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SLAVERY AND THE UNION.

^LETTER FROM

Hox JYATHAN APPLETON,

OF COSTOx\, to'

Hon. WK. C. RI7ES, of Yiegotia.

<'A, CONSTITUTIONAL UNIOxN PARTY,"

AND h'-''

, ^^The Philosophy of Strikes/'

T^VO EDITOHIALS FROM THE BOSTOX COURIER,

<^

PUBLISHED BY

JOHN CLARK & COMPANY,

OFFICE OF TUE BOSTON COURIER,

BOSTON.

J. p. rLmiEP, rpjxTER,

IIELALD BUILDINGS, 6 WILLIAMS COURT,
BOSTON.

1!,

«0

"-l

SLAVERY AND THE UNION.

SLA VEUY A\f> THE i' \I0\. ^? ^^.^^' '^'".'^^'-'^ '" t"'> Rntlsh AVest Indies were

^,Mm\lfL^, mnde frc.'. wifl, a cnmprn.ation to the plai.trt« of

t»e, ty in!iii..n.s stcrlinsj. This {-vert excited a strong

T^ottov <-.»... Tr ■»- . - "*■*"■'' '■'"^ '"!J'^' •■» certain class of nhilanihronisic ihat

teller from Hon. A„.j.„., Applclo.. of IJomou, -e >hc,„ld do the same ,hi.,«; except, indTed in th'

Mass., to iho Hon. Wm, C. Rives of Vir- ^""i'?"^*"'^"- "h'ch I brlicvc «as never mentioned.
einia. ." '"'^ movcmpiit a number of the clertiv took an ac-

tive part, especially stimulated to do this" by a i.ortion
Mv Dear Sir: I have read with <rrr-,t c,»;cf ,• "^^ '"V'"'^)' '".^"Sland, mostly amon^-st the dis<ent-
your letter published in Z T chf. oiTd l/;^ Z ^7' "f"' P^"^' ^""^^ ^^'•''Vn- to „e a sin against God.
"The Present Crisis and the vST.helttn" ^''.^"^T '"]'"' P.^t, '.f the community were of the
Aijreeing with vou that it is the duty of 'vpV . o,„n,on that slavery is a political institution, and not

citizen, so far as may lay i, his pow^^to allav thr.v fT '^TV"^' "^ ''■'' •■'"7' '" ''"''' ^'"''ractcr of
istine excitement, atid ^o endea.orto ;S, j t J *-''*=.'''■" ^^ rchiinr^ As it d .es n. t exist a.nong.t
to that state of Iraternaf fSJ unde w. ' . ?k^ '-, .t was regret'ed that instead .f reformitiR our own
North and the «ou,h nu tua ily" hrd h'ir n \, "j" ''"'' '^^^• '^"""^^ ^' discussing the sins of disUnt
brinq; this nation into existence and uhiM 7 cnmmun.r.rs.

mm. years harmonized in its ui.nVal le'oH V ^ ^>'u " V''^*^' ^'^'"^ ^^'*' hcUveou the individual

ladu'ressthis letter to you anTthrS Maker, and in doubtful cases like this had

puLlic. y°"' =*nd through you, to the better he left there. Who constituted weak fallible

I have, for many years, been retirrrl frn,v, ,„ .• 2^''-" ^V ■''"'-'' ^"'' ■'^^'e^se'' "'" "Tonss done to the in-
patticipalion in public affairs hut hav. no^ hP '^ '^ ^' '-^ ^''^^'"'' • ^^'^ "^ '''^ ^^'"^"' '"''"^i'^''^ «'^verv a
Observant of the course of event^ ,n^ , •" """ ^"c-.al evil ; but I think the refiret has bren Rener'al,
the close of a Ion- lifo .an bav^'n^ ' 'V'^'''}'"^ ^" '^at the snbjpct has been so minclrd with religion.
leave to my children the ble = s!noc nf , f"'"'"'^, '"'J*'" Siaverv has been denounced as an . vil which must he
government wh ch I have nn'scK s l7n'''" ^ ^^^^ a'-a'ed at all events, bot no one ^as undutaken to
The pr.spnt is a period of alarm ^;^7"'^ ''"J^ved. s'low how ,t can be dme. Nor can he. Omnipo-
great.r than wo hive here oP^c li^ness"r TK ' r "T '"^^"■'^ "^ '^" ''• ^I'-" c^^'"^*- The eNample' of
Nort^, nni the South appear in all h.rhnc'i En- land, in the e.naneipation of her c d. nies, has no

against each other, and all growintrouf^hlf.K''—: ^'^'V?" ""• ""L 1"'"'''"" '^'i"' "'' '^'""^ is no re-
of slavery. "" Brewing out if the subject semblance in the two crs-s which mikfs it practica-

A short review of the eansps ,»v.;«i, v i j. l>'^ ">" even possible, in most of our si: v^ States,

this state of things will not be m.t of oK.^''' '^u ^be next important mov. m^nt o .k p ace on the
I think, show that there have hrpnfT,' '^ u'"' P'"' '^^ "'"^ •'^""'^' '" ^^IS. U,. 'o th s period it was
si.I.s. ^"^ ''^^^ ^^^'^ f*"l'3 on both held that slavery w,s an instirl.t on of the individual

Tor fir.t ng-ression wis made bv the Vnrtt, . i?'*''"'' "■''^."''''■h C ncress ha<= n.. thine to do. But

ther by a f^ individuals residinVin he North Ah"; I "T ""''' '^'r"''''"^ '^"'^ ""^ ronni-itu-ion gives t,
th.^ ye ir 185). a very few p^r on"'^ i.r , .r M 1 V"r i "" ^ '''''' ^ cbaraetnr a. prop- rty " hich vas n«ver be-
\VilIiamL„ydGa,ri^oa and UVmlo?! p[ -ir / '/ f"'"f breamed of. The firs, nrartical demonstration took
thetnselvps into an Abolition So^i, f^ ''" .''''"'"'''^ P'^cp or. the meetinc of Congress in D eember, 1849,

re„udia.i a the C.mstituti n of t .^I'jni't^^lTT^''"'' "r'Cr" ''^,"^""- ■'^'^"•^"■rn Whig- defeated t,e electio,
as much as it recocni.o l "he ex st " ' JV" r^' '" °^ >rr. Winthrop, as Sp-aker. I cannot put n.y own
Ar home this movp,„pnt cx.-itpH 11 nL !» "f '^''ivery. vKwof the matter inasfroncer liirht than is contained
f.w individuals eomprrserin ifw^rp .r''',^ '^^ '" ^^^ fA-l'^w nc, ex-. a ts from a U— which I wrote

fortunatefanaticalmonomaniaes ^^,hT,"'^ ""■?"''•" "^ December, 1840, to nyfri-nd Hon. Mr.
of pity, than of any othH" Hnr St th'i'' " T "^u" ! - "^ -V"''^-"^-. ""<- "f 'he six. i./r. ply to one from
ed inflam.natory r-amphlpts whi.h ,v '^''> .P"l'''\h- him explanatory of his course : '

South evidently^lith^hnnietuoi of ,!.r'° '^ .'■ I regretted Mr. Toombs infroducina his reschi-
slave.,. This naturally excite lUte^Lli'n^f-Ty !^ ''""^'"'" '^'^ ^^'h'^ Caucus, as ill-tim^d, and to a
,?outh.butitwasdifr.cult tHonVo r^ ^^?^ r'*'"""'"''-^' '"^ .... I am und. r

.So ab.olutply free are we in snernt. ,? I • I "'■'"^ ^- '1^'~,P •''Pnrehension about this Southern excitemen',
that we leave false opinions to be rnf?„!:,l"h ♦ '^'^''^' ''"'' ^ =*'" "" '"'""'^ surprised as alarmed at its exi. -
But this did not niPc^l e evils of ho by true ones. enre. I read Mr. Bernm's speeW. in the Senate in
The South had no course but to aket>LT",''?T '^''^ •''^^-^eatinK the rij^bt to hold slaves in there^v
their own hands- hev tLw m/,. '!™^*'^ '"'^ *^"'*"""' ""''" '^^ Constitution of the Unted
thecirculationof their tracts h.unn)T.K° ^J^''^"} ^^'"''''' "i'^ attention and regret. He arcHed .he
irritatiott. ' ^"^^ not w.thout much matter « it h u-rr at ingen.ii.y and ability, bur 1 could

not possibly adopt his conclusions. The wl ole argu-

ment appearcfl to mp a rare example of Irani siihtletr Is this glorious Union to be slia\-tn by mere ar-
opposed to plain common sense, Tliis cHiin of les;al prphension of evil? Thp excitement of the South,
rig'it is now farther enforced by the additional dis- showing itself in concerted action, }jiv< s nie great
covery, that Soutnern honor is involved in the risjht alarm. It looks to me as if there were ruling sjiirits
to establish slavery as a personal matter, affecting who look to disunion as a good ; as liuely to afford
personal rights and perFonat honor in regard to every more security to slave property than exists luidpr the
individual residing in the slave -States. Such an ap- present government. It is, I think, a arpat mistake,
peal excites the most powerful feelings and passions I have little fear of an aotua'. dismemberment of the
of our nature, and under their influence, in an indi- Union. There are difficulties about a peaceable
■vidua! or a cocnmunity, the most unhappy conse- separation which will, I think, be found insuperable,
quences may be apprehended. But collision, and even blojdshed, are very ready to

As a practical question, there seems to be nothing happen under such excitement, as seems now to be
of any importance to quarrel about. There seems to Ushing itself up for action. What mi<ibt f< How such
be no part of the new territory suited to the produc- a collision, no mortal can fpresee. It, is, 1 think, the
tions on which alone slaves can be prohtably employed, duty of every good citizpn to do all in his power to
In their present condition, there is r.o law by which prevent any such catastrophe, and to adopt for his
the master can hold his slave. It would seem too motto, ' The Union must be preserved.' I liave ex-
hazardous an adventure to carry slavrs into a region tended this letter further t an I had any idea of do iig
■where they could walk off without remf dy, except by when I began it. You will agree with me, I am sure,
lynch law, which would probably take their side. iSo in attachment to the Union, and I trust in the senti-
one can suppose that Congress will ever pass a law ment with- which I subscribe myself, very sincerely,
estab.ishing slavery where it does not exist; and yet, your friend."

I do not see but what the claim of the South Whether my reasoning was right or wrong, my ap-
to the right to cnj>iy the new conqifs's with prehensions were hut too wplj foundpd. The excite-
their slaves, would make it as imper live on Con- mpnt on the slavery question rapidly increased;
grass to protect them in this right, as it is oh- when, through the exertions of Mr. Clav and Mr.
j^ctionable for C.'ngres top^o b t slavery in them Webster, in 1850. what was called the Comoromise
With every disposition to protrct the rights of f e was carried through Congress, affording additi.nal
South as secured by the Constitution, I caimtit b'ing spcurify for the return of fugitive slaves, and admit-
niy mind to the Southern view of the right or the honor ting California as a free State. This Compromise
involved in the case. Suppose slavery prohiliited in spemed to promise an end to the slavery agitation,
all the new territories, — 'he prohibition extends to all There were discontented spirits, but the masses of Mas-
citizens of the United States. Northern men go into sachusetts and New EnL-land, and apparently through
the South and hold slaves Snithern nun move into all the free States, were satisfied and content — in a
the free States. There seems nothing in the fact of a state of perfect repose. The South also appeared con-
man being born or living in a certain latitude, wliich tetit, with the exception of South Car(dina.
makes a slave a natural or necessary appendage to In an evil hour this hanpy state of things was dis-
hun, or whic-h gives him rights not belonging to one turbrd by 'he repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and
born further north, any further than the local law ex- tn introduction of the Kansas Nebraska bill into
tends. The South claims the right to carry slives Congress, in support of which a majority of the
iito t e territories, under the general right of every Southern Whigs were induced to join h w^s fatal
c tzen to carry his property. measure. It roused and alarmed the whole North.

T'nc North objects to slaves, because they are per- It annitiilated the great consprvativp Whig party,
sons, only lield as property by a tMiure txtiknowii in whilst it weakened and crippled the Democratic party
respect to all other prooerty, the law of force. All of the North. The Free Soil party, under the new
our institutions and rights, with this exception, rest n^me of Republican, was recruited' and improv-d by
on consent — mutual agreement. Slavery is either an conservptive men of both parties, but not in sufficient
evil or a good. Supposing it to be an evil, the natives numbers to control their measures. On the contrarv,
of the South will escape it and be benehted by re- it enabb d the Atmlitionists proper to renew their de-
moying into territories where it is prohibited. 'Sup- nunciarims of Slavery in the abstract, and to call
posing slavery to be a good, the citizen of the North together listening cro ds of ultra ohilanthropists. It
is injured by the prohibition, as well as the citizen of is'not surorising that in this state of excitement,
the South. Opinions on this matter may vary with some 1' gisative measures were adopted which cannot
the lati u Je, but the principle is the same. The Wil- be justi-ed under the Constitution, but will yield to
mot Proviso appears to me little but an abstraction, a a sober secom! thought, because they are not the re-
bugbear, a nonentity, wholly unworthy to exiite the suit of any disloyalty to the Union ana the Constitu-
North or the South to threats of disunion It affects tion, but the natural reaction of what was considered
to prevent what without it cannot by any possibility a Southern aggression.

be done, but which may nevertheless be done when- As the last' incident, a man of some character, but
ever the new States choose, the Proviso notwithstand- of a disordered intellect, John Brown, atteinpts to
^'^S; . _ excite a slave insurrection in Virginia. He ■was

There is one circu.Tistance which seems to make guilty of treason and murder, for which he justly suf-
this claim of the Soutn, for the fur her extension of feted the nenalty of the law. Some rabid Abolition-
si ye territory, verj' unreasonable. The white popu- ists and fanatical philanthropists undertook, even in
lation of the slave States is less than one-half that of Boston, to glorify him as a martyr. Sober tnen wit-
the free States : Whilst the territory embraced in the nessed this exhibition of folly with silent contempt
slave States is more than double that of the free and disgust, until they found that this silence was, in
States ; that is to say, the proportion of land to each the South, construed into ppproval. They then call-
individual is four times greater in the slave than in ed the meeting in Fanei.il Hall, which showed the
thefree States. There is no gr,)und, therf fore, for real feeling of the community, sound, and strong for
saying, on the part of the So«ih, thatihey are cramp- the Union and the Constitution.

ed and short of room for expansion. In the meani'me, the cry of disurion and sceessio-

So far as I can look on the matter, I cannot see in is raised in certain States of the South. South
the Wilniot Proviso the dishonor or opjiression to the Carolina sends a distinguished ambassador to your
South which so much excites them. Neithpr can I S'ate of Virginia, in ordpr to induce her to send dele-
see in it any such boon or good to the North which g-ites to a Southern Conventirm, probably thinking
should- make Ihem willing for it to disturb the peace the excitenipnt g- owing out of the attempt at Harper's
of the Union. Ferry presented an opportunity favorable to the

adoption of hrr favorite mpasure. course of events whioh liave brought about tbe pies-

l 111' first idea of spc.'ssion frnni tbe Union was sent unhappy state of fcoliii^;. 1 now proceed to pre-
startrd hv Sill th Carolina, in 1831. 'I'lie pretpxt was sent some virws of a practi' al conimon-Rcnse ctiarac-
the Tariff of 1828. This was called llie bill of ab»mi- ter, which a|.poar to me lo commend themselves as
nations, and vva^ in some sense riubtlv named, inas- standing <in a basis uliich cannot he shaken. 1 say
much as iis c.pjjunriiis adopted ihe dangerous ex- tii the N-irtli, to the fri'C Statis, why agitate or ilis-
))< (liciit of niakinu it as b;id as tiossilde, in the hopes cuss at all Ihe nnrstion of slavery? There afe four
of ihetcliv ddeatiiiLc it. In 1832, a new tarilf was to millions nf no^ro slavi-s in cerlain'States of the Union,
be made in order to rrduci' the revenue, after the with ahaut seven niillions of whites. Between ihe
I'ayintnt of the national ri'lit. After a Imti and full two races there is an iiiipassahle j;ulf which makes
discussinii, the Tarilf of 1832 was passed by an un- amaluaination or absoriiiion impossible. .So8tr>t(iig
precedeiited m:ijcirit\ — 132 to G) in the House of this aiitau<misen of i ace, that many of the free .States
lif|)ri'sentativc^ ; aUou' one-half of thp majority con- pass the most strinxmt bws, in order to keep free ne.
s-isfinu; of (he D.-nu caiic outy, iiicliidint,' ihe names ^roes out of ibfir borders, considering them a puhiii
of J.icius K. I'olk, Cave Johnson, (i. C. Verplank, C. niiisanc?. Nf) sane man can possildy believe thaf.
O. C^ambrelintr, ite. This hill was framed on the tlietie eleven millions can live topethcr with equal
principle of raisii^ the nt ce-sary revei uc, hv adjust- riijhts, under our institutions. As lo emigration, that
intC the duties oil imports, «ith a view to afford pro- i^! eiiually out of the ipiestion. It is utterly inadc-
tection to our domestic industry. But this did not quaie, if dnsirable. It is not easy to pnint out "here
suit South Carolina. Si. e had already put herself in they would he heltcr off. It is doubtful if it would be
the aitituilp of Armed resist^nop to ihe revenue lans in any of 'hf \Vest India I-lands, under their new
of tlie United States. Mr. iMcDnfib' bad persuaded system of C'lolies. Certainly not in Canada, nhere
her to adopt the theory ol which he claimed to be the they are not wanted, and where they are iniser-
discoven r, that a duty laid nominally on imports was able. Then there is tbe question of property,
in fact really a lax upon the exports of a coiintrv; and to an amount of thousands of millions of
irasmnch as the South furnished most of the exports dnllars. 'Ibis to be sure is tiothing to a iboroni^li
of the United Slates, the <;reat burdi-n of tlie tax fell p;oing Abolitionist, who scouts the idea of making
upontlmu. lie was allowed to embody this theory man a ciir.ttel. Tl-.e piditical economist bow-
in an elaborate report ol the Committee of Ways and ever, knows that all iiropptty is the creature of lepis-
Means, accompanied bv a bill reducing all duties to a bitiini. A-iv thiiij; is propei'ty uhich the la.v makes
boriziintal level of V2'< per cent, lie rested bis so. Slaves are therefore property in the slave St iles,
claim for tbe Siuth solely on tlie truth of his new and we of the free States have nothing to do wiili the
theory, adinitiing expressly that if the tax fell upon question. Can any man of comnion'sense suppose
tbe consumers of tbe comniooilies iiuporttd, the such an amount of"i>roperty can be abandonid, or an-
South had no ground of conip'aiet. It was under nihilated ? Slavery has die d out when slaves erase
these circumstances that South Carolina was to have value, .and not before. Where there has been
prepared to leave the U- ion by force, in 1S32, unity of race, they have been absorbed, but with u.s
wtien General Jackson, in November, issued his fa- that is imnossible. All attempts of the North, thcre-
mous proclamation, prepariiiir to meet force by force, fore, to afTeit tbe state of slavery in the South, are ut-
'Ihis was a staagerer. H.iwever, on the tneetim? of terly idle and futile. Doubtless some improvement
the 22d Congrpss, at their second session. General may be made in the treatment of shves : but this had
Jickson, in his inessaj^e, took ground ajrainst tbe bcbt be left to the parties interested. All pressure
taritl of 1832 and the protective system. The ground frion without is b.ateful and unjustifiable,
assigned was that it would produce too much rev- To the South I would say, why coRt nue this use-
enue, more tiian was proposi^d in a bill prepared by less agitation upon mere abstractions ? you have pos-
Mr. McLane, Secretary of the Treasury. This, in session of all the territory in which slave labor can
fac , was not true, a.s was uroved in a doiniment (17, be profitably employed, and large enough to allow its
2d sess. 22d Congress ) Hut the mere dictum of Gen- expansion for many fzenerations. Why trouble yruir-
eral Jackson w:is sutiiciei.t to induce the whole of s -Ives about slavery in the territories to which it is
the Democratic party to cat their own words of tbe i o' suited ? Why claim or expect an equality of po-
previous session, and sustain Mr. Veriilank's ami- litieal power seciionally, when your white population
protective bill ; but vviihoiit success. After a violent is less than half that of tbe free Stales, with the pro-
struggle that bill was abandoned, and Mr. Cl.ay's i onion constantly increasing by foreign emigration?
Compromi.se accepted and ad^'iited. This was pos'- Why threaten disunion unless you can control the
poniim Ihe evil day until 1811 — 12. Souib Carolina presidential election? Your true palladium is the
claimed it as a victory, and justly, ami also posipou' d Constitution of the United States. This is your ark of
her miliiary prepar.aious. I was a member of this safety. On full and calm consideration, the united
22d Congress, and c.une to the deliberate conclusion North will feel as little inclination as they have power
lliat '«hiisl South Carolina put forward her view of the to trouble themselves with your Ir.stitulion. Why
tariff as tbe ground of complaint, her real object was talk of disunion ? A peaceable separation is iinpos-
sepiration, for separation sake, and the formation of a sible. No sane man can think it otherwise. A
Siuiihern Cmifederacy, of rthich Charleston would be Southern Confederacy must of necessity be confined
the metropolitan city. This opinion I still entertain, to the territory east of tbe Mississippi. The great
and find it lias been adopted and held by those best West will never consent to give up the possession of
qualified to form a correct opinion in the malter. The that river as their highway, nor New Orleans as their
leading motive no doubt was the belief that sl.-i.ve ureal market. Who will consent to be the border
] ro lerty would be s.vfer from aiigression — not unmin- States, where a new set of abolitionists may set up the
gled xiih something of personal ambition. This de- business of enticing runawaysbr exciting insurrection,
siie for secessi'in and separation has evidently con- without remedy? A civil war, or a servile war, may be
tinned her leading object to the present day. This is easily brouijht about, under excited passions ; biit a
t'je key to her various denioi strations, especially to peaceable division of this glorious Union, a voluntary
V irginia, to wliic'b you allude. Wit'unit Yirgini,! she uisnip ion of a great lation, appears to me utterly
can do nothing. Virginia stands as the great bulw irk impossible; as impossible as is the abolition of
of '.lie Union — the keystone of our natioial arch. ^ lavery.

This idea of a Southein Ciinfederacy has evidently If I am right in my coTclusions, there is in reality

mule some converts in Georgia, Alabama and Missis- nothing between the >ii>rtb and the Souih to quarrel

Ml'"!. about. The idea that th' re is an irrenrcssible con-

I have thus endeavored to give a fair view of the fliet between the free States and the slavt States, ii

simply absurd and untrue. There is no antactonism to a trade and intercourse mutually advantageous and

b: tween slave labor and free labor, as respects the apreeable. The present estrangement, on tl)e ab-

States. If there is any such antagaiu«ni at all, it can stract question, is as unnatural as it is unchristian,

only be in those Slates where the two systf ms pre- Ihat niulual interest and mutual good-ivill ni:»y ro-

vail toi^ether. This c n be no cause for ill blond in sunie their natural functions throughout the na: on,

the North. If this state of tliinsjs exists in the S.)uth is t le sentiment wiili which I subscribe myself, wiia 1J '

it would furnish a good argument why they should great regard, ^

jointhj North in wisliiug for pr. tectinu to our own Your friend and vprv ob't serv't,

industry, in order lo briug their white labor into ac- Nathan Appletox.

tion. Tlie actual condition of the Noith and the Boston, 12th ]\larch, ISGO.

South, in their natural productions, is most fa\orable Hon. Wni. C. Hives.

CONSTITUTIONAL UNION PARTY.

It is now just about a year since this paper, Avhatever plausible name they appealed to morbid
carrying out with more deliberate expression, ac- or excited popular sentiment.

cording to the supposed requirements of the time, Indeed, it is only by a misconception of
t lose principles which have always formed the the great question which has so fiercely
basis of its action, announced certain views agitated the country, that the South has
in an editorial article upon the subject of ^one its own part in _ promoting sectional

^T .- 1 ,. . , . , . , . , divisions. The South in fact stands per-

National politics, which are just as appropriate ^

.u Tu -NT -vT , ,^ ? r ^ fectly secure — exposed to a border inroad, pcr-

now as then, ihe New ioric Journal of Com- •' '^ _' ^

r * 1 .T lo-n .. .. 1 4.U •" T, J haps, though not liktlv to be i-epeated in this

merci or April 2, 18o9, extracted the main body t- > => . i

,. .. , .. -1 ,.. . , generation, and to the occasional enticement away

or our article, accompanying it with editorial ° . ^

] . . • 1 .• of a slave. But this no more necessarily puts the

comments ; and we quote its opening observations ■' '■

,. • i 1 .. I J- 1 . North and the Sotith in a position of general

as preliminary to what we now have further to sav. ' "

rru r ; 1 1 ' hostility to each other, than forays on the marches

i he Journal remarked — ■' •' _

rp Tj ri «< TT between England and Scotland involved those

Ihe B 'Sto.v Couuieu on a "Union or the '^

OrrosmoN."— If ihere is, any where in the Uuion, two countries in general war, in times much more
a •• Whig party," it ..ught to be, and no doubt it is to martial, and, as Ave should hope, more inclined to
be fijund la Massacliusetts. And if there is a Whig ^ rr r ■ i i

party in Massachusetts, the Boston Colkieu must be take mortal offence from partial causes, than our
acknowledged and recognized as its organ and repre- own. The contest is not, and never has been
sentitive. The views of the Coluieu, therefore, on _ .• n i . 4.1, -vt .\ a .\ c »i

questions touching the existence and policy of the Practically between the North and the South.
Whig party are to be regarded as authentic and eu- The fierceness of the political Avarfare, Avith all its
titled to respectful consideration. immediate and most trying consequences, has been

It was with such ap[>reci.itioa of the position of ./ o x >

our Boston coiemporary that we took up its article on Strictly on the soil of the North,— and there, as
the speecli of ox-Govt-ruor Hunt, at Hope Chapel, in we have long ago had occasion to allege, if this
this city, and the topics suggested bv 'hat gentlemau s 1 ■ , Vt r. 1 ■ 1 t 1 i .

views, of the duty of " old line Whigs,- iii connec- matter, Avhich Heaven forbid ! should ever come
tiou with naiimial pMilics. In order to i>resent so to the direful ; rbitrament of arms, Avould every
anthoritalive an opinion as that advanced by the a- ^ ^ ■, , i,-i ^i c< .1 11

CoLUiiiU, we copy k considerable portion of its ar- ^0"^"^^ take pluce,-while the South would rest
tide. at Inme, if it pleased, perfectly safe, Avith not a

Our object thei. ^'as to shoAv, that there could hostile foot planted upon its territory. No ag-
be, and ought to be, a party organized throughout gressive force, openly assembled under the ban-
the United States, Avith the express purpose in ners of Black Republicanism, could by any possi-
view of putting an end to anti-slarery agitation — bility reach cA'en the borders of a Southern State,
that acknowledged source of A'ast political. No — the South is united on this great question,
economical and social evils, and absolute bane of while the North is divided. Ic Avould be for the
our national Avelfare. In the South, Avhere no former, trherefore, to render honorable and grate-
republicanism existed, though it Avas obvious ful aid to the national strength of the latter, upon
that the opposition must be arranged, in some their own proper soil, should such a terrible
local respects, in antagonism to Democracy, yet calamity as civil war ever befal the country, upon
it was thought that this need not prevent substaii- a point in which the South alone has any special
tial amalgamation with the multitudes of the and direct interest.

North, Avhose contest Avas chiefly with republi- Precisely the same mode of reasoning applies
cai)isn\ ai d Avhere conservatiA'e u.en might much to our pending political controversy, resulting
prefer the temporary success of Democracy to the fi-om exactly the same si^ecific causes. The only
fatal triumph of the anti-slaA'ery agitators, under difference between our condition now, and that of

a year ago, consists in the well-known transac- out the country, which nothing would be ahle to
tions occurring during the intervening space of withstand. It would be the settlement of our
time — which, if thty have in some quarters intcn- great national controversy. It might prove the
sifted feelings of alienation, have served also to salvation of the country. Whether they will
clear away some of the clouds which then envel- really act on prhiciples likely to promote these
oped us, and in our opinion are tending every day glorious results, or weakly yield to inferior mo-
to the gradual proniotionof a better understand- tives, reducing the grand stake for a nation's wel-
ing between the several parts of the Union. We fare down to the standard of a mere partizan and
do not believe that the slavery question is to be a doubtful conflict, remains yet to be seen,
source of perpetual bickering, to any serious ex- In this condition of our political affiirs, if the
tent, in this country. If it lias not already come Convention to assemble at Charleston should nom-
to its ultimate issue bj' reason of recent events, inate candidates reasonably acceptable to the
which are to have important bearings on the next South, they would be sure of the united vole of
general election, th s must so')n be the case— and the entire slave States. It becomes of the ut-
thongh our passage to peace and safety may be most consequence that they should be such as
t'lrough times of still severer trial and trouble than would secure the votes of conservative men at the
a:iy we have yet seen, we still know of no reason North, if necessary, without distinction of parly,
why they may not be all passed through without — since without the aid of those not d stincily
fatal convulsion, and the period of comparative ranking themselves with the Democracy, not a
rest gradually return to the condition in which it single free State could be carried for that party,
was manifested thirty years ago. In this view of the case, and in consideration of

The great point is, how to avoid any such con- the doubtful issvxe of the deliberations at the sev-
vulsion, by the rational exercise of those constitu- eral coming Conventions, we presume that the
lional methods, which wise men ought to know project was started for a Constitutional Union
how to apply to every public exigency, and espe- partj', which might, and probably would hold
cially to one certainly of no sudden growth. That the balance of power. The expectation was to
the politics of this country are at present in a gather those who were neither Democrats, in a
sta^e of singular confusion and uncertainty, there party sense, and those heretofore nominally con-
can be no doubt. Neither of the two great ex- nccted with the llepublican organization, hut who
isting parties has at this moment any fixed line of had been led to distrust its objects, or to dread
policy, or any certain preference as to candidates, the consequences of its triumph, as it stands con-
On the one hand. Republicanism presents the stituted, — together with multitudes undoubtedly
strange spectacle of a party doubtful whether to to be found, who seek for the opportunity of al-
nominate its ablest leader and the most express lying themselves witli some respectable organiza-
represcntative of its creed, upon the not very hon- tion, Avhich should occupy a national and inde-
orable ground — for there can be no other — that pendent ground between the two extremes. In
they are afraid of failure of success in attempting general terms, this object was indicated by the
to c irry out the very principles on which they circular of the Constitutional Union Committee
profess to stand. Action correspondent to such In many of the Northern States the amplest
an idea involves, of course, an entire abandon- opportunity is aflorded for the formation of such
ment of principle. It iniplies the mere base de- a party, whatever its eventual influence might be
sire to win, by whatever means and at whatever upon national politics ; and in no State, as we
sacrifice of manly motive; but happilj', as it confidently believe, more clearly than iti our own.
takes away the true springs of generous action, it There are distinct and forcible reasons, which ur-
also insures deserved defeat. Nor can anything gently impel us to this course. Without it in
be more certain than that, if the Republicans Massachusetts, where the Democracy has no po-
make their nomination on any such doctrine, they litical power, a still stronger body of citizens, con-
are at once broken and irretrievably divided. The s'ituting, as we believe, a very large proportion of
Democrats, on their part, are in quite as much the most intelligent and substantial inhabitants of
embarrassment, in regard to the selection of a the State, can practically exercise no influence
candidate, upon diff'erent grounds, and with a whatever, either in national or State aflfairs. If
wider field of choice. They have now, in our it were possible to conceive of a higher cause
opinion, the golden opportunity, such as- never or a nobler opportunity for an organization,
occurred before, of bringing forward those whose sure to lead the way to the recovery of both,
names would inspire confidence, general through. we are iaicapable of imagining it. Without

it we are nothing. Massachusetts, on the helpless, and when our country demands our united

extremest verge of the Union, throwing a Ropub- aid as citizens and men ? Or, with what reason can

licanvote, is of no consequence whatever— but is q,^^ j-auk himself wiili modeiate Repubicaiis, while

absorbed in the general Republican mass ; or, if jjg indirectly by his vote counteuauoes the excesses of

it has any distinction, is looked upon by the par- those who are not moderate, but over whom he has

ty, as by the nation, as the head-quarters of no control, and while th3 State, of which he is a

fanatical opinions which put in peril the prospects citizen, claims his services, in another direction, to

of the party, by one, and the peace of the coun- save it from evils and disasters universally felt and

try, by the other, Massachusetts, on the other acknowledged ? Shall we be forever deluded I y

hand, as the chief State of New England, the names— or, taking things as thej exist before our

centre of its wealth and prosperity, upon the na- eyes as the basis of our action, intelligently and

tional side, would at once resume its former hon- honestly perform our boundea duty to the State and

orable character at home, and by once more pro- to ourselves ?

ducing its true elements of excellence, would go For our own part, nothing of which we can

far towards regaining its original preponderat- conceive would be m.ore gratifying than to see the

ing and salutary influence in the councils of th politics of both State and Nation brought down

country. A prize like this is one which com- once more, from the region of sublimated, vague,

mends itself at once, alike to our pride and to our and absolutely pernicious speculations, nearer to

reasonable con%'ictions. Whatever else we may the level of the business requirements and actual,

think or believe upon abstract questions of poli- practical necessities of life. These are the real

tics or morals, it is certain that our only chance needs of the people, imposing upon them and

'of redeeming ourselves from our present deplora- their public agents the highest rational and mor;l

ble condition, is by the cordial co-operation of all obligations. We have been watch.ing the drift of

our well-disposed citizens, of whatever previous the clouds, while the ship beneath us has been

partj' afKliations, in the thorough and effective drifting upon the rocks. That we suffer to a most

organization of a constitutional Union party in injurious extent in Massachusetts, for the want of

Massachusetts. And this is absolutely the only applying such intelligent and indispensable views

mode in which national men in the State can to our own most important interests, is only too

give any effectual expression to their opinions, or manifest to those Avho have seriously reflected up-

render the slightest service to the public cause in on the subject. It is time to reform it altogether.

the coming national contest, so full as it is of vast Ample opportunity and ample means are at hand

and incalculable_ consequences to us and to our in the coming Presidential election. We must have

posterity. in this State a party like that now indicated.

In the broil and stir of the last few years, many It is the instrument by which alone a combina-

of the old issues are either gone by, or have fallen tion can be effected between men of right feeling

out of sight for the moment, to be revived, if ever, and sound opinions, who would be ashamed to

at some more convenient season. Old names, which gtand idle, at a point in the progress of national

under such ciicumstances only mislead, should fo> events, upon which the least reflecting cannot

low the same path. The opportunity and the time look without some degree of apprehension. No

have come, and imperatively demand a union of man in such a cause, and part of such an organi-

good and true men in Massachusetts, to interpose zation, would sacrifice any principle, or forfeit

for the redemption of its mismanaged interests and his relations to the party with which he might

its tarnished name — to build a new and necessary choose to act in the future. Whatever might be

barrier against the rising flood of public abuse, and the direct influence of such a party in Massachu-

to purge its prevailing sentiment, so far as pos- setts upon national politics now — it would fur-

sible, from the effects of that extraordinary medley nish a most encouraging pledge for the future —

of religion, philanthropy, fanaticism and politics — or wo liav^; no hesitation in avowing our belief,

that type of Phariseeism of old — speculatively ex- that it would triumphantly carry and thus re-

alting itself, practically most corrupt — which has deem the State. Blind and perverse as many arv.

brought this noble Commonwealth down so far, in disposed to consider political sentiment in Missa-

Bpite of all her actual advantages and real, but un- i ... e i-T>i i t> i i- • ^l

* ° , >^u uu ciiu^ettj;^ no forces of Black Ropublicanisra couln

used power, from her former commanding position

., ,1 i o,. . /-v<7 1 . '•, • -^ be arrayed to withstand the really effective ( r-

among the confederate States. Of what avail is it -^

for us here, to call ourselves Democrats, Whigs, or ganization and rightful cause of u true Constitu-
Americans, when in those relations we are utterly tional Union Party.

PHILOSOPHY OF STRIKES.

Strikes, or combinations among workmen to setts. We have not t'lc statistics of the trade a
obtain a higher rate of was'es, or the same rate hand, nor is it material to the obj .cts we have in
of wages for less work, have been unhappily view to set them forth ; it is enough to sny that
common among operatives and laboring men in it has added very greatly to our wealth and pros-
times past ; and although incre;ising intelligence perity, that it has substantiHlly built up many
has caused them to become less and less frequent, flourishing places, and that it has given profita-
yet the world has not entirely outgrown them, ble employment to many thousands of men and
The city of I-ondon, last summer, was the scene women. This branch of bu-inc'^s is, of course,
of an extensive strike among the builders, disas subject to the general law^ by which all depart-
trous in its effects alike to capital and labor. At ments of manuf:icturing industry are regulated ;
this moment, in our own State, which we claim .a-laws which it is the duty of political economy
to be at least the equal of any community on to discover and expound.

earth in intelligence and education, we are wit- In the production of boots and shoe^, as in that
nessing an attempt on the part of certain boot of all manufactured articles, the two elements of
and shoe makers to obtain by combination and labor and capital are involved. The wholesale
co-operation, a higher rate of wages than the dealer contributes capital ; operative the work-
natural laws of demand and supply, and the nat- man contributes labor ; the former receives a return
ural relations between labor and capital, justify, in the shape of interest, and the latter receives a
This strike among the operative b o: and shoe return in the shape of wnges. In point of fact, the
makers is confined to a few locali ies, aid has wholesale dealer is usually also a laborer as well
been rather fitful and spasmodic in its char- as a capitalist ; that is, he contributes his time as
acter ; it has indeed already passed the full and well as his money. lie works in his counting-
begun, to wane; but as the causes which lead to room or warehouse, often as many hours as the
such combinations are likely to occur from time operative in his shop, and he is therefore entitled
tj time hereafter, and as just now the public to be paid for his labor, and as his labor is skilled
mind is interested in the subject, we have deemed and intelligent labor, to be well paid for it. Thus
it a favorable opportunity to say a few words on the income of the wholesale dealer is in part in-
what we have ventured to call the Philosophy of terest on capital, and in part wages of labor.
Strikes; not pretending by the- use of tl.at word The rr.ces paid by custom^ rs or consumer=, for
that we are going to say anything novel or pro- boots and shoes, constitutos the fund which is to
found, but simply employing the phrase to denote be divided between the capitalist and the laborer,
a consideration of the ends wliich the parties to a who have co-operated in the production of them,
strike propose to accomplish, and of the results And here we have to consider two points ; first,
which, in point of fact, do and must follow from what are the laws regulating the absolute
such combinations. amount of the fund to be so divided ; and sec-

The boot and shoe business is a very important o id, whnt arc the law* regulating the proportions
department of ihj industrial energy of Massachu. in which it shall be divided. These are not ths

same; ani th^ overlooking of this fact constitutes workmen is on the increase, the tendency is to
one of the fallacies which lie at the bottom of all lovvjr th ; rate of wages by the natural result of
strikes for higher wages. competition. There may be a glut of labor in the

The absolute amount of the find to be divided market as well as of any other commodity. In
depends upon the universal law of demand and new countries the wages of labor are high; be-
supply, which can no more be altered by combi- cause there is a great deal to be done and but few
nations, whether of masters or workmen, than the to do it; in old cjutitries, where employments are
1 iw of gravitation. People will buy just so many crowded and the struggle for subsistence is press-
boots and shoes as they want ; and no human ing, the wages of unskilled labor are but little
power can compel them to buy any more. And ab )ve the point of subsistence,
though boots and shoes are articles of primary There are other elements that influence the rate
necessity, which everybody must have, yet the of wages. Skilled labor is paid for at a higher
amount of boois and shoes purchased and con- rate than unskdled. Watchmakers, working
samed is affected by the general prosperity of the jcivellers, and the makers of mathematical and
country. In other words, men will accommodate optical instrura.mts receive high wages, bi'c luse
their wants to their circumstances. When times their labor is in part the eff.ct of a natural fa ul-
are bad, when many persons are out of employ- ty not bestowed upon all. So an employment
mint and much capital is lying idle, men will that is distasteful and disagreeable is better paid
e:;onomize in shoes as in other things ; they will than one that is pleasant and agreeable ; vury
be content wit'i an inferior article ; they will we; r laborious occupations are better paid than those
their slioes longer, and have them mended more which are light and easy. The making of boots
frequently, than when times are good. Whenev- and shoes is an employment in which, from na-
er, from want of sagacity and foresight, the rate tural causes, there is very likely to be an excess
of production goes on undiminished, while the of supply over the demand. It is not a labor re-
damind is decreasing, there occurs, sooner or la- quiring a high degree of skill or faculty. Any-
ter, a glut. The market becomes over-stocked; body can make a pair of shoes; and the power is
the goods manufactured cannot be sold ; and con- soon a'jquired. The work is light and easy ; it is
sequently the capitalist and the laborer alike suf- cleanly and not disagree ible ; it gratifies ma..' ,
fer. Many capitalists fail, and many workmen are love of independence by giving him a certain corn-
thrown out of employment, maud of his time : he is not comiielled to obey

Now so far as the present distress amoTig the the ringing of a bell. It also gratifies men's so-
operatives in the shoe business is thj result of cial nature : enabling them to live together, and
causes by which the capitalist and the laborer are in their leisure hours to talk gossip and politics,
alike affected, however much it is to be regretted, For these reasons, it has happened that more per-
nobody can be blamed for it. It is the result of sons have engaged in boot and shoe-making, prc-
an inexorable law. To complain of it is like portionally to the work to be done, than in sur-
complaining of water that it wets, or of lire that rounding and competitive occupations,
it burns. And that it is the result of such cans- Wages of labor were formerly more or less
es, there can be no doubt : the many fiilures that regulated by legislative enactment. The world
have recently taken place in the shoe trade are has now generally outgrown this mistake, and the
one of the proofs. The supply of boots and shoes subject is left to care of itself. It is now simply
is greater than the demand: they are not bought a matter of bargain and sale; one man wants to
because they are not wanted ; and because they buy labor and another man has labor to sell, and
are not bought, the fund to be divided between the terms of the contract are fixed by the parties
capital and labor is lessened. themselves. Experience has settled that this is

The law which regulates the proportion in not only the best way, but the only ^vay, to meet
which capital and labor sliall share in the product and settle the question between capital and labor ;
to which they have jointly contributed depends, and that all outside interference can only do mis-
in a great measure, upon the relation between the chief.

amount of work to be done, and the numbers of Now it is true that the selfish instincts of human-
t'lose who are ready to do it. The demand for ity operate here as in all other departments of busi-
boots and shoes — they being articles of necessity ness. The capitalist wants to buy labor as cheaply
• — is pretty steady. It is not susceptible of any as possible : the laborer wants to sell it as dearly
nuuiv^d increase; therefore if, while the demand as possible; and yet this proposition is not more
increases very little or not at all, the number of true than the fact that their real interests brinj

them to the same point. In other worJg it ia the cidental causes this rate becomes hifjher, work-
interest of the capitalist to pay he highest wages men will leave other employinetUs, and learn to
which the profits of his business will allow him to make shoes. Suppose that in a given community
do ; and it is the interest of the laborer not to the number of shoemakers was ju.>t ten thousand,
demand any higher wages than the capitalist cun and that live thousand were cut off by some sud-
allord to piy. In general, under ordinary cir- den calamity ; and suppose also that there was
cumstances, the capitalist and laborer do meet at work enough for ten thousand to do. The in-
this point. creased demand and the increased •wages M'ould

That it is the interest of the capitalist to pay the attract great numbers of workmen^riom other
highest wages which he can afford to pay is a propo- o -tupatlons, and the vacuum would soon be
Bitioa very easily proved. We will suppose that a tilled.

sagacious and intelligent man, with a capital of fifty The sa no law applies to the capital invested in
thousand dollars, determines to engage in the boot the shoe business. The natural rate of interest
and shoe trade. His business consists in purchas- on such capital is equal to that earned by capital
ing leather, in employing a large number of men invested in the other and surrounding occupations
and women to make it up into bouts and shoes, and of industrial life. Whenever it becomes higher,
in selling these boots and shoes, when manufactur- capital is attracted to it from other employments
el, to consumers. His interest istosupply his cus- and the equilibrium is soon restored. In a city
tomera with a good article ; and in order to secure like Boston there arc many young men coming of
this he must first have good leather, and then good age every year, trained to busines-, with a certain
workmen and workwomen. But as he cannot have amount of capital, and desirous of carnin' a
good leather without paying a good price for it, so jiving and accumulating property. If they see
he cannot buy good labor without paying a go(d that men in the shoe trade are making money
price for it. Good workmen can only be had by faster than men in other employments around
paying good wages. He, the capitalist, supposing them, they will go into that business. Now if
him to think only of his owQ interests, wants to have, the capitalists in the shoe business are earning a
and to rely upon, the continuous labor of an eilicient higher rate of interest upon their capital than a
body of trained and skilled workmen; and not only natural one, by reason of giving their workmen a
that, but he wants them to work for him heartily, lower rate of wases than the natural, capital will
.and with a will. Even a pair of boots made with a be invested in the shoe business which was before
•will is better than a pair of boots made wi'hout one. lying idle, or otherwise employed; competition
The good will of the workman is in some degree a '^vill enhance the rate of wages, and the proper
monl eh^merit; it is earned by justice anl kind ■ proportion between capital and wages will soon
ncss on the part of the employer — by the punctual be restored.

payment of liberal wages. A poor paymaster makes A strike or combination of workmen, is an at-
a poor workman, and the result is a poor article ; tempt to force -vvagos above their natural level, by
and this is felt at last in the capitalist's pocket, making capitalists suffer loss and inco.nvenience
This is one of the innumerable w\ys in which it in case they resist such demand. Strikes are of-
appears that a man's best interests and highest du- ten attended with the element of coercion within
ties are coincident. tlemselves; that is, the workmen engaged in

But it may be said that the above consideration them sometimes compel a dissenting minority to
is one which addresses itself only to an enlighten- join them by the threat, or tlie use, of force. This
ed and sagacious self-interest. Very well ; ad- is not an invariable attendant u])()n strikes, and
mitting this to be true for the sake of argument, we will therefore lay it aside. We will consider
there is another motive operating upon the capi- them in their simplest aspect, as combinations of
talist to give the highest wages he can afford, aiid workmen united by a common purpose t)f refusing
addressing itself more immediately to his selfish to work for capitalists unless they will pay higher
i istincts. There is a natural equilibrium between -wages than arc actually received,
capital and labor ; and whenever this is disturbed. Of course, it is a mere truism to say that a
it is restored by a law analagous to that by strike always involves a present loss. The very
which air rushes in to fill a vacuum. The natu- object of a strike is to coerce capitalists by means
ral rate of wages of an operative shoemaker is of loss or the fear of lo«s. But the loss attcn-
equal to that which can b" earned by muu of sim- dant upon strikes is mutual. The business of
ila ■ capacity in the other and surrounding em- the capitalist is arrested in mid career : his orders
ployments of industrial life. Whenever from ac- are suspended ; his contracts are interrupted ;

and if a critical period is cho ^Gn by the opera- earning no wnges. Thus capital is diminisliing ;
lives, as is often the case, bankruptcy and ruin and it diminishes in proportion to the duration
ma\' be the result. But the workman is equally of the strike. But there is a necessary coniieition
a sutl'erer. lie ceases to earn wages; begins to between capital and wages. Capital is the fund
live upon his capital, that is, his former earnings from which wages are paid: the more capital
laid up ; in short, becomes an unproductive con- the more wages, tlie less capital the less wages,
sumer. These arti the inevitable elements of a If, therefore, by reason of a strike, the capital of
strike; though, incldeutally and collaterally, an employer is diminished, his capacity to pay
gr.ive mora* evils usually follow in their train, wages is equally diminished, and he must employ
Want of occupation tempts men to drink, simply a less number of workmen than he did bufore ;
as a pastime and for want of something better to and thus, when the strikers come back to ask
do ; intemperance leads to violence, breaches of work again, a certain per centage of them are re-
the peace, and offences against the law. fused it, because by their own act they have so

Now as strikes are ia themselves evils, and at- far forth lessened the capitalist's power to jjay,
tended with loss, it follows that they are inexpe- and consequently to employ them. Suppose, for
dient and unwise, unless some permanent good is instance, that a wholesale shoe dealer has a hun-
accomplished by them, which otherwise could not dred thousand dollars invested in his business,
beattahiel. But if the principles we have above and employs a hundred workmen, and that, by
laid down are sound, it takes but little reflection reason of a strike, his capital is reduced to ninety
to show that strikes are always unnecu-ssary, and thousand dollars, or, in other words, that he has
in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred are produc- lost ten thousand dollars, it follows that his
tive only of mischief. capacity to pay wages is lessened in the same pro-

The oaly ease in wbich strikes can do any good, portion, and that at the end of the strike he can
and are at all justifiable, is the case in Avhich the only employ ninety workmen instead of a hun-
capitalist refuses to give the workmen the wages dred. In a highly-civilized comnmnity, there are
he ought to give, and can afford to give ; or, in many elements that modify and temper this gen-
other words, retains in his own hands more than eral law ; but that it is the geneial law is indis-
the natural interest upon the capital employed in putaole.

his business. But even in this case they are un- But suppose that the strikers prevail for a time,
necessary, because, as we have before said, this Suppose that by the opportuneness of their com-
injustice will be ramedied in time by the inevitable bination they force the capitalist to give them a
opeiation of natural laws. higher rate of wages than the profiis of his busi-

But in almost all cases strikes are unqualified ness will allow — for the reader mu-t take this
evils to the workmen engaged in them ; and element along with him in all our reasonings —
equally so whether they do, or do not, obtain a what are the results ?

temporary success, and gain for the present the These are of two kinds ; the possible and the.
increased rate of wages for which they combine, necessary, such as may happm an I such as nia->t

Assuming that the workmen in any givcii em- happen. The possible result is tr.e final removal
ployment are receiving all the wages their em- and transfer of capital from the seat of the strike,
ploycrs can afford to give them, and consequent y Capital is at once migratory and sensitive. Ic in-
all they ought to ask, but that they, not under- stinetively flees from storms and violence, and
standing this, leave off work in combination, with seeks the tranquil air of peace. Strikes have
a view of forcing their employers to pay them been always prevalent in Ireland, from the ardent
more, what are the results, and the on'y possible and excitable character of its population ; and n
results? Capital and labor, the interests of which many cases they have driven capital away an I
are identical, are now put into a hostile attitude thus dried up the founain of wages. In the lit/
towards each other. There is a contest between of Dublin, especially, many kinds of manufacture,
them. In th's contest capital is mast likely to once flourishing, have been ruined by strikes, and
prevail, and generally does prevail. The work- by successful strikes, too ; that is, successful for
men are starved out, and driven by necessity to the time. The master manufactarers have aban-
go to work again. But what are the consequen- doned business in disgust, and the best Irish
(,g3 5 workmen have gone to England or Scotland.

As we have before said, during the period of a An Irish capitalist once erected a costly manu
strike capital is earning no interest, and labor is factory at Baudon. His workmen struck for

13

higher wagos just when he was boginning to work pay for every pair of shoos he buys ten cents
out a large contract, and he was comiiclled to ac- more than a fair price. Now every; hiu;; that en-
cede to their demimds. II; worked out his con- hances the price of articles co:isuinud tends to
tract, and then abandoned the manufactory. 13y lessen the consumption ; everything that lowers
this there was a dead loss to the work-peoi)le of the price tends to increase the con.'-umption ; and
Baiidon of about twelve thousand pounds a year so the consumption of shoes, and demand for
in wages. them, must diminish at the rate of ten per cent.

But suppose the capital be too deeply rooted to But as the demand is, so must ihc supply be. If
be removed ; the final result of a strike in which the community want only ninety per cent, of what
the workmen succeed in raising wages above they wanted before, only ninety per cent, will be
their natural level is that whatever is gained in supplied ; and of course tlie number of workmen
the excess of wages is lost in the number of work- must be diminished ten per cent. ; or if the same
men employed, or in the amount of work to be number of woikmen be employed, tlie amount of
done. work supplied to eacti must be diminislieJ. The

Suppose, for instance, by way of illustration, gains of the employer being lessened, his capacity
that the fair price for making a pair of shoes is to employ labor is also lessened,
one dollar ; and that, by combination, the work- If the above principles be true, it follows that
men succeed in forcing their employers to pay an attempt by means of strikes to force wages abovo
them a dollar and ten cents. Tlicse extra ten their natural level is analogous to an attempt to
cents must either be paid by the capitalist him- overcome the laws of nature — to force water, for
self, or by the consumer. In the former case, instance, above the level of the source from which
they are taken from the capital itself, since Ave it flows. The more ignorant and unreflecting work-
have assumed that after receiving his fair rate of men are, the more likely they are to engige in
proflt on his capital, he can only afford to pay a strikes. There is no spot on earth where strikes are
dollar in wages. Thus his capital would be les- more unreasonable or more umeoes«ar3' than in
sened ; and just in proportion as it was lessened Massachusetts. No where are eJucatiou and Intel-
would his capacity to give wages be lessened; ligence more diffused; no where is labor more hon-
and as he was compelled to pay so much for each ored, or skilled labor better paid; no where are
pair of shoes made, he would order fewer pairs to the rights of humanity more respected ; no where
be made, and thus employ fewer hands. New does a man struggling to rise in life find more hands
capital would cease to be attracted to the trade, held out to help him. We should have predicted
and old capital would be diverted from it ; all that % strike among native-bo- n Americans in
which would tend to diminish the fund from Massachusetts was an impossibility; that a s rike
which wages are drawn. has occurred among them, though limited in range

But suppose, what is generally the case, that and brief in duration, leads us to the belief that the
these extra ten cents are paid by the consumer, above views may not be dtcmed nctdless or unsea-
what is the conseq^ueace ? He is obliged to sonable.

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P D

76

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. " ST. AUGUSTINE

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