Class __tL_lX9-
"-^nu
COIVRIGHT DEPOSm
RED JACKET. THE SENECA ORATOR.
SKETCHES
OF
EARLY BUFFALO
AND THE
NIAGARA REGION.
SOPHIE C<^ BECKER,
Principal of the
North Main Street School.
BUFFALO, N. Y., 1904.
\
THE LiBSi <v OF
COIN 3 "^ -s
One Of>»i :-< -CI iv-x
r>EC. ^r 1904
COPY (C^
PREFACE.
It was not the aim of the author to write a complete
history of Buffalo nor of the Niagara, but to gather
from all available sources such a series of stories as will
interest young people and give them a fair idea of what
took place in this locality in the early days.
Until a pen more eloquent than mine shall describe
the toil, the sufferings, the sacrifices and the heroic
deeds of our forefathers of the Niagara Frontier, this
book is offered to the children of the schools of Buf-
falo, in the hope that the rising generation may learn
to cherish the heritage so dearly won, and may emulate
the virtues and industry that distinguished the men and
women of early Buffalo.
For the facts narrated the author is indebted to the
books given in the bibliography, to which the student
is referred for more detailed study.
For valuable assistance in the preparation of the
book, thanks are due to Mr. Frank H. Severance of the
Buffalo Historical Society and to Miss Ada H. Fox of
Masten Park High School.
S. C. B.
Buffalo, December, 1904.
LA SALLE AND THE GRIFFON.
Few lives of great men are so rich in romantic in-
terest, so full of hardships courageously endured, of
obstacles bravely overcome, and of disappointments
nobly borne, as was the life of Rene-Robert Cavelier,
Sieur de la Salle, the French explorer.
Like many other of his countrymen, he came to
America to seek his fortune. Having secured from the
Sulpitians a tract of land on the island of Montreal, he
set about improving this land, and began to engage in
the fur trade; but after he had listened to the tales of
the Indians and of the coureurs de hois, in which they
told of great tracts of rich lands rriade accessible by
large rivers, he determined to explore for himself the
Avaterways and lands of which they spoke. The Great
Lakes, extending westward — none knew how far — to-
gether with the mighty Father of Waters, might we'd
raise in La Salle the hope that this was the way to the
South Sea, and so to the wealth of the Indies, — a route
sought by Columbus nearly two centuries before.
Having no money, La Salle sold his land on the St.
Lawrence, and fitted out four canoes for purposes of
LA SALLE AND THE GRIFFON.
exploration and trade. The Sulpitians, who were
interested in La Salle's plans, thought this a good op-
portunity to send missionaries to the North-west Indi-
ans; the priests Dollier and Galinee, with three canoes,
therefore,, accompanied La Salle. They embarked in
the summer of 1669. When the western end of Lake
Ontario was reached, they fell in with Joliet, who was
returning from the West, and whose account of his
travels caused the priests to change their plans. They
proceeded westward by way of the Lakes, while La
Salle went in search of the Ohio River. During the
next two years he discovered the Ohio, explored the
whole region and, it is thought by some, reached the
Mississippi River.
He returned filled with the determination that these
beautiful, well-watered, fruitful valleys should become
New France ; that he would open the way for coloniza-
tion and trade; and that a line of forts, judiciously
placed along the Lakes and the Mississippi, would
enable him to keep out both English and Spaniards.
As a preliminary he secured the friendship of Fron-
tenac, the governor of Canada, from whom he obtained
letters of recommendation to Colbert, minister to Louis
XIV, King of France. Crossing the ocean La Salle
laid his plans before Colbert, who, regarding them fa-
10
LA SALLE AND THE GRIFFON.
vorably, secured the King's interest in them. In this
visit (1675) and a subsequent one (1678), La Salle
obtained from Louis the grant of Fort Frontenac, to-
gether with large tracts of land, the right to govern
them, a commission to undertake the discovei*y and
exploration of the mouth of the Mississippi, and the
power to erect such forts as should be needed to hold the
land for France. In consequence of these royal favors,
he was able to secure large loans when he returned to
Canada. He brought back with him the Italian Che-
valier Henri de Tonti, a brave soldier, who, throughout
La Salle's life, remained his most loyal friend.
Fort Frontenac, now Kingston, was made the base
of supplies. Here La Salle fitted out an expedition to
the Cataract of Niagara, where he proposed to con-
struct the first of his line of forts. The soldier, La
Motte de Lussiere, the priest, Father Hennepin, and
Tonti, were the men selected to aid him in this enter-
prise. The two former, with sixteen workmen, started
for the Niagara about the middle of November, 1678.
We will let Father Hennepin tell the story in his
own words :
"On the eighteenth of November, 1678, we took
leave of the monks at Fort Frontenac and embarked in
a brigantine of ten tons. The winds and cold being
11
LA SALLE AND THE GRIFFON.
very violent, our men were afraid to embark in so small
a craft. This obliged the Sieur de la Motte who com-
manded, to keep constantly along the north shore of
Lake Frontenac (Ontario) so as to be sheltered from the
Northwesters which would have driven us on the south-
ern coast. On the 26th we were compelled to anchor all
night, two leagues from land with sixty fathoms of
cable and in evident danger. At last, the wind shifting,
we reached the upper end of the lake, at an Iroquois vil-
lage about seventy leagues from Fort Frontenac. We
bartered some Indian corn with the Iroquois who could
not sufficiently admire us, and came to see us in our
brigantine, which for security, we anchored in a river.
We ran aground three times before we got in, and we
were obliged to land fourteen of our men and throw our
ballast overboard to get off. We were obliged to cut
away with axes the ice that would have locked us
in the river. As a suitable wind failed us, we could not
proceed till December 5th, and as we had fifteen leagues
to make to the Niagara, we succeeded in making only
ten leagues towards the southern shore, where we
anchored about three leagues from land, and were
roughly tossed all night by the stormy weather. On
the 6th, St. Nicholas' Day, we entered the beautiful
river Niagara, which no bark had ever yet entered.
12
LA SALLE AND THE GRIFFON.
After prayers of Thanksgiving the Indians of the
whole little village situated at the mouth of the river,
with one draught of the seine, took more than three
hundred whitefish, larger than carp, which are of ex-
cellent taste, and gave them all to us, ascribing their
luck in fishing to the arrival of the great wooden canoe.
On the seventh, we ascended two leagues up the
river in a bark canoe, to seek a place suitable for build-
ing, and being unable to go higher up in a canoe nor to
surmount the violent rapids, we proceeded to explore on
land three leagues farther, and finding no earth fit to
cultivate, we slept near a river* which flows from the
west one league above the great fall of Niagara. There
was a foot of snow which we removed to build a fire.
The next day we retraced our steps. On our way we
saw a great number of deer, and flocks of wild turkeys.
The carpenters and other men were set to work under
the direction of the Sieur de la Motte who was never
able to endure the rigor of such a life of hardship."
Hennepin next describes how, with great effort, the
brig was towed to a high rock (Hennepin's rock near
the old Suspension Bridge — Marshall) where she was
moored. On the seventeenth a cabin was begun on the
present site of Lewiston. This was to serve for a maga-
• Chippewa Creek according to Marshall.
13
LA SALLE AND THE GRIFFON.
zine. The ground was so frozen that boiHng water had
to be poured upon it in order to drive in the stakes for
the pahsade. Vast pieces of ice, hurled against the brig
by the rapid current, broke her cable and threatened to
carry her away. After three days of hard labor, they
succeeded in running her ashore.
Besides the building of a fort on the Niagara, it was
La Salle's purpose to construct a large ship for the navi-
gation of the Lakes. Since these operations were to
take place in the domain of the Senecas, it was high
time to conciliate them, for, roused by the English, they
regarded the movements of the French with jealousy
and suspicion. It was determined, therefore, to send
an embassy to their chief town. La Motte and Henne-
pin undertook the task. Accompanied by seven men
well armed, and carrying upon their backs such pres-
ents as would be likely to please the savages, they trav-
eled for five days in a south-easterly direction, through
the woods and over ground covered with snow. They
subsisted on parched corn and such game as they could
secure from Indian hunters, and slept in the open air.
After traveling thirty-two leagues, they arrived at
Tegarondies, the great village of the Senecas.*
Hennepin thus continues :
* Not far from the present site of Rochester.
14
LA SALLE AND THE GRIFFON.
"As our Frenchmen were well supplied with arms
and fine clothes, the Indians led us to the cabin of the
great chief where all the women and children came to
look at us, . . . The next day forty-two Iroquois
old men appeared in the council with us, and although
these Indians are almost all large men, and were merely
wrapped in robes of beaver or wolf skins, and some in
black squirrel skins, often with a pipe in the mouth, no
senator of Venice ever assumed a graver countenance
or spoke with more weight than the Iroquois sachems."
La Motte made his appeal, accompanying each ar-
gument by presents. The wily chiefs accepted the pres-
ents, but would give no direct answer to his petition.
Disheartened and weary the Frenchmen retraced their
steps, arriving at Niagara on the fourteenth of January,
worn out and almost starved. After La Motte and
Hennepin had departed, La Salle himself arrived at the
Seneca village, having come in a barque by way of the
Genesee river. By his superior address he won over the
sachems, securing their consent to his plans. He and
Tonti then pushed on rapidly, arriving at Niagara on
the twentieth.
To offset this success came the bad news that a
barque containing supplies, and the materials for the
construction of the ship, had been wrecked through the
15
LA SALLE AND THE GRIFFON.
disobedience of the pilot to whom La Salle had en-
trusted it. Only the anchors and cables were saved.
The loss was a most serious one ; but quite undaunted
La Salle immediately began to look about for a suit-
able ship-yard. He selected the mouth of Cayuga
Creek, near the present site of the village of La Salle.
Then began the toilsome task of carrying heavy
anchors, cordage and other supplies from the boat at
Lewiston, up the heights, and through the forest, a
distance of twelve miles around the falls, to this natural
ship-yard.
Father Hennepin relates the building of the ship
thus:
"On the 22d we went two leagues above the great
fall of Niagara, where we made a dock for building the
ship. On the 26th the keel of the ship and some other
pieces being ready, M. De La Salle sent the master car-
penter to desire me to drive the first pin. My profession
obliging me to decline that honor, he did it himself, and
promised ten Louis d'ors to encourage the carpenters
and further the work. . . . We employed one of
two savages of the nation called the Wolf, whom we
kept for hunting, in building some cabins made of the
rinds of trees. M. De La Salle having urgent business,
returned to Fort Frontenac, leaving for our com-
16
LA SALLE AND THE GRIFFON.
mander, one Tonti, an Italian by birth. ... I con-
ducted M. De La Salle as far as Lake Frontenac. He
undertook this march of more than eighty leagues by
land and on foot, with a little bag of roast Indian corn,
and that even failed him two days' march from the fort,
where nevertheless he arrived safely, with a dog which
dragged his little baggage over the ice.
The greater part of the Iroquois had gone to war
beyond Lake Conty (Erie) during the construction of
our bark, but although their absence rendered those
who remained, less insolent, nevertheless, they did not
fail to come frequently to our shipyard to manifest their
displeasure. One, feigning himself drunk, attempted
to kill our smith, but was vigorously repulsed by him
with a red-hot iron bar. Some time after, a squaw gave
us notice that the Indians had resolved to burn our
ship, and had certainly done it, had we not been upon
our guard.
These frequent alarms, fear of running out of pro-
visions, after the loss of the barque from Fort Fron-
tenac, and the refusal of the Tsonnontouans Iroquois
[Senecas] to give us Indian corn on our paying for it,
discouraged our carpenters, whom a dissolute fellow
solicited to leave us. . . . The two savages we had
taken into our service were hunting all this while,
17
LA SALLE AND THE GRIFFON.
and supplied us with wild goats (deer) and other
beasts, which encouraged our workmen to go on with
their work more briskly, insomuch that in a short time
our ship was in readiness to be launched. . . . We
made all the haste we could to get it afloat, though not
altogether finished, to prevent the designs of the natives
who had resolved to burn it.
The ship was called Le Griffon alluding to the arms
of Count Frontenac, which have two griffons for sup-
porters."
In May, Tonty determined to launch the ship, think-
ing that both ship and men would be safer anchored in
some quiet spot in the river. The rigging could be
completed there as well as on land. The Indians were
invited to the ceremony, and tried to appear friendly.
Their amazement was genuine, however, and so was
the noise they made after having been liberally supplied
with brandy in honor of the occasion.
Hennepin says of the ceremony :
"After having blessed the ship, we launched her.
We fired three guns and sung Te Deum which was at-
tended with loud acclamations of joy, of which the Iro-
quois who were present were partakers. ..."
By the seventh of August ( 1679) the ship's rigging
was completed and she was towed to the foot of Squaw
18
LA SALLE AND THE GRIFFON.
Island to await a favorable wind to help float her
through the rapids into Lake Erie.
She was a sight to delight the eyes of her builder, as
she lay at anchor in the river, with the wind in her
great sails, a griffin* stretching his wings at her prow
and an eagle soaring above on her pennon. Of warlike
appearance, too, was she, with seven cannon frowning
from her portholes, and carrying musketry besides.
Had she met an enemy she could have made a formid-
able fight; and La Salle's enemies were particularly
numerous and spiteful now : they had caused all his
goods to be seized for debt in the hope of hindering his
voyage. But, for the time at least, he foiled them, and,
with his crew of thirty-two men, began the navigation
of the Great Lakes.
Hennepin thus describes their departure :
"The wind, veering to the northeast, the ship being
well provided, we made all the sail we could and with
the help of twelve men, who hauled from the shore,
overcame the rapidity of the current and got up into the
lake. The stream was so violent that our pilot himself
despaired of success.
When it was done we sang Te Deum and discharged
our cannon and other firearms, in presence of a great
• A Griffin is a mythical creature, half bird, half lion.
19
LA SALLE AND THE GRIFFON.
many Iroquois who came from a warlike expedition
against the nation of the meadows, who Hve above four
hundred leagues from that place.
The Iroquois and their prisoners were much sur-
prised to see us in the lake, and cried several times,
'Gannorom!' to show their admiration."
It must be remembered that no charts existed for
navigating these stormy inland seas, and so the ship's
journey was beset with danger, especially at night.
Father Galinee had made a map of the northern shore
of Lake Erie, it is true, but navigation in light canoes
had not revealed the shoals which a heavy vessel like
the Griffon might encounter. Her pilot, too, was Luc,
the one who had wrecked the barque in Lake Ontario,
and La Salle had good reason to distrust him before the
end of the journey.
The first night was moonless and foggy, and the
Griffon crept forward cautiously, with lead out. Sud-
denly La Salle declared he heard breakers, and changed
the course of the ship. Soon they found themselves in
shoal water, and their hearts beat fast as again they
swung about; but, the fog lifting, they found that they
had just escaped being wrecked on Long Point, a
peninsula on the north shore of Lake Erie. Next day
they made good time, but another anxious night fol-
20
LA SALLE AND THE GRIFFON.
lowed. After that, however, being now out in the
widest part of the lake, they felt safe. On August tenth
they reached the Detroit river. Here Tonty, who had
preceded the Griffon in order to collect the furs which
La Salle's traders had secured from the Illinois In-
dians, awaited the boat and was received on board.
Sailing up the beautiful Detroit, they found an
abundance of food along its banks.
Hennepin thus describes the charming scene :
"The country between those two lakes is very well
situated, and the soil very fertile. The banks of the
strait are vast meadows, and the prospect is terminated
with some hills covered with vineyards, trees bearing
good fruit, groves and forests, so well disposed, that
one would think Nature alone could not have made,
without the help of Art so charming a prospect. That
country is stocked with stags, wild-goats [deer] and
bears, which are good for food; some think they are
better than our pork. Turkey-cocks and swans are
there also very common ; and our men brought several
other beasts and birds, whose names are unknown to
us, but they are extraordinary relishing, . . . those
who shall be so happy as to inhabit that noble country,
cannot but remember with gratitude those who have
discovered the way, by venturing to sail upon an un-
known lake for about one hundred leagues."
21
LA SALLE AND THE GRIFFON.
After much sounding they found a channel into
Lake Huron, towed the boat through as at Niagara,
and then, on the twenty-third sailed joyfully out on
the bosom of Lake Huron, singing another Te Deum,
But their joy was of short duration. Two days later a
violent storm began, which, on the twenty-sixth became
so furious that they drifted at the mercy of the gale.
La Salle, distrusting the pilot, took charge of the
soundings himself. Finally, even he became alarmed
and commended his beloved vessel to the care of God.
Hennepin remarks that everybody fell upon his knees
to say his prayers and prepare himself for death.
But the good vessel was near her journey's end, and
the storm abating, she soon sailed into the harbor of
Michillimackinac, to the settlement of St. Ignace. The
Griffon fired a salute, which was immediately answered
by the Hurons and French on shore. La Salle and his
crew went ashore in great state to attend a mass, which,
in gratitude for their deliverance, was celebrated in the
chapel of the Ottawas. The Griffon, meanwhile, was
surrounded by swarms of canoes filled with wondering
redskins, and astonished, envious Frenchmen.
Setting sail again, they next came to Green Bay,
where La Salle's traders had collected a valuable cargo
of furs. La Salle determined at once to send these furs
22
LA SALLE AND THE GRIFFON.
east to satisfy his clamoring creditors. Had he or
Tonty returned with the vessel, all might have been
well ; but Tonty was at the Falls of Sainte Marie hunt-
ing up dishonest traders in La Salle's employ, and La
Salle himself felt it necessary to remain with those who
had not as yet made off with his goods, for nearly all
his men had been made disloyal by the artful plotting of
his enemies, whose fear was that, should he succeed, he
would control all the trade which had been theirs so
long. He decided, therefore, to entrust his precious
ship and valuable cargo to the pilot Luc, and five able
sailors; a most unwise proceeding, since Luc had
proved so careless before. So, saluting her builder
with a single gun, the Griffon sailed away for Niagara,
on September eighteenth, carrying besides the furs, the
anchors and cordage which La Salle had intended for
another ship to be used in the navigation of the Missis-
sippi river.
That was the last that La Salle saw of her. Various
fates were assigned her. During the first night a fu-
rious storm came on which raged for five days, and
Hennepin declared that the Indians saw her go down
in the storm. Some believed that the savages boarded
and burned her. La Salle firmly believed that the pilot
23
LA SALLE AND THE GRIFFON.
and crew destroyed her for the sake of the rich plunder
she contained.
With the loss of the Griffon, was lost all that La
Salle had depended upon for success in his plans.
Though almost broken-hearted, his courage stood even
this test, and he and Tonty continued their explora-
tions by canoe and on foot, making both geography
and history for seven years more. Three years after
the loss of the Griffon, he discovered the mouth of the
Mississippi. He took possession of the whole valley
in the name of Louis XIV. of France, and called it
Louisiana.
At the early age of forty-three he was killed by two
discontented colonists of a settlement which he had
planted in Texas. Thus died the Sieur, Robert-Rene
Cavelier de la Salle, the builder of the Griffon, the first
large ship that attempted the navigation of the Great
Lakes above Niagara.
24
THE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
( Hodenosaunee. )
More than three hundred years ago, before the
white man had made his home on the banks of the Ni-
agara, before the Senecas had settled here, the French
missionaries found a peaceful people living on both
sides of the river. Their villages, some forty in num-
ber, also extended along the northern shore of Lake
Erie. One was located at Buffalo Creek. These
people the French named the Neutre Nation, because,
though living with the fierce Hurons to left of them
and the warlike Iroquois to right of them, they yet
contrived to live in peace. Their nearest neighbors,
the Senecas, (a tribe of the Iroquois), named them
Kah-Kwas.
Of this people little is known. The missionaries de-
scribe them as tall, well-formed, fine-looking savages.
Their clothing was such as the Indians of those days
usually wore. Their squaws planted beans, squash and
corn. Their hunters found the deer, wild turkey and
smaller game plentiful. The streams supplied de-
licious trout. It is even said that herds of buffalo
25
THE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
roamed along the banks of the creek. Apparently
there was nothing to prevent their being happy and
prosperous, and it is said that at the height of their
glory they were able to send four thousand warriors
on the warpath. This may account for the fact that
while the Iroquois and Hurons hated each other
fiercely and were continually at war, yet in the country
of the Kah-Kwas they strictly observed the laws of
neutrality. If a Huron and a Seneca met in the wig-
wam of a Kah-Kwa, their enmity was apparently for-
gotten, and both were safe.
This ideal state of things could not last, for war-
parties of both nations were continually passing
through the Kah-Kwa country. Because of some real
or fancied betrayal the Senecas became incensed
against the Kah-Kwas, and a war of extermination
was waged, until but a few were left. These were
adopted by the Senecas and lived with them in their
village at Buffalo creek which had fallen into the hands
of their captors; and after 1651 the Neutre Nation no
longer existed.
South of Lake Erie lived a far different people.
They were the fierce and jealous Eries, or Cat Nation.
These, too, fell before the savage onslaughts of the
Senecas in 1655. The following is, in substance, the
THE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
legend of their fall as told by the Indians themselves.*
Having heard that the five nations of central New
York, the Seneca, Cayuga, Oneida, Onondaga and
Mohav^fk, had formed a league or confederacy, the
Eries were filled with rage and dread, for such a union
could mean only mischief to them. They feared not to
cope with one nation, but were no match for five. De-
termined to test the prowess of these foes, they chal-
lenged the Senecas v^'ith seeming friendliness, to a
game of ball, to be played for a suitable prize by one
hundred picked youths of the Senecas against an equal
number of Eries.
A council of the League was called at once, and,
scenting danger, the sachems declined the challenge.
The Eries, however, repeated it until the young Iro-
quois fairly begged to be allowed to accept. Permis-
sion being given, each tribe selected its best players,
instructing them to seek no occasion for quarrel, and
to take no offense while in the country of the Eries.
Accompanied by a wise chief, the chosen band de-
parted for the scene of action. Tastefully attired,
carrying only their bats and balls, these athletic young
men made so fine an appearance as they marched into
the village of the challengers, that they excited the ad-
miration even of their enemies.
* Given in Ketchum's History of Buffalo.
27
THE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
The wager consisted of costly belts of wampum,
beautiful moccasins, beaver robes and other articles.
These the Iroquois chief placed upon the ground, and
each piece was carefully matched by the Eries.
Then began a hotly contested game. In spite of the
skill of the challengers, the Iroquois won. They
wished to depart, but the chief of the Eries declared
his people unsatisfied unless a foot-race, too, were run.
The Iroquois consented and were again the victors.
Then, on invitation of the Kah-Kwas, both parties
visited them at Eighteen-Mile-Creek, where the Erie
chief, still dissatisfied, proposed that ten Iroquois
wrestle with ten of his people, the losers in this contest
to be brained and scalped by their opponents. Al-
though displeased at this ferocious challenge, the Iro-
quois accepted, agreeing among themselves that if vic-
torious, they would spare their antagonists. The first
Seneca overcame his enemy, but declined to kill him.
Furious at being balked the Erie chief quickly dis-
patched the fallen warrior with his tomahawk. A sec-
ond and a third was thrown, and as quickly killed by
the now angry chief. The leader of the Iroquois saw
trouble brewing in the sullen looks of the Eries and
ordered his young men to depart. In two hours they
had returned to Te-osah-wa, the home of the Eries,
28
THE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
and gathering up their trophies, they started for home.
The Eries now determined to rid themselves of a
neighbor so dangerous as the Iroquois appeared to be,
by suddenly attacking each nation in turn, for they
could not hope to fight the whole Confederacy at once.
A large war party made ready immediately to fall upon
the nearest Seneca village, which was near the present
site of Geneva. They had forgotten the presence
among them of a Seneca woman who had married into
the nation, but who, her husband being now dead, con-
sidered that her loyalty belonged to her own people.
This woman set off secretly, at night, traveled along
the Niagara and by morning had reached Lake On-
tario. Here she took a canoe and paddled to Oswego
river, where some of her people lived. At the house
of the chief she gave warning of the Erie invasion.
Runners were sent at once to the Five Nations, sum-
moning them to a Council Fire at Onondaga. With-
out betraying the woman the chief told the story, say-
ing that it had been revealed to him in a vision. He
said that only a union of the Five Nations could save
them. When he had finished speaking, the air was
rent with war cries and the earth shook with the
stamping of feet. Waving their war clubs they asked
to be led against the foe.
29
XHE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
Five thousand warriors, with the bravest chiefs in
command, took up the Hne of march. One thousand
went as reserves because they had never been in battle.
When the war party reached Canandaigua Lake their
scouts reported that the Eries had already crossed the
Genesee river. The Eries knew nothing of their be-
trayal. The two parties met midway between the lake
and the river. When the Eries saw their foes they
rushed through an intervening stream and fell upon
them in fury. A hand-to-hand conflict began. Soon
the Eries discovered that they were fighting the whole
Confederacy and that it was a fight to the death for
them. None asked nor gave quarter. Warclub, toma-
hawk and scalping knife did deadly work. Suddenly
the reserves burst out of the wood in the rear of the
wornout Eries. Seven times had the Eries been driven
across the stream and recovered their ground, but the
last time the struggle was ended. Too proud to fly,
they were mowed down by the war-clubs of the fresh
warriors. Those who escaped were pursued and killed.
It was five months before the campaign was ended and
the victors returned to celebrate their victory.
It is said that the descendants of the survivors many
years later came from beyond the Mississippi to avenge
their nation. A great battle was fought near Buffalo
30
THE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
and the Eries were slain, to a man. Their bodies were
burned and buried in a mound near the old Indian mis-
sion Church at West Seneca.
The Neutres and the Eries having been extermin-
ated, the Senecas remained in undisputed possession of
the Niagara and the Lake Shore. At first they came
to this region simply for purposes of hunting and fish-
ing; but it was not until 1780, the year after Sullivan
had destroyed their homes and crops in the Genesee
valley, that they established themselves permanently on
Buffalo creek.
The Senecas belonged to the Iroquois Confederacy,
which was composed at first of the Five Nations, the
Senecas, Cayugas, Oneidas, Onondagas and Mohawks.
Later a sixth nation, the Tuscaroras, was admitted to
the union. This Confederacy, known as the Hodeno-
saunee or People of the Long House, was of such im-
portance that it will be interesting to know why it was
called the Long House, how it came into existence, and
something about the manner and customs of the people
who belonged to it. First, we must understand that an
Indian long house was from eighty to one hundred and
fifty feet long, and was constructed of a frame of up-
right poles covered with bark. It was partitioned into
open compartments or stalls, each of which accommo-
31
THE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
dated a family. Through the center of the house ran a
passageway, in which, at regular intervals, fires were
built, each warming two or four chambers. These
stalls contained bark shelves or bunks for beds. Un-
derneath was stored the firewood. Overhead hung
strings of corn and dried meats. The house was
lighted by holes in the roof directly over the fires.
Doors of bark and skins were placed at both ends.
Authorities differ as to the number of families ac-
commodated in a long house. If it contained five fires
it afforded room for ten or more families, according to
the size of the family. The inhabitants of a house
usually belonged to the same clan, being related
through the mothers, not the fathers. Thus the Turtle,
or the Snipe clan, would live in one house forming one
great family, having all things in common, and being
ruled by the older women of that clan. There were
eight such clans — the Deer, Turtle, Snipe, Bear, Wolf,
Hawk, Beaver and Heron.
Each clan selected, or "raised up," a sachem who
represented that family at the councils of the tribe.
These chieftainships were handed down in the clan.
The sachems adjusted the affairs of their nation. If,
however, the matter concerned the whole League they
repaired to the great Council House of the Confed-
32
THE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
eracy at Onondaga, where such matters were adjusted.
It was there that Hiawatha called the first council and
formed them into a league.
The legend runs thus : — They were imprisoned un-
der a mountain near Oswego Falls, when Hiawatha,
the great deliverer, brought them out into a beautiful
fertile valley, the Mohawk. But they were not peace-
able. They fought each other continually, and, taking
advantage of these enmities, the Algonquins fell upon
the Onondagas and almost wiped them out. Full of
dread of this powerful enemy, they called upon the
Holder of the Heavens (Great Spirit) for aid. He
sent Hiawatha, who called a great council at Onondaga
lake. Three days they awaited his coming. Then he
appeared, riding on the lake in a white canoe. He ad-
vised them to form a strong union, a brotherhood for
mutual protection, saying that only so could they with-
stand all enemies. He assigned to each tribe its place
in the League and then said farewell. The air was
filled with music ; he stepped into his canoe, and it was
borne into the blue heavens, out of their sight. They
took his advice and formed a most perfect democracy,
within whose borders peace and good-will reigned.
They were a band of brothers, all equal in rank, and
bound to help each other. To all tribes outside the
33
THE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
brotherhood they became a terror, for in this union
there was strength.
And so they called themselves the People of the
Long House, to signify that they were one large fam-
ily, who occupied a long house reaching from the
Cjcnesee river to the Hudson; each tribe gathering
about its own council fire. The Mohawks were the
keepers of the eastern door, the Senecas of the western.
The Confederacy was fortunately situated, occupying
a broad belt of fertile lands in the central part of New
York state, with waterways reaching in all directions.
If the New England tribes incurred their displeasure,
the Hudson quickly carried their war-parties into the
enemy's country. If it was necessary to show the Il-
linois Indians that the Iroquois were their masters,
then the Ohio furnished a rapid descent to the villages
of the people to be punished. The Adirondacks and
Algonquins soon learned to dread their ascent of Lake
Champlain, and the Hurons watched the Niagara port-
age with uneasiness. The Five Nations were irre-
sistible. In course of time they subjugated or anni-
hilated all the tribes in their vicinity, and their power
extended from the Great Lakes to the Carolinas and
from New England to the Mississippi river. This su-
34
THE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
periority they owed to their union, which was without
precedent among savage tribes.
The Great Council Fire was always at Onondaga.
In any matter that concerned the League as a whole,
the sachems of each nation (there were about fifty in
all), repaired to the Onondaga Council House. To a
peace council they carried fagots of white cedar ; to a
v;ar council a bundle of red cedar fagots was taken.
Arriving at the grove, they deposited their fagots in a
circle upon the ground. These were lighted by the
presiding Onondaga sachem, and constituted the Coun-
cil Fire. Seated in a circle about this fire, each in turn
took three whiffs of the calumet or peace-pipe, in token
of thanksgiving for life, for food, and for sunlight.
After these opening ceremonies came the speeches and
deliberations.
Behind each sachem stood a war chief who occupied
a subordinate position in times of peace; but in war
became the leader. The older women of the League
also had a final word to say in case of war, or in the
settlement of any question that involved them or their
children, and were listened to with respect. The two
great war chiefs always were chosen from the Senecas
because this tribe guarded the Western Door, or point
of attack, and therefore were the first to take the war-
path.
35
THE PEOPIvE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
The councils were conducted with great dignity, and
many of the sachems were noted for their eloquence.
Such were Logan, Red Jacket, Cornplanter and Far-
mer's Brother.
In a speech made by Farmer's Brother in 1798
occurs the following passage :
"Brothers — The whirlwind (Revolution) was so
directed by the Great Spirit above, as to throw into our
arms two of your infant children, Horatio Jones and
Jasper Parrish. We adopted them and made them our
children. We nourished and loved them. They lived
with us many years. At length the Great Spirit spoke
to the whirlwind and it zvas still. A clear and uninter-
rupted sky appeared. The path of peace was opened,
and the chain of friendship was once more made bright.
Then these adopted children left us to seek their rela-
tions."
Notice the beauty of the metaphor employed by Far-
mer's Brother.
The Five Nations also showed their superiority to
other savages in that they were not a mere hunting
people but an agricultural people as well. Their women
raised very superior crops of tobacco, corn, squash,
beans and pumpkins. When Sullivan raided their
towns they had planted large orchards of fruit trees.
THE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
Corn was their chief article of diet. This was
charred or dried for winter use. When preparing bread
the squaw first boiled the corn in a lye made of ashes
and water, thus removing the hull. She washed it,
placed it in a stone mortar and with a pestle pounded it
into fine meal. This she sifted in a basket sieve. Some-
times she mixed the meal with maple sugar, forming a
sweet cake which was boiled in water ; but usually the
maple sugar was omitted.
There is a beautiful myth of the Iroquois called
"The Three Sisters." According to this myth the
Great Spirit loved his red children, and for their sub-
sistence gave them the corn, bean and squash. That
these might grow and never fail them, he placed each
under the care of a guardian spirit. The Spirit of the
Corn, the Spirit of the Squash, and the Spirit of the
Bean were three beautiful sisters who made their home
in the green fields where these vegetables grew; they
loved to live together, often in the same field, the bean
twined around the corn and the squash creeping along
the ground. Each of the sisters was dressed in the
leaves of the plant which she guarded. In the autumn
when the corn was ripe, the grateful Indians celebrated
the Corn Festival, at which public thanksgiving was
made to the three sisters for the bountiful harvest. The
37
THE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
festival ended with a feast of succotash made of corn,
beans and squashes, of which the Indians are very fond.
The Indians likewise believed that the tobacco has
a guardian spirit. The knowledge of this plant was
given to the Iroquois so that they might send their
prayers up to the Great Spirit in the rising smoke. No
council was held without burning this incense in
thanksgiving for life, food and light.
Besides her ability as a farmer, the Indian woman
had no small degree of skill and taste in the fashion-
ing of garments and household utensils. Nothing more
beautiful nor perfect in the way of footgear can be
found than a well-made pair of moccasins, artistically
beaded and colored. The shoe is made of a single piece
of deerskin, sewed with a needle made of the small
bone taken from the ankle of the deer, and deer sinews
are used for thread. Their fine workmanship was also
shown in belts woven from the fibres of the slippery elm
bark, adorned with colored porcupine quills; also in
whole suits of soft buckskin tastefully beaded and orna-
mented.
Barrels, dishes, trays, etc., made of the bark of trees,
served all the purposes of a modern pantry full of
dishes. Pottery was made from various clays, and
some of the bowls, dishes and pipes that have been
38
THE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
preserved are distinctly artistic in design. (See Buf-
falo Historical Collection.)
The Indians understood the art of making baskets.
This art is practiced to-day by Indian women and to
them we owe our knowledge of the craft. Splints,
flags and sweet grass are among the materials used.
Many are the designs employed and much skill is
shown in the coloring.
Another Indian invention which is still useful is
the snow-shoe. It is made of a bent hickory frame and
woven across with deer sinew. Runners frequently
covered fifty miles a day with these "seven-league
boots."
The Indian had no metal tools with which to work
until the white man supplied them. Trees were cut
down by girdling them with fire near the ground. They
were cut into logs and hollowed out with fire. Canoes
were made of the inner bark of birch, elm or hickory ;
and were skilfully constructed so as to be both light
and waterproof. Arrow-heads, knives and chisels were
chipped from flint or chert. Hatchets, mortars and
mallets were made of stone firmly bound to wooden
handles. "4
Instead of written documents as evidence of records,
treaties, laws, and messages of peace or war, strings
89
THE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
and belts of wampum were used. Wampum consisted
of purple- and white beads made from the conch shell.
They were one-fourth inch long and strung on sinew
in yard lengths, or woven into belts containing designs
significant of the occasion for which they were given.
The white wampum was used principally for religious
purposes, the purple for political purposes. No prom-
ise or agreement between nations was considered bind-
ing unless it had been "talked into" a belt of wampum.
The Keeper of the Wampum had a fine memory and
could take down any belt in the Council House and
recite the various articles of agreement which it orig-
inally represented. Morgan* says distinctly that wam-
pum was not used as money. It was sometimes given
as a valuable present to appease relatives when a mem-
ber of the family had been killed. Six strings of white
wampum was the price of a life. If accepted by the
family the murderer went free.
t The People of the Long House believed that rever-
ence for the old and feeble, care of orphans, hospitality
to strangers and obedience to parents, were acceptable
to the Great Spirit and brought reward to the observer
of these virtues. They were therefore carefully prac-
ticed and taught to the children who were also taught
to tell the truth. A "forked" tongue was despised
* Sec Leagve of the Iroquois.
40
THE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
among- them. In the division of spoils they were ex-
ceedingly fair ; even a chief received no more than the
least child among them.
Captives taken in battle, were often adopted by
families that had lost a member. They received all the
rights and privileges of the dead one, even to the enjoy-
ment of his name and title. If a father's place were
thus filled, the adopted was called father by the chil-
dren, and was so regarded by all the household.
Indian hospitality was unstinted. If several strang-
ers came to a long house, one compartment was cleaned
and put at their disposal as long as they chose to stay.
Food was furnished freely. It was their custom to set
food before every visitor who happened in, even if he
t There is a legend which tells the origin of Indian hospitality. It runs thus:—
A weary old man was once seen approaching an Indian village. He appeared very
ill and was covered with sores. The Indians shunned him, therefore, and when he
passed from wigwam to wigwam, women covered their children's faces that they might
not take the disease. No one bade him enter. He passed on to other villages, but no-
where was there a welcome for him. At last, when quite worn out and almost hopeless,
he approached a wigwam. To his surprise the face of the woman who came to greet
him lighted up with pity, and she said :
"Welcome, my brother ! You are a stranger and ill. What can I do for you ?"
She made him comfortable upon a couch of soft furs, and, at his bidding, gathered
herbs in the forest, prepared them according to his directions, and cured his disease.
He caused himself to be afflicted with all the diseases in turn, which the evil spirits send
to red men, and taught her how to cure them all. In this way she and her descendants
forever, were given the knowledge of medicine and became more highly honored than
chiefs or sachems. After the old man had taught his hostess all the arts of healing, he
caused himself to fall ill of a fatal disease and so returned to the Great Spirit who had
sent him.
From that time no stranger, however ill or repulsive he might appear, was ever
turned away from an Indian's door. They feared that in refusing hospitality they might
be turning away "good medicine. "—[Abstracts from Canfield's Iroquois Legends.]
41
THE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
had just dined, and it was a breach of politeness not to
accept the food offered.
In the matter of names they were very particular.
Names were not given at random. Names belonging
to one clan or tribe could not be used by others. When
a baby was to be named the chief furnished to the
mother a list of children's names which were not then
in use, and she made her choice. When the youth
grew to manhood another name was selected in the
same manner. If later he became a chief, the name of
some dead chief was conferred upon him. Thus, Red
Jacket was called Otetiani in youth ; when he became
a sachem his name was changed to Sagoyewatha. He
subsequently gave his former name to Thomas Morris
when he was adopted into the tribe.
Many references to the graves of their fathers are
made by Indian orators, showing that the Red Men
reverenced the bones of their dead. It was believed
that the dead, if left unburied, could not reach the
abode of the spirits, but wandered about unhappily.
Therefore those killed in battle were, if possible, care-
fully removed and buried. The journey to the "Happy
Hunting Grounds" was thought to be long; conse-
quently the dead warrior would need his bow and ar-
rows to kill game on the way; also his pipe and to-
42
THE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
bacco to solace him at evening, and his dog- must be
killed to keep him company. Parched corn, too, was
often placed upon the scaffolding upon which the dead
were laid, or buried with them in the grave. When
the warrior reached the abode of the Great Spirit, how-
ever, he no longer needed to hunt or work. Abundance
was everywhere and he could amuse himself or rest, as
he chose.
The Indian was very grateful to the Great Spirit
for all he received. According to Morgan,* the Iro-
quois observed six thanksgiving festivals. When the
sap began to flow the Maple Festival was celebrated.
At the Planting Festival the Great Spirit was asked to
bless the seed. Besides these, there were the Straw-
berry Festival, the Green Corn Festival, the Harvest
Festival and the New Year's Festival. This last was
celebrated in February and was the greatest of the
Indian year. On that occasion a white dog was sacri-
ficed to the Great Spirit, sins were confessed and a de-
termination to "turn over a new leaf" was made. The
festival lasted seven days. One of the ceremonies was
to visit one's neighbor and to stir up with a shovel the
ashes upon his hearth.
* League of the Iroquois.
43
THE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
No Christian prayer could be more beautiful in
phraseolog-y than the following- which was offered by
the Iroquois at their Planting- Festival :
"Great Spirit who dwellest alone, listen now to the
words of thy people here assembled. The smoke of
our offering arises [throws tobacco on the fire. As the
smoke ascends he prays.] Give kind attention to our
words as they arise to Thee in the smoke. We thank
Thee for the return of the planting season. Give to us
a good season that bur crops may be plentiful.
Continue to listen for the smoke yet rises. [Throws
on more tobacco.] Preserve us from all pestilential
diseases. Give strength to us that we may not fall.
Preserve our old men among us and protect the young.
Help us to celebrate with feeling the ceremonies of this
season. Guide the minds of thy people that they may
remember Thee in all their actions. Na-ho."*
In all festivals dancing played a large part. The
Iroquois had dances for every occasion. Morgan gives
a list of thirty-two, among which were the Feather
dance, the Buffalo dance, Scalp dance, False Face
dance. Thanksgiving dance, etc. The women had a
special dance for the dead, accompanied by wailing.
Some of the dances were accompanied by beating the
* Given by^Morgon in the League of the Iroquois.
44
THE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
drum or tom-tom, others by shaking rattles or singing
songs. ^.^
Chief among the dances was the War Dance thus
described by Colden* :
"The night before they set out on the warpath, they
make a grand feast ; to this all the noted warriors of
the nation are invited ; and here they have their War
Dance, to the beat of a kind of a kettle-drum. The
warriors are seated in two rows in the house, and each
rises up in his turn, and sings the great acts he has
himself performed, and the deeds of his ancestors; and
this is always accompanied with a kind of a dance, or
rather action, representing the manner in which they
were performed ; from time to time, all present join in
a chorus, applauding every notable act. They exag-
gerate the injuries they have at any time received from
their enemies, and extol the glory which any of their
ancestors have gained by their bravery and courage;
so that they work up their spirits to a high degree of
warlike enthusiasm. . . . They come to these dances
with their faces painted in a frightful manner to make
themselves terrible to their enemies; and in this man-
ner the night is spent. Next day they march out with
much formality, dressed in their finest apparel, and, in
their march, observe a profound silence. . . .
* History of the Five Nations,
45
THE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
After the expedition is over, they send to inform
their friends of their return that they may be prepared
to give them a solemn reception, suited to the success
they have had."
Games, too, were a part of all their festivals. Mor-
gan describes a number of these, chief among which is
the game of ball. This game, which was always hotly
contested, was usually played clan against clan, or na-
tion against nation ; and betting was a regular feature,
for Indians are great gamblers. The players were
naked except for the breechclout. Bat and ball were
made of deerskin. Each side had a wicket or gate.
The object of the game was to send the ball through
this wicket, it being touched only with the bat.
The deer-button and the peach stone game some-
what resembled our game of dice. The former game
was played with eight buttons blackened on one side,
the latter with six peach stones, polished and similarly
blackened. Success depended on the number of the
same color that turned up at each toss. The javelin
game was one of skill. Its object was to throw a jave-
lin at a rolling hoop. The javelins that failed to strike
the hoop were forfeited. Success belonged to the side
that won all the javelins. Races and archery, throw-
46
THE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
ing the tomahawk and other games of skill and endur-
ance were favorites.
We need not dwell upon the Indian's scorn of any-
thing resembling cowardice. E^'en under the most
cruel torture he would chant his death song reciting
his valorous deeds, and taunting his tormentors with
past defeats, and with their inability to hurt him.
Such was the life of the celebrated Confederacy of
the Five Nations, until their downfall, which may be
traced to the intercolonial wars, when the Iroquois al-
lied themselves first with one side, and then with the
other. During the French and Indian wars, division
of interests caused the Iroquois to abandon their for-
mer policy of united action. The Mohawks were
firmly bound to Sir "William Johnson and the English
cause by ties of relationship. The Senecas and others
were as firmly attached to the French ; and so the Long
House, being divided against itself, finally fell. In the
Revolution the Johnson family secured four of the Six
Nations to the English cause. Only the Oneidas and
Tuscaroras tried to remain neutral. The reward of
the Iroquois was small. No provision was made for
his Indian allies by the English King when the treaty
of peace as signed, and the United States dealt with
them as with any conquered people. Their lands were
47
THE PEOPLE OF THE LONG HOUSE.
confiscated, leaving them only small reservations where
before they had owned a vast domain. It is true that
the government tried to deal fairly by them, making
them some return for these lands, but with their lands
gone, their dignity as a people departed. The Long
House was no more. Their Council Fire was extin-
guished. The arts and also the vices of civilization
were thrust upon them ; whatever was left of manhood
and virtue was destroyed by the cursed liquor traffic.
The Senecas occupied the reservation of West Sen-
eca on Buffalo Creek until 1844, when they scattered,
some going to Kansas and others to their kindred on
the Cattaraugus and Alleghany reservations ; and their
ancient seats knew them no more.
No watchman guards the Western Door to the Long
House now, unless it be the spirit of the "Last of the
Senecas," to whose memory the beautiful monument
at Forest Lawn is raised.
48
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
In an Indian tepee, at the foot of Seneca lake, was
born, about the year 1750, the Httle Indian baby who
afterward became the great orator known as Red
Jacket. His people belonged to the Senecas, the most
western of the celebrated Five Nations of New York.
His first name was 0-te-tiani, which means Always
Ready; but, as is the Indian custom, another name was
given to him later when he became a chief.
The favorite pastime of the little Indian was hunt-
ing, and, in following game, he became a great runner;
indeed he could outstrip all his companions when hunt-
ing deer or antelope. This accomplishment soon
brought him into notice, for the Indians employed
swift runners to carry messages from tribe to tribe,
and Otetiani became a runner for his tribe. Later,
when the Revolution began, the British officers noticed
his swiftness and intelligence and employed him as
their messenger. In payment for his services they gave
him an embroidered red jacket which pleased him im-
mensely. So vain was he of the garment, that there-
after so long as he remained in their service, the officers
49
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
kept him in red coats, and, in time, he became known
as Red Jacket, a name which gave him much satisfac-
tion.
Red Jacket was a great runner, a great hunter, a
great speaker, but never a great fighter. There seemed
to be no warrior spirit in him, and he never earned the
right to wear the eagle plume. His enemies often
called him a coward. To prove that he was not brave.
Brant, the celebrated Mohawk chief, who hated him
much, loved to tell a story about him to the effect that
during the Revolution Red Jacket had, on one occa-
sion, made a great speech urging the young warriors
to fight, declaring that he himself would lead them and
be found in the thickest of the fight, but when the
battle began Red Jacket was nowhere to be seen.
While the others were absent fighting, he was skinning
a cow which he had stolen. Red Jacket indignantly
denied the story, and was much incensed at the nick-
name "Cow-Killer," which Brant fastened upon him.
The enmity between the two may have grown out of
the desire of each to lead. Brant was the leader of
those Iroquois who had become allies of the British.
He was well-educated, and the Five Nations looked up
to him because, while he could read and write, and un-
derstood the white man's ways, yet he was a brave war-
60
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
rior, true to his people. Red Jacket, on the other hand,
had no education ; but he had a fine, far-seeing mind
and greater powers of eloquence than Brant. Natur-
ally, there was jealousy between the two chiefs, and
Brant made the most of the cow story. But Red
Jacket was once called a coward by no less a person
than Cornplanter, one of the greatest, bravest, and
wisest of the Seneca war chiefs. It was when General
Sullivan made his great raid into the 'Xong House"
and Cornplanter tried to rally the Indians at Canan-
daigua Lake, to make a stand against Sullivan before
he should reach and lay waste the Seneca country, that
Red Jacket, learning of the defeat of a force under
Brant, refused to stay, and, gathering his warriors, be-
gan a retreat. Cornplanter was furious. "Leave that
man, he is a coward; your children will be cowards!"
he shouted to Red Jacket's squaw.
During this raid, Red Jacket secretly sent messen-
gers to the American camp to sue for peace. Brant,
becoming aware of it, had them waylaid and killed.
Had the Indians made peace at this time, they would
have saved their homes and crops from destruction, and
themselves from starvation. If Red Jacket foresaw
the awful result of the war, and tried to prevent it, he
was morally brave in opposing the war-party and its
51
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
powerful chief ; but to the Indian such conduct would
seem cowardly, since from infancy, he is taught to
taunt his enemies, and never to sue for peace.
Patrick Henry served his country better with tongue
and pen than with the sword, and possibly Red Jacket
felt that he, likewise, could serve his people better with
his great eloquence than he could with tomahawk
and scalping knife. He often declared that he was
born an orator, not a warrior. That he had great na-
tural ability no one denies, but he studied hard to im-
prove his gifts. Once, while still a boy, he heard a
speech by Logan, the great Cayuga orator; the elo-
quence of that famous speaker so impressed him that
he often "played Logan" when alone in the woods. An
interpreter, who knew Red Jacket in later life, said that
when about to deliver a speech in council, he would
retire to some secluded spot and sit down upon the
ground with bundles of twigs before him. These he
would arrange in piles, meanwhile reciting his speech.
Apparently each twig stood for some argument or
point which he wished to make. When the time to
speak came, he would arise slowly, draw his blanket
about him as a Roman his toga, survey his audience
in dignified silence, and when he had their full atten-
tion he would begin his speech in a slow, impressive
52
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
manner. He had a pleasing- voice, a penetrating
glance, and a very expressive face and bearing. He
could move his audience to tears or make them frantic
with rage. When angry, his eyes darted fire; when
scornful of his opponent, a sarcastic smile played over
his face and he said cutting things.
He had an intense love for his people and their cus-
toms. When he saw, with increasing uneasiness, the
growing power of the white men and the increasing
helplessness of his own people, he exerted all his elo-
quence to defend the rights of the red men and to keep
them from yielding up their lands.
His hate and distrust of white peoples ways
prompted him to refuse to use the English language,
although he understood and could speak it. To show
his contempt for our tongue he would, in a stately
manner, require an interpreter to tell him what had
been said and to translate his replies. Even after his
people had removed to Buffalo Creek and adopted
the customs of civilization he held out, refusing to
use either table or chair in his cabin. He used to sit
in state upon a bearskin spread upon the floor.
Red Jacket did not believe in education for the
Indian. A young Seneca who had been at school re-
turned to his tribe.
53
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
"What have we here?" was Red Jacket's greeting.
"You are neither a white man nor an Indian ; then
tell us what you are !"
While he affected to despise white people, he
wanted them to admire his greatness and importance.
Sometimes his vanity caused him to stoop to trickery
to gain influence. It was partly by trickery that he
became a chief. He had felt for a long time that he
was not properly appreciated by his people; that they
ought to have made him a sachem or peace chief. In-
dians believe that a vivid dream is a message from the
Great Spirit and must not be disregarded, so Red
Jacket contrived to dream that he was made a sachem,
and promptly informed his people of the fact. They
doubted. The dream was repeated three times, still
they doubted. Just then the small-pox broke out
among them, with its usual fatality to the Indian.
"See," said Red Jacket, "the Great Spirit is dis-
pleased with your disobedience."
Apparently the poor people were persuaded, for he
was made a sachem and given the name Sa-go-ye-
wat-ha, which is the name of the spirit that induces
wakefulness at night, and means, "he keeps them
awake." He earned the right to this name, for his
eloquence gave his people no rest while he lived.
54
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
The earliest mention that historians make of Red
Jacket as an orator is found in the account of the
treaty of Fort Stanwix, in 1784. Let me briefly re-
hearse the events that led up to this treaty. When
the Revolution began the colonists called a council of
the Six Nations of New York known as the Iroquois,
At this council the peacepii>e was smoked and the In-
dians made a treaty not to fight on either side. They
kept this treaty for a year. The British, finding that
the colonists were not as easily subdued as they had
expected, determined to call the Iroquois to their aid
and convened a council for this purpose. To the cred-
it of the chiefs it must be said that at first they re-
fused to break the promise made to the colonists ; but
the British persuaded them that it would not be wrong
to break faith with rebels who had themselves broken
faith with their king. This argument was reinforced
by promises of plunder, offers of reward for scalps, and
of unlimited rum, guns and money. The Indians re-
NoTB— A story is told of a Mohawk Chief, Hendiick by name, who vjsited Sir
William Johnson one day, just as a case of gold-laced uniforms received from England,
was being opened. Hendrick left the room, but soon returned and gravely remarked
that he had dreamed that Sir William gave him one of the uniforms. Knowing the
Indian superstition Sir William dared not refuse and promptly handed over the clothes.
He had no mind, however, to let such a thing happen again, therefore, a few days later,
on meeting Hendrick iu his gorgeous uniform, he, with great gravity, remarked that he
had dreamed that Hendrick had given him a certain tract containing 500 acres of valuable
land, situated in the Mohawk valley.
Hendrick looked his astonishment, hesitated, but finally said, "It is yours, but f
will never dream with you again."
55
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
turned from the council laden with gifts and began at
once to harass the whites in the hope of getting scalps
to sell to the British. They then committed those
shocking massacres in Cherry and Wyoming valleys
which so aroused the wrath of General Washington
that he sent General Sullivan against them, with or-
ders to punish them so severely that they would com-
mit no more crimes. This was done so thoroughly
that thereafter Washington was known among the In-
dians as the "Town-Destroyer."
After the war was ended, the Indians had to be
dealt with. They were still under the influence of the
British stationed at Fort Niagara and other frontier
posts, who encouraged them in all manner of lawless-
ness. It was a question whether all the Iroquois
should not be expelled from the state and be made t3
follow the Mohawks, who had cast in their lot with
the British and settled in Canada. But General Wash-
ington opix)sed this plan, and proposed instead that a
treaty of peace be made with them and that an effort
to civilize them follow. In pursuance of this plan
they were summoned to a council held at Fort Stan-
wix (Rome, N. Y.). The protection of the United
States was offered them on condition that they give
up all white prisoners still held in captivity, and sur-
56
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
render the larg-e territory about the Niagara and Ohio
rivers, which hitherto they had claimed.
General Lafayette, who was present at the council,
afterward (1825) recalled the vehement opposition to
the treaty of one very young- orator, who excited his
people so violently by his denunciations of a treaty
which would deprive them of their ancient seats, their
hunting grounds and the graves of their fathers, that
the United States Commissioners almost despaired of
reaching any agreement with them. It is thought by
some historians that the orator on this occasion was
Red Jacket. Cornplanter acted as peace-maker. He
convinced his people that, as a conquered nation, they
must submit to the terms made by their conquerors.
The treaty was signed, but it furnished Red Jacket a
text for many bitter speeches later ; while Cornplanter
suffered much at the hands of his people for having
advised submission. So severely was he blamed by
the Chippewas and Half Town's people that he felt
obliged to make an effort for the return of their lands.
In December of 1790, accompanied by Half Town and
Great Tree, he went to Philadelphia to see General
Washington and make a personal appeal. In his
speech Cornplanter referred to the fact that his life
had been threatened because he had given up these
lands.
57
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
He addressed himself "To the Great Councillor of
the Thirteen Fires" in these words :
"Father, we will not conceal from you that the
Great Spirit and not man, has preserved the Corn-
planter from the hands of his own nation. The Chip-
pewas and all the nations that lived on those (Ohio)
lands westward call to us and ask, 'Brothers of our
fathers! where is the place which you have reserved
for us to lie down upon?* He is silent, for he has
nothing- to answer. When the sun goes down he opens
his heart to the Great Spirit and earlier than that sun
api>ears again upon the hills, he gives thanks for his
protection during the night ; for he feels that among
men, become desperate by their danger, it is God only
that can preserve him."
For the small tract near Pennsylvania claimed by
Half Town and his people he made this pathetic ap-
peal:
"They (Half Town's people) grew out of that
land, and their fathers grew out of it, and they can-
not be persuaded to part with it. It is a very little
piece. We therefore entreat you to restore to us this
little piece !" His appeals were fruitless.
As soon as the fertility of the Genesee lands be-
came known, many land companies sprang into ex-
58
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
istence for the purpose of securing from the Indians
a title to their lands or a long lease. The rival com-
panies finally united their interests, making Oliver
Phelps and Nathaniel Gorham their agents. New
York and Massachusetts claimed this tract, and in
1786 New York gave to Massachusetts the pre-emp-
tive right to it.* Massachusetts sold the right to the
Phelps and Gorham Company for one million dollars.
The land had yet to be purchased from the Indians,
and for this purpose they were summoned to a council
at Buffalo Creek in July of 1788. The Indians were
willing to sell part of their land and parted with over
two and one-half million acres for five thousand dol-
lars, one-half in cash, one-half in goods, and an annual
rental of five hundred dollars forever. At this council
were present Brant the Mohawk Chief, Farmer's
Brother, Cornplanter, Old King, Old Smoke, Red
Jacket, and the missionary and friend of the Indians,
Rev. Samuel Kirkland. Several British officers were
present too, among whom was Colonel Butler, to
whom the Indians left the fixing of the price. Phelps
paid him well for the service. The council was con-
ducted peaceably and the Indians seemed satisfied at
the time, but later they made bitter complaints of
* Right to purchase from the Indians.
59
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
fraud. Investigation showed, however, that they had
entered into the contract with open eyes.
Phelps and Gorham found themselves unable to
meet the payments to Massachusetts, hence the land
was again sold to Robert Morris, the financier of the
Revolution, He in turn sold the western section to
the Holland Land Company. The Indian title to this
land was not extinguished until 1797.
The Western Indians had not been included in the
treaty of Fort Stanwix, and, instigated by the British
at Detroit, Niagara and other frontier posts, had not
ceased their hostilities at the close of the war. De-
termined to make the Ohio the boundary to the white
man's encroachments, they summoned the Iroquois to
help them exterminate the whites. The Iroquois sym-
pathized deeply with them and it needed little to make
them openly join in the war. Two Senecas were killed
by white men about this time (1790) and the excite-
ment of the Indians became so great that the govern-
ment thought it wise to convene a council to pacify
them and prevent an outbreak. Colonel Pickering
called the council at Tioga Point in 1790. Great ex-
citement prevailed when the council opened, but Col-
onel Pickering, understanding the Indian nature, made
a speech in which he mourned with them over their
60
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
loss, soothed their grief, and figuratively wiped away
their tears, promising that the murderers should be
punished. Red Jacket replied, saying that the chain
of friendship between the Five Nations and the
Thirteen Fires (states) must be brightened; that it
contained two rusty spots: one, the murder of their
brothers, the other, the Phelps and Gorham purchase,
which he said was a lease not a sale, and that the In-
dians had been defrauded.
In his reply Colonel Pickering tactfully proceeded
to polish up the chain of friendship. He then fed the
Indians, distributed some presents among them and
sent them home happy and contented, for the time
being.
It was at this council that Thomas Morris, the
son of Robert Morris, was adopted by the Senecas.
He had lived among them long enough to gain their
affection and they gladly received him into their tribe.
Red Jacket, whose special friend he was, conferred
upon him his own former name Otetiani. The scene
is graphically described by Stone. *
Sixteen hundred Indians were present at the cere-
mony. They sat about the council fire. Fish Carrier,
an old Cayuga chief, presided. He made a speech to
the moon, throwing tobacco into the fire as incense.
• See Stone's Red Jacket.
61
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
All the Indians threw themselves upon the earth and
groaned. Then the young- braves arose and danced
about a torture stake, throwing their tomahawks at
it, while singing of their brave deeds. They were all
naked, their backs painted red and white. So earnest
did they become in their boasts that the evening al-
most ended in a fight. Fish Carrier reproved the
young men and sent them home.
In April of the next year another council fire was
built at Buffalo Creek, Colonel Proctor was sent to
request the Senecas to send Cornplanter with a dele-
gation to the western tribes to help the government
make peace with them. Red Jacket, who had received
his instructions from the British at Fort Niagara, con-
sumed much time in objecting to the mission. He
objected first to the great distance, then to the danger
of the undertaking, and at last said that Cornplanter
was still tired from his Philadelphia journey, and was
needed at home to keep the young warriors in order.
When Colonel Proctor finally lost patience and told
the Indians that he would report their unfriendliness
at Philadelphia the women took matters into their own
hands and promised that the delegation would be sent.
Very unwillingly Red Jacket named the delegates, but
because the British refused them transportation up
the Lakes, the plan had to be abandoned.
62
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
When the news of St. Clair's defeat by the western
tribes reached the Iroquois, they became so insolent
and so unsettled in their allegiance, that the govern-
ment feared they might be emboldened to again take
up the hatchet and join their western friends. To gain
their confidence and secure a fuller allegiance, and to
show them the strength and power of the government
of the United States, and the advantages of civiliza-
tion. General Washington invited their chiefs to visit
Philadelphia, then the national capital. In March,
1792, fifty chiefs, among whom were Red Jacket and
Farmer's Brother, traveled to Philadelphia under the
care of the missionary. Rev. Samuel Kirkland, and
became the Nation's guests.
The governor of Pennsylvania made the speech of
welcome. It is not the Indian custom to reply at once
since that would show lack of reflection. The Indian
meditates before replying. That is more dignified.
Therefore, five days passed before Red Jacket replied
to the governor in these words :
"Brother Onas * Governor : Open unprejudiced
ears to what we have to say. Some days since you ad-
dressed us, and what you said gave us much pleasure.
This day the Great Spirit has allowed us to meet you
• Onas means pen. A name given to all Pennsylvania governors since William Penn.
63
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
again in this council chamber. ... In your ad-
dress in this ancient council chamber where our fore-
fathers have often conversed together, several things
struck our attention very forcibly. You told us this
was the place in which our forefathers often met on
peaceable terms, and it gave us sensible pleasure, and
more joy than we could express. Though we have
no writings like you, yet we remember often to have
heard of the friendship that existed between our
fathers and yours [the Quakers].
"The picture [Penn's treaty with the Indians] to
which you drew our attention brought fresh to our
minds the friendly conference that used to be held be-
tween former governors of Pennsylvania and our
tribes, and showed the love which your fathers had
of peace, and the friendly disposition of our people.
. . . As you love peace, so do we also, and we wish
it could be extended to the most distant part of this
great country."
This and much besides, Red Jacket replied to the
governor's address. It is Indian etiquette to ref>eat a
speech entirely to show that it is understood and re-
membered, and then to reply to it point by point, even
if it be but an exchange of compliments. So Indian
speeches were very long, and we can give only short
extracts from Red Jacket's most noted ones, but these
64
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
will illustrate his style of oratory. It is true that no
interpreter had a sufficient command of the Iroquois
tongue to interpret accurately all that he said. The
Iroquois language is full of beautiful figures of speech
which cannot be translated into English without losing
some of their beauty, but with all these drawbacks we
cannot fail to find some of Red Jacket's illustrations
singularly beautiful, even in English.
General Washington spoke in welcome to the as-
sembled chiefs and delivered to them a belt of wam-
pum as a record of the event. These belts are kept in
the Indian council houses. Each belt has its history,
the various strings in it representing the arguments,
or the articles of the treaty, sale or other transaction
which they record. They stand to the Indian in the
place of books or legal documents. Red Jacket had a
remarkable memory and could take down each belt
in the Seneca council house and tell its history. A
dispute once arose concerning a very early treaty con-
cerning which Red Jacket made a statement. A white
man contradicted him, saying that it was otherwise
written in our books.
"Then your books lie," calmly said the chief. "I
have it written in this book here," pointing to his fore-
head, "and that does not lie." It was found that he
was right.
65
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
To General Washington's speech Red Jacket re-
pHed as follows :
"Brother: I now request the attention of the
President of the United States by his agent Colonel
Pickering now present.
When the other day, the Great Chief of this island
[America] welcomed us to the great council fire of
the Thirteen United States, he said it was from his
heart. He said it gave him pleasure to look around
and see such a numerous representation of the Five
Nations, and that it was at his request that we were
invited, to promote the happiness of our nation in a
friendly connection with the United States. He told
us that his love of peace extended to the nations of
the setting sun [West] and that it was his wish that
universal peace might prevail on this island.
Brother: What other reply can your brothers of
the Five Nations make than to thank him, and say
that it has given a spring to every emotion of our
souls? The sentiment of your Chief that a happy
peace might be established so firmly that nothing could
move it, that it might be founded on a rock, has given
joy to our hearts. ... At the close of his ad-
dress your Chief observed that our professions of
friendship and regard were commonly witnessed by
66
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
some token; therefore in the name of the United
States he presented us with this white belt which was
to be handed down from one generation to another as
confirmation of his words."
Red Jacket held the belt in his hand while speak-
ing-. He now laid it aside, and taking up another one,
proceeded :
"Now let the President possess his mind in peace.
The belt he gave us is deposited with us and we have
taken fast hold of it. . . .
Brother: We consider ourselves in the presence
of the Great Spirit the proprietor of us all.
The President in effect observed to us that we were
free men and might speak with freedom ; that we were
the sole proprietors of the soil on which we live. This
is the source of the joy which we feel. How can two
brothers speak freely unless they feel that they are
Upon equal ground ? . . . You enjoy all the bless-
ings of life : to you therefore we look to make provision
that the same may be enjoyed by our children. This
wish comes from our heart. . . .
Brother: When you Americans and the King of
England made peace, the king did not mention us, not-
withstanding all he said to us and all we suffered.
This was the occasion of great sorrow and loss to the
67
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
Five Nations. When you and he settled the peace he
never asked us for a delegation to attend to our in-
terests. Had he done this, a settlement of peace among
all the western nations might have been effected. But
passing us by unnoticed has brought us great pain and
trouble. But you Americans are determined not to
treat us in the same manner. You desired us at the
re-establishment of peace to sit at our ancient fire-
places and again to enjoy our lands. Had the peace
between you and the king been completely established,
it would, long before this, have extended far beyond
the Five Nations.
Brother: Have patience and continue to listen.
The President assured us that he is not the cause of
the hostilities existing westward. We wish you would
point out to us what you think is the real cause. Shall
we observe that he wished if the errors of the hostile
Indians could be discovered, he would use his utmost
exertions to remove them?
Brother: You and the King of England are the
two governing powers of this island. What are we?
You are both important and proud, and cannot adjust
your own affairs agreeably to your declarations of
peace. Therefore the western Indians are bewildered.
One says one thing to them, and one says another.
68
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
Were these things adjusted it would be easy to diffuse
peace everywhere.
In confirmation of our words, we give this belt
which we wish the President to hold fast in remem-
brance of what we have now spoken."
In this speech Red Jacket struck at the root of the
difficulty with the western tribes. No honorable peace
had been arranged by the English for their Indian
allies ; and, while the treaty of peace between England
and the Colonies had been signed, yet its spirit was
ignored by the English who still held the frontier posts.
They kept the western tribes in a state of rebellion.
It was a cutting sarcasm but an unfortunate truth
that Red Jacket uttered when he said, "You are of one
blood and cannot agree on peace. How shall the west-
ern Indians know whom to trust?"
When the Indians left Philadelphia, Red Jacket car-
ried with him a large silver medal, which General
Washington had given him. Engraved upon it was a
picture of Washington presenting to the Indian a peace
pipe. In the background was a man plowing with
oxen, showing the arts of civilization which the In-
dian was to adopt. Red Jacket was exceedingly proud
of this medal and always wore it on state occasions,
though one of his biographers relates that later in life,
69
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
when drink had laid strong hold of him, he often
pawned it for liquor.
The government presented to each chief a suit of
military clothes. Red Jacket objected to the gift say-
ing that a uniform was out of place on a peace chief
or sachem; he therefore requested that a civil suit be
given him, stipulating, however, that he keep the first
until the second should be delivered. When the mes-
senger brought the plain clothes, the wily chief said
that he had decided to keep both, for though unable
to wear military clothes in times of peace, he could,
with perfect propriety, wear them in case of war !
During this visit Red Jacket had dined with Rob-
ert Morris. The changing of plates between courses
puzzled him, but fearful of appearing ignorant he did
not ask the reason. On his return, he asked Thomas
Morris why a man ran off with his knife, fork and
plate so often. Thomas explained that clean plates
were required so that food flavors would not be mixed.
"But," said Red Jacket, "the taste stays on your
palate. How do you change that?"
"We wash that off with wine," explained Thomas.
"Ah," rejoined the chief regretfully, "I wish I had
known that, then I should have kept on drinking until
the man brought back my plate ; for, fond as I am of
eating, I am still fonder of drinking."
70
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
In consequence of the conference held at Philadel-
phia, Red Jacket and Cornplanter went, some time
later, on a mission to the western Indians to explain
to them the terms of peace offered by the United
States. Red Jacket's appeal was not effective, and the
deleg-ation received little attention. Peace was not
made until General Wayne had defeated the Indians
with great slaughter at the Rapids of the Maumee
river.
It will be remembered that Robert Morris had pur-
chased from Massachusetts the pre-emptive right to
the Genesee lands. To extinguish the Indian title he
called a council at Big Tree in 1797. Red Jacket now
opposed giving up the land. Mr. Morris told the In-
dians that their land was valueless while unimproved
and that they clung to it simply because they imagined
the possession gave them importance. Red Jacket re-
plied that the knowledge of ownership was everything
to them.
"It creates in our bosoms a proud feeling which
elevates us as a nation. Observe the difference be-
tween the estimation in which a Seneca and an Oneida
are held. We are courted, while they are considered
a degraded people fit only to make brooms and bas-
kets. Why this difference? It is because the Senecas
71
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
are known as the proprietors of a broad domain ; while
the Oneidas are cooped up in a narrow space."
Mr. Morris remarked that they were not as im-
portant as they imagined, for the western nations had
paid them scant attention when they had attempted
the pacification of the Miamis. Red Jacket, quite un-
daunted, said it was true that they had been neglected,
but it was because they were in bad company. They
were with the United States commissioners. Had
they gone alone, they would have been honored as
Senecas had always been honored the world over.
Red Jacket then extinguished the Council Fire in
token that the conference was over. This was a dis-
courtesy, of which Thomas Morris complained to the
Indian women. He made a clever appeal, distributing
presents among them, and they promptly reopened the
Council, naming Cornplanter as their representative.
Though Red Jacket absented himself from the Coun-
cil, he insisted on signing the treaty on its conclusion.
The purchase money was invested for the Indians
in United States bank stock. They could not under-
stand the nature of a bank. They believed that it was
some large place in Philadelphia where their money
was planted, and that some years the crop would be
better than other years, because the interest varied.
72
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
They often asked Mr. Morris what kind of a money
crop they were likely to have.
When dividing the yearly dividend, each father laid
upon a blanket as many small sticks as there were
members in his family. Then the pieces of coin were
laid beside each stick so as to insure a fair division.
Because of his consistent opposition to the land
sales, Red Jacket rose steadily in favor with his peo-
ple. At the Hartford convention, when Connecticut
tried to adjust the claims to the Ohio lands, he made
another appeal for their restoration. They had been
the hunting- grounds of the Five Nations, and he made
a last and touch ingly pathetic plea for them, which
certainly was prophetic.
"We stand," he said, "a small island in the bosom
of the great waters. We are encircled — we are en-
compassed. The Evil Spirit rides upon the blast —
the waters are disturbed. They rise, they press upon
us, and the waves settle over us. We disappear for-
ever. Who, then, lives to mourn us? None I
What marks our extermination? Nothing! We are
mingled with the common elements."
Cornplanter, who usually acted as peacemaker, and
advised acceptance of the white man's terms, suffered
an eclipse of popularity. To re-establish himself he
73
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
persuaded his brother to become a prophet or teacher.
So great was the Prophet's influence with the Onon-
dag-as that they abandoned drunkenness and other
sins, and became temperate, moral, and law-abiding.
When he had gained the full confidence of his people,
he ventured to accuse Red Jacket of witchcraft, among
the Indians a most serious crime, punishable by death.
Red Jacket saw at once that now he must make the
effort of his life; that only his eloquence could save
him. At a council held at Buffalo Creek he made his
defense, speaking three hours, and so effectively that
a majority acquitted him, and the Prophet was
branded a cheat.
Red Jacket himself believed in Avitchcraft. He once
made a strong speech in defense of an Indian, Tom-
Jemmy by name, who, by order of his tribe, had put to
death a supposed witch. Tom-Jemmy was tried for
murder. When sworn. Red Jacket was asked whether
he believed in God. "Yes," he replied with a sharp
glance, "more than does the man who can ask such a
question !"
Then he began to speak: "What! do you de-
nounce us as fools and bigots because we continue to
believe that which you taught two centuries ago?
Your divines thundered this belief from the pulpits,
74
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
your judges have pronounced it from the bench, your
courts have sanctioned it with the formalities of law,
and you would now punish our unfortunate brother
for adherence to the superstition of his fathers !
Go to Salem! Look at the records of your gov-
ernment and you will find hundreds executed for the
very crime which has called forth the sentence of con-
demnation on this woman, and drawn down the arm
of vengeance upon her. What have our brothers done
more than the rulers of your people? What crime
has this man committed in executing the laws of his
country and the commands of the Great Spirit?"
Some time during 1802 Red Jacket made a journey
to Washington, which had become the nation's capi-
tal, to complain of the murder of seven Indians. After
the commissioners had satisfied him that justice would
be done, Red Jacket thus concluded his speech :
"Brother: Yesterday you wiped the tears from
our eyes that we might see clearly ; you unstopped our
ears that we might hear, and removed the obstruc-
tions from our throats that we might speak distinctly.
You offered to join us in tearing up the largest pine
in our forest and under it to bury the tomahawk. We
gladly join you, brother, in this work. And now let
us heap rocks and stones on the roots of this tree that
the tomahawk may never again be found."
75
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
Having no more land sales to oppose, since all but
the reservations on which the Indians lived were sold,
Red Jacket now turned his attention to the attempts
which were being- made to educate and Christianize
the Indians. We have before mentioned the fact that
he was a Pagan and violently opposed to all such at-
tempts. He reasoned that as long as the Indians ad-
hered to the beliefs and customs of their fathers, so
long they were united, prosperous and happy; that
with the advent of civilization had come, disruption,
degradation, poverty and unhappiness; hence, civil-
ization was a bad thing for the Indian. His hatred
for the "black-coats" (missionaries) was specially vio-
lent, and for years he fought to keep them off the Buf-
falo Creek Reservation. His reply to one Cram, who
spoke to the assembled Indians at a council in 1805,
is especially interesting. Mr. Cram began by telling
them that their religion was all wrong and that he had
been sent by the Great Spirit to teach them the true
religion. The chiefs listened politely until he had fin-
ished. Then Red Jacket arose, drew his blanket about
him and delivered one of his great speeches :
"Friend and brother : It was the will of the Great
Spirit that we should meet together this day. He has
given us a fine day for our council. He has taken his
76
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
garment from before the sun and caused it to shine
with brightness upon us. . . . Our ears are un-
stopped ; we have heard distinctly the words you have
spoken. . . . We have listened with attention to
what you have said.
You want an answer to your talk. Listen to what
we have to say :
There was a time when our forefathers owned this
great island. Their seats extended from the rising to
the setting sun. The Great Spirit made it for the use
of the Indians. He created buffalo, deer and other
animals for food. He made the bear and the beaver,
and their skins serve for our clothing. He caused the
earth to produce corn for bread. All this he has done
for his red children because he loved them.
If we had disputes about hunting grounds, they
were settled without the shedding of much blood. But
an evil day came upon us. Your forefathers crossed
the great waters and landed here. Their numbers
were small; they found friends not enemies; they
told us they had fled from their own country for fear
of wicked men, and they came here to enjoy their re-
ligion. They asked us for a small seat; we took pity
on them and granted their request, and they sat down
amongst us. We gave them com and meat ; they gave
77
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
us poison in return. The white people had now found
our country; more came, yet we did not fear them.
We took them to be friends, they called us brothers;
we believed them and gave them a large seat. They
wanted more land — they wanted our country. Our
eyes were opened and our minds became uneasy. Wars
took place. Indians were hired to fight Indians, and
many of our people were destroyed. They also
brought strong liquors among us : it has slain thous-
ands.
Brother, our seats were once large and yours small ;
you have now become a great people and we have
scarcely a place left" to spread our blankets; you have
got our country but are not satisfied; you want to
force your religion upon us.
Brother, continue to listen. You say that you are
sent to instruct us how to worship the Great Spirit,
and that if we do not take hold of the religion which
you teach, we shall be unhappy hereafter. How do
you know this to be true? Your religion is written
in a book; if it were intended for us as well as for
you, why has not the Great Spirit given it to us?
Why did he not give to our forefathers the knowledge
of that book with the means of understanding it right-
ly? We know only what you tell us about it; how
78
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
shall we know when to believe, being so often de-
ceived by white people?
Brother, you say there is but one way to worship
and serve the Great Spirit ; if there is but one religion
why do you white people differ so much about it?
Why not agree, as you can all read the book?
We also have a religion which was given to our
forefathers and has been handed down to their chil-
dren.
We worship that way. It teaches us to be thank-
ful for the favors we receive, to love each other, to be
united; we never quarrel about religion!
Brother, the Great Spirit made us all ; but he made
a great difference between his white and his red chil-
dren. He has given us different complexions and dif-
ferent customs. Since he made so great a difference
between us in other things, why may we not conclude
that he has given us different religions according to
our understanding? The Great Spirit does right; he
knows what is best for his children and we are satis-
fied. We do not wish to destroy your religion or take
it from you, we only want to enjoy our own.
Brother, we are told that you have been preaching
to the white people of this place. They are our neigh-
bors, we are acquainted with them; we will wait a
79
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
little and see what effect your preaching has upon
them. If it does them good and makes them honest,
and less disposed to cheat Indians, we will then con-
sider again what you have said."
To another missionary who attempted to convert
him, he declared that Indians turned out badly who
were taught Christianity. Then he contrasted the
happy, virtuous, contented life of the true Indian with
the cheating, grasping discontent of the whites, and
generously offered to send missionaries to the whites to
teach them the Indian religion !
Upon the breaking out of the war of 1812, Mr.
Granger, the Indian agent, convened a council at Buf-
falo, in July, to advise the Indians to keep out of the
fray. The Mohawks had already joined the British,
and an effort undertaken by Red Jacket to bind them
to neutrality was fruitless. Brant scornfully remarked
that Red Jacket vowed fidelity to the United States
and sealed the vow by kissing the picture of George
Washington.
At first the Senecas consented to keep quiet, but
after hostilities began, the war spirit made the young
braves restless and eager to fight. When a rumor
reached them that the British had captured Grand
Island, their own particular territory, Red Jacket
80
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
called a council and made the following speech to the
commissioners :
"Brother: You have told us that we have nothing
to do with this war, that it has taken place between you
and the British. But we find that the war has come
to our doors. Our property is taken by the British and
their Indian friends. It is necessary for us to take up
this business to defend our property and drive the
enemy from it. If we sit still and take no means of
redress, the British (according to the custom of you
white people) will hold it by conquest. And should
you conquer Canada, you will claim it upon the same
principle, as conquered from the British. We there-
fore request permission to go with our warriors and
drive off those bad people and take possession of our
lands."
A grand council of the Confederacy was then
called and the following declaration of war issued:
"We, the Chiefs and Councillors of the Six Nations
of Indians residing in the State of New York do here-
by proclaim to all the war-chiefs and warriors of the
Six Nations that war is declared on our part against
the provinces of Upper and Lower Canada.
Therefore we do hereby command and advise all
the war-chiefs to call forth immediately the warriors
81
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
under them and put them in motion to protect their
rights and liberties which our brethren the Americans
are now defending."
The Indians took no active part in the war until
1 813. Then several hundred braves under Farmer's
Brother, all painted and armed, reported to General
Lewis at Fort Niagara. They were sorely disappointed
because they were not engaged immediately. Later,
when the English refused to give up their Indian allies,
a body of four hundred under young Cornplanter
(called Captain O'Bail) engaged to defend Black Rock
and Buffalo. This was in July of 181 3.
The principal chiefs who engaged in the war were
Farmer's Brother, Red Jacket, Little Billy, Pollard,
Black Smoke, Half Town and young Cornplanter.
They served well in the battle of Fort George on the
seventeenth of August. Here Red Jacket aroused them
to valorous work and went himself to lead them. They
ambuscaded the Mohawks and routed them. They
had previously, in council, decided to take no scalps
and commit no atrocities, and this resolution was
faithfully kept. General Boyd reported that "the brav-
ery and humanity of the Indians were equally con-
spicuous." They aided in the battle of Chippewa, and
were with Porter at Fort Erie in July, 1814. So com-
pletely were the Mohawks cowed by the prowess of the
82
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
Senecas that an embassy sent by Red Jacket desiring
that all Indians withdraw from the contest, was suc-
cessful. No charge of cowardice could be made against
Red Jacket in this war. He fought bravely and to
good purpose at Chippewa, holding one end of the line
of battle while General Porter directed the other.
After the war the Ogden Land Company attempted
to get the Buffalo Creek Reservation by engaging to
remove the Indians to the West. A council was held
on the Reservation (1819) at which were present
Colonel Ogden, for the Ogden Company, the principal
chiefs of the Senecas, Onondagas and Cayugas, and
the United States commissioner. The commis-
sioner explained that he came with the consent of
the United States government, and that the Ogden
Company had the pre-emptive right to the land, and
wished now to purchase the title of the Indians.
Red Jacket became very angry on hearing this. He
said:
"Not long ago you raised the war-club against him
who was once our Great Father over the water. You
asked us to go with you to war. It was not our quar-
rel. We knew not that you were right. We asked
not; we cared not; it was enough for us that you
were our brothers. We went with you to battle; we
88
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
fought for you — and now, dare you pretend that our
father the President, while he sees our blood running
[pointing to wounded chiefs], yet fresh from the
wounds received in fighting his battles, has sent you to
us with a message to persuade us to relinquish the poor
remains of our once boundless possessions, to sell the
birthplace of our children, and the graves of our fath-
ers?
No ! Sooner than believe that he gave you this mes-
sage we will believe that you have stolen your commis-
sion and are a cheat and a liar !"
He further declared that not one foot more of their
lands would the Indians sell, neither would they toler-
ate the presence of white men on their Reservation.
While the other chiefs were agreed that they would
part with no more land, they felt that Red Jacket's lan-
guage had been discourteous and required an apology,
but he refused to make one. In 1826 the pre-emption-
ers did secure several mile strips and in 1838 they se-
cured by bribery the signatures of many chiefs to a
treaty giving up the Buffalo Creek Reservation for the
Kansas lands. So great was the discontent aroused by
this measure that in 1842 the Indians were paid for
those lands and allowed to live on other reservations if
they chose. But the land held by them for two hun-
84
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
dred years was theirs no longer. Happily Red Jacket
did not live to see that day.
Many amusing stories are told of his later years. In
1825, when General Lafayette visited Buffalo, Red
Jacket called upon him and asked whether he remem-
bered being present at the treaty of Fort Stanwix. The
General did remember, and asked what had become of
the young warrior who spoke so eloquently in denun-
ciation of the treaty.
"He is before you," said Red Jacket, proudly, and
continued :
"Ah, time has not been so severe upon you as it has
upon me. It has left you a fresh countenance and hair
to cover your head, while to me, — behold!" And tak-
ing a handkerchief from his head he showed, with
much feeling, a crown almost bald. When informed
that General Lafayette wore a wig, he said, laugh-
ingly, "Ah, then, I'll have to scalp some of my friends
to get one, too !"
One day he invited himself to breakfast at the home
of the interpreter. Knowing his fondness for sweets,
his hostess in sport handed him a cup of coffee without
sugar. Stirring it indignantly, he remarked to his
host : "Do you allow your squaw to make fun of your
father?" The children had giggled, and he sternly
85
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
continued : "And your children to insult their chief?"
The sugar bowl was hastily handed him and he calmly
emptied the entire contents into his cup and ate it with
a spoon !
A nobleman who had heard of Red Jacket once sent
for him to visit him at his Buffalo hotel. Red Jacket
replied that great men who desired to see him visited
him at his home. The man returned that he had
crossed the ocean to see him and was now tired.
"It is strange," said the Chief, "that he has come so
far and then stopped seven miles from my lodge." The
Count was obliged to call first, whereupon Red Jacket
returned the visit.
When the Thayer brothers were hanged, crowds
streamed to Buffalo to see the sight. A friend met Red
Jacket going in the opposite direction and asked the
reason. "Plenty fools there now," he returned.
"Battle is the place to see men die."
It is sad to have to relate that with the growth of
Buffalo so near the Reservation, opportunities to get
liquor increased, and Red Jacket fell a victim to the
drink habit. He became a familiar figure in the streets
and taverns of Buffalo, and soon his face and figure
began to show the results of drunkenness.
86
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
He left his wife when she became a Christian,
though, later, his Httle daughter induced him to return.
His enmity to all progress, together with his drunk-
enness, caused the progressive party among the Indians
to depose him. This aroused him. He hastened to
Washington to lay the case before Colonel M'Kenney,
the Commissioner of Indian Affairs.
"I have a talk for you," said he to M'Kenney.
''Wait, I too have a talk for you," replied M'Ken-
ney, and then went over the whole difficulty, advising
Red Jacket to cease opposition and he would help re-
instate him. Red Jacket seemed surprised at M'Ken-
ney's knowledge of the whole affair, and remarked,
"Our father has a long eye." He returned to Buffalo,
called a grand Council and made his defense. He
spoke eloquently as of yore. This was probably his
last great speech. Half-Town and other chiefs spoke
for him and he was restored by an almost unanimous
vote. He did not live long after his restoration.
Three more years of hard drinking weakened him
so that he felt that he had but a short time to live. He
visited his old friends to say good-bye, and made this
sorrowful speech :
**I am about to leave you, and when I am gone my
warnings shall be no longer heard or regarded. The
87
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
craft and avarice of the white man will prevail. Many
winters have I breasted the storm, but I am an aged
tree and can stand no longer. My leaves are fallen,
my branches withered and I am shaken by every breeze.
Soon my aged trunk will be prostrate and the foot of
the exulting foe of the Indian may be placed upon it
with safety, for I have none who will be able to avenge
such an indignity. Think not I mourn for myself. I
go to join the spirits of my fathers where age cannot
come; but my heart fails me when I think of my
people, who are so soon to be scattered and forgotten."
Of the arrangements for his funeral he said :
"Bury me beside my former wife. . . . Let my
funeral be according to the customs of our nation. Let
me be dressed and equipped as my fathers were that
their spirits may rejoice at my coming. Be sure that
my grave be not made by a white man; let them not
pursue me there."
During the last few months he ceased his opposition
to education and progress. He seemed anxious to es-
tablish peace between the pagan and Christian parties,
and for that purpose called a council, advising that each
be allowed to choose for himself how he would live.
During the council he was taken ill. When told that
88
RED JACKET, THE SENECA ORATOR.
his plan for peace had been adopted he seemed re-
lieved.
He refused all medicine, and died without any ex-
pression of fear, on the 20th of January, 1830.
In spite of his protest he was given Christian burial.
At first hrs grave was made in the Indian Burying
Ground near the Mission Church. Later the body was
removed to Forest Lawn Cemetery, where a beautiful
monument marks the spot where rests "the last of the
Senecas."
It bears the following inscription :
"Sa-go-ye-wat-ha
Red Jacket,
Chief of the
Wolf Tribe of the Senecas —
The Friend and Protector of his People,
Died Jan. 20, 1830,
Aged 78 years."
DEH-HE-WA-MIS,
Deh-he-wa-mis was a little white girl who was born
on the Atlantic Ocean while her mother and father
were on their way to America from Ireland. Her real
name was Mary Jemison, and you will wonder how she
came to be called Deh-he-wa-mis, which is Indian, and
means a good or pleasant thing or a handsome child ;
but that is the story I am about to tell you.
When the parents of little Mary Jemison reached
America, they made their way through the wilderness
to southern Pennsylvania., where they found a pleas-
ant place near Marsh Creek,* which they selected for
their home. Mary's father was a farmer, and with
Mary's two older brothers soon cleared the land, built
a comfortable cabin, and lived happily until the French
and Indian War broke out. Two little baby brothers
came meanwhile, and Mary, now a well-grown girl of
twelve years, helped her mother to take care of the
little ones.
* Adams County.
90
fTHE WHITE SQUAW OF THE GENESEE.
For a year the Jemisons had heard reports of ter-
rible midnight attacks, of homes burnt and of settlers
carried off or scalped by the Indians, and for a year
they lived in constant dread; but, except for an occa-
sional hungry wolf or panther, nothing dangerous came
near them until the spring of 1755. Then, on a beauti-
ful morning, before the family had breakfasted, a small
party of Shawnee Indians, accompanied by four
Frenchmen, suddenly appeared in the clearing. Meet-
ing with no resistance they securely bound the family,
ransacked the place, and then hastily made off into the
forest with their prisoners and booty.
For two days the party hurried along without stop-
ping except at night, evidently expecting that they
would be followed. Care was taken to leave no trail.
An Indian followed the party, poking up the grass
where the clumsy white people had trampled it. In-
dians leave no sign behind when they are flying from an
enemy. No fires were built and no halt made for food
until the second day. The little boys suffered greatly
from hunger, thirst and fatigue, but if they cried or
lagged an Indian with a whip lashed them into line.
On the third day the Indians discovered that they
were being followed. A rescue party made up of the
Jemisons' neighbors was on their trail. This probably
91
DEH-HE-WA-MIS.
determined them to get rid of their prisoners. For
some reason Mary was separated from the rest. Her
shoes were exchanged for moccasins and then an In-
dian took her away from the camp into the forest,
where they lay down to spend the night. Next morn-
ing a number of fresh scalps in the hands of her cap-
tors told but too plainly what fate had befallen her dear
ones. The poor child was heart-broken when she recog-
nized them, but she dared make no outcry nor com-
plaint. It was probably the uncomplaining patience
with which she had borne the long, hard journey, to-
gether with her pleasing appearance, that caused the
Indians to spare her life; for they admire courage and
endurance and she had shown both.
When the pursuing neighbors came to the spot
where the murdered and mutilated family lay, they
gave up the pursuit. The Indians now traveled more
slowly, taking good care of the little white child until
they reached the French Fort Du Quesne. Before en-
tering the fort they painted Mary up in fine Indian
style.
Next day two Seneca squaws came to the fort and
inspected the little girl. She seemed to please them,
for, after some conversation with her captors, the Sen-
92
THE WHITE SQUAW OF THE GENESEE.
eca women put her into their boat and paddled down
the Ohio river to their home.
On the way Mary saw, along- the banks of the river,
many shocking sights of burnt homes and murdered
people. When they arrived at the Seneca town, the
squaws dressed Mary in Indian fashion and then took
her to their wigwam.
These Indian women had lost a brother in the war,
and had followed the usual Indian custom of getting
either a prisoner or a scalp to make good the loss.
When a family's grief was no longer keen and the pris-
oner suited their fancy, they often adopted him to fill
the place of the dead one ; but if they were still angry
over their loss they frequently tortured and killed their
prisoner. Little Mary was fortunate enough to please
and was accordingly adopted by the family; and this
is the way they did it : She was placed in the middle of
the wigwam dressed in her new Indian suit. Then all
the squaws of the village came in to look at her. Pres-
ently they all set up a most dreadful howling and wail-
ing, which was the mourning for the dead brother.
One squaw chanted a sing-song telling how great a
warrior he had been and how sad his death was. Her
lament* as given by James E. Seaver is very poetic :
• Life of Mary Jemison — James E. Seaver.
93
DEH-HE-WA-MIS.
"Our brother ! alas, he is dead !
He has gone ; he will never return.
Friendless he died on the field of the slain,
Where his bones are yet lying unburied.
Oh ! Who will not mourn his sad fate?
No tears dropped around him.
He fell in his prime,
When his arm was most needed to keep us from dan-
ger;
He has left us in sorrow his loss to bewail.
His spirit went naked, and hungry it wanders,
And thirsty and wounded it groans to return ;
No blanket nor food to nourish and warm him,
Nor candles to light him nor weapons of war.
But well we remember his deeds :
The deer he could take on the chase.
The panther shrunk back at the sight of his strength,
His enemies fell at his feet.
He was brave and courageous in war.
As a fawn he was harmless,
His friendship was ardent,
His temper was gentle.
His pity was great.
94
THE WHITE SQUAW OF THE GENESEE.
But why do we grieve for his loss ?
In the strength of a warrior, undaunted he left us
To fight by the side of the chiefs.
His war whoop was shrill.
His rifle well-aimed laid his enemies low ;
His tomahawk drank of their blood;
His knife flayed their scalps while yet covered with
gore.
And why do we mourn ?
Though he fell on the field, with glory he fell ;
And his spirit went up to his fathers.
With transports of joy they received him and fed him
And clothed him and welcomed him there.
Oh, friends, he is happy ; then dry up your tears,
His spirit has seen our distress,
And sent us a helper, with pleasure we greet her;
Dehewamis has come : receive her with joy.
She is handsome and pleasant.
O ! she is our sister,
And gladly we welcome her here.
In the place of our brother she stands in our tribe
With care we will guard her from trouble.
And may she be happy till her spirit shall leave us/*
95
DEH-HE-WA-MIS.
When the squaw chanted the last verse, they all sud-
denly stopped crying, wiped their eyes, and began to
laugh a.nd shout and act glad. The poor child, how-
ever, having understood not one word of the ceremony,
was frightened almost out of her wits, expecting every
moment to be killed.
The ceremony of adoption being over, the visiting
squaws left the wigwam and Mary's new family showed
by every possible kindness that she was now looked
upon as a real little sister and would be treated as such.
They taught her to speak the Seneca language and to
do the lighter work which Indian women usually per-
form.
The village in which Mary now lived was on the
Ohio about eighty miles from Fort Du Quesne. How-
ever, after the corn had been harvested and winter was
approaching, the tribe sought lands farther down the
river on the banks of the Scioto, where game was plen-
tiful and pelts could be obtained for trading with the
white people.
The following spring on returning to their farms
they found that Fort Du Quesne had been captured by
the English, so the Indians went up the Ohio to make
a treaty of peace with the soldiers at that place before
beginning their spring planting. Mary was taken with
96
THE WHITE SQUAW OF THE GENESEE.
them ; but when the English became curious about the
white child and asked her questions, the Indian sisters
were so alarmed lest she be taken from them, that they
hastily entered their canoe and never stopped rowing
until they reached home. Mary had hoped for free-
dom and grieved a long time over this disappointment ;
but the unfailing kindness of the family made her for-
get, after a time, that she had ever been anything else
than a little Indian.
When a farmer's land becomes poor he is obliged to
use fertilizers on it to make things grow, but the Indi-
ans merely move from the worn out farm to a better
one; so in the third year of Mary's sojourn among
them, the Senecas moved to a place called Wi-ish-to.
Here they built a village and planted their corn, beans,
squashes and tobacco. Their winter residence was still
on the Scioto where they hunted and trapped.
At Wi-ish-to Mary helped the squaws farm the land.
She grew quite clever in planting and harvesting corn,
in bringing in the game killed by the hunters, and in
drying the meats. She learned to make samp and corn
bread and to fashion Indian garments.
After the removal to Wi-ish-to, a tribe of Delawares
came to live with the Senecas. They were very friendly
Indians. Among them was a tall, splendid, noble chief
97
DEH-HE-WA-MIS.
whose name was She-nin-jee. He seemed to take much
notice of Mary, who was now about sixteen years old,
and was really Deh-he-wa-mis, that is, a pretty girl.
She had a very fair skin, blue eyes, and golden hair.
One day She-nin-jee sent a present to Mary's people,
which meant that he wanted to marry her. Now, if
they had returned the gift Sheninjee would have under-
stood that they rejected his proposal ; but they did not
do so. They kept it, thus showing their willingness to
have Mary become the chief's wife.
Mary did not fancy marrying an Indian, but when
her sisters told her how good he was, and that they
wished her to obey, she did not dare refuse ; so she and
Sheninjee were married Indian fashion. He was so
kind to her that she soon grew to love him dearly.
By and by a girl baby came to their home but it did
not live long. Mary grieved for it, but after some time
she was comforted by the arrival of a healthy baby boy,
whom she named Thomas Jemison after her father.
So Mary, or Deh-hewamis, as we ought to call her, was
very happy. Deh-hewamis no longer cared to leave the
Indians. Here were her husband, baby, mother, broth-
er and sisters, all Indians whom she loved dearly; while
among the white people she no longer had any friends.
On the banks of the beautiful Genesee river in west-
98
THE WHITE SQUAW OP THE GENESEE. .
ern New York lived the rest of the Seneca tribe to
which Mary's family belonged. Their chief was Little
Beard and the town was known as Little Beard's Town.
Soon after Deh-hewamis married, her people had gone
to live there. They often invited her to come and live
with them ; therefore, one fall, while her husband went
hunting, she went north with her brothers to her sisters'
home.
Deh-hewamis strapped her little pappoose on her
back, her brothers took some food for the journey and
then they set off a-foot, through the wild forest, follow-
ing the Indian trails, fording streams and sleeping in
the woods on the ground. The journey was long and
difficult. The fall rains began earlier than they ex-
pected, and the streams became so swollen that it was
dangerous to ford them. Once they nearly lost their
lives. Then their food gave out; but they reached a
deserted Delaware village where they found buried
corn, beans and sugar which they took with them. At
another time they fell in with a party of Shawnees who
were torturing a white prisoner. Deh-hewamis wept
and pleaded so hard that his life was spared and he was
allowed to go free. It is said that she saved many lives
in this way.
99
DEH-HE-WA-MIS.
When they reached Little Beard's Town they found
the Seneca warriors making ready to go to the banks of
the Niagara (eighty miles west of the Genesee by trail),
to help the French who were threatened by the British
with an attack on Fort Schlosser. The latter were am-
bushed and driven back to Fort Erie which they had
shortly before taken from the French. The Senecas
returned with several prisoners and much plunder.
Then they celebrated a horrid feast during which they
killed their prisoners. Deh-hewamis' sister made ready
to attend the execution and persuaded the white woman
to go with her ; but their Indian mother said that it was
unwomanly to go to such a scene, and so Deh-hewamis
was spared the awful sight, which would have wrung
her tender heart.
In the spring Deh-hewamis expected her husband to
join her, but to her alarm, both spring and summer
passed and he did not appear. At length a messenger
arrived with the sad news of his death. Mary's grief
was great, but she had no time to spend in idle tears,
Note. — During her stay at Little Beard's Town the Seneca warriors made another
attack on the Brittish at Niagara. This was known as the Devil's Hole Massacre which
took place September 14, 1763. A English wagon-train returning from Fort Schlosser to
Lewiston, a distance of seven miles through the woods, was waylaid at the Devil's Hole
midway between the two points, and the whole cavalcade, teams, wagoners and escort,
driven over the precipice or tomahawked and scalped before they could jump over*
When the firing was heard at Lewiston, reniforcements were sent to the spot only to
meet the same fate. Nearly a hundred men were killed. Farmer's Brother was one of
the Seneca Leaders. A tablet marks the scene of this massacre. It was erected by
the Niagara Frontier Landsmarks Association.
100
THE WHITE SQUAW OF THE GENESEE.
for she had now to think of her own support and that
of her child. Again her Indian family were kind and
she stayed at the Genesee village.
About this time the King of England tried to set
free all white prisoners taken by the Indians during the
war. He offered a sum of money for every one re-
turned. A Dutchman who knew Deh-hewamis well,
thought this a good chance to get money without work-
ing for it, therefore he offered to take her to Fort Ni-
agara; but she had no mind now to leave her Indian
friends; she had become too sincerely attached to
them. Since she would not go willingly he watched
for an opportunity to kidnap her while she was work-
ing in the field, but she was too quick for him and es-
caped. The chiefs decided in council that she should
remain if she wished to do so. One, however, called
Old King, was determined to get the bounty and de-
clared that he would take her to Niagara. Angry
words passed between him and Deh-hewamis' brother
who said he would kill her if Old King attempted to
carry out his threat. Both were resolved, so, to save
herself, Deh-hewamis took her boy and fled. She re-
mained in hiding until Old King had given up the
search and departed for Niagara without her.
Thinking that Deh-hewamis would be safer if mar-
ried to a great chief, Farmer's Brother advised her to
101
DEH-HE-WA-MIS.
marry Hiokatoo, who was then about fifty years old
and a great warrior. He had fought all through the
French wars and was noted for his cruelty, but to Deh-
hewamis and her children he was uniformly kind and
gentle. During the Revolution he led many war-
parties into peaceful valleys, leaving death and charred
ruins behind him. But we must not blame him too
much for the part he played in that war. He, like the
other Indians, was deceived by the British.
The Senecas suffered most of the punishment which
General Washington ordered General Sullivan to inflict
upon the Iroquois. When, in 1779, they heard of Sul-
livan's approach, they sent their women and children
into the forest for safety and then went to meet him.
A battle was fought near Elmira in which the Indians
were defeated. Then he marched all through the
Genesee valley, destroying Little Beard's Town and all
the surrounding Indian villages, together with their
crops and orchards.
Deh-hewamis, with five little children, two of whom
she carried on her back, had fled with the rest. After
Sullivan's army had gone, she returned, but not a
house, animal, nor a mouthful of food was left, and
winter was coming on. To save the lives of her little
ones she traveled up the Genesee to the Gardeau Flats,
102
THE WHITE SQUAW OF THE GENESEE.
where she secured employment from two negroes who
were harvesting their corn. She was paid in corn, of
which she earned enough to keep her children from
starving. She was greatly amused when her negro-
master guarded her with a shotgun for fear the In-
dians might capture her. She took care not to let him
know that there was no danger, for then he would have
worked instead of watching, and so her wages would
have been less.
The winter was severe and many Indians died of
starvation or froze to death; but Deh-hewamis lived
comfortably in the negro's family until spring. Then
she built herself a cabin, planted her corn and took care
of her children while Hiokatoo, her husband, was away
fighting the colonists.
After the Revolution was over, her brother offered
to let her seek her white relatives whose whereabouts
she had Tearnt ; but the chiefs refused to allow her son
Thomas to go with her, because he seemed likely to be-
come a great chieftain. His mother could not make up
her mind to leave him and for the last time decided to
remain with the Indians.
Her brother, thereupon, asked Farmer's Brother to
secure from the Indians a tract of land which she
might own and live upon. At a great council, held at
103
DEH-HE-WA-MIS.
Big Tree, near Geneseo, in 1797, the friendly chief
made a speech asking for this land. Mary, like a wise
woman, had selected a large plot, containing twenty-
four square miles (about seventeen thousand acres)
right in the Genesee valley, where the land was rich.
Red Jacket opposed giving her the land because she
was a white woman, but the Indians were just and
Mary received a grant or deed to her large farm, which
was afterwards called Gardeau Reservation. It was
too large for her to work ; therefore, when white settlers
came that way, Mary leased the land to them and the
rents soon made her rich. After a time she sold a large
part of it.
Mary might have been happy now, but unfor-
tunately the white people brought rum with them, and
her sons, especially Thomas, became very fond of it.
When an Indian drinks rum he becomes quite crazy
and does not know what he is about. Mary begged
her sons to let it alone, but one day Thomas became
drunk, quarreled with his brother John and called him
a witch (wizard). This is a very great insult to an
Indian, and John, whose temper was quick, struck
Thomas with a tomahawk, killing him. The Indians
tried John and forgave him the crime, but his brother
Jesse did not. Much hard feeling grew up between the
104
THE WHITE SQUAW OF THE GENESEE.
two brothers, and one day when both were drunk, they
quarreled, and John stabbed Jesse. John himself was
killed by two Indians some time later in another
drunken quarrel. The poor woman's heart was broken.
Hiokatoo, who had reached the advanced age of one
hundred and three years, had died soon after Thomas,
so Mary had only her three daughters left of a once
numerous family. She lived with her daughter Polly
until the white people began to settle about her so thickly
that she felt strange among them. Then she sold out
and moved to Buffalo Creek on the West Seneca Reser-
vation, where her Indian friends lived. Here she re-
mained until the year 1833. She gave up the Indian
religion and became a Christian, but in all other ways
she continued to live like an Indian, wearing the Indian
costume and speaking the Seneca tongue.
She died suddenly, September the nineteenth, 1833,
in her ninety-first year. All who knew her spoke well
of her. Honest, brave, kind-hearted and hospitable,
she gained the friendship of her white neighbors as
well as that of the Indians.
They buried her in the Indian burying ground, but
later removed her body to her former home near Port-
age, where her grave is still pointed out to strangers.
105
BUFFALO VILLAGE.
Away back in 1779, you remember, General Sullivan
punished the Iroquois severely for the massacres which
they had committed during the Revolutionary War.
His punishment fell most heavily upon the Senecas,
whose towns in the Genesee valley he burned, and
whose crops and orchards he destroyed. When winter
came, and it was an unusually severe one, many per-
ished of starvation. Those of the Senecas who fled
westward to the neighborhood of Niagara, found shel-
ter in the fort which was held by the British, who fed
them until spring ; then, being unable to support them
longer, encouraged the Indians to settle down and farm
the land. Therefore, in the spring of 1780, the little
Indian village grew up about Buffalo Creek, which was
afterward called West Seneca.
That seems to have been the indirect beginning of
Buffalo, for wherever the Indians settled, there white
traders, trappers and liquor dealers were sure to follow.
There were already several white persons in the Indian
village, but these were the prisoners captured during
106
BUFFALO VILLAGE.
the war. Among them were the Gilbert family and
Elizabeth Peart with her baby, all of whom were set
free later.
The first white settler who came to Buffalo Creek
was Captain William Johnston, interpreter, and Indian
agent for the British at Fort Niagara. He married a
squaw, secured a large tract of land from the Indians,
and later, in 1794, built for himself a comfortable block
house near Exchange and Washington streets. He
may be considered the first white land owner in Buf-
falo. He continued to live here until his death in 1807,
and was respected, both by his white neighbors and by
the Indians, whom he assisted in all their treaties.
About 1784, maybe earlier, the very first settler ap-
peared in Buffalo in the person of Cornelius Winne, a
Dutch trader from Albany, who built a store on Little
Buffalo Creek, now the Hamburg canal, comer of
Washington and Quay streets ; he sold rum, whiskey,
Indian knives and trinkets. His house was the resort
of the Indians who loved "fire water." Soon after
came Michael Middaugh, a Dutch cooper, and Ezekiel
Lane, his son-in-law, who settled in a double log house
near Winne. A negro, known as Black Joe, occupied
with his Indian squaw and children, a cabin also near
Winne's store. This constituted the Village of Buffalo
107
BUFFALO VILLAGE.
Creek which the Duke de la Rochefoucauld Liaincourt
visited in 1 795 and described thus :
"We arrived at the post on Lake Erie which Is a
small collection of four or five houses built about a
quarter of a mile from the lake. . . . We arrived
late at the inn, and after a very indifferent supper we
were obliged to lie upon the floor in our clothes. There
was literally nothing- in the house; neither furniture,
rum, candles nor milk. After much trouble the milk
was procured from the neighbors, who were not as ac-
commodating in the way of rum and candles. At
length, some arriving from the other side of the river
[Fort Erie], we seasoned our supper with an appetite
that seldom fails ; . . . and slept as soundly as we
had done in the woods."
The inn mentioned here had been opened the pre-
vious year by John Palmer, a trader from Fort Erie,
which was at that time a larger village than Buffalo.
In the Life of Red Jacket, we have told of the coun-
cils held at Buffalo Creek, from time to time, for the
sale of Indian lands, or the extinguishment of the In-
dian title to them. About the year 1797 the Indians
had given up all the land outside of their reservations.
In 1793, Robert Morris sold to certain wealthy Hol-
108
BUFFALO VILLAGE.
landers, afterward known as the Holland Land Com-
pany, through their agent, Herman Leroy, all the tract
which at the present day includes Buffalo. The Hol-
landers employed Joseph Ellicott to survey it and Theo-
philus Cazenove as their agent.
Meanwhile more people came. Sylvanus Maybee
opened a "little Indian store" on Main street in 1796.
Asa Ransom came somewhat later. It is interesting to
know that his daughter was the first white girl born
here. William Robbins, a blacksmith, came in 1798.
In his interesting History of Buffalo, William
Ketchum gives the following extract from a letter writ-
ten to him by William Peacock, who passed through
Buffalo in 1799:
"The Indian path passed down to Buffalo Creek
about the middle of Main street to the Terrace, on
which was erected a log cabin covered with bark and
occupied by Johnston, a descendant of Sir William
Johnston. A little above where the Liberty Pole now
stands [it stood on the Terrace], on the bank of Little
Buffalo Creek [the canal now] there was erected a log
cabin about twelve feet square covered with bark, oc-
cupied by William Palmer, a young man, and was his
storehouse where he vended his small stock of Indian
goods.
109
BUFFALO VILLAGE.
In passing down along the Indian path to the Ter-
race, the land was covered with a very thick under-
brush, small timber, and some large, old oak trees ; and
these so overshadowed the path that, when our saddle-
bags touched a bush, we would be completely drenched
with rain after a shower.
There was a little cleared spot on the Terrace bank
that was covered with a green sward, on which the In-
dians on a fine day, would lie, and look off from the
high terrace upon Lake Erie ; and I must say, that to
me it was one of the most beautiful views I ever put my
eyes upon. Coming out of the woods, it burst upon the
vision, the large beautiful sheet of water, Lake Erie."
Joseph Ellicott began surveying the Holland tract
in 1798, completing it in 1803. W}ien his map of the
proposed city was completed, it presented a most won-
derful assortment of long Dutch and Indian names.
The town itself he named New Amsterdam, but the vil-
lagers preferred the name of the creek. It is a curious
fact that almost all the Dutch names of streets have
disappeared. Willink and Van Staphorst avenues be-
came Main street. Busti avenue is now Genesee, and
Schimmelpennick is Niagara. The Indian Onondaga
was changed to Washington street. Oneida street took
110
BUFFALO VILLAGE.
Joseph Ellicott's name. Crow became Exchange street
since that sounded more dignified. Many Indian names
were retained. Such are Mohawk, Huron, Chippewa
and Seneca streets. They were the names of the tribes
whose trails ran through these forests.
ElHcott has been called the Romulus of Buffalo. It
was owing largely to his energy that Black Rock did
not become the greater town. For a long time Buffalo
and Black Rock were rivals.
Black Rock was so named from a great flat rock that
jutted out into the river and formed a natural and most
excellent wharf or boat landing. An eddy made the
water quiet inside, and the place was considered the
safest harbor above the Falls. In course of time it be-
came the terminus of roads leading to the river. The
beach road from Buffalo Creek, the Batavia road and
the Guide-board road (North street) led to it. The
ferry is said to have been in use as early as 1796, if not
earlier. Broad flat-boats with sweeps to propel them,
plied between Black Rock and the Fort Erie shore. So
good a harbor attracted settlers, especially those en-
gaged in trade and transportation ; and soon an active
salt trade was built up.
On the other hand, Buffalo had no harbor, a sand-
bar obstructing the mouth of the creek. Ellicott, fear-
ill
BUFFALO VILLAGE.
ing that this disadvantage might send settlers to Black
Rock, hurried his survey, and then began actively to
push the sale of lots to settlers, offering such induce-
ments as he thought would insure rapid growth.
Money was scarce. Therefore attractive prices and
easy payments did much to determine settlers. The
battle for supremacy, between the two villages was not
finally settled, however, until the Canal Commissioners
decided to make Buffalo the western terminus of the
Erie Canal. (See chapter on Erie Canal.) How im-
probable would it have seemed to the rival towns at that
time, that before the end of the century they should
unite and form one great city !
Dr. Cyrenius Chapin was one of the first to purchase
land after the survey was completed. We are told that
he paid three hundred forty-six dollars and fifty cents
for a lot of ninety-nine acres. He built a house on
Swan and Main streets to which he brought his family
from Fort Erie. He soon made his influence felt. He
served the community not only as a skillful physician
but later, in the War of 1812, as a soldier and officer.
For thirty-five years he was an honored citizen of Buf-
falo.
In 1804 a great coach drawn by two horses, arrived
in the village, creating no little excitement. It con-
112
BUFFALO VILLAGE.
tained the family of Captain Samuel Pratt. His store
was located where the Mansion House now stands.
Erastus Granger also came to Buffalo about this time.
He was appointed Indian Agent by the government,
and soon won the confidence of the Senecas, over whose
welfare he watched with fatherly interest.
Among Joseph Ellicott's papers was found the fol-
lowing letter, which shows the progressive spirit of the
new settlers :
"Bu^ifAi.0, II August, 1801.
"Sir — The inhabitants of this place would take it as
a particular favor if you would grant them the liberty
of raising a school-house on a lot in any part of the
town, as the New York Missionary Society have been
so good as to furnish them with a school-master, clear
of any expense except boarding and finding him a
school-house.
By request of the Inhabitants,
Jos. R. Pai^m^r.
Jos. EivUCoTT, Esq.
N. B. Your answer would be very acceptable as
they have the timber ready to hew out."
In Ellicott's journal appears this entry :
"Aug. 14, 1 801. Went to Buffalo alias New Am-
113
BUFFALO VILIJAGE.
sterdam to lay off a lot for a school-house, the inhabi-
tants offering to erect one at their own expense."
The school was built on Pearl and Swan streets, and
remained until Buffalo was burned.
Mr. William Hall, who visited Buffalo in 1804,
wrote : "There were perhaps twenty houses, of which
only three or four were frame. . . . Some streets
were partially laid out, but the whole place was full of
stumps and there were no fences. . . . Leaving
Buffalo, we went to Black Rock through the woods — a
small path-way trodden mostly by Indians. We crossed
the river in a scow to the Canada side and found a good
road to Chippewa." (Ketchum.)
Rev. Timothy Dwight wrote the same year :
"The streets are straight and cross each other at
right angles, but are only forty feet wide. . . .
The prospect presented at Buffalo is most attractive.
. . . Directly opposite at a distance of two miles,
but in full view stands Fort Erie, a blockhouse, bar-
racks and a hamlet." (Ketchum.) Of the Black Rock
harbor he wrote that the commerce of that neighbor-
hood would in time, become of great national import-
ance, and involve no small part of the interest and hap-
piness of millions, — a prophecy now fulfilled.
114
BUFFALO VILLAGE.
In Turner's Holland Purchase occurs this descrip-
tion by David Mather :
"I settled in Buffalo in 1806. There were then six-
teen dwelling houses, principally frame ones ; eight of
them scattered along Main St., three on the terrace,
three on Seneca street and two on Cayuga street
(Pearl). There were two stores, one kept by Vincent
Grant, the other by Samuel Pratt. Mr. Le Couteulx
kept a drug store in part of his house on Crow (Ex-
change) street. David Rees's Indian blacksmith shop
was on Seneca street, and William Robbins had one on
Main street. John Crow kept a tavern where the Man-
sion House stands, and Judge Barker kept one on the
site of the Market (Elk street). I remember very well
the arrival of the first public mail that ever reached
Buffalo. It was brought on horseback by Ezra Met-
calf. He came to my blacksmith shop to get his horse
shod. He told me that he could carry the contents of
his mail bag in his two hands."
In 1808 Joseph Ellicott's land office did a thriving
business, lots selling at from twenty-five to fifty dol-
lars each. In 18 10 a courthouse and a jail were built.
By 181 1 the little village had a population of nearly
five hundred, and began to feel the need of a newspaper.
116
BUFFALO VILLAGE.
This was supplied by the brothers Smith and Hezekiah
Sahsbury, who published the Buffalo Gazette in Octo-
ber of that year. It was due to several humorous ar-
ticles published in this paper that the final e was
dropped from the name Buffalo.
That the affairs of the village were guided by a
steady, law-abiding, God-fearing body of men is
shown by the following notice which appeared in the
Buffalo Gazette:
RdsoIvUTions of the Morai. Society op Bueeaeo.
Resolved, That after the 23d of November the laws
of the State prohibiting violations of the Sabbath shall
be strictly enforced, against all persons who, on that
day, shall drive into the village loaded teams, or shall
unload goods, wares and merchandise, or shall vend
goods, or keep open stores or shops for the purpose of
trading or laboring, or who shall engage in hunting,
fishing, etc., etc. ; also against all parties of pleasure
riding or walking to Black Rock or elsewhere.
Resolved, That the above resolutions be published
two weeks in the Gazette, published in this village, that
strangers as well as villagers may be informed of the
same and govern themselves accordingly.
By order of the Society,
A. Caixendar, Sec'y.
116
BUFFALO VILLAGE.
These resolutions remind us of the stories of the
Puritans.
Life in early Buffalo was like life in any pioneer
community. It was a life of struggle and hardship.
The early settlers had the wilderness to subdue; the
savages to keep friendly ; poverty to fight ; and illness
to endure. They toiled unceasingly. They were men
and women of much courage and perseverance, who
ventured to build their firesides and rear their children
in this then far-western savage community. Of money
there was little or none ; of food only such as they could
raise after clearing a patch about their log huts, or such
as the ever-ready rifle brought down. Their clothing
was of home manufacture; their furniture such rude
pieces as a handy man could fashion after his day's
work was done. Their medicines were the simple herbs
which the Indians taught them to find in field and for-
est. Their religion had for its chief tenets, fear of God
and helpfulness to a neighbor in distress.
They multiplied and prospered until the War of
1812 swept from them in one dark day, what had cost
so much painful effort and self-denial to win.
117
THE BURNING OF BUFFALO.
Picture to yourself the Buffalo of 1812, a settlement
of about one hundred white-painted wooden houses,
stretching for the most part along what is now Main
street, with here and there a more substantial brick or
stone structure. The forest crowded right up to the
back doors. In front was an uninterrupted view of
lake and river. Of stores there were eight, and no de-
partment store of today carries a greater variety of
goods; of taverns there were four, since there was
much travel through the village; of inhabitants there
were about five hundred ; of schools two. There was
a weekly paper called the Buffalo Gazette. There were
no factories, most things being of home manufacture.
The people were principally farmers and mechanics.
Their nearest neighbors were the inhabitants of the
village of Black Rock, and the Seneca Indians on Buf-
falo Creek. Farther down the Niagara on the Ameri-
can shore were Fort Schlosser, Lewiston, and Fort Ni-
agara, which was at the river's mouth. On the Cana-
dian side Fort Erie was directly opposite Buffalo, the
village of Chippewa nearly opposite Fort Schlosser and
118
THE BURNING OF BUFFALO.
the heights of Queenston were as now across from Cew-
iston. Near the mouth of the river was Fort George,
with the little village of Newark which has since be-
come Niagara-on-the-Lake.
This was the Niagara Frontier the peace of which
was disturbed by the rumor of a second war with Eng-
land. The rumor became a certainty when, on June
27, 1 81 2, two boats manned by an armed force started
out from Fort Erie, followed and captured a schooner
laden with salt which was sailing from Black Rock up
the lakes. This hostile act, together with the garrison-
ing and strengthening of Fort Erie and other Canadian
points, left no doubt in the minds of the alarmed vil-
lagers that war was a fart.
Fear seized the inhabitants on both sides of the river,
for uppermost in their minds was the question, Which
side will the Indians take? The horrors of the Revo-
lution had not yet been forgotten. Indian Agent Eras-
tus Granger hastened to hold a council with the Senecas
at which he and Red Jacket advised them to remain neu-
tral. This they agreed to do. An unsuccessful attempt
was made by Red Jacket to induce the Mohawks also
to keep out of the struggle, but they had already allied
themselves with the British. The Senecas kept their
promise until August when a rumor was circulated that
119
THE BURNING OF BUFFALO.
Grand Island, their special hunting ground, had been
seized by the British. They immediately held a council
at which they declared war against Canada on their
own account. Red Jacket made a clever speech on this
occasion. (See Chapter III.) The Gazette of Septem-
ber mentioned the fact that one hundred and fifty war-
riors performed a war dance in the streets of Buffalo
and then offered their services for the defense.
Meanwhile many families had fled from the fron-
tier ; but troops were immediately collected at Buffalo,
Black Rock and Fort Niagara, so the inhabitants were
reassured and settled down to their usual occupations.
Except for occasional reports of invasion, and the con-
stant presence of armed men in her streets, Buffalo felt
little of the excitement of actual war, during the first
year.
However, a thrilling event occurred in October.
Two British vessels, one the Caledonia, laden with a
valuable cargo of furs, and the other, the brig Adams,
which the British had captured at Hull's surrender,
were brought to anchor under the guns of Fort Erie.
Farmer's Brother, an aged Seneca chief, together with
Lieutenant Elliott, a young naval officer who was help-
ing Perry to get a fleet ready for Lake Erie, planned
the capture of these boats. Lieutenant Winfield Scott
120
THE BURNING OF BUFFALO.
detailed fifty men to help Elliott. With these, a com-
pany of seamen, and a few citizens, Elliott crossed the
river an hour after midnig-ht in three open boats. At
three o'clock he reached the vessels, boarded them with-
out arousing* the fort, and in ten minutes had them
headed for the American shore. Before they could g"et
out of reach of the fort a lively fire was opened upon
them. The Caledonia was brought over safely, but the
Adams ran aground at Squaw Island, where she was
cannonaded, first by one party then by the other, until
finally the Americans burned her to the water's edge to
prevent the British from getting her. The Americans
had succeeded in bringing off two long guns which did
good service later.
Lieutenant Elliott had captured fifty-eight men, and
had liberated twenty-seven American prisoners on the
boats. His loss was one killed and four wounded. It
was a daring exploit cleverly carried out. The British
retaliated by bombarding Black Rock but did little
harm.
In August, Major-General Stephen Van Rensselaer
came to take command of the American troops on the
Niagara. It was planned to invade Canada, capturing
Queenston Heights and Fort George. By October a
sufficient force had been gathered, and the invasion was
121
THE BURNING OF BUFFALO.
begun on the 13th. The regulars under Captain John
Wool stormed the heights at Queenston and drove the
British back. General Brock at Fort George heard the
firing and hurried to dispute the ground with Wool,
but was driven off by that brave young commander.
General Brock was mortally wounded, and General
Sheaffe now took command. Wool, though twice
wounded, fought on until relieved by Lieutenant-Col-
onel Scott. The Americans could not hold the heights
unless reinforced. To that end General Van Rensse-
laer tried to bring over the militia stationed at Lewis-
ton, but they ungenerously refused to leave the state.
Overwhelmed by Sheaffe's reinforcements and Brant's
Indians the brave Americans were compelled to surren-
der. Nine hundred were made prisoners ; one hundred
and ninety had been killed. In consequence of this dis-
aster General Van Rensselaer resigned and General
Smyth took command.
With much bluster and noise this general collected
an army of invasion which was never allowed to invade.
Twice preparations were made and when all was ready,
without any reason save possibly the cowardice of
Smyth, the men were disembarked and ordered back to
camp. Disgusted and angry, both volunteers and mi-
litia threw away their guns and went home. So un-
122
THE BURNING OF BUFFALO.
popular did Smyth become that, in December, he found
it convenient to resign.
The next year nothing of importance happened on
the Niagara until May. On the 27th of that month
Commodore Chauncey landed an American force to
reduce Fort George. Scott and Perry led the attack,
compelling the British to spike their guns, blow up their
ammunition and retreat. After serving Black Rock
with a farewell bombardment Fort Erie followed the
example of Fort George, leaving the whole Niagara in
the hands of the Americans.
The British retreated to Beaver Dams, near St.
Catharines, where were gathered a large amount of sup-
plies. In June Colonel Boerstler was sent to destroy
these and capture the garrison. The brave and ever
restless Colonel Chapin gathered a company of forty
mounted riflemen and joined Boerstler's command.
When near Beaver Dams, a large party of Indians
under John Brant assailed them ; this and an exagger-
ated account of the size of the garrison caused Boerstler
to surrender. Chapin and his men, much to their dis-
gust were placed in boats to be carried prisoners to
Kingston. Twenty-six of them in two boats were row-
ing under guard, the redoubtable doctor and the British
officer holding an apparently friendly conversation in
123
THE BURNING OF BUFFALO.
the first boat. While telling an amusing story the doc-
tor managed to signal the other boat to draw near. The
English lieutenant ordered it back, but Chapin loudly
commanded his men to come on board. The lieutenant
attempted to draw his sword ; Chapin instantly struck
him down. Then the guards were soon overpowered,
Colonel Chapin took command and headed the boats
for Fort Niagara, carrying sixteen prisoners with him.
Having so easily captured Colonel Boerstler, Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Bishopp left Beaver Dams, determined
upon a bolder stroke. Learning that the military stores
at Black Rock were but poorly defended, he resolved to
capture them. On the night of July loth, he embarked
four hundred troops at Chippewa; at daybreak they
landed near Scajaquada Creek. The frightened sen-
tinel who guarded the bridge, fled without giving the
signal to the artillerymen in the blockhouse, and these
slept on while the red-coats marched silently by. When
Major Adams' encampment was reached, they found
empty tents, the militia having fled. They spiked the
guns, fired the blockhouse and barracks, captured a few
citizens, and then went on to General Porter's house,
where they sat down to breakfast in fancied security.
General Porter had fled to Buffalo for aid. On the
way he met Captain Cummings with one hundred regu-
124
THE BURNING OF BUFFALO.
lars. These were told to await reinforcements which
Porter galloped away to collect. He was joined by a
company of volunteers, and the flying militia were met
and turned back. Farmer's BrotheY and his braves
came to Porter's aid, and soon he had a force of three
hundred men.
The Indians stripped for battle but promised to take
no scalps. Advancing in three divisions, the Americans
began a vigorous attack upon the British, who, mean-
while, had formed in line of battle near Fort Tomp-
kins.* After a sharp engagement of twenty minutes
the enemy was routed. Colonel Bishopp was shot. His
men broke and made for their boats at the landing.
Their loss was one hundred men, while but three
Americans were killed and five wounded. The Senecas
showed themselves brave under fire, and committed no
atrocities after the fight.
At the close of 1813 General McClure was left in
charge of the garrison at Fort George. As the terms
of enlistment of his men expired they left for home,
hence the garrison was so reduced in numbers that,
when news reached McClure that a large British force
under Colonel Murray was advancing upon Fort
George, he despaired of holding it, and determined to
retreat to Fort Niagara just across the river. Un-
• A tablet on the Niagara Street railroad bams marks the site of Fort Tompkins. It
was erected by the Niagara Frontier Landmarks Association.
125
THE BURNING OF BUFFALO.
willing to leave such comfortable quarters for the use
of the enemy, he partially blew up Fort George and
then committed the gravest of blunders. Giving the
inhabitants of Newark, the adjoining village, a few
hours' notice, he set fire to it. One hundred and fifty
homes were cruelly and needlessly destroyed; nearly
four hundred people were made homeless. Women and
children were left without shelter in mid-winter. He
said, in defense, that the War Department authorized
the action.
It was not difficult to foresee the dire consequence of
such an act. "Retaliation!" was the British cry. "With
fire and sword !" said Colonel Murray, and immediately
prepared to punish the Americans. Accordingly, on
the night of December i8th, he crossed with five hun-
dred British and Indians, landing at Five-mile Mead-
ows. Fearing an attack, McClure left one hundred and
fifty regulars at Fort Niagara and then took himself
and his men off to Batavia to give his command to Gen-
eral Hall. Captain Leonard, who was left in command
at Niagara, had gone to visit his sick wife on the night
of the attack. It is impossible to explain why no resist-
ance was made by the garrison which numbered over
three hundred able men. So vengeful were the British
that many were put to the sword after surrendering.
126
THE BURNING OF BUFFALO.
A signal gun fired from the fort told the remaining
British who were waiting at Queenston under the com-
mand of General Riall, that the fort was taken. He
immediately brought his force over to Lewiston, where
they began to slay and burn, while Murray's men did
the same at Youngstown, a village near the captured
fort. Riall's Indians spared none. Soon the Ridge
Road was thronged with flying men, women and chil-
dren, some carrying household goods, others glad to
have escaped with their lives.
At Fort Schlosser a handful of volunteers under
Lieutenant-Colonel Mallory resisted the enemy for two
days, but finally gave way. After burning and laying
waste every home as far as Tonewanta creek the British
returned to Chippewa.
Meanwhile General Hall, at Batavia, hastily gath-
ered what troops he could and marched to Buffalo, ar-
riving on December 26th. Here he found a motley
company of about two thousand men, without organi-
zation or discipline. Many were drafted militia, not to
be depended upon. General Hall effected what hasty
organization he could and then waited.
Intense excitement reigned until the 29th of De-
cember. The night was dark and it was after mid-
night when the British, more than one thousand strong,
127
THE BURNING OF BUFFALO.
landed below Scajaquada creek, commanded by Major-
General Riall. They took possession of the bridge and
of the Sailors' Battery at that point, and scouts sent out
from Black Rock to reconnoitre were promptly cap-
tured. Colonels Warren and Churchill of Black Rock
were ordered to dislodge them. Colonel Chapin with
his mounted militia led the way. No sound discovered
to him their whereabouts until a blinding fire at close
range dispersed his troops. Warren's men, too, were
demoralized and fled. Thinking that the enemy's chief
point of attack would be Buffalo, and that the landing
of a force at Black Rock was a feint to draw off the de-
fenses from the former place, General Hall hesitated to
send a large force down the river. Major Adams was
therefore despatched with his militia, but these inex-
perienced soldiers broke and fled, panic-stricken, to
Buffalo and could not again be rallied. Toward morn-
ing Colonel Blakeslie was sent with his Ontario county
militia, while General Hall followed with the remaining
troops, marching down Niagara street. His force was
much reduced by desertions and the ineffectual on-
slaughts of the night. Daylight revealed to him a large
army under Lieutenant-General Drummond, crossing
to the American shore. A sharp engagement took place
near Fort Tompkins. Blakeslie met the English center
128
THE BURNING OF BUFFALO.
at the water's edge and his militia fought with the
steadiness of veterans. The Americans were shelled
from both sides of the river and faced a deadly fire in
front. Mallory of Fort Schlosser was there with his
volunteers and Granger with his Indians. After stand-
ing their ground for half an hour and finding them-
selves greatly outnumbered, the Americans began to
retreat toward Buffalo. It was not an orderly retreat
and soon it became a rout. The men fled in squads and
companies. When they poured into Buffalo, their wives
and children joined them with such household goods as
they could cart or carry. Soon all the roads leading
out of Buffalo were scenes of indescribable confusion
and terror. Off they hurried in all sorts of convey-
ances and on foot, crying, "The Indians are coming!"
Some fled out Seneca street, some took the Batavia
road, some the ferry, — any way to escape the dreaded
savages. Main street (Williamsville road) was filled
with a fleeing procession, when suddenly the cry in
front, "The Indians are coming!" turned them back
toward Seneca street. The savages broke through the
woods into North street (the Guide-board road) and
came down Main street, howling, shooting, scalping
and burning.
Meanwhile two young men named Johnson and
Efner had mounted one of Perry's nine-pounders on
129
.THE BURNING OF BUFFALO.
cart wheels and trained it down Niagara street, giving
the advancing foe several rounds. Seeing the hopeless-
ness of defense, and wishing to give the villagers more
time to escape. Colonel Chapin held up a flag of truce
and began a parley with the British commander. He
offered to surrender on condition that the inhabitants
be protected and private property spared. General
Riall accepted these conditions but, finding that Chapin
was not in command, he ordered the torch applied and
let the Indians loose upon the defenceless population.
He found an additional excuse for such conduct in the
fact that forty invalid soldiers Irom the Williamsville
hospital were seen marching clown Main street to save
Buffalo!
The town was soon in flames. At tnree o'clock the
destruction was complete, both at Buffalo and at Black
Rock, and the enemy re-crossed the river. A few
houses were left standing, and in these the villagers,
who returned, found shelter, for the season was mid-
winter and the ground covered with snow. On the
third day, which was the first of the new year, a party
of British and Indians returned to finish the work of
devastation. Now only one house,* that of Mrs. St.
John on Main street, near Court, a blacksmith shop and
the stone jail were left standing. Mrs. St. John had
* A tablet marks the site. It is affixed to the wall of H. A. Meldrums dry goods store.
130
THE BURNING OF BUFFALO.
secured the protection of an officer for herself and her
house. Her neighbor, Mrs. Lovejoy, unwise enough to
dispute an Indian's right to carry off her goods, was
killed and her body burned with her house.
When the now satisfied British had actually depart-
ed, a few citizens returned to bury the dead, who num-
bered upward of forty. Tomahawked and scalped, it
was hard to recognize them. All those not claimed by
friends were buried in one grave.
Nothing living was left in the town save a cat,
which wandered disconsolately about the smouldering
ruins of its late home. The following extract is taken
from an appeal made by the relief committee of Canan-
daigua :
"All the settlements in a section forty miles square,
and which contained more than twelve thousand souls,
are broken up. The distress produced none but an eye-
witness can appreciate. Our roads are filled with people
reduced from competence to the last degree of want and
sorrow. The fugitives were dispersed under circum-
stances of so much terror that mothers find themselves
wandering with strange children. Of the families thus
separated, all the members can never meet again in this
life, for the violence that made them beggars has also
deprived them of their heads."
131
THE BURNING OF BUFFALO.
This committee raised thirteen thousand dollars, be-
sides clothes and food, for the starving, homeless suf-
ferers; the Legislature gave fifty thousand dollars;
Albany and New York City, four thousand dollars;
the Holland Land Company, two thousand dollars ; and
Joseph Ellicott, their agent, gave two hundred dollars.
Contrary to expectation, Buffalo's recovery was
rapid. In March, Ralph Pomeroy advertised that he
had rebuilt his hotel and was ready for business. In
April, 1 814, the Gazette announced that Buffalo was
rising from her ashes. By May, twenty or more stores,
taverns and shops were occupied, and many families
lived in temporary shanties, until houses could be built
for them.
Little remains to tell of the war save the fact that
later in the year Generals Brown, Scott and Porter,
with their Indian allies again invaded Canada, captured
Fort Erie, bravely resisted a siege there, and, by a cele-
brated sortie, entirely redeemed the character which our
troops lost at the burning of Buffalo.
132
THE SIEGE OF FORT ERIE, AND
A FAMOUS SORTIE.
The month of July, 1814, was made famous by a
succession of exciting events on the Niagara Frontier.
On the 3d, Winfield Scott, who, at the early age of
thirty, had been made a brigadier-general, assisted by
Brigadier-General Ripley, took Fort Erie almost with-
out a blow ; on the 5th, Generals Brown, Scott and Por-
ter met the British at Chippewa gaining a decided vic-
tory; on the 25th, Scott met them at Lundy's Lane,
opposite Niagara Falls, and fought the celebrated bat-
tle in the dark, covering himself with glory ; in conse-
quence of these brilliant achievements, both Brown and
Scott, severely wounded, were slowly recovering at
Buffalo.
Now their brave army, much depleted by the great
losses sustained in the two battles, and deprived of the
inspiring presence of their gallant commanders, retired
to Fort Erie, where they were besieged by General Sir
Gordon Drummond with a force so greatly outnumber-
ing them, that they could not meet him in the open
field.
183
THE SIEGE OF FORT ERIE, AND
Fort Erie was not meant to stand a prolonged siege.
It was slightly constructed of stone and could easily
have been reduced by a brisk artillery fire. General
Ripley, who was temporarily in command, at once set
the men to strengthen it. The Americans took up as
strong a position as the circumstances would admit.
On two sides of their fortifications was the forest ; at
the rear the Niagara served as a protection ; in front,
in the woods, were the British entrenchments, not five
hundred yards away, while their camp was at Water-
loo, distant about two miles. General Gaines, an ex-
perienced officer, came from Sackett's Harbor to take
command of the American army during Brown's ill-
ness, and he lost no time in throwing up earthworks,
building redoubts, and in every way preparing for a
long siege. Reinforcements, too, had crossed the river
by night so that the Americans soon numbered three
thousand, and things looked more hopeful.
General Drummond's first act was to send a con-
siderable force across the river for the purpose of des-
troying the supplies at Black Rock and Buffalo, and so
crippling the resources of the besieged garrison. But
he was cleverly outwitted by the commandant at Fort
Erie who, anticipating some such action, sent Major
Morgan with two hundred and fifty riflemen to lie in
134
A FAMOUS SORTIE.
wait. Major Morgan removed the planking of the
bridge across Scajaquada creek, over which the British
intended to cross, and then waited near by, behind a
breastwork of logs. Before dawn, on August 3d, the
enemy landed just north of the creek, and then boldly
and confidently dashed forward over the bridge. Their
impetuous advance was suddenly checked, but not be-
fore a number had fallen into the creek and were car-
ried down the Niagara. The struggling mass was
thrown into worse confusion by the rapid firing of the
concealed riflemen. After the column had withdrawn
and recovered, they tried to ford the creek farther east,
but the watchful Morgan effectually barred their prog-
ress, and they were compelled to return to the Cana-
dian shore. This engagement has been called the Bat-
tle of Conjockety Creek.
With increased respect for the Americans, General
Drummond determined to send for large guns to bom-
bard the fort before making an assault. This gave our
men more time to strengthen their defenses, and they
went to work with a will. The enemy was not idle.
During the day batteries were planted in the woods and
at night the trees were cut away in front of them so that
the guns might be trained upon the fort. However,
when the first two were finished they were found to be
1S5
THE SIEGE OE FORT ERIE, AND
too far away to inflict much harm. Skirmish parties
frequently sallied out from both lines and many men
were killed before the actual siege began. Among these
was the gallant Morgan, the hero of Conjockety.
On the thirteenth, the storm of shot and shell began.
For two days General Drummond kept up a fierce can-
nonading, and our fort replied. A shell falling within
the fort exploded a magazine, and this called forth loud
cheering from the British lines, for they thought that a
serious breach had been made. General Gaines felt sure
from this and other signs that a night assault would be
attempted ; therefore, when at nightfall the artillery fire
suddenly ceased, he ordered a third of the men to re-
main on duty while the rest slept upon their arms. The
gunners had orders to be prepared, so they loaded their
guns to the mouth with grape shot and canister, and
hung bags of shot and dark lanterns conveniently near.
Then a hundred men under Lieutenant Belknap were
sent out on picket duty, and the garrison waited.
To understand what followed, a brief description of
the American fortifications will be necessary. The fort
originally had two bastions, and two more had been
added by the Americans. Earthworks ran from the
fort westward to an eminence called Snake Hill, upon
which Towson's battery had been planted. Another
136
A FAMOUS SORTIE.
line ran to the right ending at Douglass' Battery, which
was near the river. The extreme left and right were
singled out for the enemy's first attack, because they
were thought weakest ; but the unwelcome visitors had
reckoned without their hosts, who had prepared a warm
reception.
Rain had fallen all day and the night was inky. The
vigilant gviard heard no sound until about two o'clock
in the morning, when Lieutenant Belknap thought he
distinguished the muffled tread of feet, and presently he
saw a moving column in the darkness. He fired a sig-
nal, and then fell back slowly with his men toward the
fort, holding the enemy in check in order to give the
gunners time to prime their pieces. Expecting to sur-
prise a sleeping garrison the British had not fired a shot,
having received orders to remove their flints and depend
on their bayonets only. Their confusion may be im-
agined when, as they approached, Towson's Battery
and Ripley's Infantry belched out a sheet of flame that
lighted up the night so that Towson's Battery became
known as "Towson's Lighthouse." They recoiled, but
charged again and again. Then some waded through
the river to attack the rear, but Ripley's Twenty-first
Regiment was ready and the river removed them as
137
,THE SIEGE OF FORT ERIE, AND
fast as they fell. Not able to approach within bayonet
distance, the remainder retired.
During this charge a second column was thrown
against Douglass' Battery at our right. They, too,
were repulsed, leaving their leader and one-third of
their men on the field. A third column under Lieuten-
ant-Colonel Drummond moved directly upon the fort
carrying scaling-ladders. Though repulsed many
times they returned with stubborn courage, and at last,
favored by the smoke and darkness, crept close to the
walls, planted their ladders and climbed into the north
bastion. Crying, "No quarter!" they savagely bayo-
neted the gunners. When Lieutenant McDonough,
after being stabbed, asked for quarter, Drummond bru-
tally shot him. Punishment fell speedily; a few min-
utes later Drummond was himself bayoneted and shot.
The guns of the captured bastion were now turned
against the fort and all efforts to dislodge the enemy
were futile, though bravely and even recklessly made.
Indian allies of the British stood ready to rush in and
massacre as soon as a breach should be made. Just at
this critical moment a wonderful thing happened.
With a deafening roar, like thunder, the whole bastion
shot high into the air. The magazine under the plat-
form had exploded and carried with it nearly a whole
188
A FAMOUS SORTIE.
regiment of red-coats. Some historians think it was
accidental; others believe that the dying McDonough
threw a lighted fuse into the magazine, preferring to
die in this way in order to save the fort. Whatever
the cause, the effect was appalling, and the remnant of
the besiegers retired, leaving their dead piled high
among the debris.
Across the river, all through the night, anxious
watchers lined the shore, listening to the terrific artil-
lery battle and watching the flash of cannon. The ex-
plosion might mean disaster to our arms, thought they ;
but when morning broke, a boat approached with the
glad tidings of victory. The Americans lost about a
hundred men, the British, nearly a thousand.
Both forces spent the following month in strength-
ening their position and in securing reinforcements,
bo apprehensive were the Americans of another attack
that they slept upon their arms with bayonets fixed.
Food, too, was very poor and hard to obtain, the whole
Niagara being still a desolate waste; hence, many of
our men were soon unfit for duty. Realizing the criti-
cal condition of the besieged, and in answer to appeals
from Generals Brown and Gaines, the militia of the
western counties of the state were called out by the
governor. When they arrived at the ruins of Buffalo,
139
HTHE SIEGE OF FORT ERIE, AND
General Porter made an address which caused about
fifteen hundred to volunteer to cross the river under
his command and raise the siege. They went into camp
near Towson's battery on the tenth of September.
The British had not ceased to throw shells, hot shot
and rockets into the fort, keeping things lively, so that
fatigue duty had become very dangerous. One shell so
injured General Gaines that he had to be removed to
Buffalo, and General Brown, though far from well,
again took command.
The condition of the enemy was worse, if possible,
than our own. Rain fell in torrents and their camp
became a marsh. Typhoid fever broke out among
them and they, like the Americans, were threatened
with scarcity of food. They decided, therefore, to
hasten matters and end the siege before winter. Since
Battery Number One and Battery Number Two, al-
ready planted, were so ineffective, they began to erect
Battery Number Three within five hundred yards of
our lines. This, after its long guns were put into posi-
tion, was expected to make short work of the fort. Our
men dreaded the moment of its completion greatly and
tried to hinder its construction which was carried on
chiefly after dark. One brave attempt was made by
Major Brook who with two friends crept through the
140
A FAMOUS SORTIE.
enemy's picket line one night, and hung a lantern upon
a tree in direct line with the battery to serve as a target
for our gunners. Great was the amazement of the
British when our guns opened fire upon them in the
darkness. It was some time before they discovered the
guiding light.
This was only a temporary device; but when the
battery was nearly ready Generals Brown and Porter
were also ready with the plan of a sortie so daring that
it, if successfully carried out, would prove to be the
most brilliant military achievement of the war on the
Niagara. The plan was this : General Porter with his
volunteers and Indians was to make a wide detour
through the woods to the left, and fall upon Battery
Number Three and destroy it; while General James
Miller was to march to the right and destroy Battery
Number Two. The two forces were then to co-operate
in the destruction of Battery Number One, spike all
guns and roughly handle the single brigade which the
British usually left on duty.
Whether General Porter deserves the credit of plan-
ning this sortie or not, he certainly carried it out most
successfully. Roads were cut on the i6th so that the
marshes might be avoided. The morning of the 17th
was most unpleasant; but when on parade, the men
141
THE SIEGE OF FORT ERIE
were told of the plan, and an account of the victories at
Plattsburg and Lake Champlain was read to them,
their enthusiasm was infectious. Red strips of cloth
were used as headgear, since none of the volunteers
was uniformed and a distinguishing mark was needed.
A heavy thunderstorm coming on in the afternoon fa-
vored the Americans so that they approached almost
within pr^tol shot of the enemy without being discov-
ered. With a rush and a shout that could be heard at
Buffalo, they drove the astonished British back and in
half an hour the battery was disabled and its long guns
spiked. Miller captured Battery Number One, and in
forty minutes the British works were in our hands.
Just then reinforcements arrived, the British rallied,
and our troops wisely retreated.
Fort Erie was saved. So complete was Drum-
mond's discouragement that he folded his tents and
stole away to Chippewa. Our only grief was that
among our slain were the gallant officers, General Da-
vis and Lieutenant-Colonel Wood. In November the
fort was blown up and the garrison returned to Buf-
falo. Congress awarded medals to both Brown and
Porter.
This sortie was the last and most memorable event
of the war on the Niagara Frontier.
142
THE HERO OF LAKE ERIE.
The War of 1 812 is famous in history for the many
naval victories won by our brave seamen. It was not
on land but upon the water that the United States con-
quered in the second war with England.
One of the great naval victories won in 181 3 was
the battle of Lake Erie. The hero of this engagement
was Captain Oliver Hazard Perry, a young man only
twenty-seven years old. He had received his early
training on his father's vessel the U. S. S. General
Greene, cruising in the West Indies during the San Do-
mingo trouble, and had later seen service in the Tripoli-
tan war, which was truly a school for the training of
heroes.
During the first year of the war (1812), Perry was
stationed at Newport, R. I. Hearing that Commodore
Chauncey was gathering a naval force upon the Great
Lakes, where all the fighting appeared to be taking
place, he asked to be allowed to serve under Chauncey.
That officer was glad to get so spirited a young man,
and immediately assigned to him the command of the
fleet on Lake Erie, — ^a fleet that had, most of it, yet to
143
THE HERO OF LAKE ERIE.
be constructed. There were a few boats at Black Rock,
among which was the brig Caledonia, captured by
Lieutenant Elliott at Fort Erie, but these were block-
aded by the British batteries across the river.
The building of Perry's fleet was really a wonder.
Carpenters, seamen, machinery, sails, gnns, etc., had to
be sent from New York to Presque Isle (Erie, Pa.)
where the ships were building, and there were no rail-
roads and no canal to make the transportation easier.
Perry arrived in Buffalo in March, 1813, having
made the journey from Newport by sleigh. In May he
hurried from his ship-yard at Presque Isle to co-operate
with General Scott in the capture of Forts George and
Erie. The fall of these forts raised the blockade and
the boats were tracked out of Black Rock harbor to the
large fine harbor at Erie, where the rest of the fleet was
being made ready.
By the most strenuous exertions, two brigs of
twenty tons, a number of gunboats and schooners were
built and equipped. By August Perry's flotilla was
ready for sailing, but just outside the harbor waited
the English fleet under Commodore Barclay, one of
Nelson's veterans ; and across the harbor's mouth was
a bar only seven feet under water, which, while it pre-
vented the British from coming in and destroying the
144
THE HERO OF LAKE ERIE.
fleet before it was completed, also prevented Perry
from taking his two largest vessels out into the lake.
Perry now had a fleet of nine vessels, carrjang fifty-
five guns and about four hundred sixteen men. Bar-
clay had six ships carrying sixty-three guns and about
four hundred forty men ; but Barclay had the advan-
tage in long guns as will be seen later.
Our hero felt sure that if he could but lighten his
ships so as to get out of the harbor he could capture
Barclay and his fleet in a day or two; but Barclay
watched him like a cat and Perry waited. Suddenly,
to Perry's astonishment and relief, the British squad-
ron sailed away across the lake. It was learned that
Commodore Barclay had received an invitation to dine
with friends on Sunday, and he had taken his fleet with
him. The water was smooth, Perry lost no time.
Beaching the guns of the largest brig, the Lawrence,
he sunk two scows, one on each side of her, and then
passing great beams through her portholes, rested the
ends upon the scows, thus making "camels" of them.
The scows were then pumped out, and as they rose,
they lifted the Lawrence with them, but not high
enough to carry her over the bar. Again the scows
were sunk, but this time the beam ends were blocked
high enough to lift the brig free. Through the whole
145
THE HERO OF LAKE ERIE.
night the crews labored; by morning the Lawrence
floated over the bar, followed by the rest of the fleet,
just as Barclay again appeared on the scene. The
American gunboats kept him off until the guns of the
Lazvrence could be put into place. Then she turned
and gave him a broadside from her carronades that
made him change his mind and sail away up the lake.
Apparently he was not ready for battle.
Perry hunted the British for a month but it was not
until September loth, while at Put-in Bay, that he
sighted them again. Barclay was now ready for a
battle — the battle which was to determine who should
have the mastery of the Lakes.
Captain Perry at once put out to meet him. The
day was serene, — a perfect autumn day with a light
breeze which favored our ships because of their posi-
tion. The British ships were formed in battle line,
their bands playing "Britannia, rule the waves !" After
Perry had drawn up his ships in line, he ran a flag up
to the masthead of the Lawrence, which bore the words
of the brave Captain Lawrence, "Don't give up the
ship!" This was the signal for the attack. It was
greeted with cheers from every ship. Then Perry bore
down upon the Detroit with his flagship the Lawrence.
The engagement began about noon, when the De-
146
THE HERO OF LAKE ERIE.
troit, Commodore Barclay's flagship, sent a 24-poimder
crashing into the Lawrence. Sailing-master Stephen
Champlin, a youth of twenty-four, promptly replied
with the 32-pounder of the Scorpion. It was Perry'3
plan to have the Niagara engage the Queen Charlotte
while he engaged the Detroit. The Scorpion, Ariel,
Caledonia, Somers, Porcupine, Tigress and Tripp were
to pour their fire into the Chippeway, Hunter, Lady
Prevost and Little Belt. For half an hour the fighting
was at long range and the English had the advantage
because of their superior long gtins. Perry, therefore,
tried to get near enough to use his carronades. For
some unexplained reason Captain Elliott kept the Ni-
agara well out of the fray, and so the British ships
turned their attention to the Lazvrence, raking her with
thirty-two long guns for nearly two hours. At last
Captain Elliott brought the Niagara into line but the
Lawrence was then past help and almost unmanageable.
Her hull was shattered, her spars were gone, her guns
dismounted and her gunners all dead. Only fourteen
of her crew were left. Her first lieutenant, Yarnall,
fought on alone though thrice wounded. Surgeons
and chaplain helped Perry fire the last gun.
There was nothing to do but to haul down the flag,
and the British cheered wildly, thinking the battle won.
X47
THE HERO OF LAKE ERIE.
But they cheered too soon. When the smoke lifted,
they saw Perry standing up in the bow of a row boat,
with his flag wrapped round him, while four oarsmen
were rowing him rapidly toward the Niagara. He
passed within pistol shot of the English ships and his
escape was a miracle, for the oars were splintered, the
shot spattered about him like hail, and the water boiled
with the force of the missiles, covering him with spray ;
yet he reached the Niagara safely.
He at once sent Captain Elliott to all the American
ships in a boat, with orders to fight at close range
with grape and canister. Then he hoisted his flag and
carried the Niagara right through the British line,
raking the six vessels with broadsides right and left.
Two of the English ships fouled and Perry promptly
luffed across their bows, raking them again. Barclay
was badly wounded and could not again bring his now
disabled vessel into action. The Queen Charlotte was
in as bad a condition and struck her colors first ; three
others followed; but the Chippeivay and Little Belt
made an attempt to escape. Stephen Champlin, of the
Scorpion, who fired the first shot, and Lieutenant
Holdup of the Tripp, showed further gallantry by pur-
suing and capturing the runaways.
Perr)^ returned to the Lawrence to receive the
148
THE HERO OF LAKE ERIE.
swords of the English commanders. A feeble cheer
greeted him when he stepped aboard his flagship. The
cockpit showed a fearful scene of carnage, and Perry's
heart was sad even while he penned the triumphant
message to Harrison, "We have met the enemy and
they are ours."
This victory gave the United States the mastery of
the Lakes, prevented an Indian invasion, and led to the
surrender of Detroit and Michigan. Congress voted
Perry a gold medal and promoted him to the command
of the frigate Java.
While we honor him for his bravery let us not for-
get the nameless heroes who gave up life and limb to
make this victory possible.
149
THE ERIE CANAL.
It was in the summer of 1810 that Dewitt Clinton
with six other Canal Commissioners traveled across
New York state to find the best route for the Erie
Canal. Mr, Clinton's party started from Albany, July
3d, going by water from Schenectady to Geneva, and
finishing the journey to Buffalo by land, arriving
August 4th, having taken thirty-two days to make a
trip that is now made in six hours !
While on the way Mr. Clinton kept an interesting
journal some extracts from which will show you the
mode of travel, the nature of the country, and the con-
ditions of trade before the day of railroads or canals.
He writes as follows :
"July 3d. We set out in carriages for Schenectady,
where we found that Mr. Eddy had neglected to give
directions about providing boats and that Mr. Walton,
the undertaker, who is extensively engaged in trans-
porting commodities and merchandise up and down the
river, had notice of our wishes only yesterday. . . .
He had purchased a batteau and had hired another for
our baggage. It being necessary to caulk and paint the
160
THE ERIE CANAt.
boats, to erect an awning for our protection against
rain and sun, and to prepare a new set of sails, we had
no very sanguine hope of gratifying our earnest desire
to depart in the morning.
July 4th. On consulting with Mr. Walton, he in-
formed us that this being a day of great festivity, it
would be almost impracticable to drag the men away.
. . . We therefore pressed the workmen with great
assiduity, and embarked at four o'clock in the after-
noon. Our boat was covered with a handsome awning
and curtains, and well provided with seats. The Com-
missioners who embarked with me were Simeon
Dewitt, Thomas Eddy and Peter B. Porter [of Black
Rock] , Gouverneur Morris and Stephen Van Rensse-
laer agreed to make the jaunt by land.
A crowd of people attended us, and gave three part-
ing cheers. The wind was fair, and with our handsome
awning, flags flying and large sail, followed by another
boat, we made no disreputable appearance. We dis-
covered that our mast was too high, and our boat being
without ballast, we were not well calculated to encoun-
ter heavy and sudden gusts. These boats are not safe
for lake navigation, although they frequently venture.
The river [Mohawk] was uncommonly low. Goods to
the value of fifty thousand dollars were detained in the
151
THE ERIE CANAL.
warehouses on account of the difficulty of transporta-
tion. After saiHng a couple of miles a bend of the
river brought the wind in our faces. Our men took to
their poles, and pushed us up against a rapid current,
with great dexterity and great muscular exertion. The
approach of evening, and the necessity of sending back
to Schenectady for some things that were left, induced
us to come to for the night, at Willard's tavern, three
miles from the place of departure.
July 5th. We rose with the sun but were detained
until nine o'clock. In the course of the day we passed
three boats and a raft. The general run to Utica and
return is nine days. . . . Between fifteen and six-
teen miles from Schenectady we passed the first settle-
ment made by Sir William Johnson in this country.
• • •
We dined on board the boat, and, after a hard day's
work, arrived at Cook's tavern. The wind was vio-
lently adverse, and the rapids frequent and impetuous.
The Morris [baggage boat] staid about a mile behind,
which was no favorable indication."
The defection of the Morris must have been a seri-
ous inconvenience to the distinguished travelers since
it contained a ton and a half of baggage and provisions,
162
THE ERIE CANAU.
together with a mattress, a blanket and a pillow for
each Commissioner.
The journal g-oes on to tell that they breakfasted at
a log- house, walked around Kater's rapids to lighten
their boats, slept four in a room at the tavern and
found flies in their custard! They shot a bittern,
speared a turtle, and some fish, intending to cook a meal
on shore, but a violent thunderstorm made them sit
under their awning and eat a cold luncheon instead.
On the eighth they reached Little Falls, which Mr.
Clinton describes as a village containing thirty or forty
houses, several stores and a church ; fully as large and
flourishing a place as others which have long since far
outstripped it in size. The falls in the river afforded
good mill sites, probably the cause of the settlement.
Here also began a system of short canals around the
falls which the Inland Lock Navigation Co. had built,
extending as far west as Rome. The company's in-
come in one year was sixteen thousand dollars in lock-
age at Little Falls alone. One boat which they met had
paid sixteen dollars and a half at Rome where it passed
through two locks. The toll-taker estimated that a
million dollars worth of produce and manufactured
goods annually passed through these locks. Such facts
as these must have proved to the Commissioners, had
153
THE ERIE CANAL.
they needed such proof, how valuable to the people
would be a continuous canal with reasonable charges.
At Utica Mr. Clinton found that produce was being
carried by land from Utica to Albany for eight shil-
lings per one hundred pounds, while by water the
charges were six shillings. Farmers paid their debts
to merchants by conveying goods for them in seasons
when teams were not needed on the farm. Utica was
reached on July 9th, and found to be a flourishing vil-
lage, containing three hundred houses, a bank, several
churches and a post office. There were about sixteen
hundred inhabitants, and two newspapers flourished
there. Double building lots which sold at from four
hundred to eight hundred dollars were considered ex-
travagantly high. Mr. Clinton thought some of the
houses uncommonly elegant. A cheesemaker was
visited who cleared upwards of a thousand dollars a
year — b. fabulous sum in those times.
Farther on, they came to a cotton spinning factory.
Rome, they found, contained seventy houses and had a
canal one and three-fourths miles long around the falls.
Mr. Clinton was told that the freshets sweep away all
the improvements made by the Canal Company. The
Commissioners dined in "a large double three-story
frame building called the Hotel 1" At Oneida lake they
154
THE ERIE CANAIv.
found deer, salmon and bass plentiful, but the water
was full of fever germs. Near Salina (Syracuse) the
sounds, odors and vermin of the tavern drove them to
sleep in a tent in the woods. Here the salt boats had to
unload half their cargoes in order to get over the
rapids, and rafts were detained four weeks by low
water.
They arrived at the Falls of Oswego July i6th.
There was a carrying place of a mile here. At the
landings were about fifteen thousand barrels of salt.
Carriage was one shillincf a barrel. Loaded boats
could not safely descend the falls, but light ones were
conducted over for one dollar. The commerce in salt
was great, the wharves being covered with barrels of
it. In 1808 nineteen thousand barrels were shipped,
and three thousand were not carried for want of ves-
sels. They told Mr. Clinton that thirty thousand bar-
rels would be sent to Canada that year. Salt sold for
one dollar and a half at Salina, but cost nine dollars
when it reached Pittsburg because transportation was
so slow and expensive, and could be carried on only
six months in the year. /?
From Oswego the party continued to Geneva by
way of Oswego and Seneca rivers, passing through the
155
THE ERIE CANAL.
miasms of Cayuga marsh, walking around falls, lodg-
ing in various uncomfortable taverns, and suffering the
attacks of fleas, musquitoes and other vermin.
At Geneva they sold their boat and made the re-
mainder of the journey by wagon. Genesee Falls
(Rochester) they found to be a great business center,
it having that season sent to Montreal one thousand
barrels of flour, the same of pork and potash, and more
than one hundred thousand staves. The transportation
charges on the staves was ninety dollars a thousand —
nine cents apiece !
Striking the Ridge Road at the Genesee, they fol-
lowed it to Lewiston. Here they discovered that the
only means of transportation around the falls of Niag-
ara was a three-yoke ox-team, which made but one trip
a day. When we read this we are not surprised to
learn, also, that the price of salt was raised from three
and one-half dollars at Lewiston to four and one-half
dollars at Black Rock. Nor do we wonder that this
article served in the place of money for the payment of
debts.
Now the party was nearing Buffalo and Mr. Clin-
ton's journal concludes with the following entry :
"Aug. 4th. At Black Rock we saw a great numbei
156
THE ERIE CANAL.
of barrels of salt and several square-rigged vessels, and
had a beautiful view of Lake Erie.
We arrived in the evening at Buffalo or New Am-
sterdam, and put up at Landon's tavern, where we
were indifferently accommodated.
Aug. 5th. Buffalo village contains from thirty to
forty houses, the court-house of Niagara county, built
by the Holland Land Company, several stores and tav-
erns and a post office. It is a place of great resort. All
persons that travel to the western states and Ohio from
the eastern states and all that visit the Falls of Niagara,
come this way. A half-acre lot sells for from one hun-
dred to two hundred fifty dollars. Buffalo Creek runs
in from the east between the village and the lake. It
is a deep stream, ten rods wide, and has a large bar at
its mouth. It is navigable for five miles. There are
five lawyers and no church in the village
The great need in the land of the Holland Company is
water. In the village of Buffalo, the whole village is
supplied by hogsheads from a spring. We saw several
dry mills. The population has doubled in a year. . .
We rode on the beach of the lake to Black Rock. A
ferry and tavern are kept at the upper landing and a
store by Porter, Barton & Co. . . . The country
is well cultivated and settled. We passed a store with
157
THE ERIE CANAL.
three inscriptions on its sign, in English, French and
German. Store, in English; Boutique, in French.
This indicates the nationality of the settlers in its vi-
cinity. ... At Black Rock we left Mr. Geddes
to commence his surveys, and parted from Colonel Por-
ter with great regret."
Such were the difficulties of travel and transporta-
tion between the Great Lakes and the Atlantic seaboard.
All trade was with Montreal or Baltimore, since these
places were best reached by water. The inducements
to settle in the interior of the state or of opening the
great West, were small, as the settlers had no market
for their wares.
As early as 1800, Gouverneur Morris and others had
spoken of a waterway to the Great Lakes, and in 1807
a series of essays were written by Jesse Hawley for the
Genesee Messenger, in which he described a canal from
Buffalo to Utica, and estimated the cost, thus familiar-
izing people with the thought. Nature had cut a series
of waterways and valleys to indicate the best route;
James Geddes* surveyed it in 1809; and now the
Canal Commissioners, having traveled over the route,
reported their approval of it, and suggested to the Leg-
islature that New York get aid from Congress to dig
* He received the small sum of six hundred dollars for the survey.
15a
THE ERIE CANAL.
this canal, which, they saw, would benefit the whole
nation.
President Madison and Congress did not see its
benefit so clearly, therefore, in 1812, it was decided that
New York should borrow money from Europe and
build the canal alone. Just then the second war with
England broke out and New York State had other
things to think of. When the war was over (1815)'
Dewitt Clinton, to whom most credit is due for the con-
struction of the Erie Canal, began a lively agitation of
the subject. He met with much opposition, especially
in New York city. Clinton's Memorial to the Legisla-
ture called forth all manner of abuse. It was said that
Clinton's "Big Ditch" would be filled with "the tears of
posterity," and that his idea was about as sane as a
proposition to build a canal to the moon. He perse-
vered, however, and at last a bill was passed by the
Legislature, ordering the construction of the canal.
It was begun at Rome, July 4th, 181 7, amid great
rejoicing, for the people along the route knew its value
to them. While cannon boomed and people cheered,
Judge Richardson, the first contractor, broke ground
for the middle section, which was to extend from Utica
westward to Montezuma, near Cayuga lake. Three
years later this part was finished and put to use. In
159
THE ERIE CANAL.
gratitude for his efforts the people of the state elected
Dewitt Clinton governor. Now the enthusiasm spread
and the eastern section was begfun. Wealthy farmers
worked on the canal at seventy-five cents a day, and
were glad to help the good work forward. Convicts
were turned out of prisons and set to digging.
In 1823 the Albany section was finished, and there
was a great celebration at its opening ; but the hardest
part, the western section, was still to be done. The
Buffalo end was begun August, 1823, near the Com-
mercial street bridge. Here, too, the ground was
broken to the strains of music and the rattle of drums,
while cannon roared their approval. In October, 1825,
the last and most difficult part was finished, namely,
the cutting of the Lockport ridge.
On the morning of October 26th, 1825, the people
of the state were notified that their canal was com-
pleted. There was in those days no telegraph nor other
means by which news could be conveyed rapidly; but
an ingenious device had been arranged for carrying
this joyful intelligence. The cannon which had won
Perry's famous victory on Lake Erie, were made to
celebrate this great peace-victory. Guns had been
placed along the tow-path and down the Hudson, at
such distances apart that they could be fired one after
160
THE ERIE CANAU
another, at intervals of one minute. Thus, the glad
messag-e was sent from Buffalo at ten o'clock in the
morning by the firing of a great 32-pounder on the
Terrace, and gun after gun took it up, until it reached
the forts in New York Harbor, which boomed it clear
out to Sandy Hook, where rolls the g^reat Atlantic.
The return salute reached Buffalo three hours later,
having traveled eleven hundred miles.
The rejoicing which followed was such as had never
before been known in the history of New York State.
Some extracts from the newspapers of the day will
give you an idea of the feelings of the people on this
great occasion:
Rochester Telegraph, Oct. 18, 1825 :
"The wedding of the waters of Lake Erie with
those of the Hudson is to be solemnized on the 26th
inst., and we are happy to observe that the marriage
feasts are making ready in every part of the state. A
banquet will be prepared in our own village, and ser-
vants have gone forth to invite many guests. As the
conclusion of the gigantic work draws near, the en-
thusiasm of the public spreads far and wide. Loud
and deep will be the shouts of triumph which rend the
air when the signal g^n announces the work com-
pleted."
.161
THE ERIE CANAi;.
From the New York Commercial Advertiser, Oct.
26, 1825 :
"At twenty minutes past eleven o'clock this morn-
ing the joyful intelligence was proclaimed to our citi-
zens, by the roar of artillery, that the great, the gigan-
tic work of uniting the upper lakes with the ocean was
completed; and exactly an hour and twenty minutes
before, the first boat from Lake Erie had entered the
canal and commenced its voyage to New York.
This proud intelligence having been communicated
in the same manner to Sandy Hook and notice of its
reception returned to the City, the return salute was
commenced at Fort Lafayette by a national salute at
twenty-two minutes past eleven o'clock, and the sounds
of our rejoicing sent roaring and echoing along the
mountains and among the Highlands back to Buffalo
where it was doubtless received before this paper went
to press."
In Colden's Memoir which was published in honor
of the event we read this account :
"The completion of the Erie Canal was announced
to us by the sound of cannon on the 26th of last month,
and to-morrow we shall witness the arrival of a Canal
boat from Buffalo, after an internal navigation of five
hundred thirteen miles. She will have passed three
162
THE ERIE CANAU.
hundred sixty-three miles on one continued, uninter-
rupted artificial canal, forty feet wide on the surface,
twenty-eight at the bottom, with four feet depth of
water. She will have passed through eighty-three
locks, built of massive stone . . . and she will,
when she reaches Albany, have descended five hundred
fifty-five feet; but her ascent and her descent in the
course of her voyage will have been six hundred sixty-
two feet."
But the grand salute of signal guns was by no
means the only celebration of the opening of the great
waterway. On that famous twenty-sixth of October
the little village of Buffalo was a busy place. First
there was a procession on Main street, with Governor
Clinton, the Lieutenant-Governor and other distin-
guished men of the state in carriages. Then they all
marched to the canal where a little flotilla of canal boats
waited to convey the governor and his party from Lake
Erie to the Atlantic. Just as the boats were ready to
start the first gun of the grand salute just described,
was fired from the Terrace. The boats glided away
eastward and Buffalo continued to celebrate, listening
to an oration by Sheldon Smith and ending with a
great dinner and ball at the Eagle tavern.
163
THE ERIE CANAL.
Meanwhile Governor Clinton and his party were
traveling toward New York in the boat Seneca Chief,
drawn by four gaily dressed gray horses. There were
three other boats in the little fleet. One was called
Noah's Ark because it carried all sorts of animals in
pairs. In this boat were also two Indian boys. Two
kegs of Lake Erie water were taken to be poured into
the Atlantic with appropriate ceremonies, in token that
communication was opened between the Lakes and the
ocean. Dr. Mitchell had succeeded in securing bottles
of water from the chief rivers of Europe, Asia, Africa
and South America, to pour in, to signify a world-wide
commerce. The home industries of the West were
represented by potashes from Detroit, Sandusky, Erie
and Buffalo.
Down the long canal went the flotilla stopping at
every village on the way and everywhere warmly re-
ceived. When it passed through the locks at Lockport,
the earth trembled with the discharge of artillery and
the blasting of rock. At Rochester the Lion of the
West carrying wolves, foxes, raccoons, butter, apples,
pails and brooms, joined the flotilla. At Utica all on
board the boats landed and attended church, where a
thanksgiving service was held.
164
THE ERIE CANAL.
Great preparations had been made at Albany. Here
a fleet was ready to replace the gray horses and tow the
boats down the river. They reached New York No-
vember second. The celebration in the metropolis al-
most passed description. There was a great aquatic
parade with miles of boats in line. This immense fleet
proceeded to Sandy Hook, the Setieca Chief receiving
several national salutes on the way. Even the British
vessels in the harbor saluted her. The bells of the city
were rung for an hour, morning, noon and night.
At Sandy Hook, surrounded by a fleet three miles
in circumference. Governor Clinton mingled the waters
of Lake Erie with those of the ocean, speaking as fol-
lows :
"The solemnity at this place on the first arrival of
vessels from Lake Erie is intended to indicate and com-
memorate the navigable communication which has been
accomplished between our Mediterranean seas and the
Atlantic Ocean, in about eight years to the extent of
more than four hundred twenty-five miles by the wis-
dom, public spirit and energy of the people of the State
of New York ; and may the God of the Heaven and of
the Earth smile most propitiously on this work and
render it subservient to the best interests of the human
race."
166
THE ERIE CANAi;.
Then came a land procession in which all the trades
and occupations were represented, and the day closed
with a brilliant illumination and fireworks.
General Lafayette was not forgotten although he
was far away. A bottle of the water from the casks
was sent him as a compliment.
On the return trip Judge Wilkinson of Buffalo
brought back a cask of ocean water, which he poured
into Lake Erie, November 23d, with appropriate cere-
monies, the grand celebration thus ending nearly a
month after it began.
Now, as to the greatness of the undertaking. It
should be remembered that the canal was dug through
three hundred sixty miles of wild country where deer
and wolves still roamed and settlers were few and poor.
Eighty-three stone locks each fifteen feet wide and
ninety feet long, were built for lifting the boats around
the falls and rapids of which Mr. Clinton spoke in his
journal. Aqueducts to the extent of one thousand six
hundred fifty feet were thrown across rivers, and they
rested on stone arches. The Cayuga marshes were dug
through, reeking with typhus, where half the men fell
ill. In some places the canal was built through the
rivers. Near Rochester an embankment seventy feet
high and a mile long was built, and near Lockport a
166
THE ERIE CANAi;.
great ridge, three miles of solid rock, thirty feet deep,
had to be pierced. Remembering these difficulties it is
astonishing that the work was accomplished in eight
years and at a cost of only a little over seven and one-
half million dollars.
A canal fund was created by placing a tax on salt,
on lotteries, on auction sales, on lands lying along the
canal, and on passengers traveling on the Hudson.
Some of these taxes were never collected, but the salt
industry, which was so greatly benefited, paid the
major part of the cost of the canal.
There was a long and fierce debate on the question
whether the western terminus of the canal should be at
Buffalo or at Black Rock. Buffalo had no harbor, a
sandbar obstructing the mouth of the creek. At a
meeting held by the Commissioners in Buffalo, in 1822,
General Peter B. Porter spoke for Black Rock while
Samuel Wilkinson presented the claims of Buffalo.
The Commissioners finally chose Buffalo because, as
the report says, "The waters in Lake Erie are higher
than at Bird Island, and every inch gained in elevation
will produce a saving in the expense of excavating."
When the canal was finished, besides the freight
boats, regular passenger boats, known as packets,
drawn by three fast-trotting horses, came into use. The
167
THE ERIE CANAi;.
fare was four cents a mile or fourteen dollars to Al-
bany, and included board. A trip to New York cost
eighteen dollars and took six days, — a great improve-
ment on Dewitt Clinton's journey of thirty-two days.
It must have seemed a rapid and dangerous journey
to the settler of the times to judge by the following
taken from a traveler's journal :
"Commending my soul to God and asking His de-
fense from danger, I stepped aboard the canal-boat and
was soon flying toward Utica."
Since 1825 the canal has been widened and deepened
and improved in many ways ; but no one can deny that
the little four-foot-deep "ditch" was the maker of New
York state and the savior of the West. Let me quote
the closing words of Cadwallader Colden in his cele-
brated Canal Memoir :
"American can never forget to acknowledge that we
have built the longest canal, in the least time, with the
least experience, for the least money, and to the greatest
public benefit."
168
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Hennepin's Nouvelle Decotiverte, edited by R. G.
Thwaites (1698).
Hennepin's Lotiisiane, translated by John Shea
(1683).
Ketchum's Buffalo and the Senecas (1865).
Morgan's League of the Iroquois ( 1851 ) .
Canfield's Iroquois Legends.
Stone's Life of Red Jacket (1866).
Colden's Five Nations (1747).
Seaver's Life of Mary Jemison (1856).
Turner's Holland Purchase (1849).
Babcock's Siege of Fort Erie (1899).
Campbell's Life and Writings of Dewitt Clinton
(1849)-
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