their 
families, which they put to the sword with their 
own hands, and then laid violent hands on them- 
selves. The wretched oppressors having at last 
mastered the town, plundered it so mercilessly, as 
to leave not a rag upon either man or woman, car- 
rying away multitudes into captivity. This intel- 
ligence coming to court, Khan Dowran resolved to 
march himself and to chastise Aj it- sing, and he 
actually sent his equipage out of town, but as 
there was an enmity of long standing between him 
and the Moguls of the court, and as he was aware 
how unprovided the public treasury was to meet 
the expense of such a campaign, he did not go 
farther, but amused the public with a variety of 
pretexts and excuses. Heider Kuly-khan, who 
had hitherto harboured some ill-v^^ill against him, 
now offered his services, and bound himself by the 
most solemn oaths to follow his fortunes, whether 
good or bad. He offered to place himself under 
his command, and to lead the advance against the 
enemy. Heider Kuly-khan having now become 


hearty in the cause, urged and reproached Khan 
Dowran, but to no purpose^ for the latter being 
little disposed to prosecute the expedition, remon- 
strated secretly with the emperor, saying, that 
should the raja gain an advantage over the impe- 
rialists, it would be difficult to remedy the disorder 
with an army ill paid, an empty treasury, and a 
court full of factions and dissentions : that even 
admitting that the enemy should be driven from 
the field, the raja would withdraw to the difficult 
mountains and deep valleys of his hereditary domi- 
nions, where none would have either perseverance 
or courage to follow him. He stated, in short, that 
it would be improper to pursue such an expedition, 
whilst there was at home so great a want of zeal 
for the cause, and such a disposition for disunion 
and misunderstanding as effectually damped every 
one's spirit. This representation affected none but 
Kamer-ed-din-khan. On Khan Dowran's shew- 
ing so much backwardness, he engaged to conduct 
the war ; but he requested that the two prisoners, 
Abdullah-khan and Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan, should 
be set at liberty and made over to him, as he in- 
tended to employ their services in the future cam- 
paign. He likewise made some other proposals 
that did not please the emperor. The granting 
liberty to Abdullah-khan was very unwelcome to 
most of the courtiers, and Kamer-ed-din -khan's 
VOL. I. y 


expedition was prevented. Some words having- 
passed on that occasion between Kamer-ed-din- 
khan and Khan Dowran, the latter kept his house 
for some days, and abstained from going to court ; 
but the emperor, conceiving it improper that a 
schism should arise between the two principal 
ministers of the empire, found means to recon- 
* cile them, and to put an end to their coldness. 
Meanwhile, what betwixt these broils and recon- 
ciliations, the war against Aj it-sing was suspended. 
It must be acknowledged that repeated letters had 
passed between that raja and Khan Dowran the 
minister, who was endeavouring to soothe his 
mind, and to reclaim him from his disloyal inten- 
tions, and recommended him to reflect on the con- 
sequences of his revolt. 

At the same time news arrived at court that 

Nizam-ul-mulk was coming to the presence. That 

viceroy, after having settled the affairs of the Car- 

natic, returned to his head-quarters, Aurengabad, 

17 ziihai, where he arrived early in the month of Zilhai. He 

A.H. 1133. "^ ** 

16 September, now Set forth ou the Seventeenth of that month, 

A.D 1722 

with the intention of repairing to the presence. 
Having arrived at Boorhanpoor, he sent for Dianet- 
khan, a nobleman, sopaetime before proposed by 
the emperor for the office of divan of the Deckan, 
presented him with a dress and an elephant, and 
gave him possession of that office. The viceroy's 


approach to the capital being now certain, all other 
affairs of state were suspended until his arrival. 

News came also by the route of Cabul and 
Peshawer, that Khana-zad-khan, who had been 
sent by Serbelend-khan, his father, to quell some 
disturbances that had arisen in Cabul, had been 
stopped at the same place where Mahomed Amin- 
khan, the son of Amir Jumlah, had once before 
been plundered. Khana-zad-khan now under- 
went the same fate, being surrounded by the 
mountaineer Afghans. The young man being pre- 
pared for defence, a very brisk engagement en- 
sued, in which Shah Mujahed-khan, an officer of 
character, who commanded the main body, was 
wounded, and taken, with the loss of about eight 
hundred of his bravest men. Khana-zad-khan, 
after having exerted himself to the utmost, had 
two horses killed under him, and was himself 
wounded with a musket-ball, so that finding it in 
vain to contend any longer with so small a num- 
ber of men, he quitted the field, and saved his 
life ; but the whole of his baggage, with the tents, 
elephants, and artillery, fell into the enemy's 
hands. The Cabul Gazette mentioned likewise 
that Abd-us-semed-khan, governor of Lahore, 
whose son, Zacariah-khan, had been appointed 
governor of Cashmir, hearing of the troubles in 
that country, and of the defection of Ashref-ed- 



din, son of the late Muhtevi-khan, who had sur- 
rounded and besieged his deputy, resolved to 
punish that intruder, and putting himself at the 
head of three or four thousand Mogul horse, 
marched with such expedition, that he arrived 
unexpectedly in Cashmir. Ashref-ed-din not dar- 
ing to stand his ground before such a general, at 
first kept out of the way, and thinking it wise to 
submit without dispute, he surrendered his person, 
and the troubles subsided. 

There were at this time in Cashmir numbers of 
people who enjoyed charitable pensions from the 
imperial treasury, and many others who had 
estates granted on the same principle. Every one 
of these whom the general considered to have been 
engaged in the late troubles, lost their pensions, 
and their grants were resumed. 

The news of the restoration of tranquillity in 
Cashmir was followed by another piece of intel- 
ligence still more agreeable to the imperial family. 
29Muharrem, On Thursday the twenty-ninth of the month of 
8 November, Muharrcm, of the year 1134 of the Hegira, a 
A.D. 1721. fiausrhter was born in the palace, and on the nine- 

19 Sefer, ^ ^ 

A.H. 1134. teenth of the month of Sefer, the daughter of the 

29 November, _ , . . 

A.D. 1721. late Ferokh-siar was espoused by the emperor, 
and the marriage celebrated with all the pomp 
and magnificence which the dignity of the em- 
peror required. 


The contract was read, and the religious rites 
performed under the influence of the sign of Leo ; 
and the ceremony having been continued for some 
time with feastings, illuminations, music, and 
dances, customary in Hindoostan on these occa- 
sions, the solemnity ended by the princess becom- 
ing the reigning empress of Dehli. 

Meanwhile Nizam-ul-mulk was approaching, 
and arrived at the capital on Thursday the eleventh ii Rebi-us- 
of Rebi-us-sani, and had the honour to pay his ah. 1134^ 
respects on the fifth of Jumad-el-awla, of the same a. d"i722. 
year, it being a Sunday, a little before the sun's ^ "^^^f^^"^'" 
declining from the meridian. He was on that ^•^- ^^^^ 

13 February, 

occasion raised to the office of vezir, and received, a.d. 1722. 
according to custom, the investiture of that high 
dignity, by being presented with a dress of four 
pieces,* and the imperial signet was placed in his 
hands. On the next Sunday, being the third of Jumades-sani, 
the month of Jumad-es-sani of the same year, the 21 March, 
nowruz, or new-year's day occurred, and was cele- 
brated at court with the usual ceremonies, on 
which occasion the emperor assumed the title of 
Abul-Fetah Nasir-ed-din. In the same year, the 
office of body-physician was entrusted to Raja 

* On presenting dresses of honour, the dignity is measured 
by the number of pieces of cloth. A dress of four pieces 
embraces a turban, brocade for an upper garment, silk or linen 
for trowsers, and a pair of shawls, one for the girdle and one 
for a mantle. 


Gujer-mal, and a few days after that of com- 
missary-general of musters was bestowed on Shah 
Saad-ullah. Meanwhile Nizam-ul-mulk, who was 
a man of much gravity, of a reserved behaviour, 
and fond of power, undertook to bring about a 
reform in some of the most important branches of 
public affairs, and then to pass to other matters 
of a more private nature. He recommended the 
young emperor himself to assume in public an air 
of more gravity and seriousness ; to put aside all 
levity; to suit his behaviour to his situation; to 
restrain his servants within proper bounds; to 
divide his time into stated hours for business in 
every department, and to appoint a time for ren- 
dering justice in person, (the most important duty 
of all princes, and without which they cannot ex- 
pect to satisfy heaven,) in one word, to discharge 
worthily the duties incumbent on a great sove- 
reign. To all these admonitions the emperor lis- 
tened with patience, but they were not relished. 
That prince was yet in the prime of youth, and 
in the pride of dominion, and his disposition wholly 
bent on a life of pleasure. Nor were these re- 
presentations more acceptable to most of the gran- 
dees, especially to Khan Dowran, who could not 
bear to see such a man as Nizam-ul-mulk taking 
the lead at court. The vezir, therefore, was looked 
upon with an evil eye, and subjected to peevish 


expressions. One day Heider Kuly-khan, insti- 
gated by the courtiers and the principal eunuchs, 
went so far as to forget himself in the presence of 
the minister. Heider Kuly-khan was a man of 
undoubted courage and fond of power, had amassed 
large sums of money during his government of 
Guzerat, especially by the confiscation of part of 
the estate of one Abd-ul-ghafur, an eminent 
Bohra merchant, whose wealth was matter of 
notoriety all over the world, so that his riches 
were reckoned by crores. Possessed of this 
wealth, Heider Kuly-khan became so proud, and 
so ambitious, as to entertain thoughts of raising 
himself as high as the late Hussein Ali-khan ; a 
project which, he thought, might be effected by 
destroying Nizam-ul-mulk. This plot was encou- 
raged and supported both by the emperor and by 
many of the courtiers ; who while they wished to 
get rid of Nizam-ul-mulk, through the agency of 
Heider Kuly-khan, were likewise desirous of re- 
moving the latter out of his government of Gu- 
zerat, and of putting an end to his intended ex- 
pedition, an object which they hoped to attain 
at all events, by setting him at variance with a 
man of so much importance as Nizam-ul-mulk. 

In the next year, which was the 1135th of the a.h. 1135. 
Hegira, an event happened in the emperor's family ^^' ^'^2^-2^ 
which afflicted his mind. On Tuesday the first of 

A. D. 1722. 


1 Muharrem, Muharreiti, at about day-break, Maleka-zemany, 
30 September, the reigning empress, had a miscarriage. On the 

A D 1722 

15 Muharrem fifteenth of the same month, Nizam-ul-mulk re- 
A.H. 1135. ceived a dress of investiture for the ofovernment of 

15 October, 

A.D. 1722. Guzerat on the secession of Heider Kuly-khan ; and 
2 Sefer, on Thursday, being the second of Sefer of the same 

2 October, year, a little after noon, that minister marched to 
the south. 

Burhan-el-mulk, entitled Saadet-khan, besides 
the government of Acberabad, which he had long 
enjoyed, had that of Oude also conferred upon him, 
although the latter w^as then in the hands of Raja 
Giri-dhar Bahadur, who was removed to the govern- 
ment of Malwa. Saadet-khan, desirous of revisit- 
ing his former governments, left as his deputy at 
Acberabad one Ray Nilkant-nagur, a man of ability. 
This deputy had a difference with a neighbouring 
zemindar, and having gone out one day upon his 
elephant to take an airing, was shot dead by a per- 
son of the tribe of Jatt, who had been instigated 
to the act by the zemindar. He effected his pur- 
pose in the following manner. Having taken his 
seat in a lofty tree, he levelled his piece leisurely 
at Ray Nilkant in the middle of his numerous re- 
tinue; and having accomplished his end, found 
means to effect his escape. Saadet-khan, informed 
of this circumstance, resolved to defer his revenge 
until he had taken possession of those two provinces 


and established his government. Meanwhile Khan 
Dowran, availing himself of a favourable opportu- 
nity, procured Acberabad for Raja Ajit-sing Sevai; 
so that there remained nothing to Saadet-khan but 
his new government of Oude. 

Ajit-sing, on being appointed, received orders 
to march against Churamon Jatt, a powerful zemin- 
dar of the province. He accordingly besieged his 
fortress of Tun, and resolved to expel him out of 
his zemindary. To this end he gained over Buden- 
sing, nephew of Churamon Jatt, who laid close 
siege to the fortress ; so that Mohcam-sing, son of 
Churamon, took the liberty in full derbar to re- 
proach his father with the miseries endured by the 
besieged. He likewise so far forgot the respect 
due to a father, as to make use of violent and im- 
proper expressions towards him. The father, out 
of his tenderness for an only son, forbore to chas- 
tise him as he deserved ; but, giving way to his 
feelings, he, with the carelessness of life inherent 
in the Hindu character, took poison and died. The 
young man, incapable of managing his possessions, 
and overcome by Aj it-sing's superior power and 
genius, was prevailed on to give in. Upon this 
the latter raja appointed Buden-sing to govern 
the zemindary, and procured the appointment to 
be confirmed at court. He now recommended 
Buden-sing to recall his dispersed subjects, and to 

330 siVar-ul-mutakherin. 

restore the country to its former flourishing con- 
dition. Buden-sing, armed with so much support, 
found means to gain over most of Mohcam-sing's 
dependants ; and the latter, not thinking himself 
secure, fled from the fortress, which was imme- 
diately taken possession of by Buden-sing, who now 
took up his residence there. About this time. Raja 
Giri-dhar Bahadur, having proceeded to Malwa, 
soon put that province into excellent order. 

Nizam-ul-mulk now proceeded to take possession 
of his new government of Guzerat ; and he actually 
marched thither with a good army and a train of 
artillery. In order to facilitate matters, he con- 
trived to debauch some of the troops of Heider 
Kuly-khan, whose army consisted chiefly of Turany 
Moguls, and of Peny, Ghazny, and Bany Afghans. 
Nizam-ul-mulk, having himself a number of officers 
and whole bodies of those same tribes in his army, 
selected some of the most intelligent amongst them 
to send under various pretences into Heider Kuly- 
khan's camp, where they gained over to his interest 
most of those who were of the same nation. In 
consequence of this, several commanders of note, 
such as Shujaat-khan and Mehr Ali-khan, Guze- 
raties, with Selabet-khan, and Zeber-dest-khan, 
Banies, Assed-khan Ghaznevy, and many other 
commanders, both Irany and Turany, quitted 
Heider Kuly-khan's camp, and dispersed. 


This general, thunderstruck by so general a de- 
fection, fell into a melancholy that preyed on his 
frame and disordered his mind. At length he, 
with a number of friends that followed his fortunes, 
took the road to the capital. Nizam-ul-mulk being 
thus left in quiet possession of the field, marched 
to the capital of Guzerat, and took possession of it 
as well as of the whole country. After having 
firmly established his authority, he committed it 
to the care of Hamid-khan, his maternal uncle, 
who went by the name of the Prince Jungly ; and 
himself departing soon after, marched southward 
to revisit his governments of the Deckan, and pro- 
ceeded to his head-quarters at Aurengabad. Mean- 
while Heider Kuly-khan, with what friends and 
treasures he had in his camp, returned to the 
capital, and remained for some days unnoticed. 

About this time the new year's day was cele- 
brated with the usual solemnities on the Sunday, 
the thirteenth of Jumad-es-sani, of the year 1135, isjumad-es- 
and on the night of Saturday the eleventh Rejeb ^•^' ^^^• 

^ , , , ^ . . 21 March, 

of the same year, the emperor s favourite mistress, a.d. 1723. 
Roshen-abady, presented to him a daughter, who a.^h^iiss. 
was called Jehan-afroze Banu Begum. After some ,^^^*^' 

° A.D. 1723. 

days, Heider Kuly-khan having presented himself 
at court, was received with much kindness by the 
emperor, who appointed him to the government of 
Ajmere; his intention being to chastise the B^^ 


Ajit-sing, against whom Heider Kuly-khan bore a 
mortal enmity. The latter accepted the office with 
alacrity, and prepared an army sufficient to cope 
with the Hindu prince ; but he declined the con- 
shaban, tcst and fled. It was the end of the month of 

A.H. 1135. ^ o.. , , 

June, Shaban in the same year, that the son of Siddy 

Kassem Cutwal was stabbed by one of the Surkh- 

posh* guards, who was himself wounded by the 

other's sabre. This circumstance happened close 

1 shevai, to the Cutwal's tribunal.! In this year, on Sun- 

A H 11^ 

4, Jul ^^y ^^^ fi^^* ^^ Shevai, Nizam-ul-mulk, who was 

A.D. 172a i.g|; from Guzerat and Malwa, paid his respects 

24 ziicad, to the empcror ; and on Thursday the twenty-fourth 

A.H. 11 • Qf Zilcad, about an astronomical hour before dav- 

24) August, ' '' 

A.D. 1723. break, a son was born to the emperor. In the 
^i^"^ri"' year 1136 of the Hegira, in the middle of the 

A 2*^17^' "^^1^^^ o^ Muharrem, a comet made its appearance 
in the heavens, in the sign of Aquarius, and re- 
mained visible for ten or twelve days, after which 
it disappeared ; when, at the end of that month, 
the emperor's eldest son departed this life. 

This year a number of promotions took place in 
the principal departments of the court. Kamer- 
ed-din-khan, son of Mahomed Amin-khan, vezir, 
was appointed deputy paymaster - general and 

♦ Surkh-posh guards were household troops, clothed in scarlet. 

t The cutwal is the chief magistrate of the city : the tribunal 
is the town-hall, or mansion-house of the Lord Mayor, as in 


superintendant of the bathing-apartments ; Khan 
Dowran was made commander-in-chief, with the 
additional command of the body guards called 
"Wala-shahies and Ala-shahies ; Zafer-khan was ap- 
pointed third in command of the troops, and Sela- 
bet-khan fourth in command. The stewardship of 
the ^household was given to Shir-ef ken-khan ; and 
after him his brother Lutf-ullah-khan was nomi- 
nated commander of the body-guards called Sul- 
tany. Amir Jumlah Tarkhan was made Sadr-el- 
sudur, or grand-almoner. The superintendance of 
the sanctuary, or sacred apartment of the ladies, 
together with the care of the privy-purse, was 
committed to Hafiz-khidmetgar-khan, an eunuch 
of Aurengzib's time ; but on his demise, both those 
offices passed to Roz-afzun-khan. Raja Gujer- 
mal was appointed to the khalisa, or exchequer- 
office; which after him passed to Eradetmend- 
khan, and after him to Raja Bakht-mal. Shah 
Saadullah was appointed commissary-general of 
musters, and Heider Kuly-khan mir-atesh, or 
master-general of the ordnance. 

After him, Saad-ed-din-khan succeeded; and 
again Heider Kuly-khan was re-appointed, from 
whom that office passed to Muzafer-khan, brother 
of Khan Dowran. The command of the personal 
guards, called khawass, was given to Saadet-khan, 
with orders to take Ahmed Kuly-khan as his deputy. 


Amin-ed-doulah was made first mir-tozek, and 
Daver-dad-khan second mir-tozek ; Mubariz-khan, 
superintendant of the entrance-chamber, and 
after him, Akgar-khan succeeded to that office. 
Mir Hussein-khan Koka was made commandant of 
the pike-men of the presence. 

The office of arzbegy* was bestowed on Ali 
Mahomed-khan Koka, as was the inspection of 
canals on Feiz Ali Hamid-khan. Bu-Ali-khan 
Yuzbegy was appointed superintendant of the imr 
perial tent-department, as was Munaver-khan of 
the body of troops called Ahedies. 

The office of superintendant of messengers was 
bestowed on Inaiet-khan, son of Sadik-khan Ku- 
rawly. The charge of the purse for largesses was 
entrusted to Behroze-khan, and of the privy purse 
to Javid-khan, both favourite eunuchs. The jewels 
office was bestowed on Jewahir-khan ; the kitchen 
department on Bukhtaver-khan, as was the coffee 
department on Vejih-khan, and the elephant de- 
partment to Fazl Ali-khan. Seid Kutb-ed-din Ali- 
khan was made superintendant of the light artil- 
lery. Yasin-khan was appointed to the command 
of the Surkh-posh guards, and of the kulars.-f- 
Allah-yar-khan was made governor of the citadel 
of Shah Jehan-abad, and Kaim-khan, son of Zafer^ 

* The arzbegy is the gentleman-usher of European courts. 
f Purchased and adopted slaves about the imperial person. 


khan, inspector of the post and the gazette office ; 
as was Maasum Ali-khan of the intelligence de- 
partment. In this manner were the offices dis- 
posed of. Zafer-khan availed himself of the empe- 
ror's favour to make money, being ever ready to 
undertake the cause of every petitioner for a con- 
sideration. This was also the practice of a few of 
the female favourites which the emperor now 
brought forward. A certain girl, named Cowky, 
daughter of Shah-jan Mahomed, a dervish, found 
means to ingratiate herself so deeply into the 
emperor's good graces, that she was entrusted with 
the private signet, was suffered to sign " by order" 
the imperial answers to the petitions which she 
carried within the seraglio ; of which circumstance 
she availed herself to make her fortune. 

The emperor, who was a youth of little energy, 
thought only of pleasure, so that whenever an 
emergency did happen that called for vigour, he 
passed it over from sheer indolence, satisfied with 
the company of such men as Umdet-el-mulk, 
Amir-khan, and some other young nobles of a 
lively temper and disposed to good fellowship. 
Hence, by degrees, the respect and awe which the 
imperial name used to impose, subsided, and many 
men entertained thought of shaking off their depen- 
dence. On the other hand, Nizam-ul-mulk wished 
to wean the king from such company, and espe- 


cially to wrest from Cowky, and the lords of her 
party, that influence which they enjoyed. Such 
a measure could not prove acceptable either to the 
emperor or to his favourites. Nizam-ul-mulk's 
austerity was by no means approved of at court, so 
far from it, his person and manners were the sub- 
ject of ridicule as soon as he was out of sight, and 
never failed in his absence of becoming the topic 
of the most pointed raillery. Nizam-ul-mulk in- 
formed of this, conceived a disgust to the whole 
court, and full of indignation, resolved to with- 
draw himself by repairing to his goverments of 
Guzerat and Deckan, where he bore absolute 
sway. He therefore feigned sickness, abstained 
from going to court, and remained at home, but 
at the same time resolved upon revenging himself 
by exciting troubles and raising commotions, which 
he knew would render his presence necessary in 
the south. He wished to resign the vezirship, 
but being a man of much prudence, he delayed 
for some time to intimate his intentions. Mean- 
while his views becoming known to the emperor, 
it was agreed to humour him by accepting his 
resignation, and permitting him to live as far from 
court as he wished, provided he remained quiet. 
The vezir himself, informed of the king's wishes, 
resigned ; messages and notes were interchanged ; 
an appearance of goodwill and sincerity was main- 

S I Y A R- U L-M UT A K H ERI N. 337 

tained bv both, and on the second of Sefer in the 2 Sefer. 

- 11 1 1-11 A.H.1136. 

year 1136, TSizara-ul-rnulk was honoured with the 21 October, 
office of vakil-i-mutlak or lieutenant of the em- 
peror ; at the same time also he received the new 
title of Asef-jah, and met with every demonstra- 
tion of favour. 

The viceroy after this compromise asked leave 
to go on a hunting excursion, instead of which 
he marched towards the Deckan, an extensive 
domain, where he reigned like a monarch to all 
intents and purposes. It was already the seventh 
month after his departure, when the emperor, 
without encroaching in appearance on the two 
high offices which the viceroy enjoyed, bestowed 
on Kamer-ed-din-khan the title of Jumlet-el-mulk, 
implying a general superintendence over the se- 
veral territorial divisions of the empire, and that 
nobleman, in receiving the appointment to that 
high office, promised to respect Nizam-ul-mulk's 
dignity. ^ 

But all this was mere matter of form ; for as 
soon as he departed, the ministers at court, sen- 
sible of the discontent of Nizam-ul-mulk, resolved 
to be before-hand with him, and despatched, in 
the greatest secrecy, a letter written in the em- 
peror's own hand to Mubariz-khan, nazim or 
military governor of Boorhanpoor, which gave him 
instructions to fight and kill Nizam-ul-mulk by 

VOL. I. z 


any means in his power; giving him to under- 
stand, at the same time, that the commission of 
the viceroyalty of the Deckan would be his re- 
ward. Mubariz-khan thus supported, and being 
naturally ambitious, resolved to attack Nizam-ul- 
mulk. He discovered his project to Ibrahim-khan- 
Peny, the brother of the late Daud-khan-Peny, 
and to the relatives of Sheikh-Nizam and Sheikh- 
Minhaj, whose families were of great power and 
influence in the Deckan, and which cherished in 
their bosoms a rooted enmity against Nizam-ul- 
mulk, and his tribe. These chiefs having united 
with Mubariz-khan, enabled him to raise an army 
well appointed, and capable of appearing in the 
Held against so formidable an enemy. Nizam-ul- 
mulk, informed of his intention, hastened to the 
encounter, and the two armies engaged on Thurs- 
24Muharrem, day the 24th of the month of Muharrem, in the 
2 October, year 1137 of the Hegira, when a bloody engage- 
ment ensued, in which Mubariz-khan lost four 
thousand brave men, together with four elephants, 
which were left on the field of battle. Victory 
thus declared for Nizam-ul-mulk, and Mubariz- 
khan, with his two sons, and his best friends, 
were among the slain. Nizam-ul-mulk, after this 
victory, sent a despatch to the emperor, containing 
an account of the battle, with the number of those 
killed on the part of Mubariz-khan, to which he 


added his congratulations, and presented a number 
of eshrefies as an offering usual on such occa- 
sions, without neglecting to send even the property 
seized in the enemy's camp. 

Hitherto the dissentions between the court and 
Nizam-ul-mulk, although well known, and ap- 
parent, had been concealed, or were conveyed 
under the mask of dissimulation ; but after the 
defeat of Mubariz-khan the veil was a little with- 
drawn, and the emperor sent for Heider Kuly-^ 
khan, whom he knew to be a man of talent and 
courage, and one heartily attached to his person. 
That nobleman, on this invitation, quitting Ajmere, 
repaired to the capital, where he had the honour 
of paying his respects to the emperor, on Friday 
the fourteenth of Rebi-es-sani, at about two astro- i4 Rebi-es- 
nomical hours after sunrise. He now assumed a.h. 1137. 
charge of the office of Mir-atesh (master-general of ^A^^^mZ' 
ordnance), to which was added the honour of a 
suit of his imperial majesty's own robes. At the 
same time, the person who then filled that im- 
portant office, Saad-ed-din-khan, a Turanyof Ni- 
zam-ul-mulk's recommendation, was superseded. 
The viceroy, when he became apprized of this cir- 
cumstance, trusting to his power, wrote to Hamid- 
khan, his maternal uncle, governor of Guzerat, to 
commence hostilities, in combination with Sillaji 
and Kantaji, two Mahratta commanders, whom he 

z 2 


employed to make incursions into the imperial 
territories. Hamid-khan on this intimation raised 
the standard of defiance, and seizing on all the 
jaghirs or estates belonging to the several nobles • 
now at court, expelled their stewards. The mi- 
nisters, informed of this occurrence, held councils 
amongst themselves, which ended in nothing, and 
in fixing on no plan whatsoever. The emperor, 
sensible that the Turanies had grown too powerful, 
resolved to oppose to them the late vezir Seid 
Abdullah-khan, his prisoner, in order to curb their 
overgrown influence. He accordingly sent a trusty 
person to inform him that the times were now 
such, that even he might be of some use. Abd- 
ullah-khan answered, that if his majesty should 
please to extend to him his clemency and forgive- 
ness, he trusted that he should be able to assemble 
a good body of five or six thousand veterans, with 
which his majesty's ministers might put his zeal 
to the test, by employing him upon any service 
they should think fit. This answer was no sooner 
reported to the emperor, than the enemies of 
Abdullah-khan's family, becoming fearful of the 
consequences of his enlargement, found means to 
convey a dose of poison to that much injured 
Seid, and sent him to join the manes of his illus- 
trious ancestors. 

We have before seen that Serbelend-khan was 

S I Y A U- U L-M U r A K 11 E 11 1 N 34 1 

dismissed from his government of Cabul, and Nasir- 
khan promoted to that important office, through 
Zafir-khan's influence. 

The ex-governor was now living retired at the 
capital, and but seldom appeared at court. On 
Abdullah-khan's death, the ministers resolved to 
avail themselves of Serbelend-khan's abilities and 
character; and one Hafiz Khidmetgar-khan, a 
eunuch upon whose attachment and fidelity the 
emperor reposed entire confidence, was engaged to 
effect a reconciliation. The king now resolved to 
send Serbelend-khan against Hamid-khan, and to 
confer upon him the government of Guzerat. The 
general, fully satisfied of the military genius of 
Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan, brother of the late Seid 
Abdullah-khan, entreated his majesty for his 
liberty, and requested to be permitted to avail 
himself of his services. This boon was granted 
with the better grace by the emperor, as he had 
always felt well-disposed towards Nejm-ed-dia 
Ali-khan, because he was the first person sent to 
bring him away from the castle of Selimgur at 
Dehli, and to conduct him to Acberabad. Nejm- 
ed-din Ali-khan was accordingly released from 
confinement, and admitted to the honour of paying 
his respects to the emperor, who presented him 
with a robe and a sabre and the title of Bahadur. 
Serbelend-khan, who was present at the ceremony. 


having received leave to proceed on his expedition, 
took Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan from the derbar upon 
his own elephant, and they arrived together at the 
camp, which had been pitched outside of the city. 
There Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan soon assembled a 
body of Seids of Barha attached to his family, 
and a body of cavalry that had before served under 
him ; so that he soon found himself at the head of 
a respectable force. Serbelend-khan also, who 
had commanded in most of the provinces of the 
empire, was known to be a man of great character 
and a friend to the army, so that numbers of 
officers, who even in their retreats had never ceased 
to be attached to his person, and who wished for 
the moment of his prosperity, hearing of his pro- 
motion, quitted their homes, and with what esta- 
blishments they could collect, flocked to his stand- 
ard from all parts. Serbelend-khan, instead of 
advancing at once, appointed Shujaat-khan Guze- 
raty his lieutenant in the province till his arrival. 
Hamid-khan, having no power to resist his autho- 
rity in the province, left Guzerat, and encamped at 
Dohud, whence he made overtures to Kantaji Mah- 
ratta to come to his assistance. With this rein- 
forcement, and with the addition of some troops 
he himself raised at the moment, Hamid-khan 
returned towards Guzerat. Shujaat-khan moved 
also to oppose him, and having given him battle. 


he lost his life. Rustem Ali-khan, the brother of 
Shujaat-khan, then governor of Surat, on hearing 
of the death of the latter, made preparations for 
war; and having induced Pilaji Gaykwar, who 
was at that time plundering in the neighbourhood, 
to aiford him aid, he marched from Surat. 

Hamid-khan with his own army, and assisted 
by Kantaji with nearly twenty thousand cavalry, 
left Ahmedabad and fought an action on the banks 
of the Myhee river. Pilaji Gaykwar, though 
enlisted on the side of Rustem Ali-khan, was 
gained over by Kantaji to the cause of Hamid- 
khan ; so that Rustem Ali-khan also, owing to the 
treachery of that Mahratta, lost his life,, and 
Hamid-khan obtained a victory* On hearing of 
these events, Serbelend-khan, who was manoeu- 
vring between the roads of Ajmere and Acberabad, 
was in fact waiting with Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan for 
the realization of the promise of the vizarat. 
Having lost all patience, he demanded to know 
the emperor's real intentions. The star of the 
good fortune of the Turanies was at this time 
ascending to its zenith ; and, finding he could not at 
present succeed at the capital in his wishes, Ser- 
belend-khan proceeded towards Guzerat. Raja 
Giri-dhar was appointed governor of Malwa in lieu 
of Nizam-ul-mulk, and went to assume charge of the 
province; while Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan, being taken. 


ill, remained a short time at the capital, but was 
eventually nominated to the government of Ajmere, 
and his services placed at the disposal of Ser- 
belend-khan. The emperor, disgusted v^ith the 
spirit of intrigue and dissatisfaction which Nizam- 
ul-mulk had excited amongst the Turanies, enter- 
tained suspicions against their whole body ; and 
his aversion increased to such a degree that he 
resolved to dispossess them of all influence . Kamer- 
ed-din-khan was the nobleman who first felt his 
displeasure. The emperor suddenly took from 
him his government and some offices which he had 
distributed to others; at the same time Saadet- 
khan, a Persian noble, received leave to repair to 
his government of Oude, where he employed him- 
self in bringing that country into subordination 
and order. Serbelend-khan, who had tarried a 
little longer than be intended, until his colleague 
(reduced in strength by his long illness) should 
have so far recruited his strength as to appear in 
the field, now marched against the revolted chief 
of Guzerat, and formed a junction with Nejm-ed- 
din Ali-khan on the march. Hamid-khan, who 
disregarded the communications of Serbelend- 
khan, secured the aid of Kantaji and Pilaji, the 
two Mahratta chiefs above-mentioned, who pledged 
themselves to follow his fortunes, and they joined 
his army, commanded by his general Aman-beg. 


These combined troops were encountered by 
Serbelend-khan at Dohud, where they sustained 
a signal defeat, in which Aman-beg remained 
amongst the slain. 

After this battle, Sheikh-alhayar-khan, of Bel- 
gram, a general serving under Serbelend-khan, 
was detached from the imperial army, and entered 
the city of Ahmedabad by one gate, and took pos- 
session of it, whilst Hamid-khan made his escape 
out of another, and fled to the Deckan, where he 
joined Nizam-ul-mulk. This viceroy, little dis- 
couraged by such a check, employed four other 
Mahratta generals to aid Hamid-khan, and to make 
an incursion into Guzerat. This invasion led to 
several bloody engagements, in which the Mah- 
rattas were constantly defeated by Nejm-ed-din 
Ali-khan, who every where exhibited proofs of 
that valour which was hereditary in his family, and 
which he derived from his glorious and holy ances- 
tors. From skirmishes both parties at length 
came to a general engagement, in which Nejm-ed- 
din Ali-khan, with an army of sixty thousand 
horse and a body of infantry composed of Arabs 
and other races, supported by a park of artillery of 
some hundred pieces of cannon large and small, 
attacked the Mahrattas and gave them a complete 
defeat, pursuing them for a long distance, and not 
giving over the pursuit until he had driven them 


beyond the river Nerbedda. This great victory 
w^as obtained on the plain of Cambay, where the 
Mahrattas left a vast number of dead on the field 
of battle; it had been preceded by an irruption 
which they had made into the districts of Dehna- 
gar and Bilnagar, towns held by Kamer-ed-din- 
khan in jaghir, and they were actually occupied in 
sacking and plundering them when they were sud- 
denly attacked by Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan and by 
Khana-zad-khan, son of Serbelend-khan. The 
Mahrattas after this defeat totally evacuated Guze- 
rat. It must be observed, that as the victorious 
army was numerous, it received monthly a regular 
supply of five lacs of rupees from the capital, which 
sum was forwarded through Nazir-khan, and after 
his death through Roshen-ed-doulah, in order to 
enable Serbelend-khan to conduct his operations 
without levying contributions on the country ; and 
it was determined to continue the same practice 
until Guzerat should be so far subdued as to afford 
a sufficient revenue to support the army. On the 
news of the great victory which had been obtained, 
the supply of cash was stopped by the advice of 
Khan Dowran, and an order was sent to dismiss 
the extra troops ; for such was the dread which 
the imperial general had diffused, that the refrac- 
tory chiefs throughout those countries looked up 
to him with respect. 


It has been already shewn that Zafer-khan was 
the person who had the greatest influence over the 
emperor's mind; but though it must be acknow- 
ledged that this nobleman had many good qualities, 
yet he was addicted to the love of money, and was 
not only open to bribery, but capable of pecula- 
tions. In proof of which it now appeared, that of 
the twelve lacs it was his duty to transmit annually 
to Cabul for the payment of the garrisons of that 
province, half had been retained for his own use, 
and the same corruption prevailed in all the affairs 
that passed through his hands. In order to sup- 
port his power, he ought to have kept upon the 
best terms with every one of the ministers of state ; 
but his conduct was quite otherwise, so that his 
malpractices were represented to the emperor in 
such terms, that the affair ended in his disgrace. 
He first received a severe rebuke in public, and 
his accounts being submitted to a committee, they 
found a balance of full two crores of rupees against 
him, which he was obliged to replace in the public 
treasury, and was moreover disgraced. The duty 
of providing for the government of Cabul was now 
committed to Khan Dowran, whose integrity was 
undoubted. A similar charge of corruption and 
bribery was proved against one Shah Abd-ul-gha- 
fur, a fakir of the Turany party, who had acquired 
such ascendancy over the emperor's mind as in- 


duced him to appoint and to dismiss whomsoever 
he thought fit of the officers of the khalisah office. 
At length growing proud, he was guilty of many 
shameful abuses, which now came to the empe- 
ror's knowledge : he was therefore publicly dis- 
graced, cast into prison, and banished to Bengal. 
Two crores of rupees having been found in his 
house, besides a quantity of other effects, the 
whole was confiscated and sent to the public trea- 
sury. Cowky herself even, who had been en- 
trusted with the imperial signet within the seraglio, 
and who had assumed so much authority as to 
recommend to offices, having been found to be the 
associate and accomplice of those two personages, 
was also dismissed with ignominy, forbidden to 
enter the seraglio, and obliged to disgorge her ill- 
gotten wealth. 

After these instances of misconduct and exam- 
ples of punishment, it might be supposed that the 
great power and influence which Khan Dowran 
had acquired, would render him at least more 
cautious ; instead of which he indulged only his 
hatred against the disgraced minister Zafer-khan, 
and was hardly fixed in office, when he hastened 
to supersede Serbelend-khan. That great friend 
of the disgraced minister Raja Abi-sing Rahtore 
was nominated to succeed him in Guzerat, whi- 
ther he had orders to repair with the utmost 


expedition, while Serbelend-khan was called to 
court. Abi-sing, fond of repose, and satisfied with 
his hereditary dominions, sent a deputy to take 
possession of the new government ; but he having 
been repulsed with disgrace by Serbelend-khan, 
who refused to recognize him, another deputy was 
sent with a large force, who also met a similar 
fate ; at last Abi-sing marched himself at the head 
of an army of fifty thousand men, mostly cavalry, 
and a good park of artillery, with which he en- 
tered Guzerat. Serbelend-khan, although uneasy 
at the intrigues in the capital, and fearful of the 
power of Nizam-ul-mulk, resolved, with that incon- 
siderable, ill-paid, and ill-furnished force which was 
left to him, to encounter his enemy. He marched 
out of the city of Ahmedabad, and encamped 
at some distance from it ; putting himself at the 
head of his little army, and of a certain number 
of friends and old soldiers, on whom he could 
rely. He attacked Abi-sing with so much con- 
duct and bravery, that the raja thought proper to 
quit the field of battle and retire ; but Serbelend- 
khan, who saw himself exposed on the one hand 
to the machinations of his enemies at court, and 
on the other to the power and intrigues of Nizam- 
ul-mulk, remained satisfied with Abi-sing's re- 
treat, and resolved to come to terms with him. 
Accordingly in the evening of the day of the 


battle, he put on a plain white dress, without his 
armour, and rolling a white turban round his head, 
he with no other retinue than a few chopdars, or 
mace-bearers, and private servants, advanced to 
visit the Hindu prince. Abi-sing, though at first 
extremely surprised, thought himself highly ho- 
noured by such condescension. He rose at his 
approach, advanced to the door of his tent to meet 
him, and after the usual embrace, he took the 
veteran by the hand, made him sit on his own 
mesned, and shewed him every mark of respect. 
Serbelend-khan, after some conversation, turned 
towards the Hindu prince, and spoke to him in 
these words: *' Young man," said he, *' you will 
be surprised when I inform you that there ought 
to subsist much friendship between us, for there 
was a time when your father and I exchanged 
turbans as brothers,* and I therefore look upon 
you as my nephew. The trifling contest that has 
passed between us was to defend my honour, and 
to maintain my character as a soldier; but there 
must not be the least enmity between you and me 
in future ; nor did I see why, being an hereditary 
friend of your family, I should abstain from pay- 
ing you this visit. The imperial service is the 
point in question — it is on that very service I came 

* The exchange of turbans is frequently practised as a token 
of sworn fraternity. 


into this country ; but this being now committed 
to your care, you are welcome to it, and I wish 
you may bring the government into proper order. 
I have myself no further business here. I come 
only to request of you a travelling equipage, 
and some money to defray my expense to the 

This speech, which was delivered with all the 
frankness of an old soldier, astonished the by- 
standers, and the Hindu prince more than any. 
It was true he had his enemy in his power ; but 
struck with the general's high bearing and cha- 
racter, and with the connection of his father, he 
thought his honour concerned in fulfilling his 
wishes, and sending for his steward, he ordered 
him to comply with whatever directions Ser- 
belend-khan should give him. Towards the end 
of the visit, the general having again mentioned 
the former friendship that subsisted between him 
and the Hindu prince's father, proposed to renew 
the same ties, on which he took his own plain 
turban off and put it upon Abi-sing's head, then 
raising up the latter's turban, which was enriched 
with a variety of gems of value, he put it upon his 
own, after which they embraced each other, in 
token of fraternity, and he departed to his own 
camp, where a sum of money and his equipage 
arriving soon after, he quitted the country, and 

352 SI Y A R- U L-M UTA KH ERIN . 

proceeded on his journey towards the capital. All 
this conduct gave much umbrage at court, and so 
far exasperated the emperor against him, that an 
order was sent to the guards on the highways to 
stop him wherever he should make his appear- 
ance, with injunctions to hinder his advancing one 
step farther, until he had obtained a pardon for 
his misbehaviour. Moreover, two parties of one 
hundred of the guards were sent, one-half on the 
road to Ajmere, and the other towards Acberabad, 
to detain him. The general having arrived near 
the last city, was stopped and forbidden to ad- 
vance. Serbelend-khan being thus obliged to 
tarry for several days at that city, in order to 
assuage the emperor's displeasure, and to obtain 
leave to proceed to court, was beset by the dis- 
banded troops that accompanied him, who muti- 
nied, rose upon him, and fiercely demanded their 
arrears. Luckily for him Saadet-khan, who was 
then in that city, and remembered to have served 
under Serbelend-khan, and to have been pro- 
moted by him, offered to assist his old commander, 
and sent him a message, importing that if he were 
pleased to refer the mutineers to him, he would 
undertake to satisfy their claims. This generous 
offer, instead of soothing the general's pride, served 
only to wound it ; he politely declined his offer, 
and answered that, thanks to Providence, matters 


had not yet come to such a pass as that he should 
prove burthensome to his friends. After this reply 
he went into the apartment of his ladies, and 
taking some gold which he had with him, he dis- 
charged the arrears due to the troops, and the 
tumult subsided. 

The insults which had been offered to so distin- 
guished an officer as . Serbelend-khan, and the 
* ungrateful as well as the impolitic conduct of the 
ministers, put Nizam-ul-mulk upon his guard. 
He accordingly took advantage of the circumstance 
by engaging the Mahrattas to invade Hindustan. 
He applied to Bajy Rao, the principal officer of 
the court of Sahu Raja, a prince of high character, 
who derived his origin from the Rajas Sambha 
and Siva, the founders of the Mahratta empire. 
Nizam-ul-mulk proposed to Bajy Rao to conquer 
Malwa from the hands of Raja Giri-dhar the pre- 
sent governor, and to recover Guzerat out of the 
hands of Raja Abi-sing Rahtore, or at least to ruin 
and lay waste those two countries so as to render 
them of no use to his enemies. Nothing could be 
more welcome at all times to the Mahrattas than 
such proposals. Bajy Rao and the other Mahratta 
chiefs assembled a mighty army, with which they 
invaded both Malwa and Guzerat at one and the 
same time. In the latter province they gained 
several advantages over Abi-sing's lieutenants, and 

VOL. I. 2 a 


plundered to a great extent, but this was not the 
case in Malwa. Raja Giri-dhar, who commanded 
in that country with a small body of troops, would 
not suffer his country to be ravaged ; and being an 
officer of character, he engaged Bajy Rao several 
times, after having in vain requested, assistance 
from the capital. His repeated representations to 
the throne and to the ministers availed nothing, 
and that brave man, having wasted his small force 
in endless skirmishes, at last fell himself in one of 
them. He was succeeded in his command by 
Raja Dia Bahadur, a relative, and son of the brave 
Chebilram, who, pursuing Giri-dhar's plans, did 
not cease to harass the Mahrattas, giving them no 
rest, and taking none himself. He moreover wrote 
to the minister that, so long as he lived, he would 
prove a wall in the passage of the enemy towards 
Hindustan, but that after his death he appre- 
hended that they would spread like an inundation 
all over the empire. None of these representations 
produced any effect, and that brave man was also 
slain in defending the country. The minister, 
little affected by the death of Raja Dia Bahadur, 
appointed Mahomed-khan Bangash to succeed 
him with full powers. He advanced as far as 
Oojein, but as the country was ravaged in all 
directions by the Mahrattas, he could not occupy 
it, and the ministers, dissatisfied with his conduct. 


conferred the government on Raja Jye-sing Sevai. 
This was the act of Khan Dowran. The new 
governor, who felt well inclined towards the Mah- 
rattas from a principle of religion, proved luke- 
warm in his measures against them. 

Three years after this the court thought proper 
to confer the government of that country on Bajy 
Rao himself; so that in this manner Malwa passed 
under the Mahratta dominion. Nor did Guzerat 
meet with a better fate. The Mahrattas, availing 
themselves of Abi-sing's incapacity and neglect, 
made themselves masters of the whole country, 
which served only to exhibit in glaring colours the 
incapacity of the minister, and the weakness of 
his administration. To remedy such disorders it 
required a strong mind full of zeal and activity, 
and fertile in expedients ; but these qualities could 
not be expected from men destitute of personal 
courage, and lost to all sense of character. Indeed, 
** what figure can the fox make in the lion's den ; 
or what can be expected from a wooden sword 
opposed to a keen steel blade ?" Khan Dowran, 
fancying that the evils that were undermining Hin- 
dustan could be removed by a temporising policy, 
and that lost countries could be recovered by mere 
diplomacy and cunning, expected to bring every 
thing back into order by negociations. He even 
had the folly to imagine that such powerful ene- 

2 A 2 


mies as Nizam-ul-mulk and the Mahrattas might 
be reduced by satirical letters, and overawed by 
ironical dispatches. Such a state of things, how- 
ever, required quite a different man from Khan 
Dowran. In order to check the growth of the 
towering tree of insubordination and independence, 
which was daily shooting forth luxuriantly new and 
wild branches, the sinewy arm of some active 
valorous prince was required, who after having 
felled it with repeated blows of his battle-axe, 
should have sagacity enough to dig it out by the 
roots. The necessities of the state wanted the 
exertions of such ministers as Zulficar-khan and 
Hussein Ali-khan, two men who would have bent 
the necks of the refractory, and strangled them ere 
they had gained strength. The Mahrattas, now 
established in their conquests of Malwa and Guze- 
rat, extended their views, and encouraged by the 
supineness of the administration, advanced by 
degrees to the frontiers of the provinces of Acber- 
abad and Ilahabad, till they encroached on the 
imperial territory of Dehli. Mahomed-khan Ban- 
gash, styled Ghazenfer Jung (the lion in war) 
governor of Ilahabad, assembled an army from his 
own clan, bringing the Rohilla Afghans and a 
train of artillery from his fortress ; and with these 
troops he entered the province of Bundelcund, a 
dependency of Ilahabad, with intention to make a 


conquest of it, and to expel the Rajas Chetersal 
and Naga, the most powerful princes of that region. 
Advancing into the very heart of the country, he 
made himself master of all its strongholds ; and 
having seized on the capital, he resolved to remain 
there during the rainy season, in order to accustom 
his new subjects to his rule. The dispossessed 
rajas with the other princes of that vicinity, sen- 
sible of the weakness of the Mussulman empire, 
turned their views towards the Mahrattas of Nag- 
poor, and also applied to the generals left by Bajy 
Rao at Oojein, the capital of Malwa, promising 
them a sum of money and a portion of their, terri- 
tory. These rajas having obtained the aid of an 
army of Mahrattas, returned to Bundelcund, where 
Mahomed-khan Bangash thought himself so secure 
that he had dismissed the greatest part of his 
Afghans to their homes, retaining only a small 
body about his person. He had too little local 
information to be acquainted with all its passes, so 
that the native princes found means to come upon 
him before he had any intimation of their approach. 
He had hardly time to mount his horse, and to 
put himself at the head of the little force he had 
left, and being soon overpowered by numbers, was 
obliged to quit the field ; and after wandering two 
or three days, he had just time to throw himself 
into Jitgur with his troops and followers, wherein 


he was immediately besieged. A great multitude 
of people of both sexes and of all ages had taken 
shelter in this place ; a scarcity of provisions was 
soon experienced, which ended in a famine : cows, 
horses, and asses became food to the garrison, and 
a dead beast attracted a thousand eyes. Nor was 
it possible to receive any supply from without, or 
to get out of the fortress. Such a state of distress 
did not long remain concealed from Mahomed- 
khan's family. On the first news of the blockade, 
his wife and children, quitting Ferokh-abad, the 
place of their residence, repaired to the capital ; 
where, with tears, they implored the minister's 
assistance and the emperor's attention. .No notice 
was taken of them ; and this forlorn family 
applied in despair, as a last resource, to their 
own tribe, the Afghans of Rohilcand. Maho- 
med-khan's lady sent her veil round amongst their 
principal men, and Kaim-khan, her eldest son, 
addressed them himself. Such a spectacle pro- 
duced a great effect : the Afghans, touched with 
the deep distress of their chief's family, resolved 
to make an effort in its behalf, and to save their 
countrymen from impending destruction. Having 
accepted the little money and jewels which the 
mother and son could afford to distribute amongst 
them, they assembled in numbers, and appointed 
the young man himself to lead them to action as 


their general. Incessant marches soon brought 
them to Jitgur. They no sooner arrived than 
they attacked the besiegers, and forcing their way 
to the gate of the fortress, they saved Mahomed - 
k.han Bangash and their countrymen, and carried 
them safe to Ilahabad ; an action by which this 
worthy son immortalized himself in saving his 
father's life. The ministers, however, punished 
Mahomed-khan Bangash for having engaged in the 
expedition at all, by depriving him of his govern- 
ment of Ilahabad, which was transferred to Ser- 
belend-khan, who was again taken into favour. 
Although he accepted the office, Serbelend-khan 
sent thither his son Khana-zad-khan as his deputy, 
and he remained in the capital, without appearing 
much at court, but confining himself chiefly to his 
own house. 

A strange accident closed the end of this year. 
The kava-khana* of Heider Kuly-khan took fire, 
owing to which he was burned to death. The 
beginning of the next year was no less remarkable 
in singular events. On Wednesday the eighteenth is jumad-es- 

/» I 1 r* T sani, 

01 the month of Jumad-es-sani, m the year 1136, a.h, use. 
two or three hours after sun-rise, Mahomed Yar- a.d! 172?' 
khan, nephew of Shaistah-khan, Khan-khanan, a 
nobleman who so early as the times of Aurengzib 
had enjoyed the government of the province of 

* Coffee-i'oom. 



Dehli, died suddenly. A few days after, it being 
Friday, the office of Mir-ateshy, or master-general 
of the ordnance, vacant by Heider Kuly-khan's 
demise, was conferred on Muzaffer-khan, the bro- 
ther of Khan Dowran. In this same year the 
powder magazine, that went by the name of 
Burhan-el-mulk, having taken fire, blew up, and 
carried with it part of the Lat Firoze-shah, with 
the buildings adjoining ; the latter were torn from 
their foundations and thrown to some distance. In 
this year also the brave Nejm-ed-din Ali-khan died, 
and his government of Ajmere was bestowed on 
Muzaifer-khan, who was already nominated to the 
high office of master-general of ordnance. On 
lOjumiKies- Wednesday the tenth of the month of Jumad-es- 

siiiii, . 

A.H. 1141. sani in the year 1141, the emperor felt an acces- 

^a.d7 itS'^' ^^^^ of fever and sickness, from which however 

he recovered. In the same year, in the month of 

shaban, Shaban, news came to court that the Mahrattas 

A.H Ilil. 

Marcii, from Guzerat had advanced into the contiguous 

A.D. 1729. P 1 TT- 1 • -n» • * 1 • • 1 

country oi the Hindu prince, Kaja Abi-sing; who 
finding his hereditary dominions attacked, obtained 
leave, and repaired with all speed to Joodpoor- 
merta, his capital. About the end of the same year, 
a body of Penjaby shoemakers and some other 
Mussulmans in the capital rising in a body, excited 
a great disturbance during the Hindu festival of 
the Huly, on which occasion one of the rioters, a 


man highly respected on account of his having 
been on pilgrimage to Mecca, happened to be 
killed by a Hindu jeweller. The Mussulmans, 
finding their complaints were unattended to, 
left the body for three days unpurified and un- 
buried, and resolved not to meddle with it till 
they had revenged the death of their companion. 
The ministers, too busy with their own concerns, 
never thought of affording justice to those injured 
people. The shoemakers, incensed at such neg- 
lect, tumultuously took possession of the great 
mosque, and prevented divine service being per- 
formed, or any Mussulmans assembling there, 
until their wrongs were redressed. The kazi of 
the city, in attempting to pacify them, met only 
with insults. The tumult increasing, at last at- 
tracted the attention of the court, and Kamer-ed- 
din-khan, the vezir, as well as Zafer-khan, the 
minister, were sent to see divine service performed. 
They came with their own retinues and a number - 
of other nobles, and were preparing to begin 
prayers, when the shoemakers commenced cursing 
and reproaching them for their maladministration, 
as well as for their odious supineness, in whatever 
concerned religion ; and proceeding from words to 
blows, they fell upon 'the ministers, and put them 
to flight. Zafer-khan being closely pursued, took 
shelter under the bucklers of the Afghan soldiers 


that accompanied him ; the shoemakers, however, 
continued throwing their slippers at the guards 
and at the nobles, and again drove them away. 
The vezir alone stood his ground, and on his order- 
ing some rockets to be fired, and thrown over their 
heads, the tumult subsided a little. The vezir, 
finding them reduced to some order, addressed the 
mob, and at length prevailed upon it to disperse. 
The tumult had risen to such a height, that most 
of the nobles were insulted ; and as the people 
were preparing to proceed farther, some dire event 
might have occurred but for the vezir's presence of 
mind and successful eloquence. At the end of 
shevai, ziicad, this vcar, bctwccn the months of Sheval and 

A. H. 1141. , -^ 

April, May, Zilcad, there arose for forty days together such an 

A D 1729. 

abominable stench throughout the city of Dehli, 
that the poor and rich being equally affected by 
it, were attacked by an epidemic fever that filled 
the houses with sick. The shops and markets were 
shut up, the streets were deserted, and the city 
looked like a place forsaken by its inhabitants. 
People said that they had never before seen or 
heard of such a calamity. The stench and sick- 
ness commenced at Patna and Ilahabad, from 
whence it proceeded to Acberabad and Dehli, and 
continued spreading over Paniput and Serhend, 
until it extended to Lahore, where it stopped. 
Though many were affected by the sickness, the 
deaths were not on the whole numerous. 


This strange event was followed by one more 
strange. The winter proved so severe this year in 
Shah Jehan-abad, and Old Dehli and its envi- 
rons, that the water froze in vessels of copper, 
which burst from the pressure of the ice. Run- 
ning water, and even the river was frozen. This 
happened for three nights together in the month ^ h^^J 143. 
of Rejeb, of the year 1143; snow also fell in Januaiy. 

•^ . A.D.1731. 

several places on the plain. 

On Tuesday, being the fifth of Rejeb, of the s Rejeb, 
year 1145 of the Hegira, the emperor Mahomed- 10 December, 

A D 1732 

shah quitted the citadel of Shah-jehan-abad, 
with his vezir Kamer-ed-din-khan, Khan Dowran, 
and his whole court, and marched to Eizabad, 
Berhot, and Soanput, where he encamped, spend- 
ing a whole month in the pleasures of hunting. 
Returning from thence, he alighted at the garden 
called Tal-Katora, where he amused himself with 
the beauty of the place ; from thence he crossed 
the river Jumna, at the palace of Ferah-bakhsh, 
where he stayed twelve days. There, hearing 
that the Mahrattas had made an incursion as far 
as Acberabad, he resolved to march and to chastise 
those freebooters, and advancing two stages more, 
as far as the little river of Hinden, he encamped 
at the palace of Bhat-kehl, where he stopt scA^en 
or eight days. The freebooters having dispersed 
and quitted those parts on the report of his ap- 

AD. 1734. 


proach, the emperor returned by Talputt to Ferid- 
shevai, abad, and on the month of Sheval alighted at his 

A. H. 1146. .... 

March, palace in Dehli. This hunting party seemed to 

be only a prelude to something more serious, for 
16 Ramazan, ou Suudav the sixteenth of Ramazan, in the year 
7 March, 1146 of the Hegira, about three hours and a half 
after sunrise, MuzafFer-khan, brother of Khan 
Dowran, received orders to march and chastise 
the Mahrattas. He was invested with a robe of 
honour, and marched at once out of the city, and 
encamped at the garden of Jivandas. The Mah- 
rattas, after having completed the conquests of 
Guzerat and Malwa, had continued to extend 
their ravages and incursions, to which they had 
been encouraged by receiving contributions, in 
order to purchase their forbearance, wherever they 
appeared ; so that as soon as they saw that no 
measures were taken to oppose their movements, 
they recommenced operations the next year. At 
length they assumed the absolute dominion of 
those districts which formerly only paid tribute. 
By these encroachments the frontier of the em- 
peror retrograded as their's advanced, till by the 
most shameful neglect and supineness of the 
emperor, they occupied the territories as far as 
Gualior, and approached to the vicinity of Acber- 
abad. Elated with these successes, they talked 
of nothing but of new conquests, in which they 


were encouraged hitherto chiefly by Nizam-ul- 

Khan Dowran, who was too wise not to per- 
ceive the consequences of such encroachments, 
but who declined to march himself against them, 
now sent his brother Muzaffer-khan to put a stop 
to them. Muzafler-khan, who was a man of 
consummate vanity, was dismissed to the war 
with great distinction, being placed at the head 
of the household-troops, and was also accom- 
panied by several generals, who, to the number . 
of two-and-twenty, were commanded to attend 
him, the whole forming a superb army. The 
Mahratta freebooters accustomed to wage war 
only by skirmishes, without coming to a general 
engagement, did not attempt to stand, but re- 
treated before the imperialists as far as Seronj, 
where Muzaffer-khan halted. On this the Mah- 
rattas surrounded his camp, and by continual 
skirmishes so streightened his resources, that 
provisions became scarce in his army. In this 
situation he contented himself with preserving 
his person in safety, and waiting for orders from 
his brother and from the emperor. He was at 
length directed to return, and deemed himself 
fortunate in bringing his army back entire. He 
reached the capital on Tuesday the thirteenth of a.h. n47?' 
Muharrem, in the year U47. On the occasion a*d.""734. 


of paying his obeisance to the presence, he was 
presented with a plate full of jewels and gems, 
after which he repaired to his own palace, which 
was after all the principal object of his desires. 
Alms were now distributed by him, congratu- 
latory offerings made by his friends, and nazers 
offered by his favorites and flatterers, as thanks- 
givings to Providence for extricating so illustrious 
a commander from the manifold dangers of that 
mighty expedition. All with one voice extolled 
the amazing abilities, and the astonishing conduct 
he had displayed in that momentous campaign, 
and they felicitated him and themselves on his 
safe return, an event beyond their most sanguine 
hopes. People who knew the man, and were 
unconnected with him, did not fail to speak of 
him with contempt. 

In this year also the prince Ali-tebar, son of 

6 Muharrem, Aazcm-shah, died, on the sixth of Muharrem, and 
28 May, ^^ ^^^ buricd close to his mother, Kirpapury, in 

A.D. 1734. ^i^g mausoleum she had built for herself. 

24rJumades- On the twcuty-fourth of the month of Jumad- 


A.H. 1147. es-sani, in the same year, the vezir Kamer-ed-din- 
A.D.^m'^' khan and Khan Dowran were appointed to chas- 
tise the Mahrattas. Both these heroes, like Mu- 
zaffer-khan, after having sought the Mahrattas for 
a long time, returned togethei* to the city. On 
their return to the capital, the accursed free- 


booters attacked and plundered the town of San- 
behr, which is only a hundred coss distant from 
Shah-jehan-abad. The governor of that place, by 
name Fakhr-ed-din, in order to save the town from 
plunder, agreed to give up four elephants and three 
lacs of rupees, with some other effects, an engage- 
ment which he punctually performed on his part, 
but the freebooters, after having been paid, 
seized his person, and plundered him so effectually, 
that he was left with no other property in the 
world than the clothes on his back. The kazi, or 
chief-justice of the place, with other silly people, 
as a point of honour, murdered their whole fami- 
lies, and then taking arms, defended themselves to 
the last, and it cannot be denied but that they 
behaved valiantly and died bravely. After such 
calamities in other parts of the empire, the ele- 
ments seemed to conspire against the inhabitants 
of the capital. On the eighteenth of the month is ReW-us- 
Rebi-us-sani of the year 1148, in the evening of A.H^Ti48. 
Wednesday, a rain commenced that continued for ^ a^d.^ wss'^' 
thirty hours together, with so much violence, that 
many of the houses in Dehli fell down ; and the 
little stream at the Serai of Roshenara rose to 
such a height, that the water in several houses 
was of the depth of a man ; and news came that 
the city of Acberabad had likewise experienced 
the same calamity at the same time. 


Whilst the empire suffered under the convulsions 
we have mentioned, Ajazu, a zemindar of the dis- 
trict of Cora, availed himself of the circumstance to 
revolt against the governor of that district, and 
having killed him, plundered his effects, and took 
possession of his family. This governor was no less 
a person than Jan-nisar-khan, brother of the vezir 
Kamer-ed-din-khan. The latter, incensed at this 
atrocity, deputed his kinsman Azim-ullah-khan 
to attack the zemindar, and to rescue his brother's 
family. But Ajazu, who knew how far he had 
become obnoxious, quitted his usual residence, and 
retired to a part of his country which he knew to 
be difficult of access. This retreat having satisfied 
Azim-ullah-khan, he concluded that his commis- 
sion was at an end, and he consequently made 
only a short stay in the country, where he left 
Kazem-beg-khan Turany, with some other com- 
manders, whilst he himself repaired to the capital. 
No sooner did Ajazu hear of his departure, than 
yielding to the violence of his temper, and quitting 
his strongholds, he suddenly fell upon Kazem- 
beg-khan and his troops, the whole of which he 
put to the sword. Kamer-ed-din-khan, on gain- 
ing this intelligence was confounded, and being 
himself deficient in personal courage, applied to 
Saadet-khan, governor of Oude, whom he en- 
treated, if he had any regard for the Mogul name. 


or any zeal for the Mussulman religion, to march 
and chastise that turbulent Hindu. Saadet-khan, 
who was a man of great courage and a zealous 
supporter of the faith, no sooner received the letter 
than he resolved to undertake the expedition. He 
was on his journey to the capital on business, when 
receiving Kamer-ed-din-khan's letter, he quitted 
the high*road, and struck off to the right, with the 
intention of chastising the zemindar. The latter 
attempted to amuse this general also with fair 
words, but finding that he was not to be deceived, 
he resolved to stand his ground and fight, and only 
waited for the enemy's arrival to commence the 
attack. The governor of Oude, fatigued with his 
day's journey, was just retiring to his tent to take 
some repose, when Ajazu's spies, who were at 
hand, informed their master of the circumstance. 
They described him as a tall, robust man, dressed 
in green, with a flowing white beard. 

The zemindar, who had just waited for such an 
opportunity, moving directly from out of his am- 
buscade, presented himself in camp at the head of 
his troops. At sight of this, Saadet-khan mounted 
his elephant, and exerted himself in marshalling 
his troops. Having taken off his dusty clothes, 
he had put on a white linen dress, and the foremost 
of his commanders, who advanced to engage, was 
Abu-turab-khan Turany, one of his best officers. 

VOL. I. 2 b 


He was that day dressed in green, and was re- 
markable for having a long, flowing, white beard, 
as well as the governor. Ajazu perceiving that 
officer upon an elephant, took him for Saadet- 
khan, and with a number of desperadoes who fol- 
lowed him, he charged him at full gallop. He 
soon closed with the elephant, when, brandishing 
his spear, he gave the old officer such a violent 
blow, as pierced him through and through, the 
spear coming out at his back and burying itself in 
the back-board of the howdah. Saadet-khan's 
foremost troops were intimidated by the execution 
done by that select body, and began to waver, when 
Saadet-khan himself, with a chosen band, arrived 
to their assistance. 

After having discharged a shower of arrows, he 
closed at once with Ajazu, and engaged him sword 
in hand. At this moment a Hindu officer, called 
Durjan-sing, a relation of the zemindar's, but who 
was in Saadet-khan's service, recognized and 
pointed him out to his master, who, now spurring 
his horse, engaged him with reproaches mixed 
with blows. Ajazu having received two wounds, 
one from Durjan-sing and another by an arrow 
from Saadet-khan, fell from his horse, and was 
trodden to death by the cavalry. The victorious 
general took possession of the enemy's camp, and 
ordered the zemindar's head to be sent to the 


emperor, and his skin to be stuffed with straw, in 
order to be presented to the vezir; after which, 
leaving Abd-ul-mansur-khan, his nephew and son- 
in-law, with the greatest part of his troops, in 
charge of the country, he prosecuted his march to 
the capital, and on the seventh of Reieb in the ^Rcjeb, 

^ ' -^ A. H. 1146. 

same year paid his respects to the emperor, to is December, 
whom he presented a nazer of one thousand and 
nine eshrefies, with a curious poignard and sabre. 
The emperor, in return, honoured him with a 
rich robe, to which he added another poignard and 
a sabre enriched with jewels, a horse, and an 
elephant. Two months after, he was again sum- 
moned to the field, by letters from Abd-ul-mansur- 
khan, who wrote that the Mahrattas, whom Ajazu 
had invited to his assistance, were at hand. 

On the sixth of Zilcad, in the same year, Yad- 6 zucad, 

A H 1 14ft 

gar-khan Kashmiry, a friend of Khan Dowran, a lo April, 
shrewd, well-spoken man, was deputed to Raja • - ' - 
Jye-sing Sevai, and to Bajy Rao, the Mahratta 
general. He was charged with a patent from the 
king, granting to Bajy Rao the two provinces of 
Malwa and Guzerat, which he already held by the 
tenure of the sword. In making this formal ces- 
sion, however, it was stipulated that Bajy Rao 
should enter the imperial service, in which nego- 
ciation Raja Jye-sing was expected to act as me- 
diator. In the same year, on the fourteenth of 

2 B 2 


u ziihai, Zilhai, at about three hours before midnight, Zafer- 

A.H. 1148. o ' 

19 May, khan departed this life. He was a nobleman who 
had acquired a character for many valuable quali- 
ties, but especially for his munificent and benevo- 
lent disposition. He had contracted an intimacy 
with Shah Reza, a dervish, whom he made the 
keeper of his conscience; he was in truth his spi- 
ritual guide, Zafer-khan submitting to his direc- 
tions in every thing. 

We shall now treat of the eastern part of the em- 
pire, which, after having long been lost in obscurity 
to the historian, now became the theatre of those 
important events, which paved the way for its con- 
quest by strangers, who have so rapidly extended 
their dominion as to reach the neighbourhood of 
the capital of Hindustan. 

I am not informed what governor succeeded 
Nusret-yar-khan in the government of Patna ; I 
only know that, in the year 1 140, Fakhr-ed-doulah, 
a brother of Zafer-khan, having obtained the govern- 
ment of that province, remained in it five years ; 
but, as he could neither read nor write, and was 
wrong-headed, his actions evinced the grossest 
ignorance. He was proud and prone to anger, 
and at the same time so imprudent, that for a small 
matter he quarrelled with Sheikh Abdullah, a 
person of consequence in those parts, who con- 
ducted all the public business in the province. 


This sheikh had been for a length of time employed 
by every successive governor, either as his deputy, 
or as a controller-general of the revenue, and he 
had in consequence connections with almost all 
the zemindars. He w^as greatly respected by 
them, and had acquired the good-will of the troops 
as well as of every individual in the country. 
Fakhr-ed-doulah, actuated by a feeling of petty 
jealousy, intrigued against him, and made his situ- 
ation so uneasy, that the latter thought it expedient 
to quit his house at Patna, and to repair to the 
other side of the Ganges, where he had built a 
mud fort near the town of Sevan, having there 
bought up several villages with a quantity of land. 
The governor, dissatisfied with this conduct, crossed 
the river and besieged him in the mud fort, and 
wanted not only to obtain possession of it but also 
to seize his person. Sheikh Abdullah, reduced to 
extremities, applied to Saadet-khan, governor of 
Oude, his next neighbour, to whom he explained 
his situation ; and, on his being invited to proceed 
to Oude, he sallied out from the fort, and bravely 
forcing his passage through Fakhr-ed-doulah's 
camp, effected his retreat. Sheikh Abdullah, hav- 
ing arrived at Saadet-khan's court, was received 
with distinction. The hostile governor, having 
thus missed his prey, returned to his capital, 
where he some time after became involved in 


another quarrel with one Khwaja Mutaassem. 
This dervish was no less a person than the brother 
of Khan Dowran, who, under the garb of religion, 
had retired from public business, and lived at 
Patna in all the splendour of a nobleman of the 
first rank. Disgusted with the imperious behaviour 
of the governor, he quitted Patna, and repaired to 
the capital ; when the minister, who had already 
heard of his conduct, procured Fakhr-ed-doulah's 
dismissal, and having annexed the government of 
Patna to that of Bengal, he sent a patent to that 
effect to Shujah-khan, who on the demise of Jafer- 
khan, his father-in-law, had succeeded him in the 

Shujah-khan, now created Shujah-ed-doulah, 
the subahdar or viceroy of Bengal, was a native of 
the Deckan, and was by origin an Afshar, one of 
the Turk tribes of Khorassan. He was one of the 
principal men of Boorhanpoor, and having con- 
tracted an alliance with Jaafer-khan of the same 
city, by marrying his favourite daughter Zinet-en- 
nissa Begum, he lived in that nobleman's family. 
In Aurengzib's reign the latter became divan of 
Bengal, and in process of time obtained the niza- 
mut, or military government, of the same province. 
By means of this alliance, every preferment obtain- 
ed by Jafer-khan proved an accession of importance 
to the son-in-law ; and the father-in-law, uniting in 


his person the distinct offices of divan and nazim 
of the two governments of Bengal and Orissa, 
procured the subahdary or viceroyalty of the latter 
province for Shujah-khan. The latter shortly after 
went and established his residence in Orissa, not 
only to inspect personally the affairs of his govern- 
ment, but also because there had lately arisen 
some misunderstanding between these noble per- 
sons, so that they could no longer live together in 
terms of amity. Shujah-khan was a man of even 
temper and a lover of justice, and bore a character 
for many valuable qualities, which acquired him 
the esteem and respect of all the world. Jaafer- 
khan was the very reverse, and was universally 
disliked. One subject of their dissension was the 
aversion of his wife Zinet-en-nissa Begum, daughter 
of Jaafer-khan and mother of Ser-efraz-khan, to her 
husband Shujah-khan. The latter, who was of a 
virtuous disposition and a pattern of chastity, was 
offended with her husband, not only on account of 
his being on bad terms with her father, but more 
especially on account of his excessive fondness for 
other women. At length she separated from him, 
and taking her son with her, took up her residence 
in Moorshedabad, a city founded by her father, 
and named after him when he was simply Moor- 
shid-kuly-khan. Here this noble lady lived in 
great splendour; and she would probably have 


continued to enjoy tranquillity, had not fate thrown 
in her way a man predestined to overturn her 
family, and to change the whole face of affairs in 
those countries. There appeared at this time at 
court a person called Mirza Mahomed, the husband 
of a lady who, being herself of the Afshar tribe, 
was allied to Shujah-khan. Mirza Mahomed had 
two sons, the elder named Haji Ahmed, and the 
younger Mirza Mahomed Ali, afterwards better 
known by the name of Alia Verdi-khan, and bear- 
ing the title of Mehabet-jung. Mirza Mahomed had 
been in the service of the late Mahomed Aazem- 
shah ; but on the death of his sovereign was re- 
duced to the utmost distress, being obliged to 
support a numerous and indigent family. In this 
extremity Mirza Mahomed Ali, son of Mirza Ma- 
homed, adopted the expedient of sending his 
mother and father to the court of Shujah-khan, in 
the beginning of Mahomed-shah's reign. That 
governor, happy to oblige a relation, conferred se- 
veral favours on Mirza Mahomed, took him into 
service, and shewed him so much kindness, that 
Mirza Mahomed Ali, the son, resolved to repair 
likewise to the court of Orissa, a measure which 
he effected with much difficulty, on account of his 
being destitute of the means of accomplishing so 
long a journey. He at last arrived at the court of 
Orissa, and in the end proved to be a man of 


genius, and capable of conducting the most im- 
portant affairs, added to which he possessed intrepid 
courage. In a short time he acquired so great a 
character that Shujah-khan congratulated himself 
on the acquisition of so valuable a dependant, and 
looked on his arrival as an event which prognosti- 
cated the elevation of his protector's family. Mirza 
Mahomed Ali rose in favour and in credit from day 
to day, and was promoted to the highest offices ; 
till at length he sent for his brother Haji Ahmed, 
with the whole family, which then lived at Shah- 
jehan-abad. Having now assembled most of his 
relations, Haji Ahmed travelled into Bengal, from 
whence he repaired to the court of Orissa, where 
being arrived he was taken into favour and pro- 
moted to office. 

Both brothers were, indeed, men of abilities, 
close application, and so capable of surmounting 
the greatest difficulties, that they strengthened by 
their very character Shujah-khan's government, 
and laid the foundation of that elevation to which 
it subsequently rose. New arrangements were in- 
troduced by them into the department of finances, 
and the revenues were greatly augmented by their 
application and industry; but Mirza Mahomed 
Ali, who to the civil talents of his brother united 
a brilliant character as a soldier, and had always 
displayed more genius than either his father or 


brother, began to eclipse his relations, as well as 
all the persons in Shujah-khan's service, in so 
much that he became in time exposed to the 
shafts of envy. This envy \\^as more excited 
when his protector Shujah-khan obtained for him 
a grade of honour, with the title of Mahomed 
Alia Verdi-khan. 

All this time Jaafer-khan continued offended 
with his son-in-law, and as his life was drawing to 
an end, he conceived the project of procuring the 
Nizamet of Bengal for his grandson Ser-efraz- 
khan, the son of Shujah-khan by his daughter 
Zinet-en-nissa. This young nobleman already 
filled the office of divan of the province. Fully 
bent on this design, he wrote to his friends at 
court, and spared neither pains nor expense to 
obtain an object, that had now become the fondest 
desire of his heart, and by the fulfilment of which 
he would be succeeded by his grandson in both 
those offices. This circumstance having come to 
the knowledge of Shujah-khan, he consulted both 
Alia Verdi-khan and Haji Ahmed, who recom- 
mended that one or two persons of talent and 
eloquence should be immediately deputed to court 
with applications, both to the emperor, to the 
vezir, and to the prime-minister Khan-Dowran, 
soliciting the patents of divan and nazim of both 
the provinces of Bengal and Orissa, for Shujah- 


khan. The deputies were enjoined to make the 
utmost despatch. Besides this mission, other per- 
sons of the military class were sent under various 
pretences, after having been dismissed from 
Shujah-khan's service, by different roads to Moor- 
shedabad, with orders to hold themselves in readi- 
ness in the neighbourhood of Jaafer-khan^s palace, 
to execute any orders they might receive. The 
rainy season being near, and as it was foreseen 
that the inundation in Cuttack would necessarily 
delay all communication between that place and 
Moorshedabad, a number of boats were provided, 
and boatmen were assembled and kept in pay, to 
the end that, on the very first intelligence of Jaafer- 
khan's demise, Shujah-khan might instantly pro- 
ceed to Moorshedabad. A secret post was also 
established betwixt Cuttack and Dehli, not only 
for the sake of receiving, as soon as possible, the 
desired patents, but also for supplying daily intel- 
ligence, both from the capital and Moorshedabad. 
At last a letter came, informing Shujah-khan that 
Jaafer-khan had hardly five or six days to live. 
On this he instantly set out from Cuttack, taking 
with him Alia Verdi-khan, and such number of 
adherents as he thought sufficient, and proceeded 
hastily to Moorshedabad, sometimes by water, 
and sometimes by land, just as opportunity served. 
Shujah-khan had a son by another wife, named 


Mahomed Taky-khan, whom he now appointed 
his deputy at Cuttack. Whilst proceeding with 
so much expedition, certain intelligence was re- 
ceived of Jaafer-khan's death, a few days after 
which, while yet upon his journey, he received 
the patent for which he had applied to court. He 
now proceeded with the expedition of a courier, 
and arrived in a few days at Moorshedabad, when 
he repaired directly to the Chehel-sitoon, a hall 
erected by Jaafer-khan, on forty pillars, and used 
only on public occasions. He instantly sent for 
the vakaa-neviss, or official news-writer, and the 
sevaneh-neviss, or crown-intelligencer, with some 
other officers of the government, as also for some 
of the principal men of the city, and producing 
his commissions, caused them to be read aloud by 
those two officers ; and thus having proclaimed 
himself the lawful subahdar, or governor, of the 
two provinces, he took possession of the mesned, 
sat in it, and ordered the public band of music to 
strike up, after which he received offerings and 
congratulations from every one present. It is sin- 
gular that his son, Ser-efraz-khan, who was 
residing at a country-seat about two miles from 
the city, in the fullest confidence that he should 
be recognized as the undoubted heir of his grand- 
father Jaafer-khan, knew nothing of what had 
passed in the city. The first hint he obtained 


was from the sound of the public bands of music. 
Confounded and astonished at the intelligence that 
was now brought him, he consulted his friends 
what ought to be done. Most of them were of 
opinion, that as his father had received his com- 
mission from court, and had taken possession of 
his office, and secured the palace and the city, as 
well as the treasury, there remained no alternative 
but quiet submission. The young man accord- 
ingly having left his princely retinue behind, and 
taking with him only a few servants, came and 
threw himself at his father's feet, and presented 
his offering of congratulation. Shujah-khan now 
turned his mind towards putting into order the 
affairs of his government. Alia Verdi-khan be- 
came his prime-minister, but he availed himself 
also of the talents of Haji-Amed, and Ray-Aalem- 
chand, his former divan, who was certainly a 
Hindu of great merit, and deserved all the con- 
fidence reposed in him. He also called to his 
councils several other persons, among whom was 
Jagat-set Fateh-chand, a banker, whose wealth 
amounted to millions. So much for the public 

With regard to private disputes between man 
and man, he trusted no one ; but sending for the 
parties, he would listen patiently and leisurely to 
the story of each, and with much judgment drew 


his conclusion, and pronouncing the decree, caused 
it to be executed with punctuality. His equity 
was no less conspicuous towards the zemindars 
and other landholders of Bengal. These persons, 
under Jaafer-khan's administration, had been mostly 
kept in confinement, and tormented in such a 
variety of ways, that it would be a pity to spend 
paper and ink in describing them. Shujah-khan, 
after having firmly established his government, 
released such of the zemindars and other land- 
holders as he found on enquiry free from crime or 
fraud ; as to the others, he ordered them to be all 
brought into his presence, and to form a circle 
round his person : this being done, he asked them, 
how they would behave in future, should he release 
them. These poor people, who had been for years 
languishing in dungeons, surprised at this address , 
burst forth into encomiums on his goodness, and 
after supplicating heaven to grant him a long and 
prosperous government, promised that hencefor- 
ward they would pay the revenue with punctuality, 
and would prove obedient and dutiful servants. 
Engagements in their own hand-writing, authenti- 
cated by the proper formalities, being taken from 
them, they confirmed them by the most solemn 
oaths. Shujah-khan now sent for a number of 
rich dresses for each, according to his respective 
rank and station, so that there was not one in that 


assembly who did not receive a suitable present. 
This ceremony being over they were all released, 
with injunctions to transmit henceforward the re- 
venue through Jagatset. 

In consequence of so just an administration, the 
kindom of Bengal, which is usually called the ter- 
restial paradise, enjoyed so much prosperity as to 
diffuse every where abundance and happiness ana- 
logous to its title. As soon as the zemindars were 
dismissed, Shujah-khan turned his thoughts to- 
wards the distribution of offices and employments. 
He confirmed his eldest son, Ser-efraz-khan, in 
the office of divan of Bengal, and his second son, 
Mahomed Taky-khan, became governor of Orissa. 
The government of Jehangir-nagur (Dacca) he be- 
stowed on his son-in-law Moorshid Kuly-khan. The 
family of his friend and favourite. Alia Verdi-khan, 
were not forgotten ; and as the favourite had three 
nephews, to whom Shujah-khan had given his 
three daughters, they were thus provided for. Seid 
Ahmed-khan, second son of Haji Ahmed, was ap- 
pointed fojdar of Rungpoor; Zein-ed-din Ahmed- 
khan, the youngest, to that of Acber-nagur (Rajma- 
hal) ; and Nevazesh Mahomed-khan, the eldest, 
was invested with the office of bukhshy, or com- 
mander of the forces. These were their especial 
offices, but for the general affairs of his government 
he formed a council consisting of Alia Verdi-khan, 


Haji Ahmed, Ray Rayan, Aalem-chand, and 
Jagat-set Fateh-chand. Matters remained in this 
state in the eastern provinces of the empire until 
Fakhr-ed-doulah being removed from the govern- 
ment of Azimabad Patna, that province was an- 
nexed to the Viceroyalty of Bengal, and the patents 
conferred on Shujah-khan by Khan Dowran. On 
being invested with the new government, Shujah- 
khan hesitated whom he should appoint his deputy. 
Several persons were proposed to him by his coun- 
cil, to all of whom he objected. His own wish 
prompted him to send one of his two sons : Zinet- 
en-nissa, his wife, however, would not consent to 
part with her son Ser-efraz-khan, while on the 
other hand, she objected to the nomination of her 
step-son, Mahomed Taky-khan, whom she viewed 
as a stranger, and with jealousy ; so that as she 
would consent to neither, her husband at last 
gave up his intentions. He considered Behar as 
a country that required a vigilant superintendence. 
It bordered on Oude, Ilahabad, and on Berar, one 
of the dependencies of Aurengabad; with the 
governors of these countries it became necessary 
to keep up a correspondence; and he considered 
that such a post could not be more properly filled 
than by Alia Verdi-khan. On his proposing him 
to his council, the choice was unanimously ap- 
proved. The appointment being made public> 


Shujah-khan resolved to procure for Alia Verdi- 
khan new titles and honours from court. In ad- 
dition to his military grade, he wished to raise 
him to the command of five thousand horse, and 
to procure for him the titles of Bahadur and Ma- 
habah-jung, for which honours he applied through 
his agents to the emperor and Khan Dowran. Zi- 
net-en-nissa being informed of the new appoint- 
ment, expressed her approbation ; she sent, there- 
fore, for Alia Verdi-khan to the door of her apart- 
ment, and having ordered a rich dress to be put 
upon his shoulders, she appointed him to the go- 
vernment of Behar, as from herself.* It was only- 
after this investiture, that Shujah-khan himself sent 
for him, and presented him on his part with the 
robes of the niabet, or deputy of Azimabad Patna, 
to which he joined the commission, and gave him 
an elephant, a sabre, and a set of jewels. A mili- 
tary force was also appointed to serve under him ; 
after which he was dismissed, with injunctions 
to bring the province under proper subjection. I 
ought to remark that a few days before this ele- 
vation, a grandson was born to Alia Verdi-khan 
by his youngest daughter, the wife of his youngest 
nephew Zein-ed-din Ahmed-khan, and as he had 

* Zinet-en-nissa seems to have insisted on her husband 
recognising her as the heiress to the government, and con- 
sidered him rather as the viceroy- consort than viceroy in his 
own right. 

VOL. I. ,2c 


no son of his own, the child was called Mirza 
Mahomed, after himself. He adopted him as his 
own son, and had him educated in his own house. 
Alia Verdi-khan, on his departure for Patna, ob,- 
tained leave to take with him two of his sons-in- 
law, as well as several of his relations ; and after 
a prosperous journey, he made his entry into that 
city, where having resided a whole year, he re- 
turned to Moorshedabad to pay his respects to the 
viceroy. He was received with every mark of 
distinction and favour, and sent back to his go- 
vernment ; and shortly after received the confir- 
mation of all the dignities and honours from Dehli, 
that had been proposed for him by his protector, 
which contributed not a little to raise him in the 
estimation of the people. He now enlisted in his 
service as many military chiefs of character as 
were out of employ in the neighbouring provinces, 
and by these means he soon found himself at the 
head of a well-appointed army ; and being intent 
on confirming his power, and preparing himself 
for higher achievements, he was prompt in chas- 
tising such of his dependants as attempted to 
depart from the path of duty. Among other chiefs 
in his service was one Abd-ul-kerim-khan, an 
Afghan Rohilla, who commanded fifteen hundred of 
his countrymen, and who had such an opinion of 
his own importance as to undervalue others, and 


in reality he had some title for vanity. Alia 
Verdi-khan, who had employed him on many 
trying occasions, was well satisfied with his ser- 
vices ; but as he presumed upon them, he felt it 
requisite to reduce him to more subordination. 
Alia Verdi-khan, reflecting that to tolerate him 
any longer would only add to his presumption, 
and incite others to insolence, conceived it dan- 
gerous to defer the punishment of a headstrong 
man, who seemed ready to go into revolt. The 
day then being fixed for the purpose. Alia Verdi- 
khan ordered a number of trusty men to be in 
readiness in the hall of audience, and to fall upon 
Abd-ul-kerim-khan with their sabres, in case the 
Afghan should presume to be insolent, in answer 
to a reproof which he intended to give him. Ac- 
cordingly on the next day, Abd-ul-kerim-khan 
presented himself at the durbar with ten of his 
followers, armed ; but as he had always at the gate 
two hundred of his men ready to support him, and 
himself being a man of great personal strength, 
it was not an easy matter to find people to over- 
power him. Three men, however, having been 
selected, were ordered to attend, and to attack 
him, and he fell under their sabres the same 
morning. The other mutinous soldiery in his army 
now began to tremble ; and many of the zemin- 
dars, who had hitherto proved refractory, owing 

2 c 2 


to the weakness of the former administration, were 
attacked and severely chastised ; some were de- 
stroyed, and others that were guilty, but who had 
evinced contrition, were pardoned, and taken into 
favour, and they afterwards attached themselves 
to Alia Verdi-khan's person. By such vigorous 
measures he secured Shujah-khan's goodwill and 
esteem, and strengthened his own power. 

But before we enter farther into the history of 
Alia Verdi-khan, it is proper we should refer to 
some events that now happened in the capital of 
the empire or in its environs ; after which we shall 
resume our account of the affairs of Bengal. 

We have already mentioned that Yad-ghar-khan 
of Cashmir had been sent from court to the Mah- 
ratta camp, to open a negociation with Bajy Rao, 
through the mediation of Raja Jye-sing Sevai, and 
that these two persons had been entrusted with 
the patent of the government of the provinces of 
Malwa and Guzerat for the Mahratta general. 
This extraordinary measure did not produce the 
desired effect ; for it was so far from extinguishing 
the ambition of the Mahrattas, that it seemed to 
add to their presumption, and to encourage them 
to make new encroachments. It was now resolved, 
7 ziicad. therefore, to have recourse to coercion. On the 

A.H. 1149. , ,. , /> rr- /. 

24 February sevcuth of the mouth of Zilcad of the year 11 49 of 
the Hegira, about six hours after sunrise. Khan 

A.D. 1737 

A.H. 1 149. 

16 March, 


Dowran left the court on an expedition for that 
purpose. In taking leave, he was honoured with a 
belt from the emperor's own hand, after which he 
marched out of the city, and encamped at Talpat, 
distant nine coss from Dehli. On the twentieth 2oziicad, 
of the same month, the vezir Kamer-ed-din-khan 
was also honoured with a belt, and departed on 
the same expedition, and encamped at Cheharbag. 
On that same day Khan Dowran marched at the 
head of his own division, and of the several bodies 
of cavalry that had been put under his command, 
to the number of about forty thousand horse ; he 
was accompanied also by a great train of artillery, 
and encamped in the territory of Acberabad. 
There he was joined by several eminent rajas with 
their troops ; and his force at last became so 
numerous that it covered the whole plain. Every 
one now expected that Khan Dowran would advance 
directly upon the enemy; but he contented himself 
with loitering away his time at about forty coss from 
the capital. Nor did the vezir Kamer-ed-din-khan 
display more promptitude. This minister had set 
out at the head of his division, composed of a nu- 
merous body of Moguls andHindoostanies, attached 
to his person and in his own pay ; to these were 
united the division of Turany Moguls, the house- 
hold troops of the emperor, held in such high 
estimation that the whole province of Serhind had 


been assigned to them for their pay. With such 
an army he marched towards Ajmere, with the pro- 
fessed intention of annihilating the Mahrattas. He 
had with him every necessary for a campaign, and 
was accompanied by many volunteers, who only 
waited for opportunities to signalize themselves 
and to acquire promotion. The magnificence of 
his cavalcade is hardly to be described ; but, after 
marching a short distance towards the frontiers of 
Ajmere, he halted, under the plea of waiting for 
the Mahrattas; at least such was the impression 
throughout his camp. He was shortly after joined 
by Mahomed-khan Bangash, who having quitted 
Ferokh-abad, came with a considerable body of 
troops, and waited also the arrival of the Mahrattas. 
But not one of these illustrious warriors had the 
resolution to advance on those freebooters. Khan 
Dowran, without moving from the position he had 
taken up, was perpetually contriving plans for the 
campaign, the purport of which he communicated 
to Raja Jye-sing; and the latter, after having added 
his own obsen^ations, transmitted them to the vezir. 
As to Raja Abi-sing Rah tore, instead of repairing 
to the camp, as he had been required to do, he 
retired to his capital, where he abandoned himself 
to intoxication, which he maintained by the use of 
opium. He slept the whole day, and spent the 
night in asking what was to be done ; but when- 


ever he was sent for by Khan Dowran, he excused 
himself by alleging the necessity of defending his 
own hereditary dominions, and by making other 
futile pretences. The vezir Kamer-ed-din-khan, 
whether out of regard for himself or intent on the 
preservation of his army, spent his time in consul- 
tations with the Turany officers, his countrymen ; 
but he kept his eyes fixed on the succours which 
he expected from Nizam-ul-mulk. The latter, who 
had quitted the court in disgust, paid but little 
attention to the troubles in Hindoostan ; but rather 
wished to see the present ministers humbled to 
the dust. The emperor entertained strong sus- 
picions against Nizam-ul-mulk, and was at all 
events too much in the trammels of Khan Dowran, 
to make an application to him ; he had formed a 
bad opinion of all the Turany nobles of his court, 
and he made a point of abstaining from all consul- 
tation with them. Whole days and nights thus 
passed away, but no decisive measure was taken ; 
indeed, no principle of activity existed among 
those impotent nobles, and most of the junior 
officers, who swarmed in the capital as well as in 
camp, were men totally devoid of capacity and 
energy. As to those few who were capable of 
thinking, they did not dare to offer any advice 
that might clash with Khan Dowran's opinion; 
and the emperor himself, over whose mind he 


exercised unbounded influence, was unwilling 
to listen to any proposal that might give him 
umbrage. The emperor used to write both to 
Khan Dowran and to Kamer-ed-din-khan whatever 
came into his head, and they did not fail to ex- 
cuse themselves for not meeting his wishes by 
some feeble excuse. Letters were perpetually 
passing and repassing between them, till at length 
it came to be the general wish, that some com- 
promise should be made with the Mahrattas. 

Things were in this state, when, by one of those 
dispensations of providence which man cannot 
foresee, news came that the enemy had been de- 
feated by Saadet-khan. This event was the more 
unexpected, as Saadet-khan had no other govern- 
ment than that of Oude, and no other office or 
command than that of the household infantry. In 
point of troops and money he was inferior to most 
of the nobles of the empire ; and as his government 
was to the north of the Ganges, he had naturally 
no concern with an enemy on the south of that 
river, and still less with the Mahrattas ; but being 
a man of great personal courage, and jealous of the 
glory of his country, he was shocked to perceive 
the pusillanimity of the ministers ; and fired with 
indiofnation at the continued encroachments of the 
Mahrattas, he resolved to avenge the honour of 
the crown, and he ventured to take that task upon 


himself. Full of these high feelings, he reviewed 
his troops, augmented their numbers, furnished 
them with ammunition a*id provisions, and with a 
small train of artillery he quitted Oude, his capi- 
tal, taking with him his nephew and son-in-law, 
Abd-ul-mansur-khan. He crossed the Ganges, 
and was about to cross the Jumna, when he learned 
that the raja of Bedaoon was besieged in his for- 
tress by an army of Mahrattjis. He applied to 
Saadet-khan for assistance, who answered him 
with these few words : ** Be not dismayed, do 
not give them one farthing ; for I will be with you 
instantly." In the mean time the rajas of Bun- 
delcund had united their force with the Mahrattas, 
and were employed to guard the fords of the Jumna, 
the passage of which was now become difficult ; 
and the raja of Bedaoon sustained a defeat, and 
was reduced to the last extremity. Consequent 
on this, Mulhar Rao Holcar, who was one of the 
greatest generals of Bajy Rao's army, having crossed 
the Jumna, turned Saadet-khan's rear without his 
knowledge, and falling upon the province of Etawa, 
actually burned and sacked every thing from the 
gates of that city to the palace of Moty-bagh, close 
to Acberabad, marking his track with slaughter, 
desolation, and ashes. From thence he marched 
towards the towns of Saadabad and Jelair. At 
this moment, Saadet-khan, on the twenty-second 


22Ziicad, of Zilcad, of the year 1149, suddenly appeared in 
11 March, the rear of Mulhar Rao Holcar's troops. He fell 
* on them like a storm that-carries destruction in its 
track ; finding the freebooters dispersed, he as- 
saulted them so vigorously, that he never ceased 
the slaughter until he chased them beyond Etimad- 
poor, four coss distant from the field of battle. 
Heaps of dead were every where to be seen, and 
for eight miles together the road was strewed with 
carcasses of the slain. Three generals of note were 
taken prisoners, and Mulhar Rao himself, being 
severely wounded, made his escape with difficulty. 
The main body of the fugitives, having thrown 
away their booty, fled towards the Jumna, and in 
their consternation, mistaking one place for another, 
they plunged into a part of the river that had no 
ford and perished. Mulhar Rao, with a few that 
kept pace with him, found his way with infinite 
difficulty to Bajy Rao, who was then encamped at 
Kotal, a small town inhabited by Seids, close to 
Gualior. Saadet-khan pursued the flying enemy 
at the rate of twenty miles a day, until he reached 
the town of Dholpoor-bary, situated eighteen coss 
distant from Acberabad, on the north bank of the 
river Chunbul. Here he learned that Bajy Rao 
was encamped with the main army, and he in- 
tended to attack him next day; but the enemy 
had decamped. Finding he would have to en- 


counter severe marching, he made preparations ac- 
cordingly. He directed that every trooper should 
hold himself ready to march with four days' provi- 
sions and water, and threatened, that if any one 
should be found in his tent after the hour of depar- 
ture, his horse would be hamstrung, and himself 
carried in derision round the camp. Meanwhile 
he caused a number of ox-hides and other 
leathern vessels to be filled with water, and 
a quantity of cakes to be baked, in order that 
the troops might not want supplies in the intended 
pursuit. Some light artillery were placed upon 
elephants, and a quantity of wall-pieces and swivels 
upon camels. Having distributed his water and 
provisions upon mules, camels, and other beasts of 
burthen, he resolved to pursue the enemy beyond 
the Chunbul, and promised his soldiers that he 
would be the first man to throw himself into the 
stream to cross that river. In the midst of these 
preparations, letters came from Khan Dowran. 
That minister having heard of Saadet-khan's suc- 
cess, and stung to the quick by that event, he 
wished either to join that general, and share in the 
honour of the expedition, or by restraining him, to 
make him a sharer in his own inaction. With 
these feelings he wrote him several letters, in 
which, under the most sacred oaths, he assured 
him that he would join him, and recommended 


him by all means to avoid precipitation. Saadet- 
khan, who had just mounted his horse, found him- 
self thus suddenly stopped short, and was greatly 
at a loss how to act. Nevertheless, he thought it 
his duty to suspend his march ; and three or four 
days after he was joined by Khan Dowran. All 
this while the vezir Kamer-ed-din-khan remained 
encamped within thirty coss of the capital, on the 
high road to Ajmere, and Mahomed-khan Bangash, 
with his troops, also waited the arrival of the 
enemy in the same direction. On the junction of 
Khan Dowran with Saadet-khan, six or seven days 
were occupied in visits and entertainments. This 
delay being perceived by the Mahrattas, they 
availed themselves of the circumstance to recover 
breath from Saadet-khan's pursuit; and, turning 
suddenly round his rear, they marched direct on 
the capital, which they rightly judged to be void 
of troops. They advanced with such celerity that, 
sziihij. on the eighth of Zilhij of that same year, thev 

A.H. 1149. -I , J 

25 March, rcachcd Toghlukpoor, under the command of Bajy 
A.D. 1737. j^^Q^ This, town was filled with a multitude of 
Mussulmans and Hindus from Dehli, who had 
gone thither both on account of devotion and on 
parties of pleasure. These were now all leisurely 
plundered. An immense booty was obtained by 
the Mahrattas ; who, having passed the night near 
Khwaja Kutb-ud-din's monument, on the following 


day plundered the Mina Bagh, and sacked and 
burned all the shops. About noon they proceeded 
farther, and sacked the town of Calem ; from 
whence the wounded flying into the city of Dehli, 
alarmed the inhabitants with dreadful accounts of 
what they had experienced. The citizens, with- 
out further inquiry, lost their senses, and filling 
the city with their uproar, the whole became one 
scene of dismay and confusion. The emperor now 
ordered the few officers and troops that were about 
his person to sally forth and to repel the Mahrattas. 
In consequence of which. Amir-khan, Raja Bakht- 
mal, and Mir Hussein-khan, Cocaltash-khan, 
Munawer-khan, brother of (the late) Zafer-khan, 
Abd-ul-maabud-khan, and Siva-sing, the com- 
mandant of the corps called Amberies, with many 
other commanders, marched out of the city and 
took up an advantageous post between Kazi-sera 
and Lal-katora. They extended their line, and 
offered battle to the enemy. Mir Hussein-khan 
and Siva-sing, who had more courage than pru- 
dence, advanced farther, although Amir-khan re- 
peatedly sent them word to wait ; but this advice 
had no effect on those two imprudent men, who 
continued advancing alone. The Mahrattas at first 
appeared at a distance, a few at a time, until they 
had drawn this body farther and farther into the 
plain ; when they suddenly fell upon it, and, with 


their spears and long swords did such execution 
as threw the whole into disorder. One of the 
wounded men found means to escape, and, running 
up to Amir-khan, had the boldness to reproach him 
with cowardice and neglect. " What are you doing 
here," said he, " whilst a Seid and an Imam is 
losing his life ?" Amir-khan, who was a wit, and 
never lost an opportunity of giving way to his 
pleasantry, heard the remark with a smile, and 
coolly replied, " Friend, we are perfectly satisfied 
with twelve Imams;* if some one has a mind to 
set up for a thirteenth, and chooses to be cut down, 
we have no objection to it." As the Hindoostanies 
had not Mahratta horses, most of them were slain ; 
and their leader, Mir Hussein-khan, made his re- 
treat, severely wounded and scarcely alive ; while 
his troops, despoiled of their arms and horses, 
crept back every one to his house. Amir-khan 
and the other commanders, after being under arms 
the whole day, returned in the dusk of the evening 
to their tents. Meanwhile the news of the sack of 
Toghlukpoor, and the danger which threatened 
Dehli, being rumoured abroad, the generals at the 
head of the armies in the vicinity of the capital, 
knowing that the emperor was left alone, hastened 

* The twelve lineal descendants of Ali are called Imams, as 
having filled the seat of their ancestor at the head of a schism 
opposed to the descendants of Ommiah, caliph of Damascus. 


to court. The vezir Kamer-ed-din-khan, who was 
nearest (being only at thirty coss distant), arrived 
first ; and, having on the ninth of Zilhij a skirmish ^^^"Jfig 
with the Mahrattas, he encamped on the next day 26 March, 

A.D 1737 

in the suburbs of the capital, on which the Mah- 
rattas retired a little farther. Saadet-khan quitted 
Acberabad, and having marched sixty-five* coss 
in two days, he arrived on the evening of the 
second day at Talpat, close to the city. Khan 
Dowran, who had set out with him, arrived some 
time after ; and on the third day, Mahomed-khan 
Bangash joined them. The Mahrattas, who had 
already felt the weight of the blows dealt out by 
Saadet-khan, did not like to see him again with 
such numerous forces, and being besides heavily 
laden with spoil, they decamped during the night, 
burning, sacking, and devastating in their retreat 
the towns of Rivary and Basoda ; after which they 
retired into Malwa and Guzerat, their new con- 
quests, destroying every thing in their route. The 
result of all these movements was, that the emperor 
perceiving that among so many generals and nobles 
none, with the exception of Saadet-khan, had ven- 
tured to attack the Mahrattas, he fell into a state 
of despondency, and proposed to his whole council 
to pay them chout or tribute, to insure their for- 
bearance. The emperor, although convinced that 

* Ninety-seven miles. 


Nizam-ul-mulk was the contriver of this incursion, 
was also sensible how difficult it would be to punish 
him ; he therefore thought it better to conciliate 
than to provoke him. He wrote to him several 
letters, full of kindness ; he conferred on him the 
title of Asof-jah, raised his military grade to eight 
thousand horse, and flattered his pride so much, 
that the latter resolved to come to court. Leaving, 
therefore, his second son, Nizam-ed-doulah Nasir 
Jeng, as his lieutenant in the Deckan, Nizam-ul- 
mulk set out for the capital. On the rumour of 
his approach, Khan Dowran hastened to conclude 
the agreement with the Mahrattas, in order to 
prevent his deriving any credit or influence in 
framing the treaty. The terms stipulated that the 
Mahrattas should henceforward approve themselves 
the servants of the emperor and obey his com- 
mands, as well as the directions of his ministers, 
and that they should abstain from all communica- 
tions with Nizam-ul-mulk. The Mahratta general, 
perceiving the pusillanimity of the ministers at 
court, made a separate treaty with each party, and 
thus kept fair both with the court and with Nizam- 
ul-mulk. The latter arrived at Dehli on the six- 
16 Rebi-ei- tccuth of Rcbi-el-awcl in the year 1150, and paid 

awel, ^ *■ 

A.H. 1 150. his respects to the emperor ; about a month after 

A.D. 1737. which, the honorary dress of the two governments 

of Malwa and Guzerat were conferred on his eldest 


son, Ghazi-ed-din-khan, on the occasion of the 
dismissal of Raja Jye-sing Sevai and Bajy Rao 
from those offices. On the Friday following, news 
arrived of the decease of Abd-us-semed-khan, the 
famous viceroy of Lahore. A dress of condolence 
was bestowed on the vezir Kamer-ed -din-khan, his 
brother ; and other robes of condolence were sent 
to that general's family at Lahore, together with 
a particular one to Zakariah-khan Sadik, his son, 
who received at the same time a commission for 
the governments of Lahore and Multan. Nizam- 
ul-mulk now, in obedience to the emperor's com- 
mand, marched southward to chastise Bajy Rao, 
and advanced for that purpose as far as Acberabad, 
where having fixed as his deputy in that city a 
relation of his own, he marched to Malwa, cross- 
ing the Jumna at Acberabad. He passed by 
Etava, and recrossed that river at Calpy, and 
arrived in Bundelcund, where, having seized the 
raja, he advanced to Bhopal. Bajy Rao hearing 
of these proceedings, came from the Deckan, at the 
head of a mighty host, and meeting Nizam-ul- 
mulk on the plains of Bhopal, several engage- 
ments took place, none of which proved decisive. 
Things were in this state, when Nizam-ul-mulk 
received intelligence that Nadir-shah, the king of 
Persia, had invaded Hindoostan, and now deeming 
the war with the Mahrattas a small object, he came 
VOL. I. 2d 



to an accommodation with Bajy Rao, and leaving 
the Mahrattas behind, he returned to the capital 
with expedition. 

Evils of this magnitude were deemed trifling by 
a set of traitorous nobles, who, intent only on each 
other's ruin, did not regard the consequences, if 
they could but promote their own private views ; 
nor did they make any scruple, when necessary 
for that purpose, to shed the blood of Mussulmans, 
and to slaughter a whole race of Seids. Seif-ed- 
din Ali-khan, one of the noble persons attached to 
the late Abdullah-khan, had, on that minister's 
defeat, retired to his paternal estate, where he 
subsisted upon a small income derived from a ja- 
ghire of imperial gift, and a portion of land which 
had been long hereditary in his family. This 
slender subsistence he shared with a number of 
old and infirm relatives. This estate, however, 
proved an eye-sore to Kamer-ed-din-khan and to 
the Turanies, who, unable to bear the sight of a 
Seid in prosperity, and cherishing in their bosoms 
deadly hatred to the whole race, resolved to ruin 
every relative of Hussein Ali-khan. With this 
view alone, Kamer-ed-din-khan appointed one 
Merhamet-khan to the command of the district of 
Saharenpoor, with orders to confiscate the lands and 
estates held by Seif-ed-din Ali-khan and the other 
dependants of Hussein Ali-khan's family. That 


wretch having arrived on the spot, usurped by 
violence the possessions of the most noble of men, 
and wanted to deprive Seif-ed-din Ali-khan and 
his unfortunate relatives of the little which consti- 
tuted their subsistence. Reduced to the last 
extremity, they acted according to the proverb, 
" Despair knows no laws," and rising in their own 
defence, they deprived their oppressor of life. 
This act was keenly resented by the vezir and his 
brother Azim-ullah-khan. Those men, who had 
put up patiently with Jan-nesar-khan's death, who 
had suffered a miscreant Hindu to take possession 
of a Mussulman's wife and family, who had so 
little sense of honour and shame as not to punish 
such enormities ; those very men now looked upon 
this act of desperation, and the killing of Merhamet- 
khan by a Seid's hand, to be a flagitious act, that 
concerned the honour of the government, and re- 
flected upon the pure character of its immaculate 
ministers, so that nothing now could expiate such 
an enormity, but the blood of an illustrious Seid, 
and the murder of a whole family of needy people. 
The expedition was thought of importance enough 
to require the presence of that second Abu Sufian,* 
his own brother, Azim-ullah-khan, who with the 
remains of the army of Damascus, that is, with a 

* Abu Sufian, the uncle of the prophet Mahomed, was his 
greatest and most determined enemy. 

2 U 2 


body of Turanies under his command, and a body 
of Afghans under that of Ali-Mahomed-khan Ro- 
hilla, joined by the troops of Ferid-ed-din-khan 
and Azmet-ullah-khan, sheikh-zadas* of Lucknow, 
marched to destroy Seif-ed-din Ali-khan and all 
the noble Seids of Barha. Those wretches, ani- 
mated by a diabolical spirit of revenge, having 
arrived in that country, ranged their troops in 
order of battle ; and Seif-ed-din Ali-khan putting 
himself at the head of his dependants and kinsmen, 
both parties advanced against each other. The 
injured Seid resolved to defend his honour, life, 
and property to the last extremity : he was greatly 
inferior to his enemies in numbers, and destitute of 
artillery; nevertheless, he derived so much strength 
from despair, that he repulsed Azim-ullah-khan, 
and made him give ground ; he was even on the 
point of sending this wretch with his miscreant 
bands to their destined abode in the regions of hell, 
when another army of accursed Rohilla Afghans 
made its appearance on the Seid's flank, and 
poured on it such a violent discharge of musketry 
and rockets as caused all those brave men, with 
their lord at their head, to sip of the cup of mar- 
tyrdom. After this the enemy advanced to Jan- 
sitah, a town where that unfortunate nobleman 

* Literally, the sons of holy men ; but in this case it alludes 
to certain saints of Lucknow. 


had taken up his residence, owing to its having 
been built and peopled by his illustrious ancestors. 
There, abandoning themselves to licentiousness, 
they sacked the houses of those illustrious person- 
ages ; nor vv^ere they restrained from laying their 
prophane hands upon those chaste Seidany ma- 
trons, who had never set foot on a pavement, nor 
exposed their faces to the open air. That devoted 
town became for some days an image of the last 
day: the cries and lamentations that incessantly 
rent the air, and the screams that rose from those 
desolated habitations, found their way to the vault 
of heaven. It is reported by persons worthy of 
credit, that for several days together after the per- 
petration of these enormities, such an uncommon 
redness overspread the horizon morning and even- 
ing, that it seemed as if the canopy of heaven had 
been steeped in the blood of those unfortunate 
people, or as if the firmament shed tears of blood 
for the fate of those afflicted women. These vio- 
lences exercised upon Seids, and the subsequent 
redness of the horizon, gave room to conjectures 
among persons well versed in history, that this 
government would infallibly be afflicted by some 
dreadful calamity, as a punishment for the vezir's 
cruelty, and as a chastisement for the enormities 
practised by the damnable Azim-ullah-khan on the 
descendants of the prophet : for it is affirmed that 


the calamities of great nations have frequently 
been preceded by such extraordinary appearances 
in the sky.* 

At this time Khan Dowran's power and influence 
were paramount, but by a strange fatality he was 
unfortunate in all he took in hand : such was the 
fate of his treaty with the Mahrattas. He was, 
however, highly culpable in conniving at the pe- 
culations of the public money sent to Cabul, for 
the purpose of guarding the narrow passes and 
defiles of that province. He bestowed no attention 
to the complaints of the troops appointed to protect 
that mountainous province, whose numbers were 
reduced, and whose pay was in arrears. It cannot 
be doubted, that to such conduct was owing the 
mighty calamity which Hindoostan suffered from 
the invasion of Nadir-shah : for had he attended 
to the due payment of the mountaineers, destined 
to guard those difficult passes, and had he taken 
such precautions as the case required, it is probable 
that Nadir- shah would never have thought of en- 
tering Hindoostan, or if he had, that he would not 
have found those unexpected facilities which expe- 

* The reader may easily imagine, after this narrative, the zeal 
with which Mahomedans in general espouse the cause of per- 
sons, with whom they are connected by the common ties of 
religion. The author seems throughout his work to shew his 
decided partiality for the Shias, of which faith he must have 
been himself. 


dited his march. Nasir-khan, the governor of 
Cabul, was a pious man, who spent much of his 
time in hunting, or in devotion, and in reading the 
Koran. He had never made the least remonstrance 
against the minister's ^withholding the sum of twelve 
lacks of rupees a-year, which used to be sent for 
the garrisons of those parts. The vallies and defiles 
of the province, therefore, were left unprotected, 
for the guards being ill paid, abandoned their posts, 
and the garrisons being utterly neglected, invited 
invasion. The roads and passes being left open, 
everyone passed and repassed unobserved ; neither 
king nor minister had any intelligence. 

It is singular, that the princes of the illustrious 
house of Sefy never had occasion to apply to the 
emperors of Hindoostan for assistance; while, on the 
contrary, the emperors of Hindoostan, such asBaber 
and Humaiun, sought refuge in the courts of the 
immortal Shah Ismail, and of his virtuous son Shah 
Tahmasp, by whom they were cherished and as- 
sisted in the recovery of their dominions. Never- 
theless it is notorious, that the emperors of the 
Sefevian race, although in nowise influenced by 
necessity, maintained by embassies of congratu- 
lation a friendly intercourse with the emperors of 
of Dehli, thereby exhibiting proofs of their cour- 
tesy. So uncivil, however, was the court of Shah- 
jehanabad under Mahomed-shah,^ and so inatten- 


tive to those marks of etiquette, that it seemed on 
that score quite insensible to those forms, on the 
termination of the civil wars in Persia, and on the 
accession of Shah Tahmasp the second. After ex- 
pelling the Afghan invaders, Mahomed-shah, so 
far from evincing any becoming interest in that 
event by sending a congratulatory mission, opened 
a friendly correspondence with Sultan Perveez, 
although Perveez's son had never made any scruple 
of invading Multan, and submitting every thing to 
fire and sword, during the short time his family 
kept possession of Candahar. Now it is certain that 
Shah Tahmasp, after securing to himself Ispahan 
and destroying the Afghan power, deputed a noble- 
man to the court of Dehli with an account of these 
events, and with letters stating, that those perfi- 
dious mountaineers having been chastised accord- 
ing to their deserts, and driven out of Iran, had no 
place of refuge but the empire of Hindoostan ; that 
it was therefore incumbent upon the Hindoostany 
court to refuse protection to those miscreants 
within its territories. However, neither the letter 
nor the embassy were noticed, but after some time 
an ambiguous answer was returned by the same 
ambassador. On the accession of Abbas-mirza 
to the throne of Iran, another embassy was sent 
from that court into Hindoostan ; and this minister 
too, after a lapse of time, was dismissed with a 


letter full of words that meant nothing. Another 
envoy arrived from the same quarter on Nadir- 
shah's being firmly established on the throne. He 
wBs a Kezil-bash of high character and noble birth, 
but having been plundered by banditti on the road, 
it was not without diflSculty and many entreaties, 
that he recovered even his credentials, and these 
proved to be a letter for Saadet-khan and one for 
Mahomed-shah. He performed his journey to 
Dehli with difficulty, and delivered his letters, but 
without having the means to return home ; nor 
did Mahomed-shah or any of his ministers attend 
to his distress. They wondered at so many envoys 
coming from Iran ; but were surprised to hear 
that Hussein-khan Afghan had taken possession of 
Candahar, where he was crowned, and from 
whence he made incursions into Multan. The 
king now sent for Nizam-ul-mulk from the Deckan, 
intending to avail himself, in case of need, of the 
abilities of that general, who had served with dis- 
tinction under Aurengzib, and passed for an old 
wolf that had seen much bad weather, and who 
had much experience in the ways of the world. 
The ministers kept him at court, although he wanted 
to return to the Deckan, and they were resolved 
to put his abilities and his experience to the test, 
should any untoward emergency take place. About 
this time, Nadir-shah had advanced as far as Can- 


dahar, to which he laid siege ; and from thence he 
deputed Mahomed-khan Turcoman, with a repe- 
tition of his former complaint regarding the Afghans. 
The envoy having arrived at the capital, delivered 
his letter, and was desired to wait, but without 
obtaining a positive answer, although he insisted 
upon his departure. The ministers were undecided 
amongst themselves as to the purport of the answer 
to be sent, and even about what style and title 
should be given to Nadir-shah. They thought it 
a piece of good policy to delay the ambassador's 
return, and waited to see whether the Afghan 
Hussein-khan, after having defeated Nadir-shah's 
forces before Candahar, would not so far weaken 
that prince as to reduce his power to nothing, when 
there would not be any occasion to write an answer 
at all. Meanwhile, the siege of Candahar being 
converted into a long blockade, and his ambassador 
Mahomed-khan not making his appearance. Nadir- 
shah wrote him a letter and sent it by a few horse- 
men, inquiring the reason of so much delay, and 
requiring him to return speedily with an answer. 
But he continued to be detained under a variety of 
pretences, without being able to obtain any reply 
at all. The blockade of Candahar being protracted. 
Nadir-shah ordered a town to be built over against 
it, which he called Nadir-abad. From thence the 
siege was renewed, and a body of Kezil-bashes 


escalading the walls, put the Afghans to the sword 
and took the fortress, together with Hussein-khan, 
who was sent to end his days in a fortress in Ma- 

It must be observed, that since the signal defeat 
sustained by the Afghans at Shiraz in Iran, that 
body had led a wandering life without a leader, in- 
somuch that most of them, hard pressed by their 
enemies, had come to Hindoostan, where they be- 
came husbandmen in some parts, and soldiers in 
others, settling themselves in several provinces of 
the empire, where they became incorporated with 
the inhabitants. Ali Mahomed-khan Rohilla was 
one of these settlers. In the battle against Seif- 
ed-din Ali-khan, he had rendered an important 
service to Azim-ullah-khan, which had recom- 
mended him to the notice and favour of the vezir 
Kamer-ed-din-khan, who gave him in free gift 
some crown lands. This person, although only 
the adopted son of an Afghan, being originally a 
Hindu herdsman, proved himself a man of courage 
and abilities, and having taken into his service and 
assembled about his person those bands of Afghans 
that were continually flying from Candahar, he 
formed them into an army, and by their means 
spread his authority in the countries contiguous to 
his jaghire lands, such as Anowlah, Sumbul, 
Moradabad, Bedam, Bereily, and some other 


places of which he took possession. From the 
above account, it will appear that the requisition 
made to Mahomed-shah by Nadir-shah for shut- 
ting the passages of Cabul, so as to prevent the 
Afghans from entering India, was in fact out of 
his power; for the garrisons had been long ne- 
glected, the customary remittances in money from 
the capital suppressed, and the guards of the 
passes withdrawn ; and moreover, the governor of 
Cabul resided at Lahore. Where were the means, 
therefore, of restraining those troops of Afghan 
banditti that were continually passing and repass- 
ing, even if the emperor had wished to do so ? and 
how much more unlikely was it that a set of minis- 
ters who, with such a man as Nadir-shah at their 
elbows for years together, had paid no attention to 
his motions, should now trouble themselves about 
the movement of a few Afghan freebooters ! 

Nadir-shah, after the capture of Candahar, or- 
dered that fortress to be destroyed, and its inhabi- 
tants to be transported to Nadir-abad ; and from 
thence he marched towards Ghizny and Cabul. On 
his way thither he sent this message to the governor 
of the latter place : " Know, that I have no business 
with Mahomed-shah's dominions ; but as these fron- 
tiers are an inexhaustable mine of Afghans, a num- 
ber of whom have joined him as well as you, I wish 
only to destroy that race ; be therefore under no 


concern for yourself, but make every thing ready 
to receive me as your guest." After this message, 
Nadir-shah advanced and encamped under the 
walls of Cabul. On the battlements the Cabulies, 
with the governor at their head, appeared in 
great numbers, ready to defend themselves, with- 
out paying any regard to the message sent them ; 
but upon a body of Kezil-bashes being ordered to 
escalade the walls and to undermine the fortifica- 
tions, the citizens called out for terms, which being 
granted, they came out of the gates and surrendered 
the fortress, acknowledging themselves his sub- 
jects. Intelligence coming at the same time, that 
several bodies of Afghans were lurking in the 
mountains, some troops were sent to dislodge them, 
and many of those mountaineers were put to the 
sword. Still no news coming from Mahomed- 
khan Turcoman, the envoy of Nadir-shah, he made 
choice of a certain number of respectable persons 
of Cabul, and sent them to wait on Mahomed- 
shah. The envoys proceeded by the route of 
Lahore to Dehli, where they executed their com- 
mission, but where none chose either to listen to or 
to comprehend the nature of their communications. 
It is reported by persons of veracity and credit 
who were in Dehli at the time, that whenever any 
person who came from the west opened their 
mouths and mentioned any thing about Nadir- 


shah, Khan Dowran turned it into ridicule, and 
used to observe that the houses of Dehli had very 
lofty roofs, from which the citizens might see 
Nadir-shah and his Moguls from afar, vs^henever 
thev chose. Khan Dowran and his friends looked 
upon the embassy of the Cabulies as a thing con- 
trived b)'^ the vezir Nizam-ul-mulk and the Turany 
party at court, and especially by Zakariah-khan 
the viceroy of Cabul, a relation of the vezir. Nadir- 
shah, tired out by the repeated miscarriage of his 
envoys, despatched another messenger from Cabul 
under the escort of ten troopers. Having arrived 
at Jelalabad, they no sooner alighted than they 
were beset by a mob that assembled about them, 
and were slain, after having been first disarmed, 
none escaping but one, who found his way back to 
Cabul. There he gave an account of what had 
passed to Nadir-shah, who had been already full 
seven months in this province. On hearing of the 
affair of Jelalabad, he lost all patience, and march- 
ing thither, he surrounded it on all sides, and 
ordered all the inhabitants to be massacred. It is 
a certain fact that honorary dresses had been sent 
from the court of Dehli to reward those concerned 
in the murder of those ten men, and nothing pre- 
vented their being worn by the perpetrators but 
the vengeance that ensued. On the first intelli- 
gence of Nadir-shah's having entered the province 


of Cabul, Khan Dowran and Nizam-ul-mulk were 
ordered to march out to oppose him ; but they con- 
tented themselves with wasting their time in the 
city, after spreading reports of their intention to 
proceed, which they thought a piece of very re- 
fined policy. Nadir-shah having sacked Jelalabad, 
marched to Peshaver, in the environs of which 
place he was encountered by Nasir-khan, governor 
of Cabul, who having joined to what troops he 
could muster a body of Afghans, was prepared to 
make a stand in a certain narrow valley, which he 
imagined he had rendered impregnable. Nadir- 
shah hearing of his preparations, sent him this 
short message : " I inform you that I shall be on 
such a day in such a place, from whence you will 
do well to retire until I have passed." The mes- 
sage produced no effect. On that very day Nadir- 
shah appeared, and put to the sword every one 
that attempted to stand before him, whether Indian 
or Afghan. Nasir-khan himself was wounded, 
and fell a prisoner into the hands of the Kezil- 
bashes. On his informing them who he was, they 
carried him to Nadir-shah, who in a few days after 
sent for him, and honoured him with a dress. 
From Peshaver that prince advanced to Attock, 
which river he crossed in boats, and entered the 
territory of Multan, the capital of which is Lahore. 
This unfortunate country already exhibited a scene 


of woeful confusion. Several thousand banditti, 
availing themselves of the weakness of the govern- 
ment, coalesced, and forming into two opposite 
parties, waged war amongst themselves, and put 
under contribution several of the best districts. 
On the approach of Nadir-shah, Zakariah-khan, the 
imperial governor, confident in the conduct of the 
troops he commanded, and of the artillery which 
he could bring into the field, came out of Lahore, 
and having chosen an advantageous post on the 
Ravy, the river that washes that city, he prepared 
for action. But fools know nothing of war or 
peace, except when it is conducted at their own 
expense. Nadir-shah, on descrying that multitude 
of Indians huddled together, spurred his horse into 
the water, and with the few Kezil-bashes that were 
at hand pushed on to the opposite side, where he 
put to rout the foremost of those that seemed the 
best mounted. The remainder seeing this havock, 
fled in disorder, and the governor joining them, 
they took shelter within the walls of the city, 
whilst Nadir-shah encamped close to them. 
Zakariah-khan, now sensible of his error, pro- 
posed to surrender the place ; and the offer being 
accepted, he came out, paid his respects, and 
received a dress of honour. From Lahore Nadir- 
shah proceeded direct to Dehli, from which city 
Mahomed-shah had likewise moved out with his 


whole court and a numerous army, but he marched 
so slowly, that in two months time he had only 
advanced to Kernal, a town situated at the head 
of the canal made by Alia Verdi-khan. This 
place is just four days' journey from the capital. 
Here he encamped, and having ordered a numerous 
artillery to be placed round the camp, he caused 
the guns to be made fast to each other by chains. 
Nadir-shah, on his march from Lahore, had on two 
or three occasions sent a message to Mahomed- 
shah, adverting to the embassy of Mahomed-khan 
Turcoman to his court. To all of these messages 
no answers were returned, nor was the ambassador 
himself suffered to depart ; he was kept in camp, 
without any one being able to guess what might 
be the intent of such a strange proceeding. Khan 
Dowran had long ago written to Raja Jye-sing 
Sevai, and to several other powerful rajas. On the 
valour and prowess of the Rajputs that minister 
reposed the highest confidence, and he calculated 
on their assistance as certain : but this resource 
failed him, for every Hindu prince amused the 
minister with frivolous pretences, and kept at home. 
The emperor and his whole court expected with 
impatience the arrival of Saadet-khan. 

It is most strange, that although Nadir-shah was 
now so very near, and his army so numerous, yet 
not a man, public or private, in the Hindoostany 

VOL. I. 2 E 


army, knew for certain where he was. The first 
certain intelligence received was from the grass- 
cutters and other camp-followers, who, going out 
at about eleven in the morning for the purpose of 
bringing in forage and other necessaries, had been 
cut off by some detached troops of the enemy. 
They returned wounded into the lines, which they 
filled with consternation and dismay. The whole 
camp was in a tumult in an instant ; a general 
panic seemed to have seized every one, and all 
anxiously expected the arrival of Saadet-khan. At 
last news came that he was at hand, and on Wed- 
Jsziirad, nesday the fifteenth of Zilcad, in the year 1150, 
22 February, Khau Dowran advauccd out of camp to meet him, 
and having embraced him, brought him to the 
emperor. He was received with distinguished 
marks of favour and attention, and ordered to en- 
camp close to Khan Dowran's troops. That general 
repairing to the spot, was waiting for his baggage, 
when news was brought that it had been attacked 
by some of Nadir-shah's light troops, which were 
now plundering it. Saadet-khan sent Khan Dow- 
ran notice, that he could not avoid going to assist 
his people actually engaged with the enemy, and 
he immediately proceeded to the spot. Meanwhile 
this message having been imparted by Khan 
Dowran to the emperor, and by him to Nizam-ul- 
mulk, the latter answered, " that it was already 


three in the afternoon ; that Saadet-khan's people 
'must be exhausted by the length of their march, 
and that it was unreasonable to expect them to 
fight that day. Let his majesty (added he), issue 
his commands to that general to restrain his eager- 
ness for a few hours until to-morrow morning, when 
the whole army being assembled in battle-array, 
with artillery in the front, may engage the enemy, 
and under his majesty's auspices obtain a glorious 
victory." This answer being reported to Khan 
Dowran, the latter ascribed it to jealousy on the 
partof Nizam-ul-mulk, and he returned for answer, 
that Saadet-khan was already far off, and must 
undoubtedly be actually engaged with the enemy ; 
that it would be ungenerous indeed and dastardly, 
to suffer so brave an officer to be exposed alone to 
the whole force of the enemy. "■ Let others do as 
they please (said he), for my part I shall go and 
support Saadet-khan." On these words, immcr 
diately mounting his elephant, which was standing 
in readiness, he marched forward, being followed 
by his own troops and by some light artillery. 
There remained only two or three hours of daylight 
when he arrived on the field of battle, where he 
took his post on Saadet-khan's flank, at about one 
mile distance from him. Nadir-shah on seeing his 
pickets engaged, left part of his army for the pro- 
tection of his camp, and marching out with the 

2 e2 


main body, found his troops drawn up in three 
divisions. Keeping one division with himself, he 
ordered the two others to engage the two Indian 
generals. The brave Kezil-bashes spurring on their 
horses, rushed upon the Indians, and in two hours 
did so much execution, that the troops of those 
two divisions were thrown into the utmost disorder, 
and fled, especially those of Khan Dowran, who 
lost the bravest and most distinguished of his 
ofl5cers. Amongst these were his brother Muzaffer- 
khan, his eldest son Ali Hamed-khan, Shahzad- 
khan, Yadgar-khan, with Mirza Akil-beg, and most 
of the men of his corps ; as also Mir Gooloo, the 
son of Mir Mushref, and Ratan-chand, the son of 
Raj Khoshall-chand. Khan Dowran himself being 
severely wounded, fejl senseless, and was carried 
away by a few friends, who in the dusk of the 
evening arrived in the army, where in conformity 
with that discipline so conspicuous in the camp of 
the emperors of Hindoostan,* they found nothing of 
Khan Dowran's encampment, and not even a tree 
to afford that minister shelter. His treasure, fur- 
niture, tents, equipage, horses, and cattle, had been 
plundered by the Hindoostanies and his own people. 
At last a small tent was sent by some person, and 
Khan Dowran was stretched at his length upon 

* This is a piece of irony of the author against the slovenly 
camps of the Indians. 


the ground, where the vezir Kamer-ed-din-khan 
and Nizam-ul-mulk, together with the principal 
eunuchs of his majesty's seraglio, came to visit and 
condole with him on his misfortune. Khan Dowran, 
who had now come to himself, opened his eyes 
with difficulty, and feeling that his wounds were 
mortal, said : ' * As to me, I am a dead man ; but take 
ye care of your own concerns ; beware of allowing 
the emperor to visit Nadir-shah, and beware of 
letting Nadir-shah proceed to the city ; avert that 
calamity at any price, and induce him to go back 
by every means in your power." After hearing 
these words, and conferring a little togther, the 
two chiefs returned to their tents, and Khan Dowran ] 9 ziicati. 

A.H. 1150. 

died on the nineteenth of the same month. 26 February, 

Meanwhile Saadet-khan was still in the field. ^'^■^- ^'^^' 
Those of his men who had escaped the slaughter 
formed into a body, and surrounded him on all 
sides, when the Kezil-bashes made a severe attack. 
One of them, who was a young Turk of Nishapoor, 
and a townsman of Saadet-khan, having forced his 
passage, stood intrepidly before him, whilst the 
latter was shooting his arrows on all sides, and 
called out to him, ** Mahomed-amin, against whom 
art thou fighting, and on what soldiers dost thou 
rely ? Art thou mad ?" Saying this, he fixed his 
spear in the ground, alighted, and making his horse 
fast to it, he got hold of one of the elephant's 


ropes, and mounted into the howdah, where he 
presented a poignard to Saadet-khan's throat, who 
was made prisoner, and carried to Nadir-shah. 
That prince spoke a few words to him, and treated 
him with much kindness ; but on its growing dark 
he quitted the field of battle, and retired to his 
camp. Saadet-khan being now informed of Khan 
Dowran's death, conceived that this was a favour- 
able moment for succeeding to that nobleman's 
station of Amir-ul-omrah, which he had always 
in view ; and in order to recommend himself to 
Mahomed-shah, he made a merit of opening a 
negociation with Nadir-shah. The latter prince 
agreed to conclude a peace, and to go back to his 
dominions, on receiving two crores of rupees ; and 
it was stipulated, that as soon as Nizam-ul-mulk 
should come and provide for the payment of that 
sum. Nadir-shah's sabre would be returned into 
the scabbard. This piece of good news was an- 
nounced by Saadet-khan to the emperor and to 
Nizam-ul-mulk. The former, satisfied with the 
turn affairs had taken, at a time when both he 
and Nizam-ul-mulk had given themselves up to 
despair, was at no loss how to act. He imme- 
diately dispatched Nizam-ul-mulk with full powers 
to conclude a treaty to that effect. The latter 
having arrived in Nadir-shah's camp, was intro- 
duced through Saadet-khan's mediation, where he 


promised to pay the two crores ; * after which, he 
returned in high spirits to his master, to whom he 
took care to exhibit in the fairest point of view 
his own zealous conduct throughout this nego- 
ciation. The emperor loaded Nizam-ul-mulk with 
encomiums and favours, and conferred on him as 
his reward, the office of Amir-ul-omrah. That 
monarch, who had hitherto been agitated with 
fears for both his life and crown, now felt it in- 
cumbent on him to comply with this general's 
ambitious demand, and to keep him in humour. 
On the next day (the twentieth of Zilcad), the ;f ^^'J^i 
king proceeded at daybreak to the Persian camp, 27 February, 
according to Nizam-ul-mulk's advice. On his ap- 
proach, Nasr-ullah Mirza, the son of Nadir-shah, 
came out to meet him. On the young prince's 
being descried at some distance, Mahomed-shah 
ordered the regal palankins to be set down, when 
he came forth and embraced him ; after which 
they proceeded together to Nadir-shah's head- 
quarters. That monarch rose up, advanced to 
the end of the carpet, and embraced Mahomed- 
shah, after which he took him by the hand, carried 
him to his own mesned or throne, made him sit on 
it with himself, and after having shewn him every 
mark of attention, he dismissed him with the 

* Equal to about two millions sterling. 


utmost honour.* As soon as the emperor had set 
out for his own camp, Saadet-khan heard that he 
had been supplanted in the dignity of Amir-ul- 
omrah, and that Nizam-ul-mulk had been invested 
with it. This piece of intelligence threw him into 
an agony of passion, and abandoning himself only 
to his indignation, he waited on Nadir-shah, to 
whom he represented, that no one in the Hindoos- 
tany camp had so much power as Nizam-ul- 
mulk, and none so much talent for public busi- 
ness. " What mighty matter," said he, *' is a 
sum of two crores of rupees, that your majesty 
should think of quitting India for so small a con- 
sideration ; two crores in this country are a sum 
that I myself can afford to pay, out of my own 
private fortune, but immense riches may be had 
from the emperor's camp, from his palace, from 
those of his grandees, and from the bankers, and 
merchants of the capital, provided only that you 
proceed to the capital, which is only forty coss 
from hence." Nadir-shah's eyes being opened by 
this speech, he wrote a note in his own hand 
to Nizam-ul-mulk, commanding his attendance. 
The latter, relying on the faith of the treaty 
concluded, and on Nadir-shah's word, went with- 

* The whole of this ceremony proves that Nadir-shah treated 
the emperor of Dehli on terms of perfect equality. 


out hesitation. Being introduced to the pre- 
sence, he received orders to return in the even- 
ing, and to bring Mahomed-shah with him to a 
second interview. Nizam-ul-mulk represented that 
such were not the terms of the treaty : but 
he was answered, that the treaty would not be 
broken by such a step. " I have," said that prince, 
"no design against Mahomed-shah's empire, neither 
against his life nor his honour, only it is proper 
that I should see him again." Such being Nadir- 
shah's pleasure, this message was transmitted by 
Nizam-ul-mulk to his master, who yielding to 
circumstances which he could not control, was fain 
to comply ; and taking with him Amir-khan and 
Isack-khan, with a few pikemen and some ser- 
vants, he proceeded to the Persian camp. Find- 
ing that his nobles and military chiefs, with his 
whole household, were bent on following him, he 
stopped and obliged them to go back. On his 
arrival he was desired to alight at a tent that had 
been pitched for him, and soon after he received 
a message desiring him to send for the ladies of his 
family, for all his household, and camp equipage 
and furniture, and likewise for his councillors and 
officers of state, in order that he might be at his 
ease while in the Persian camp. This message 
was followed by an order sent and published in 
the Hindoostany camp, giving leave to every one to 


remain where he was or to return to Dehli. Most 
persons adopted the latter alternative. Mahomed- 
shah having sent for his family and household, and 
for his other officers, an order was brought by an 
executive officer to Kamer-ed-din-khan vezir, com- 
manding his attendance. A little before this, 
Saadet-khan, in company with Tahmasp-khan Je- 
lair, an officer who commanded the corps of that 
name, had gone to the capital with an order from 
the conqueror, and another from Mahomed-shah, 
enjoining Lutf-uliah-khan Sadik, the deputy go- 
vernor of the city, to open the gates of the citadel, 
and to deliver over every thing and every office to 
those two nobles. After their departure. Nadir- 
shah himself approached the capital in company 
with Mahomed-shah. As for the Hindoostany 
army, most of the men on hearing of the emperor's 
detention, and of the vezir's departure, took fright 
and dispersed. Many were attacked, and either 
killed or plundered by the enemy's parties that 
were marauding ; many more by the peasantry 
who rose every where upon them. On the eighth 
8 ziihij, of Zilhij, in the year 11 50, Mahomed-shah entered 

A.H. 1130. 

26 March, ^hc city, and went to the citadel ; two days after 
A.D. 1738. ^jjj(.j^ Nadir-shah followed and took up his quar- 
ters there also. Mahomed-shah occupied his old 
apartments, attended by all the nobles of his court 
and all his household, who resumed their abodes 


in the quarters to which they were accustomed. 

On the tenth of the month, which was the day of 2^^fi%^ 

the Korban (or sacrifice), the khutbah was recited 28 March, 

^ ^ . A.D. 1738. 

in the principal mosque for Nadir-shah ; on the 
next day a report was spread that he was no more. 
Some said that he had died a natural death ; and 
others, as if to screen Mahomed-shah, said that he 
had been killed by a Calmuc woman of his own 
camp. The report of his death, which ran through- 
out the city, was believed in an hour's time, al- 
though Nadir-shah was alive and well in the citadel, 
the gates of which were open day and night. Some 
of the Persian troops were encamped before the 
gates ; many had taken up their lodgings in dif- 
ferent parts of the city ; others were encamped on 
an open plain situated betwixt the city and the 
river. Hardly had this false rumour obtained cur- 
rency, than armed bodies of Hindoostanies made 
their appearance in the principal streets, putting 
to the sword the Persians wherever they could lay 
their hands upon them ; and as the latter, unin- 
formed of the report, and unacquainted with the 
language of the country, were roving about by 
twos and threes without suspicion, many of them 
fell victims. Night came on, and it was expected 
that the tumult would subside, but it seemed to 
gain more force. Nadir-shah, informed of these 
events, ordered his men to assemble, but to re- 


main quiet, armed and ready to repel force by 
force if attacked. It is a remarkable fact that 
of so many Indian nobles lodged or stationed 
throughout the city, not one of them took the 
trouble to move or to attempt to appease the 
tumult ; nay, some of them who had taken from 
Nadir-shah a number of Persians as safeguards 
for their families and houses, suffered these guards 
to be killed in those very houses, or massacred 
them themselves, insomuch that although in the 
engagement at Kernal there were no more than 
three men slain and twenty wounded in the 
Persian army, this insurrection cost Nadir-shah 
more than seven hundred men. At daybreak, the 
sedition raged with greater fury than ever. Nadir- 
shah mounted his horse, and came out of the 
citadel with the intention of appeasing it ; but on 
perceiving the slaughter that had been made of 
his people, he ordered them to retaliate on the 
inhabitants ; and as the bodies of cavalry and in- 
fantry left his camp for that purpose, he directed 
them not to leave a soul alive wherever they 
should discover the body of a murdered Persian. 
In an instant the foreign soldiers entered the 
houses, and commenced a cruel slaughter. They 
not only plundered the people's property, but 
carried away their wives and daughters. Num- 
bers of houses were set on fire and destroyed. 


About noon, when the number of the slain ex- 
ceeded all computation, a cessation was proclaimed 
by Nadir-shah's order, and the soldiers every- 
where sheathed their sabres. In a few days, the 
stench arising from the numerous unburied bodies 
which filled the houses and streets, became so 
offensive that the air was infected, and in many 
places the streets were blocked up with carcases. 
On information of this, the cotwal received orders 
to bury the dead, and to cleanse and clear the 
streets. That magistrate having brought all those 
bodies together in heaps, surrounded them with 
the beams and rafters of the ruined houses, and 
setting fire to the wood, the whole was consumed, 
without distinction of Mussulman or Hindu. A 
few days after, Saadet-khan died of a mortification 
in the foot, and the two crores of rupees which 
he had promised were paid by his nephew and 
deputy, Abul-mansur-khan, and brought to Nadir- 
shah by Shir Jeng, who had been sent for that 
purpose with a body of a thousand Persian horse. 
Nadir-shah, not content with the treasures and 
wealth found in the imperial treasuries, raised im- 
mense sums by contribution on the inhabitants ; 
after which he led forth a virgin princess from 
amongst the descendants of the emperor Shah 
Jehan, and married her to his son Nasr-ullah 
Mirza ; and as he was in haste to return to his 


dominions, he contented himself with severing 
from the empire of Hindoostan, and adding to his 
own, the whole of the province of Sind and Cabul, 
with some districts of Penjab, that had always 
been set apart for the pay of the garrison of Ca- 
bul. The empire of Hindoostan he restored to 
Mahomed-shah. On his departure. Nadir-shah 
received from Mahomed-shah a sumptuous enter- 
tainment ; on which occasion he appointed a 
number of the nobles of his court to wait at table. 
The duty of Amir-khan was to present the coffee, 
on pouring out which, in presence of the two 
monarchs, it occurred to him, that if he did not 
present the first cup to Mahomed-shah, his own 
sovereign, such a neglect would be construed into 
a want of respect, and would, besides, excite 
suspicion in his master's mind ; and if he did, 
such a preference, under existing circumstances, 
might give offence to Nadir-shah, a sanguinary 
prince, whose resentment no one could incur 
with safety. At last he filled a cup, and put- 
ting it into the hands of Mahomed-shah, he said, 
" Your servant is too inconsiderable to present 
a cup of coffee to the king of kings ; let your 
majesty, who are my master, and his brother, pre- 
sent it yourself." The two monarchs, pleased with 
the ingenuity of this expedient, loaded him with 
encomiums, and his conduct was applauded both 


by Hindoostanies and Persians. Amir-khan was 
indeed a man of elegant manners, exceedingly inge- 
nious, and full of delicate taste and address in what- 
ever he did. After this entertainment, Mahomed- 
shah being sent for with all his nobles, who were 
formed into a circle, a tiara of jewels was presented 
to him by the hands of Nadir-shah, who gave him 
also much advice, and returned to him his king- 
dom in their presence ; and having likewise ordered 
a dress of honour for every one of the Hindoostany 
grandees, he quitted Delhi the seventh of Sefer, in jj^^^^(:, 
the year 1151, and proceeded towards his own 15 May, 
dominions. After his departure, Mahomed-shah 
turned his thoughts toward restoring his own affairs ; 
he was assisted by the counsels of the vezir Kamer- 
ed^din-khan, by Nizam-ul-mulk, and by Isack- 
khan, a nobleman lately come into the administra- 
tion, who by his personal attachment, and by the 
important service he had rendered in the battle of 
Kernal, and throughout the whole war with Nadir- 
shah, had greatly recommended himself to the 
emperor. He was created divan (chancellor of the 
exchequer) ; Amir-khan received the title of Umdet- 
ul-mulk, and held the third military grade in the 
kingdom ; while the office of sedr, or chief judge, 
was conferred on Azim-ullah-khan. On the twenty- 29 Sefer, 

A.H. 1 151. 

ninth of the same month Murteza-khan received g j^^^ 
the robes of the office of Mir Akhor, as did Niamet- ^-^-^^^s. 


iillah-khan, nephew of Nizam-ul-mulk, those of 
8 Rebi-ei- Karaol Beofv. On the eighth of the month Rebi- 
A.H. 1151. el-awel, the elephant-office was bestowed on Hadi 
A.D.17^. Ali-khan, the brother of Amir-khan : and Selabet- 
khan, the son of Saadet-khan, was made com- 
mander of the Ahedy guards, as was Amir-khan of 
the Alla-shahies.* The post-office and the gazette 
office were bestowed on the physician Maasum 
17 shaban, Ali-khan. On the seventeenth of Shaban, the die^- 

A.H. 1151. . ■ n ^ 

17 December, ^^ty of the mahi or fish was bestowed on Isack- 
■ * ^ ^* khan, as well as on Selabet-khan ; and Saad-ed- 
din-khan was placed at the head of the office for 
registering patents and titles. 

After these promotions, the emperor turned his 
thoughts towards his personal affairs. He had 
long harboured suspicions against Kamer-ed-din- 
khan and Nizam-ul-mulk, and against all the Tu- 
ranies in general ; nor had these feelings been 
removed by their conduct during Nadir-shah's in- 
vasion. He resolved, therefore, to weaken their 
power, though he was fearful to act openly. The 
persons on whom he confided were Amir-khan and 
Isack-khan, whom he consulted as to the line he 
ought to pursue. Amir-khan, who to acute discern- 
ment added great determination, was for acting 
openly, and for instantly removing Kamer-ed-din- 
khan from the ministry. The emperor seemed 
* The Ahedy and Alla-shahies were household troops. 


resolved to do so, and said he waited only for the 
departure of Nizam-ul-mulk to his government in 
the Deckan ; and the latter was desirous of retiring 
thither, in consequence of the troubles occasioned 
in that quarter owing to Nadir-shah's invasion, 
and which had evinced themselves under his son 
Nasir-jeng. Fearful that these disorders might 
subvert his authority in the south, Nizam-ul-mulk 
transferred his office at court to his eldest son, 
Ghazi-ed-din-khan, who was also son-in-law to 
Kamer-ed-din-khan. On his departure, the empe- 
ror sent the commission of vezir privately to Amir- 
khan, and that nobleman having commenced to 
act, made remarks openly on the measures of 
Kamer-ed-din-khan, equally unbecoming the dig- 
nity and station of both. The latter, on being 
informed of his supersession, wrote to Nizam-ul- 
mulk, who was still encamped in the vicinity of 
the city, and asked what he thought ought to be 
done. The viceroy returned for answer, that it 
would be highly indecent to resist his sovereign's 
will, or to oppose his pleasure ; he advised him to 
do nothing more, than to ask leave to quit court 
and accompany him to the Deckan. On this the 
vezir addressed a letter to the emperor in these 
terms : ** Your faithful servant is not conscious of 
having been guilty of misconduct ; but as a great 
alteration has taken place in your majesty's beha- 

VOL. I, 2 F 

434 siyar-ul-mu^takheri:n^. 

viour, arising possibly out of the suggestions of 
interested persons, your faithful servant, equally 
incapable of ingratitude or disobedience, begs per- 
mission to proceed to the Deckan with Nizam-ul- 
mulk ; and requests your majesty will therefore 
transfer his office into the hands of a more favoured 
subject." Kamer-ed-din-khan having forwarded 
this letter, proceeded to Nizam-ul-mulk's encamp- 
ment, and took up his abode under tents. The 
emperor, wholly devoid of firmness, was confounded ; 
sent both for Amir-khan and Isack-khan, and con- 
sulted them on the posture of affairs. The former 
made the same answer which he had done some 
days before. The emperor said nothing, and that 
nobleman for the present took leave. After his 
departure, the emperor asked Isack-khan his opi- 
nion, and conjured him by every thing sacred, as 
he valued his sovereign's favour, to speak out, and 
without reserve. Isack-khan, who owed his pre- 
ferment to his brother Amin-khan, and had pro- 
mised that nobleman that, in whatever circum- 
stances he might be placed, he would never give 
advice contrary to his opinion, declined answering, 
and remained silent. The emperor astonished at 
his reluctance, urged him with the most soothing 
entreaties to speak out. At length he replied in 
these terms : ** If I speak according to the dictates 
of my conscience, I commit a breach of a solemn 


promise ; but if I abide by that promise, I may be 
guilty of ingratitude, and fail in my duty to your 
majesty. I trust, therefore, you will vouchsafe to 
hold me excused." The emperor, astonished at 
these words, became more eager than ever to hear 
what he had to say, and at length Isack-khan, 
unable to resist his sovereign's importunities, deli- 
vered himself in these words : *' Though Amin- 
khan be undoubtedly a man of talent and courage, 
yet he bears the character amongst the courtiers, of 
preferring a piece of wit to any consideration what- 
ever, and he often assumes an unbecoming style 
in his language and behaviour. At the same time, 
those who, like myself, have gained preferment 
through his means, and owe to his recommendation 
the honour of kissing the imperial threshold, and 
of paying their respects personally to majesty, have 
no weight with the Hindu rajas, with the old 
nobles of Hindoostan, or with those of the court. 
In the eyes of all these ancient families we are 
deemed men of yesterday, and we can have no 
influence. Those persons look up to Nizam-ul- 
mulk, and to Kamer-ed-din-khan, with the highest 
respect ; and long accustomed to obey their com- 
mands and to conform to their will, submission is 
quite natural to them, and they think it an honour 
even to be instrumental in carrying their orders 
into execution. To remove two such ministers on 

2 F 2 


the bare strength of the abilities of such men as 
we are, cannot, in the opinion of your faithful 
servant, be productive of good. At the same time, 
whatever your majesty has determined is undoubt- 
edly founded on sound wisdom." The emperor at 
these words was shaken in his late purpose, and re- 
solved to be again reconciled both to Nizam-ul- 
mulk and to Kamer-ed-din-khan. On the next 
day Amin-khan came to court as usual, and per- 
ceiving an alteration in the emperor's reception of 
him, he with much surprise asked the reason. The 
emperor answered : "1 have reflected on the late 
proceeding, and find I have been wrong to offend 
the Turany nobles, who are now the main hinge upon 
which my affairs turn. It appears to me important 
to the welfare of the empire, that they should be 
satisfied, and it is incumbent upon you likewise, as 
you value the character of a zealous faithful servant, 
to abstain henceforward from any thing that may 
create dissensions, or give them umbrage." Amin- 
khan, sensible of the change that had taken place, 
hastened out of town, and going to Nizam-ul-mulk, 
made apologies both to him and to Kamer-ed-din- 
khan, begging of them both to explain their wishes, 
as he was prepared to meet them. Nizam-ul-mulk, 
having passed many encomiums on Amin-khan's 
good sense, observed, that as some coolness had of 
late occurred between him and Kamer-ed-din- 


khan, he recommended that Amin-khan should 
repair for the present to Allahabad, which, added 
he, is your government. Amin-khan promising to 
comply, took his leave ; and having obtained the 
emperor's consent, quitted the capital, and en- 
camped in the neighbourhood, vi^here having spent 
some time in providing field-equipage, and ap- 
pointing proper agents to act for him at court in his 
absence, he continued his journey ; whilst Isack- 
khan, who remained at the capital, acquired the 
highest ascendancy over the emperor's mind, and 
became extremely respected both by Nizam-ul- 
mulk and Kamer-ed-din-khan. Some other changes 
however, took place at court. Abul-mansur-khan, 
the son-in-law of the late Saadet-khan, who had 
been honoured with the government of Oude, re- 
paired to that city ; Zakariah-khan was suffered 
to remain in his government of Lahore and Multan, 
in which he had been confirmed by Nadir-shah. 
His youngest son bore a high character for courage 
and talent, and during the expedition against the 
Afghan Nur Mahomed-khan Leily, had been ho- 
noured by Nadir-shah with the sirname of Shah 
Nevaz-khan, and was suffered to continue in the 
Penjab, where his principal business was that of 
quieting the districts entrusted to him, and of 
increasing their revenues. 

Shujah-khan, entitled Shuja-ed-doulah, viceroy 


of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, departed this life 
about the time when Nadir-shah arrived at Dehli. 
It would be difficult to recount all the good quali- 
ties of that worthy man, or even to describe a few 
of them in this book ; for there was no man in his 
service whom he had not essentially obliged by 
some personal favour. On finding his dissolution 
at hand, he made a present of two months' salary 
to every person, civil and military, in his service ; 
without excepting the domestics of his household, 
or even the women that attended as menial servants 
in his seraglio. A few days before his death he 
sent to ask pardon from every one of them, entreat- 
ing their forgiveness if he had ever injured them.* 
His benevolence was such, that whoever had once 
chanced to form his acquaintance was sure of 
receiving some favour ; and even some old women 
whom he had known at Boorhanpoor, the place of 
his nativity, experienced his munificence and re- 
ceived suitable pensions. He was so impartial an 
observer of justice, that the poorest suitor in his 
presence was upon a footing with his son ; and the 
timid sparrow, certain of finding in his bosom a 
shelter from the hawk's pursuit, flew towards him 
with perfect reliance ; so that people acquainted 

* This amiable feature is by no means uncommon among 
those Mahomedans who have passed through a life of popularity 
among their people. 


with history might have fancied they lived in the 
reign of Nushirvan. He was so benevolent, that 
whenever a person possessing any capacity, or even 
the air and manners of a gentleman, appeared in 
Moorshedabad , and he received information of his 
arrival and of the object of his coming, he would 
wait three or four days until he heard of his having 
some friend, through whose application he gene- 
rally granted the whole or part of the stranger's 
request. If he found that he had neither acquaint- 
ances nor friends, he would ask his courtiers if 
none of them knew any thing of the stranger. ** I 
suppose not," he would add, " or I should have 
received some application on his behalf." After 
these few words, he gave time to some of those 
present to reply. He has frequently sent to en- 
quire regarding strangers himself, and would send 
word to say that, since they had come so far, they 
ought to have given him notice, and paid him a 
visit ; after this, if requisite, he has been known to 
send underhand a supply of money : nor did any 
of his servants dare to extort presents on these 
occasions. No such custom prevailed in his house- 
hold as has taken so deep a root since, and is now 
practised every where, of the servants on carrying 
presents from their masters pestering the receivers 
for a gratuity, and in case of refusal being inso- 
lent. This vile practice, from becoming common 


among such low-minded people, has now spread 
amongst others of the better sort, who are not 
ashamed to imitate their example. Such exactions 
never failed to come to the knowledge of Shujah- 
ed-doulah, and the guilty were sure of being 
dismissed the service, whilst the informer re- 
ceived a reward. Hence such shameful habits 
were unknown in his household ; but it is true 
that they were so handsomely paid that they need 
not have coveted what was bestowed on others ; 
and by living contented and in ease, they were 
little inchned to risk their situations by disobedi- 
ence of his orders. To every one of the oflScers in 
his service, whom he knew personally, he used to 
send trays full of exquisite food, to some daily, to 
others every other day, and to some twice a week ; 
and whoever had once been complimented in this 
manner was certain of a continuance ; nor is there 
an instance of its having ever been discontinued in 
any one case. Of all those personally known to 
him he kept a memorandum-book made up of ivory 
leaves, into which it was his custom every night, 
on going to bed, to look, and to note down such 
presents as he thought proper to make. He would 
sometimes send for a zemindar who had been dila- 
tory in the payment of the revenue, or for his agent, 
and inform him that he had appointed such a one 
to receive the payment, and he wished that a cer- 


tain present might be made to him as his perqui- 
site. This request was invariably complied with, 
and often some addition was made by the zemin- 
dar himself, who deemed it a point of honour to 
oblige a person so recommended. After some time 
he would ask the person thus employed as to the 
reception he had met with, and on a candid con- 
fession of his profits he used to hold him in estima- 
tion in future, and increase his favour towards him ; 
but if he prevaricated, or concealed the truth, from 
that moment he ceased to repose confidence in him. 
In this manner he put to the test the integrity of a 
certain number of persons, on whom he fixed his 
eye for public employment, and having satisfied 
himself, he effaced their names, and noted down 
those of others. He adopted this secret scrutiny 
during the whole course of his life. May God's 
mercy be upon him, and may he in his infinite 
goodness assign him a place amongst the elect in 
heaven! Amen, amen. 

After the decease of that excellent man, he was 
succeeded by his son Ser-efraz-khan, entitled 
Alla-ed-doulah, who took possession of the three 
Subahs. It was he who received Nadir-shah's 
letter, that had been originally written to Shujah- 
ed-doulah. Alia Verdi-khan, who had been pro- 
moted to the office of governor of Patna, did not 
much trust the new viceroy, and perceiving dis- 


tinctly the distractions that would follow at court 
after Nadir-shah's departure, paid little deference 
to his master, being entirely engrossed with the 
idea of securing himself in his office, for which 
purpose he was actually encamped on the fron- 
tiers of his new government. He had, however, 
little to fear from the new viceroy. Ser-efraz-khan 
was a pious man, full of the outward forms of 
devotion, and extremely regular in his stated 
prayers and ablutions. He moreover fasted three 
full months besides the blessed month of Ramazan, 
and was scrupulous in the discharge of the several 
forms of worship to be attended to at different 
periods throughout the year. He was, however, 
totally deficient in those great qualities of mind, 
so indispensably necessary in sovereigns. Wholly 
engrossed in the little forms of religion, he neg- 
lected the affairs of state, and paid no attention to 
the observance of those duties requisite in a man 
of his high station and rank. It is true, he offered 
no injury to the persons of Ray-rayan, Alum-chand, 
the divan of his father, nor to Jagat-set or Haji 
Ahmed, his two other ministers, the latter, men of 
great abilities and influence, who, together with 
the Ray-rayan, had had the absolute direction of 
affairs in the late reign ; but he resigned the reins 
of government into the hands of a few interested 
men, who had personal wrongs to revenge. Among 


these were Haji Lutf-ullah, Merdan Ali-khan, 
Mir Murteza, and others, who, long incensed against 
Haji Ahmed, depreciated his character every- 
where, and insulted him with taunting expressions. 
These incensed noblemen, intent on giving vent to 
their enmity and hatred against Haji Ahmed, 
caused caricatures to be drawn of him, and even- 
tually effected in Ser-efraz-khan's mind a total 
alienation of regard towards him. Haji Ahmed 
was accordingly removed from the office of divan, 
which he had held ever since Shujah-ed-doulah's 
accession ; and the office was now bestowed on 
Mir Murteza. The viceroy wanted also to deprive 
Ata-uUah-khan, son-in-law of the Haji, of the 
military command of Rajmahl, in order to give it 
to his own son-in-law Hassan Mahomed-khan. 
Haji Ahmed dreading the influence of his nume- 
rous enemies, endeavoured to gain strength to 
oppose them; he therefore wrote every thing to 
his brother Alia Verdi-khan, magnifying trifles 
exceedingly in the representation. Haji Ahmed 
had the art, too, to persuade the new viceroy to 
disband great part of his forces, and otherwise to 
retrench his expenses. Advice so consonant to his 
feelings was adopted without hesitation ; but while 
he listened to the counsel of Haji Ahmed to effect 
reduction, he allowed his enemy Menuchehr-khan 
to propose the arrest of Haji Ahmed's two sons. 


Zein-ed-din Ahmed-khan, who was on the road 
from Patna, and Seid Ahmed-khan, who had just 
arrived from his command of Rungpoor. But the 
viceroy acted with inconsistency ; for after having 
listened to such advice, he had the weakness to 
disclose it himself to Haji Ahmed, and made a 
merit of his candour, in order to dispel the old 
man's apprehensions, and to regain his confidence. 
Shortly after, however, he affronted him grossly in 
the following manner. Hearing that Ata-ullah- 
khan's daughter, Haji Ahmed's grand-daughter, 
had been betrothed to her cousin Mirza Mahomed, 
another of his grand-children, who had been 
adopted by Alia Verdi-khan, he endeavoured to 
break off the match, and to marry the young lady 
to his own son ; so that not content with himself 
forming in his court a party against his own inte- 
rests, he contrived to add strength and support to 
it by inconsistency and folly. He now set on foot 
an inquiry into the management of the public 
revenue of Azimabad Patna, and recalled the troops 
that had been placed by his father under Alia 
Verdi-khan, and for whom during many years they 
had conceived an attachment. On their seeming 
to hesitate about being removed, he resumed the 
grant of land which his father Shujah-khan had 
bestowed on them. All these acts were minutely 
reported by Haji Ahmed, and assiduously trans- 


mitted to his brother Alia Verdi-khan with the 
usual exaggeration ; and to give more weight to 
his own assertions, he used to superadd the testi- 
mony of his son Seid Ahmed-khan, who on such 
occasions submitted to the influence of paternal 

Alia Verdi-khan daily informed of these events, 
resolved to avail himself of his acquaintance and 
connexion with his friend Isack-khan, at the court 
of Dehli, a nobleman who was now in complete 
possession of the emperor's ear. He wrote him a 
secret letter, in which he requested to have the 
patents of the three provinces transferred to him- 
self, under promise of sending to court a present of 
a crore of rupees, besides the whole of Ser-efraz- 
khan's wealth. To effect this, he required an 
imperial commission directed to himself, empower- 
ing ' him to wrest the three provinces out of the 
hands of the present viceroy. After having dis- 
patched these letters, he gave out that he intended 
marching against the zemindars of Bhoojpoor, and 
under that pretence he mustered his troops, which 
he always kept in constant readiness. At the same 
time, he had the art to give Ser-efraz-khan public 
notice of his project, though he in reality waited 
ready to avail himself of the first opportunity to 
effect his true purpose. At length, ten months after 
Nadir-shah's departure for Persia, and just thirteen 


months after Shujah-ed-doulah's decease, he re^ 
ceived the imperial commission, drawn up in the 
style he had requested. Being now resolved on 
marching against Ser-efraz-khan, he caused the 
day of his departure to be fixed by an eminent 
astrologer, on whose predictions he reposed unli- 
mited confidence. This object being effected, he 
threw such obstructions on the roads, that no tra- 
veller could advance towards Moorshedabad ; and 
he wrote secretly to Jaget-set Fateh-chand, that 
on a certain day he would commence his march. 
The letter was dispatched by a trusty messenger, 
who had orders to deliver it on that very day. All 
things being thus prepared. Alia Verdi-khan, on 
ziihij, the latter end of Zilhij in the year 1152, set out on 

A.H. 1152. 

March, ^^^ cxpcdition to Bhoojpoor, and encamped near 
A.D. 1740. Varis-khan's tank, which is at some distance from 
the city of Patna. On his departure, he appointed 
Zein-ed-din Ahmed-khan, his youngest nephew 
and son-in-law, to be his lieutenant, and he sent 
Seid Hidaiet-uUah-khan Assed-jung (the author's 
father) to command in the districts of Seres and 
Cootombah, where the people had for a long time 
been accustomed to respect his orders. Two days 
after my father's departure, Alia Verdi-khan wrote 
to him a short note, informing him, that having 
taken the resolution of marching to Moorshedabad, 
he recommended both him and Zein-ed-din Ahmed- 


khan to the care of Almighty God ; *' and I hope," 
added he, "that you will manage so as to live 
always upon good terms with each other, and that 
you will act as emergencies require." On the eve 
of his departure. Alia Verdi-khan gave orders to 
assemble all the principal officers of his army, 
whether Mussulmen or Hindus ; he then produced 
two men in the middle of the assembly, one a 
venerable Mussulman of known piety, bearing the 
glorious word of God in his hand, and the other 
a Brahmin, who held a vase full of Ganges' water 
in his right, and a twig of black tulsy* in the 
other : these two emblems being held in the 
highest veneration by those of the Hindu persuasion. 
After a moment's silence he required the Mussul- 
men to swear by the Koran, and the Hindus to 
lay their hands on those emblems of sanctity. He 
then addressed the assembly in these words : "1 
am now going to fight my personal enemies, and 
as I know you to be my old companions, on whom 
I must trust, and by whose valour I must derive 
success, I require of all those who intend to stand 
by me and to follow my fortunes, to swear that 
they will not abandon me, whether I rush into 
water or into fire, whether my adversary be an 
Afrasiab or a Rustem. I require you to swear 

* The tulsy, or penny-royal plant, is deemed so sacred among 
the Hindus that they swear on it. 


that you will be friends of my friends, and enemies 
to my enemies ; and that, be my fate what it will, 
you will support me inviolably with your lives and 
fortunes.'' This unexpected address produced its 
full effect. Those old warriors who had been bred 
in his camp, and were long attached to him from 
numberless favours received at his hands, soon 
afforded example to the rest by taking a solemn 
oath to that effect. All of them swore : the Mus- 
sulmans by carrying the glorious word of God to 
their foreheads and eyes, and the Hindus by touch- 
ing the Brahmin's feet, tasting some leaves of the 
twig of tulsy, and drinking of the Ganges' water. 
They all then joined in prayer for his prosperity, 
and with one voice promised to follow him whither- 
soever he might lead them. All this was done 
first by the old officers attached to his person ; the 
example was followed without hesitation by the 
new ones. Alia Verdi-khan being now satisfied 
of their fidelity, disclosed to them the object of his 
expedition, and informed them that, forced by the 
injuries offered to himself, to his brother, and to 
every individual in their families, he was marching 
against their common oppressor, Ser-efraz-khan. 
These words startled some of them ; but as they 
had taken an unconditional oath, and were now 
too far engaged to withdraw, they saw that there 
remained no alternative but that of abiding by 


their engagement, and of following his fortune. It 
being now dark, the assembly broke up; and the 
next morning, being the favourable day, he turned 
to the east and boldly advanced towards Moorshed- 
abad. His army was composed of a numerous and 
well-appointed body of old troops, and a good park 
of artillery, furnished with every necessary store. 
By continuous marches he reached Shahabad, 
which town has a fortification that entirely shuts 
up the passage between the hills and the bank of 
the Ganges. There he concealed his army in a 
valley of the neighbourhood, and selecting Mustefa- 
khan Afghan, an officer of approved zeal and tried 
courage, to whom he gave a hundred horse, and put 
into his hands an order and passport signed by 
the viceroy, but destined for another commander, 
which Alia Verdi-khan had found means to obtain. 
This officer had orders to present his passport to 
the garrison, which, consisting only of two hundred 
infantry, might not be upon their guard, and he 
was directed, if possible, to render himself master 
of the pass ; after which he was to strike up his 
drums, as a signal for the army to advance. Mus- 
tefa-khan advancing with his small troop into the 
valley, was hailed from the works according to 
custom, and ordered to stand. He sent one of his 
men with the pass and the written order, which 
being examined, the gate was ordered to be set 

VOL. I. 2 G 


open, and the troop to be admitted. Mustefa-khan 
marched in, and ordered his drums to strike up, to 
which signal were added some shouts by his people. 
On this a party of the army concealed behind the 
hills marched round, and suddenly making its 
appearance, advanced in battle-array, with en- 
signs displayed and music playing. The garrison, 
alarmed at such a sight, shut the gate, and wanted 
to offer resistance, when Mustefa-khan called out 
to them, that if they made the least movement, he 
would fall upon them directly and put them to 
the sword. This threat having intimidated the 
garrison, they suffered Mustefa-khan's people to 
open the gate, and the troops of the advance pickets 
passing without difficulty, took possession of all 
the posts. This being the day on which the mes- 
senger entrusted with the letter to Jagat-set had 
received orders to present it, the latter, on perusing 
the contents and comparing the dates, concluded 
that his friend Alia Verdi-khan must be by this 
time on the side of the pass of Taliagary, and that 
in four or five days more he would be in the terri- 
tory of Moorshedabad. With an air of alarm he 
immediately mounted, and with much consterna- 
tion in his features, he presented the letter to Ser- 
efraz-khan, saying that he supposed Alia Verdi- 
khan to be now at Rajmahl ; at the same time he 
produced another letter from Alia Verdi-khan to 


the viceroy himself. In this it was stated that, 
after the many aifronts received by his brother 
Haji Ahmed, attempts had been made upon the 
honour of his family ; Alia Verdi-khan, in order to 
save that family from disgrace, had been obliged 
to come so far ; but with no other view than that 
of protecting his honour. " I require, however," 
said he, moreover, ** that Haji Ahmed shall be 
permitted to come to me with his family and de- 
pendants." Ser-efraz-khan, confounded at the 
intelligence, vented his resentment in fruitless re- 
proaches, and then called a council of his ministers 
and general officers; when Haji Ahmed having 
been likewise sent for, he gave him a severe repri- 
mand mingled with threats. The latter, sensible 
of his danger, assumed a soothing tone of voice, 
and in his endeavours to pacify the viceroy, went 
so far as to promise that the moment he should be 
in camp, he would endeavour to persuade Alia 
Verdi-khan to return to his government. This 
proposal was variously received by the council : 
some objecting to Haji Ahmed's being allowed to 
proceed to his brother's camp, and others thinking 
that he might be trusted, and his faith put to the 
test. The matter remaining thus in suspense, 
Mahomed Ghous-khan, an officer of character and 
reputation, who had for many years been attached 
to the late Shujah-ed-doulah, thus addressed the 

2 g2 


viceroy : " I do not see," said he, raising his voice, 
** what benefit can result from imprisoning this old 
man ; nor is it at all probable that Alia Verdi-khan, 
on his brother being arrested, should discontinue 
his operation. It becomes then a matter of small 
moment, whether Haji Ahmed be dismissed with 
full leave to repair to his brother's camp or not. 
If he fulfils his promise, well and good ; if he does 
not, I do not perceive what harm he can do us. If 
we are ready and willing to encounter Alia Verdi- 
khan in the field, we care little whether or not he 
is joined by his brother. Haji Ahmed is but a 
single individual after all ; his being in his brother's 
camp can neither add nor diminish the enemy's 
strength." Mahomed Ghous-khan's opinion hav- 
ing been approved, Haji Ahmed received his leave, 
and he instantly set out for his brother's camp. 
Whilst on his march thither, he repeatedly wrote 
to the viceroy, and insinuated through the means 
of his friend, that Alia Verdi-khan was in his heart 
as faithful and as zealous a servant as ever. ** Let 
not my master think," said he, ** of marching with 
arms in his hands against so powerful a servant, at 
present full of sentiments of attachment and re- 
spect. Let not your highness be at the trouble of 
moving from your palace ; for Alia Verdi-khan 
wants only to enjoy the honour of kissing your 
princely threshold, that he may have an opportu- 


nity of submitting his complaints, and of approving 
himself a respectful and dutiful servant: this is 
his only aim. But should your highness, at the 
instigation of interested men, reject the counsel 
now offered, and march out against him, I fear 
that in his despair, and in the necessity of secur- 
ingrhis life and his honour, he will venture upon 
steps that will tend to his shame both in this world 
and in the next." 

As very little effect was anticipated by dismiss- 
ing Haji Ahmed, there arose a variety of opinions 
about the expediency of marching or of not march- 
ing against the enemy. It was at last resolved to 
proceed, and by the exertions of Merdan Ali-khan 
(who was greatly incensed both against Haji 
Ahmed and Alia Verdi-khan), the army with Ser- 
efraz-khan at its head arrived in three or four days 
at Comrah, on the twenty-second of Moharrem in 22 Mohan-em, 
the year 1153 of the Hegira. At that town it 9 April 
halted a little, it being necessary to hear the report ^•^' ^'^^' 
brought by two persons, who had been sent by Ser- 
efraz-khan to ascertain Alia Verdi-khan's wishes 
and designs. For this purpose the eunuch Sunnet 
and Shujah Kuli-khan, fojdar of Hoogly, had been 
deputed. On their return from the enemy's camp 
they brought with them another deputy, who came 
on the part of Alia Verdi-khan, viz. the physician 
Mahomed Ali-khan. Their report amounted to 


this, that Alia Verdi-khan was still a submissive 
dutiful servant, and to this profession they added 
the following message, as from his own mouth : 
** When persons of princely and generous dispo- 
sitions vouchsafe to raise others to high stations and 
dignities, they look upon them from that moment 
to be their sons, and think it incumbent upon 
them to preserve their honour and character in the 
eyes of the world. Now it is notorious that I, 
your dutiful servant, owe my prosperity to your 
illustrious family, which vouchsafed to raise me to 
high preferment ; and as I wish to shew the world 
the estimation in which I am held, and to evince 
my fidelity, which I conceive to be excelled by 
none of your most zealous servants, I beg that you 
will be pleased to grant me one of two requests. 
The first is, that you will dismiss from your pre- 
sence and counsels certain persons, who, having 
conceived a jealousy of our family, are ever busy 
in filling your princely mind with hostile feelings 
towards us. These persons are Merdan Ali-khan, 
Mir Murteza-khan, Haji Lutf Ali-khan, and Ma- 
homed Ghous-khan. After their departure, your 
servant thinking his person safe, will venture to 
pay his respects. The second request is, that, 
should you think this favour ought not to be 
granted, then may it please you to retire to your 
palace and issue your commands to them, to march 


into the field and to fight me in battle. If victory 
favours them, let them avail themselves of the 
privilege; but if they are vanquished, let them 
retire from your Highness's presence, and I shall 
then come myself and lay my head at your feet 
in token of my sincerity. I herewith send you the 
holy Koran, on w^hich I have taken the most sacred 

The glorious volume was accordingly produced 
by the physician Mahomed Ali-khan ; but as the 
noblemen in question possessed the highest in- 
fluence over Ser-efraz-khan's mind, and over his 
court, neither of the proposals were accepted. 
Still no proper preparations were made for action, 
as the best officers suggested. Meanwhile, Haji 
Ahmed having arrived at Rajmahl, was received 
with open arms by his brother, who directly took 
him upon his elephant. Haji Ahmed, as if to fulfil 
the promise he had made at his departure, pre- 
vailed upon his brother to have his elephant turned 
about, and retreated for some hundred yards, after 
which he returned to the road again. Ser-efraz- 
khan hearing of the enemy's march, advanced to a 
village called Gurreed, a noted spot upon the 
banks of the Bagretty, whilst Mahomed Ghous- 
khan pushed forward in the direction where the 
enemy was encamped, on the opposite side at 
Sooty. The river, which was every where fordable 


was about one arrow-shot across, and intervened be- 
tween Mohamed Ghous-khan and Ser-efraz-khan, 
nor was the distance between him and the enemy's 
camp more than five or six coss. Meanwhile mes- 
sages and messengers were continually passing and 
repassing betwixt the two camps, Ser-efraz-khan 
offering to receive Alia Verdi-khan into favour 
again, and wishing to see him ; and the other 
answering in the strain he had already done : "In 
grateful remembrance of the favours received from 
your father, I will never form any designs against 
you ; but it is under condition only that you dis- 
miss from your service those enemies of our family, 
who by their rancorous hatred have brought matters 
to the state of disunion that now leads to a crisis. 
Dismiss them, or deliver them over to me ; but if 
you are averse to this, then stand aloof, pitch your 
tent upon yonder eminence, and from thence wit- 
ness our contest. If I am victorious, I will cer- 
tainly come to pay you my respects ; and if I am 
vanquished, you may do with me whatever you 
think proper." Although such messages were daily 
exchanged, Jagat-set was busily employed in 
writing to every one of Alia Verdi-khan's com- 
manders, and in conveying to them, each according 
to his station, promissory notes called tips, usual 
amongst bankers, payable only on the condition of 
seizing his person, and delivering him over to Ser- 


efraz-khan. Some of those notes were received 
that very evening by many, and amongst others by 
Mustefa-khan, who, in company with others zea- 
lously attached to Alia Verdi-khan, carried them 
to him. ** If we are to fight," said that officer, ** let 
it be to-morrow morning and without loss of time, 
for the next day matters may take a very different 
turn." Alia Verdi-khan caught at the advice, and 
that very moment ordered powder and ball to be 
distributed to the troops. His army was divided 
into three bodies : one division under the com- 
mand of Nandu-lal, a Hindu officer of character, 
who was also entrusted with Alia Verdi-khan's 
standard, his orders were to attack Ghous-khan 
and the troops on the west-side of the river ; the 
two other divisions fording the stream, one of them 
was destined to turn the rear of Ser-efraz-k ban's 
army, with orders to fall upon it as soon as they 
should see Alia Verdi-khan engaged with the front, 
for which purpose he advanced direct on Ser-efraz- 
khan. The body that had been thus detached, had 
orders to remain concealed until it should hear the 
artillery open, at which signal it was to fall at 
once both upon Ser-efraz- khan's rear and his 
camp. This division commenced its march at one 
o'clock in the morning, and was commanded by 
Nevazish Mahomed-khan, Alia Verdi-khan's eldest 
son-in-law, who had under his command Abd-ul- 


ali-khan, with Mustefa-khan, Shemshir-khan, and 
other Afghan commanders. Alia Verdi-khan with 
his corps followed, but at some distance, whilst 
Nandu-lal, in compliance with his orders, ma- 
nceuvered slowly and silently opposite to Ghous- 
khan. The engagement commenced at dawn of 
day, by which time Alia Verdi-khan being near 
Ser-efraz-khan's front, fired one of his guns. On 
this the division that had marched during the night 
attacked Ser-efraz-khan's rear; whilst Nandu-lal 
engaged Ghous-khan. Ser-efraz-khan, whowas then 
at his devotions, got up immediately, mounted his 
elephant, and marched straight towards Alia Verdi- 
khan, at the very time when some of the enemy, 
getting into his rear, had penetrated to the middle 
of his camp. Meanwhile Ser-efraz-khan, who had 
already passed his band of music and was ad- 
vancing at the head of his line, was killed by a 
musket-ball. With him fell also a number of men 
of distinction, amongst whom were Mir Kamal, 
Mir Gadhy, Mir Ahmed, Mir Siraj-ed-din, Haji 
Lutf Ali-khan, and Korban Ali-khan. The Raj- 
rayan Aalem-chand being wounded, as well as 
Mirza Erich-khan, they returned into the city. On 
the other hand Mahomed Ghous-khan, who was 
engaged with Nandu-lal, gave him a complete 
defeat, in which that general was slain. Whilst 
the troops of Nandu-lal were seen flying on the 


opposite side of the river, Ser-efraz-khan*s elephant 
was descried retiring towards the city. Ghous- 
khan ascribing this flight to his master's want of 
courage, dispatched a swift horseman with orders 
to bring the elephant back at all events, and to 
inform his master that he had defeated one division 
of the enemy, and that now was the time for him 
to join him, that they might fall together upon 
those that yet stood their ground. Alia Verdi- 
khan, sensible of this critical juncture, did all in 
his power to restrain the ardour of his soldiers, and 
endeavoured to keep them together ; for though he 
knew for certain that Ser-efraz-khan was slain, 
yet he was aware that Nandu-lal had been killed, 
and his division defeated ; that Ghous-khan, of 
whose valour and abilities he entertained high re- 
spect, was at the head of a body of troops who still 
stood firm at this time, and he had the mortification 
to perceive, that the troops he had sent forwards to 
fall on Ser-efraz-khan's camp, were actually plun- 
dering those tents of a rich booty, and were every 
where dispersed. Things were in this state when 
the horseman dispatched by Ghous-khan returned, 
and informed him that his master was slain. 
Plunged into despair, and sensible that Alia Verdi- 
khan, to whom his hatred of his family was known 
long ago, would now carry every thing before him, 
and that he had no mercy to hope for at his hands. 


he was resolved to perish in the field. Calling 
therefore for his two sons, Mahomed Kutb and 
Mahomed Pir, he commanded them to loosen his 
cuirass from behind, and then turning to them he 
said : ** My children, nothing remains for us but to 
perish in the field. Our lives are now at an end, 
we must wash our hands of existence and rush 
upon that body of troops that surrrounds Alia 
Verdi-khan, to try if we can come at his person." 
Ghous-khan and his sons were considered the lions 
of the field, and the irresistible heroes of their age. 
With the few that chose to stand by them, they 
advanced on their enemy with the greatest intre- 
pidity. Many of Ghous-khan's troops, already 
apprised of Ser-efraz-khan's death, had quitted 
their ranks, and were retreating towards the city ; 
so that a very few of them chose to stand by a man 
resolved not to survive a defeat. With these few 
he advanced, and was already close upon his 
enemy, when he received a wound from a musket- 
ball ; still he continued to advance, and calling for 
his horse, with a determination to single out Alia 
Verdi-khan, he was in the act of alighting from 
his elephant, when he was again struck by two 
musket-balls which laid him dead. His two sons 
seeing their father killed dismounted, let their 
horses loose, and taking to their sabre and buckler 
rushed on foot on the enemy; when on closing 


with them, they were shot at on all sides, and fell 
dead. Mahomed Kutb, the eldest, who bore a high 
character for prowess and bodily strength, finding 
himself dying, sat on the ground without quitting 
either buckler or sword, and in that warlike posture 
breathed his last. He was afterwards buried on 
that very spot. Mir Delir Ali, another officer, 
hearing of Ser-efraz-khan's death, refused to sur- 
vive his master and friend, and with sixteen men 
only, who stood by him, rushed on the enemy and 
was slain, fighting valiantly to the last. In fact, 
few soldiers and few friends in Hindoostan have 
ever proved so faithful as those of Ser-efraz-khan. 
Mir Sherf-ed-din, who, with the corps under his 
command, had bravely encountered Alia Verdi- 
khan in person and struck him with two arrows, 
finding that the day was lost, retreated and quitted 
the field. One of those arrows penetrated the bow 
Alia Verdi-khan held in his hand, and the other 
made a slight wound on his right shoulder. In a 
word, every one of Ser-efraz-khan's men exhibited 
proofs of fidelity ; some fell on the field of battle, 
and others in despair retreated towards the city. 
Victory having now declared for Alia Verdi- 
khan, he immediately despatched his brother Haji 
Ahmed to Moorshedabad, with orders to tran- 
quillize the inhabitants of that city, and to place 
guards over all the offices of the government and 

A.D. 1740. 


on all the apartments of Ser-efraz-khan's palace, 
with strict injunctions to establish order and se- 
curity in every quarter. Haji Ahmed, in com- 
pliance with these commands, proclaimed every 
where the new viceroy, and by this means alone 
put an end to those tumults that had already 
began to display themselves. 

Two days after the battle, it being about the 
sefer, middle of Sefer, in the year 1153 of the Hegira, 

A H 1153. 

May, Alia Verdi-khan marched slowly and leisurely into 
the city, with great pomp and magnificence. On 
advancing to the palace, and before taking his seat, 
he struck off to the right, and went to the apart- 
ments where Zinet-en-nissa Begum, daughter of 
Jafer-khan, and mother to the late Ser-efraz-khan, 
resided. He stopped at the gate, and assumed a 
respectful posture, and in a moving tone of voice, 
having first made a profound bow, he supplicated 
her forgiveness, and sent in the following message : 
** Whatever was predestined in the book of fate 
has come to pass, and the ingratitude of this 
worthless servant is now registered in the un- 
fading records of history. But I swear, that so 
long as life exists, I will never swerve from the 
path of respect and the duties of the most com- 
plete submission to your highness ; and I hope 
that the guilt of this poor humbled and afflicted 
slave may in time be effaced from your memory. 


and that you will at some distant period conde- 
scend to accept in extenuation of my crime those 
demonstrations of submission and tokens of dutiful 
attachment, which I am disposed to exhibit." 

After this speech, in which he seemed greatly 
affected, and to which no answer was returned, he 
continued his route to the Chehel Sutun, or palace 
of forty pillars, built by Shujah-ed-doula for pub- 
lic ceremonies as well as for his residence. On 
entering the hall of audience, he took his seat, 
ordered the music to strike up, and received the 
offerings of the public civil officers, of the military 
commanders, and of the principal citizens of Moor- 
shedabad, who hastened to pay him that token of 
acknowledgment. Owing, however, to the black 
ingratitude of which he had been guilty towards 
his lord and benefactor's son, the person of Alia 
Verdi-khan was at first viewed with sentiments of 
detestation, for his real worth was not then known ; 
but in time he displayed many virtues. He main- 
tained a moral character, he treated the nobility 
and the chiefs with so much kindness, he acted 
with such condescension and benignity both to his 
friends and to strangers, he applied himself so 
earnestly to gain the hearts both of the powerful 
and defenceless, he evinced such a lively sense of 
gratitude for the services rendered him by those 
attached to his person, he paid so much regard to 


the rights of distant consanguinity or old acquaint- 
ance, he had so much commiseration for the 
poor, and paid so much attention to the oppressed, 
and evinced such generosity in the forgiveness of 
personal injuries, that he proved in the end to be a 
great governor and an excellent man. A total 
alteration gradually took place in public opinion 
regarding him, and those who at first could not 
bear to look on him, became in time so fascinated 
with his amiable deportment, and so attached to 
his person, that few instances have been observed 
in his time or in any other of such strong attach- 
ment. Upon the whole, although the slaying of 
the son of his benefactor was unquestionably one 
of the blackest acts that could be committed, yet 
it cannot be denied that Ser-efraz-khan had no 
talents for government, and no capacity for busi- 
ness ; that had his government lasted for some time 
more, such a train of evils and such a series of 
troubles would have been the consequence of his 
incapacity, that disorders without number and dis- 
turbances without end must have arisen, and would 
inevitably have brought ruin and desolation on 
these countries and their inhabitants. The Mah- 
rattas had already cast their eyes upon these rich 
provinces, and they shortly after invaded them on 
all sides ; but lucky was it for the inhabitants that 
those merciless freebooters had to deal with such a 


governor as Alia Verdi-khan, who by his talents 
both for war and government, and by the exertions 
of his sword, found means to repel those ravagers, 
and at last to drive them entirely out of Bengal, 
as we shall succinctly mention in the course of 
these sheets. Such exertions could not have been 
anticipated from Ser-efraz-khan and his ministers, 
who were not men to oppose such a torrent with 
effect. By a peculiar felicity, the new governor's 
three nephews proved men of merit, and did honour 
to such an uncle. Every one of them, invested with 
the military rank of seven thousand horse, and 
elevated to the highest dignities and offices of the 
state, seemed to have taken him for their pattern, 
and to have had nothing in view but the welfare of 
the people entrusted to their care. Of each of 
whom, as well as of Alia Verdi-khan's children 
and family, mention will be more particularly made 
when the history shall reach to their time. 


VOL. I. 2 H 




















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This work contains an account in Turkish, of the travels of Evliya in all parts of the Turkish 
empire, and in Turkestan, &c. in the middle of the seventeenth century. 

Nipon u dai itsi ran ; translated by M. Jules de Klaproth. 

This Japanese work contains the History of the Dairis or Ecclesiastical Emperors of Japan from 
the year 660 Ante Christum. 

The Fo koue ke, translated by M. Abel Remusat. 

Thisvery curious Chinese work contains an account of the travels of some Buddhist Priests, 
during the years 399-411 A.D. from the city of Si ngan fu in China, through Tartary, Hindoostan, 
Ceylon, &c., and greatly elucidates the ancient geography and religion ot Central Asia and India. 
It will likewise be illustrated by the learned translator from many original Chinese writers. 

A History of Morocco ; translated by Walter Price, Esq. 

An Arabic work containing a history of the establishment of the Mohammedan power in the 
Barbary States, and in Spain, from the eighth to the fourteenth century. 

The great Geographical Work of Idrlsi; translated by the Rev. G. C. Re- 
nouard, B.D. 

This Arabic work was written A.D. 1153, to illustrate a large silver globe made for Roger, 
King of Sicily, and is divided into the seven climates described by the Greek geographers. 

The Raghu Vansa; translated by Dr. Stenzler. 

This is a highly celebrated Epic Poem by KaUdisa. It wiU be accompanied by the Sanscrit 

The Travels of Macarius, Patriarch of Antioch. Written by his Attendant 
Archdeacon Paul of Aleppo ; translated by F. C Belfour, Esq. M.A., LL.D., 

This Arabic Manuscript, which is of great variety, describes the Patriarch's journey through 
Syria, Anatolia, Rumelia, Walachia, Moldavia, and Russia, between the years 1653 and 1660 of 
the Christian ^Era. 

Hajl Khalifa's Bibliographical Dictionary; translated by Monsieur Gustave 

This valuable Arabic work, which formed the ground-work of d'Herbelot's " Bibliothfeque 
Oriental," contains accounts of upwards of 13,000 Arabic, Persian, and Turkish works, arranged 

A Critical Essay on various Manuscript Works, Arabic and Persian, illustrating 
the History of Arabia, Persia, Turkomania, &c. ; translated by J. C. from an 
original Persian MS. in the possession of Sir William Ouseley, the Editor. 


Class 1st. — Theology, Ethics, and Metaphysics. 

The Sankhya Karika ; translated by Henry Thomas Colebrooke, Esq. 

This Sanscrit work contains, in seventy-two stanzas, the principles of the SAnkhya System of 
Metaphysical Philosophy. 

The Li ki, translated by M. Stanislas Julien. 

This ancient Chinese work, which is attributed to Confucius, was the original moral and cere- 
monial code of China, and is still the principal authority on those subjects in that empire. 

A Collation of the Syriac MSS. of the New Testament, both Nestorian and 
Jacobite, that are accessible in England, by the Rev. Professor Lee. 

This collation will include the various readings of the Syriac MSS. of the New Testament 
in the British Museum, and the Libraries at Oxford, Cambridge, &c. 

The Didascalia, or Apostolical Constitutions of the Abyssinian Church ; translated 
by T. P. Piatt, Esq. A.M. 
This ancient Ethiopic work is unknown in Europe, and contains many very curious opinions. 

The Vrihad Aranyaka ; translated by Dr. Stenzler. 

This ancient Sanscrit Upanishad is reckoned part of the Yajur Veda. It consists of reflections 
and dialogues on the origin and nature of the gods, men, fire, &c., and is one of the principal 
authorities in the Vedanta system of philosophy. 

The Akhlak-i-Nasiri, of Nasir-ud-din of Tiis in Bokharia ; translated by the 
Rev. H. G. Keene, A.M. 

This Persian system of Ethics is an elaborate composition, formed on Greek models, and Is 
very highly esteemed in Persia. 

The Harivansa, translated by M. Langlois. 

This Sanscrit work is generally considered as a Supplement to the Mahdbhdrata, and throws 
much light upon Hindu Mythology. 

Class 2d. — History, Geography, and Travels. 

The Sharaf Namah ; translated by Professor Charmoy. 

This is a Persian History of the Dynasties which have governed in Kurdistan, written by 
Sheref Ibn Shams-ud-din, at the close of the sixteenth century. 

The History of Mazindaran and Tabaristan ; translated by Professor Charmoy. 
This is a Persian history of part of the Persian empire, written by Zahir-uddln, and comes 
down to A.D. 1475. 

The Tarikh-i- Afghan ; translated by Professor Bernhard Dorn. Part II. 

This is a Persian History of the Afghans, who claim to be descended from the Jew«. It will be 
accompanied by an account of the Afghan tribes. 

The Annals of Elias, Metropolitan of Nisibis; translated by the Rev. Josiali 
Forshall, A.M. 
This Syriac Chronicle contains chronological tables of the principal dynasties of the world, 
brief memoirs of the Patriarchs of the Nestorian church, and notices of the most remarkable 
events in the East, from the birth of our Saviour to thebegiiming of the eleventh century. 

Ibn Haukal's Geography ; translated by Professor Hamaker. 

This Arabic work was compiled in the 10th century by a celebrated Mohammedan Traveller, 
and is not the same as the Oriental Geography of Ebn Haukal that was translated by Sir William 

The History of Raja Krishan Chandi'a, translated by G. C. Haughton, Esq., M. A. 
F.R.S.,&c. &c. 
This Bengali work includes an account of the Rise of the Raja's family, of the events that led to 
the fatal catastrophe of the Black Hole at Calcutta, afld of the triumphant establishment of the 
English under Lord Clive in Bengal. 


The Chronicle of Abulfat'h Ibn Abulhasan Alsamari; translated by the Rev. T. 
Jarrett, M.A. 

This rare Arabic work, of which only one perfect copy is known to be in Europe, is a History 
of the Samaritans from the cieation to the middle of the fourteenth century. 

Ibn Khaldiin's History of the Berbers ; translated by the Rev. Professor Lee. 
This is a most rare and valuable work, containing an account of the origin, progress, and 
decline of the dynasties which governed the northern coast of Africa. 

Ibn Koteiba's History of the Arabians, translated by Dr. J. H. Moeller. 

This celebrated work contains the History of the Arabians from the time of Ismael the son of 
Abraham to near the end of the third century of the Mahommedan, or the 9th of the Chris- 
tian era. 

Makrizi's Khitat, or History and Statistics of Egypt; translated by Abraliatn 
Salame, Esq. 
This Arabic work includes accounts of the conquest of Egypt by the Caliphs, A.D. 640 ; and 
of the cities, rivers, ancient and modem inhabitants of Egypt, &c. 

A History of the Birman Empire, translated by Father Sangermano. 

This work, which contains the political and religious history of Birmah, was translated by Fa- 
ther Sangermano, who was a missionary in Ava twenty-six years. It also furnishes accounts of the 
natural productions, laws, and metaphysics of that country. 

The Tuhfat al Kibar of Haji Khalifah ; translated by Mr. James Mitchell. Part II. 
This Turkish History contains an account of the maritime wars of the Turks in the Mediter- 
ranean and Black Seas, and on the Danube, &c., principally in the time of the Crusades. 

The Siyar ul M utakherin of Mir Gholam Hussein Khan ; translated by Lieut. 
Col. John Briggs. Vol- II. 
This celebrated Persian work comprises the annals of Hindustin from the time of the Emperor 
Aurungzebe to the administration of Warren Hastings in Bengal. 

The Khatai Nameh ; translated by M. Fleischer. 

This curious Turkish work contains a description of China, with accounts of its government, 
laws, &c. 

The Tarikh Tabari ; translated by M. Dubeux. 

A highly esteemed and very authentic history, written in Persian, containing accounts of 
the Patriarchs, Prophets, Philosophers, of Mohammed and of the Khalifs. 

Class 3d. — Bibliography, Belles-Lettres, and Biography. 

Haft Paiker,'an historical Romance of Bahram Giir; translated by the Right 
Hon. Sir Gore Ouseley, Bart. 

This Persian poem of Nazaml of Ganjah, contains the romantic history of Behrim, the 
Vth of the Sassanian dynasty of Persian Kings. 

Mihr-u-Mushteri ; translated by the Right Hon. Sir Gore Ouseley, Bart. 

This Persian Poem, of which an abridgment will be published, was composed by Muhammed 
Assdr, and celebrates the friendship and adventures of Mihr and Mushleri, the sons of King 
Shapur and his grand Vizier. 

Ibn Khallikan's Lives of Illnstrious Men : translated by Dr. F. A. Rosen. 

This is an Arabic Biographical Dictionary, arranged alphabetically, of the most celebrated 
Arabian historians, poets, warriors, &c. who lived in the seven first centuries of the era of 
Mahommed, A.D. 600 to A.D. 1300. 
The Bustan of Sadi ; translated by James Ross, Esq., A.M. 

This is a much-admired Persian Poem, consisting of Tales, &c. illustrative of moral duties. 
The Divan of the Huzeiiis ; translated by Professor Kosegarten. 

This is a collection of ancient Arabic Poems similar to the Hamasa ; the translation will be 
accompanied by the Arabic Text and scholia. 

Royal Asiatic Society's House, 
14, Grafton Street, Bond Street, London. 
Ist June 18.32. 


Lincoln's-Inn Fields. 


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