Skip to main content

Full text of "Slavery and the internal slave trade in the United States of North America; being replies to questions transmitted by the committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society for the abolition of slavery and the slave trade throughout the world. Presented to the General Anti-Slavery Convention, held in London, June, 1840"

See other formats





THOMAS WARD and Co. 27, Paternoster Row ; and BRITISH AND FOREIGN 
ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY, 27, New Broad Street. 

NORTH AMERICA; being Replies to QUERIES, &c. In One Vol., 8vo. 
Price Four Shillings. 

POEMS, by a Slave in the Island of Cuba, recently liberated, with Life, written by 
himself ; translated from the Spanish, and accompanied by Two Pieces, descriptive 
of Cuban Slavery, and the Slave Traffic. By R. R. MADDEN, Esq., M. D. 
One volume, 8vo. Price Five Shillings. 

SLAVERY. Second Edition. Price One Shilling. 

TEXAS ; its claims to be recognized as an Independent Power by Great Britain, ex- 
amined in a Series of Letters, by JOHN SCOBLE, Esq. Price One Shilling. 

REPORT ON FREE LABOUR, presented to the General Anti-slavery Convention 
by JOHN STURGE, Esq., of Birmingham. Price Sixpence. 


SLAVERY IN CUBA, an Address presented to the General Anti-slavery Conven- 
tion, by R. R. MADDEN, Esq., M. D. Price Sixpence. 

HILL COOLIES, a brief Exposure of the deplorable condition of the Hill Coolies 
in British Guiana and Mauritius, &c. Price Fourpence. 

SLAVERY IN INDIA, by Professor WILLIAM ADAM, of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 
United States. Second Edition. Price Twopence. 

THE ESSENTIAL SINFU.LNESS OF SLAVERY, and its direct opposition to 
the precepts and spirit of Christianity, by the Rev. B. GODWIN, of Oxford. Second 
Edition. Price Twopence. 

THE MORAL INFLUENCE OF SLAVERY, the Substance of a Paper presented 
to the Anti-slavery Convention, by WILLIAM BEVAN. Price Twopence. 


In the Press, 


lately held in London, To Subscribers, bound in cloth and lettered, Ten Shillings 
and Sixpence. To Non-Subscribers, Fourteen Shillings. 

published every alternate week. Price Threepence, stamped for circulation by post. 
May be ordered of S. WILD, 13, Catherine Street, Strand ; WILLIAM EVERETT, Finch 
Lane, Cornhill ; or any other Newsmen in town or country. 












antr Jporetp gCntusIabtrg 










The Committee of the British and Foreign 
Anti-slavery Society, with a view of obtaining 
information relative to slavery and the slave trade, 
transmitted, some time previous to the Anti-slavery 
Convention, a list of QUERIES to various parts of 
the world, and among them the following to the 
. United States of America ; which, with the 
REPLIES received from the Executive Committee 
of the American Anti-slavery Society were laid 
before the Convention, and that body, regarding 
the information they contain as most important, 
appointed a Committee to prepare them for the 
press, under whose direction they are now 

British and Foreign Anti-slavery Society, 
27, New Broad Street, London. 

23utisf) an* Jporetgn ^ntf^slabcrg 




Combined and strenuous efforts for the universal extinction of 
Slavery and the Slave-trade having been judged needful, a meeting 
of Delegates and Friends to the cause, assembled from various parts 
of the United Kingdom, was held at Exeter Hall, London, on the 
17th and 18th of April, 1839, at which the following resolutions 
were unanimously adopted as the basis of this Society : 

I. That the name of this Society be, " The British and Foreign Anti- 
slavery Society." 

II. That the objects of this Society be the universal extinction of Slavery 
and the Slave-trade, and the protection of the rights and interests of the 
enfranchised population in the British possessions, and of all persons cap- 
tured as slaves. 

III. That the following be the fundamental principles of the So- 
ciety that so long as Slavery exists there is no reasonable prospect 
of the annihilation of the Slave-trade, and of extinguishing the sale 
and barter of human beings ; that the extinction of Slavery and the 
Slave-trade will be attained most effectually by the employment of 
those means which are of a moral, religious, and pacific character : 
and that no measures be resorted to by this Society in the prosecu- 
tion of these objects but such as are in entire accordance with these 

IV. That the following be among the means to be employed by this 
Society : 

1. To circulate, both at home and abroad, accurate information on the 
enormities of the Slave-trade and Slavery ; to furnish evidence to the 
inhabitants of Slave-holding countries not only of the practicability, 
but of the pecuniary advantage of free labour ; to diffuse authentic 
intelligence respecting the results of emancipation in Hayti, the 
British Colonies, and elsewhere : to open a correspondence with 
Abolitionists in America, France, and other countries, and to encou- 
rage them in the prosecution of their objects by all methods con- 
sistent with the principles of this Society. 

2. To recommend the use of free -grown produce, as far as practicable, 
in preference to slave-grown, and to promote the adoption of fiscal 
regulations in favour of free labour. 

3. To obtain the unequivocal recognition of the principle, that the 
Slave, of whatever clime or colour, entering any portion of the British 
Dominions, shall be free, the same as upon the shores of the United 
Kingdom, and to carry this principle into full and complete effect. 

4. To recommend that every suitable opportunity be embraced for 
evincing, in our intercourse with Slaveholders and their apologists, 
our abhorrence of the system which they uphold, and our sense of its 
utter incompatibility with the spirit of the Christian religion. 

V. That every person who subscribes not less than ten shillings annu- 
ally, or makes a donation of five pounds or upwards, shall be a member 
of this Society. 

VI. That the Society be under the management of a Treasurer, a Secre- 
tary, and a Committee of not less than twenty-one persons, who shall be 
annually elected, and shall have power to fill up vacancies, and to add 
to their number. 

VII. That there be held in London a general meeting of the subscribers 
once in each year, at which a report of the proceedings, and a financial 
statement shall be presented, and a Committee and Officers elected. 

VIII. That the Committee have power to transact all business of the 
Society in the intervals of the general meetings, and to convene special 
general meetings of the Society when necessary. 

IX. That it be recommended to the Anti-slavery friends throughout the 
world, to form Auxiliary Societies upon the principles of, and in con- 
nexion with, this Society. 

X. That Auxiliary Societies be empowered annually to appoint, and 
where such Auxiliaries are not formed, the Committee shall have power 
annually to appoint, one or more corresponding members, who shall be 
at liberty to attend and vote at all meetings of the Committee in London ; 
and that the Committee shall also be authorised to appoint annually 
Honorary Corresponding members who shall have the same privileges. 

XI. That the Committee do invite and encourage the formation of 
Ladies' Branch Associations in furtherance of the objects of this Society. 

XII. That the following gentlemen be the Committee and Officers of 
this Society. 

Sir T. F. BUXTON, Bart. 


Rev. J. H. HINTON 

Treasurer. G. W. ALEXANDER, Lombard Street. 
Honorary Secretary. J. H. TREDGOLD, 41, Wellclose Square. 


The Committee, according to instruction from the same Meeting, 
deem it among their first duties to issue the present address to the 
public, both at home and abroad, on the formation of the Society. 

The continuance of the great evil of slavery in so many countries, 
in connexion with the enormities of the traffic in slaves, enormities 
proved by late official documents to be of increasing extent, induce 
the belief that a strong and united effort should be made to promote 
the influence of principles, subversive both of the Slave-trade and of 
the system of slavery, among the people of those countries, in which 
this means has been, hitherto, but partially employed. 
i Having, under the blessing of Divine Providence, witnessed the 
emancipation of slaves in the British colonies (Mauritius alone at 
present excepted), and subsequently the termination of their appren- 
ticeship, it must not be forgotten that these events were brought 
about, in very great measure, by appeal to the moral and religious 
principles of the nation. Neither should we forget, that slavery, 
with all the demoralization, cruelty, and oppression, which have ever 
marked it, exists in British India, in the colonies of several of the 
nations of Europe, in the United States of America, in Texas, and in 
the Empire of Brazil. The enormity of this evil in South America, 
Cuba, and others of the West India Islands, is attended by a feature 
which did not, within the last few years, mark the slavery in our own 
colonies. In those countries, the system is kept up by a large supply 
from year to year, of newly-imported Africans, introduced by a con- 
traband trade in slaves carried on principally by Spaniards and Por- 

The Slave-trade, though abolished by Great Britain more than 
thirty years ago, and though during the great part of that time 
British cruisers have been employed on the coast of Africa, for 
its suppression, is, to the present day, prosecuted to as large an 
extent, and with as many instances of atrocious barbarity, as at 
any former period. 

Experience has long ago proved, that whilst there continues a de- 
mand for any article which can be obtained, the demand will be met 
with a supply, either by lawful or unlawful means ; especially if the 
trade in that article be attended with a profit covering the risk of 
detection and seizure. This being pre-eminently the case in reference 
to the trade in slaves, it continues unmitigated in its appalling 
amount of human misery, notwithstanding all that has been done 
by expenditure of treasure and of life, or by treaties and negocia- 
tions. Thus there seems no other effectual means of cutting off the 
supply than by extinguishing the demand ; and hence a most strong 
inducement arises to aim with energy at the termination of slavery, 
especially in the new world. 

After what we have seen at home, why should we despair of the 
same results being effected by the application of the same means 


those means, collateral to such as are stated under the four of the 
foregoing resolutions, will be a strict inquiry into the state of those 
negroes who, released from captivity by the capture of slave-ships, are 
taken to Sierra Leone, or to the "West Indies ; and of all such 
persons wherever they may be found. ' 

Although the present undertaking be thus comprehensive and ar- 
duous, calling for special dependence on the Divine blessing in its 
prosecution ; yet much encouragement is derived, not merely from 
the recollection of what has been already accomplished in this great 
cause ; but from the conviction that it is one adapted to engage the 
interest and secure the co-operation of those who form the real 
strength of every community and country. 

At the same time the difficulties which British abolitionists have 
had to contend with, in the attainment of their object, gives them a 
lively sense of those which may obstruct the labourers in the same 
work in foreign lands. In the sympathy which is thus awakened, 
we tender them our cordial co-operation by all the means in our 
power, consistent with the principles on which this Society is founded. 
Free communication on their part, with information how they can 
be most effectually assisted, is earnestly invited. 

Correspondence, according to the suggestion of the first resolution, 
with our friends abroad, is indeed highly desirable : so also in all our 
own colonies, where slavery has been recently abolished, and in 
Hayti; and that amongst other information, comparative notices 
should be forwarded to us of the condition of the population, morally 
and physically, as slaves and as freemen. With respect to auxiliary 
associations in the United Kingdom, so essential to the efficiency of 
the Society, we would suggest the importance of uniformity in their 
foundation, upon the constitution and regulations of the Parent So- 
ciety. Upon such Associations its resources must mainly depend, 
and no time should be lost by our friends in the country in active 
exertion for the formation of these, and of Ladies' Branch Associa- 

Communications to be addressed to J. H. TREDGOLD, Honorary 
Secretary of the Society, at the Office, 27, New Broad Street. 

Donations and Subscriptions will be thankfully received by the Trea- 
surer, or Secretary, or any member of the Committee. 

J. Iladdon, Printer, Castle Street, Finsbury. 





I. What is the number of slaves held in the different 

states of the American Union ? 1 

II. From what states are slaves exported for sale ; and 

what is the number from each state ? . . . 12 

III. To which of the states are slaves exported; and 

what is their number in each of those states ? . ib. 

IV. "What proportion of them are supplied by the internal 

slave trade ? 13 

V. Are there any slaves imported into the United States 
from Africa or any other country ; and what is 
the extent of such importation ? . . 18 

VI. What are the circumstances,, under which slaves are 

clandestinely introduced into the United States ? 24 

VII. What are the features of slavery in the states of the 

Union from whence slaves are sold ? , . ib. 

VIII. What are the features of the internal slave trade ? . 44 



N IX. What are the features of slavery in the consuming / 

states? V/ I 71 

% X. What are the disabilities and disqualifications under 

which the people of colour labour ? . . . 131 


XL How far are the professors of religion tacitly or 
actively implicated in the guilt of slave-holding, 
or any of its attendant evils ? . . . . ib. 

XII. Could a law for the registration of slaves be passed 
in the United States, or other countries, to pre- 
vent the introduction of "slaves when the trade 
is illegal? 162 

XIII. Is any slave trade carried on with Texas ; if so, to 

what extent, from whence are the slaves ob- 
tained, and what is the present number of slaves 
in that 'country ? . . . . . . ib. 

XIV. What are the means which the abolitionists in dif- 

ferent parts of the world could most effectually 
use, consistently with the principles recognized 
by the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 
for the extinction of the slave trade and 
slavery? . 163 

XV. What is the practice of the American abolitionists, in 

reference to the use of slave-grown produce ? . 168 

XVI. Would the recommendation to give a preference to 
the use of free instead of slave-grown produce 
be likely to have an extensively practical good 
effect; and if cotton, the exclusive growth of 
free labour, were manufactured in England, 
would it find a sale in America to any 
extent ? . . . . . . . ib. 

XVII. Would fiscal regulations by European countries favor- 
able to the consumption of free-grown cotton, 
sugar, rice, coffee, tobacco, and other tropical 
productions, have a beneficial effect ? . . 169 



XVIII. Would Denmark, France, Cuba, Porto Rico, or the 
Brazils, consent to abolish slavery, if all the tro- 
pical productions of these countries or their 
colonies were admitted, for consumption in the 
European market, on the same terms as their own 
colonial produce ; no discriminating duty being 
placed against British manufactures in the coun- 
tries from which such produce is admitted ? . 169 

XIX. What is the number of slaves still remaining in the 

(so called) free states ?...... ib. 

XX. What are the laws of the northern states affecting 
slaves, and the rights (so called) of slave- 
masters ? V . . . . . . ib. 

XXI. What are the most striking features of the laws of 
slave states affecting slaves ? And what new 
laws have been enacted since 1825 ? V^ . . 175 

XXII. Do any means exist of ascertaining the waste of life 
occasioned by the culture of any of the products 
of slave labour, on the unexhausted soils of the 
new states ? . . " . . . . 190 

XXIII. Have American citizens any interest in slavery in 
foreign countries, as owners or mortgagees ; and 
to what probable extent ? 191 

XXIV. Are vessels adapted only to the slave trade (or piracy) 

openly built in American ports ? . . ib. 

XXV. To Avhat ascertained or supposed extent are the , 
citizens and flag of the United States engaged 
in the slave-carrying trade from Africa for the 
supply of foreign countries ? . . . . . ib. 

XXVI. What provision is made for the education of the 

slaves ; and what obstacles exist to the advance- 
ment of education among them ? . .194 

XXVII. What number of slaves can read, in proportion to the 

population ? . . 1 9(j 



XXVIII. Do the slaves enjoy any religious privileges ? . 196 

XXIX. What number of 'slaves are members of Christian 

churches? , 203 

XXX. Do the inhabitants of the free states, hold by deed, 
bond, or mortgage, property in slaves ; if so, to 
what extent ?, ...... ib. 

XXXI. Is the district of Columbia the property of the United 

States, and under the government of Congress ? 204 

XXXII. Does slavery actually exist in the district of Colum- 
bia ; if so, what is its character, and what is the 
number of slaves in it? ib. 

XXXIII. Is this district a slave-mart ; if so, to what extent ; 

and what is the nature of the traffic ? , . . 205 

XXXIV. Has Congress, by any direct action or vote, expressed 

its disapprobation of the sale of slaves in this 
district? 210 


1. What is the number of slaves and rate of increase from all 

causes ? 248 

2. What is the known or probable extent of the slave trade from 

the United States to Texas ? . . . . . . ib: 

3. ' What is the known African slave trade to Texas ; and where 

are the cargoes landed ? 249 

4. Where is the Texas slave produce shipped, and to what market ? 250 
Laws of Texas on Slavery and the Slave Trade ib. 


British Recognition of Texas ....... 252 

The condition of the free people of colour in the United States . 255 
Resolutions of the Anti-slavery Convention : 

Texas 275 

Withholding Christian fellowship ib. 

Prejudice against colour 276 

The internal slave trade .... . ib. 

The American Colonization Society . . . 277 

List of Subscribers . 278 






FIRST QUESTION. What is the number of slaves held in the 
different States of the American Union ? 

As no national census of the population of the United States 
has been taken since 1830, we cannot give precisely the present 
number of slaves. The following estimate is near the truth, 
though it probably falls below the actual number. It is based 
upon the rate of increase shown in the national census of 1830, 
and the later state censuses of Massachusetts, Michigan, and 
Mississippi, in 1837; of New York and -Illinois in 1835; of 
Missouri in 1836, and of Alabama and Georgia in 1838. 

The number of slaves in the nominally free states is taken 
from the national census of 1830. It must be considerably less 
now than it was ten years ago, there being no additions to it by 
birth or otherwise. 


Number of 


Number of 





New Hampshire. 





D^ietrict of Columbia 




V Virginia . 

519 040 

Rhode Island 


\f North Carolina 




VSouth Carolina 


New York 


w Georgia 

279 740 

* New Jersey 






250 307 



v. Alabama 


Indiana. .. 












Total ... . 

3 575 



The preceding census assigns a few slaves each to the states 
of Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and New York. 
This is a mistake. In those states no persons can be legally 
held as slaves. The slaves in Rhode Island, Connecticut, and 
Pensylvania consist of those born prior to the date of the Aboli- 
tion Acts in those states, and who were not emancipated thereby. 
Those in Ohio, Indiana, and Michigan are persons legally en- 
titled to their freedom. Those in Illinois are " indentured 
apprentices," held very much in the condition of slaves. The 
slaves in New Jersey, like those in Rhode Island, Connecticut, 
and Pensylvania, are persons born before the Abolition Act 
passed in that state, with the addition of such as have from time 
to time been introduced by immigrants from other slave states, 
removing into New Jersey to reside. 

The annexed Tables exhibit the increase of the population of 
the United States, white, free colored, and slave, since the first 
census of 1790; the relative increase of each class, &c. 




"SESI '"9 PB 'KIV '98I 'o^ 

'eesi MII P |IB 'A - N 'zcsi -IJM # '"PSIV 

S(\[ 111 '/IA 'S11SII.1.) 1-MU'l .H|l III UMOtjj 






a "O -o ro -c _ = c; o x a cs o 


cT -o s*" a" x e> -f ^" r " crT " " 









o J => :! ; r .5^--xco- 


"* ; S = ^22'- 1 "'- 



( - sds H 


- .jj<s22o.- 




I UBi|}s3,t| ~s & jaino '5 'III "iT'N 
' ,i.)j^ 001)1 01 S3AI!(S .40 -OV 

O5tCO <O 7< K 



m-sofl Zz%Z%Z*Z-' : ~ \ 

05 .coxx^r-om^^.- o = - 


MM = 

g' 3)" Cl" N." -^ ^ 1C? C f-" ^1 H " " ?5 T" 



r: O 


. X T 




II sf s 1 s 11 i" |i 5 






** K x 5 --o 


|p;p!lls s | s= 

'C f^. 

ff* o 




Hi ' ^^ ^ M 





,,. - 


f Kirlsliiliuii 


gsil^f is,:! ? 5 si 



IRl S *l"|lplg" 



CO 10 





r i>. X * o i'. 

. ; * Ci -r o . =. 

I ... o_o . a 



~. x. r* ^ r o .-'(* n -T T r< b. 
: fO fO C ^P O 1- X X O > "C 


s 2 


" < 2 a 'iIs2 S;? " -~ 



g "l s "lla"'ll 8 " 5 " s " s '" 








. t I -o o x ^' 4 " 


; '. ; 

fc|S?|S25S :||= 

* o 


eo r^ 


***(&*** i*** 



r ci ' 


^^S>Ho5x 'x ' 

>-. * 




~d.>H X-OSTJC -^>0OCO c j 



x o -i ~i ~. -r ' > - - 

re M o "^ 'O = o ' ?o 


g .-<! . _^ -T - 



T^ ^ (^ c: X r* CO - 

o .-o f ^ c . . 


'. >0 o 5 Vl CO - 



5| lilpMI 


[MS Z(i!) 


llilllf 11 ^ ^ 



5 ' ? >N ^ " " T ! t' 

X ^ 




PPIIislllall ! 



' .2 



'*' - * 


' : : c 5 :;.;: 


B 2 

The following Tables, exhibiting the progress of the popula- 
tion of the several states of the Union, and of the different 
classes of the inhabitants, are taken from a " Statistical View 
of the Population of the United States from 1790 to 1830 
inclusive, furnished by the Department of State, in accordance 
with the resolutions of the Senate 'of the United States of the 
26th of February, 1833, and the 31st of March, 1834." 


Showing the total population of each state according to five 
enumerations ; the numerical increase in each ten years and in 
forty years ; and the increase per cent, in ten years and in forty 




Increase each 
10 years. 

Increase per 
cent, each 
10 yean. 

Increase in 
40 years. 

Increase per 
cent, iu 
40 years. 










50-7425 }- 










33-8948 J 








25-5020 j 




16-6509 y 






13-9023 1 




10-3075 j 








40-9465 I 










19-0394 j 








11-758 [ 




11-5264 [- 










16-6488 J 












11-4421 V 










17-0240 J 








5-4006 | 




4-3984 [ 










8-1660 J 




Increase each 
1U years. 

Increase per 
cent, each 
10 years. 

Increase '" 
40 years. 

Increase per 
cent, in 
40 years. 

NEW YORK .... 










63-4494 [ 






43-1431 | 




39-7575 J 











15-3557 i 










15-5807 J 












34-4851 - 










28-4695 , 












13-0708 I 










5-4970 J 












11-4180 L 










9-7435 J 























21-4227 | 




16-1814 }- 










15-5218 j 












20-1174 I 






21-1088 1 




15-6033 J 











55-7258 [ 






35-0810 | 




51 -5659 J 

KENTUCKY . . . . 







202-3592 1 




83-0791 J. 










21-9036 j 




Increase oarl- 
10 years. 

Increase per 
cent, each 
10 soars. 

InrreaM- in 
40 years. 

Iiu-rrase per 

i ni. in 
40 years. 








195-0518 | 




147-8428 ' 






64-5473 | 




61 -2779 J 

OHIO .... 


Increase in 

Inc. per ct. 



30 years. 

in 30 years. 


230 760 

-t of *>QX 

AAQ-flTAI \ 




151-9648 [ 






61-3086 ) 








402-9744 ) 




500-2365 \ 






133-0722 ) 

JMlssissirri .... 







355-9548 } 




500-2365 \ 






133-0722 ) 




Increase in 

Inc. per ct. 




20 years. 

in 20 years. 




349-5278 ) 
185-1696 f 











100-3853 ) 
40-6318 J 











219-4339 ) 
1 10-9377 \ 























86-8123 I 
255-6542 j 






[ncrease in 


10 years 











Increase each 
10 years. 

Increase per 
cent, each 
10 years. 

Increase in 
30 years. 

Increase per 
cent, in 
30 years. 








70-4605 }- 
20-5666 J 





Showing the total number, the numerical increase, and the 
increase per cent, during each ten years, and during forty years 
from 1790 to 1830, of the several classes of the population; 
abstracted from the document already named. 



Increase in 
10 years. 

Increase per 
cent, in each 
10 years. 

Increase in 
40 years. 

Increase per 
cent, in 
40 years. 











36-1831 I 






34-3007 1 




33-8469 J 

SLAVES . .... 

























72-1858 L 










34-1742 J 













37-5830 }- 










33-6824 j 













36-4473 I 










33,2632 J 


Showing the number of slaves in each of the slaveholding 
states ; the numerical increase in each ten years, and the in- 
crease per cent. ; also the increase and the increase per cent, in 
forty years. 




Increase each 
10 years. 

Increase per 
cent, in each 
10 years. 

Increase in 
40 years. 

Increase per 
cent, in 
40 years. 













5-5540 I 










4-1006 J 









13-5114 I 










10-4993 J 









26-6535 I 










19-7954 J 












34-3576 I 










22-0238 J 










72-1228 I 










45-354 J 












99-6902 V 










30-3641 J 











227-8489 I 










76-7673 j 



Increase in 

[nc. percent 




30 years. 

in 30 years. 




389-7678 I 










1 00-0945 J 







Increase each 
10 years. 

Increase per 
cent, each 
10 years. 

Increase In 
20 years. 

Increase per 
cent, in 
20 years. 


















NOTE. The number of slaves in the states north of Maryland 
in 1790, was 48,267; in 1830, only 6,066; and of these, 5,546 
belonged to New Jersey and Delaware. 


Showing the annual rate of increase per cent., during each of 
the ten years from 1790 to 1830. 


Free Coloured. 


Total population. 























Showing the times of the first and second duplication of the 
inhabitants. The second duplication, except with respect to the 
free coloured people, is by estimate, 

Whites 1st dup. 22-68 years in 1813 2nd dup. 23-66 years in 1836 

Free Coloured 11-70 1802 18'20 1820 

Slaves 26-11 1816 26-43 1843 

Slaves & Free Color'd 23-62 < 1814 26-12 1840 

Total Population 22-85 1813 24-11 1837 


In Table I. the aggregate number of inhabitants given to 
each square mile is just twice as great in the free states as in 
the slave states, including white, free coloured, and slaves. 

Table II. is presented chiefly for the purpose of showing that 
the population of the free states has increased much more 
rapidly than that of the slave states. This will appear by the 
following estimates, founded upon the statistics of this table. 

The Total Population of the Free States in 1790, was 2,034,739. 

of the Slave States 2,152,544. 

The Increase in the Free States up to 1830, was 4,877,060. 

in the Slave States 3,721,460. 

in the Free States up to 1840, was 10,051,347. 

in the Slave States 8,193,203. 

The difference is made still more obvious by contrasting the 
free and slave states severally thus : 


in 1790. 

in 40 years. 

in 50 years. 



pop. in 1800. 

pop. in 1790. 

pop. in 1800. 

pop. in 1790. 

pop. in 1810. 

pop. in 1800. 

pop. in 1810. 

pop. in 1820. 


incr. in 30 years. 

incr. in 40 years. 

incr. in 30 years. 

incr. in 40 years. 

incr. in 20 years. 

incr. in 30 years. 

incr. in 20 years. 

iucr. in 10 years. 


incr. in 40 years. 

incr. in 50 years. 

incr. in 40 years. 

incr. in 50 years. 

incr. in 30 years. 

incr. in 40 years. 

incr. in 30 years. 

incr. in 20 years. 



OHIO .... .... 





Thus it appears that the ratio of increase in the free states is 
much greater thau in the slave states. How is this to be 
explained ? Certainly not by any advantages of soil, climate, or 
productions. In all these respects the south enjoys a marked 
superiority. Her soil is proverbially fertile, and her genial 
clime as favourable perhaps as any in the world, both for the 
rapid increase of population, and for the productions requisite 
for subsistence ; while both soil and climate conspire to yield 
the most profitable staples known to commerce. Many of the 
free states, and those the most densely populated, are charac- 
terised by the reverse of all this. With a hilly surface and a 
stubborn soil, locked up by frost or covered with snow for one 
half of the year, they would seem able to yield but a stinted 
support to a scanty population, nor even that, without an 
amount of toil unfavourable to rapid increase. To what, then, 
is this striking superiority of the free over the slave states, in 
point of population, to be ascribed ? To a political ascendency, 
by which the energies of the south are crippled, and her pros- 
perity arrested ? So far is this from being the case, as we shall 
have occasion hereafter to show, that although the free states 
elect a majority of the members of Congress, the slave states 
have, for all practical purposes, the entire ascendency. They 
have never yet failed to carry their favourite measures against 
the free states, and not unfrequently have succeeded in imposing 
upon the latter most disadvantageous restrictions in furtherance 
of their own sectional interests. The secret of the political 
power held by the slave states will be exposed in another place; 
suffice it here to observe, that the fact is notorious. No ex- 
planation can be given of the point in question but this slavery 
has made the difference. 

In Table III. the relative increase of all classes of the popu- 
lation is given, from which it appears that the increase of the 
slaves during forty years was nearly fifty per cent, less than that 
of the whites during the same period. This estimate embraces 
the whole white population, both north and south. 

The slaves increase somewhat faster than the whites of the 
slave states alone. What proportion, however, of this is the 
natural increase by birth, and how much is owing to foreign 
importations, connot be accurately determined. Though the 


ratio of increase is generally found to be greater among the 
labouring classes than among any other, the slave increase, 
compared with that of the whole white population, is greatly 
inferior ; the natural effect of their excessive toil, scanty sus- 
tenance, and multiform privations and inflictions. 

On the other hand, the reflex' influence of slavery upon the 
slaveholders is seen in the reduction of the ratio of the increase 
of the white inhabitants in the slave states, even below that of 
the slaves. 

SECOND QUESTION. From what states are slaves exported for 
sale, and what is the number from each state ? 

Slaves are exported from Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, 
North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri, and the dis- 
trict of Columbia. The states from which the largest pro- 
portion are taken are Virginia, Maryland, North Carolina, and 
Kentucky, and of these Virginia exports most. 

Of the number exported annually from each state we cannot 
speak with accuracy. From the following data, however, an 
estimate may be formed of the whole number, which will not 
be very far from the truth. 

The "Virginia Times" (a weekly newspaper published at 

Wheeling, Virginia) estimates, in 1836, the number of slaves 

exported for sale from that state alone, during " the twelve 

I months preceding," at forty thousand, the aggregate value of 

I whom is computed at twenty-four millions of dollars. 

Allowing for Virginia one half of the whole exportation 
during the period in question, and we have the appalling sum 
total of eighty thousand slaves exported in. a single year from the 
breeding states. We cannot decide with certainty what pro- 
portion of the above number was furnished by each of the 
breeding states, but Maryland ranks next to Virginia jn point 
of numbers, North Carolina follows Maryland, Kentucky, 
North Carolina, then Tennessee, Missouri, and Delaware. 

THIRD QUESTION. To which of the states are slaves exported^ 
and what is their number in each of those states? 

The states into which slaves are imported are South Carolina, 


Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Arkansas, also 
the territory of Florida. North Carolina is to some extent an 
importing as well as an exporting state ; some sections export- 
ing and others importing. 

The same is true in a limited degree of Tennessee and Mis- 

The number of slaves in each of the buying states is given 
in the answer to the first Question. (See Table I.) 

FOURTH QUESTION. What proportion of them are supplied by 
the internal slave trade ? 

By far the greater proportion, perhaps four-fifths or more. 
The extent, regularity, and activity of the internal slave trade 
are matter of astonishment, no less than of grief and shame. 
We have estimated the exportation of a single year at eighty 
thousand, on the lowest calculation ; we should, perhaps, have 
been nearer the truth, had we put it at a hundred and twenty 
thousand ; as will appear from the following extracts. 

"'The Natchez (Mississippi) Courier' says 'that the states of Louisiana, 
Mississippi, Alabama, and Arkansas, imported treo hundred and fifty 
thousand slaves from the more northern states in the year 1836.' " 

This seems absolutely incredible, but it probably includes all 
the slaves introduced by the immigration of their masters. The 
following, from the " Virginia Times," confirms this supposition. 
In the same paragraph which is referred to under the second 
query, it is said, 

" We have heard intelligent men estimate the number of slaves ex- 
ported from Virginia, within the last twelve months, at a hundred and 
twenty thousand, each slave averaging at least 600 dollars, making an 
aggregate of 72,000,000 dollars. Of the number of slaves exported, not 
more than one-third have been sold, the others having been carried by 
their masters, who have removed." 

Assuming one-third to be the proportion of the sold, there 
are more than eighty thousand imported for sale into the four 
states of Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, and Arkansas. Sup- 
posing one-half of eighty thousand to be sold into the other 
buying states, South Carolina, Georgia, and the territory of 

Florida, and we are brought to the conclusion that more than 
a hundred and twenty thousand slaves were, for some years 
previous to the great pecuniary pressure in 1837, exported from 
the breeding to the consuming states. 

The " Baltimore American" gives the following from a Mis- 
sissippi paper of 1837 . 

"The Report made by the Committee of the Citizens of Mobile, ap- 
pointed at tbeir meeting held on the 1st instant, on the subject of the 
existing pecuniary pressure, states, that so large has been the return of 
slave labour, that purchases by Alabama of that species of property from 
other states, since 1833, have amounted to about ten million dollars 

The activity and system with which this traffic is carried on, 
as well as its extent, may be learned from the following state- 
ments and public advertisements, derived from southern papers. 

"Dealing in s\?wes,"says zA0 BALTIMORE (MARYLAND) REGISTER o/1829, 
" has become a large business ; establishments are made in several places 
in Maryland and Virginia, at which they are sold like cattle; these 
places of deposit are strongly built, and well supplied with iron thumb- 
screws and gags, and ornamented with cowskins and other whips, often- 
times bloody." 

The following are specimens of the advertisements of Balti- 
more traders : 

" Austin "Woolfolk, of Baltimore, wishes to inform the slaveholders of 
Maryland and Virginia, that their friend still lives to give cash and the 
highest price for negroes," &c. 

~" General Slave Agency Office. Gentlemen planters from the south, 
and others who wish to purchase negroes, would do well to give me a 
call. LEWIS SCOTT." 

" Cash for two hundred Negroes. The highest cash prices will be paid 
for negroes of both sexes, by application to me or my agent at Booth's 
Garden. HOPE H. SLATER." 

" For Nero Orleans. A coppered, copper-fastened packet-brig will 
sail on the 1st of February from Baltimore. Those having servants to 
ship will do well by making early application to James Purvis," &c. 

The degree to which Virginia is implicated in this trade, may 
be inferred from the open avowals of her own statesmen. In 
the Legislature of that state, in 1832, Thomas Jefferson Ran- 
dolph declared that Virginia had been converted into " one 


grand menagerie, where men are reared for the market like oxen 
for the shambles." 

Hon. Charles Fenton Macer (a member of congress from 
Virginia since 1817) asserted in the Virginia Convention in 

" The tables of the natural growth of the slave population demonstrate, 
when compared with the increase of its numbers in the commonwealth 
for twenty years past, that an annual revenue of not less than a million 
and a half of dollars is derived from the exportation of a part of this 

Mr. Gholson, of Virginia, in his speech in the Legislature of 
that state, January 18, 1831 (see Richmond Whig), says 

" It has always (perhaps erroneously) been considered by steady and 
old-fashioned people, that the owner of land had a reasonable right to its 
annual profits ; the owner of orchards to their annual fruits ; the owner 
of brood mares to their product ; and the owner of female slaves to their 
increase. We have not the fine-spun intelligence nor legal acumen to 
discover the technical distinctions drawn by gentlemen p. e. the distinc- 
tion between female slaves and brood mares"]. The legal maxim of 
' Partus sequitur ventrem' is coeval with the existence of the right of pro- 
perty itself, and is founded in wisdom and justice. It is on the justice 
and inviolability of this maxim that the master foregoes the service of the 
female slave, has her nursed and attended during the period of her ges- 
tation, and raises the helpless infant oifspring. The value of the pro- 
perty justifies the expense, and I do not hesitate to say, that in its increase 
consists much of our wealth." 

We have here the assurance of a prominent slaveholder, that 
the only ground on which the female slave is released from the 
labour of the house or field for a single day, either before or 
after her confinement, is the right of her master to dispose of 
her offspring ; that the only thing which can justify the expense 
of a brief discharge from toil, though God and nature alike and 
aloud demand it, is the " value of the property." Of course, 
in the slave-consuming states, where it is deemed more profit- 
able to buy fresh supplies every few years than to raise them, 
on the ground there is no consideration which can "justify" 
the master in " foregoing the service of the female slave," how- 
ever -delicate her situation ! We fear that this principle of slave- 
holding ethics is but too faithfully carried out by the sugar and 
cotton planters of the south. 


Professor Dew, now President of the University of William 
and Mary in Virginia, in his Review of the Debate in the Vir- 
ginia Legislature in 1831-2, says (page 120), 

" A full equivalent being left in the place of the slave [J;he purchase 
money]], this emigration becomes an advantage to the state, and does not 
check the black population as much afc at first view we might imagine ; 
because it furnishes every inducement to the master to attend to the 
negroes, to encourage breeding, and to cause the greatest number possible to 
be raised." Again, " Virginia is in fact a negro-raising state for other 

Mr. Goode, of Virginia, in his speech before the Virginia Le- 
gislature in January, 1832, said 

" The superior usefulness of the slaves in the south will constitute an 
effectual demand, which will remove them from our limits. We shall 
send them from our state, because it will be our interest to do so. But 
gentlemen are alarmed lest the markets of other stales be closed against the 
introduction of our slaves Sir, the demand for slave labor must in- 
crease" &c. 

The following is an extract from the speech of Mr. Faulkner, 
in the Virginia House of Delegates, 1832 (See " Richmond 
Whig") : 

"But he (Mr. Gholson) has labored to show that the abolition of 
slavery would be impolitic, because your slaves constitute the entire 
wealth of the state, all the productive capacity Virginia possesses ; and, 
sir, as things are, / believe he is correct. He says that the slaves consti- 
tute the entire available wealth of eastern Virginia. Is it true that for 
two hundred years the only increase in the wealth and resources of Vir- 
ginia has been a remnant of the natural increase of this miserable race ? 
Can it be that on this increase she places her sole dependence ? Until I 
heard these declarations I had not fully conceived the horrible extent of 
this evil. These gentlemen state the fact, which the history and present 
aspect of the commonwealth but too well sustain. What, sir, have you 
lived for two hundred years without personal effort or productive indus- 
try, in extravagance and indolence, sustained alone by the return from 
the sales of the increase of slaves, and retaining merely such a number as 
your now impoverished lands can sustain as STOCK ?" 

In the debates in the Virginia Convention in 1829, Judge 
Upsher said, 

" The value of slaves as an article of property depends much on the 
state of the market abroad. In this view, it is the value of land abroad, 


and not of land here which furnishes the ratio. Nothing is more fluo 
tuating than the value of slaves. A late law of Louisiana reduced their 
value twenty-five per cent, in two hours after its passage was known. If 
it should be our lot, as I trust it tvill be, to acquire the country of Texas, 
their price mill rise again." 

Hon. Philip Doddridge, of Virginia, in his speech in the Vir- 
ginia Convention, in 1829 (Debates, p. 89), said,. 

" The acquisition of Texas will greatly enhance the value of the pro- 
perty in question (Virginia slaves)." 

Rev. Dr. Graham, of Fayettville, North Carolina, at a coloni- 
2ation meeting held at that place in the fall of 1837, said, 

"There were nearly seven thousand slaves offered in New Orleans 
market last winter. From Virginia alone six thousand were annually 
sent to the south ; and from Virginia and North Carolina there had gone 
to the south, in the last twenty years, three hundred thousand slaves." 

Hon. Henry Clay, of Kentucky, in his speech before the 
Colonization Society in 1829, says, 

" It is believed that nowhere in the farming portion of the United 
States would slave labor be generally employed, if the proprietor were not 
tempted to raise slaves by tfte high price of the southern markets, which keeps 
it up in his own." 

The " New York Journal of Commerce," of October 12th, 
1835, contains a letter from a Virginian, whom the editor calls 
" a very good and sensible man," asserting that twenty thousand 
slaves had been driven to the south from Virginia that year, 
but little more than three-fourths of which had then elapsed. 

The " Maryville (Tennessee) Intelligencer," sometime in the 
early part of the year 1836, says, " Sixty thousand slaves passed 
through a little western town for the southern market, during 
the year 1835." 

We might present a variety of advertisements of Virginia 
Slave-Mongers, but our space will allow us to record but one. 

" Notice. This is to inform my former acquaintances, and the public 
generally, that I yet continue in the SLAVE TRADE at Richmond, Virginia, 
and will at all times buy, and give a fair market price for young negroes. 
Persons in this state, Maryland, or North Carolina, wishing to sell lots 
of negroes, are particularly requested to forward their wishes to me at 
this place. Persons wishing to purchase lots of negroes, are requested to 
give me a call, as I keep constantly on hand at this place a grea,t ntany 
for sale ; and have at this time the use of one hundred young negroes, 



consisting of boys, young men, and girls. I will sell at all times at a 
small advance on cost, to suit purchasers. I have comfortable rooms, 
with a jail attached, for the reception of the negroes ; and persons coming 
to this place to sell slaves can be accommodated, and every attention 
necessary will be given to have them well attended to ; and, when it may 
be desired, the reception of the company of gentlemen dealing in slaves 
will conveniently and attentively be received. My situation is very 
healthy and suitable for the business. 


From the nature of the foregoing evidence, all of it being 
necessarily in some measure indefinite, the actual extent of the 
internal slave trade can be arrived at only by approximation. 
The precise number annually exported from each of the slave- 
breeding states, and also the number imported into each slave- 
consuming state can be found on no statistical records ; and as 
we have no data for an estimate more specific than the preced- 
ing facts, we present them as the best reply to the foregoing 
query which we are able to furnish. 

FIFTH QUESTION. Are there any slaves imported into the United 
States from Africa or any other country ; and what is the extent of 
such importation ? 

There are frequent importations of slaves into the United 
States from Africa, and occasional importations from the West 
Indies. The extent cannot be stated with precision. Indeed, 
our information on this point is necessarily more indefinite than 
upon the foregoing, arising from the clandestine manner of con- 
ducting the foreign trade, in consequence of its being contraband. 
In presenting the evidence under this head, we would recur to 
the fact that when in 1831 England and France made efforts to 
induce all the maritime powers to adopt effectual measures for 
the extinction of the African slave trade, the United States was 
the only nation that positively rejected those overtures. After 
repeated evasions of the proposition, and despite the urgent 
solicitations of the British and French governments, it was 
finally resolved that, " Under no condition, in no form, and with 
no restriction will the United States enter into any convention, 
or treaty, or combined efforts of any sort or kind, with other 
nations for the suppression of this trade." 


A full history of this transaction is contained in a late work 
of the Hon. William Jay, entitled a " View of the Action of the 
Federal Government in behalf of Slavery." 

From this work we extract the following testimonies, com- 
mencing on page 107 of the second edition : 

" Judge Story, of the Supreme Court of the United States, in a charge 
to a grand jury, in the year 1820, thus expresses himself: 

" ' We have but too many proofs, from unquestionable sources, that it 
(the African trade) is still carried on \vith all the implacable ferocity and 
insatiable rapacity of former times. Avarice has grown more subtle in 
its evasions, and watches and seizes its prey with an appetite quickened 
rather than suppressed by its guilty vigils. American citizens are steeped 
to their very mouths (I can hardly use too bold a figure) in this stream 
of iniquity.' " 

" On the 22nd January, 181 1, the Secretary of the Navy wrote to the 
commanding naval officer at Charleston, ' I hear, not without great con- 
cern, that the law prohibiting the importation of slaves has been violated 
infrequent instances near St. Mary's, since the gun-boats have been with- 
drawn from that station.' " 

"On the 14th March, 1814, the collector of Darien, Georgia, thus 
wrote to the Secretary of the Treasury : ' I am in possession of undoubted 
information, that African and West India negroes are almost daily 
illicitly introduced into Georgia, for sale or settlement, or passing through 
it to the territories of the United States for similar purposes. These 
facts are notorious, and it is not unusual to see such negroes in the streets 
of St. Mary, and such, too, recently captured by our vessels of war, and 
ordered for Savannah, were illegally bartered by hundreds in that city ; 
for this bartering (or bonding as it is called, but in reality selling) actually 
took place before any decision was passed by the court respecting them. 
I cannot but again express to you, sir, that these irregularities and mock- 
ing of the laws by men who understand them, are such that it requires 
the immediate interposition of congress to effect the suppression of this 
traffic ; for as things are, should a faithful officer of the government ap- 
prehend such negroes, to avoid the penalties imposed by the laws, the 
proprietors disclaim them, and some agent of the (state) executive 
demands a delivery of the same to him, who may employ them as he 
pleases, or effect a sale by way of bond for the restoration of the negroes 
when legally called on so to do, which bond is understood to be forfeited, 
as the amount of the bond is so much less than the value of the property. 
After much fatigue, peril, and expense, eighty-eight Africans are seized, 
and brought to the surveyor at Darien ; they are demanded by the 




governor's agent. Notwithstanding the knowledge which his excellency 
had that these very Africans were some weeks within six miles of his 
excellency's residence, there was no effort, no stir made hy him, his agents, 
or subordinate state officers, to carry the laws into execution ; but no 
sooner was it understood that a seizure had been effected by an officer 
of the United States, than a demand js made for them ; and it is not 
difficult to perceive that the very aggressors may, by a forfeiture of the 
mock bond, be again placed in possession of the smuggled property.' " 

It has already been seen how little reason there is to hope 
that the Federal government would ever interfere to prevent the 
introduction of foreign slaves. The foregoing communication 
demonstates that, if possible, there is still less reliance to be 
placed upon the executives and other authorities of the slave- 
holding states. It is manifest that if the general government 
were ever so desirous to arrest the foreign trade, the connivance 
of the state authorities would be an ample security to the slave 

" On the 22nd May, 1817, the collector at Savannah wrote to the 
Secretary of the Treasury, * I have just received information, from a 
source on which I can implicitly rely, that it has already become the 
practice to introduce into the state of Georgia, across St. Mary's River, 
from Amelia Island and East Florida, Africans who have been carried 
into the port of Fernanda. It is further understood that the evil will 
not be confined altogether to Africans, but will be extended to the worst 
classes of West India slaves.' " 

" Captain Morris, of the navy, informed the Secretary of the Navy 
(18th June, 1817), 'Slaves are smuggled in through the numerous inlets 
to the westward, where the people are but too much disposed to render 
every possible assistance. Several hundred slaves are now at Galveston, 
and persons have gone from New Orleans to purchase them.' " 

" On the 17th April, 1818, the collector at New Orleans wrote to the 
Secretary of the Treasury, ' No efforts of the officers of the customs alone 
can be effectual in preventing the introduction of Africans from the west- 
ward ; to put a stop to that traffic, a naval force suitable to those waters 
is indispensable ; and vessels captured with slaves ought not to be brought 
into this port, but to some other in the United States, for adjudication.' " 

We may learn the cause of this significant hint, from a com- 
munication made the 9th of July, in the same year, by the col- 
lector at Nova Iberia : 

" Last summer I got out state warrants, and had negroes seized to 
the number of eighteen, which were part of them stolen out of the custody 


of the coroner ; the balance were condemned by the district judge, and 
the informers received their part of the nett proceeds from the state 
treasurer. Fire negroes that were seized about the same time were tried 
at Opilousa, in May last, by the same judge. He decided that some 
Spaniards, that were supposed to have set up a sham claim, stating that 
the negroes had been stolen from them on the high seas, should have the 
negroes, and that the persons who seized them should pay half the costs, 
and the state of Louisiana the other. This decision had such an effect 
as to render it almost impossible for me to obtain any assistance in that 
part of the country." 

Further testimony under this head is taken from the work 
lately published by the American Anti-Slavery Society, entitled 
" American Slavery as it is" (page 139). 

" Mr. Middleton, of South Carolina, in a speech in congress, in 1819, 
declared that ' thirteen thousand Africans are annually smuggled into the 
southern states' 

" Mr. Mucu, of Virginia, in a speech in congress about the same time, 
declared that ' cargoes' of African slaves were smuggled into the south to 
a deplorable extent. 

" Mr. Wright, of Maryland, in a speech in congress, estimated the num- 
ber annually at fifteen thousand. Miss Martineau, in her recent work 
(' Society in America'), informs us that a large slaveholder in Louisiana 
assured her, in 1835, that the annual importation of native Africans was 
from thirteen to fifteen thousand. 

" The President of the United States, in his message to congress, 
December, 1837, says, 

" * The large force under Commodore Dallas (on the "West India sta- 
tion,) has been most actively and efficiently employed in protecting our 
commerce, in preventing the importation of slaves' 

"The 'New Orleans Courier,' of 15th February, 1839, has these 
remarks : 

" ' It is believed that African negroes have been repeatedly introduced 
into the United States. The number and the proximity of the Florida 
ports to the Island of Cuba, make it no difficult matter; nor is our ex- 
tended frontier on the Sabine and Red rivers at all unfavorable to the 

"The 'Norfolk (Virginia) Beacon,' of JuneSth, 1837, has the following: 

" ' Slave Trade. Eight African negroes have been taken into custody 
at Apalachicola, by the United States deputy marshal, alleged to have 
been imported from Cuba, on board the schooner ' Emperor,' Captain 
Cox. Indictments for piracy, under the Acts for the Suppression of the 


Slave Trade, have been found against Captain Cox, and other parties im- 
plicated. The negroes were bought in Cuba by a Frenchman named 
Malherbe, formerly a resident of Tallahassee, who was drowned soon 
after the arrival of the schooner.' 

" The following testimony of Rev. Horace Moulton, now a member of 
the Methodist episcopal church, in Marlborough, Massachusetts, who 
resided some years in Georgia, reveals some of the secrets of the slave- 
smugglers, and the connivance of the Georgia authorities at their doings. 
It is contained in a letter, dated February 24th, 1839 : 

" ' The foreign slave trade was carried on to some considerable extent 

when I was at the south. Were you to visit all the plantations in South 
Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, I think you would be con- 
vinced that the horrors of the traffic in human flesh have not yet ceased. 
I was surprised to find so many that could not speak English among the 
slaves, until the mystery was explained. This was done, when I learned 
that slave cargoes were landed on the coast of Florida. They could, and 
can still, in my opinion, be landed as safely on this coast as in any part 
of this continent. When landed on the coast of Florida, it is an easy ' 
matter to distribute them throughout the more southern states. The law 
which makes it piracy to traffic in the foreign slave trade is a dead letter. 
I will notice one fact which came under my own observation. It is as 
follows : A slave-ship, which I have reason to believe was employed by 
southern men, came near the port of Savannah with about Jive hundred 
slaves, from Guinea and Congo ; and the crew ran the ship into a bye 
place, near the shore, between Tylee Light and Darien. Well, as Provi- 
dence would have it, the revenue cutter, at that time taking a trip along 
the coast, fell in with this slave-ship, took her as a prize, and brought 
her up into the port of Savannah. The cargo of human chattels was 
unloaded, and the captives were placed in an old barrack, in the port of 
Savannah, under the protection of the city authorities, they pretending 
that they should return them all to their native country again, as soon as 
a convenient opportunity presented itself. The ship's crew were arrested, 
and confined in jail. Now for the sequel of this history. About one- 
third part of the negroes died in a few weeks after they Avere landed, in 
seasoning, so called. Those who did not die in seasoning must be hired 
out a little while to be sure, as the city authorities could not afford to keep 
them on expense doing nothing. As it happened, the man in whose em- 
ploy I was when the cargo of human beings arrived, hired some twenty 
or thirty of them, and put them under my care. They continued with 
me until the sickly season drove me off to the north. I soon returned, 
but could not hear a word about the crew of pirates. They had some- 
thing like a mock trial, as I should think, for no one, as I ever learned, 


was condemned, fined, or censured. But where were the poor captives, 
who were going to he returned to Africa by the city authorities, as soon 
as they could make it convenient ? Oh, forsooth, those of whom I spoke, 
being under my care, were tugging away for the same man ; the remainder 
were scattered about among different planters. When I returned to the 
north again, the next year, the city authorities had not, down to that 
time, made it ' convenient' to return these poor victims. The fact is, they 
belonged there ; and, in my opinion, they were designed to be landed 
near the place where the 'revenue cutter seized them. Probably those 
very planters for whom they were originally designed received them ; 
and still there was a pretence kept up that they would be returned to 
Africa. If all the facts with relation to the African slave trade, now 
secretly carried on at the south, could be disclosed, the people of the free 
states would be filled with amazement.' 

" It is plain, from the nature of this trade, and the circumstances under 
which it is carried on, that the number of slaves imported would be 
likely to be estimated far beloic the truth. There can be little doubt that 
the estimate of Mr. Wright, of Maryland (fifteen thousand annually,) is 
some thousands too small. But even according to his estimate the 
African slave trade adds one hundred and fifty thousand slaves to each 
United States census." 

The following extract will throw additional light upon the 
shifts by which the slave traders and their allies contrive to 
escape detection. It is taken from a late work entitled " Trans- 
atlantic Sketches, &c., with Notes on Negro Slavery and 
Canadian Emigration, by Captain J. E. Alexander, of the 
British Army ; London, 1833 :" 

"The most remarkable circumstance connected with slavery in America 
is the following : A planter in Louisiana, of forty years' standing, 
assured me that there are a set of miscreants in the city of New Orleans 
who are connected with the slave-traders of Cuba, and who at certain 
periods proceed up the Mississippi river as far as the Fourche mouth, 
which they descend in large row boats, and meet off the coast slave- 
ships. These they relieve of their cargoes, and returning to the main 
stream of the Mississippi, they drop down it in covered^ flat-bottomed 
boats or arks, and dispose of the negroes to those who want them." Vol. 
ii. page 26. 

This testimony reveals two important facts : 1st. That the 
slave traders of Cuba, who are known to be extensively engaged 
in the foreign traffic, are in the habit of smuggling their 'cargoes' 
by system into the United States ; 2nd. That there is a class of 


persons in our southern ports who regularly co-operate with the 
Cuba slave traders, and secretly but successfully aid in the in- 
troduction of African slaves. How extensively these secret 
combinations exist throughout the south cannot be known ; but 
we have no reason to believe that they are confined to the city 
of New Orleans. 

SIXTH QUESTION. What are the circumstances under which 
slaves are clandestinely introduced into the United States ? 

The answer to this query has been anticipated in the foregoing 
reply. It has been shown that the Florida ports afford abun- 
dant facilities for the introduction of foreign slaves, and that the 
Georgia ports are, by the gross connivance of the state authori- 
ties, but little less accessible. We have no reason to suppose 
that the ports of South Carolina, Alabama, and Louisiana are a 
whit more scrupulous. Probably frequent importations are 
effected by the mode described in the foregoing extract from 
Captain Alexander. What mode would be peculiarly favor- 
able for escaping detection ; for the slaves being dropped down 
the Mississippi river, might be readily smuggled into New 
Orleans as Kentucky or Virginia slaves, or they might be dis- 
posed of before reaching that port to planters along the river, or 
these planters might make engagements beforehand with the 
traders to deliver the slaves at their plantations, and thus the 
latter might sell out their cargoes without the slightest risk of 
falling into the clutches of a custom house officer. 

SEVENTH QUESTION. What are the features of slavery in the 
states of the Union, from whence slaves are sold? 

While slavery is essentially the same everywhere, in Virginia 
and Louisiana, in the United States, Cuba, and Brazil, its features 
are varied aad modified by the peculiar interests it is made to 
serve. In one place there will be a greater waste of life, in 
another marked physical cruelty, in another special moral degra- 
dation. No conditions, however, in which slavery exists are 
more diverse than those which we are now considering, i. e. the 
breeding and the consuming. In our replies, we shall reserve 
for the latter all such observations as are common to both con- 


ditions, excepting where the features, though alike, result from 
different causes ; in which case they will be adverted to under 
both heads. It may be well also to premise that the states 
called breeding states are not such exclusively, neither are those 
called buying or consuming states exclusively such. The former 
work their slaves, as well as breed and sell them, and the latter 
produce to a limited extent as well as buy ; though in both 
cases these are subordinate operations. 

The features of slavery naturally divide themselves into those 
which respectively relate to the slave and the slaveholder. The 
causes which tend to distinguish the slavery of the breeding 
states from that existing elsewhere, are chiefly the breeding 
system itself, and the comparative unprofitableness of slave 
labor. How each of these affects the slave and the slaveholder 
will be briefly illustrated. 

The unprofitableness of slave labor in the northern breeding 
states, which, compared with that in the more southern states, 
is very striking, arises chiefly from the want of lucrative and 
large staples, such as cotton and sugar, and that impoverish- 
ment of the soil which has been the result of long continued 
forced cultivation. Such products as corn, wheat, hemp, and 
even tobacco, afford employment comparatively for few laborers, 
and do not yield sufficient profit, especially on the worn-out 
lands of Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina, to support a 
large agricultural force, if that were needed. 

The inevitable result of poor soil, poor crops, and poor staples 
is the poverty of the planter, from which the slave suffers in 
various ways. 

1. His wants must be very inadequately supplied. Though 
he is the tiller of the soil, and the cultivator of its crops, still he 
is a beggar at best, dependent upon his owner for food, clothing, 
and shelter. When the master's purse is stinted, the slave is 
the first to feel it. When the encroachments of poverty call for 
retrenchment somewhere, the knife is sure to fall first upon the 
slave's supplies. He feels it in the reduction of his scanty ward- 
robe and meagre table, and in his neglected crumbling hut, 
while the master still maintains his state, equipage, and princely 
residence. The slave women are clad in rags, and their children 
stripped to nakedness, that the planter's wife and daughters may 


flaunt in finery and revel in accustomed luxury. On this point 
nothing can be more pertinent than the following, from " the 
testimony of the Gradual Emancipation Society of North Caro- 
lina, signed by Moses Swain, President, and William Swain, 
Secretary :" 

" In the eastern part of the state (Ndrth Carolina) the slaves consider- 
ably out-number the free population. Their situation is wretched beyond 
description. Impoverished by the mismanagement which we have already 
attempted to describe, the master, unable to support his own grandeur 
and maintain his slaves, puts the unfortunate wretches upon short allow- 
ances, scarcely sufficient for their sustenance, so that a great part of 
them go half-naked and half-starved much of the time." See "American 
Slavery as it is," p. 60. 

We leave you to conceive the sufferings of the slaves, when 
their supplies, stinted enough at best, are restricted to the utmost 
verge of endurance by the slaveholder's poverty. This is of 
necessity a feature of slavery in the breeding states. 

2. The slave suffers also by being severely tasked and driven. 
The very sterility of his grounds tempts the planter to increase 
the burthens of his slaves, in order that he may, if possible, sup- 
ply by forced labor the deficiencies of the soil. Thus while in 
the cotton, sugar, and rice growing states, hard driving and 
overworking are the natural results of great fertility, in the 
breeding states they are no less the natural consequence of ex- 
treme barrenness. 

3. Again, the spleen of a poverty-stricken master often wreaks 
itself upon the slave. True, it is the land not the slave which is 
in fault, or rather the planter himself, through his own careless- 
ness and persistence in a wasteful system of forced labor. But 
what of that ? The rage of mortified pride has smitten him, and 
he asks not for the reasons of things, but for vengeance. If his 
fields could feel his fury, he might scourge them for their bar- 
renness ; but the trembling slave can feel, and he must be the 
victim. Such are the aspects of slave suffering which present 
themselves in connection with a wasted soil. 

The evils entailed upon the master are scarcely less grievous. 

1. He is involved in pecuniary embarrassments, from which 
nothing can relieve him but a resort to slave selling, or a removal 
from the state. Conscientious scruples remonstrate perhaps 


against the former, and strong local attachments equally oppose 
the latter ; meanwhile his embarrassments thicken apace, and 
call more loudly for relief. Conscience and local attachment 
still maintain their ground and advise retrenchment, but family 
pride sternly forbids that. Family name and dignity must be 
sustained ; the hereditary style of dress, furniture, and equipage 
must be supported; the alternative therefore is thrown back 
upon conscience and love of homestead. The latter, always a 
powerful principle, is proverbially strong in the " Old Dominion," 
where it is blended with and nourished by an ancestral venera- 
tion scarcely excelled even in the aristocratic countries of Europe. 
The Virginian, in his patrimonial halls, is not the man to em- 
brace the noble sentiment of Algernon Sydney " When I can- 
not live in my own country but by such means as are worse than 
dying in it, I think God shows me I ought to keep myself out 
of it." If in so unequal a struggle conscience should surrender, 
it is what might be expected of frail human nature. 

Thus it comes to pass that persons of naturally generous sen- i 
timents are seduced into slave breeding and selling as a means I 
of retrieving their sinking fortunes, and upholding family im- / 
portance. It is doubtless by this process, operating gradually I 
and for a long time, that the most odious business in which man 
ever engaged, instead of being monopolized by outlawed kid- 
nappers, infesting forest haunts, should be prosecuted by all 
classes, all professions, both sexes, and all ages, until now it has 
avowedly become the chief source of wealth in several states of 
this union. 

2. Another effect upon the master is the perpetual galling of 
blighted fortunes ; an evil to which the habit of exercising arbi- 
trary power, and the previous possession of wealth, render the 
slaveholder peculiarly sensitive. Of all men in the world he is 
least prepared to bear the pinch of poverty. He is exasperated, 
and his family witness, if they do not like his slaves feel, the 
violence of his passions. Habitual sourness or gloom corrodes 
or beclouds his high spirits, and drives him perchance to dissi- 
pation for relief. He plunges into the whirl, and probably a 
street fight or a duel winds up the scene. 

3. The entire want of agricultural enterprise characterises the 
slaveholder. Disheartened by the increasing sterility of his 


lands, he resorts to no expedients for renovating them. Field 
after field is surrendered to weeds and bushes, and thus the 
limits of his tillable lands are gradually contracted, unless new 
lands are added to undergo the same rapid process of exhaustion 
and decay. A downward destiny confronts the inefficient 
planter wherever he turns. In such a crisis, where the most 
elastic energies might quail, the indolent slaveholder sinks hope- 

4. With the extinction of personal enterprise dies all public 
spirit. Public improvements are either wholly neglected or feebly 
prosecuted ; charitable institutions are overlooked or wretchedly 
managed; systems of general education, lyceums, mechanics' 
institutes, agricultural associations, and the varied machinery 
for scientific and moral improvement, so extensively sustained 
in the free states, are scarcely known; the school-house and 
the church, which are New England's ornament and bulwark, are 
found but few and far between over the blood-cursed regions of 
the breeding states; and when found, their dilapidated walls, 
leaky roofs, shattered blinds, and broken windows, patched with 
paper, are a standing scoff at science and religion. 

The barrenness of the soil, a curse alike to the slave and his 
master, is itself the consequence of slavery. The frank and 
self-condemning admissions of slaveholders on this point are 
most conclusive. 

We quote from, some of the eminent men of Virginia : 

Mr. Brodnax, in a speech in the Virginia Legislature, 1832, 
made use of the following language : 

" That slavery in Virginia is an evil, and a transcendent evil, it would 
be more than idle for any human being to doubt, or deny. It is a mildew 
which has blighted every region it has touched, from the creation of the 
world. Illustrations from the history of other countries and other times 
might be instructive ; but we have evidence nearer at hand, in the short 
histories of the different states of this great confederacy, which are im- 
pressive in their admonitions, and conclusive in their character." 

The following is from Mr. George Washington Park Custis, 
of Virginia : 

"See the wide-spreading ruin which the avarice of our ancestral 
government has produced in the south, as witnessed in a sparse popula- 
tion of freemen, deserted habitations, and fields without culture. Strange 


to tell, even the wolf, driven back long since by the approach of man, 
now returns, after the lapse of a hundred years, to howl over the desola- 
tions of slavery." 

Mr. Faulkner thus describes the blighting effects of slavery, 
in a speech in the Virginia Legislature : 

" I am gratified to perceive that no gentleman has yet risen in this hall 
the avowed advocate of slavery. The day has gone by when such a 
voice could be listened to with patience or even forbearance. I even 
regret, sir, that we should find one among us, who enters the lists as its 
apologist, except on the ground of uncontrollable necessity. If there be 
one who concurs with the gentleman from Brunswick (Mr. Gholson) in 
the harmless character of this institution, let me request him to compare 
the condition of the slaveholding portion of this commonwealth barren, 
desolate, and seared, as it were, by the avenging hand of heaven with 
the descriptions which we have of this same country from those who first 
broke its virgin soil. To what is the change ascribable ? Alone to the 
withering and blasting effects of slavery." 

Mr. Summers thus spake in the Virginia Legislature, 1832: 

" Sir, the evils of this system cannot be enumerated it were unneces- 
sary to attempt it. They glare upon us at every step. When the owner 
looks to his wasted estate, he knows and feels them. When the states- 
man examines the condition of his country, and finds her moral influence 
gone, her physical strength diminished, her political power waning, he 
sees and must confess them." 

One consequence of the barrenness, pourtrayed in the pre- 
ceding extracts, is that the slave-breeding states are shunned by 
emigrants, whether from the northern states or the old world. 
This evil is thus stated and deplored by Mr. Custis : 

" Of the vast tide of emigration which now rushes like a cataract to the 
west, not even a trickling rill wends its way to the ancient dominion. Of 
the multitude of foreigners who daily seek an asylum and home in the 
empire of liberty, how many turn their steps to the regions of the slave ? 
None ; no, not one ! There is a malaria in the atmosphere of those 
regions which the new comer shuns, as being deleterious to his views and 

Nor is this the whole of the evil. The same causes which 
divert the current of immigration from the states in question, 
keep up a perpetual emigration, which threatens to drain them 
of a large portion of their white population. These removals 
take place among the best classes that exist in the slaveholdino- 


communities, the small farmers, mechanics, and labouring 
whites generally, to say nothing of that class which we have, 
alas ! but too much reason to fear is inconsiderably small, whose 
moral principles have stood proof against the seductions of the 
soul traffic. These classes cannot live in the impoverished slave, 
states; stern necessity drives thenvto the more fertile free states 
of the west. 

When these are gone, the sole representatives of free labour 
and free principles have taken their departure, and the devoted 
states are surrendered to the inglorious occupancy of the two 
most worthless classes that ever existed, the slaveholding and 
the enslaved. To this issue the slave-breeding states are now 
rapidly tending ; and it requires no extraordinary discernment 
to foresee that the extinction of slavery must soon follow in the 

This picture would still be incomplete if we failed to present 
the contrast between the slave-breeding states, and the con- 
tiguous free states. It is well known that the latter have no 
local advantages, which the former do not equally possess. 
Yet the free states have far outstripped their slaveholding neigh- 
bours in population, wealth, internal improvements, and general 
education. This is frankly conceded by southern men. 

Governor Randolph, in an address to the Legislature of Vir- 
ginia, in 1 820, says : 

" The deplorable error of our ancestors in copying a civil institution 
from savage Africa has affixed upon their posterity an oppressive burthen, 
which nothing but the extraordinary benefits conferred by our happy 
climate could have enabled us to support. We have been far outstripped 
by states to whom nature has been far less bountiful. It is painful to 
consider what might have been, under other circumstances, the amount 
of general wealth, in Virginia, or the whole sum of comfortable subsis- 
tence and happiness possessed by all her inhabitants.'" 

The contrast between the slave-breeding and free states is 
strikingly represented by the philosophic traveller, De Tocque- 
ville, in his account of the adjoining states, Kentucky and 

" Slavery (says this ABLE WRITER), which is cruel to the slave, is abso- 
lutely prejudicial to the master. This truth was most satisfactorily 
demonstrated when civilisation reached the banks of the Ohio. The 


stream which the Indian had designated by the name of Ohio, or beauti- 
ful river, waters one of the most magnificent valleys which has ever been 
made the abode of man. Undulating lands extend upon both shores of 
the Ohio, whose soil affords inexhaustible treasures to the labourer. On 
either bank the air is wholesome, and the climate mild, and each of them 
forms the extreme frontier of a vast state. That which follows the 
numerous windings of the Ohio on the left is called Kentucky ; that 
upon the right bears the name of the river. These two states differ only 
in a single respect ; Kentucky has admitted slavery, but the state of Ohio 
has prohibited the existence of slavery within its borders. Thus the 
traveller who floats down the current of the Ohio to the spot where that 
river falls into the Mississippi may be said to sail beticeen liberty and ser- 
vitude ; and a transient inspection of the surrounding objects will con- 
vince him as to which of the two is most favorable to mankind. Upon 
the left bank of the stream the population is rare. From time to time 
one descries a 'troop of slaves loitering in the half-desert fields. The 
primeval forests recur at every turn. Society seems to be asleep, man to 
be idle, and nature alone offers a scene of activity and life. 

" From the right bank, on the contrary, a confused hum is heard, 
which proclaims the presence of industry. The fields are covered with 
abundant harvests ; the elegance of the dwellings announces the taste 
and activity of the labourers ; and man appears to be in the enjoyment 
of that wealth and contentment which is the* reward of labour." 

We pass to consider the features which arise from the breed- 
ing, rearing, and selling of slaves. 

This system bears with extreme severity upon the slave. 

1. It subjects him to a perpetual fear of being sold to the 
" soul-driver," which to the slave is the realisation of all con- 
ceivable woes and horrors, more dreaded than death. An awful 
apprehension of this fate haunts the poor sufferer by day and 
by night, from his cradle to his grave. SUSPENSE hangs like a 
thunder-cloud over his head. He knows that there is not a 
passing hour, whether he wakes or sleeps, which may not be 
the last that he shall spend with his w r ife and children. Every 
day or week some acquaintance is snatched from his side, and 
thus the consciousness of his own danger is kept continually 
awake. " Surely my turn will come next," is his harrowing- 
conviction ; for he knows that he was reared for this, as the ox 
for the yoke, or the sheep for the slaughter. In this aspect, 
the slave's condition is truly indescribable. Suspense, even when 


it relates to an event of no great moment, and "endureth but 
for a night," how hard to bear ! But when it broods over all, 
absolutely all that is dear, chilling the present with its deep 
shade, and casting its awful gloom over all the future, it must 
break the heart ! Such is the suspense under which every slave 
in the breeding states lives. It poisons all his little lot of bliss. 
If a father, he cannot go forth to his toil without bidding a 
mental farewell to his wife and children. He cannot return, 
weary and worn, from the field, with any certainty that 
he shall not find his home robbed and desolate. Nor can 
he seek his bed of straw and rags without the frightful 
misgiving that his wife may be torn from his arms before morn- 
ing. Should a white stranger approach his master's mansion, 
he fears that the soul-driver has come, and awaits in terror the 
overseer's mandate, " You are sold ; follow that man." There 
is no being on earth whom the slaves of the breeding states 
regard with so much horror as the trader. He is to them what 
the prowling kidnapper is to their less wretched brethren in 
the wilds of Africa. The master knows this, and that there 
is no punishment so effectual to secure labor or deter from 
misconduct, as the threat of being delivered to the "soul- 

2. Another consequence of this system is the prevalence of 
licentiousness. This is indeed one of the foul features of slavery 
everywhere; but it is especially prevalent and indiscriminate 
where slave-breeding is conducted as a business. It grows 
directly out of this system, and is inseparable from it. In the 
planting states, licentiousness is a passion, but in the breeding 
states it is both a passion and a pursuit; in the former it is 
fostered by lust, in the latter by lust and cupidity ; there it is a 
mere irregularity, here it is a branch of a flourishing trade, a 
trade made more flourishing by its prevalence. The pecuniary 
inducement to general pollution must be very strong, since the 
larger the slave increase the greater the master's gains, and 
especially since the mixed blood demands a considerably higher 
price than the pure black. This is a temptation which often 
overcomes both the virtue and the pride of white men ; so often, 

* This horribly expressive appellation is in common use among the slaves 
of the breeding states. 


that it is to be doubted whether, as touching this matter, there 
be much of either left. 

The following testimony is from a Methodist minister in Vir- 
ginia, formerly from a New England Conference. It is taken 
from a letter, dated March 13, 1835, and addressed to the Rev. 
Orange Scott, editor of the Wesleyan Observer, Lowell, Mas- 
sachusetts : 

" There are many vices which are winked at by the good and en- 
couraged by the ungodly, who hold slaves. I allude to breeding slaves. 
There is a great temptation to this. No property can be vested more pro- 
fitably than in young healtby negro women. They will, by breeding, 
double their value in every five years. Mulattoes are surer than pure 
negroes. Hence planters have no objection to any white man or boy 
having free intercourse with all the females ; and it has been the case 
that an overseer has been encouraged to make the whole posse his harem 
and has been paid for tbe issue. This causes a general corruption of 

The Rev. J. D. Paxton, a Virginian, and till recently a slave- 
holder, says in his work on slavery, "the best blood in Virginia 
flows in the veins of the slaves." 

Dr. Tony, in his work on domestic slavery in the United 
States, p. 14, says : 

" While at a public-house in Frederick-town (Maryland), there came 
into the bar-room on Sunday, a decently-dressed white man, of quite a 
light complexion, in company with one who was totally black. After 
they went away, the landlord observed that the white man was a slave. 
I asked him, with some surprise, how that could be possible ? To which 
he replied, that he was a descendant, by female ancestry, of an African 
slave. He also stated, that not far from Frederick-town there was a 
slave estate on which there were several white females of as fair and ele- 
gant appearance as white ladies in general, held in legal bondage as 

It is very common to meet with advertisements of runaway 
slaves, similar to the following : 

" 100 dollars Reward. The above reward will be paid for the appre- 
hension of my man William. He is a very bright mulatto, straight yel- 
lowish hair. I have no doubt he mil try to pass himself for a WHITE 
MAN, which be may be able to do, unless to a close observer. 



" 100 dollars Reward. Ran away from James Heyhart, Paris, Ken- 
tucky, on the 29th June last, the mulatto boy Norton, about fifteen years, 
a very bright mulatto, and would be taken for a WHITE BOY, if not closely 
examined. Hair black and straight. 

"llth August, 1836. New Orleans True American." 

" 100 dollars Reward Will be given for the apprehension of my 
negro (!) Edmund Kennedy. He has straight hair, and complexion sp 
nearly WHITE, that it is believed a stranger would suppose there was no 
African blood in him. He was with my boy Dick a short time since in 
Norfolk, and offered him for sale, and was apprehended, but escaped under 
pretence of being a white man. 


" Richmond (Virginia) Whig, January 6th, 1836." 

It is needless to multiply testimony to a truth which is so 
abundantly illustrated by the swarming tribes of light hued 
slaves in city, town, and country. Extensive, however, as this 
amalgamation unquestionably is, the professed ministers of the 
gospel dare not expose or rebuke it any more than they dare to 
denounce slave-breeding or selling. It is a part of the system, 
a branch of the " institution ;" one department of the craft by 
which slaveholders have their gains. If it were solely a lustful 
indulgence it might be spoken against, but being a business 
transaction it is unimpeachable and inviolable. 

3. It might be thought that the breeding system would effec- 
tually shield the slaves against bodily cruelty, and by appeals 
to the master's interests, secure to them ample food, clothing, 
shelter, and relief from severe labour, since these things are 
favourable to rapid increase. But if interest would ensure all 
this, it would equally ensure every other important blessing; 
but this is found to be a poor protection to the slave, amid the 
numberless and overpowering temptations to cruelty. However, 
if there were any reliance to be placed upon this, it would at. 
best profit only that class of slaves who were in a breeding or 
saleable condition; though even in the case of these, great 
cruelty, toil, and privation might be imposed, without materially 
impairing their breeding or saleable qualities. But the unsale- 
able and barren (whether from nature, disease, or age) could 
find no security in the master's interest. The sufferings of these 
large classes of slaves in the breeding states must be dreadful. 


Of little or no value from their labour, where labour is at best 
unproductive, and entirely valueless in point of increase, where 
that is the great staple, they must be a burthen upon their 
"owners," and of course miserably provided for and cruelly 
treated. Where fruitfulness is the greatest of virtues, barren- <\ 
ness will be regarded as worse than a misfortune, as a crime, \ 
and the subjects of it will be exposed to every form of privation I 
and infliction. Thus a deficiency, wholly beyond the slave's ' 
control, becomes the occasion of inconceivable suffering. 

This representation is fully confirmed by the subjoined testi- 
mony, taken from "American Slavery as it is," page 15 : 

*' The following was told me by an intimate friend ; it took place on a 
plantation containing about one hundred slaves. One day the owner 
ordered the women into the barn ; he then went in among them, whip 
in hand, and told them he meant to flog them all to death. They began 
immediately to cry out, ' What have I done, massa ? what have I done T 
He replied, ' d n you, I will let you know what you have done ; you 
don't breed ; I have not had a young one from one of you for several 

" One of the slaves on another plantation gave birth to a child, which 
lived but two or three weeks. After its death the planter called the 
woman to him, and asked her how she came to let the child die ; said it 
was all owing to her carelessness, and that he meant to flog her for it. 
She told him, with all the feeling of a mother, the circumstances of its 
death, but her story availed her nothing against the savage brutality of 
her master: she was severely whipped. A healthy child, four months 
old, was then considered worth one hundred dollars in North Carolina." 

4. Another result of the breeding system is, that the slaves 
very frequently run off, subjecting themselves to indescribable 
sufferings in the attempt, and to tortures often worse than death 
in case they are retaken. Elopements are taking place more or 
less frequently from all the slave states, but the greater propor- 
tion are from the breeding states. This is owing in part to the 
greater facilities for escape from the latter, but chiefly to that 
suspense under which the slaves there live of being sold and 
sent to the south. So long as they have any prospect of 
remaining among their friends and local attachments, they will 

D 2 


generally endure the evils of slavery, rather than encounter the 
risk, perils, and hardships of elopement. But as soon as they 
learn that they are to be sold and dragged to the south, they 
break away from their "bornin-ground," sometimes taking their 
families with them, but oftener compelled to go alone. Of 
those who betake themselves to flight, some make no further 
effort than to gain some distant forest, in whose pathless wilds 
they conceal themselves, obtaining a miserable subsistence from 
nuts and roots. Others aim to reach Canada. This doubtless 
would be the aim of all, but many have no knowledge of such 
a place, and many more have no idea in what direction it lies. 
A gentleman of the north, who spent some years as a school 
teacher in eastern Virginia, states, that on one occasion, when 
the planter with whom he was boarding had driven off with his 
family to a camp-meeting, and just as he had mounted his 
horse to follow, a large number of the planter's slaves sur- 
rounded him, and besought him most earnestly to tell them 
which way Canada lay. Under the conflicting emotions of 
fear for himself and sympathy for the slaves, he put spur to 
his horse, and galloped away. 

We shall not dwell here upon the sufferings which the 
fugitives endure on the way, even when their attempt to 
escape is successful : the consuming hunger, protracted some- 
times for days, the journeyings by night in the depth of woods, 
shunning with instinctive fear human habitations, public roads, 
and even cultivated fields, except when driven by the last 
extreme of hunger, tortured all the time with the dreadful 
uncertainty whether they' are going northward, or back into the 
clutches of their masters, their concealment by day, sleepless 
from fear, and trembling at every shaking leaf, their exposure 
half naked to the cold of winter, swimming rivers, and with 
bleeding feet tracking their way amid snows and ice, until flesh 
and heart fail them. These sufferings form a chapter in the 
history of human woe, fraught with agony and blood ; but it 
is yet to be written. 

Contemplate the punishments which the less fortunate suffer 
on being returned to their master. The chances of being ap- 
prehended may be very moderately estimated at two to one of 
escape. Those who seek refuge in the woods are almost sure to 


be retaken. Very frequently they return themselves, not wil- 
lingly, but driven back by the extremity of cold, hunger, or 
other sufferings. Those who aim to reach Canada are more 
likely to escape, though when it is considered what efforts are 
made to recover them, we may well wonder that so many suc- 
ceed. Advertisements are published, containing a minute de- 
scription of the person, dress, scars, &c. of the fugitive, accom- 
panied with a large reward, varying usually from fifty to two 
hundred dollars, and these are dispatched by mail to the northern 
towns and villages, where there are sure to be minions enough 
ready to post them in conspicuous places, and all this, perhaps, 
before the adventurer has got twenty miles from his master's 
house. Zeal for the " patriarchal institution," and desire for 
the lusty reward, set the man-hunters on the scent, from the 
master's door to the borders of Canada. 

Under these circumstances, it is indeed a marvel that a single 
fugitive makes good his escape, and in every instance of success 
we are constrained to acknowledge the intervention of the same 
high hand and outstretched arm which led Israel out of Egypt. 
What is the proportion of those who are retaken we have no 
means of accurately knowing; probably from one-half to three- 
fourths of the whole. On this subject we find the following 
estimate in "American Slavery as it is," p. 136: 

" We have before us, in the Grand Gulf (Mississippi) Advertiser for 
August 2, 1838, a list of runaways that were then in the jails of the two 
counties of Adams and Warren, in that state. The number of runaways 
thus taken up and committed in these two counties is forty-six. The 
whole number of counties in Mississippi '^fifty-six, many of them, how- 
ever, are thinly populated. Now, without making this the basis of our 
estimate for the whole slave population in all the state, which would 
doubtless make the number much too large, we are sure no one who has 
any knowledge of facts as they are in the south, will charge upon us an 
over-estimate, when we say that of the present generation of slaves, pro- 
bably one in thirty is of that class, i. e. has at some time, perhaps often, 
run away, and been retaken ; on that supposition, the whole number 
would be not far from NINETY THOUSAND." 

This estimate is made for the entire south. From statements 
made above, we should infer that the proportion of recovered 
fugitives in the breeding states alone was greater; but as the 


facilities for successful escape are also greater in the latter, the 
proportion probably is about the same. 

But there is a point on which we can speak with painful 
accuracy we mean the tortures to which all the retaken are 
subjected. The master, infuriated with the " insolent miscon- 
duct" of the slave in running away, and enraged by the loss 
sustained in recovering him, and resolved to make him an 
example which will effectually deter his other slaves from similar 
misdeeds, casts about for some unwonted torture. In such 
cases, the furnace of slaveholding vengeance is heated seven 
times hotter than it is wont to be heated. We quote a few 
examples of the dreadful punishments inflicted in such cases ; 
they are taken from " American Slavery as it is." 

" There was a slave on this plantation who had repeatedly run away, 
and had been severely flogged every time. The last time he was caught, 
a hole was dug in the ground, and he buried up to the chin, his arms 
being secured down by his sides. He was kept in this situation four or 
five days. 

" The following fact was related to me on a plantation where I have 
spent considerable time, and where the punishment was inflicted ; I have 
no doubt of its truth : A slave ran away from his master, and got as far 
as Newbern (North Carolina). He took provisions that lasted him a 
week, but having eaten all, he went to a house to get something to satisfy 
his hunger. A white man, suspecting him to be a runaway, demanded 
his pass ; as he had none, he was seized and put in Newbern jail. He 
was there advertised. His master saw the advertisement, and sent for 
him. When he was brought back, his wrists were tied together, and 
drawn over his knees ; a stick was then passed over his arms, and under 
his knees, and he secured in this manner. His trowsers were then 
stripped down, and he turned over on his side, and severely beaten with 
the paddle ; then turned over and severely beaten on the other side, and 
then turned back again, and tortured by another bruising and beating. 
He was afterwards kept in the stocks a week, and whipped every morn- 
ing." Narrative of Mr. Caulkins, pp. 15, 16. 

" Punishments for runaways are usually severe : once whipping is not 
sufficient. I have known runaways to be whipped for six or seven nights 
in succession for one offence. I have known others who, with pinioned 
hands, and a chain extending from an iron collar on their necks to the 
saddle of their master's horse, have been driven at a smart trot one or two 
hundred miles, being compelled to ford water-courses, their drivers, 
according to their own confession, not abating a whit in the rapidity of 


their journey for the ease of the slave. One tied a kettle of sand to his 
slave, to render his journey more arduous." Narrative of Philemon 
Bliss, Esq. p. 104. 

Often these ill-fated wretches are loaded with chains, or have 
iron collars fastened about their necks, with long prongs and 
bells, which are put on to prevent future escapes. Not unfre- 
quently their ears are cropped or slit, or their front teeth are 
removed, or the initials of their master's name are branded in 
their flesh with red-hot iron, as a mark by which to identify 
them if they should run off a second time. Those that repeat- 
edly abscond are often maimed in some way, which will effec- 
tually disable them. Sometimes in the attempt to escape from 
their pursuers who have discovered them, they are shot dead, or 
dreadfully wounded ; frequently they are hunted down by trained 
dogs, which either devour them alive, or shockingly lacerate 
their flesh. The advertisements frequently run " the above 
reward will be paid, whether taken dead or alive," from which 
we may infer that not a few are killed. We subjoin a few illus- 
trations from " American Slavery as it is," page 156. 

" The Wilmington (North Carolina) Advertiser of July 13, 1838, con- 
tains the following advertisement . 

" One hundred dollars will he paid to any person who may safely con- 
fine in any jail in this state a negro man named Alfred. And the same 
reward will be paid, if evidence is given of his having been KILLED. He 
has one or more scars on one of his hands, caused by his having been 

" Citizens of Onslow. 

" Richlands, Onslow county, May 16, 1838." 

" In the same column with the above, and directly under it, is the 
following : 

" Ran away, my negro man Richard. A reward of twenty-five dol- 
lars will be paid for his apprehension, DEAD OR ALIVE. Satisfactory proof 
will only be required of his being killed. He h^as with him, in all proba- 
bility, his wife Eliza. 


" In the Macon (Georgia) Telegraph, May 28, is the following : 
"About the 1st of March last, the negro man, Ransom, left me. I 


will give a reward of twenty dollars for said negro ; if taken, dead or alive, 
and if killed in any attempt, an advance of five dollars will be paid. 

" Crawford county, Georgia." 

"See the Newbern (North Carolina) Spectator, January 5, 1838, for 
the following : 

" Ran away, from the subscriber, a negro man named Sampson. Should 
he resist in being taken, so that violence is necessary to arrest him, I will 
not hold any person liable for damages should the slave be killed. 


"Jones county, North Carolina." 

" From the Charleston (South Carolina) Courier, February 20, 1836 : 
" 300 dollars Reward. Ran away, from the subscriber, in November 
last, his two negro men, named Billy and Pompey. Billy in all proba- 
bility may resist ; in that event, fifty dollars will be paid for his HEAD." 

" From the Newbern (North Carolina) Spectator, December 2, 1836 : 

" 200 dollars Reward. Ran away, from the subscriber, negro Ben., 

also one by the name of Rigdon. I will give the reward of one hundred 

dollars for each of the above negroes, or for the killing of them, so that I 

can see them. 

" W. D. COBB." 

Sometimes, on being closely pursued, the fugitives in their 
desperation destroy themselves, to escape the torments which 
await them if caught. Instances often occur of their leaping 
from boats and drowning themselves, of mothers killing their 
children, whom they are carrying with them, and then taking 
their own lives, and of suicides in every heart-rending form. 

The following case is from the Rutherford Gazette, a paper 
printed in the western part of North Carolina, and copied into 
the Southern Citizen of September 23, 1837 : 

Suicide. The negro woman QLucy] confined in our jail as a runaway, 
put an end to her existence on the 28th ult. by hanging herself. Her 
master came to this place the day on which it occurred, and going to the 
jail, was recognised by the woman as her master. He had left the jail 
but a short time, when it was discovered that the woman had destroyed 
herself. We have never known an instance where so much firmness was 
exhibited by any person as was by this negro. The place from which 


she suspended herself was not high enough to prevent her feet from 
touching the floor, and it was only by drawing her legs up, and remain- 
ing in that position, that she succeeded in her determined purpose." 

5. The only remaining feature which we shall notice in the 
condition of the slaves of the breeding states, is expressively 
announced by the single word insurrections. These are by no 
means confined to the breeding states, they occur wherever 
slavery exists. From no quarter, however, have proceeded 
such piteous complaints about apprehended insurrections as 
from Virginia, the principal breeding state. It was a Virginia 
slaveholder (the Hon. John Randolph) who said, "every master 
stands a sentinel at his own door." It has been, and must be 
for yars to come, the fate of every slave insurrection in this coun- 
try, to terminate fatally to the slave. It is true, many may be 
massacred before the insurgents are quelled, but quelled they 
must be, sooner or later, by overpowering force. They are then 
doomed to a summary and signal vengeance. The ringleaders are 
burned alive, all known to be concerned meet with death, or 
protracted tortures worse than death, and all suspected of hav- 
ing any part in the transaction are severely punished. In 
short, every form of cruelty and of carnage which murderous 
rage can inflict is let loose upon the wretches, for the double 
purpose of wreaking vengeance upon them, and of striking 
with terror all the slave population. The consequences are 
no less awful when, as is often the case, a meditated insur- 
rection is detected and crushed. 

Our reply under this head has been already drawn out to 
such length, that we forbear any extended remark upon the 
effects of the slave-breeding system on the master. They may 
be inferred from its effects upon the slave. It has been seen 
that licentiousness is one of the prominent features of this sys- 
tem, and we have had occasion incidentally to show how deeply 
the slaveholding class is involved in this vice. The appalling 
affirmation of the Rev. Mr. Paxton, already quoted, that " the 
best blood in Virginia flows in the veins of the slaves" (which 
we believe has never been denied), speaks volumes on the sub- 
ject. It exposes the vice of the first families of the state. If 
such is the pollution of the highest circles, what must be the 
amount of corruption among the lower classes of whites ! The 


licentiousness among slaveholders' sons is probably almost be- 
yond exaggeration. Such are the facilities and temptations to 
this species of vice, that it may reasonably be doubted whether 
one in a thousand of the sons of slaveholders escapes pollu- 

But to pass from this disgusting picture, what must be the 
demoralizing, the brutalizing influence upon slaveholders, of 
being habitually engaged in breeding and raising human beings 
for sale ! Compared even with soul driving, it exceeds in vile- 
ness. While the slave trader only buys and sells, retaining 
possession no longer than till he can reach the market, the 
breeder is engaged in the protracted process of raising human 
stock. He selects his " breeders," he encourages licentiousness, 
he rewards amalgamation, he punishes sterility, he coolly cal- 
culates upon the profits of fecundity, takes vengeance for mis- 
carriages, and holds mothers accountable for the continued life 
and health of their offspring. On the head of the new-born 
child he sets its future price. He trains it in premeditated 
ignorance, he feeds it for the same purpose for which he feeds 
his swine for the shambles. From the day of its birth he 
contemplates the hour when he shall separate it from the mo- 
ther who bore it, for that hour of yet keener pangs did its 
mother pass through the anguish of its birth. When that hour 
comes, the long-determined deed is done. The master proceeds 
about it deliberately no entreaties or tears can surprise him 
into pity. The mother's frenzied cry, the boy's mute look of 
despair, move him not. He tears them asunder, handcuffs the 
victim, and consigns him to the soul driver. Who can doubt 
whether, in all this long and complicated process of villany, 
there is not more to sear conscience, blunt sensibility, and trans- 
-form man into a demon, far more than can be found in the slave 
trade itself? Does the trader buy ? the master sells ; does the 
trader drive men and women like cattle ? the master breeds them 
like cattle ; does the trader separate families ? the master does 
the same ; does the trader sell in lots to suit purchasers ? so 
does the master : but here the parallel stops, and the transcend- 
ent vileness of the master towers alone, for while the trader deals 
with strangers, the master is perpetrating these outrages upon 
those whom he has reared from their birth, in some cases upon 


the companions of his own boyhood, in others on the children 
of the woman, or perchance the woman herself who nursed his 
infancy, and often, worst of all, on his own offspring. 

Need we ask what must be the effects of such practices, 
steadily pursued, upon the slaveholder's heart ? And there is his 
wife, who lives in the midst of all this, connives at it, and co- 
operates in it what must she become ? And their children, who 
are the playmates of the little " cattle," and yet are so accus- 
tomed to seeing them torn from their parents and sold, as to be 
unmoved by their cries ? What proficients must they become in 
the execrable villanies of the husband and father ! 

But if in this aspect the slave breeder is an object of just ab- 
horrence, in another view he strongly excites our pity ; for he is 
himself the victim of fears scarcely less harrowing than those to 
which he subjects the slave. His fears have their origin in the 
danger of insurrections. " A dreadful sound is in his ears," 
which no heroism can hush, which will not be wholly silenced 
by the uproar of revelry, and which breaks often upon the still- 
ness of the night in tones of thunder. 

We add no more under this query, save to group together 
the features which, in our extended reply, have been scattered 
over several pages. First, those growing out of a barren soil are, 
to the slave, the inadequate supply of his wants, increased seve- 
rity of labor, and inflictions of positive cruelty by an irritated 
and poverty-pinched master ; to the slaveholder, great and grow- 
ing pecuniary embarrassments, chagrin and exasperation arising 
therefrom, and resulting in a prostration of his spirits, and ex- 
tinction of the generous sentiments, and terminating perchance 
in confirmed dissipation, the death of agricultural enterprise, 
which accelerates the decay of the lands, when it might have 
been arrested, and the withering away of all public spirit. As 
more remote consequences, the states thus impoverished are 
shunned by emigrants of every grade and from every quarter of 
the old world and the new, while at the same time they are fast 
being drained of that class of their own population which actually 
composes their life's blood ; and as the result of the whole, these 
states are sinking in the scale of prosperity with a rapidity which 
is made more apparent by the equally rapid rising of the adja- 
cent free states. The features growing out of the breeding system 


are, to the slaves, the incessant apprehension of sale, separation, 
exile, and increased inflictions, the prevalence of licentiousness 
systematized, bodily suffering, elopements with their terrible 
consequences, and insurrections with their sequel of blood and 
carnage. To the masters they are a deep and shameful implica- 
tion in licentiousness, the hardening'and brutalizing influence of 
slave breeding, and the harrowing fears of servile insurrection. 
A hideous set of features truly to belong to a system softly called 
a ' domestic institution,' shielded by public sentiment, sanctioned 
by law, baptized by religion, and dating back its patriarchal 
origin to the household of Abraham ! 

EIGHTH QUESTION. What are the features of the internal 
slave trade? 

Some idea of the nature of this trade has been incidentally 
conveyed, in the account previously given of its extent. From 
which it is not difficult to infer that " all unutterable woes " must 
wait upon it. It is important to mention here the principal cir- 
cumstances from which the internal trade has originated, and by 
which it has been upheld and extended. 

First among these, is doubtless the growing poverty of the 
planters. We have seen how this has operated by overcoming 
the scruples of conscience, and giving a sort of conventional re- 
spectability to a traffic, which otherwise would have been con- 
signed to the same infamy with the African slave trade. Thus 
introduced into favor with the " highest classes," the slave trade, 
which begun in a supposed necessity to avert the rigors of 
poverty and prevent general bankruptcy, was continued as a 
source of wealth. This was both inducement and justification 
enough with a community of slaveholders never remarkable for 
over nicety in matters of principle to reduce the trade to system, 
and establish it as a regular branch of business. Even in those 
few cases where moral or religious principle withholds masters 
from selling, this protection to the slave is almost sure to fail 
him at the death of his master ; for in the distribution and set- 
tlement of the estate the slaves are either sold or divided among 
| the heirs without regard to the ties of kindred. Mostly, how- 
ever, they are sold to the highest bidder, who is commonly the 


* soul driver.' The most heartrending scenes which attend the 
slave trade, occur in the sale and separation of this class of slaves. 
Accustomed, from the superior kindness of their deceased mas- 
ters, to greater immunities than usually fall to the lot of slaves, 
their family ties are stronger, their personal improvement greater, 
and of course their susceptibility to the sufferings of separations 
and to the brutal violence of the soul driver and southern over- 
seer much keener. Yet they receive no additional respect, cor- 
responding to their peculiar privileges ; on the contrary it is well 
known that they are treated with marked contempt and rigor on 
that very account, to " break their Virginia spirit," as the over- 
seers say. In this cruel treatment we may see the explanation 
of those tears, which we are often told are shed over the graves 
of indulgent masters, and which are complacently retailed among 
the beauties of slavery. Well may the poor slaves wail at the 
prospect of being separated, and sold to masters, they know not 

In a small tract, published by the American Anti-Slavery 
Society in 1838, we find the following statement : 

" In seventy-two papers, printed in 1837, one thousand five hundred 
and twenty-five persons, of whom one hundred and seventy-nine are said 
to be females, and one hundred children, are advertised for sale, besides 
forty-one lots of human beings, number not stated ; five hundred and 
fifty-nine persons, and forty lots are to be sold because their masters and 
mistresses have died ! A single paper f_" Columbus (Georgia) Enquirer," 
Nov. 16th, 1837] contains notices for twenty-one such sales. One man, 
one woman, and one little girl, six years old, offered in three sales of this 
kind, are said to be sickly, yet they must be sold to any who will buy. 
In one such sale, a claim to an eighth part of five slaves is offered." 

In many cases, also, the slaves, whose masters would be un- 
willing to sell, are seized upon and sold at public sale to satisfy 
the claims of creditors. In the advertisements of such sales or 
vendues, men, women, and children are indiscriminately huddled 
in the same category with waggons, barrels, boxes, poultry, 
crockery, sheep, farming utensils, oxen, house furniture, and the 
numberless et-cetera of live stock and moveables pertaining to a 
farming establishment. A neighbour purchases the children, a 
distant planter the father, and a soul driver the mother. 


But this suggests one of the prominent features of the inter- 
nal slave trade, i. e. the separations of families and kindred. In 
this trade the ties of nature are wholly disregarded. This is the 
rule, and the exceptions are exceedingly rare. Sometimes a 
master refuses to sell unless the purchaser will consent to take 
whole families unbroken ; but it is impossible that such cases 
should be frequent, since the speculator cannot buy on these 
terms without making a sacrifice himself in the subsequent sale, 
for on whatever principle he buys, he must sell in lots to suit his 
purchasers in the south, and they very seldom wish to buy whole 
families. Such being the case, it is for the speculator rather 
than the breeder to fix the terms, and his terms are separation or 
no sale. It is but too certain that when such an alternative is 
presented to the master, and the trader's gold glitters in his eyes, 
he will not long hesitate. Family separations there must be, 
almost as common as the trade itself, since they are essential to 
its profitable continuance. 

Professor E. A. Andrews, a New Englander who visited the 
south, gives a conversation which he had with a trader, on board 
a steam-boat, on the Potomac, in 1835. 

" In selling his slaves N assures me he never separates families ; 

but that in purchasing them he is often compelled to do so, for that his 
business is to purchase, and he must take such as are in the market. Do 
you often buy the wife without the husband ? Yes, very often ; and 
frequently, too, they sell me the mother while they keep the children. I 
have often known them take away the infant from the mother's breast, 
and keep it while they sold her. Children from one to eighteen months 
old are now worth about one hundred dollars." " Slavery and Domestic 
Slave Trade in the United States" p. 147- 

The following is from the " Anti-Slavery Record," vol. i. p. 
51, &c.: 

" A trader was about to start from Louisville, Kentucky, with one 
hundred slaves for New Orleans. Among tbem were two women with 
infants at the breast. Knowing tbat these infants would depreciate the 
value of the mothers, the trader sold them for one dollar each. Another 
mother was separated from her sick child, about four or five years old. 
Her anguish was so great that she sickened and died before reaching her 

" The two following cases were communicated by James G. Birnie, 
Esquire, of Kentucky : 


" * Not very long ago, in Lincoln county, Kentucky, a female slave 
was sold to a southern slaver under most afflicting circumstances. She 
had at her breast an infant boy three months old. The slaver did not 
want the child on any terms. The master sold the mother and retained 
the child. She was hurried away immediately to the depot at Louisville, 
to be sent down the river to the southern market. The last news my 
informant had of her was, that she was lying sick in the most miserable 
condition, her breasts having risen, inflamed, and burst.' 

" ' During the winter, at Nashville, a slaver was driving his train of 
fellow-beings down to the landing, to put them on board a steam-boat, 
bound for New Orleans. A mother among them, having an infant, 
about two months old, to carry in her arms, could not keep pace with the 
rest. The slaver waited till she came up to where he was standing ; he 
snatched the infant from her arms, and handing it over to a person who 
stood by, made him a present of it. The mother, bereft in a single moment 
of her last comfort, was driven on without delay to the boat.' " 

On page 70 of the same volume may be found the following 
fact, narrated by Mr. Birney : 

" A member of a church, last winter, sold a woman who was soon to be 
a mother. She knew nothing of the bargain, till she was bound and 
seated on a horse behind the slave-trader. In her struggles she was 
thrown to the ground, and much injured. This did not deter the soul- 
drivers from their purpose ; they again bound the woman to the horse, 
carried her eight miles, to Harrodsburgh, and threw her into a cold 
room in the jail. In this forlorn situation her child was born, and died. 
A burning fever came and released the mother also." 

" Rev. C. S. Renshaw, of Quincy, Illinois, who resided sometime in 
Kentucky, says : 

" ' I was told the following fact by a young lady, daughter of a slave- 
holder in Boone county, Kentucky, who lived within half-a-mile of Mr. 
Hughes' farm : Hughes and Neil traded in slaves down the river ; they 
had bought up a part of their stock in the upper counties of Kentucky, 
and brought them down to Louisville, where the remainder of their drove 
was in jail, waiting their arrival. Just before the steam-boat put off for 
the lower country, two negro women were offered for sale, each of them 
having a young child at the breast. The traders bought them, took their 
babes from their arms, and offered them to the highest bidder ; and they 
were sold for one dollar a- piece, whilst the stricken parents were driven 
on board the boat, and in an hour were on their way to the New Orleans 
market. You are aware that a young babe diminishes the value of a field- / 


Ihand in the lower country, while it enhances her value in the breeding- 
states.'' " American Slavery as it is" p. 166. 

We next quote from a letter by a New England minister of 
the methodist connexion, who spent some time as a preacher in 
the south. 

" As to the horrors of slavery, they are many every way. First, the 
slave trade is the most horrible of all. Indeed this comprises the whole 
in miniature. The slave-dealer goes to Virginia or Maryland, where 
negroes are numerous, and slave labor not very profitable, and buying a 
company, transports them to the south-west, and sells them for an advance 
of fifty per cent. Here wives and husbands, parents and children, brothers 
and sisters, are separated ! If any of them are refractory and at all dan- 
gerous to the speculator, they are put in irons, and besides humbled by 
a severe scourging." 

The subjoined impressive testimony is from the Address of the 
Presbyterian Synod of Kentucky, published in 1836. Kentucky, 
it will be remembered, is one of the slave-breeding states. 

" The members of a slave family may be forcibly separated, so that they 
shall never more meet until the final judgment. And cupidity often 
induced the masters to practise what the law allows. Brothers and sis- 
ters, parents and children, husbands and wives, are torn asunder, and 
permitted to see each other no more. These acts are daily occurring in 
the midst of us. There is not a neighbourhood where these heart-rending 
scenes are not displayed. There is not a village or road which does not 
behold the sad processions of manacled outcasts, whose chains and mourn- 
ful countenances tell that they are exiled by force from all that their 
hearts held dear. Cases have occurred in our own denomination, where 
professors of the religion of mercy have torn the mother from her children 
and sent her into a merciless and returnless exile. Yet acts of discipline 
have rarely followed such conduct." 

The following is from " American Slavery as it is :" 

" A non-professor of religion, in Campbell county, Kentucky, sold a 
female and two children to a methodist professor, with the proviso that 
they should not leave that region of country. The slave-drivers came, 
and offered fifty dollars more for the woman than he (the methodist pro- 
fessor) had given, and he sold her. She is now in the lower country, 
and her orphan babes are in Kentucky." Rev. Charles Stewart Renshaw, 
page 180. 


The annexed testimony is taken from a well authenticated 
report on the " Condition of the People of Colour in the State of 
Ohio," published originally in 1835. 

"It is common for boats loaded with slaves to stop at Cincinnati, on their 
way down the Ohio river, and it frequently happens that the friends and 
relations of the pupils (belonging to the free coloured schools, established 
a few years since in Cincinnati,) are in chains on board. A few days 
since, a coloured man came into one of the schools and said, he believed 
there was some person present who had friends on board a boat going 
down the river. On mentioning the names of their owners, a woman on 
the further side of the house immediately exclaimed, ' Oh, they have 
come,' and fell senseless. A friend who sat near caught her in her arms, 
and for some time she lay apparently lifeless. Then at intervals a deep 
groan would burst from her agonized bosom. When she revived, a flood 
of tears came to her relief. ' / must see them,' said she, and, hardly able 
to support herself, she left the house. 

" ' These farewell scenes are worse than funerals ; they cannot be 
described,' said a man to us a few days since, whose children had been 
sent down the river ; ' I'd rather have seen them die ; it broke my 
heart.' This expression is common, that they had rather hear that their 
friends are dead, than that they are sold down the river." 

The above statements will serve to convey some idea of the 
family sunderings which attend upon the internal slave trade. If 
it still be asked how frequently such separations occur, we 
answer they are transpiring incessantly. There is not a week, 
probably not a day, during the year, and at some seasons perhaps 
not an hour in the day, when some slave family in Virginia, 
Maryland, North Carolina, Kentucky, or Tennessee, is not thus 
broken up to be re-united no more for ever. Constantly the 
horrid conscription is going forward. Among the cultivated dis- 
tricts and human abodes which cover the vast region just pointed 
out, from which the wolf and the panther have long since been 
scared away, hordes of soul drivers, more savage than those 
beasts of prey, maintain a ceaseless prowl, emboldened by suf- 
ferance and doubly brutalised by habit. The life of the whole 
slave population is one incessant apprehension of their ap- 

We pass next to speak of the disposal which the traders make 
of their gangs, while collecting them and previous to embarking 
for the southern market. 


The procurement of from fifty to three hundred slaves is a 
work of days, sometimes of weeks or months. Many plantations 
1 must be visited by the trader and his agents. Then a variety of 
\circumstances occasions necessary delays, before the gang can 
\ be put in motion for the south. During this period the slaves 
are secured by handcuffs, fetters, and chains, and put into some 
place of confinement. The national prison at Washington city, 
and the state prisons, are prostituted to this use when occasion 
requires. The more extensive slave-dealers have private prisons 
constructed expressly for this purpose. " These places of de- 
posit," says " Nile's (Baltimore) Weekly Register," " are strongly 
built, and well supplied with thumb-screws and gags, and orna- 
mented with cowskins and other whips, oftentimes bloody." 

This gratuitous testimony of a southern editor reveals the 
atrocities which are perpetrated in the gloomy cells of these slave- 
dungeons. There the mutterings of the refractory (as the noble- 
spirited are termed), and the sullen scowl of the revengeful, the 
maniac shrieks of the childless mother, the groans of the broken- 
hearted father, and the convulsive sobs of orphan children, still 
agonized from their recent separations, are hushed into silence 
by the application of the thumb-screw, gag, or bloody cowskin. 
There the miserable gang receive their first lessons of absolute 
submission to the soul driver, initiatory to the horrors of the 
middle passage ; which forms the next link in the grand chain. 

There are three principal modes by which the slaves thus pro- 
cured are transported to the south. These are, 

First, by vessels, coastwise, and through the Gulf of Mexico 
to New Orleans, or perchance to some of the intermediate ports. 

Second, by steamers or floats, procured for the purpose, by the 
way of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers to New Orleans, or the 
intermediate ports. 

Third, by forced marches in coffles overland. 

We will give a brief account of each of these modes of trans- 

FIRST, that by vessels. The extensive merchants in Norfolk, 
Petersburgh and Richmond of Virginia, in Baltimore of Mary- 
land, and in Alexandria, Georgetown, and Washington City of 
the district of Columbia (the latter city the seat of the national 
government, and the whole district under the exclusive jurisdic- 


tion of congress), have vessels of their own which are constantly 
employed in this trade. 

The following advertisements are all from slave merchants in 
Petersburgh, Virginia : 

Cash for Negroes. The subscribers are particularly anxious to make a 
shipment of negroes shortly. All persons who have slaves to part with 
will do well to call as soon as possible. 1 


" The subscriber, being desirous of making another shipment by the 
brig Adelaide, to New Orleans, on the first of March, will give a good 
market price for fifty negroes from ten to thirty years old. 


"The subscriber wishes to purchase one hundred slaves of both sexes, 
from the age of ten to thirty, for which he is disposed to give much higher 
prices than have heretofore been given. He will call on those living in 
the adjacent counties, to see any property. 


We find in the " National Intelligencer," printed at Washing- 
ton City, and one of the most influential newspapers in the 
United States, the following announcement of the regular depar- 
ture of three slavers belonging to a single factory : 

" Alexandria and New Orleans packets. Brig Tribune, Samuel C. 
Bush, master, will sail as above, on the 1st of January. Brig, Isaac 
Franklin, Win. Smith, master, on the 15th of January. Brig, Uncas, 
Nathaniel Boush, master, on the 1st of February. They will continue 
to leave this port on the first and fifteenth of each month, throughout the 
shipping season. Servants that are intended to be shipped, will at any 
time be received for safe keeping at twenty-five cents a day. 

" JOHN ARMFIELD, Alexandria." 

The annexed advertisement is from a house in Baltimore. 

" For New Orleans. A coppered, copper-fastened packet brig, Isaac 
Franklin, will sail on the 1st of February from Baltimore. Those having 
servants to ship, will do well by making early application to James F. 
Purvis & Co." 

A multitude of similar advertisements might be given, but 
these will suffice. When these vessels are about to sail, 
the slaves are transferred from the crowded and noisome 
prisons, to the more crowded and noisome holds. Here 
the condition of the slaves is veiy similar to that of their 

E 2 


African brethren during the middle passage. That they are 
crowded together inhumanly, may be inferred from the follow- 
ing statements taken from Nile's Register (Baltimore), Decem- 
ber 27, 1828 : 

" The New York Gazette says, ' It is bu,t a few weeks since we observed 
the arrival at New Orleans of three vessels from Norfolk (Virginia), 
having on board nearly six hundred slaves' " 

This gives a cargo of about two hundred slaves to each vessel. 
What scenes occur from time to time on board these vessels, 
during the passage, may be gathered from a statement made in 
the same paper (Nile's Register), January 9, 1830. 

" The schooner Lafayette, with a cargo of slaves from Norfolk, Vir- 
ginia, for New Orleans, narrowly escaped being captured by them on the 
voyage. They were subdued after considerable difficulty, and twenty-five 
of them were bolted down to the deck, until the arrival of the vessel at New 

SECOND, by steamers, or floats constructed for the purpose, by 
I the way of the Ohio and Mississipi rivers. These floats are tem- 
l porary, rude structures, designed only for making a single trip ; 
they are of the same style, with the flat-bottomed boats, or arks 
by which the produce of the western states was formerly, and is 
still to some extent, transported to the New Orleans market. 
These were more in use for conveying slaves a few years since, 
than they now are; some instances of rebellion, in which the 
slaves, breaking their chains, fell upon and slaughtered their 
owners and the crew, favoured the resort to steamers, which 
being better manned are less liable to such outbreaks, and more 
able to quell them. The number of slaves annually transported 
to the south-west by steamboats is very large. At certain sea- 
sons of the year, there is scarcely a steamboat bound for New 
Orleans, which does not take down a cargo of slaves. It is 
not known that there is a single steamer on the Ohio and 
Mississipi waters, which would refuse to take slaves, on appli- 
cation being made, although a large majority of these boats are 
owned and managed by citizens of the free states. The steam- 
boats have no decks fitted specially for slaves ; hence they are 
placed sometimes in one part of the boat, sometimes in another, 
and frequently are suffered to wander about the decks and 


guards at pleasure. The following is an accurate description of 
this mode of conveyance. 

"Those who are transported down the Mississippi river, are stowed 
away on the decks of steam-boats, males and females, old and young, 
usually chained, subject to the jeers and taunts of the passengers and 
crew ; and often by bribes or threats, or the lash, made subject to abomi- 
nations not to be named. On the same deck, you may see horses and 
human beings tenants of the same apartments, and going to supply the 
same market. The dumb beasts, being less manageable, are allowed the 
first place ; while the human are forced into spare corners and vacant 
places. My informant saw one trader, who was taking down to New 
Orleans one hundred horses, several sheep, and between fifty and sixty 
slaves. The sheep and slaves occupied the same deck. Many interest- 
ing and intelligent females were of the number. I could tell facts con- 
cerning the brutal treatment exercised toward these defenceless females, 
while on the downward passage, which ought to kindle up the hot indig- 
nation of every mother and daughter and sister in the land. The slaves 
are taken down in companies, varying in number from twenty to five 
hundred. Men of capital are engaged in the traffic." Anti-slavery 
Manual, pp. 110, 11 J. 

Sometimes the slaves leap overboard in their chains, and thus 
escape the rigours of southern slavery by a voluntary death. 
No attempt is made while on the downward way to conceal 
them from the passengers, who from every section of the union 
crowd the splendid steamers of the west ; and on reaching port 
they are discharged, as they were originally shipped, in broad 
daylight, and in the presence of a multitude of spectators. 
But so oft repeated is this transaction, that it is viewed with as 
much indifference as the unlading of a cargo of flour or pork. 

THIRD, by forced marches, on foot, over land. This is alto- ; 
gether the most cruel mode of transportation, as well as the 
most humiliating. The slaves of both sexes, and of every age 
and condition, are herded together like cattle, and driven by 
long and weary marches on foot for hundreds of miles. Women, 
in every situation of delicacy, feebleness, and sickness, are 
forced to keep pace with the rest of the gang. The drivers, 
armed with pistols, dirks, and long whips, ride alongside and in 
rear of the procession, whipping up the loiterers, and driving on 
at a merciless rate. As if to inflict the utmost humiliation upon 


the slaves, and to show their defiance of what remains of 
humane feeling in the community, the drivers take the most 
public and frequented highways, leading through the chief cities 
and towns of the slaveholding states. But the spectacle of a 
chained coffle of human beings attracts but little more attention 
than a drove of sheep or swine. 'An expression of indignant 
abhorrence on such an occasion would scarcely be tolerated in 
a slave state ; and the publication of any such sentiments few 
editors would have the hardihood, if they had the heart, to 

We will give some descriptions of the slave coffles in the 
language of eye witnesses. The Rev. Mr. Dickey, a Presby- 
terian clergyman, a native of South Carolina, and formerly a 
slaveholder, thus describes a coffle he met on the road, near 
Paris, Kentucky : 

" I discovered about forty black men, all chained together in the follow- 
ing manner : each of them was handcuffed, and they were arranged in 
rank and file ; a chain, perhaps forty feet long, was stretched between 
two ranks, to which short chains were joined, which connected with the 
handcuffs. Behind them were, I suppose, thirty women, in double rank, 
the couples tied hand to hand." 

Hon. J. K. Paulding, the present secretary of the United 
States navy, gives the following picture of a scene he witnessed 
in Virginia : 

" The sun was shining out very hot, and in turning an angle of the 
road we encountered the following group : first, a little cart drawn by one 
horse, in which five or six balf-naked black children were tumbled like 
pigs together. The cart had no covering, and they seemed to have been 
actually broiled to sleep. Bebind the cart, marched three black women, 
with head, neck, and breasts uncovered, and without shoes or stockings ; 
next came three men, bare-headed, half-naked, and chained together with 
an ox-chain. Last of all came a white man, on horseback, carrying pis- 
tols in his belt, and who, as we passed him, had the impudence to look us 
in the face without blusbing. I should like to have seen him hunted by 
blood-hounds. At a house where we stopped, a little further on, we 
learned that he had bought these miserable beings in Maryland, and was 
marcbing them in tbis manner to [some of the more southern states. 
Shame on the state of Maryland ! I say ; and shame on the state of Vir- 
ginia ! and every state through which this wretched cavalcade was per- 
mitted to pass ! Do they expect that such exhibitions will not dishonour 


them in the eyes of strangers, however they may be reconciled to them 
by education and habit ?"* 

We next quote from " American Slavery as it is," beginning 
on the sixty-ninth page. 

" The following statement is made by a young man from -western Vir- 
ginia. He is a member of the Presbyterian church, and a student in 
Marietta (Ohio) College. All that prevents the introduction of his name, is 
the peril to his life, which would probably be the consequence on his return 
to Virginia. His character for integrity and veracity is above suspicion : 

" On the night of the great meteoric shower, in November, 1833, I 
was at Remley's tavern, twelve miles west of Lewisburgh, Greenbriar 
county, Virginia. A drove of fifty or sixty negroes stopped at the same 
place that night. They usually ' camp out,' ^that is, sleep in the open 
air, or under tents] but as it was excessively muddy, they were permitted 
to come into the house. So far as my knowledge extends, ' droves' on 
their way to the south eat but twice a day, early in the morning and at 
night. Their supper was a compound of ' potatoes and meal,' and was, 
without exception, the dirtiest, blackest looking mess I ever saw. I re- 
marked at the time that the food was not as clean, in appearance, as 
that which was given to a drove of hogs, the night before, at the same 
house. Such as it was, however, a black woman brought it on her head, 
in a tray or trough two and a half feet long, where the men and women 
were promiscuously herded. The slaves rushed up and seized it from 
the trough in handfuls, before the woman could take it off her head. 
They jumped at it as if half- famished. 

* " Letters from the South, written during an excursion in the summer of 
1816." New York: 1817- Vol. I. Let. xi. p. 117. 

In connexion with the above extract we quote a note from Jay's View 
(^second edition, p. 81), which happily illustrates, by the case of an in- 
dividual, the inroads of the pro-slavery spirit upon the free states. 

" It may be thought by some that the elevation to a seat in the Cabinet of 
a gentleman who expresses himself with so much warmth and fearlessness 
against one of the ' peculiar institutions of the south,' militates against our 
idea that the influence of the federal government is exerted in behalf of 
slavery. Singular as -it may appear, the appointment of Mr. Paulding is 
nevertheless strongly corroborative of the opinion we have advanced ; and 
the explanation is at once easy and amusing. The ' Letters from the South ' 
were reprinted in 1835, and form the fifth and sixth volumes of an edition of 
' Pauld'ng's Works.' The letter from which we have quoted consists of four- 
teen pages, devoted to the subject of slavery. On turning to the correspond- 
ing letter in the recent edition, we find it shrunk to three pages, containing 
no allusion to the internal trade, nor anything else that could offend the most 
sensitive southerner. In the nineteenth letter, as printed in 1817, there is not 
a word about slavery. In the same letter, as published in 1835, we meet 
with the following most wonderful prediction ; a prediction that has lately 
been cited in the newspapers as a proof of the sagacity and foresight of the 
secretary of the navy : ' the second cause of disunion will be found in the 


" They slept on the floor of the room which they were permitted to 
occupy, lying in every form imaginable, males and females promiscuously. 
They were so thick on the floor, that in passing through the room it was 
necessary to step over them. 

" There were three drivers, one of whom stayed in the room to watch 
the drove, and the other two slept in anyadjoining room. Each of the 
latter took a female from the drove to lodge with him, as is the common 
practice with the drivers. There is no doubt about this particular 
instance, for they were seen together. The mud was so thick on the 
floor where this drove slept, that it was necessary to take a shovel the 
next morning and clear it out. Six or eight in this drove were chained ; 
all were for the south. 

" In the autumn of the same year, I saw a drove of more than a 
hundred ; between forty and fifty of them were fastened to one chain, 
the links being made of iron rods as thick in diameter as a man's little 
finger. This drove was bound westward, to the Ohio river, to be shipped 
to the south. I have seen many droves, and more or less in each, almost 
without exception, were chained. They generally appear extremely 
dejected. I have seen, in the course of five years, on the road near 
where I reside, twelve or fifteen droves at least, passing to the south. 
They would average forty in each drove. Near the first of January, 
1834, I started about sunrise to go to Lewisburgh. It was a bitter cold 
morning. I met a drove of negroes, thirty or forty in number, remark- 
ably ragged and destitute of clothing. One little boy particularly excited 

slave population of the south, whenever the misguided, or wilfully malignant 
zeal of the advocates of emancipation shall institute, as it one day doubtless 
will, a crusade against the constitutional rights of the slaveowners, by send- 
ing among them fanatical agents and fanatical tracts, calculated to render 
the slaves disaffected, and the situation of the master and his family danger- 
ous ; when appeals shall be made under the sanction of religion to the pas- 
sions of these ignorant and excited blacks, calculated and intended to rouse 
their worst and most dangerous passions, and to place the very lives of their 
masters, their wives, and their children, in the deepest peril ; when societies 
are formed in the sister states for the avowed purpose of virtually destroying 
the value of this principle item in the property of a southern planter ; when it 
becomes a question mooted in the legislatures of the States or of the general 
government, whether the rights of the master over his slave shall be any 
longer recognised or maintained; and when it is at last evident that nothing 
will preserve them but secession, then will certain of the stars of our beautiful 
constellation ' start madly from their spheres, and jostle the others in their 
wild career.' 

" In the title of the new edition, the date of the ' excursion ' is modestly 
omitted, but the reader is not informed that the spirit of prophecy descended 
upon the writer, not while journeying at the south, but while witnessing in 
New York the operations of the predicted societies, and after the city had 
been convulsed by the abolition riots." 


my sympathy. He was some distance behind the'others, not being able 
to keep up with the rest. Although he was shivering with cold, and 
crying, the driver was pushing him up in a trot to overtake the main 
gang. All of them looked as if they were half-frozen." 

From page 72 of the same work we extract the following tes- 
timony of Col. Thomas Rogers, of Highland County, Ohio, a 
native of Kentucky : 

" In the winter of 1828-29, I travelled through part of the states of 
Maryland and Virginia, to Baltimore. At Frost Town, on the national 
road, I put up for the night. Soon after there came in a slaver, with his 
drove of slaves ; among them were two young men chained together. 
The bar-room was assigned to them for their place of lodging ; those in 
chains were guarded when they had to go out. I asked the ' owner' why 
he kept these men chained ; he replied, that they were stout young fel- 
lows, and should they rebel, he and his son would not be able to manage 
them. I then left the room, and shortly after heard a scream, and when 
the landlady inquired the cause, the slaver coolly told her not to trouble 
herself, he was only chastising one of his women. It appeared that three 
days previously her child had died on the road, and been thrown into a 
hole or crevice in the mountain, and a few stones thrown over it ; and 
the mother, weeping for her child, was chastised by her master, and told 
by him ' she should have something to cry for.' The name of this man 
I can give if called for." 

The subjoined "testimony of a Virginian" is from page 76. 

" About five years ago, I remember to have passed in -a single day four 
droves of slaves for the south-west ; the largest drove had three hundred 
and fifty slaves, and the smallest upwards of two hundred. I counted 
sixty-eight or seventy in a single coffle ! The coffle-chain is a chain fas- 
tened at one end to the centre of the bar of a pair of handcuffs, which 
are fastened to the right wrist of one, and the left wrist of another slave, 
they standing abreast and the chain between them. These are the head 
of the coifle. The other end of the chain is passed through a ring in the 
bolt of the next handcuffs, and the slaves being manacled thus, two and 
two together, walk up, and the coffle-chain is passed, and they go up 
towards the head of the coffle. I have seen hundreds of droves and 
chain-coffles of this description, and every coffle was a scene of misery 
and woe, of tears and brokenness of heart." 

We next give the testimony of Rev. Marius R. Robinson, of 
Ohio, extracted from the "Anti-Slavery Manual," page 112. 


" In the emigration they suffer great hardships. Those who are driven 
down by land travel from two hundred to a thousand miles on foot, 
through Kentucky, Tennessee, and Mississippi. They sometimes carry 
heavy chains the whole distance. These chains are very massive ; they 
extend from the hands to the feet, being fastened to the wrists and ankles 
by an iron ring around each. When chained, every slave carries two 
chains, i. e. one from each hand to each foot. A waggon, in which rides 
* the driver,' carrying coarse provisions and a few tent-coverings, generally 
accompanies the drove. Men, women, and children, some of the latter 
very young, walk near the waggon ; and if, through fatigue or sickness, 
they falter, the application of the whip reminds them that they are slaves. 
They encamp out at night ; their bed consists of a small blanket. Even 
this is frequently denied them. A rude tent covers them, scarcely suffi- 
cient to keep off the dew or frost, much less the rain. They frequently 
remain in this situation several weeks, in the neighborhood of some slave- 
trading village. The slaves are subject, while on their journeys, to severe 
sickness. On such occasions the drivers manifest much anxiety lest they 
should lose their property. But even sickness does not prevent them from 
hurrying on their victims to market. Sick, faint, or weary, the slave 
knows no relief. In the Choctaw nation, my informant met a large com- 
pany of these miserable beings, following a waggon at some distance. 
From their appearance, being mostly females and children, and hence 
not so marketable, he supposed they must belong to some planter who 
was emigrating southward. He inquired if this was so, and if their mas- 
ter was taking them home. A woman, in tones of mellow despair, 
answered him ; ' Oh, no, sir, we are not going home. We don't* know 
where we are going. The speculators haw got us.' " 

We cannot close these extended extracts without giving the 
accounts respectively of a man and a woman who were driven to 
the south in coffles, and afterwards, through the providence of 
God, escaped to tell the story of their sufferings. 

We quote first from the thrilling " Narrative of the Life and 
Adventures of Charles Ball," for forty years a slave, p. 36. 

" My purchaser ordered me to cross my hands behind, which were 
quickly bound with a strong cord, and he then told me that we must set 
out that very day for the south. I asked him if I could not be permitted 
to go to see my wife and children, or if this could not be permitted, if 
they might not have leave to come and see me ; but was told that I might 
be able to get another wife in Georgia. 

" My new master, whose name I did not hear, took me that same day 
across the Patuxent, where I joined fifty-one other slaves, whom he had 


bougiit in Maryland ; thirty-two of these were men, and nineteen were 
women. The women were merely tied together with a rope, about the 
size of a bed cord, which was tied like a halter around the neck of each ; 
but the men, of whom I was the stoutest and strongest, were very dif- 
ferently caparisoned. A strong iron- collar was closely fitted, by means 
of a padlock, around each of our necks. A chain of iron, about a 
hundred feet in length, was passed through the hasp of each padlock, 
except at the two ends, where the hasps of the padlock passed through a 
link of the chain. In addition to this, we were handcuffed with iron 
staples and bolts ; with a chain, about a foot long, uniting the handcuffs 
and their wearers in pairs. In this manner we were chained alternately 
by the right and left hand ; and the poor man to whom I was thus ironed 
wept like an infant when the blacksmith, with his heavy hammer, fas- 
tened the ends of the bolts that kept the staples from slipping from our 
arms. After we were all chained and handcuffed together, we sat down 
upon the ground ; and here, reflecting upon the sad reverse of fortune 
that had so suddenly overtaken me, and the dreadful suffering which 
awaited me, I bitterly execrated the day I was born. I longed to die, 
and escape from the hands of my tormentors ; but even the wretched 
privilege of destroying myself was denied me, for I could not shake off 
my chains, nor move a yard without the consent of my master. 

" We were soon on the south side of the river, and taking our line of 
march, we travelled about five miles that evening, and stopped for the 
night at one of those miserable public houses, so frequent in the lower 
parts of Maryland and Virginia, called ' ordinaries! 

" At night we all lay down on the naked floor to sleep, in our hand- 
cuffs and chains. The women lay on one side of the room, and the men 
who were chained with me occupied the other. I slept but little this 
night, which I passed in thinking of my wife and little children, whom I 
could not hope ever to see again. I at length fell asleep, but was distressed 
with painful dreams. My wife and children seemed to be weeping and 
lamenting my calamity ; and beseeching and imploring my master, on 
their knees, not to carry me away from them. My little boy came and 
begged me not to go and leave him, and endeavoured, as I thought, with 
his little hands, to break the fetters that bound me. I awoke in agony, 
and cursed my existence. I could not pray, for the measure of my woes 
seemed to be full, and I felt as if there was no mercy in heaven, nor com- 
passion on earth, for a man who was born a slave." 

The narrative from which the above extract is taken, as may 
be inferred from the style, was written by a man of education, 
one who took the story from the lips of the slave, and clothed 


it in his own phraseology. The well-known character both of 
the writer and of the subject of the narrative, are ample 
vouchers for the truth and authenticity of the statements. 

The subjoined account is of a female, who was free born, but 
kidnapped a few years since, and sent to the south in a coffle, 
chained to a man slave. 

" Mary Brown, a colored girl, was the daughter of free parents in 
"Washington city. She lived with her parents until the death of her 
mother ; she was then seized and sold. The following are the facts as 
she stated them : One day, when near the Potomac bridge, the sheriff 
overtook her, and told her that she must go with him. She inquired of 
him, what for ? He made no reply, hut told her to come along ; he took 
her immediately to a slave auction. Mary told him that she was free, 
but he contradicted her, and the sale went on. The auctioneer soon 
found a purchaser, and struck her off for three hundred and fifty dollars. 
Her master was a Mississippi trader, and she was immediately taken to 
the jail. After a few hours, Mary was handcuffed, chained to a man 
slave, and started in a drove of about forty for New Orleans. Her hand- 
cuffs made her wrists swell, so that they were obliged to take them off at 
night, and put fetters on her ankles. In the morning her handcuffs were 
again put on. Thus they travelled for two weeks, wading rivers, and 
whipped up all day and beaten at night, if they did not get their distance. 
Mary says that she frequently waded rivers in her chains, with water up 
to her waist. It was in October, and the weather cold and frosty. After 
travelling thus twelve or fifteen days, her arms and ankles became so 
swollen, that she felt that she could go no further. Blisters would form 
on her feet as large as dollars, which at night she would have to open, 
while all day the shackles would cut into her lacerated wrists. They had 
no beds, and usually slept in barns, or out on the naked ground ; was in 
such misery when she lay down, that she could only lie and cry all night. 
Still they drove them on for another week. Her spirits became so de- 
pressed, and she grieved so much about leaving her friends, that she 
could not eat, and every time the trader caught her crying he would beat 
her, accompanying it with dreadful curses. The trader would whip and 
curse any of them whom he found praying. One evening he caught one 
of the men at prayer ; he took him, lashed him down to a parcel of rails, 
and beat him dreadfully. He told Mary, that if he caught her praying 
he would give her hell, (Mary was a member of the Methodist church in 
Washington) ! There was a number of pious people in the company, 
and at night, when the driver found them melancholy and disposed to 
pray, he would have a fiddle brought, and make them dance in their 


chains. It mattered not how sad or weary they were, he would whip 
them till they would do it. 

" Mary at length became so weak, that she could travel no farther. 
Her feeble frame was exhausted, and sunk beneath her accumulated suf- 
ferings. She was seized with a burning fever, and the trader, fearing he 
should lose her, carried her the remainder of the way in a wagon. 

" When they arrived at Natchez they were all offered for sale, and as 
Mary was still sick, she begged that she might be sold to a kind master. 
She would sometimes make this request in presence of purchasers, but 
was always insulted for it ; and after they were gone, the trader would 
punish her for such presumption. On one occasion he tied her up by her 
hands, so that she could only touch the end of her toes to the floor. This 
was soon after breakfast ; he kept her thus suspended, whipping her at 
intervals during the day. At evening he took her down. She was so 
much bruised that she could not lie down for more than a week after- 
wards. He often beat and choked her for another purpose, until she was 
obliged to yield to his desires. 

" She was at length sold to a wealthy man of Vicksburgh, at four 
hundred and fifty dollars, for a house servant ; but he had another object 
in view. He compelled her to gratify his licentious passions, and had 
children by her. This was the occasion of so much difficulty between 
him and his wife, that he has now sent her up to Cincinnati to be 


" We have no reason to doubt the account of Mary, as given above. 
Her manner of relating it was perfectly simple and artless, and is here 
written out almost verbatim. We have also the testimony of a number 
of individuals who knew her at Vicksburgh ; they have no doubt of her 
integrity, and say that we may rely implicitly upon the truth of any state- 
ment which she may make."" Condition of the (free) people of colour 
in the State of Ohio" p. 26, &c. 

The slaves in these coffles are so firmly secured by handcuffs 
and chains, that they seldom even attempt to rescue themselves. 
From one to three men, armed as usual, will drive a gang of 
hundreds in safety. It is not improbable, however, that diffi- 
culties occur more frequently than is commonly supposed. It 
would be surprising indeed if men and women, frenzied with 
the loss of their relatives, goaded to desperation by the lash of 
the driver, and knowing the frightful oppressions to which they 
were tending on the plantations of the south, would not rise, 
even in their chains, and crush their merciless tyrants. We 


find an account of one scene of this kind in a southern paper, 
Nile's (Baltimqre) Register, September 5, 1829. 

"THE INTERNAL SLAVE TRADE. A Portsmouth (Ohio) paper gives the 
details of a bloody transaction that occurred between a drove of negroes 
and their drivers, about eight miles from the above village, in the state 
of Kentucky. It appears that the negroe's, sixty in number, were chained 
and handcuffed in the usual manner of driving these poor wretches, and 
that by the aid of a file, they succeeded in separating the irons which 
bound them in such a way as to be able to throw them off at any moment. 
In the course of the journey two of the slaves dropped their shackles and 
commenced a fight, when the wagoner, Petit, rushed in with his whip, 
to compel them to desist. At this moment every negro was found per- 
fectly at liberty, and one of them, seizing a club, gave Petit a violent blow 
on the head, and laid him dead at his feet. Allen, who came to his 
assistance, met a similar fate from the contents of a pistol, fired by 
another of the gang. Gordon was then attacked, seized, and held by one 
of the negroes, while another fired twice at him with a pistol, the ball of 
which each time grazed his head, but not proving effectual, he was beaten 
with clubs, and left for dead. They then commenced pillaging the wa- 
gon, and, with an axe, split open the trunk of Gordon, and rifled it of the 
money, about two thousand four hundred dollars. Sixteen of the negroes 
then took to the woods. Gordon, in the meantime, not materially 
injured, was enabled, by the assistance of one of the women, to mount his 
horse and flee ; pursued, however, by one of the gang on another horse, 
with a pistol. Fortunately he escaped with his life, barely arriving at a 
plantation as the negro came in sight, who then turned about and re- 
treated. The neighborhood was immediately rallied, and a hot pursuit 
given, which we understand has resulted in the capture of the whole gang, 
and the recovery of the greater part of the money." 

Such are the several modes of transporting slaves to the south. 
On reaching the destined market, the slaves -are kept in chains, 
and sometimes in close confinement, until the day of sale. 
During the interval they are exposed to the inspection of any 
who may wish to make purchases. Persons are urgently invited 
to call and make their own selections. Due time having been 
granted for these examinations, which are conducted with a 
minuteness, as disgraceful to the examiner, as it is humiliating to 
the subject, and the time and terms of sale having been made as 
public as newspaper advertisements and handbills could make 
them, the whole gang are knocked off one by one to the highest 


bidder. These human auctions furnish scenes which are beyond 
description a fit winding-up of the horrible process which we 
have just now traced, step by step, to its tragical close. Here 
all the remaining ties of kindred, which survived the first sale 
and the " middle passage," are broken up for ever. Here, too, 
the last sentiments of manly respect and female delicacy, which 
may have outlived the indignities of breeder and driver, are tor- 
tured by brutal and licentious jests, cruel taunts, and shameful 
exposures of the person before an assembled multitude. The 
coarse cry of the auctioneer, the eager bidding of the emulous 
purchasers, the loud shout of the rabble at the ribaldry with 
which the crier intersperses his vociferations, the exulting laugh 
of the successful bidder, the guillotine fall of the auction ham- 
mer, the fiendish clutch of the new owners upon their trembling 
prey, the groans, shrieks, tears, and last embraces of the slaves, 
as they are torn violently apart by their several purchasers, form 
a mixture of wickedness and woe to be found nowhere else this 
side of perdition. 

We quote some accounts of slave auctions given by eye-wit- 

The description of a slave auction which immediately fol- 
lows was furnished by Mr. Silas Stone, treasurer of Columbia 
County, New York. See "American Slavery as it is," p. 

" Mr. Stone witnessed a sale of slaves, in Charleston, South Carolina, 
which he thus describes in a communication recently received from him. 

" ' I saw droves of the poor fellows driven to the slave markets kept in 
different parts of the city, one of which I visited. The arrangements of 
this place appeared something like our northern horse markets, having 
sheds, or barns, in the rear of a public house, where alcohol was a handy 
ingredient to stimulate the spirit of jockeying. As the traders appeared, 
lots of negroes were brought from the stables into the bar-room, and by 
a flourish of the whip were made to assume an active appearance. 
' What will you give for these fellows ?' ' Plow old are they ?' ' Are 
they healthy ?' ' Are they quick ?' &c., at the same time the owner 
would give them a cut with a cowhide, and tell them to dance and jump, 
cursing and swearing at them if they did not move quick. In fact, all 
the transactions in buying and selling slaves, partakes of jockeyship, as 
much as buying and selling horses. There was as little regard paid to 
the feelings of the former as we witness in the latter. 


" ' From these scenes I turn to another, which took place in front of 
the nohle * Exchange buildings,' in the heart of the city. On the left 
side of the steps, as you leave the main hall, immediately under the win- 
dows of that proud building, was a stage built, on which a mother with 
eight children were placed, and sold at auction. I watched their emotions 
closely, and saw their feelings were in accordance to human nature. The 
sale began with the eldest child, who, 'being struck off to the highest 
bidder, was taken from the stage or platform by the purchaser, and led 
to his wagon and stowed away, to be carried into the country ; the 
second and third were also sold, and so until seven of the children were 
torn from their mother, while her discernment told her they were to be 
separated probably for ever, causing in that mother the most agonizing 
sobs and cries, in which the children seemed to share. The scene beg- 
gars description ; suffice it to say, it was sufficient to cause tears from one 
at least ' whose skin was not colored like their own,' and I was not 
ashamed to give vent to them.' " 

We quote the following description of a slave auction in 
Richmond, Virginia, from the " Anti-Slavery Manual," p. 116 : 

" During my sojourn in the capital of Virginia (United States), I was 
a witness, for the first time in my life, of a scene as degrading to human 
nature, as productive of horror and disgust to the friends of humanity. 
The following advertisement having been inserted for several days suc- 
cessively in the newspapers : 

" ' Monday next, at 9 A. M., at public sale, the slaves whose names 
follow, all negroes of the first quality, namely : Betsy, a negro-woman, 
twenty-three years of age, with her child Caesar, three years old : an 
excellent cook, washer, and ironer ; warranted healthy. Julia, a mulatto 
girl, aged thirteen, robust and active, a good field-laborer ; with the ex- 
ception of a slight defect in the left eye, she is without fault. Augustus, 
a negro lad, six years of age, qualified to become an excellent domestic ; 
without defect. The aforesaid slaves will be sold without reserve to the 
highest bidder, and the purchaser will be able to obtain credit for two or 
even four months, upon good security ;' 

" I was anxious to be present at such a strange commercial transaction, 
andl was there punctually. In the midst of various articles exposed for sale, 
such as pots, pans, beds, chairs, books, &c. &c., were seated the unhappy 
slaves, all crowded together, and all, as one would imagine, appropriately 
clothed. The poor mother with her child in her arms was the first object 
that drew my attention. The auctioneer had placed her in such a manner, 
that she and her infant should be the first object seen by those who 
entered the market. The customers, as they entered, cast their eyes 


upon the group so worthy of pity, to satisfy their curiosity, and examined 
them as if they were gazing at some chef d'ceuvre produced by the chisel 
of Canova. I could not help shuddering with indignation, in consider- 
ing the indifference and gross rudeness with which these insensible men 
treat their slaves. Betsy was the only one who appeared to feel all the 
rigours of her situation ; her eyes remained constantly fixed upon her 
infant, and if she raised them for a moment, it was to obey the order of a 
purchaser, who wished, probably, to assure himself that they were strong 
enough to support labor by day and by night; but she had scarcely 
yielded to his injunction, ere they fell again upon the miserable infant 
which reposed on her bosom ; she even replied to all their questions with- 
out raising her eyes to the person by whom she was addressed. 

" It was not the same, however, with the other slaves ; they smiled at 
every jest, and their large white eyes, like brilliants fastened to the fore- 
heads, sparkled with joy at the gay conversation, and at the witty remarks 
of the gentlemen who had come hither with the intention of purchas- 
ing human beings at a fair price. But the moment of the sale approach- 
ing, and several persons were assembled in the hall, the crier invited them 
to come out, and upon a table placed before the door in the middle of 
the street, was exposed one of the slaves, who were for sale. 

" Betsy and her child had the honor of figuring first. The crier stood 
upon a chair placed near. I discovered in the crowd a dozen negroes at 
least, who, passing at the time, were drawn by curiosity to approach, and 
appeared to follow with attention the progress of the sale. I could not 
forbear sympathising with the unhappy beings, in reading upon their 
countenances the interest with which their companions in misery inspired 
them. * Let us proceed, gentlemen,' cried the seller of human flesh, in 
a stentorian voice ; ' let us proceed : a woman for sale J' 

" An excellent woman ; not a fault ! and a little boy in the bargain. 
How much for the mother and child 250 dollars ; very well, sir, 250 to 
begin. Some one has bid 250. Truly, gentlemen, they sell cattle for a 
larger price ; 250 ? look at these eyes, examine these limbs shall I say 
260 ? Thanks, gentlemen, some one has bid 260. It seems to me that 
I heard 275 ; go on, gentlemen ; I have never sold such a bargain. 
How ! 280 for the best cook, the best washer, and the best dressmaker 
in Virginia ? Must I sell her for the miserable price of 280 ? 300 ; two 
gentlemen have.said 300. Very well, gentlemen ; I am happy to see you 
begin to warm a little ; some one bid 310 310, going 330 335 340 
340, going ; upon my honor, gentlemen, it is indeed a sacrifice to lose 
so good a cook ; a great bargain for 340 dollars. Reflect upon it a little, 
and do not forget there is a little boy in the bargain.' 

"Here our auctioneer was interrupted in his harangue by one of his 



customers, a man whose appearance had inspired me, from the first 
moment, with a feeling of horror, and who, with the indifference and 
sang froid of an assassin, made to him the following observation : ' As 
for the negro child, it is good for nothing ; it is not worth a day's nourish- 
ment ; and if I have the mother, I will give away the child very quick ; 
the first bidder will be able to have it at a cheap bargain.' 

" I glanced at the unfortunate mother 1 , anxious to see what effect this 
barbarous proposal would have upon her. She did not speak, but a pro- 
found sadness was impressed on her countenance. The little innocent 
which she held in her arms, fixed his large eyes on her, as if saying, 
' mamma, why do you weep ?' Then he turned towards the witnesses 
of this heart-rending scene, with an impression that seemed to ask, what 
they had done to his mother to make her weep so bitterly. No, never 
will this moment ever escape my memory ; it has confirmed me for all 
my life in the horror that I already felt at this infamous traffic. The 
auction continued, and finally the crier, striking a heavy blow with a 

hammer, pronounced the award to Mr. for 360 dollars. The 

victim descended from the table, and was led away by the purchaser. 
The other slaves were sold in the same manner as poor Betsy. Julia 
was sold at 326 dollars, and Augustus at 105. They both fell to the same 
individual who had purchased the former lot." Travels of Arforedgun. 

Such is an imperfect view of the American internal slave-trade ; 
a system fraught with outrages, pollutions, and woes unutterable. 
The African slave trade itself was never so horrible. Eveiy 
odious feature of the latter belongs to the American traffic, be- 
sides some peculiar to itself of surpassing enormity. This has 
been acknowledged by one of Virginia's prominent statesmen, 
himself probably a slave-breeder. Thomas Jefferson Randolph, 
of Virginia, thus contrasts the American slave trade with the 
African : 

"The trader receives the slave, a stranger in language, aspect, and 
manner, from the merchant who has brought him from the interior. The 
ties of father, mother, husband, and child, have all been rent in twain ; 
before he receives him, his soul has become callous. But here, sir, 
individuals, whom the master has known from infancy, whom he has 
seen sporting in the innocent gambols of childhood, who have been accus- 
tomed to look to him for protection, he tears from the mother's arms, and 
sells into a strange country, among strange people, subject to cruel task- 

But what gives to the American slave trade its darkest atro- 


city is, that it enacts its tragedies on the soil of a republic, claim- 
ing to be the freest on earth. Its seat is the boasted home of 
freedom ; its strongholds are the pillars of American liberty ; its 
throne is the nation's heart ; its minions are republican states- 
men ; its victims are native-born Americans. Amidst the galaxy 
of republican and religious institutions it has its sphere and its 
name. The segis of republican law is its shield, and the flag of 
freedom its shelter. Having its main source at the seat of the 
national government, it pours thence a stream of blood, widening 
and deepening by a thousand tributaries from Maryland, Vir- 
ginia, North Carolina, Kentucky, and Tennessee, till it rolls in 
a tide, vast as Mississippi's, over the far south. It seeks no sub- 
terranean channels nor' sequestered vales for a secret passage, 
but flows broadly under the sun-light of the nation's favor, laving 
the wharfs of a hundred cities and the borders of a thousand 
plantations. Legal enactments lay no arrest upon it; public 
opinion rears no dams across it ; popular indignation neither 
checks its current nor turns it aside; but onward it flows for 
ever America's favorite stream ; though from its bosom ascends 
one ceaseless wail of woe. 

Should it be asked what is the character and standing in 
society of the men who are actively engaged in the slave trade, 
variously called l soul-drivers,' ' slave traders,' ' speculators,' &c., 
we would reply that there are two classes of them, who are held 
in very different estimation by the community generally, though 
their characters and deserts are intrinsically the same. 

One class is composed of the slave merchants, who have large 
establishments or factories in Washington City, Alexandria, 
Baltimore, Norfolk, Richmond r Petersburg!!, &c., and keep 
slavers constantly plying between those ports, and Charleston or 
New Orleans. Their slave advertisements are blazoned in the 
most influential secular papers in the union, and to their service 
the national and state prisons are most obligingly devoted, when 
their private jails chance to overflow. These are men of large 
capital, and conduct the traffic on the broadest scale. They 
hold an honorable rank among the heavy capitalists and exten- 
sive merchants of our southern cities, and move in the highest 
social circles. 

The other class consists of the agents and pimps of these 



gentry, who are constantly scouring the breeding states to gather 
fresh supplies for the slave-prisons and slave-ships ; and also of 
traders of limited capital, who buy up small gangs and drive 
their own coffles. The latter class are generally despised even 
in the slaveholding states, and they are doubtless horribly base 
wretches of vile origin, and viler lives. That the traffic in which 
they are engaged is not the ground of their low estimation in 
the slave-breeding states is evident, from the fact that other 
men, much more largely concerned in the traffic, are nevertheless 
held in repute, as honorable merchants. This point is illustrated 
in the following extract from "American Slavery as it is," 
p. 174: 

" That they are not despised because it is their business to trade in 
human leings and bring them to market, is plain from the fact that when 
some ' gentleman of property and standing,' and of a ' good family,' em- 
barks in a negro speculation, and employs a dozen ' soul-drivers' to 
traverse the upper country, and drive to the south coffles of slaves, 
expending hundreds of thousands in his wholesale purchases, he does not 
lose caste. It is known in Alabama, that Mr. Erwin, son-in-law of the 
Hon. Henry Clay, and brother of J. P. Erwin, formerly postmaster, and 
late mayor of the city of Nashville, laid the foundation of a princely for- 
tune in the slave trade, carried on from the northern slave states to the 
planting south ; that the hon. H. Hitchcock, brother-in-law of Mr. E., 
and since one of the judges of the Supreme Court of Alabama, was 
interested with him in the traffic ; and that a late member of the Ken- 
tucky senate (Col. Wall) not only carried on the same business, a few 
years ago, but accompanied his droves in person down the Mississippi. 
Not as the driver, for that would be vulgar drudgery, beneath a gentle- 
man, but as a nabob in state, ordering his understrappers. 

xt It is also well known that President Jackson was a ' soul-driver,' and 
that even so late as the year before the commencement of the last war, 
he bought up a coffle of slaves, and drove them down to Louisiana for 

" Thomas N. Gadsden, Esq., the principal slave-auctioneer in Charles- 
ton, S. C., is of one of the first families in the state, and moves in the very 
highest class of society there. He is a descendant of the distinguished 
General Gadsden, of revolutionary memory, the most prominent southern 
member in the continental Congress of 17t>5, and afterwards elected 
lieutenant-governor, and then governor of the state. The rev. Dr. 
Gadsden, rector of St. Philip's church, Charleston, now bishop of the 


diocese of South Carolina, and the Rev. Philip Gadsden, both pro- 
minent episcopal clergymen in South Carolina, and Colonel James 
Gadsden, of the United States army, after whom a county in Florida 
was recently named, are all brothers of this Thomas N. Gadsden, Esq., 
the largest slave-auctioneer in the state, under whose hammer, men, 
women, and children go off by thousands ; its stroke probably sunders 
daily, husbands and wives, parents and children, brothers and sisters, 
perhaps to see each other's faces no more. Now who supply the auction- 
table of this Thomas N. Gadsden, Esq. with its loads of human merchan- 
dise ? These same detested ' soul-drivers' forsooth ! They prowl through 
the country, buy, catch, and fetter them, and drive their chained coffles 
up to his stand, where Thomas N. Gadsden, Esq. knocks them off to the 
highest bidder, to Ex-governor Butler, perhaps, or to Ex-governor Hayne, 
or to the hon. Robert Barnwell Rhett, or to his own reverend brother, Dr. 
Gadsden. Now this high-born, wholesale soul-seller doubtless despises 
the retail * soul- drivers' who give him their custom, and so does the 
wholesale grocer the drizzling tapster who sneaks up to his counter for 
a keg of whiskey, to dole out under a shanty in two cent glasses; and 
both for the same reason." 

There is one source of great wretchedness to the slaves of the 
breeding states, which may be appropriately introduced in this 
connexion. It is very frequently the case that slaveholders, 
having worn out their lands in the breeding states, remove to 
the newer and more fertile regions further south and west. We 
have already alluded to the stream of emigration, especially of 
the smaller slaveholders, from the older slave raising states. The 
annual number of these removals cannot be accurately stated. 
We have already seen, by an extract from the " Wheeling (Vir- 
ginia) Times," that of one hundred and twenty thousand slaves 
removed from Virginia in the year 1836, two-thirds, or eighty I 
thousand, were removed by the emigration of their owners. This, 
supposing each master to have on an average twenty slaves, 
would give four thousand emigrant slaveholders from the single 
state of Virginia, during the year 1836. This would be, how- 
ever, too high an estimate for a series of years together ; still it 
enables us to form some conception of the extent of the emigra- 
tion from the breeding states. Each emigrant slaveholder car- 
ries with him his gang of slaves. It is almost universally the . 
case that the slaves of one master form their marriage alliances/ 
among the slaves of other masters. Consequently in nearlji 


every instance of removal there is a sundering of slave families. 
Where an entire family goes unbroken, the bleeding fragments 
often are dragged along to the distant home. The only conso- 
lation that is offered to the heart-broken sufferers is, that 
they will find new partners the bitterest mockery of their woe, 
Many facts might be given illustrative of the sufferings caused 
by these separations. We shall mention only the following, 
communicated by Rev. James A. Thorne, recently of Kentucky, 
who was an eye-witness of the scene : 

" George and Jane were inhabitants of the same village, in the state of 
Kentucky, but belonged to different masters. They enjoyed, in an 
unusual degree, the confidence of their respective 'owners' ; who were men 
of the highest respectability in the community. George was the head 
man in his master's tannery, and Jane was the principal servant in her 
owner's establishment ; the first inn in the village. They had been mar- 
ried for a number of years, and had both among blacks and whites the 
credit of uncommon conjugal faithfulness. Both were professedly pious, 
and possessed more than ordinary education for slaves, being able to read 
fluently. Having lighter work and more indulgent masters than usually 
fall to the lot of slaves, they knew comparatively little of the rigors of 
bondage. Sunday was uniformly at their own .disposal, and mostly spent 
in each other's society. Every evening, the work of the day being 
finished, George was a punctual visitant at his wife's room. For many 
years they lived in unbroken union, anticipating no fiery trials of violent 
sunderings. It is true they frequently witnessed the separations of hus- 
bands and wives, as the 'soul-drivers' went round upon their annual 
circuits of horror and desolation ; but they felt assured that their masters 
prized them too highly to sell them to the traders. 

" But a dire calamity was preparing for them, and when finally it broke, 
with the suddenness of a summer's bolt, upon them, it scattered all their 
social joys for ever. Jane's master had become embarrassed in his pecu- 
niary affairs, and found it absolutely necessary to change his residence. 
He resolved upon going to the distant state of Missouri. The prepara- 
tions for removal were almost completed, before Jane was informed of 
the design ; and with that information she also learned the determination 
of her master to take her along with him. Tn consternation she flew 
with the intelligence to her husband. Without a moment's delay, they 
together hastened to the wife's ' owner,' and prostrating themselves before 
him, besought that he would allow Jane to find herself a new master in 
the village. He finally yielded to their entreaties and tears, but set such 
an extravagant price upon her, that they felt little hope of finding any 


person who would be willing to give it. They applied first to George's 
masters. He was willing to buy Jane, but objected to her master's terms. 
Applications were made to several other citizens, all of whom had the 
same objection the exorbitant price. They besought the master to con- 
sent to take less, but he was inexorable ; consequently the desired change 
of ownership could not be effected. 

" Meanwhile the preparations for removal went forward, and the day 
of departure approached. The boat Avhich was to convey the family down 
the Ohio river, lay at the wharf already loaded with the master's effects. 
At last the morning of departure came. The family, accompanied from 
their dwelling by a numerous train of sympathising villagers, proceeded 
to the boat. With the other slaves, Jane walked immediately behind 
the family ; while George, not permitted to attend her, followed sadly 
and slowly in the rear of the company. 

" The family entered the boat, but Jane threw herself upon the deck, 
a spectacle of agony. Upon the beach near by, George stood with his 
arms folded before him ; not a groan broke from his lips, nor a tear from 
his eye, but there were in his fixed countenance and statue-like form the 
more eloquent tokens of a grief too deep for utterance. Shortly the 
cables are drawn, and the boat""" is drifting down the rapid stream. As 
long as the receding objects can be discerned, Jane sits motionless upon 
the deck, and George as moveless stands upon the beach, each gazing 
upon the other until distance closes the view for ever. What then 
became of the ill-fated Jane I know not, but my eye followed George as 
he turned silent and alone, and with down-cast eyes, and arms still folded 
upon his breast, walked homeward a widowed man." 

NINTH QUESTION. What are the features of slavery in the 
consuming states ? 

This inquiry opens before us a field so vast, and crowded with 
such multiform scenes of horror, that both time and heart would 
fail us in the attempt thoroughly to explore it. We can barely 
sketch some of the prominent features which glare upon us from 
every point of observation. 

There are three principal conditions or modes of slavery in the 
United States. The first is that where, on account of exhausted 
lands, slave labor is unprofitable, and the master resorts to slave- 
breeding and selling to make his slaves a source of profit. This 

* A small ark formerly much used by emigrant families from Virginia and 
Kentucky, going to the south-west. 


condition has been already described in the reply to the seventh 

The second condition, is that of domestic slavery, includ- 
ing every species of house and family servants. This condition 
exists wherever slavery is found. Few of any class or profession 
in the slave states dispense with domestic slaves. Not to have 
from one to a dozen is almost certainly to forfeit caste in a slave- 
holding state ; and, what is a more serious consequence, it is to 
be without servants altogether, for where slaves are the domestics 
free persons think it a degradation to be such. 

The third condition is plantation slavery, or that where large 
bodies of slaves are employed in the cultivation of lucrative pro- 
ducts, and where labor consequently is profitable. This condi- 
tion differs widely from the two former. It is a system of pro- 
ductive industry, in which respect it differs from the first condi- 
tion ; and it congregates large numbers under the same manage- 
ment, thus differing from domestic slavery. These are not the 
only points of contrast. It is necessary to discriminate between 
these conditions, if we would form a correct idea of American 
slavery as a whole ; and for want of such discrimination, there 
has been interminable confusion. Some have considered slavery 
only in its first form, others only in the second, the mildest of 
all, others in the third only ; while others still have viewed it, as 
every one should, in all its conditions. These totally different 
observations of slavery have, to some extent, given rise to dis- 
putes between the abolitionists on one hand, and the pro-slavery 
class on the other, respecting the treatment of slaves ; and it is 
plain that such disputes must be perpetual, unless the disputants 
will agree to look at the same aspects of slavery. It is the 
domestic condition which the apologists have in their eye, when 
they deny the representations of the abolitionists ; whereas the 
latter usually describe plantation slavery, the very condition of 
which the apologist (who if he has ever been in the south has 
been there as the planter's parlour guest, and that but for a few 
days) is most likely to be ignorant. 

Now while the abolitionists contend that even domestic slavery 
is vastly worse than pro-slavery writers represent it, still they 
maintain that it is so different from plantation slavery, as to fur- 
nish little data for judging of the latter. But in forming an 


opinion of slavery in the consuming states, which of these two 
conditions should be chiefly considered ? Surely that which em- 
braces the largest number of slaves ; and, at least, nine-tenths of 
the slaves in the planting states are praedials. 

But plantation slavery has still stronger claims to special 
notice, because it gives to the whole system of slavery its import- 
ance and permanence. Lop off this branch, and the whole tree 
dies. Domestic slavery cannot stand alone. It was that form 
chiefly which existed in the now free states, and so feeble was its 
hold on life that its extinction required scarcely an effort. What 
is it that has given to American slavery its gigantic form and 
mighty sway ? What is it that has reared about it such massive 
walls and impregnable towers ? What is it that has transformed 
it in a few years from an abhorred system, into a venerated 
" institution," too sacred to be spoken against with impunity ? 
It is the alliance which has been formed in the planting states 
between slavery and cotton, by virtue of which the most profitable 
and abundant staple which our country produces is made depen- 
dent for its culture exclusively upon slave labor. 

But plantation slavery puts in another claim to special atten- 
tion : it actually sustains slavery in the breeding states. It has 
been seen that slavery could not exist in Virginia and the other 
breeding states, but for the large sales of slaves which are 
annually made to southern planters. Of course the American 
slave trade is likewise upheld by plantation slavery. So also is 
the African trade, so far as respects its market in the United 

Plantation slavery therefore stands before us charged with the 
continuance of domestic slavery, slave-breeding, the American 
slave trade, and in part the African. Surely if pre-eminence in 
guilt can entitle any form of slavery to marked consideration, 
plantation slavery makes good its claim. 

We feel warranted therefore in taking this condition of slavery 
as the basis of our remarks in reply to the question now before 
us. It has been observed that the features of slavery in the 
breeding states received their peculiar mould from the unprofit- 
ableness of slave labor. In the consuming states the reverse is 
true. The lands being fresh, and the products rich, slave labor 
is exceedingly productive. We do not mean to say that it is 


more so than free labor would be ; we merely state the fact that 
it is eminently productive. The grand pursuit of the southern 
planter is GAIN gain on the broadest scale, and by the most 
rapid process of accumulation. The machinery of cotton and 
sugar cultivation is a means to this great end. To the same end 
the slave also is made a means, and his rights and interests are 
all pushed out of view by this huge overgrown interest which 
quite fills up the planter's vision. 

To increase the master's wealth, the slave is driven night and 
day; and since his necessary supplies of food, clothing, and shelter 
are to be subtracted from the master's gains, they are dispensed 
with the most niggardly hand. Every thread that can be spared 
from his back, every grain of corn from his mouth, and every 
item of convenience from his miserable hut, are rigorously with- 
held. In short there is not a jot or tittle of the slave's comforts 
which can escape the all-grasping clutch of avarice. To describe 
plantation slavery in a single sentence, it is that system which 
degrades man not into property merely, but into an inferior spe- 
cies of property, whose worth consists in its fitness to procure 
that which is esteemed a far higher species of property MONEY. 

Other principles, such as pride, anger, lust, and love of power, 
contribute to aggravate plantation slavery, but it is to avarice, we 
must look for its most horrid features, to avarice, pampered and 
bloated by abounding wealth. Other causes operate occasion- 
ally and powerfully, but irregularly, in the infliction of evil upon 
the slave this uniformly, and by rule. The inflictions of anger 
are freaks, sudden outbreaks, frequent, it is true, and sometimes 
violent, but usually of short duration ; those of avarice, on the 
contrary, are habitual incessant and intense, toil, privations, and 
inflictions without measure and without end, and all relentlessly 
imposed for the acquisition of gain. % 

We shall now briefly trace the operation of this principle 
upon the slaves of the planting states. 

The leading policy is to open immense estates for sugar and 
cotton cultivation (chiefly the latter), and stock them, in planter 
phrase, with large gangs of slaves. The proprietorship by 
single individuals of thousands of acres, and half thousands of 

o * 

slaves, is quite peculiar to the planting states. This practice 
operates with extreme severity upon the slaves. The congre- 


gating of such numbers under the arbitrary control of one indi- 
vidual is eminently fitted to stimulate the fiercest passions, and 
transform the most humane, into monsters of cruelty. When a 
man has but a single slave, he is under few temptations to be 
cruel, and those few, are kept in check by a sort of personal 
attachment which masters often feel for a faithful body servant. 
But let the same man become the owner of a thousand slaves, 
and his situation is wholly changed. His love of power, before 
scarcely excited, is aroused to the energy of a master passion. 
In the multitude of its^ubjects it finds new scope and wider 
range. The temptations to exercise it have increased with the 
number of the slaves, while the restraints from personal attach- 
ment have in the same proportion diminished, or rather, wholly, 
ceased to act. The result is, that the gentle master of the 
single slave, becomes the haughty despot of his little empire. 

Again, the object of procuring so many slaves implies a con- 
dition of hardship and suffering. They are not bought, like 
the house servant, for light service, quickly done and allowing 
frequent intervals of leisure, but for severe unbending toil. 
They were not purchased as articles of convenience, but as 
beasts of burthen. A task is -assigned them, interminable as 
the upheaving of Egyptian pyramids, the building of their mas- 
ters' fortunes ; a task which the insatidbleness of avarice makes 
endless, and its remorselessness unutterably cruel. 

Again, from so large a number being employed, the comfort- 
able maintenance of the whole would require no small expendi- 
ture on the part of the master. This avarice cannot endure ; 
consequently, all comforts are utterly denied the slaves, and 
even the law of their extremest necessities receives the most 
rigid construction. 

From the foregoing considerations, it is plain that the policy 
of overgrown estates and large labouring forces bears with a 
crushing weight upon the slave. Indeed, a situation can hardly 
be conceived of, more fraught with suffering than that of a field 
slave in a numerous gang. 

Another feature of the planting policy is to employ overseers, 
and arm them with every instrument of torture necessary to 
compel the utmost amount of labour. The planter, as lost to 
humanity as to honesty, not only denies his slaves just wages, 


but consigns them to the discretionary management of the vilest 
monsters that ever wore human form. " Overseer" is the name 
which designates the assemblage of all brutal propensities and 
fiendish passions in one man. An overseer must be the lowest 
of all abjects, consenting to be toathed and detested by the 
master who employs him; and at the same time he must be the 
most callous of all reprobates, in order to inflict tortures, from 
the sight of which the planter himself sometimes recoils with 
horror. He must find his supreme delight in human torture ; 
groans must be his music, and the writhings of agony his reali- 
sation of bliss. He must become that unspeakably vile thing, 
a scullion of avarice, wielding the clotted lash for another's 
wealth, contented himself to receive a petty stipend as the 
reward of his execrable vocation. But a description of the 
southern overseer has already been drawn by a master hand, 
that of the Hon. Wm. Wirt, late attorney-general of the United 
States, a Virginian and a slaveholder. 

" Last and lowest, a feculum of beings, called ' overseers' the most 
abject, degraded, unprincipled race, always cap in hand to the dons who 
employ them, and furnishing materials for the exercise of their pride, 
insolence, and spirit of domination" 

Such is the monster to whose unlimited control the planter 
commits his hundreds of slaves. One injunction 'only is laid 
upon him, and that is, to make the largest crops possible. The 
planter himself generally resides at a distance from his estate, 
or if he lives upon it, rarely interferes with the management of 
affairs. He usually disregards the slaves' complaints of cruelty, 
since to notice them, and interpose between the parties, would 
lessen the authority of the overseer, and hazard the reduction 
of his crops. Consequently, the slaves have, for the most part, 
no appeal from the outrages of a brutal overseer. 

It is a dreadful reflection, moreover, that the overseer is 
strongly tempted to cruelty by appeals to his selfishness. His 
reputation is graduated by the amount of his crops. If they 
are large, his character is established, and his situation made 

c? ' ' 

permanent, with an increase of salary. But to make great 
crops he must drive the slaves. Besides, the wages of overseers 
are generally either in proportion to the crop which they raise, 
or a stipulated portion of the crop itself. Thus the overseer's 


interest conspires with that of the planter to perpetuate a sys- 
tem of hard driving, which is carried out by the incessant ap- 
plication of the lash. 

Nothing, therefore, can be plainer, than the inevitable cer- 
tainty that the slaves in the planting states must be extreme 
sufferers. It is the result of the end which the planter keeps 
so steadily in view gain. It is the result, likewise, of the 
means to which he resorts for compassing that end, viz. large 
gangs of slaves, and "unprincipled" overseers. The employ- 
ment of such monsters implies a purpose to drive and torture 
the slaves, and the fact that they are rarely if ever discharged 
for cruel treatment, though they frequently are for failure in 
hard driving, is testimony enough to the unswerving rigor with 
which that purpose is executed. We repeat it, suffering is a 
certain event to the field slave ; it is not a thing which may 
befall him, but which must. At least there is but one alterna- 
tive a serious diminution of the master's crops, and charity 
herself could hardly suspect the planter of submitting to that 

The ways in which the slaves suffer are almost innumerable : 
we can specify only those which are most prominent. 

They suffer from being overworked, from hunger, from want 
of sleep, from insufficient clothing, from inadequate shelter, 
from neglect in the various conditions of feebleness and sick- 
ness, from lust, and from positive inflictions. 

1. The slaves suffer from being overworked. It has been 
stated that hard labour was the object for which they were ori- 
ginally bought, and amassing wealth the end. Now, since the 
more labour (if within the limit of human endurance) the more 
wealth, overworking is in the planting states a matter of course ; 
and since to the desire of wealth there is no bound, to the 
exactions of toil there will be no bound but human possibility. 
The feeling that would prevent the overworking of slaves in the 
cotton and sugar regions, would prevent all working of them ; 
and, on the contrary, the feeling which consents to enslaving 
men at all will prompt to the most rigorous exactions from 

But to demonstrate that the planting slaves are overworked, 
excessively so, we appeal to facts. In the ensuing part of our 


reply to the present query, we shall have occasion to make fre- 
quent quotations from " American Slavery as it is," a work 
which contains the most ample testimony on the several points 
just enumerated, and accompanies that testimony with the 
names of a " thousand witnesses," living in every part of the 
United States, both in the slave states and the free. If that 
testimony needed any confirmation besides its own vouchers, it 
would find it abundantly in the fact, that no person, north or 
south, has yet ventured to call it in question, though the work 
was published early in 1839, and has been circulated in every 
state of the Union. The following extracts are taken from the 
above-named work, pages 35 40. 


"This is abundantly proved by the number of hours that the slaves are 
obliged to be in the field. But before furnishing testimony as to their hours of 
labor and rest, we will present the express declarations of slaveholders and 
others, that the slaves are severely driven in the field. 


The Senate and House of Re- MANY OWNERS of slaves, and others who have th? 

presentatives of the state of , , , / ,, 7 , . . , 

South Carolina. management of slaves, do confine them so closely at hard 

labor that they have not sufficient time for natural rest. 
See 2 Brevard's Digest of the Laws of South Caro- 
lina, 243." 
History of Carolina. Vol. i. So laborious is the task of raising, beating, and 

page I2a cleaning rice, that had it been possible to obtain 

European servants in sufficient numbers, thousands 
and tens of thousands MUST HAVE PERISHED." 
Hon. Alexander Smyth, a " Is it not obvious that the way to render their 

K^TvSSSSSS: situat,on more comfortable, is to allow them to be 

on the " Missouri question," Jan. taken where there is not the same motive to force the 

281 1820> slave to INCESSANT TOIL that there is in the country 

where cotton, sugar, and tobacco are raised for expor- 
tation. It is proposed to hem in the blacks where 
they are HARD WORKED, that they may be rendered 
unproductive and the race be prevented from increas- 
ing. * * * The proposed measure would be- 
EXTREME CRUELTY to the blacks. You 

would * * * doom them to HARD LABOR." 
"Travels in Louisiana," trans- " At the rolling of sugars, an interval of from two 

Davi^E^!i e page n 8 C i hbyJon to three months, they work both night and day. 
Abridged of their sleep, they scarce retire to rest 
during the whole period." 
The Western Review, NO. 2, " The work is admitted to be severe for the hands 

article " Agriculture of Louis- ( s i ave s), requiring, when the process is commenced, to 

be pushed night and day" 
w. c Giidersieeve, Esq., a <i Overworked I know they (the slaves) are." 

native of Georgia, elder of the * v 

Presbyterian church, Wilkes- 
barre, Penn. 



" Everybody Iiere knows overdriving to be one of 
the most common occurrences, the planters do not 
deny it, exeept, perhaps, to northerners." 

" During the cotton-picking season they usually 
labor in the field during the whole of the daylight, and 
then spend a good part of the night in ginning and 
baling. The labor required is very frequently exces- 
sive, and speedily impairs the constitution." 

" All the. pregnant women even, on the plantation, 

in g of the harvesting of c6on, and weak and sickly negroes incapable of other labor, 
are then in requisition." 


" It is a general rule on all regular plantations, that 
the slaves be in the field as soon as it is light enouyh 
for them to see to work, and remain there until it is so 
dark that they cannot see." 

" It is the common rule for the slaves to be kept at 
work fifteen hours in the day,a.i\d in the time of pick- 
ing cotton a certain number of pounds is required of 
each. If this amount is not brought in at night, the 
slave is whipped, and the number of pounds Licking 
is added to the next day's job ; this course is often re- 
peated from day to day." 

" It was customary for the overseers to call out the 
gangs long before day, say three o'clock, in the winter, 
while dressing out the crops ; such work as could be 
done by fire-light (pitch pine was abundant,) was pro- 

" from dawn till dark, the slaves are required to 
bend to their work." 


Mr. Asa A. Stone, a theological 
student, near Natchez, Miss., in 
1834 and 1835. 

Philemon Bliss, Esq., a lawyer 
of Elyria. Ohio, who lived in 
Florida in 1834 and 1835. 

Hon. R. J. Turnbull, of South 
Carolina, a slaveholder, speak- 


Asa A. Stone, theological stu- 
dent, a classical teacher near 
Natchez, Miss., 1835. 

Mr. Cornelius Johnson, of 
Farraingtou, Ohio, who lived in 
Mississippi a part of 1837 and 

W. C. Gildersleeve, Esq., 
Wilkesbarre, Penn., a native of 

Mr. William Leftwich, a na- 
tive of Virginia, and son of a 
slaveholder he has recently re- 
moved to Delhi, Hamilton coun- 
ty, Ohio. 

Mr. Nehemiah Caulkins, 
Waterford, Conn., a resident in 
North Carolina eleven winters. 

Mr. Eleazar Powel, Chippewa, 
Beaver county, Penn., who lived 
in Mississippi in 1836 and 1837. 

Philemon Bliss, Esq., a lawyer 
in Elyria, Ohio, who resided in 
Florida hi 1834 and 1835. 

" Travels in Louisiana," page 

Mr. Henry E. Knapp. member 
of a Christian church in Farm- 
ington, Ohio, who lived in Mis- 
sissippi in 1837 and 1838. 

" The slaves are obliged to work from daylight till 
dark, as long as they can see." 

" The slaves had to cook and eat their breakfast and 
be in the field by daylight and continue there till dark." 

"The slaves commence labor by daylight in the 
morning, and do not leave the field till dark in the 

" Both in summer and winter the slave must be in 
thtfitld by the Jirst dawning of day." 

" The slaves were made to work, from as soon as 
they could see in the morning, till as late as they could 
see at night. Sometimes they were made to work till 
nine o'clock at night, in such work as they could do, 
as burning cotton-stalks, &c." 

" A New Orleans paper, dated March. 23, 1 826, says, 

" To judge from the activity reigning in the cotton presses of the 

suburbs of St. Mary, and the late hours during which their slaves work, 

the cotton trade was never more brisk." 


" Mr. George W. Westgate, a member of the Congregational church 
at Quincy, Illinois, who lived in the south-western slave states a num- 
ber of years, says, 

" The slaves are driven to the field in the morning about four o'clock, 
the general calculation is to get them at work by daylight : the time for 
breakfast is between nine and ten o'clock ; this meal is sometimes eaten 
* bite and work,' others allow fifteen minutes, and this is the only rest the 
slave has while in the field. I have never known a case of stopping an 
hour in Louisiana ; in Mississippi the rule is milder, though entirely sub- 
ject to the will of the master. On cotton plantations, in cotton picking 
time, that is, from October to Christmas, each hand has a certain quantity 
to pick, and is flogged if his task is not accomplished ; their tasks are 
such as to keep them all the while busy." 

" The preceding testimony under this head has sole reference to the 
actual labour of the slaves in thejield. In order to determine how many 
hours are left for sleep, we must take into the account the time spent in 
going to and from the field, which is often at a distance of one, two, and 
sometimes three miles ; also the time necessary for pounding or grind- 
ing their corn, and preparing, over night, their food for the next day ; 
also the preparations of tools, getting fuel and preparing it, making fires 
and cooking their suppers, if they have any, the occasional mending and 
washing of their clothes, &c. Besides this, as every one knows who 
has lived on a southern plantation, many little errands and chores are to 
be done for their masters and mistresses, old and young, which have 
accumulated during the day, and been kept in reserve till the slaves 
return from the field at night. To this we may add that the slaves are 
social beings, and that during the day silence is generally enforced by the 
whip of the overseer or driver.* When they return at night, their pent- 
up social feelings will seek vent, it is a law of nature, and though the 
body may be greatly worn with toil, this law cannot be wholly stifled. 
Sharers of the same woes, they are drawn together by strong affinities, 
and seek the society and sympathy of their fellows ; even ' tired nature' 
will joyfully forego for a time needful rest, to minister to a want of its 
being equally permanent and imperative as the want of sleep, and as 
much more profound as the yearnings of the higher nature surpass the 
instincte of its animal appendage. 

" All these things make drafts upon time. To show how much of the 

* We do not mean that they are not suffered to speak, but that, as conver- 
sation would be a hindrance to labor, they are generally permitted to indulge 
in it but little. 


slave's time which is absolutely indispensable for rest and sleep, is neces- 
sarily spent in various labors after his return from the field at night, we 
subjoin a few testimonies. 

" Mr, Cornelius Johnson, Farmington, Ohio, who lived in Mississippi 
in the years 1837 and 1838, says : 

" ' On all the plantations where I was acquainted, the slaves were kept 
in the field till dark ; after which, those who had to grind their own 
corn, had that to attend to, get their supper, attend to other family affairs 
of their own and of their master, such as bringing water, washing clothes, 
&c. &c., and be in the field as soon as it was sufficiently light to com- 
mence work in the morning.' 

" Mr. George W. Westgate, of Quincy, Illinois, who has spent several 
years in the south-western slave states, says : 

" * Their time after full dark until four o'clock in the morning is their 
own ; this fact alone would seem to say they have sufficient rest, but there 
are other things to be considered ; much of their making, mending, and 
washing of clothes, preparing and cooking food, hauling and chopping 
wood, fixing and preparing tools, and a variety of little nameless jobs 
must be done between those hours.' 

" Philemon Bliss, Esq. of Elyria, Ohio, who resided in Florida in 
1834 and 1835, gives the following testimony : 

" ' After having finished their field labours, they are occupied till nine 
or ten o'clock in doing chores, such as grinding corn (as all the corn in 
the vicinity is ground by hand), chopping wood, taking care of horses, 
mules, &c., and a thousand things necessary to be done on a large plan- 
tation. If any extra job is to be done, it must not hinder the ' niggers' 
from their work, but must be done in the night.' 

" W. C. Gildersleeve, Esq. a native of Georgia, an elder of the Pres- 
byterian church at Wilkesbarre, Pa. says : 

" ' The corn is'ground in a handmill by the slave after his task is done. 
Generally there is but one mill on a plantation, and as but one can grind 
at a time, the mill is going sometimes very late at night' 

" We now present another class of facts and testimony, showing that 
the slaves engaged in raising the large staples are overworked. 

" In September, 1834, the writer of this had an interview with James 
G. Birnie, Esq. who then resided in Kentucky, having removed with 
his family from Alabama the year before. A few hours before that 
interview, and on the morning of the same day, Mr. B. had spent a 
couple of hours with Hon. Henry Clay, at his residence near Lexington. 
Mr. Bimie remarked that Mr. Clay had just told him, he had been 



lately led to mistrust certain estimates as to the increase of the slave 
population in the far south-westestimates which he had presented, I 
think, in a speech before the Colonization Society. He now believed 
that the hirths among the slaves in that quarter were not equal to the 
deaths and that, of course, the slave population, independent of immi- 
gration from the slave-selling states, was not sustaining itself. 

" Among other facts stated hy Mr. Clay, was the following, which we 
copy verbatim from the original memorandum, made at the time by Mr, 
Bimie, with which he has kindly furnished us : 

" ' Sept. 16, 1834. Hon. H. Clay, in a conversation at'his own house 
on the subject of slavery, informed me, that hon. Outerbridge Horsey, 
formerly a senator in congress from the state of Delaware, and the owner 
of a sugar plantation in Louisiana, declared to him that his overseer 
worked his hands so closely, that one of the women brought forth a child 
whilst engaged in the labours of the field. Also, that a few years since 
he was at a brick-yard in the environs of New Orleans, in which one 
hundred hands were employed ; among them were from twenty to thirty 
yo^mg women, in the prime of Kfe. He was told by the proprietor, that 
there had not been a child born among them for the last two or three years, 
although they all had husbands.' 

"The preceding testimony of Mr. Clay is strongly corroborated by 
advertisements of slaves, by courts of probate, and by executors adminis- 
tering upon the estates of deceased persons. Some of those advertise- 
ments for the sale of slaves contain the names, ages, accustomed employ- 
ment, &c. of all the slaves upon the plantation of the deceased. These 
catalogues show large numbers of young men and women, almost all of 
them between twenty and thirty-eight years old, and yet the number of 
young children is astonishingly small. We have laid aside many lists of 
this kind, in looking over the newspapers of the sfeveholding states ; 
but the two following are all we can lay our hands on at present. One 
is in the ' Planter's Intelligencer,' Alexandria, La., March 22, 1837, con- 
taining one hundred and thirty "slaves ; and the other in the ' New 
Orleans Bee,' a few days later, April 8, 1837, containing fifty-one slaves. 
The former is a * Probate sale' of the slaves belonging to the estate of 
Mr. Charles S. Lee, deceased, and is advertised by G. W. Keeton, judge 
of the parish of Concordia, La. The sex, name, and age of each slave 
are contained in the advertisement, which fills two columns. The fol- 
lowing are some of the particulars : 

" The whole number of slaves is one hundred and thirty. Of these,, 
only three are over forty years old. There are thirty-five females between 
the ages of sixteen and thirty-three, and yet there are only THIKTEEN 
children under the age of thirteen years ! 


" It is impossible satisfactorily to account for such a fact, on any other 
supposition than that these thirty-five females were so over-worked, or 
under-fed, or both, as to prevent child-bearing. 

" The other advertisement is that of a ' Probate sale,' ordered by the 
court of the parish of Jefferson, including the slaves of Mr. William 
Gormley. The whole number of slaves is fifty-one ; the sex, age, and 
accustomed labors of each are given. The oldest of these slaves is but 
thirty-nine years of age : of the females, thirteen are between the ages of 
sixteen and thirty- two, and the oldest female is but thirty-eight and yet 
there are but two children under eight years old ! 

" Another proof that the slaves in the south-western states are over- 
worked, is the fact that so few of them live to old age. A large majority 
of them are old at middle age, and few live beyond fifty-five. In one of 
the preceding advertisements, out of one hundred and thirty slaves, only 
three are above forty years of age ! In the other, out of fifty-one slaves, 
only two are above thirty-Jive ; the oldest is but thirty-nine, and the way 
in which he is designated in the advertisement is an additional proof, that 
what to others is ' middle age,' is to the slaves in the south-west ' old 
age' ; he is advertised as ' old Jeffrey.' 

" But the proof that the slave population of the south-west is so over- 
worked that it cannot supply its own tvaste, does not rest upon mere 
inferential evidence. The Agricultural Society of Baton Rouge, La., in 
its report, published in 1829, ftirnishes a labored estimate of the amount 
of expenditure necessarily incurred in conducting ' a well regulated sugar 
estate.' In this estimate, the annual net loss of slaves, over and above 
the supply by propagation, is set down at TWO AND A HALF PER CENT ! 
The late hon. Josiah S, Johnson, a member of congress from Louisiana, 
addressed a letter to the secretary of the United States' Treasury, in 1830, 
containing a similar estimate, apparently made with great care, and going 
into minute details. Many items in this estimate differ from the preced- 
ing, but the estimate of the annual decrease of the slaves on a plantation 
was the same TWO AND A HALF PER CENT !" 

" The following testimony of Rev. Dr. Channing, of Boston, who 
resided some time in Virginia, shows that the overworking of slaves, to 
such an extent as to abridge life and cause a decrease of population, is 
not confined to the far south and south-west : 

" ' I heard of an estate managed by an individual who was considered 
as singularly successful, and who was able to govern the slaves without 
the use of the whip, I was anxious to see him, and trusted that some 
discovery had been made favourable to humanity. I asked him how he 
was able to dispense with corporal punishment. He replied to me, with 
a very determined look, ' The slaves know that the work must be done, 


and that it is better to do it without punishment than with it.' In other 
words, the certainty and dread of chastisement were so impressed on them, 
that they never incurred it. 

" I then found that the slaves on this well managed estate decreased 
in number. I asked the cause. He replied, with perfect frankness and 
ease, ' The gang is not large enough for the estate/ In other words, they 
were not equal to the work of the plantation, and yet were made to do it, 
though with the certainty of abridging life. 

" On this plantation the huts were uncommonly convenient. There 
was an unusual air of neatness. A superficial observer would have called 
the slaves happy. Yet they were living under a severe, subduing disci- 
pline, and were overworked to a degree that shortened life." Channing on 
Slavery, page 162, first edition. 

" Philemon Bliss, Esq. a lawyer of Elyria, Ohio,' who spent some time 
in Florida, gives the following testimony to the over-working of the 
slaves : 

" ' It is not uncommon for hands, in hurrying times, beside working all 
day, to labour half the night. This is usually the case on sugar planta- 
tions during the sugar-boiling season ; and on cotton, during its gather- 
ing. Beside the regular task of picking cotton, averaging of the short 
staple, when the crop is good, one hundred pounds a day to the hand, the 
ginning (extracting the seed) and baleing was done in the night. Said 

Mr. to me, while conversing upon the customary labour of slaves, 

' I work my niggers in a hurrying time till eleven or twelve o'clock at 
night, and have them up by four in the morning.' 

"'Besides the common inducement, the desire of gain, to make a large 
crop, the desire is increased by that spirit of gambling so common at the 
south. It is very common to bet on the issue of a crop. A. lays a wager, 
that from a given number of hands he will make more cotton than B, 
The wager is accepted, and then begins the contest ; and who bears the 
burden of it ? How many tears, yea, how many broken constitutions 
and premature deaths, have been the effect of this spirit ? From the 
desperate energy of purpose with which the gambler pursues his object, 
from the passions which the practice calls into exercise, we might conjec- 
ture many. Such is the fact, that in Middle Florida a broken-winded negro 
is more common than a broken-winded horse ; though usually, when they 
are declared unsound, or when their constitution is so broken that their 
recovery is despaired of, they are exported to New Orleans, to drag out 
the remainder of their days in the cane-field and sugar-house. I would 
not insinuate that all planters gamble upon their crops, but 1 mention 
the practice as one of the common inducements to ' push niggers.' Neither 


would I assert that all planters drive the hands to the injury of their 
health. I give it as a general ride in the district of Middle Florida, and 
I have no reason to think that negroes are driven worse there than in 
other fertile sections. People there told me, that the situation of the 
slaves was far better than in Mississippi and Louisiana ; and from com- 
paring the crops with those made in the latter states, and for other rea- 
sons, I am convinced of the truth of their statements.' 

" Dr. Demming, a gentleman of high respectability, residing in Ash- 
land, Richland county, Ohio, stated to Professor Wright, of New York 

" ' That during a recent tour at the south, while ascending the Ohio 
river on the steam-boat Fame, he had an opportunity of conversing with 
a Mr. Dickinson, a resident of Pittsburgh, in company with a number of 
cotton-planters and slave-dealers from Louisiana, Alabama, and Missis- 
sippi. Mr. Dickinson stated as a fact, that the sugar-planters upon the 
sugar coast in Louisiana had ascertained, that as it was usually necessary 
to employ about twice the amount of labor during the boiling season, 
that was required during the season of raising, they could, by excessive 
driving day and night during the boiling season, accomplish the whole 
labour with one set of hands. By pursuing this plan, they could afford 
to sacrifice a set of hands once in seven years ! He further stated, that this 
horrible system was now practised to a considerable extent ! The cor- 
rectness of this statement was substantially admitted by the slaveholders 
then on board.' 

" The late Mr. Samuel Blackwell, a highly respected citizen of Jersey* 
city, opposite the city of New York, and a member of the Presbyterian 
church, visited many of the sugar plantations in Louisiana a few years 
since ; and having for many years been the owner of an extensive sugar 
refinery in England, and subsequently in this country, he had not only 
every facility afforded him by the planters for personal inspection of all 
parts of the process of sugar making, but received from them the most 
unreserved communications as to the management of their slaves. Mr. 
B. after his return, frequently made the following statement to gentlemen 
of his acquaintance : 

" ' That the planters generally declared to him, that they were obliged so 
to overwork their slaves during the sugar-making season (from eight to 
ten weeks), as to use them up in seven or eight years. For, said they, 
after the process has commenced; it must be pushed without cessation night 

* " Jersey city" is a small town on the western bank of the Hudson river 
opposite New York. 


and day ; and we cannot afford to keep a sufficient number of slaves to 
do the extra work at the time of sugar-making, as we could not profit- 
ably employ them the rest of the year.' 

" It is not only true of the sugar planters, but of the slaveholders 
generally throughout the far south and south-west, that they believe it 
for their interest to wear out the slaves t>y excessive toil in eight or ten 
years after they put them into the field.* 

" Rev. Dr. Reed, of London, who went through Kentucky, Virginia, 
and Maryland, in the summer of 1834, gives the following testimony : 

" ' I was told confidently, and from excellent authority, that recently at 
a meeting of planters in South Carolina, the question was seriously dis- 
cussed, whether the slave is more profitable to the owner if well fed, well 
clothed, and worked lightly, or if made the most of at once, and exhausted 
in some eight years. The decision was in favour of the last alternative. 
That decision will perhaps make many shudder. But to my mind this is 
not the chief evil ; the greater and original evil is considering the slave 
as property. If he is only property, and my property, then I have some 
right to ask how I may make that property most available! Visit to the 
American Churches > by Rev. Drs. Reed and Matheson, vol. ii. p. 173. 

" Rev. John 0. Choules, recently pastor of a Baptist church at New 
Bedford, Massachusetts, now of Buffalo, New York, made substantially 
the following statement in a speech in Boston : 

" ' While attending the Baptist triennial convention at Richmond, Yir- 
ginia, in the spring of 1835, as a delegate from Massachusetts, I had a 
conversation on slavery with an officer of the Baptist church in that city, 
at whose house I was a guest. I asked my host if he did not apprehend 
that the slaves would eventually rise and exterminate their masters. 

* Why,' said the gentleman, * I used to apprehend such a catastrophe, but 
God has made a providential opening, a merciful safety valve, and now I 
do not feel alarmed in the prospect of what is coming.' ' What do you 
mean (said Mr. Choules) by Providence opening a merciful safety valve ?' 

* Why,' said the gentleman, ' I will tell you : the slave-traders come from 
the cotton and sugar plantations of the south, and are willing to buy up 

* Alexander Jones, Esq. a large planter in West Feliciana, Louisiana, 
published a communication in the " North Carolina True American," Nov. 
26, 1838, in which, speaking of the horses employed in the mills on the 

Slantations for ginning cotton, he says, " they are much whipped and ja- 
ed ;" and adds, " In fact, this service is so severe on horses, as to shorten 
their lives in many instances, if not actually kill them in gear." 

Those who work one kind of their " live stock" so as to " shorten their 
lives," or " kill them in gear," would not stick at doing the same thing to 
another kind. 


more slaves than we can part with. We must keep a stock for the pur- 
pose of rearing slaves, but we part with the most valuable, and at the 
same time the most dangerous, and the demand is very constant, and 
likely to be so, for when they go to these southern states, the average 
existence is ONLY FIVE YEARS !' " 

" Monsieur C. C. Robin, a highly intelligent French gentleman, who 
resided in Louisiana from 1802 to 1806, and published a volume of 
travels, gives the following testimony to the overworking of the slaves 

" ' I have been a witness, that after the fatigue of the day their labours 
have been prolonged several hours by the light of the moon ; and then, 
before they could think of rest, they must pound and cook their corn ; 
and yet, long before day, an implacable scold, whip in hand, would arouse 
them from their slumbers. Thus, of more than twenty negroes, who in 
twenty years should have doubled, the number was reduced to four or 

" In conclusion we add, that slaveholders have in the most public and 
emphatic manner, declared themselves guilty of barbarous inhumanity 
toward their slaves, in exacting from them such long continued daily labor. 
The legislatures of Maryland, Virginia, and Georgia, have passed laws, 
providing that convicts in their state prisons and penitentiaries ' shall be 
employed in work each day in the year except Sundays, not exceeding 
eight hours in the months of November, December, and January ; nine 
hours uf the months of February and October, and ten hours in the rest 
of the yean' Now contrast this legal exaction of labor from CONVICTS 
with the exaction from slaves, as established by the preceding testimony. 
The reader perceives that the amount of time in which, by the preceding 
laws of Maryland, Virginia, and Georgia, the convicts in their prisons 
are required to labor, is on an average during the year but little more 
than NINE HOURS daily ; whereas the laws of South Carolina permit the 
master to compel his slaves to work FIFTEEN HOURS in the twenty-four in 
summer, and FOURTEEN in the winter which would be in winter from 
daybreak in the morning untiiyowr hours after sunset !** See 2 Brevard's. 
Digest, 243. 

" The other slave states, except Louisiana, have no laws respecting the 
labor of slaves, consequently if the master should work his slaves day and 
night without sleep till they drop dead, he violates no law !" 

" The law of Louisiana provides for the slaves but TWO AND A HALF 
HOURS in the twenty-four for * rest !' See Law of Louisiana, act of July 
7, 1806, Martin s Digest, 6. 1012." 

2. The slaves suffer greatly from hunger. This is the certain 


consequence of the planting policy, as has been shown. To 
suppose an opposite effect would be wholly unreasonable. 

From the following testimony it will be seen, that in respect 
both to the quantity and quality of food, the planters conform 
to the most rigid requirements of avarice. See " American 
Slavery as it is," pages 2831. 



Hon. Alexander Smyth, a 
slaveholder, and for ten years 
Member of Congress from Vir- 
ginia, in his speech on the Mis- 
souri question, Jan. 28th, 1820. 


" By confining the slaves to the southern states, 
where crops are raised for exportation, and bread and 
meat are purchased, you doom them to scarcity and 
himger. It is proposed to hem in the blacks where 
they are ILL FED." 

" My blood has frequently run cold within me, to 
think how many of your slaves have not sufficient food 
to eat ; they are scarcely permitted to pick up the 
crumbs that fall from their master's table.'' 

"Thousands of the slaves are pressed with the 
gnawings of cruel hunger during their whole lives." 

Speaking of the condition of slaves, in the eastern 
part of that state, the report says, " The master puts 
the unfortunate wretches upon short allowances, 
scarcely sufficient for their sustenance, so that a great 
part of them go half-starved much of the time." 

" On almost every plantation, the hands suffer more 
or less from hunger at some seasons of almost every 
year. There is always a good deal of tuffering from 
hunger. On many plantations, and particularly in 
Louisiana, the slaves are in a condition of almost utter 
famishment, during a great portion of the year." 

" From various causes this (the slave's allowance of 
food) is often not adequate to the support of a labor- 
ing man." 

" The slaves down the Mississippi are half-starved, 
the boats, when they stop at night, are constantly 
boarded by slaves, begging for something to eat." 

" The slaves are supplied with barely enough to 
keep them from starving.'' 

^d^Sv&S^. " As a general thing on the plantations, the slaves 
Mass., who lived five yean in sufler extremely for the want of food." 

Rev. George Whitefield, in his 
letter to the slaveholders of Md. 
Va. N. C., S. C. and Ga. pub- 
lished in Georgia, just one hun- 
dred years ago, 1739. 

Rev. John Rankin, of Ripley, 
Ohio, a native of Tennessee, and 
for some years a preacher in 
slave states. 

Report of the Gradual Eman- 
cipation Society, of North Caro- 
lina, 1826. Signed Moses Swain, 
President, and William Swain, 

Mr. Asa A. Stone, a theolo- 
gical student, who resided near 
Natchez, Miss., la 1834-5. 

Thomas Clay, Esq. of Georgia, 
a slaveholder. 

Mr. Tobias Boudinot, St. Al- 
bans, Ohio, a member of the 
Methodist church. Mr. B. for 
some years navigated the Mis- 

President Edwards, the young- 
er, in a sermon before the Conn. 
Abolition Society, 1791. 


Rev. George Bourne, late edi- 
tor of the Protestant Vindicator, 
N. Y., who was seven years 
pastor of a church in Virginia. 

"The slaves are deprived of needful sustenance." 



Hon. Robert TurnbuU,asiave- The subsistence of the slaves consists, from March 

holderofCharU.ton.Sd ,- ^ ^^ Q{ ^ ^^ .^ ^ ^ ^^ ^^ 

into what is called hominy, or baked into corn bread. 
The other six months, they are fed upon the sweet 
potatoe. Meat, when given, is only by way of indul- 
gence or favor." 
Mr. Eieazar Powell, Chippewa, "The food of the slaves was generally corn bread. 

Beaver Co., Penn.. who resided j , "> * 

in Mississippi, in 1836-7. and sometimes meat or molasses. 

Reuben G. Macy, a member " The slaves had no food allowed them besides 
,?N.KL of SSto s^ufh corn, excepting at Christmas, when they had beef." 


Mr. William Leftwich, a na- On my uncle's plantation, the food of the slaves 
dr y 

n y ow was corn pone and a small allowance of meat." 

member of the Presbyterian 
church, Delhi, Ohio. 

" William Ladd, Esq., of Minot, Me., president of the American Peace 
Society, and formerly a slaveholder of Florida, gives the following testi- 
mony as to the allowance of food to slaves : 

" ' The usual food of the slaves was corn, with a modicum of salt. In 
some cases the master allowed no salt, but the slaves boiled the sea-water 
for salt in their little pots. For about eight days near Christmas, i. e., 
from the Saturday evening before, to the Sunday evening after Christmas- 
day, they were allowed some meat. They always, with one single excep- 
tion, ground their corn in a hand-mill, and cooked their food them- 

" Extract of a letter from Rev. D. C. Eastman, a preacher of the 
Methodist Episcopal church, in Fayette county, Ohio : 

" 'In March, 1838, Mr. Thomas Larrimer, a deacon of the Presbyterian 
church in Bloomingbury, Fayette county, Ohio, Mr. G. S. Fullerton, 
merchant, and member of the same church, and Mr. William A. Ustick, 
an elder of the same church, spent a night with a Mr. Shepherd, about 
thirty miles north of Charleston, S. C., on the Monk's corner road. He 
owned five families of negroes, who, he said, were fed from the same 
meal and meat-tubs as himself, but that ninety-nine out of a hundred of, 
all the slaves in that county saw meat but once a year, which was on 
Christmas holidays.' 

" As an illustration of the inhuman experiments sometimes tried upon 
slaves, in respect to the kind as well as the quality and quantity of their 
food, we solicit the attention of the reader to the testimony of the late 
General Wade Hampton, of South Carolina. General Hampton was for 
some time commander- in-chief of the army on the Canada frontier during 
the last war, and at the time of his death, about three years since, was 
the largest slaveholder in the United States. The General's testimony 


is contained in the following extract of a letter, just received from a dis- 
tinguished clergyman in the west, extensively known both as a preacher 
and a writer. His name is with the executive committee of the American 
Anti-Slavery Society : 

" ' You refer in your letter to a statement made to you while in this 
place, respecting the late General "Wade Hampton, of South Carolina, 
and task me to write out for you the circumstances of the case, con- 
sidering them, well calculated to illustrate two points in the history of 
slavery : 1st. That the habit of slaveholding, dreadfully blunts the feeling 
toward the slave, producing such insensibility, that his sufferings and 
death are regarded with indifference. 2d. That the slave, often has insuf- 
ficient food, both in quantity and quality. 

" * I received my information from a lady in the west, of high respect- 
ability and great moral worth, but think it best to withhold her name, 
although the statement was not made in confidence. 

" * My informant stated, that she sat at dinner once in company with 
General Wade Hampton, and several others ; that the conversation 
turned upon the treatment of their servants, &c. ; when the General 
undertook to entertain the company with the relation of an experiment 
he had made in the feeding of his slaves on cotton seed. He said that 
he first mingled one-fourth cotton seed with three-fourths corn, on which 
they seemed to thrive tolerably well ; that he then had measured out to 
them equal quantities of each, which did not seem to produce any im- 
portant change ; afterwards he increased the quantity of cotton seed to 
three-fourths, mingled with one-fourth corn, and then he declared, with 
an oath, that ' they died like, rotten sheep !' It is but justice to the lady 
to state, that she spoke of his conduct with the utmost indignation ; and 
she mentioned also that he received no countenance from the company 
present, but that all seemed to look at each other with astonishment. I 
give it to you just as I received it from one who was present, and whose 
character for veracity is unquestionable. 

" ' It is proper to add, that I had previously formed an acquaintance 
with Dr. Witherspoon, now of Alabama, if alive, whose former residence 
was in South Carolina ; from whom I received a particular account of 
the manner of feeding and treating slaves on the plantations of General 
Wade Hampton, and others in the same part of the state ; and certainly 
no one could listen to the recital without concluding that such masters 
and overseers as he described must have hearts like the nether millstone. 
The cotton seed experiment I had heard of before, also, as having been 
made in other parts of the south ; consequently I was prepared to receive 
as true the above statement, even if I had not been so well acquainted 
with the high character of my informant.' " 



" The legal allowance of food for slaves in North Carolina, is in the words of 
the law, "a quart of corn per day." See Haywood's Manual, 525. The legal 
allowance in Louisiana is more, a barrel (flour barrel) of corn (in the ear), or 
its equivalent in other grain, and a pint of salt a month. In the other slave 
states the amount of food for the slaves is left to the option of the master. 


Thos. Clay, Esq., of Georgia, f^ e quantity allowed by custom is a peck of corn 

a slaveholder, in his address be- 7 -i 1 * r J 

fore the Georgia Presbytery, <* WCeK I 


The Maryland journal, and " A single peck of corn a week, or the like measure 

BaUimore Advertiser, May 30, o y r j CCj j s the or< H nar y quantity of provision for a 

hard-working slave ; to which a small quantity of meat 
is occasionally, though rarely, added." 

w. c. Gfldersieeve, Esq., a "The weekly allowance to grown slaves on this 
^ e relySVu^h, e w e iL/ plantation, where I was best acquainted, was one peck 

barre, Penn. of Com." 

tZftS* tan " The usual allowance of food was one quart of com 
rida, ' a day, to a full task hand, wiih a modicum of salt; 

kind masters allowed a peck of cern a week ; some 

masters allowed no salt" 

Mr. Jarvis Brewster, in hi fhe allowance of provisions for the slaves, is one 

" Exposition of the treatment of . - . . . . ., 

slaves in the Southern States," peck of corn, in the grain, per week.' 

published in N. Jersey, 1815. 

Rev. Horace Mouiton, a me- < In Georgia the planters give each slave only one 
Mast w?!S five^t; P * of their gourd-teed corn per week, with a small 
Georgia. quantity of salt." 

Mr. F. c. Macy, Nantucket, ' The food of the slaves was three pecks of potatoes 
uu820 Wh0 re * ided ' m G * orsia a week during the potatoe season, and one peck of corn 
during the remainder of the year." 

Mr. Nehemiah Cauikins, a n j ne subsistence of the slaves consists of seven 

member of the Baptist church .. , ., . j-/- 

in Waterford, Conn., who re- quarts oj meal, or eight quarts of small rice for one 

sided in North Carolina eleven ^gefc /" 

wuiiam Savery, late of pwia- ^ pec fc O f corn i s their (the slave's) miserable sub- 

delphia, an eminent minister of . f , 

the Society of Friends, who tra- SlStenCC./Or a WCeh. 

veiled extensively in the slave 

states, on a religious visit, 

speaking of the subsistence of 

the slaves, says, in his published 


Theiate John Parrish, of Phi- They allow them but one peck of meal, for a whole 
Ipecled^nin^er^o'f Sfso^ ek, in some of the southern states 

of Friends, who traversed the 
south, on a similar mission, in 
1804 and 5, says in his " Remarks 
on the slavery of Blacks :" 

Richard Macy, Hudson, N .Y.i "Their usual allowance of food was one peck of 

FriS^ho' ha. 6 S ta corn P er week > whi ch was dealt out to them every 

Georgia. . first day of the week. They had nothing allowed them 

besides the com, except one quarter of beef at Christ- 




' Rev.c. s. Renshaw.ofQuincT, The slaves are generally allowanced : a pint of 

IILCtheterttaonyofaVirginian). ^ meal ^ a sah herring is the allowance, OF in 

lieu of the herring a ' dab' of fat meat of about the 
same value. I have known the sour milk, and clauber, 
to be served out to the hands, when there was an 
abundance of milk on the plantation. This is a luxury 
not often afforded.'* 

" Testimony of Mr. George W. "Westgate, member of the Congrega- 
tional church, of Quincy, Illinois. Mr. W. has been engaged in the low 
country trade for twelve years, more than half of each year, principally 
on the Mississippi, and its tributary streams in the south-western slave 
states : 

" 'Feeding is not sufficient, let facts speak. On the coast, i. e. Natchez 
and the Gulf of Mexico, the allowance was one barrel of ears of corn, 
and a pint of salt per month. They may cook this in what manner they 
please, but it must be done after dark ; they have no daylight to prepare 
it by. Some few planters, but only a few, let them prepare their corn 
on Saturday afternoon. Planters, overseers, and negroes, have told me, 
that in pinching times, i. e. when corn is high, they did not get near that 
quantity. In Mississippi I know some planters who allowed their hands 
three and a half pounds of meat per week, when it was cheap. Many 
prepare their corn on the Sabbath, when they are not worked on that day, 
which, however, is frequently the case on sugar plantations. There are 
very many masters on ' the coast' who will not suffer their slaves to come 
to the boats, because they steal molasses to barter for meat ; indeed they 
generally trade more or less with stolen property. But it is impossible 
to find out what and when, as their articles of barter are of such trifling 
importance. They would often come on board our boats to beg a bone, 
and would tell how badly they were fed ; that they were almost starved. 
Many a time I have sat up all night, to prevent them from stealing some- 
thing to eat.' 


" Having ascertained the kind and quantity of food allowed to the slaves, it 
is important to know something of its quality, that we may judge of the amount 
of sustenance which it contains. For, if their provisions are of an inferior 
quality, or in a damaged state, then, power to sustain labor must be greatly 


Thomas Clay, Esq. of Georgia, There is often a defect here." 

in an address to the Georgia 
Presbytery, 1834, speaking of the 
quality of the corn given to the 
slaves, says, 

Rev. Horace Mouiton, a me- " The food, or ' feed' of slaves is generally of the 

thodist clergyman at Marlboro*, nnnrp ~ t l<j m l 
Mass., and fire years a resident pOOTCSt KIHU. 
of Georgia. 



The "Western Medical Re- 
former," in an article on the dis- 
eases peculiar to negroes, by a 
Kentucky physician, says of the 
diet of the slaves : 

Professor A. G. Smith, of the 
New York Medical College ; 
formerly a physician in Louis- 
ville, Kentucky. 


" They live on a coarse, crude, unwholesome diet." 

" I have myself known numerous instances of large 
families of badly fed negroes swept off by a prevailing 
epidemic; and it is well known to many intelligent 
planters in the south, that the best method of prevent- 
ing that horrible malady, Chachexia Africana, is to 
feed the negroes with nutritious food." 


" In determining whether or not the slaves suffer for want of food, the num- 
ber of hours intervening, and the labor performed between their meals, and the 
number of meals each day, should be taken into consideration. 


. Philemon Bius, Esq., a lawyer The slaves so to the field in the morning; they 

in Elvria, Ohio, and member of i_ *!_ j ^ 

the Presbyterian church, who carry with them corn meal wet with water, and at 
1834 and noon build a fire on the ground, and bake it in the 
ashes. After the labors of the day are over, they take 
their second meal of ash-cake." 

Edwards, the The slaves eat twice during the day." 

"The slaves received two meals during the day. 
sWed^MSsippnli'isae ami Those who have their food cooked for them get their 
1837. breakfast about eleven o'clock, and their other meal 

after night. " 

" The breakfast of the slaves was generally about 

lived in 




Mr. Eleazar Powell, Chippewa, 

Mr. Nehemiah Cauikins, Wa- 

terford. Conn., who spent eleven / ^ eleven 
winiers in North Carolina. ten W eleven 

Rev. Phineas Smith, Centre- 
ville, N. Y., who has lived at the 
south some years. 

Rev. C. S. Reushaw, Quincy, 
Illinois the testimony of a Vir- 

" The slaves have usually two meals a day, viz., at 
eleven o'clock and at night." 

*' The slaves have two meals a day. They break- 
fast at from ten to eleven, A. M., and eat their supper 
at from six to nine or ten at night, as the season and 
crops may be." 

3. The slaves suffer from want of sleep. 

This has already been shown under a previous head, in con- 
nexion with the proof, that the slaves are overworked. 

4. The slaves suffer from insufficient clothing. The kind, 
amount, and quality of clothing will appear in the following tes- 
timony : 



Hon. T. T. Bouidin, a slave- ]yj r Bouldin said " he knew that many negroes had 

Ider and member of Congress, ,. , - ,Y , f. ., 

>m Virginia, in a speech in died from exposure to weather, and added, " they are 
ingress, Feb. 16, 1835. c i a( j i n zjlimsy fabric, that will turn neither wind nor 




George Buchanan, M. D., of The slaves, naked and starved, often fall victims 

Baltimore, member of the Ame- .1 , , .1 > 

rican phik ,inai Snriotv. in to the inclemencies of the weather." 

rican Philosophical Society, in 
an oration at Baltimore, July 4, 

Win. Savery, of Philadelphia, "We rode through many rice swamps, where the 

Societ m 'of "Frie^ds^who^went Blacks were ver y numerous, great droves of these poor 

through ;the southern states in slaves, working up Jo the middle in water, men and 

1791, on^a religious visit ; after wom en nearly naked." 

leaving Savannah, Ga., we find 

the following entry in his journal, 
6th month, 28, 1791. 

Rev. John Rankin, of Ripley, " In every slaveholding state, many slaves suffer ex- 
Ohio, a native of tremely, both while they labor and while they sleep, 
for want of clothing to keep them warm." 

John Parrish, late of Phila- " It is shocking to the feelings of humanity, in tra- 
ter^n^the hi Soci7yT friend^ vel . lin g through some of those states, to see those poor 
who travelled through the south objects (slaves'), especially in the inclement season, in 
rags, and trembling with the. cold." * 

"They suffer them, both male and female, to go 
without clothing at the age of ten and twelve years." 

viiu eV An hineiUI Sm ' th> CentTe ~ " The apparel of the slaves is of the coarsest sort, 
s l . has jusTrcturned from'a K*. and exceedingly deficient in quantity. I have been on 
dence of several years at the many plantations, where children of eight and ten 
& U d e a fl In o i ng V K i me L ri X^rs old, were in a state of perfect nudity. Slaves 
icttlers in Texas. are in general wretchedly clad." 

Wm. Ladd, Esq., of Minot, They were allowed two suits of clothes a year, viz. 

Maine, recently a slaveholder in e A. L- / i 

Florida. one pair or trowsers with a shirt or frock of osnaburgh 

for summer ; and for winter, one pair of trowsers, ai.d 
a jacket of negro-cloth, with a baize shirt and a pair 
of shoes. Some allowed hats, and some did not ; and 
they were generally, I believe, allowed one blanket 
in two years. Garments of similar materials were 
allowed the women/' 

^n^h I e en wt,[e P y 1Se a d n ic^^ t R I e! ." Th ,ey are imperfectly clothed both summer and 

former, in 1836, on the diseases Winter." 
peculiar to slaves, lays, 

Mr. Stephen E. Maitby, in- " I was at Huntsville, Alabama, in 1818-19 ; I fre 
spectorofprovisions,skeneateiei, quently saw slaves on and around the public square, 
N. Y., who resided some time in .,, , ,, / , .. 

Alabama. with hardly a rag of clothing on them, and in a great 

many instances with but a single garment both in sum- 
mer and in winter ; generally the only bedding of the 
slaves was a blanket." 

Reuben G. Macy, Hudson, N. " Their clothing consisted of a pair of trowsers and 
Y., member of the Society of j ac ket, made of ' negro cloth.' The women a petti- 

Fnends, who resided in South J i_ _*. JL tj^i- 11 

Carolina, in 1818 and 1819. coat, a very short ' short gown,' and nothing else, the 
same kind of cloth ; some of the women had an old 
pair of shoes, but they generally went barefoot." 

Mr. Lemuel Sapington, of " Their clothing is often made by themselves after 
Lancaster, Pa., a native of Mary- night, though sometimes assisted by ihe old women 


quently it is harsh and uncomfortable. And I have 
very frequently seen those who had not attained the 
age of twelve years go 



Philemon Bliss, Eq., a lawyer "It is very common to see the younger class of 
rioridUn iKMa'nd W i835 live<1 "* s ^ aves U P to e ^ht or ten without any clothing, and 
most generally the laboring men wear no shirts in the 
warm season. The perfect nudity of the younger 
slaves is so familiar to the whites of both sexes, that 
they seem to witness it with perfect indifference. I 
may add that the aged and feeble often suffer from 

r Richard, a member of " For bedding each slave was allowed one blanket, 
the Society of Friends, Hudson, i n which they rolled themselves up. I examined their 

N. Y.,wh eorgia. ^^ but cou j d nQt fin( j a 

w. c. Giidenieeve, Esq. " It is an every day sight to see women as well as 
Wiikesbarre, Pa., a native of men, with no other covering than a few filthy rags fas- 
tened above the hips, reaching midway to the ankles. 
I never knew any kind of covering for the head given. 
Children of both sexes, from infancy to ten years, are 
seen in companies on the plantations, in a state of 
perfect nudity. This was so common that the most 
refined and delicate beheld them unmoved." 

Mr. waiiam Leftwich, a native "The only bedding of the slaves generally consists 

of Virginia, now a member of the of two old blankets." 

Presbyterian Church, in Delhi, 


" Advertisements like the following, from the ' New Orleans Bee,' 
May 31, 1837, are common in the southern papers 

" '10 Dollars Reward. Ran away, the slave Solomon, about 28 years 
of age ; BADLY CLOTHED. The above reward will be paid on application 
to FERNANDEZ & WHITING, No. 20, St. Louis-st. 

" * Ran away from the subscriber, the negress Fanny, always badly 
dressed ; she is about 25 or 26 years old. JOHN MACOIN, 117, S. Ann- 

"The Darien (Ga.) Telegraph, of Jan. 24, 1837, in an editorial arti- 
cle, hitting off the aristocracy of the planters, incidentally lets out some 
secrets, about the usual clothing of the slaves. The editor says, ' The 
planter looks down, with the most sovereign contempt, on the merchant 
and the storekeeper. He deems himself a lord, because he gets his two 
or three RAGGED servants to row him to his plantation every day, that he 
may inspect the labor of his hands.' 

" The following is an extract from a letter lately received from Rev. 
C. S. Renshaw, of Quincy, Illinois : 

" ' I am sorry to be obliged to give more testimony without the name. 
An individual, in whom I have great confidence, gave me the following 
facts. That I am not alone in placing confidence in him, I subjoin a 
testimonial from Dr. Richard Eells, deacon of the Congregational church, 
of Quincy, and Rev. Mr. Fisher, Baptist minister, of Quincy. 


" ' We have been acquainted with the brother who has communicated 
to you some facts that fell under his observation, whilst in his native 
state. He is a professed follower of our Lord, and we have great confi- 
dence in him as a man of integrity, discretion, and strict Christian prin- 


" ' Quincy, Jan. 9th, 1839. 

" ' TESTIMONY. I lived for thirty years in Virginia, and have travelled 
extensively through Fauquier, Culpepper, Jefferson, Stafford, Albemarle, 
and Charlotte counties ; my remarks apply to these counties. 

" ' The negro houses are miserably poor ; generally they are a shelter 
from neither the wind, the rain, nor the snow, and the earth is the floor. 
There are exceptions to this rule, but they are only exceptions ; you may 
sometimes see puncheon floor, but never, or almost never, a plank floor. 
The slaves are generally without beds or bedsteads ; some few have cribs 
that they fasten up for themselves in the corner of the hut. Their bed- 
clothes are a nest of rags thrown upon a crib, or in the corner ; sometimes 
there are three or four families in one small cabin. Where the slave- 
holders have more than one family, they put them in the same quarter 
till it is filled, then build another. I have seen exceptions to this, when 
only one family would occupy a hut, and where were tolerably comfort- 
able bed-clothes. 

" * Most of the slaves in these counties are miserably clad. I have 
known slaves who went without shoes all winter, perfectly barefoot. The 
feet of many of them are frozen. As a general fact, the planters do not 
serve out to their slaves drawers, or any under clothing, or vests, or 
over-coats. Slaves sometimes, by working at night and on Sundays, get 
better things than their masters serve to them. 

" ' Whilst these things are true of field-hands, it is also true that many 
slaveholders clothe their waiters and coachmen like gentlemen. I do not 
think there is any difference between the slaves of professing Christians 
and others ; at all events, it is so small as to be scarcely noticeable. 

" ' I have seen men and women at work in the field more than half- 
naked : and more than once in passing, when the overseer was not near, 
they would stop and draw round them a tattered coat or some ribbons of 
a skirt, to hide their nakedness and shame from the stranger's eye.' 

" Mr. George W. Westgate, a member of the Congregational church - 
in Quincy, Illinois, who has spent the larger part of twelve years navi- 
gating the rivers of the south-western slave states with keel boats, as a 
trader, gives the following testimony as to the clothing and lodging of 
the slaves : 


" ' In Lower Tennessee, Mississippi, and Louisiana, the clothing of 
the slaves is wretchedly poor ; and grows worse as you go south, in the 
order of the states I have named. The only material is cotton bagging, 
i. e. bagging in which cotton is baled, not bagging made of cotton. In 
Louisiana, especially in the lower country, I have frequently seen them 
with nothing but a tattered coat, not sufficient to hide their nakedness. 
In winter their clothing seldom serves the purpose of comfort, and fre- 
quently not even of decent covering. In Louisiana the planters never 
think of serving out shoes to slaves. In Mississippi they give one pair a 
year generally. I never saw, or heard of an instance of masters allowing 
them stockings. A small poor blanket is generally the only bed-clothing, 
and this they frequently wear in the field when they have not sufficient 
clothing to hide their nakedness or to keep them warm. Their manner 
of sleeping varies with the season. In hot weather they stretch them- 
selves anywhere and sleep. As it becomes cool they roll themselves in 
their blankets, and lay scattered about the cabin. In cold weather they 
nestle together with their feet towards the fire, promiscuously. As a 
general fact, the earth is their only floor and bed not one in ten have 
anything like a bedstead, and then it is a mere bunk put up by them- 

" Mr. George A. Avery, an elder in the fourth Congregational church, 
Rochester, N. Y., who spent four years in Virginia, says, 'The slave 
children, very commonly of both sexes, up to the ages of eight and ten 
years, and I think in some instances beyond this age, go in a state of 
disgusting nudity. I have often seen them with their tow shirt (their 
only article of summer clothing) which, to all human appearance, Had not 
been taken off from the time it was first put on, worn off from the bottom 
upwards, shred by shred, until nothing remained but the straps which 
passed over their shoulders, and the less exposed portions extending a 
very little way below the arms, leaving the principal part of the chest, as 
well as the limbs, entirely uncovered.' 

" Samuel Ellison, a member of the Society of Friends, formerly of 
Southampton county, Virginia, now of Marlborough, Stark county, Ohio, 
says, ' I knew a methodist who was the owner of a number of slaves. 
The children of both sexes, belonging to him, under twelve years of age, 
were entirely destitute of clothing. I have seen an old man compelled 
to labor in the fields, not having rags enough to cover his nakedness.' 

" Rev. H. Lyman, late pastor of the Free Presbyterian church, in 
Buffalo, N. Y., in describing a tour down and up the Mississippi river 
in the winter of 18323, says, ' At the wood yards where the boats stop, 
it is not uncommon to see female slaves employed in carrying wood. 
Their dress, which was quite uniform, was provided without any refer- 



ence to comfort. They had no covering for their heads ; the stuff which 
constituted the outer garment was sackcloth, similar to that in which 
brown domestic goods are done up. It was then December, and I 
thought that in such a dress, and being as they were, without stockings, 
they must suffer from the cold.' 

" Mr. Benjamin Anderson, Colerain, Lancaster county, Pa., a mem- 
ber of the Society of Friends, in a recent letter describing a short tour 
through the northern part of Maryland in the winter of 1836, thus speaks 
of a place a few miles from Chestertown. ' About this place there were 
a number of slaves ; very few, if any, had either stockings or shoes ; the 
weather was intensely cold, and the ground covered with snow.' 

" The late Major Stoddard, of the United States' artillery, who took 
possession of Louisiana for the U. S. government, under the cession of 
1804, published a book entitled, ' Sketches of Louisiana,' in which, speak- 
ing of the planters of Lower Louisiana, he says, ' Few of them allow any 
clothing to their slaves.' 

" The following is an extract from the will of the late celebrated John 
Randolph, of Virginia : 

" ' To my old and faithful servants, Essex, and his wife Hetty, I give 
and bequeath a pair of strong shoes, a suit of clothes, and a blanket each, 
to be paid them annually ; also an annual hat to Essex.' 

"No Virginia slaveholder has ever had a better name as a 'kind 
master,' and ' good provider' for his slaves, than John Randolph. Essex 
and Hetty were favorite servants, and the memory of the long uncom- 
pensated services of those ' old and faithful servants,' seems to have 
touched their master's heart. Now as this master was John Randolph, 
and as those servants were * faithful,' and favorite servants, advanced in 
years, and worn out in his service, and as their allowance was, in their 
master's eyes, of sufficient moment to constitute a paragraph in his last 
will and testament, it is fair to infer that it would be very liberal, far 
better than the ordinary allowance for slaves. 

" Now we leave the reader to judge what must be the usual allowance 
of clothing to common field slaves in the hands of common masters, 
when Essex and Hetty, the ' old' and ' faithful' slaves of John Randolph, 
were provided, in his last will and testament, with but one suit of clothes 
annually, with but one blanket each for bedding, with no stockings, nor 
socks, nor cloaks, nor over-coats, nor handkerchiefs, nor towels, and with 
no change either of under or outside garments !" 

5. The slaves suffer from inadequate shelter. The testimony 
under this head will show the master true to his master-passion 


avarice. While he rears a stately mansion for his own family, 
and furnishes it with everything which can minister to ease, 
appetite, or pleasure, he thrusts his toil-worn slaves into miserable 
hovels, which betray within and around them even less regard 
for the comfort of the inmates than his stables. 

For the following testimony see " American Slavery as it is," 
page 43 : 



Mr. Stephen E. Maltby, In- 
ipector of provisions, Skanea- 
teles, N. Y., who has lived in 

Mr. George A. Avery, elder of 
the 4th Preibyterian church, 
Rochester, N. Y., who lived four 
years in Virginia. 


William Ladd, Esq., Minot, 
Maine, President of the Ame- 
rican Peace Society, formerly a 
slaveholder in Florida. 

"The huts where the slaves slept, generally con- 
tained but one apartment, and that without floor." 

" Amongst all the negro cabins which I saw in Va., 
/ cannot call to mind one in which there was any other 
floor than the earth ; anything that a northern laborer, 
or mechanic, white or colored, would call a bed, nova 
solitary partition, to separate the sexes." 

" The dwellings of the slaves were palmetto huts, 
built by themselves of stakes and poles, thatched with 
the palmetto leaf. The door, when they had any, was 
generally of the same materials, sometimes boards 
found on the beach. They had no floors, no separate 
apartments, except the Guinea negroes had sometimes 
a small inclosure for their ' god house.' These huts 
the slaves built themselves after task and on Sundays." 

Rev. Joseph M. Sadd, pastor " The slaves live generally in miserable huts, which 
^N'Y^oUv'dtaMs^uri are without foors, and have a single apartment only, 
where both sexes are herded promiscuously together." 
" On old plantations, the negro quarters are of 

toQcy, frame and clapboards, seldom affording a comfortable' 
has spent a number of years in shelter from wind or rain ; their size varies from 8 by 
slave states. 10, to 10 by 12 feet, and six or eight feet high ; some- 

times there is a hole cut for a window, but I never saw 
a sash, or glass in any. In the new country, and in 
the woods, the quarters arc generally built of logs, of 
similar dimensions." 

five' years previous to 1837. 
Mr. George w. Westp-ate, 

Mr. Cornelius Johnson, a 
member of a Christian church in 
Farmington, Ohio. Mr. J. lived 
in Mississippi in 1837 8. 

The Western Medical Re- 
former, in an article on the 
Cachexia Africana, by a Ken- 
tucky physician, thus speaks of 
the huts of the slaves : 

Mr. William Leftwich, a native 
of Virginia, but has resided most 
of his life in Madison Co. Ala- 

"Their houses were commonly built of logs, some- 
times they were framed, ofte? they had no floor, some 
of them have two apartments, commonly but one ; 
each of those apartments contained a family. Some- 
times these families consisted of a man and his wife 
and children, while in other instances persons of both 
sexes, were thrown together without any regard to 
family relationship." 

" They are crowded together in a small hut, and 
sometimes having an imperfect, and sometimes no 
floor, and seldom raised from the ground, ill ventilated, 
and surrounded with filth." 

"The dwellings of the slaves are log huts, from 10 
to 12 feet square, often without windows, doors, or 
floors ; they have neither chairs, table, nor bedstead.'' 




' Reuben L. Macy, of Hudson, The houses for the field slaves were about 14 feet 
Society of ^endV^fuvfcHu square, built in the coarsest manner, with one room, 
South Carolina in 1818-19. without any chimney or flooring, with a hole in the roof 
to let the smoke out.'' 

Mr. Lemuel Sapington, of " The descriptions generally given of negro quarters, 
Lancaster, Pa., a native of Mary- are correct ; the quarters are without floors, and not 

Und, formerly a, laveholder. sufficient to kef p O ff the inc l emency O f the weather . 

they are uncomfortable both in summer and winter." 
" When they return to their miserable huts at night, 

Te^ee." Ra kin> " ' * they find not there the means of comfortable rest ; but 
on the cold ground they must lie without covering, and 
shiver while they slumber. 1 ' 

" The dwellings of the slaves are usually small open 

Philemon Bliss, Esq., Elyria, ,,. -.-, , e . j _* 

Ohio, who lived in Florida in log huts, with but one apartment, and very generally 
835. . without floors." 

6. The slaves suffer from neglect in the various conditions of 
feebleness and sickness incident to life. There are some in every 
community who are in a dependent condition, either from 
infirmity, disease, infancy, or age. By a most benign provision 
of the great Father of all, these helpless ones are usually pro- 
vided for, by their family friends. This arrangement slavery 
utterly frustrates. The most vigorous, healthy, and industrious 
slaves have nothing beyond the mere supply of their necessities. 
But does the planter provide for those helpless beings, while he 
deprives their friends of the power to do it ? Does he take care 
of the infants whose mothers are denied the privilege of watch- 
ing over them ? Does he tenderly supply to tottering age in- 
duced, perhaps, prematurely by wasting toil in his own fields 
those comforts which filial affection sighs in vain to provide ? 
Alas ! avarice and oppression have qualified the planter to be 
anything but a guardian and benefactor to his helpless poor. 
Their helplessness commends them not to his commiseration, but 
exposes them to his rage as not only unserviceable but burthen- 

One of the most revolting features of slavery is its neglect of 
the sick and dying. Kindness to the sick is a dictate of nature 
in its rudest state. It throws a halo of humanity around even 
savages. The bitterest enemies forget their hatred when disease 
makes its appeals to pity. The most deeply injured dismisses 
his long-cherished revenge at the bedside of his smitten foe. 
When sickness invades a dwelling, however humble, it calls 


thither the extremes of society to pour their mingled sympathies 
into the cup of affliction ; and the distinctions of rich and poor, 
high and low, are for once forgotten in the pervading sense of a 
common humanity sharing a common lot. At the sight of a 
human frame writhing in pain, whether stretched upon straw 
and covered with rags, or reclining upon down and canopied with 
embroidery, the sternest heart is moved. But no slaveholder 
sees a human being in his slave; the planter has no heart of 
sympathy for his suffering ' chattel' : and the wretched slave 
has only this consolation, that he is released for a season from 
the tortures and the toils of bondage, frpm which sickness itself 
is a welcome refuge. 

We extract the following testimony from "American Slavery 
as it is." pp. 44 45.. 


" In proof of this we subjoin the following testimony : 

" Rev. Dr. CHANNING of Boston, who once resided in Virginia, re- 
lates the following fact in his work on slavery, page 163, 1st edition : 

<f ' I cannot forget my feelings on visiting a hospital belonging to'the 
plantation of a gentleman highly esteemed for his virtues, and whose man- 
ners and conversation expressed much benevolence and conscientiousness 
When I entered with him the hospital, the first object on which my eye 
fell was a young woman, very ill, probably approaching death. She was 
stretched on the floor. Her head rested on something like a pillow ; but 
her body and limbs were extended on the hard boards. The owner, I doubt 
not, had at least as much kindness as myself; but he was so used to see 
the slaves living without common comforts," that the idea of unkindness 
in the present instance did not enter his mind.' 

" This dyingjoung woman " was stretched on the floor" " her body and 
limbs extended upon the hard boards," and yet her master " was highly 
esteemed for his virtues," and his general demeanour produced upon 
Dr. Channing the impression of " benevolence and conscientiousness." 
If the sick and dying female slaves of such a master suffer such bar- 
barous neglect, whose heart does not fail him, at the thought of that in- 
humanity, exercised by the majority of slaveholders, towards their aged, 
sick, and dying victims ? 

" The following testimonies furnished by Sarah M. Grimke, a sister 
of the late Hon. Thomas S. Grimke, of Charleston, South Carolina. 

"' When the Ladies'^Benevolent Society in Charleston, S. C., of which I 
was a visiting commissioner, first went into operation, we were applied 


to for the relief of several sick and aged coloured persons ; one case I 
particularly remember, of an aged woman who was dreadfully burnt from 
having fallen into the fire ; she was living with some free blacks who had 
taken her in out of compassion. On inquiry, we found that nearly all 
the coloured persons who had solicited aid, were slaves, who being no 
longer able to work for their " owners," were thus inhumanly cast out in 
their sickness and old age, and must have perished, but for the kindness 
of their friends. 

" ' I was once visiting a sick slave in whose spiritual welfare peculiar 
circumstances had led me to be deeply interested. I knew that she had 
been early seduced from the path of virtue, asnearlyall the female slaves are. 
I knew' also that her mistress, though a professor of religion, had never 
taught her a single precept of Christianity, yet that she had had her se- 
verely punished for this departure from them, and that the poor girl was 
then ill of an incurable disease, occasioned partly by her own miscon- 
duct, and partly by the cruel treatment she had received, in a situation 
that called for tenderness and care. Her heart seemed truly touched 
with repentance for her sins, and she was inquiring, ' What shall I do to 
be saved ?' I was sitting by her as she lay on the floor upon a blanket, 
and was trying to establish her trembling spirit in the fulness of Jesus, 
when I heard the voice of her mistress in loud and angry tones, as she 
approached the door. I read in the countenance of the prostrate suf- 
ferer, the terror which she felt at the prospect of seeing her mistress. 
I knew my presence would be very unwelcome, but stayed, hoping that 
it might restrain, in some measure, the passions of the mistress. In this, 
however, I was mistaken ; she passed me without apparently observing 
that I was there, and seated herself on the other side of the sick slave. 
She made no inquiry how she was, but in a tone of anger commenced 
a tirade of abuse, violently reproaching her with her past misconduct, 
and telling her in the most unfeeling manner, that eternal destruction 
awaited her. No word of kindness escaped her. What had then roused 
her temper I do not know. She continued in this strain several minutes, 

when I attempted to soften her by remarking, that was very ill, 

and she ought not thus to torment her, and that I believed Jesus had 
granted her forgiveness. But I might as well have tried to stop the tem- 
pest in its career, as to calm the infuriated passions nurtured by the ex- 
ercise of arbitrary power. She looked at me with ineffable scorn, and 
continued to pour forth a torrept of abuse and reproach. Her helpless 
victim listened in terrified silence, until nature could endure no more, 
when she uttered a wild shriek, and casting on her tormentor a look of 
unutterable agony, exclaimed, ' Oh, mistress, I am dying !' This ap- 
peal arrested her attention, and she soon left the room, but in the same 


spirit with which she entered it. The girl survived but a few days, and, 
I believe, saw her mistress no more' 

" Mr. GEORGE A. AVERY, an elder of a presbyterian church in Ro- 
chester, N. Y., who lived some years in Virginia, gives the following : 

" * The manner of treating the sick slaves, and especially in chronic 
cases, was to my mind peculiarly revolting. My opportunities for ob- 
servation in this department were better than in, perhaps, any other, as 
the friend under whose direction I commenced my medical studies en- 
joyed a high reputation as a surgeon. I rode considerably with him in 
his practice, and assisted in the surgical operations and dressings from 
time to time. In confirmed cases of disease, it was common for the 
master to place the subject under the care of a physician or surgeon, at 
whose expense the patient should be kept, and if death ensued to the 
patient, or the disease was not cured, no compensation was to be made, 
but if cured a bonus of one, two, or three-hundred dollars was to be 
given. No provision was made against the barbarity or neglect of the 
physician, &c. I have seen fifteen or twenty of these helpless sufferers 
crowded together in the true spirit of slaveholding inhumanity, like the 
" brutes that perish," and driven from time to time like brutes into a 
common yard, where they had to suffer any and every operation and ex- 
periment, which interest, caprice, or professional curiosity might prompt, 
unrestrained by law, public sentiment, or the claims of common hu- 

^" Rev. William T. Allan, son of Rev. Dr. Allan, a slaveholder, of 
Huntsville, Alabama, says in a letter now before us : 

" ' Colonel Robert II. Watkins, of Laurence county, Alabama, who 
owned about three hundred slaves, after employing a physician among 
them for some time, ceased to do so, alleging as the reason, that it was 
cheaper to lose a few negroes every year, than to pay a physician. This 
Colonal Watkins was a Presidential elector in 1836.' 

" A. A. Guthrie, Esq., elder in the Presbyterian church at Putnam, 
Muskingum county, Ohio, furnishes the testimony which follows. 

" ' A near female friend of mine in company with another young lady, 
in attempting to visit a sick woman on Washington's Bottom, Wood 
county, Virginia, missed the way, and stopping to ask directions of a 
group of colored children on the outskirts of the plantation of Francis 
Keen, sen., they were told to ask ' aunty, in the house.' On entering 
the hut, says my informant, I beheld such a sight as I hope never to see 
again ; its sole occupant was a female slave of the said Keen her whole 
wearing apparel consisted of a frock, made of the coarsest tow cloth, and 
so scanty, that it could not have been made more tight around her person. 
In the hut there was neither table, chair, nor chest a stool and a rude 


fixture in one corner, were all its furniture. On this last were a little 
straw and a few old remnants of what had been bedding all exceed- 
ingly filthy. 

" ' The woman thus situated had been for more than a day in travail, 
without any assistance, any nurse, or any kind of proper provision dur- 
ing the night she said some fellow slave .woman would stay with her, and 
the aforesaid children through the day. From a woman who was a 
slave of Keen's at the same time, my informant learned, that this poor 
woman suffered for three days, and then died when too late to save 
her life her master sent assistance. It was understood to be a rule of 
his, to neglect his women entirely in such times of trial, unless they 
previously came and informed him, and asked for aid.'" 

"Rev. Phineas Smith, of Centreville, N. Y., who has resided four years 
at the south, says : ' Often when the slaves are sick, their accustomed 
toil is exacted from them. Physicians are rarely called for their benefit.' 

"Rev. Horace Moulton, a minister of the Methodist Episcopal church 
in Marlborough, Mass., who resided a number of years in Georgia, says : 

" ' Another dark side of slavery is the neglect of the aged and sick. 
Many, when sick, are suspected by their masters of feigning sickness, 
and are therefore whipped out to work after disease has got fast hold of 
them ; when the masters learn that they are really sick, they are in many 
instances left alone in their cabins during work hours ; not a few of the 
slaves are left to die without having one friend to wipe off the sweat of 
death. When the slaves are sick, the masters do not, as a general thing, 
employ physicians, but " doctor" them, themselves, and their mode of 
practice in almost all cases is to bleed and give salts. When women are 
confined they have no physician, but are committed to the care of slave 
midwives. Slaves complain very little when sick, when they die they 
are frequently buried at night without much ceremony, and in many in- 
stances without any ; their coffins are made by nailing together rough 
boards, frequently with their feet sticking out at the end, and sometimes 
they are put into the ground without a coffin or box of any kind.' " 

7. The slaves suffer from the outrages of lust. The misery en- 
dured from this one source must be inconceivable. It is more- 
over an evil to which every slave husband, father, and brother 
is subject. There is not a wife, daughter, mother, or sister who 
is not completely at the disposal of the master, the master's sons, 
and the overseer. 

No husband can feel the least assurance that his own bed will 
remain undefiled. The parents have no guarantee, that their 


daughters will reach the earliest years of womanhood, without 
falling victims to prowling lust. 

Testimony*on this point is quite superfluous. 

8. The slaves suffer from innumerable inflictions. In the plant- 
ing states torture is the condition of labor. As the day brings its 
toil so it brings its bloody inflictions ; from early dawn till dark 
the sound of the lash is heard goading the wretches to their re- 
luctant task. Nor is avarice the only torturer. Anger also 
makes its furious onsets, revenge deals its blows, passion wields 
its scorpion lash, wounded pride plies its fiery torments, tyranny 
inflicts its gaping wounds, and lust riots its unhallowed tramp- 
lings. Every passion, set on fire of hell, rushes upon the de- 
fenceless victim. 

The following extracts from " American Slavery as it is" con- 
stitute but a small portion of the testimony and facts contained 
in that work exhibiting the tortures inflicted upon slaves. 


" The slaves are terribly lacerated with whips, paddles, &c. ; red pep- 
per and salt are rubbed into their mangled flesh ; hot brine and turpen- 
tine are poured into their gashes ; and innumerable other tortures inflicted 
upon them. 

~" We will, in the first place, prove by a cloud of witnesses, that the 
slaves are whipped with such inhuman severity as to lacerate and man- 
gle their flesh in the most shocking manner, leaving permanent scars and 
ridges ; after establishing this, we will present a mass of testimony, con- 
cerning a great variety of other tortures. The testimony, for the most 
part, will be that of the slaveholders themselves, and in their own chosen 
words. A large portion of it will be taken from the advertisements 
which they have published in their own newspapers, describing, by the 
scars on their bodies made by the whip, their own runaway slaves. To 
copy these advertisements entire would require a great amount of 
space, and flood the reader with a vast mass of matter irrelevant to the 
point before us ; we shall therefore insert only so much of each as will 
intelligibly set forth the precise point under consideration. In the co- 
' lumn under the word " witnesses," will be found the name of the indi- 
vidual, who signs the advertisement, or for whom it is signed, with his 
or her place of residence, and the name and date of the paper, in yhich 
it appeared, and generally the name of the place where it is published. 
Opposite the name of each witness, will be an extract from the adver- 
tisement, containing his or her testimony. 




Co Tenn sser "in he " Nasl ~" "" * J 3 ^ aS a runawa y> a negro Woman 

riiie Banner," Dec. loth, 1838. named Martha, 17 or 18 years of age, has numerous 
scars of the whip on her back." 

"Ten dollars reward for my woman Siby, very 
much scarred about the neck and ears by whipping." 

Mr, Robert Nicoll, Dauphin 
it. between Emmanuel and Con- 
ception sts. Mobile, Alabama, in 
the " Mobile Commercial Ad- 

Mr. Bryant Johnson, Fort 
Valley, Houston Co., Georgia, 
in the "Standard of Union," 
Milledgeville Ga. Oct. 2, 1838. 

Mr. James T. De Jarnett, 
Vernon, Autauga Co., Alabama, 
in the "Pensacola Gazette," 
July 14, 1838. 

Maurice Y. Garcia, Sheriff of 
the County of Jefferson, La., in 
th'" New Orleans Bee," August 
14, 1838. 

R. J. Bland, Sheriff of Clai- 
brne Co, Miss., in the " Charles- 
ton (S. C.) Courier" August, 28. 

Mr. James Noe, Red River 
Landing, La., in the " Sentinel," 
Vicksburg, Miss., August 22, 

William Craze, jailor, Alex- 
andria, La. in the " Planter's In- 
telligencer," Sept, 26, 1838. 

John A. Rowland, jailor, Lum- 
berton, North Carolina, in the 
" Fayetteville (N. C.) Observer," 
June 20, 1838. 

counS; Aia be , r in the^HunSe " Committed to jail, a negro man-his back much 
Democrat," Dec. 9, 1838. marked by the whip." 

Mr. H. Variiiat, No. 23, Girod Ranaway, the Negro slave named Jupiter has a 

treet, New Orleans in the - , , i r L- L 

" Commercial BuUetin," August fresh mark of a cowsKin o.n each one ot his cheeks. 

27, 1838. 

Mr. Cornelius D. Tolin, Au- 
gusta, Ga., in the "Chronicle 
and Sentinel," Oct. 18, 1838. 

W. H. Brasseale, sheriff, 
Blount county, Ala., in the 
" Hmntsville Democrat," June 9, 

Mr. Robert Beasly, Macon, 
Ga., in the "Georgia Messen- 
ger," July 27, 1837. 

" Ranaway, a negro woman, named Maria, some 
cars on her back occasioned by the whip." 

" Stolen a negro woman named Celia. On ex- 
amining her back you will find marks caused by the 

" Lodged in jail, a mulatto boy, having large marks 
of the whip, on his shoulders and other parts of his 

" Was committed a negro boy, named Tom, is much 
marked with the whip." 

" Ranaway, a negro fellow named Dick has many 
scars on his back from being whipped.'' 

" Committed to jail, a negro slave his back is 
very badly scarred." 

" Committed, a mulatto fellow his back shows 
lasting impressions of the whip, and leaves no doubt 
of his being A SLAVE." 

Mr. John Wotton, Rockville, 
Montgomery county, Maryland, 
in the " Baltimore Republican," 
Jan. 13, 1838. 

D. S. Bennett, sheriff, Natchi- 
toches, La., in the " Herald," 
July 21, 1838. 

Messrs. C. C. Whitehead, and 
R. A. Evans, Marion, Georgia, 
in the Milledgeville (Ga.) " Stan- 
dard of TJnion," June 26, 1838. 

Mr Samuel Stewart, Greens- 
boro', Ala., in the " Southern 
Advocate," Huntsville, Jan. 6, 

" Ranaway, a negro man named Johnson he has 
a great many marks of the whip on his back." 

" Committed to jail, a negro slave named James 
much scarred with a whip on his back." 

" Ranaway, my man Fountain he is marked on 
the back with the whip." 

" Ranaway, Bill has several LARGE SCARS on his 
back from a severe whipping in early life." 

" Committed to jail, a negro boy who calls himself 
joe said negro bears marks of the whip.'' 

" Ranaway, negro fellow John from being whip- 
ped, has scars on his back, arms, and thighs." 

" Ranaway a boy named Jim with the marks of 
the whip on the small of the back, reaching round to 
the flank." 



" Mr. John Walker, NO. 6, Ranaway, the mulatto boy Quash considerably 

Banks Arcade, New Orleans, m j , ., J , , j.u I ' -u i i i 

the "Bulletin," August ii, 1838. marked on the back and other places with the lash. 
Mr Jesse Beene, Cahawba, " Ranaway. my negro man Billy he has the marks 

Ala., in the " State Intelligen- ~ . , , . f, ' ' * 

cer." Tuskaloosa, Dec. 25, 1837 J tfle whip. 

Mr. John Turner, Thomaston, " Left, my negro man named George has marks 

Lpson county. Geonria in the c t i i .t_ i_ 

"Standard of Union?- Milled- f the wltt P very plain on his thighs. 

Seville, June 26, 1838. 

James Derrah, deputy sheriff, " Committed to jail, negro man Toy he has been 

Claiborne county, ML, in the bad l y whipped." 
"Port Gibson Correspondent, 9 

April 15, 1837. 

s. B. Murphy, sheriff, wukin- " Brought to jail, a negro man named George he 

son sonnty, Georgia in the }, a orpn f ,,. vrnrs frnm the Inth " 
MilledgeviHe "Journal," May naS a S reat man y SCargjrom me laSfl. 
IS, 1838- 

Mr. L. E. cooner, Branchviiie, " One hundred dollars reward, for my negro Glas- 
Sro^Sth^Sn S M gow, and Kate, his wife. Glasgow is 24 years old- 
enger," May 25, 1837. has marks of the whip on his back. Kate is 26 has 

a scar on her cheek, and several marks of a whip." 
f^" "; " a . nd - J a T !lor ' P arish "Committed to jail, a negro boy named John, 

of West Fehciana, La., m the , . -_ u u- u i L Jt i j i_ i 

"St. Francisviiie joumav July about 17 years old his back badly marked with the 
6 > 183 7. whip, his upper lip and chin severely bruised." 

"The preceding are extracts from advertisements published in southern 
papers, mostly in the year 1838. They are the mere samples of hun- 
dreds of similar ones published during the same period." 


" The slaves are often tortured byiron collars, with longprongs or 'horns,' 
and sometimes bells attached to them they are made to wear chains, 
handcuffs, fetters, iron clogs, bars, rings, and bands of iron upon their 
limbs, iron masks upon their faces, iron gags in their mouths, &c. 

" In proof of this, we give the testimony of slaveholders themselves, 
under their own names ; it will be mostly in the form of extracts from 
their own advertisements, in southern newspapers, in which, describing 
their runaway slaves, they specify the iron collars, handcuffs, chains, 
fetters, &c., which they wore upon their necks, wrists, ankles, and other 
parts of their bodies. To publish the whole of each advertisement, 
would needlessly occupy space and tax the reader ; we shall consequently, 
as heretofore, give merely the name of the advertiser, the name and date 
of the newspaper containing the advertisement, with the place of pub- 
lication, and only so much of the advertisement as will give the particu- 
lar fact, proving the truth of the assertion contained in the general head. 


William Toier, sheriff of Was committed to jail, a yellow boy named Jim 

Mississippi, September 22, 1838. 

Mr. James R. Green, in the * Ranaway a negro man named Squire had on a 

"Beacon, Greensborough, Ala- ,. , , , -., , , , 

bama, August 23 1838 chain locked with a houselocK, around his neck. 



Mr. Hazlet Loflano, in the 
" Spectator," Stauntoii, Virgi- 
nia, Sept. 27, 1838. 

Mr. T. Enggy, New Orleans, 
Gallatin Street, between Hos- 
pital and Barracks, N. O. " Bee," 
Oct. 27, 1837. 

Mr. John Henderson, Wash- 
ington, county, Mi., in the 
"Grand Gulf Advertiser," Au- 
gust 29, 1838. 

William Dyer, sheriff, Clai- 
borne, Louisiana, in the " He- 
rald," Natchitoches, (La.) July 
26, 1837. 

Mr. Owen Cooke, " Mary 
street, between Common and 
Jackson streets," New Orleans, 
injthe N. O. " Bee," September 
12, 1837. 

H. W. Rice, sheriff, Colleton 
district, South Carolina, in the 
" Charleston Mercury," Septem- 
ber 1, 1838. 

W. P. Reeves, jailor, Shelby 
county, Tennessee, in the "Mem- 
phis Enquirer," June 17, 1837, 

Mr. Francis Durett, Lexing- 
toit, Lauderdale county, Ala., in 
the " Huntsville Democrat," 
August 29, 1837. 

Mr. A. Murat, Baton Rouge, 
in the New Orleans " Bee," June 
20, 1837. 

Mr. Jordan Abbott, in 'the 
44 Huutsville Democrat," Nov. 
17, 1838. 

Mr. J. Macoin, No. 177 Ann 
street, New Orleans, in the 
"Bee," August 11, 1838. 

Menard Brothers, parish of 
Bernard, Louisiana, in the N. O. 
44 Bee,".August 18, 1838. 

Messrs. J. L. and W. H. Bol- 
ton, Shelby county, Tennessee, 
in the "Memphis Enquirer," 
June 7, 1837. 

H. Gridly, sheriff of AdanVs 
county, ML, in the " Memphis 
(Tenn.) Times," September, 

Mr. Lambre, in the " Natchi- 
toches (La.) Herald," March 29, 

Mr. Ferdinand Lemos, New 
Orleans, in the " Bee," January 
29, 1838. 

Mr. T. J. De Yampert, mer- 
chant, Mobile, Alabama, of the 
firm of De Yampert, King & 
Co., in the " Mobile Chronicle," 
June 15, 1838. 

J. H. Hand, jailor, 8t Francis- 
ville, La, in the " Louisiana 
Chronicle," July 26, 1837- 

Mr. Charles Curcner, New 
Orleans, iu the " Bee," July 2, 


" Ranaway, a negro named David with some iron 
hobbles around each ankle? 

" Ranaway, negress Caroline had on ^collar with 
one prong turned down.'" 

" Ranaway, the^black woman Betsy had an iron 
bar on her right leg." 

" Was committed to jail, a negro named Ambrose 
has a ring of iron around his neck." 

" Ranaway, my slave Amos, had a chain attached 
to one of his legs." 

Committed to jail, a negro named Patrick, about 
forty -five years old, and is handcuffed" 

" Committed to jail, a negro had on his right leg 
an iron band with one link of a chain." 

" Ranaway, a negro man named Charles had on 
a drawing chain, fastened around his ankle with a 
heuse lock." 

" Ranaway, the negro Manuel, much marked with 
irons. 1 ' 

" Ranaway, a negro boy named Daniel, about nine- 
teen years old, and was handcuffed." 

" Ranaway, the negress Fanny had on an iron 
band about her neck." 

" Ranaway, a negro named John having an iron 
around his right foot." 

"Absconded, a coloured boy named Peter had an 
iron round his neck when he went away." 

" Was committed to jail, a negro boy had on a 
large neck iron with a huge pair of horns and a lar%e 
bar or band of iron on his left leg." 

" Ranaway, the Negro boy Teams he had on his 
neck an iron collar." 

" Ranaway, the negro George he had on his neck 
an iron collar, the branches of which had been taken 

" Ranaway, a negro boy about twelve years old 
had round his neck a chain dog-collar, with * De 
Yampert' engraved on it." 

" Committed to jail, slave John had several scars 
on his wrists, occasioned, as he says, by handcuff's." 

" Ranaway, the negro; Hown has a ring of iron 
on his left foot. Also, Grisee, his wife, having a ring 
and chain on the lejt leg." 



Mr. P. 'T. Manning:, Hunt*- " Ranaway, a negro boy "named James said boy 
was ironed when he left me.'" 

Mr. William L. Lambeth, Ranaway, Jim- had on when he escaped a pair 
"t^U^wlV^u! of chain handcuffs." 

ary 30, 1836. 

Mr. D. F. Guex, Secretary of " Ranaway, Edmund Coleman it is supposed he 
fefTw^JSTin ^ mast have iron shackles on his ankles." 

" Commercial Bulletin," May 
27, 1837. 

Mr. Franci* Duret, Lexing- " Ranaway , a mulatto had on when he 

5e aVVa^h"8?im left, a pair of handcuffs and a pair of drawing chains." 

B. w. Hodges, jailor, Pike Committed to jail, a man who calls his name 

county, Alabama, in the " Mont- T , u u. i f L- T. f 

gomery Advertiser," Sept. .29, John he has a clog of iron on his right foot which 

1837. will weigh four or Jive pounds." 

^"^V*^" f f lic n' " Detained at the police jail, the negro wench 

in the N. O. "Bee. June 9, , , , r . * / 

1838. Myra has several marks ot lashing, and has irons 
on her feet." 

i3SSfff " Runaway, Betsey-when she left she had on her 
o. " Bee," August 11, 1837. neck an iron collar. 

" The foregoing advertisements are sufficient for our purpose, scores of 
similar ones may be gathered from the newspapers of the slave states 
every month." 


"The slaves are often branded with hot irons, pursued with fire arms and 
shot A hunted with dogs and torn by them, shockingly maimed with knives, 
dirks, &c. ; have their ears cut off, their eyes knocked out, their bones 
dislocated and broken with bludgeons, their fingers and toes cut off, their 
faces and other parts of their persons disfigured with scars and gashes, 
besides those made with the lash. "We shall adopt, under this head, the 
same course as that pursued under previous ones, first give the testi- 
mony of the slaveholders themselves, to the mutilations, &c. by copying 
their own graphic descriptions of them, in advertisements published 
under their own names, and in newspapers published in the slave states, 
and, generally, in their own immediate vicinity. "We shall, as hereto- 
fore, insert only so much of each advertisement as will be necessary to 
make the point intelligible. 


Mr. Micajah Ricki, Nash "Ranaway, a negro woman and two children; a 
RaWgh *%*?* 'is! few days before she went off, I burnt her with a hot 
1838. iron, on the left side of her face, 1 tried to make the 

letter M." 

Mr. Aia B. Metcaif, Kings- " Ranaway Mary, a black woman, has a scar on 

N > atcl d ez m couri;r^ i 'juL n e *w her back and r '8 ht arm near the staler, caused by a 
1832. ' rifle ball." 



Mr. William Overstreet, Ben- 
ton, Yazoo Co. Mi. in the " Lex- 
ington (Kentucky) Observer," 
July 22, 1838. 

Mr. R. P. Carney, Clark Co. 
Ala., in the Mobile Register, 
Dec. 22, 1832. 

Mr. J. Guyler, Savannah, 
Georgia, in the "Republican," 
April 12, 1837- 

J. A. Brown, jailor, Charles- 
ton, South Carolina, in the 
" Mercury," Jan. 12, 1837. 

Mr. J. Scrivener, Herring Bay , 
Anne Arundel Co. Maryland, in 
the Annapolis Republican, April 
18, 1S37. 

Madame Burvant, corner oJ 
Chartres and Toulouse streets, 
New Orleans, in the "Bee," 
Dec. 21, 1838. 

Mr. O. W. Lains, in the " He- 
lena (Ark.) Journal," June 1, 

Mr. R. W. Sizer, in the 
"Grand Gulf, [ML] Advertiser," 
July 8, 1837. 

Mr. Nicholas Edmunds in the 
' Petersburgh [Va.] Intelligen- 
cer," May 22, 1838. 

Mr. J. Bishop, Bishopville, 
Sumpter District, South Caro- 
lina, in the "Camden [S. C.J 
Journal," March 4, 1837. 

Mr. S. Neyle, Little Ogeechee, 
Georgia, in the " Savannah Re- 
publican," July 3,1837. 

Mrs. Sarah Walsh, Mobile, 
Ala., in the "Georgia Journal," 
March 27, 1837. 

Mr. J. P. Ashford, Adams Co. 
Mi., in the " Natchez Courier," 
August 24, 1838. 

" Mr. Ely Townsend, Pike Co. 
Ala., in the " Pensacola Gazette, 1 ' 
Sept. 16, 1837. 

S. B. Murphy, jailor, Irving- 
tou, Ga., Jn the " Milledgeville 
Journal," May 29, 1838. 

M. A. Luminais, parish of St. 
John, Louisiana, in the New 
Orleans " Bee," March 3, 1838. 

Mr. Isaac Johnson, Pulaski 
Co., Georgia, in the " Milledge- 
Yille Journal," June 19, 1838. 

Rgister, 1 ' Se 


" Ranaway a negro man named Henry, his left eye 
out, some scars from a dirk on and under his left arm, 
and much scarred with the whip." 

One hundred dollars reward for a negro fellow 
Pompey, 40 years, old, he is branded on the left jaw. 

" Ranaway Laman, an old negro man, grey, has 
only one eye." 

" Committed to jail a negro man, has no toes on 
his left foot." 

" Ranaway negro man Elijah, has a scar on his 
left cheek, apparently occasioned by a shot." 

" Ranaway a negro woman named Rachel, has lost 
all her toes except the large one." 

"Ranaway Sam, he was shot a short time since, 
through the hand, and lias several shots in his left 
arm and side.'' 

" Ranaway my negro man Dennis, said negro has 
been shot in the left arm between the shouldf-rs and 
elbow, which has paralyzed the left hand.'' 

"Ranaway my negro man named Simon, he hat 
been shot badly in his back and right arm." 

"Ranaway, a negro named Arthur ; has a consid- 
erable scar across his breast and each arm, made by a 
knife ; loves to talk much of the goodness of God." 

" Ranaway, George ; he has a sword cut, lately re- 
ceived, on his left arm." 

" Twenty-five dollars reward for my man Isaac ; he 
has a scar on his forehead, caused by a blow, and one 
on his back, made by a shot from a pistol." 

" Ranaway, a negro girl called Mary ; has a small 
scar over her eye, a good many teeth missing, the letter 
A. is branded on her cheek and forehead." 

tc Ranaway, negro Ben ; has a scar on his right 
hand, his thumb and fore fingerjbeing injured by being 
shot last fall, a part of the bone came out ; he has also 
one or two large scars on his back and hips." 

" Committed, a negro man ; is very badly shot in the 
right side and right hand." 

" Detained at the jail, a mulatto named Tom ; has 
a scar on the right cheek, and appears to have been 
burned with powder on the face." 

" Ranaway, a negro man named Ned ; three of his 
fingers are drawn into the palm of his hand by a cut, 
has a scar on the back of his neck, nearly half round, 
done by a knife." 

" Ranawav > a negro named Hambleton, limps on 
his left foot where he was shot a few weeks ago, while 



M. John McMurrain,*Co!um- ' Ranaway, a negro boy named Mose ; he has a 
August 7, i "8a\ e ." S Uthern SU "'" w <>und in the right shoulder near the back bone, which 
was occasioned by a rifle shot." 

"Ranaway, my negro man Bill; he has afresh 
wound in his head above his ear." 

" Committed to jail, a negro, says his name is 


" Ranaway, Joshua ; his thumb is off of his left 

Mr. Moses Orme, Annapolis, 
Maryland, in the " Annapolis 
Republican," June 20, 1837. 

William Strickland, jailor, 

?c: n ?l!c. C ] t 'c S ouri;r;"jui; Cuffee; he is lame in one knee, occasioned by a 

i, 1837. 

The Editor'of the "GrandGulf 
Advertiser," Dec. 7, 1838. 

Mr. William Bateman, in the "Ranaway, William; over his left eye, one 
7 G i838 d GuK AdTertiser '" Dec- between, his eyebrows, one on his breast, and his right 

leg has been broken." 
Mr. IB. G. Simmons, in the " Ranaway, Mark ; his left arm h is been broken." 

'Southern Argus," May 30, 

Mr. James Artop, in the " Ranaway, Caleb, 50 years old, has an a%vk\vard 
"Macon[Ga.] Messenger," May gait, occasioned by his being shot in the thigh." 

J. L.Joiiey, sheriff of Clinton, "Was committed to jail, a negro man, says his 
Co. ML, in the " Clinton Ga- name is Josiah ; his back very much scarred by the 

xette," July 23, 1836. ^^ and brmded Qn the th j gh (md ^ in thrfe ^ 

four places, thus (J. M.), the rim of his right ear has 
been bit or cut off.'' 1 

Mr. Thomai Ledwith, Jack- 
sonville, East Florida, in tha 

" Fifty dollars reward, for my fellow Edward ; he 

" charieston S [s. 1 ' cTcourieV"," has a scar on the corner of his mouth, two cuts on and 
September i, 1838. under his arm, and the letter E. on his arm." 

Mr. Joseph James, sen., Plea- " Ranaway, negro boy Ellic ; has a scar on one of 

sant Ridge PauldinK Co., Ga, ], is afms fr om fa fo te O f a fog" 
in the " Milledgenille Union,' J > 

Nov^"7, 1837. 

Mr. w. Riiey, Orangeburg " Ranaway, a negro man ; has a scar on the ankle, 
?c7umb!T a [S h rTeresc n ope h " produced by a burn, and a mark on his arm resembling 
Nov. H, 1837. the letter S." , 

" Ranaway, a negro man named Allen ; he has a 
scar on his breast, also a scar under the left eye, and 
ha< too buck shot in his right arm,:' 

" Ranaway from the plantation of James Surgette, 
the following negroes : Randal, has one ear cropped ; 
Bob, has lost one eye; Kentucky Tom, has one jaw 

" Ranaway, Anthony, one of his cars cutoff, and his 

Mr. Samuel Mason, Warren 
Co., Mi., in the " Vicksburg Re- 
gister," July 18, 1838. 

Mr. F. I* C. Edwards, in the 
" Southern Telegraph," Sept. 
25, 1837. 

Mr. Stephen M. Jackson, in 

.burg Register. -March j eft 

" Was committed, a negro man ; has a scar on his 

r j ght gjde by & ^^ QnQ Qn his ^^ and Qne Qn th(J 

calf of his leg by the bite of a dog.'' 
Stearns & Co., No. 28, New " Absconded, the mulatto boy Tom, his fingers 

scarred on his "g 111 nand > and ha * a SCar On 


Philip Homerton, deputy she- 

riff of Halifax Co., Virginia, Jan. 

Mr. John W. Walton, Greens- 
boro 1 , Ala., in the* " Alabama 
Beacou," Dec. 13, 1838. 

Mr. R. Furman, Charleston, 
S. C., in the "Charleston Mer- c ' c V ' 
cury,"Jan, 12, 1839. ' one loot - 

" Ranaway, my black boy Frazier, with a scar 
below and one above his right ear." 

"Ranaway, Dick, about 19, has lost the small toe 



Mr. John Tart, sen., in the 
" Payetteville [N. C.] Ob- 
server," Dec. 26, 1838. 

Mr. Richd. Overstreet, Brook 
Neal, Campbell Co.. Virginia, 
in the "Danville [Va.] Re- 
porter," Dec. 21, 1838. 

The editor of the New Or- 
leans " Bee," in that paper, 
August 27, 1837. 

Mr. Bryant Johnson, Fort 
Valley, Houston county. Geor- 
gia, in the Milledgeville 
" Union," Oct. 2, 1838. 

Mr. Lemuel Miles, Steen's 
Creek, Rankin county, Mi., in 
the "Southern Sun," Sept. 22, 

Mr. Bezou, New Orleans in 
the "Bee, "May 23, 1838. 

Mr. James Kimborough, 
Memphis, Tenn. in the " Mem- 
phis Enquirer," July 13, 1838. 

Mr. Robert Beasley, Macon, 
Georgia, in the " Georgia Mes- 
senger," July 27, 1837. 

Mr. B. G. Barrer, St. Louis, 
Missouri, in the " Republican," 
Sept. 6, 1837. 

Mr. John D. Turner, near 
Norfolk, Virginia, in the " Nor- 
folk Herald," June 27, 1838. 

Mr. William Stansell. Picks- 
vine, Ala., in the " Huntsville 
Democrat," August 29, 1837. 

Hon. Ambrose H. Sevier, 
senator in congress from Ark- 
ansas, in the " Vicksburg Re- 
gister," of Oct. 13. 

Mr. R. A. Greene, Milledge- 
ville Georgia, in the "Macon 
Messenger," July 27, 1837. 

Benjamin Russel, deputy 
sheriff, Bibb county, Ga., in 
the " Macon Telegraph," Dec. 
25, 1837. 

Hon H. Hitchcock, Mobile, 
judge of the Supreme Court, in 
the " Commercial Register," 
Oct. 27, 1837. 

Mrs. Elizabeth L. Carter, 
near Groveton, Prince William 
<?ounty, Virginia, in the " Na- 
tional Intelligencer," Washing- 
ton, D. C., June 10, 1837. 


" Stolen, a mulatto boy,* ten years old : he has a 
scar over his eye which was made by an axe." 

" Absconded, my negro man Coleman ; has a very 
large scar on one of his legs, also one on each arm, by 
a bum, and his heels have been frosted." 

" Fifty 'dollars reward, for the negro Jim Blake; 
has a piece cut out of each ear, and the middle finger 
of the left hand cut off to the second joint." 

" Ranaway, a negro woman named Maria ; has a 
scar on one side of her cheek, by a cut some scars 
on her back." 

" Ranaway, Gabriel ; has two or three scars across 
his neck made with a knife." 

" Runaway, the mulatto wench Mary has a cut on 
the left arm, a scar on the shoulder, and two upper 
teeth missing" 

" Ranaway, a negro boy named Jerry ; has a scar 
on his right cheek two inches lom>, from the cut of a 

" Ranaway, my man Fountain ; has holes in his 
ears, a. scar on the right side of his forehead- -has 
been shot in the hind parts of his legs is marked on 
the back with the whip." 

" Ranaway, a negro man named Jarrelt ; has a 
scar on the under part of one of his arms, occasioned 
by a wound from a knife." 

" Ranaway, a negro by the name of Joshua; he has 
a cut across one of his ears, which he will conceal as 
much as possible ; one of his ankles is enlarged by an 

" Ranaway, negro boy Harper ; has a scar on one of 
his hips in the form of a G." 

" Ranaway, Bob, a slave ; has a scar across his 
breast, another on the right side of his head ; his back 
is muck scarred with the whip." 

"Two hundred and fifty dollars reward, for my 
negro man Jim ; he is much marked with shot in his 
right thigh ; the shot entered on the outside, half way 
between the hip and the knee joints." 

" Brought to jail, John left ear cropt." 

" Ranaway, the slave Ellis ; he has lost one of his 

" Ranaway, a negrd man, Moses ; he has lost a part 
of one of his ears." 



Mr. William D. Buckeis, Taken up a negro man is very much scarred 

eerier?" ft/aiSw. a about the fa <* and body, and has the left ear bit oj." 

Mr. Waiter R. Engiish.'Mon- " Ranaway, my slave Lewis ; he has lost a, piece' of 

roe county. Ala. in the " Mo- one ear, and a part of one of his finsers, a part of one 

bUe Chronicle," Sept. 2, 1837- rf ^ ^ j g JJ IM , 

. , a black girl named Mary; has a .car 

in the "Knoxviiie Register," on her cheek, and the end of one of her toes cut off. 

June 9, 1838. 

*; i*? h " . Jeukins> . St , J ?~ Ranaway, the negro boy Csesar : he has but one 

seph's, Florida, captain of the * 

steamboat Ellen, " Apalachi- }/" 
cola Gazette," June 7, 1838. 

Mr. Peter Hanson, Lafayette " Ranaway, the negress Martha : she has lost her 

city. La., in the New Orleans r f n j,f p ..p * 

" Bee," July 28, 1838. Tt 3 M W 6 - 

Mr. Orren Ems, Georgeyiiie, " Ranaway, George ; has had the lower part of 


Mr. Zadock Sawyer, Cuth- " Ranaway, my negro Tom has a piece bit off 

to^M&KS> tke 'P f his Ti 9 ht ear > and his Uttle fin S er is *& 
Oct 9, 1838. 

Mr. Abraham Gray, Mount " Ranawav, my mulatto woman Judy she has 

S^lffigSS?' &,? had her right arm broke." 

Oct. 9, 183& 

s. B. Tustc-n, jailor, Adams vVas committed to jail, a negro man named Bill 

county, Mi. in the "Natchez . , , ., ,, , x, . ' , ,. ? , ... 

Courier," June 15, 1838. has had the thumb oj MS left hand split. 

Mr. Joshua Antrim, Nineveh, " Ranaway, a mulatto man named Joe j his fingers 

t^wScSr vlfSan'"" on the left hand are partly amputated." 

July 11, 1837. 

j. B. Randall, jailor, Marietta, " Lodged in jail a negro man named Jupiter ; is 

^uthTr^cofe'' &# ve ^ tome in his left hip so that he can hardly walk 

1838. has lost a joint of the middle finger of his left 

.,. , Bill has a scar over one eye, also 

Commercial Bulletin'" July 2i, one on his leg, from the bite of a dog has a burn on 

!837. his buttock, from apiece of hot iron, in shape of a T" 

William K. Ratciiffe, sheriff, " Committed to jail, a negro named Mike his left 

Franklin county, Mi. in the ._.. # 

" Natchez Free Trader," Aug. ea? W- 
23, 1838. 

w Mr . P res ' on Haiiey, Bam- " Ranaway, my negro man Levi ; his left hand has 

"Augusta [Ga i cSoiScie " been burnt, and I think the end of his fore finger is 

July 27, 1838. ' ' off." 

st M Char7^rty H Mo.t b Ae " Ranaway, a negro named Washbgton ; has lost 

" St. Louis Republican," June a part of his middle finger and the end of his little 

30,1838. finger." 

David Drier ' liaS '"" 


al streets, New Orleans, in the 
" Commercial Bulletin," Sept. 
18, 1838. 

" Grand 
August 29, 1838. 

' wiUi ? m if Br A^ n ' ^ th f, " Ranaway, Edmund ; has a scar on his right tem- 

rand Gulf Advertiser, i , <,->< j L i L 11 . 

st 29, 1838. pie, and under his right eye, and holes tn both ears. ' 

Mr. James McDonnell, Tai- " Ranaway, a negro boy twelve or thirteen years 

%*&' ESre'r " D J ld '> haS a SCar On llis left 

18, 1838. ' dog." 




" Fifty dollars reward, for my negro man John ; 
he has a considerable scar on his throat, done with a 

a Twenty-five dollars reward, for my man John; 
the tip of his nose is bit off." 


" Ranaway, a negro fellow called Hover ; has a 
cut above the right eye." 

" Ranaway, the negro man Hardy ; has a scar on 
the upper lip, and another made with a ktiife on his 

" Ranaway, Henry ; has half of one ear bit off. 1 ' 

" Ranaway, my negro man Jacob ; he has but one 

" Committed to jail, Ben"; his left thumb off at the 
first joint.'' 

<c Twenty-five dollars reward, for the negro slave 
Sally ; walks as though crippled in the back." 

' Ranaway, a negro man named Dick has a 
little finger off the right hand." 


Mr. John W. Cherry, Maren- 
go county, Ala. in the " Mobile 
Register," June 15, 1838. 

Mr. Thos. Brown, Roane 
co. Tenn. in the " Knoxville 
Register," Sept, 12, 1838. 

Messrs. Taylor, Lawton & 
Co. Charleston, South Caro- 
lina, in the " Mercury," Nov. 

Mr. Louis Schmidt, Fau- 
bourg, Sivaudais, La. in the 
New Orleans " Bee," Sept. 5, 

W. M. Whitehead, Natchez, 
in the "New Orleans Bulletin," 
July 21, 1837. 

Mr. Conrad Salvo,Charleston, 
South Carolina, in the " Mer- 
cury," August 10, 1837. 

William Baker, jailor, Shel- 
by county, Ala., in the " Mont- 
gomery (Ala.) Advertiser " 
Oct. 5, 1838 

Mr. S. N. Kite, Camp-street, 
New Orleans, in the '' Bee," 
Feb. 19, 1838. 

Mr. Stephen M. Richards, 
Whitesburg, Madison county, 
Alabama, in the " Huntsville 
Democrat," Sept. 8, 1838. 

Mr. A. Brose, parish of St. Ranaway, the negro Patrick ; has his little finger 

Charles, La., m the " New Or- . . , i. r j ? . .j. i j 

leans Bee," Feb. 19, 1838. of the right hand cut close to the hand. 
Mr. Needham whitefieid, " Ranaway, Joe Dennis ; has a small notch in one 

Aberdeen, Mi. in the "Mem- f -L- m 9 

phis (Tenn.) Enquirer," June ol ms ears> 
15, 1838. 

Col. M. j. Keith, Charleston, Ranaway, Dick has lost the little toe of one of 

South Carolina, in the "Mer- , . ,. . " 
cury," Nov. 27, 1837. hlS leet. 

Mr. R. Lancette, Haywood, Escaped, my negro man Eaton his little finger 

North Carolina, in the "Raleigh ,. A , . i,, ' _j , 6 , , , J y 

Register," April so, 1838. of the right hand has been broke. 
Mr. G. c. Richardson, Owen " Ranaway, my negro man named Top has had 

ion. Mo., m t. ouis Qne Q ^ ^ g j,.^^/ 

" Ranaway, negro boy Jack has a small crop out 
of his left ear." 

" Was committed to jail, a negro man ; has two 
scars on his forehead, and the top of his left car cut 

" Stolen, a negro man named Winter; has a notch 
cut out of the left ear, and the mark of four or five 
buck shot on his legs." 

" Ranaway, a negro man ; scar back of his left eye, 
as if from the cut of a knife." 

" Ranaway, negro man Buck ; has a very plain 
mark under his ear on his jaw, about the size of a 
dollar, having been inflicted by a knife." 

Mr. E. Han, La Grange, 
Fayette county, Tenn. in the 
" Gallatin Union,' 1 June 23, 

D. Herring, warden of Balti- 
more city jail, in the " Mary- 
lander," Oct. 6, 1837. 

Mr. James Marks, near Nat- 
chitoches. La. in the " Natchi- 
toches Herald," July 21, 1838. 

Mr. James Barr, Amelia 
Court House, Virginia, in the 
"Norfolk Herald," Sept. 12, 

Mr. Isaac Michel), Wilkinson 
county, Georgia, in the " Au- 
gusta Chronicle," Sept. 21, 



Mr. P. Bayhi, captain of the 
police, Suburb Washington, 
third municipality, New Or- 
leans, in the " Bee," Oct. 13, 

Mr. Willie Paterson, Clinton, 
Jones county, Ga. in the 
' Darien Telegraph," Dec. 5, 

Mr. Samuel Ragland, Triana, 
Madison county, Alabama, in 
the " Huntsville Advocate," 
Dec. 23, 1837. 

Mr. Moses E. Bush, near 
Clayton, Ala. in the " Colum- 
bus [Ga.] Enquirer," July 5, 

C. W. Wilkins, sheriff, Bald- 
win Co. Ala. in the " Mobile 
Advertiser," Sept. 22, 1837. 

Mr. James H. Taylor, Charles- 
ton, South Carolina, in the 
" Courier," August 7, 1837. 

N. M. C. Robinson, jailor, 
Columbus, Georgia, in the 
"Columbus [Ga.] Enquirer," 
August 2, 1838. 

Mr. Littlejohn Rynes, Hinds 
Co. Mi. in the "Natchez 
Courier," August 17, 1838. 

The Heirs of J. A. Alston, 
near Georgetown, South Caro- 
lina, in the " Georgetown [S.C.] 
Union," June 17,1837. 

A. S. Ballinger, sheriff, John- 
ston Co. North Carolina, in the 
" Raleigh Standard," Oct. 18, 

Mr. Thomas Crutchfleld, 
Atkins, Ten. in the " Tennessee 
Journal," Oct. 17, 1838. 

J. A. Brown, jailor, Orange- 
burg, South Carolina, in the 
"Charleston Mercury," July 

S. B. Turton, jailor, Adams 
Co. Miss, in the Natchez 
Couiier,'' Sept. 28, 1828. 

Mr. John H. King, High- 
street, Georgetown, in the 
" National Intelligencer," Aug. 

Mi^ r inhe"Re*' ViC 'Mw urg ' " Ranaway, a yellowish negro boy named Tom; 
29, 1837. h has a notch in the back of one of his ears." 

Messrs/ Fernandez & Whit- Will be sold, Martha, aged nineteen ; has one 

ing, auctioneers, New Orleans, / 

In the " Bee," April 8, 183^ W 6 out - 

Mr. Marshall Jett Farrows- Ranaway, negro man, Ephraim ; has a mark over 

ville, Fauquier Co. Virginia, in " 6 . if IT 

the National Intelligencer," one * " 1S e j es > occasioned by a OlOW. 
May 30, 1837- 

S -B. Turton, jailor, Adams "Was committed, a negro, calls himself Jacob; 
** -- 1 - 8 ' ! n i2 he i838. atCheZC U ~ nas been cripp^d in his right leg." 


" Detained at the jail, the negro boy Hennon ; 
has a scar below his left ear, from the wound of a, 

" Ranaway, a negro man by the name of John ; 
he has a scar across his cheek, and one on his right 
arm, apparently done with a knife.'' 

" Ranaway, Isham ; has a scar upon the breast 
and upon the under lip, from the bite of a dog." 

" Ranaway, a negro man ; has a scar on his hip 
and on his breast, and two front teeth out." 

" Committed to jail, a negro man ; he is crippled 
in the right leg." 

" Absconded, a 'colored boy, named Peter, lame 
in the right leg." 

" Brought to jail, a negro man ; his left ankle has 
been broke.'' 

" Ranaway, a negro man named Jerry ; has a 
small piece cut out of the top of each ear." 

"Absconded, a negro named Cufiee; has lost one 
finger ; has an enlarged leg." 

" Committed to jail, a negro man ; has a very sore 

" Ranaway, my mulatto boy Cy ; has but one 
hand, all the fingers of his right hand were burnt off 
when young.'' 

" Was committed to jail, a negro named Bob ; 
appears to be crippled in the right leg." 

'* Was committed to jail, a negro man ; has his 
left thigh broke-" 

"Ranaway, my negro man, he has the end of one 
of his fingers broken. 


county <issip-' . 

Jackson, Mi. Dec. 28, 1838. scar on hts forehead.' 

maD CaI 7 ' 




E. w. Morris, sheriff of War- Committed as a runaway, a negro man, Jack ; he 
[MiTRegS er/' 7aVt bU 2 8 g , to* ***ral scars on his face." 

Mr. John P. Hoicombe, in Absented himself, his negro man Ben ; has scars 
5rtTl7% JUry> on his throat, occasioned by the cut of a knife." 

Mr. Geo. Kiniock, in the " Ranaway, negro boy Kitt, 15 or 16 years old ; 

MajTSa LS> ' ] C rier> " has a P iece taken out J' one f his ears '" 

Wm. Magee, sheriff, Mobile " Committed to jail, a runaway slave, Alexander ; 

Dec in 27 e i83? 0bile ****"'" a scar on his left cheek." 

Mr. Henry M. McGregor Ranaway, negro Phil ; scar through the right 

land^^Sndr^: W^' P art f the miMle t06 OD the ^ f Ot CUt 
C.] Gazette," Feb. 6, 1838. off. 1 ' 

Green B. jpurdan, Baldwin " Ranaway, John ; has a scar on one of his hands 

jSv%ruS^7 Ge rgia extending from the wrist joint to the little finger, 
also a scar on one of his legs." 

Messrs. Daniel and Goodman, "Absconded, mulatto slave Alick ; has a large 

KSSFfc* tim 6 " r " *r <"*r one of his cheeks." 

Jeremiah woodward, Gooch- "200 DOLLARS REWARD for Nelson ; has a 

^\ ^r X a whi<^f T' RIC ~ scar on his forehead occasioned by a burn, and one 

mond [Va.] Whig, Jan. 30, J ' 

1838. on his lower lip, and one about the knee. 

Samuel Rawiins, Gwiuet Co. Runaway, a negro man and his wife, named 

Ga. in the "Columbus Sen- -vr , , n . . y , ,, . i <.. 

tinel,"Nov.29,i838. Nat and Pnscilla ; he has a small scar on his lett 

cheek, two stiff fingers on his right hand, with a 
running sore on them ; his wife has a scar on her 
left arm, and one upper tooth out" 

" The reader perceives that we have under this head, as under previous 
ones, given to the testimony of the slaveholders themselves, under their 
own names, a precedence over that of all other witnesses. We now ask 
the reader's attention to the testimonies which follow. They are en- 
dorsed by responsible names men who ' speak what they know, and 
testify what they have seen' testimonies which show, that the slave- 
holders who wrote the preceding advertisements, describing the work of 
their own hands, in branding with hot irons, maiming, mutilating, crop- 
ping, shooting, knocking out the teeth and eyes of their slaves, breaking 
their bones, &c., have manifested, as far as they have gone in the descrip- 
tion, a commendable fidelity to truth. 

" It is probable that some of the scars and maimings in the preceding 
advertisements were the result of accidents ; and some may be the result 
of violence inflicted hy the slaves upon each other. Without arguing 
that point, we say, these are \h& facts ; whoever reads and ponders them, 
will need no argument to convince him, that the proposition which they 
have been employed to sustain, cannot be shaken. That any considerable 
portion of them were accidental, is totally improbable, from the nature 
of the case ; and is in most instances disproved by the advertisements 
themselves. That they have not been produced by assaults of the slaves 


Upon each other, is manifest from the fact, that injuries of that charac- 
ter inflicted by the slaves upon each other, are, as all who are familiar 
with the habits and condition of slaves well know, exceedingly rare ; and 
of necessity must be so, from the constant action upon them of the 
strongest dissuasives from such acts that can operate on human nature. 

" Advertisements similar to the preceding may at any time be gathered 
by scores from the daily and weekly newspapers of the slave states. Be- 
fore presenting the reader with further testimony in proof of the propo- 
sition at the head of this part of our subject, we remark, that some of 
the tortures enumerated under this, and the preceding heads, are not in 
all cases inflicted by slaveholders as punishments, but sometimes merely 
as preventives of escape, for the greater security of their ' property.' 
Iron collars, chains, &c. are put upon slaves when they are driven or 
transported from one part of the country to another, in order to keep 
them from running away. Similar measures are often resorted to upon 
plantations. When the master or owner suspects a slave of plotting an 
escape, an iron collar with long ' horns,' or a bar of iron, or a ball and 
chain, are often fastened upon him, for the double purpose of retarding 
his flight, should he attempt it, and of serving as an easy means of de- 

" Another inhuman method of marking slaves, so that they may be 
easily described and detected when they escape, is called cropping, 
In the preceding advertisements, the reader will perceive a number of 
cases, in which the runaway is described as ' cropt,' or a ' notch cut in 
the ear,' or a ' part' or 'the whole of the ear cut off,' &c. 

*' Two years and a half since, the writer of this saw a letter, then just 
received by Mr. Lewis Tappan, of New York, containing a negro's ear 
cut off close to the head. The writer of the letter, who signed himself 
Thomas Aylethorpe, Montgomery, Alabama, sent it to Mr. Tappan as 'a 
specimen of a negro's ears,' and desired him to add it to his ' collection.' 

" Another method of marking slaves, is by drawing out or breaking off 
one or two front teeth commonly the upper ones, as the mark would in 
that case be the more obvious. An instance of this kind is mentioned 
by Sarah M. Grimke, of which she had personal knowledge; being 
well acquainted both with the inhuman master, (a distinguished citizen 
of South Carolina,) by whose order the brutal deed was done, and with 
the poor young girl whose mouth was thus barbarously mutilated, to fur- 
nish a convenient mark by which to describe her in case of her elopement, 
as she had frequently run away. 

" The case stated by Miss G. serves to unravel what, to one un-initiated, 
seems quite a mystery : i. e, the frequency with which, in the advertise- 
ments of runaway slaves published in southern papers, they are describ- 

ed as having one or two front teeth out. Scores of snch advertisements 

are in southern papers now on our table. We will furnish the reader 
with a dozen or two. 


Jese pebruhi, sheriff, Rich- " Committed to jail, Ned, about 25 years of age ; 

land district, "Columbia (S. c.) h as i os t his two upper front teeth." 

Mr. John Hunt, Black Water 100 DOLLARS REWARD, for Perry; one 

c^'n^r 1 * Btte> " under front tooth missing; aged 23 years." 

Mr. John Frederick, Branch- 10 DOLLARS REWARD, for Mary : one or 

S^^of^? two upper teeth out; about 25 years old." 

June 12, 1837. 

Mr. Egbert A. Rawprth, eight Ranaway, Myal, 23 years old ; one of his fore 

miles west of Nashville on the t , /, t > ' 

Charlotte road, "Daily Repub- *< 
lican Banner," Nashville, Ten- 
nessee, April 30, 1838. 

Benjamin Russei, deputy she- " Brought to jail, John, 23 years old ; one fore 

riff, Bibb Co Ga. " Macon (Oa.) tnntli niit " 
Telegraph," Dec. 25, 1837. 

F.wisner, master of the work- " Committed to the Charleston workhouse, Tom ; 

rier ^'oct^lT'lSsT (S ' C ' } C " tWO f his "PP** f ront teetlt <>** > about 30 y ear8 f 


Mr. s. Neyie, " Savannah Ranaway, Peter ; has lost two front teeth in the 

(Ga.) Republican," July 3, -_ w n J 

1837. upper jaw. 

Mr. John McMurrain, near " Ranaway, a boy named Moses ; some of his 

Columbus, < Georgia Messen- f nnt fppft, mi t " 

ger," August 2, 1838. J r0nt eem OUt ' 

Mr. -John Kennedy, Stewart Ranaway, Sally: her fore teeth out" 

Co. La. " New Orleans Bee," " *." * 
April 7, 1837. 

Mr. A. J. Hutchings, near Ranaway, George Winston ; two of his upper fore 

mi^" C Aug A 25, w " teeth wt immediately in front." 

Mr. James Purdon, 33, Com- Ranaway, Jackson ; has lost one of his front 

mon-street, N. O. " New Or- , .. 

leans Bee," Feb. 13, 1838. eeln " 

Mr. -Robert Caivert, in the Ranaway, Jack, 25 years old ; has lost one of his 

tte> g ' ^e teeth." 

Mr. A. G. A. Beaziey, in the " Ranaway, Abraham, 20 [or 22 years of age ; hi 

"Memphis Gazette," March 18, j^ Ueth Ofrf> ,, 

Mr. Samuel Townsend, in the " Ranaway, Dick, 18 or 20 years of age ; has one 

"Huntsville [Ala.] Democrat," f rmt fa^fr out " 
May 24, 1837- ' 

Mr. Philip A. Dew, in the " Ranaway, Washington, about 25 years of age ; 

" Virginia Herald," of May 24, has an upper front tooth out.'' 

j. G. Duniap, " Georgia Con- " Ranaway, negro woman Abbe ; upper front teeth 

stitntionalist," April 24, 1838. OM /." 

John Thomas, Southern " Ranaway, Lewis, 25 or 26 years old ; one or two 
Argus," August 7, 1838. O f his front teeth out." 

M. E w. Gilbert, in the " 50 DOLLARS REWARD, for Prince, 25 or 26 
"Columbus [Ga.] Enquirer," years old ; one or two teeth out in front, on the upper 

00,5,1837. | aw ,, 

Publisher of the "Charleston <l Ranaway, Seller Saunders, one fore tooth out; 

Mercury," August 31, 1838. abou , ^ yeaw of age 



Mr. Byrd M. Grace, in the " Ranawav, Warren, about 25 or 26 years old : has 

". Macon [Ga.1 Telegraph," Oct . i , fi.-f t /..*!. 

16, 1838. i st some of hisjront teeth. 
Mr. George w. Barnes, in the Ranaway, Henry, about 23 years old ; has one of 

" Milledgeville [Ga.] Journal" i- / . ,f . t 

May 22, 1837. nis upper front teeth out. 

D. Herring, warden of Haiti- " Committed to jail, Elizabeth Steward, 17 or 18 

7! tim reChroni ~ years old; has one of her front teeth out." 

Mr. J L. coiborn, in the " Ranaway, Liley, 26 years of age; one fore tooth 

"Huntsnlle [Ala.] Democrat," " J ' ' 

July 4, 1837. gone. 

Samuel Harroan, Jr. in the " 50 DOLLARS REWARD, for Adolphe, 28 

1 " 1 * Bee> " Ct ber y ears old ; tw of his front teeth are missing." 

" Were it 'necessary, we might easily add to the preceding list, hundreds. 
The reader will remark that all the slaves, whose ages are given, are 
young not one has arrived at middle age ; consequently it can hardly 
be supposed that they have lost their teeth [either from age or decay. 
The probability that their teeth were taken out by force, is increased by 
the fact of their being front teeth in almost every case, and from the fact 
that the loss of no other is mentioned in the advertisements. It is well 
known that the front teeth are not generally the first to fail. Further, 
it is notorious that the teeth of the slaves are remarkably sound and ser- 
viceable, that they decay far less, and at a nruch later period of life than 
the teeth of the whites : owing partly, no doubt, to original constitution; 
but more probably to their diet, habits, and mode of life. 

" As an illustration of the horrible mutilations sometimes suffered by 
them in the breaking and tearing out of their teeth, we insert the follow- 
ing, from the New-Orleans Bee of May 31, 1837- 

" TEN DOLL AKS REWARD. Ranaway, Friday, May 12, JULIA, a negress, 


and the under ones ARE ALL BROKEN. Said reward will be paid to who- 
ever will bring her to her master, No. 172, Barracks-street, or lodge her 
in the jail. 

" The following is contained in the same paper. 
" This advertisement is signed by ' S. ELFER,' Faubourg Marigny." 
To the preceding we subjoin a few testimonies from the same 
work, respecting the hunting of slaves with dogs and guns. The 
Rev. Horace Moulton, a minister of the Wesleyan Methodist 
Church in Marlborough, Massachusets, who resided five years 
in Georgia, gives the following testimony. 

" Some obtain their living in hunting after lost slaves. The most com- 
mon way is to train up young dogs to follow them. This can easily be 
done by obliging a slave to go out into the woods, and climb a tree, and 


then put the young dog on his track, and with a little assistance he can 
be taught to follow him to the tree, and when found, of course the dog 
would bark at such game as a poor negro on a tree. There was a 
man living in Savannah when I was there, who kept a large number of 
dogs for no other purpose than to hunt runaway negroes. And he al- 
ways had enough of this work to do, for hundreds of runaways are never 
found, but could he get news soon after one had fled, he was almost sure 
to catch him. And this fear of the dogs restrains multitudes from run- 
ning off." 

" When he went out on a hunting excursion, to be gone several days, 
he took several persons with him, armed generally with rifles and fol- 
lowed by the dogs. The dogs were as true to the track of a negro, if 
one had passed recently, as a hound is to the track of a fox when he has 
found it. When the dogs draw near to their game, the slave must turn 
and fight them or climb a tree. If the latter, the dogs will stay and 
bark until the pursuers come. The blacks frequently deceive the dogs 
by crossing and recrossing the creeks. Should the hunters who have no 
dogs, start a slave from his hiding place, and the slave not stop at the 
hunter's call, he will shoot at him, as soon as he would at a deer. Some 
masters advertise so much for a runaway slave, dead or alive. It un- 
doubtedly gives such, more satisfaction to know that their property is 
dead, than to know that it is alive without being able to get it. Some 
slaves run away who never mean to be taken alive. I will mention one. 
He ran off and was pursued by the dogs, but having a weapon with him 
he succeeded in killing two or three of the dogs; but was afterwards shot. 
He had declared, that he never would be taken alive. The people re- 
joiced at the death of the slave, but lamented the death of the dogs, they 
were such ravenous hunters." 

Rev. Francis Hawley, who was for some years the general 
agent of the Baptist State Convention of North Carolina, gives 
the following testimony. 

" Runaway slaves are frequently hunted with guns and dogs. / was 
once out on such an excursion, with my rifle and two dogs. I trust the 
Lord has forgiven me this heinous wickedness ! We did not take the 

The following are taken from the same work, p. 159. 

" The ' public opinion ' of slaveholders is illustrated by scores of an- 
nouncements in southern papers, like the following, from the Raleigh, 
(N.C.) Register, August 20, 1838. Joseph Gales and Son, editors and 
proprietors the father and brother of the editor of the National Intelli- 
gencer, Washington city, D.C. 


" On Saturday night, Mr. George Holmes, of this county, and some of 
his friends, were in pursuit of a runaway slave (the property of Mr. 
Holmes) and fell in with him in attempting to make his escape. Mr. 
H. discharged a gun at his legs, for the purpose of disabling him ; hut 
unfortunately, the slave stumbled, and the shot struck him near the 
small of the back, of which wound he died in a short time. The slave 
continued to run some distance after he was shot, until overtaken by one 
of the party. "We are satisfied, from all that we can learn, that Mr. H. 
had no intention of inflicting a mortal wound." 

" Oh ! the gentleman, it seems, only shot at his legs, merely to ' dis- 
able ' and it must be expected that every gentleman will amuse himself 
in shooting at his own property whenever the notion takes him, and if 
he should happen to hit a little higher and go through the small of 
the back instead of the legs, why everybody says it is ' unfortunate,' and 
the whole of the editorial corps, instead of branding him as a barbarous 
wretch for shooting at his slave, whatever part he aimed at, join with the 
oldest editor in North Carolina, in complacently exonerating Mr. Holmes 
by saying, ' We are satisfied that Mr. H. had no intention of inflicting 
a mortal wound.' And so ' public opinion ' wraps it up ! 

" The Franklin (La.) Republican, August 19, 1837, has the following : 

" ' Negroes Taken. Four gentlemen of this vicinity, went out yester- 
day for the purpose of finding the camp of some noted runaways, sup- 
posed to be near this place ; the camp was discovered about 11 o'clock ; 
the negroes four in number, three men and one woman, finding they 
were discovered, tried to make their escape through the cane ; two of 
them were fired on, one of which made his escape ; the other one fell 
after running a short distance, his wounds are not supposed to be dan- 
gerous ; the other man was taken without any hurt ; the woman also 
made her escape.' 

" Thus terminated the mornings' amusement of the '/owr gentkmenj 
whose exploits are so complacently chronicled, by the editor of the Frank- 
lin Republican. The three men and one woman were all fired upon, it 
seems, though only one of them was shot down. The half famished run- 
aways made not the least resistance, they merely rushed in panic among 
the canes, at the sight of their pursuers, and the bullets whistled after 
them and brought to the ground one poor fellow, who was carried back 
by his captors as a trophy of the ' public opinion ' among slaveholders. 

" In the Macon (Ga.) Telegraph, Nov. 27, 1838, we find the follow- 
ing account of a runaway's den, and of the good luck of a ' Mr. Adams,' 
in running down one of them ' with his excellent dogs.' 

" ' A runaway's den was discovered'on Sunday near the Washington 
Spring, in a little patch of woods, where it had been for several months 


so artfully concealed under ground, that it was detected only by accident, 
thought in the sight of two or three houses, and near the road and fields 
where there has been constant daily passing. The entrance was con- 
cealed by a pile of pine straw, representing a hog bed which being re- 
moved, discovered a trap door and steps that led to a room about six 
feet square, comfortably ceiled with plant, containing a small fire-place, 
the flue of which was ingeniously conducted above ground and concealed 
by the straw. The inmates took the alarm and made their escape ; but 
Mr. Adams' and his excellent dogs being put upon the trail, soon ran 
down and secured one of them, which proved to be a negro fellow who 
had been out about a year. He stated that the other occupant was a 
woman, who had been a runaway a still longer time. In the den was 
found a quantity of meal, bacon, corn, potatoes, &c., and various cook- 
ing utensils and wearing apparel.' 

" Yes, Mr. Adams' ' EXCELLENT DOGS ' did the work! They were well 
trained, swift, fresh, keen-scented, ' excellent ' men-hunters, and though 
the poor fugitive, in his frenzied rush for liberty, strained every muscle, 
yet they gained upon him, and after dashing through fens, brier-beds, 
and the tangled undergrowth till faint and torn, he sinks, and the blood-- 
hounds are upon him. What blood-vessels the poor struggler burst in 
his desperate push for life how much he was bruised and lacerated in 
his plunge through the forest, or how much the dogs tore him, the Ma- 
con editor has not chronicled they are matters of no moment but his 
heart is touched with the merits of Mr. Adams' ' EXCELLENT DOGS,' that 
' soon ran down and secured' a guiltless and trembling human creature! 

" The Georgia Constitutionalist, of Jan. 1837, contains the following 
letter from the coroner of Barnwell District, South Carolina, dated Aiken, 
S.C. Dec. 20, 1836. 
" ' To the Editor of the Constitutionalist : 

" * I have just returned from an inquest I held over the body of a negro 
man, a runaway, that was shot near the South Edisto, in this District, 
(Barnwell,) on Saturday last. He came to his death by his own reck- 
lessness. He refused to be taken alive and said that other attempts 
to take him had been made, and he was determined that he would not 
be taken. He was at first, (when those in pursuit of him found it abso- 
lutely necessary,) shot at with small shot, with the intention of merely 
crippling him. He was shot at several times, and at last he was so dis- 
abled as to be compelled to surrender. He kept in the run of a creek 
in a very dense swamp all the time that the neighbours were in pursuit 
of him. As soon as the negro was taken, the best medical aid was pro- 
cured, but he died on the same evening. One of the witnesses at the 
Inquisition, stated that the negro boy said he was from Mississippi, and 


belonged to so many persons that he did not know who his master was, 
but again he said his master's name was Brown. He said his name was 
Sam, and when asked by another witness, who his master was, he mut- 
tered something like Augusta, or Augustine. The boy was apparently 
above thirty-five or forty years of age, about six feet high, slightly yellow 
in the face, very long beard or whiskers, and very stout built, and a stern 
countenance ; and appeared to have been a runaway for a long time. 

" ''Coroner (Ex-officio,) Barnwell Dist. S C' 
" The Norfolk (Va.) Herald, of Feb. 1837, has the Mowing : 
'" Three negroes in a ship's yawl, came on shore yesterday evening, near 
New Point Comfort, and were soon afterward apprehended and lodged 
in jail. Their story is, that they belonged to a brig from New York 
bound to Havana, which was cast away to the southward of Cape Henry, 
some day last week; that the brig was called the Maria, Captain 
Whittemore. I have no doubt they are deserters from some vessel in 
the bay, as their statements are very confused and inconsistent. One of 
these fellows is a mulatto, and calls liimself Isaac Turner ; the other two 
are quite black,' the one passing by the name of James Jones and the 
other John Murray. They have all their clothing with them, and are 
dressed in sea-faring apparel. They attempted to make their escape, 
and it was not till a musket yeas fired at them, and one of them slightly 
wounded, that they surrendered. They will be kept in jail till something 
further is discovered respecting them." 

"The 'St. Francisville (La.) Chronicle,' of Feb. 1, 1839, give the fol- 
lowing account of a \negro hunt,' in that parish. 

" * Two or three days since a gentleman of this parish,in hunting run- 
away negroes, came upon a camp of them in the swamp on Cat Island. 
He succeeded in arresting two of them, but the third made fight ; and 
upon being shot in the shoulder, fled to a sluice, where the dogs succeeded 
in drowning him before assistance could arrive.' 

" ' The dogs succeeded in drowning him' ! Poor fellow ! He tried 
hard for his life, plunged into the sluice, and, with a bullet in his shoul- 
der, and the blood hounds unfleshing his bones, he bore up for a mo- 
ment with feeble stroke as best he might, but ' public opinion' succeeded 
in drowning him, and the same 4 public opinion' calls the man who 
fired and crippled him, and cheered on the dogs, 'a gentleman,' and the 
editor who celebrates the exploit is a ' gentleman' also ! ' 

'* A large number of extracts similar to the above, might here be in- 
serted from southern newspapers in our possession, but the foregoing are 
more than sufficient for our purpose, and we bring to a close the testi- 
mony on this point, with the following : 


" Extract of a letter, from the Rev. Samuel J. May, of South Scituate, 
Mass, dated Dec. 20, 1838. 

" ' You doubtless recollect the narrative given in the * Oasis,' of a slave 
in Georgia, who having run away from his master, (accounted a very 
hospitable and even humane gentleman,) was hunted by his master and 
his retainers with horses, dogs, and rifles,, and having been driven into a 
tree by the hounds, was shot down by his more cruel pursuers. All the 
facts there given, and some others equally shocking, connected with the 
same case, were first communicated to me in 1833, by Mr. W. Russel, 
a highly respectable teacher of youth in Boston. He is doubtless ready 
to vouch for them. The same gentleman informed me that he was keep- 
ing school on or near the plantation of the monster who perpetrated the 
above outrage upon humanity, that he was even invited by him to join 
in the hunt, and when he expressed abhorrence at the thought, the plan- 
ter holding up the rifle which he had in his hand said with an oath, 
* d n that rascal, this is the third time he has run away, and he shall 
never run again. I'd rather put a ball into his side, than into the best 
buck in the land.' 

" Mr. Russell, in the account given by him of this tragedy in the 
4 Oasis,' page 267, thus describes the slaveholder who made the above 
expression, and was leader of the ' hunt,' and in whose family he resided 
at the time as an instructor; he says of him He was ' an opulent plan- 
ter, in whose family the evils of slaveholding were palliated by every 
expedient that a humane and generous disposition could suggest. He 
was a man of noble and elevated character, and distinguished for his 
generosity, and kindness of heart.' 

" In a letter to Mr. May, dated Feb. 3, 1839, Mr. Russell, speaking 
of the hunting of runaways with dogs and guns, says : ' Occurrences of 
a nature similar to the one related in the * Oasis,' were not unfrequent 
in the interior of Georgia and South Carolina twenty years ago. Seve- 
ral such fell under my notice within the space of fifteen months. In 
two such ' hunts,' I was solicited to join.' " 

The subjoined extract is from a letter written from Natchez, 
Mississippi, in 1833, to Arthur Tappan, Esq., New York. The 
writer is a highly respectable clergyman. His name is withheld 
because the publication would endanger his life. 

" Not six months since, I saw a number of my Christian neighbours 
packing up provisions, as I supposed for a deer hunt; but as I was 
about offering myself to the party, I learned that their powder and balls 
were destined to a very different purpose : it was, in short, the design of 


the party to bring home a number of runaway slaves, or to shoot them 
if they should not be able to get possession of them in any other way." 

The following is taken from the New York Commercial Ad- 
vertiser, of June 8, 1827. 

" Hunting men with dogs. A negro who had absconded from his 
master, and for whom a reward of 100 dollars was offered, has been 
apprehended and committed to prison in Savannah. The editor who 
states the fact adds, with as much coolness as though there were no 
barbarity in the matter, that he did not surrender till he was considera- 
bly MAIMED BY THE DOGS that had been set on him." 

We conclude our extracts under this head by a few addi- 
tional illustrations taken principally from " American Slavery 
as it is." 

" The following horrible transaction took place in Perry county, Ala- 
bama. We extract it from the African Observer, a monthly periodical, 
published in Philadelphia, by the society of Friends. See No. for Au- 
gust, 1827. 

" ' Tuscaloosa, Ala. June 20, 1827. 

" ' Some time during the last week a Mr. M'Neilly having lost some 
clothing, or other property of no great value, the slave of a neighbour- 
ing planter was charged with the theft. M'Neilly in company with his 
brother, found the negro driving his master's wagon ; they seized him 
and either did or were about to chastise him, when the negro stabbed 
M'Neilly, so that he died in an hour afterwards. The negro was taken 
before a justice of the peace, who waved his authority, perhaps through 
fear, as a crowd of persons had collected to the number of seventy or 
eighty, near Mr. People's (the justice) house. He acted as president of 
the mob, and put the vote, when it was decided he should be immedi- 
ately executed by being burnt to death. The sable culprit was led to a 
tree, and tied to it, and a large quantity of pine knots collected and 
placed around him, and the fatal torch applied to the pile, even against 
the remonstrances of several gentlemen who were present ; and the mi- 
serable being was in a short time burned to ashes. 

'"This is the SECOND negro who has been THUS put to death, 
without judge or jury, in this county.' 

" On the 28th, of April 1836, in the city of St. Louis, Missouri, a 
black man, named Mclntosh, who had stabbed an officer, that had ar- 
rested him, was seized by the multitude, fastened to a tree in the midst 
of the city, wood piled around him, and in open day and in the presence 


of an immense throng of citizens, he was hurned to death. The Alton 
(111.) Telegraph, in its account of the scene says ; 

" ' All was silent as death while the executioners were piling wood 
around their victim. He said not a word, until feeling that the flames 
had seized upon him. He then uttered an awful howl, attempting to 
sing and pray, then hung his head, and suffered in silence, except in the 
following instance: After the flames had surrounded their prey, his 
eyes hurnt out of his head, and his mouth seemingly parched to a cinder, 
some one in the crowd, more compassionate than the rest, proposed to 
put an end to his misery hy shooting him, when it was replied, ' that 
would he of no use, since he was already out of pain.' ' No, no,' said 
the wretch, ' I am not, I am suffering as much as ever ; shoot me, shoot 
me.' ' No, no,' said one of the fiends who was standing about the sacri- 
fice they were roasting, ' he shall not be shot. / would sooner slacken 
thejlre, if that would increase his misery ; ' and the man who said this 
was, as we understand, an OFFICER OF JUSTICE ! ' 

" The St. Louis correspondent of a New York paper adds, 

" ' The shrieks and groans of the victim were loud and piercing, and 
to observe one limb after another drop into the fire was awful indeed. 
He was about fifteen minutes in dying. I visited the place this morn- 
ing, and saw his body, or the remains of it, at the place of execution. 
He was burnt to a crump. His legs and arms were gone, and only a 
part of his head and body were left.' 

" Lest this demonstration of ' public opinion ' should be regarded as a 
sudden impulse merely, not an index of the settled tone of feeling in 
that community, it is important to add, that the Hon. Luke E. Lawless, 
Judge of the Circuit Court of Missouri, at a session of that Court in 
the city of St. Louis, some months after the burning of this man, decided 
officially that since the burning of Mclntosh was the act, either directly 
or by countenance of a majority of the citizens, it is ' a case which tran- 
scends the jurisdiction,' of the Grand Jury ! Thus the state of Missouri 
has proclaimed to the world, that the wretches who perpetrated that un- 
speakably diabolical murder, and the thousands that stood by consenting 
to it, were her representatives, and the Bench sanctifies it with the solem- 
nity of a judicial decision. 

" The ' New Orleans Post,' of June 7 1836, publishes the following : 

"'We understand, that a negro man was lately condemned by the 
mob, to be BURNED OVER A SLOW FIRE, which was put into execution 
at Grand Gulf, Mississippi, for murdering a black woman, and her 

" Mr. Henry Bradley, of Penyan, N. Y., has furnished us with an 
extract of a letter written by a gentleman in Mississippi to his brother 


in that village, detailing the particulars of the preceding transaction. 
The letter is dated Grand Gulf, Miss. August 15, 1836. The extract is 
as follows : 

" * I left Vicksburgh and came to Grand Gulf. This is a fine place 
immediately on the banks of the Mississippi, of something like fifteen 
hundred inhabitants in the winter, and at this time, I suppose, there are 
not over two hundred white inhabitants, but in the town and its vicinity 
there are negroes by thousands. The day I arrived at this place there 
was a man by the name of G murdered by a negro man that be- 
longed to him. G was born and brought up in A , state of 

New York. His father and mother now live south of A . He has 

left a property here, it is supposed, of forty thousand dollars, and no fa- 

" ' They took the negro, mounted him on a horse, led the horse under 
a tree, put a rope around his neck, raised him up by throwing the rope 
over a limb ; they then got into a quarrel among themselves ; some swore 
that he should be burnt alive; the rope was cut and the negro dropped to 
the ground. He immediately jumped to his feet ; they then made him 
walk a short distance to a tree ; he was then tied fast and a fire kindled, 
when another quarrel took place ; the fire was pulled away from him 
when about half dead, and a committee of twelve appointed to say in 
what manner he should be disposed of. They brought in that he should 
then be cut down, his head cut off, his body burned, and his head stuck 
on a pole at the corner of the road in edge of the town. That was 
done and all parties satisfied ! 

" e G owned the negro s wife, and was in the habit of sleeping with 

her ! The negro said he had killed him, and he believed he should be 
rewarded in heaven for it. 

" ' This is but one instance among many of a similar nature. 

S. S.' 

" "We have received a more detailed account of this transaction from 
Mr. William Armstrong, of Putnam, Ohio, through Maj. Horace Nye, 
of that place. Mr. A. who has been for some years employed as captain 
and supercargo of boats descending the river, was at Grand Gulf at the 
time of the tragedy, and witnessed it. It was on the sabbath. From 
Mr. Armstrong's statement, it appears that the slave was a man of un- 
common intelligence ; had the over-sight of a large business superin- 
tended the purchase of supplies for his master, &c. that exasperated 
by the intercourse of his master with his wife, he was upbraiding her 
one evening, when his master, overhearing him, went out to quell him, 
was attacked by the infuriated man and killed on the spot. The name 
of the master was Green ; he was a native of Auburn, New York, and 
had been at the south but a few years. 

" Mr. Ezekiel Birdseye, of Cornwall, Conn., a gentleman well known 
and highly respected in Litchfield county, who resided a number of 
years in South Carolina, gives the following testimony : 

" ' A man by the name of Waters was killed by his slaves, in New- 
bury District. Three of them were tried before the court, and ordered 
to be burnt. I was but a few miles distant at the time, and conversed 
with those who saw the execution. The slaves were tied to a stake, and 
pitch pine wood piled around them, to which the fire was communicated. 
Thousands were collected to witness this barbarous transaction. Other 
executions of this kind took place in various parts of the state, during my 
residence in it, from 1818 to 1824. About three or four years ago, a 
young negro was burnt in Abbeville District, for an attempt at rape.' 

" In the fall of 1837, there was a rumour of a projected insurrection 
on the Red River, in Louisiana. The citizens forthwith seized and 
A few months previous to that transaction, a slave was seized in a simi- 
lar manner and publicly burned to death, in Arkansas. In July, 1835, 
the citizens of Madison county, Mississippi, were alarmed by rumours of 
an insurrection, arrested five slaves and publicly executed them with- 
out trial. 

" The Missouri Republican, April 30, 1838, gives the particulars of 
the deliberate murder of a negro man named Tom, a cook on board the 
steamboat Pawnee, on her passage up from New Orleans to St. Louis. 
Some of the facts stated by the Republican are the following ; 

" ' On Friday night, about 10 o'clock, a deaf and dumb German girl 
was found in the store-room with Tom. The door was locked, and at 
first Tom denied she was there. The girl's father came. Tom unlocked 
the door, and the girl was found secreted in the room behind a barrel. 
The next morning some four or five of the deck passengers spoke to the 
captain about it. This was about breakfast time. Immediately after he 
left the deck, a number of the deck passengers rushed upon the negro, bound 
his arms behind his back and carried him forward to the bow of the boat. 
A voice cried out ' throw him overboard,' and was responded to from 
every quarter of the deck and in an instant he was plunged into the 
river. The whole scene of tying him and throwing him overboard 
scarcely occupied ten minutes, and was so precipitate that the officers 
were unable to interfere in time to save him. 

" ' There were between two hundred and fifty and three hundred pas- 
sengers on board.' 

" The whole process of seizing Tom, dragging him upon deck, binding 

his arms behind his back, forcing him to the bow of the boat, and 

throwing him overboard, occupied, the editor informs us, about TEN 

NUTES ; and of the two hundred and fifty or three hundred deck pas- 


sengers, with perhaps as many cabin passengers, it does not appear that 
a single individual raised a finger to prevent this deliberate murder ; and 
the ciy ' throw him overboard,' was, it seems, ' responded to from every 
quarter of the deck ! ' " 

A bare enumeration of the various modes of torture known to 
be practised in the planting states, must convince the most in- 
credulous, that our picture of slaveholding cruelty has not 
been overdrawn. In contemplating the following, it is diffi- 
cult to resist the conviction, that a more profound and mali- 
cious cunning than belongs to mere man, has been employed in 
contriving such a diversity of hellish torments to plague man- 
kind ; at the same time we must confess that their invention dis- 
plays no more of the fiend than their application which is daily 
made by beings wearing the form of men. 


The slaves are suspended by the wrists, with their toes just 
touching the ground; their ankles having been tied, a heavy log 
or fence rail is thrust between their legs. In this situation, 
naked, they are flogged with a cow-hide* till their blood and bits 
of mangled flesh stream from their shoulders to the ground. 
Again, they are stretched at full length upon the earth, their 
faces downwards, each of their wrists and ankles is lashed to a 
stake driven firmly into the ground. Thus stretched so that 
they cannot shrink in the least from the descending blows, they 
receive sometimes hundreds of lashes on their naked backs. So 
protracted is the flogging frequently that the overseer stops in 
the midst of it to take breath and rest his tired muscles, only to 
resume it with increased violence. In such cases the back of 
the slave presents to the beholder one mass of clotted blood 
and mangled flesh. Sometimes instead of lashing the ankles 
and wrists to stakes, the overseer orders four strong slaves to 
hold the victim. The persons selected to do this are sometimes, 
through a refinement of cruelty, the relatives of the sufferer. 
Again the slaves are stripped and bound upon a log, and in 
this position they are tortured with heavy paddles bored full of 

* This is a strip of a raw hide, .cut the whole length of the ox, and twisted 
while in that state until it tapers off to a point ; when it has become dry and 
hard it has somewhat the appearance of a drayman's whip, but the sharp 
edges projecting at every turn, cut into the flesh at every stroke ; it is indeed 
a dreadful instrument of punishment. 


holes, each of which raises a blister at every stroke : or infuri- 
ated cats are repeatedly dragged backwards from their shoulders 
to their hips. After either of the foregoing modes of lacerating 
the flesh, spirits of turpentine, or a solution of salt, or cayenne 
pepper, or pulverized mustard is rubbed into the bleeding 
wounds to aggravate and prolong the torment. 

Sometimes the slaves are buried to their chins in holes dug in 
the damp ground, just large enough for them to stand erect with 
their arms close by their sides. They are also fastened in the 
stocks for several successive nights, being released during the day 
for work, or confined both night and day. Instead of stocks, 
the feet are sometimes thrust between the rails of the fence. 

The slaves are beaten with heavy clubs over the head, arms, 
shoulders, or legs. -Walking canes are broken over their heads, 
sometimes fracturing the skull, or causing permanent insanity, 
or even death. In moments of passion the planter or overseer 
seizes any instrument within reach, often prostrating the slave 
at a blow ; and then stamps upon him till his fury is spent. 
During these paroxysms of rage the slaves frequently suffer the 
most frightful mutilations and fractures. Their limbs are bro- 
ken, joints dislocated, faces bruised, eyes and teeth knocked out, 
lips mangled, cheeks gashed, ears cropped, slit, or shaved close 
to the head, fingers and toes cut off; red hot branding irons 
with the initials of their masters are stamped into the cheeks, 
the fleshy parts of the thighs, and legs, and shoulders. They are 
maimed by gun and pistol shots, and lacerated with knives. 

Again : they are handcuffed, manacled, loaded with chains and 
balls; iron yokes are fastened about their necks with long 
prongs extending outward and upward, or meeting above the 
head, where a bell is suspended. 

They are punished by confinement in loathsome dungeons, 
by starvation, by nakedness, by protracted watchings, by long 
separation from their companions night and day, as husband 
from wife, by being forced to flog the naked bodies of their own 
relatives, as sons their mothers, or fathers their own daughters. 

Woman in her most delicate condition is subjected to humilia- 
tion and suffering, by being driven, up to the day, and sometimes 
to the moment of her delivery to labor with the promiscuous 
gang, and to feel the overseers lash in case she lags behind. 


When runaways are discovered and attempt to flee they are 
fired upon, and maimed or killed. They are pursued by 
trained dogs, which worry them and tear their flesh, not un- 
frequently taking their lives. When retaken, though worn by 
their struggles and faint with the loss of blood, they are at- 
tached by a long rope to their master's saddle, and furiously 
dragged homeward, while an attendant, riding behind, plies the 
bloody lash. They often fall dead on the road in the midst of 
these forced marches. 

TENTH QUESTION. What are the disabilities and disqualifi- 
cations under which the people of colour labor ? 

In a subsequent part of this document a number of pages are 
devoted to the subject of " prejudice against colour," in which 
the outrages perpetrated, upon our coloured fellow citizens by a 
ferocious public sentiment are drawn out in detail. We will 
therefore in reply to this query merely refer you to a pamphlet 
recently published by the American Anti-Slavery Society " On 
the Condition of the free people of Colour in the United States." 
The Pamphlet will be forwarded herewith. 

ELEVENTH QUESTION. How far are the professors of religion 
tacitly, or actively, implicated in the guilt of slaveholding, or any 
of its attendant evils? 

The abolitionists of the United States have always insisted 
that professors of religion, both in the free and slave states, are 
deeply implicated in the guilt of slavery. They have been fully 
convinced that the American churches were mainly answerable 
for the continuance of American slavery, and it has been a pro- 
minent object with them to arouse professed Christians to tes- 
tify, both in their individual and associated capacities, against 
the sin of oppression. The hostility which their efforts to this 
end have excited within the church, has more than justified their 
convictions it has betrayed an extent and inveteracy of pro- 
slavery feeling in the professed church of Christ, of which even 
abolitionists had not conceived. 

In making the developments which our query calls for, far 
be it from us to set aught down in censoriousness against the 

o o 

K 2 


professed followers of Jesus ; and as far be it from our hearts 
to triumph in the exposure of their awful guilt touching the sub- 
ject of slavery. Rather would we cover our faces in shame and 
weep at the thought, that professing Christians sanction and up- 
hold such a system of outrages upon man and God. 

We will first consider how far professors of religion, living in the 
slave states are implicated in the guilt of slaveholding, and sub- 
sequently exhibit the implication of professors in the free states. 

Professors of religion in the slave states are implicated very 
extensively as a body, in the guilt of slaveholding, 

1. By holding slaves themselves. 

2. By vying with non-professing masters, in cruel treatment 
of their slaves. 

3. By selling and buying human beings, and often separating 
husbands and wives, parents and children. 

4. By defending slavery as a " Bible Institution." 

5. By denouncing, opposing, and reviling abolitionists. 

1. By actually holding slaves. Professors of religion are 
slaveholders to as great an extent proportionably as the openly 
irreligious. There is no obstacle whatever to church members 
holding slaves. With the exception of the Friends or Quakers, 
the Reformed Presbyterians or Covenanters, and three other 
small sects the United Brethren in Christ, the Primitive Metho- 
dists,'and the Emancipation Baptists,* there is not a single deno- 
mination in the slave states which forbids slaveholding among its 
members. So far from any obstacles being placed in the way, 
there is every encouragement held out to professed Christians 
to hold slaves. If any one should feel conscientious scruples 
about it, the example of his pastor and the church officers amply 
satisfies him that his misgivings are the result of weakness. 
Or if this should not perfectly convince him, a lecture or sermon 
from his "minister, proving slavery a divine institution cannot fail 
to do so. 

From the following testimony we learn to what extent pro- 
fessed Christians are engaged in actual slaveholding. The wit- 
ness is a minister of high standing in the Presbyterian denomi- 

* Each of the four sects last named has not probably half a score of churches 
in all the slave states ; and some of them we believe have only three or four 


nation at the south, and has been for many years stated clerk 
of a Presbytery in Mississippi. 

" If slavery be a sin, and if advertising and apprehending slaves with 
a view to restore them to their masters, is a direct violation of the di- 
vine law, and if the buying, selling , and holding a slave FOR THE SAKE 
OF GAIN, is a heinous sin and scandal, then verily, THREE FOURTHS OF 
IN ELEVEN STATES OF THE UNION, are of the devil. They HOLD, if they 
do not buy and sell slaves ; and with few exceptions, they hesitate not to 
apprehend and restore runaway slaves when in their power." Quarterly 
Anti-Slavery Magazine vol. ii. p. 386. 

This clerical defender of slavery informs us that THREE 
FOURTHS of the members of the large denominations in the south 
hold slaves for gain. So extensive is the practice of slavehold- 
ing among church members, that it constitutes an argument 
with this divine, and a conclusive one too, against the doctrine 
that slavery is sin. What a proclamation this, of the prevalence 
of slavery in the church ! Further testimony is needless. Of 
the remaining one fourth, assuming the above estimate to be 
correct, a very small portion refrain from slaveholding upon 
principle. The great 'majority of non-slaveholding professors 
are such for the same reason that often prevents non-professors 
from owning slaves inability. 

2. By vying with non-professing masters, in cruel treatment 
of their slaves. Slaveholding professors of religion do in the 
main exact as much labor, employ as barbarous overseers, stint 
the food, clothing, and sleep of their slaves, and furnish them 
as wretched shelter and lodgings, as other masters. They flog 
as severely and as frequently, lacerate, bruise, maim, crop, brand, 
gash, kick, chain, and imprison with the same relentless barba- 
rity. They allow licentiousness to as great an extent, and they 
equally neglect the education and religious instruction of their 

The testimony which follows is taken from " American Sla- 
very as it is." We will first present that of Rev. Francis Haw- 
ley, who resided fourteen years in North and South Carolina. 
Mr. H. is now pastor of the Baptist Church in Wallingford, 



" ' Some years since, a Presbyterian minister moved from North Caro- 
lina to Georgia. He had a negro man of an uncommon mind. For some 
cause, I know not what, this minister whipped him most unmercifully. 
He next nearly drowned him ; he then put him in the fence ; this is done 
by lifting up the corner of a ' worm ' fence, and then putting the feet 
through ; the rails serve as stocks. He kept him there some time, how 
long I was not informed, but the poor slave died in a few days ; and, if 
I was rightly informed, nothing was done about it, either in church or 
state. After some time, he moved back to North Carolina, and is now 

a member of Presbytery. I have heard him preach, and have been 

in the pulpit with him. May God forgive me ! ' 

2. "'While travelling as agent for the North Carolina Baptist State 
Convention, I attended a three days' meeting in Gates County. Friday, 
the first day, passed off. Saturday morning came, and the pastor of the 
church, who lived a few miles off, did not make his appearance. The 
day passed off and no news from the pastor. On Sabbath morning, he 
came hobbling along, having but little use of one foot. He soon ex- 
plained : said he had hired a negro man, who, on Saturday morning, 
gave him a 'little slack jam! Not having a stick at hand, he fell upon 
him with his fist and foot, and in kicking him, he injured his foot so 
seriously, that he could not attend meeting on Saturday. 

3. " ' Some of the slaveholding ministers at the south, put their slaves 
under overseers, or hire them out, and then take the pastoral care of 
churches. The Rev. Mr. B , formerly of Pennsylvania, had a plan- 
tation in Marlborough District, South Carolina, and was the pastor of 

a church in Darlington District. The Rev. Mr. T , of Johnson 

county, North Carolina, has a plantation in Alabama. 

4. '" I was present, and saw the Rev. J. W , of Mecklenburg 

county, North Carolina, hire out four slaves to work in the gold mines 

in Burke county. The Rev. II. M , of Orange county, sold, for 

900 dollars, a negro man to a speculator, on a Monday of a camp meeting.' 

5." Extract from an editorial article in the 'Lowell (Mass.) Observer' 
a religious paper, edited at the time (1833) by the Rev. Daniel S. South- 
mayd, who recently died in Texas. 

. " ' We have been among the slaves at the south. We took pains to 
make discoveries in respect to the evils of slavery. We formed our sen- 
timents on the subject of the cruelties exercised towards the slave from 
having witnessed them. We now affirm, that we never saw a man, who 
had never been at the south, who thought as much of the cruelties 
practised on the slaves, as we know to be a fact. 

" ' A slave whom I loved for his kindness and the amiableness of his 
disposition, and who belonged to the family where I resided, happened to 
stay out fifteen minutes longer than he had permission to stay. It was a 


mistake it was unintentional. But what was the penalty? He was 
sent to the house of correction with the order that he should have thirty 
lashes upon his naked body with a knotted rope ! ! ! He was brought 
home and laid down in the stoop, in the back of the house, in the sun, 
upon the floor. And there he lay, with more the appearance of a rotten 
carcass than a living man, for four days before he could do more than 
more. And who was this inhuman being, calling God's property his own, 
and using it as he would not have dared to use a beast ? You may say 
he was a tiger one of the more wicked sort, and we must not judge 
others by him. He was a professor of that religion which will pour upon 
the willing slaveholder the retribution due to his sin. 

6. " Rev. Huntington Lyman late'pastor of the Free Church in Buffalo, 
New York, says : 

" * "Walking one day in New Orleans with a professional gentleman, 
who was educated in Connecticut, we were met by a black man ; the 
gentleman was greatly incensed with the black man for passing so near 
him, and turning upon him he pushed him with violence off the walk 
into the street. This man was a professor of religion.' 

" [[And we add, a member, and if we mistake not, an officer of the 
Presbyterian Church which was established there by Rev. Joel Parker, 
and which was then under his teachings. ED.] 

"Mr. Ezekiel Birdseye, a gentleman of known probity, in Cornwall, 
Litchfield county, Conn, gives the testimony which follows : 

" ' A BAPTIST CLERGYMAN in Laurens district, S. C., WHIPPED HIS SLAVE 
TO DEATH, whom he suspected of having stolen about sixty dollars. The 
slave was in the prime of life, and was purchased a few weeks before for 
800 dollars of a slave trader from. Virginia or Maryland. The coroner, 
Wm. Irby, at whose house I was then boarding, told me, that on review- 
ing the dead body, he found it beat to a jelly from head to foot. The mas- 
ter's wife discovered the money a day or two after the death of the slave. 
She had herself removed it from where it was placed, not knowing what 
it was, as it was tied up in a thick envelope. I happened to be present 
when the trial of this man took place, at Laurens Court-house. His 
daughter testified that her father untied the slave, when he appeared to 
be failing, and gave him cold water to drink, of which he took freely. 
His counsel pleaded that his death might have been caused by drinking 
cold water in a state of excitement. The judge charged the jury, that 
it would be their duty to find the defendant guilty, if they believed the 
death was caused by the whipping ; but if they were of opinion that 
drinking cold water caused the death, they would find him not guilty ! 
The jury found him NOT GUILTY !' 


" Dr. Jeremiah S. "VVaugh, a physician in Somerville, Butler county, 
Ohio, testifies as follows : 

" ' In the year 1825, I boarded with the Rev. John Mushat, a seceder 
minister, and principal of an academy in Iredel county, N. C. He had 
slaves, and was in the habit of restricting them on the sabbath. One of 
his slaves, however, ventured to disobey his injunctions. The offence 
was, he went away on sabbath evening, and did not return till Monday 
morning. About the time we were called to breakfast, the rev. gentle- 
man was engaged in chastising him for breaking the sabbath. He deter- 
mined not to submit attempted to escape by flight. The master imme- 
diately took down his gun and pursued him ; levelled his instrument of 
death, and told him, if he did not stop instantly he mould blow him through. 

" ' The poor slave returned to the house and submitted himself to the 
lash ; and the good master, while YET PALE WITH RAGE, sat down to the 
table, and with a trembling voice ASKED GOD'S BLESSING !' 

" The following letter was sent by Capt. Jacob Dunham, of New York 
city, to a slaveholder in Georgetown, D. C., more than twenty years 
since : 

" ' Georgetown, June 13, 1815. 

" ' Dear sir, Passing your house yesterday, I beheld a scene of cruelty 
seldom witnessed ; that was the brutal chastisement of your negro girl, 
lashed to a ladder and beaten in an inhuman manner, too bad to describe. 
My blood chills while I contemplate the subject. This has led me to 
investigate your character from your neighbours ; who inform me that 
you have caused the death of one negro man, whom you struck with a 
sledge for some trivial fault ; that you have beaten another black girl 
with such severity that the splinters remained in her back for some weeks 
after you sold her ; and many other acts of barbarity, too lengthy to 
enumerate. And to my great surprise, I find you are a professor of the 
Christian religion ! 

" ' You will naturally inquire, why I meddle with your family affairs. 
My answer is, the cause of humanity and a sense of my duty requires it. 
With these hasty remarks I leave you to reflect on the subject ; but wish 
you to remember, that there is an all-seeing eye who knows all our faults 
and will reward us according to our deeds. 

" ' I remain, sir, yours, &c. 

" ' Master of the brig Cyrus, of N. Y.' 

*' Rev. Sylvester Cowles, pastor of the Presbyterian church, in Fredo- 
nia, N. Y., says : 

" ' A young man, a member of the church in Conewango, went to 


Alabama last year, to reside as a clerk in an uncle's store. When he 
had been there about nine months, he wrote his father that he must 
return home. To see members of the same church sit at the communion 
table of our Lord one day, and the next to see one seize any weapon and 
knock the other down, as he had seen, he could not live there. His good 
father forthwith gave him permission to return home.' 

" The following is a specimen of the shameless hardihood with which 
a professed minister of the gospel, and editor of a religious paper, assumes 
the right to hold God's image as a chattel. It is from the ' Southern 
Christian Herald' : 

" ' It is stated in the Georgetown Union, that a negro, supposed to 
have died of cholera, when that disease prevailed in Charleston, was 
carried to the public burying-ground to be interred ; but before interment 
signs of life appeared, and, by the use of proper means, he was restored 
to health. And now the man who first perceived the signs of life in the 
slave, and that led to his preservation, claims the property as his own, 
and is about bringing*suit for its recovery. As well might a man who 
rescued his neighbour's slave, or his horse, from drowning, or who extin- 
guished the flames that would otherwise soon have burnt down his 
neighbor's house, claim the property as his own.' 

" Rev. George Bourne, of New York city, late editor of the ' Protest- 
ant Vindicator,' who was a preacher seven years in Virginia, gives the 
following testimony :* 

" ' Benjamin Lewis, who was an elder in the Presbyterian church, 
engaged a carpenter to repair and enlarge his house. After some time 

* A few years since Mr. Bourne published a work entitled " Picture of 
Slavery in the United States ;" in which he describes a variety of horrid atro- 
cities perpetrated upon slaves ; such as brutal scourgings and lacerations, with 
the application of pepper, mustard, salt, vinegar, &c. to the bleeding gashes ; 
also raaimings, cat-haulings, burnings, and other tortures similar to hundreds 
described on the preceding pages. These descriptions of Mr. Bourne were 
at that time thought by multitudes incredible, and probably even by some 
abolitionists who had never given much reflection to the subject. We are 
happy to furnish the reader with the following testimony of a Virginia slave- 
holder, to the accuracy of Mr. Bourne's delineations, especially as this slave- 
holder is a native of one of the counties (Culpepper) near to which the atro- 
cities described by Mr. B. were committed. 

Testimony of Mr. William Hansborough, of Culpepper county, Virginia, 
the ' owner' of sixty slaves, to Mr. Bourne's " Picture of Slavery" as a true 

Lindley Coates, of Lancaster Co. Pa., a well known member of the late 
Pennsylvania Convention for revising the constitution of the state, in a letter 
now before us describing a recent interview between him and Mr. Hans- 
borough, of several days continuance, says, " I handed him Bourne's ' Picture 
of Slavery' to read ; after reading it, he said, that all the sufferings of slaves 
therein related were true delineations, and that he had seen all those modes of 
torture himself," 


had elapsed, Kyle, the builder, was awakened very early in the morning 
by a most piteous moaning and shrieking. He arose, and following the 
sound, discovered a coloured woman nearly naked, tied to a fence, while 
Lewis was lacerating her. Kyle instantly commanded the slave-driver 
to desist. Lewis maintained his jurisdiction over his slaves, and threat- 
ened Kyle that he would punish him for'his interference. Finally Kyle 
obtained the release of the victim. 

" ' A second and a third scene of the same kind occurred, and on the 
tliird occasion, the altercation almost produced a battle between the elder 
and the carpenter. 

" * Kyle immediately arranged his affairs, packed up his tools, and pre- 
pared to depart. ' Where are you going ?' demanded Lewis. ' I am 
going home,' said Kyle. ' Then I will pay you nothing for what you 
have done,' retorted the slave-driver, ' unless you complete your contract.' 
The carpenter went away with this edifying declaration, ' I will not stay 
here a day longer ; for I expect the fire of God will come down and burn 
you up altogether, and I do not choose to go to hell with you.' Through 
hush-money and promises not to whip the women any more, I believe 
Kyle returned and completed his engagement. 

" ' James Kyle, of Harrisonburgh, Virginia, frequently narrated this 
circumstance, and his son, the carpenter, confirmed it with all the minute 
particulars combined with his temporary residence on the Shenandoah river. 

" ' John M'Cue, of Augusta county, Virginia, a Presbyterian preacher, 
frequently on the Lord's day morning, tied up his slaves and whipped 
them ; and left them bound, while he went to the meeting-house and 
preached ; and after his return home repeated his scourging. That fact, 
with others more heinous, was known to all persons in his congregation 
and around the vicinity ; and so far from being censured for it, he and 
his brethren justified it as essential to preserve their ' domestic institu- 

" ' Mrs. Pence, of Rockingham county, Virginia, used to boast, ' I 
am the best hand to whip a wench in the whole county.' She used to 
pinion the girls to a post in the yard on the Lord's day morning, scourge 
them, put on the * negro plaster^ salt, pepper, and vinegar, leave them 
tied, and walk away to church as demure as a nun, and after service 
repeat her flaying, if she felt the whim. I once expostulated with her 
upon her cruelty. ' Mrs. Pence, how can you whip your girls so pub- 
licly and disturb your neighbours so, on the Lord's day morning ?' Her 
answer was memorable. ' If I were to whip them on any other day I 
should lose a day's work ; but by whipping them on Sunday, their backs 
get well enough by Monday morning.' That woman, if alive, is doubt- 
less a member of the church now, as then. 


" ' Rev. Dr. Staughton, formerly of Philadelphia, often stated, that 
when he lived at Georgetown, S. C., he could tell the doings of one of 
the slaveholders of the Baptist church there by his prayers at the prayer 
meeting. ' If,' said he, ' that man was upon good terms with his slaves, 
his words were cold and heartless as frost ; if he had been whipping a 
man, he would pray with life ; but if he had left a woman whom he had 
been flogging, tied to a post in his cellar, with a determination to go back 
and torture her again, O ! how he would pray !' The Rev. Cyrus P. 
Grosvenor, of Massachusetts, can confirm the above statement by Dr. 

" ' William Wilson, a Presbyterian preacher, of Augusta county, Vir- 
ginia, had a young colored girl who was constitutionally unhealthy. As 
no means to amend her were availing, he sold her to a member of his 
congregation, and in the usual style of human flesh dealers, warranted 
her ' sound,' &c. The fraud was instantly discovered ; but he would not 
refund the amount. A suit was commenced, and was long continued, 
and finally the plaintiff recovered the money out of which he had been 
swindled by slave-trading with his own preacher. No Presbytery cen- 
sured him, although Judge Brown, the chancellor, severely condemned 
the imposition. 

" 'In the year 1811, Jehab Graham, a preacher, lived with Alexander 
Nelson, a Presbyterian elder, near Stanton, Virginia, and he informed 
me that a man had appeared before Nelson, who was a magistrate, and 
swore falsely against his slave, that the elder ordered him thirty-nine 
lashes. All that wickedness was done as an excuse for his dissipated 
owner to obtain money. A negro trader had offered him a considerable 
sum for the ' boy,' and under the pretence of saving him from the pun- 
ishment of the law, he was trafficked away from his woman and children 
to another state. The magistrate was aware of the perjury, and the 
whole abomination, but all the truth uttered by every coloured person in 
the southern states would not be of any avail against the notorious false 
swearing of the greatest white villain who ever cursed the world. ' How,' 
said Jehab Graham, ' can I preach to-morrow ?' I replied, ' Very well ; 
go and thunder the doctrine of retribution in their ears, Obadiah 15, till 
by the divine blessing you kill or cure them.' My friends, John M. 
Nelson of Hillsborough, Ohio, Samuel Linn, and Robert Herron, and 
others of the same vicinity, could ' make both the ears of every one who 
heareth them tingle' with the accounts which they can give of slave- 
driving by professors of religion in the Shenandoah Valley, Virginia. 

" 'In 1815, near Frederick, in Maryland, a most barbarous planter was 
killed in a fit of desperation, by four of his slaves in self-defence. It was 
declared by those slaves while in prison that, besides his atrocities among 


their female associates, he had deliberately butchered a number of his 
slaves. The four men were murdered by law to appease the popular 
clamor. I saw them executed on the twenty-eighth day of Jan. 1816. 
The facts I received from the Rev. Patrick Davidson of Frederick, who 
constantly visited them during their imprisonment and who became an 
abolitionist in consequence of the disclosures which he heard from those 
men in the jail. The name of the planter is not distinctly recollected, 
but it can be known by an inspection of the record of the trial in the 
clerk's office, Frederick. 

" ' A minister of Virginia, still living, and whose name must not be 
mentioned for fear of Nero Preston and his confederate-hanging myrmi- 
dons, informed me of this fact in 1815, in his own house. ' A member 
of my church, said he, lately whipped a coloured youth to death. What 
shall I do ?' I answered, ' I hope you do not mean to continue him in 
your church.' That minister replied, ' How can we help it !' We dare 
not call him to an account. We have no legal testimony.' Their com- 
munion season was then approaching. I addressed his wife, ' Mrs. 

do you mean to sit at the Lord's table with that murderer ?' ' Not I,' 
she answered : ' I would as soon commune with the devil himself.' The 
slave killer was equally unnoticed by the civil and ecclesiastical au- 

" ' John Baxter, a Presbyterian elder, the brother of that slaveholding 
doctor in divinity, George A. Baxter, held as a slave the wife of a Bap- 
tist colored preacher, familiarly called ' Uncle Jack.' In a late period 
of pregnancy he scourged her so that the lives of herself and her unborn 
child were considered in jeopardy. Uncle Jack was advised to obtain 
the liberation of his wife. Baxter finally agreed, I think, to sell the 
woman and her children, three of them, I believe, for six hundred dol- 
lars, and an additional hundred if the unborn child survived a certain 
period after its birth. Uncle Jack was to pay one hundred dollars per 
annum for his wife and children for seven years, and Baxter held a sort 
of mortgage upon them for the payment. Uncle Jack showed me his 
back in furrows like a ploughed field. His master used to whip up the 
flesh, then beat it downwards, and then apply the ' negro plaster J salt, 
pepper, mustard, and vinegar, until all Jack's back was almost as hard 
and unimpressible as the bones. There is slaveholding religion ! A 
Presbyterian elder receiving from a Baptist preacher seven hundred dol- 
lars for his wife and children ! James Kyle and uncle Jack used to tell 
that story with great Christian sensibility ; and uncle Jack would weep 
tears of anguish over his wife's piteous tale, and tears of ecstasy at the 
same moment that he was free, and that soon, by the grace of God, his 
wife and children, as he said, ' would be all free together.' 


" Rev. James Nourse, a Presbyterian clergyman of Mifflin co., Penn., 
whose father is, we believe, a slaveholder in Washington city, says, 

" ' The Rev. Mr. M , now of the Huntingdon Presbytery, after an 

absence of many months, was about visiting his old friends on what is 
commonly called the ' Eastern Shore.' Late in the afternoon, on his 

journey, he called at the house of Rev. A. C., of P town, Md. With 

this brother he had been long acquainted. Just at that juncture Mr. C. 
was about proceeding to whip a colored female, who was his slave. She 
was firmly tied to a post in FRONT of his dwelling-house. The arrival 
of a clerical visitor at such a time, occasioned a temporary delay in the 
execution of Mr. C.'s purpose. But the delay was only temporary ; for 
not even the presence of such a guest could destroy the bloody design. 
The guest interceded with all the mildness yet earnestness of a brother 
and new visitor. But all in vain ; ' the woman had been SAUCY, and 
must be punished.' The cowhide was accordingly produced, and the 
Rev. Mr. C., a large and very stout man, applied it ' manfully' on 
' woman's' bare and ' shrinking flesh.' I say bare, because you know 
that the slave women generally have but three or four inches of the arm 
near the shoulder covered, and the neck is left entirely exposed. As the 
cowhide moved back and forward, striking right and left, on the head, 
neck, and arms, at every few strokes the sympathising guest would ex- 
claim, ' O, brother C. desist.' But brother C. pursued his brutal work, 
till, after inflicting about sixty lashes, the woman was found to be suf- 
fused with blood on the hinder part of her neck, and under her frock 
between the shoulders. Yet this rev. gentleman is well esteemed in the 
church ; was, three or four years since, moderator of the synod of Phila- 
delphia, and yet walks abroad, feeling himself unrebuked by law or gos- 
pel. Ah, sir, does not this narration give fearful force to the query 
* What has the church to do with slavery ?' Comment on the facts is 
unnecessary, yet allow me to conclude by saying, that it is my opinion 
such occurrences are not rare in the south. J. N.' 

" Rev. Charles Stewart Renshaw, of Quincy, Illinois, in a recent letter, 
speaking of his residence, for a period, in Kentucky, says, 

" 'In a conversation with Mr. Robert Willis, he told me that his 
negro girl had run away from him some time previous. He was con- 
vinced that she was lurking round, and he watched for her. He soon 
found the place of her concealment, drew her from it, got a rope, and tied 
her hands across each other, then threw the rope over a beam in the kit- 
chen, and hoisted her up by the wrists ; ' and,' said he, ' I whipped her 
. there till I made the lint fly, I tell you.' I asked him the meaning of 
making * the lint fly,' and he replied, ' till the blood, flew! I spoke of the 
iniquity and cruelty of slavery, and of its immediate abandonment. He 


confessed it an evil, but said, ' I am a colonizatwnist I believe in that 
scheme.' Mr. Willis is a teacher of sacred music, and a member of the 
Presbyterian church in Lexington, Kentucky.' 

" Mr. R., speaking of the PRESBYTERIAN MINISTER and church where 
he resided, says, 

" * The minister and all the church members held slaves. Some were 
treated kindly, others harshly. There was not a shade ofdifferencel>et\veen 
their slaves and those of then: infidel neighbours, either in their physical, 
intellectual, or moral state : in some cases they would suffer in the com- 

" ' In the kitchen of the minister of the church, a slave man was living 
in open adultery with a slave woman, who was a member of the church, 
with an ' assured hope' of heaven ; whilst the man's wife was on the 
minister's farm in Fayette county. The minister had to bring a cook 
down from his farm to the place in which he was preaching. The choice 
was between the wife of the man and this church member. He left the 
wife, and brought the church member to the adulterer's bed. 

" ' I was much shocked once, to see a Presbyterian elder's wife call a 
little slave to her to kiss her feet. At first the boy hesitated ; but the 
command being repeated in tones not to be misunderstood, he approached 
timidly, knelt, and kissed her foot.' 

" The following communication from the Rev. William Bardwell, of 
Sandwich, Massachusetts, has just been published in ' Zion's Watchman,' 
New York city : 

" * Mr. Editor, The following fact was given me last evening, from 
the pen of a shipmaster, who has traded in several of the principal ports 
in the south. He is a man of unblemished character, a member of the 
M. E. church in this place, and familiarly known in this town. The facts 
were communicated to me last fall in a letter to his wife, with a request 
that she would cause them to be published. I give them verbatim, as 
they were written from the letter by brother Perry's own hand while I 
was in his house. 

" ' A Methodist preacher, Wm. Whitby by name, who married in 
Bucksville, S. C., and by marriage came into possession of some slaves, 
in July, 1838, was about moving to another station to preach, and wished, 
also, to move his family and slaves to Tennessee, much against the will 
of the slaves, one of which, to get clear from him, ran into the woods 
after swimming a brook. The parson took after him with his gun, which, 
however, got wet and missed fire, when he ran to a neighbour for another 
gun, with the intention, as, he said, of killing him ; he did not, however, 
catch or kill him ; he chained another for fear of his running away also. 


The above particulars were related to me by William Whitby himself. 


" ' March 3, 1839.' 

" ' I find by examining the minutes of the S. C. Conference, that there 
is such a preacher in the conference, and brother Perry further stated to 
me that he was well acquainted with him, and if this statement was pub- 
lished, and if it could be known where he was since the last conference, 
he wished a paper to be sent him containing the whole affair. He also 
stated to me, verbally, that the young man he attempted to shoot was 
about nineteen years of age, and had been shut up in a corn-house, and 
in the attempt of Mr. Whitby to chain him, he broke down the door and 
made his escape as above-mentioned, and that Mr. W. was under the 
necessity of hiring him out for one year, with the risk of his employer's 
getting him. Brother Perry conversed with one of the slaves, who was 
so old that he thought it not profitable to remove so far, and had been 
sold ; he informed him of all the above circumstances, and said, with 
tears, that he thought he had been so faithful as to be entitled to liberty, 
but instead of making him free, he had sold him to another master, 
besides parting one husband and wife from those ties rendered a thousand 
times dearer by an infant child, which was torn for ever from the hus- 


" ' Sandwich, Mass., March 4, 1839.' 

" Mr. Samuel Hall, a teacher in Marietta college, Ohio, says, in a 
recent letter : 

" ' A student in Marietta college, from Mississippi, a professor of reli- 
gion, and in every way worthy of entire confidence, made to me the fol- 
lowing statement. Qlf his name were published it would probably cost 
him his life.] 

" ' When I was in the family of the Rev. James Martin, of Louisville, 
Winston county, Mississippi, in the spring of 1838, Mrs. Martin became 
offended at a female slave, because she did not move faster. She com- 
manded her to do so ; the girl quickened her pace ; again she was ordered 
to move faster, or, Mrs. M, declared, she would break the broomstick 
over her head. Again the slave quickened her pace ; but not coming up 
to the maximum desired by Mrs. M., the latter declared she would see 
whether she (the slave) could move or not; and, going into another 
apartment, she brought in a raw hide, awaiting the return of her husband 
for its application. In this instance I know not what was the final 
result, but I have heard the sound of the raw hide in at least trvo other 
instances, applied by this same reverend gentleman to the back of his 
female servant.' 


" Mr. Hall adds ' The name of my informant must be suppressed, as 
he says, c there are those who would cut my throat in a moment, if the 
information I give were to be coupled with my name.' Suffice it to say 
that he is a professor of religion, a native of Virginia, and a student of 
Marietta college, whose character will bear the strictest scrutiny. He 
says : 

" ' In 1838, at Charlestown, Ya., I conversed with several members 
of the church under the care of the Rev. Mr. Brown, of the same place. 
Taking occasion to speak of slavery, and of the sin of slaveholding, to one 
of them who was a lady, she replied, ' I am a slaveholder, and I glory 
in it.' I had a conversation, a few days after, with the pastor himself, 
concerning the state of religion in his church, and who were the most 
exemplary members in it. The pastor mentioned several of those who 
were of that description ; the first of whom, however, was the identical 
lady who gloried in being a slaveholder ! That church numbers nearly 
two hundred members. 

" ' Another lady, who was considered as devoted a Christian as any in 
the same church, but who was in poor health, was accustomed to flog 
some of her female domestics with a raw hide till she was exhausted, and 
then go and lie down till her strength was recruited, rising again and re- 
suming the flagellation. This she considered as not at all derogatory to 
her Christian character.' 

" Mr. Joel S. Bingham, of Cornwall, Vermont, lately a student in 
Middlebury college, and a member of the Congregational church, spent a 
few weeks in Kentucky, in the summer of 1 838. He relates the follow- 
ing occurrence which took place in the neighbourhood where he resided, 
and was a matter of perfect notoriety in the vicinity : 

" ' Rev. Mr. Lewis, a Baptist minister in the vicinity of Frankfort, 
Ky. had a slave that ran away, but was retaken and brought back to his 
master, who threatened him with punishment for making an attempt to 
escape. Though terrified, the slave immediately attempted to run away 
again. Mr. L. commanded him to stop, but he did not obey. Mr. L. 
then took a gun, loaded with small shot, and fired at the slave, who fell ; 
but was not killed, and afterwards recovered. Mr. L. did not probably 
intend to kill the slave, as it was his legs which were aimed at and 
received the contents of the gun. The master asserted that he was driven 
to this necessity to maintain his authority. This took place about the 
first of July, 1838.' 

" The following is given upon the authority of Rev. Orange Scott, of 
Lowell, Mass., for many years a presiding elder in the Methodist Episco- 
pal church : 

" ' Rev. Joseph Hough, a Baptist minister, formerly of Springfield, 


Mass., now of Plainfield, N. H., while travelling in the south, a few years 
ago, put up one night with a Methodist family, and spent the sabbath 
with them. While there, one of the female slaves did something which 
displeased her mistress. She took a chisel and mallet, and very delibe- 
rately cut off one of her toes !' " 

3. By selling and buying human beings, and often separating 
husbands and wives, parents and children. It is a notorious 
fact, that professors of religion do buy and sell slaves regardless 
of family ties, without losing thereby their church standing. 

The practice of professing Christians is an open sanction of 
the internal slave trade. 

The Address of the Presbyterian Synod of Kentucky to the 
churches under their care, after testifying to the prevalence of 
the internal slave trade, as quoted above, thus affirms the impli- 
cation of the church in it : 

" Our church, years ago, raised its voice of solemn warning against 
this flagrant violation of every principle of mercy, justice, and humanity. 
Yet we blush to announce to you and the world, that this warning has 
been often disregarded, even by those who hold to our communion. 
Cases have occurred in our own denomination, where professors of the 
religion of mercy have torn the mother from her children, and sent her 
into a merciless and returnless exile. Yet acts of discipline have rarely 
followed such conduct." p. 14. 

The address proceeds to show that discipline is almost imprac- 
ticable. Lest, however, it may be supposed that church censure 
falls more frequently than it really does upon the perpetrators 
of such enormities, we quote the declaration of the secretary of 
the American Anti-Slavery Society, contained in a note on page 
53 of the Fifth Annual Report. 

" After diligent inquiry, we are aware of only one church in the slave- 
holding states, which has disciplined its members for wrongs which could 
be legally inflicted upon the slave ; that is the Presbyterian church at 
Madisonville, East Tennessee, under the pastoral care of the late Rev. 
Elijah M. Eagleton (a thorough abolitionist). That church, we think, 
in 1836, cut off two of its members for the crime of selling slaves." 

The following testimony to slave dealing among church mem- 
bers and ministers is taken from " American Slavery as it is." 


The Rev. Francis Hawley, of Connecticut, testifies as follows : 

" One of my neighbours sold to a speculator a negro boy, about 14 
years old. It was more than his poor mother could bear. Her reason 
fled, and she became a perfect maniac^ and had to be kept in close con- 
finement. She would occasionally get out and run off to the neighbours. 
On one of these occasions she came to my house. She was, indeed, a 
pitiable object. With tears rolling down her cheeks, and her frame 
shaking with agony, she would cry out, ' don't you hear him they are 
whipping him now, and he is calling for me !' This neighbour of mine, 
who tore the boy away from his poor mother, and thus broke her heart, 
was a member of the Presbyterian church. 

" An elder in the Presbyterian church related to me the following : 
'* A speculator with his drove of negroes was passing my house, and I 
bought a little girl, nine or ten years old. After a few months, I con- 
cluded that I would rather have a plough-boy. Anotber speculator was 
passing, and I sold the girl. She was much distressed, and was very un- 
willing to leave/ She had been with him long enough to become 
attached to his own and his negro children, and he concluded by saying, 
that in view of the little girl's tears and cries, he had determined never 
to do the like again. I would not trust him, for I know him to be a very 
avaricious man. 

" I was present, and saw the Rev. J W , of Mecklenburg 

county, North Carolina, hire out four slaves to work in the gold mines in 

Burke county. The Rev. H M , of Orange county, sold, for 

900 dollars, a negro man to a speculator, on a Monday of a camp meet- 

Testimony of the Rev. Charles Renshaw : 

" A METHODIST PREACHER last fall took a load of produce down the 
river. Amongst other things he took down five slaves. He sold them 
at New Orleans ; he came up to Natchez ; bought seven there ; and took 
them down and sold them also. Last March he came up to preach the 
gospel again. A number of persons on board the steam-boat (the Tus- 
carora) who had seen him in the slave-shambles in Natchez and New 
Orleans, and now, for the first time, found him to be a preacher, had 
much sport at the expense of * the fine old preacher who dealt in slaves.' 

" Mr. William Poe, till recently a slaveholder in Virginia, now an elder 
in the Presbyterian church at Delhi, Ohio, gives the following testimony : 

" ' An elder in the Presbyterian church in Lynchburg had a most 
faithful servant, whom he flogged severely and sent him to prison, and 
had him confined as a felon a number of days, for being saucy. Another 
elder of the same church, an auctioneer, habitually sold slaves at his stand 


very frequently parted families would often go into the country to sell 
slaves on execution, and otherwise ; when remonstrated with, he justi- 
fied himself, saying, ' it was his business ;' the church also justified him 
on the same ground. 

<' ' A Doctor Duval, of Lynchhurg, Va., got offended with a very 
faithful, worthy servant, and immediately sold him to a negro trader, to 
be taken to New Orleans ; Duval still keeping the wife of the man as his 
slave. ' This Duval was a professor of religion! 

" Rev. W. T. Allan, of Chatham, Illinois, gives the following in a let- 
ter dated Feb. 4, 1839: 

" ' Mr. Peter Vanarsdale, an elder of ^the Presbyterian church in Car- 
rollton, formerly from Kentucky, told me, the other day, that a Mrs. 
Burford, in the neighbourhood of Harrodsburg, Kentucky, had separated 
a woman and her children from their husband and father, taking them 
into another state. Mrs. B. was a member of the Presbyterian church. 
The bereaved husband and father was also a professor of religion. 

" ' Mr. V. told me of a slave woman who had lost her son, separated 
from her by public sale. In the anguish of her soul, she gave vent to 
her indignation freely, and perhaps harshly. Some time after, she wished 
to become a member of the church. Before they received her, she had 
to make humble confession for speaking as she had done. Some of the 
elders that received -her, and required the confession, mere engaged in sell- 
ing the son from his mother.' " 

4. Professors of religion in the south are implicated in the 
guilt of slaveholding by defending slavery as a scriptural insti- 
tution and a political blessing. 

One of the most revolting spectacles that Christianity has ever 
been called to weep over has, within a few years past, been ex- 
hibited in the American church that of a generation of gospel 
ministers prostituting the BIBLE to a defence of slavery. The 
pulpit and the press, the ecclesiastical meeting and the social 
circle, have repeatedly been employed to vindicate slavery as a 
heaven-born institution. Books, pamphlets, sermons, reviews, 
letters, and newspaper articles have been most industriously mul- 
tiplied to demonstrate the scriptural authority, and to illustrate 
the " sublime merits" of American slavery. Religious periodicals 
have of late been established in the south, avowedly and pro- 
minently to maintain slavery. Ministers, doctors of divinity, 
professors in theological and literary institutions have outvied 
corrupt politicians, unprincipled demagogues, and infidels, in 

L 2 


fabricating ingenious sophistries to shield slavery from the 
assaults of truth. Learned dissertations have been written to 
prove that the patriarchs held slaves, that slavery was one of 
the Jewish institutions, and that Christ and his apostles sanc- 
tioned the slavery of their times. Presbyteries, Synods, Confer- 
ences, and other ecclesiastical bodies in the south, have at 
sundry times and places, passed resolutions approbatory of 
slavery, with the view, as expressed in their preambles, of quiet- 
ing the consciences of church members, who are beginning to 
be disturbed by the anti-slavery sentiments of the north. The 
same bodies, in reply to brotherly epistles and remonstrances, 
from similar bodies in the free states, have directed to be pre- 
pared, and then sanctioned and sent forth, documents vindicating 
their pro-slavery course, and avowing their determination to 
persist in it. They have met remonstrance with flippant and 
angry retort, and often with menace and defiance. Argument 
has been answered by crimination, and affectionate appeal 
requited by reproach. All these things southern professors of 
religion have done, and ceased not to do for these several years. 

We will now present some specimens of southern ecclesiastical 
action on the subject of slavery. 

The Charleston, South Carolina, Baptist Association, in a 
memorial to the legislature of that state, says, 

"The undersigned would further represent, that the said association 
does not consider that the holy scriptures have made the fact of slavery 
a question of morals at all." Again, " The right of masters to dispose of 
the time of their slaves, has been distinctly recognized by the Creator of all 

The Charleston, South Carolina, Union Presbytery, unequi- 
vocally avow their opinion as follows : 

" Resolved, that in the opinion of this Presbytery the holding of slaves, 
so far from being a SIN in the sight of God, is nowhere condemned in 
his holy word ; that it is in accordance with the example, or consistent 
with the precepts of patriarchs, prophets, and apostles ; that it is com- 
patible with the most fraternal regard to the best good of those servants 
whom God may have committed to our charge ; and that therefore they 
who assume the contrary position, and lay it down as a fundamental 
principle in morals and religion that slavery is wrong, proceed upon false 
principles !" 


Such extracts might be multiplied indefinitely. Indeed there 
is scarcely an ecclesiastical body of any note throughout the 
slaveholding states, which has not repeatedly given its sanction 
to the system of slavery. 

Of the general practice of southe-n ministers we are fully 
informed by Miss Martineau, in her work on America. 

" Of the Presbyterian, as well as other clergy of the south, some are 
even planters. superintending : the toils of their slaves, and making pur- 
chases, or effecting sales in the slave -markets, during the week, and 
preaching on Sundays whatever they can devise that is least contradic- 
tory to their daily practice. I watched closely the preaching in the south, 
that of all denominations, to see what could be made of Christianity, 
' the highest fact in the Rights of Man,' in such a region. The clergy 
were pretending to find express sanctions of slavery in the bible : and 
putting words to this purpose into the mouths of public men, who do not 
profess to remember the existence of the bible in any other connexion. 
The clergy were boasting at public meetings, that there was not a 
periodical south of the Potomac which did not advocate slavery ; and 
some were even setting up a magazine, whose ' fundamental principle is, 
that man ought to be the property of man.' The clergy who were to be 
sent as delegates to the general assembly, were receiving instructions to 
leave the room, if the subject of slavery was mentioned ; and to propose 
the cessation of the practice of praying for slaves." 

It cannot be doubted that this ardent zeal on the part of the 
southern church to defend " the domestic institution," has been 
chiefly enkindled by the movements of the abolitionists. Until 
they uplifted their rebuke, nothing had awakened the conscience, 
or startled the fears of a slaveholding church. Professing 
Christians at the south slept undisturbed, and the great body of 
the northern church consented to their slumber. Alas ! that 
when finally aroused, they did not " awake unto righteousness 
and sin not ;" " then had their peace been as a river, and their 
righteousness as the waves of the sea." But they awoke, like 
those possessed of evil spirits, to curse the light and cry, " Tor- 
ment us not." 

5. By denouncing abolitionists, and striving to exclude anti- 
slavery publications from the south. 

It cannot be denied that southern ministers have occupied the 


front rank among the vilifiers of the abolitionists. They have 
threatened their persons, impugned their motives, loaded them 
with abusive epithets, assailed their characters, and denounced 
their piety. At one moment they have ridiculed them as weak 
enthusiasts, and the next they have anathematized them as fell 
incendiaries. They have successively despised them for the small- 
ness of their numbers, and hated them for their growing strength 
and gathering hosts. In no cause, it is believed, have the southern 
clergy ever evinced so much industry and earnestness as in con- 
tending against the doctrines that slavery is a sin, and immediate 
emancipation a duty. If these two propositions had embodied 
the sum and substance of all " damnable heresies," they could 
not have excited greater opposition. 

The following resolutions and doings of southern religious 
bodies in the slaveholding states, illustrate the spirit entertained 
toward abolitionists and their doctrines. 

The clergy of Richmond, Virginia, on the 29th of August, 

" Resolved, that the suspicions that have prevailed to a considerable 
extent against ministers of the gospel, and professors of religion in the 
state of Virginia, as identified with abolitionists, are wholly unmerited, 
believing as we do, from extensive acquaintance with our churches and 
brethren, that they are unanimous in opposing the pernicious schemes of 

The Synod of Va. subsequently passed the following resolution : 

" ' Resolved, unanimously, that we consider the dogma fiercely pro- 
mulgated by said associations that slavery, as it actually exists in our 
slaveholding states, is necessarily sinful, and ought to be immediately 
abolished, and the conclusions which naturally follow from that dogma, 
as directly and palpably contrary to the plainest principles of common 
tense, and common humanity, and to the clearest authority of the roord of 
God.' " 

The Edgefield (S. C.) Baptist Association, 

" ' Resolved, that the practical question of slavery, in a country where 
the system has obtained as a part of its stated policy, is settled in the 
scriptures by Jesus Christ and his apostles.' 

" ' Resolved, that these uniformly recognized the relation of master 
and slave, and enjoined on both their respective duties, under a system 
of servitude more degrading and absolute than that which obtains in our 


" The same association appointed a day of fasting, not to ' undo th 
heavy burdens, and let the oppressed go free,' but to entreat God to 
give to our brethren and all others at the north, who are embarked in 
the unscriptural cause of the abolition of slavery among us, right views 
of the course pursued by our Lord and his apostles under a similar state 
of things, when they were upon the earth, in imitation of whose example 
they should be found, that instead of scattering firebrands into the south- 
ern portion of the Union, and stirring up a servile war, they may 
' endeavour to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace.' " 

Surely this is fasting " to smite with the fist of wickedness." 
We are told by the southern Christian Herald that the Rev. 
J. H. Thornwell, and Rev. Mr. Carlisle addressed a meeting in 
Lancasterville, S. C., in support of the following among other 
resolutions : 

" 1 . That slavery, as it exists in the south, is no evil, and is consistent 
with the principles of revealed religion ; that all opposition to it arises 
from a misguided and fiendish fanaticism, which we are bound to resist 
in the very threshold." 

" 2. That all interference with this subject by fanatics, is a violation 
of our civil and social rights is unchristian and inhuman, leading ne- 
cessarily to anarchy and bloodshed ; and that the instigators are mur- 
derers and assassins." 

" 3. That any interference with this subject, on the part of Congress, 
must lead to a dissolution of the Union." 

A clergyman of Virginia closes a letter " To the Sessions of 
the Presbyterian congregations, within the bounds of West 
Hanover Presbytery," published in the Richmond Whig, as 
follows : 

" ' If there be any stray-goat of a minister among us, tainted with the 
bloodhound principles of abolitionism, let him be ferreted out, silenced, 
excommunicated, and left to the public to dispose of him in other respects. 
" Your affectionate brother in the Lord, 


We next present an extract of a letter from Rev. George W. 
Langhorne a methodist minister, to the editor of Zion's Watch- 
man, a methodist anti-slavery paper in New York, dated Raleigh, 
North Carolina, June 25, 1836. 

" ' I, sir, would as soon be found in the ranks of a banditti, as num- 
bered with Arthur Tappan and his wanton coadjutors. Nothing is more 


appalling to my feelings as a man, contrary to my principles as a Chris- 
tian, and repugnant to my soul as a minister, than the insidious pro- 
ceedings of such men. 

" ' If you have not resigned your credentials, as a minister of the Me- 
thodist Episcopal church, I really think that, as an honest man, you should 
now do it. In your ordination vows, you solemnly promised to be obedient 
to those who have the rule over you ; and since they have spoken, and 
that distinctly ', too |on this subject, and disapprobate your conduct, I 
conceive that you are bound to submit to their authority, or leave the 
church.' " 

Again, at a public meeting held at Orangeburgh, S. C., on 
the 21st of July, 1836, which had been called for the purposes 
of considering what should be done with a copy of Zion's Watch- 
man, which had been sent to the Rev. J. C. Postell, a member 
of the South Carolina Conference of the Methodist E. Church, 
Mr. Postell read an address to the citizens of that place, which 
was published in the Charleston Courier of August 5, 1836, and 
of which the following is an extract : 

"From what has been premised, the following conclusions result : I. 
That slavery is a judicial visitation. 2. That it is not a moral evil. 3. 
That it is supported by the bible. 4. It has existed in all ages. 

" IT is NOT A MORAL EVIL. The fact, that slavery is of DIVINE APPOINT- 
MENT, would be proof enough with the Christian that it cannot be a 
moral evil. So far from being a moral evil, it is a MERCIFUL VISITATION 
had it not been for the best, God alone, who is able, long since would 
have overruled it. IT is BY DIVINE APPOINTMENT.' " 

At the same meeting, the Rev. Mr. Postell read a letter which 
he had addressed to the editor of Zion's Watchman, of which 
the following are extracts : 

" To LA ROY SUNDERLAND, Editor of Zion's Watchman, New- York : 

" Did you calculate to misrepresent the Methodist discipline, and say 
it supported abolitionism, when the General Conference, in their late re- 
solutions, denounced it as a libel on truth ? ' Oh, full of all subtlety, 
THOU CHILD OF THE DEVIL.' ' All liars,' saith the sacred volume, ' shall 
have their part in the lake of fire and brimstone.' 

'" \ can only give one reason why you have not been indicted for a 
libel. The law says, the greater the truth, the greater the libel ; and as 
your paper has no such ingredient, it is construed but a small matter. 
But if you desire to educate the slaves, I will tell you how to raise the 
money, without editing Zion's Watchman : you and old Arthur Tappan 


come out to the South this winter, and they mill raise one hundred thou- 
sand dollars for you New Orleans of herself will be pledged for it. 
Desiring no further acquaintance with you, and never expecting to see 
you but once in time or in eternity, which is at judgment, I subscribe 
myself the friend of the bible, and the opposer of abolitionism, 

" Orangelurgh, July 21, 1836. J. C. POSTELL.' " 

We conclude our extracts under this head with the following 
Preamble and Resolutions of the Harmony Presbytery of South 
Carolina, passed " unanimously." 

" Whereas, sundry persons in Scotland and England, and others in the 
north, east, and west of our country, have denounced slavery as ob- 
noxious to the laws of God ; some of whom have presented before the 
General Assembly of our church, and the congress of the nation, me- 
morials and petitions, with the avowed object of bringing into disgrace, 
slaveholders, and abolishing the relation of master and slave. 

" And whereas, from the said proceedings, and the statements, reason- 
ings, and circumstances connected therewith, it is most manifest that 
those persons ' know not what they say nor whereof they affirm ;' and 
with this ignorance discover a spirit of self-righteousness and exclusive 
sanctity, while they indulge in the most reckless denunciations of their 
neighbour, a*s false in fact as they are opposed to the spirit and dictates 
of our holy religion. 

" Therefore, Resolved, 

" 1. That as the kingdom of our Lord is not of this world, his church 
as such has no right to abolish, alter, or affect any institution or ordinance 
of men political and civil merely : nor has the church even in our midst 
the right to prescribe rules and dictate principles which can bind or af- 
fect the conscience with reference to slavery, and any such attempt would 
constitute ecclesiastical tyranny. Much less has any other church or 
churches, or bodies of men, ecclesiastical, civil, or political under heaven, 
any the slightest right to interfere in the premises. 

" 2. That slavery has existed from the days of those good old slave- 
holders and patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, (who are now in the 
kingdom of heaven,) to the time when the apostle Paul sent a runaway 
slave home to his master Philemon, and wrote a Christian and fraternal 
epistle to this slaveholder, which we find still stands in the canons of 
the scriptures ; and that slavery has existed ever since the days of the 
apostle and does now exist. 

** 3. That as the relative duties of master and slave are taught in the 
scriptures, in the same manner as those of parent and child, and hus- 
band and wife, the existence of slavery itself is not opposed to the will 
of God ; and whosoever has a conscience too tender to recognise this re- 


lation as lawful, is ' righteous over much,' is ' wise above what is written, 
and has submitted his neck to the yoke of man, sacrificed his Christian 
liberty of conscience, and leaves the infallible word of God for the fan- 
cies and doctrines of men." 

From this view of the pro-slavery influence of the southern 
church, we turn to contemplate the'position of the church in the 
free states. From the fact that slavery, as a permanent insti- 
tution, does not exist in the northern or free states, a stranger 
might suppose the church in these states to be clear of the guilt 
of slaveholding. Facts however establish a very different con- 
clusion, and demonstrate that the northern church is but little 
less, if indeed not more, implicated than the southern church. 
The relations of the North to the South devolve special and 
weighty responsibilities upon the church in the free states touch- 
ing the question of slavery. From the nature of the case the 
northern church must exert a mighty influence either for the re- 
moval or the continuance of slavery in the south. Its influence 
over the south in all matters of a moral and religious nature is 
acknowledged to be great. From the bosom of the northern church 
the south receives a majority of its most influential ministers, 
editors of religious papers, and teachers from the theological pro- 
fessor and college president, to the village schoolmaster and 
family tutor. From the north, too, the south receives many, 
perhaps most, of its religious periodicals, from the Quarterly 
Theological Review to the Weekly Sheet ; also by far the greater 
proportion of its religious books and pamphlets. It may be as- 
serted that the religious press of the north has an almost abso- 
lute sway over the south. Moreover sentiments of the northern 
church on slavery uttered in the pulpit, or expressed by ecclesi- 
astical bodies, carry with them very great weight. If the various 
denominations of the north would bear a decided and unani- 
mous testimony against slavery as a sin, to be immediately re- 
nounced, it could not long exist at the south, at least among pro- 
fessing Christians. It would then require no mighty and ex- 
pensive machinery of agencies and presses, devoted especially 
to the agitation of the slavery question. Its doom would be 
pronounced by the northern church. 

But it may be asked, is not the church in the free states una- 
nimous against slavery ? Do they not regard it as a sin of no 


ordinary magnitude ? Do they not believe that it should be 
immediately abolished ? Do they not proclaim these sentiments 
from the pulpit, from the press, and from the ecclesiastical 
meeting ? 

We reply by stating a few facts. 

First, with regard to ecclesiastical action. One of the Gene- 
ral Assemblies of the Presbyterian church, at their last annual 
meeting, refused to entertain the subject of slavery at all ; the 
other refused to act upon it in any other way than by referring 
to the lower judicatories, for such disposal as they might think 

The general conference of the Methodist Episcopal church, at 
its last meeting, refused to sanction or renew its usual testimony 
against slavery, but passed sundry resolutions bitterly denounc- 
ing " modern abolitionism." 

These bodies represent both the northern and southern sec- 
tions of their respective churches, a large majority of which are 
in the north. Let us see what the exclusively northern judica- 
tories of these and other denominations have done. Of 
the Presbyteries to whom the disposal of the subject was 
committed by one of the General Assemblies (the New School) 
a majority, we believe, have maintained entire silence. A num- 
ber of them, situated in sections of the country where anti- 
slavery societies have been operating most successfully, have 
spoken out strongly for the slave. It is only within a few years 
that these, or any of the religious bodies of the north, with very 
few exceptions, have taken up their testimony against slavery. 
Some of the northern conferences, (of the Methodist Episcopal 
church) have prohibited their travelling ministry from meddling 
with the subject of slavery, and have refused to license candi- 
dates for the ministry, who are known to be abolitionists, and 
who would not pledge themselves to entire silence on the subject of 
slavery. There is not a single conference, with the exception of 
two in New England, which has decidedly condemned slavery as 

The Baptist church at the north has not been so extensively 
recreant to the cause of the slave ; but still the great body of 
that denomination, have thrown their influence on the side of 
the oppressor. So have the Episcopal clergy, with scarcely an 


exception, even up to the present hour ; and with a few distin- 
guished exceptions, the same may be said of the laity of that 

The great body of the Congregational clergy of New England, 
divided into those called orthodox, and the Unitarians, were for 
some years after the commencement of the anti-slavery effort in 
this country, among its most strenuous opposers. None per- 
haps were more zealous in advancing the objects of the Coloni- 
zation Society. None have contributed more powerfully to 
crush the free people of colour by sanctioning and strengthen- 
ing the unchristian prejudice against them. Though large num- 
bers of the Congregational clergy have within the last five year? 
joined the abolitionists ; yet even now the majority of them ex- 
ert an influence, which countenances the slaveholder and crushes 
the slave, and free people of color. This is pre-eminently true 
of those who are settled in cities and large towns. 

The fact that the pulpit in the free states is very extensively 
closed against the advocate of the slave, plainly indicates the 
position of the main body of the clergy of all denominations. 
A few years ago, when the anti-slavery cause was more unpopu- 
lar than it now is, there was probably not one pulpit in a hun- 
dred throughout the free states which was not barred against it, 
and it was obliged to resort to court houses, town houses, school 
houses, bar rooms, barns, private houses, and often to the open 
air. Now the cause has won its way into a large number of 
churches which were formerly inaccessible ; but at the present 
moment the great majority of pulpits in the free states are 
closed against the advocacy of human rights. The ministers 
who occupy them will not for the most part even read a notice 
of an anti-slavery meeting. Still they disclaim all friendship 
for slavery. But do they manifest their sincerity by preaching 
on the subject themselves 1 Not they. Slavery is a topic 
which they studiously avoid. True, they endeavour to justify 
their silence by alleging that it is a political subject, not befit- 
ting the pulpit, or that it is a matter which does not concern 
them, but belongs exclusively to the south. Still the fact re- 
mains that they observe a studied silence respecting the iniqui- 
ties and enormities of American oppression. If they break si- 
lence, as they sometimes do, it is too often to speak in extenuation 


of the guilt of slaveholders, or to denounce the fanaticism of the 
abolitionists. Large numbers of ministers in the free states add 
to the sin of neglecting slavery in their ministrations, the grosser 
guilt of excluding it from their public prayers. Amid the nume- 
rous subjects of prayer gathered from the ends of the earth, and 
from the islands of the sea, subjects never forgotten in the great 
congregation, the poor slave finds no place, though he lies bleed- 
ing under the droppings of the sanctuary. 

But while multitudes of the northern clergy exclude the anti- 
slavery minister from their pulpits, and close their own lips in 
the cause of the dumb, they welcome the slaveholding preacher 
from the south. To bar him from their pulpits, though his hands 
have clutched the bloody whip, would be a breach of Christian 
courtesy. If the southern layman visits their parish, bringing 
with him his retinue of human property, and leaving behind his 
half-thousand slaves, subject to the lash and the lust of the brutal 
overseer, he is invited cordially to the communion table. While 
ecclesiastical chivalry is doing all these honours to the slave- 
holding minister and layman, it is making a still more shocking 
display of its pro-slavery sympathy in its treatment of the co- 
loured members of the church. To them a seat is assigned in 
an obscure corner, or in the gallery, a seat odious not only 
from its position in the house, but principally from its being a 
negro seat, out of which the coloured man, however worthy or 
pious, is not allowed to sit. In the very communion itself, 
which should be a scene of unrestricted Christian union, and 
equality, the colored brother is mortified and insulted by being 
repeatedly passed by in the dispensing of the elements, until all 
the whites are served ; while perhaps the slaveholding brother 
from the south, is honored with the first presentation. 

These are some of the ways in which the northern clergy and 
churches are implicated in the guilt of slaveholding, and a fear- 
ful amount of guilt have they accumulated. 

We next come to speak of the position and influence of the nor- 
thern religious press. 

We have already alluded to its extensive circulation in 
the slaveholding states. Were its attitude a manly and 
upright one, it would soon subvert the foundations of slavery. 
While with some editors the policy is entire silence on the 


subject, others maintain a perpetual war against the aboli- 
tionists. There are religious papers which are incessantly 'op- 
posing the doctrine of immediate emancipation, as wild, vision- 
ary, dangerous, and impracticable. If they speak of slavery at 
all, it is to cavil about the doctrine of its being in all cases sin, and 
to expose their want of sympathy- for the slave by speculating 
about imaginary cases in which they suppose slaveholding would 
not be sin. Meanwhile they are symphonious in the praises of 
the Colonization Society an institution whose partialities for the 
oppressor, whose indifference for the fate of the slave, and ex- 
terminating hatred of the free people of color, have been a thou- 
sand times exposed. While they are trumpeting the honors of 
this negro-hating society, they are dumb respecting the glori- 
ous events which have transpired in the West Indies. For 
aught the mass of northern religious papers have said about it, 
their readers would scarcely have learned the fact of the eman- 
cipation of 800,000 slaves in the British colonies, and would be 
in utter ignorance of the happy and triumphant issue of that 
great experiment. Such has been the course of the weekly press. 
In unison with these the grave Quarterly publications established 
at the seats of theological learning, and conducted by theologi- 
cal professors, have been lending their influence to vindicate 
slavery from the bible. The writers and publishers of religious 
books at the north have likewise contracted the dreadful guilt 
of being silent upon the abominations of slavery. The guilt of 
silence is after all the most general and the most shameful guilt 
of northern Christians respecting slavery. It betrays a hardness 
of heart towards their poor brother in bonds, a blindness to the 
ein of slavery, and a recreancy to their responsibilities in the 
matter which are truly deplorable. It betrays still more, a 
mqst humiliating fear of incurring southern displeasure and 
losing southern patronage. 

We have not yet completed the humiliating exposure of the 
northern church, which faithfulness to the slave demands of us. 
Professors of religion have borne no small part in the pro-sla- 
very mobs which have disgraced the free states for the last seven 
years. They have been known to be active in instigating them, 
and they have been concerned in carrying them out ; and after 
mobs have spent their fury upon abolitionists, men of grave 


church titles have been known to give their sanction to the 
deed : " good enough for the fanatics," "just what the rascals 
deserve," " the only way to deal with incendiaries," and such like 
endorsements of mob violence, have fallen from the lips of many 
a minister, deacon, elder, and class leader in the free states. 

Again, large numbers of northern church members and not 
a few northern clergymen, are actually owners of slaves in the 

To those ignorant of the numerous relations which subsist be- 
tween northern and southern Christians, the representations we 
have given above might appear incredible. What inducement, 
such persons might ask, can the northern churches have to thus 
favor the system of slavery ? It is far removed from them, 
they are not corrupted by daily contact with oppression, they 
are constantly witnessing the benign results of a system of free 
labor, they see the superiority of freedom in the incomparably 
greater prosperity of the free states, everything around them 
condemns slavery ; and we might conclude that if the whole 
population of the free states were not abolitionists, at least the 
whole northern church would be. But there are very many 
circumstances which connect the northern church with the 
south, and give the former an interest in the continuance of 
slavery, scarcely inferior to that of the southern church. 

First, there are numerous ecclesiastical relations between the 
north and the south. 

Each of the large denominations have an extensive branch in 
the south. These southern branches are very influential, and 
when they threaten to secede from their brethren in the free 
states in case they meddle with slavery, the northern churches 
are strongly tempted to silence, for the sake'of peace, union, and 
denominational power. 

Again, most of the active benevolent operations of the nor- 
thern church derive a part of their patronage from the south. 

Such is the case with Boards for Foreign and Domestic Mis- 
sions, the Bible, Tract, and Education societies. Here is ano- 
ther strong inducement to the northern churches to propitiate 
the favour of the south by silence upon slavery. 

Again, church members at the north are connected with the 
south to an unlimited extent by marriage alliances. 


Northern ministers and theological professors .have sons and 
daughters married at the south and owning large slave properties. 
So with elders, deacons, class-leaders, and private members gene- 
rally. There is scarcely a family in the free states which 
has not some relative residing at the south, usually married. 
Many a son, too, of northern religious parents is to be found on 
southern plantations, flourishing the whip of the overseer. This 
extensive family connexion with the south has a tendency to 
make northern professing Christians very loath to speak aught 
against southern "institutions." 

Again, there is an almost infinite variety of business relations 
between the north and the south. 

Almost every trade and handicraft pursued at the north, has its 
market at the south. Thus members of churches, equally with 
other classes of persons in the free states, are connected in busi- 
ness with the south, and are of course interested in preserving 
the amicable relations between the two sections of the union, 
and strongly tempted to refrain from everything that will offend 
slaveholders. They are too far-sighted not to discover that any 
movement at the north against slavery, must materially affect 
business intercourse with the south ; and hence they are con- 
stantly plied with motives urging them to be silent on the subject 
of slavery, and not only to be silent themselves, but to endeavour 
to keep all others so. 

Besides business and other connexions already mentioned 
the friendly relations and social intercourse which are constantly 
maintained between the citizens of the free and the slave states 
are as largely participated in by the religious as by any other class. 

Thousands of Christian families at the north entertain vi- 
siters from the south during the summer, many of whom are 
themselves entertained in turn as visitors at the south during 
the winter. The strongest social attachments not unfrequently 
exist between northern and southern families, who are in no wise 
related. And surely this sort of intercourse between the inha- 
bitants of such widely separated portions of our common coun- 
try, is, when contemplated as an illustration of human friend- 
ship, a delightful spectacle. But the aspect in which we are 
called to view it is certainly more painful than pleasing. Its 
tendency has been to blind northern Christians to the enormities 


and guilt of slavery, and even when not wholly blinded the en- 
tanglements of social etiquette have restrained them from speak- 
ing out in the language of faithful rebuke. They feel that this 
would be a sort of breach of faith to their southern friends, a 
betrayal of the confidence reposed in them, and an ungrateful 
requital of the hospitalities which have been showered upon 
them. Unworthy as such feelings are, they are entertained and 
have no small influence in closing the mouths if not the minds 
of professing Christians in the free states against the claims of 
the slave. Strange indeed that Christians should not have 
learned that first lesson of the religion of Christ, that duty 
is not created by smiles nor annihilated by frowns. But 
multitudes at the north who freely admit the theory of that les- 
son, refuse to reduce it to practice in the case under considera- 
tion. They have found it no easy task to espouse the cause of 
the slave when that act severs for ever the ties which bind them 
to the slaveholder. Those who are not in the habit of making 
every other consideration bow before duty, are not the men to 
resist so formidable a temptation. 

Lastly, northern ministers have a strong interest in the slave 
states. Not a few of them are natives of the slave states, some 
of whom still hold slaves, others have married wives with slave 
dowers, others contemplate a future settlement or sojourn there. 
A variety of causes may bring about such an event. Their 
health may fail, and render a visit or removal to the south in- 
dispensable, or they may receive a tempting call, or from some 
other cause they may one day become residents of the south. 
It behoves them therefore to stand either uncommitted on the 
question of slavery, or committed on the wrong side. 

From these observations it is evident that there are numerous 
temptations operating upon professing Christians at the north to 
become implicated in the guilt of slaveholding. That they 
should be so often found apologizing for the slaveholder, wel- 
coming him to the communion, and inviting him to the pulpit, 
while they close it against him who would plead for the slave, 
can be accounted for upon the plainest principles of human 

In conclusion, we would say that though a multitude of pro- 
fessing Christians at the north are implicated in the guilt of 



slaveholding, there is a large number of honorable exceptions 
both among individuals and societies. There are ecclesiastical 
bodies that dare to pronounce slaveholding in all cases a heinous 
sin to be repented of, and abandoned immediately. There are not 
a few pulpits that stand wide open to the advocates of the op- 
pressed but close instinctively at the' approach of a clerical man- 
stealer; there are many ministers who speak boldly for the slave, 
and remember him in the prayers of the sanctuary ; there are 
churches, very few though they be, which repudiate the God-dis- 
honoring distinctions of colour in the house of worship, and 
which hesitate not to debar from their communion the slave- 
holding professor. There are portions of the public press who 
assert their freedom, and meet their responsibilities in the cause 
of human rights without shrinking. 

There are Christians who are willing to forego southern trade, 
favor, friendship, and marriage alliances, choosing rather to 
suffer affliction with the slave, than to enjoy the pleasures of 
sin for a season. And thanks be unto God, the number of these 
is rapidly increasing, and will, we doubt not, continue to increase 
until the whole northern church shall have cleansed its skirts 
from the blood of the slave. 

TWELFTH QUESTION. Could a law for the registration of 
slaves be passed in the United States or other countries to prevent 
the introduction of slaves when the trade is illegal ? 

Such a law, if faithfully and vigorously executed, would doubt- 
less accomplish much ; but we have no idea that any such law 
could be passed at present in the United States, or if passed 
that it would be faithfully enforced. There is so little true 
respect for the principles of liberty in the nation, and so little 
just appreciation of human rights, that a law of this kind could 
neither be passed nor properly executed. 

THIRTEENTH QUESTION. Is any slave trade carried on with 
Texas ; if so, to what extent, from whence are the slaves obtained, 
and what is the present number of slaves in that country? 

The answer to this question will be found in connexion with 
the replies to other queries upon Texas. 


FOURTEENTH QUESTION. What are the means which the abo- 
litionists in different parts of the world could most effectually use, 
consistently with the principles recognized by the British and 
Foreign Anti- slavery Society for the extinction of the slave trade 
and slavery ? 

Our suggestions under this inquiry will have reference only to 
American slavery. 

1. The incalculable benefits which the anti-slavery cause in 
this country has already realized from the abolition of slavery 
in the British West Indies, convinces us that our foreign friends 
cannot in any way more effectually aid us than by laboring for 
the utter extinction of slavery and the instruction and elevation 
of the emancipated slaves in all their national domains. Al- 
ready the abolition of slavery in the British West Indian colo- 
nies has struck a decisive blow at the roots of our system. No 
one event has occurred for which we have greater reason to 
magnify the God of the oppressed. Let this be followed by the 
abolition of slavery in the French colonies, and American sla- 
very would totter to its fall. Further, let the friends of free- 
dom in England redouble their efforts for the extinction of East 
India slavery. The effect of emancipation in the West Indies, 
as an example, is greatly counteracted in its operation upon a 
large portion of our countrymen by the continuance of slavery 
in the East Indies, This is seized upon as an inconsistency, 
and wielded as a proof of British insincerity in the cause of hu- 
man liberty. It is greatly important, therefore, that eveiy 
ground and pretext of cavil against British sincerity should be 
taken away, that the example of a nation of abolitionists may 
bear upon us with all its weight. The eradication of slavery in 
the East Indies would give the English nation just such a 
power. Besides it would almost inevitably either wholly ex- 
clude American slave cotton from the English market, or great- 
ly reduce its price. In either case a shock would be given to 
American slavery from which it could never recover. 

May we not moreover rely upon the combined anti-slavery 
power in England and France for effecting the abolition of sla- 
very in the Spanish colonies ? The single island of Cuba wields 
a greater influence over the United States than all the other 

M 2 


West India, colonies together. From its size, wealth, and con- 
tiguity, and from the constant intercourse maintained between 
us, it serves to keep our slaveholders in countenance. Were 
slavery abolished there we should care but little for its continu- 
ance in the minor Danish and Dutch colonies, so far as respects 
their influence over us. But we 'feel little encouragement to 
look to SPAIN for so desirable a consummation. 

2. We would next mention as an auxiliary the guarding of 
the great experiment in the West Indies from all adverse influ- 
ences. Our countrymen are intently observing the operation 
of this experiment, and they are observing it with partial and 
prejudiced eyes, with the secret wish and hope that it may fail ; 
at the same time they realize that if it succeeds it must go far 
towards demonstrating the safety and policy of immediate 
emancipation. Their readiness to seize upon every vague ru- 
mour adverse to the experiment illustrates both their wishes and 
their fears. Many unfavorable influences may be, and have al- 
ready been brought to bear upon this experiment, and the evil re- 
sults are charged, by the prejudiced here, though very unjustly, 
against the cause of emancipation. We need not here specify these 
influences. The friends of human rights in Great Britain have 
already a painful acquaintance with them, and are well aware 
that the colonies abound with agencies in the shape of unequal 
laws, partial magistrates, and unprincipled planters, hostile to 
the interests of freedom. Over these agencies British Aboli- 
tionists may exert a control : we cannot. 

3. The friends of human rights in Great Britain may further 
aid in the anti-slavery work, by keeping our countrymen advi- 
sed of the happy results of emancipation in the West India co- 
lonies. It is true those islands are open to our inspection, and 
we have not been slow to gather the results and proclaim them 
in the ears of our countrymen ; but in the estimation of the pro- 
slavery class we are partizans, and heated ones too, yea fanati- 
cal, and our testimony is received with suspicion. The testi- 
mony of Englishmen themselves relative to the working of 
emancipation in the West India colonies, would we are per- 
suaded claim far greater attention. But to be effectual, it should 
be oft repeated. We would respectfully suggest that frequent 
statements of the condition of the colonies, conduct of the peo- 


pie, state of the crops, causes of difficulties if any, and many 
other like items, carefully made out and sent to our religious 
weekly, and commercial daily publications, in New York and 
other cities, would be of incalculable service. 

4. Another way in which our cause may be greatly furthered, 
is by awakening more and more the British public to the abo- 
minations of American slavery. A deep abhorrence of our op- 
pressions should pervade universally the British people, so that 
whenever Americans travel or tarry within the bounds of the 
empire they should meet a solemn and uncompromising testi- 
mony against American slavery, American " prejudice against 
color," and the multiform pro-slavery spirit of the free states. 
Even now the influence of such a public sentiment is beginning 
to be felt by Americans who cross the Atlantic. Great Britain 
is already regarded here as a nation of abolitionists and her 
frown is greatly dreaded by the advocates of slavery. If the 
impression could be made upon the British people at large, that 
they may do much toward the removal of American slavery, 
this would be a great point gained. If they could be made to 
appreciate the mighty influence which they may wield by the 
bare expression of their public sentiment against our slavery, 
this would be a still greater gain. If also the responsibilities 
of Englishmen visiting the United States were deeply felt, and 
if they were in all cases faithful in condemning our slavery, and 
prejudice, and all who uphold them, they would produce the hap- 
piest effects. How few Englishmen, visiting the United States, 
are faithful in this respect ! How few sustain the reputation 
of their country as a nation of abolitionists ! How many, who 
are regarded at home as abolitionists, come here only to weaken 
our hands, and strengthen those of slaveholders and their 
apologists ! 

5. Again, the cause of American emancipation might be greatly 
promoted by communications from distinguished persons in Great 
Britain, prepared expressly for publication under their own sig- 
natures, in our most influential moral and religious periodicals. 
But little has been hitherto done in this way, but still enough to 
show the importance of this instrumentality. The letters of the 
Rev. John AngellJames, of Birmingham, addressed to the editor 
of the New York Observer, were extensively read, and produced 


a most salutary impression. These letters were kind and cour- 
teous, yet firm and faithful in their rebuke of American slavery 
and prejudice, and coming as they did from one extensively 
known and respected amongst us, they were most welcome aux- 
iliaries. Let such letters be multiplied a hundred fold. There 
are many names in Great Britain, both in church and state, that 
are cherished in the hearts of multitudes of our countrymen; 
and communications signed by them would secure an extensive 
perusal. We need not say that the course here suggested would 
be wholly unexceptionable. American slavery is a public thing 
as much so as American liberty. It stands out before the 
world claiming to be " the corner stone of the Republic," " an 
essential element in a free government." With such high pre- 
tensions it should surely seek to attract toward it the searching 
scrutiny of the master spirits of all lands. We earnestly solicit 
your attention to this as an important means of promoting the 
extinction of American slavery ; and trust that it will not be 
found impracticable to enlist many in this most proriiising 

6. The anti-slavery cause in this country may also be greatly 
subserved by securing the general discussion of American slavery 
by the British press religious, literary, commercial, and political. 
All your ablest reviews are reprinted and widely circulated in all 
parts of the United States. Anti-slavery articles published in 
them would reach every portion of the union. The friends of 
human rights in Great Britain could not more essentially pro- 
mote the cause in this country than by securing the co-operation 
of those pre-eminently powerful instrumentalities in holding up 
American slavery to the scorn and indignant reprobation of the 
civilized world. The service which would hereby be rendered, 
may be inferred from the loud outcry of a prominent slaveholder, 
" the literature of the world is against us." There is not, per- 
haps, in the world a class of persons more sensitive to public 
opinion than slaveholders. Hence all their frenzied excitement 
because abolitionists will discuss slavery. It is not because 
they believe that their slaves will thereby be instigated to rebel- 
lion, or that any compulsory measures will be used to effect the 
overthrow of slavery ; but simply because they foresee that the 
inevitable consequence of discussion will be the creation of a 


strong public sentiment at the north against *their favorite 
system. Regard for public favor, strong in every community, 
is doubly so among slaveholders, for with them it is an indis- 
pensable prop to a misgiving conscience. With the slave- 
holder accredited respectability becomes a substitute for self re- 
spect, which gradually abandons him amid the perpetual deve- 
lopments of passion and meanness. Hitherto the slaveholder 
has been living upon his respectability, and he has certainly had 
an unreasonable stock of it both at home and abroad. But hi& 
glory is passing away. The disguises of generosity, hospitality, 
and chivalry, under which he has so long contrived to practise 
his impositions upon the world, are being torn off, and he must 
soon appear in his naked deformity the abhorrence of mankind. 
To hasten this desirable consummation we would enlist the Bri- 
tish press widely in the discussion of American slavery. Let 
American slaveholders feel not merely that the literature of the 
world is against them, but that the British press, with its piety, 
talent, learning, eloquence, and philanthropy marshals and leads 
on the host. 

7. Lastly, most valuable aid may be rendered by the exten- 
sive introduction into the British market of free grown cotton,, 
sugar, rice, tobacco, and the other products of our slave labor. 
Our slave states are so greatly dependent upon British markets 
for the profitable disposal of their products that if Great Bri- 
tain should give adequate encouragement to her East India pro- 
ducts of the same kind, the main staff of American slavery 
would be broken. 

We have thus taken the liberty, in compliance with the desire 
expressed in the preceding query, to make a number of sugges- 
tions relative to the co-operation of British abolitionists in the 
extinction of American slavery. That co-operation we most 
highly appreciate and earnestly invoke. Similarity of language, 
laws, manners, and pursuits, and the great and increasing in- 
tercourse between the two nations, give to Britons a moral hold 
upon our countrymen which no other people on the globe pos- 
sess. We entreat them not to be deterred from the most active 
advocacy of this cause by the consideration that Great Britain 
and America are distinct nations. What though we are politi- 
cally two people are we not morally one ? Are we not one 


brotherhood of human kind ? Is it in the nature of the geo- 
graphical lines which separate the family of man into various 
nations and governments, to absolve one portion of that family 
from all obligation to exert a moral influence over others ? We 
feel assured that such a sentiment will find no tolerance with 
British abolitionists. Whether Americans desire, deprecate, 
or defy their rebukes, they will be uttered, and they will be 

FIFTEENTH QUESTION. What is the practice of the American 
abolitionists in reference to the use of slave grown produce? 

In this respect there is no uniformity in the practice of Ame- 
rican abolitionists. Some abstain entirely from slave grown 
produce as a matter of conscience ; others regard it as a question 
of expediency merely, and abstain so far as they find it conve- 
nient. Others still and large numbers view it neither as a 
question of conscience nor expediency ; consequently they pur- 
chase and use slave grown produce of all descriptions without 
compunction and probably without giving a thought to the sub- 
ject. It should, however, be observed that this subject has been 
but little discussed among American abolitionists far less in 
our opinion than its intrinsic importance demands. 

SIXTEENTH QUESTION. Would the recommendation to give a 
preference to the use of free instead of slave grown produce, be 
likely to have an extensively practical good effect, and if cotton, 
the exclusive growth of free labor, were manufactured in England, 
would it Jin d a sale in America to any extent? 

Our views respecting the first part of the above query have 
been already given in the remarks under the fourteenth question. 
To the latter part of the question we reply that free labor cotton 
fabrics would probably be bought by a majority of American 
abolitionists. Beyond this we do not suppose they would find 
much demand. Could it be furnished at the same prices for 
which slave labor fabrics can be had, it would probably stand 
in the American market on the same footing with the latter ; for 
very few, we suppose, give a preference to slave grown articles on 
account of their being slave grown. 


SEVENTEENTH QUESTION. Would fiscal regulations by European 
countries favorable to the consumption of free grown cotton, sugar, 
rice, coffee, tobacco, and other tropical productions, have a bene- 
ficial effect ? 

Such regulations, if made in good faith and vigorously carried 
out, would doubtless yield most happy results. 

EIGHTEENTH QUESTION. Would Denmark, France, Cuba f 
Porto Rico, or the Brazils, consent to abolish slavery, if all the 
tropical productions of these countries or their colonies were ad- 
mitted for consumption in the European market on the same terms 
as their own colonial produce no discriminating duty being placed 
against British manufactures in the countries from which such 
produce is admitted ? 

We have not sufficient data in our possession to enable us to 
furnish a satisfactory answer to this query. 

NINETEENTH QUESTION. What is the number of slaves still 
remaining in the so called free states ? 

The answer to this query will be seen by a reference to the 
statistics, and observations under the first question. 

TWENTIETH QUESTION. What are the laws of the northern 
states affecting slaves and the rights (so called} of slave-masters ? 

These laws may be considered in two points of view as af- 
fecting the slaves still remaining in the nominally free states, 
and as affecting those brought thither from slave states, for a 
temporary sojourn. 

In some of the states slavery was abolished by judicial deci- 
sions made on the ground of express constitutional declarations 
that " all men are born free and equal." The states which thu& 
abolished slavery are Vermont, Massachusetts, and New Hamp- 
shire. In these cases the act of abolition extended of course to 
all the slaves ; though a very few aged persons may, though le- 
gally free, be still held in nominal slavery, and as slaves, be enu- 
merated in the national census. 


The western free states, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan, 
were rescued from slavery previous to their existence as states, 
by the " ordinance for the government of the territory of the 
United States, north west of the river Ohio," ratified by con- 
gress July 13th, 1787. 

Maine never held slaves as a state, being a part of Massa- 
chusetts at the time slavery was abolished there. 

In the remaining free states, slavery was abolished by acts of 
their respective legislatures in a gradual way. In these cases 
emancipation was secured only to those born after a fixed period. 
The slaves then living were unaffected by it, and remained slaves 
till death. 

The act passed by the legislature of Pennsylvania, on the 1st 
day of March, 1780, entitled "An act for the gradual abolition 
of Slavery," provided that all coloured persons born in the state 
after that date should be free. It required the owners of slaves, 
i. e. of persons born previous to 1780, to register the name, age, 
&c. of every such slave, with their own (the master's) name, oc- 
cupation, residence &c., in a place designated, on or before the 
1st day of November next ensuing the date of the act. It fur- 
ther provided that all slaves not thus registered, should after the 
said 1st of November be free. But to this provision there were 
sundry exceptions, such as the slaves of members of congress 
from other states, in attendance upon their masters during the 
sessions of Congress,* the slaves of foreign ministers and con- 
suls, arid of persons passing through or sojourning in the state, 
but not residing therein, also seamen belonging to, and employed 
on vessels belonging to the inhabitants of other states ; these 
continued slaves provided they were not sold to an inhabitant of 
the state " nor (except in the case of members of congress, 
foreign ministers and consuls) retained in the state longer than 
six months." t 

The Abolition Act of Connecticut, which came next in order 
of time, provided that all colored persons born in that state after 
the 1st day of March, 1784, should be free on reaching the age 
of twenty-five years, till which time they might be held in ser- 

* At the date of this law the national congress held its sessions in Phila- 
delphia, in the state of Pennsylvania, 
t Stroud's " Laws of Slavery,?' chap. iv. 


vitude. All slaves, born previous to that date, remained such 
for life. 

The Act of Rhode Island was substantially the same with that 
of Connecticut, and came into operation on the same day, 1st 
of March, 1784. 

The first Act of New York bears date the 29th day of March, 
1799, and provides that all born of slaves after the 4th of July, 
1799, should be held as slaves by the owners of their mothers, 
until the males were twenty-eight years old and the females 

Another Act was passed April 8th, 1801, not materially dif- 
fering from the former. 

By a third Act, passed March 31st, 1817, it was provided that 
all descendants of slaves born after the 4th of July, 1799, should 
be free, but should continue in the service of the former owner, 
" as if bound to service by the overseers of the poor" males till 
twenty-eight, and females till twenty-five years old; and all 
born after the date of the last Act were to remain " servants as 
aforesaid until the age of twenty-one, and no longer." The Act 
of 1817 declared that all slaves within the state, born before the 
4th of July, 1799, should, after the 4th of July, 1827, be free. 

Slavery, strictly speaking, was terminated in New York in 
1827. Still, however, the descendants of slaves, born after July 
4th, 1799, were continued in service, as if bound; and this 
species of service exists at this time, and will not cease with 
some till 1845, with others till 1848. 

The following is the legal remedy provided for these bound 
servants in New York, in case of misusage or violations of the 
conditions of service on the part of the master : 

" If any master be guilty of any cruelty, &c., or any violations of the 
provisions of this title (title 7, Part 2, chap. 8th, Revised Statutes), or of 
the terms of the indenture or contract, towards any person hound to con- 
tract, such persons may complain to any two justices of the peace of the 
county, &c., who shall summon the parties before them, &c., and may, 
by certificate under their hands, discharge such person from his obliga- 
tions of service." 2 Revised Statutes, 91 ; section 32.^ 

The Abolition Act of New Jersey went into effect on the 4th 
day of July, 1804. It provided that all who were slaves on the 
14th day of March, 1798, should continue such during life. 


That every child born of a slave after the 4th of July, 1804, 
should be free, but should remain in the service of the mother's 
owner, the same as if bound by the overseers of the poor ; if a 
male until twenty-five, if a female until twenty-one years of age. 
It made it the duty of the grand jury to indict any person for 
inhumanly treating or abusing his slave; and the person so 
offending was, on conviction, to be punished by a fine, not ex- 
ceeding forty dollars, for the use of the poor of the township. 
It further provided that no slave should be admitted a witness 
in any matter, except in criminal cases, where the evidence of 
one slave may be admitted for or against another slave. 

This last provision makes the preceding almost wholly a dead 
letter ; for in the great majority of cases the only evidence would 
be that of the slave and his fellows. 

The New Jersey Act forbade the introduction of slaves into 
the state, either for sale or servitude, under a penalty of forty 
dollars, but inserted a provision to this effect, " that this shall 
not prevent any person from bringing his slaves, who shall remove 
into this state to make a settled residence ; nor foreigners, nor 
others having only a temporary residence for the purpose of 
transacting business, or on their travels, from bringing and em- 
ploying their slaves during their stay, provided each slave shall" 
not be sold, or disposed of in this state." 

If we understand this provision correctly, it opens the door 
for any number of slaveholders to remove to this state and bring 
their slaves. They may not only come from any place, but may 
bring their slaves from any place. A citizen of New York or 
Philadelphia may send to Washington and buy slaves, and then 
remove to this state, and bring his slaves and hold them for life. 
So that it does, in fact, give to citizens of other states greater 
power than to its own citizens. Only that a citizen of New 
Jersey, wishing to become a slaveholder, might remove to another 
state, obtain his slaves, and then remove again to New Jersey 
and hold them. A gentleman from Guadaloupe who brought 
his servant to New York, was indicted for importing a slave, and 
was obliged to declare him free. But a foreign traveller, from 
Cuba, Brazil, or Africa, might bring a whole retinue of slaves to 
New Jersey, and hold them under the statute during his stay. 

In Illinois there is a system of indentured servitude or appren- 


ticeship, and the constitution recognizes the masters as " owners" 
of the apprentices. This system is thus described in a religious 
periodical published in the state of Illinois. 

" Under the territorial government, by a legislative provision, slave- 
holders were permitted to emigrate with their negroes, set them free, and 
immediately indenture them for a term, of years. The future progeny of 
these servants may become free ; but the condition of the present race 
differs not in a single particular, so far as to evils and restrictions, from 
that of their colour in Missouri or Kentucky, except in one feature. There 
(in Missouri or Kentucky) a slave is free at death here he is legally 
bound to serve ninety years after he is dead ! Cases existed in which 
the indentures were drawn for ninety-nine years. If the ' servant' died 
within nine years, the indenture law holds him still in bondage." 

We will now notice the laws of free states affecting the slaves 
brought thither from slave states for a temporary residence. 

The Revised Statutes of the state of New York (Vol. I. pages 
657, 658), provide as follows : 

"Section 6th. Any person, not being an inhabitant of this state, who 
shall be travelling to or from, or passing through this state, may bring 
with him any person lawfully held in slavery, and may take such person 
with him from this state. But the person so held in slavery shall not 
reside or continue in this state more than nine months, and if such resi- 
dence be continued beyond that time, such person shall be free. 

" Section 7th. Any person, who, or whose family, shall reside part of 
the year in this state, and part of the year in any other state, may remove 
and bring with him or them, from time to time, any person lawfully held 
by him in slavery, into this state, and may carry such person with him 
or them out of the state." 

By this statute slaves may be held in New York by non- 
residents for nine months ; and if their masters choose to make 
a permanent residence in the state, they can retain their slaves 
perpetually by removing them once every nine months out of the 
state and returning with them the next day. 

In Pennsylvania and Indiana, slaves may be held in the same 
way six months ; in Rhode Island indefinitely as domestics. In 
New Jersey " persons making a temporary residence in the state 
may bring their slaves and remove them again." 

By a law of congress passed February 12th, 1793, any state 
magistrate is authorized to decide in the case of persons claimed 


as fugitives from labor, or slaves. This manifestly unconstitu- 
tional law has been set aside in New Jersey, Massachusetts, 
and Vermont (in 1837), and in Connecticut (in 1838), by laws 
granting a jury trial. Besides these, no other free states has 
borne testimony against the unconstitutionality of this law, 
although the legislatures of the free states have been repeatedly 
petitioned to grant the trial by jury in such cases. On the con- 
trary, some of them have, with a gratuitous servility, proffered 
and pledged their utmost assistance toward the arrest and return 
of the fugitive to slavery. In this pro-slavery legislation, Illi- 
nois, Indiana, and Ohio, have rendered themselves infamous; 
Ohio pre-eminently so. At the instance of the state of Ken- 
tucky the legislature of Ohio passed, February 26th, 1839, a 
law containing the following remarkable provisions : 

The first section enacts that any person claimed as a fugitive 
from labor in any other state (meaning slaves) shall, on applica- 
tion made by the master or his agent, to any judge or justice of 
the peace, be delivered to the claimant; the judge or justice of 
the peace being satisfied of the genuineness of the claim. A 
trial by jury is in all cases denied the person claimed to be a 

Another section makes it penal for any person or persons to 
attempt to prevent the arrest of an alleged fugitive : 

" Every person so offending shall, upon conviction thereof, be fined in 
any sum not exceeding five hundred dollars, or be imprisoned in the jail 
of the county not exceeding sixty days, at the discretion of the court ; 
and shall, moreover, be liable in an action at the suit of the claimant." 

The fourth section provides that in case the claimant is not 
prepared for trial, it may be postponed for a time not exceeding 
sixty days ; and that in the meantime the person arrested must 
be committed to jail to await trial. 

Section sixth we quote entire ; it is in the following words : 

" If any person or persons in this state shall counsel, advise, or entice 
any other person, who by the laws of another state, shall owe labor, or 
service to any other person, or persons, to leave, abandon, abscond, or 
escape from the person or persons to whom such labor or service accord- 
ing to the laws of such other state is or may be due, or shall furnish 
money or conveyance of any kind, or any other facility, with intent or 
for the purpose of enabling such person, owing labor or service as afore- 


said, to escape from or elude the claimant of such person owing labor or 
service as aforesaid, knowing such person or persons to owe labor or ser- 
vice as aforesaid, every person so offending shall, upon conviction thereof 
by indictment, be fined in any sum not exceeding five hundred dollars, 
or be imprisoned in the jail of the county not exceeding sixty days, at 
the discretion of the court ; and shall, moreover, be liable in an action at 
the suit of the party injured." 

The next section declares that if any one in the state, who 
shall " harbor or conceal any person owing labor or service, as 
aforesaid, who may come into this state without the consent of 
the person to whom such labor or service may be due," shall be 
fined, or imprisoned as above. 

Such are some of the provisions of this extraordinary Act, 
which still stands unrepealed. 

TWENTY-FIRST QUESTION. What are the most striking fea- 
tures of the laws of slave states affecting slaves ? And what new 
laws have been enacted since 1823? 

Judge Stroud, in his " Sketch of the Laws relating to Slavery 
in the several states of the United States of America," has em- 
bodied the main features of American slavery in twelve proposi- 
tions, which we insert in this place, subjoining to each such laws, 
judicial decisions, &c., as may serve to establish the truth of the 
proposition and illustrate the spirit of the slave codes. 

PROPOSITION FIRST, The master may determine the kind and 
degree, and time of labour, to which the slave shall be sub- 

Most of the slave states have no law upon this subject. Con- 
sequently the slaveholder violates none though he may drive the 
slave to the field, and force him to work at the top of his strength 
night and day, till he drops dead. In Georgia, South Carolina, 
Louisiana, and Mississippi, there are laws professing to curtail 
in some respects the power of the master over the duration of 
the slave's labor. The law of South Carolina prohibits the 
working of slaves more than fifteen hours in the twenty-four, 
and fourteen in winter." See 2 Brevard's Digest of the Laws of 
South Carolina, 243. 

The law of Louisiana requires the master to allow his slaves 


TWO AND A HALF HOURS for " rest" in the twenty four. See 1 
Martins Digest of the Laws of Louisiana, 610. 

PROPOSITION SECOND. The master may supply the slave with 
such food and clothing only, both as to quantity and quality, as 
he may think proper or find convenient. 

In all the slave states except three, slaveholders would violate 
no law if they forced their slaves, male and female, to go naked 
or to starve. The North and South Carolina and Louisiana 
codes contain provisions concerning food and clothing. 

The law of North Carolina requires the master to furnish his 
slave " a quart of corn per day." See Haywood's Manual of the 
Laws of North Carolina) 524. 

The allowance of clothing prescribed by the law of Louisiana 
is for one half the year, one linen shirt and pantaloons. Mar- 
tins Digest, 6 1 0. 

PROPOSITION THIRD. The master may, at his discretion, in- 
flict any punishment upon the person of his slave. 

By this it is not meant that there are no laws professing to 
protect the life and limbs of the slave ; but that the slave derives 
no actual protection from such laws. The following is an ^lus- 
tration. Forty years since the state of North Carolina repeated 
a law making imprisonment the penalty for the wilful and mali- 
cious killing of a slave, and enacted in its stead a law prescrib- 
ing the same penalty for the malicious killing of a slave as for 
the murder of a freeman. The following comments on this law, 
we quote from " American Slavery as it is," page 148 : 

" After declaring that he who is ' guilty of wilfully and maliciously 
killing a slave, shall suffer the same punishment as if he had killed a 
freeman ;' the act concludes thus : ' Provided always, this act shall not 
extend to the person killing a slave outlawed hy virtue of any act of 
assembly of this state ; or to any slave in the act of resistance to his law- 
ful overseer, or master, or to any slave dying under moderate correction.' 
Reader, look at this proviso. 1. It gives free license to all persons to 
kill outlawed slaves. Well, what is an outlawed slave ? A slave who 
runs away, lurks in swamps, &c., and kills a hog or any other domestic 
animal to keep himself from starving, is subject to a proclamation of out- 
lanry (Hay wood's Manual, 521) ; and then whoever finds him may 
shoot him, tear him in pieces with dogs, burn him to death over a slow 


fire, or kill him by any other tortures. 2. The proviso grants full license 
to a master to kill his slave, if the slave resist him. The North Carolina 
bench has decided that this law contemplates not only actual resistance 
to punishment, &c., but also offering to resist. (Stroud's Sketch, 37.) 
If, for example, a slave undergoing the process of branding should resist 
by pushing aside the burning stamp ; or if wrought up to frenzy by the 
torture of the lash, he should catch and hold it fast; or if he break loose 
from his master and run, refusing to stop at his command; or if he 
refuse to be flogged ; or struggle to keep his clothes on while his master 
is trying to strip him ; if, in these, or any one of a hundred other 
ways he resist, or offer, or threaten to resist the infliction ; or, if the 
master attempt the violation of the slave's wife, and the husband resist 
his attempts without the least effort to injure him, but merely to shield 
his wife from his assaults, this law does not merely permit, but it 
authorizes the master to murder the slave on the spot. 

" The brutality of these two provisos brands its authors as barbarians. 
But the third cause of exemption could not be outdone by the legislation 
of fiends. ' DYING under MODERATE correction !' MODERATE correction 
and DEATH cause and effect ! ' Provided ALWAYS,' says the law, ' this 
act shall not extend to any slave dying under moderate correction !' Here 
is a formal proclamation of impunity to murder an express pledge of 
acquittal to all slaveholders who wish to murder their slaves, a legal abso- 
lution an indulgence granted before the commission of the crime ! Look 
at the phraseology. Nothing is said of maimings, dismemberments, skull 
fractiires, of severe bruisings, or lacerations, or even of floggings ; but a 
word is used the common-parlance import of which is, slight chastisement ; 
it is not even whipping, but 'correction.' And as if hypocrisy and 
malignity were on the rack to outwit each other, even that weak word 
must be still farther diluted ; so ' moderate' is added : and, to crown the 
climax, compounded of absurdity, hypocrisy, and cold-blooded murder, 
the" legal definition of ' moderate correction' is covertly given ; which is, 
any punishment that KILLS the victim. All inflictions are either moderate 
or immoderate ; and the design of this law was manifestly to shield the 
murderer from conviction, by carrying on its face the rule for its omn in- 
terpretation ; thus advertising, beforehand, courts and juries, that the 
fact of any infliction producing death, was no evidence that it was immo- 
derate, and that beating a man to death came within the legal meaning 
of ' moderate correction !' The design of the legislature of North Caro- 
lina in framing this law is manifest ; it was to produce the impression 
upon the world, that they had so high a sense of justice as voluntarily to 
grant adequate protection to the lives of their slaves. This is ostentati- 
ously set forth in the preamble, and in the body of the law. That this 



was the most despicable hypocrisy, and that they had predetermined to 
grant no such protection, notwithstanding the pains taken to get the 
credit of it, is fully revealed by the proviso, which was framed in such a 
way as to nullify the law, for the express accommodation of slaveholding 
gentlemen murdering their slaves. All such, find in this proviso a con- 
venient accomplice before the fact, and a packed jury, with a ready-made 
verdict of * not guilty,' both gratuitously furnished by the government ! 
The preceding law and proviso are to be found in Haywood's Manual, 
530 ; also in Laws of Tennessee, Act of October 23, 1791 ; and in 
Stroud's Sketch, 37." 

The following judicial decisions of the highest courts in North 
and South Carolina will serve still further to confirm the pre- 
ceding position. We quote from " American Slavery as it is," 
page 143 : 

"See Devereaux's North Carolina Reports, 263. Case of the State 
vs. Mann, 1829 ; in which the Supreme Court decided, that a master who 
shot at a female slave and wounded her, because she got loose from him 
when he was flogging her, and started to run from him, had violated no 
law, AND COULD NOT BE INDICTED. It has been decided by the highest 
courts of the slave states generally, that assault and battery upon a slave 
is not indictable as a criminal offence. 

*' The following decision on this point was made by the Supreme 
Court of South Carolina, in the case of the State vs. Cheetwood, 2 Hill's 
Reports, 459 : 

" ' Protection of slaves. The criminal offence of assault and battery 
cannot, at common law, be committed on the person of a slave. For, not- 
withstanding -for some purposes a slave is regarded in law as a person, 
yet generally he is a mere chattel personal, and his right of personal pro- 
tection belongs to his master, who can maintain an action of trespass for 
the battery of his slave. 

" * There can be therefore no offence against the state for a mere beat- 
ing of a slave, unaccompanied by any circumstances of cruelty, or an 
attempt to kill and murder. The peace of the state is not thereby 
broken ; for a slave is not generally regarded as legally capable of being 
within the peace of the state. He is not a citizen, and it not in that 
character entitled to for protection.' " 

To the foregoing we add from the same work (page 144) the 
following specimens of the laws of slave states, and of judicial 
decisions embodying their spirit : 

" ' Any person may lawfully kill a slave, who has been outlawed for 


running away and lurking in swamps, &c/ Law of North Carolina ; 
Judge Stroud's Sketch of the Slave Laws, 103 ; Hay wood's Manual, 
524. ' A slave endeavouring to entice another slave to run away, if pro- 
visions, &c., be prepared for the purpose of aiding in such running away, 
shall he punished with DEATH. And a slave who shall aid the slave so 
endeavouring to entice another slave to run away, shall also suffer 
DEATH.' Law of South Carolina ; Stroud's Sketch of Slave Laws, 103-4 ; 
2 Brevard's Digest, 233, 244. Another law of South Carolina provides 
that if a slave shall, when absent from the plantation, refuse to be ex- 
amined by ' any white person,' (no matter how crazy or drunk,) ' such 
white person may seize and chastise him ; and if the slave shall strike 
such white person, such slave may be lawfully killed.' -2 Brevard's 
Digest, 231. 

" The following is a law of Georgia : ' If any slave shall presume to 
strike any white person, such slave shall, upon trial and conviction before 
the justice or justices, suffer such punishment for the first offence as they 
shall think fit, not extending to life or limb ; and for the second offence, 
DEATH.' Prince's Digest, 450. The same law exists in South Carolina, 
with this difference, that death is made the punishment for the third 

" In both states, the law contains this remarkable proviso : ' Provided 
always, that such striking be not done by the command and. in the 
defence of the person or property of the owner, or other person having 
the government of such slave, in which case the slave shall be wholly 
excused.' According to this law, if a slave, by the direction of his 
OVERSEER, strike a white man who is beating said overseer's dog, ' the 
slave shall be wholly excused ;' but if the white man has rushed upon the 
slave himself, instead of the dog, and is furiously beating him, if the slave 
strike back but a single blow, the legal penalty is, ' ANY punishment not 
extending to life or limb ;' and if the tortured slave has a second onset 
made upon him, and, after suffering all but death, again strike back in 
self-defence, the law KILLS him for it. So, if a female slave, in obedience 
to her mistress, and in defence of ' her property,' strike a white man who 
is kicking her mistress's pet kitten, she ' shall be wholly excused,' saith 
the considerate law ; but if the unprotected girl, when beaten and kicked 
herself, raise her hand against her brutal assailant, the law condemns 
her to ' any punishment, not extending to life or limb ;' and if a wretch 
assail her again, and attempt to violate her chastity, and the trembling 
girl, in her anguish and terror, instinctively raise her hand against him 
in self-defence, she shall, saith the law, ' suffer DEATH.' 

" Reader, this diabolical law is the ' public opinion' of Georgia and 
South Carolina toward the slaves. This is the vaunted 'protection' 
afforded them by their ' high-souled chivalry.' To show that the ' public 

x 2 


opinion' of the slave states far more effectually protects the property of 
the master than the person of the slave, the reader is referred to two laws 
of Louisiana, passed in 1819. The one attaches a penalty ' not exceed- 
ing one thousand dollars,' and ' imprisonment not exceeding two years,' 
to the crime of ' cutting or breaking any iron chain or collar,' which any 
master of slaves has used to prevent their running away ; the other, a 
penalty ' not exceeding five hundred dollars' to ' wilfully cutting out the 
tongue, putting out the eye, cruelly burning, or depriving any slave of 
any limb.' Look at it the most horrible dismemberment conceivable 
cannot be punished by a fine of more than five hundred dollars. The 
law expressly fixes that as the utmost limit, and it may not be half that 
sum ; not a single moment's imprisonment stays the wretch in his career, 
and the next hour he may cut out another slave's tongue, or burn his 
hand off. But let the same man break a chain put upon a slave, to keep 
him from running away, and, besides paying double the penalty that 
could be exacted from him for cutting off a slave's legs, the law impri- 
sons him not exceeding two years ! 

" This law reveals the heart of slaveholders towards their slaves, their 
diabolical indifference to the most excruciating and protracted torments 
inflicted on them by ' any person ;' it reveals, too, the relative protection 
afforded by ' public opinion' to the person of the slave, in appalling con- 
trast with the vastly surer protection which it affords to the master's pro- 
perty in the slave. The wretch who cuts out the tongue, tears out the 
eyes, shoots off the arms, or burns off the feet of a slave, over a slow fire, 
cannot legally be fined more than five hundred dollars ; but if he should 
in pity loose a chain from his galled neck, placed there by the master to 
keep him from escaping, and thus put his property in some jeopardy, he 
may be fined one thousand dollars, and thrust into a dungeon for two 
years ! and this, be it remembered, not for stealing the slave from the 
master, nor for enticing, or even advising him to run away, or giving him 
any information how he can effect his escape; but merely, because, 
touched with sympathy for the bleeding victim, as he sees the rough iron 
chafe the torn flesh at every turn, he removes it ; and, as escape with- 
out this incumbrance would be easier than with it, the master's property 
in the slave is put at some risk. For having caused this slight risk, the 
law provides a punishment fine not exceeding one thousand dollars, 
and imprisonment not exceeding two years. We say slight risk, because 
the slave may not be disposed to encounter the dangers, and hunger, and 
other sufferings of the woods, and the certainty of terrible inflictions if 
caught ; and if he should attempt it, the risk of losing him is small. An 
advertisement of five lines will set the whole community howling on his 
track ; and the trembling and famished fugitive is soon scented out in 
his retreat, and dragged back and delivered over to his tormentors. 


"The preceding law is another illustration of the ' protection' afforded to 
the limbs and members of slaves, by ^public opinion' among slaveholders. 
" Here follow two other illustrations of the brutal indifference of 
' public opinion' to the torments of the slave, while L it is full of zeal to 
compensate the master, if any one disables his slave so as to lessen his 
market value. The first is a law of South Carolina. It provides, that 
if a slave, engaged in his owner's service, be attacked by a person * not 
having sufficient cause for so doing,' and if the slave shall be ' maimed or 
disabled' by him, so that the owner suffers a loss from his inability to 
labor, the person maiming him shall pay for his ' lost time,' and ' also the 
charges for the cure of the slave !' This Vandal law does not deign to 
take the least notice of the anguish of the ' maimed' slave, made, perhaps 
a groaning cripple for life ; the horrible wrong and injury done to him, is 
passed over in utter silence. It is thus declared to be not a criminal act. 
But the pecuniary interests of the master are not to be thus neglected by 
* public opinion.' Oh, no ! its tender bowels run over with sympathy at 
the master's injury in the ' lost time of his slave, and it carefully provides 
that he shall have pay for the whole of it. See 2 Brevard's Digest^ 
231, 232. 

" A law similar to the above has been passed in Louisiana, which 
contains an additional provision for the benefit of the master ordaining, 
that ' if the slave' (thus maimed and disabled,) * be for ever rendered un- 
able to work,' the person maiming shall pay the master the appraised 
value of the slave before the injury, and shall, in addition, take the slave, 
and maintain him during life.' This ' public opinion' transfers the help- 
less cripple from the hand of his master, who, as he has always had the 
benefit of his services, might possibly feel some tenderness for him, and 
puts him in the sole power of the wretch who has disabled him for life 
protecting the victim from the fury of his tormentor, by putting him 
into his hands ! What but butchery by piecemeal can, under such cir- 
cumstances, be expected from a man brutal enough at first to ' maim' and 
4 disable' him, and now exasperated by being obliged to pay his full value 
to the master, and to have, in addition, the daily care and expense of his 
maintenance. Since writing the above, we have seen the following judi- 
cial decision, in the case of Jourdan vs. Patton 5 Martin's Louisiana 
Reports, 615. A slave of the plaintiff had been deprived of his only eye 
and thus rendered useless, on which account the court adjudged that the 
defendant should pay the plaintiff his full value. The case went up, by 
appeal, to the Supreme court. Judge Mathews, in his decision, said, 
that 'when the defendant had paid the sum decreed, the slave ought to 
be placed in his possession,' adding, that ' the judgment making full 
compensation to the owner operates a change of property' He adds, ' The 


principle of humanity, which would lead us to suppose that the mistress 
whom he had long served would treat her miserable blind slave with 
more kindness than the defendant, to whom the judgment ought to trans- 
fer him, CANNOT BE TAKEN INTO CONSIDERATION !' The full compensation 
of the mistress for the loss of the services of the slave, is worthy of all 
' consideration,' even to the uttermost farthing ; ' public opinion' is omni- 
potent for her protection ; but when the food, clothing, shelter, fire and 
lodging, medicine and nursing, comfort and entire condition and treat- 
ment of her poor blind slave, throughout his dreary pilgrimage, is the 
question- ah ! that, says the mouth-piece of the law, and the represen- 
tative of ' public opinion,' CANNOT BE TAKEN INTO CONSIDERATION.' Pro- 
tection of slaves by ' public opinion' among slaveholders ! ! 

" The foregoing illustrations of southern ' public opinion,' from the laws 
made by it and embodying it, are sufficient to show, that, so far from 
being an efficient protection to the slaves, it is their deadliest foe, prose- 
cutor, and tormentor. 

" But here we shall probably be met by the legal lore of some ' Justice 
Shallow,' instructing us that the life of the slave is fully protected by law, 
however unprotected he may be in other respects. This assertion we 
meet with a point blank denial. The law does not, in reality, protect the 
life of the slave. But even if the letter of the law would fully protect 
the life of the slave, ' public opinion' in the slave states would make it a 
dead letter. The letter of the law would have been all-sufficient for the 
protection of the lives of the miserable gamblers in Yicksburg, and other 
places in Mississippi, from the rage of those whose money they had won ; 
but 'gentlemen of property and standing' laughed the law to scorn, 
rushed to the gamblers' house, put ropes round their necks, dragged them 
through the streets, hanged them in the public square, and thus saved 
the sum they had not yet paid. Thousands witnessed this wholesale 
murder, yet of the scores of legal officers present, not a soul raised a fin- 
ger to prevent it, the whole city consented to it, and thus aided and 
abetted it. How many hundreds of them helped to commit the murders, 
with their otvn hands, does not appear, but not one of them has been 
indicted for it, and no one made the least effort to bring them to trial. 
Thus, up to the present hour, the blood of those murdered men rests on 
that whole city, and it will continue to he a CITY OF MURDERERS, so long 
as its citizens agree together to shield those felons from punishment ; and 
they do thus agree together so long as they encourage each other in refus- 
ing to bring them to justice. Now, the laics of Mississippi were not in 
fault that those men were murdered ; nor are they now in fault, that 
their murderers are not punished ; the laws demand it, but the people 
of Mississippi, the legal officers, the grand juries and legislature of the 


state, with one consent agree, that the law shall be a dead letter, and thus 
the whole state assumes the guilt of those murders, and in bravado, 
flourishes her reeking hands in the face of the world. 

" The letter of the law on the statute book is one thing, the practice of 
the community under that law often a totally different thing. Each of 
the slave states has laws providing that the life of no white man shall be 
taken without his having first been indicted by a grand jury, allowed an 
impartial trial by a petit jury, vrith the right of counsel, cross-examina- 
tion of witnesses, &c. ; but who does not know that if ARTHUR TAPPAN 
were pointed out in the streets of New Orleans, Mobile, Savannah, 
Charleston, Natchez, or St. Louis, he would be torn in pieces by the 
citizens with one accord, and that if any one should attempt to bring his 
murderers to punishment, he would be torn in pieces also. The editors 
of southern newspapers openly vaunt, that every abolitionist who sets 
foot in their soil, shall, if he be discovered, be hung at once, without 
judge or jury. What mockery to quote the letter of the law in those 
states, to show that abolitionists would have secured to them the legal 
protection of an impartial trial ! 

" Before the objector can make out his case, that the life of the slave 
is protected by the law, he must not only show that the words of the law 
grant him such protection, but that such a state of public sentiment 
exists as will carry out the provisions of the law in their true spirit. Any- 
thing short of this will be set down as mere prating, by every man of 
common sense. It has been already abundantly shown in the preceding 
pages, that the public sentiment of the slaveholding states toward the 
slaves is diabolical. Now, if there were laws in those states, the words 
of which granted to the life of the slave the same protection granted to 
that of the master, what would they avail ? ACTS, constitute protection ; 
and is that public sentiment which makes the slave ' property,' and per- 
petrates hourly robbery and batteries upon him, so penetrated with a 
sense of the sacredness of his right to life, that it will protect it at all 
hazards, and drag to the gallows his OWNER, if he take the life of his own 
property ? 

" Enough has been said to show, that though the laws of the slave 
states profess to grant adequate protection to the life of the slave, such 
professions are mere empty pretence, no such protection being in reality 
afforded by them. But there is still another fact, showing that all laws 
which profess to protect the slaves from injury by the whites are a 
mockery. It is this that the testimony, neither of a slave nor of a free 
colored person, is legal testimony against a white. To this rule there is 
no exception in any of the slave states : and this, were there no other 
evidence, would be sufficient to stamp, as hypocritical, all the provisions 


of the codes which profess to protect the slaves. Professing to grant 
protection, while, at the same time, it strips them of the only means by 
which they can make that protection available ! Injuries must be legally 
proved before they can be legally redressed : to deprive men of the power 
of proving their injuries, is itself the greatest of all injuries ; for it not 
only exposes to all, but invites them, by a virtual guarantee of impunity, 
and is thus the author of all injuries. It matters not what other laws 
exist, professing to throw safeguards round the slave this makes them 
blank paper. How can a slave prove outrages perpetrated upon him by 
his master or overseer, when\his own testimony and that of all his fellow- 
slaves, his kindred, associates, and acquaintances, are ruled out of court ? 
and when he is entirely in the power of those who injure him, and when 
the only care necessary, on their part, is, to see that no white witness is- 
looking on. Ordinarily, but one white man, the overseer, is with the 
slaves while they are at labor ; indeed, on most plantations, to commit 
an outrage in the presence of a white witness would be more difficult 
than in their absence. He who wished to commit an illegal act upon a 
slave, instead of being obliged to take pains and watch for an opportunity 
to do it unobserved by a white, would find it difficult to do it in the pre- 
sence of a white if he wished to do so. The supreme court of Louisiana, 
in their decision, in the case of Crawford vs. Cherry, 15, (Martin's La- 
Rep. 142 ; also ' Law of Slavery^ 249) where the defendant was sued 
for the value of a slave whom he had shot and killed, say, ' The act 
charged here, is one rarely committed in the presence of witnesses 
(whites). So in the case of the State vs. Mann (Devereux, N. C. Rep. 
263 ; and ' Law of Slavery' 247), in which the defendant was charged 
with shooting a slave girl ' belonging' to the plaintiff ; the supreme court 
of North Carolina, in their decision, speaking of the provocations of the 
master by the slave, and the consequent wrath of the master prompting 
him to bloody vengeance, add, ' a vengeance generally practised with im- 
punity, by reason of its privacy' 

" Laws excluding the testimony of slaves and free colored persons, 
where a white is concerned, do not exist in all the slave states. One or 
two of them have no legal enactment on the subject ; but, in those, 
' public opinion' acts with the force of law, and the courts invariably 
reject it. This brings us back to the potency of that oft-quoted ' public 
opinion,' so ready, according to our objector, to do battle for the protec- 
tion of the slave 1" 

PROPOSITION FOURTH. All the power of the master over his 
slave may be exercised not by himself only in person, but by any 
one whom he may depute as his agent. 


This practice throughout all the slaveholding states is uniform. 
The following law of the state of Louisiana is an illustration. 

" The condition of a slave being merely a passive one, his subordina- 
tion to his master and to all who represent him is not susceptible of any 
modification or restriction (except in what can excite the slave to the 
commission of crime), in such manner that he owes to his master and to 
all his family a respect without bounds, and an absolute obedience, (1 
Martin's Digest, 616.) 

PROPOSITION FIFTH. Slaves have no legal rights of property 
in things real or personal, but whatever they may acquire belongs 
in point of law to their masters. 

To quote in detail the laws of slaveholding states to establish 
a proposition which none will question, would be useless. For 
the benefit of such, however, as may have access to the legal 
codes of our slaveholding states, we subjoin the following refe- 
rences. James' Digest of the Laws of South Carolina, 385> 
386. Prince's Digest of the Laws of Georgia, 453 and 457. 
Revised Code of Mississippi, 375, 389. Laws of Tennessee, 
chapter 135. Missouri Laws, 743. Haywood's Manual of the 
Laws of North Carolina, 526, 534. Kitty's Laws of Mary- 
land, chapter 15, section 6. Civil Code of Louisiana, article 
175 945. 

PROPOSITION SIXTH. The slave, being a personal chattel, is 
at all times liable to be sold absolutely, or mortgaged or leased 
at the will of his master. 

In proof that American slaves are " Chattels personal in the 
hands of their owners, possessors, executors, administrators, and 
assigns, to all intents, constructions, and purposes whatsoever/' 
we refer to Brevard's Digest, 229, and Prince's Digest, 446. 
To make specific quotations establishing the liabilities of chat- 
tels personal, as stated in the proposition, would be quite un- 
necessary. The law of Louisiana is an exception, in that state 
slaves are real estate, and not personal chattels. 

PROPOSITION SEVENTH. The slave may also be sold by pro- 
cess of law for the satisfaction of the debts of a living, or the 
debts and bequests of a deceased master, at the suit of creditors 
or legatees. See Laws of American Slave States, passim. 

PROPOSITION EIGHTH. A slave cannot be a party before a 
judicial tribunal in any species of action against his master no 
matter how atrocious may have been the injury received from 

It would be needless to prove what is notoriously unquestion- 
. able. 

PROPOSITION NINTH. Slaves cannot redeem themselves nor 
obtain a change of masters ; though cruel treatment may have 
rendered such change necessary for their personal safety. 

Upon this proposition Judge Stroud remarks ; " this propo- 
sition holds good as to the right of redemption in all the slave- 
holding states, and equally true is it as respects the right to 
compel a change of masters except in Louisiana. The new civil 
code of that state contains a regulation by which the latter pri- 
vilege may sometimes perhaps be obtained by the slave. Yet 
the conditions are such that it needs strong proof to induce the 
belief that the law has ever been called into action." 

PROPOSITION TENTH. Slaves being objects of property, if in- 
jured by third persons, their owners may bring suit and recover 
damages for the injury. 

The following are Judge Stroud's remarks. 

" Taken strictly, this does not operate as a shield to the slave against 
corporal aggression ; unless the violence used is so great as to deteriorate 
the property of the master. And so a decision of the Supreme Court 
of Maryland has established the law to be in that state. ' There must 
be a loss of service or at least a diminution of the faculty of the slave 
for bodily labour to warrant an action by the master.' 1 Harris and 
Johnson's Reports 4." 

PROPOSITION ELEVENTH. Slaves can make no contract. 
This follows of course from the preceding propositions. 

PROPOSITION TWELFTH. Slavery is hereditary and perpetual. 
Here also quotations are needless. 

To the preceding propositions we add that the penal codes of 


the slaveholding states bear much more severely upon slaves 
than upon free white persons. Upon this point we quote the 
following remarks from " American Slavery as It is." 

" The following legal penalties are by the laws of slave states attached 
to the various acts of slaves therein described. If more than seven 
slaves are found together in any road without a white person in company 
the penalty is twenty lashes apiece. 

" For visiting a plantation without a written pass, ten lashes ; for let- 
ting loose a boat from where it was made fast, thirty-nine lashes for the 
first offence ; and for the second, ' shall have cut off from his head one ear;' 
for keeping or carrying a club, thirty- nine lashes ; for having any article 
for sale, without a ticket from his master, ten lashes ; for travelling in 
any other than ' the most usual and accustomed road,' when going alone 
to any place, forty lashes ; for travelling in the night, without a pass, 
forty lashes ; for being found in another person's negro-quarters, forty 
lashes ; for hunting with dogs in the woods, thirty lashes ; for being on 
horseback without the written permission of his master, twenty-Jive 
lashes ; for riding or going abroad in the night, or riding horses in the 
day time, without leave, a slave may be whipped, cropped, or branded in 
the cheek with the letter R, or otherwise punished, not extending to life, 
or so as to render him unfit for labor. The laws referred to may be 
found by consulting 2 Brevard's Digest, 228, 243, 246 ; Haywood's Ma- 
nual, 78, chap. 13, pp. 518, 529 ; 1 Virginia Revised Code, 722, 723 ; 
Prince's Digest, 454 ; 2 Missouri Laws, 741 ; Mississippi Revised Code. 
371. Laws similar to tbese exist throughout the southern slave code. 

The laws of slave states inflict capital punishment on slaves for a va- 
riety of crimes, for which, if their masters commit them, the legal pe- 
nalty is merely imprisonment. Judge Stroud, in his Sketch of the Laws 
of Slavery, says, that, by the laws of Virginia, there are ' seventy-one 
crimes for which slaves are capitally punished, though in none of these 
are whites punished in a manner more severe than by imprisonment in 
the penitentiary'.,, (p. 107, where the reader will find all the crimes 
enumerated). It should be added, however, that though the penalty 
for each of these seventy-one crimes is ' death,' yet a majority of them 
are, in the words of the law, ' death within clergy;' and in Virginia, 
clergyable offences, though technically capital, are not so in fact. In 
Mississippi, slaves are punished capitally for more than thirty crimes, 
for which whites are punished only by fine or imprisonment, or both., 
Eight of these are not recognised as crimes, either by common law or by 
statute, when committed by whites. In South Carolina slaves are pun- 
ished capitally for nine more crimes than the wlu'tes in Georgia, for 


fix and in Kentucky, for seven more than whites, &c. We surely need 
not detain the reader by comments on this monstrous inequality with 
which the penal codes of slave states treat slaves and their masters. 
When we consider that guilt is in proportion to intelligence, and that 
these masters have by law doomed their slaves to ignorance, and then, 
as they darkle and grope along their blind way, inflict penalties upon 
them for a variety of acts regarded as praiseworthy in whites ; killing 
them for crimes, when whites are only fined or imprisoned to call such 
a ' public opinion' inhuman, savage, murderous, diabolical, would be to 
use tame words, if the English vocabulary could supply others of more 
horrible import. 

" But slaveholding brutality does not stop here. While punishing the 
slaves for crimes with vastly greater severity than it does their masters 
for the same crimes, and making a variety of acts crimes in law, which 
are right, and often duties, it persists in refusing to make known to the 
slaves that complicated and barbarous penal code which loads them with 
such fearful liabilities. The slave is left to get a knowledge of these 
laws as he can, and cases must be of constant occurrence at the south, 
in which slaves get their first knowledge of the existence of a law by 
suffering its penalty. Indeed, this is probably the way in which they 
commonly learn what the laws are ; for how else can the slave get a 
knowledge of the laws ? He cannot read he cannot learn to read ; if 
he try to master the alphabet, so that he may spell out the words of the 
law, and thus avoid its penalties, the law shakes its terrors at him ; while 
at the same time, those who made the laws refuse to make them known 
to those for whom they are designed. The memory of Caligula will 
blacken with execration while time lasts, because he hung up his laws 
so high that people could not read them, and then punished them be- 
cause they did not keep them. Our slaveholders aspire to blacker infa- 
my. Caligula was content with hanging up his laws where his subjects 
could see them ; and if they could not read them, they knew where they 
were, and might get at them, if, in their zeal to learn his will, they had 
used the same means to get up to them that those did who hung them 
there. Even Caligula, wretch as he was, would have shuddered at cut- 
ting their legs off, to prevent their climbing to them ; or, if they had 
got there, at boring their eyes out, to prevent their reading them. Our 
slaveholders virtually do both ; for they prohibit their slaves acquiring 
that knowledge of letters which would enable them to read the laws ; 
and if, by stealth, they get it in spite of them, they prohibit them books 
and papers, and flog them if they are caught at them. Further Cali- 
gula merely hung up his laws so high that they could not be read our 
slaveholders have hung theirs, so high above the slave that they cannot 


be seen they are utterly out of sight, and he finds out that they are 
there only by the falling of the penalties on his head.* Thus the ' pub- 
lic opinion' of slave states protects the defenceless slave by arming a 
host of legal penalties and setting them in ambush at every thicket 
along his path, to spring upon him unawares. 

Stroud, in his Sketch of the Laws of Slavery, page 100, thus 
comments on this monstrous barbarity : 

" 'The hardened convict moves their sympathy, and is to be taught the 
laws before he is expected to obey them ;t yet the guiltless slave is sub- 
jected to an extensive system of cruel enactments, of no part of which, 
probably, has he ever heard.' 

As the " most striking features of the laws of slave states affect- 
ing" the moral and intellectual condition of the slaves will be 
exhibited in reply to subsequent queries, we need not introduce 
them here. 

In reply to the inquiry respecting the new laws which have 
been enacted since 1825, we remark that we know of no laws 
enacted since that period which materially alter the condition of 
slaves in any of the slaveholding states. In many of the states, 
however, laws have been enacted since 1825, increasing the priva- 
tions and disabilities of the free people of colour. 

* The following extract from the Alexandria (D. C.) Gazette is an illustra- 
tion. " CRIMINALS CONDEMNED. On Monday last the Court of the borough 
of Norfolk, Va. sat on the trial of four negro boys arraigned for burglary. 
The first indictment charged them with breaking into the hard-ware store of 
Mr. E. P. Tabb, upon which two of them were found guilty by the Court, 
and condemned to suffer the penalty of the law, which, in the case of a slave, 
is death. The second Friday in April is appointed for the execution of their 
awful sentence. Their ages do not exceed sixteen. The first, a fine active boy, 
belongs to a widow lady in Alexandria : the latter, a house servant, is owned 
by a gentleman in the borough. The value of one was fixed at 1000 dollars, 
and the other at 800 dollars ; which sums are to be reimbursed to their re- 
spective owners out of the state treasury." In all probability these poor 
boys, who are to be hung for stealing, never dreamed that death was the le- 
gal penaltv of the crime. 

Here is'another, from the "New Orleans Bee" of 14, 1837. " The 

slave who STRUCK some citizens in Canal street, some weeks since, has been 
tried and found guilty, and is sentenced to be HUNG on the 24th." 

t " It shall be the duty of the keeper [of the penitentiary] on the receipt 
of each prisoner, to read to him or her such parts of the penal laws of this 
state as impose penalties for escape, and to make all the prisoners in the pe- 
nitentiary acquainted with the same. It shall also be his duty, on the dis- 
charge of such prisoner, to read to him or her such parts of the said laws as 
impose additional punishments for the repetition of offences." Rule 12th, 
for the internal government of the Penitentiary of Georgia. See 26 of the 
Penitentiary Act of 1816. Prince's Digest, 386. 


TWENTY-SECOND QUESTION. Do any means exist of ascertain- 
ing the waste of life occasioned by the culture of any of the pro- 
ducts of slave labor on the unexhausted soils of the new states ? 

There is abundant evidence that the waste of life is prodigious ; 
though the precise amount of the waste cannot be easily ascer- 
tained. The following considerations will give some conception 
of the fearful expenditure of human life. 

1. The testimony which has already been given respecting 
the condition and treatment of the field slaves, the defective 
quality and quantity of their food, their inadequate clothing, 
shelter and lodging, the habitual severity of their labor, the in- 
sufficiency of the time allotted for sleep, and the violent flog- 
ings, long fastings, and protracted confinements inflicted as pu- 
nishments, are grounds on which you may fairly conclude that 
the waste of life is vast. 

2. The statements made respecting the neglect of the sick, with 
the testimony of unimpeachable witnesses that it is common 
not to employ a physican when slaves are sick, are further evi- 
dence in point. What can be the result of such utter inatten- 
tion to the sick but a shocking waste of life ? 

3. The immense importation of slaves into the planting states, 
by means of the internal and foreign slave trades, argue a great 
waste of life. What can give rise to so large and constant a 
demand for slaves but an enormous consumption of them ? 
What can call for such vast annual conscriptions but the mow- 
ing down of whole ranks on the field of death ? Certainly the 
clearing of new lands, and the settlement of new states, are 
causes utterly incompetent to account for the great demand for 
slaves in the far south and south-west. 

4. But we have 'still more decisive proof on this point in the 
declarations of planters themselves, that they consider it profita- 
ble to work a gang of slaves to death every seven years, since 
the extra amount of labor thereby extorted from them will much 
more than pay for a new supply of hands. A variety of testi- 
mony establishing this point, has been already inserted in reply 
to the 9th query ; " the features of slavery in the consuming 


TWENTY-THIRD QUESTION. Have American citizens any 
interest in slavery in foreign countries, as owners or mortgagees, 
and to what probable extent ? 

We are not able to give very definite information under this 
query. It is well known, however, that merchants and others 
in the free states own slaves in several of the West India islands, 
especially in Cuba. The number of persons in the free states, 
thus implicated in foreign slaveholding, is probably, far from 
being small, and we have reason to believe is annually increasing. 

TWENTY-FOURTH QUESTION. Are vessels adapted only to the 
slave-trade (or piracy} openly built in American ports ? 

TWENTY-FIFTH QUESTION. To what ascertained or supposed 
extent are the citizens and flag of the United States, engaged in 
the slave carrying trade from Africa for the supply of foreign 
countries ? 

We regret our inability to give more full information on the 
subject embraced in these queries. What we shall furnish will 
afford some insight into this mystery of abominations, and show 
that the number of vessels built in American ports, and expressly 
designed for the foreign slave-trade is very great. 

The following testimony is quoted from Jay's View, p. 111. 

"The Boston Express of 17th December, 1838, thus gives the sub- 
stance of the statements made by Mr. Elliott Cresson, of the Pennsylvania 
Colonization Society, in a public address delivered a few days before in 
Boston : 

" 'Outof 177 slave ships which arrive at Cuba every year, five-sixths are 
owned and fitted out a from ports in the United States ; and the enormous 
profits accruing from their voyages remitted to this country. One house 
in New York received lately for its share alone the sum of 250,000 
dollars. Baltimore is largely interested in this accursed traffic as well 
as New York and even Boston, with all her religion and morality, 
does not disdain to increase her wealth by a participation in so damnable 
a business. A gentleman of the highest respectability lately informed 
Mr. Cresson, that a sailor in this city told him that he had received 
several hundred dollars of hush money, to make him keep silent, and 


when he mentioned the names of his employers, the gentleman says he 
was actually afraid to repeat them, so high do they stand in society. A 
captain in the merchant service, from New York, was lately offered his 
own terms hy two different houses, provided he would undertake a slave 

" Of the truth of these statements we know nothing." 

The annexed paragraph is from the same work, p. 107. 

"In 1819, Judge Story, of the Supreme Court of the United States, 
in a charge to a grand jury, thus expresses himself: ' "We have hut too 
many proofs from unquestionable sources, that it (the African trade) is 
still carried on with all the implacable ferocity and insatiable rapacity 
of former times. Avarice has grown more subtle in its evasions, and 
watches and seizes its prey with an appetite quickened rather than sup- 
pressed by its guilty vigils, American citizens are steeped to their very 
mouths (I can scarcely use too bold a figure,) in this stream of iniquity.' " 

The subjoined statements are extracted from the " First 
Annual Report of the New York Committee of Vigilance for the 
year 1837," p. 33, 34. 

" A gentleman in this city, whose name we are not at liberty to mention, 
an owner of Texan lands, informed a member of our Executive Com- 
mittee, a few months since, that another gentleman, in this city, also 
an owner of Texan lands, had, a short time previous, formally pro- 
posed to him to invest funds in a ship to go into the slave-trade 
from Africa to Texas, assuring him that an immense profit would be 
realized on the investment ! 

" The New Orleans Bulletin of December 10, declares ' on high 
authority, that the Texan government intends entering a formal com- 
plaint to the Cabinet at Washington, against the practice pursued by 
American citizens, of introducing into their territory, in vessels belonging 
to the United States, negroes, coming from other quarters than this Union ; 
and further, that their ministers at Washington, will be instructed to 
ask of our government, that a vessel be ordered to cruise along their 
coast, to prevent such introduction, and also that a small force be 
stationed at the mouth of the Sabine, to guard against their being landed 
on the coast of the United States and immediately transferred to the Texan 
I territory thus publishing it to the world, that the foreign slave-trade is 
I extensively carried on from Africa to Texas ' by AMERICAN CITIZENS,' 


The following is from the Emancipator (New York), Nov. 28, 

(" From the Journal of Commerce.) 

"Havana, Oct. 25, 1839. By an arrival from Bahia, in a very short 
passage, we learn that the slave factories at Onin, on the coast of Africa 
have been destroyed by the natives, and that establishment for the pre- 
sent entirely broken up. The interests destroyed, belonged to some of 
our principal citizens, and from thence an immense traffic in slaves was 
carried on by vessels under many flags, particularly the American. A 
large amount of goods was burnt and pillaged." 

A late number of the New York Commercial Advertiser 
contains the following. 

" GOOD. The Baltimore Chronicle of yesterday contains this little, 
but meaning paragraph : 

" ' We regret to learn that three gentlemen of this city, occupying 
respectable positions in society, were arrested and held to bail on Satur- 
day, upon a charge of being concerned in fitting out vessels designed to 
be employed in the slave-trade.' 

" We call this good news not because we hope that the three gentle- 
men will be proved guilty, but simply because we are glad to find that 
inquiry is to be made into the charges so frequently brought against 
Baltimore, of late, imputing to her citizens an. active participation in that 
' hideous traffic.' " 

The following paragraphs went the round of the papers last 'Fall 

"SLAVE SHIPS. Capt. Fitzgerald, of the British sloop of war, Buzzard, 
arrived at quarantine yesterday, bringing with him from Barbados, two 
prize vessels, the Eagle and the Clara, which were captured^while cruis- 
ing as slavers. They were seized within three months of each other, on 
the coast of Africa, before they had actually engaged in the traffic, but 
on the ground that they were furnished with all the implements and 
tools of the trade. Since their capture, the crews of both vessels have 
admitted that their object was to procure slaves. One of the captains is 
a native of New York, and the other of Philadelphia. The design of 
this visit is to deliver the offenders to the American authorities for trial, 
In consequence of an application made yesterday afternoon to the United 
States court, the deputy United States marshal went down to quarantine 
to take the officers into custody." 

" The Slavers, the EAGLE and CLARA, brought to -New York a short 
time since by the English brig of war, BUZZARD, are to sail in a few days 
for Jamaica, the United States government having declined to exercise 



any jurisdiction over them. The object of the federal authorities in neg- 
lecting to bring this subject before the judicial tribunals of the United 
States, is undoubtedly to prevent any light from falling upon the flagrant 
proceedings of Mr. Consul Trist, in reference to the slave-trade, so exten- 
sively carried on from Havana under his immediate auspices. What 
cares Van Buren, for the requirements of the Constitution and the laws, 
or the claims of injured humanity, when they conflict with his elec- 
tioneering prospects at the South ?" 

The Cincinnati (Ohio) Gazette of October, 1839, after quoting 
the latter of the above paragraphs, thus comments upon it. 

" The American government have, it would seem, determinately set 
their faces against taking any part in suppressing the African slave-trade. 
In this there is strong reason to believe that the voice of a vast majority is 
ready, at this moment, to sustain them. It is a strange revulsion of public 
sentiment and of public feeling. One cannot repress surprise at its univer- 
sality. Nothing can be effected for good by any speculations on the 
matter, we, therefore, content ourselves by merely noticing the facts." 

TWENTY-SIXTH QUESTION. What provision is made for the 
education of the slaves, and what obstacles exist to the advance- 
ment of education among them ? 

So far from any provision being made for the education of 
the slaves, it is either entirely prohibited or universally dis- 
couraged. In some of the states the education of the slave is 
expressly forbidden by law, and any attempt made to educate 
them, whether by whites or blacks, is severely punished. In 
some of the less important slaveholding states, instruction in 
letters is not prohibited by law ; but it is effectually prevented 
by public opinion. Such is the case in Kentucky. 

The following are a few specimens of the laws which forbid 
the education of slaves. Jay's Inquiry p. 136. 

" A law of South Carolina passed in 1800, authorizes the infliction of 
twenty lashes on every slave found in an assembly convened for the pur- 
pose of * mental instruction,' held in a confined or^secret place, although 
in the presence of a white. Another law imposes a fine of 100 on 
any person who may teach a slave to write. An act of Virginia, of 1829, 
declares every meeting of slaves at any school by day or night, for in- 
itrucfion in reading or icriting, an unlawful assembly ; and any justice 
may inflict twenty lashes on each slave found in such school. 


In North Carolina, to teach a slave to read or write, or to sell or 
give him any book (bible not excepted) or pamphlet, is punished with 
thirty- nine lashes, or imprisonment if the offender he a free negro, but 
if a white, then with a fine of 200 dollars. The reason for this law as- 
signed in its preamble is, that ' teaching slaves to read and write, tends 
to excite dissatisfaction in their minds, and to produce insurrection and 

"In Georgia, if a white teach a free negro or slave to read or write, he 
is fined 500 dollars, and imprisoned at the discretion of the court ; if the 
offender be a colored man, bond or free, he is to be fined or whipped at 
the discretion of the court. Of course a father may be flogged for teaching 
his own child. This barbarous law was enacted in 1829. 

" In Louisiana, the penalty for teaching slaves to read or write, is one 
year's imprisonment. 

" These are specimens of the efforts made by slave legislatures, to en- 
slave the minds of their victims ; and we have surely no reason to hope 
that their souls are regarded with more compassion." 

The reason honestly assigned in the preamble to the North 
Carolina law, i. e. that " teaching slaves to read or write tends 
to excite dissatisfaction in their minds, and to produce insurrec- 
tion and rebellion," is doubtless the ground of all these prohi- 
bitory enactments. The law of South Carolina in 1740 says, 
" The allowing of slaves to read would be attended with many 
inconveniences." In plain English, education is regarded as 
positively inconsistent with slavery, and its prohibition as in- 
dispensable to the continuance of the system. 

N But let us see what is the extent of instruction in those states 
which do not expressly interdict it by statute. We have speci- 
fied Kentucky as an example of this nature, and she is perhaps 
the fairest specimen among all the slaveholding states. The 
following testimony is quoted from the address of the Kentucky 
Synod already referred to. 

"Slavery dooms thousands of human beings to hopeless ignorance. 
Throughout our whole land,* so far as we can learn, there is but one 
school in which, during the week, slaves can be taught. Here and there 
a family is found, where humanity and religion impel the master, mis- 
tress, or children, to the laborious task of private instruction. But after 
all, what is the utmost amount of instruction given to slaves ? Those 

* The state of Kentucky. 



who enjoy the most of it are fed with but the crumbs of knowledge 
which fall from their master's table. The impression is almost univer- 
sal, that intellectual elevation unfits men for servitude, and renders it 
impossible to retain them in this condition. Hence in some of our 
states, laws have been enacted, prohibiting, under severe penalties, the 
instruction of the blacks ; and even -where such laws do not exist, there 
are formidable numbers who oppose with deep hostility every effort to en- 
lighten the mind of the negro." 

TWENTY-SEVENTH QUESTION. What number of slaves can read 
in proportion to the population? 

From the statements just made it may be inferred that the 
number is very inconsiderable. In those states 'where educa- 
tion is punished by fines, stripes, and imprisonment we may 
conclude that none learn to read, save perhaps a few domestics, 
who steal their letters from the children of their masters. Even 
in Kentucky the number that can read is exceedingly small as 
appears from the testimony of the Presbyterian Synod of that 
state. The hostility of many whites and the indifference of the 
remainder, must for ever keep the great body of slaves, even in 
Kentucky, in abject ignorance. 

The Western Luminary, a religious periodical, published a 
few years since in Lexington, Kentucky, says, 

" It is a well known fact that to meet with a black person who can 
read and understand the bible is considered a phenomenon, and excites 
wonder and astonishment. When it is said that Kentucky has been 
supplied with the bible, let it be remembered that one fourth of her po- 
pulation are as ignorant of its contents as if they were not inhabitants 
of a Christian country." 

TWENTY-EIGHTH QUESTION. Do the slaves enjoy any religious 
privileges ? 

Their religious privileges are but little superior to their edu- 
cational. Religion seems to be regarded as a foe not less dan- 
gerous to slavery than education itself. 

We quote the following abstract of the principal laws of the 
slave states pertaining to the religious privileges of the slaves 
from Jay's Inquiry pp. 136, 137. 


" In vain has the Redeemer of the world given the command to preach 
the gospel to every creature; his professed disciples in the slave states have 
issued a counter order; and, as we have already seen, have, by their laws, 
incapacitated 2,000,000 of their fellow-men from complying with the in- 
junction, 'Search the scriptures.' Not only are the slaves debarred from 
reading the wonderful things of God they are practically prevented with 
a few exceptions from even hearing of them. 

" In Georgia, any justice of the peace may, at his discretion, break up 
any religious assembly of slaves, and may order each slave present to be 
' corrected without trial, by receiving, on the bare back, twenty-five 
stripes with a whip, switch, or cow-skin.' 

" In South Carolina, slaves may not meet together for the purpose of 
* religious worship ' before sunrise or after sunset, unless the majority of 
the meeting be composed of white persons, under the penalty of 'twenty 
lashes well laid on.' As it will be rather difficult for the slave to divine, 
before he goes to the meeting, how many blacks, and how many whites 
will be present, and of course which color will hare the ' majority,' a 
due regard for his back will keep him from the meeting. 

" In Virginia, all evening meetings of slaves at any meeting house, 
are unequivocally forbidden. 

" In Mississippi, the law permits the master to suffer his slave to at- 
tend the preaching of a white minister. 

" It is very evident that when public opinion tolerates such laws, it 
will not tolerate the general religious instruction of the slaves." 

We quote some additional statements from the same writer. - 
pp. 137139. 

" On this, as well as on every other subject relating to slavery, we 
would rather fall short of, than exceed the truth. "We will not assert 
there are no Christians among the slaves, for we trust there are some. 
"When, however, we recollect, that they are denied the scriptures, and all 
the usual advantages of the Sunday-school, and are forbidden to unite 
among themselves in acts of social worship and instruction, and that al- 
most all the sermo.ns they hear, are such as are addressed to educated 
Avhites, and of course above their own comprehension, we may form some 
idea of the obstacles opposed to their spiritual improvement. Let it be 
recollected, that every master possesses the tremendous power of keeping 
his slaves in utter ignorance of their Maker's will, and of their own im- 
mortal destinies. And now with all these facts and their consequences 
and tendencies in remembrance, we ask, if we do not make a most abun- 
dant and charitable allowance when we suppose that 245,000 slaves pos- 
sess a saving knowledge of the religion of Christ ? And yet after this 


admission, one which probably no candid person will think too limited, 
there will remain in the bosom of our country TWO MILLIONS of human 
beings, who, in consequence of our laws, are in a state of heathenism ! 
But probably many will refuse their assent to this conclusion, without 
further and more satisfactory evidence of its correctness. To such per- 
sons we submit the following testimony, furnished by slaveholders them- 
selves. In 1831, the Rev. Charles C. Jones preached a sermon before 
two associations of planters in Georgia, one of Liberty County, and the 
other of Mclntosh County. This sermon is before us, and we quote 
from it. 

" ' Generally speaking they (the slaves) appear to us to be without 
God and without hope 4 in the world, a NATION OF HEATHENS in our very 
midst. We cannot cry out against the Papists for withholding the scrip- 
tures from the common people, and keeping them in ignorance of the 
way of life ; for we roithhold the bible from our servants, and keep them 
in ignorance of it, while we will not use the means to have it read and 
explained to them. The cry of our perishing servants comes up to us 
from the sultry plains as they bend at their toil it comes up to us from 
their humble cottages when they return at evening to rest their weary 
limbs it comes up to us from the midst of their ignorance, and super- 
stition, and adultery, and lewdness. We have manifested no emotions 
of horror at abandoning the souls of our servants to the adversary, the 
roaring lion that walketh about seeking whom he may devour.' 

" On the 5th December, 1833, a committee of the Synod of South 
Carolina and Georgia, to whom was referred the subject of the religious 
instruction of the coloured population, made a report which has been 
published, and in which this language is used. 

" Who would credit it, that in these years of revival and benevolent 
effort, in this Christian republic, there are over TWO MILLIONS of human ' 
beings in the* condition of HEATHEN, and in some respects in a worse 
condition. From long continued and close observation, we believe that 
their moral and religious condition is such that they may justly be consi- 
dered the HEATHEN of this Christian country, and will bear comparison 
with heathen in any country in the world. The negroes are destitute of 
the gospel, and ever will be under the present state of things. In the 
vast field extending from an entire state beyond the Potomac to the 
Sabine river, and from the Atlantic to the Ohio, there are to the best of 
our knowledge not twelve men exclusively devoted to the religious in- 
struction of the negroes. In the present state of feeling in the south, a 
ministry of their own color could neither be obtained NOB TOLERATED. 

" But do not the negroes have access to* the gospel through the stated 
ministry of the whites ? We answer NO ; the negroes have no regular 


and efficient ministry ; as a matter of course no churches ; neither is 
there sufficient room in white churches for their accommodation. "We 
know of \>vAjive churches in the slaveholding states huilt expressly for 
their use ; these are all in the state of Georgia. "We may now inquire 
if they enjoy the privileges of the gospel in their own houses, and on our 
plantations ? Again we return a negative answer. They have no bi- 
bles to read by their own firesides they have no family altars ; and 
when in affliction, sickness, or death, they have no minister to address 
to them the consolations of the gospel, nor to bury them with solemn 
and appropriate services. 

" In a late number of the Charleston (S. C.) Observer, a correspon- 
dent remarked : ' Let us establish missionaries among our own negroes, 
who, in view of religious knowledge, are as debasingly ignorant as any 
one on the coast of Africa ; for I hazard the assertion, that throughout 
the bounds of our synod, there are at least one hundred thousand slaves, 
speaking the same language as ourselves, who never heard of the plan of 
salvation by a Redeemer.' 

" The editor, instead of contradicting this broad assertion, adds : ' We 
fully concur with what our correspondent has said respecting the be- 
nighted heathen among ourselves.' " 

" A writer in the Lexington, (Ky.) WESTERN LUMINARY, remarks 

" ' I proclaim it abroad to the Christian world, that heathenism is as 
real in the slave states as it is in the South Sea Islands, and that our 
negroes are as justly objects of attention to the American and .other Boards 
of foreign missions, as the Indians of the western wilds. What is it that 
constitutes heathenism ? Is it to be destitute of a knowledge of God 
of his holy word never to have heard hardly a sentence of it read 
through life to know little or nothing of the history, character, instruc- 
tion, and mission of Jesus Christ to be almost totally devoid of moral 
knowledge and feeling of sentiments and probity truth and of chastity ? 
If this constitute heathenism, then there are thousands millions of hea- 
then in our own beloved land. 

" ' Gracious God ! merciful Redeemer ! shall thy word and thy" gos- 
pel be proclaimed in simplicity and truth to one portion of our popula- 
tion, and shall another be born, and live, and die, where the sun of righ- 
teousness shines freely and fully, and never receive more than a dim and 
wandering ray of his light and glory ?' " 

This testimony, it will be borne in mind, is from the heart of 
Kentucky, a state which has the reputation of granting greater 
religious privileges to its slaves than any other in the Union. In 

this connexion we will give the sentiments of the Presbyterian 
Synod of that state, contained in their address, from which 
extracts have been already made. 

"/ deprives its subjects, in a great measure, of the privileges of the gospel. 
You may be startled at this statement, and feel disposed to exclaim, 
' our 'slaves are always permitted and, even encouraged to attend upon 
the ordinances of worship.' But a candid and close examination will 
show the correctness of our charge. The privileges of the gospel, as 
enjoyed hy the white population in this land, consist in free access to 
the scriptures, a regular gospel ministry, and domestic means of grace. 
Neither of these is, to any extent worth naming, enjoyed by slaves, as a 
moment's consideration will satisfactorily show. The law, as it is here, 
does not prevent free access to the scriptures but ignorance, the natu- 
ral result of their condition, does. The bible is before them, but it is to 
them a sealed book. ' The light shineth in the darkness, but the dark- 
ness comprehendeth it not.' Like the paralytic, who lay for years by the 
pool of Bethesda, the waters of healing are near them, but no kind hand 
enables them to try their efficacy. Very few enjoy the advantages of a 
regular gospel ministry. They are, it is true, permitted generally, and 
often encouraged, to attend upon the ministrations specially designed for 
their masters. But the instructions communicated on such occasions are 
above the level of their capacities. They listen as to prophesyings in an 
unknown tongue. 

" The galleries of our own churches, which are set apart to their use, 
would not hold the tenth part of their numbers and even these few 
seats are, in general, thinly occupied. So that, as a body, it is evident 
that our slaves do not enjoy the public ordinances of religion. Domestic 
means of grace are still more rare among them. 

" We do not wish to exaggerate the description of this deplorable reli- 
gious condition of our colored population. We know that instances of 
true piety are frequently found among them; but these instances we 
all know to be awfully disproportionate to their numbers, and to the 
extent of those means of grace which exist around them. When the 
missionaries of the cross enter a heathen land, their hope of fully chris- 
tianizing it rests upon the fact that they can array and bring to bear 
upon the minds of these children of ignorance and sin, all those varied 
means which God has appointed for the reformation of man. But while 
the system of slavery continues among us, these means can never be 
efficiently and fully employed for the conversion of the degraded sons of 
Africa. Yet ' God hath made them of one blood' with ourselves ; hath 
provided for them the same redemption ; hath in his providence cast 


souls upon our care ; and hath clearly intimated to us the doom of him 
who 'seeth his brother hath need, and shutteth up his bowels of com- 
passion from him.' If by our example, our silence, or our sloth, we per- 
petuate a system which paralyzes our hands when we attempt to convey 
to them' the bread of life, and which inevitably consigns the great mass 
of them to unending perdition, can we be guiltless in the sight of him 
who hath made us stewards of his grace ?" 

The following testimony is taken from a tract on the moral 
condition of slaves, published by the American Anti-slavery 
Society, and " compiled chiefly from recent publications." 

"Not many years ago a protracted meeting was held at Petersburg!), 
Virginia. During the first two days, the attendance was very great. 
The ministers were much encouraged. The prospect was that many 
souls would be converted. It was suggested that the third day had best 
be devoted entirely to the religious instruction of the coloured part of the 
population. The ministers acceded to the request; notice was given 
accordingly, in the church, and throughout the place, and masters were 
requested to give their slaves liberty to attend the whole day, so that 
the church might be filled. Great excitement prevailed. A meeting of 
slaveholders was held. A threatening message was sent to the ministers. 
The consequence was that the protracted meeting was broken up, there 
being no meeting after the second day. In whose skirts will be found 
the blood of those souls that may perish in consequence of the breaking 
up of that protracted meeting ? 

** A correspondent of the CHURCH ADVOCATE, published in Kentucky, 
uses the following language, in relation to the blacks of that state : 

" ' The poor negroes are left in the ways of spiritual darkness, no efforts 
are -being made for their enlightenment, no seed is being sown in this 
portion of our Lord's vineyard : here nothing but a moral wilderness is 
seen, over which the soul sickens the heart of Christian sympathy 
bleeds. Here nothing is presented but a moral waste, as extensive as 
our influence, as appalling as the valley of death to the repenting, 
conscience-stricken sinner.' 

"The following extracts are from a letter of Bishop Andrew, of the 
Methodist Episcopal Church, directed to Messrs. Garrit and Maffit. 

" ' Augusta, Jan. 29, 1835. 

" ' The Christians of the south owe a heavy debt to slaves on their 
plantations, and the ministers of Christ especially are debtors to the 
whole slave population. I fear a cry goes up to heaven on this subject 
against us ; and how, I ask, shall the scores who have left the ministry 


of the Word, that they may make corn and cotton, and buy and sell, and 
get gain, meet this cry at the bar of God ? and what shall the hundreds 
of money-making and money-loving masters, who have grown rich by 
the toil and sweat of their slaves, and left their souls to perish, say when 
they go with them to the judgment of the great day ?' 

The following testimony with regard to the slaves in Alabama, 
is from a letter published in the Southern Religious Telegraph, 
and is dated June 20, 1836: 

" ' Yesterday afternoon, I attended divine service in this place. The 
afternoon sermon is always intended especially for the blacks. The 
number present yesterday was probably over 400. Rev. Mr. Houp in- 
formed me that preaching was not kept up regularly in any other Me- 
thodist church in Middle Alabama, except Montgomery. I have myself 
visited all the Presbyterian churches belonging to Tuscaloosa and South 
Alabama Presbyteries, except Mobile and three others, and have found 
the blacks almost entirely neglected in all but two.' 

"The Rev. Mr. Converse, who was at one period an agent of the 
Colonization Society, and resided for some time in Virginia, states in a 
discourse before the Vermont Colonization Society, that ' almost nothing 
is done to instruct the slaves in the principles and duties of the Christian 
religion. The laws of the south strictly forbid their being taught to 
read ; and they make no provision for their being orally instructed. 
Ministers sometimes preach to them under peculiar and severe restric- 
tions of the law. But with all that has yet been done, the majority are 
emphatically heathens, and what is very strange, heathens in the midst 
of a land of sabbaths and of churches, of bibles and of Christians. . . . 
Pious masters (with honorable exceptions) are criminally negligent of 
giving religious instruction to their slaves. . . . They can and do instruct 
their own children, and perhaps their house servants; while those called 
field hands' live, and labor, and die, without being told by their pious 
masters (?) that Jesus Christ died to save sinners." 

The following is the testimony of Dr. Nelson, late President 
of Marion College, Missouri, a Presbyterian Clergyman of high 
respectability, who was born and educated in Tennessee, and till 
forty years old, a slaveholder. 

" ' I have been asked concerning the religious instruction of slaves ; 
and I feel safe in answering, that in general it amounts to little or no- 
thing. Hundreds and thousands never heard of a Saviour ; and of those 
who are familiar with his name, few have any comprehension of its 
meaning. I remember one grey headed negro, with whom I tried to 


talk concerning his immortal soul. I pointed to the hills and told him 
God made them. He said he did not believe any body made the hills. 
I asked another slave about Jesus Christ. I found he had heard his 
name, but thought he was the son of the Governor of Kentucky.' " 

To show how masters, even professedly religions ones, often 
discourage attention to the subject of religion among their slaves, 
we give the following extract from the " Report on the Condi- 
tion of the People of Colour in the State of Ohio." 

" Said a coloured woman to us the other day, ' When I was little I used 
to long to read. After prayers, master would often leave the bible and 
hymn book on the stand, and I would sometimes open them to see if the 
letters would not tell me something. When he came and catched me 
looking in them, he would always strike me and sometimes knock me 
down.' " 

TWENTY-NINTH QUESTION. What number of slaves are mem- 
bers of Christian churches ? 

The number of nominal professors among the slaves is not 
far from 200,000. Of these many are habitually and openly 
living in adultery, polygamy, drunkenness, lying, theft, and pro- 
faneness ; although they rarely incur thereby church censure. 
The great mass of these being entirely ignorant of letters, and 
receiving their instruction chiefly from ministers whose style of 
preaching is above their capacity, must be without the know- 
ledge of that truth which maketh wise unto salvation. The 
religion of slaves must, therefore, for the most part, be merely 
nominal. The testimony of Dr. Nelson, from whom we have 
already quoted, is melancholy enough on this point. He says, 

" I have heard hundreds make such professions of love to God and 
trust in a Saviour, that the church did not feel at liberty to refuse them 
membership. I have reason to believe they were poor deluded mistaken 
creatures. The concentrated recollection of thirty years furnishes me 
with three instances only where I could say I had reason, from the 
known walk of that slave, to believe him or her to be a sincere 

THIRTIETH QUESTION. Do the inhabitants of the free state 
hold, by deed, bond, or mortgage, property in slaves if so, to 
what extent? 


We have satisfactory evidence that the inhabitants of the free 
states are very extensively owners of slaves. There is hardly a 
city or large town in the free states in wliich there are not living 
the holders of slave property in the south. In the year 1837, 
merchants and others in the single city of New York, held by 
bond and mortgage, not less than ten millions of property in 
southern estates and slaves together, and it is probable that 
that city is at the present time equally implicated. 

We would state that the Executive Committee of the American 
Anti-slavery Society are now gathering a mass of authentic 
materials, to be embodied in a work exhibiting the pro-slavery 
of the free states, and containing a variety of details upon the 
subject of this query. 

THIRTY-FIRST QUESTION. Is the District of Columbia the 
property of the United States, and under the Government of 
Congress ? 

The land in the district of Columbia is not national property, 
but, like that of the different states, is owned by individuals, but 
the exclusive government of the district is vested in the Con- 
gress of x the United States. Nothing can be more explicit than 
the article in the constitution which relates to this point. It is 
in the following language ; " The Congress shall have power to 
exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such 

This provision, one might suppose, could not be mistaken. 
Since, however, the power of Congress over the district "of 
Columbia has been made of late a disputed question, even in 
Congress itself, we beg leave to refer you to an argument in the 
Anti-Slavery Examiner, No. 5, entitled f The Power of Con- 
gress over the District of Columbia ;" also to the late speech 
of Hon. Mr. Slade of Vermont, in the House of Representa- 
tives of the United States, both of which may be found in the 
parcel forwarded with this. 

THIRTY-SECOND QUESTION. Does slavery actually exist in the 
district of Columbia ; if so, what is its character, and what is the 
number of slaves in it? 


Slavery exists in the district of Columbia. Its character is 
substantially the same with that of slavery in the breeding states, 
already described. The number of slaves in the district is about 

THIRTY-THIRD QUESTION. Is this district a slave mart, if so 
to what extent, and what is the nature of the traffic ? 

The district of Columbia is not only a slave mart, but the 
principal slave mart in the United States. We at once refer 
you to the observations and statements of Judge Jay in his 
" View," pp. 9298, 

" Let us now visit the * Metropolis of the Nation,' the very heart of 
this mighty commerce in the bodies and souls of men. The district of 
Columbia, from its relative situation to the breeding states, forms a con- ' 
venient depot for the negroes, previous to their exportation; and the 
non-interference of Congress, gives the traders ' under the exclusive ju- 
risdiction' of the Federal Government, as unlimited power over the treat- 
ment and stowage of their human cargoes, as their brethren enjoy on 
the coast of Guinea. 

" Hence large establishments have grown up upon the national do- 
main, provided with prisons for tbe safe-keeping of the negroes till a 
full cargo is procured ; and should^at any time tbe factory prisons be in- 
sufficient, the public ones, erected by Congress, are at the service of the 
dealers, and tbe United States marshal becomes the agent of the slave 
trader ! 

" It must be admitted, that the following pictures of the scenes wit- 
nessed in the district of Columbia, are drawn by impartial hands So 
long ago as 1 802, the grand jury of Alexandria, complaining of the 
trade, remarked : ' These dealers in the persons of our fellow-men col- 
lect within this district, from various parts, numbers of these victims of 
slavery, and lodge them in some place of confinement until they have 
completed their numbers. They are then turned out into our streets, 
and exposed to view loaded with chains, as though they had committed 
some heinous offence against our laws. We consider it as a grievance 
that citizens from a distant part of the United States should be per- 
mitted to come within the district, and pursue a traffic fraught with so 
much misery to a class of beings entitled to our protection, by the laws 
of justice and humanity ; and that the interposition of civil authority 
cannot be had to prevent parents being wrested from their offspring, and 
children from their parents, without respect to tbe ties of nature. We 


consider these grievances demanding legislative redress' that is, redress 
by congress. 

" In 1816, Judge Morell of the Circuit Court of the United States, 
in his charge to the Grand Jury of Washington, observed, speaking of 
the slave trade, ' The frequency with which the streets of the city had 
been crowded with manacled captives, sometimes on the sabbath, could 
not fail to shock the feelings of all humane persons/ 

" The same year, JOHN RANDOLPH moved in the House of Represen- 
tatives for a committee ' to inquire into the existence of an inhuman 
and illegal traffic of slaves carried on, in and through the district of 
Columbia, and report whether any or what measures are necessary for 
putting a stop to the same.' The motion was adopted ; had it been made 
twenty years later, it would, under the rules of the House, have been 
laid on the table, ' and no further action had thereon.' 

"The Alexandria Gazette of June 22nd, 1827, thus describes the 
scenes sanctioned by our professedly republican and Christian legislature : 
' Scarcely a week passes without some of these wretched creatures being 
driven through our streets. After having been confined, and sometimes 
manacled in a loathsome prison, they are turned out in public view to 
take their departure for the south. The children and some of the wo- 
men are generally crowded into a cart or waggon, while others follow on 
foot, not unfrequently handcuffed and chained together. Here you may be- 
hold fathers and brothers leaving behind them the dearest objects of af- 
fection, and moving slowly along in the mute agony of despair there 
the young mother sobbing over the infant whose innocent smiles seem 
but to increase her misery. From some you will hear the burst of bitter 
lamentation, while from others, the loud hysteric laugh breaks forth, 
denoting still deeper agony.' " 

" In 1828, a petition for the suppression of this trade was presented 
to Congress signed by more than one thousand inhabitants of this district. 

" In 1829, the Grand Jury of Washington made a communication to 
Congress, in which they say, ' Provision ought to be made to prevent 
purchasers, for the purpose of removal and transportation, from making 
the cities of the district depots for the imprisonment of the slaves they 
collect. The manner in which they are brought and confined in these 
places, and carried through our streets, is necessarily such as to excite 
the most painful feelings. It is believed that the whole community 
would be gratified by the interference of Congress for the suppression of 
these receptacles, and the exclusion of this disgusting traffic from the 

" In 1830, the ' Washington Spectator' thus gave vent to its indig- 


" * The slave trade in the Capital. Let it be known to the citizens of 
America, that at the very time when the procession which contained the 
President of the United States and his cabinet was marching in triumph 
to the Capitol, another kind of procession was marching another way ; 
and that consisted of coloured human beings, handcuffed in pairs, and 
driven along by what had the appearance of a man on horseback ! A 
similar scene was repeated on Saturday last; a drove, consisting of males 
and females, chained in couples, starting from Roly's tavern on foot for 
Alexandria, where with others they are to embark on board a slave ship 
in waiting to convey them to the south. Where is the O'Connell in this 
republic that will plead for the emancipation of the district^ of Colum- 
bia r 

" The advertisements of the dealers indicate the extent of the traffic. 
The National Intelligencer of the 28th March, 1836, printed at "Wash- 
ington, contained the following advestisements. 

"* Cash for five hundred Negroes, including both sexes, from ten to 
twenty-five years of age. Persons having likely servants to dispose of, 
will find it their interest to give us a call, as we will give higher prices 
in cash than any other purchaser who is now or may hereafter come into 

the MARKET. 

' FRANKLIN & AMFIELD, Alexandria.' 

" ' Cash for three hundred Negroes. The highest cash price will be 
given by the subscriber, for negroes of both sexes, from the ages of twelve 

to twenty- eight. 

WILLIAM H. WILLIAMS, Washington.' 

"' Cash for four hundred Negroes, including both sexes, from twelve 

to twenty-five years of age. 

' JAMES H. BIRCH, Washington City.' 

" ' Cash for Negroes. We will at all times give the highest prices in 
cash for likely young negroes of both sexes, from ten to thirty years of age. 

' J. W. NEAL & Co., Washington.' 

" Here we find three traders in the district, advertising in one day 
for twelve hundred negroes, and a fourth offering to buy an indefinite 

" In a later number of the Intelligencer, we find the following. 

" ' Cash for Negroes. I will give the highest price for likely negroes 

from ten to twenty-five years of age. 


" ' Cash for Negroes. I will give cash and liberal prices for ANY num- 
ber of young and likely negroes, from eight to forty years of age. Per- 


sons having negroes to dispose of will find it to their advantage to give 
me a call at my residence on the corner of Seventh-street and Maryland 
Avenue, and opposite Mr. William's private jail. 


" ' Cash for Negroes. The subscriber wishes to purchase a number of 
negroes for the Louisiana and Mississippi market. Himself or an agent 
at all times can be found at his jail on Seventh -street. 


" The unhappy beings purchased by these traders in human flesh, men 
and women, and children of eight years old, are sent to the south, either 
over land in coffles, or by sea, in crowded slavers. Fostered by congress, 
these traders lose all sense of shame ; and we have in the National In- 
telligencer the following announcement of the regular departure of three 
slavers, belonging to a single factory. 

" ' Alexandria and New Orleans Packets. Brig Tribune, Samuel C. 
Bush, master, will sail as above on the 1st January Brig Isaac Frank- 
lin, Wm. Smith, master, on the 15th January Brig Uncas, Nath. 
Boush, master, on the 1st February. They will continue to leave this 
port on the 1st and 15th of each month, throughout the shipping season. 
Servants that are intended to be shipped, will at any time be received for 
safe-keeping at twenty-Jive cents a day. 

' JOHN AMFIELD, Alexandria.' 

" This infamous advertisement of the regular sailing of three slavers, 
and the offer of the use of the factory prison, appears in one of the prin- 
cipal journals of the United States. Its proprietor has several times been 
chosen printer to congress, and there is no reason for believing that he 
has ever lost the vote of a northern member for this prostitution of his 

" But the climax of infamy is still untold. This trade in blood ; this 
buying, imprisoning, and exporting of boys and girls eight years old ; 
this tearing asunder of husbands and wives, parents and children, is all 
legalized in virtue of authority delegated by congress ! ! The 249th page 
of the laws of the city of Washington, is polluted by the following enact- 
ment, bearing date 28th July, 1838 : 

" ' For a LICENSE to trade or traffic in slaves for profit, four hundred 
dollars.' " 

The following is from the "Anti-Slavery Manual," p. 114 : 

" One of the private prisons in Washington used for keeping slaves, is 

owned by W. Eobey, who is also engaged in the trade. In May, 1834, 

a gentleman visited it, and fell into conversation with the overseer of the 

pen. He heard the clanking of chains within the pen. ' O,' said the 


overseer himself a slave, * I have seen fifty or seventy slaves taken 
out of the pen, and the males chained together in pairs, and drove off 
to the south and how they would cry, and groan, and take on, and 
wring their hands, but the driver would put on. the whip, and tell them, 
to shut up so that they would go off, and bear it as well as they could.' 
'"Franklin and Annfield alone shipped to New Orleans duringthe year 
1835, according to their own statement, not less than 1000 slaves. They 
own brigs of about 160 to 200 tons burthen, running regularly every 
thirty days, during the trading season, to New Orleans, and carrying about 
one slave to the ton.' " 

The subjoined testimony is extracted from Jay's Inquiry, pp. 
158, 159. 

*' From a letter of the 23d of January, 1834, by the Rev. Mr. Leavitt, 
and published in New York, it appears, that he visited the slave factory 
of Franklin and Annfield at Alexandria, and ' was informed by one 
of the principals, that the number of slaves carried from the district, 
last year, was about one thousand, but it would be much greater this 
year. He expected their house alone would ship at least eleven or twelve 
hundred. They have two vessels of their own, constantly employed in 
carrying slaves to New-Orleans.' One of the vessels being in port, Mr. 
Leavitt went on board of her= ' Her name is the TRIBUNE. The cap- 
tain very obligingly took us to all parts of the vessel. The hold is ap- 
propriated to the slaves, and is divided into two apartments. The after 
hold will carry about eighty women, and the other about one hundred 
men. On either side were tico platforms running the whole length ; one 
raised a few inches, and the other half way up to the deck. They were 
about five or six feet deep. On these the slaves lie, as close as they can 
stow away.' " 

From the pamphlet entitled " Why work for the Slave ?" we 
extract the following, p. 3, 

" The case of Burditt Washington is another among the many proofs 
that all protection is withheld from our coloured brothers and sisters, 
within sight of our national Capitol, while congress shout to the slave- 
trader, ' Here's free plunder !' 

" One of the nine children sold away from him, was a daughter about 
eighteen. A slave-trader came to the house, seized and carried her 
aboard the steamboat. The aged father followed. ' I then went into 



the hold,' said he, 'and found my child among the other slaves. She 
threw her arms ahout my neck and said, ' Father, I'm gone, can't you do 
something for me ?' I could'nt stay there any longer. I broke away 
from her/ Here the old man's tears stopped his voice. After some time, 
he said : ' I have not seen or heard of her since. Oh, it hurts me every 
time I think of it.' 

" I had this from his own lips. He was a memher of a Baptist church 
in Alexandria. Rev. Spencer H. Cone, and Rev. Samuel Cornelius, his 
pastor, testified to the excellence of his character." 

For further exposures of these abominations in the District of 
Columbia we refer you to Jay's View, commencing on page 50. 

THIRTY-FOURTH QUESTION. Has congress, by any direct action 
or vote, expressed its disapprobation of the sale of slaves in the 
district of Columbia ? 

Congress, although repeatedly petitioned and memorialized on 
this subject, has never once expressed its disapprobation of the 
sale of slaves in the district. It has either maintained entire 
silence, or attempted to justify the traffic. 

The following declarations were made on the floor of congress 
by the Hon. Mr. Slade, December 20, 1837, 

" While, however, I thus speak, it is, I confess, enough to destroy all 
courage in attempting anything for the suppression of this abominable 
and disgraceful traffic, to recollect how abortive have proved all efforts 
hitherto, to effect that object. I open the journals of this house, and 
find thaf, in 1816, Mr. Randolph, of Virginia, moved a resolution pro 
viding for the appointment of a special committee ' to inquire into the 
existence of an inhuman and illegal traffic in slaves, carried on in, and 
through, the district of Columbia, and to report whether any, and what, 
measures are necessary for putting a stop to the same.' 

" On the occasion of offering this resolution, it is said in the journal 
of the debates of that period, that 

" ' Mr Randolph moved the [foregoing]] resolution, the necessity of 
which, and of providing a remedy for a practice so heinous and abomi- 
nable (making this district a depot for the slave trade of the neighbour- 
ing states, and a medium for evading the laws in force by collusive sales), 
he impressed by a variety of remarks, and concluded by declaring that, 
if the business was declined by the house, he would undertake it him- 


self, and ferret out of their holes and corners the villains who carried 
it on.' 

" This was on the 1st of March. On the 30th of April, Mr. Ran- 
dolph, it appears, reported sundry depositions on the subject, taken by 
the committee ; which were ordered to lie on the table and there, Mr. 
Speaker, they lie to this day ! Not another step that I can find, was 
taken under the resolution. Neither congress nor the mover of the re- 
solution appear to have done anything further to ' ferret out of the holes 
and corners, the villains who carried on' the ' heinous and abominable* 

" Another movement was made in 1829, by an able and estimable son 
of Pennsylvania (Mr. CHARLES MISER), looking to a remedy for this 
evil, in regard to which he made some most astounding disclosures, and 
supported a proposition for the gradual abolition of slavery, and the im- 
mediate prohibition of the slave trade in this district, in an able and elo- 
quent speech. If fact, and argument, and eloquence, could have effected 
anything, surely it would have been effected by this effort. But it 
availed nothing. The proposition went to a committee, and slept the 
sleep of death ! Enormities startling enough to wake the dead, were like 
galvanism upon a lifeless carcass. There was a slight convulsion, and 
all was over ! "* 

We find the following statement in Jay's View, p. 54, 

" On the 29th January, 1829, the committee on the district of Co- 
lumbia made a report in obedience to the instructions of the House of 
Representatives, ' to inquire into the slave trade as it exists in and is 
carried on through the district.' The report proposes no interference on 
the part of congress, but is virtually an apology for this vile traffic, as 
is apparent from the following heartless sentiments and false assertions. 

" * The trade alluded to, is presumed to refer more particularly to that 
which is carried on with the view of transporting slaves to the south, 
which is one way of gradually diminishing the evil complained of here ; 
while the situation of these persons is considerably mitigated by being 
transplanted to a more genial and bountiful clime. Although violence 

* Since writing the above, I have found that a bill for suppressing the trade 
in this district was reported by Mr. Washington, of Maryland, chairman of 
the committee on the district, in April, 1830. It was read a first and second 
time, and referred to the committee of the whole on the state of the union ; 
and that is the last that has been heard of it ! If the committee should take 
it into their heads to report such a bill now, it would not be as fortunate as 
the bill of 1830, but would be nailed to the table, ' without being debated, printed, 
read or referred !" 

p 2 


may sometimes be done to their feelings in the separation of families, it 
is by the laws of society which operate upon them as property, and can- 
not be avoided as long as they exist ; yet it should be some consolation 
to those whose feelings are interested in their behalf, to know that their 
condition is more frequently bettered, and their minds happier by the 

Having now replied to the queries, we proceed in accordance 
with your " suggestions," to notice some other points connected 
with the general subjects of slavery and abolition. 

And first we call your attention to the political power of the 
slaveholding states in the Federal Government. The subjoined 
.developments are taken from Jay's View pp. 23 26. 


"The constitution provides that the members of the Lower House of 
congress shall be proportioned to the free inhabitants of the states they 
represent, except that in each state three-fifths of the slave population 
shall be for this purpose considered as free inhabitants. In other words, 
every five slaves are to be counted as three white persons. For exam- 
ple, if by law every 60,000 free inhabitants may elect a representative, a 
district containing 45,000 whites and 25,000 slaves, becomes by the fe- 
deral ratio entitled to a member. This stipulation in the constitution 
has from the beginning given the slaveholders an undue weight in the 
national councils. A few instances will illustrate its practical effect. 
The whole number of the House of Representatives is at present 242 
sent from 26 states. Of these the following are $lave states, viz. : 
Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, 
Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Missouri, and 
Arkansas. These states, with a free population of 3,823,389, have 100 
members ; while the free states, with a free population nearly double, 
viz. 7,003,451, have only 142 members. One representative is at present 
allowed to 47,700 inhabitants. Now, were the slaves omitted in the 
enumeration, the slave states would have only 75 members. Hence it 
follows, that at the present moment, the slaveholding interest has a re- 
presentation of TWENTY-FIVE members in addition to the fair and 
equal representation of the free inhabitants. There is certainly no good 
reason why the owners of human chattels should, by the fundamental 
laws of a republic, have greater privileges awarded to them than to the 
holders of any other kind of property whatever. But such is the com- 

-* Reports of Committees, 2Sess. 20 Cong. No. 60." 


pact ; we seek not to change or violate it, but only to explain its opera- 

" Each state has as many votes for President as it has members of 
congress. The rule of representation in the Lower House has already 
been explained ; in the senate it is different : and each state, whatever 
be its population, has two senators, and no more. The free population 
of the slave states, as already stated, is half that of the others ; but 
their number being equal, their representation in the senate is also 

" If free population were the principle of representation in the Federal 
Government, as it is with scarcely an exception in all the states, the 
slave states would have 

In the Senate, 13 members. 

In the House, 75 

Electoral votes for President, 88 

26 members. 

Electoral votes for President, 126 

" Here we find the secret of the power of the south, and of the obse- 
quiousness of the north. Ohio, with a population of 947,000 has 19 
members ; while Virginia, with a free population of 200,000 LESS, has 
two members MORE. Take another example. Pennsylvania has 30 elec- 
toral votes ; the states of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, 
Louisiana, and Kentucky, with an aggregate free population of 189,791 
less than Pennsylvania, have 53 electoral votes ! 

" It cannot be supposed that this vast and most unequal representation 
and consequent political power, will be unemployed by its possessors. 
On the contrary, the slaveholders in congress have uniformly succeeded 
in effecting their objects, when united among themselves. In 1836, 
this slave power in congress was adroitly turned to pecuniary profit. 
The surplus revenue remaining in the treasury on the 1st of January, 
1837, was to be distributed, and the rule of distribution became a ques- 
tion. The income, it is true, had been derived chiefly from the industry 
and enterprise of the north ; but the south insisted, and with her usual 
success, that instead of dividing the money according to the population, 
it should be apportioned among the states according to their electoral 
votes. By this rule, the slave states, notwithstanding their inferiority in 
population, would share alike with the free, so far as regarded the num- 
ber of their senators ; and with regard to their representatives, they 


would secure an apportionment of money on account of three -fifths of their 
two millions of slaves. 

" The sum allotted hy this grosa and monstrous rule to the states of 
fesouth Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Ken- 
tucky, was 6,754,588 dollars ; while Pennsylvania, with a free popula- 
tion larger than that of all these six states together, was to receive only 
3,823,353 dollars ; so that, in fact, the slaveholders of these states re- 
ceived, man for man, just about twice as many dollars from the national 
treasury as the hard-working citizens of Pennsylvania ! 

"Notwithstanding this slave representation, the free states have a 
majority of members ; and hence it becomes important to investigate." 

The influence of the slaveholding states in securing the ap- 
pointment of their citizens to high offices in the Federal Govern- 
ment is 'exhibited in the following extracts from Jay's View 
pp. 3639. 


" As the citizens of the free states are nearly double in number to 
those of the slave states, it might naturally be supposed that the former 
would furnish the larger share of the great officers of the Union. To 
such as have indulged this supposition, the following extract of a speech 
lately delivered in the Senate of the United States, by Mr. Davis of 
Massachusetts, will no doubt afford very startling information. ' This 
interest (slavery) has ruled the destinies of the republic. For FORTY 
out of FORTY-EIGHT years, it has given us a president from its own ter- 
ritory and of its own selection. During all this time, it has not only had 
a President, sustaining its own peculiar views of public policy, but 
through him, has held and used in its own way, the whole organization 
of all the departments, and all the vast and controlling patronage inci- 
dent to that office, to aid it in carrying on its views and policy, as well 
as to protect and secure to it every advantage. 

" ' Let us explore a little further and see how the houses of congress 
have been organized. For THIRTY years out of THIRTY-SIX, that in- 
terest has placed its own speaker in the chair of the other House, thus 
securing the organization of committees, and the great influence of that 
station. And, sir, while all other interests have, during part of the time, 
had the chair (vice-presidency) in which you preside assigned to them 
as an equivalent for these great concessions, yet in each year, when a 
President pro tern, is elected, who, upon the contingencies mentioned in 
the constitution will be the President of the United States, that interest 
has INVARIABLY given us that office. Look, I beseech you, through 
all the places of honor, of profit, and privilege ; and there you will find 


the representatives of this interest in numbers that indicate its influence. 
Does not, then, this interest rule, guide, and adapt public policy to its 
own views, and fit it to suit the action and products of its own labor ! ' 

" Let us see how far the present amount of slave interest in the Fede- 
ral Government justifies the general statement made by Mr. Davis. The 
presidential chair, it is true, is filled by a northern man ! but he is one 
who pledged himself to this interest before he was elected ; who had 
manifested his devotion to this interest, by giving his vote for a censor- 
ship of the press, for the avowed purpose of restraining the circulation 
of anti-slavery papers ; and who was elected to his present station by 
southern votes ! Be it recollected, moreover, that the southern journals 
have insisted that a northern man with southern principles, could more 
effectually subserve this interest as President, than a slaveholder. 

" In the office of Vice-President, we have a slaveholder from Kentucky, 
presiding over the deliberations of the Senate. 

" A slaveholder is seated in the chair of the House of Representatives, 
appointing committees on the district of Columbia, enforcing gag reso- 
lutions against such as would repeal or modify the laws of congress vio- 
lating the rights of man, and deciding all questions of order in discus- 
sions bearing upon the GREAT INTEREST. 

" A desire is now manifested by the south to bring into the Supreme 
Court of the United States certain questions touching the rights and 
duties of the free states, relative to slaves who may come or be brought 
within their limits. Since the year 1830 there have been FIVE appoint- 
ments to the bench of this court, and ALL from slave states. The majo- 
rity of the court, including the chief justice, are citizens of those states. 
But when these questions come before the court, it may be highly im- 
portant for the slaveholders to have an ATTORNEY GENERAL to argue 
them, in whom they can confide. Accordingly the office is filled by 
Mr. Giundy, who lately evinced his qualifications for the station, by 
expressing, in his place as senator from Tennessee, his approbation of 
LYNCH LAW, as applied to abolitionists. At the head of the department 
of STATE, whence issue instructions for conventions and treaties, protect- 
ing the African slave trade from British cruisers, and the American slave 
trade from the interference of British colonial authorities ; and also for 
conventions for the return of fugitive slaves, is placed a gentleman from 

" At the court of Great Britain we are represented by a slaveholder 
from Virginia, who, under the direction of the gentleman from Georgia, 
is bargaining about the value of shipAvrecked negroes, and threatening 
the British government with the vengeance of the republic, if it shall 
hereafter dare to liberate slaves who may be forced into its colonies. 


" At the head of the NAVY DEPARTMENT we behold a citizen of the 
north, enjoying the reward of his labor, in concocting one of the most 
virulent volumes in vindication of slavery, and vituperation of its oppo- 
nents, that has ever issued from the press. 

" A slaveholder from SOUTH CAROLINA, distinguished for his negotia- 
tion in Mexico for the surrender of fugitive slaves, presides over the 

" KENTUCKY furnishes a POST MASTER GENERAL whose devotion to 
the " interest " has led him to authorize every post master to act as 
censor of the press, and to take from the mails every paper adverse to 
slavery. Thus have the slaveholders seized upon the Federal Govern- 
ment, and converted, as we shall presently see, what was intended as the 
palladium of liberty, into the shield of despotism." 

In Mrs. Child's " Appeal in favor of that class of Americans 
called Africans" (page 118), we find the following summary of 
favourite measures gained by the south in consequence of her 
predominant political power in the national government. 

** What would the south have ? They took the management at the 
very threshold of our government, and, excepting the rigidly just admin- 
istration of Washington, they have kept it ever since. They claimed 
slave representation and obtained it. For their convenience the revenues 
were raised by imposts instead of direct taxes, and thus they give little 
or nothing in exchange for their excessive representation. They have 
increased the slave states, till they have twenty-five votes in congress, 
they have laid the embargo, and declared war, they have controlled 
the expenditures of the nation, they have acquired Louisiana and Flo- 
rida for an eternal slave market, and perchance for the manufactory of 
more slave states, they have given five 'presidents out of seven to the 
United States, and in their attack upon manufactures, they have gained 
Mr. Clay's concession bill. ' But all this availeth not, so long as Mor- 
decai the Jew sitteth in the king's gate.' The free states must be kept 
down. But change their policy as they will, free states cannot be kept 

The manner in which the slaveholding states secure this great 
political influence is thus described by Judge Jay in his " View," 
pp. 2628. 

*' These may be regarded as threefold : first, their anxiety to protect 
and perpetuate slavery, renders the southern members united in what- 
ever measures they consider important for this purpose, while the repre- 
sentatives from the north, having no common bond of union, are divided 


in opinion and effort. Secondly, a slave state having more votes to be- 
stow on a presidential candidate, and more members in congress to sup- 
port or oppose the administration than a free state of equal white popu- 
lation, is of course of greater consequence in the estimation of politi- 
cians; and hence arises an influence reaching to every measure, and 
weighing upon every question. Thirdly, the peculiar temperament of 
the southern gentlemen, together with their observation of the servilitv 
of the northern politicians, have induced them to resort, and with great 
success, to INTIMIDATION as a means of influence. 

" The practice adopted by the slaveholders of threatening on all occa- 
sions to dissolve the Union, unless they are permitted to govern it, has 
been too long and firmly established to need illustration. "We will at 
present merely give a few recent instances of outrageous menaces ; and 
to justify what we have said of the servility of northern politicians, it is 
sufficient to observe, that these menaces were unrebuked. t 

" On the 18th of April, 1836, a petition against the continuance of 
slavery in the district of Columbia, was presented to the House of Re- 
presentatives, when Mr. Speight, of North Carolina, declared in his 
place, that ' he had great respect for the chair as an officer of the House, 
and a great respect for him personally : and nothing lut that respect pre- 
vented him from rushing to the table and tearing that petition to pieces' 
Of course it was to be understood, that the order of the house and the 
rights of northern petitioners were respected, not from any constitu- 
tional obligations, but solely because the speaker, himself a slaveholder, 
was acceptable to southern gentlemen. 

" Mr. Hammond, of South Carolina, the same session, in a speech, 
used the following language : ' I warn the abolitionists ignorant, infa- 
tuated barbarians as they are, that if chance shall throw any of them into 
our hands, he may expect a felon's death.' 

"Mr. Lumpkin remarked in the senate, (January 1838,) 'If aboli- 
tionists went to Georgia, they would be caught ; ' and Mr. Preston de- 
clared in the same debate ' Let an abolitionist come within the borders 
of South Carolina, if we can catch him, we will try him, and notwith- 
standing all the interference of all the governments on* earth, including 
the Federal Government, we will HANG him.' 

" It seems probable from these declarations that abolitionists in their 
southern travels, will meet with ' barbarians ' quite as ' ignorant and in- 
fatuated ' as themselves ; and also that the gibbet is to be the fate of 
any member of congress, who shall by his votes or speeches dare to iden- 
tify himself with the abolitionists, and afterwards enter the slave 

Such are the sources 01" the slaveholding influence in congress. 


The following pages will exhibit many of the results of this 
influence : 

FIRST. By filling the Presidential chair with incumbents of 
their own principles, and by procuring the appointment of 
southern men, or " northern men with southern principles " to 
the cabinet offices, the slave states manage to secure both the 
aspect and spirit of a pro-slavery government at home. 

By sending southern men as ambassadors to all the principal 
foreign courts, they contrive to keep up pro-slavery appearances 
abroad. And by effecting all their favorite measures in congress, 
which they have rarely failed to do, they succeed in holding the 
whole nation in a disgraceful subserviency to the slave power. 
Gradually, but to a fearful extent, the anti-republican spirit of 
the slaveholding states has infused itself into the entire govern- 
ment, insomuch that the whole policy of the government is now 
shaped in accordance with the slavery interest. So that while 
slavery should be craving its last foot-hold, and obliged to sur- 
render even that, and slink away into a mere nominal and tem- 
porary existence on its own domain, we are compelled to ac- 
knowledge it the paramount interest of the nation. The funda- 
mental maxims of freedom have been sacrificed one by one, at 
the shrine of this national idol. The most mournful and alarm- 
ing indication of the encroachments of the slave power is, the 
immolation at its nod of the right of petition. This has been 
done by congress done deliberately, done with the warnings 
and remonstrances of the faithful few sounding in their ears. 
This sacrilege has been repeated at each successive session 
since 1836, and with aggravated atrocity at each subsequent 
period ; until during the present session congress has fully con- 
summated its own ignominy by embodying the shameless out- 
rage among the standing rules of the House. It is in the fol- 
lowing form ; 

" ' Upon the presentation of any memorial or petition praying for the 
abolition of slavery or the slave trade in any district, territory, or state 
of the Union, and upon the presentation of any resolution or other paper 
touching these subjects, the question of the reception of such memorial, 
petition, resolution, or paper shall be considered as made, and the question 
of its reception shall be laid upon the table without debate or further 
action of the house.' " 

Whether federal devotion to southern slavery will perpetrate 
any grosser outrages we know not, but no violations of the 
constitution, no indignities offered to inalienable rights can 
hereafter surprise us. 

The subject of prejudice against colour (so called) next demands 

It is well known that there exists in the United States a 
ferocious prejudice against the coloured population. This 
feeling is, apparently, as virulent against those who have 
but a slight intermixture of African blood, as against the jet 
black negro ; and if possible, even more inveterate in the free, 
than in the slave states. It is called by those who entertain it, 
"prejudice against colour," and not without] a shrewd design. 
They seek thus to justify a most unchristian scorn by represent- 
ing it as the spontaneous and irrepressible sentiment of the 
mind, in view of contrariety of colour. Accordingly it has been 
unblushingly upheld as a proper feeling, which it was duty to 
foster, and to extinguish which, if it were practicable, would be 
rebellion against the will of God, by whom it has been inter- 
posed as a permanent barrier between the two races. On the 
contrary, the friends of the negro contend that this is not a 
prejudice against colour, that it is not an involuntary instinct of 
nature, whose existence is the voice of God bespeaking its pro- 
priety, and demanding its perpetuity ; but that it is an inciden- 
tal feeling resulting from the enslavement of the negroes, an 
aversion and disdain on account of their condition, which attach 
to their colour, only because .the latter is in the mind associated 
with the former, and an index of it. They contend, moreover, 
that this prejudice is an outrageous insult toward a deeply 
injured class, whom it reproaches and spurns for a degradation 
which those who cherish the feeling, have caused ; and that 
it is a heinous sin against that God, who alike ordained the 
complexion of the black and the white man. 

In the early days of the republic, when the national pulse 
beat strongly for universal liberty, this feeling was comparatively 
weak. Then slavery had but a feeble existence. Its presence 
was regarded with jealousy, and tolerated only in the hope and 
expectation of its speedy extinction. The generous purpose that 
our land should be an asylum for the oppressed of all other 


lands, did not at that time overlook the slave ; he was prospec- 
tively, at least, included within its ample embrace. 

The following are a few of a multitude of illustrations, which 
might be adduced, showing that "prejudice against colour" found 
slight encouragement among the fathers of the republic. Wash- 
ington himself set an example of courteous respect for people of 
colour, which reflects the deepest shame upon his degenerate 
countrymen. The following letter, addressed to Phillis Wheatley, 
a native African, and a slave, is found in his published corre- 

"CAMBRIDGE, February 28, 1776. 

" Miss PHILLIS, Your favor of the 26th of October did not reach my 
hands till the middle of December. Time enough, you will say, to have 
given an answer ere this. Granted. But a variety of important occur- 
rences, continually interposing to distract the mind and withdraw the 
attention, I hope will apologize for the delay, and plead my excuse for 
the seeming, but not real neglect. I thank you most sincerely for your 
polite notice of me, in the elegant lines you enclosed ; and however 
undeserving I may be of such, encomium and panegyric, the style and 
manner exhibit a striking proof of your poetical talents ; in honor of 
which, and as a tribute justly due to you, I would have published the 
poem, had I not been apprehensive, that, while I only meant to give the 
world this new instance of your genius, I might have incurred the impu- 
tation of vanity. This, and nothing else, determined me not to give it 
place in the public prints. 

" If you should ever come to Cambridge, or near head-quarters, I shall 
be happy to see a person so favored by the Muses, and to whom nature 
has been so liberal and beneficent in her dispensations. I am, with great 
respect, your obedient humble servant, GEORGE WASHINGTON." 

We have evidence of the weakness of this feeling, during the 
early periods of our history, in the testimony of General Lafayette. 
It is said of him, 

" Lafayette, in his last visit to the United States, expressed his asto- 
nishment at the increase of prejudice against colour. He remembered, he 
said, how the black soldiers used to mess with the whites in the revolutionary 
war. The leaders of that war are gone, where principles are all, where 
prejudices are nothing. If their ghosts could arise in majestic array, 
before the American nation on their great anniversary, and hold up be- 


fore them the mirror of their constitution, in the light of its first princi- 
ples, where would the people hide themselves from the blasting radiance." 

The liberty feeling which carried forward the American revo- 
lution to its issue, soon after began to wane, and the slavery 
spirit to gather strength; "prejudice," as a consequence, increased, 
insomuch that the " nation's guest," on revisiting our shores, 
remarked, with grief and surprise, its fearful prevalence. That 
sagacious philanthropist saw in this a result of the rapidly 
growing slavery spirit, which it is well known he noticed with 
still greater grief and astonishment. 

That prejudice should have constantly gained force in the 
south, where slavery was strengthening its stakes, can excite no 
surprise ; but that it should have increased in the north, where the 
little slavery that remained was fast retreating, before the advance 
of free principles would seem to be unaccountable. The same 
cause, however, which promoted its increase in the south, viz., 
the progressive popularity of southern slavery, fostered its growth 
in the free states. Contradictory as the statement may seem 
it is, nevertheless, true that a pro-slavery spirit was fast growing 
at the north, while slavery itself was dying away. The same 
considerations which promoted the one, abolished the other. 
Slavery was a burden upon the north its removal was foreseen 
to be a pecuniary benefit. On the other hand, slavery at the 
south began to be regarded as a great source of wealth, in which 
the north might share as well as the south ; therefore, while 
abolishing their own slavery, the free states joined league with 
the slaveholding in supporting theirs. The commerce, the 
manufactures, and the numerous trades of the north, became more 
or less dependent upon slavery; her literary, benevolent, and 
religious institutions wooed its alliance ; her colleges looked to 
the south for patronage and pupils, while her educated sons 
flocked thither to conduct institutions of learning, fill profes- 
sions, edit newspapers, and marry fortunes. Her benevolent 
societies turned to the south for money, and even her religion 
clutched for its share in the emoluments of slavery, by annually 
commissioning scores of her youthful ministers to officiate at its 
blood stained altars. 

In process of time the prejudice of which we speak, sunk so 


deeply into the national heart, that it became the basis of a great 
national institution the American Colonization Society; one 
of whose cardinal maxims was the invincibility of negro prejudice. 
This society contributed greatly to augment and embolden the 
feeling in which it had its origin. By asserting its invincibility, 
and defending it as growing out of an " ordination of provi- 
dence," and a "law of nature," it imparted to it not only a 
respectability, but a sort of sacredness which added greatly to 
its sway. Under such fostering influences, negro prejudice rose 
to an almost incredible pitch of audacity, impiety, and power ; 
and well it might. The rabble shouted its praises, " men of 
property and standing" endorsed it, and the learned vindicated 
it by argument. Professing Christians were its votaries, minis- 
ters its priests, and temples dedicated to God its sanctuaries and 
shrines. It controlled both the pulpit and the press, presided 
in the halls of justice, swayed the legislative assembly, gave law 
to the jury-box, expurgated the school room, governed the fes- 
tive board, was omnipotent in the social circle, stereotyped regu- 
lations for all public conveyances, stood door-keeper at all places 
of amusement, partitioned off the house of God, and made the 
communion cup a respecter of persons. 

A few facts will illustrate the prevalence and inveteracy of 
this feeling. 

First, it excludes coloured persons of both sexes, whatever their 
respectability or refinement, from the public vehicles of travel, 
or thrusts them into parts of them designed expressly for the 
degraded. On this point there are facts innumerable. We give 
a few only. 

In Mrs. Child's "Appeal," we find the following, pp. 203205, 

" Men whose education leaves them less excuse for such illiberality, 
are yet vulgar enough to join in this ridiculous prejudice. The coloured 
woman, whose daughter has been mentioned as excluded from a private 
school, was once smuggled into a stage, upon the supposition that she 
was a white woman, with a sallow complexion. Her manners were 
modest and prepossessing, and the gentlemen were very polite to her- 
But when she stopped at her own door, and was handed out by her 
curly-headed husband, they were at once surprised and angry to find 
they had been riding with a mulatto and had, in their ignorance, been 
really civil to her ! 


" A worthy coloured woman, belonging to an adjoining town, wished 
to come into Boston to attend upon a son, who was ill. She had a 
trunk with her, and was too feehle to walk. She begged permission to 
ride in the stage. But the passengers, with noble indignation, declared 
they would get out, if she were allowed to get in. After much entreaty, 
the driver suffered her to sit by him upon the box. When he entered the 
city, his comrades began to point and sneer. Not having sufficient moral 
courage to endure this, he left the poor woman, with her trunk, in the 
middle of the street, far from the place of her destination ; telling her, 
with an oath, that he would not carry her a step further. 

" A friend of mine lately wished to have a coloured girl admitted into 
the stage with her, to take care of her babe. The girl was very lightly 
tinged with the sable hue, had handsome Indian features, and very 
pleasing manners. It Avas, however, evident that she was not white ; 
and therefore the passengers objected to her company. This of course, 
produced a good deal of inconvenience on one side, and mortification on 
the other. My friend repeated the circumstance to a ladv, who, as the 
daughter and wife of a clergyman, might be supposed to have imbibed 
some liberality. The lady seemed to think the experiment was very 
preposterous ; but when my friend alluded to the mixed parentage of the 
girl, she exclaimed, with generous enthusiasm, ; Oh, that alters the case, 
Indians certainly have their rights.' 

" Every year a coloured gentleman and scholar is becoming less and 
less of a rarity thanks to the existence of the Haytian republic, and 
the increasing liberality of the world ! Yet if a person of refinement 
from Hayti, Brazil, or other countries, which we deem less enlightened 
than our own, should visit us, the very boys of this republic would dog 
his footsteps with the vulgar outcry of ' Nigger ! Nigger !' I have known 
this to be done, from no other provocation than the sight of a coloured man 
with the dress and deportment of a gentleman. Were it not that re- 
publicanism, like Christianity, "is often perverted from its true spirit by 
the bad passions of mankind, such things as these would make every 
honest mind disgusted with the very name of republics. 

" I am acquainted with a gentleman from Brazil who is shrewd, enter- 
prising, and respectable in character and manners ; yet he has experienced 
almost every species of indignity on account of his colour. Not long since, 
it became necessary for him to visit the southern shores of Massachusetts, 
to settle certain accounts connected with his business. His wife was in 
a feeble state of health, and the physicians had recommended a voyage. 
For this reason, he took passage for her with himself in the steam-boat ; 
and the captain, as it appears, made no objection to a coloured gentleman's 
money. After remaining on deck some time, Mrs. attempted 


to pass into the cabin ; but the captain prevented her ; saying, ' You 
must go down forward.' The Brazilian urged that he had paid the 
customary price, and therefore his wife and infant had a right to a place 
in the ladies' cabin. The captain answered, ' Your wife a'n't a lady ; 
she is a nigger.' The forward cabin was occupied by sailors was entirely 
without accommodations for women, and admitted the 'sea-water, so that 
a person could not sit in it comfortably without keeping the feet raised 
in a chair. The husband stated that his wife's health would not admit 
of such exposure ; to which the captain still replied, ' I don't allow any 
niggers in my cabin.' With natural and honest indignation, the Brazilian 
exclaimed, * You Americans talk about the Poles ! You are a great deal 
more Russian than the Russians.' The affair was concluded by placing 
the coloured gentleman and his invalid wife on the shore, and leaving 
them to provide for themselves as they could. Had the cabin been full, 
there would have been some excuse ; but it was occupied only by two 
sailors' wives. The same individual sent for a relative in a distant town 
on account of illness in his family. After staying several weeks, it be- 
came necessary for her to return ; and he procured a seat for her in the 
stage. The same ridiculous scene occurred ; the passengers were afraid 
of losing their dignity by riding with a neat respectable person, whose 
face was darker than their own. No public vehicle could be obtained, by 
which a coloured citizen could be conveyed to her home ; it therefore be- 
came absolutely necessary for the gentleman to leave his business and 
hire a chaise at great expense. Such proceedings are really inexcusable. 
No authority can be found for them in religion, reason, or the laws." 

Second, It shuts against them all places of public exhibition 
and amusement, which are at all respectable. It matters not, so 
far as prejudice is concerned, whether the places of amusement 
be in themselves innocent or otherwise. 

The proprietors of the Zoological Institute in New York, have 
the following standing advertisement. 

" The proprietors wish it to be understood that people of colour are not 
permitted to enter, except when in attendance upon children and 

The manner in which this rule is carried out may be seen in 
the following letter from a respectable citizen of New York, 

" ' I was very desirous of taking my family to the Zoological Institute 
in the Bowery, to see the specimens of wild animals. So I hired a car-- 


riage, took my family, and went up to the place. When we drove up 
in front of the door, I got out and went to get a ticket. When I got to 
the door a well dressed man gave me a very hard punch in the breast 
with his cane, which knocked me very nearly flat upon the steps. Said 
I, ' What did you do that for ?' 

" 'Clear the door,' said he. 

" 'I want to go in, sir,' said I. 

" 'You cannot go in.' 

" 'I am ready to pay,' said I. 

" 'We don't admit niggers' 

" 'Why did you not tell me that coloured people were not admitted 
before you punched me so ?' 

" 'If you don't clear out, I will put you in the watch-bouse.' 

" 'Do you suppose, sir,' said I, ' that I am to be treated in this manner, 
and not be permitted to speak about it ?' 

" 'He then called for two officers to take me to the watch-house. I 
replied, ' I think one will be enough, as I shall offer no resistance.' The 
officers came laid hold of me with great violence, and walked off with 
me about a hundred yards ; leaving my wife and family in the carriage 
in front of the door. The officers now said to me, ' If we will let you go 
will you say no more about it ?' ' Gentlemen, do your duty, for I will 
come to no such terms.' 

" 'They then whispered to each other a moment, and let me go. 
They returned to their employer, I suppose. I. got into my carriage 
and came home, thankful for having escaped from the jaws of such 
savage beasts. 

" 'Yours, in the bonds of the gospel, 


It is unnecessary to specify all the privileges from which 
prejudice debars the colored man in the United States. Suffice 
it to say, that there is not a single point within the entire circle 
of personal, social, religious, and political privileges, where the 
man of colour is allowed to occupy an equal footing with his 
white brother. 

We shall mention but one other instance the existence of 
caste, in the house of God. 

Humbling as is the acknowledgment, truth impels us to declare 
that this hideous development of prejudice is almost universal. 
It is found in the city and in the country, and among all deno- 
minations. A folio would not contain the disgraceful and 



monstrous facts in illustration of this point. Religion hangs 
her head, and goes heart-broken from her temples, as she sees 
her sable children thrust into obscure corners, and separated from 
the whites as strictly as though they were infected with the 

The following is stated by Mrs. Child, in her "Appeal" 
pp. 212, 213. 

" A fierce excitement prevailed, not long since, because a coloured man 
had bought a pew in one of our churches. I heard a very kind-hearted 
and zealous democrat declare his opinion that ' the fellow ought to be 
turned out by constables, if he dared to occupy the pew he had pur- 
chased.' Even at the communion-table, the mockery of human pride is 
mingled with the worship of Jehovah. Again and again have I seen a 
solitary negro come up to the altar meekly and timidly, after all the 
white communicants bad retired. One episcopal clergyman of this city, 
forms an honorable exception to this remark. When there is room at 

the altar, Mr. often makes a signal to the colored members of 

his church to kneel beside their white brethren ; and once, when two 
white infants and one coloured one were to be baptized, and the parents 
of the latter bashfully lingered far behind the others, he silently rebuked 
the unchristian spirit of pride, by first administering the holy ordinance 
to the little dark-skinned child of God. 

" An instance of prejudice lately occurred, which I should find it hard 
to believe, did I not positively know it to be a fact. A gallery pew was 
purchased in one of our churches for two hundred dollars. A few sab- 
baths after, an address was delivered at that church, in favour of the 
Africans. Some coloured people, who very naturally wished to hear the 
discourse, went into the gallery ; probably because they thought they 
should be deemed less intrusive there than elsewhere. The man who 
had recently bought the pew, found it occupied by coloured people, and in- 
dignantly retired with his family. The next day, he purchased a pew 
in another meeting-house, protesting that nothing would tempt him 
again to make use of seats that had been occupied by negroes. 

" A well known country representative, who makes a very loud noise 
about his democracy, once attended the Catholic church. A pious negro 
requested him to take off his hat, while he stood in the presence of the 
Virgin Mary. The white man rudely shoved him aside, saying, ' You 
son of an Ethiopian, do you dare to speak to me !' I more than once 
heard the hero repeat this story ; and he seemed to take peculiar satisfac- 
tion in telling it. Had he been less ignorant, he would not have chosen 
* son of an Ethiopian,' as an ignoble epithet ; to have called the African 


his own equal would have been abundantly more sarcastic. The same 
republican dismissed a strong, industrious coloured man, who had been 
employed on the farm during his absence. ' I am too great a democrat,' 
quoth he, * to have any body in my house, who don't sit at my table ; 
and I'll be hanged, if I ever eat with the son of an Ethiopian.' " 

In another work by the same author "The Oasis" the follow- 
ing fact is stated. 

" The following account is a literal matter of fact. The names of 
persons and places are concealed by the editor, because she wishes to 
excite no angry feelings in attempting to show how many discourage- 
ments are thrown in the way of coloured people who really desire to be 
respectable. The letters are copied from the originals, with merely a 
few alterations in the orthography of the last. 

" Mr. James E was a respectable coloured man, residing in Mas- 
sachusetts, in a certain town not far from Boston. He had been early 
impressed with the importance of religious subjects, and at twenty-six 
years of age made a public profession of his faith. He had a large 
family, and when they were all old enough to attend church, it was 
found difficult to accommodate them on the seats their parents had 

usually occupied. Mr. E was desirous of purchasing a pew which 

stood as it were by itself, being surrounded by the aisle and the stair- 
case. Some difficulty occurred because a widow had a right to one 
third; but this was finally arranged to the satisfaction of all parties. 
Mr. E.'s eldest son paid the purchase money, and received a deed of the 
pew. As soon as this became known, a member of the church called 
upon Mr. E., and exhorted him not to injure the sale of the pew by 
occupying it. Mr E. answered, that it had been bought for the accom- 
modation of his family, and they had no wish to sell it. The church 
brother answered, ' Let him that thinketh he standeth, take heed lest he 

" Private meetings were immediately held, which resulted in summon- 
ing Mr. E. to appear before the church, to give an account of his pro- 
ceedings. Here he was accused of a wilful and flagrant outrage upon 
the church and upon the society. In reply he called their attention to 
the covenant by which each church member was bound to share the 
burdens of the church, and promised full enjoyment of all its privileges- 
He thought this gave any member a right to own a pew, provided he 
could honestly pay for one. As a citizen of a free country, he conceived 
that he had a right to purchase a pew ; nor could he find anything in 
the whole tenor of the bible opposed to it. 

" "When requested to declare the price his son had paid for the pew, 

Q 2 


he declined answering. A committee was appointed, and the meeting 

" This committee called on Mr. E. to ' labor with him,' as they termed 
it. The elder attempted to justify their proceedings hy talking of a 
gradation in creation, from the highest seraph to the meanest insect. 
To support this doctrine, he quoted from the fifteenth chapter of the first 
Epistle to the Corinthians : ' All flesh is not the same flesh ; but there 
is one kind of flesh of men, another flesh of beasts, another of fishes, 
and another of birds.' 

" On the third Sunday, a cord was observed suspended from the gal- 
lery ; on examination, is was found that a jug of filthy water was tied 
to it, and so arranged as to empty itself upon whoever touched the line 
in entering the pew. The remainder of the seats and the walls were 
soon after torn down, and thrown into an adjoining pasture. A tem- 
porary seat answered the purposes of the family for a while ; but in a short 
time this was demolished, and the platform itself torn up, leaving a hole 
about two feet square. 

"The son of Mr. E. related these facts to the editor, and added very dryly : 
' When the cold weather came on, this proved a serious inconvenience 
to the whole congregation ; but they bore it for some time, with Chris- 
tian fortitude.' " 

The subjoined fact is taken from the "Cleveland (Ohio) Mes- 

" A coloured man, in the state of Ohio, at a meeting not long since, 
was the first, when awakened sinners were invited to come forward for 
prayer and conversation, who took the anxious seat. A leader in the 
meeting went up to him and said, you must not come forward here, for 
you will keep away many that we want to see amongst the anxious." 

Rev. James A. Thome, recently of Kentucky, relates the fol- 
lowing circumstance, of which he was an eye-witness : 

" At a Methodist camp-meeting, held in Kentucky, when the Lord's 
supper was being administered, the officiating preacher arose and made 
the following announcement : ' As the white brethren have all partaken, 
the coloured communicants can now come forward.' Several coloured 
men and women approached the altar. At that moment it was discovered 
that some whites had not yet received the sacrament ; whereupon the 
same preacher proclaimed from the pulpit, 'The coloured people will 
wait a little while, as there are some of our white brethren, who have 
not yet partaken.' After these ' white brethren' had retired from the 
altar, the invitation was a second time extended to the coloured people. 
Some went forward, but the most withdrew in silence." 


We conclude our extracts with the following summary of the 
systematic and almost universal outrages perpetrated upon the 
free people of colour in the so-called free states of the American 
Union. It is taken from the American Anti-slavery Almanack 
for 1839 : 

"Our churches, with few exceptions, have a 'negro seat,' where 
coloured persons, even clergymen in churches of their own denomination, 
are compelled to sit, or leave the house. Almost all our literary institu- 
tions exclude coloured applicants for admission, while the sons of slave- 
holders are eagerly heckoned in. Coloured persons, whatever their 
respectability, are driven from the cabins of our steamboats and packets, 
from our rail-cars, stages, hotels, boarding-houses, tables, theatres, (ex- 
cept the upper gallery), reading-rooms, libraries, museums, and from the 
platforms of our religious anniversaries, from the learned professions, 
from literary societies and corporations, from scientific and professional 
lectures, from military and fire companies, from the jury-box, and from 
all civil offices. They are refused all licenses in most of our cities, and, 
generally, the benefit of all asylums and public charities. Merchants 
will not take them as clerks, nor lawyers and physicians as students, nor 
mechanics as apprentices, nor benevolent societies as agents." 

It may well excite surprise that a feeling so irrational and 
wicked should be vindicated by the professed disciples of him 
who is no respecter of persons ; yet so it is, and we may add, 
that one of the chief grounds of the bitter hostility, both in 
church and state, against the abolitionists, is their denunciation 
of this unchristian prejudice. We rejoice to add that the power 
of this feeling has been already perceptibly weakened by the 
efforts of abolitionists. 

We now turn to another topic named in your suggestions a 
brief outline of the abolition movement in the United States. 

It may not be amiss to premise by glancing at the rise and pro- 
gress of the pro-slavery spirit. The predominant feeling in this 
country at the establishment of our independence, and for some 
time afterwards, was, as we have already shown, unquestionably 
favourable to universal liberty. The countenance of slavery in 
the union, at the time of its formation, seems inconsistent with 
this supposition; but facts innumerable, demonstrate that to have 
been a misjudged measure of temporary policy, rather than the 
result of a deliberate purpose to establish slavery as a permanent 


system. True, it was both a blunder and an enormity, but that 
it proceeded from a wish to perpetuate slavery is contradicted by 
the entire history of the times and of the men. Such might have 
been the motive with some of the southern delegation, but we 
have the clearest evidence that it was only a small portion even 
of them, who were prompted by such considerations. The toler- 
ance of slavery as a temporary system was an expedient to con- 
ciliate and secure immediate adherence to the union ; while in 
all the states it was conceded, that from the time specified in the 
constitution of the United States for the abolition of the African 
slave trade (1 808), slavery itself would rapidly tend to extinction. 
Ardent attachment to liberty, and sympathy for all who were 
oppressed, which were strong feelings of the rising nation, it was 
confidently anticipated, would speedily sweep away the last ves- 
tige of American bondage. To the natural, and, as it was 
believed, the certain operation of these sentiments, the extinction 
of slavery was too securely committed. Had any other result 
been anticipated, it would have found no tolerance with a large 
majority of the founders of our government. Nearly all the pro- 
minent statesmen of the first days of the republic have left on 
record their unqualified reprobation of slavery. We should 
rejoice to quote largely from their testimony, but must content 
ourselves with a bare reference to a pamphlet, already mentioned, 
entitled the " Power of Congress over the District of Columbia." 
See especially pages 25 37. 

A strong anti-slavery feeling pervaded at that period the vari- 
ous denominations of Christians. Slavery was then the common 
mark for denunciation. No one feared, as now most do, to 
launch the bolts of truth against it. Statesmen could utter their 
abhorrence of it boldly, without fear of losing office. Ministers 
could direct against it the artillery of inspiration without incur- 
ring dismission. Editors could wield the influence of the press 
against it without forfeiting their lives or their living. Even in 
slave states, slavery could be held up to public execration without 
calling down the inflictions of lynch law. 

Numerous associations were formed both in the free and slave 
states, styled Abolition Societies, and expressly avowing as their 
object the extinction of slavery. 

Of one of these societies, formed in the state of New York, the 


Hon. John Jay was first president ; and of another in Pennsyl- 
vania, Benjamin Franklin was first president. These societies 
proposed only a gradual abolition of slavery. Immediatism was 
not then dreamed of. But as it was, these early associations 
had a remote influence in effecting the abolition of slavery in the 
northern states. We say a remote influence, because it is well 
understood that the abolition in those states was dictated in the 
main by mere state policy. The discussions of natural rights 
which preceded the revolutionary war, contributed in the first 
place to arouse public attention to the subject of slavery. This 
gave rise to abolition societies and publications, by which a pub- 
lic sentiment, to some extent previously formed, was greatly 
strengthened. The conviction that slavery is a sin, obtained to 
a considerable extent ; the conviction that it was a burthen and 
a curse became in the free states nearly universal. 

We will here make a brief digression to state, in accordance 
with your suggestion, our views of the gradual abolition plans 
adopted by the northern states. 

That they were wrong in principle and disastrous in their opera- 
tions we unhesitatingly affirm. Had the projectors of these plans, 
recognized the invariable sinfulness of slavery ; had they been 
deeply impressed with the wrongs of the slave, and imbued with a 
proper sympathy for those who had been so grossly outraged, 
under the influence of such sentiments they would, we doubt not, 
have adopted more decisive measures. There was no serious obsta- 
cle to immediate abolition. The number of their slaves was small ; 
their fitness for entire freedom was, in comparison with that of any 
large number of slaves that had ever been emancipated, quite con- 
spicuous. The nature of their employments, and the interests 
involved in their enslavement, were not such that immediate 
abolition could have produced serious derangements in business 
or extensive embarrassment of personal fortunes ; besides, hos- 
tility to immediate emancipation was then undeveloped, and the 
national prejudice had not then grown into a frightful monster. 
Indeed every circumstance was favourable to a fair experiment 
of immediate emancipation. It can never be forgotten, nor we 
were about to say forgiven, to those states that when they held 
in their hands the golden opportunity of demonstrating the 
safety and policy of immediate emancipation, and'settling for ever 


a question which has ever since been under controversy, they 
not only allowed it to pass unimproved, but abused it to esta- 
blish a precedent of gradualism, which is now in every pro- 
slavery mouth as the decisive argument, against what are called 
the wild and impracticable schemes of immediate abolition. 
There can be no question but that the influence of abolition in 
northern states has fortified southern slavery. Its influence, 
moreover, upon the emancipated, has been far less benign, than 
immediate emancipation would have been. In the first place, 
the time intervening between the passing of the abolition acts 
and the actual emancipation, afforded ample opportunity for 
masters to transfer their slaves to the southern planter. How 
many of the expectants of freedom were, by ingenious evasions, 
thus consigned to a more merciless slavery than ever, can never 
be known. But conjecture itself could hardly form an exag- 
gerated estimate. 

In the next place, the proposed end for which gradualism was 
mainly adopted i. e., a preparation for the rights and immunities 
of freedom, was never prosecuted. 

No suitable efforts were made to instruct the slaves and qualify 
them for the highest privileges of a state of freedom. In this 
respect the acts of abolition we are now considering answered one 
good end, and so far as we know, but one they illustrated the im- 
practicability of all plans projected to prepare slaves for freedom. 

In the third place gradual abolition in the northern states, 
served effectually to increase and embitter the prejudice against 
the coloured race. 

The very feeling in which it originated, ensured this result, 
it was a' desire not so much to get rid of slavery as of the 
slaves, who were considered an intolerable nuisance. It was 
hoped that their emancipation would lead to their gradual 
removal, but as most of them continued in the same states, they 
became the objects of a far stronger hate as free men, than was 
ever felt towards them as slaves hatred which exhibited itself 
in ridicule, scornful reproaches, neglect, exclusion from society, 
schools, churches, and all reputable employments and, after 
thus effectually debasing them, reviled them for their degrada- 
tion, and charged it upon their incapacity for improvement. 
This abolition in the northern states has thus plunged large 


numbers of the emancipated into ignorance, indolence, poverty, 
and vice ; and that there are, among the free people of colour, 
so many exceptions to this dreadful wreck of human intellect and 
soul, must be a matter of astonishment to all who appreciate the 
influences which combined to crush them. 

Bad as have been the results of gradual abolition in these 
cases, they must undoubtedly be far worse in the planting 
states, where the slaves are very numerous, and where the busi- 
ness carried on demands large bodies of labourers, with hard and 
long continued labour, and special regularity in the management. 

We return from this digression with the single remark, that 
nothing admits of clearer demonstration, than that the superiority 
of immediate, over gradual emancipation, increases with the 
number of the enslaved, and the magnitude of all the interests 

In view of the strong repugnance to slavery which pervaded 
our government in its infancy, the inquiry is very naturally 
suggested what could so soon have given rise to a marked 
partiality for it, which has gathered strength ever since, and 
threatens to extinguish in Americans all love of liberty and law ? 
What could have so completely revolutionized the national 
sentiments, that a system which was first regarded with jealousy, 
and tolerated only on the supposition that it must soon die of 
itself, should in a few years become the paramount national 
interest ? 

We will glance at some of the causes which have produced 
this humiliating change, by which our nation has been struck 
down from its sublime attitude as the asserter of human rights, 
and degraded into a champion of oppression in its foulest form. 


For a time, the products of slave labour constituted a com- 
paratively small item in the national wealth, and slavery 
was correspondingly unimportant. But gradually the cotton 
and sugar cultivation, especially the former, became the com- 
manding interests of the land. The south was growing rich 
apace, and the north, with characteristic eagerness for gain, 
entered by every crevice through which she could thrust herself, 
and began the scramble for gold. Her manufactories, her various 


mechanical trades, and her commerce, entered the alliance. 
Her adventurous sons, from the shrewd lawyer to the shrewder 
pedlar, with his " notions," rushed southward. Her fair daugh- 
ters, in alarming numbers, began to discover that their native 
climate was too severe for their lungs, and that nothing could 
rescue them from untimely graves but a residence in the sunny 
south. The south soon became the centre of attraction to the 
whole union. Her estates were the most splendid, her cultiva- 
tion the most lucrative, her manners the most fascinating, and 
her hospitalities the most princely. Of all these attractions, 
slavery was seen to be the basis. This gave to the south her 
resources, her leisure, her polished courtliness, and open-handed 
generosity. This made her a land of princes, and a school of 
Chesterfields. It was very natural to transfer the admiration 
from the effects to the cause ; hence slavery came to be regarded, 
by the south herself and by all her admirers, as an " institution" 
most important and indispensable. It could no longer be 
viewed in the light of its intrinsic attributes, but was contem- 
plated through the medium of the magnificent ends w r hich it 
subserved. It ceased to be beheld as the vortex of the slaves' 
rights, interests, and hopes, and was seen only as the full foun- 
tain, out-pouring its golden sands at the master's feet. 




Having once obtained a foothold in the republic, it has made 
steady and rapid advances, and unless speedily exterminated, 
must gain sole possession. 


The master was white the slave black ; the master was ele- 
vated the slave degraded ; the master was an equal the slave 
an inferior ; the master was a fellow-countryman, a friend, a 
relative, a lt Christian" the slave was a stranger, a suspected 
foe, a barbarian. Besides, the master was such, by a sort of 


necessity, and could not get rid of his slaves without evil to 
them, and peril to himself and his country ; therefore, his hold- 
ing them was esteemed both patriotic and humane. Such 
was the verdict of public sentiment. Sympathy was thus 
entirely misplaced ; while it should have been operating 
to shield the helpless against the strong, it was weaving 
sophistical defences for the oppressor. This monstrous perver- 
sion of sympathy sealed the fate of the slave almost beyond 



We see this imposing organization claiming to be the only prac- 
ticable remedy for slavery, yet powerfully contributing to the 
growth and permanence of the most hideous oppression under the 
sun. Had its principles been righteous and true, its great power 
would have annihilated slavery ; but with such principles as it 
boldly avows, and acts upon, its influence is all on the side of the 
oppressor. It acknowledges the right of property in man ; it 
publicly disclaims all interference with that right ; it openly dis- 
countenances emancipation on the soil, declaring slavery to be 
preferable ; it reviles and traduces the free people of colour, re- 
presenting them as incomparably worse off than the slaves ; it 
sanctifies the ferocious prejudice against them by declaring it 
" an ordination of providence," and " a law of nature ;" it urges 
virtual expatriation as a condition of manumission, teaches that 
slavery is not essentially a sin, contends that immediate eman- 
cipation is not a duty, but an egregious folly and a wrong, and, 
to crown all its pro-slavery demonstrations, it formally pledges 
its opposition to all schemes of abolition which reject the barba- 
rous policy of expatriation. 

Nothing could more effectually lull to sleep the fears and con- 
sciences of slaveholders, than such principles, urged by such a 
society. The society was an imposing one. It numbered among 
its officers, advocates, and members, nearly all the ministers, 
churches, presses, statesmen, judges, professional men, philan- 
thropists, and men of wealth in all parts of the land. It had 
its head quarters at Washington city, and its auxiliaries in nearly 
every state capitol, with minor branches in almost every county. 
It claimed, withal, to be a religious institution, an organized 


missionary society, for the christianization of Africa. For a 
society of such pretensions and such patronage to endorse the 
system of slavery at least to assert its present rightfulness, was 
reason enough, were there no other, for its growth and stability. 
This was a far more effectual support to slavery than if the clergy 
or the church, as a body, had sanctioned it, or than if it had the 
full concurrence of congress, the judiciary, or the executive, 
for the society combined the sanction of all these, and of every 
other class, rank, and condition in the community. 


The causes which we have specified, very soon arrested that 
spirit of inquiry into slavery, which existed at the establish- 
ment of the government. This was one of their first effects, and 
in turn it became a cause a most efficient one too of the pro- 
motion of slavery. " Error, whether of opinion or practice, may 
safely be tolerated so long as truth is left free to combat it ;" 
and in no other way can error be effectually reached and routed. 
But when error is left rampant, and truth is struck dumb, 
when the foulest principles are suffered to grow under the cover 
of silence, rank luxuriance is the certain result. Under just such 
circumstances slavery has been growing. The south has de- 
manded that it shall not be discussed, and the north has pro- 
tested that it is no concern of hers. The church has called it a 
political matter, and politicians have called it a domestic insti- 
tution, and so all sects and parties have agreed to leave it with 
the south to alter or amend, abolish or perpetuate, as in her 
wisdom and mercy she might deem best. 

Of course, not to discuss slavery and expose it to the public 
gaze, was virtually bidding it God speed. It needs no patronage 
of the rich, it craves no advocacy of the learned, it asks no 
fostering hand nor watchful care, it begs only for silence it has 
obtained, not only this, but patronage, vindication, fostering, and 
vigilance besides. 

Considering the causes which have been enumerated, the 
enormous growth of slavery is no matter of wonder. The only 
wonder is that it has not wholly supplanted the love of liberty, 
law, and religion throughout the land. 


We come now to glance at the abolition movements. 

Perhaps there could not be a more striking evidence of the tor- 
pifying effects of slavery upon the public conscience, than the fact 
that no thoroughly serious and systematic effort in the form of an 
organization, was made to overthrow it until the commencement 
of the year 1832. In the following year, the American Anti- 
slavery Society was organized at Philadelphia. The first 
anniversary of this society held in New York in May, 1834, 
greatly aroused popular indignation. The daily, commercial, 
and political papers, backed by religious periodicals, continued 
thenceforward the most persevering attacks upon the principles 
and measures of the society. These efforts to excite the mob 
effected their desired object. About two months after the Anti- 
slavery anniversary, an abolition meeting was held in New York. 
The city papers redoubled the fury of their attack, and beckoned 
on the mob to crush this " treason in the egg." The mob accord 
ingly assembled, and proceeding to the place of meeting, dispersed 
the assembly. Having once broken loose, they raged unchecked 
for several days. They sacked churches, broke into the houses 
of some of the most respectable citizens, dragged out their 
furniture, and burned it in the streets. They assailed the 
dwellings of the coloured people, demolished many of them, and 
sought the lives of some of the most prominent abolitionists, who 
were obliged to flee from the city. 

The doctrines and measures of the Anti-slavery Society were 
assailed unceasingly with every form of attack. How far it 
gave cause for such unprecedented persecution, may be judged 
from the following statement of the measures which it has 
pursued from the date of its organization up to the present time. 

1. The American Anti-slavery Society, and its auxiliaries, have 
employed agents and established presses in the free states, to 
advocate the duty and safety of immediate emancipation. 
Through these organs they have constantly urged the sinfulness 
of slavery, and the consequent duty of immediately abandoning it. 

2. They have contended earnestly against all plans of gradual 
abolition as wrong in theory, inefficient in practice, and fatally 
quieting to the slaveholders' conscience. Against the Coloniza- 
tion Society especially, as embodying gradualism in its most 
odious form, they have always protested. 


3. They have illustrated the safety and policy of immediate 
emancipation by a multitude of well authenticated facts. Keep- 
ing their eye upon the experiment in the British West Indies, 
after a suitable time had elapsed, delegates were dispatched 
thither by the American Anti-slavery Society, to examine 
minutely into the operation of the new system. The report of 
their delegates was published and has been extensively circu- 
lated in the United States. 

4. They have appealed to slaveholders in the language of 
affectionate entreaty, and faithful warning, and rebuke, urging 
them to do their duty, demonstrating, both from reason and 
history, that the path of duty was to them the path of safety. 

5. They have laboured to bring the testimony of the bible to 
bear with its full force against the abomination of slavery and 
the more so as they have witnessed the numerous attempts to 
distort it into a vindication of oppression. 

6. They have sought to bring the power of religion in the 
free states to bear against slavery, by urging ecclesiastical bodies 
to condemn it, and by persuading churches to exclude slaveholders 
from their communion, and slaveholding ministers from their 
pulpits. These objects have to some extent been effected; 
though still the predominant influence of the church in the north 
is against the benevolent efforts of the abolitionists. We are, 
however, greatly encouraged by the steady revolution which is 
going on in this respect ; every year witnesses the accession or 
decided approach 'of Presbyteries, Consociations, Conferences, 
and other religious bodies to our principles. 

7. The society has maintained an unwavering testimony 
against prejudice, whether exercised toward the slave of the 
south, or the free coloured man of the north. It has denounced 
it as unchristian, unmanly, absurd, and cruel ; as a principal 
means of riveting the fetters of the slave, and preventing the 
improvement of the free. 

8. A cherished object with the society has been the education 
and moral improvement of the nominally free people of colour 
residing in the free states. Spurned from respectable society, 
debarred from schools, excluded from honorable business pur- 
suits, and virtually shut out of the sanctuary, no one has cared 
for their souls. Heart-sick at these horrible prejudices and im- 


pious revilings, the abolitionists have labored to elevate this out- 
cast people. They have established day, and night, and sabbath 
schools for their benefit; they have formed temperance, moral 
reform, and other societies among them ; they have visited them 
at their houses, and freely associated with them at the table, in 
the street or in the church, to obtain opportunities of benefiting 
them, as well as to administer a practical rebuke to the pre- 
judices of their white brethren. They have also encouraged 
them to form habits of industry, by furnishing or procuring for 
them respectable employments. They have, in numerous in- 
stances, induced them to leave the cities (where they have 
hitherto been in the habit of congregating) and become culti- 
vators of the soil. In these efforts to instruct the free coloured 
people, abolitionists have been actuated both by a desire to 
benefit them personally, and to remove a standing argument 
against the emancipation of the enslaved, viz., the degraded con- 
dition of the free. 

9. Besides the national society, state societies have been 
formed in every free state in the Union, auxiliary to the 
former ; and these have branch societies in counties and towns. 
Each of the state societies, like the parent society, holds a 
public anniversary ; each branch society also holds its annual 
meeting. Besides these meetings, there are frequent occasional 
conventions, either national, state, or county, which serve greatly 
to keep the public attention awake, and to disseminate the 
principles of the society. 

Several of the state organizations support anti-slavery papers. 
Massachusetts has two, New York two, Pennsylvania two, Maine 
one, Vermont one, New Hampshire one, Connecticut one, Ohio one, 
Illinois one, and Michigan one in all thirteen periodicals devoted 
exclusively to the anti-slavery cause. Most of the state societies 
likewise employ lecturers within their own bounds, and sustain 
depositories of anti-slavery books. 

10. Within the last three or four years, the Anti-slavery Society 
has effected much in the field of political action. The objects 
they have sought to accomplish by this kind of action are the 
abolition of slavery in the district of Columbia, and in the terri- 
tories under the jurisdiction of congress ; the extinction of the 
internal slave trade ; the rejection of all slaveholding territories 


demanding admission as slave states into the union ; and the re- 
cognition of the independence of Hayti. Over these subjects 
congress has constitutional control, and, therefore, they are 
legitimate objects of effort politically on the part of abolitionists. 
Besides the above-named objects, the abolitionists have sought the 
repeal of certain laws in several of the nominally free states, which 
are oppressive to the coloured citizen, and to the fugitive from slavery 
who may take refuge in these states, or pass through them on their 
way to Canada. These ends have been sought by means of 
petitions addressed to the national and state legislatures respec- 
tively. Many of the latter have been induced to pass laws, secur- 
ing the objects sought by the petitioners. With this mode of 
action the abolitionists have connected the questioning of candi- 
dates for state and national offices, respecting their views upon 
the various subjects embraced in the petitions. Hitherto the 
abolitionists have abstained from forming a separate political party, 
though the necessity of this measure, as the only practical and 
efficient one, is now strongly advocated by some of the most pro- 
minent abolitionists. The friends of the slave throughout the 
country are now discussing this question. What the result will 
be is not yet fully developed. 

11. We think we may add, without incurring the charge of self- 
praise, that the abolitionists, in the prosecution of their objects, 
have evinced no ordinary zeal and self-sacrifice. This has been 
the legitimate and almost inevitable consequence of their situation. 
If they have been distinguished for their labours and sufferings, it 
is because such a necessity was laid upon them by the unpopularity, 
dangers, and difficulties of their cause. To one thing, however, 
they have (though for the credit of our countrymen, generally, 
we blush to say it) but too exclusive a claim i. e., to a cordial 
sympathy with a despised and trampled race. We cannot avoid 
the conviction that nearly all the sympathy of the country, in 
behalf of the slaves, is to be found among the abolitionists. There 
are, doubtless, some at the north, and we know many at the south, 
who secretly remember, to some extent, them that are in bonds, but 
not " as bound with them." Fear, pride, self-interest, public sentiment, 
or mistaken notions of policy constrain them to hide their sympathies 
in silence. Of such we have reason to believe there are many scattered 
over the slave states, who are struck dumb by the threats of lynch 


law. That there may be a considerable number likewise in the 
free states, who would willingly be abolitionists if abolition were 
less unpopular, we are not disposed to doubt. 

But the fears and heart sinkings of the many, do but render 
more conspicuous the heroism of the few, who have perilled all 
personal interests in the cause of the slave. 

This deep sympathy with the outcast has led to the most inde- 
fatigable labours and self-denial. No opportunity of promoting 
the cause of emancipation has been allowed to pass unimproved. 
No plan that wisdom could devise has been left untried. No 
agency nor instrumentality which money could enlist has remained 
unemployed. The suggestions of friends and the censures of 
enemies have alike been weighed and turned to account. When- 
ever an individual, whether of the north or south, conspicuous or 
obscure, has been known to be at all disposed to consider the sub- 
ject candidly, suitable publications have been despatched to win 
him over to the cause of the slave. Numberless private letters 
have been addressed to ministers, editors, statesmen, and other 
influential classes of citizens in all parts of the country, in order 
to acquaint them with the principles of the Anti-slavery Society, 
and to impress them with a conviction of their own obligations. 
The principles, measures, and objects of the society have ever 
been open to the inspection of all ; and it has repeatedly solicited 
investigation into them, both from individuals and bodies of 
men. They have formally and earnestly solicited an examination 
by the national congress, offering to submit for inspection, all their 
records, proceedings, and measures. The only step approximating 
to a compliance with these solicitations, was a letter of inquiry into 
the operation and extent of the American Anti-slavery Society, 
addressed to James G. Birney, Esq., one of the society's secre- 
taries, by the Hon. F. H. Elmore, member of congress from South 
Carolina. This letter was most cordially received, and elicited an 
extended reply. The entire correspondence was embodied in a 
pamphlet, and very widely circulated. 

The society has ever maintained the same testimony against 
slavery, as sin against gradualism, as sin against compensation, 
as sin against prejudice, as sin against expatriation, as sin 
against southern defences and northern apologies for slavery, as sin ; 
and in favour of immediate emancipation, as duty, safety, and policy. 


That such a society should have been popular at a time when 
slavery had become the idol of the nation, was not to be expected ; 
but equally far was it from rational anticipation, that it would have 
encountered such lawless and ferocious opposition. No preceding 
reform had excited a hundredth part of the popular odium which 
this incurred ; though several reformations not dissimilar in prin- 
ciple, had arisen in this country before it. It might have been 
supposed that these would have so habituated the public mind to 
moral agitations, and so thoroughly established the right of free 
discussion, that the car of abolition would have encountered in its 
progress no very serious obstructions. But the trumpet of imme- 
diate emancipation was no sooner sounded than the blast of war 
broke from the south, and reverberated through the nation. WAR, 
WAR, was the universal outcry. All, everywhere, were ready to put 
down the " fanaticism." The alarming conspiracy must be arrested, 
peaceably if possible, but forcibly if necessary. 

For the first time in the history of our government an emer- 
gency arose so critical and imminent that the arm of law could 
not be relied upon for protection ; that alarming emergency was 
the discussion of slavery. For the first time it was deliberately 
resolved to abandon the sacred aegis of LAW, and invoke the 
aid of the mob-demon. Reason and argument likewise retired 
from the field, and committed the defence of the " patriarchal 
institution " to this Goliath. At every turn and step, abolition 
was confronted by this omnipresent monster. Especially during 
the earlier efforts in the anti-slavery, cause, furious mobs were 
encountered in every place. There is scarcely a city in the free, 
states, where the subject of slavery has been at all agitated, in 
which there have not been most frightful scenes of violence. 
And not only have cities been disgraced with these lawless out- 
rages, but obscure villages and farming districts in every section 
of the country have been convulsed by them. The whole num- 
ber of pro-slavery mobs in the free states within the last 
seven years, if it were accurately stated, would almost exceed be- 
lief. For many months they were an almost daily occurrence. 
Every newspaper recorded some fresh instance of these popular 

In speaking ot the opposition which the anti-slavery society has 
encountered, it is almost needless to allude to any other than 


mobs. Revilings, misrepresentations, and abusive epithets were 
abundant indeed, but these only seemed intended as so many 
excitants to the grand extinguisher* the mob. Great " indigna- 
tion meetings " were held in the principal cities at the north in 
which speeches were made and resolutions passed denouncing 
the " incendiary abolitionists." These also were only a means 
to an end, and that end was to embolden the mob. The press 
thundered its anathemas against the " fanatics and traitors ; " 
but this was only to call out the vengeance of the mob. Gover- 
nors gravely recommended to the legislatures of free states to 
enact laws making it penal to discuss the question of slavery ; 
but this was to give the high sanction of gubernatorial authority 
to the more efficient enginery of the mob. Whatever else was 
done or said, it is notorious that the great reliance among the 
enemies of abolition was the MOB. The result has proved how 
vain was the reliance. 

The repeated outbreaks of popular fury have indeed shaken 
most fearfully the pillars of the government, but they have given 
no shock to the cause of abolition ; they have covered the Ame- 
rican name with dishonour, but they have only furthered the 
progress of the anti-slavery reformation ; they have exposed the 
weakness of slavery which has no better arguments to support 
it, but they have only developed the indomitable energy and in- 
extinguishable vitality of immediate emancipation. 

This document, protracted as it is, would still be deficient if 
it were concluded without adverting to the effects which the 
abolition movement has already produced. That its influence 
must have been far from insignificant may be inferred from the 
rapidity with which it has attracted to its standard vast numbers 
of every rank and calling. As no benevolent society in the land 
had ever before suffered so much persecution, so none ever made 
such rapid progress. 

In the commencement of 1832 the first anti-slavery society 
was formed at Boston, in Massachusetts, and called the New 
England Anti-slavery Society ; it consisted of but twelve mem- 
bers. In 1833 the American Anti-slavery Society was formed. 
In May, 1835, there were 225 auxiliaries. In May, 1836, 527. 
In May- 1837, 1006. In May 1838, 1346. In May, 1839, 
1650. The auxiliaries average not less than eighty members 


each, making an aggregate of ONE HUNDRED AND THIRTY-TWO 


But the number of auxiliaries and members gives by no means 
an adequate idea of the prevalence of anti-slavery principles. 
In various degrees they have found a response in the minds of 
multitudes beyoncl the limits of our organization. Nearly all 
these acquisitions from the twelve members, in 1832, to the 
scores of thousands in 1839, and the hundreds of thousands who 
are beginning to favour our views, have been made out of origi- 
nal opposers, revilers, and persecutors. 

We will now glance at some of the principal effects which 
have been produced by the abolition movement. 

1. It has broken up the apathy which prevailed throughout 
the free states. The absurd notion that the south is alone re- 
sponsible for slavery, it has exploded, and furnished an answer 
to the question, what has the north to do with slavery ? The 
abolitionists have shifted the burthen of the responsibility, and 
placed it where it belongs, upon northern shoulders. 

2. The labours of abolitionists have exposed the boundless par- 
ticipation of the north in the guilt of southern slavery. 

The people of the free states, indeed abolitionists themselves, 
have been astounded at the extent of northern implication in 
slave-holding and slave-trading ; and yet these shocking disclo- 
sures are only beginning to open upon us. 

3. The anti-slavery movements have served to arouse large 
numbers of ministers and Christians in the free states, to feel, 
pray, and act for the oppressed. Ecclesiastical bodies in increas- 
ing numbers, have spoken out in strong condemnation of slavery, 
and have repeatedly addressed letters to similar bodies in the 
south filled with faithful remonstrance. The influence of the 
northern church is gradually, but surely shifting ground from the 
side of the oppressor to that of the slave ; yet even now it must 
be confessed that the opposition of professed ministers of the 
gospel in the free states is the great obstacle to the progress of 
the anti-slavery cause. 

4. Another result of the anti-slavery efforts has been the 
awakening both of the religious and secular press, to the advo- 
cacy of numan rights. In addition to the numerous papers de- 
voted entirely to the anti-slavery cause, there are many that do 


not hesitate to avow anti-slavery principles. Such are found 
in various parts of the free states. 

5. Another effect of the abolition movement has been the di- 
rection of public attention to slavery in the district of Columbia 
as a reproach and sin, in which the whole nation is involved, 
and for the continuance of which the free states are especially 
responsible. The foul stigma of slavery in the capital of this 
republic, and of the slave trade carried on under the sanction 
of congress in the district of Columbia ; the power of congress to 
abolish these atrocities ; and the ability of the free states by 
their superior numbers in congress, to secure such abolition 
are considerations which have been constantly pressed upon the 
public mind. Large numbers of petitions have been sent to con- 
gress for several successive years, praying for the abolition of 
slavery and the slave trade in the district of Columbia. Not- 
withstanding the contemptuous spurning of these petitions their 
number has steadily increased. The petitioners show no symp- 
toms of weariness in well-doing. Meanwhile the discussion of the 
great question has thus been thrown into congress, and the ar- 
guments on both sides have been brought before the nation. A 
deep and extensive impression has been made of the monstrous 
inconsistency of maintaining slavery at the seat of the federal 
government ; a feeling of abhorrence has been aroused which can 
never be satisfied with anything short of abolition in the district ! 

6. The anti-slavery enterprise has been highly useful in an 
indirect way, by testing the strength of the people's attachment 
to the freedom of the press, the freedom of speech, and the right 
of petition. During the brief conflict which has been waged 
with slavery, each of these pillars of the republic has in its turn 
undergone a terrific trial, and the last of the three is at this 
moment trembling on its base ; but the triumphant result in the 
case of the two former encourages the hope, that, though now 
jostled from its centre, it will regain its position and survive the 

7. The anti-slavery efforts have done much to break the power 
of negro prejudice. The thousands of abolitionists themselves 
were but so many bond-servants of this despot ; and thousands 
and tens of thousands out of the society have been made 
ashamed of their prejudices, who once gloried in them. 


8. Abolitionists have also been instrumental in improving the 
condition of the free people of color. They have demonstrated 
that the so-called coloured race are highly susceptible of intellec- 
tual and moral culture (a point gravely questioned by most hi- 
therto) and that kindness and respectful attentions will be pro- 
perly appreciated and reciprocated by them. 

9. The anti-slavery efforts have in some degree dissolved the 
charm of " southern chivalry " and hospitality, by exposing 
southern oppressions. Formerly the southerner was thought to 
be quite above a mean act. So high was his reputation in the 
free states for nobleness, generosity, and honor, that whatever 
in him was inconsistent with these virtues, could hardly gain 

To disabuse the public mind in this respect was indeed a 
mighty task ; and after the ceaseless reiteration of incontestable 
facts, and unimpeachable testimony for nearly ten years, this 
witching spell of "southern chivalry" is only beginning to break. 
Now when " southern chivalry " is vaunted, it is almost sure to 
draw out an allusion to southern cruelties. Once the former 
was alleged to disprove the latter, now the latter begins to be 
urged against the pretensions of the former. 

10. The anti-slavery movements have begun to emancipate 
the north from its " dough-faced " submission to southern arro- 
gance and intimidation. Hitherto the tone of the south toward 
the north has been, you shall not discuss slavery, you shall sur- 
render our fugitive slaves, &c., and the servile free states have 
crouched and trembled at the feet of their haughty master. 
But this base servility is beginning to give place to an honor- 
able independence. Instead of demanding, the south has now 
to beg; and still with all her craving, she gets fewer concessions 
every year, 

11. The abolitionists have been instrumental in exciting a 
deep abhorrence of slavery in the minds of multitudes through- 
out the free states, which slaveholders see and feel wherever 
they traverse them. They can hardly travel in a stage, rail car, 
or steam-boat in any of the free states, without finding aboli- 
tionists, and hearing slavery rebuked. 

12. Even the unexampled rage which our movements havein- 
strumentally kindled in the south is an indication of good. That 


it is not desirable in itself, is readily granted ; but that it is the 
invariable first fruits of truth, and the evidence of its having 
taken effect is unquestionable, and, as such, we hail it with joy. 

13. But our exertions have already begun to excite other 
feelings in the slave states besides " anger, wrath, and malice." 
They have opened the eyes of many persons to the enormities 
of slavery. Several slaveholders have already been induced to 
emancipate their slaves. Many others are known to the so- 
ciety's officers to adopt its sentiments and pray in secret places 
for its success. 

It may be added that one of the society's secretaries, James 
G. BIRNEY, Esq. is a native, and was till a few years since a re- 
sident of a slave state, and a slaveholder. He has manifested 
the thoroughness of his devotion to anti-slavery principles, by 
emancipating his slaves, nearly thirty in number. Two other 
gentlemen, natives of slave states, and heirs of slave inheri- 
tances, have been zealous and efficient public lecturers of the 
American Anti-slavery Society. One of these, Rev. James A. 
Thome, of Kentucky, now a professor in the Oberlin college in 
Ohio, was one of the delegates deputed by the American Anti- 
slavery Society, to visit the British West Indies in 1837, and in- 
vestigate the results of emancipation there. Mr. Thome is the 
author of the work entitled " Emancipation in the West Indies." 

The time necessary to repair the providential loss by fire of a large 
amount of materials prepared for these replies, ha# rendered it impractica- 
ble to draw up the Answers icTiich were intended, to make in reply to the 
Queries upon Canada, and Texas, in season for their transmission. A 
friend in London, ultimately acquainted with the subject, has, however, 
kindly supplied the following in respect to Texas. 



1. What is the number of slaves, and rate of increase from all 
causes ? 

It is impossible to state with accuracy the entire number of 
slaves in Texas at the present time. It is, however, certain that 
a large number have been first and last introduced into that 
province. Previous to the separation of Texas from Mexico, 
many were introduced as indented servants, say for ninety-nine 
years, for the purpose of evading the penalties of the Mexican 
laws against the slave trade and slavery ; the former having been 
abolished by that Republic the 13th July, 1834; the latter the 
15th September, 1829.* Three years ago the slaves in Texas 
were estimated at 20,000.f 

2. What is the known or probable extent of the slave trade from 
the United States to Texas ? 

On this point no satisfactory information can be obtained. It 
is presumed, however, that the slave trade, technically so called, 
has not been considerable, though the number of slaves conveyed 
\ to Texas from the United States has been large. Planters from 
\various parts of the southern states have emigrated to Texas, 
vtaking their slaves with them ; and fraudulent debtors, especially 
from Mississippi, have run a considerable number of slaves into 
that province during the last two years. It is fully expected, 
however, that as soon as the country is in a settled state, the 
slave trade will very rapidly increase. The slave-breeders of the 
United States look to it, not only as opening a vast market to 
them, but as greatly increasing the value of their slave property 
at home. By some it has been estimated that the acquisition of 
Texas as a slave-market, would raise the price of their slaves 
fifty per cent, at least. 

* Since the separation has taken place the number introduced has been 
very considerable. 

t It is said that at various times there has been an immense mortality 
among the slaves in Texas, and that they are most cruellv usoH. 


3. What is the known African slave trade to Texas, and where 
are the cargoes landed? 

By some it has been estimated as high as 7,000 per annum, i 
but the data has not been furnished. It is quite certain, how- I 
ever, that many cargoes of Africans have been introduced into I 
Texas, via Cuba. The Slave Trade papers of 1837 contain the \ 
following notices of the subject : " Ir/the spring of last year, * 
an American agent from Texas purchased in the Havannah 250 
newly imported Africans, at 270 dollars a head, and carried them 
away with him to that district in Mexico having first procured 
from the American consul here, certificates of their freedom ;" 
and it is added, " within the last six weeks, considerable sums 
of money have been deposited by American citizens in mercan- 
tile houses here for the purpose of making purchases of bozal 
negroes for Texas." Dr. Thompson, of H. M. ship Sappho, in 
a communication dated 14 August, 1838, states, " Slaves are 
still imported into Texas from Cuba, and the African coast ;" 
and within the last few months information has been obtained 
of the safe landing of two cargoes of Africans in that republic. 

There can be little doubt that the African slave trade has been \ 
regularly carried on for some time past by the Texians; and] 
when the weakness of that government is considered, and its' 
utter inability to prevent it, even were it honestly desirous of 
doing so, and when we add to this the facilities which its creeks 
and coves, its rivers and inlets, afford for carrying it on with im- 
punity, and add the fact that prime negroes can be purchased at 
the Havannah from 300 to 500 dollars, which would cost, if 
imported from the United States from 600 to 1,000 dollars, it 
may be confidently stated that the Texian law against the 
African slave trade will either be set at defiance or evaded, and 
that, as is the case in the Brazils and Cuba, the authorities will 
connive at it where they have neither the will nor the power to 
punish its abettors. 

It appears also certain that African slaves have been landed 
on the territory of the United States first, and then introduced 
into Texas. This can be easily done, for adjacent to the mouth 
of the Sabine there are many inlets and coves, where small ves- 
sels may be easily concealed, and from these points, at present 


very remote from settlements or garrisons, it is easy, without 
fear of detection, to transport slaves across the Sabine, and 
thereby escape the laws of both countries. 

4. Where is the Texas slave produce shipped, and to what 
market ? 

Galveston is one of its principal ports, and no doubt much of 
the produce is finally shipped for foreign markets there. Some 
of it has reached this country, and has been admitted as the pro- 
duce of Mexico. Until the late commercial treaty between this 
country and Texas, its flag was not recognised, and all vessels 
from its ports were considered to be Mexican property, and were 
treated accordingly.* 

In addition to the foregoing particulars, it may be added that 
Texas comprehends a large extent of territory, and that whatever 
may be the disadvantages of its low, flat, alluvial lands, it pos- 
sesses, in the judgment of practical men, an unrivalled soil for 
the growth of the very finest kind of cotton. General Hamilton, 
formerly governor of South Carolina, and who recently nego- 
ciat.ed the commercial treaty referred to, with Lord Palmerston > 
has given it as his opinion that cotton can be raised in Texas at 
Thirty per cent, less than in the United States. 

To mark the iniquity of the present Laws of the Republic of 
Texas, they are placed in juxta-position with those of Mexico, 
of which it recently formed a part. 


The Slave Trade. Slavery and the Slave Trade. 

"1. The commerce and traffic in "Sec. 9. All persons of colour, 

slaves, proceeding from whatever who wete slaves for life previous 

power, and under whatever flag, is to their emigration to Texas, and 

for ever prohibited within the terri- who are now held in bondage, shall 

tories of the United Mexican States. remain in the like state of servi- 

" 2. ' The slaves who may be in- tude, provided the said slave shall 

* Much produce has not, however, been hitherto raised in Texas for ex- 
portation. The unsettled state of the country the exhaustion of its treasury 
the clearing of its lands, and the raising of bread stuff for the use of the 
constantly arriving settlers, will account for this. 


troduced contrary to the tenor of 
the preceding article, shall remain 
free in consequence of treading the 
Mexican soil' Decree of July 13, 

" Slavery. 

"The President of the United 
Mexican States to the inhabit- 
ants of the republic : 
" Be it known, that in the year 
1829, being desirous of signalizing 
the anniversary of our indepen- 
dence by an act of national justice 
and beneficence, which may contri- 
bute to the strength and support of 
such inestimable welfare, as to 
secure more and more the public 
tranquillity, and reinstate an unfor- 
tunate portion of our inhabitants in 
the sacred rights granted them by 
nature, and may be protected by 
the nation under wise and just laws, 
according to the provision in article 
30 of the Constitutive Act ; avail- 
ing myself of the extraordinary fa- 
culties granted me, I have thought 
proper to decree : 



"Decree of President GUERRERO, 
15th September, 1829." 

be the bona fide property of the 
person so holding the said slave as 
aforesaid. CONGRESS shall pass no 
lares to prohibit emigrants from 
the United States of America from 
bringing t/teir slaves into the repub- 
lic with them, and holding them by 
the same tenure by which such 
slaves were held in the United 
States, nor shall CONGRESS HAVE 


OF CONGRESS, unless he or she shall 
send his or her slave or slaves with- 
out the limits of the republic. No 
free person of African descent, 
either in whole or in part, shall be 
permitted to reside permanently in 
the rejmblic, without the consent of 
Congress ; and the importation or 
admission of Africans or negroes 
into this republic, excepting from 
the United States of America, is 
for ever prohibited and declared to 
be piracy." 

" NOTE. The'prohibition of the 
African slave trade was designed 
to assimilate the Texian laws to 
those of the United States, and to 
give the slave-breeders of the 
Southern States the monopoly of 
the slave-market. But notwith- 
standing the prohibition, African 
slaves, via Cuba, are continually 



At an adjourned meeting of the Committee of the British and Foreign 
Anti-slavery Society, held at 27, New Broad Street, London, on Wed- 
nesday, the 2nd day of December, 1840; Jacob Post, Esq., in the chair . 

It was unanimously resolved, 

" I. That, inasmuch as the system of slavery forms an integral part of 
the constitutional law of the new republic of Texas, this committee have 
heard with feelings of the deepest sorrow and humiliation, that Her 
Majesty's 'government have been induced to enter into a commercial 
treaty with its representative, by which act that republic has been intro- 
duced to the high distinction of a place amongst the great family of 
civilized nations ; and that thus the moral dignity and national honour 
of this great country have been outraged, the dearest interests of multi- 
tudes of human beings their liberty and happiness trampled under 
foot, a fearful impulse given to slavery and the slave trade, and the sacred 
cause of Christianity, civilization, and freedom immeasurably retarded. 

" II. That, in view of the great fact that the legislature of this coun- 
try, stimulated by the Christian zeal of its people, has abolished for ever 
the guilty traffic in human beings, and terminated the atrocious system 
of bondage which formerly existed in the British colonies ; and that the 
government has perseveringly, if not hitherto successfully, sought the 
entire suppression of the foreign slave trade, at an enormous cost of the 
national treasure and of human life ; the committee cannot but express 
their great astonishment, as well as their profound regret, that Her 
Majesty's ministers should have entered into friendly relations with a 
people whose first act, after a successful but wholly unjustifiable revolt, 
was to engraft on their constitution the system of slavery, to create a slave 
trade between the United States and themselves, as well as for the utter 
expulsion of all free persons of African descent, and the final extirpation 
of the aboriginal tribes from the soil ; and thus to violate every principle 
of humanity and justice, and to consolidate, extend, and perpetuate 
slavery and the slave trade in a country, which, as part of the Mexican 
Empire, had been previously devoted to freedom. 


" III. That, therefore, this committee, as the organ of the Anti-slavery 
principles and feelings of the country, feel bound to enter their solemn 
protest against the recognition of the independence of Texas as a most 
immoral and impolitic act -alike uncalled for hy the justice or the 
exigency of the case as fraught with the most injurious consequences 
to mankind, and as consequently deserving the unqualified reprobation 
of all good men. 

" (Signed) JACOB POST, Chairman." 

The preceding resolutions were transmitted to Her Majesty's Principal 
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, accompanied by the following letter. 

" To the Right Honourable Lord Viscount Palmerston, &c. &c. 
" 27, New Broad Street, London, 7th December, 1840. 

" MY LORD, I beg to transmit to your lordship a copy of resolutions of 
the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-slavery Society of the 2nd 
instant, and deeply regret the occasion which has called these resolutions 
forth ; and permit me to solicit your lordship's attention to them as the 
unanimous and deliberate expression of their sentiments. 

" Whilst Great Britain sanctioned by her laws, or by a guilty connivance, 
the system of slavery and the African slave trade which formerly pre- 
vailed in her colonies, it was impossible, consistently with her own evil 
practice, to have on this ground avoided the recognition of other states, 
who, having followed her wicked example in this matter, had sought 
commercial and political relations with her. But I humbly conceive 
that, having abandoned both slavery and the slave trade, and fixed pub- 
licly and for ever the brand of moral reprobation on these enormous 
crimes, it became her duty thenceforward to act in conformity with her 
noble decisions and to main tain the honourable position to which she had 
been exalted among the nations of the earth. It follows, therefore, in 
my apprehension, that she was brought under solemn obligations to dis- 
countenance slavery and the slave trade, wherever they might exist to 
foster the spirit of humanity and justice among the nations with which 
she might be connected to encourage free and liberal institutions in new 
and rising states ; and to refuse friendly relations with any people who 
might seek to establish slavery in countries where it had heretofore been 
unknown, or to re-establish it where it had been previously abolished. 
In this way she might have become the guardian of the liberties of man- 
kind ; and her mighty influence have been exerted for good, and not for 
evil, in time to come. 

" I need hardly state, that few indeed were the native Mexicans or 
Texans engaged in the revolt which led to the formation of the Texan 


republic, and which has terminated most unhappily in the establishment 
of a wicked and cruel despotism, by the overthrow of a generous system 
of government, which had secured liberty to the slave, the suppression 
of the slave trade, and the protection of the aboriginal tribes. The 
Americans invaded the territory, and by brute force have wrenched 
Texas from the parent state, reversed the Mexican laws, established 
slavery in perpetuity, and have already issued a proclamation command- 
ing all free persons of African descent, whether born in the land or not, 
whether possessed of property or not, to quit the republic within a given 
period of time ; and an army of twelve hundred men has been levied for 
the extermination of the Indian tribes. Humanity cannot but shudder 
at the sufferings which must ensue from the working out of this iniquit- 
ous policy ; and religion must again weep over scenes of devastation and 
blood, which have too often and too long covered the name of nominal' 
Christians with ignominy. 

" In concluding these remarks, I cannot but contrast the painful fact of 
the recognition of Texas with the non -recognition of Hayti. In the one 
case, I perceive a band of marauders and slaveholders, after having de- 
prived a friendly power of part of its dominions and " framed iniquity by 
a law," admitted to the highest distinctions and privileges this country 
can confer upon them ; whilst, in the other case, I behold a people, who 
for centuries had been enslaved and oppressed, after having achieved 
their liberty, and established free institutions on a firm foundation, treated 
with scorn and indignity. 

" I have the honour to be, my Lord, your Lordship's most obedient 
humble servant. 

" (Signed) J. H. TREDGOLD, Secretary." 

To this communication His Lordship was pleased to forward the fol- 
lowing reply : ^ 

"Foreign Office, December 14th, 1840. 

" SIR, -I am directed by Viscount Palmerston to acknowledge the 
receipt of your letter of the 7th instant, addressed to his Lordship, trans- 
mitting a copy of resolutions which the Committee of the British and 
Foreign Anti-slavery Society passed on the 2nd instant, expressing their 
concern that Her Majesty's government should have entered into a com- 
mercial treaty with Texas, and protesting against the recognition of the 
independence of that republic by Great Britain. 

" I am, in reply, directed to state to you, that Lord Palmerston very 
much regrets that the committee should take this view of the measure 
which has been adopted by Her Majesty's government in regard to 
Texas ; but that it does not appear to Lord Palmerston, on the one hand, 


that the refusal of Great Britain to conclude a commercial treaty with 
Texas would have had any effect in inducing the Texans to aholish slavery 
within their territory ; nor, on the other hand, that the conclusion of such 
a treaty can have the effect of affording the Texans any encouragement 
to continue the condition of slavery as part of their law. 

" It may indeed be hoped, that the greater intercourse between Great 
Britain and Texas, which will probably result from the treaty, may have 
the effect of mitigating, rather than of aggravating, the evils arising out 
of the legal existence of slavery in that republic. 

" Lord Palmerston desires me to mention, that you appear to be under 
a misapprehension as to the state of the relation between Great Britain 
and Hayti ; inasmuch as Great Britain has actually concluded a treaty 
with Hayti, as an independent state : and I have the satisfaction to ac- 
quaint you, that the specific object and purpose of that treaty is the 
suppression of the slave trade. 

" I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant, 

" (Signed) LEVESOX 

"To J. H. Tredgold, Esq., 

" Secretary to the Anti-slavery Society." 


IT appears from the census of 1830, that there were then 319,467 
free coloured persons in the United States. At the present time the 
number cannot be less than 360,000. Fifteen states of the Federal 
Union have each a smaller population than this aggregate. Hence if 
the whole mass of human beings inhabiting Connecticut, or New Jersey, 
or any other of these fifteen states, were subjected to the ignorance, 
and degradation, and persecution, and terror we are about to describe, 
as the lot of this much injured people, the amount of suffering would 
still be numerically less than that inflicted by a professedly Christian 
and republican community upon the free negroes. Candor, however, 
compels us to admit that, deplorable as is their condition, it is still not 
so wretched as Colonizationists and slaveholders, for obvious reasons, 
are fond of representing it. It is not true that free negroes are "more 
vicious and miserable than slaves can be,"t nor that " it would be as 

* Reprinted from No. XIII. of the Anti-slavery Examiner, published at 
New York, 1839. 

f Rev. Mr. Bacon, of New Haven, 7 Rep. Am. Col, Soc. p. 99. 


humane to throw slaves from the decks of the middle passage, as to set 
them free in this country,"* nor that " a sudden and universal emanci- 
pation without colonization, would he a greater CURSE to the slaves 
themselves, than the bondage in which they are held." 

It is a little singular, that in utter despite of these rash assertions 
slaveholders and colonizationists unite in assuring us, that the slaves are 
rendered discontentedly witnessing the freedom of their coloured brethren ; 
and hence we are urged to assist in banishing to Africa these sable and 
dangerous mementoes of liberty. 

We all know that the wife and children of the free negro are not 
ordinarily sold in the market that he himself does not toil under the 
lash, and that in certain parts of our country he is permitted to acquire 
some intelligence, and to enjoy some comforts, utterly and universally 
denied to the slave. Still it is most unquestionable, that these people 
grievously suffer from a cruel and wicked prejudice cruel in its conse- 
quences ; wicked in its voluntary adoption, and its malignant character. 

Colonizationists have taken great pains to inculcate the opinion that 
prejudice against colour is implanted in our nature by the Author of our 
being ; and whence they infer the futility of every effort to elevate the 
coloured man in this country, and consequently the duty and benevo- 
lence of sending him to Africa, beyond the reach of our cruel ty.t The 
theory is as false in fact as it is derogatory to the character of that God 
whom we are told is LOVE. With what astonishment and disgust 
should we behold an earthly parent exciting feuds and animosities 
among his own children ; yet we are assured, and that too by professing 

* African Repository, vol. iv. p. 226. 

t " Prejudices, which neither refinement, nor argument, nor education, NOR 
RELIGION ITSELF can subdue, mark the people of colour, whether bond or free, 
as the subjects of a degradation inevitable and incurable." Address of the 
Connecticut Col. Society. " The managers consider it clear that causes exist, 
and are now operating, to prevent their improvement and elevation to any 
considerable extent as a class in this country, which are fixed, not only beyond 
the control of the friends of humanity, but of any human power : CHRISTIANITY 
cannot do for them here what it will do for them in Africa. This is not the 
fault of the coloured man, nor of the white man, but an ORDINATION or PROVI- 
DENCE, and no more to be changed than the laws of nature." 15th Report of the 
American Colonization Society, page 47. 

" The pi-ople of colour must, in this country, remain for ages, probably for 
ever, a separate and distinct caste, weighed down \>y causes powerful, univer- 
sal, invincible, which neither legislation nor CHRISTIANITY can remove." 
African Repository, vol. viii. p. 196. 

" Do they (the abolitionists) not perceive that in thus confounding all the dis- 
tinctions which GOD himself has made, they arraign the wisdom and goodness 
of Providence itself? It has been His divine pleasure, to make the black man 
black, and the white man white, and to distinguish them by other repulsive 
constitutional differences.'' Speech in the Senate of the United States, 
February 7th. 1839, by HENRY CLAY, PRESIDENT OF THE AM. Co;.. Soc. 


Christians, that our heavenly Father has implanted a principle of 
hatred, repulsion, and alienation between certain portions of his family 
on earth, and then commanded them, as if in mockery, to " love one 

In vain do we seek in nature, for the origin of this prejudice. Young 
children never betray it, and on the continent of Europe it is unknown. 
We are not speaking of matters of taste, or of opinions of personal 
beauty, but of a prejudice against complexion, leading to insult, degrada- 
tion and oppression. In no country in Europe is any man excluded 
from refined society, or deprived of literary, religious, or political privi- 
leges on account of the tincture of his skin. If this prejudice is the 
fiat of the Almighty, most wonderful is it, that of all the kindreds of the 
earth, none have been found submissive to the heavenly impulse, except- 
ing the white inhabitants of North America ; and of these, it is no less 
strange than true, that this divine principle of repulsion is most energetic 
in such persons as, in other respects, are the least observant of their 
Maker's will. This prejudice is sometimes erroneously regarded as the 
cause of slavery ; and some zealous advocates of emancipation have 
flattered themselves that, could the prejudice be destroyed, negro slavery 
would fall with it. Such persons have very inadequate ideas of the 
malignity of slavery. They forget that the slaves in Greece and Rome 
were of the same hue as their masters ; and that at the South, the value 
of a slave, especially of a female, rises, as the complexion recedes from 
the African standard. 

Were we to inquire into the geography of this prejudice, we should 
find that the localities in which it attains its rankest luxuriance, are not 
the rice swamps of Georgia, nor the sugar fields of Louisiana, but the 
hills and vallies of New England, and the prairies of Ohio ! It is a fact 
of acknowledged notoriety, that however severe may be the laws against 
coloured people at the south, the prejudice against their persons is far 
weaker than among ourselves. 

It is not necessary for our present purpose, to enter into a particular 
investigation of the condition of the free negroes in the slave states. 
We all know that they suffer every form of oppression which the laws 
can inflict upon persons not actually slaves. That unjust and cruel 
enactments should proceed from a people who keep two millions of 
their fellow men in abject bondage, and who believe such enactment* 
essential to the maintenance of their despotism, certainly affords no 
cause for surprise. 

We turn to the free states, where slavery has not directly steeled 
our hearts against human suffering, and where no supposed danger of 
insurrection affords a pretext for keeping the free blacks in ignorance 




and degradation ; and we ask, what is the character of the prejudice 
against colour here ? Let the Rev. Mr. Bacon, of Connecticut, answer 
the question. This gentleman, in a vindication of the Colonization 
Society, assures us, " The Soodra is not further separated from the Bra* 
min in regard to all his privileges, civil, intellectual, and moral, than 
the negro from the white man hy the prejudices which result from the 
difference made between them by THE GOD OF NATURE." (Rep. Am* 
Col Soc. p. 87.) 

"We may here notice the very opposite effect produced on Abolition- 
ists and Colonizationists, by the consideration that this difference is 
made by the GOB OP NATUKE ; leading the one to discard the prejudice* 
and the other to banish its victims. 

With these preliminary remarks we will now proceed to take a view 
of the condition of the free people of colour in the non-slaveholding 
states ; and will consider in order, the various disabilities and oppres- 
sions to which they are subjected, either by law or the customs of 


Were this exclusion founded on the want of property, or any other 
qualification deemed essential to the judicious exercise of the franchise, 
it would afford no just cause of complaint ; but it is founded solely on 
the colour of the skin, and is therefore irrational and unjust. That taxa- 
tion and representation should be inseparable, was one of the axioms 
of the fathers of our revolution ; and one of the reasons they assigned 
for their revolt from the crown of Britain. But now, it is deemed a 
mark of fanaticism to complain of the disfranchisement of a whole race, 
while they remain subject to the burden of taxation. It is worthy of 
remark, that of the thirteen original states, only two were so recreant 
to the -principles of the revolution, as to make a white skin a qualifica- 
tion for suffrage. But the prejudice has grown with our growth, and 
strengthened with our strength ; and it is believed that in every state 
constitution subsequently formed or revised, [^excepting Vermont and 
Maine, and the Revised constitution of Massachusetts,] the crime of a 
dark complexion has been punished, by debarring its possessor from all 
approach to the ballot-box.* The necessary effect of this proscription 
in aggravating the oppression and degradation of the coloured inhabit- 

* From this remark the revised constitution of New York is nominally an 
exception ; coloured citizens/possessing a freehold worth two hundred and 
fifty dollars, being allowed to vote ; while suffrage is extended to white 
citizens without any property qualification. 


ants must be obvious to all who call to mind the solicitude manifested 
by demagogues, office-seekers, and law makers, to propitiate the good 
will of all who have votes to bestow* 


It is in vain that the Constitution of the United States expressly 
guarantees to " the citizens of each state, all the privileges and immu- 
nities of citizens in the several states :" It is in vain that the Supreme 
^Court of the United States has solemnly decided that this clause con- 
fers on every citizen of one state the right to " pass through, or reside 
in any other state for the purposes of trade, agriculture, professional 
pursuits, or otherwise" It is in vain that " the members of the several 
state legislatures" are required to *' be bound by oath or affirmation to 
support" the constitution conferring this very guarantee. Constitutions, 
and judicial decisions, and religious obligations are alike outraged by 
our state enactments against people of colour. There is scarcely a slave 
state in which a citizen of New York, with a dark skin, may visit a 
dying child without subjecting himself to legal penalties. But in the 
slave states we look for cruelty ; we expect the rights of humanity and 
the laws of the land to be sacrificed on the altar of slavery. In the free 
states we had reason to hope for a greater deference to decency and 
morality. Yet even in these states we behold the effects of a miasma 
wafted from the south. The Connecticut Black Act, prohibiting, under 
heavy penalties, the instruction of any coloured person from another state, 
is well known. It is one of the encouraging signs of the times, that 
public opinion has recently compelled the repeal of this detestable law. 
But among all the free states, Ohio stands pre-eminent for the wicked- 
ness of her statutes against this class of our population. These statutes 
are not merely infamous outrages on every principle of justice and hu- 
manity, but are gross and palpable violations of the state constitution, 
and manifest an absence of moral sentiment in the Ohio legislature as 
deplorable as it is alarming. We speak the language, not of passion, but 
of sober conviction ; and for the truth of this language we appeal, first, 
to the statutes themselves, and then to the consciences of our readers. 
We shall have occasion to notice these laws under the several divisions 
of our subject to which they belong ; at present we ask attention to the 
one intended to prevent the coloured citizens of other states from remov- 
ing into Ohio. By the constitution of New York, the coloured inhabit- 
ants are expressly recognized as " citizens." Let us suppose that a New 
York freeholder and voter of this class, confiding in the guarantee given 
fcy the Federal constitution removes into Ohio. No matter how much 



property he takes with him ; no matter what attestations he produces to 
the purity of his character, he is required, by the act of 1807, to find, 
within twenty days, two freehold sureties in the sum of five hundred 
dollars for his good behaviour ; and likewise for his maintenance, should 
he at any future period from any cause whatever be unable to maintain 
himself, and in default of procuring such sureties he is to be removed by 
the overseers of the poor. The legislature well knew that it would 
generally be utterly impossible for a stranger, and especially a black 
stranger, to find such sureties. It was the design of the act, by impos- 
ing impracticable conditions, to prevent coloured emigrants from remain- 
ing within the state ; and in order more certainly to effect this object, it 
imposes a pecuniary penalty on every inhabitant who shall venture to 
*' harbour," that is, receive under his roof, or who shall even " employ" 
an emigrant who has not given the required sureties ; and it moreover 
renders such inhabitant so harbouring or employing him, legally liable for 
his future maintenance ! ! 

We are frequently told that the efforts of the abolitionists have in 
fact aggravated the condition of the coloured people, bond and free,. 
The date of this law, as well as the date of most of the laws composing 
the several slave codes, show what credit is to be given to the assertion. 
If a barbarous enactment is recent, its odium is thrown upon the friends 
of the blacks if ancient, we are assured it is obsolete* The Ohio law 
was enacted only four ye&rs after the state was admitted into the Union. 
In 1800 there were only three hundred and thirty-seven free blacks in 
the 'territory, and in 1830 the number in the state was nine thousand 
five hundred. Of course a very large proportion of the present coloured 
population of the state must have entered it in ignorance of this iniqui- 
tous law, or in defiance of it. That the law has not been universally 
enforced, proves only that the people of Ohio are less profligate than their 
legislators that it has remained in the statute book for thirty-two years, 
proves the depraved state of public opinion and the horrible persecution 
to which the coloured pec-pie are legally exposed. But let it not be sup- 
posed that this vile law is in fact obsolete, and its very existence 

In 1829, a very general effort was made to enforce this law, and about 
one thousand free blacks were in consequence of it driven out of the state ; 
and sought a refuge in the more free and Christian country of Canada; 
Previous to their departure, they sent a deputation to the Governor of 
the Upper Province, to know if they would be admitted, and received 
from Sir James Colebrook this reply, " Tell the republicans on your 
side of the line, that we royalists do not know men by their colour. Should 
you come to us, you will be entitled to all the privileges of the rest of his 


majesty's subjects." This was the origin of the Wilherforce colony in 
Upper Canada. 

We have now before us an Ohio paper, containing a proclamation by 
John S. Wiles, overseer of the poor in the town of Fairfield, dated 12th 
March, 1838. In this instrument, notice is given to all " black or 
mulatto persons" residing in Fairfield, to comply with the requisitions 
of the act of 1807 within twenty days, or the law would be enforced 
against them. The proclamation also addresses the white inhabitants 
of Fairfield in the following terms " Whites, look out ! If any person 
or persons employing any black or mulatto person, contrary to the 3rd 
section of the above law, you may look out for the breakers." The 
extreme vulgarity and malignity of this notice indicates the spirit which 
gave birth to this detestable law, and continues it in being. 

Now what says the constitution of Ohio ! " ALL are born free and 
independent, and have certain natural, inherent, inalienable rights ; 
among which are the enjoying and defending life and liberty, acquiring, 
possessing, and protecting property, and pursuing and attaining happiness 
and safety." Yet men who had called their maker to witness, that they 
would obey this very constitution, require impracticable conditions, and 
then impose a pecuniary penalty and grievous liabilities on every man 
who shall give to an innocent fellow-countryman a night's lodging, or 
even a meal of victuals in exchange for his honest labor ! 


We explicitly disclaim all intention to imply that the several disabili- 
ties and cruelties we are specifying are of universal application. The 
laws of some states in relation to people of colour are more wicked than 
others ; and the spirit of persecution is not in every place equally active 
and malignant. In none of the free states have these people so many 
grievances to complain of as in Ohio, and for the honour of our country 
we rejoice to add, that in no other state in the Union, has their right to 
petition for a redress of their grievances been denied. 

On the 14th January, 1839, a petition for relief from certain legal dis- 
abilities, from coloured inhabitants of Ohio, was presented to the popular 
branch of the legislature, and its rejection was moved by George H. 
Flood.* This rejection was not a denial of the prayer, but an expu 
sion of the petition itself ^ as an intruder into the house. " The question 
presented for our decision," said one of the members, " is simply this 
Shall human beings, who are bound by every enactment upon our statute 
book, be permitted to request the legislature to modify or soften the laws 

* It is sometimes interesting to preserve the names of individuals who have 
perpetrated bold and unusual enormities. 


tinder which they live T To the Grand Sultan, crowded with petitions 
as he traverses the streets of Constantinople, such a question would seem 
most strange ; hut American democrats can exert a tyranny over men 
mho have no votes, utterly unknown to Turkish despotism. Mr. Flood's 
motion'was lost hy a majority of only four votes ; but this triumph of 
humanity and republicanism was as transient as it was meagre. The 
next day, the house, hy a large majority, resolved " That the blacks and 
mulattoes who may be residents within this state, have no constitutional 
right to present their petitions to the General Assembly for any purpose 
whatsoever, and that any reception of such petitions on the part of the 
General Assembly is a mere act of privilege or policy, and not imposed 
by any expressed or implied power of the constitution." 

The phraseology of this resolution is as clumsy as its assertions are 
base and sophistical. The meaning intended to be expressed is simply 
that the constitution of Ohio, neither in terms nor by implication, con- 
fers on such residents as are negroes or mulattoes, any right to offer a 
petition to the legislature for any object whatever ; nor imposes on that 
body any obligation to notice such a petition; and whatever attention 
it may please to bestow upon it, ought to be regarded as an act not of 
duty, but merely of favour or expediency. Hence it is ohvious, that the 
principle on which the resolution is founded is, that the reciprocal right 
and duty of offering and hearing petitions rests solely on constitutional 
enactment, and not on moral obligation. The reception of negro petitions 
is declared to be a mere act of privilege or policy. Now it is difficult to 
imagine a principle more utterly subversive of all the duties of rulers, the 
rights of citizens, and the charities of private life. The victim of oppres- 
sion or fraud has no right to appeal to the constituted authorities for 
redress ; nor are those authorities under any obligation to consider the 
appeal the needy and unfortunate have no right to implore the assist- 
ance of their more fortunate neighbours : and all are at liberty to turn a 
deaf ear to the cry of distress. The eternal and immutable principles of 
justice and humanity, proclaimed by Jehovah, and impressed by him on 
the conscience of man, have no binding force on the legislature of Ohio,, 
unless expressly adopted and enforced by the state constitution ! 

But as the legislature has thought proper thus to set at defiance the 
moral sense of mankind, and to take refuge behind the enactments of the 
constitution, let us try the strength of their entrenchments. The words 
of the constitution, which it is pretended sanction the resolution we are 
considering, are the following, viz. " The people have a right to assem- 
ble together in a peaceable manner to consult for their common good, to 
instruct their representatives, and to apply to the legislature for a redress 
of grievances." It is obvious that this clause confers no rights, but is 


merely declaratory of existing rights. Still, as the right of the people to 
apply for a redress of grievances is coupled with the right of wislruetingr 
their representatives, and as negroes are not electors, and consequently are 
without representatives, it is inferred that they are not part of the people. 
That Ohio legislators are not Christians would be a more rational con- 
clusion. One of the members avowed his opinion that " none but voters 
had a right to petition," If then, according to the principle of the reso- 
lution, the constitution of Ohio denies the right of petition to all but 
electors, let us consider the practical results of such a denial. In the 
first place, every female in the state is placed under the same disability 
with " black and mulattoes." No wife has a right to ask for a divorce 
no daughter may plead for a father's life. Next, no man under twenty- 
one years no citizen of any age, who from want of sufficient residence, 
or other qualification, is not entitled to vote no individual among the 
tens of thousands of aliens in the state however oppressed and wronged 
by official tyranny or corruption, has a right to seek redress from the re- 
presentatives of the people, and should he presume to do so, may be told> 
that, like " blacks and mulattoes," he " has no constitutional right to pre- 
sent his petition to the General Assembly for any purpose whatever." 
Again the state of Ohio is deeply indebted to the citizens of other states, 
and also to the subjects of Great Britain for money borrowed to construct 
her canals. Should any of these creditors lose their certificates of debt, 
and ask for their renewal ; or should their interest be withheld, or paid 
in depreciated currency, and were they to ask for justice at the hands of 
the legislature, they might be told, that any attention paid to their request 
must be regarded as a u mere act of privilege or policy, and not imposed 
by any expressed or implied power of the constitution,"' for, not being 
voters, they stood on the same ground as " black and mulattoes." Such 
is the folly and wickedness in which prejudice against colour has involved 
the legislators of a republican and professedly Christian state in the nine- 
teenth century." 

The Federal Government is probably the only one in the world that 
forbids a portion of its subjects to participate in the national defence, not 
from any doubt of their courage, loyalty, or physical strength, but merely 
on account of the tincture of their skin ! To such an absurd extent is 
this prejudice against colour carried, that some of our militia companies 
Lave occasionally refused to march to the sound of a drum when beaten 
by a black man. To declare a certain class of the community unworthy 
to bear arms in defence of their native country, is necessarily to consign 
that class to general contempt 




No coloured man can be "a judge, juror, or constable. Were the 
talents and acquirements of a Mansfield or a Marshall veiled in a sable 
skin, they would be excluded from the bench of the humblest court in 
the American republic. In the slave states generally, no black man can 
enter a court of justice as a witness against a white one. Of course a 
white man may, with perfect impunity, defraud or abuse a negro to any 
extent, provided he is .careful to avoid the presence of any of his own 
caste, at the execution of his contract, or the indulgence of his malice. 
We are not aware that an outrage so flagrant is sanctioned by the laws 
of any free state, with one exception. That exception the reader will 
readily believe can be none other than OHIO. A statute of this state 
enacts, " that no black or mulatto person or persons shall hereafter be 
permitted to be sworn, or give evidence in any court of record or else- 
where, in this state, in any cause depending, or matter of controversy, 
when either party to the same is a WHITE person \ or in any prosecution 
of the state against any WHITE person." 

We have seen that on the subject of petition the legislature regards 
itself as independent of all obligation except such as is imposed by the 
constitution. How mindful they are of the requirements even of that 
instrument, when obedience to them would check the indulgence of their 
malignity to the blacks, appears from the 7th section of the 8th Article, 
viz. <{ All courts shall be open, and every person, for any injury done 
him in his lands, goods, person, or reputation, shall have remedy by 
due course of law, and right and justice administered without denial or 

Ohio legislators may deny that negroes and mulattoes are citizens, or 
people ; but they are prevented by the very words of the statute just 
quoted, from denying that they are "persons." Now, by the constitu- 
tion, every person, black as well as white, is to have justice administered 
to him without denial or delay. But by the law, while any unknown 
white vagrant may be a witness in any case whatever, no black suitor is 
permitted to offer a witness of his own colour, however well established 
may be his character for intelligence and veracity, to prove his rights or 
his wrongs ; and hence, in a multitude of cases, justice is denied in despite 
of the constitution ; and why denied ? Solely from a foolish and wicked 
prejudice against colour. 


No people have ever professed so deep a conviction of the importance 
of popular education as ourselves, and no people have ever resorted to 


such, cruel expedients to perpetuate abject ignorance. More than one- 
third of the whole population of the slave states are prohibited^ irom learn- 
ing even to read, and in some of them free men, if with dark complexions, 
are subject to stripes for teaching their own children. If we turn to the 
free states, we find that in all of them, without exception, the prejudices 
and customs of society oppose almost insuperable obstacles to the acqui- 
sition of a liberal education by coloured youth. Our academies and col- 
leges are barred against them. "We know there are instances of young 
men with dark skins having been received, under peculiar circumstances, 
into northern colleges ; but we neither know nor believe, that there have 
been a dozen such instances within the last thirty years. 

Coloured children are very generally ex eluded from]our common schools, 
in consequence of the prejudices of teachers and parents. In some of 
our cities there are schools exclusively for their use, but in the country 
the coloured population is usually too scanty to justify such schools ; and 
white and black children are rarely seen studying under the same roof; 
although such cases do sometimes occur, and then they are confined to 
elementary schools. Some coloured young men, who could bear the ex- 
pense, have obtained in European seminaries the education denied them 
in their native land. " 

It may not be useless to cite an instance of the malignity with which 
the education of the blacks is opposed. The efforts made in Connecticut 
to prevent the establishment of schools of a higher order than usual for 
coloured pupils, are too well known to need a recital here ; and her BLACK 
ACT, prohibiting the instruction of coloured children from other states, 
although now expunged from her statute book through the influence of 
abolitionists, will long be remembered to the opprobrium of her citizens. 
We ask attention to the following illustration of public opinion in another 
New England state. 

In 1834 an academy was built by subscription in CANAAN, New 
Hampshire, and a charter granted by the legislature ; and at a meeting 
of the proprietors it was determined to receive all applicants having 
" suitable moral and intellectual recommendations, without other distinc- 
tions ;" in other words, without reference to complexion. When this 
determination was made known, a TOWN MEETING was forthwith con~ 
vened, and the following resolutions adopted ; 

" RESOLVED That we view with abhorrence the attempt of the aboli- 
tionists to establish in this town a school for the instruction of the sable 
sons and daughters of Africa, in common with our sons and daughters. 

" RESOLVED That we will not associate with, nor in any way coun- 
tenance, any man or woman who shall hereafter persist in attempting to 


establish a school in this town for the exclusive education of blacks, or 
for their education in conjunction with the whites." 

The frankness of this last resolve is commendable. The inhabitants 
of Canaan, assembled in a legal town meeting, determined, it seems, that 
the blacks among them should in future have no education whatever- 
they should not be instructed in company with the whites, neither should 
they have schools exclusively for themselves. 

The proprietors of the academy supposing, in the simplicity of their 
hearts, that in a free country they might use their property in any man- 
ner not forbidden by law, proceeded to open their school, and in the 
ensuing spring had twenty-eight white, and fourteen coloured scholars. 
The crisis had now arrived when the cause of prejudice demanded the 
sacrifice of constitutional liberty and of private property. Another town 
meeting was convened, at which, without a shadow x>f authority, and in 
utter contempt of law and decency, it was ordered, that the academy 
should be forcibly removed, and a committee was appointed to execute 
the abominable mandate. Due preparations were made for the occasion, 
and on the 10th of August, three hundred men, with about 200 oxen, 
assembled at the place, and taking the edifice from [off its foundation, 
dragged it to a distance, and left it a ruin. No one of the actors in this 
high-handed outrage was ever brought before a court of justice to answer 
for this criminal and riotous destruction of the property of others. 

The transaction we have narrated, expresses in emphatic terms the 
deep and settled hostility felt in the free states to the education of the 
blacks. The prejudices of the community render that hostility generally 
effective without the aid of legal enactments. Indeed, some remaining 
regard to decency and the opinion of the world, has restrained the legis- 
latures of the free states, with one exception, from consigning these 
unhappy people to ignorance by " decreeing unrighteous decrees," and 
*' framing mischief by a law." Our readers, no doubt, feel that the ex- 
ception must of course be OHIO. 

We have seen with what deference Ohio legislators profess to regard 
their constitutional obligations ; and we are now to contemplate another 
instance of their shameless violation of them. The constitution which 
these jnen have sworn to obey declares, " No LAWS SHALL BE PASSED to 
prevent the poor of the several townships and counties in this state from 
an equal participation in the schools, academies, colleges, and universities 
in this state, which are endowed in whole, or in part, from the revenue 
arising from donations made by the United States, for the support of col- 
leges and schools and the door of said schools, academies, and universi- 
ties shall be open for the reception of scholars, students, and teachers of 


Can language be more explicit or unequivocal ? But have any dona- 
tions been made by the United States for the support of colleges and 
schools in Ohio ? Yes by an Act of Congress, the sixteenth section of 
land in each originally surveyed townships in the state, was set apart as 
a donation for the express purpose of endowing and supporting common 
schools. And now, how have the scrupulous legislators of Ohio, who 
refuse to acknowledge any other than constitutional obligations to give 
ear to the cry of distress how have they obeyed this injunction of the 
constitution respecting the freedom of their schools ? They enacted a 
law in 1831, declaring that, " when any appropriation shall be made by 
the directors of any school district, from the treasury thereof, for the 
payment of a teacher, the school in such district shall be open" to 
whom ? " to scholars, students, and teachers of every grade, without dis- 
tinction or preference whatever" as commanded by the constitution ? Oh, 
no ! " Shall be open to all the WHITE children residing therein ! !" 
Such is the impotency of written constitutions, where a sense of moral 
obligation is wanting to enforce them. 

"We have now taken a review of the Ohio laws against free people of 
colour. Some of them are of old/and others of recent date. The opinion 
entertained of all these laws, new and old, by the present legislators of 
Ohio, may be learned by a resolution adopted in January last (1839), by 
both houses of the legislature. " Resolved, That in the opinion of this 
general assembly it is unwise, impolitic, and inexpedient to repeal any 
law now in force imposing disabilities upon black or mulatto persons, 
thus placing them upon an equality with the whites, so far as this legis- 
lature can do, and indirectly inviting the black population of other states 
to emigrate to this, to the manifest injury of the public interest." The 
best comment on the spirit which dictated this resolve is an enactment 
by the same legislature, abrogating the supreme law which requires us to 
" Do unto others as we would they should do unto us," and prohibiting 
every citizen of Ohio from harbouring or concealing a fugitive slave, under 
the penalty of fine or imprisonment. General obedience to this vile 
statute is alone wanting to fill to the brim the cup of Ohio's iniquity and 
degradation. She hath done what she could to oppress and crush the 
free negroes within her borders. She is now seeking to re-chain the 
slave who has escaped from his fetters. 


It is unnecessary to dwell here on the laws of the slave states prohibit- 
ing the free people of colour from learning to read the bible, and in many 
instances, from assembling at discretion to Avorship their Creator. These 
laws, we are assured, are indispensable to the perpetuity of that " pecu- 


liar institution," which many masters in Israel are now teaching, enjoys 
the sanction of HIM who " will have all men to he saved, and to come to 
the knowledge of the truth," and who has left to his disciples the injunc- 
tion, " search the scriptures." We turn to the free states, in which no 
institution requires that the light of the glorious gospel of Christ should 
he prevented from shining on any portion of the population, and inquire 
how far prejudice here supplies the place of southern statutes. 

The impediments to education already mentioned, necessarily render 
the acquisition of religious knowledge difficult, and in many instances 
impracticahle. In the northern cities, the hlacks have frequently churches 
of their own, hut in the country they are too few, and too poor to huild 
churches and maintain ministers. Of course they must remain destitute 
of public worship and religious instruction, unless they can enjoy these 
hlessings in company with the whites. Now there is hardly a church in 
the United States, not exclusively appropriated to the hlacks, in which 
one of their numher owns a pew, or has a voice in the choice of a 
minister. There are usually, indeed, a few seats in a remote part of the 
church, set apart for their use, and in which no white person is ever 
seen. It is surely not surprising, under all the circumstances of the case, 
that these seats are rarely crowded. 

Coloured ministers are occasionally ordained in the different denomina- 
tions, hut they are kept at a distance by their white brethren in the 
ministry, and are very rarely permitted to enter their pulpits ; and still 
more rarely, to sit at their tables, although acknowledged to be ambas- 
sadors of Christ. The distinction of caste is not forgotten, even in the 
celebration of the Lord's Supper, and seldom are coloured disciples per- 
mitted to eat and drink of the memorials of the Redeemer's passion till 
after every white communicant has been served. 


In this country ignorance and poverty are almost inseparable com- 
panions ; and it is surely not strange that those should be poor whom we 
compel to be ignorant. The liberal professions are virtually sealed 
against the blacks, if we except the church, and even in that, admission 
is rendered difficult by the obstacles placed in their way in acquiring the 
requisite literary qualifications ;* and when once admitted, their admi- 

* Of the truth of this remark, the trustees of the Episcopal Theological 
Seminary at New York, lately (June, 1839) afforded a striking illustration. 
A young man, regularly acknowledged by the bishop as a candidate for 
orders, and in consequence of such acknowledgement entitled, by an express 
statute of the seminary, to admission to its privileges, presented himself as a 
pupil. But God had given him a dark complexion, and therefore the trustees, 
regardless of the statute, barred the doors against him, by a formal and deli- 


lustrations are confined to their own colour. Many of our most wealthy 
and influential citizens have commenced life as ignorant and as penny- 
less as any negro who loiters in our streets. Had their complexion been 
dark, notwithstanding their talents, industry, enterprise, and probity, they 
would have continued ignorant and pennyless, because the paths to learn- 
ing and to wealth, would then have been closed against them. There is 
a conspiracy, embracing all the departments of society, to keep the black 
man ignorant and poor. As a general rule, admitting few if any excep- 
tions, the schools of literature and of science reject him the counting- 
house refuses to receive him as a book-keeper, much more as a partner 
no store admits him as a clerk no shop as an apprentice. Here and 
there a black man may be found keeping a few trifles on a shelf for sale ; 
and a few acquire, as if by stealth, the knowledge of some handicraft ; 
but almost universally these people, both in town and country, are pre- 
vented by the customs of society from maintaining themselves and their 
families by any other than menial occupations. 

In 1836, a black man of irreproachable character, and who by his in- 
dustry and frugality had accumulated several thousand dollars, made 
application in the city of New York for a carman's license, and was 
refused solely and avowedly on account of his complexion ! We have 
already seen the effort of the Ohio legislature, to consign the negroes to 
starvation, by deterring others from employing them. Ignorance, idle- 
ness, and vice, are at once the punishments we inflict upon these unfor- 
tunate people for their complexion ; and the crimes with which we are 
constantly reproaching them. 


An able-bodied coloured man sells in the southern market for, from eight 
hundred to a thousand dollars ; of course he is worth stealing. Coloni- 
zationists and slaveholders, and many northern divines, solemnly affirm, 
that the situation of a slave is far preferable to that of a free negro ; 
hence it would seem an act of humanity to convert the latter into the 

berate vote. As a compromise between conscience and prejudice, the pro- 
fessors offered to give him private instruction to do in secret what they were 
ashamed to do openly to confer as a favor, what he was entitled to demand 
as a right. The offer was rejected. 

It is worthy of remark, that of the trustees who took an active part against 
the coloured candidate, one is the PRESIDENT of the New York Colonization 
Society : another a MANAGER, and a third, one of its public champions ; and 
that the bishop of the diocese, who wished to exclude his candidate from the 
theological school of which he is both a trustee and a professor, lately headed 
a recommendation in the newspapers for the purchase of a packet ship for 
Liberia, as likely to " render far more efficient than heretofore, the enterprize 
of colonization.' 

1 270 

former. Kidnapping being both a lucrative and a benevolent business^ 
it is not strange it should be extensively practised. In many of the states 
this business is regulated by law, and there are various ways in which 
the transmutation is legally effected. Thus, in South Carolina, if a free 
negro " entertains" a runaway slave, it may be his own wife or child, he 
himself is turned into a slave. In 1827, a, free woman and her three 
children underwent this benevolent process, for entertaining two fugitive 
children of six and nine years old. In Virginia all emancipated slaves 
remaining twelve months in the state, are kindly restored to their former 
condition. In Maryland a free negro who marries a white woman, 
thereby acquires all the privileges of a slave and generally, throughout 
the slave region, including the district of Columbia, every negro not 
known to be free, is mercifully considered as a slave, and if his master 
cannot be ascertained, he is thrown into a dungeon^ and there kept, till 
by a public sale a master can be provided for him. But often the law 
grants to coloured men, known to be free, all the advantages of slavery^ 
Thus, in Georgia, every free coloured man coming into the state, and 
unable to pay a fine of one hundred dollars, becomes a slave for life ; in 
Florida, insolvent debtors, if black, are SOLD for the benefit of their cre^ 
ditors ; and in the district of Columbia a free coloured man, thrown into 
jail on suspicion of being a slave and proving his freedom, is required by 
law to be sold as a slave, if too poor to pay his jail fees. Let it not be 
Supposed that these laws are all obsolete and inoperative. They catch 
many a northern negro, who, in pursuit of his own business, or on being 
decoyed by others, ventures to enter the slave region ; and who, of course^ 
helps to augment the wealth of our southern brethren. On the 6th of 
March^ 1839, a report by a committee was made to the House of Repre- 
sentatives of the Massachusetts legislature, in which are given the names 
of seventeen free coloured men who had been enslaved at the south. It 
also states an instance in which twenty-five coloured citizens, belonging 
to Massachusetts, were confined at one time in. a southern jail, and 
another instance in which seventy-five free coloured persons from different 
free states were confined,, all preparatory to their sale as slaves according 
to law* 

The facts disclosed in this report induced the Massachusetts legislature 
to pass a resolution protesting against the kidnapping laws of the slave 
states, " as invading the sacred rights of citizens of this commonwealth, 
as contrary to the constitution of the United States, and in utter deroga- 
tion of that great principle of the common law which presumes every 
person to be innocent until proved to be guilty;" and ordered the protest 
to be forwarded to the governors of the several states. 

But it is not at the south alone that freemen may be converted into 


slaves " according to law." The Act of Congress respecting the recovery 
of fugitive slaves, affords most extraordinary facilities for this process^ 
through official corruption and individual perjury. By this Act, the 
claimant is permitted to select a justice of the peace, before whoin he may 
bring or send his alleged slave, and even to prove his property by affi- 
davit. Indeed, in almost every state in the Union, a slaveholder may 
recover at law a human being as his beast of burden, with far less cere- 
mony than he could his pig from the possession of his neighbour. In 
only three states is a man, claimed as a slave, entitled to a trial by jury* 
At the last session of the New York legislature a bill allowing a jury 
trial in such cases was passed by the lower House, but rejected by a 
democratic vote in the Senate, democracy in that state being avowedly 
only skin deep, all its principles of liberty, equality, and human rights 
depending on complexion. 

Considering the wonderful ease and expedition with which fugitives 
may be recovered by law, it would be very strange if mistakes did not 
sometimes occur. How often they occur cannot, of course, be known, 
and it is only when a claim is defeated, that we are made sensible of the 
exceedingly precarious tenure by which a poor friendless negro at the 
north holds his personal liberty, A few years since, a girl of the name 
of Mary Gilmore was arrested in Philadelphia, as a fugitive slave from 
Maryland. Testimony was not wanting in support of the claim ; yet it 
Was most conclusively proved that she was the daughter of poor Irish 
parents having not a drop of negro blood in her veins---that the father 
had absconded, and that the mother had died a drunkard in the Phila- 
delphia hospital, and that the infant had been kindly received and brought 
up in a coloured family. Hence the attempt to make a slave of her, In 
the spring of 1839, a coloured man was arrested in Philadelphia, on a 
charge of having absconded from his owner twenty-three years before, 
This man had a wife and family depending upon him, and a home where 
he enjoyed their society ; and yet, unless he could find witnesses who 
could prove his freedom for more than this number of years, he was to 
be torn from his wife, his children, his home,' and doomed for the remain- 
der of his days to toil under the lash. Four witnesses for the claimant 
swore to his identity, although they had not seen him before for twenty- 
three years ! By a most extraordinary coincidence, a New England 
captain, with whom this negro had sailed twenty*nine years before, in a 
sloop from Nantucket, happened at this very time to be confined for debt 
in the same prison with the alleged slave, and the captain's testimony, 
together with that of some other witnesses, who had known the man pre^ 
vious to his pretended elopement, so fully established his freedom, that 
the court discharged him, 


Another mode of legal kidnapping still remains to be described. By 
the Federal Constitution, fugitives from justice are to be delivered up, 
and under this constitutional provision, a free negro may be converted 
into a slave without troubling even a Justice of the Peace to hear the 
evidence of the captor's claim. A fugitive slave is, of course, a felon 
he not only steals himself, but also the rags on his back which belong to 
his master. It is understood he has taken refuge in New York, and his 
master naturally wishes to recover him with as little noise, trouble, and 
delay as possible. The way is simple and easy. Let the grand jury 
indict A. B, for stealing wearing apparel, and let the indictment, with 
an affidavit of the criminal's flight, be forwarded by the governor of the 
state to his excellency of New York, with a requisition for the delivery 
of A. B. to the agent appointed to receive him, A warrant is, of course, 
issued to " any constable of the state of New York," to arrest A. B. For 
what purpose ? to bring him before a magistrate where his identity may 
be established ? no, but to deliver him up to the foreign agent. Hence 
the constable may pick up the first likely negro he finds in the street, 
and ship him to the south ; and should it be found, on his arrival on the 
plantation, that the wrong man has come, it will also probably be found 
that the mistake is of no consequence to the planter. A few years since, 
the governor of New York signed a warrant for the apprehension of 
seventeen Virginia negroes, as fugitives from justice.* Under this war- 
rant, a man who had lived in the neighbourhood for three years, and had 
a wife and children, and who claimed to be free, was seized, on a Sun- 
day evening, in the public highway, in "West Chester county, N. Y., and 
without being permitted to take leave of his family, was instantly hand- 
cuffed, thrown into a carriage, and hurried to New York, and the next 
morning was on his voyage to Virginia. 

Free coloured men are converted into slaves not only by law, but also 
contrary to law. It is, of course, difficult to estimate the extent to 
which illegal kidnapping is carried, since a large number of cases must 
escape detection. In a work published by Judge Stroud, of Philadelphia, 
in 1827, he states, that it had been ascertained that more than thirty free 
coloured persons, mostly children, had been kidnapped in that city within 
the last two years.t 


The feeling of the community towards these people, and the contempt 

* There is no evidence that he knew they were negroes ; or that he acted 
otherwise than in perfect good faith. The alleged crime was stealing a boat. 
The real crime, it is said, was stealing themselves and escaping in a boat. 
The most horrible abuses of these warrants can only be prevented by requir- 
ing proof of identity before delivery. 

t Stroud's Sketch of the Slave Laws, p. 94. 


with which they are treated, are indicated by the following notice, lately 
published by the proprietors of a menagerie, in New York, " The pro-: 
prietors wish it to be understood, that people of colour are not permitted 
to enter, except ^chen in attendance upon children and families." For two 
shillings, any white scavenger would be freely admitted, and so would 
negroes, provided they came in a capacity that marked their dependence 
-their presence is offensive only when they come as independent spec- 
tators, gratifying a laudable curiosity. 

Even death, the great leveller, is not permitted to obliterate, among 
Christians, the distinction of caste, or to rescue the lifeless form of the 
coloured man from the insults of his white brethren. In the porch of a 
Presbyterian church, in Philadelphia, in 1837, was suspended a card, 
containing the form of a deed, to be given to purchasers of lots in a cer- 
tain burial-ground, and to enhance the value of the property, and to 
entice buyers, the following clause was inserted, " No person of colour, 
nor any one who has been the subject of execution, shall be interred in 
said lot." 

Our coloured fellow-citizens, like others, are occasionally called to pass 
from one place to another ; and in doing so are compelled to submit to 
innumerable hardships and indignities. They are frequently denied seats 
in our stage-coaches ; and although admitted upon the decks of our steam- 
boats, are almost universally excluded from the cabins. Even women 
have been forced, in cold weather, to pass the night upon deck, and in 
one instance the wife of a coloured clergyman lost her life in consequence 
of such an exposure. 

The contempt poured upon these people by our laws, our churches, 
our seminaries, and our professions, naturally invokes upon their heads the 
fierce wrath of vulgar malignity. In order to exhibit the actual condi- 
tion of this portion of our population, we will here insert some samples 
of the outrages to which they are subjected, taken from the ordinary 
public journals. 

In an account of the New York riots of 1834, the ' Commercial Ad- 
vertiser' says " About twenty poor African (native American) families 
have had their all destroyed, and have neither bed, clothing, nor food 
remaining. Then: houses are completely eviscerated, their furniture a 
wreck, and the ruined and disconsolate tenants of the devoted houses 
are reduced to the necessity of applying to the corporation for bread." 

The example set in New York was zealously followed in Philadelphia. 
" Some arrangement, it appears, existed between the mob and the white 
inhabitants, as the dwelling-houses of the latter, contiguous to the resi- 
dences of the blacks, were illuminated and left undisturbed, while the 
huts of the negroes were singled out with unerring certainty. The fur- 


" 2. That this Convention cannot but deeply deplore the fact, that the 
continuance and prevalence of slavery are to be attributed, in a great 
degree, to the countenance afforded by many Christian churches, espe- 
cially in the Western World, which have not only withheld that public 
and emphatic testimony against the crime which it deserves, but have 
retained in their communion without censure, those by whom it is noto- 
riously perpetrated. 

- " 3. That this Convention, while it disclaims the intention or desire of 
dictating to Christian communities the terms of their fellowship, respect- 
fully submits that it is their incumbent duty to separate from their com- 
munion, all those persons who, after they have been faithfully warned in 
the spirit of the gospel, continue in the sin of enslaving their fellow- 
creatures, or holding them in slavery ; a sin, by the commission of which, 
with whatever mitigating circumstances it may be attended in their own 
particular instance, they give the support of their example to the whole 
system of compulsory servitude, and the unutterable horrors of the slave 

" 4. That it be recommended to the Committee of the British and 
Foreign Anti-slavery Society, in the name of this Convention, to furnish 
copies of the above resolutions, to the ecclesiastical authorities of the 
various Christian churches throughout the world." 


" 1. That the practice of excluding people of colour from places of 
worship, or of allotting to them separate seats therein, tends to per- 
petuate the unchristian and unfounded prejudices against the 'COLOURED 

" 2. That any distinction in the treatment of them, whether in schools, 
colleges, houses of public worship, or in any other respect on account of 
colour, is opposed to the benign spirit of Christianity. 

" 3. That abolitionists, and all who assume the name of friends of the 
coloured race, act inconsistently with their profession, unless they use all 
their influence to put an end to such unchristian practices. 

" 4. That this Convention most earnestly entreats all Christian pro- 
fessors, all true abolitionists, immediately to give up all those unrighteous 
distinctions, which have their origin in the prejudice against colour, and 
that, in their social intercourse as citizens and as Christians, they treat 
the coloured man as an equal and a brother." 


" That this Convention has heard with deep regret and sorrow, the 
extent to which the internal slave trade is carried on, from the older to 


the more newly settled slave- states of the American Union, to the 
extent of upwards of 80,000 victims annually, to this unrighteous 

" That in expressing their detestation of this traffic, and in acknow- 
ledging that it excites their deep surprise and abhorrence, that it should 
be protected and cherished by a nation which has abolished the African 
slave trade, and declared it to be piracy : this Convention is impressed 
with the conviction, that such a systematic trade in man must be attended 
with excessive cruelty and wrong to the objects of it, and involves in its 
prosecution a fearful extent of barbarity and hardness of heart on the 
part of the man-trader, and that effectual means ought to be forthwith 
taken in the United States of America, to remove this stain from the 
character of that nation." 


" That this Convention regards the scheme of African Colonization, 
proposed and urged by the American Colonization Society, as not only 
totally inadequate to the overthrow of slavery in the United States, but 
as tending powerfully to strengthen that unrighteous system, as deeply 
injurious to the best interests of the negro-race, whether bond or free, 
both in America and Africa, and therefore as wholly unworthy of the 
countenance and aid of the philanthropist and the Christian." 


" 2. That this Convention cannot but deeply deplore the fact, that the 
continuancfe and prevalence of slavery are to be attributed, in a great 
degree, to the countenance afforded by many Christian churches, espe- 
cially in the Western World, which have not only withheld that public 
and emphatic testimony against the crime which it deserves, but have 
retained in their communion without censure, those by whom it is noto- 
riously perpetrated. 

- " 3. That this Convention, while it disclaims the intention or desire of 
dictating to Christian communities the terms of their fellowship, respect- 
fully submits that it is their incumbent duty to separate from their com- 
munion, all those persons who, after they have been faithfully warned in 
the spirit of the gospel, continue in the sin of enslaving their fellow- 
creatures, or holding them in slavery ; a sin, by the commission of which, 
with Avhatever mitigating circumstances it may be attended in their own 
particular instance, they give the support of their example to the whole 
system of compulsory servitude, and the unutterable horrors of the slave 

" 4. That it be recommended to the Committee of the British and 
Foreign Anti-slavery Society, in the name of this Convention, to furnish 
copies of the above resolutions, to the ecclesiastical authorities of the 
various Christian churches throughout the world." 


" 1. That the practice of excluding people of colour from places of 
worship, or of allotting to them separate seats therein, tends to per- 
petuate the unchristian and unfounded prejudices against the 'COLOURED 

" 2. That any distinction in the treatment of them, whether in schools, 
colleges, houses of public worship, or in any other respect on account of 
colour, is opposed to the benign spirit of Christianity. 

" 3. That abolitionists, and all who assume the name of friends of the 
coloured race, act inconsistently with their profession, unless they use all 
their influence to put an end to such unchristian practices. 

" 4. That this Convention most earnestly entreats all Christian pro- 
fessors, all true abolitionists, immediately to give up all those unrighteous 
distinctions, which have their origin in the prejudice against colour, and 
that, in their social intercourse as citizens and as Christians, they treat 
the coloured man as an equal and a brother." 


" That this Convention has heard with deep regret and sorrow, the 
extent to which the internal slave trade is carried on, from the older to 


the more newly settled slave-states of the American Union, to the 
extent of upwards of 80,000 victims annually, to this unrighteous 

" That in expressing their detestation of this traffic, and in acknow- 
ledging that it excites their deep surprise and abhorrence, that it should 
be protected and cherished by a nation which has abolished the African 
slave trade, and declared it to be piracy : this Convention is impressed 
with the conviction, that such a systematic trade in man must be attended 
with excessive cruelty and wrong to the objects of it, and involves in its 
prosecution a fearful extent of barbarity and hardness of heart on the 
part of the man-trader, and that effectual means ought to be forthwith 
taken in the United States of America, to remove this stain from the 
character of that nation." 


" That this Convention regards the scheme of African Colonization, 
proposed and urged by the American Colonization Society, as not only 
totally inadequate to the overthrow of slavery in the United States, but 
as tending powerfully to strengthen that unrighteous system, as deeply 
injurious to the best interests of the negro-race, whether bond or free, 
both in America and Africa, and therefore as wholly unworthy of the 
countenance and aid of the philanthropist and the Christian." 


Alexander, G. "W. Esq., Stoke Newington. 
Allen, Richard, Esq., 62, High Street, Dublin. 
Anderson, David, Esq., Driffield, York. 
Anderson, Rev. H., Maryport. 
Ash, Edward, Esq., M. D., Ashley Place, Bristol. 
Atkins, James, Esq., Northampton. 2 copws. 

Baines, Edward, Esq., M. P., Leeds. 

Bannister, Saxe, Esq., Colonial Society, 15, St. James' Square. 

Barfit, Rev. John, Salisbury. 

Barker, Francis, Esq., Pontefract. 

Bassett, J. D., Esq., Leighton Buzzard. 2 copies. 

Beaumont, Abraham, Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyne. 

Beaumont, John, Esq., Northampton Square. 

Belfast Anti-slavery Society. 

Bell, John, Esq., Wandsworth. 2 copies. 

Bell, Sheppard, Esq., Olney Mill, Bucks. 

Bigg, S., Esq., Tottenham Green. 

Binney, Rev. Thomas, Kennington Common. 

Boyle, Robert, Esq., Handsworth, near Birmingham. 

Brewin, Thomas J., Esq., Cirencester. 

Budge, John, Esq., Camborne. 

Clarke, C. H., Esq., Nottingham. 

Clarkson, Thomas, Esq., Playford Hall, Ipswich. 2 copiet. 

Close, Thomas, Esq., Nottingham. 

Colver, Rev. Nathaniel, Boston, Massachusetts. 

Cunliffe, James, Esq., 29, Lombard Street. 

Curtis, "William, Esq., Alton, Hants. 

Dean, Professor James, Burlington, Vermont, U. S. A. 
Dees, R. R. Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyne. 

Fenwick, John, Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
Finlay, James, Esq., Ditto. 
Forster, William, EarlhanTRoad, Norwich. 
Forster, W. E., Esq., 6, Old Jewry. 
Forster, Matthew, Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
Fuller, James C,, Esq., Skaneateles, U. S. A. 


Galusha, Rev. Elon, Penny Genesse Co., New York. 

Gill, George, Esq., Nottingham. 

Gray, Rev. William, Northampton. 

Greville, Robert Kerr, Esq., LL.D., Edinburgh. 

Anna Gurney, North Repps Cottage, Norfolk. 

Grosvenor, Rev. Cyrus Pitt, Worcester, Massachusetts. 

Gurney, Joseph John, Esq., Norwich. 2 copies. 

Haughton, James, Esq., Dublin. 

Head, George H., Esq., Carlisle. 6 copies. 

Heard, John, Esq., Nottingham. 

Hill, Charles, Esq., Wellingborough. 

Hitchin Auxiliary Anti-slavery Society. 

Humphrey, William, Esq., Worsted. 

James, Rev. John Angell, Birmingham. 
James, Rev. William, Bridgewater. 
Jeremie, Sir John, Governor of Sierra Leone. 
Johnston, Professor, Durham. 

Kay, William, Esq., Grove House, near Liverpool. 

Lee, William, Esq., Exeter. 

Livesay, Thomas, Esq., Triangle, Hackney. 

Longridge, Michael, Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyne. 

McAll, Rev. Samuel, Doncaster. 

Mann, John, Esq., Cottenham, Cambridge. 

Marriage, Joseph, jun., Esq., Chelmsford. 10 copies. 

Metcalfe, Charles J., Esq., Roxton House, St. Neots. 

Metcalfe, Charles J., jun., Esq., ditto. 

Miller, Joseph, Esq., Whitehaven. 

Mirams, Rev. James, 6, Loughboro' Street, Kennington. 

Moore, Rev. Timothy, 119, Lucas Street, Commercial Road. 

Mott, James, Esq., Philadelphia, U. S. A. 

Muir, Rev. J. H., Spalding. 

Murch, Rev. W. H., D.D., Stepney College. 

Pain, Rev. John, Horncastle. 

Palk, Edward, Esq., Southampton. 

Paul, T. D., Esq., St. Ives, Hunts. 

Pease, Miss Elizabeth, Darlington. 

Peek, Richard, Esq., Hazlewood, Kingsbridge. 

Phillips, Wendell, Esq., Boston, Massachusetts. 

Poile, Rev. W. F., 19, Ampton Street, Grays Inn Road. 


Post, Jacob, Esq., Lower Road, Islington. 
Priestman, Jonathan, Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
Priestman, Joshua, jun., Esq., Thornton, York. 

Rathbone, Richard, Esq., Liverpool. 
Reynolds, Joseph, Esq., Bristol. 
Rice, William, Esq., Northampton. 
Richardson, Edward, Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
Robinson, Rev. William, Kettering. 

Seaborn, Rev. H. S., 2, Canal Terrace, Camden Town. 

Sewell, Philip, Esq., Wereham, Norfolk. 

Sheppard, Charles H., Esq,. Pump Court, Temple. 

Smith, Miss Ann Hopkins, Olney. 

Smith, Gerrit, Esq., Peterboro', U. S. A. 

Soul, Mr. Joseph, 20, Brunswick Parade, Islington. 

Sparkes, Miss Sarah, Exeter. 

Stacey, George, Esq., Tottenham. 2 copies. 

Standfield, James, Esq., Belfast. 

Sterry, Henry, Esq., 42, Trinity Square, Borough. 

Stewart, Alvan, Esq., TJtica, U. S. A. 

Stovel, Rev. Charles, 5, Stebon Terrace, Stepney. 

Struthers, William, Esq., Parliament Street. 

Sturge, Joseph, Esq., Birmingham. 10 copies. 

Styles, Robert, Esq., Rochester. 

Tatham, William, Esq., Rochester. 

Taylor, George, Esq., Wellingborough. 

Taylor, Rev. Henry, A.M., Woodbridge, Suffolk. 

Taylor, John, jun., Esq., Colchester. 

Thomas, Samuel, Esq., Bristol. 

Tomkins, Rev. S., Stepney College. 

Tuckett, Henry, Esq., South Street, Finsbury. 

Webb, James, H., Esq., 16, Corn Market, Dublin. 

Whitehorn, James, Esq., Bristol. 

Williams, John, jun., Esq., Burncoose, Truro. 

Wilson, Joshua, Esq., 35, Highbury Place. 

Wilson, William, Esq., Nottingham. 

Wright, Miss Harriett, Heavitree, near Exeter. 


E American Anti-Slavery Society, 

IJ+1. Executive Committee 

A 57 Slavery