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^^M^, S>^.j£Mm^J^S)^ 





Vol. XXIX 


Copyrighted 1922 


penn«tIvaniaa(Berman Society. 

publication Committee. 




Contents iii 

Officers of the Society iv 

Report of the Secretary, Daniel W. Nead 5 

Report of the Treasurer, J. E. Burnett Buckenham 6 

Necrology 9 

^jeutxsgltrania — The German Influence in its Settle- 
ment AND Development. 
Part XXX. Social Conditions Among the Pennsylvania 
Germans in the Eighteenth Century, by James Owen 
Knauss, Jr. 


FOR 1918-1919 


Rev. L. Kryder Evans^ D.D. 

Vice-Presidents : 

Frank Ried Diffenderffer^ Litt.D. 

Edward H. Renninger. 

Secretary : 

Daniel W. Nead, M.D. 


J. E. Burnett Buckenham^ M.D. 

Executive Coinmittee : 

Terms expire in 1919. 

Julius F. Sachse, Litt.D. 

Rev. L. Kryder Evans, D.D. 

Charles R. Roberts. 

Terms expire in 1920. 
George A. Gorgas. 
Rev. John B. Stoudt. 
H. WiNSLow Fegley. 
Terms expire in 1921. 
Naaman H. Keyser, D.D.S. 
William K. T. Sahm, M.D. 
Benjamin F. Fackenthal, Jr., Sc.D. 
Terms expire in 1922. 
Porter W. Shimer. 
Rev. George W. Sandt, D.D. 
William M. Schnure. 
Terms expire in 1923. 
Rev. Theodore E. Schmauk, D.D., LL.D. 
Rev. Nathan C. Schaeffer, Ph.D., D.D., LL.D. 
Ulysses S. Koons, Esq. 


Pennsylvania- German Society 


Reading, Pennsylvania. 
October 2, 19 18. 

Report of the Secretary. 

To the Chairman and Members of the Executive 
Committee : 

Gentlemen: Owing to the conditions brought about 
through the continuance of the war, the society has passed 
through another year without holding an annual open 
meeting. Notwithstanding this fact, the Executive Com- 
mittee has held four regular quarterly meetings during the 
year, as follows: January 9, at Reading; April 10, at 
Reading; June 25, at Philadelphia; October 2, at Mount 

During the year the Society lost by death the following 

John Edward Krause, September 18, 19 17. 
Hiram E. Steinmetz, February 21, 19 18. 


6 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Lewis L. Anewalt, June 14, 191 8. 

John S. Fretz, June 25, 19 18. 

Hon. Theodore Berghaus Klein, July 21, 19 18. 

The following were elected to membership during the 

Clarence J. Knauss, Bergenfield, New Jersey. 
Casper O. Miller, M.D., New Market, Virginia. 
James Owen Knauss, Jr., Coopersburg, Pa. 
Rev. Dr. Madison C. Peters, New York City, N. Y. 

During the year Volume XXVI was published and dis- 
tributed to the members of the Society. 

Report of the Treasurer 

OF the 

Pennsylvania-German Society. 

October i, igi'j — September SO, 1918. 


To balance in the Penn. National Bank, Sep- 
tember 29, 1917 $3)039-09 

Receipts : 

Annual Dues (No. 6,967 to No. 7,248) . $867.00 

Interest on Bonds 40.00 

Publications Sold 16.00 

Refund on Type Blocks 6.68 929.68 


Report of the Treasurer. 7 


Dues, Pennsylvania Federation of Historical 

Societies, 1918 $2.00 

Penn. National Bank, Safe Deposit Box Rent. 5.00 

Insurance on Proceedings for i 919 12.25 

Two United States Liberty Loan Bonds, 

Third Series, $500.00 each 1,000.00 

Postage, Expressage, Travelling Expenses for 

the Secretary 22.37 

New Era Printing Co., Printing Volumes 
XXV and XXVI, Proceedings, Postage, 

Expressage, and Stationery 1,522.29 

Electro-Tint Engraving Co., Zinc Plates and 

Half Tones 16.02 

The Keating Co., Embossed Plates 24.00 

Patterson & White Co., Maps and Inserts. . . 83.50 
Kraemer & Co., Binding Membership Applica- 
tions 23.70 

P. C. Stockhausen, Stationery and Printing. . 9.25 

Illman Bros., Printing Plates 10.15 

C. W. R. Smith, Envelopes 8.50 

Reading Cabinet Works, Bookcase 44.00 

John Wanamaker, Colored Plates of Flags. . . 10.75 

Sundries, Postage, Stationery, and Printing. . 25.55 


Balance in the Penn. National Bank, Septem- 
ber 28, 1918 ■ 1,149.44 


8 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 


Two Electric & Peoples Traction Company 4 per cent. 

Bonds, $500.00 each $1 ,000.00 

Two United States Liberty Loan Bonds, Third Series, 

$500.00 each 1,000.00 

Respectfully submitted, 
(Signed) J. E. Burnett Buckenham, 


Phila., Pa., December 18, 19 18. 
To THE Pennsylvania-German Society : 

The undersigned, the auditors appointed to audit the re- 
ports of the Treasurer, J. E. Burnett Buckenham, M.D., 
viz., from Nov. 3, 19 16, to Oct. i, 19 17, and from Oct. 
I, 19 17, to Sept. 30, 19 1 8, have examined the said re- 
ports both as to items of credit and debit contained therein 
and also all vouchers, receipts, and checks given In pay- 
ment of expedltures and we hereby report that we have 
found the same true and correct; and that we have ex- 
amined the securities In the possession of the said Treasurer 
and find them as set forth In his said reports. 

All of which Is respectfully submitted. 

(Signed) Ulysses S. Koons, 
(Signed) John L. Bower, 
(Signed) Geo. Lewis Plitt, 


Biographical Shctcbesf of H)ecea2!eb 

flliembers^ ot tiie Ipennsi^lvania* 

(Berman Societie 

Edward John Krause. 
Hiram Erb Steinmetz. 
Lewis L. Anewalt. 
John Stover Fretz. 
Theodore Berghaus Klein. 

Edward John Krause 

Edward John Krause, son of Robert Permarrio Krause, 
1 830-1 866, and his wife Hortensia V. Weber, 1833- 
1902, was born November 27, 1856, at Bethlehem, Penn- 
sylvania. Through his father he was a lineal descendant 
of Heinrich Krause, who came to this country in 1753, 
from Toerpitz, in Silesia, Germany; through his mother 
from Andreas Christoph Weber, a native of Gemrode, in 
Anhalt-Bernburg, Germany, whence he emigrated to Amer- 
ica in 1750. Mr. Krause was connected with the clerical 
force of the Bethlehem Steel Company. He died Septem- 
ber 18, 1917. He became a member of the Pennsyl- 
vania-German Society, October 21, 1903. 

Hiram Erb Steinmetz 

Hiram Erb Steinmetz, A.M., was born October 20, 
1854, at Clay, Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, Through 
his father, George Steinmetz, he was descended from the 
immigrant Carl Steinmetz, a native of Bavaria, who ar- 
rived in America September 30, 1774. The mother of 
Hiram E. Steinmetz was Priscilla Cecilia Erb, a descend- 
ant from Jacob Erb, 1724-18 10, whose father emigrated 
from Switzerland to America in 1728 and settled in Lan- 
caster County, Pennsylvania. Hiram E. Steinmetz was 
elected a member of the Pennsylvania-German Society 
July 13, 1899. He resided at Zion Home, Lititz, Pa., 
and died February 21, 19 18. 

12 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Lewis L. Anewalt 

Lewis L. Anewalt, son of John C. and Henrietta Getz 
Anewalt, was born in Allentown, Pennsylvania, October 
7, 1861. 

His great-great-grand father, Valentine Anewalt, was 
born in the Palatinate, January 12, 1732, emigrated to 
Pennsylvania in 1761, and subsequently settled in Allen 
Township, Northampton County, where at the time of his 
death, February 8, 1802, he possessed several tracts of 
land. His wife, Johanna Margret Kutz, was born No- 
vember 13, 1733, and died August 4, 1828. Their ashes 
repose at the Stone Church near Kreidersville. 

His great-grandparents were Peter Anewalt (1772- 
1825) and Anna Barbara Waltman (1778-1853) and 
his grandparents were Peter Anewalt (i 797-1 841) and 
Elisabeth Bliem (1800-1856). 

His father, John C. Anewalt, was born in Allen Town- 
ship, March 22, 1830, and died in Allentown, 1896. He 
removed from Allen Township to Allentown in 1861 and 
engaged in the mercantile business. 

Lewis L. Anewalt was educated in the schools of Allen- 
town and as a young man entered his fathers' store as a 
clerk. In 1891 he formed a partnership in the hat busi- 
ness with his brother, William C, under the firm name of 
Anewalt Brothers, which was continued until the latter's 
death in 1899, when he opened a retail and wholesale hat 
store at 617 Hamilton Street, under the name of the Lewis 
L. Anewalt Company, where he continued until the time of 
his death. He and his wife, Irene, nee Lichtenwalner, 
were active members of St. John's Reformed Congrega- 
tion. He was a director of the Citizens Deposit and Trust 
Company; a member of the Allentown Chamber of Com- 
merce; a member of Greenleaf Loge, No. 561, F. and 

Biographical Sketches of Deceased Members. 13 

A. M.; Allen Chapter, No. 203, R. A. M.; Allen Com- 
mandery, No. 20, K. 7; Caldwell Consistory; Rajah 
Temple, A. A. O. N. M. S.; a member of the Huguenot 
Society of Pennsylvania, and of the Pennsylvania Society 
of Sons of the Revolution. 

He died June 14, 19 18, and is survived by his widow 
and two sons, Harold F. and Paul F. Anewalt. He was 
elected to membership in the Pennsylvania-German Society 
on November i, 1906. 

John Stover Frelz 

John Stover Fretz died at his residence, " Maplehurst," 
on the Willow Grove turnpike, Doylestown, Bucks County, 
Pennsylvania, June 25, 19 18. He was a son of Philip 
Kratz Fretz and his wife Anna Stover; grandson of Chris- 
tian and Mary (Stover) Fretz; great-grandson of John 
and Anna (Kratz) Fretz; great-great-grandson of Chris- 
tian and Barbara (Oberholtzer) Fretz, and great-great- 
great-grandson of John Fretz, who emigrated from Mann- 
heim, Rhenish Prussia, in 1720 and settled in Upper 
Salford, now Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, whence 
he removed to Bedminster Township, Bucks County, in 
1737, and died there in 1772. His grandson, John Fretz, 
removed to Doylestown in 1792, purchasing a large tract 
of land in " Fretz Valley," of Which " Maplehurst " is a 

Ralph Stover, 1760-18 11, father of Mary (Stover) 
Fretz and great-grandfather of John Stover Fretz, was 
very prominent in public affairs; though a Mennonite in 
religious faith he rendered service during the Revolution- 
ary War. He was for many years a Justice of the Peace; 
represented Bucks County in the Legislature, 1793-1799, 
and filled a number of other public positions. 

14 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

John Stover Fretz was born on the old Fretz homestead 
In Doylestown Township, September 22, 1850. He was 
reared on the farm and acquired his education at the dis- 
trict school and the Tennent Classical School at Hartsville. 
From his boyhood he was an experimenter in mechanics. 
At the age of fourteen years he made a model of a steam 
engine which took a prize at the first exhibition of the 
Doylestown Agricultural and Mechanics Institute. Later, 
as a young man, he constructed a full-sized steam engine, 
turning all the parts by hand in a shop fitted up for him 
by his father. The engine is still in operation, pumping 
water from a quarry at " Maplehurst." Because of his 
mechanical bent he erected a saw mill in 1880, in which 
the equipment was continuously changed during the the 
following years to keep abreast of the times, in the im- 
provement of machinery. This plant was one of Mr. 
Fretz's hobbies and from it was turned out an immense 
amount of lumber, prior to its destruction by fire in 1897. 
He was an expert in woods and wood manufacturing and 
his knowledge and experience made him a consultant of 
builders and business men. He was a great lover of 
horses and always owned a fine driving team, but, with 
the advent of automobiles he was a pioneer purchaser in 
his neighborhood in 1899. He took a deep interest in 
the automobile industry, owning as many as twenty cars 
of different models. A number of improvements are said 
to have been made at his suggestion, as he devoted much 
time to the development of improvements and inventions. 

Mr. Fretz was a director of the Bucks County Trust 
Company and a liberal promotor of all enterprises leading 
to the civic development of Doylestown and vicinity. In 
politics Mr. Fretz was a Democrat, and in religion a Pres- 
byterian, being a trustee of the Doylestown Presbyterian 

Biographical Sketches of Deceased Members. 15 

Church. He was a member of the Pennsylvania-German 
Society to which he was elected October 24, 1901; the 
Bucks County Historical Society; the Doylestown Country 
Club, and the Pennsylvania Society Sons of the Revolution, 
by virtue of the service of his great-grandfather, Jacob 
Stover ( 1 757-1 844), as a private in Captain William Mc- 
Henry's Bedminster Company, Third Battalion, Bucks 
County Militia. (Jacob Stover being the grandfather of 
his mother, Anna Stover.) 

Mr. Fretz married November 12, 1879, Mary Wilson 
Long, daughter of Henry Long, of Doylestown, who sur- 
vives him and resides at " Maplehurst." He is also sur- 
vived by a son, Augustus Henry Fretz, a member of the 
faculty of Lehigh University. His nephew, Dr. John 
Edgar Fretz, a prominent physician of Easton, is also a 
member of this society. 

Theodore Berghaus Klein 

Honorable Theodore Berghaus Klein, for many years a 
prominent citizen of Lebanon and Harrisburg, was born 
August 22, 183 1, in New Cumberland, three miles from 
the city of Harrisburg. He was the son of John B. and 
Elizabeth H. Berghaus Klein. He received his early edu- 
cation in the Harrisburg Military Academy, and in early 
life entered a drug store, but before completing his ap- 
prenticeship he went to Alabama and joined an engineering 
corps; some time later he returned to Pennsylvania and 
assisted in surveying in the southern counties of Pennsyl- 
vania. The enlargement of the Union Canal being pro- 
jected at this time, he joined their force of engineers and 
assisted in prosecuting the enterprise. After engaging in 
several pursuits he settled in Lebanon and associated him- 

i6 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

self again with the Union Canal Company with which he 
remained for twenty years. While there he became promi- 
nent in various associations, being a charter member of 
Mount Lebanon Cemetery Association and Cashier of the 
North Lebanon Savings Bank. He was an ardent Repub- 
lican and served his county in the Legislature from 1881 
to 1885. After retiring from the Legislature he entered 
the service of the State in the department of Internal Af- 
fairs, where he was chief clerk under General Thomas J. 
Stewart, and when General Latta assumed office he was 
appointed Deputy, which office he also filled during the 
term of Isaac B. Brown. He retired to private life and 
settled in Harrisburg. For many years he was president 
of the Dauphin County Historical Society to which he con- 
tributed many valuable papers of local interest. He was 
married three times and left his wife, nee Miss Esther 
Shellenberger, three daughters and two sons. He was a 
member of Bethlehem Lutheran Church and the Ancient 
Order of United Workmen. 

Mr. Klein was a most genial person, tall of stature and 
imposing in appearance and was beloved by all who knew 
him. He passed away July 22, 19 18, eighty-seven years 
of age. He was elected to membership in the Pennsyl- 
vania-German Society January 17, 1899. 




H Narrative auD Critical Ibistorp 






publication Committee. 

>otial €onhiiionsi among tfje ^ennsfplbania 

(germansi in tfie Cigftteentf) Centurp, 

as; 3Rebealetr in tte German 

igetDsJpapersi 3^utilis(f)eb 

in America 




Copyrighted 1922 


ipennBtlvaniasOerman Society, 





Chapter Page 

I The Newspapers and their Publishers I 

II The Religion and the Religious Denominations of the 

Pennsylvania Germans 37 

III Charities and Humanitarian Organizations 58 

IV The Education and the Educational Facilities of the 

Pennsylvania Germans 73 

V Language 104 

VI Pennsylvania German Traits 1 19 

VII The Vocations of the Pennsylvania Germans 127 

VIII Political Ideals 141 

Conclusion 168 

Bibliography 212 


A =Der Unpartheyische Reading Adler (1796-1800). 

AS =Der Americanische Staatsbothe (1800). 

Ba = Bailey's Das Pennsylvanische Zeitungsblat (1778). 

CW =Die Chesnuthtller Wochenschrift (1790-1794). 

DP =Der Deutsche Porcupein (1798-1799). 

GP =Der General Post-Bothe (lygo). 

GZ =Die Germantauner Zeitung (1785-1790). 

GZg =Die Germantauner Zeitung (i 790-1793). 

H ::^Hutter's Der Lancaster Correspondent (1799— 1 800). 

M =M\\\tr' s Staatsbote (1762-1779). 

NUL=New^ Unpartheyische Lancaster Zeitung (1787-1797)- 

NUR = 2VeM^ Unpartheyische Readinger Zeitung (1789— 1800). 

PC =Philadelphische Correspondenz (1781-1790). 

PC2 = Philadelphische Correspondenz (1790-1797). 

PC3 = Philadelphische Correspondenz (1798-1800). 

PC4 =-PHiladelphische Correspondenz (1800). 

PS =Philadelphisches Staatsregister (1779-1780). 

PZ =^ Philadelphische Zeitung (i 755-1 757). 

S =Saur's paper (i 739-1 777). 

UH =Die Unpartheyische Hdrrisburg Zeitung ( 1 799— 1 800). 


'^^WO considerations have rendered this subject espe- 
^^ cially attractive to me. In the first place, none of 
the historians of the Germans in America has given it the 
attention which it deserved. Kuhns in his " German and 
Swiss Settlements of Colonial Pennsylvania " devotes one 
page to the subject of newspapers and mentions only one 
by name, Saur's colonial paper. Faust in his " German 
Element in the United States " discusses the German news- 
papers of the eighteenth century somewhat more in detail, 
although he does not mention half of them. In fact, it 
was Professor Faust himself who suggested the topic to 
me, because he knew what an imperfect knowledge his- 
torians possessed of this subject. Needless to say, neither 
Professor Faust nor Professor Kuhns derived the material 
for their accurate works from the periodical publications. 
Professor Oswald Seidensticker, the pioneer historian of 
the period, obtained much of his material from the old 

viii The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Pennsylvania German papers, but he drew almost all of It 
from Saur's and Miller's colonial papers, and did not by 
any means exhaust even these papers as a source of histori- 
cal information. As to bibliographies of these news- 
papers, there are only two that deserve serious considera- 
tion. Seidensticker in his " First Century of German 
Printing in America " names about five sixths of the peri- 
odical publications, although his usual reliability is not 
apparent in his statements concerning the papers published 
in the last two decades of the century. Moreover, he 
often does not tell us where the files are located and never 
describes the state of their completeness. The second 
bibliography was compiled by Daniel Miller about twenty- 
five years after the appearance of Seidensticker's work in 
Der deutsche Pionier. He usually followed his prede- 
cessor very closely, often making the same mistakes, even 
minor ones such as a wrong initial or a wrong date. 

The second reason for my interest in the subject is a 
purely personal one. As a descendant of one of these 
early German immigrants, Ludwig Knauss, who arrived 
In this country as early as 1723, I have always felt a keen 
personal interest in that extraordinary group of Ameri- 
cans, the so-called Pennsylvania " Dutch." Reared In a 
rural community where the patois is still extensively spoken, 
I know their weakness and their strength. I have always 
felt the injustice done to them by those who have not been 
able to penetrate behind their stolid reserve. As an ex- 
ample of this Injustice, we may well take the novels of 
Helen Reimensnyder Martin. I make no objection to 
her works as fiction and, as such, I have read several with 
much pleasure ; but when she leads people to believe that 
her novels give an accurate picture of the ordinary 

Preface. ix 

Pennsylvania-German community, it seems to me time to 
disagree. Desiring to investigate first-hand records con- 
cerning the ancestors of these people, who are American 
to the core, I gladly availed myself of a source of informa- 
tion which has thus far scarcely been discovered. 

In writing down the results of my investigations, I have 
tried to be fair in giving an account of both the good and 
the bad qualities of the Pennsylvania Germans. News- 
papers present pitfalls as well as advantages in the search 
for truth. There is great danger for the historian if he 
does not strive for an unbiased viewpoint. He must not 
expect to gain an accurate idea of the social conditions in 
a community exclusively from newspapers, since the de- 
mand for reports of unusual events, or, in other words, for 
news, causes the papers to give us a much distorted view 
of existing conditions. 

My thanks are due to the librarians of the various 
libraries mentioned in my newspaper bibliography for the 
courteous treatment they accorded to me in my researches, 
and especially to the following library officers, whom I 
may have tried sorely with my unrelenting correspondence : 
Mr. Clarence S. Brigham, of the American Antiquarian 
Society, Worcester, Massachusetts; Mr. Ernest Spofford, 
of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia; 
Mr. Thomas Lynch Montgomery, of the State Library, 
Harrlsburg, Pennsylvania ; Dr. L M. Hays, of the Ameri- 
can Philosophical Society, Philadelphia; Mr. Andrew 
Shaaber, of the Berks County Historical Society, Reading, 
Pennsylvania; Miss Lottie Bausman, of the Lancaster 
County Historical Society, Lancaster, Pennsylvania, and 
Miss Lina Hertzog, of the Deutsche Gesellschaft, Phila- 
delphia. I want to give my thanks to Dr. Albert Cook 

X The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Myers, of Moylan, Pennsylvania, for especially valuable 
suggestions concerning repositories of German American 
newspapers of the eighteenth century; to Mr. M. A. 
Gruber, of Washington, D. C. ; Mr. Ethan Allen Weaver, 
of Germantown, Pennsylvania; Reverend Dr. William J. 
HInke, of Auburn, New York, and Mr. A. K. Hostetter, 
of Lancaster, Pennsylvania, for giving me Important Infor- 
mation about some of the early newspapers and their edi- 
tors, and to Dr. George C. Keldel, of Washington, D. C, 
for helpful suggestions about the arrangement of various 
parts of the monograph. I owe a special debt of gratitude 
to Dr. Albert Bernhardt Faust, of Cornell University, 
who, as mentioned above, first suggested this subject to 
me, for his Inspiring guidance and sympathetic criticism. 
Prof. Carl Becker, of Cornell University, gave me the 
benefit of his searching and constructive criticism. Prof. 
Paul R. Pope, of Cornell, carefully reviewed the manu- 
script and gave me many valuable criticisms while I was 
revising the first draft. Finally, I want to thank the many 
friends, unnamed but unforgettable, who have kindly an- 
swered my letters of inquiry. 

James O. Knauss. 

Cornell University, 
February 22, 1918. 



'^^HE German Americans of the eighteenth century, 
^^ whose descendants of the present day are generally 
known as Pennsylvania Germans, published a creditable 
number of newspapers. It has been definitely established 
that a total of thirty-eight^ German newspapers existed at 
various times between 1732 and the end of the century. 
Indeed, it is probable that even more were published, since 
some of the less important ones, which were in existence 
for only a very brief period, may have vanished without 
leaving any traces. 

I have been able to locate copies and reprints of twenty- 
five of the eighteenth century German American papers, 
but only very few copies of many of these twenty-five 
papers have been preserved. In fact, most of the material 
for this monograph has been drawn from six leading jour- 
nals, of which, fortunately, many issues are on file In vari- 
ous libraries. The two of these that were published be- 
fore the Revolutionary War were Saur's paper, of which 
about three hundred and fifty issues between 1739 and 
1777 are extant, and Miller's Staatsbote, of which about 
nine hundred issues between 1762 and 1779 have been 

1 There were thirty-nine papers, if we consider the thrice-a-week edition 
of a paper as distinct from the weekly edition. 

2 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

located. The other four important papers were the 
PhiladelpMsche Correspondenz (more than nine hundred 
and fifty issues are in existence that were published be- 
tween 178 1 and 1800), the Germantauner Zeitung (two 
hundred and forty-six issues between 1785 and 1793 are 
extant), the Neiie Unpartheyische Lancaster Zeitung, in- 
cluding the continuation of the paper under different titles 
(about four hundred and sixty-five issues between 1787 
and 1800 have survived), and the Neue Unpartheyische 
Readinger Zeitung (about six hundred issues between 
1789 and 1800 are in existence). To this group of post- 
bellum papers may be added the Reading Adler, which, 
however, is not very important for the eighteenth century, 
since its publication was begun only four years before the 
end of the century. Of the remaining eighteen news- 
papers, none were in existence more than six years and 
some less than a year. Of ten of these, I have found five 
or less copies, and of none of the remaining eight more 
than one hundred and ten. However, it is usually easy to 
form a fairly accurate estimate of their characteristics, 
even if only a few copies have been preserved. 

Most of the publishers were men with a high sense of 
responsibility. Their aim usually was to improve the 
social, political, intellectual, moral and religious conditions 
of their German American countrymen. For instance, in 
the first number of Franklin's Philadelphische Zeitung 
(May 6, 1732), L. Timothee, the editor, advises his sub- 
scribers to preserve the copies of the paper and to have 
them bound at the end of the year, since he intends to print 
in them an account of the founding of the province and a 
resume of all privileges, rights and laws of the colony. 
This information, in addition to the chronicle of contem- 

The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 3 

porary events, the editor declares, will aid the readers in 
obtaining a more intelligent comprehension of the events 
of the following years. Thus the earliest German Ameri- 
can newspaper which has been located was published for 
the purpose of making the Germans better citizens of the 
province of Pennsylvania. 

Franklin's Zeititng did not thrive, probably because the 
time was not yet ripe for a successful German paper. A 
contributing cause of its failure was perhaps its German, 
fearfully and wonderfully made. As an example of this, 
the first sentence of the only advertisement in the second 
issue will suffice, " Es wird hiemit bekandt gemacht, dasz 
Hendrick Van Bebber, welcher viele Jahre her als Doctor 
Medicinae mit gutem success practicieret, hat sich hier zur 
wohn niedergesetzet." Louis Thimothee, the editor, was 
a protege of Franklin, who also made him librarian of the 
new Philadelphia Library, and later, after the death of 
Thomas Whitemarsh, sent him to South Carolina to take 
charge of his printing office in Charleston.^ 

In 1739 Christoph Saur started in Germantown, Penn- 
sylvania, the first German American newspaper which lived 
beyond the experimental stage. His Der Hoch-Deutsch 
Pennsylvanische Geschicht-Schreiber, Oder: Sammliing 
Wichtiger N achrichten aus dem Natur- und Kirchen- Reich 
was in existence from 1739 to 1777. It was published by 
its founder up to the time of his death, on September 25, 
1758, after which it was continued by his son, Christoph. 
The older Saur, according to the obituary notice^ by his 

2 See Julius F. Sachse's article, " The First German Newspaper Pub- 
lished in America" (Proceedings of Pennsylvania German Society, Vol. 
X, p. 44). 

^S 9-30-58. (For list of abbreviations used in referring to newspapers, 
see my newspaper bibliography and page vii. Whenever possible I give 
the number of the issue, not the date of the issue.) 

4 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

son, was sixty-four years old when he died. He had spent 
the last thirty-four years of his life in Pennsylvania. The 
son paid a glowing tribute to his father's conscientiousness 
and promised to attempt to continue his policy. The sec- 
ond Christoph Saur conducted the business up to the first 
years of the Revolutionary War, when he was succeeded 
by his two sons, Christoph Saur, Jr. (the third) , and Peter 
Saur. The exact date on which the transfer to the sons 
was made can not be determined, because no copies of the 
paper have been located between the issue of September 1 1, 
1776, and that of February 26, 1777, the former of which 
still bore the name of Christoph Saur, while the latter was 
published by the sons. 

The Saur paper was undoubtedly the most influential 
German journal of the period. As a source of historical 
information, it is probably also the most valuable German 
paper of the century, because the older Saur, far from be- 
ing a slavish imitator of other publishers, printed what he 
thought was in keeping with the ideals which he expressed 
in the first number dated August 20, 1 739. In his address 
to the readers he assures them that he does not intend to 
publish the paper as a sacrifice to the idols of curiosity and 
of a desire to hear, see, know and say something new, nor 
will he publish it for the selfish purpose of attaining fame. 
He intends to publish the most useful and the most impor- 
tant stories and occurrences, so that they may create deeper 
impression and more meditation. 

This moral purpose was a distinguishing characteristic 
of the paper during the whole forty years of Its existence. 
For instance. In Number 106 (March 16, 1749), Saur 
says he will not print confessions of counterfeiters because 
this would teach other rascals how to make spurious money. 

The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 5 

The tendency of the paper to moralize was so pronounced 
that its opponents attacked the second Saur for this reason. 
They claimed* that he refused to publish news to which 
he could not attach a suitable moral. 

The Saurs were Dunkers or German Baptists. Faith- 
ful to the doctrines of this sect, the Saur paper always 
advocated non-resistance, attacked higher education and a 
specially educated clergy, but ever actively supported chari- 
table organizations and such movements which the pub- 
lishers believed would promote the physical and moral 
welfare of the community.^ They were scrupulously hon- 
est. The older Saur changed the title of the paper from 
Geschicht-Schreiber (Chronicler) to Berichte (News), be- 
cause It was impossible to prevent inaccurate news from 
getting into the paper.® Between April 9, 1762, and Au- 
gust I, 1766, the second Christoph Saur changed the word 
"Wichtiger" (important) in the title to " Wahrschein- 
licher" (jprobable), doubtless because he thought the for- 
mer adjective was not sufficiently accurate. 

That Saur's paper was very influential can readily be 
believed when we remember that the German Dunkers and 
Mennonites'^ were in those early days very strong in num- 
bers and influence. In 1753 the paper had four thousand 
readers.* Saur's opponents also admit the strength of the 
paper's influence oyer the people. Heinrich Melchior 
Miihlenberg, in a letter written in 1754 to Benjamin 
Franklin, deplores the influence which Saur was wielding 
even over the Lutherans and the Reformed by means of 

* M 294, 296. 

5 See Chapters II, III and IV. 
6S 66. 

■^ The Mennonites were closely allied with the Dunkers in doctrine. 
See Chapter II. 
8S 11-I-S3. 

6 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

his newspaper. He declares that despite all efforts to un- 
dermine this influence, Saur still retains the advantage, 
turning the Germans against their clergy and against every- 
body who endeavors to reduce them to order in church and 
state affairs.® 

Prompted by his intensely religious nature, the second 
Saur commenced in 1764 the publication of a religious 
magazine, which was probably the first of its kind in 
America. In the "Vorrede" to Ein Geistliches Maga- 
zien he announces his intention of publishing it whenever 
time and circumstances will permit, asks his readers to 
write articles for it, and promises to distribute the copies 
gratuitously so that he may gain no temporal profit thereby. 

While the second Saur was a non-resistant, like all ortho- 
dox Dunkers, we have no adequate proof that he opposed 
the War of Independence, since only five issues of the 
paper for the years 1775, 1776 and 1777 have been lo- 
cated. It is probable that he preserved strict neutrality, 
not supporting either of the belligerents, but simply pub- 
lishing the news as he received it. We can well imagine 
that such a course was very unsatisfactory to the patriots, 
who began to regard him as an enemy. Hence his Influ- 
ence, which had been declining for the preceding ten years, 
disappeared almost entirely. He became a marked man, 
when his sons, Christoph Saur, the third, and Peter Saur, 
published the old paper under a new name, Der Pennsylva- 
nische Staats-Courier, and made it a most rabid and coarse 
Tory paper during the British occupation of Philadelphia. 
We are inclined to wonder what caused this change in atti- 
tude on the part of the sons. Was it due to an over- 
whelming conviction of the justice of the British point of 

^ See H. W. Smith's " Life and Correspondence of the Rev. William 
Smith, D.D." Vol. I. p. 66. 

The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 7 

view, or to anger at the taunts and insults flung at them by 
hot-headed patriots during the first two years of the strug- 
gle? So far as the father is concerned, it is generally 
believed that he remained completely neutral during these 
stormy times. Certainly his actions were those of an inno- 
cent man. On May 23, 1778, twenty-four days before 
the British left Philadelphia, he returned to his home In 
Germantown within the American lines^" — an act of folly 
for any man who was not completely unconscious of any 
guilt. On the British evacuation of Philadelphia the 
Americans confiscated the property of the father and his 
sons. When Henrich Miller, the publisher of the Staats- 
bote, returned to the city he attempted to secure the press 
of Christoph Saur, the third." The goods of the second 
Saur were sold by the authorities at public sale, beginning 
on Monday, August 24, 1778. They consisted, among 
other things, of feather-beds, bedclothes, chairs, tables, 
writing tables, buffets, kitchen utensils, a printing press, 
Bibles and all his publications." Thus ended the influence 
of the Saurs, the most remarkable family of German print- 
ers in the colonial period. Christoph Saur, the second, 
died on August 26, 1784, poor but faithful to the tenets 
of his sect. 

In the fall of 1790 Samuel Saur,^^ the youngest son of 
the second Saur, attempted to resurrect the prestige of the 
Saur family by starting Die Chesmithiller Wochenschrift, 
which followed the same general principles as the German- 
town paper. It contained much religious material, pub- 

!<> McCulIoch's Additional Memoranda, p. 136. 

1^ See broadside of July 22, 1778 by Henrich Miller, in possession of 
P. H. S. 

12 M 880. 

13 He was born in Germantown on March 30, 1767, and died in Balti- 
more, October 12, 1820. 

8 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

lished articles in favor of non-resistance and bitterly at- 
tacked higher education. It is quite probable that his 
Philadelphier Wochenblat and his Baltimore paper had 
the same characteristics. 

All pre-revolutionary German newspapers may be di- 
vided into two groups, the Saur papers and those of his 
opponents. The latter, of which, unfortunately, but few 
copies published prior to 1762 are in existence, favored 
higher education and upheld a policy of military defense. 
They were the organs of the Lutherans, the Reformed and 
the Moravians. 

Benjamin Franklin was often the financial backer of 
these papers. Whether this is true of Das Hoch-deutsche 
Pennsylvanische Journal (1743) and of Gotthart Arm- 
briister's weekly of 1748, I have found no means of ascer- 
taining. Franklin probably had an interest in Johann 
Bohm's Philadelphier Teutsche Fama, for Franklin and 
Bohm were associated in a publishing company at that 
time." His name appeared as publisher of the Phila- 
delphia bi-lingual paper of 175 1 and of the Philadelphische 
Zeitung (1755-1757)- It has been definitely proved that 
he was also the controlling factor in Miiller and Holland's 
Die Lancastersche Zeitung of 1752-1753.^^ Copies of 
only the last two papers have been located. In these we 
look in vain for a strong personality, such as belonged to 
Saur. They generally give the news as colorlessly as pos- 
sible. The Philadelphische Zeitung printed detailed ac- 
counts of the doings of the provincial assembly and the 
progress of the French and Indian War. There seems to 
be no reliable information about the publishers of Die Lan- 
castersche Zeitung. We know absolutely nothing about 

"Adv. in S 107. 

iti Sachse's " The German Sectarians," Vol. II, p. 443 ff. 

The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 9 

S. Holland. H. Muller, who was at first associated with 
Holland, was probably Henrich Miller, who later became 
famous as the publisher of the Staatsbote.^^ Anthon Arm- 
briister, who published the Philadelphische Zeitung in part- 
nership with Franklin, was a brother of Gotthart Arm- 
briister. Anthon continued in the printing business up to 
1767 or 1768. In 1762 he was publishing Die Pennsyl- 
vanische Fama.^'' He died in 1796. The Reverend 
John F. Handschuh was the editor of the Philadelphische 
Zeitung. He was a Lutheran minister, who had had 
charges in Lancaster and Germantown. In 1755 he was 
made professor of French at the academy which later be- 
came the University of Pennsylvania. From 1758 to his 
death in 1764 he was pastor of St. Michael's Lutheran 
Church in Philadelphia.^^ 

When Henrich Miller published the first number of Der 
Wochentliche Philadelphische Staatsbote, on January 18, 
1762, the Saur newspaper at last faced a dangerous com- 
petitor. Miller was pecuharly qualified to be the most 
influential German printer and publisher of the stormy 
days preceding the Revolution. He had a thorough 
knowledge of the mechanical part of printing, having spent 
many years in the printing business at various places in 
Europe and America. ^^ As early as 17 15, when only 
thirteen years of age, he left his native Waldeck and en- 
tered upon his apprenticeship at Basel, Switzerland. 
When he departed from Basel for Zurich in 172 1, he be- 
came a wanderer for thirty-nine years. In the fall of 

1^ See below. 

^'M 34, 35. 

"M 144, 

1® The materials for the following biographical sketch were found in 
Miller's advertisement in S 6-19-61, in his farewell to his readers in 
M 920 and in the obituary notice in PC 51. 

10 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

IJ21 he went to Leipzig, In 1722 to Altona, In 1725 to 
London, In 1729 to Altona again, In 1732 to Switzerland, 
where he worked at his trade In Basel, Geneva and Zurich. 
In 1738 we find him In Hamburg, In 1739 In Amsterdam, 
from which place he proceeded to Paris by way of Ant- 
werp and Brussels. In November, 1740, he arrived at 
London via Calais and Dover. Then he embarked for 
America, where on his arrival he began to work for Frank- 
lin. In 1742 he returned to Germany again. From 1747 
to 175 I he worked at his trade In England, Scotland and 
Ireland. In 175 1 he came to Philadelphia again. There 
Is a conflict of authorities regarding Miller's activities dur- 
ing his second stay In America. His advertisement states 
that he worked for Hall and Bradfort (sic) in Phila- 
delphia and for Saur in Germantown. His obituary no- 
tice, however, records that he started a printing establish- 
ment. In 1754 he returned to Germany for the last time. 
In 1756 he operated his own printing press in England, 
where he published a semi-weekly German newspaper for 
fourteen thousand Hanoverian and Hessian troops who 
were quartered In that country during the whole summer. 
On September 12, 1760, he came to Philadelphia a third 
time and started a printing establishment of his own. 

These long years spent as a journeyman not only made 
him thoroughly acquainted with his trade, but broadened 
his views immensely. In this respect he was far the supe- 
rior of the younger Saur, who had had no such opportuni- 
ties to widen his horizon, having lived all his life among 
the sectarians in provincial Pennsylvania, In addition to 
Miller's experience and broad-mindedness, he was presum- 
ably a shrewd business man. Starting with hardly any 
surplus money,^° he succeeded in becoming the most influ- 

20 M 65. 

The Newspapers and Their Publishers. ii 

ential German colonial printer. From the first he tried to 
introduce his paper throughout the English colonies. He 
had agents at various places in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, 
New York, Maryland, Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia 
and Nova Scotia." 

There was at least one more reason why Miller's paper 
was successful. The later German immigrants had been 
largely Lutheran, Reformed and Moravian. After hav- 
ing spent ten, twenty or thirty years in the country, these 
people had attained a certain degree of affluence, so that 
even their proverbial economy allowed them to buy news- 
papers. They naturally chose to read a good newspaper 
published by a non-sectarian rather than one published by 
such an uncompromising sectarian as Saur. 

The most striking feature of the Staatshote is the fact 
that it contains very little news that gives us an insight into 
the life and customs of the contemporary German Ameri- 
cans as distinguished from their English neighbors. Per- 
haps this is due to the circumstance that Miller had spent 
only very few years in the colony. To a certain degree he 
had become a cosmopolitan through his long wanderings, 
so that as an editor he was not Interested in the every-day 
life of the people whom he served. We must not conclude, 
however, that Miller was not interested in the welfare of 
the Germans. For instance, his paper mentioned with 
favor the organization of a Deutsche Gesellschaft, which 
had as its chief aim the amelioration of conditions among 
the German immigrants. ^^ 

According to Miller's greetings to the readers in the 
first number of the Staatshote, he wanted by his trade to 
serve God and his neighbors (especially the Germans liv- 

^iM I ff. 

22 M 153, 155, 157 et al. 

12 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

ing In this part of the world, so far removed from their 
fatherland) with fidelity and to the best of his ability. He 
maintained that a Christian could promote by means of a 
newspaper not only the general welfare, but also the glory 
of God. He promised to make the news In his paper as 
accurate as possible and occasionally to extol the virtues of 
a Christian and of a citizen. This proclaimed religious 
aim would lead us to expect editorial notes, moralizing on 
various events, similar to those found in Saur's paper. 
Instead of moral reflections, however, Miller Inserted In 
his paper paragraphs describing the location and appear- 
ance of places mentioned in the foreign dispatches. Some- 
times he also appended observations on great political 
events of Europe. 

There Is no question that Miller's chief interest lay In 
making his German countrymen Intelligent citizens of the 
province. He desired to make them acquainted with po- 
litical conditions. He printed unusually full reports of 
the doings of the Pennsylvania Provincial Assembly, occa- 
sionally Issuing supplements for this purpose.^^ During 
the stirring times between 1765 and 1779 he was always 
on the side of liberty.^* He was continually calling the 
attention of the Germans to the fact that they lived in a 
good country. "What great cause we have to thank God 
for His kindness and for the good land which He has given 
to us."^^ 

Since Miller was politically Inclined, we may safely as- 
sume that he copied much from the English papers of the 
period. This belief is strengthened by a notice In the 
Staatsbote of October 15, 1771, that the issue of the pre- 

23 M 118, 120 for example. 
2* See Chapter VIII. 
25 M 516. 

The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 13 

ceding week had contained a misstatement owing to the fact 
that the publisher had copied the item from the English 

The War for Independence brought with it hard times 
for Miller, as it did for so many others. One of his chief 
difficulties was the scarcity of labor. On December 3, 
1776, he warned his subscribers that he might have to dis- 
continue the regular weekly issue, because he could not find 
any helper. On April 21, 1779, he uttered a similar com- 
plaint. The increased pressure of hard times was also in- 
dicated by the change in the price of the newspaper from 
six shillings to eight shlllings^^ and later to two pounds 
five shillings. ^^ 

When the British threatened Philadelphia, Miller fled 
on September 25, 1777, leaving all his possessions^^ behind 
him. Returning on July 4, 1778, he found himself robbed 
of his presses and of most of his books. He says a certain 
James Robertson took the better press, while the robbers, 
Christoph Saur, Jr., & Co., seized much of the remaining 
one. However, this did not deter him from beginning the 
publication of the paper again on August 5, 1778. In this 
number he greets his friends thus : 

Werthe Freunde, Nachdem ich mich einlgermassen von der 
Bestiirzung in welche mich der Raub meiner Druckerey gesetzt 
hat, erholt habe, will ich getrost, in Gottes Namen wieder 
anfangen, ihnen nach Vermogen, mit meinen iibrig gelassenen 
Buchstaben und einer geborgten Presse zu dienen. 

The paper was published regularly up to May 26, 1779, 
when it suspended publication. As early as April 28 he- 
printed this notice : 

28 M 875. 

27 M 886. 

28 See broadside by Miller dated July 22, 1778. 

14 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Noth hat kein Geboth. Wenn meine resp. Kunden die Zeitung 
nicht richtig krigen oder ich sie aufgeben musz, mogen sie vest 
glauben, dasz meine schlechten Umstande, mein hohes Alter, 
Leibesschvvache, und dasz ich ohne Hiilfe bin, es verursachen. 

Miller probably left Philadelphia in the fall of 1779, 
for he insisted that all his creditors should call for their 
money before the end of August, 1779.^^ He died at 
Bethlehem on Sunday, March 31, 1782, as his obituary 
notice^" says, " ein um das Publicum und besonders die 
Deutschen sehr wohl verdienter Mann." 

His farewelP^ to the readers of his paper deserves to be 
quoted in full, because it shows the spirit which animated 
the man. 

Allerseits Hochgeehrte Herren, Freunde und Landsleute. 

Sie wissen dasz der Sabbath so alt ist als die Schopfung. Es 
heiszt von dem Herrn unserm Gott selbst : Er ruhete am siebenten 
Tage von alien seinen Werken die Er machte. Die Felder hatten 
ihren Sabbath ; die Thiere genossen ihn ; er ist ganz besonders um 
des Menschen willen eingesetzt; und wird mit der Zeit die 
Sehnsucht aller geschaffenen Wesen. Nur der Hiiter Israel 
schlafet und schlummert nicht. 

Wenn heutiges tags ein Mann sein 6ostes Jahr zuriickgelegt 
hat, so halt man dafiir sein Sabbath solte angehen, und er selbst 
nicht mehr arbeiten, sondern nur zusehen dasz andere fiir ihn 
ihre Arbeit recht machen. 

Ich bin nun, werthe Freunde, nicht weit von 80 Jahren, 
beynahe durch den Raub meiner Druckerey in meinem Beruf 
ruinirt, ohne gehorige Hiilfe und Unterstiitzung : Was deucht 
Ihnen? Sie werden mirs gewisz nicht verdenken dasz ich mich 
nach meiner Sabbaths-ruhe sehne, und zu dem End ich es nothig 
erachte die Zeitung aufzugeben, als eine Arbeit die piinktlich an 
einem bestimmten Tag fertig seyn musz. 

28 M 920. 

80 PC 51. 

81 M 92a 

The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 15 

Die Abfertigung eines Staatsboten gehort fiir einen frischen, 
hurtigen Mann. So lang ich ein solcher war, geehrte Landsleute, 
diente ich Ihnen herzHch gem ; hab auch wirklich bey 50 Jahr fast 
immer mit Zeitungen zu thun gehabt, ehedem in der Schweiz und 
Deutschland ; und als in dem letztern Kriege zwischen Frankreich 
und England einmal 14000 Man Hanoverischer und Heszlscher 
Truppen den Sommer hindurch in England lagen, bediente ich, 
auf Ersuchen des Stabes, ihre beyden Lager zweymal in der 
Woche mit einer Deutschen Zeitung. 

Die Leute mogen Zeitungen ansehen wie sie wollen, ich habe 
sie immer fiir gemein niitzlich gehalten, und die Aufsetzung und 
Ausgabe derselben fur eine angenehme Beschaftigung eines Mannes 
von einem mittelmaszigen Alter. 

Hat meine geringe Zeitungsarbeit, geehrte und werthe Land- 
sleute, Ihren Beyfall gehabt, wird es mir ein besonder Vergniigen 
seyn; ganz das Gegentheil vermuth ich nicht, sondern glaube es 
ist doch manchen damit gedient gewesen. 

Ich habe gethan was ich konte, danke meinen Freunden und 
Gonnern fiir Ihre Ermunterung, und bitte mir Ihre fernere 
Gewogenheit aus bey eraugnender Gelegenheit. 

Meine Treue zu diesem Lande ist, wie ich hoffe, genugsam 
bekannt; und was meine Achtung fiir die Deutsche Nation 
betrifift, so mocht ich wiinschen ein jeder Deutsche verstiinde ihre 
Wiirdigkeit. Ich meines theils verharre dieses ganzen Landes 
doch vorziiglich der Deutschen, treuergebener Freund und Diener. 

H. Miller. 

Besides Der Pennsylvanische Staats Courier, mentioned 
above, three other German papers were published at vari- 
ous times during the War for Independence — Das Penti' 
sylvanische Zeitungs-Blat, Die Pennsylvanische Gazette 
and Philadelphisches Staatsregister. None of them con- 
tinued to the end of the war. 

Das Pennsylvanische Zeitungs-Blat was published In 
Lancaster during the first half of 1778, while the British 

l6 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

were in possession of Philadelphia. It contained war news 
almost exclusively. The publisher notified the public that 
he would stop publishing the paper on June 24, 1778, be- 
cause there had not been enough demand for it since the 
enemy had evacuated Philadelphia.^^ Francis Bailey, the 
publisher, learned the trade at Ephrata, Lancaster County, 
Pennsylvania.^^ In the eighties he published an English 
paper, Freeman's Journal, in Philadelphia. 

Die Pennsylvanische Gazette made its first appearance 
on February 3, 1779. The publisher, John Dunlap, prob- 
ably intended to issue it as the successor to the defunct 
Saur paper, since he also continued the editions of the Saur 
almanac under the old title. I do not know whether more 
than one issue was ever published, but it was no longer in 
existence in July of that year. The first number, the only 
one I have located, is full of war news, and the advertise- 
ments are limited almost entirely to the offering of rewards 
for the apprehension of thieves and other criminals. 

The Philadelphisches Staatsregister, published by Mel- 
chlor Steiner and Charles Cist, had an existence of almost 
a year and perhaps of almost two years. In form and 
content it does not differ essentially from the two last-men- 
tioned papers. In the first number, dated July 21, 1779, 
the publishers say that since there Is not a single German 
paper In America at the present time, they will publish one 
even In these hard times for a quarter of a year In order to 
find out whether they will receive suflficlent support to con- 
tinue It. The same firm had intended^* to start a German 
paper in 1776, but apparently never had secured the five 
hundred subscribers necessary to carry out the project. 

32 Ba 21. 

S3 McCulloch's Additional Memoranda. 

8*S 64s and M 781. 

The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 17 

The firm was dissolved in 178 1, after having been in ex- 
istence since December, 1775.^'' Cist^® was born in St. 
Petersburg in 1738. When he came to America he joined 
the Moravians. After 178 1 he continued in the printing 
business on his own account. In 1784, with others, he 
published an English monthly, the American Herald; in 
1786, another one, Columbian Magazine. In the admin- 
istration of Adams he was appointed the printer for the 
national government. He died in 1805 and was buried at 
Bethlehem. Melchior Steiner was the son of the Reverend 
Conrad Steiner, former pastor of the Reformed Church of 
Philadelphia." William McCulloch says both father and 
son were born in Switzerland.^® After the dissolution of 
the firm, Steiner and Cist, Melchior Steiner commenced the 
publication of the Gemeinniltzige Philadelphische Corre- 
spondenz. In 1797 or 1798 he severed connection with 
this firm and, according to Seidenstlcker, went to Washing- 
ton, where he died in 1807.^^ 

With the year 178 1 a new period in the history of Ger- 
man American newspapers began. They became increas- 
ingly political in nature as the end of the century ap- 
proached. As a rule, we look in vain for the originality 
which is found in the older Saur's paper and even in Mil- 
ler's Staatsbote. The number of newspapers increased 
from one in 178 1 to at least thirteen at the beginning of 
1800. Before 178 1 all the German newspapers had been 
published in Germantown and Philadelphia, with two or 

25 See advertisement in M 758. 

88 The material for this biographical sketch is taken from " Geschichte 
der deutschen Gesellschaft," pp. 469-470. 

87 See Chapter II. 

88 McCulloch's Additional Memoranda, p. 240. 

8» Seidensticker's " First Century of German Printing in America." 
p. 96. 

1 8 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

three exceptions. At the beginning of 1800 we find them 
also appearing in Baltimore, Hagerstown, Hanover, York, 
Lancaster, Harrisburg, Reading and Easton. 

The paper that ushered in the new period was the Ge- 
meinniitzige Philadelphische Correspondenz, which prob- 
ably made its initial appearance on May 2, 178 1. It was 
destined to have an existence of more than thirty-one years. 
Melchior Steiner, the publisher, was fortunate in securing 
the Lutheran ministers, the Reverends Kunze and Hel- 
muth, as editors of his paper, either at the time that he 
issued the first number or shortly thereafter. They re- 
tained the editorship for several years.^° It was probably 
due to their able supervision that the publication became 
noted for its efficient news service. In the fall of 1782 it 
could boast that English papers were printing translations 
of its news. The various items actually appeared earlier 
in the German paper than in its English contemporaries. 
This is in marked contrast with the earlier German papers, 
in which the news appeared about two weeks later than in 
the English papers.*^ The Philadelphische Correspondenz 
became so influential that by 1788 It had a considerable 
number of readers in Germany.*^ 

Gradually, however, the standard of the paper declined, 
so that Steiner announced*^ a change of editors in 1790. 
When the new editor, C. C. Reiche," took charge in Octo- 
ber of that year, the paper became a semi-weekly. Steiner 
promised that it would be conducted on an entirely new 
plan, that the editor would explain and comment upon the 

40 " Hallesche Nachrichten," Vol. II, p. 786. 
"PC 82. 

42 PC 380. 

43 PC 486. 
** See below. 

The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 19 

various news items. These explanations stopped almost 
entirely with the issue of November 5, 1790. Since 
Reiche died in December*^ after an illness of six weeks, 
we may conclude that he was the author of the explanatory 
material. From this time on the standard of the paper 
again became lower. It suspended publication during the 
height of the yellow fever epidemics of 1793, 1798 and 
1799. In 1793 both Kammerer**^ and Steiner, who were 
its publishers, were attacked by the fever, but fortunately 
recovered. ^^ In 1798 the three Kammerer brothers, Hen- 
rich, Joseph and Friedrich, who were then the publishers, 
also fell ill with the disease, and two of them, Henrich, 
the oldest, and Friedrich, the youngest, ''^ failed to recover. 

When the Kammerer brothers took charge of it in 1798, 
they promised to make it strictly non-partisan. At first 
they published communications from both political parties. 
They soon, however, commenced to show preference for 
the Anti-Federalists, probably because the rival Phila- 
delphia German paper, Schweitzer's Pennsylvanische Cor' 
respondenz, vigorously espoused the cause of Federalism. 
In 1799 the Philadelphische Correspondenz aggressively 
attacked the Lutheran minister, the Reverend Endresz.*^ 
This marks the end of the close connection which had up 
to that time existed between this journal and the Lutheran 

The paper reached its lowest ebb in March, 1800, when 

45 PC. 23. 

*^ According to the " Geschichte der deutschen Gesellschaft " (p. 501). 
H. Kammerer was a prominent member and officer of the " Gtsellschaft," 
■was a captain in the Revolutionary War and member of the Pennsylvania 
Assembly from 1792-1794. He probably died in 1797. 

47 PCa 252. 

48 PC3 22. 

49 PCs 44 ff. 

20 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

it contained hardly any news or advertisements, but was 
filled with extracts copied from various German American 
papers. We may safely assert that the Philadelphische 
Correspondenz was at one period of its existence among 
the best edited German papers of the post-Revolutionary 
days, and at another, unquestionably the worst. The limit 
was reached when the sole proprietor, George Helmbold, 
Jr.,^" confessed that he could not write articles in German, 
but had to hire somebody to translate them for him from 
English.^^ We can not help wondering how his thrice-a- 
week edition^^ looked. Unfortunately, or fortunately per- 
haps, no copies of it have been discovered. When Helm- 
bold took John Geyer^^ into the firm in April, 1800, the 
paper improved again, if the few copies located give us a 
fair idea of it. According to McCuUoch,^* the paper was 
continued by Geyer to August 12, 18 12, when its long 
existence came to an end. 

From 1781 to 1785 Steiner's paper had no competitors. 
In 1785, however, Peter Leibert, a wealthy Dunker, com- 
menced the bi-weekly Germantauner Zeitung for his son- 
in-law, Michael Billmeyer, a Lutheran. Leibert did this 
in order to have his daughter and his son-in-law near him. 
He was an old man and intended to retire from active 

00 George Helmbold, according to Cist's " Cincinnati Miscellanies " 
(Vol. I p. 98) published an English paper, the Tickler, in 1807 in Phila- 
delphia, and after the War of 1812, the Independent Balance. He served 
as a private in this war. 

61 PCs 69. 

^^ See bibliography. 

i^^ John Geyer was born in Philadelphia on April 18, 1778. In 1810 he 
and Conrad Zentler published Der americanische Beobachter, In 1813 he 
was raaj'or of Philadelphia. He dieid in October 1835. (These statements 
from "Geschichte der deutschen Gesellschaft," p. 482.) 

" McCulloch's Additional Memoranda, p. 242. 

The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 21 

participation in the publication of the paper as soon as 
Billmeyer should have learned the trade thoroughly.^^ 

Having sufficient capital at their command, the new 
firm immediately became a formidable rival of Steiner. 
They published the new Lutheran hymnal in 1786.^® The 
Pennsylvania Assembly selected them as the German pub- 
lishers of its proceedings. This met with strong opposi- 
tion from Steiner, who apparently had a petition circulated 
in November, 1785, to induce the Assembly to choose an- 
other German printer, on the ground that the German- 
tauner Zeitung was not as Influential in Philadelphia as 
the Philadelphische Correspondenz.^'' To this Billmeyer 
replied that, although he had only one hundred and sixty 
subscribers in the city, his publication had many more read- 
ers in the rural districts than Stelner's.^® It is safe to 
assume that this statement was entirely true, because the 
sectarians, most of whom lived In the country, assuredly 
preferred this paper, since one of its publishers was a Bun- 
ker and since its name, Germantaiiner Zeitung, reminded^" 
the older ones of Saur's influential paper.*'" Moreover, 
the firm attempted to make it useful to the farmers by 
publishing articles®^ on improved agricultural methods. 

As agreed upon, Leibert in 1787 severed his connection 
with the firm which was publishing the newspaper, al- 
though he continued to publish books in his own name. 
The Intimate relations of the men did not cease, as is 

65 GZ 27. 
56 GZ 42. 
"PC 251. 

58 GZ 27. 

69 PC 195. 

60 It, however, voiced none of the peculiar Dunker beliefs such as non- 
resistance and opposition to higher education. 

61 See GZj 44, 58, GZ 62, 65, 67, 68 et al. 

22 -The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

proved by the fact that Billmeyer lived in Leibert's house 
to the spring of 1789.®^ In 1790 the paper was changed 
to a weekly and reduced in size. The last copy which I 
have located bears the date of January 15, 1793.''^ 

With the next paper published in the vicinity of Phila- 
delphia, Samuel Saur's Chesnuthiller Wochenschrift, I do 
not need to concern myself here, because it has been dis- 
cussed at another place. In October, 1797, Heinrich 
Schweitzer started his semi-weekly Pennsylvanische Corre- 
spondenz in Philadelphia. Seidensticker*^* says it suc- 
ceeded Steiner's Philadelphische Correspondenz. This is 
a mistake, since, as we have seen, the latter paper continued 
Into the nineteenth century. The Pennsylvanische Corre- 
spondenz was strongly Federalist in politics, as is proved 
by the attacks directed against it in the Philadelphische 
Correspondenz.^^ It was supported by many of the Ger- 
man Lutherans.^^ It is not known how long the paper 
was published after it was made a weekly in August, 1800. 
I have been able to find only few accounts of Schweitzer. 
He was married to Polly Kugler, of Philadelphia, on April 
14, 1799," was secretary of the German Society in 1800 
and died in 1810."^ 

The real deterioration of the German press commenced 
when German newspapers began to appear in the inland 
towns. Since the different localities naturally encouraged 
their home papers, the Philadelphia papers inevitably lost 
many country subscribers. With ever-decreasing revenue 

62 GZ no. 

63 See bibliography. 

6*" First Century of German Printing in America," p. 150. 

65 See PCs 66 ff and July 30, 1800. 

66 PCs 67. 

67 PC3 44. 

68 Seidensticker, op. cit., p. 150. 

The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 23 

their standards became continually lower. But the inland 
newspapers were generally just as poor. They were com- 
monly published by men of little education, less wealth 
and no talent at all. Since the papers presumably had 
only a limited local circulation, the publishers had great 
difficulty in avoiding bankruptcy. In spite of this, they 
might have improved, if the heated politics of 1795-1800 
had not caused the establishment, in almost every town, of 
German organs of the two parties. Thus we find two 
papers of opposing political opinions in York, Lancaster, 
Reading and Philadelphia. The result may be imagined. 
Competition in this case was detrimental to both parties. 

Another reason why the German papers did not thrive 
was Pennsylvania German economy. In 1790 the Ger- 
man publishers of Lancaster complain that, while the 
Anglo-American press is flourishing, the German Ameri- 
can press is losing ground. Although the English papers 
cost two dollars per year and the German only one dollar, 
the Germans club together so that two, three or four fam- 
ilies get a newspaper in common. If a book costs more 
than nine pence or one shilling, the Germans will not buy 
it. The result is that the English publications are supe- 
rior to th& German. ®® 

Still another cause of the deterioration of the German 
papers is probably found in the tendency of the Germans 
to become anglicized in speech. ''° Since, according to one 
estimate, only six thousand Germans came to this country 
between 1765 and 1785,^^ this assimilation gained great 
impetus. Hence an increasing number of Germans failed 
to support German newspapers. 

69NUL 175. 
70 See Chapter V. 

■^1 GP 10. This estimate is undoubtedly too low. Ten thousand is more 
nearly correct. 

24 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

The honor of establishing the first post helium German 
paper in the interior of Pennsylvania belongs to the town 
of Lancaster. On August 8, 1787, the first issue of the 
Neiie TJnpartheyische Lancaster Zeitung appeared. The 
publishers were Stiemer, Albrecht and Lahn. In the first 
number they promise to make the paper of value to the 
young people by moral and instructive essays. They de- 
sire to be non-partisan. They will encourage higher edu- 
cation. They expect to print accounts of European af- 
fairs, especially of those of Germany. These promises 
were fairly well kept at first. The paper became the 
strong champion of the new Franklin College at Lancaster. 
It always encouraged religious tolerance. It sturdily 
urged the adoption of the new Federal Constitution. In 
addition to this, it occasionally published articles on im- 
proved methods of farming. 

Anthon Stiemer had begun his apprenticeship with 
Christoph Saur, the second, and finished it with Carl Cist.^^ 
In 1783 an Anthon Stiemer was a merchant in Phila- 
delphia." Stiemer was probably the most talented mem- 
ber of the firm, for the paper became noticeably poorer 
after his death in April, 1788, when he was still less than 
thirty years of age. 

Jacob Lahn was probably the best educated and wealth- 
iest member of the firm. In 1783 he desired to commence 
a French evening school in Philadelphia.^* In 1785 he 
owned a circulating library in that city.^° He retired from 
active partnership in the firm in the spring of 1790. 
After that he conducted a large book store in Lancaster.^* 

■^2 McCulloch's Additional Memoranda, p. 190. 

73 PC 109. 

74 PC 124. 

75 PC 217. 

76 NUL 130, 169 ff. 202, 227, 258. 

The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 25 

Johann Albrecht, the third member of the firm, had also 
served his apprenticeship with Saur. He was considered 
the best pressman in America." In 1788 his firm won the 
prize offered by the " Pennsylvania Society for the Encour- 
agement of Manufacturing and of the Useful Arts" for 
the best and finest specimen of a bound book of not less 
than one hundred and fifty pages, which was printed from 
type and on paper made in Pennsylvania. '^^ When Al- 
brecht became the leading member of the firm the paper 
lost almost all of its originality. It was already anti- 
French in 1793. It is unfortunate that no copies of it 
have been found which were published between the end of 
1793 and the beginning of 1798, because it was in this 
period that the political alignment occurred, which made 
the German papers of 179 8-1 800 almost exclusively politi- 
cal in character. 

At the beginning of 1798 Johann Albrecht and Com- 
pany changed the name of the paper to Der Deutsche 
Porcupein. Albrecht frankly said that the purpose of the 
paper was the same as that of William Cobbett's Peter 
Porcupine's Gazette, namely, to defend the country against 
the Democrats, Jacobins and disturbers of the peace. ^^ 
Although the change of name created quite a storm of 
protest, he defended himself by saying that he did not 
want to use the word " unpartheyische " any longer, be- 
cause some "unpartheyische" papers had appeared which 
were an injustice to the name.^^ He probably referred to 
the Reading Adler and to the York Gazette. The paper 
was undoubtedly faithful to the purpose just mentioned. 

^" McCuIloch's Additional Memoranda, p. 190. 

78 NUL 68. 

79 DP I. 

80 DP 2. 

26 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

For two years it poured forth a perfect stream of coarse 
abuse on the Anti-federahsts, to the exclusion of almost 
everything else. In this it surpassed all other German 
Federalist papers which I have read. In 1800, when its 
name was changed to Der Americanische Staatsbothe, its 
tone became calmer, but the general standard did not im- 

We do not know the exact date when the first opposition 
paper was launched in Lancaster. Both Seidensticker^^ 
and Miller^^ say the second German paper in that town 
was Der Lancaster Correspondent. However, I have dis- 
covered that an Anti-federalist paper, Des Landmanns 
Wochenhlatt, was commenced in February, 1798, and sus- 
pended publication on February 19, 1799. Its successor, 
Das Lancaster Wochenhlatt, started on February 26, 1799, 
and had already passed out of existence on May 25, 1799, 
when Der Lancaster Correspondent made its initial ap- 
pearance.^^ Since no copies of these papers have been 
located, we know nothing about their characteristics, al- 
though we have no reason to doubt that they were almost 
entirely filled with political news. The publisher of both 
papers was William Hamilton,®* who had been publishing 
an English paper, the Lancaster Journal, in Lancaster for 
a number of years. The editor of the Landmanns Woch- 
enhlatt, and probably also of the Lancaster Wochenhlatt, 
was Conrad Wortmann, a German from the old country. 

Christian Jacob Hiitter, the pubhsher of Der Lancaster 
Correspondent, said in the first number of his paper that 
it would be non-partisan in its news, but that he was proud 

81 Seidensticker, op. cit, p. 152. 

82 Daniel Miller's " Early German American Newspaper," p. 47. 

83 See bibliography for further details. 

8* See Lancaster Journal of Jan. 27, 1798. Also H i. 

The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 27 

to be an American. "Wir sind Amerlcanerl wir haben 
die Fackel der Freyheit angezundet ! " He did not retain 
this moderate tone for any length of time. Attacked by 
Albrecht, Hiitter vied with him in vilification. He con- 
tinued the paper to September 3, 1 803. Then he moved'' 
to Easton, Northampton County, where he commenced 
Der Northampton Correspondent m 1806, which remained 
in existence up to 1903. Hiitter was born in Saxe-Gotha, 
Germany, on May 17, 177 1, came to America in 1789 and 
settled in Bethlehem. After he had started the North- 
ampton Correspondent, he also made three attempts to 
publish English papers, The Pennsylvania Herald and 
Easton Intelligencer, The People's Instructor and The 
Centinel. During the War of 1812 he was a lieutenant- 
colonel of the militia. From 1822 to 1825 he was a mem- 
ber of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives.'*' 

The second inland town of Pennsylvania which could 
boast of a German paper was Reading. The first number 
of the Neue Unpartheyische Readinger Zeitung appeared 
on February 18, 1789. The firm was Johnson, Barton 
and Jungmann. Johnson was probably Benjamin John- 
son, who conducted a hardware store in Reading and sold 
books." I have been unable to learn anything about Bar- 
ton. Gottlob Jungmann, who was the only one of the 
three connected with the firm later than 1793, was un- 
doubtedly the editor of the paper. His opponent, Jacob 
Schneider of the Adler, said'' that Jungmann in his early 
years had been a teacher, a musician, a clerk in a store, a 

85 See Miller, op. cit., p. 47. 

86 This information about Hutter, I have obtained from Mr. O. L. Fehr 
of Easton, Pennsylvania, who was the last publisher of Der Northampton 

"NUR I. 
88 A 57. 

28 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

weaver, a notorious card player and a soldier, but had 
never been successful in anything. After discounting 
Schneider's malice toward Jungmann, we can still believe 
that he had had a rather checkered career. When the 
Readinger Zeitiing had passed out of existence in the first 
decade of the new century, he started Der Standhafte 
Patriot.^^ I have been unable to ascertain anything about 
Briickmann, one of Jungmann's later partners. Johann^" 
Gruber, who belonged to the firm from June 26, 1793, to 
December 31, 1794, was born October 31, 1768, at Stras- 
burg, Lancaster County. He was apprenticed at the age 
of fifteen to Charles Cist to learn the art of printing. 
After the completion of his apprenticeship his father ad- 
vised a sea voyage on account of his poor health. In 
179 1 he went to San Domingo. During his stay there he 
was engaged as a compositor on a French newspaper. Be- 
cause of the rebellion which was raging on the island, he 
was obliged to escape in the disguise of a sailor. After 
severing relations with Jungmann, he settled at Hagers- 
town, Maryland, where he started Die Westliche Corre- 
spondenz.^^ He died at this place on December 29, 1857. 
In the first number of the Neue Unpartheyische Read- 
inger Zeitung the publishers enumerate sundry advantages 
which they hope will arise from the publication of the 
paper. Adults will become more fluent in reading, while 
children will gladly go to school and learn in order that 
they may be able to read the paper. Thus the desire for 
knowledge will grow. Everybody will understand our 
government better. The people of Berks County will 

88 Daniel Miller, op. cit. p. 57. 

90 For this biography of J. Gruber, I am indebted to Mr. M. A. Gruber, 
Washington, D. C, a descendant of a collateral branch of the family. 

91 See below. 

The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 29 

learn something about the views of their neighbors. They 
will be able to vote more intelligently. The farmers can 
read about new methods in farming. Old prejudices and 
superstitions will pack up and wander over the Blue Moun- 
tains. In city and country there will be much reading. 
The reading of newspapers will lead to the reading of 
useful books. Schools will be established and a county 
school at Reading will receive encouragement. The 
churches will also obtain a fresh stimulus. 

Despite the expression of such sanguine hopes, the paper 
was wretchedly edited. Often more than half of the issue 
was filled with advertisements. The publishers were 
frank in confessing that they copied many news items from 
the Philadelphische Correspondenz, the Germantauner 
Zeitung, the Lancaster Zeitung and the English papers." 
Although Jungmann was by no means a talented man, the 
poverty of the publishers was probably the chief reason for 
its low standard. When they desired to pubhsh a ntw 
edition of the Marburger Gesangbuch, they asked the sub- 
scribers to pay half of the subscription immediately, so that 
new type and other necessary materials might be bought. 

In the last five years of the century Jungmann also was 
drawn into the whirlpool of politics. Since he was an 
ardent Federalist, he lost many readers among his Anti- 
federalist constituency.®^ The loss was accelerated by 
the appearance of a rival paper which was edited with real 

This was the famous Reading Adler, the first issue of 
which (a sample number) appeared on November 29, 
1796. It was published by the firm Jacob Schneider and 
Georg Gerrisch, who in July of that year had started an 

92NUR 106. 
»3 NUR 509, 

30 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

English paper, The Impartial Reading Herald. Accord- 
ing to Jungmann,^* Schneider had been, in the last eight 
or nine years before he commenced to publish the Adler, 
a teacher, a silversmith, a clockmaker, a miller, a book- 
binder, a hotel landlord, the owner of a billiard table, a 
sign painter, Jungmann's helper, a Lancaster and Reading 
post rider. Schneider calmly admitted that Jungmann's 
statements were accurate.®^ The partnership of Schneider 
and Gerrisch was dissolved when the latter fled from Read- 
ing, leaving many debts.®'' Apparently he was also ac- 
cused of horse stealing, since a Robert Harris offered a 
reward for the arrest of George Gerrisch, book printer, 
who had stolen a black mare from him.®'^ 

The publishers of the paper state that the chief purposes 
of newspapers are to help social and political life and to 
disseminate knowledge. They promise to be as Impartial 
as possible.^® This paper is much superior to the Read- 
inger Zeitung in every way. It is unrivaled in its witty 
and shrewd attacks on its political opponents.^® Probably 
the most remarkable feature about the Adler is the fact 
that it was published continuously for one hundred and 
seventeen years, a record which no other German American 
paper has ever equaled. It suspended publication In 19 13. 

For several reasons it Is unfortunate that I have been 
unable to locate more than two issues of the German papers 
of York County. Since the town of York was situated on 
the most traveled highway between Pennsylvania and 
Maryland, it is probable that these papers contained many 

»4 NUR 467. 

95 A 57. 

96 NUR 467, A 57. 
»7 NUR 440. 

«8A I. 

»» See Chapter VIII. 

The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 31 

references to the German newspapers of Maryland, a sub- 
ject of which we know so little. It is also almost certain 
that some of the York County newspapers were unusually 
well edited. 

Die Unpartheyische York Gazette, the first German 
paper in York County, held a position of prominence 
among the publications of the time. The German Anti- 
federalist papers copied long articles from it and the Fed- 
eralist papers mentioned it in the most withering terms at 
their command. All of the German papers of the period 
of which I have seen copies mentioned it."'' Even some 
of the English papers attacked it, as Fenno's Gazette of 
the United States of 1800. There is no doubt t"hat this 
frequent mention indicates that the York Gazette contained 
many original items, in marked contrast with almost all of 
the other German sheets of the day. It was probably 
broad-minded in its religious views. For instance, it de- 
fended Governor McKean when he permitted his daughter 
to marry a Spanish Catholic."^ It made an exceedingly 
bold statement for the time when it asserted in Number 
213 that no mortal can decide who is right, he who respects 
neither the Bible nor divine service, or he who does respect 
them."^ The publisher of the paper was Solomon Mayer, 
who had come to York from Ephrata,"^ Lancaster County, 
where he had been publishing in partnership with Henry 
Willcocks an English paper, The Lancaster County Politi- 
cal Mirror, in 1793."* 

The opposition Federalist paper, Der Volksherichter, 

100 E.g. AS 109, PCs 3, NUR 452, DP 19. 
"iPCa 61. 

102 AS 119. 

103 AS 112. 

104 NUR 253. 

32 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

was started in 1799. The editor was the Reverend Gor- 
j.jj^g 105 q£ York. It promised to avoid all partisan one- 
sidedness. Its main aims were to maintain the Christian 
religion and to give the young people a useful paper. It 
was to be in reality a religious paper. This emphasis on 
religion was caused by the feeling that the Anti-federalists 
were enemies of religion because they supported the doc- 
trines of the French Revolution. The paper was true to 
its promises. We find that it published an article in de- 
fense of religion. ""^ It also attacked Logan's proposed 
school system"' because the system would eliminate re- 
ligious instruction from the school room."^ In 1800 it 
printed a bitter three-column attack on free-thinking."^ 
The publisher, Andrew Billmeyer, according to Seiden- 
sticker,"" was a brother of Michael Billmeyer, the pub- 
lisher of the Germ ant aiiner Zeitiing. 

The York County German paper published at Hanover 
was probably a supporter of the Federalists, because the 
name of the publisher, W. D. Lepper, is mentioned by the 
Philadelphische Correspondenz as one of the pall-bearers 
at the funeral of the semi-weekly Pennsylvanische Corre- 
spondenz.^^^ According to R. G. Thwaites,"^ W. D. Lep- 
per published Der Patriot am Ohio in New Lisbon, Ohio, 
in 1808. This was presumably the same man who had 
been in Hanover. 

There is some doubt about the time when the first Ger- 

105 UH 24. 

106 NUR 584. 

107 See Chapter IV, 

108 NUR 602. 

109 AS 119. 

110 op. cit., p. 153. 

111 PC 7-30-1800. 

112 AAS proceedings, 1908-1909, p. 344. 

The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 33 

man newspaper was established in Harrisburg. Selden- 
sticker,"^ quoting William H. Egle, says that Die Un- 
partheyische Harrisburg Zeitung was started on March i, 
1794, but it seems rather that the first number was issued 
in 1799."* The paper favored the Anti-federalists, but 
was not strongly partisan. It contained much American 
news copied from the Easton, Reading, Lancaster, York, 
Hagerstown, Baltimore, New York, Philadelphia, Charles- 
town and other papers. The local news was usually col- 
lected in a column, which was headed by a cut of the rising 

In 1793 Jacob Weygandt began the publication in 
Easton of the Neiier Unpartheyischer Eastoner Bothe und 
Northamptoner Kundschafter. Judging from the one 
copy which I have seen, the paper was not above the aver- 
age standard of the German publications of the period. 
Apparently it supported the Anti-federalists. The pub- 
lisher,"" Jacob Weygandt, was born in Germantown on 
December 13, 1742, a son of Palatine immigrants. In 
175 1 the family moved to what is now South Bethlehem, 
and in 1761 to the vicinity of the present borough of 
Tatamy, Northampton County. After having served as 
captain In the War for Independence, Weygandt settled at 
Easton, where he commenced the paper mentioned above. 
In 1 805 it was succeeded by Der Eastoner Deutsche Patriot 
und Landmanns fVochenblatt, which was discontinued on 
April I, 1 8 14. Weygandt was State Assemblyman from 
1808 to 181 1. He died on July II, 1828. 

The subject of German papers in Maryland Is an unex- 

113 See op. cit., p. 137. 
11* For fuller details, see my bibliography. 

115 I oype thg material for this biographical sketch to the courtesy of 
Mr. Ethan Allen Weaver of Germantown, one of Weygandt's descendants. 

34 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

plored one. Only two copies of the five German papers 
which are known to have existed in Maryland before 1801 
have been located. The names of only three of the five 
have been definitely established. Absolutely nothing is 
known of Henry Dulheuer and his Baltimore paper of 
1786, except the advertisement in the Maryland Journal 
of June 16, 1786. Matthias Bartgis, the Frederick pub- 
lisher, began printing in that town as early as 1774."® In 
1776 he was also operating a press in Lancaster."'^ We 
know nothing of the characteristics of his German papers. 
Johann Gruber's Westliche Correspondenz of Hagerstown 
probably supported the Anti-federalists, because it is called 
Die Hdgerstaiiner Demokratische W ochejischrift.'^'^^ 
Samuel Saur's Baltimore paper was presumably neutral in 
the political controversy. Unless Saur completely changed 
his viewpoint, he certainly did not support the Anti-fed- 
eralists with their reputation of being free-thinkers. 

There were three post-revolutionary publications in 
Pennsylvania which can hardly be considered newspapers, 
but which should be discussed briefly, because they were 
periodical publications issued by the newspaper firms. 
They were Der General Post-Bothe, published in Phila- 
delphia in 1790; the Philadelphisches Magazin, published 
in Philadelphia in 1798; and Das netie monatUche Read- 
inger Magazin, published in Reading in 1799. None of 
them remained in existence more than six months. 

The aim of the first publication was to give to the Ger- 
mans more information about the history and the events 
of the old world, and also to aid their development in their 

1^^ See Seldensticker, op. cit., p. 87. 
11'' Seidensticker, op. cit., p. 95. 

118 NUR 530. Or does this mean that there were two German papers 
at Hagerstown? 

The Newspapers and Their Publishers. 35 

new home. Within a short time, however, the contents of 
the Httle semi-weekly publication were composed almost 
exclusively of a history of the world from the earliest 
times. Since there were only three hundred and fifty sub- 
scribers,"^ the paper was discontinued at the end of June, 
1790. The editor, C. C. Reiche, a native of Berlin, had 
come to America In 1787 or 1788.^^° He had the degree 
of Master of Arts, having studied at Frankfurt an der 
Oder, at Halle"^ and in Saxony."° He died on Decem- 
ber II, 1790, at the age of fifty. 

The Philadelphia magazine and the Reading magazine 
were published respectively by the publishers of the Phila- 
delphische Correspondenz and the Reading Adler. The 
contents of the magazines may be judged from the follow- 
ing table of contents of the first issue of the Reading 
magazine :^^^ 

( I ) Die Staatsverfassung der verelnlgten American- 
ischen Staaten. 







Art Grundbeeren-Brod zu backen. 
Kraft des Caffees von Eicheln. 
Vom Ackerbau. 
Phllosophlsches Gesprach. 
Die Edelfrau unter Mordern. 
Charlotte Ormond. 

Auf die Zerstorung der Bastille. 
Das fromme Madchen. 
Die unzeitige Kur. 
Lasz der Jugend Sonnenschein, etc. 

119 GP 45. 

120 PC2 23. 

121 GP. 20. 

122 A 114 ff- 


The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

(12) Anecdoten. 

(13) Politisches Register. 

For a complete statistical presentation of the newspapers 
rapidly surveyed in this introductory chapter, the reader is 
referred to the tables and bibliography at the close of this 



^JJINCE many of the Germans who came to the New 
^ World in the eighteenth century left their native 
country because they were not allowed the liberty of wor- 
shiping their God in their own way, it is not at all sur- 
prising that religion was one of the dominating factors of 
Pennsylvania German civilization throughout the entire 
century. In fact we find that the various religious denom- 
inations or their pastors exerted a very powerful influence 
on almost all of the educational ventures, on a great many 
charitable undertakings and even on the politics of the 
period.^^^ The Dunkers, the Mennonites, the Seventh 
Day Dunkers, the Reformed, the Lutherans, the Mora- 
vians, the Catholics, the Schwenkfelders and the Separa- 
tists are mentioned in the newspapers, the last two, how- 
ever, receiving only passing mention. ^^* 

The Dunkers and the Mennonites have many beliefs in 
common. Saur's paper, as the great Dunker organ, is the 

123 For a discussion of the activities of the ministers in these fields, see 
Chapters III, IV, VIII. 

124 'phe English and German Quakers are not differentiated in the 


38 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

only one which gives us a fair idea of these sects. They 
believed that conversion was a personal experience."' 
They had very little faith in the value of a physician whom 
Saur at one time called " Doc Thor."^^^ They were op- 
posed to lawyers and refused to institute legal proceedings. 
In 1746 Saur gave an account"'^ of a law suit over poor 
fences between a minister and a layman. He declared that 
poor fences were often the beginning of disputes, and that 
the lawyers laughed at the Germans for working so hard 
and then willingly sacrificing their savings for such slight 
reasons. No Dunker, he added, as long as he remained 
a member of the denomination, ever started a law suit 
against any person. In describing the terrible conditions 
of the immigrants in 1745, Saur in his quaint phraseology 
said, "Soke der alte Cain zu unserer Zeit einen perfecten 
Lawyer und Geld genug haben, er soke beweisen, er hatte 
den Abel nicht einmal gesehen.""^ In 1760 the second 
Saur reported that when Georgia was settled it was decided 
that no negroes, no lawyers and no rum should be brought 
into the new colony. If these three things had been ex- 
cluded by law from Pennsylvania at the time of its settle- 
ment, many godless actions would have been prevented."' 
Another noteworthy characteristic of these so-called sec- 
tarians was their policy of non-resistance. They desired 
to live at peace with everybody, with friends as well as 
hostile neighbors. In 1748 Saur announced"" that he had 
published four articles proving that war, robbery, murder, 
revenge and defense were un-Christian. Several years 

125 S 79. 
126S 81. 

127 S 77. 

128 S 55. 

129 S 3-28-60. 

130 S 92. 

Religion and Religious Denominations. 39 

later^^^ he reported that the constable of a certain township 
had selected a one-armed man as his assistant, because the 
inhabitants required no strong man to preserve order, all 
of them being Quakers and Mennonites. Since the sec- 
tarians believed in a literal interpretation of the Biblical 
command, " Love your enemies, and pray for them which 
persecute you," they naturally were opposed to all wars 
and to all military preparations even if for defense only. 
Saur's activity during the French and Indian War will be 
discussed in another connection, ^^^ but several instances 
may here be introduced to show his hostility to "mili- 
tarism." In 1748 he explained that the difference be- 
tween a privateer and a pirate consisted simply in this, that 
the former committed robbery and murder sanctioned by 
the government, while the latter committed them without 
such sanction ; but, he added, both were alike in eternity.^^^ 
Two months later he announced that five companies of 
volunteer militia had been mustered out of service and that 
they could not expect any reward either from God or from 
men.^^* Samuel Saur published long articles in his Ches- 
nuthiller Wochenschrift in order to prove by the Bible that 
war was contrary to God's will and was the result of sln."^ 
This attitude toward war produced much trouble be- 
tween these sects and their neighbors. In the fall of 1757 
some Dunkers who lived on an advanced frontier line in 
Virginia were massacred by the Indians. ^^'^ Since they had 
not made any preparations to defend themselves against 
the hostile Indians who were known to be in the vicinity, 

131 S 142. 

132 See Chapter VIII. 

133 S 100. 

134 S 102, 

135 CW 122, 125, 126, 129, 134, 137. 

136 S 213. 

40 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

the English suspected them of treason and consequently 
gave them no military protection. The Indians, on the 
other hand, naturally regarded them as enemies, because 
they were white men living in an English colony. Thus, 
misunderstood by both parties, they fell as martyrs to their 
convictions. In the next year the aged Saur was sum- 
moned before General Forbes because he was accused of 
having printed something unfavorable to the English gov- 

The newspapers contain very little about the famous 
Seventh Day Dunkers of the Ephrata cloister, a group of 
people which has been well described by Seldenstlcker, 
Sachse and others. On June 23, 1743, when the governor 
of the province visited the cloister, the brothers and the 
sisters sang In a four part chorus. On this occasion the 
governor and his party also viewed the rare pictures In the 
cloister.^^® In 1746 five members were compelled to leave 
the monastery because they had bought a bell without the 
consent of the " Father." At about the same time the 
others closed the sawmill and the papermlU which they 
operated, and disposed of their cows, oxen, horses, wagons, 
clocks and bells. They also refused to buy and sell any 
more wheat and linseed. All these changes were made 
because it had been rumored that the cloister people were 
becoming mere merchants."^ When Conrad Beissel, the 
founder and leader of the community, was buried In 1768, 
more than seven hundred people attended the funeral.^*" 

Although the Mennonites and the Dunkers attempted 
to live at peace with all men, Saur's newspaper never- 

137 s 219. 

188 s 49. 
"» s 70. 

140 M 339. 

Religion and Religious Denominations. 41 

neglected to give accounts of the dissensions which arose 
in other denominations and to describe the shameful actions 
of some of their ministers/" He portrayed a deplorable 
state of affairs in the ministerial ranks of the Lutherans 
and the Reformed. Unquestionably he did an injustice to 
these denominations. He may not have printed any false 
accounts about them, but he certainly, to a large extent, 
neglected mentioning the good qualities of the Lutherans, 
the Reformed and the Moravians — a fact which must be 
kept in mind. 

The Lutherans and the Reformed, the two largest Ger- 
man denominations, always lived in harmony in America. 
Although to a certain extent differing in doctrine, the dif- 
ference between the two denominations was not so great as 
between them and the sectarians. The two denominations 
insisted on an educated clergy and were not averse to mili- 
tary service. Since it was almost impossible to secure a 
sufficient number of educated ministers of any standing 
from the old country, Pennsylvania became the gathering 
place of clergymen who could not obtain charges in Ger- 
many because of immoral conduct. The pious German 
settlers, eager for regular ministers, often elected the first 
educated man who came to their church, without asking for 
certificates or recommendations. Although a warning"^ 
was sent out from Lancaster in 1750 to the various 
churches that they should select no minister without proper 
credentials, conditions did not improve and Saur continued 
to find many justifiable reasons for attacking the ministerial 
failings. As early as 1744 he attacked the Lutherans be- 
cause they wanted to exclude all non-University men from' 

^*^ We may almost term his publication a Dunker missionary paper. 
"2S 124. 

42 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

the ministry.^'*^ He said such action was contrary to the 
charter of Pennsylvania. The next year, when some min- 
isters asserted that his edition of the Bible was not correct, 
he retorted that they made this charge because he had ac- 
cused them of adultery/" He added that they might con- 
sider themselves fortunate for his having refused to insti- 
tute a law suit. In 1746 his paper charged the Reformed 
minister of Lancaster, the Reverend Caspar Schnorr, with 
having been so intoxicated as to fall from his horse."^ 
Subsequently, when this minister was compelled to resign 
on account of lying, drunkenness and adultery,"^ he began 
to preach at other places, denying the accusations until 
Conrad Weiser and others proved them against him. 
Saur attacked the Lutheran ministers as well as the Re- 
formed. In 1753 he printed a communication charging 
the Reverend Andra, the Lutheran minister of the old 
Goshenhoppen church, with being a drunkard and an adul- 
terer."^ He grew sarcastic when announcing in 1754 the 
death of Reverend Andra, who had in the meantime taken 
charge of the Germantown Lutheran Church. He said 
the late minister was a poet, especially when drunk."* In 
giving an account of three ministers who were continually 
fighting, viz., Reverend Jonas Witzler of Germantown, 
Reverend Wartemann of Reading and Reverend Ohren- 
dorfif of Tolpehocken, Saur said he was publishing this 
story in the hope that it would teach his countrymen the 

143 s 49. 

1** S 63. Although the denominations of these ministers are not spe- 
cifically stated, they were undoubtedly Lutherans and Reformed. 
145S 70. 
1*6 S 113. 
"7S 7-1-53. 
148 S 164. 

Religion and Religious Denominations. 43 

danger of selecting as a minister any rascal who happened 
to come from Germany.^*^ 

Saur seemed to take especial delight in giving full space 
to the church quarrels. In 1749^^° the German Reformed 
congregation of Philadelphia refused to elect as their per- 
manent minister the Reverend Schlatter, one of the organ- 
izers of the German Reformed Church of America. A 
few months later, when the majority of the congregation 
chose the Reverend Steiner, Reverend Schlatter refused to 
leave.^^^ Saur gave a most amusing account^^^ of the 
church services at which both ministers attempted to win 
possession of the field. On January 28, 1750, after 
Steiner had commenced to preach, Schlatter entered the 
church and interrupted him by saying, " Ich gebiete euch 
an Gottes Staat, dasz Ihr von meinem Stuhl herunter kom- 
men solt." Saur's narrative continues with the statement 
that Steiner did not accept Schlatter to be God's ambassa- 
dor and remained standing. When Schlatter, having 
taken his position in front of the pulpit, attempted to begin 
preaching, Steiner's adherents began to sing the one hun- 
dred and fortieth psalm, " Errett' mich, o mein lieber Herre 
von Menschen arg und bos." When Steiner began the 
Lord's prayer, Schlatter's party interrupted him in the 
middle of it by starting a hymn. Thereupon Schlatter 
tried to speak again, but the opposing party sang " Sie 
dencken nur auf Buben Stiicken." In this way the Steiner 
party sang six times and the adherents of Schlatter eighteen 
times during the course of the next two hours. A month 
later a neutral board of six persons, chosen by the two 

149 S II-I-53. 

150 S 8-1-49. 

151 S 116. 

152 S 2-1-50. 

44 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

sides, decided that the Schlatter party might retain the 
church, but that they would be obliged to pay the debts 
contracted by the other party. This board, as Saur says 
approvingly, contained no judge, no lawyer and no min- 
ister, but was composed of five Quakers and one High 
Church man/°^ 

We should notice, however, that Saur never attacked 
Schlatter's private life. When the latter set sail for Ger- 
many early in 175 1, Saur said his great mistake had been 
in not taking his elders and his deacons more completely 
into his confidence. Saur was Schlatter's bitter opponent 
in the charity school movement of 1754-1757/^* because 
the former believed that the schools had been organized 
for the express purpose of anglicizing the Germans. When 
Schlatter was appointed chaplain of the fourth batallion 
in 1757, Saur commented, "Wan er auch zugleich ihr Seel 
Sorger seyn will, und sie in Christliche Zucht und Ordnung 
bringen : Oder in die Nachfolge Jesu einfiihren will, so hat 
er gewiszlich ein recht schweres Amt auf sich genom- 

Saur also gave an account of the schism in the Lutheran 
church of Germantown in 1753 when the congregation 
dismissed Reverend Handschuh by a vote of two hundred 
to fifteen. ^^^ As the minority followed the minister, Saur 
exclaimed that one part of the congregation had the min- 
ister and the other part had the church building.^" Later 
in the year the infamous Reverend Andra, mentioned 
above, was elected pastor by the majority, while the minor- 

153 S 118. 

154 See Chapter IV. 

155 S 4-16-57. 

156 S 154. 

157 S 4-1-53. 

Religion and Religious Denominations. 45 

ity began to plan the erection of another church/^^ Grad- 
ually the church and ministerial scandals ceased. Miller 
announced one occurrence in his Staatsbote of 1763, viz., 
that Reverend Friedrich Rothenbuhler had been deposed 
•by the German Reformed congregation of Philadelphia.^^" 
Although this is the last removal of which I have found 
an account in the newspapers, we may well believe that 
dissensions still occurred sporadically. 

Although Saur devoted much space to the scandals and 
dissensions in the Lutheran and the Reformed churches, 
he also expressed a desire for more tolerance among the 
various sects and denominations. On April 29, I749» ^ 
Reformed minister. Reverend Johann Boehm, died. Since 
no minister of the denomination could arrive in time to 
conduct the funeral services, the Mennonite "teacher" or 
minister, Martin Kolb, preached the sermon. Saur com- 
mented'^** on this as follows: "Wan solches und derglei- 
chen ohne Not gebrauchllch und gemein wird, so wird aller 
partheyliche Neld und Wiederigkeit ein Ende nehmen. 
Wie schon wirds ein mahl seyn wenn nur ein Hirt und nur 
cine Herde seyn wird? Bisz dahin Geduld." Again in 
1753 he praised the Reformed minister, the Reverend 
Zubly, of Charlestown, South Carolina, who was holding 
evangelistic services in Philadelphia and was invited by all 
the churches, the two divisions of the Presbyterians, the 
Lutherans, the Reformed of both parties, the Baptists, the 
Separatists and the Schwenkfelders. Eleven ministers 
heard him at one time. Saur could not refrain from add- 
ing that it was fortunate that the Reverend Zubly did not 
find it necessary to study his sermons or to write them out, 

"8S 156. 

«9M 83. 

160 S 108. 

46 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

because he would have had no time to do it. He did not 
go to places where he would be able to rest six days and 
twenty hours per week/" 

As I have mentioned before, the Lutherans and the Re- 
formed demanded specially educated ministers. This rule, 
so bitterly opposed by Saur, caused these two denomina- 
tions to become the leaders in the social development of 
the Pennsylvania Germans. Their ministerial leaders, as 
well-educated men, saw distinctly the crying need of better 
educational facilities. We find them supporting and en- 
couraging every movement for the establishment of col- 
leges for the Germans."^ They also often formed the 
connecting link between the Germans and the other colo- 
nists in the political field.^*'^ They were likewise the 
founders of numerous charitable organizations."* 

The patriarch of the Lutheran church in America, Hein- 
rich Melchior Muhlenberg, who had been himself a stu- 
dent at Gottingen and Halle,"^ sent his three sons to the 
latter place to study for the ministry. Two of them, Peter 
and Friedrich August, later left the ministry to serve their 
country in other fields."" The third one, Heinrlch, be- 
came pastor of the Lutheran church at Lancaster and, in 
1787, the first president of Franklin College at that 
place."^ Two Lutheran ministers of Philadelphia, the 
Reverend J. C. Kunze and the Reverend J. H. C. Hel- 
muth, were the moving spirits of the German department 
of the University of Pennsylvania from 1780 to 1786."^ 

"IS 157. 

162 See Chapter IV. 

163 See Chapter VIII. 

164 See Chapter III. 

165 See " Hallesche Nachrichten." 

166 See Chapter VIII. 

167 See Chapter IV, 

Religion and Religious Denominations. 47 

These same men had charge of Stelner's paper for about 
two years/®^ The Reverend Friedrich Valentin Mel- 
sheimer, a Lutheran minister, was chosen professor of 
Latin, Greek and German at Franklin College in 1787/" 
Reverend Gorring, the Lutheran minister at York, was 
editor of the York V olksberichter.^^^ . These men, in addi- 
tion to Reverend Handschuh, who was teacher of French 
from 1755 to 1758 at the academy which later became the 
University of Pennsylvania, and who was also for a time 
editor of Franklin and Armbriister's Philadelphische Zei- 
tiing^^^^ gave the Lutherans a most predominating influence 
in the development of the Pennsylvania Germans, The 
Reformed ministers apparently did not exert so much in- 
fluence. Besides the Reverend Schlatter's interest in the 
charity schools, I have found only one minister of the de- 
nomination who was prominent either as an educator or 
as a statesman. This was the Reverend William Handel, 
the Reformed pastor at Lancaster, who was elected vice- 
president of Franklin College at the time of its organiza- 
tion in 1787.^"' 

The Lutherans and the Reformed erected many church 
buildings in the last two decades of the century. The con- 
gregations inserted advertisements in the newspapers an- 
nouncing the laying of corner stones or the dedication serv- 
ices of the churches. Thus in the nine years between June, 
1789, and June, 1798, the Neue Unpartheyische Readinger 
Zeitung announced the building of five Lutheran, two Re- 
formed and four union (Lutheran and Reformed) 
churches, most of which were located in Berks County."" 

168 See Chapter I. 

"9 See Chapter IV. 

^''^ It must be remembered that the erection of these churches does not 
necessarily indicate the organization of new congregations. The old con- 
gregations were simply building new places of worship. 

48 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

The activities of the Zion Lutheran congregation of 
Philadelphia deserve special mention, because this congre- 
gation not only built one of the finest church edifices in 
America, but also displayed an active interest in charity 
and education. From a full-page article by F. A. Muhlen- 
berg in the Philadelphische Correspondenz of January 13, 
1795, we learn that the congregation was organized in 
1742, and that the first church building (Saint Michael's 
Church) was erected shortly afterwards. By 1760 the 
congregation also possessed a schoolhouse, a parsonage and 
a cemetery. In 1766 the second church building (ZIon's 
Church) was begun. Its dimensions were one hundred 
and eight feet In length and eighty feet in width. This 
was the building which was called in 1790 "one of the 
finest, If not the finest, building in Philadelphia. "^^^ It 
was dedicated June 25, 1769.^^^ The land on which the 
church was built cost fifteen hundred pounds, while the 
church itself was erected at a cost of eleven thousand 
pounds.^" In 1778 the British used the building as a hos- 
pital. After they left the city the congregation was 
obliged to spend two thousand pounds to repair the interior 
of the church, including the Installation of new pews. Be- 
tween 1780 and 1790 much money was spent by the church 
for charitable purposes. ^^* 

In 1790 David Tanneberg,^" of Lititz, Lancaster 

County, Pennsylvania, built for the church the largest pipe 

organ in America. ^^® The organ was twenty-four feet 

long, eight feet wide and twenty-seven feet high. Standing 

"1 NUL 168, pa 4. 

i'2 M 389. 

i"3 A communication in PCs 366 says the total cost was 15,000 pounds. 

174 See Chapters III and IV. 

1T5 See Chapter VII. 

176 Xhis detailed description is found in NUL 168, PCs 4. 

Religion and Religious Denominations. 49 

in front of it, the spectator could see more than one hun- 
dred pipes, some of which were sixteen feet high. There 
were almost two thousand pipes in the interior. On the 
top of the organ was a representation of the sun rising out 
of the clouds and dividing them with its rays. To the 
right and the left of the sun were two eagles which were 
flying toward it and bearing scrolls with the inscriptions, 
"Die auf den Herrn harren, fahren auf wie die Adler!" 
Beside each of the eagles there was an angel. The one 
carried the gospel and the other the sealed book, while 
both had trumpets in their hands. The cost of the entire 
organ was three thousand five hundred pounds."^ It was 
dedicated on Sunday and Monday, October 10 and 11, 
1790. For this occasion the Reverend Helmuth, the pas- 
tor, had composed special and suitable hymns and had them 

In the next years the congregation built a schoolhouse 
in the Northern Liberties of Philadelphia, which was also 
to be used as a place of worship by the old and infirm of 
that vicinity."^ On December 26, 1794, the large church 
with its magnificent organ was destroyed by fire."^ The 
following poem appeared in the Philadelphische Corre- 
spondenz of January 9, 1795, under the title of " Gedan- 
ken auf den Ruinen der Zions-Kirche " : 

Hier weine segensvolle Giisse, 

Betriibtes Herz! auf Zion hin; 
Denn hier betreten deine Fiisse 

Den Tempel Gottes im Ruin; 
Wo sonst des Himmels Quelle flosz. 
Und dich mit Heil und Trost begosz! 

"^PC. 370. 
"8 PC, 366. 

50 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Wie oft empfand ich hier die Liebe, 
Des, der die ganze Welt erschuf, 

Ich fiihlte seine Gnadentriebe 
Bey seiner Knechte mildem Ruf, 

Und weinend schwur ich ihm allein, 

Und ihm, auf ewig treu zu seyn. 

Holdselig Wort von Jesu Leiden ! 

Wie riihrend fulltest du mein Herz! 
Du banntest alle eiteln Freuden, 

Du scheuchtest alien Seelen Schmerz 
Wenn Jesu Knecht aus Jesu Buch, 
Dich thranend hier im Munde trug. 

O H h,i"^ deine holde Stimme, 

Die kindllch, doch mit Ernste rief ; 

Die risz mich hier vom starren Grimme 

Des Feindes, da ich ruhig schlief; 
Die trieb mich erst zum Beten an — 
Gott lohne dich, O Gottesmann ! 

Und du gelasz' ner Diener Gottes, 

O Sch !iso beruhigtest den Geist, 

Da mich der Greuel alles Spottes, 
Oft tief in Traurigkeit verweis't: 

An dieser Stelle gab dein Mund 

Der Seele Trost und fester Grund. 

Hier war's, wo du mir von der Krone, 
Die unaufhorlich ewig wahrt, 

O theurer K e I^^i dem zu Lohne, 

Der Jesu dient, so schon belehrt, 

Dasz ich die Siinde nun verschwur, 

Und thranend rief: Die Krone nur! 

Und diese sonst so frohe Stelle, 
Wo jeder Segen sich ergosz ; 

Wo Jesu Christi Liebes-Quelle 
Vom Munde seiner Diener flosz; 

Wo mich Gebet, Music, Gesang, 

So oft zu siiszen Thranen zwang! 

i''^ Reverend Handschuh. 

180 Reverend Schulze. 

181 Reverend Kunze. 

Religion and Religions Denominations. 51 

Die ist dahin — Ach, meine Siinden ! 

Die halfen auch den grausen Brand 
Des Zornes Himmels zu entziinden, 

Der diesen Tempel uns entwand! 
Ich schwur so oft ihm treu zu seyn 
Und blieb es nicht — O Jammer, Nein ! 

Doch, Herr! du ziirnest stets voll Liebe, 

Du willst wir soUen gliicklich seyn, 
Du folgtest deinem Liebestriebe, 

Und schlugest hier mit Ruthen drein: 
Drum, Herr! wir kommen nun heran, 
Wir horen dich — O nimm uns an ! 

For almost two years the Lutherans held their services 
in the Reformed church of Philadelphia. On November 
18, 1796, the officers of the Lutheran church publicly 
thanked the Reformed congregation for their kindness. 
The address and the response are printed in the Philadel- 
phische Correspondenz of November 22, 1796. From 
this account we learn that the erection of the new church 
was so far advanced that the services would be held in it 
on and after November 27. We learn further that the 
Reformed congregation had raised a subscription of sev- 
eral hundred pounds to aid the Lutherans, although they 
themselves were planning to build a large, comfortable and 
expensive schoolhouse. 

It is unfortunate for my purpose that there are com- 
paratively few references to the Moravians In the news- 
papers. From other sources, ^^^ however, we know that 
the Moravian leader, Count Nicholas von Zinzendorf, 
came to America in 1741 and attempted the following year 
to unite all the German religious denominations of the 
province Into one body. Unfortunately only one news- 
paper copy of these years has been located. 

182 For example, Faust's " German Element in the U. S.," Vol. I, p. 126. 

52 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

The Moravians always insisted that they were Luth- 
erans, while the regular Lutheran ministers refused to ac- 
knowledge them as such, with the result that acrimonious 
disputes arose. In 1745 and 1746 the Lutheran congre- 
gation at Lancaster was served by the Reverend Nyberg, 
a native of Sweden, who exhibited strong Moravian sym- 
pathies. In the ensuing law suit Nyberg's adherents were 
defeated and were compelled to relinquish the church edi- 
fice to the orthodox Lutherans.^^^ Before the case had 
been decided Heinrich Melchior Miihlenberg preached in 
the church, although, according to his opponents, ^^* he had 
previously promised not to do so. His friends, the dea- 
cons and elders of the church, however, replied that he 
conducted services in the church at the special request of 
the church members. ^®° In the Tulpehocken Lutheran 
church a somewhat similar dispute occurred in 1747.^®° 
Because the Moravians did not refuse to bear arms and to 
institute law suits, Saur attacked them in his paper when- 
ever the opportunity offered. In 1746 he claimed^^^ that 
the fact that they participated in wars in Germany proved 
that they were no Christians. In 1750 he reported that 
they were now divided into three groups, those that had 
previously left the denomination, those that were put under 
the ban, and the Count with his three brethren, who were 
to be considered the real congregation of the Saviour,^^^ 

The sect was famous for its educational and missionary 
zeal. They established elementary schools at various 
places in the rural districts before 1750. For instance, in 

183 S 68. 

184 s 70. 

185 S 71. 

186 S 87. 

187 S 71. 

188 S 2-1-50. 

Religion and Religious Denominations. 53 

1745 or 1746 they opened one at Falckeners Schwamm, 
near Philadelphia/®^ After the war they had an academy 
for girls at Bethlehem and one for boys at Nazareth.^^" 
In 1790 they were conducting an academy for girls in 
Philadelphia/^^ The Moravian minister of Lancaster 
took part in the dedication exercises of Franklin College 
in 1787,^®° thus giving additional proof that the denomina- 
tion was interested in encouraging higher education among 
the Germans. We learn but little of the Moravian mis- 
sionary endeavors from the newspapers. When Kammer- 
hof, one of the Moravian leaders, died in Bethlehem in 
175 1, Saur declared that he had attempted to win the good 
will of the Indians by presenting silver armbands to their 
chiefs and by erecting a blacksmith shop for them.^^^ In 
1755, during the French and Indian War, the Moravians' 
little missionary settlement at Gnadenhiitten, situated about 
thirty miles north of Bethlehem on the Lehigh River, was 
attacked and burned to the ground by hostile Indians.^^^ 
The natives, however, were usually well disposed toward 
the Moravians. For instance, a body of Iroquois chiefs 
and warriors on their way to Philadelphia stopped at Beth- 
lehem on March 9, 1792. On the following day they 
were welcomed by the members of the " Society for the 
Spreading of the Gospel among the Heathen." Two per- 
sons, a man and a woman, addressed the Indians, and two 
chiefs responded.^®* 

In one respect at least the Moravians were similar to 
the Baptists of the Ephrata community. They also oper- 

189 s 71. 

190 See Chapter IV. 

191 NUR 72. 

192 S 132. 

193 S 12-I-S5, S 187, 188. 

194 CW 72, GZ2 93, NUL 253. 

54 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

ated mills and kept cattle. After the Gnadenhiitten mas- 
sacre in 1755 it was reported that six hundred persons in 
Bethlehem and two hundred orphans in Nazareth had been 
obtaining most of their bread, butter and meat from the 
destroyed settlement/®^ In 1766 an advertisement ap- 
peared in the papers announcing that the Bethlehem mills 
for the preparation of hemp and millet and for oil pressing 
were now in operation, and that those for making bran, 
barley, groats and oatmeal, and for grinding spelt would 
be completed during the course of the summer."^ 

In the eighteenth century the German Catholics in Penn- 
sylvania were numerically unimportant. In 1757 they 
numbered only about three thousand; that is, approxi- 
mately three per cent, of the total number of Germans. ^®^ 
As we shall see in a later chapter,"* they planned to open 
a German academy in Philadelphia in 1796. In the last 
decade of the century the denomination erected a church 
in Reading, the corner stone of which was laid on August 
17, 1791."'^ The dedication services were held on April 
28, 1793.^°" 

The foregoing facts sufficiently illustrate the deep-rooted 
religious spirit of the Pennsylvania Germans. Additional 
evidence can be found in numerous papers. For example, 
beginning with March 22, 1768, Henrich Miller usually 
published one or more poems in his paper every week. It 
is significant that many of them were of a religious nature. 
The post bellum papers which conducted such a " Dichter- 
Stelle " also favored poems with reHgious themes. 

195 S 1.87. 

i»«M 217. 

197 S 184. 

"198 See Chapter IV. 

199 NUR 130. 

200 NUR 218. 

Religion and Religions Denominations. 55 

As may be Imagined, free-thinkers and atheists were 
monstrous creatures in the eyes of these pious Germans. 
I have found no record that any of the colonial German 
immigrants were unbelievers. After the war the Federal- 
ist publishers sometimes attacked their Anti-federalist op- 
ponents, claiming that they were free-thinkers and deists.^"^ 
However, instead of proving that the Germans were losing 
their simple faith, these attacks simply show how detestable 
unbelief was to the rank and file of them. There is hardly 
any doubt that the Federalists emphasized the well-known 
deistical tendencies of some of the Anti-federalist leaders 
{e.g., Jefferson) for the purpose of discrediting the party 
among the Germans. In fact, there are not half a dozen 
cases of so-called heresy among the Pennsylvania Germans 
mentioned in the eighteenth century German American 
papers. Probably the only conspicuous case is the one 
recorded in Dauphin County in 1799."°^ Andreas Kraus, 
who had been in this country for only a short time, was 
convicted of blasphemy by the Dauphin County court. 
He confessed that he had said, " Christus ist ein verdammt 
Hurenkind und wann Christus der Sohn Gottes ist, so hat 
Gott mit seiner Tochter gehuret." 

In common with many colonists of other nationalities, 
the Germans were superstitious. Many of them believed 
in spooks and witches and had great faith in the efficacy of 
pow-wowing. These superstitions were vigorously at- 
tacked by the newspapers and the better educated people. 
In 1768^°' Henrich Miller ridiculed the story that a 
woman who had been buried for sixteen weeks had ap- 
peared again on earth in order to tell the living that she 

201 ^.jr., AS 119. 

202 DP 93. 

203 M 335. 

56 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

had not been buried like her forefathers. The students 
of the German department of the University of Pennsyl- 
vania satirized in a dialogue the belief in witches and 
spooks.^"* The Lancaster and the Reading papers fre- 
quently published articles attacking the prevalent super- 
stitions.^*'^ For instance, the Neue Unpartheyische Read- 
in ger Zeitung of March i8, 1789, related the story of a 
man who was cheated by a certain person who pretended 
he could cure the man's horse by means of pow-wowing. 
Despite all these attempts to teach the Germans the folly 
of such beliefs, it is apparent that the efforts were not 
entirely successful, for many rural Pennsylvania Germans 
still retain their belief in spirits, witches and pow-wowing. 
With a deeply religious spirit and a strong inclination 
toward superstition, we might expect to find extreme re- 
hgious intolerance among the Pennsylvania Germans. 
This is not the case, however. As we have seen, even in 
the period between 1740 and 1760 there were men who 
desired a closer union of all Protestant denominations, in 
spite of the fact that the various sects were often opposed 
to one another. The petty antagonisms had largely van- 
ished before the last decade of the century. Then the 
Moravians began to work in cooperation with the Luth- 
erans and the Reformed, who had always lived in amity 
and harmony. When the Moravians dedicated the new 
organ which had been built for their church at Lancaster, 
the closing services were held in the Lutheran church of 
that place. ^""^ Whether the Mennonites and Dunkers were 
ever close friends of the other Protestant bodies is very 

204 PC 182. 

•205 See NUL 52, 107, 130, NUR i, 22, 47, 184, et al. 

206 DP 56. 

Religion and Religious Denominations. 57 

Although complete toleration had not been achieved at 
the end of the century, the Neue Unpartheyische Lancaster 
Zeitung in 1788"°' formulated the rule that a man should 
be allowed to think in peace about God as he pleased, but 
that he should not be permitted to publish his thoughts if 
he was a free-thinker. We could hardly imagine Saur or 
even Miller making such a liberal concession. 

207 NUL 43. 



'TT'HERE was nothing that redounded more to the honor 
^^ of the Pennsylvania Germans than their unstinted 
liberality toward those in need or distress. When the call 
for help arose, all denominations and classes forgot their 
trivial jealousies and vied with each other in alleviating the 
sufferings of the unfortunate. They not only gave of their 
own possessions, but also tried to remedy the causes of the 

Almost from the beginning of German immigration to 
the New World the sufferings of the poorer class were 
apparent. The second number of Franklin's Philadel- 
phische Zeitung of 1732 printed an account of the trial of 
a ship captain charged with the murder of two German 
emigrants from the Palatinate. Although he was ac- 
quitted, there must have been some cause for complaint 
about the treatment which the Germans received at the 
hands of the captains, even at the time when the number of 
immigrants was still comparatively small. 

When it was discovered that many of the poor German 
peasants could be persuaded to come to America, large 
numbers of men proceeded to the old country to induce 
others to leave their homes. These agents, who were 
known as " newlanders," generally received a commission 
from the ship companies for every person they succeeded 


Charities and Humanitarian Organizations. 59 

in bringing on shipboard. In 1749 Saur said It was re- 
ported that the newlanders received half a doubloon^°^ for 
each passenger.^"^ Since many of the agents and ship 
captains were In the business only to make money, they 
were utterly unscrupulous, and deceived and cheated the 
Ignorant and confiding peasants whenever possible. The 
newlanders often pretended that they were rich merchants 
in Philadelphia and possessed vessels of their own, or 
that they had houses In Germantown and farms In the 
country.^^'* The Germans were thus led to believe that 
the newlanders' representatives would meet them in Amer- 
ica and would offer them the opportunity of earning suffi- 
cient money to pay for their passage. Eager to arrive in 
the country where everybody was free and wealthy, they 
went aboard the ships often without even signing a con- 

The long voyage In the sailing vessels, which was tedious 
and uncomfortable even when conditions were favorable, 
became for the German emigrants often a veritable martyr- 
dom. The conditions pictured In Saur's paper are almost 
beyond human comprehension. The overcrowding of the 
ships, the unsanitary conditions and the insufficient food 
for the passengers frequently caused the vessels to become 
charnel houses. On one ship four hundred persons set sail 
from Europe in the fall of 1743. On the voyage insuffi- 
cient rations were distributed. Those who desired more 
food were compelled to buy It from the crew. Since many 
of the passengers were too poor to do this, they starved to 
death. On one occasion, when a starving man begged for 
a little flour, his sack was filled with sand and coal. When 

208 A doubloon — five dollars. 

209 S 112. 

210 s 113. 

6o The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

the vessel arrived at Philadelphia a few more than fifty 
persons were alive. ^^^ It was estimated that two thousand 
Germans died on the voyage to America in 1749.^^^ In 
one case the passengers were not permitted to land imme- 
diately, because the ship was full of a disease which had 
killed half of the immigrants. "^^ On June 5, 1752, a ship 
anchored at Philadelphia with nineteen Germans on board, 
the miserable remnant of two hundred who had embarked 
in Europe. ^^* Such conditions sometimes drove the pas- 
sengers to mutiny."^' 

When the Germans arrived in America their condition 
was frequently not much improved. If they were poor or 
had no well-to-do friends, they were compelled to sell them- 
selves for a number of years to people who in return paid 
their passage money. This system of redemptioning, as 
it was called, was in itself not particularly unjust, but so 
many abuses arose that it became a public scandal. In the 
first place, many Germans, as mentioned before, came to 
America in the behef that they would be met by the repre- 
sentatives of the newlanders, who would furnish them op- 
portunities for work, so that they could earn the expenses 
of the voyage in a short time. When they arrived they 
were obliged to sell themselves to people who were utter 
strangers to them. This sudden transition from independ- 
ence to servitude undoubtedly created unspeakable hard- 
ship. The time of servitude was often considerably length- 
ened because the survivors had to pay the passage money 
of those who died at sea. They were at times required to 

2" s 55. 
212 s 2-1-50. 

213 S H2. 

21* S 145. 
215 S 112. 

Charities and Humanitarian Organizations. 6i 

pay even for the food which the dead would have bought."^ 
Sometimes the captains put into a southern port, where 
they could sell the passengers into a servitude of four or 
five years instead of landing them at Philadelphia, where 
many of them had friends willing to pay the expenses of 
the voyage. ^^^ Many chests containing the personal prop- 
erty of the immigrants were broken open and rifled while 
at sea,^^^ so that even those who had some possessions when 
they embarked found themselves destitute on their arrival. 
One of the most deplorable aspects of the system of re- 
demptioning in the early days was the breaking up of fam- 
ilies. Children of a tender age were sold by unscrupulous 
captains without the knowledge of their parents, who in 
some cases were sick on board the ship. In Saur's paper 
of November i6, 1745, for Instance, there were two adver- 
tisements by persons desiring to know the whereabouts of 
their children, who had been sold without their consent or 

In order to better the lot of these German immigrants, 
the older Christoph Saur used all the influence which he 
possessed as publisher of a widely read paper. As we 
have seen, he revealed prevalent conditions in long articles. 
It was in one of these accounts^^" that he used the sentence 
quoted in the preceding chapter, " Soke der alte Cain zu 
unserer Zeit einen perfecten Lawyer und Geld genug haben, 

218 s 55, S H2. 

217 S 112. 

218 S 114. 

218 Not all of the German immigrants were badly treated during the 
voyage. For instance, in 1749, Saur said concerning the passengers of 
three ships which had just arrived from Rotterdam, " Sie sind auch 
menschlich gehalten worden." In 1753 he praised the owners of a ship 
who had strictly observed their contract. 

220 s 55. 

62 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

er soke beweisen, er hatte den Abel nicht einmal gesehen." 
He said this In connection with a complaint that it was very 
difficult to obtain justice for the wretched Immigrants. 
Again and agaln"^ Saur emphasized the necessity of hav- 
ing written contracts. In 1749 he advised the Germans 
in America to write to their friends in Germany who in- 
tended to emigrate and to Inform them what they should 
do for their own protection. 

His unrelenting crusade against the unscrupulous ex- 
ploiters of the Germans was unquestionably one of the 
principal causes which In the winter of 1749-1750 finally 
moved the Quaker Assembly of Pennsylvania to enact laws 
which were Intended to check the evil. One law^^^ for- 
bade the overcrowding of ships. By Its provisions every 
passenger was entitled to a sleeping place which was at 
least six feet long and two feet wide. If the captain failed 
to observe this order, he was fined ten pounds for each 
passenger who did not have the legal amount of room. 
Half of this fine was given to the passenger and the re- 
mainder to the trustees of Province Island, which was used 
for the accommodation of sick immigrants. Philadelphia 
Inspectors were ordered to examine the ships on arrival. 
The ship captains were required to make an Inventory of 
the property of those who had died during the voyage. 

Although Saur was pleased with this law, he immediately 
recognized the Inadequacy of its provisions. In the Issue 
of his paper which contained an account of the law he 
advised the Germans to make contracts with the captains 
so that the latter would be compelled to take care of their 
personal property, to bring them to the destination agreed 
upon and to provide berths for them In which they would 

221 S 112, 2-1-50, 1-1-55. 

222 S 2-1-50. 

Charities and Humanitarian Organizations. 63 

be able to sit up. Saur also urged the immigrants to de- 
mand receipts if they paid their fares in advance. 

It is probable that not even the shrewd and wise old 
Dunker foresaw the many evasions of the law. The new- 
landers told the Germans that if they would not say " Ja I 
ja ! " to the inspectors who asked them whether they had 
enough room and food during the voyage, they would be 
detained on board for four weeks, on account of a law suit 
which would follow. The fear of a longer detention on 
the uncomfortable vessel was often sufficient to silence the 
simple-minded Germans.^^^ We can well imagine Saur's 
impotent grief when he published this item in 1752. Two 
years later he inquired in despair whether there were not 
one or two honest "Visitators" who would go on board 
the ships in order to see whether the terms of the contracts 
had been observed.^^* 

From 1755 to 1764 very few Germans came to America 
on account of the dangers incident to the French and Indian 
War. In the fall of 1764 vessels with Germans began to 
arrive again. Miller had an advertisement in his paper 
of November 12 announcing the arrival of several hundred 
German servants who were for sale. About two months 
later^^^ he reported that eleven ships had arrived from 
Rotterdam between August 8 and December 4, having two 
thousand three hundred and twenty-eight full fares, or 
(according to Miller's estimate) about three thousand 
people. With the reappearance of immigrants the former 
scenes of distress were repeated. In November, 1764, an 
appeal for help for the sick Germans in the hospital was 
published in the Staatsbote.^^^ 

223 S 12-1-52. 

224 S I-I-5S. 

225 M 157. 

226 M 149. 

64 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

At last some of the leading Germans of Philadelphia 
decided that the best way to ameliorate the conditions of 
the immigrants was to organize a society for the purpose 
of systematizing the work before them. On November 
30, 1764, a meeting was held to organize a "Deutsche 
Gesellschaft.""' The rules of the society were drawn up 
between this date and December 26, when a permanent 
organization was effected,"^ with Heinrich Keppele, a 
Philadelphia merchant, as president."^ It was probably 
the first charitable organization among the Germans in 
America. The aim of the society was at least twofold; 
firstly to secure the enactment of more stringent laws relat- 
ing to the living conditions during the sea voyage, and 
secondly to gather food, clothing and money for the help 
of the indigent immigrants on their arrival in Philadelphia. 
In January, 1765, it presented to the governor of the prov- 
ince an English translation of Its constitution.-^" In 1766 
the Staatshote boasted that most of the immigrants were 
now assigned to other colonies because the Pennsylvania 
laws were too strict.^^^ These laws had presumably been 
passed at the instigation of the society. That its second 
aim was not forgotten is amply proved by the treasurers' 
reports, which appeared regularly in the papers. Consid- 
erable sums of money were collected and disbursed in order 
to alleviate the misery of the immigrants. For example, 
in 1768 one township of Lancaster County sent six thou- 

--^ M 153. 

2^8 M 155. 

22s Christopher Saur, the second, was not an officer or even a member 
of the society. Although the leading spirits were men who belonged to the 
denominations opposed to him, there is hardly any doubt that he gave his 
powerful support to the young organization. 

230 M 157. 

231 M 241. 

Charities and Humanitarian Organizations. 65 

sand pounds of flour and some money to the society."^ 
The "Deutsche Gesellschaft" was incorporated on Sep- 
tember 19, 178 1, by an act of the Pennsylvania Assem- 
|^jy_233 jj. broadened the scope of Its activities by helping 
young men to obtain a college education. ^^* It is still in 
existence at the present time, helping those that are In need 
of aid. 

Despite all efforts, the lot of the redemptioners was often 
most wretched, because the laws were still not compre- 
hensive enough. For Instance, In 1767 the Germans were 
powerless to prevent the ship companies from raising the 
fare seven pounds for the Immigrants, while the fare of the 
ordinary passengers remained unchanged. Not only was 
this an unjust discrimination, but It also forced the immi- 
grants to remain on shipboard much longer because the 
inhabitants of the province hesitated to pay such a high 
price for their services.^^^ This prolonged detention 
caused great distress, as we learn from an article in the 
Staatsbote,^^^ which reported that the fifty persons not yet 
sold had at last been permitted to come on shore, but since 
the merchants In whose ship they had arrived gave them 
no food, they were walking through the streets with the 
children crying for bread. Even after somebody had paid 
the Increased fares the privations of the Immigrants did not 
cease, since they had to serve longer than in former times. ^^^ 

The system of redemptioning was still in vogue after the 
War for Independence.^" Although Kuhns- says"^^ the 

232 M 315. 
^33 PC 23. 

234 See Chapter IV. 

235 M 306. 

236 M 209. 

237 See NUL 1-6, 12, 14, 109; DP 39; NUR 604. 

238 German and Swiss Settlements in Pennsylvania, p. 80. 

66 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

worst cases of the abuse of the system occurred after the 
Revolution, the newspapers do not mention them. In fact 
it is highly improbable that the later cases were so shocking 
as those of the colonial days. It is quite certain that the 
abuses were less frequent during the later period. 

When the Germans in America extended aid to the re- 
demptioners and endeavored to remedy the flagrant abuses 
of the redemptioning system, they simply did for their 
relatives and countrymen what duty required. But, on 
occasion, they also gave their support to charitable and 
humanitarian enterprises, when they were not so directly 
concerned and when they could have easily withheld their 
support without creating much unfavorable comment. In 
175 1 an act was passed by the Pennsylvania Assembly to 
erect a hospital in Philadelphia for the Indigent sick and 
insane. ^^^ In Saur's paper of August 16, 175 1, he printed 
an appeal to the Germans for aid In this undertaking. 
The article urged that, although the Germans had to help 
their poor countrymen who arrived In America every year, 
they should also support the hospital. That this appeal 
was not without Its effect is curiously proved by an ad- 
dress'*° delivered in February, 1794, before the Society 
for the Support of the Needy Poor In the German Evan- 
gelical Lutheran Congregation of Philadelphia. This ad- 
dress gives a history of charity In Philadelphia. The 
speaker said that Mathias Koplln, a German, gave In 175 1 
a piece of land lying between Germantown and Phila- 
delphia to the hospital. He attached one condition to the 
gift, namely, that he would not be required to go to Phila- 
delphia every year to vote for the twelve directors or trus- 
229 s 133. 

240 Printed in full, PCs 277, 278. 

Charities and Humanitarian Organizations. 67 

tees of the hospital.^" The letter (dated September 2, 
175 1 ) which Koplln wrote to Saur on the subject was read 
by the speaker. 

When the French and Indian War broke out, the Indian 
allies of the French swarmed through the mountain passes 
of Pennsylvania, attacked with savage ruthlessness the 
frontier settlers and compelled the survivors to flee to the 
more densely inhabited parts of the colony. Without food 
and shelter and often without sufficient clothing, they were 
indeed wretched, pitiable specimens of humanity. Those 
Pennsylvania Germans who were not driven from their 
homes helped generously in providing for the refugees. 
In the fall of 1755 Lancaster County was crowded with 
fugitives in dire want. Then the Mennonites showed the 
kindly spirit which animated them by collecting several 
wagon loads of flour, meat and clothes for the unfortunate 
ones.^" A month later there was even greater distress in 
Northampton County because many settlers fled to the 
Moravian towns of Bethlehem and Nazareth after they 
had heard of the Gnadenhiitten massacre.^*^ On learning 
of the condition of affairs, the Mennonites of Skippack, 
Montgomery County, immediately dispatched seven wagon 
loads of flour and other provisions to the Moravian settle- 
ments.^** The Lutherans, the Reformed and the Schwenk- 
felders also collected and sent provisions.^*^ 

In 1 79 1 Germans of Philadelphia organized a " Gesell- 
schaft," which had the following aims : to aid its sick mem- 

241 This is thoroughly characteristic of the Mennonites and the Dunkers, 
who are always willing to give liberally for humanitarian purposes but 
usually dislike political responsibility. 

242 s 187. 

243 See Chapter II. 

244 S 188. 

245 S 2-1-56. 

68 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

bers, to give them a decent burial and to help their widows 
and orphans.^*® Apparently it was a forei-unner of our 
present-day lodges. In the winter of 1791-1792 Valentin 
Krug, a brewer of Lancaster, had the misfortune of losing 
all his possessions by fire. The people of the city imme- 
diately began to collect money in order to aid him in re- 
building his house and brewery. ^*^ 

The Germans helped to alleviate the misery caused by 
the terrible yellow fever epidemics of 1793, 1797, 1798 
and 1799 in Philadelphia. When almost all able-bodied 
persons, both rich and poor, were fleeing from the plague- 
stricken city in 1793, Johann Kiihmle, an influential Ger- 
man druggist, remained to tend the sick,-*® risking his life 
as Stephen Girard did in the same outbreak of the scourge. 
He treated several hundred patients in the six or eight 
weeks during which the fever was at its worst.^*^ In 

1797 the people of Lancaster city and county sent to the 
poor of Philadelphia more than one thousand dollars in 
money and three hundred and seventy barrels and two 
hundred and twenty-three pounds of flour. "° Again in 

1798 it was announced that the people of Lancaster were 
aiding the fever-stricken mothers of Philadelphia.^®^ 

The various religious denominations undoubtedly pro- 
vided for their poor, although the newspapers mentioned 
this form of charity very rarely. However, such aid was 
probably the most important and the most widespread, 
even if the least ostentatious. We find^®^ that the Luth- 
""246 pa 53. 

247 NUR 154. 

248 PC, 254. 

249 PQ 256. 

250 DP 2. 

• 251 DP 42. 

^52 PCs 277, 278. 

Charities and Htunanitarian Organizations. 69 

eran congregation of Philadelphia held special collections 
prior to 1784 for its poor. Beginning with that year it 
set aside for the poor the collections of its evening prayer 
meetings after having deducted the cost of light. On 
February i, 1790, the congregation organized "Die Ge- 
sellschaft zur UnterstiAtzung der Hulfsbediirftigen Armen 
in der Deutsch Evangelisch Lutherischen Gemeinde." In 
four years the membership of this society had increased 
from fourteen to almost two hundred. In 1791 the Ger- 
man Reformed congregation of Philadelphia started a sim- 
ilar society. In the winter of 1791-1792^^^ the Lutherans 
bought fifty cords of wood to give to the poor and also 
helped the needy with money and bread. "^* 

The German publishers were unanimously opposed to 
slavery. In 1760 the second Saur expressed the belief that 
it would have been conducive to the welfare of Pennsyl- 
vania if the importation of slaves had been forbidden at 
the time when the province was settled. ^^^ Almost a year 
later^®^ he published a strong attack on the slave trade. 
The article opened by saying that Germans in America 
were beginning to buy slaves because they could not pro- 
cure German redemptioners. Although they gave various 
reasons why they purchased slaves, none of the reasons 
would stand the test of the Golden Rule. In reality their 
greed was the only cause for the purchases. Up to that 
time Pennsylvania had been unprofitable territory for the 
slave dealers, because the Germans had opposed the traffic, 
but since some of them were now encouraging it, there was 
a rumor that three ships had departed for Africa. 

253 GZ. 86. 

25* This was not done by the above mentioned society. 

235 s 3-28-60. 

258 8 250. 

70 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Presumably the manufacturers were the most frequent 
purchasers of slaves. They certainly inserted the largest 
number of advertisements in the papers about runaway 
slaves. Thus Georg Adam Weidner, of Berks County, 
who owned a brick kiln, offered rewards for runaway slaves 
in 1761^" and in 1763,^^® and Henrich Wilhelm Stiegel, 
the owner of an iron foundry at Mannheim, Lancaster 
County, informed the public in 1763 that one of hls^^^ 
slaves had run away. Saur published Weidner's adver- 
tisement of 1 76 1 in his paper. He appended, however, 
an editorial note In which he said he was amazed that the 
negro ran away barefooted and with poor clothes. If the 
masters had been doing what was right, many of the slaves 
would not have thought of running away; but greed is the 
root of all evil. 

Toward the close of the century the protests against 
slavery became very common. In 1787 the Neue Un- 
partheyische Lancaster Zeitung published in installments 
the story of Walter Mifflin, a Quaker who had freed his 
slaves.^^° It was printed for the purpose of helping the 
anti-slavery cause. In 1788, one hundred years after the 
first protest against slavery by the German Quakers of 
Germantown, the Lutheran synod went on record against 
slavery.^" Reiche in his "General Postbothe" told his 
readers that Congress could not abolish slavery, because 
such an act would give Congress the power to confiscate all 
property. Like original sin, we could not get rid of slav- 

257 S 7-3-61. 

258 M 94. 

259 M 94. 

260 NUL 7, 15, 16, 17. 

261 NUL 46. 

Charities and Humanitarian Organizations. 71 

ery entirely, but we should eliminate it as nearly as 
possible. ^•'^ 

In 1794 the following poem, with the title "Lied eines 
Negersclaven in America," was reprinted from the G'ot- 
tinger Miisenalmanack^^^ of 1784 by the Philadelphische 
Correspondenz :^^* 

1. Hinter'm Meeres-Strande, 
Wo die Sonn' erwacht; 

Fern, aus jenem Lande, 
Bin ich hergebracht. 

2. Raja, mein Gebieter, 
Gab, um Feuertrank, 

Einem weissen Wiiter, 
Mich auf Lebenslang, 

3. Bin ein Mensch, wie Weisse, 
Habe nichts gethan ; 

Plagen mich mit Fleisse, 
Sehn als Thier mich an. 

4. Lasten zum Erdriicken 
Sind mir aufgelegt, 

Blut farbt meinen Riicken, 
Wenn die Geissel schlagt. 

5. Nicht um sie zu atzen 
Duld' ich alle Pein ; 

Steine, die sie schatzen, 
Tauschen sie drum ein. 

6. Und heim lebt' ich friedlich! 
Gegen jeden mild, 

Theilt' ich gern und giitlich, 
Was mein Pfeil erzielt. 

7. Weib von Dir gerissen, 
Dir geraubt bin ich ! 

Muszt den Gatten missen, 
Harmst dich ab um mich. 

262 GP 27. 

263 Gottinger Musenalmanach, 1784, p. 88. 

264 PC2 269. 

72 The Pennsylvanio'German Society. 

8. Ach ! und melner Klelnen, 
Meiner Kinder Noth! 

Jammern jetzt und weinen, 
Sind vielleicht schon todt. 

9. Weisz, ihr fleht zu Gotte, 
Dasz er giinstig sey, 

Thut ihr's nicht zum Spotte? 
Weisse ! gebt mich f rey. 

This poem thoroughly expresses not only the sympathy 
which the Pennsylvania German felt toward the slaves, but 
also the moral indignation aroused in him by the slave 




A. SCHOOLS.^*'^ 

'^'HE educational problem facing the German Americans 
^^ of the eighteenth century was a difficult one. Since 
most of the immigrants belonged to the peasant class, they 
usually had a very poor education, if any at all. The 
number of illiterates was undoubtedly very large. In 
1754 an article was published in London describing the 
condition of affairs in the province of Pennsylvania.^^^ To 
the author's assertion that one half of the Germans were 
uneducated ("ungelehrsam'") , Saur replied"" that he 
doubted the accuracy of this statement. ( " Hieran ist sehr 
zu zweifeln.") However, he did not deny that the num- 

265 This chapter does not presume to give a complete history of German 
American education in the eighteenth century. I have limited myself 
almost entirely to material which I found in the Pennsylvania German 
newspapers. It is well known that some schools were established before 
1750 by the various denominations. Not only the Lutherans and the Re- 
formed but also the Moravians and the Dunkers started elementary schools. 
For a brief account of the schools before 1760, see S. E. Weber's "The 
Charity School Movement in Colonial Pennsylvania." 

-68 Probably by the Reverend William Smith, although Saur thought the 
Reverend Mr, Schlatter was the author. 

267 S 184. 


74 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

ber of uneducated persons was quite large. Probably the 
percentage of illiteracy was higher in the middle of the 
century than at any other time. The life of a pioneer was 
usually too arduous to allow him to think of giving his 
children even a rudimentary education. In addition to 
this, even if he desired to do so the facilities were lacking, 
since there were often neither schoolhouses nor teachers. 
Consequently the first generation of the descendants of the 
immigrants were more uneducated than the immigrants 


I. Before 1780. 

By 1750, however, many of the Germans had success- 
fully passed through the early vicissitudes of a pioneer life 
and were beginning to turn their attention to the education 
of their children. Lotteries were organized to raise 
money for the erection of schoolhouses. For instance, a 
lottery was started to pay for the schoolhouse and for the 
parsonage of the Lutheran congregation in German- 
town;"*'^ another one was begun for the purpose of raising 
money to build a schoolhouse for the German Reformed 
congregation of Philadelphia f^^ the Lutherans in Reading 
started a lottery in 1755 so that they might obtain funds 
to purchase a school building.-"^ In these first years of the 
second half of the century we also find an increasing num- 
ber of teachers among the immigrants. According to 
Saur's paper of June i, 1750, a German teacher was con- 
fined in the Philadelphia prison because he did not have 
sufficient money to pay for his passage. Again in 1753 a 
teacher and his wife offered themselves as indentured ser- 

268 s 160. 

26»S 11-1-55. 

Education and Educational Facilities. 75 

vants for three and a half years in order to pay the ex- 
penses of the voyage."" 

A society was formed in England in 1753 for the pur- 
pose of establishing so-called free or charity schools among 
the Pennsylvania Germans, in which both the English and 
German languages should be taught without charge. The 
Lutherans and the Reformed gladly accepted the offer, the 
Reverend Mr. Schlatter of the Reformed church being ap- 
pointed superintendent of the schools. However, the sec- 
tarians, led by Saur, attacked the schools on the ground 
that they were organized for the purpose of making the 
Germans forget their own language. They bitterly re- 
sented the imputation that they might become disloyal to 
the colony if they preserved their native tongue.-'^ Saur 
asked why the Irish, the Swedes and the Welsh were al- 
lowed to retain their language, while the Germans were 
expected to speak English."^ Saur's question forms a 
part of the comment on the news item that six English free 
schools for Germans were to be opened by an English 
society and would be located at Philadelphia, Lancaster, 
Yorcktaun, Reading, Easton, etc. 

How long the charity schools remained in existence is 
not known. Saur's paper does not mention them after 
1756, although some were still in existence in 1763.^'^ 
The references to them in 1756 show that influences were 
at work which would cause their failure. Saur reported 
that Schlatter was not popular among the Germans of 
Pennsylvania because of his favorable attitude toward the 

270 s 159. 

271 For a history of the struggle for the preservation of their language, 
see Chapter V. 

272 s 9_i_54. 

273 Weber, op. cit., p. 55. 

76 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

free schools.^'* In another Issue he announced that Johann 
Wilhelm Wiegand, the teacher of the free school in Phila- 
delphia, who had been teaching sixty children for one year, 
had received only five pounds of his salary from the treas- 
urer.^'^ The schools were unsuccessful probably for two 
reasons. They apparently did not have sufficient financial 
backing; and, again, many Germans, always alarmed at 
any attempt to anglicize them, refused to patronize the 
schools after Saur had called their attention to the danger. 
However, these schools produced one good result. They 
caused the various denominations to make more determined 
efforts to provide adequate educational facilities for the 

The Lutheran and the Reformed congregations in the 
rural districts began to insert advertisements for teachers 
in the Philadelphia papers. The first of these advertise- 
ments which I have discovered i§ found in Saur's paper of 
May 1 6, 1756. It says that a teacher is wanted in " Em- 
ety Taunschip " (Berks County). The advertisements in- 
creased in frequency up to about 1770. Between 1770 
and 1775 the teachers inserted more advertisements, offer- 
ing their services.^^* This seems to indicate that the sup- 
ply now exceeded the demand. After the outbreak of the 
war the schools had difficulty in obtaining teachers. On 
January 5, 1776, the German Reformed congregation of 
Philadelphia advertised for a teacher.^" In 1779 the 
Germantown Union School had no English and no German 
teacher. The successful applicants for the positions were 
each promised a house, garden and orchard without rent.^^^ 

274 s 7-1-56. 
275 s 5-1-56. 

276 M 618 et al. 

277 M 761. 

278 M 919. 

Education and Educational Facilities. 77 

It is rather difficult to determine what the teachers were 
ordinarily required to teach in these schools because the 
advertisements usually did not specify this. Undoubtedly 
they taught reading, writing and arithmetic. It is safe to 
assume that they also gave catechetical instruction, for 
there is abundant evidence"^ that they did so in the period 
following the war. They were probably also the church 
organists. For instance, in advertising for a teacher the 
German Reformed congregation of Philadelphia^" re- 
quired that the candidate should know how to play the 
organ. Girls received instruction in sewing in the German- 
town Union School.^®" 

In Philadelphia, German evening schools were started 
at least as early as 1754. In this year Johann Wolfgang 
Leitzel, " deutscher Schul-und Rechen Meister" at the 
lower end of Germantown, advertised that he was conduct- 
ing a night school, both in summer and in winter.^^^ The 
subjects were writing and ciphering. In 1763 Johann 
Michael Enderlein opened a German school in Philadelphia. 
The hours were from six to eight, from eight to twelve in 
the morning, from two to five in the afternoon and from 
six to nine in the evening.^^^ He was willing to teach read- 
ing, spelling and ciphering in English and in German. In 
1774 we find an advertisement^®^ announcing that a Ger- 
man day and night school would be started in the Northern 
Liberties of Philadelphia; the subjects taught would be 
reading, Christianity, German and English writing, cipher- 

279 See below. 

280 M 919. 

281 S 170. 

282 M 80. 

283 M 665. 

78 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

ing, history, geography, letter writing, public speaking, 
science, and, if desired, French.^®* 

2. Elementary Schools; After lySo. 

(a) In the Rural Districts. — After the war the various 
papers contained many advertisements for rural district 
teachers. Since the schools were Increasing rapidly in 
number, the supply of teachers was entirely inadequate. 
In 1798 the statement was made that the teaching force in 
country districts was very Incompetent because teachers 
with hardly any qualifications were permitted to give in- 
struction. Very few capable men wanted to teach because 
the salary of country teachers was disproportionately small 
in comparison with the Income of other people.-®^ Part of 
the teacher's salary often consisted in the free use of a 
house and garden. For instance, the Reformed congrega- 
tion of Bern, Berks County, offered to the teacher a good 
garden and meadow,"®'' and the Lutheran teacher at Tulpe- 
hocken was promised thirty-five acres of land, a two-story 
house, a barn and enough meadow land for four head of 

In most of these country schools the instruction was en- 
tirely in German, although both English and German were 
taught in some of them. The subjects were usually read- 
ing, writing and arithmetic. Moreover, the teacher, as 
stated above, was ordinarily required to act as organist in 
the church^^® and to give catechetical instruction.^®^ It is 

284 J Jo jjot know whether the three last mentioned schools belonged to 
religious denominations, but probably not. 

285 DP 19. 

286 PC 120. 

287 A 135. This was undoubtedly an unusually liberal offer. 

288 PC 120, 166; PCs 334; NUR 299 €t al. 

289 NUR 592 et al. 

Education and Educational Facilities. 79 

difficult to determine what kind of pedagogical methods 
the schoolmasters employed. The only reference I have 
found to methods was contained in a letter written by a 
Berks County to a Lancaster County teacher, in which the 
writer attacked the new method of teaching the children to 
read before they could spell. ^^'^ 

The religious denominations were desirous of retaining 
elementary education within their control. When Doctor 
Logan in 1800 proposed to the Pennsylvania Assembly a 
State school system by means of which the schools would 
become secularized, many German papers attacked the 
plan. The Neiie Unpartheyische Readinger Zeitiing op- 
posed it for three reasons :^^^ the congregations would have 
no voice in selecting or dismissing teachers; the teachers 
would not be required to give catechetical instruction; 
everybody, no matter whether he had children or not, 
would have to pay taxes for the support of the schools. 
The York Volksberichter, edited by the Reverend Mr. 
Gorring, was also reported^®^ to have attacked the proposed 
school system on the ground that parents would have no 
opportunity to give a religious education to their children; 
if the people would be compelled to support non-denomina- 
tional schools, it would be not only an infringement on 
their religious freedom, but also a burden. Although the 
Reading Adler supported Doctor Logan, ^^^ his bill never 
passed, presumably on account of German opposition. 

Because many of the rural Pennsylvania Germans were 

290 NUL, 54. Attention should be called to the rules of Christopher 
Dock, which are printed in Saur's Geistliches Magazien. Dock was a 
teacher of the sectarians and lived about the middle of the eighteenth 

291 NUR 592. 
292NUR 602. 
293 A 208. 

8o The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

unable to speak English, they were accused of being illiter- 
ate. This accusation was definitely refuted by the German 
papers. In 1790 the Philadelphische Correspondenz 
stated that in most townships of Pennsylvania there were 
less than four natives who could neither read nor write.^®* 
In 1800 the statement was made that schoolhouses were 
connected with almost all churches.^®^ The rural Pennsyl- 
vania Germans were determined that their descendants 
should have at least an elementary education. We find 
that a new school in New Holland, Lancaster County, was 
in charge of thirteen trustees in 1786.^®^ The subscribers 
to the school, out of their own number, elected them for a 
term of three years. The trustees who resigned had to 
pay a fine of twenty shillings, and those who absented them- 
selves from the semi-annual meetings without good cause 
were fined five shillings. 

However, despite these determined efforts to improve 
educational facilities in the country districts, conditions 
were far from satisfactory. The children of the very poor 
could not attend the schools because they were unable to 
pay the cost of tuition. Some hired out their children to 
other people on condition that the children be given school- 
ing and catechetical instruction.^®^ The education of a 
great many children was exceedingly slight. The Read- 
inger Zeitung^^^ gave the following reasons for this : some 
parents did not send their children to school until they 
were sixteen years of age, while others sent them very 
irregularly; some did not send them at all on account of 

29* PC, 14. 
295 NUR 592. 
2efiPC 287. 

297 NUR 592. 

298 NUR 510, 511, 512. 

Education and Educational Facilities. 8i 

miserliness or for fear that the children would be punished 
in school; others attempted to give them Instruction at 
home with very unsatisfactory results. The English and 
the Irish, the paper continued, put the Germans to shame 
in this respect, since they began to send their children to 
school as soon as they could carry books, and were not 
satisfied until their offspring had thoroughly learned read- 
ing, writing and arlthmetic.^°^ Thus did the press attempt 
to stir the German people to emulation. 

{b) In the Larger Towns. — In the towns educational 
facilities for the Germans were much more satisfactory. 
Most of the towns like Reading,^"" Lancaster and Phila- 
delphia^*"' had elementary denominational schools, which 
had been In existence for forty or fifty years. A Lutheran 
school was established in Lancaster before 1750 — a state- 
ment which is proved by the obituary notlce^''^ of Jacob 
Loser, who died on January 3, 1793, after having taught 
in the Lutheran school of Lancaster for forty-four years. 
In 1782 Lancaster had several German schools. ^°^ 

Unquestionably Philadelphia led the State In elementary 
education for the Germans. The Lutherans not only con- 
ducted their regular denominational pay schools, but also 
organized In 1786 a free school for the poor children of 
the denomination.^"^ The congregation paid the teacher 
of this school and provided the children with books, paper, 
etc. In 1792 eighty pupils were in attendance at the free 
school,^"* and by 1794 several hundred had received In- 
struction there. ^"^ 

299 This statement Is probably an exaggeration for the purpose of spur- 
ring the Germans to more vigorous action, 

300 See above. 

301 NUL 285. 

302 PC 62. 

303 PC, 277, 278. 

304 GZ, 86. 

82 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Fortunately we have a fairly good picture of the Luth- 
eran elementary schools of Philadelphia in 1796. In that 
year a series of articles by^ " Philoteutologos " appeared in 
the Philadelphische Correspondenz on the Lutheran schools 
of Philadelphia.^"^ The author indicated in the first arti- 
cle the external defects of the schools. ^°® Although no 
teacher should have had more than fifty or sixty pupils, 
one German teacher in Philadelphia instructed almost one 
hundred, two others more than seventy each; and it was 
reported that still another had more than one hundred and 
thirty.^"^ The tuition for each pupil was eleven shillings 
a quarter, while the pupils in the English schools paid 
eighteen, twenty, thirty and thirty-five shillings a quarter. 
The tuition was paid directly to the teachers of the German 
schools by the parents, so that the salaries varied according 
to the number in attendance. The pupils sat so close to- 
gether that there was always opportunity for the mis- 
chievous ones to torment the others. "Philoteutologos" 
also expressed the fear that many children attended the 
free school when their parents could afford to send them 
to the other schools. 

In the second article^"® he discussed the internal defects 
of the school, as he called them. After having attended 
a school for five or six years, the pupils could read and 
write, but their learning was like that of parrots. The 
only text-books were the Bible, the catechism and the 
ABC book. "Philoteutologos" criticized the Bible as 

305 PC2 485, 487, 488, 490, 491, 493, 497. (No. 485 is found in the Har- 
vard Library and the others in the State Library of Pennsylvania, although 
493 is also found in PHS.) 

306 pCj. 485. 

307 Some of these schools were probably under the control of other 
denominations. See below. 

30spc, 487, 488. 

Education and Educational Facilities. 83 

a text-book because it was not graded. There was too 
much parrot-like memorizing, singing and praying in the 
schools, and the curriculum consisted only of religion, Ger- 
man reading, writing and arithmetic. In the opinion of 
the writer some English should have been taught. 

The other articles gave the constructive criticism of 
" Philoteutologos." He desired that there should be only 
one class of schools for rich and poor and no "poor" 
schools. He suggested the following curriculum: the 
English and German Languages; the fundamentals of re- 
ligion; ciphering in English, together with a little geom- 
etry, trigonometry and algebra; geography; history of 
Germany, America, Rome and Greece.'*'^ He would have 
divided the school into seven classes as follows : first class, 
German letters, syllables and words; second class, reading 
an easy German book, writing; third class, continuation of 
reading and writing, study of catechism, German gram- 
mar'^" and English, reading and interpreting the New Tes- 
tament on Friday; fourth class, continuation of the work 
of the third class and, in addition, English grammar and 
writing; fifth class, continuation of the work of the fourth 
class, reading best prose and poetic works, Old Testament 
on Friday, ciphering; sixth class, continuation of the work 
of the fifth class; seventh class, higher mathematics, com- 
position, geography, history, natural science and ethics.^" 
There were to be four teachers, two for the German sub- 
jects of the first six classes, one for the English subjects of 
these classes and one for the seventh class who knew both 
languages.''^ The writer also urged the value of pubHc 

309 PC. 490. 

310 He wanted somebody to write a German grammar for use in the 

311 PCj 491. 

84 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

examlnations.^^^ He gave a detailed account of the tuition 
which was to be charged and a description of the school- 
house to be erected. He insisted that the sexes should be 

While these articles emphasized the defects of the exist- 
ing schools, the fact that a leading German paper devoted 
so much space to both destructive and constructive criticism 
indicated that the Germans of Philadelphia were thor- 
oughly alive to the necessity of giving their children an 
elementary education. " Philoteutologos " said^" that one 
hundred and eighty pupils were enrolled in 1796 in the 
Lutheran schools of Philadelphia alone; in addition, many 
children of German extraction were attending the English 
schools because the German schools offered them no oppor- 
tunity to study English. 

The leading Germans in general desired their brethren 
to have sufficient education to enable them to display a 
more intelligent interest in local and national affairs. This 
desire was often expressed in the newspapers. ^^^ On Jan- 
uary 9, 1788, the following eloquent paragraph appeared 
in the Neiie Unpartheyische Lancaster Zeitung: 

Mochte doch jede kleine Landstadt, die in Verbindung mit der 
umliegenden Gegend 3, 4 Wirthshauser zu Verderben der Jugend 
im Flor erhalten kan, sich durch ahnliche Anstalten (i.e., elemen- 
tary schools) auszeichnen! Mochten unsere lieben Deutschen 
sich einmal iiberzeugen dasz Schulen leiblichen und geistlichen 
Segen mit sich fiihren, dasz sie uns Biirgerliche-und Gewissens- 
freyheit sichern, dasz sie uns zu einer erleuchteten Nation erheben^ 
dasz sie unsern Kindern und Kindeskindern das unschatzbare, mit 

31^ PC2 493- 

313 PC, 497. 

31* PCs 491. 

315 See NUR i, 510; NUL 55-58 et al. 

Education and Educational Facilities. 85 

so vielem Blute erkaufte Gut, erst recht geniessen lassen, freye 
Burger in Amerlka zu seyn. 

There was little danger that the Pennsylvania Germans 
would become uneducated and unintelligent citizens when 
their leaders saw so clearly the need of an education."^ 

The Moravians of Bethlehem were conducting In 1787 
a school for young girls which placed much emphasis on 
the finer arts. A twelve-year-old girl wrote a letter, dated 
August 16, 1787, to her brother In a school In Connectl- 
cut.^^^ She said that about thirty girls of her age were 
rooming in the same building where she was. Every 
morning they rose at six o'clock and, after washing and 
combing, went for worship Into a little chapel which was 
attached to the school. Their morning and evening serv- 
ices consisted of religious hymns, which they accompanied 
on their zithers. No man was permitted to come Into the 
chapel. At seven they had breakfast and at eight school 
commenced. They studied English and German^^^ read- 
ing and grammar, writing, ciphering, history, geography, 
composition, etc., up to eleven o'clock. Then they went 
to chapel, where a man gave them a short religious and 
moral talk, and the organist played on a large organ. At 
a quarter of twelve dinner was served. In the afternoon 
they were taught sewing, embroidering, painting and music. 
School was dismissed at three o'clock and supper was 
served at six. At half past seven evening worship began, 
and at eight they retired into a large room, where all of 
them slept. On Sunday they attended religious services In 
a large chapel, where the whole school assembled. The 

318 See Chapter VIII. 

317 PC 371. 

318 Only one language was required, but both could be studied if de- 

86 The Penjisylvania-German Society. 

sermons were sometimes In German and sometimes In Eng- 
lish. The singing was very pretty and was accompanied 
by violins, bass viols and organs. There were two women 
teachers In the school In addition to the one who taught 
music, and one male teacher, who gave Instruction in 
grammar. The young girl added that there was an 
academy for boys at Nazareth corresponding to the girls' 


While the German religious denominations were unani- 
mous in their approval of elementary Instruction, some of 
them were aggressively opposed to higher education. The 
reasons for this opposition were well and emphatically 
stated by Saur. When the University of Pennsylvania 
was established he Inserted the following In his paper :^^® 

Die Vorschlage und Einrichtung zu einer Hohen Schule 1st 
gedruckt, und stellet vor, dasz darinen gelehret werden solle, 
Lateinisch, Griechisch, Frantzosisch, Spanisch, Teutsch und 
Englisch nach dem Grund der Sprach. Auch soil die Jugend 
unterweissen werden im Schreiben, Rechnen, in Historlen von 
alten Geschichten und die beschreibung des Erdbodens, in der 
Meszkunst, der Wohlredenheit, natiirlichen Philosophia, und 
was verschiedenen Handwercksleuten dienen kan, um Abrisse 
zu machen, und noch in anderen verschiedenen Dingen wovon 
Salomon sagt: Gott babe den menschen aufrichtig gemacht; aber 
sie suchen viel Kiinste, die theils zum natiirlichen Leben dienen, 
theils dem wahren Christen thun mehr hinderlich als niitzlich 
sind; dan die edle Zeit da sie solten trachten am ersten nach dem 
Reich Gottes und nach seiner Gerechtigkeit wird verschwendet 
mit Sachen durch welche dem menschen zum Stoltz, Hochmiitig 
und reich zu werden Gelegenheit gegeben wird, wovon Christus 
sagt : Wie schwerlich werden die Reichen ins Reich Gottes kommen ; 

319 8 ii8 (March i6, 1750). 

Education and Educational Facilities. 87 

es ist leichter etc. Und Paulus f ragt ; Wo sind die Klugen ? Wo 
sind die Weltweissen ? Hat nicht Gott dieser Welt Weisheit zur 
Thorheit gemacht? Im Plan ist nichts gemeldet vom Prediger 
Machen, von Layer und Doctor Machen, dan es folgt hernach; 
Die ersten beyden brauchen nur ein gutes Mundstiick, um ihr 
Gedachtnusz auszuleeren. Und der letzten sind schon mehr als 
gut ist: Viele machen sich selbst, durch anderer Leute Schaden, 
oder verlust des Lebens. 

In the next number of his paper Saur elaborated his 
attacks upon colleges. He said he was not opposed to a 
good education for the young people, as a writer In the 
Philadelphia Fama claimed. Saur granted that college 
students learned everything necessary for their temporal 
welfare. If a student wished to become great, rich, 
esteemed and honored, to have easy times In life, to rule 
over his fellowmen, that wish came from Lucifer. If the 
desire to dance and fight was added to it, nothing appeared 
to such students more despicable than a Christian life. 

Hat einer auf Hohen Schulen neben Philosophi (viel losze Vieh) 
auch die Natur aller Krauter, Wurtzeln, Thiere, Metallen und 
alles was mineralisch ist kennen lernen, verstehet auch den gantzen 
menschlichen Corper zu anatomieren, und denckt er kenne und 
wisse alle Gebrechen des menschlichen Leibes nach dem besten 
Unterricht, den die erfahreneste und geiibte Meister auf den 
Schulen geben konnen, und bekehret sich hernach zu Gott, von 
gantzem Hertzen, und sein Verstand wird mit Gottlichem Licht 
erleuchtet, so wird er in Verwunderung zum Preisz Gottes sagen: 
Dieser Welt Weiszheit ist doch nur Thorheit bey Gott! 

He then used the lives of Christ and Paul as Illustrations 
and promised to publish In the future what Luther said of 
colleges for the benefit of those who did not believe Christ 
and Paul. 

In 1754 Saur thought that the English society, organ- 

88 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

ized for the purpose of establishing free schools^^" among 
the Germans, was planning to start a college for Germans. 
This mistake occasioned the following attack :^^^ 

Wir horen, dasz der Ehrgeitz, Geldgeitz und Wollust eine 
Anstalt gemacht, dasz zu Philadelphia eine Hohe Schule auf- 
gerichtet werden, vor die Teutschen die nicht arbeiten mogen, 
oder eine ehrliche Hanthierung treiben; vermuthlich unterm 
Vorwand dasz man Advocaten, Doctor und Prediger hier im 
Lande selber machen konne, weil so wenig Gutes herein komt. 

About forty years later Saur's grandson, Samuel Saur, 
also published an attack on higher education in his paper, 
Die Chesnuthiller Wochenschrift.^^^ He quoted Luther 
as saying that it would be much better if all colleges were 
burned to powder, for nothing more hellish or devilish has 
ever been erected than these. ^-^ Saur asserted that edu- 
cated men were not steadfast, the colleges were the assem- 
bling places of rascals, and that hardly anything was taught 
in them except disputation. Atheistical and deistical books 
were written by college men. Students in higher institu- 
tions of learning learned to write novels, tragedies and 
comedies, the purpose of which was to entertain vain peo- 
ple. Even Gellert once wrote a comedy, although later 
he was sorry that he had done it. 

Although the influential Saurs maintained such a deter- 
mined opposition to higher education, we must not lose 
sight of the fact that the leaders, both secular and religious, 
of the Lutherans, the Reformed and the Moravians were 
unanimously in favor of it. We have seen that Bohm's 

3^0 See above. 

321 S 169. 

322 C\y g^_ J02, 104. 

223 Luther did not condemn all higher and secondary education, as is 
well known. 

Education and Educational Facilities. 89 

Fama disagreed^'* with Saur's attitude in 1750, and that 
the Lutheran and the Reformed ministers were often in- 
structors at the various colleges. ^-^ Henrich Miller pub- 
lished in 1 77 1 a long account of the commencement exer- 
cises of the academy which later became the University of 
Pennsylvania.^^® He was particularly pleased that four 
medical students graduated in that year. When he heard 
the report in 1769 that an academy was to be established 
at Reading, he said that such a school at that place would 
undoubtedly confer great benefits upon the inhabitants, and 
especially upon the youth of the province, and would be an 
eternal glory to its founders and supporters.^" 

A German seminary was founded in Philadelphia in 
1773. Its purpose was threefold: to help the English 
youths to study German, to aid the German youths to ob- 
tain some useful knowledge, no matter what occupation 
they intended to follow in later life, and to give the Ger- 
man American youths a good foundation in order that they 
might later enjoy so much the more advantageously the 
benefits of the English academies in Philadelphia arid else- 
where. ^^^ That the school was entirely under the super- 
vision of the Lutheran congregation of Philadelphia is 
proved by the request that all subscriptions for the school 
be given to the Lutheran ministers or to certain private 
individuals and by the fact that all prospective students 
had to report to the ministers of this congregation. ^^^ The 
seminary was probably never very flourishing. On June 

2-* See above. 

325 See Chapter II and also below. 

326 M 495. 

327 M 393. 

328 M 645. 
328 M 597. 

90 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

29, 1773, only fourteen students were enrolled, although 
five more were expected. In 1774 the teaching corps of 
the school consisted of the Lutheran ministers with John 
Gartley, the English teacher, and Daniel Lehman, a young 
man twenty years old, who had received his education at 
Strassburg.^^" In the same year a lottery was organized,^^^ 
the proceeds of which were to be given to the seminary. 
The institution probably came to an end when the British 
seized Philadelphia in the fall of 1777. At any rate, the 
last reference to it in the newspapers is found in the Staats- 
bote of September 3, 1777. 

In 1780 the University of Pennsylvania started a Ger- 
man institute or academy in connection with its preparatory 
department. The Reverend Mr. Kunze, the Lutheran 
minister, had charge of it at first ; after his removal to New 
York, his colleague, the Reverend Mr. Helmuth, succeeded 
him.^^^ The first notice of this school found in the Ger- 
man papers is in the Philadelphische Correspondenz of 
April 10, 1782, when the report was made that four young 
German Americans had been admitted into the university 
from the German Academy. The trustees of the uni- 
versity intended to place a teacher of English in the acad- 
emy, and the professor of German at the former would 
also be tutor in the latter. It was further announced that 
they would withdraw this offer unless a minimum of thirty 
students would take advantage of it. The Deutsche Ge- 
sellschaft of Philadelphia promised to pay for two of these 
students. ^^^ At the university's commencement in 1784 
one German, Heinrich Stuber, received his baccalaureate 

330 M 645. 

331 M 656. The proceeds were to be ioi2 pounds lo shillings. 

332 See Dubbs's " History of Franklin and Marshall College," pp. 8-9. 

333 See Chapter III. 

Education and Educational Facilities. 91 

degree. He had begun to study when the German De- 
partment was organized four years before. ^^* On Septem- 
ber 20, 1784, the German students of the Institute showed 
their proficiency before the assembled members of the 
Deutsche Gesellschaft by rendering a varied program. ^^^ 
In 1785 seventy Germans were attending the institute. 
They studied English and German reading and writing, 
Latin, Greek, mathematics, history and geography, with 
French as an elective; particular attention was given to 
public speaking. The tuition was six pounds a year.^^" 

This institute, however, did not satisfy the ambition of 
the German leaders, who desired a German college in Penn- 
sylvania. They felt that such an Institution would attract 
students of all religious denominations, while the academy 
in Philadelphia would probably be considered a Lutheran 
school because the ministers of that denomination were on 
the instructing staff. They probably also thought that 
many Germans were deterred from entering an English 
college because they would be derided by the students of 
English descent. As early as August 9, 1785, an article 
appeared in the Philadelphische Correspondenz which 
urged the establishment of a German college. One month 
later the same paper pubhshed a long article on the advisa- 
bility of starting a non-denominational German college. 
The writer expressed the opinion that such a school was 
necessary In order that the Germans might be able to take 
an active part in public affairs; in a German college the 

334 PC 163. 

335 PC 179, 182, 183, 184. 

336 PC 227. Philip Pauli, the French and Latin teacher, offered board 
at thirty pounds per year. The Institute was still in existence in 1789. 
On July 30 of that year Pauli delivered his farewell address an\d made an 
eloquent plea that the Germans should take advantage of the opportunity 
offered by the Universitj-, and by the Deutsche Gesellschaft. (See PC 435.) 

92 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Germans would not be discouraged by being termed 
" Dutchman " and " Sour Crout," as happened in the Eng- 
lish colleges. He suggested that Lancaster would be a 
good place for the school because the city was centrally 

On December ii, 1786, a petition for a charter for 
Franklin College at Lancaster was presented to the Penn- 
sylvania Assembly. The college was to have forty trus- 
tees, of whom fourteen were to be Lutheran, fourteen Re- 
formed and the remainder chosen from members of any 
Christian faith.^^^ The full text of the charter was printed 
in Steiner's paper of January 16, 1787. On Tuesday, 
June 5, 1787, the trustees chose''^^ the following officers 
and instructors : Principal, the Reverend Heinrich Miihlen- 
berg;^*" Vice Principal, the Reverend Wilhelm Handel;^" 
professor of Latin, Greek, and German, the Reverend 
Friedrich Valentin Melsheimer;^*^ professor of mathe- 
mathics, William Reichenbach; professor of the English 
language and fine arts, the Reverend Joseph Hutchins.^*^ 
On the next day the dedication exercises were held in the 
German Lutheran church of Lancaster.^** Before the 
exercises the leading citizens of the town went in procession 
from the courthouse to the church. In this procession 
were found the faculty and trustees of the college, the 
members of the Reformed Coetus and of the Lutheran 
Ministerium, the officers of the religious bodies of the town 

337 PC 228. 

338 PC 295; GZ 50. 

339 PC 321; GZ 63. 

340 Lutheran. 

341 Reformed. 

342 Lutheran. 

343 Episcopal. 

344 PC 321; GZ 63. 

Education and Educational Facilities. 93 

and various other prominent men. The Reformed, Luth- 
eran, Episcopalian and Moravian ministers took part in 
the dedication exercises. 

At the beginning of 1788 one hundred and five students 
were in attendance at the new college.^*' The work done 
seems to have been satisfactory. In a long account of the 
annual examination, held on October 17, 1788, the writer 
expressed his particular pleasure in the fact that the stu- 
dents of German descent spoke English as well as those of 
English parentage.'*'' In 1789 we are told that the stu- 
dents were examined, in addition to other subjects, in the 
Greek New Testament, Lucian and a small Greek chres- 
tomathy, but that they made a poorer showing in Greek 
than in the other subjects.'*^ 

Although the college received some State aid in 1788'*^ 
and received encouragement from all the German papers, 
it was often in financial straits. In the winter of 1788- 
1789 the Reverend Mr. Melsheimer wrote'*' a letter de- 
claring that the college faced a deficit of two hundred 
pounds because the charges for tuition were too low. 
When somebody blamed this deficit on poor business man- 
agement and suggested that the teachers' salaries should 
be reduced from two hundred to one hundred pounds a 
year, the answer was promptly made that the teachers had 
already done this of their own volition.''*' Again in 1789 
the fear was expressed that the college would have to close 
on account of lack of funds.'^^ 

s«NUL 30; PC 356. 
3«NUL 66. 
34TNUL 102. 

348 NUL 37. 

349 NUL 30; PC 356. 

350 NUL 34. 

351 NUL 102. 

94 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Probably the chief reason for these troubles was the 
passive, if not active, hostility of many of the Germans, 
particularly the sectarians. In a communication to the 
Lancaster Zeitung, " Stoffel Ehrlich," of Canostoga Town- 
ship, ^^^ said he was opposed to the college because it would 
only make children wiser than their parents. He wanted 
his son to learn a trade. His daughter could read, but not 
write; she could, however, spin and cook, and was a good 
housekeeper. His father had not been able to read or 
write and yet he had been prosperous. Whether this com- 
munication expressed the views of its author or was simply 
a bitter satire, there is no doubt that It was a true reflection 
of the views of a large number of Germans. " Hannickel 
Wahrheit" stated In another communlcation^^^ that the 
Germans often said, " Wie gelehrter wie verkehrter" and 
" Wer will endlich das Land bauen, wann alles gut gelernt 
ware." It is consequently not surprising that many Ger- 
mans with such views refused to support the college. 
However, Franklin College survived all vicissitudes and 
is now, as Franklin and Marshall College, one of the best 
small colleges in Pennsylvania. 

Two lesser attempts to organize German secondary 
schools remain to be mentioned. From an advertise- 
ment^^* in May, 1793, we learn that the Reverend Fried- 
rich Hermann intended to start a Latin school in the Ger- 
mantown schoolhouse on June 17, 1793. About one year 
later^^^ the announcement was made that on July i, 1794, 
Friederich Hermann, of Germany; J. M. Ray, of Edin- 
burgh and Paris, and others would open the Germantown 

352 NUL 2. 

353 NUL 7. 

354 PC. 214. 

355 PC2 310. 

Education and Educational Facilities. 95 

college. The following subjects would be taught: Ger- 
man, English, French, Latin, Greek, Oriental languages, 
Including Hebrew and others, the philosophical sciences, 
" so wie alle andere Zweige gewohnlicher und feiner Erzle- 
hung, nach einem verbesserten Plan, auf das (sic) kiirzeste 
und practischte Art." I do not know how long the college 
remained in existence or even whether it was ever started. 
The same statement is true of another proposed educa- 
tional venture, the German Catholic academy which was to 
be opened in Philadelphia on December i, 1796.^^'' The 
subjects to be taught were: penmanship (schon Schreib- 
kunst), spelling, geography, natural sciences, letter writing 
and composition, general history, Latin, Italian, French, 
instrumental and vocal music, and ethics (moralische Vor- 
lesungen zur Bildung des Herzens und Aufklarung des 
Verstandes und dergleichen) . 

In addition to the institutions discussed above, there 
were a considerable number of elementary schools and 
Latin schools conducted by private individuals. 

B. Other Educational Facilities. 

Besides the educational opportunities offered by schools 
and newspapers, the Pennsylvania Germans had their books 
and libraries. Some German books were published in 
this country during the eighteenth century and many more 
were imported from Germany. As may be expected, the 
great majority of the books read were of a religious, moral 
or practical nature, although some literary works were im- 
ported. Since it is not the purpose of this monograph to 
give a bibhography of German books printed in America, 
and since fairly complete bibliographies have been pub- 

356 PCj 563. 

96 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

llshed,^^^ I shall call attention to only a few of the most 
important publications which are mentioned in the news- 

Naturally the famous Saur German Bible of 1743 de- 
serves first mention. It is impossible to decide when Chris- 
toph Saur first conceived the idea of printing the Bible, for 
I have been able to find only two copies of his newspaper 
published prior to April 16, 1743. The issue of February 
16, 1742, announces that Saur wanted to print the Bible 
that year, but that he would probably have to postpone the 
venture because he had received only a few subscriptions, 
although he might print enough for the subscribers and no 
more. Presumably, however, he did not print any before 
1743. When he announced on August 16, 1743, that the 
unbound copies of the German Bible were ready for distri- 
bution at twelve shillings apiece, the inhabitants of Amer- 
ica saw for the first time the entire Bible printed in a Euro- 
pean language in the New World. Copies were later 
bound In sheep skin, calf skin or other leather.^^^ It is to 
be noted that Saur said the poor could have these Bibles 
free of cost.^^^ Although the total edition amounted to 
but twelve hundred copies, only one fourth of them had 
been sold in 1745.^®° In that year Saur also printed^" 
separately the New Testament in German. ^^^ 

Before 1760 the Lutherans, the Reformed, the Mora- 

357 Seidensticker's "First Century of German Printing in Anaerica"; 
Hildeburn's "The Issue of the Press of Pennsylvania, 1685-1784"; 
Bausman's " A Bibliography of Lancaster County Imprints." 

358 S 37. 

359 S 35. 

360 S 66. 
381 S 61. 

362 The Saurs published a second and a third edition of their Bible in 
1763 and in 1776 respectively. 

Education and Educational Facilities. 97 

vians and- the Sectarians had published hymn books. The 
Lutherans and the Reformed had also published cate- 
chisms. As early as 1746 Saur desired^*'^ to buy a copy of 
Konig's German and English Grammar in order to reprint 
it. In 176 1 he published a biography of Frederick the 
Great.^®* In the same year Henrich Miller printed " Des 
Landmanns Advocat," a collection of useful extracts from 
various Pennsylvania and English laws.^^^ He also pub- 
lished a " Wohl-eingerichtetes Vieh-Arzney-Buch " in 
1771.^^® Aesop's fables were translated into German by 
G. F. Goetz, a German American, and published by Steiner 
and Kammerer in 1794. This book was adorned with 
more than fifty copper engravings.^'^'^ Probably the best 
seller of all non-religious German American books of the 
eighteenth century was a translation of William Cobbett's 
" The Bloody Buoy thrown out as a warning to the politi- 
cal pilots of America," published by Jungmann and Co., 
Reading, in 1797.^*^^ It was in reality a campaign docu- 
ment of the Federalist party and described the excesses 
committed in the French Revolution as a terrible warning 
to the American people. Jungmann boasted that he had 
sold between two and three thousand copies of it in less 
than three months.^^^ Among the hundreds of other Ger- 
man books published in America, mention should be made 
of Teerstegen's " Geistiges Blumengartlein inniger Seelen," 
which passed through seven editions between 1747^'° and 

363 S 76. 

384 S 4-24-61. 

365 S 1-29-62. 

366 M 472. 

367 PC2 313 ff. 

368 NUR 437. 

369 NUR 448. 

370 S 90. 

98 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

1791,^" of the Sectarian hymnal, "Das Kleine Davidlsche 
Psalterspiel," and of the journals of the Pennsylvania As- 
sembly after 1786.^^^ 

The book importing business assumed large proportions 
at an early date. In 1772 seven hundred German books 
were offered for sale by one firm.^" In the same year 
G. C. Reinholdt inserted in Miller's paper a full-page 
advertisement of imported books.^^* After the war al- 
most every paper contained one or more book advertise- 
ments. In 1784 Robert Bell, of Philadelphia, announced 
that he had just received two hundred books from Ger- 
many. ^'^ Jacob Lahn, of Lancaster, published a two-page 
book advertisement in the Lancaster Zeitung of July 11, 

Since it is impossible to name all the titles of the impor- 
tations, I shall mention only some of those which are of 
interest to the literary historian. In 1754 "Flavins Jo- 
sephus, jiidischer Geschichtschreiber " and Hubner's 
" Staats und Zeitungs Lexicon" were advertised. ^'^ In 
1763 Peter Miller, of Philadelphia, offered"^ the follow- 
ing rather unusual books, " Begebenheiten dreyer Coquet- 
ten oder die Spaziergange in dem Thuileries," " Wunder- 
bare Avanturen zweyer lustigen Weltkinder," " Die ver- 
tauschten Kinder" and "Avanturen zweyer Frauenzim- 
mer." The old German " Volksbiicher " were apparently 
very popular throughout the entire century. For instance, 

371 NUL 190. 

372 GZ 27 et al. 

373 M 542. 

374 M 575. 

375 PC 165. 

376 S 164. 

377 M 66. 

Education and Educational Facilities. 99 

Anthon Armbriister, of Philadelphia, sold"^ In 1764 "Die 
Historic vom Ewigen Juden." In 1767 Andreas Geyer, 
of the same city, advertised"^ " Kaiser Octavianus," " Die 
vier Raymonds Kinder," " Der listlge Reineke Fuchs," 
"Das lustige und lacherliche Lalenbuch," " Eulenspiegel " 
and " Die schone Melusina." That these books retained 
their popularity to the end of the century can be seen from 
two references to them : " Stoffel Ehrlich," of Conastoga 
township, ^^° asserted in 1789 his belief in the truth of the 
"Faust" and "Der Ewige Jude" stories ;^^^ in 1797 the 
publisher of the Readinger Zeitung deprecated the popu- 
larity of such books as "Eulenspiegel," "Der gehirnte 
Siegfried," " Schone Magelone " and " Genofefa."^^^ 

In the last two decades of the century many books writ- 
ten by contemporary German authors were Imported, 
Goethe's "Werther" being apparently a particular fa- 
vorite. ^^^ So great was the demand for German literature 
in 1783 that the Hamburg (Germany) firm of Thuun and 
Boden sent to Philadelphia a large assortment of books, 
among which were Goethe's, ^^* Gellert's, Rabener's, Hage- 
dorn's and Geszner's complete works, Klopstock's Messlas, 
Hermannschlacht, odes and hymns, Ewald von Klelst's 
works, many of WIeland's works, Lessing's comedies and 
tragedies. ^^^ In the next year an English firm in Phila- 
delphia, Robert Bell, imported, among others, Shake- 

3^8 M i^^. There is some doubt whether this book was imported or 
published by Armbriister. 

379 M 304. 

380 See above, p. 112. 

381 NUL 106. 

382 NUR 459. 

383 PC 129; NUL 4; DP 16 et al. 

384 In four volumes. 

385 PC 132. 

100 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

speare's " Geist " and Klopstock's " Messias."^®^ Begin- 
ning with 1790, Lancaster firms began to receive large 
shipments of books. Jacob Lahn offered for sale Gellert's, 
Rabener's and Klopstock's works, ^" Weisz's tragedies^^^ 
(3 volumes), a German translation of Moliere's come- 
dies, ^^^ the works^®^ of Kleist, Geszner, Lessing, Goethe, 
Haller, Ramler, Meiszner, Michaelis, Holty and Wieland. 
In 1799 Jacob Hiitter, of Lancaster, received a large con- 
signment of books from Germany, among which were 
Meusel's "Neues Museum fiir Kiinstler und Kunstlieb- 
haber," Plank's " Romantische Erzahlungen und Ge- 
dichte" and Goethe's "Wilhelm Meister's Lehrjahre" 
(4 volumes).^"'' These advertisements, selected almost at 
random, may give some idea about the culture of the 
Pennsylvania Germans between 1780 and 1800. That 
the demand for books was widespread can not be doubted 
when we remember that there were German book stores in 
Easton, Reading, Lebanon, Harrisburg, York, Lancaster, 
Germantown, Chestnut Hill, Philadelphia and Baltimore. 
In Philadelphia alone there were at least eleven and prob- 
ably many more at one time or another in the last eighteen 
years of the century. 

The publications most widely read among the Pennsyl- 
vania Germans were undoubtedly the German almanacs. 
They contained, in addition to a calendar, many articles 
for instruction and entertainment. The contents of Mil- 
ler's almanac for 1763 may be taken as a fair illustration 
of the contents of all of them. It contained, according to 

386 PC 151. 

387 NUL 169. 

388 NUL 202. 

389 NUL 227. 

390 DP 64. 

Education and Educational Facilities. loi 

the advertisement,^®^ ( i ) Die Fluth oder das Hohe Wasser 
zu Philadelphia; (2) Die Reise des Lebens, Eine Sitten- 
lehre; (3) Der Ungeratene Sohn. Ein schon Poetisch 
Stuck; (4) Der Informator. Eine Poetische Erzahlung; 
(5) Der tapfere Offizier. Ein Gedicht; (6) Merkwiirdige 
Thaten, sinnreiche Urtheile und artige Einfalle des welt- 
beriihmten Herzogs von Ossuna, ehemaligen Vice-Konigs 
in Sicilien und Neapolis; (7) Die Naturalisirungs Form 
derjenigen, welche Gewissens halben keinen Eid schweren 
konnen; (8) Eine zuverlassige Beschreibung der Insel 
Cuba, etc. The schedules of post riders, post wagons and 
ships were also printed in this almanac. More than 
twenty publishers issued almanacs at various times between 
1750 and 1800. It is well known that Saur's " Der Hoch- 
Deutsch Americanische Calender" was exceedingly popu- 
lar before the Revolution, but it is not so generally known 
that the rival Henrich Miller's " Der Neueste, Verbessert- 
und Zuverlassige Americanische Calender " was also sold 
by the thousands. In 1772 the supply did not equal the 
demand despite the fact that more than fifteen hundred 
copies had been printed. ^''^ In 1778, after the wSaurs had 
left the city with the British, the demand for Miller's al- 
manac was so great that he was required to print three 
editions. (John Dunlap's continuation^'*^ of the Saur al- 
manac was apparently not very popular.) By 1 800 almost 
every German newspaper publisher issued an almanac. 

Although the Pennsylvania Germans of the eighteenth 
century did not possess many circulating libraries, some of 
them were quite famous. As early as 1766 the German 
town of Lancaster had a library company,^^* known as the 

391 M 38. 

392 M 469. 

393 M 897. 
3»4S 371. 

102 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

"Juliana Bibliothek Gesellschaft," which was still in exist- 
ence twenty-one years later.^^^ In 1785 Jacob Lahn 
started a " circulating library " in Philadelphia, ^^^ which in 
1786 contained more than one thousand volumes of the 
best German authors. ^^^ Presumably this library was 
closed In the autumn of 1786 or early in 1787, for Lahn 
became a member of the firm which began the publication 
of the Neue Unpartheyische Lancaster Zeitung in August, 
1787. In the spring of 1792 the " Mosheimische Gesell- 
schaft "^^^ of Philadelphia opened a German library. ^^^ It 
probably passed out of existence within a short time. In 
1800 Christian Jacob Hiitter, the publisher of the Lan- 
caster Correspondent, established a circulating library in 
Lancaster. His terms were five dollars per year or one 
dollar and a half per quarter. He expected to be able to 
supply magazines and books three months after their pub- 
lication in Germany.*"" In the issue of his paper of July 
12, 1800, he announced the arrival in Philadelphia of four 
thousand books for his library. Hiitter explained his rea- 
sons for starting the library in these words : 

Ich suche nicht Eigennutz dabey, sondern wiinsche Verbreitung 
niitzlicher Kenntnisse, Aufrechthaltung der deutschen Sprache, 
Geschmack an Literatur dadurch zu bewirken, kurz ich wiinsche 
meinen deutschen Freunden zu dienen, und zugleich miiszige 
Stunden auf die angenehmste Art auszufiillen.'*°^ 

In my attempt to describe the education and the educa- 
tional facilities of the eighteenth century Pennsylvania 

395 NUL 7. 

396 PC 217, 224. 

397 PC 259. 

3^8 See Chapter on Language. 

399 PC, 157. 

400 H 36. 

401 H 40. 

Education and Educational Facilities. 


Germans, I am sure that the facts warrant the statement 
that these people were not without ideals in educational 
lines, that they were not as ignorant as has sometimes been 
stated, and that there was a continuous development in lit- 
erary taste and in educational ideals. Granting that the 
aims of many of them, especially in the rural districts, were 
very narrow, nevertheless I believe that they compared 
very favorably with those of the descendants of other na- 
tionalities who were similarly located. If the leaders of a 
class of people saw so clearly the advantages of libraries 
and of schools, and made such earnest attempts to establish 
them, there was reason for optimism about their future 



TlTfl •^•'^■'^ people leave their native country in order to 
^^^^ settle in a land where the popular and official lan- 
guage is different from their own, the question always 
arises, whether they should attempt to preserve their native 
tongue, or whether it would be better for the general wel- 
fare to allow their posterity to be ignorant of the language 
in which their mothers sang lullabies to them. This ques- 
tion is bound to create dissensions not only among the im- 
migrants themselves, but often also between them and their 
neighbors of other nationalities. Some of the immigrants 
will be convinced that it will be of advantage to their de- 
scendants and to the country to which they now owe alle- 
giance, if all differences of language be erased as soon as 
possible. Others, however, viewing the extinction of their 
mother tongue with much the same emotion as one ex- 
periences on seeing the passing away of a dear lifelong 
friend, will Insist that the only rational solution of the prob- 
lem lies In learning the new language and at the same time 
preserving the old. Thus divisions arise among the set- 
tlers. The divisions between the Immigrants and their 
neighbors are usually caused by the lack of a mutual sympa- 
thetic understanding. The neighbors are often suspicious 
of them, because different languages and customs, like an 


Language. 105 

almost impassable gorge, separate them from one another. 
It is the purpose of this chapter to give an account of these 

Before I do this, however, I shall digress in order to con- 
sider the language which the immigrants spoke. Most of 
them were natives of South Germany, especially of the Pa- 
latinate, Wiirttemberg and Switzerland.*"- Since almost 
all of them were peasants, it is logical to suppose that they 
used the dialect of their native locality and that the ma- 
jority of them could speak the standard High German only 
with difficulty, if at all. I have been able to find only one 
specimen of a dialect in the papers.*"^ A boy saw a dance 
for the first time and, rushing home to his father, described 
the fiddler and the dancers in the following words. 
" Dadi, was hun ich gseha ! " " Was host du dan gseha ? " 
*' Ey ich hun a Ding gseha do isch a Kop druf und das 
bleckt die Zahn und der Man der zobelt dran, do knorrt's 
dan streicht er, do springa d'Leut in dem Haus rum und 
kaner kan die Thiir finna." The dialect or dialects*"* had 
no written literature in the eighteenth century, so far as we 
know. They were not used by the press and the clergy 
and probably not by some of the others who had a good 

*o- See Kuhns p. 115 ff. The newspapers mention the arrival of many 
shiploads of South German immigrants. Two references will have to 
suffice. In September 1749, Sauer reported that eight ships had just 
arrived with Swiss Wiirttembergers, Palatines and Alsatians. In 1763 
Miller announced the arrival of a ship at New York, containing two 
hundred and sixty Germans most of whom were from the Palatinate and 
Wiirttemberg. (M 91.) 

403 NUR 272. 

40* The dialectical differences were gradually leveled, so that a new 
dialect, almost uniform throughout the entire Pennsylvania German dis- 
trict, appeared. This new dialect, the well known Pennsylvania German 
or " Dutch," has of course many English words. (See below.) At what 
period the new dialect appeared has not been definitely determined. 

io6 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

A dialect is prone to borrow words. This is probably 
due to various causes. In the first place, it has ordinarily 
a limited vocabulary, so that it is obliged to hunt for words 
to express new ideas. Again, since it has ordinarily no 
written literature, the dialect must be transmitted from in- 
dividual to individual by word of mouth. Consequently, 
it does not possess a definite standard which might serve to 
prevent the intrusion of foreign words. After they have 
once been taken into the vocabulary of the dialect, it is only 
a question of time before they will begin to appear in the 
written language. Presumably the Germans in America 
soon began to use a considerable number of English words. 
Although the newspaper publishers attempted to use stand- 
ard High German in their publications, we nevertheless find 
some English words in them. The English terms for ob- 
jects which the Germans seldom or never saw in their 
native land or about which they were compelled to talk 
with their English neighbors appear often in the German 
newspapers. For instance, the following expressions are 
found in Saur's paper, Fens, Stoor, Zapling (sapling), 
Packet-Buch, Bille-Sal, Butscher, Schapkiper, Fram Haus, 
Seyder Press. In other (later) papers, such words are em- 
ployed as Dieds, Livery Stall, Martgatsches, Lieses, Re- 
lieses, Klappbordfense, Partnerschip-Aufhebung, Cauart, 
Summons, Trauar (drawer) and Hackbort. 

This infusion of English words into the dialect became 
so pronounced that the newspapers after the Revolutionary 
War ridiculed the speech of the common people.*"^ In 
1784 the Philadelphische Correspondenz published*"® a 

405 It must be borne in mind that the following specimens are satires and, 
as such, probably exaggerate the use of English words. I believe that the 
proportion of English words found in the language of the common people 
was much less than in these articles. 

406 PC 183. 

Language. 107 

dialogue delivered before the "Deutsche Gesellschaft " on 
September 20, 1784, by three German students of Hel- 
muth's Institute. In this dialogue one of them imitated 
the language of the uneducated. The following sentences 
have been taken almost at random from the satire. " Mit 
ihrer Deutschen Newspaper, warum lesen sie uns denn 
nicht rather diesen Artikel aus dem Englischen." " Einen 
Gentleman einen Thoren zu nennen, das ist meaner als 
mean; aber es nicht worth while, viel Notice davon zu 
nehmen, was sie sagen, because ich werde doch bleiben wer 
ich bin." " Dasz sie mich einen Fool schelten, denn das 
ist insufferable." "Wissen sie nicht dasz wir in ganz 
gepolischten Zeiten leben, in welchen sich unsere Atten- 
tion mit wichtigen Objecten beschaftigen solten." " Es 
Ist pitty, etc." Finally the speaker declared that he had 
spoken In this manner simply to make the others talk. 
One of them answered, " Ich dachte halb, dasz unser lus- 
tiger Freund nur spashaft seyn wolte, da er anfing den 
Pennsylvanlschen Deutschen Dialect zu reden."^°^ 

About sixteen years later,*"* the same paper published a 
communication ridiculing the medley of languages which 
the Pennsylvania-Germans employed even in writing let- 
ters. It begins with the following introductory note to 
the publishers. 

Herren Drucker, 

Folgender in 1782 geschriebener Brief ist, wie ich hore, in 
Deutschland nach verschiedenen Universitaten geschickt worden, 

^^^ It is to be noted that the language of this satire and the following 
one is really a mixture of English and standard German, not of English 
and dialect German. There is, however, no reason to draw the con- 
clusion from this that the language of ordinary conversation among the 
German Americans was standard German. 

408 PC4 29 (May 7, 1800). 

io8 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

ohne, dasz er, so hoch gelehrt die Herren auch sind, gehorig hatte 
erklart werden konnen. Sie sehen, welchen Vorzug wir Ameri- 
caner haben ! 

Then follows a letter ostensibly written by a lawyer to 
his client and friend. Of course, the legal terminology is 
entirely English, but in addition to this there are many 
other English words and idioms. The following are some 
of the most striking sentences. " Ihr miiszt aber euren 
ganzen Cahs das nachste Mai in Reiting vorlegen." " Ich 
mankire nur noch eins zu wissen, ob eure hiesige Tenants 
gut natjerd sind." " Ich glaube, ich will vor euch alles 
recoveren, und sonst euch einige Dienste erzeigen, dazu 
ich abel bin." " Er hat grosze Lust zu travelen." " Ich 
weisz, ihr setzt viel Stohr auf ihn. Er hat einen grausa- 
men Kopf fiir die Lerning. Es kommt keiner mit ihm 
auf." "Er war schon zweymal privatieren und hat zwey 
grosze Preisen nehmen helfen." 

In 1792 the " Neue Unpartheyische Lancaster Zeitung " 
quoted from*°^ Schopf's " Reise," that the language of the 
Germans in Pennsylvania was a fearful mixture of German 
and English. 

The first dissension on account of the language of the 
German immigrants arose, as may be expected, between 
the English and the Germans. The charity school move- 
ment has already been discussed*^" so that it is necessary 
here to emphasize only the reason why opposition devel- 
oped. Many English feared that the Germans would hold 
themselves aloof from the other colonists, thus almost 
forming a commonwealth within a commonwealth, if they 
would not learn the English language ;*^^ the Germans, on 

409 NUL 261. 

410 See Chapter IV. 

411 s 9-1-54. 

Language. 109 

the other hand, resented this fear because they thought 
they could be just as loyal as the other nationalities who 
were permitted to retain their language without molesta- 
tion. They also resented what they believed was an at- 
tempt to make their children forget their native tongue. 
They were probably almost unanimous In the desire to re- 
tain the language of their forefathers. Although 
Muhlenberg and Schlatter, the Lutheran and Reformed 
leaders, supported the charity school movement, they did 
so because they were convinced that the schools would help 
their countrymen to learn English and at the same time to 
preserve a knowledge of German. 

The pamphlet mentioned above, *^^ which was intended 
to describe conditions in Pennsylvania In 1754, indicates 
clearly how the Germans were misunderstood by their Eng- 
lish neighbors. The author declared*^^ that the Germans 
were so stupid that they could easily be misled by the 
French Catholics. He recommended that schools should 
be established for Germans, that English alone should be 
taught In them and that Germans should be disfranchised 
for twenty or thirty years until they could speak English. 
Although the author was apparently an extreme radical, 
his article clearly shows the great danger of dissension 
which may arise between neighbors speaking different lan- 

From 1755 to 1781 the German papers are, with one 
exception, silent on the subject of language. We can, 
however, easily guess what was happening during this 
period, — undoubtedly the spirit of suspicion was gradually 
being replaced by one of mutual respect and goodwill. In 
the first place, the younger generation of both nationalities, 

*i2 See beginning of Chapter IV. 
413 S 184. 

no The Pennsylvania-German Society, 

growing up side by side, appreciated one another better 
than their ancestors had done. This caused many preju- 
dices to vanish. In the second place, this intimacy between 
the people presumably led to intermarriages, and such mar- 
riages were bound to be of great assistance in breaking 
down the barriers between the two nationalities. In the 
third place, an increasing number of Germans engaged in 
vocations*" which compelled them to enter into business 
relations with the English element.*^' Business relations 
often create the most liberal tendencies. Each of the 
two parties began to perceive that the other party was 
composed of human beings having hopes and aims similar 
to their own. Moreover, the Germans noticed that a 
knowledge of English was absolutely necessary if they 
were to attain the business success which they desired. In 
the fourth place, the English and the Germans became a 
united people by the struggles and hardships which they 
had to endure in common. Beginning in 1765, when they 
stood shoulder to shoulder in fighting against the Stamp 
Act, which they considered a serious infringement upon 
their liberties, the two nationalities presented a united 
front during all the struggles culminating in the War for 

414 See Chapter VII. 

41^ That the Germans began to feel the need of a knowledge of English 
can be seen from the English lessons printed by Henrich Miller in his 
newspaper in 1762. In announcing his intention of publishing a series 
of English lessons (M 25), he declared that the English language was 
as necessary in this country as commercial activity itself and as the 
association of one man with another. I may add that the phonetic values 
which Miller gives to some of the English letters are not above criticism; 
for instance, the sound of English " j " is made to correspond to German 
"dsch" (John-Dschon). He also declares that " th " is the veritable 
English shibboleth. He advises those Germans who cannot pronounce the 
sound correctly to pronounce it like " d," the symbol which he regularly 
uses for " th " in his lessons. 

Language. iii 

Independence. In this war the people of both parties 
shed their blood freely in a common cause, with the result 
that they became fused into a new nationality having com- 
mon aims and ideals/^" 

When the Germans began to feel that they and their 
neighbors were so closely united by family, economic and 
national ties, they inevitably became more favorably dis- 
posed toward the English language. The prejudices 
against those who spoke English having largely disap- 
peared, the process whereby the Germans would forget 
their own language and speak English only went on apace. 
This process of assimilation was accelerated by the fact 
that the official language of the State was English 
and by the corruption of the dialect or dialects discussed 
above. This corruption was increased by three factors. 
First, comparatively few Germans arrived in America be- 
tween 1755 and 178 1, — probably not more than twelve 
thousand.^" Thus there were relatively few Germans in 
Pennsylvania who loved the German language on account 
of youthful associations connected with it, and whose 
speech had not been corrupted to a certain extent by the In- 
fusion of English words. Second, not only did this 
country receive very few immigrants but all Intercourse 
with the old country was suspended for more than half a 
decade. Third, since English newspapers ordinarily 
printed the news sooner than the German, many Germans 
read the former only and almost forgot how standard 
High German looked. These three factors caused the 
dialect to become distinctly " Pennsylvania " German. 
Many of the common people, ridiculed by their English 

^18 For a more detailed account of this struggle with the mother country, 
see Chapter VIII. 

*i'^ See Kuhns, op. cit., p. 57. 

112 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

friends and conscious that their language was far from be- 
ing the German which their ministers were preaching in 
the pulpits, became ashamed of their dialect and attempted 
to speak the language which their English neighbors used. 

These were the various influences which by 178 1 had 
begun to threaten the extinction of the German language 
wherever the English population was mixed to any con- 
siderable extent with the German. Now the leaders of 
the religious denominations, the members of the " Deutsche 
Gessellschaft " and the German publishers attempted to 
check the tendency. This time the struggle was confined 
almost entirely to the Germans. 

On August 29, 178 1, the Philadelphische Correspon- 
denz" published an article, signed " Ein Mitglied der 
deutschen Gesellschaft," in which the author lamented the 
fact that most of the young people of German extraction 
in Philadelphia read the English newspapers instead of the 
German. About one year later*^^ another communication 
reported that many Germans were beginning to feel the 
need of the German language and to despise those Ger- 
mans who showed no appreciation for it. In the dialogue 
mentioned above, which was given before the " Deutsche 
Gesellschaft" on September 20, 1784,"^ one of the 
speakers expressed his sorrow over the desire, evinced by 
many Germans of the rising generation, to become Eng- 
lish. In 1787, we read a complaint that the city people 
consider the German language too coarse and consequently 
prefer a hundred times to talk poor English rather than 
good German and that they refuse to read German news- 
papers.^^" All these communications and complaints shed 

418 PC 83. 

419 PC 183. 

420 PC 304. 

Language. 113 

light upon the silent, gradual but apparently irresistible 
process which made the Germans English in speech. 

Just as the Germans had united in the colonial days to 
effect an improvement in the condition of the immigrants, 
so they now began to make more systematic efforts for the 
preservation of their language. In 1788 the "Deutsche 
Gesellschaft " of Philadelphia, of which Melchior Steiner, 
the publisher of the Philadelphische Correspondenz, was 
secretary, offered a prize*^^ for the best essay on the sub- 
ject, " Wie kan die Aufrechthaltung und mehrere Ausbreit- 
ung der deutschen Sprache in Pennsylvanien am besten 
bewirket werden?" In the summer of 1789 the " Mosh- 
eimische Gesellschaft" was organized*^^ by young men of 
German extraction for the purpose of learning the German 
language and of encouraging the people to use it in con- 
versation.^^^ The address delivered at the second anni- 
versary of its founding is interesting because it indicates 
very plainly the aims of the society. The speaker be- 
wailed the fact that so many of the descendants of Ger- 
man immigrants could not converse in German and were 
ashamed of their German-speaking brethren. The object 
of the society was to make people acquainted with the 
German language by urging the Germans to read it, to 
speak it, to think in it, ,to encourage others to speak it and 
to ridicule the German fool who was ashamed of his own 
language. Thus, the speaker declared, could German cus- 
toms (Sitten) be preserved. The advantages of German 
customs were at least four in number: first, they made one 
popular; second, they assured peaceful days; third, they 

421 NUL 69. 

425 PC2 89; GZ2 61. 

423 I do not know whether this society was created at the instance of the 
" Deutsche Gesellschaft," but it seems very probable. 

114 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

created wealth; fourth, they taught people to retain the 
wealth they had acquired. 

In the spring of 1792 the society started a German li- 
brary. When this was announced*'* in the Philadel- 
phische Correspondenz, it created considerable discussion 
as to the advisabihty of attempting to preserve the German 
language in America. The argument was precipitated 
when a writer signing himself " Senex," who claimed to be 
a native of Germany, attacked*'^ the library project and 
declared that the society would better sell its German books 
and buy English ones instead. He also said it would be 
better for the Germans if they would forget their own 
tongue and make English their only language. As condi- 
tions were, they could not talk English well and were con- 
sequently considered " Dummkopfe." Immediately a per- 
fect avalanche of communications appeared, attempting to 
refute " Senex." In the issue of the following week*''' the 
paper published two of them. One of them claimed that 
the Germans could learn English so much the more readily 
if they knew German well. He cited examples to prove 
this. The other one simply ridiculed "Senex" without 
advancing any arguments. The next week*'^ three more 
articles appeared. The first maintained that the Germans 
could be proud of their origin because that race had made 
itself the world's benefactor. The second called attention 
to the fact that the German Americans occupied prominent 
positions in our legislative bodies and that consequently 
not all of them were considered " Dummkopfe." The 
third advanced the argument that the Germans could easily 

*24pc2 157. 

425 PC2 164. 

426 PCs 165. 

427 PC. 166. 

Language. 115 

acquire both English and German, for many of them had 
learned not only these two but also French, Latin and 
Greek. The following week*^^ the last two answers to 
" Senex " were published. The writer of one of them had 
apparently been very much hurt by the expression, " Dumm- 
kopfe." He hoped that the Germans would learn enough 
of both languages so that nobody would have any cause to 
speak of them in such derogatory terms. In the issue of 
July 31, 1792, "Senex" answered his opponents. He 
apparently considered only two arguments as meriting re- 
plies. He granted the truth of the statement that Ger- 
mans could well be proud of what their nationality had 
done for the world, but asked of what practical value it 
was to American Germans even if Herschel, Handel and 
others were Germans. Such facts would not help them In 
their relations with their neighbors. He answered one of 
his opponents who claimed that a German could learn both 
languages by ridiculing the poor German which he had em- 
ployed in his communication to the PhiladelpMsche Corre- 

Despite all attempts made by the Germans to preserve 
their language, their fight was a futile one. No human 
efforts could successfully counteract the aforementioned 
powerful Influences. The Germans who desired the re- 
tention of the speech of their forefathers, often by being 
too conservative Involuntarily assisted the tendency against 

428 PC, 167. 

429 This point probably forms the crux of the whole question of language. 
Those who advance the argument that it will do no harm for a group of 
people to learn two languages usually forget that the vast majority of 
people cannot, or at least do not, learn to speak two languages fluently 
and accurately. Thus one language will always remain foreign to them. 
I do not know how long the " Mosheimische Gesellshaft" remained in 
existence, I have found no mention of it after 1794. See PC2 328. 

ii6 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

which they were fighting. The Lutheran leaders of Phila- 
delphia did not include any English in the curriculum of 
their denominational schools, with the result that many 
German parents sent their children to English schools in 
order that they might learn English writing and count- 
ing/^" Some of the most prominent German Americans 
did not encourage the newspapers published in the German 
language. For instance, F. A. Muhlenberg, son of the 
Reverend Heinrich Melchior Muhlenberg, and speaker of 
the first National House of Representatives, said in 1799 
that he had only seldom seen German American news- 
papers during the past few years/^^ The German lan- 
guage had lost so much ground by 1800 that it seemed to 
some influential German Americans like a foreign lan- 
guage. A good example of this was Helmboldt, the pub- 
lisher of the Philadelphische Correspondenz, who admitted 
that he was unable to write his articles in German but 
wrote them in English and had them translated.*^^ 

The process of anglicizing the speech of the Germans 
was naturally most active wherever they were continually 
meeting the English-speaking people, as for example in 
Philadelphia. However, in that large expanse of terri- 
tory almost surrounding Philadelphia on the north, north- 
west, and west, that is in the counties of Northampton, 
Berks, Lancaster and York and parts of adjacent counties, 
where a traveler could probably journey for scores of 
miles without hearing anything but the dialect,*^^ in this 
district the English language had made hardly any per- 
ceptible inroads upon the German. The dialect, even if 

430 See the articles by " Philoteutologos " discussed in Chapter IV. 

431 PCs 67. 

432 PC3 69. 

433 See PC 18. 

Language. 117 

not free from foreign words, was presumably much more 
nearly pure than in the territory contiguous to English 

We can obtain various proofs that the German language 
was almost exclusively used in this territory occupied by 
the descendants of German immigrants. In 1787 the 
Neue Unpartheyische Lancaster Zeitung made the state- 
ment that almost everybody in Lancaster talked German.'*^* 
The comparatively large circulation of German papers in 
the interior of Pennsylvania is another indubitable proof 
that a large proportion of the population spoke German. 
In 178 1 the majority of the subscribers of the Philadei- 
phische Correspondenz lived in the country districts.*^^ In 
1786 the Germantaiiner Zeitung had only one hundred and 
sixty subscribers in Philadelphia, while it had apparently 
many times that number in the rural districts. *^*^ The first 
German newspapers in Berks and Northampton antedated 
the first English newspapers of those counties by half a 
decade. The fact that small inland towns like Reading 
and Lancaster could support two German papers in 1800, 
poor though they were, while Philadelphia and vicinity 
with at least as large a German population and with its 
much higher culture could barely support two wretched 
sheets, permits us to draw a fairly accurate conclusion as to 
the relative use of the language in the interior as com- 
pared with Philadelphia. The large German book stores 
which were established in Lancaster between 1790 and 
1800^" also indicate that the German language was flour- 
ishing more there than in Philadelphia, where the German 
book trade was experiencing a noticeable decline. 

*34NUL I. 

435 PC 18. 

436 GZ 27. 

437 See Chapter IV. 

Ii8 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Thus the influences which were rapidly causing the Ger- 
man language to disappear in Philadelphia'*^* had not yet 
seriously affected its vitality in German inland counties. 
Here the struggles for the preservation of the language 
were destined to be repeated during the entire nineteenth 
century, always with the same ultimate outcome, *^^ so that 
now in the second decade of the twentieth century, the 
time seems not far distant when the last vestige of the re- 
markable Pennsylvania-German dialect will have vanished. 

438 The decline and virtual extinction of the German language in 
Philadelphia before 1820 is strikingly proved by a glance at the minutes 
of the " Deutsche Gesellschaft." This sturdy champion of German lan- 
guage and customs was compelled to bow to the inevitable in 1818, when 
it passed the following resolution. " Whereas inconveniences have been felt 
in keeping the records of this Society in the German language, therefore, 
resolved that all the proceedings of this Society be conducted in the 
English language." This resolution remained in effect up to 1859, with 
the exception that the two languages were on an equal footing between 
1S42 and 1849. In 1859 the German language was again restored to its 
former exclusive position. (See Seidensticker and Heinrici's Geschichte 
der deutschen Gesellschaft von Pennsylvanien, p. 65.) The reason for this 
recrudescence of German was probably the new tide of immigration to 
America in the thirties, late forties and early fifties. I may also add that 
there was no paper published in the German language in Philadelphia in 
1820, so far as can be ascertained. 

^^^ An interesting sidelight on the gradual intrusion of English into the 
speech of the rural Pennsylvania Germans may be noted in the adoption 
of English or anglicized Christian names. At present, it is certain that 
more than ninety-nine per cent of the Christian names among the Penn- 
sylvania Germans are English. When did the change commence? Among 
my own ancestors, my great-grandfather (born 1775) was called Johannes, 
but one of his younger brothers (born 1786) was named John Philip. All 
of my great-grandfather's children (born between 1805 and 1821) had 
English or anglicized names. Is not this change from German to English 
names highly suggestive of other great changes? 



9JjLM0ST all of the characteristics of the Pennsylva- 
■^^ nia Germans may be explained as directly influenced 
by the deep piety of their forefathers and by certain quali- 
ties originating in the stern struggle for existence which 
they had experienced for centuries In Germany. To the 
former they chiefly owed their sterling moral qualities, 
their honesty and their obedience to the laws of the prov- 
ince, while their habits of industry, frugality and sobriety 
had undoubtedly been developed by the contintal fight for 
existence under unfavorable circumstances. 

Frugality is even at the present time a striking trait of 
the Pennsylvania Germans. It was very apparent In the 
eighteenth century, as may be seen from the references In 
the German newspapers. As we noted In another 
chapter,**" the Neue Unpartheyische Lancaster Zeitiing 
complained that the Germans refused to pay more than 
nine pence or one shilling for a book and that three or 
four German families clubbed together to buy a weekly 
newspaper at a dollar a year, while an English family was 
willing to pay twice as much for one. This paper also 
showed the frugality of its publishers when they attacked 
the use of snuff because It resulted In a waste of time and 

440 Chapter I. 


120 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

money/" At another time this Lancaster publication 
without denying the truth of the allegation quoted Schopf's 
" Reise durch America " to the effect that the German 
Americans hoarded their money and spent very little, even 
for the necessities of life/*^ When there was a general 
scarcity of currency in 1798, the Deutsche Porcupein 
blamed it partly upon the luxuriousness of the people who 
insisted on riding in public stage coaches when they could 
easily have saved the money by walking."^ One of the 
favorite methods employed by politicians to arouse the 
Germans against the party in power was to raise the cry of 
extravagance. Thus, in 1793, an attack was made on a 
new law whereby the senators and assemblymen of Penn- 
sylvania would receive three dollars a day instead of two as 

This habit of economy was at least one of the reasons 
which caused the Germans to oppose the use of alcoholic 
drinks; of course, they also saw the danger of moral and 
physical deterioration from the excessive use of alcoholic 
stimulants. Feeling the need of temperance for such im- 
portant reasons, the newspapers seized every opportunity 
to warn their readers against drunkenness, and gloried in 
the well-known sobriety of most of the Germans. In 1749 
Saur urged the Germans not to spend so much money in 
hotels and public houses."^ Eleven years later the second 
Saur expressed the wish that the importation of rum had 
been prohibited at the time of the founding of the colony.**^ 
After the war the papers published many articles against 

441 NUL 39. 

442 NUL 261. 
44s DP 2. 
444 NUR 227. 
445 S 3-1-49- 

449 S 3-28-60. 

Pennsylvania-German Traits. 121 

drunkenness/*^ In 1788'**^ the Lancaster paper printed an 
interesting article describing a method which proved very 
successful in discouraging the use of whiskey. A farmer 
near Philadelphia, who offered to each harvester an addi- 
tional sixpence a day instead of the customary whiskey, 
obtained so many helpers that his thirty-six acres of wheat 
were cut in one day. These numerous articles showing the 
folly and danger of over-indulgence do not prove that the 
Germans as a class had fallen into the habit. In fact there 
are definite and positive statements to the contrary in the 
newspapers. Two examples will suffice. In an article, 
signed " Philantropos," in the Lancaster paper, the author 
asserted that the Germans in America were less addicted to 
the use of strong drink than the people of any other nation- 
ality.**^ Some time later,*^° another communication was 
published in which the writer said that everybody around 
Pittsburg distilled and drank brandy and that now even 
some Germans of Lancaster had formed the habit. The 
writer regarded the danger as so serious that he demanded 
an impost of one dollar a gallon on rum, If it was impos- 
sible to stop the growth of the habit in any other way.*^^ 
Among the many newspaper articles, *^^ praising the in- 
dustry of the Germans, a good example is the one from 
Schopf's " Reise," mentioned above, in which he says the 
Germans are noted for their industry.*^^ Their frugality, 
as well as their industry in the colonial days is nowhere 

447 NUL 4, 54, 80; PC 89, 91, 381 et al. 

448 NUL 52. 

449 NUL 55. 

450 NUL 60. 

451 It is to be noted that the writers of these articles saw no harm in 

452 NUL 55, 261; NUR 530; PC 20, 121 et al. 

453 NUL 261. 

122 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

better illustrated than in an article published*^* in 1786 in 
which the economy of the Germans of forty years ago is 
contrasted with the contemporary desire for the luxuries of 
life. The correspondent says that, at the age of twelve, 
he was given by his parents to a farmer, with whom he 
lived up to the age of twenty-one. On attaining his ma- 
jority the farmer gave him two suits of homespun clothes, 
four pairs of socks, four linen shirts and two pairs of shoes. 
This was all the capital which he possessed at the time. 
At twenty-two he married and rented a farm of forty acres. 
Ten years later he bought a farm of sixty acres. Now he 
began to make money and gradually acquired more land. 
When his oldest daughter married he gave her one hundred 
acres of land and some of his best flax, so that she could 
spin cloth for herself. At this time he was saving one 
hundred and fifty dollars a year because he spent no money 
unnecessarily. Deducting the taxes, he did not spend ten 
dollars yearly, and this he was compelled to spend in order 
to procure the necessities of life, such as salt, nails, etc. 
He bought cattle, fattened and sold them, and put his 
money out at interest. Then the change in the mode of 
living occurred. When his second daughter married, his 
wife bought kitchen utensils for her. His third daughter 
wore silk dresses. The spinning wheel was scarcely ever 
used, as the family bought the material for clothes. All 
these purchases made his expenses higher than his income. 
This extreme thrift which begrudged the spending of a 
single cent for anything but the barest necessities did not 
extend to the erection of buildings or to food. The canny 
Germans probably knew that good and sufficient food and 
substantial buildings were absolutely necessary for their 
continued success. Hence Schopf could say that no class 

454 PC 285. 

Pennsylvania-German Traits. 123 

of people in Pennsylvania had warmer houses or better 
fences than the Germans and that they also had fine 
barns/^^ As early as 1749, Saur declared that the Ger- 
mans lived in good dwellings and even palaces/^*' In 1795 
a farm in Strassburg, Lancaster County, was offered for 
sale, having the following improvements : a stone house 
two stories high, with four rooms on each floor, two cellars 
and a porch; a kitchen, attached to the house; a well and 
pump; a log house; a barn with stables/" 

The newspapers were silent about* the food of these 
thrifty peasants, although the press attacked the custom of 
having big feasts at funerals and baptisms. Saur was op- 
posed*^® to the custom because many became drunk at the 
funeral feasts. He hoped that all would follow the ex- 
ample of some influential people who had abandoned the 
custom. More than forty years later, Gottlob Jungmann 
printed*^^ an article in his paper denouncing the custom of 
eating at funerals and baptisms, because the expenses were 
too heavy and because it was not sanitary to eat on the 
former occasions. 

The Germans in America were generally scrupulously 
honest. In addition to the remarkable conscientiousness 
of Saur, which I have already mentioned,**'" other examples 
of honesty are noted in the papers. In 1784 the Phila- 
delphische Correspondenz said that the Germans in Penn- 
sylvania had the reputation of paying their debts.*^^ The 
people of Berks County were so honest and peaceable that 

455 NUL 261. 

457 NUR 311. This farm was probably quite typical of those at the 
close of the century. 

458 s 140. 

459 NUR 386. 

460 See Chapter I. 

461 PC 183. 

124 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

the only inmates of the county jail in Reading for at least 
two months in 1789 were the jailor and his family Z*^^ Nat- 
urally there were also instances of dishonesty, and more of 
these are recorded in the papers than examples of honesty, 
simply because the former possessed more general interest 
as news items. In the middle of the century, when 
counterfeiting was very prevalent, we find at least two In- 
stances of the conviction of Germans for that crime.*^^ 
Another case of dishonesty^''* is that of Heinrich Merckel, 
tax collector of Earl Township, Lancaster County, who ab- 
sconded in 1789. While the cases of gross dishonesty were 
undoubtedly very rare, a much more sweeping charge was 
made in a letter, written in 1787, which complained of 
widespread dishonesty, especially among the farmers with 
regard to weights and measures.*"^ The papers also con- 
tained numerous advertisements offering rewards for the 
apprehension of runaway German redemptioners. Al- 
though the indentured servants may at times have been 
justified in breaking their contracts, the frequency of these 
occurrences is almost conclusive proof that not all of the 
servants were honest. 

On the subject of sexual immorality it is even more diffi- 
cult to draw general conclusions from the newspapers. 
We have already seen*''^ how Saur attacked some of the 
early Lutheran and Reformed ministers on the ground of 
immorality. Such immorality was, however, by no means 
restricted to the ministers, who as a class undoubtedly Im- 
proved when better men could be imported. The inland 
German newspapers of the last ten years of the century 

462 NUR 23. 

433 s 99, 11-1-51. 

464 NUL 105. 

465 NUL 6. 

466 See Chapter II. 

Pennsylvania-German Traits. 125 

contained many advertisements which were Inserted by 
young bridegrooms denying that they were the fathers of 
the children on whose account the law had compelled them 
to marry the mothers. Husbands often inserted advertise- 
ments notifying the merchants that they did not intend to 
pay any debts contracted by their runaway wives. Adul- 
tery was the usual cause assigned for these desertions. 
Although the condition of affairs depicted in the papers 
would seem serious, we must remember that we have no 
means of estimating how widespread fornication was, be- 
cause the editors never thought of publishing any instances 
of virtuous husbands and wives. We may be confident 
that sexual vice was the exception rather than the rule.*" 
Smce the Pennsylvania Germans were frugal and pious, 
we may be curious to know in what kinds of amusements, 
if any, they indulged. While we may assume that their 
recreation was of a simple kind, the newspapers do not en- 
lighten us on this point. They do, however, attack various 
forms of amusement, such as dancing, theatrical perform- 
ances and the celebration of New Year's Eve by the shoot- 
mg of firearms. The last named practice was strongly 
condemned by the older Saur, who is the authority for the 
statement that "New Year's shooting" was very common 
among the Germans.*'" Saur's attacks on dancing were 
at times naive. For Instance, after the account of the re- 
ception given the Governor of Maryland at Baltimore, at 
which there was a dance, Saur added that he hoped that 
the Governor had not danced because It would have set a 
bad example.*'^' The condemnation of theatrical per- 

467 For a particularly unfavorable and prejudiced account of the alleged 
immorality of the Germans, see Gottlieb Mittelberger's " Reise nach Penn- 
sylvania im Jahr 1750." 

*88S 152. 

«»S 166. 

126 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

formances was much more general than the attacks on 
dancing, the latter coming chiefly from the Dunker papers. 
When a playhouse was being built In Philadelphia in 1766, 
the Staatsbote joined the English papers in a determined 
opposition to the project. The announcement was made 
from the Lutheran and Reformed pulpits that the various 
religious denominations, both English and German, had 
united to send a protest against the playhouse to the pro- 
vincial governor.*^" In 1789 the Lancaster paper also 
showed its disapprobation of plays when it reported that 
young boys in Germany were led to form a band of robbers 
by reading Schiller's " Rauber."*'^ Samuel Saur as- 
serted*'^ that tragedies and comedies were written for the 
purpose of entertaining vain people. *^^ 

The attempt in this chapter to show some of the leading 
traits of the German immigrants and their descendants is 
at best unsatisfactory, because, for such a subject, news- 
papers are usually unreliable as sole sources of material. 
This Is especially true concerning the discussion of the 
vices and the criminal tendencies of the people. To illus- 
trate this, let the reader peruse a newspaper of the present 
day; he will discover that much of the news relating to the 
subject deals with extravagances, divorces, robberies and 
murders. What a dark picture could a person, reading 
these Items two centuries hence, draw concerning our times ! 

470 M 264. 

471 NUL 98. 

472 CW 104. 

473 Theatres are anathema to many of the rural Pennsylvania Germans 
even at the present day. For example, I have heard a dear old lady say 
that Abraham Lincoln was the most immoral president that we ever had. 
Her conviction was based on the fact that he was shot in that devil's 
resort, a theatre. 




MHEN we turn to the subject of the vocations of the 
eighteenth century Germans, we discover that the 
latter were engaged in a great variety of occupations. Al- 
most every conceivable trade is mentioned in the advertise- 
ments, while the news sections of the papers show us that 
the Germans also held responsible positions in the learned 
professions, two of which, teaching and preaching, have 
already been discussed.*^* 

Since most of the Pennsylvania Germans had been tillers 
of the soil in the old country and since the greater number 
lived In the rural districts in America, agriculture was nat- 
urally the occupation in which most of them were engaged. 
They seem to have been particularly interested in fruit 
growing and dairying. Of the hundreds of advertise- 
ments offering farms for sale, there are very few which do 
not impart the information that the farm to be sold con- 
tains fine pasture land and possesses a flourishing orchard. 
As an instance of the former, a sentence from an advertise- 
ment in the Neue Unpartheyische Lancaster Zeitung fur- 
nishes a good example — " No piece of land can have a lo- 
cation more favorable for the raising of cattle. "*^^ The 

474 See Chapters II and IV. 

475 NUL 13. 


128 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

German settlers unquestionably enjoyed an enviable repu- 
tation as successful dairymen. Sometimes the most liberal 
inducements were offered to them to take charge of a 
wealthy man's herd. Thus, in 1772, a dwelling house, 
firewood and three acres of land for a garden were prom- 
ised to a satisfactory German couple who knew how to 
take care of six or seven cows and make butter.^^^ The 
orchards generally contained apple, cherry and peach trees, 
and occasionally also pear trees and grape vines. For in- 
stance, one orchard with seventy young apple trees was ad- 
vertised,*" another one with early and late cherry and 
peach trees,'*'® a third one with three hundred apple and 
five hundred peach trees,*'^ a fourth one with one hundred 
apple trees,*-'' a fifth one with cherry, peach, pear and apple 
trees, and ten grape vines. *®^ 

Of course, the farmers sowed wheat, barley and corn. 
The great importance of the wheat crop in the eyes of the 
German farmers is proved by the numerous newspaper 
articles*®^ discussing ways and means of combating the dep- 
redations of the dangerous Hessian flies, with which the 
country was so grievously afflicted in the eighties and 
nineties. The newspapers do not make any estimates of 
the number of bushels of wheat raised yearly, but the ex- 
portation from Philadelphia in 1797 of one hundred and 
thirty-six thousand three hundred and thirty barrels of 
flour*®^ enables us to form a good idea of the size of the 

476 M 545. 

4" s 38. 

478 S 81. 

479 S 87. 

480 NUL 89. 

481 PZ 63. 

482 NUL 53, DP 34, et al. 

483 DP 2. 

Vocations. 129 

wheat crop, since it is fairly certain that much of the wheat 
from which the flour was made came from the hinterland 
occupied by the Germans/^* 

Although the Germans were successful in raising crops, 
they were never satisfied and were continually attempting 
to improve their methods. It is very suggestive that two 
of the German newspapers most widely read between 1785 
and 1790, the Germantauner Zeitung and the Neue Un- 
partheyische Lancaster Zeitung, contained so many articles 
on farming subjects that wemay almost regard these papers 
as the forerunners of our present-day agricultural journals. 
The former paper published articles on the value of lime 
for the soil,*'^ on the superiority of oxen over horses as 
draught animals,^'^ on the value of manure,*" concerning 
orchards*'' and potatoes**^ and a series of articles on 
methods of farming.*'" In the Lancaster paper the value 
of gypsum for increasing the fertility of the soil was dis- 
cussed at length,*'^ a communication about the grasses most 
suitable for fodder was published*'- and an article ap- 
peared,*'^ showing the necessity of performing careful ex- 
periments in order to determine what agricultural methods 
would produce the best results and declaring that higher 
schools and societies would be a great help in conducting 
the tests. Later the paper published an article urging the 

484 The papers also mention the raising of pigs, horses, sheep and geese. 

485 GZ 61. 

486 GZ 62. 
48TGZ 65. 

488 GZ 67, 68. 

489 GZa 44. 

490 GZ, 58 ff. 

4^1 NUL 4, 5, 15, 18, 38. 
492 NUL 6, 10. 
*93NUL 72. 

130 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

people to raise sheep^^ and another one telling them how 
to make butter in winter/^^ In 1790 the Neue Unpar- 
theyische Readinger Zeitung contained an article*^® de- 
scribing a model barn and barn yard as set forth in a paper 
by George Morgan, of Princeton, New Jersey, which had 
won a prize offered by the Philadelphia Society for the 
Encouragement of Agriculture. It is of course a question 
how many farmers attempted to put into practice the im- 
provements suggested in these articles, just as it is a ques- 
tion how many farmers of the present day really make use 
of the improvements discussed in the agricultural papers; 
but the very fact that so many articles were published leads 
us inevitably to believe that there was a demand for them 
and that the farming population was not satisfied with the 
old when the new gave promise of something better. 

As good and bad was found in the consideration of the 
education, religion and characteristics of the eighteenth 
century Germans, so in their farming they showed faults 
mingled with their virtues. Many of them were firmly 
convinced that the moon and the stars had a decisive in- 
fluence on the success or failure of crops. A very interest- 
ing communication, illustrating this belief, appeared in the 
Germantaiiner Zeitung of July 24, 1787. The writer ad- 
vised the farmers to take the phases of the moon and the 
signs of the zodiac into consideration when planting, and 
suggested that, since the Germans had always done this 
and were generally acknowledged to be without superiors 
in gardening, it might be well to publish a treatise on the 
subject. He begged his readers not to ridicule the belief in 
the influence of heavenly bodies but to try the following 

484 NUL 96. 
«5 NUL 241. 
*»6NUR 54. 

Vocations. 131 

experiment with a mind as free as possible from prejudice : 
let some peas be planted in the waxing moon and others in 
the waning moon. The writer claimed that the plants 
from the former would bloom well and bear abundantly, 
while those from the latter would indeed bloom well but 
would not produce many peas/" 

Interested as the Pennsylvania Germans were in agri- 
culture, they naturally turned their attention to the manu- 
facture of agricultural implements and other articles that 
the farmers needed. In 1770 Adam Eckhart, a maker of 
chaff separators, said in an advertisement in the Staatsbote 
that he had made more than sixteen hundred during his 
life.*"" Manufacturers of whetstones,^"" harvest cradles,""*' 
scythes'"^ and sickles'"^ are also mentioned. Many saw 
mills and grist mills were operated by the Germans all 
over the country. The former'"' were usually located on 
big farms, while the latter'"* were found in every vicinity, 
both in town and in country. 

Of the company that established the first permanent 
German settlement in Germantown in 1683, the majority 
were weavers.'"' The raising of flax and the weaving of 
cloth continued to be an important industry among the 

497 This superstition, according to some writers, may not have been quite 
as useless as it seems at first sight, since it may have resulted in their giving 
close attention to the weather conditions of the country and therefore may 
have been an aid to their success. (See Faust's " German Element in the 
United States," Vol. I, p. 137, on Benjamin Rush's pamphlet on the Penn- 
sylvania Germans.) 

488 M 447. 

499 f.^., NUL 9. 

500 DP 20. 

501 DP 20. 

502 e.g., PC 213. 

503 NUL 38, 77; M 419 and many other places. 

504 S 43, 2-15-60, 9-25-61, M 217, 419, PC 124, 148, PC, 41 et al. 

505 See Faust's " German Element," Vol. I, p. 37. 

132 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Germans during the entire eighteenth century. Thus we 
find advertisements by a stocking-weaver^"" and a linen 
weaver^" in Saur's paper, and occasionally looms were 
offered for sale.^°* An idea of the magnitude of the weav- 
ing business among the Germans in 1770 can be gained 
from a letter written to the American Philosophical Society 
and reprinted in the Staatsbote.^^^ It gives an itemized 
account of the cloth woven in the city of Lancaster alone 
between May, 1769, and May, 1770, the total amounting 
to twenty-seven thousand seven hundred and ninety-three 
yards with an additional six or seven thousand yards still 
on the looms and sufficient yarn in the houses to weave one 
thousand yards more. In the colony of Georgia the Ger- 
man Salzburgers, who lived at Ebenezer, were also en- 
gaged in weaving, although they complained of a lack of 
weaving implements. They generally mixed flax with 
cotton yarn, thus making cloth that was very strong. The 
Salzburgers also raised silk. The hundred families in the 
settlement produced six thousand seven hundred and two 
pounds in 1762, six thousand three hundred and two 
pounds in 1763 and six thousand four hundred and ninety- 
one pounds in 1764.^^*^ The Revolutionary War appar- 
ently almost completely paralyzed the weaving industry of 
Pennsylvania. However, shortly after the close of the 
war, it again rose into importance. In 1788 and 1789 
two Philadelphia firms sold five thousand six hundred and 
eighty spinning wheels."^ The Lancaster paper urged the 

506 S 138. 

507, s 3-I-S5. 

508 e.g., S 59, 94. 

509 M 439. 

510 M 163. 

511 NUL q8. 

Fo cations. 133 

farmers to raise more flax in 1788/" The Moravians at 
Lititz, Lancaster County, owned a weaving establishment 
in 1787.''^ 

As a necessary adjunct to weaving, fulling mills were 
erected wherever the industry flourished. In fact, I be- 
lieve that the newspapers contained more advertisements of 
fulling mills than of anything else except merchant wares 
and real estate. These mills were scattered through the 
counties of Lancaster, Berks, Bucks and Northampton.^^* 

After the cloth was finished, it could be taken to people 
of German descent who made a regular business of dyeing. 
According to the advertlsements,^^^ dyers dwelled in all of 
the principal towns, such as Philadelphia, Germantown, 
Reading, Lancaster, Harrlsburg and Bethlehem. In the 
last mentioned place Joseph Barth In 1774 printed calico 
and linen in colors which, he claimed, were as fast as any 
to be found In Europe.^" In 179 1 Pfaffhauser and Schwab 
conducted a calico printing and bleaching establishment In 

Workers in metals were by no means rare. Iron was 
manufactured from an early date."^ Nail makers,"^ lock- 
smIths,^-° blacksmiths, ^^^ tinsmiths, ^^^ coppersmiths"^ and 
brass founders^^* were plentiful. The manufacture of 

512 NUL 35. 

513 NUL 14. 

51* E.g., S. 42, 44, 2-15-60; M 93; NUL 6, 63, 225. 

515 £'.^., S 2-1-53, 3-1-55; M 260, 675; PC2 401; A 10, u; UH 45. 

516 M 658. 

517 PC2 95. 

518 S 9-1-49. 

519 NUL 93; A 116 et al. 

520 DP 16; H 62 €t al. 

521 s 6-1-5 1 ; NUR III et al. 

522 s 178; NUR 156 et al. 

523 S 8-1-54; NUR 559 et al. 

524 UH 4. 

134 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

stoves, wire, needles and pins is recorded, ^^^ Christoph! 
Saur, the first, was interested in a new kind of stove of 
which he was probably the inventor. In his paper of 
September i, 1749, he announced the manufacture at the 
Reading Furnace of a new stove, which could be examined 
at his printing establishment in Germantown. The ad- 
vertisement claimed that such a stove would heat a large 
room and that cooking, frying and baking could be done 
on the stove without spreading an odor through the room. 
The famous iron foundry of Henrich Wilhelm Stiegel at 
Mannheim, Lancaster County, and its products were not 
specifically described in the papers, unless I have over- 
looked it; but his glassware was mentioned. In 1771 
Stiegel showed to the American Philosophical Society 
specimens of glassware made at his factory, which was the 
equal of any foreign-made glass.^^® 

The manufacture of hats, paper and gunpowder de- 
serves special mention because the making of them was to 
a large extent in the hands of the Germans and was chiefly 
restricted to certain localities. In the last decade of the 
century Reading was the great centre of the hat industry.^^^ 
Most of the paper mills in Pennsylvania were located in 
the vicinity of Philadelphia, and many of them were owned 
and operated by Germans.^^* The powder mills which 
were run by Germans were generally close to Philadel- 

525 M 713; PC 127. 

526 M 493. 

527 PC 437; NUR 127, 299 et al. 

528 s 11-1-51; M 177, 680; PC 117; PCs 543; NUR 58 et al. 

5^9 S 235; M 767; PC 146; NUL 262, 279; PC2 152. Many of these 
references are not advertisements but accounts of accidents. Thus PC 146 
announces the blowing up of a powder mill. Explosions with fatalities 
are reported in the mills of Keiser (NUL 262), Losch (NUL 279), Herzel 
(PC. 152). 

Vocations. j-ie 

^ I shall pass over most of the other industries with but 
slight mention, although some of them were undoubtedly 
important. The papers refer to sugar factories^^^" in 
Philadelphia, to a chocolate factory^^'^ in Lancaster, to 
breweries,^^^ to whiskey distilleries,^^^^ of which there were 
only a few, to tanneries,'^* to a turpentine distillery,"^ to 
the manufacturing of potash,"'^ brooms and brushes,"^ 
ropes,"« pumps"^ and pottery.^^" Many clock and watch 
makers were found throughout the entire German dis- 
trict.'*^ For instance, Saur's paper had an advertisement 
by two of them, one of whom had learned the trade in 
Nuremberg and the other in Philadelphia.'*^ Among the 
Pennsylvania Germans of the eighteenth century, there 
were also saddlers, shoemakers, tailors, wood carvers, 
butchers, carpenters, jewelers, masons, coopers, wheel- 
wrights, wagon-makers, bakers, stone-cutters and charcoal 
burners. The advertisements of many printers and book 
binders are also found in the various newspapers. 

One of the most noteworthy industries which made the 
Germans famous throughout the length and breadth of the 
land was the manufacture of musical instruments. Most 
of these skilled artisans lived in Lancaster County and in 

630 S 3-17-59, 256; PC 333, 369. 

631 DP II. 

63^ S 78; M 593; NUR 81; A 100 et al. 

633 M 62, 667, NUL 36; A 150. 

63* S 137; M 65, 177; PC 65; NUL 208. 

635 M 448. 

636 DP 50. 

637 NUL 16, 82; NUR 22. 

638 NUR 496. 

639 M 336. 

640 S 203. 

641 s 139; M 115, 338; NUL 208; DP 3; NUR 3, 127; A 26, 128; 
H 63 ; UH 32, etc. 

642 s 165. 

136 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Philadelphia. In 1762 Philip Fyring, a German by 
birth, who had come to this country several years before, 
built an organ for Saint Paul's church of Philadelphia."' 
Evidently Fyring (or Feyering) was widely famed for his 
skill, for he was later compared with the most famous 
organ builder of Pennsylvania, David Tanneberg(er) of 
Lititz, Lancaster County. This latter artist began to 
build organs in America without any previous apprentice- 
ship, but by reading, meditation and unflagging zeal be- 
came such an expert that he was claimed in 1790 to be the 
equal of the most skilled organ builder of Europe."* The 
first mention of him which I have discovered in the news- 
papers was In 177 1, when he built an organ for the Re- 
formed church of Lancaster. The organ was highly 
praised for the quality of its tone and it was asserted to be 
superior to the organs made by the deceased Feyering."^ 
In 1790 Tanneberg completed his famous organ for Zion's 
Lutheran Church of Philadelphia."^ In the winter of 
1798-99 he built one for the Moravian church in the city 
of Lancaster."^ He died suddenly in 1804, as he was 
completing an organ in a York church."* Lancaster 
County was undoubtedly the great centre for the manu- 
facture of musical Instruments. As early as 1763, George 
Schlosser of Lancaster was offering pianos for sale."® 

643 M 50. 

"*NUL 168; PC2 4. 

645 M 482. 

"6 See Chapter II. 

047 DP. 56. 

648 AS 336 (May 30, 1804) According to an article in the Pennsylvania 
German Magazine (Vol. X, p. 339) by A. R. Beck, the archivist of the 
Moravian church at Lititz, Tanneberg was born in Upper Lusatia, Ger- 
many on March 21, 1728. The author mentions twenty seven organs built 
by Tanneberg for various churches. 

549 M 79. 

Vocations. 137 

After the war the town of New Holland became noted as 
the home of constructors of musical instruments. The 
manufacture of organs, pianofortes, spinets, pianos and 
hand organs in this town was advertised in 1788.'°° At 
the same time a certain Johann Scheible(y) of New Hol- 
land was advertising extensively as an organ builder,"^ 

There are few instances on record in the papers that the 
Pennsylvania Germans manufactured scientific instruments. 
In the winter of 1790-179 1 Jacob Welschantz, a cele- 
brated gunsmith of York, made a very good air pump under 
the supervision of Mr. Heterich, who had formerly been 
an instructor in the York Academy."^ In 1771 David 
Rittenhouse,^" probably the most famous astronomer that 
has come from Pennsylvania German stock, made an or- 
rery, which was taken to Princeton on April 9, 1771, where 
it was set up.^^* 

For the distribution and exchange of the varied manu- 
factures of the Germans, merchants were needed. In the 
early period there were many itinerant peddlers who car- 
ried their wares all over the country.^^^ Their numbers 
probably decreased with the establishment of regular stores 
in the rural districts ; at least, the number of merchants in- 

550 NUL 68. 

651 NUL TS ; PC 206. 

552 NUR 122; PCo 71. 

553 This is the celebrated Rittenhouse who made important observations 
on the transit of Venus in 1769. He was also treasurer of the state of 
Pennsylvania for a number of years. At the time of his death in 1796, he 
was president of the American Philosophical Society, the organization 
made famous by Benjamin Franklin, who had been its founder and presi- 
dent. Dr. Benjamin Rush a distinguished Philadelphia physician, de- 
livered the eulogy on Rittenhouse's death. See PC2 526. It should be 
noted that Rittenhouse was of German-Dutch extraction. 

554 M 482. 

555 s 33; LZ 12 et al. 

138 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

creased more rapidly than the number of peddlers. Al- 
most every issue of the German papers, published toward 
the close of the century, contained one or more advertise- 
ments by German merchants. Without making by any 
means an exhaustive study of the subject, I have counted 
thirty-five German merchants in Philadelphia between 
1782 and 1801, and fifteen in Berks County between 1789 
and the end of the century. Among these are included 
grocers, and dry goods and hardware merchants. Some 
of these merchants had a very high standing in the com- 
munity; for instance, Heinrich Keppele, Sr., of Philadel- 
phia became the first president of the " Deutsche Gesell- 
schaft" of that place; Friederich Augustus Muhlenberg, 
who owned a store at Trappe in 1783,^"^ later became the 
speaker of the first national House of Representatives; a 
Joseph Hiester, a merchant at Reading in 1789,^" was 
probably the same man who afterwards became governor 
of Pennsylvania. There were also many German hotel 
proprietors^®* and some wholesale liquor dealers®®^ and 
wine merchants.®^" In 1799 a seed house in Philadelphia 
was owned by Daniel Englemann.®^^ 

I have discussed in earlier chapters the Pennsylvania 
Germans as teachers and ministers. Very few of them 
studied law, probably being deterred by a number of 
reasons: the fact that so few had a good command of the 
English language was a serious drawback to their legal 
aspirations, if they had any; then again some of them may 
have also felt an aversion to law similar to that expressed 

556 PC 134. 

"7 NUR 36. 
668 M 499, 580 etc. 
^^^ E.g., M 71. 
560 M 898 €t al. 

581 PC, 33. 

Vocations. 139 

by Saur. The Pennsylvania Germans could, however, boast 
of a considerable number of druggists and physicians.'®^ 
We have seen^®^ how one of the former, Johann Kiihmle, 
remained in Philadelphia during the yellow fever epidemic 
of 1793. He was apparently a well-educated man with a 
scientifically trained mind, as we may conclude from two 
articles by him on the origin of the epidemic.'*'* In these 
he disagreed with those medical men who claimed that the 
fever had been caused by the very dry hot weather and the 
filth of the city. He showed that the former had been 
prevalent over the whole country during the summer 
months and the latter was common in the city every sum- 
mer. He expressed the belief that the fever was " im- 
ported wares." The German physicians had either stud- 
ied in Europe'®' or had served a kind of apprenticeship in 
this country'®® with one of the practicing physicians. Al- 
though the qualifications were certainly not high, physi- 
cians remained so scarce that some communities were not 
supplied as late as 1773, in which year the town of Leba- 
non (which contained two hundred and fifty families at 
the time) advertised for a doctor. A knowledge of the 
German language was one of the first qualifications for 
this particular position because all of the inhabitants were 

The fact that stands out prominently in a study of the 
newspapers of the period is that the Germans entered al- 
most all industries and professions with zest and success. 

582 s 165, 236; M 272, 580; PC 47, 67,- 348; PC: 540; NUR 365; NUL 
80 etc. 
563 See Chapter III. 
"4 PC, 256. 
665 DP 85, M 135. 
"6 DP 70. 

667 M 592. 


The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

They were most prominent as farmers, but by no means did 
they restrict their activities to this pursuit. They were millr 
ers, weavers, carpenters, wagon builders, merchants, trades- 
men, manufacturers of musical Instruments, of Iron, glass 
and pottery. 



^y INCE the Pennsylvania Germans were thrifty and 
*^ peace loving they necessarily must have been a class 
of people who would have added to the wealth and sta- 
bility of any country. However, domestic virtues are not 
the only ones essential to a high class citizen, he must also 
possess an active and intelligent interest in public affairs. 
It is on account of their supposed indifference to, or igno- 
rance of, the larger aspects of public welfare that the Penn- 
sylvania Germans have been most severely criticized. I 
intend to show in this chapter what conception these eight- 
eenth century German Americans had with regard to gov- 
ernment and to national politics, and what their attitude 
was to provincial and national events from 1740 to 1801. 
Their most striking characteristic as citizens was their 
intense love of liberty, the expression of which ran like a 
golden thread through almost all their newspapers. Thus 
in 1754 Saur reported^^* the following event: a native of 
Wiirttemberg, on being asked why so many Germans had 
risked the long and dangerous voyage to this country, re- 
plied that they had come because they had scarcely been 
able to live in Germany, owing to governmental oppres- 
sion; of course, he added, they could have gone to Prussia, 

568 S 1 2-1-54. 


142 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

which had offered them inducements, but there they would 
have been slaves and vassals. This same love for liberty 
is shown in Henrich Miller's refusaP^^ to stop printing 
communications which contained attacks on individuals; he 
declared that he did not want to deny the use of his paper 
to anyone who had something to say, because the freedom 
of the press was the bulwark of liberty. 

After the war the newspapers seized upon many oppor- 
tunities to proclaim the idea of liberty. For instance, on 
the statement that the Czarina, the Emperor and the Turks 
possessed many thousands of soldiers, one editor com- 
mented as follows: "Horrible thought! that the lives of 
so many men must be at the command of an arbitrary 
mortal, or that, at the present day, religion must serve as 
the cloak for such bloody scenes.""" Again, another editor 
in 1 79 1 bitterly attacked a part of the letter sent by the 
pope to his legate in Paris on July 30, 1790, in which the 
pope talked about " the principles of independence and 
liberty which the enemies of all religion, of all thrones and 
of all public order disseminate." The editor answered, 
"Not much is gained by lying and slandering, and the 
Holy Father should be ashamed to call those who spread 
the principles of independence and liberty, enemies of re- 
ligion and good order."^"^ 

In 1794 the Philadelphische Correspondenz published^^^ 
the following poem, "An die Americaner." 

1. Wie schlagt mir mein Herz so hoch, 

Ich athme freye Luft, 
So schlagt es, wenn in schwiiler Zeit 
Ein kiihles Liiftgen mich erfreut, 

Gemischt mit Rosenduft! 

569 M 229. 

570 NUL 44. 
"ipCj 10. 

B" PCs 266. 

Political Ideals. 143 

2. Wie ruht sich doch so siisz, so siisz 
Der Freyheit in dem Schoos, 

Mein Blut flieszt leicht, und froh, und schnell, 
Mein heiteres Auge blickt so hell, 
Mein Herz ist sorgenlos ! 

3. Hier wo die Freyheits Fahne weht, 
Wo die Vernunft gebeut, 

Wo je>der, als ein freyer Mann, 
Frey sprechen, glauben, wiirken kan: 
Hier ist die giildene Zeit! 

4. Hier gilt kein Ordensstem, noch Band, 
Ja selbst kein schwarz Gewand, 

Nur der ist grosz und hoch geehrt, 
Der Redlichkeit im Busen nahrt, 
Und liebt sein Vaterland ! 

5. Du zeigest, braves, freyes Volk, 
Was Menschenkraft vermag, 

Was Wuth and Unvernunft zerbricht, 
Und durch die Kraft der Wahrheit siegt, 
Und so sein Giick erzielt 

6. Heil dir, du edles freyes Volk! 
Ich, Fremld'ling, neide dich, 

In meinem Deutschen Vaterland 
Bist du verschrien und verkannt, 
O kennt es dich, wie ich ! 

This poem expresses the passionate love of liberty that 
animated so many of the Germans who came to these 
shores in the eighteenth century. ^^^ 

The conviction that they enjoyed more personal liberty 
in their new home than they had possessed in their old one, 
made the Germans devoted to the new country. For ex- 

573 Xhis poem is presumably a genuine German American production, 
although many of the poems which appeared in the papers anonymously 
were copied from German sources. This one, however, is headed, " Fiir 
die Philadelphische Correspondenz." It is the best eighteenth century 
German American poem which I have seen. 

144 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

ample, Saur sald^^* that they should love America because 
they lived In much greater comfort here, having no more 
feudal services to render and enjoying freedom of religion 
and of conscience. In 1758 the second Saur declared that 
his father had always attempted to work for the best In- 
terest of his adopted home and that no partisan attacks had 
ever made him act contrary to this prlnclple.^^® We have 
seen in another chapter^^® how Miller praised the country. 
Relche In his Postbothe gave"^ very high praise to the land 
and its government, calling the former a paradise. 

Knowing that a government which granted such per- 
sonal liberties to Its subjects could not exist unless the 
people showed an intelligent Interest in the public welfare, 
the German leaders from the beginning attempted to 
arouse in their countrymen an intelligent appreciation of 
the laws and to induce them to participate actively In pub- 
lic affairs. Thus, the first issue of the first German paper 
published in America contained the promise of the editor 
to print the laws of the province."^ In 1743 Saur pub- 
lished in his paper the charter of Pennsylvania In order 
that people might learn what liberty the King of England 
and Penn had bestowed upon the province."^ The follow- 
ing year he published the charter and other public acts in 
pamphlet form.^^° In 1747 he printed in his paper the 
laws relating to ministers, teachers, churches and schools.^*^ 
He also printed the acts of the Provincial Assembly when- 

574 s 3-1-49. 
"■^s s 222. 

576 Chapter I. 

577 GP 3, 10. 

578 See Chapter I. 

579 S 37 if. 

580 S 48. 

581 S 84, 85. 

Political Ideals. 145 

ever he considered them to be of direct interest to his 
readers. ®^^ In 1765 Miller was authorized by the As^ 
sembly to publish in German the resolutions it had passed 
against the Stamp Act.^^^ After the war all the German 
papers reported the doings of the State Legislature, as 
well as those of the National Congress. The Legislature 
ordered^^* its journal to be printed in both English and 
German, beginning with 1786. 

Although the Mennonites and Dunkers were generally 
opposed to participation in politics and governmental af- 
fairs, yet Saur was continually urging his readers to exer- 
cise their right of suffrage. In 1748 he urged all to vote, 
including those " im Busch" (backwoods) even if they did 
not receive special notice.^^^ In 1755 he enumerated^^^ 
the advantages of becoming naturalized as follows: the 
Germans would then have the same freedom of buying and 
selling as the English, their transfers of real estate would 
be more secure than before, and they could vote. In the 
next issue he published the qualifications necessary for nat- 
uralization.^^^ The second Saur republished these quali- 
fications and also enumerated the advantages of citizen- 

Despite the attempts to make intelligent voters of the 

582 See S 155. 

583 M 196. 

584 PC 251; GZ 27. 

585 S 100. 

586 S 178. 

587 s 4-1-55. These were (i) seven years' residence in the province, 
although the applicant was permitted to be absent for two years; (2) tak- 
ing of the Lord's Supper within twelve weeks before the date of naturaliza- 
tion ; (3) taking an oath or affirmation of allegiance. Persons of the 
Catholic faith were disqualified. 

588 s 7-20-59. Miller likewise urged the Germans to become nautralized 
(M 138). 

14^ The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Germans, signs are not lacking that the attempts were not 
completely successful. In a communication to Bache's 
General Advertiser which later appeared in the Philadel- 
phische Correspondenz, the writer said that, while the Ger- 
mans were industrious and economical, it was immaterial 
to them to whom the reins of government were entrusted.^*^ 
In an article in the Reading Adler the complaint was made 
that the Germans were easily misled in politics and handed 
in, on election day, ballots containing the names of those 
for whom they did not intend to vote.^®" 

The advisability of military preparedness was one of 
the big questions throughout the eighteenth century. The 
Dunker Saurs, as we have seen,^^^ were opposed to all war. 
Other editors also attacked military preparations in times 
of peace. The Netie Unpartheyische Lancaster Zeitung 
contained a letter^^- attacking the new Pennsylvania militia 
law of 1788 for various reasons, among which are the fol- 
lowing: it compelled the men to abandon farming, it 
brought the youth into bad company, it made women and 
children lazy,^^^ it gave rise to a system of oppression and 
it nourished the spirit of war, which is always unfavorable 
to the arts of peace. In 1793 the Reading paper quoted^^* 
Doctor Johnson on the horrors of war and on the folly of 
people who enter upon war lightheartedly. When a bill 
was introduced in 1798 into the Pennsylvania House of 
Representatives to forbid the government from going to 
589 PC2 227. 

5^° A 28 This statement must be somewhat discounted, because it was 
published during the political controversy between Federalists and Anti- 

591 Chapters I and II. 

592 NUL 54. 

593 Reference to the holidays on inspection days. 
59* NUR 223. 

Political Ideals. 147 

war unless the country was attacked, seven Germans voted 
for the bill and five against it, although it was defeated by 
a vote of thirty-seven to thirty-three/^^ The one German 
newspaper article in favor of a standing army was written 
by C. C. Reiche for his Postbothe. He declared^^^ that 
the only argument against a standing army was the danger 
of usurpation of power, but that this danger could easily 
be avoided if the people did not entrust too much power 
into the hands of the army leaders. Reiche then pro- 
ceeded to enumerate the advantages of such an army. It 
was more reliable for protecting the country from foreign 
attack than the militia, which was worthless without the 
example of a long-drilled standing army. Moreover, such 
an army was a good place for wild young men, since it de- 
veloped them into useful citizens. 

It is exceedingly interesting to trace in the newspapers 
the attitude which the Pennsylvania Germans took toward 
the various events and public questions of the last half of 
the eighteenth century and to see how they tried to act in 
accordance with their ideas of liberty. During the 
French and Indian War the Germans who were under the 
leadership of Saur were opposed to the war, because they 
felt that the Indians could easily have been placated if the 
white men had made a serious attempt to do so. Ten 
years before the war really started Saur had said that it 
was no wonder that the Indians allied themselves with the 
French against the so-called Christians of Pennsylvania.'" 
Because the Quakers, assisted by the non-resistant German 
sectarians, were very strong in the Provincial Assembly, the 

595 DP 13. Naturally the Federalists were opposed to the bill and the 
Antifederalists supported it. 

596 GP 12. 

687 S 45. 

148 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

preparations for war were undoubtedly very much re- 
tarded. In 1755 when Saur was accused of having ac- 
cepted money as a reward for using his influence to elect 
Quakers to the Assembly, he replied that the accusation 
was a falsehood; he had written letters to Germany on his 
arrival in America, praising the country because it was so 
free; but now people wanted to make it militaristic; he was 
opposed to this attempt and would again urge his readers 
to vote for Quakers. ^''^ After the king had vetoed the 
long delayed militia bilP®^ of 1755, Saur sarcastically said 
that the cause of the veto lay in the fact that discipline 
under the bill's provisions would be too lax and that only 
good people could be accepted into the militia.®"*' In the 
fight between the governor and the Assembly concerning 
the new militia bill, Saur refrained from making any com- 
ments, simply reporting the facts.®"^ He was always pre- 
pared to lend his influence to any attempt to make peace 
with the Indians. In 1756 he reported that the Quakers 
and the peaceful Germans were willing to contribute 
money to aid in the establishment of a permanent peace 
with the red men.®°^ When a treaty of peace was at last 
concluded with the Indians east of the Susquehanna in No- 
vember, 1756,*'°^ he was so well pleased that he published 
in book form an account of the conferences which led to 
the treaty.*'"* In 1758 he attacked the government be- 
cause it was too tardy in answering the claims of the In- 
dians, saying, " Wie man hort, so kloppfen einige Indianer 

598 S 184. 

599 S 12-1-55. 

600 S 198. 

601 S 202, 210, 4-16-57. 

602 S 195. 

603 S 11-27-56. 
60* S 204. 

Political Ideals, 


aufs neue an der unrechten Thur."«°^ For this article he 
was called before General Forbes to answer the charge of 
printing articles unfavorable to the government. Saur de- 
;f ended himself by saying that he always did what he 
thought was for the good of the country. He was dis- 
missed after a hearing which lasted three minutes.''"^ 

None of the Germans, however, sympathized with the 
French, so far as we know, and probably all of them were 
willmg to assist the English cause in some way or other. 
The Pennsylvanians did their part in furnishing the ill- 
fated Braddock's expedition with teams and provisions. 
Braddock was reported to have said that the teams from 
Lancaster, York and Cumberland Counties were the best 
that had arrived and that the Pennsylvanians were doing 
much more for the expedition than the Marylanders and 
Virginians.'" It was also said that Braddock had sent a 
letter to his superiors praising the Pennsylvanians for so 
willingly helping to provide the expedition with teams, 
etc., in contrast with some of the other colonies.'"^ When 
somebody in Pennsylvania wrote to London, claiming that 
the Germans helped Braddock only because they were 
afraid that their teams would be confiscated, Saur replied 
that the English government knew better.'"' In 1755 he 
showed more restraint about printing news than many of 
our modern papers do in war time. He refused'" to 
publish an account of an article which bitterly attacked 
the Germans, because he feared that it would engender ill- 
feeling between the German and the English colonists at a 

605 S 6-24-58. 

eo^S 219. 
«07S i8r. 
^osS 11-1-55. 
«09 S 189. 
«i0S 184. 

I50 The Pennsylvania-German Society, 

time when harmony was essential for the success of the 
Braddock expedition. 

When the Indians began to attack the outlying settle- 
ments in Pennsylvania, like Gnadenhiitten,^" the Germans 
on the frontier organized companies*'^" in order to guard 
the passes of the Blue Ridge Mountains. ^^^ One of these 
so-called "watch companies" was composed of twenty-five 
German settlers from Berks and Northampton Counties, 
who were kept on the frontier in active service for thirty- 
nine days. The cost*'^* of keeping the company in the field 
was paid by the inhabitants of several townships on the 
border."^ Many colonists of German descent also enlisted 
in the militia. Thus, one of the first companies organized 
under the militia law of 1755 was composed of unmarried 
Germans from Rockhill Township (probably Bucks 
County) with Jacob Arndt as captain, Anton Miiller as 
lieutenant and Nicolaus Conrad as corporal.''^*' This com- 
pany was ordered shortly after being enrolled to proceed to 
Gnadenhiitten, in the vicinity of which we find it stationed 
In the month of April, 1756.^" In the same year the king 
gave permission to raise a regiment of soldiers which was 
to be commanded by German, Swiss and Dutch Protes- 
tants.^^^ This " Royal American Regiment," as it was 
called, was composed chiefly of Pennsylvania Germans. 

One of the most prominent Germans of Pennsylvania 
prior to 1760 was Conrad Weiser, the famous Indian in- 

611 See Chapter II. 

612 The frontier people of other nationalities did the same. 

613 S 187. 

61*104 pounds II sh. 4 d. 

615 S 12-25-56. 

616 s 188. 

6"S 5-1-56. 
618 S 8-1-56. 

Political Ideals. 151 

terpreter. His inestimable services in bringing the white 
men and the Indians to a better mutual understanding are 
not discussed directly in the newspapers, but his name is fre- 
quently mentioned. Two instances will serve to illustrate 
how well he understood the red men and how highly they 
esteemed him. In 1747"^ Saur's paper contained a long 
article by Weiser on the rehgion of the Indians, the ma- 
terial for which he had collected during his journeys among 
them. In 1769,*'^° several years after Weiser's death, the 
only son of a powerful old Iroquois chief, Seneca George, 
was murdered near Shamokin by a member of a hunting 
party. The nephew of Conrad Weiser was suspected of the 
crime and was arrested. When the representatives of the 
colony met the old chief, Conrad Weiser's son told him 
who the suspected murderer was, and assured him that the 
Weiser family would do all in its power to have the slayer 
brought to justice. Then Seneca George, although greatly 
grieved at the loss of his son, declared himself satisfied 
and burst into a panegyric over Conrad Weiser, his dear 
friend of former days. 

On the passing of the Stamp Act by the British Parlia- 
ment, the struggle between the colonies and the mother 
country began to assume large proportions. In this 
struggle the Germans, like the other colonists, were divided 
in their sympathies although there Is hardly any doubt that 
the majority of them favored the colonies. The one news- 
paper of the period of which I have located an almost 
complete file. Miller's Staatsbote, always opposed England. 
Its views are so similar to those expressed by the Anglo- 
American press that it Is often impossible to decide whether 
the articles on contemporary events were original ones or 

«19 s 78. 

«2o M 391, 400. 

152 The Pennsylvania~German Society. 

were copied from other newspapers. ®^^ In the Staatshote 
of August 20, 1764, Miller urged all the colonies to follow 
the example of Rhode Island, which had appointed a com- 
mittee to confer with similar committees from other col- 
onies concerning the formulation of plans for preventing 
the passing of the Stamp Act by the House of Commons 
and for securing the repeal of the Navigation Laws. The 
first news of the passing of the Stamp Act was contained 
in the issue of April 15, 1765. When Miller announced®" 
that the act was to go into effect on November i, 1765, he 
added, "The great Lisbon earthquake occurred on All 
Saints' Day." After this announcement he attacked the 
act frequently in his paper.*^-^ On the arrival of the 
stamped paper, he inserted''^* the following at the top of 
the first column of the first page. 

America, o du durch ein allzu friihes Urtheil zur Sclaverey 
verdammtes America! — ist es derin deine Treue, — dein kindliches 
Gehorsam, — deine erschopften Schatze, — und die Blutsstrohme 
die deine Sohne vergossen haben zur Ausbreitung des Ruhms der 
Brittischen Waffen, sind diese es, sage ich, welche das Land das 
ja deine Mutter ist gereizet haben so unrechtmaszig dich anstatt 
sanfter Windeln in Jammer einzuwickeln, durch Entreissung der 
allerliebsten Vorrechte deiner Kinder — oder hat die Untreue es 
gethan? — aber, ach! die Worte fehlen mir, — und die angstlichen 
und schmerzHchen Zahren halten meine Feder auf, — O mein 
Vaterland, mein Vaterland! 

On October 28, 1765, he notified his readers that he 
would suspend the publication of the paper until he could 

^1 This similarity of viewpoint may be considered as another indication 
that the English and German elements were rapidly being transformed into 
a new nationality. 

622 M 177. 

623 M 184, 185, 191. 

624 M 195. 

Political Ideals. 153 

discover a way to break the chains forged for the Ameri- 
can people and to escape the unendurable slavery. ®^^ He 
characterized the Stamp Act as " the most unconstitu- 
tional law which these colonies could ever have imagined." 
In the lower right-hand corner of the first page, he printed, 
like the other papers, a skull and cross bones with the cap- 
tion, " DIs 1st der Platz fiir den Todespein erregender 
Stampel." Three days later he published an extra as a 
farewell present (" Abschleds-Geschenk ") . On Novem- 
ber 18 the Staatsbote reappeared on unstamped paper. 
The next year when the news of the repeal of the Stamp 
Act arrived, Miller published the news joyfully and grate- 

Saur's paper presumably opposed the Stamp Act also. 
We find that Miller attacked^" Saur bitterly because the 
latter declared in Number 347 of his paper that his 
(Saur's) pamphlet on the Stamp Act had Influenced the 
Pennsylvania Assembly to pass the resolutions about the 
Act. In this pamphlet Saur favored a convention to pe- 
tition the king for the repeal of the Act. Miller also ac- 
cused a German editor of declaring that many of the lat- 
ter's friends favored the odious leglslation.^^^ If the 
German editor was Saur, it might seem to Indicate that he 
was not as strongly opposed to it as Miller. 

The anniversary of the repeal of the Stamp Act was 
celebrated by the colonists up to the days of the Revolu- 
tion. Thus we are told that on March 18, 1775, a large 
number of German Protestants gathered at the house of 

625 This is exactly what the English language papers of Philadelphia 

626 M 227, 228. 

627 M 196. 

628 M 199. 

154 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

David Grim in New York and celebrated the anniversary 
of the repeal of the Stamp Act with the usual simplicity 
and solemnity.^-^ 

The momentous events between the repeal of the Stamp 
Act and the battles of Lexington and Concord were duly 
recorded by Miller, who always emphasized the injustice 
of England. Thus when legal proceedings were insti- 
tuted in 177 1 by the Royal government of Massachusetts 
against Isaiah Thomas, publisher of the " Massachusetts 
Spy," Miller expressed his sympathy for him.®^'' Tri- 
umphantly he told about the reception of the taxed tea at 
the various places in 1773.^^^ After the closing of the 
port of Boston, he gave accounts of the meetings held in 
the different Pennsylvania counties for the purpose of de- 
ciding what action should be taken. The committees 
which signed the resolutions agreed upon in the counties 
of Philadelphia, •^'2 Northampton,*''' Berks,^'* Lancas- 
ter^'^ and York*''^ contained members with German names. 
There were also many Germans among the Pennsylvania 
deputies who met at Philadelphia on July 15, 1774, as for 
instance Ludwig, Bartsch and Schlosser of Philadelphia, 
Schlauch of Lancaster County, Schultz of Berks County, 
Kiichlein and Arndt of Northampton County.^'® When 
the Continental Congress convened, the Staatshote pub- 
lished long accounts of its acts and proceedings. 

Many Pennsylvania Germans participated actively in 

«29 M 689. 
630 M 515 ff. 

631 M 623. 

632 M 649. 

633 M 650. 

634 M 651. 

635 M 652. 

636 M 653. 

Political Ideals. 155 

the War for Independence. Before June, 1775, four 
companies of Infantry had been organized in Reading. 
One of them, known as the " Company of Old Men," was 
composed of eighty High Germans, more than forty years 
of age. Many of them had seen military service in 
Europe; the leader was ninety-seven years old and had 
been in seventeen engagements during his forty years of 
military service. The company wore black ribbons on 
their hats in order to symbolize their sorrow over the la- 
mentable events which had compelled them to take up arms 
for the preservation of that liberty which they had ob- 
tained by coming to this country.^^' In the same year a 
German fusileer company of one hundred and seventy-two 
men was raised in South Carolina.^^® Pulasky recruited 
his corps chiefly in the vicinity of Bethlehem. Das Penn- 
sylvanische Zeitungsblat contained^^^ eight stanzas of dog- 
gerel on " Pulasky's Chor."'*" 

Miller's Staatsbote was the great German champion of 
the struggling colonists up to the time of this journal's 
final discontinuance in 1779. In fact, it is probable that 
one of the reasons for the loyalty of many of the Germans 
to the colonists' cause was the contagious enthusiasm with 
which this paper preached the justice of the Revolution. 
Through the darkest days of the war Miller never wavered 
in his faith as to the ultimate outcome. It seems most 
fitting that this sturdy upholder of liberty should have had 
the honor of being the first editor to announce in his paper 
637 M 699. 

638 M 713. 

«39Ba 19. 

6*0 One famous Pennsylvania German genera] must be mentioned here, 
Peter Muhlenberg, the son of the Lutheran patriarch, H. M. Muhlenberg. 
At the beginning of the war he was a minister in Virginia, but he entered 
on active military service rising to the rank of general. 

156 The Pennsylvania-German Society 

the Declaration of Independence. In the issue' of Friday, 
July 5» 1776, the following notice appeared, " Gestem hat 
der Achtbare Congresz dieses Vesten Landes die Verein- 
igten Colonien Freye und Unabhangige Staaten erklaret." 
In the next issue, on July 9, he published the complete 
text of the Declaration in German. 

Just as among other nationalities, we find among the 
Germans also many who were lukewarm and even inimical 
to the war. Of course, all of the Dunkers and Menno- 
nites who adhered completely to the doctrine of non-re- 
sistance were opposed to the war, although they may have 
been entirely convinced about the justice of the patriots* 
contentions. Since they refused to bear arms, they were 
compelled to pay extra taxes. ®*^ However, there was 
probably a small minority of Germans who sympathized 
with England. We have seen that the sons of Christoph 
Saur, the second, continued the old paper under the name 
of Der Pennsylvanische Staats-Coiirier as a Tory organ 
during the British occupation of Philadelphia. The issue 
of February 18, 1778, contained®*- a bitter attack on the 
patriots. The article declared that if in a country bank- 
rupt merchants became state councillors and a dismissed 
postmaster an ambassador to a royal court, the outlook 
for the State was dangerous and that, if the ministers of 
religion became political market criers and prescribed 
quack remedies for the State, the evils united and increased. 
Since this was the case, the editors gave a prescription 
which began as follows, "A sufficient weight of lead, make 
it into pills, add the usual amount of genuine gunpowder 
to each, distribute them in equal shares among twenty 
thousand fine soldiers in addition to the proper small mili- 

«*iM 763. 
6<2Ba 17. 

. Political Ideals. 157 

tary syringes for application. Aim your instrument so 
that they hit the part of the patient in which most of the 
bad sap has been collected," etc. To this, Das Pennsylva- 
nische Zeitungsblat answered that such a cure might be 
effective for people who had a phlegmatic temperament 
and who were really as sick as the Saurs pretended; but it 
was dangerous to try It upon strong, healthy and choleric 
people, because they might pour into the doctors' faces 
the prescribed pills and powder. 

The Saur Tory paper could not poslbly have had much 
influence because most of the Germans were living In the 
territory under the control of the patriots, who certainly did 
not allow the sheet to circulate, and because It was so 
coarse and devoid of fairness that It could not convert any 
reasonable man to its doctrines. There were, however, 
other Germans in the colonies, besides the Saurs, who were 
active in the British cause. For instance, in 1778 two 
Germans of Lancaster County, Miinzlng and Mayer, were 
hanged as spies in the city of Lancaster.^*^ 

The Germans took an active part in the reconstruction 
work after the war. When the Federal Convention was 
holding its sessions in Philadelphia In 1787, the Neue Un- 
partheyische Lancaster Zeitung and the Philadelphische 
Correspondenz urged their readers to support It. The 
former published^" an " Ermunterungslled zur EIntracht 
an die Burger der Vereinlgten Staaten, bey Gelegenheit der 
in Philadelphia versammelten Convention," which con- 
cluded as follows: 

Demuth bleibe unser Ruhm, 
Freyheit unser Eigenthum, 

643 Ba 7. 

644 NUL I. 

158 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Sucht nur in der Freyheit Ehre ! 
Demnach, werthe Deutsche Briider, 
Hand in Hand, ihr Biirgerglieder, 
Singt und unsrer Leider Schall 
Sey der Blauenberge Hall! 
Hallet taglich unsere Lieder 
Auch von Staat zu Staate wieder ! 
Wer von deutscher Treue gluht, 
Singe immer dieses Lied. 

In the next number of the paper,^*^ we find a full column 
article giving arguments in favor of a centralized federal 
government, and on September 26 the paper contained a 
translation of the entire text of the Constitution. When 
the State Assembly passed a law by a vote of forty-three 
to nineteen to call a convention for consideration of the 
proposed constitution, the editor pointed with pleasure to 
the fact that twelve Germans of both parties were among 
the majority, while only one was Included In the opposi- 
tion.^*^ The Philadelphische Correspondenz published 
many communications for and against the constitution, al- 
though the editor favored it.^*^ 

When the State convention of Pennsylvania met in No- 
vember of that year, Friedrich Augustus Muhlenberg, a 
brother of General Peter Muhlenberg, was chosen presi- 
dent of the convention.®*^ After the news of the ratifica- 
tion of the constitution by the convention had arrived at 
Lancaster, the Inhabitants organized a big celebration.®*^ 
While the citizens of German descent were apparently well 
pleased with the constitution, those of other nationalities 
were sometimes not so well disposed toward it, as may be 

645 NUL 2. 

646 NUL 10, 12. 

647 PC 335 ff. 

648 NUL 17. 

649 NUL 21. 

Political Ideals. 159 

seen from the riots which occurred in Carlisle, when the 
attempt was made to celebrate the ratification.*'^'' After 
the acceptance of the constitution by the required number 
of States, Philadelphia celebrated the event with an im- 
posing parade, in which the publishers of the Corre- 
spondenz took part and distributed a German ode, specially 
written for the occasion. ®^^ 

The Pennsylvania Germans were justly proud because 
one of their number, Friedrich A. Muhlenberg, had the 
honor to be elected the Speaker of the first national House 
of Representatives.^^" In a long communication in the 
Philadelphische Correspondenz an anonymous writer ex- 
pressed*'^^ his satisfaction with this fact in the following 
terms : 

This thought stirred me deeply that a German possessed merit 
enough to be considered worthy by the biggest, best and wisest 
men whom America could produce and who were called together 
for the loftiest purpose, worthy of presiding at their deliberations, 
on which the weal and woe of millions of human beings depend. 

The blood of the grandchildren of our grandchildren will 
proudly well up in their hearts when they will read in the his- 
tories of America that the first speaker in the House of Repre- 
sentatives of the United States of America under the new con- 
stitution was a German, born of German parents in Pennsylvania. 

Miihlenberg was also Speaker of the third House.^^* 

In General Saint Clair's ill-starred expedition against 
the Indians of the Ohio Valley in 179 1, there were a con- 
siderable number of soldiers from Lancaster and Berks 

650 NUL 24, 25. 

651 PC 375, 376, 377. 

652 NUR 8. 

653 PC2 37. 

654 PC, 255. 

i6o The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Counties.®^® The militia of Lancaster likewise accom- 
panied General Wayne to suppress the Whiskey Rebellion 
in western Pennsylvania."^^ 

The Germans in America, always interested in the cause 
of human liberty, at first warmly greeted the French Revo- 
lution. The Lancaster German paper printed in full the 
French Constitution of 1791.''" On May 18, 1793, the 
German Republican Society of Philadelphia sent a com- 
mittee to Citizen Genet of the French Republic and pre- 
sented him with a written address, declaring that they were 
in the fullest accord with his principles and that they saw 
with pain and disgust the alliance of all European auto- 
crats against liberty, and their united endeavors to put a 
check upon the popular will of France."^^ This enthusi- 
asm for France was somewhat cooled when the news of the 
excesses of 1793 reached this country, so that the German 
voters of Pennsylvania gradually came to be sharply di- 
vided between the Federalists and the Antifederalists, be- 
tween the party favoring England and the one favoring 
France. If the French Reign of Terror in addition to the 
attack on Christianity had not shocked the piety of the 
Pennsylvania Germans, it is probable that almost all of 
them would have supported the Antifederalists. 

Since the Germans were thus divided, their newspapers 
took part in the terribly bitter political campaigns of 1798- 
1800, attacking each other with the same venom and vul- 
garity displayed by the Anglo-American press. The first 
direct political attack which I have discovered in a German 
paper was published in the Readinger Zeitung of October 

655 NUR 150. 

656 PC, 344. 

657 NUL 226, 227, 228, 229. 

658 pCj 212. 

Political Ideals. i6i 

21, 1795. In this attack a writer signing himself " Pacifi- 
cator" warned the readers against a group of people who 
called themselves Democrats but whom he called Jacobins. 

These people have indeed been a great help in shaking off the 
yoke of England but they are turbulent individuals, who do not 
want to be subservient to any government, not even to the laws 
made by themselves. They desire confusion always. 

About a month later two answers to this attack were pub- 
lished in the paper.®^^ When " Pacificator " began to 
make his rebuttal,''^" the editor of the paper called^®^ the 
attention of his readers to these articles, advising them to 
preserve the papers in order that they could refer to them 
In the dangerous times that seemed to be approaching. 

Before many more months had elapsed, however, Jung- 
mann, as well as the other editors, refused to print commu- 
nications favoring the party to which they were opposed. 
Gradually the attacks on both sides increased in bitterness 
until they attained their climax in 1798 and 1799, the 
German Federalist papers imitating Cobbett's Peter Por- 
cupine's Gazette and the Antifederalists using Bache's 
" Aurora "®^^ as their model. Each side was firmly con- 
vinced of its role as the protector of liberty and persuaded 
that its opponents were trying to overthrow all the highly 
cherished institutions of the country. The Alien (and 
Sedition Laws of 1798 naturally called forth the most 
violent attacks and denunciations. The invectives used by 
the papers seem almost incredible to the present genera- 
tion. For instance, Der Deutsche Porcupein called the 
Antifederalists " Die Schurtzfells Majestat," " Die Schuh- 

658 NUR 353, 354. 
<»«0NUR 354, 355, 356. 
«6i NUR 354. 
662 Later published by Duane. 

i62 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

flicker und Grobschmldte," " Die politischen Kannengies- 
ser," " Der Nasenweis," " Die Barenhauter," " Die Hunds- 
fiitter," " Die Schlange im Busen/' " Neue Miszgeburt," 
"Das stinkige Franzosenblut " ; to this the Lancaster Cor- 
respondent retaliated by calling the rival paper, " Der 
Freyheitshasser," " Das Lancaster Stinkthier," " Der 
amerikanische Esel," " Der Freund der Dummheit," " Das 
Liigenblatt." The Federalist Readinger Z^itung used 
the terms " Bluthunde," " Blutsuckler," "Unruhstifter," 
"Stumpier," " Schmierer," " Dummkopf," " Nachteule," 
while its opponent, the Adler, called Jungmann, " Das 
kleine schwarze sogenannte unpartheyische Zeitungs- 
Schmiererlein, Gottlobgen, Graf Kalabast-Philosoph und 
Erb-Herr von Schimpf Hansen."®®^ 

During these troublous political times, there also oc- 
curred the one serious Pennsylvania German rebellion 
against State authority. In 1798 the national govern- 
ment passed a law whereby all houses were to be taxed on 
the basis of the number and size of the windows which 
each contained. This house tax law aroused determined 
opposition in the German Antifederalist counties of 
Northampton and Berks, particularly in the former. As 
early as January 9, 1799, Der Deutsche Porciipein re- 
ported that there was a probability that the militia would 
have to be called out in order to collect the taxes in North- 
ampton County. Two w^eks later a communication®^* 
was printed giving a dark picture of the state of affairs in 
this county. The Germans were said to be erecting numer- 
ous hberty poles, and could have easily paid their taxes 
with the money which they spent in drinking and shooting. 

863 A 107. 

®8* The Porcupein copied the article from the Pennsylvantsche Corre- 

Political Ideals. 163 

Drinking French brandy made even grayhalred men swing 
their hats and shout, " Hurrah, hurrah ! Damm de Presi- 
dent, damm de Congresz, damm de Arlschdokratz ! " 

The unpopularity of the tax caused the Inhabitants of 
Northampton and of the upper parts of Bucks and Mont- 
gomery to resist the assessors. When the United States 
marshal arrested some of these objectors, a crowd under 
the leadership of John Fries, a German auctioneer and 
captain of the mllltia, surrounded the Inn at Bethlehem In 
which the marshal was guarding his prisoners and com- 
pelled him to release them.^'' Then events began to move 
rapidly. President Adams issued a proclamation request- 
ing the disturbers of the peace to return to their homes.^^^ 
The militia of Pennsylvania and the neighboring States 
was called out, although the Antlfederalists introduced a 
resolution Into the Pennsylvania House of Representa- 
tives to refuse aid to the national government In Its attempt 
to quell the uprising.'^''' When the militia arrived in the 
disaffected locality, all opposition disappeared. The ring- 
leaders, who did not deliver themselves up voluntarily, sur- 
rendered when they saw the military force. Fries was 
auctioneering when the soldiers approached. On seeing 
them he took to flight but was taken prisoner after a chase 
of two miles.""* The prisoners, all Pennsylvania Ger- 
mans, were promptly put on trial. The United States cir- 
cuit cour£ which met at Philadelphia returned a true bill 
against John Fries on April 23, 1799,""' and the trial 
started a week later."'° On May 9, he was found guilty of 

665 NUR 526; DP 64, A 115. 
668 NUR 527. 

667 NUR 529. 

668 DP 68. 

669 NUR 533 et al. 

670 NUR 534 et al. 

164 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

high treason,^"^ but was granted a new trial.^'^ About a 
year later he was given this new trial and was again con- 
victed. With two of his companions, Gettmann and 
Hainey (Honig), he was sentenced to be hanged at 
Quakertown, Bucks County, on May 23, 1800;^" they 
were, however, pardoned by President Adams.®^* Twenty- 
four other Germans were sentenced to fines and imprison- 
ment. Thus ended the Fries rebellion, of which some 
echoes are still lingering in the localities where it occurred. 
How can this rebellion of the Pennsylvania Germans be 
explained when we remember their reputation as law-abid- 
ing, peace-loving citizens? The explanation Is probably 
found in their love of liberty, to which I have so often 
alluded. In common with many others the Germans cher- 
ished personal liberty very highly. When they heard that 
assessors were coming to count and measure their window 
panes for taxation purposes, they may have believed that 
the government intended to tax the light that entered their 
houses, — hence the sarcastic terms, " Hausermesser " and 
" Fensterschelbenzahler,"®'^ which they applied to the as- 
sessors. ''''' It must, however, be remembered that the ma- 
jority of the Germans of both political parties remained 
loyal to the government. Almost all. If not all, of the 
better educated were opposed to the rebellion. Thus the 
Reverend Helmuth, the pastor of Zion's Lutheran Church 
of Philadelphia, wrote an appeal to the people of North- 
ampton County to desist from their rebellious attitude,^" 

671 NUR 535 et al. 

672 NUR 536. 

673 NUR 587. 

674 NUR 589. 

675 UH 2. 

676 The suspicion thus aroused was probably secretly encouraged by the 
Antifederalist leaders. 

677 DP 67; NUR 530. 

Political Ideals. 165 

into which they had been misled. Even that Inveterate 
enemy of the Federalists, the Reading Jdler, decried the 
use of force in the following characteristic article. ^^^ 

Est ist gewis fiir jeden guten Republican eine bedauernswiirdige 
Sache, dasz man sich in Northampton County dem Tax-Geseze 
des Congresses widersezt hat. So lang ein Geseze besteht, musz 
jeder brave Burger demselben sich unterwerfen. Es giebt kein 
erlaubtes Mittel sich einer bosen Taxe oder einem schlimmen 
Geseze zu entziehen, als die gesezgebende Macht durch Bitt- 
schriften dahin zu vermogen, selbige aufzuheben. Gewalt und 
Loszreiszungen sind nur gar zu unrechte und unkluge Wege. 
Diejenigen, so eine stehende Armee haben wollen, die, so eine 
Regierungs-Veranderung wiinschen, werden sich im Herzen 
freuen, wenn sich das Volk denen Gesezen mit Gewalt widersezt. 
Denn ein solch verkehrtes Betragen zieht Klagen und Ursachen 
nach sich, kriegerische Hulfe auszurufen und also der Regierung 
die Obermacht zu geben. Freye Burger verlieren immer dabei, 
wenn sie sich denen Gesezen und Taxen mit Gewalt wider- 

Although the Antifederalist newspapers condemned the 
outbreak, they naturally opposed the government in its 
legal proceedings against the ringleaders. For Instance, 
the Hdrrisburg Zeitung of May 21, 1799, contained a 
fierce attack on the partisan spirit which had convicted 
Fries of high treason; it claimed that he had not committed 
high treason, as it was defined by the constitution of the 
United States. After President Adams had pardoned 
Fries, Hainey and Gettmann, the Adler in its own witty 
way attempted to make political capital out of the pardon. 
In a full column article it described the effect of the pardon 
upon the Federalists of Berks County. A certain corporal 

678 A 177. 

679 Despite this diplomatic and clever article, a party of soldiers seized 
the editor, Schneider, and proceeded to flog him. See A 12 r. 

1 66 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

or sergeant of Reading declared that he did not want to 
serve In the militia any longer. A Reading captain re- 
fused to sign a petition for the pardon, because he had been 
In such great danger In the Northampton County cam- 
paign. In reply to this statement the Adler said, 

Of course the danger into which the young hero went was most 
unusually great, since not a single shot was fired during the whole 
campaign and the entire march was only forty miles long. What 
a terrible danger this was! Verily, it was a wonder that this 
brave young hero did not remain dead on the field, and he has 
done the right thing in not signing the petition for Fries, Hainey 
and Gettmann ; he would by his signature have washed ofE imme- 
diately the splendor of the mighty heroic deeds which he had 
performed in Northampton. 

On account of the pardon a Reading Irishman threatened 
to return to Ireland and a country merchant damned the 

After the excitement of the Fries rebellion had subsided, 
the German papers of both parties asumed a calmer tone. 
This Is all the more remarkable, because In the following 
year the so-called political revolution of 1800 occurred. 
Although the papers expressed emphatic opinions about the 
candidates of the opposing parties, the fierce epithets of the 
preceding years were usually absent. The editors prob- 
ably learned from the rebellion the danger of becoming too 
violent In their denunciations. The death of Washington, 
whom all Germans revered, may have also drawn the two 
parties closer together by reminding them of the time, 
twenty years before, when all of them stood arrayed 
against the common foe and fought for that liberty which 
they now Interpreted so variously. Although the Fed- 
eralist papers, like the Readinger Zeitung and Der 

680 A 178. 

Political Ideals. 167 

Deutsche Porctipein, had black borders around the pages 
of three or four issues while the Antifederalist press had 
only the obituary notice framed In black, the latter vied 
with their opponents in praising Washington as the man to 
whom this country owed its liberty. For instance, the 
Antifederalist Philadelphische Correspondenz published^^^ 
a poem on Washington's death, which contained these 

1st Er nicht mehr? 
Der gute alte Waschington: 

Gott! welch ein Schlag! 
Die Erde bebt, das rauhe Meer 
Der Traurigkeit umgibt uns. 

Er fallt dahin, der Held, 
Der oftmals auf das Feld 
Des Streits sich hat begeben, 

Der Josua, den Gott hat auasrwahlt, 
Dis ein freyes Land zu machen, 

1st nicht mehr hier! 

This brief discussion of their attitude on public ques- 
tions shows us beyond any doubt that many of the Penn- 
sylvania Germans appreciated fully the value and duty of 
an active participation In public affairs. Moreover, all of 
them evinced an Intense love of liberty, although they dis- 
agreed on the question of what constituted liberty. 

881 PCs 75. This poem was signed " R." 


The Pennsylvania Germans of the eighteenth century 
were as a class pious, charitable and honest; they loved 
peace and temperance; they were frugal, industrious, in- 
telligent and progressive in their daily life; in public affairs, 
liberty loving and patriotic, — in a word, they possessed the 
qualities of nation builders in the truest sense. Admitting 
that they were by no means free from faults and even vices, 
and that development of their virtues was not only de- 
sirable but necessary, we can nevertheless confidently in- 
sist upon the claim of their sterling worth as an element of 
the American people. 

While this conclusion is not new but mainly confirms the 
views of the best authorities, a new body of facts has been 
revealed. It may be well to enumerate some of the dis- 
coveries brought to light in my investigations. Two news- 
papers, of whose existence nothing was known, were found, 
the Landmanns Wochenhlatt and the Lancaster JVochen- 
blatt. The names of Samuel Saur's Baltimore paper of 
1 795-1 800 and of Bartgis' Frederick paper of 1793 were 
definitely ascertained. The mistake of considering the 
Pennsylvanische Correspondenz as the continuation of the 
'PJiiladelphische Correspondenz has been corrected. A 
short-lived thrlce-a-week edition of the latter was also dis- 
covered. Naturally much of the information about the 
newspapers and their editors has never appeared before. 

The chapters on religion and charity probably contain 


German American Newspapers. 169 

less new material than any of the others because the ma- 
terial was obtained to a large extent from Saur's and Mill- 
er's papers, which had been carefully studied by Seiden- 
sticker, Pennypacker, Sachse, Brumbaugh and others; how- 
ever, even here many new things were found. On the 
other hand, the material in the chapters on education and 
language is to a very large extent entirely new, as, for in* 
stance, the articles by " Phlloteutologos " on the German 
Lutheran Schools of Philadelphia and the communications 
to the Philadelphische Correspondenz on the advisability 
of discarding the use of the German language. Likewise 
much of the material of chapters six and seven had never 
been used before, while chapter eight contains less new ma- 

The bibliography of newspapers appended is, so far as I 
know, the only one that is approximately complete and up- 
to-date; in fact it is the only one that states what papers 
and issues are still extant and where they can be found. I 
may add that a complete bibliography of all Pennsylvania 
papers published prior to 1821 will probably appear within 
the next two or three years. Mr. Clarence S. Brigham of 
the American Antiquarian Society is preparing such a bibli- 
ography of all American newspapers prior to 1821. He 
has, however, not yet come to the State of Pennsylvania. 

Table of German American Newspapers of the 
Eighteenth Century. 

I have tried to make the following table of German news- 
papers of the eighteenth century as complete as possible. 
I have also included an account of the condition of the files 
found in the various libraries, with the date when I saw the 
the files. To the table, I have deemed it advisable to ap- 

170 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

pend a short article under the title, "Were They Ever 

The following abbreviations for the various societies 
and libraries have been used: 

A. A. S. = American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass. 
A. P. S. = American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia. 
L. C. = Library of Congress, Washington, D, C. 
P. H. S. = Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia 

Newspaper Index. 

Americanische Staatsbothe, Der, (AS) i88 

Chestnuthiller Wochenschrift, Die. (OW) 191 

Deutsche Porcupein, Der. (DP) 188-189 

Geistliches Magazien^ Ein 179 

Gemeinniitzige Philadelphische Correspondenz (PC) 181 flE 

General Post-Bothe, Der. (GP) 191 

General Staats-Bothe 192 

Germantauner Zeitung, Die. (GZ) 186 f 

Germantowner Zeitung, Die. (S) 173 

Harrisburg Zeitung, Die. (UH) 200 

Henrich Miller's Pennsylvanischer Staatsbote (M) 178 

Hoch-Deutsche Pennsylvanische Geschicht Schreiber, Der. (S) 171 

Hoch-Deutsche Pennsylvanische Journal, Das 174 

Lancaster Correspondent, Der. (H) 200 

Lancaster Wochenblatt, Das 198 

Lancastersche Zeitung, Die. (LZ) 176 

Landmanns Wochenblatt, Des 197 

Neue monatliche Readinger Magazin, Das 199 

Neue Philadelphische Correspondenz (PC2) 182 ff 

Neue Unpartheyische Baltimore Bote und Maryland Staats- 

Register, Der I93 

Neue Unpartheyische Lancaster Zeitung (NUL) 188-189 

Neue Unpartheyische Readinger Zeitung (NUR) 189-191 

Neuer Unpartheyischer Eastoner Bothe 192 

Pennsylvanische Berichte (S) 171 ff 

Pennsylvanische Correspondenz, Die 196 

Pennsylvanische Gazette, Die 181 

Pennsylvanische Staats-Courier, Der 180 

Pennsylvanische Wochenschrift, Die 196 

German American Newspapers. 171 

Pennsylvanische Zeitungsblat, Das (Ba) i8o 

Philadelphier Teutsche Faroa 175 

Philadelphier Wochenblat, Das 191 

Philadelphische Correspondenz (PC2, PCs, Pd) 181 flF and 


Pennsylvanische Faraa, Die 177 

Philadelphische Zeitung (173a) 171 

Philadelphische Zeitung (1755) (PZ) 176 

Philadelphisches Magazin 197 

Philadelphisches Staatsregister (PS) 181 

Unpartheyische Harrisburg Zeitung (UH) 199 

Unpartheyische Reading Adler, Der. (A) 195 f 

Unpartheyische York Gazette, Die 194 

Volksberichter, Der 201 

Westliche Correspondenz, Die 194 

Wochentliche Pennsylvanische Staatsbote, Der. (M) 177 flF 

Wochentliche Philadelphische Staatsbote, Der. (M) 177 ff 

Name unknown (i7'48) Philadelphia 174 

Name unknown (1751) Philadelphia 175 

Name unknown (1786) Frederick, Maryland 187 

Name unknown (1786) Baltimore, Maryland 187 

Philadelphische Zeitung. Published by Benjamin Frank- 
lin in Philadelphia. 

1732, No. I (May 6). Facsimile in Daniel Miller's "Early German Ameri- 
can Newspapers " and elsewhere. 
1732. No. 2 (June 24). — P.H.S. (vidimus Mar. 1917). 

No more copies have been found. The paper was prob- 
ably discontinued for Timothee, the editor, complains in 
No. 2 that he receives so little encouragement from the 

Der Hoch-Deutsch Pennsylvanische Geschicht-Schreiber, 
Oder: Sammlung Wichtiger Nachrichten aus dem 
Natur- iind Kirchen-Reich. Published by Christoph 
Saur at Germantown, at first quarterly, probably became 
a monthly at beginning of 1741. 

172 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

In P. H. S. {Vidimus, March and April, 1917). 

1739, No, I (Aug. 20). • 

1742, No. 19 (Feb. 16). 

1743, Nos. 33 (Apr. 16) -41 (Dec. 16). 

1744, Nos. 42 (Jan. 16) -53 (Dec. 16). 

1745, Nos. 54 (Jan. 16) -65 (Dec. 16). (Name changed on Oct. 16, 1745,10 

" Hoch-Deutsche Pennsylvanische Berichte," etc.) 

1746, Nos. 66 (Jan. 16) -77 (Dec. 16). (On and after June 16, 1746, the 

word, " Hoch-Deutsch " was omitted. 

1747, Nos. 78 (Jan. 16) -89 (Dec. 16). 

1748, Nos. 90 (Jan. 16) -103 (Dec. 16). (Nos. 93 and 96 are dated April 

I and June i) Specials on first of Aug. and Oct. 

1749, Nos. 104 (Jan. 16) - 115 (Dec. 16). Specials on first of March, May, 

June, August, Sept., Nov. and Dec. 

1750, Nos. 116 (Jan. 16) - 127 (Dec. 16). Specials on first of Feb., May, 

June, July, Aug., Sept., Oct., and Nov. 

1751, Nos. 128 (Jan. i6) - 139 (Dec. 16). Specials on first of Jan., Feb., 

March, April, May, June, July, Aug., Sept., Oct., Nov. 

1752, Nos. 140 (Jan. 16) -151 (Dec. 16). (Two numbers of 143.) Spe- 

cials on first of Jan., Feb., March, April, May, June, July. Oct., 
Nov., Dec. 

1753, No. 159 (Aug. 16), No. 161 (Oct. 16). Special on Aug. i. 

1754, Nos. 164 (Jan. 16) -166 (Mar. 16). 
Nos. 169 (June 16) -171 (Aug. 16). 
Nos. 174 (Nov. 16) - 175 (Dec. 16). 

Specials on first of Feb., April, Aug., Sept. and Dec. 

1755, No. 176 (Jan. 16). 

Nos. 178 (Mar. 16) - 187 (Dec. 16). 

Specials on first of Jan., Feb., March, April, May, June, July, 
Aug., Sept., Oct., Nov. and Dec. 

1756, Nos. 188 (Jan. i6)-i95 (Aug. 16). 
Nos. 196 (Sept. 18) -199 (Dec. 11).. 

Specials on first of Feb., March. April, May, June, July, August. 
(Paper became bi-weekly on August 21 with only one issue per 
month numbered.) Unnumbered issues on Aug. 21, Sept. 4, Oct. 
2, Oct. 30, Nov. 27, Dec. 25. 

1757, Nos. 200 (Jan. 8) -212 (Dec. 10). 

Unnumbered issues every four weeks from Jan. 22 to Dec. 24. 

1758, Nos. 213 (Jan. 7) -216 (Apr. i), 
Nos. 217 (May 13) -222 (Sept. 30). 
Nos. 223 (Nov. 11) -224 (Dec. 9). 

(On Sept. 25, Saur died. After that date his son Christopher 
published the paper.) 

German American Newspapers. 173 

Unnumbered issues every four weeks from Jan. 21 to April 15, 
from April 29 to Oct. 14, from Oct. 28 to Dec. 23. 

1759, Nos. 225 (Jan. 5) -227 (Mar. 2). 
Nos. 229 (May 11) -232 (Aug. 3). 
Nos. 233 (Sept. 14) -236 (Dec. 7). 

Unnumbered issues every four weeks from Jan. 19 to Mar. 16, 
from Mar. 30 to Aug. 17, from Aug. 31 to Nov. 23. 

1760, No. 242 (June 6), No. 244 (Aug. 1). 

Unnumbered issues of Feb. 15, Feb. 29, Mar. 28, April 25, 
May 23. 

1761, No. 249 (Jan. 2), No. 250 (Feb. 13), No. 252 (Apr. 10). 
Nos. 254 (June 5) -255 (July 3). 

Nos. 256 (Aug. 14) -259 (Nov. 6). 

Unnumbered issues every four weeks from Mar. 27 to July 17, 
from July 31 to Dec. 18. 

1762, No. 264 (April 9). 

Unnumbered issue of Jan, 29. 
1766, No. 371 (Aug. 7) (still bi-weekly). 

(Title now is Die Germantoixiner Zeitung, etc., with the word 
" Wahrscheinlicher " for " Wichtiger.") 

1775, No. 598 (Apr. 20) (still bi-weekly). 

1776, No. 645 (Mar. 20) (now weekly and with the simple title of Die 

Germantoivner Zeitung). Published by Christoph Saur und 
No. 670 (Sept. 11) 

1777, No. 688 (Mar. 12). (Published by Christoph Saur, jun. und Peter 


In S. W. Penny packer's private library {non vidimus). 

Dec. 16, 1743 to Nov. 16, 1745. 

April, 1755, to December, 1757. 

Oivned by Dr. Geo. Hetrich of Birdsboro, Pa. 
1777, No. 686 (Feb. 26) (vidimus, Aug. 3, 1917). 

In A. P. S. {vidimus March and September, 1917) . 
1747.N0S. 84 (July 16) -89 (Dec. 16). 

1748, Nos. 90 (Jan. 16) -103 (Dec. 16). 

Supplement to No. 91. Specials on Aug. i and October i. 

1749, Nos. 104 (Jan. 16)- 115 (Dec. i6). Specials on first of March, 

May, June, Aug., Sept., Nov., and Dec. 

1750, Nos. 116 (Jan. 16) -127 (Dec. 16). Specials on first of Feb., May, 

June, July, Aug., Sept., Oct., Nov. 

1751, Nos. 128 (Jan. 16) -139 (Dec. 16). Specials on first of every month 

except Dec. 

174 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

1752, Nos. 140 (Jan. 16) -151 (Dec. 16). Specials on first of every month 

except Aug. and Sept. 

1753, Nos. 152 (Jan. 16) -157 (June 16). 
Nos. 159 (Aug. 16) -162 (Nov. 16). 

Specials on the first of every month except Dec. Two copies 
of No. 159., 

The paper probably continued up to the time when the 
British took Philadelphia. Christoph Saur, jun., und 
Peter Saur then published Der Pennsylvanische Staats 
Courier (q. v.). 

Das Hoch deiitsche Pennsylvanische Journal (Weekly), 

1743. Published by Joseph Crellius in Philadelphia. 

No copies discovered. 

In S 35, we learn that Joseph Crellius has started a 
weekly newspaper in Philadelphia and that he will use 
English letters until he can obtain German type. The 
price of the paper is ten shillings per year, 

Thomas in his " History of Printing" (p. 144, Vol. II, 
2d ed.) gives it the name mentioned above. 

How long the paper continued we do not know, but cer- 
tainly not longer than up to the spring of 1747, for Crellius 
has an advertisement in S 74, announcing that he intends 
to go to Holland next spring. 

Deutsche Wochentliche Zeitung (1748). (Name not 
known.) Published by Gotthart Armbriister in Phila- 
delphia. (No copies discovered.) 
In S 95, Gotthart Armbriister announces that he will 

start a weekly paper on May 27, 1748. Saur asks those 

people who have not paid him for his paper, not to do the 

same to Armbriister. 

We do not know how long its publication continued. 

German American Newspapers. 175 

In Almanac of 1749 (presumably by G. Armbriister), 
we read " Die Zeitung kann man haben alle 8 Tag, das 
Jahr vor 10 schill." 

Philadelphter Teutsche Fama (1749-1750). Published 
by Bohm in Philadelphia. (No copies discovered.) 
We do not know how often the paper was published. 
The title is given in S 106. 
It is mentioned in S 106, 115, 117, 119. 
Since the firm Franklin and Bohm published books, it is 
perhaps safe to assume that this paper was also published 
by them. Also since Bohm died in 175 1 and since Frank- 
lin probably published a bi-lingual paper during the last 
half of the year, we may probably conclude that this paper 
was the predecessor of the bi-lingual. 

Deutsche und Englische Zeitung (1751) (Bi-weekly). 
(Name not known.) Published by Benjamin Franklin 
in Philadelphia. (No copies discovered.) 
Seidensticker ("First Century of German Printing in 

America," p. 38) says: 

Known only through the following advertisement in the Penn- 
sylvania Gazette of Sept. 12 (1751) and later dates. 

At the German Printing Office in Arch Street is now printed 
every Fortnight a Dutch and English Gazette, containing the 
freshest Advices, foreign and domestick with other entertaining and 
useful Matter in both Languages, adapted to the Convenience of 
such as incline to learn either. Subscribers to pay five Shillings 
per Annum. 

Seidensticker doubts the statement that G. Armbriister 
printed the paper, — a statement made in Thomas's " His- 
tory of Printing" (2d edition. Vol. II, p. 144) and in Hil- 

176 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

deburn's "Issues of the Press of Pennsylvania" (Vol. I, 
p. 265). Thomas says the name of the paper was Die 
Zeitung (Vol. II, p. 144), — a mistake probably. With- 
out sufficient proof he identifies this paper with Arm- 
briister's of 1748, to which Armbriister refers in his al- 
manac of 1749. Although this almanac speaks of the 
latter paper as Die Zeitung, it does not follow that this 
was the name of the paper. 

Die Lancastersche Zeitung: Oder: Ein Kurtzer Begriff der 
Hauptsdchlichsten Ausldndisch- iind Einheimischen 
Neiiigkeiten {h\-Ymgavi\) (bi-weekly). Published by H. 
Miiller and S. Holland. 

In P. H. S. {Vidimus Mar. IQI7-) 

1752, No. 2 (Jan. 29), No. 12 (June i6), (Beginning with No. 12 S. Hol- 
land is publisher alone.) 

1752, No. 15 (July 28) -No. 16 (Aug. 11). 
No. 19 (Oct. 3). 

1753, No. 31 (June 5). 

I have been able to find no indication when it suspended 

Philadelphische Zeitung von allerhand Auswdrtig- und ein- 
heimischen merck-wiirdigen Sachen (bi-weekly). Pub- 
lished by B. Franklin, General Postmeister, und Anthon 

In p. H. S. {Vidimus, March, 1917). 

1755, No. 5 (Sept. 6), No. 11 (Nov, 27). 

1756, No. 19 (Mar. 6), No. 34 (Sept. 23) No. 41 (Dec. 30). 

1757, No. 42 (Jan. 14) (Two copies). 
Nos. 44 (Feb. 11) -46 (Mar. 14). 

No. 48 (Apr. 15), No. 49 (Apr. 22), No. 50 (May 7). 
Nos. 51 (May 20) -64 (Nov. 18). 
Nos. 67 (Dec. 17) -68 (Dec. 31). 

German American Newspapers. 177 

According to Seidensticker (op. cit., p. 49), the paper 
stopped with the issue of Dec. 31, 1757. 

Thomas (op. cit., Vol. II, p. 147) says it was con- 
tinued by Weiss and Miller, conveyancers, in 1759. It 
was published for them by Anthony Armbriister about two 
years. In 1762 he printed it on his own account and in 
1764 published it weekly on Arch St. 

Die Pennsylvanische Fama {1J62- ?) (weekly). Pub- 
lished by Anthon Armbriister. (No copies discovered.) 
Mentioned only in M 34 and 35. 

The publication was probably commenced in 1762 be- 
cause Miller speaks of '''' Fama N. I " in M 35 and also of 
"N. I" and" N. 11" in M 34. 

Der JVochentliche Philadelphische Staatshote, Mit den 
neiiesten Fremden und Einheimisch-Politischen Nach- 
richten: Samt den von Zeit zii Zeit in der Kirche und 
Gelehrten Welt sich ereignenden Merkwurdigkeiten. 
Published by Henrich Miller. 

In the Archives of the German Society of Pennsylvania {Vidimus Dec, 

19 17). 

1762, Nos. I (Jan. i8) -50 (Dec. 27). 

In the Ridgvuay Branch of the Philadelphia Library Company {Vidimus 
March, April and June, 1917). 

1763, Nos. 60 (Mar. 7) -74 (June 13). 
Nos. 79 (July i8)-8i (Aug. 1). 
Nos. 83 (Aug. is) -86 (Sept. 5). 
Nos, 88 (Sept. 19) -94 (Oct. 31). 
Nos. 98 (Nov. 28) -102 (Dec. 26). 

1764, No. 103 (Jan. 2). 

Nos. 105 (Jan. 16) -155 (Dec. 31). 

1765, Nos. 156 (Jan. 7) -182 (July 8). 
Nos. 184 (July 22) -198 (Oct. 28). 

No. 199 (Oct. 31) (Special farewell number before enforcement of 
Stamp Act). 

178 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Nos. 200 (Nov. 18) -204 (Dec. 16). 
No. 206 (Dec. 30). 

1766, Nos. 207 (Jan, 6) -258 (Dec. 29). 

1767, Nos. 259 (Jan. 5) -310 (Dec. 28). 

1768, Nos. 311 (Jan. 5) -362 (Dec 27). 

(Beginning with No. 311, the word " Pennsylvanische " is sub- 
stituted for " Philadelphische " in the title.) 

1769, Nos. 363 (Jan. 3) -414 (Dec. 26)- 

1770, Nos. 415 (Jan. 2) -460 (Nov. 13). 
Nos. 462 (Nov. 27) -466 (Dec. 25). 

1771, Nos. 467 (Jan. i)-5i9 (Dec. 31). 

1772, Nos. 520 (Jan. 7) -571 (Dec. 29). 

1773, Nos. 572 (Jan. 5) -611 (Oct. 5). 
Nos. 613 (Oct. 19) -623 (Dec. 28.) 

1774, Nos. 624 (Jan. 4) - 675 (Dec. 27), 

1775, Nos. 676 (Jan. 3) -695 (May i6). 

(Beginning with No. 696, the paper is published semi-weekly and 
is called " Henrich Millers Pennsylvanischer Staatsbote.") 
Nos. 696 (May 23) -726 (Sept. 5). 
Nos. 728 (Sept. 12) -759 (Dec. 29), 

1776, Nos. 760 (Jan. 2) — 819 (July 30). 

(From No. 819, the paper appears weekly again.) 
Nos. 820 (Aug. 6) -839 (Dec. 28). 

1777, Nos. 842 (Jan. 15) -849 (March 5). 

(Two copies of No. 844.) 
Nos. 852 (March 26) -877 (Sept. 17). 

1778, No. 878 (Aug. 5). 

Nos. 880 (Aug. 19) -899 (Dec. 30). 
(Nos. 893-899 are mutilated.) 

1779, Nos. 900 (Jan. 6) -920 (May 26). 

In L. C. 

1762, No. II (March 29) (vidimus Feb. 1917). 
1767^ Nos. 259, 271 (non vidimus). 

1772, Nos. 521, 538, (July 23)* 555, 557-563. 56s, 569 (non vidimus). 

1773, Nos. 572-587, Nos. 589-594, Nos. 597-604. 
Nos. 607-610, Nos. 613-623 (non vidimus). 

1774, Nos. 624-631, Nos. 633-649, Nos. 651-656. 

Nos. 658-667 (mutilated Nos. 624 and 656) (non vidimus). 

1776, No. 814 (mutilated) (non vidimus). 

1777, No. 859 (mutilated) (non vidimus). 

•According to Ingram's Check List; the date is apparently a mistake, 
since no paper was published on this date. 

German American Newspapers. 179 

In p. H. S. {Vidimus, March and June, 1917), 

1767, Nos. 271, 279. 

1768, No. 323. 

1769, No. 413. 

1770, Nos. 435-447, 452, 454, 455, 457-460 (No. 460 mutilated). 

1771, Nos. 467-471, Nos. 475-477, 479-515 (mutilated 479, 480, 501, 502). 

1772, Nos. 520, 521 (two copies mutilated), 522, 523, 525 (mutilated), 526 

(mutilated), 533-54°, 542-553, 555-565, 567-571 (No. 545, two 
copies; No. 553 mutilated). 

1773, Nos. 572-623. 

1774, Nos. 624-669; Nos. 671-675. 

1775, Nos. 676-752, 754-759 (No. 678, two copies; No. 716, two copies). 

1776, Nos. 760-761, Nos. 753-839. 

1777, Nos. 840-872 (two copies each of Nos. 853 and 869). 

1778, Nos. 878-881, Nos. 883-899. 

1779, Nos. 900-909, Nos. 911-91 5. 

In the Possession of Dr. Wm. J. Campbell, Philadelphia on S" 

1778, No. 879 (Aug. 12). 

The paper suspended publication on Ma> 

Ein Geistliches Magazien. Oder: Jus den St. .zen der 
Schriftgelehrten ziim Himmelreich gelehrt, darge- 
reichtes Altes und Neues. Published by Christoph 

In P. H. S. {Vidimus April and September, 1917). 
1764, Vol. I Nos. 1-50. 

In Philadelphia Library Company {Locust Street branch) {Vidimus 
September 18, 1917). 

1764, Vol. I Nos. 2-14, 20, 24-32, 47. Two copies of Nos. 7, 8, 9, ii, 14, 

25, 26, 29. 
1770, Vol. II Nos. I (with Vorrede) 3, 13, 15, Two copies of No. i. 

In the Possession of Dr. Wm. J. Campbell of Philadelphia on September 
r8, 1917 {Non Viditnus). 
An almost complete file of Volume I. 

In State Library at Harrisburg, Pa. {Non Vidimus). 
1764, Vol. I Nos. 1-50. 

i8o The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

1770, Vol. II Nos. 1-13, 15 (No. 14 was evidently omitted because the 
pagination of volume is complete). 

This magazine was published at irregular intervals be- 
tween 1764 and 1774 and was distributed gratis. 

Der Pennsylvanische Staats Courier, oder einlaiifende 
WochentUche Nachrichten. Diese Zeitting wird alle 
JVochen herausgegeben von Christoph Saur, Jr., und 
Peter Saur in der Ziveyten Strasze. (No copies dis- 
covered. ) 

1778, No. 745 (May 6). (This is a reprint appearing in Schlozer's Brief- 
wechsel, Vol. 3, pp. 260-267.) 

The number (745) would seem to indicate that this 
paper is simply a continuation of Die Germantoivner 
Zeitung, the last number of which, seen by me, bears the 
date of March 12, 1777, and is numbered 688. 

The paper is mentioned in Ba 5, 17, M 901. 

It suspended publication when the British evacuated 
Philadelphia in 1778. 

Das Pennsylvanische Zeitungshlat. Oder: Sammlung 
Sowohl Auswdrtig-als Einheimischer Neuigkeiten. Pub- 
lished by Frantz Bailey in Lancaster. 

In P. H. S. {Vidimus, June, 1917). 
1778. Nos. I (Feb. 4) -21 (June 24). (Complete file.) 

In L. C. {Non Vidimus). 
1778, Nos. 13-18, 21 (No. 18 mutilated). 

The last number appeared on June 24, 1778. 

German American Newspapers. i8i 

Die Pennsylvanische Gazette oder der allgemeine Ameri- 
canische Zeitungs-Schreiber. Published by John Dun- 
lap, Philadelphia. 

In L. C. {Vidimus, Feb. 1917). 
1779, No. I (Feb. 3) (two copies). 

In P. H. S. {Vidimus, March 1917). 
1779, No. I (Feb. 3) (mutilated). 

This paper had a very brief existence, for in PS i 
(July 21, 1779), the publishers say that there is no other 
German paper in the country. 

Philadelphisches Staatsregister, enthaltend die neiiesten 
N achrichten von den merkwiir digs ten In- urid Ausldnd- 
ischen Kriegs- und Friedens-Begebenheiten; nebst ver- 
schiedenen andern gemeinniitzigen Anzeigen. Pub- 
lished by Steiner und Cist. 

In A. P. S. Philadelphia, Pa. {Vidimus, July, 1917). 

1779, No. I (July 21), No. 2 (July 28) No. 3 (Aug. 4). 

1780, No. 29 (May 24). 

In Neiv York Public Library. 

I 1780, No. 26, (May 3) (non vidimus). (Nos. 26 and 29 have the simple 
title "Philadelphisches Staatsregister.") 

Since Steiner was the publisher of PC which started in 
May, 178 1, we may be confident that this paper stopped 
before that time. 

Gemeinniitzige Philadelphische Correspondenz. Melchior 
Steiner, publisher. 

i82 The PennsylvaniO'German Society, 

In P. H. S. {Vidimus, June, July, September, 1917). 

i78i,Nos, 12 (July 18) - 35 (Dec. 26). 

1782, Nos. 36 (Jan. 2) -88 (Dec. 31). 

1783, Nos. 89 (Jan. 7) -93 (Feb. 4). 
Nos, 109 (May 27) - 122 (Aug. 26). 
Nos. 124 (Sept. 9) -129 (Oct. 14). 
Nos. 131 (Oct. 28) -135 (Nov. 25). 
Nos. 137 (Dec. 9) -140 (Dec. 30). 

1784, Nos. 141 (Jan. 6) - 162 (June i). 
Nos. 164 (June 15) -168 (July 13). 

No. 179 (Sept. 28), Nos. 182 (Oct. 19) -184 (Nov. 2). 
No. r86 (Nov. 16), No. 190 (Dec. 14). 

1786, Nos. 246 (Jan. 10) -250 (Feb, 7). 
No. 252 (Feb. 21). 

Nos. 258 (Apr. 4) -261 (Apr. 25). 
Nos. 265 (May 23) and 277 (Aug. 15). 
Nos. 280 (Sept. 5) -296 (Dec. 26). 

1787, Nos. 298 (Jan. 9) -307 (Mar. 13). 
Nos. 312 (Apr. 17) -322 (June 26). 
Nos. 325 (July 17) -326 (July 24). 
Nos. 328 (Aug. 7) -343 (Nov. 20). 
Nos. 345 (Dec. 4) - 348 (Dec. 24). 

1788, Nos. 349 (Jan. i)-357 (Feb. 26). 
Nos. 359 (Mar. 11) -364 (Apr. 15). 
Nos. 369 (May 20) -372 (June 10). 
Nos. 374 (June 24) -388 (Sept. 30.) 
Nos. 390 (Oct, 14) -391 (Oct, 21). 
Nos, 393 (Nov. 4) -399 (Dec, 16). 

1789, Nos, 402 (Jan. 6) -407 (Feb. 10). 
Nos. 422 (May 26), 426 (June 23). 

Nos. 437 (Sept. I, mutilated), 438 (Sept. 8). 
Nos. 444 (Oct. 20), 453 (Dec. 22). 

1790, Nos. 476 (June i), 486 (Aug. 10). 

From October i, 1790, the paper appeared semi-weekly under 
the name of Neue Philadelphische Correspondenz. 

1790, Nos. 2 (Oct. 5) -27 (Dec. 31). 

1791, Nos. 28 (Jan. 4) - 34 (Jan. 25). 
Nos. 38 (Feb. 8) -130 (Dec. 30). 

1792, Nos, 131 (Jan. 3) -140 (Feb. 3). 
Nos. 145 (Feb. 28) -150 (Mar. 30). 

(From Feb. 10, usually only one No. per week appeared, but the 
formal announcement of the change to a weekly was made in No. 

German American Newspapers. 183 

Nos. 155 (May i). 

Nos. 157 (May 15) -189 (Dec, 24). (With No. 182 the firm's name 

became Steiner and Kammerer.) (With No. 185 the paper was 

called Philadelphische Correspondenz.) 

1793, Nos. 190 (Jan. i)-i94 (Jan. 29). 

Nos. 197 (Feb,. 19) -233 (Aug. 2). (With No. 208 paper appeared 

semi-weekly again.) 
Nos. 238 (Aug. 20) -243 (Sept. 6). (On account of yellow fever 

publication was suspended between Oct. 4 and Nov. 22.) 
No. 259 (Dec. 17). 

1794, Nos, 270 (Jan. 24), 274 (Feb. 7), 276 (Feb. 14). 
Nos. 277 (Feb. 18), 279 (Feb. 25) -283 (Mar. 11). 
Nos. 285 (Mar. i8), 288 (Mar. 28) -290 (Apr. 4). 
Nos, 293 (Apr. 15) -295 (Apr. 25). 

Nos. 298 (May 6), 301 (May 16), 303 (May 23). 

No, 305 (May 30), 
17195, Nos. 373 (Jan. 23), 375 (Jan. 30), 377 (Feb, 6). 

Nos. 387 (Mar. 13), 395 (Apr. 14), 398 (Apr, 24), 

Nos. 410 (June 5), 415 (June 23), 427 (Aug. 4). 

Nos, 439 (Sept, 15), 469 (Dec. 29). 
1796, Nos. 470 (Jan. i), 475 (Jan, 19), 493 (Mar. 22). 

Nos, 502 (Apr, 22), 515 (June 7), 519 (June 21), 

Nos, 521 (June 28), 522 (July i), 526 (July 15), 

No. 550 (Oct. i). 
In Neiv Series {Published by Henrich und Joseph R. Kammerer, Jiin.) 

1798, Nos, I (May i)-i9 (Sept, 4). 

Nos. 21 (Sept. 18) -28 (Dec. 25). (After Nov, 13 firm's name was 
Joseph R. Kammerer und Comp,) 

(On account of yellow fever, publication was suspended be- 
tween Sept. 18 and Nov, 13). 

1799, Nos, 29 (Jan, i) -40 (Mar, 19), 

Nos, 42 (Apr, 2) -59 (July 30), (With No, 48, firm's name became 

Joseph R. Kammerer und G. Helmbold.) 
Nos. 61 (Aug, 13) -71 (Dec, 10), (Publication suspended Aug, 27- 
. Oct, 22 on account of fever.) 
Nos, 73 (Dec. 24) -74 (Dec. 31).. 

1800, Nos. 75 (Jan. 7) -79 (Feb. 4), 
Nos, 83 (Mar, 7) - 85 (Mar. 21). 

George Helmbold, Jr., is publisher of issues No. 83ff. 
No. 87 (Apr, 4). 
No. 27 (Apr. 23). 

The publishers are now G. Helmbold and J. Geyer, The paper 
is again called Neue P. C. Why the new series does not start with 

184 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

No. I, I cannot say.' It may be that it took the number of the Stadt 
Philadelphische Correspondenz (q. v.) which started on Tuesday, 
Feb. II, and probably made its final appearance as a thrice-a- 
Tveek paper on Saturday, April 5, i.e., with No. 24. Then if the 
paper appeared every Wednesday thereafter the issue of April 
23 would be No. 27. This is all the more probable because the 
issue of April 4 is marked as No. 754 of the old series and the 
issue of April 23 has No. 758. If the Saturday issue (April 5) 
was marked No. 755 of the old series, we will get No. 758 on 
April 23. 
Nos. 40 (July 23) -41 (July 30), 

In A. P. S. {Vidimus, March, June, September, 1917). 

1783, Nos. 129 (Oct. 14) -136 (Dec. 2). 
Nos. 138 (Dec. 16) -139 (Dec. 23). 

1784, Nos. 141 (Jan. 6) -151 (Mar. 16). 
Nos. 154 (Apr. 6) -166 (June 29). 
Nos. 169 (July 20) - 171 (Aug. 3). 

Nos. 174 (Aug. 24), 175 (Aug. 31), 177 (Sept. 14). 
Nos. 181 (Oct, 12) -183 (Oct. 26). 
No. 191 (Dec. 21). 

1785, Nos. 205 (Mar. 29), 206 (Apr. 5). 
Nos. 208 (Apr. 19) -210 (May 3). 
Nos. 212 (May 17) -213 (May 24). 
Nos. 216 (June 14) -217 (June 21). 
Nos. 219 (July 5) -223 (Aug. 2). 

Nos. 225 (Aug. 16), 227 (Aug. 30), 228 (Sept. 6). 

No. 234 (Oct. 18). 

Nos. 237 (Nov. 8) -239 (Nov. 22). 

Nos. 242 (Dec. 13), 244 (Dec. 27). 

1786, Nos. 245 (Jan. 3), 247 (Jan. 17), 248 (Jan. 24). 
Nos. 250 (Feb. 7), 251 (Feb. 14), 255 (Mar. 14). 
Nos. 264 (May 16), 267 (June 6) -271 (July 4). 
Nos. 274 (July 25), 277 (Aug. 15), 278 (Aug. 22). 

Nos. 281 (Sept. 12), 282 (Sept. 19). , 

Nos. 289 (Nov. 7) -292 (Nov. 28). 
No. 295 (Dec. 19). 

1787, Nos. 297 (Jan. 2), 302 (Feb. 6). 

In State Library at Harrisburg, Pa. {{Vidimus, July, 1917). 

1791, Nos. 30 (Jan. 11) -130 (Dec. 30). 

1792, Nos. 131 (Jan. 3) - 189 (Dec. 24). 

1793, Nos. 190 (Jan. i)-250 (Oct. i). 
Nos. 252 (Nov. 22) -263 (Dec. 31). 

German American Newspapers. 185 

1794, Nos. 264 (Jan. 3) -366 (Dec. 30), 

1795, Nos. 367 (Jan. 2) -464 (Dec. 11) (No. 367 mutilated). 
Nos. 466 (Dec. 18) -469 (Dec. 29). 

1796, Nos. 470 (Jan. i) -472 (Jan. 8). 
No. 475 (Jan. 19), 

Nos. 477 (Jan. 26) -484 (Feb. 19). 
Nos. 486 (Feb. 26) -501 (Apr. 19). 
Nos. 503 (Apr. 26) -519 (June 21). 
No. 521 (June 28). 
Nos. 523 (July 5) -574 (Dec. 30). 

In L. C. {Non Vidimus). 
1781, No. 29 (Nov. 14). 
1783, No. 137 (Dec. 9). 

1787, Nos. 307 (Mar. 13), 314 (May i), 319 (June 5, mutilated). 
X 790, Nos. July 3* No. 6 (Oct. 19). 

1794, Nos. 282 (Mar, 7), 285 (Mar. 18). 

1795, No. 398 (Apr. 24). 

1796, No. 530 (July 29). 

In Private Library of Rev. JVm. J. Hinke, Auburn, New York {Vidimus, 

Oct. 24, 1 9 17). 

1790, No. 457 (Jan. 19), No. 21 (Dec. 10). 

1791, No. 63 (May 10), No. 95 (Aug. 30). 

1792, No. 158 (May 22). 

1794, No. 265 (Jan. 7), No. 267 (Jan. 14). 
No. 273 (Feb. 4), No. 311 (June 20). 

1800, No. 29 (May 7). 

In Harvard College Library {Vidimus, October, 1917). 

1785, Nos. 193 (Jan. 4) -226 (Aug. 23). 
No. 229 (Sept. 13). 

1786, Nos. 287 (Oct. 24), 288 (Oct. 31). 
1791, No. 120 (Nov. 25). 

1795, No. 437 (Sept. 8). 

Nos. 441 (Sept. 22) -449 (Oct. 20). 
Nos. 450 (Oct. 27) -455 (Nov. 10). 

1796, Nos. 485 (Feb. 23), 490 (Mar. 11). 
Nos. 561 (Nov. 15), 570 (Dec. 16). 

1797, No. 585 (Feb. 7). 

In A. A. S. (Vidimus, October, 1917). 
1794, Nos. 314 (July i), 319 (July 18). 

•According to Ingram's Check List; the date is probably a misprint. 

1 86 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

1796, Nos. 502 (April 22) -504 (April 29). 

In Krauth Memorial Library, Lutheran Theological Seminary, 
Philadelphia {Vidimus, Sept. igi8). 

1781, Nos. 14 (Aug. i), 18 (Aug. 29). 

1782, No. 59 (June 12). 

1783, Nos. 90 (Jan. 14), 91 (Jan. 21). 
1786, Nos. 253 (Feb. 28), 254 (Mar. 7). 
1789, Nos. 435 (Aug. 18), 443 (Oct. 13). 
1792, No. 143 (Feb. 17). 

1794, Nos. 277 (Feb. 18), 328 (Aug. 19). 

Die Germantauner Zeitimg (bi-weekly). Published by 
Leibert and Blllmeyer. 

In p. H. S. {Vidimus Sept., 1917). 

1785, Nos. 2 (Feb. 22) -9 (May 31). 
Nos. 12 (July 12) -14 (Aug. 9). 
No. 16 (Sept. 6). 

Nos. 22 (Nov. 29) -23 (Dec. 13). 

1786, Nos. 25 (Jan. 10) -27 (Feb. 7). 
Nos. 30 (Mar, 21), 32 (Apr. 18). 
Nos. 40 (Aug. 8) -43 (Sept. 19). 
Nos. 45 (Oct. 17) -50 (Dec. 26). 

1787, Nos. 51 (Jan. 9) -69 (Sept. 18). (With No. 66, Michael Billmeyer 

became the publisher alone.) 
Nos. 71 (Oct. 16) -74 (Nov. 27). 

1788, Nos. 77 (Jan. 8) -89 (June 24). 
Nos. 91 (July 22) - loi (Dec. 9). 

1789, Nos. 103 (Jan. 6) -128 (Dec. 22). 

1790, Nos. 129 (Jan. 5) -142 (July 6). (With No. 143, the weekly issues 

commence. The first four numbers have the old serial numbers, 
but the fifth is marked No. 7, the publisher apparently making a 
mistake. He remedies this by two No. 8's (Aug. 24 and Aug, 
31) and two No. lo's (Sept. 14 and Sept. 21).) 

Nos. 143 (July 20) -146 (Aug. 10). 

Nos. 7 (Aug. 17) -24 (Dec. 28). 

1791, Nos. 26 (Jan. 11) -76 (Dec. 27). 

1792, Nos. 77 (Jan. 3) -128 (Dec. 25). 

1793, Nos. 129 (Jan. i)-i3i (Jan. 15). 

German American Newspapers, 187 

In L. C. (Non Vidimus). 
1792, No, 78 (Jan. 10). 

Seidensticker says the paper continued into the nine- 
teenth century, — a statement which I have not been able 
to verify. In PC3 76 ff. and NUR 538, Billmeyer has a 
notice that all back subscriptions to the paper must be paid 

Deutsche Zeitung,. Published /by Matthias Bartgis in 
Friedrich-Stadt, Maryland, in 1786. (No copies dis- 
covered and name not known.) 
We quote Mr. C. S. Brigham in the Proceedings of the 

American Antiquarian Society of the year 1915 : 

In the Maryland Chronicle of Jan. 18, 1786, he (Matthias 
Bartgis) announced his intention of establishing a post " to carry 
my English and German Newspapers " to nearby towns. Another 
advertisement in the same paper, dated June 4, 1787, advertises 
for a partner to take the management of the " Printing-Office in 
the English and German language, and two public papers in this 

How long the paper existed is not known. 

Baltimore Deutsche Zeitung (weekly). Published 1786 
by Henry Dulheuer. (Name unknown and no copies 
The Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society 

(i9i5> P- 156) has this quotation of an advertisement in 

the Maryland Journal of June 16, 1786. 

The subscriber respectfully informs his Friends in particular 
and the Public in general, that he commenced the Publication of 
his German Newspaper yesterday, and intends to continue it 

1 88 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Weekly. Subscriptions for the same are taken in by him, at his 
Printing Office in Market Street, nearly opposite the Green-Tree, 
at the small Price of Ten Shillings per Annum; Five Shillings 
of which is paid at the time of Subscribing, the better to enable 
him to prosecute his Undertaking. All Kinds of Printing, in 
German, performed by Henry Dulheuer, Baltimore, June 15, 

Neue Unpartheyische Lancaster Zeitting und Anzeigs- 
nachrichten. Published by Stiemer, Albrecht und 

In Lancaster Co. Historical Society {Vidimus July, 1917). 

1787, Nos. I (Aug. 8) -21 (Dec. 26) (mutilated No, 17). 

1788, Nos. 22 (Jan. 2) -74 (Dec. 31). (With No. 37, the firm's name be- 

came Albrecht und Lahn.) 

1789, Nos. 75 (Jan. 7) -126 (Dec. 30) (mutilated No. 126). 

1790, Nos. 127 (Jan. 6) -178 (Dec. 29). (With No. 137, the firm's name 

became Johann Albrecht und Comp.) 

1791, Nos. 179 (Jan. 5) -230 (Dec. 28). 

1792, Nos. 231 (Jan. 4) -282 (Dec 26). 

1793, Nos. 283 (Jan. 2) -314 (Aug. 7). (At the beginning of 1798, the 

name of the paper was changed to Der Deutsche Porcupein und 
Lancaster Anzeigsnachrichten, with new numbers.) 

1799, Nos. 77 (June 19), 104 (Dec. 25). (At the beginning of 1800, the 

name of the paper was changed to Der Americanische Staatsbothe 
und Lancaster Anzeigsnachricten, the numbering being a con- 
tinuation of Der Deutsche Porcupein.) 

1800, Nos. 109 (Jan. 29) - 154 (Dec. 10) (mutilated Nos. 109 and no). 

(Two copies of No. 122. No paper published on September 24.) 
Nos. 156 (Dec. 24) -157 (Dec. 31). 

In L. C. {Vidimus, Feb. and March, 1917). 

1787, Nos. I (Aug. 8) -21 (Dec. 26). 

1788, Nos. 22 (Jan. 2) -74 (Dec. 31). 

1789, Nos. 75 (Jan. 7) -99 (June 24) (mutilated No. 87). 
Nos. loi (July 8) -126 (Dec. 30). 

1790, Nos. 127 (Jan. 6) - 178 (Dec. 29). 

1791, Nos. 179 (Jan. 5) -180 (Jan. 12). 

German American Newspapers. 189 

As " Der Deutsche Porcupein." 

1798, Nos. I (Jan. 3) -9 (Feb. 28). 
Nos. II (Mar. 14) -13 (Mar. 28). 
Nos. 15 (Apr. 11) -24 (June 13). 
Nos. 26 (June 27) -36 (Sept. 5). 
Nos. 38 (Sept. 19) -46 (Nov. 14). 
No. 48 (Nov. 28). 

No. 50 (Dec. 12) -52 (Dec. 26). 

1799, Nos. 53 (Jan. 2) -104 (Dec. 25). 

In Mr. A. K. Hostetter's Private Library, Lancaster, Pa. {Vidimus 
July, I917). 

1789, Nos. 78 (Jan, 28) -97 (June 10). 

Nos. 99 (June 24) - 126 (Dec. 30) (mutilated Nos. 100, los and 

1790, Nos. 127 (Jan. 6) - 154 (July 14) (mutilated No. 154). 

In State Library at Harrisburg, Pa. {Vidimus July, 1917). 
1790, Nos. 161 (Sept. i)-i62 (Sept. 8). 

Nos. 164 (Sept. 22) - 178 (Dec. 29). 
i79i,Nos. 180 (Jan. 12) -221 (Oct. 26) (mutilated No. 221). 

1792, Nos. 242 (Mar. 21) -255 (June 20) (mutilated No. 242). 
Nos. 257 (July 4) (mutilated), 260 (July 25). 

In the Harvard College Library {Vidimus Oct., 1917). 

1787, Nos. 9 (Oct. 3) -14 (Nov. 7). 
Nos. 16 (Nov. 21) -18 (Dec. 5). 
Nos. 20 (Dec. 19) -21 (Dec. 26). 

1788, Nos. 22 (Jan. 2), 24 (Jan. 16), 26 (Jan. 30). 
Nos. 28 (Feb. 13), 31 (Mar. 5) -34 (Mar. 26). 
Nos. 36 (Apr. 9), 38 (Apr. 23). 

1793, No. 335 (Dec. 25). 

Neue Unpartheyische Readinger Zeitung und Anzeigs- 
nachrichten. Published by Johnson, Barton und Jung- 

In the Berks Co. Historical Society, Reading. Pa. {Vidimus, July and 

August, 19x7). 
1789, Nos. I (Feb. 18) -8 (Apr. 8). 

Nos. 10 (Apr. 22) -46 (Dec. 30). 

190 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

1790, Nos. 47 (Jan. 6) -48 (Jan. 13). 
Nos. 50 (Jan. 27) -60 (Apr. 7). 
Nos. 62 (Apr. 21) -70 (June 16). 
Nos. 72 (June 30) -74 (July 14). 

Nos. 81 (Sept. i) -96 (Dec. 15). (With No. 81, the company's name 
is Barton und Jungmann. Probably this change occurred with 
the issue of August 18, because an advertisement in No. 81 an- 
nouncing the dissolution of the old partnership is dated August 
18, 1790.) 

No. 98 (Dec. 29). 

1791, Nos. 99 (Jan. 5) -108 (Mar. 9). 
Nos. no (Mar. 23) -in (Mar. 30). 
Nos. 113 (Apr. 13) -133 (Aug. 31). 
Nos. 135 (Sept. 14)'- 145 (Nov. 23). 

Nos. 147 (Dec. 7), 149 (Dec. 21), 150 (Dec. 28). 

1792, Nos. 151 (Jan. 4) - 159 (Feb. 29). 
Nos. 161 (Mar. 14) - 162 (Mar. 21). 
Nos. 164 (Apr. 4) -202 (Dec. 26). 

1793, Nos. 203 (Jan. 2) -204 (Jan. 9). 

Nos. 206 (Jan. 23) -242 (Oct. 2). (With No. 227, the firm's name 

became Jungmann und Gruber.) 
Nos. 244 (Oct. 16) -254 (Dec. 25). 

1794, Nos. 255 (Jan. i) -272 (Apr. 30). 
Nos. 274 (May 14) -307 (Dec. 31). 

1795, Nos. 308 (Jan. 7) -312 (Feb. 4). (With No. 308, the firm's name 

became Gottlob Jungmann und Comp.) 
Nos. 314 (Feb. 18) -330 (June 10). 
Nos. 332 (June 24) -338 (Aug. 5). 
Nos. 340 (Aug. 19) -359 (Dec. 30). 

1796, Nos. 360 (Jan. 6) -411 (Dec. 28). 

1797, Nos. 412 (Jan. 4) -463 (Dec. 27). 

1798, Nos. 464 (Jan. 3) -515 (Dec. 26). 

1799, Nos. 516 (Jan. 2) - 567 (Dec. 24). 

1800, Nos. 568 (Jan. i)-597 (July 23). (With No. 573, the firm's name 

became Jungmann und Briickmann.) 
Nos. 599 (Aug. 6) -613 (Nov. 12). 
Nos. 616 (Dec. 3) - (Dec. 31). 
Stray number, - No. 276 (May 28, 1794). 

In L. C. {Vidimus, Feb., 1917). 

1799, Nos. 516 (Jan. 2) -567 (Dec. 24). 

1800, Nos. 568 (Jan. i)-620 (Dec. 31). 

German American Newspapers. 191 

In the Harvard College Library {Vidimus, Oct., 1917). 
1797. Nos. 423 (Mar. 22), 457 (Nov. 15). 

In the Possession of Mr. C. W. Unger, Pottsville, Pa., on August 16, igiy 

(Non Vidimus). 
Copies from 1789 to 1793. 

In A. A. S. {Vidimus, Oct., 1917). 
1794, Nos. 255 (Jan. i), 258 (Jan. 22), 259 (Jan. 29). 
No. 277 (June 5) (mutilated). 

Der General Post-Bothe an die Deutsche Nation in 
Amerika (semi-weekly). Published by Melchior 
Steiner for C. C. Reiche, in Philadelphia. 

In the Berks Co., Historical Society, Reading, Pa. {Vidimus, Aug., 1917), 

1789, Nov. 27 (Prospectus). 

1790, Nos. I (Jan. 5) -50 (June 29) (This file is complete). 

In L. C. {Vidimus, Feb., 1917). 

1789, Nov. 27 (Prospectus). 

1790, Nos. I (Jan. 5) -7 (Jan. 26). 
Nos. 9 (Feb. 2) -40 (May 25). 
Nos. 43 (June 4) -48 (June 22). 

The last number appeared on June 29, 1790. 

Die Chesnuthiller Wochenschrift (weekly). Published 
by Samuel Saur at Chestnut Hill. 

In the Locust St. branch of the Philadelphia Library Company {Vidimus, 

Sept., 1917). 

1790, No. (Oct. 8) Two copies, Prospectus. 
Nos. I (Dec. 15) -3 (Dec. 29). 

1791, Nos. 4 (Jan. 5) -23 (June 7). 
Nos. 26 (June 28) -28 (July 12).. 
Nos. 30 (July 26) -32 (Aug. 9). 
Nos. 34 (Aug. 23) -52 (Dec. 27). 

1792, Nos. 53 (Jan. 3) -58 (Feb. 7). 
Nos. 61 (Feb. 28) -83 (July 31). 

192 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Nos. 85 (Aug. 14), 88 (Sept, 4) -91 (Sept. 25). 
Nos. 94 (Oct. 16) -96 (Oct. 30). 
Nos. 98 (Nov. 13) -102 (Dec. 11), 104 (Dec. 25). 
1793, Nos. 105 (Jan. 1) -108 (Jan. 22). 

Nos. 115 (Mar. 12), 116 (Mar. 19), 122 (Apr. 30). 

Nos. 123 (May 7), 125 (May 21), 126 (May 28), 128 (June ii). 

Nos. 129 (June 18), 133 (July 16), 134 (July 23). 

No. 137' (Aug. 13). 

In Neiv York Public Library {Non Vidimus). 
1793, No. X38 (Aug. 20). 

Seidensticker (First Century of German Printing in 
America, pp. 137 and 138) says Saur moved to Philadel- 
phia sometime in 1794 and continued the paper for a short 
time at that place under the name of Das Philadelphier 

Neuer Unpartheyischer Eastoner Bothe und Northamp- 
toner Kundschafter (weekly) . Published at Easton, 
Pa., by Jacob Weygandt and Son. 
The only issue before 1801 that I discovered is a photo- 
graphic fac-simile in the possession of Mr. Ethan Allen 
Weaver of Germantown, Pa. The copy bears the date of 
Nov. 13, 1798, Number 270. 

General Staats-Bothe, mit den Neuesten Fremden, Ein- 
heimischen, und Gemeinniitzigen Nachrichten, an die 
Deutsche Nation in America (bi-weekly). Published 
by Matthias Bartgis in Frederick, Maryland, 1793. 
(No copies discovered.) 
The following is taken from an advertisement in 

PC2 201. 

In Friederichstaun, Maryland, giebt Herr Matthaus Bartges, 
Buchdrucker, der sich mit lobenswerthem Eifer, und Anopferung 

German American Newspapers. 193 

bemiiht, die Deutsche Sprache aufrecht zu erhalten, seith dem 
Anfang dieses Jahrs, alle 14 Tage einen grossen Bogen heraus, 
unter dem Titel, " General Staats-Bothe, mit den Neuesten 
Fremden, Einheimischen, und Gemeinniitzigen Nachrichten, an 
die Deutsche Nation in America." 

In C. W. 129, we find an article taken " aus dem Gen- 
eral Staats-Bothen von Friedrichs-Stadt, Maryland." 

Seidensticker (p. 135 in "The First Century of German 
Printing in America ") surmises that this may be the same 
paper as the one published by Bartgis in 1786 and 1787 
In Fredericktown, but the advertisement In PC2 201, 
quoted above, seems to indicate that this paper started with 
the beginning of 1793. 

Der Neue Unpartheyische Baltimore Bote und Maryland 
Staats -Register (weekly). Published by Samuel Saur, 
Baltimore, Maryland. 

In the Baltimore City Library {Non Vidimus)'. 
1796, No. 59 (May 4). 

According to this, the first number probably appeared 
on Wednesday, March 25, 1795. 

In 1799 Saur was publishing a newspaper three times 
per week, as may be seen from the following advertisement 
found In his almanac for the year 1800. 

Der Herausgeber dieses Calenders bedienet sich gleichfalls 
dieser Gelegenheit, dem geehrten Publikum kund zu thun, dasz 
er wieder seith geraumer Zeit eine deutsche Zeitung herausgiebt 
und zwar dreymal die Woche auf einen (sic) grossen halben 
Bogen, fiir zwey und einen halben Thaler des Jahrs, oder zwolf 
Schilling und sechs Pens fur zwey Zeitungen wochentlich ; da 
aber das Postgeld fiir einen halben Bogen eben so viel betragt als 
fiir einen ganzen Bogen, und desfalls seinen ehemaligen Kunden 

194 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

in der Entfernung zu hoch im Preisz zu stehen kommt, so hat er 
sich entschlossen, (im Fall sich eine ansehnliche Zahl Sub- 
scriber! ten zeitlich einfinden sollten) bis den ersten Februar 1800 
eine Wochentliche Zeitung Bogen gross herauszugeben, fiir ein 
und einen halben Thaler den Jahrgang. 

Die Westliche Correspondenz, und Hdgerstauner Woch- 
enschrift (weekly). Published by Johann Gruber at 
Hagerstown, Maryland. 

In Berks Co. Historical Society, Reading, Pa. {Vidimus, Aug., 1917)' 

1796, No. 68 (Sept. 28, 1796). 

Gruber started a new series in 1799, as may be seen 
from the issue of March 12, 1801, which is marked No. 

References to the paper are found in A 18, 117, 118; 
PC33, 15 ;UH 13, 23; DP 65, etal. 

Die Unpartheyische York Gazette (weekly). Published 
by Solomon Mayer in York, Pa. 

In the Harvard College Library {Vidimus October, 1917). 

1797, Nos. 50 (Jan. 31), 52 (Feb. 14). 

On p. 97 of Carter and Glossbrenner's "History of 
York County," we find the following, "In the spring of 
that year (1796) Solomon Meyer commenced the publi- 
cation of a German paper entitled, Die York Gazette. 
This was the first paper printed in this county in the Ger- 
man language." The same statement is made in Prow- 
ell's "History of York County" (Vol. I, p. 549). 

References to the paper are found in AS 109, 112, 119, 
120, 123 ; PCs 3, 61, 6s ; NUR 452, 548 ; DP 19, et al. 

Mr. George R. Prowell of the York County Historical 

German American Newspapers. 195 

Society claims that the Society has a complete file from 
1796 to 1 80 1, but diligent search by him and by myself 
failed to reveal it. 

Der TJnpartheyische Reading Adler (weekly) . Published 
by Jacob Schneider und Georg Gerrisch in Reading, Pa. 
Although both Seidensticker (op. cit., p. 145) and 
Miller ("Early German American Newspapers," p. 53) 
say the newspaper was started on Nov. 29, 1796, and the 
history of the Adler, as printed in the centennial number 
(Nov. 28, 1896), states definitely that the first number 
was printed on Nov. 29, 1796, and the second on January 
10, 1797, the truth is that the one published on November 
29 was a sample number only and No. i was issued on 
January 3. In No. 22 (December 16, 1796) of the Im- 
partial Reading Herald (an English paper published by 
Schneider) , we find an advertisement which states that the 
first number of the German paper will appear on Tuesday, 
the third of January next. 

In Berks County Historical Society — First Set (Vidimus, July and August, 

1917) . 

1797, Nos. I (Jan- s) -52 (Dec. 26). (With No. 3, the firm name became 

Jacob Schneider und Comp. and the word " Reading " was changed 
to " Readinger.") 

1798, Nos, 53 (Jan, 2) - 104 (Dec. 25). 

1799, Nos, 105 (Jan. i)-i57 (Dec. 31), 

1800, Nos. 158 (Jan. 7) -209 (Dec, 30). 

At the Same Place — Second Set {Vidimus, July and August, 1917). 

1797, Nos. I (Jan. 3) -52 (Dec. 26), 

1798, Nos. 53 (Jan. 2) -104 (Dec. 25). 

1799, Nos. 105 (Jan, i)-i47 (Oct, 22). 
Stray number, 1798, No. 102 (Dec. 11). 

In the A. A. S., Worcester, Mass. {Vidimus, October, 1917). 
1796, No. I (Nov. 29) (prospectus). 

196 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

1797, Nos. 2 (Jan. 10) - 52 (Dec. 26). 

1798, Nos. 53 (Jan. 2) -104 (Dec. 25). 

1799, Nos. 148 (Oct. 29) -157 (Dec. 31). 

1800, Nos. 158 (Jan. 7) -209 (Dec. 30). 

Die Pennsyhanische Wochenschrift (weekly). Published 
by Stellingius ( ?) und Lepper in Hanover, Pa. (No 
copies discovered.) 
From Carter and Glossbrenner's History of York 

County, p. 100: 

The first paper printed in Hanover was a German one entided 
Die Pennsyhanische Wochenschrift, the first number of which 
was Issued by Lepper and Stellixius (sic), in April 1797. Mr. 
Lepper became not long afterwards, the sole proprietor of the es- 
tablishment and he continued the paper until Februar>% 1805. 

The same statement occurs on page 557, Vol. I of Prow- 
ell's "History of York County," except that he says the 
publishers were W. D. Lepper and E. Stettinlus, both edu- 
cated Germans who had learned the art of printing In the 

Seldenstlcker (op. cit., p. 147) names "Stellingius und 
Lepper " as the publishers. 

In PCs of July 30, 1800, W. D. Lepper Is mentioned as 
one of the pall bearers at the funeral of the semi-weekly 
Pennsyhanische Correspondenz. 

Die Pennsylvanische Correspondenz (semi-weekly). Pub- 
lished by Helnrlch Schweitzer In Philadelphia. 

In the Library of W, J. Hinke, Auburn, N. Y. 

1798, No. 57 (April 24) (vidimus, Oct 24, 1917). 

(Hence the first number probably appeared on October 10, 1797.) 

German American Newspapers. 197 

Full column advertisements dated August i, 1797, in 
A 33 and NUR 443, about the proposed paper which is to 
be issued twice a week by Heinrich Schweitzer. 

The paper is mentioned in H 40; DP s^\ PC3 14, 15, 
44, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 73, 78, July 30, 1800, et al. 

In the PC4 issue of July 30, 1800, there is an article 
with black borders entitled "Ach wie betriibt." It an- 
nounces that the Pennsylvanische Correspondenz will ap- 
pear as a semi-weekly for the last time on Friday (pre- 
sumably August I ) and that thereafter it will be continued 

Philadelphisches Magazin oder Unterhaltender Gesell- 
schafter fur die Deiitschen in Amerika (quarterly). 
Published by Henrich und Joseph R. Kammerer jun. 
in Philadelphia. 

In P. H. S. {Vidimus, Sept., 1917). 
1798, No. I (May i). 

A second number was issued in August, 1798, according 
to an advertisement in PC3 17. These two numbers were 
probably the only ones published. Shortly after the ap- 
pearance of the second number, the terrible yellow fever 
epidemic of 1798 broke out in Philadelphia, among the 
victims of which were Henrich Kammerer and a younger 

Des Landmanns Wochenhlatt, neuer und gemeinnuzlicher 
Nachrichten (weekly). Published by Wm. Hamilton 
and Conrad Wortmann, Lancaster, Pa. (1798-1799). 
Suspended publication on February 19, 1799. (No 
copies found.) 

198 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

In the Lancaster Journal (Vol. IV, No. 33), January 
27, 1798, is an advertisement of this paper, which is to be 
started by Wm. Hamilton and Conrad Wortmann at the 
beginning of February. Hamilton says he has made a 
contract with a man who came from Germany. Price of 
paper $1.50. 

In DP 62 we find a notice that on February 19 ( 1799) , 
the Landmanns Wochenblatt when only one year old died. 
On the 26th appeared another Jacobin child " nach einem 
verjiingten Maasstab und in einem allerliebst niedllchen 
Taschenformat, ob dieses Kind seines Vaters ein hoheres 
Alter erreichen wird, stehet zu erwarten." 

The last mentioned newspaper is the Lancaster Wochen- 
blatt (q. v.). 

The Landmanns Wochenblatt is also mentioned in DP 
35> 53, 56, 83 ; NUR 492 ; A 79 ; PCs 4, 17, et al. 

Das Lancaster Wochenblatt (weekly). Published by 
Wm. Hamilton in Lancaster, Pa., from February 26, 
1799, to May of the same year. (No copies found.) 
Successor to Landmanns Wochenblatt (q. v.). 
In DP 83, in a communication signed by "Von einem 

sogenannten Tory " — 

Als ich am letztern Samstag nach Lancaster kam, ist mir eine 
neue Miszgeburt zu Gesicht gekommen, nemlich eine Deutsche 
Franzosenzeitung, ehemals Landmanns Wochenblatt und nach- 
gehends Lancaster Wochenblatt genannt, welche beyde Ungeheuer 
vom Jacobiner Gift ergriiifen, die Schwindsucht bekommen, und 
weilen sie franzosische Werkzeuge waren, abgestorben sind; und 
nun erscheint diese Zeitung unter dem Namen des Lancaster 

In H I, we are told that the Lancaster Correspondent 

German American Newspapers. 199 

has taken over the subscribers of the Lancaster Wochen- 

Die Subscribenten zum Lancaster Wochenblatt die beym 
Anfang desselben auf ein halb Jahr bey Herrn Hamilton voraus 
bezahlt haben, und nun Subscribenten zu dem Lancaster Corre- 
spondenten geworden sind, werden ersucht jeder einen viertel 
Thaler an mich noch zu bezahlen, welcher denn die 6 monatliche 
Vorausbezahlung ausmacht. 

Das Neiie monatliche Readinger Magazin, filr den Burger 
und Land-Mann (monthly). Published by Jacob 
Schneider und Comp. (No copies found.) 
First number dated February, 1799, although it was 

not issued much before March. 

Advertisement of proposals for new magazine in A 95 ff. 
Advertisement that the new magazine is about ready 

for press in A 105 ff. 

Advertisement that the first number has left the press 

in A ii4ff. 

I have been unable to find any mention of a second 


Unpartheyische Hdrrisburg Morgenrothe Z e i t u n g 
(weekly). Published by B. Mayer und C. Fahne- 

Seidensticker in his " First Century of German Printing 
in America," p. 137, quoting Dr. Wm. H. Egle's "His- 
tory of Dauphin and Lebanon Counties," says that the 
first number was published on March i, 1794. Whether 
this statement is true is doubtful, because, in No. i of 
March 12, 1799, the publishers do not allude to any pre- 
vious paper, and in No. 52 (March 3, 1800), we read, 

200 The Pennsylvania'German Society. 

" Diese Woche beschliesset die 52te Nummer, nachdem 
wlr angefangen Zeitungen zu drucken, das erste Jahr." 
It may be that Mayer and Fahnestock. issued a sample 
number on March i, 1794, and did not continue because 
of lack of encouragement. 

In the State Library at Harrisburg {Vidimus, July, 1917)' 

First Set. 
1799, Nos. I (Mar. 12) - 5 (Apr. 9). 
Nos. 7 (Apr. 23) -20 (July 23). 

Nos. 22 (Aug. 6) -43 (Dec. 30). (Beginning with No. 22 the pub- 
lisher was Benjannin Mayer.) 
i8cx3, Nos. 44 (Jan. 6) - 64 (May 26). 

Nos. 66 (June 9) -95 (Dec. 29). (No. 75 the title was Die Harris- 
burg Morgenrothe Zeitung. On and after No. 76, the name was 
Die Harrisburg Zeitung.) 

At the Same Place {Vidimus, July, 1917). 

Second Set. 

1799, Nos. I (Mar. 12) -4 (Apr. 2). 
Nos. 6 (Apr. 16) - 43 (Dec. 30). 

1800, Nos. 44 (Jan. 6) -95 (Dec. 29). 

Der Lancaster Correspondent (weekly). Published by 
C. J. Hiitter. 

In Lancaster County Historical Society {Vidimus, July, IQI7). 

1799, Nos. 1 (May 25) -32 (Dec. 28). 

1800, Nos. 33 (Jan. 4) -84 (Dec. 27). 

In P. H. S. {Vidimus, September, 1917). 

1799, Nos. I (May 25) -32 (Dec. 28) (No. i mutilated). 

1800, Nos. 33 (Jan. 4) -84 Dec. 27). 

In Berks County Historical Society, Reading, Pa. {Vidimus, August, igl7). 
iScxj, Nos. 40 (Feb. 22) -43 (Mar. 15). 

Nos. 45 (Mar. 29) -54 (May 31). 

Nos. 56 (June 14) - 60 (July 12). 

Nos. 62 (July 26) -63 (Aug. 2). 

German American Newspapers. 201 

Nos. 66 (Aug. 23) -67 (Aug. 30). 

Nos. 69 (Sept. 13) -72 (Oct. 4). 

Nos. 74 (Oct. 13) -75 (Oct. 25). 

Nos. 78 (Nov. 15) -84 (Dec. 27). 

Der Volksberichter (weekly). Published by A. Bill- 
meyer in York, Pa. (No copies found.) 
In Carter and Glossbrenner's "History of York 

County" (p. 97), we read: 

The paper next established In the borough of York, was, Der 
Volksberichter, the first number of which was published by 
Andrew Billmeyer on the 25th of July, 1799. 

Prowell in his "History of York County" says the 

In PCs 6s, mention is made of the Volksberichter' s Issue 
of September 26, 1799, No. 10. Assuming ithat the 
paper had been published regularly every week, this would 
Indicate that the first number appeared on July 25, 1799, 
thus corroborating Carter and Glossbrenner. 

In UH 24, a writer, signing himself " Kein Deist," 
says that It is reported the Volksberichter is edited by Rev. 
Gorring of York. 

The paper is mentioned in AS 1 1 2, 1 19 ; UH 76 ; NUR 
550, 602, 584; A 173. (Art. from the York Gazette 
mentions Yorktauner Volksvernichter and talks about " die 
Zeltungspredlger und Volksbetriiger." 

Die Philadelphische Correspondenz (thrice a week city 
edition). Published by Joseph R. Kammerer und G. 
Helmbold, jun. (February 11, 1800-April 5, 1800 ?). 
(No copies found.) 
The publishers intend to publish a thrice-a-week city 

202 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

edition at a maximum cost of $3.00 per year as soon as 
they have 500 subscribers. They will continue to publish 
the country (weekly) edition. — PC3 67 ff. 

On Tuesday, February 11, 1800, the publishers intend 
to issue the first number of the thrice-a-week edition. — 
PC3 79. 

Notice of dissolution of partnership, dated March 4, 
1800. Helmbold assures his readers that he will continue 
to publish the paper thrice-a-week, " wie seith einiger 
Zeit."— PCs 83. 

In an article dated March 27, 1800, Helmbold warns 
his readers that he will have to discontinue the city edition 
within a short time, unless they will secure more subscribers 
for him. — PC3 87. 

For reasons why the last number probably appeared on 
April 5, see under " Gemeinniitzige Philadelphische Cor- 

Were They Ever Published? 

Under this heading I want to mention some German 
papers which may have been published, although I lack 
conclusive evidence that they ever appeared. References 
to them have come down to us in three ways : first, through 
advertisements in which publishers announced that they in- 
tended to start the publication of a paper; second, through 
vague references in contemporary newspapers; third, 
through the works of writers living after the time when 
the papers were supposed to have been published. 

The earliest one of these papers is said to have been pub- 
lished between 1759 and 1762 in Philadelphia by Weiss 
and Miller. Thomas (op. cit.. Vol. II, p. 147) says that 
it was a continuation of Franklin and Armbruster's Phila- 

Were They Ever Published? 203 

delphische Zeitung and that Armbruster was again the pub- 
lisher of it in 1 762-1 764. We know, however, that the 
title of Armbruster's paper was Die Pennsylvanische Fama. 
It is difficult to decide whether Weiss and Miller ever pub- 
lished a paper, since our only evidence is the statement by 
Thomas, who is at times very unreliable in his discussion 
of the German papers. The firm of Miller and Weiss was 
publishing during the period in question the almanac which 
Armbruster had issued while he was publisher of the Phila- 
delphische Zeitung. 

In Miller's Staatsbote of August 6, 1764, I find an 
article on lightning rods. The writer claims that they are 
very useful, " wie man noch kurzlich in der Englischen und 
Deutschen Zeitung von Boston gelesen." So far as I 
know, there is no other reference to a bi-lingual paper in 
Boston. Mr. Clarence S. Brigham of the American An- 
tiquarian Society does not believe that It ever existed. 
The question is, does the word " Zeitung " here mean news- 
paper or news? The probabilities certainly favor the 
former interpretation. 

In March, 1776, the firm of Steiner and Cist of Phila- 
delphia announced (see S 645 and M 781) that they 
would start a paper as soon as they would have obtained 
five hundred subscribers. The paper was probably never 
started, although I have found no statement to that effect. 

Fourteen years later, Charles Cist proposed to begin a 
semi-weekly German paper in Philadelphia, Neue Phila- 
delphische Zeitung. (See PC 486, NUL 157-160, and 
Cist's German almanac for 1791.) This paper also prob- 
ably never materialized. 

More interest is attached to an advertisement in the 
Harrisburg Oracle of Dauphin of July 22, 1793, in which 

204 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

the firm Allen and Wyeth announce the Intention of start- 
ing a German paper on October i, 1793, if they could se- 
cure four hundred and fifty subscribers. As we have 
seen, some writers claim that Mayer and Fahnestock 
started the publication of the Morgenrothe Zeitiing on 
March i, 1794. Although the publishers' statement 
seems to contradict this, we might harmonize the two 
statements by supposing that Allen and Wyeth began their 
paper on March i, 1794, and that Mayer and Fahnestock 
succeeded them in 1799. I have, however, absolutely no 
proof of this. 

On November 29, 1796, Solomon Mayer, publisher of 
the York Gazette, and a man by the name of Plitt issued 
a circular containing proposals for a German daily paper 
in Philadelphia and for a weekly paper in York and Phila- 
delphia. The title of the former was to be Pennsylvan- 
ische Zeitung und tdgUcher Anzeiger, and of the latter 
Pennsylvanische Zeitung und mochentlicher Anzeiger. 
Presumably the proposals were never carried into effect, 
although I cannot be positive of this since I had no oppor- 
tunity to examine many Philadelphia German papers of 
1797 for possible references to the paper. However, 
these proposals are interesting because they show the first 
attempt to establish a German daily in America. 

In a foot-note to page 93 of Miller's " Early German 
American Newspapers," the statement is made that a Ger- 
man paper, The Farmers' Register was established in 
Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, by Snowden and McCorcle 
on April 19, 1798. However, this is almost certainly er- 
roneous. An English paper with this name was started 
by the firm in 1798 or 1799 ; but I did not find any mention 
of a German paper, although I examined the issues of the 

Were They Ever Published? 205 

English paper, found in the library of the Historical So- 
ciety of Pennsylvania. After the removal of the firm to 
Greensburg, proposals were made to start a German paper, 
but according to the advertisement the first number ap- 
peared at the beginning of January, 1801. 

Table I. 

The following pages show the number of copies of news- 
papers found which were published prior to 1801, and the 
libraries where they are now preserved. 


The Pennsylvania-German Society. 


~ d 








a c 
o — 


1739- ••• 
1743.. •• 
1745. ••• 
1747... • 
1749- ■•■ 
1757. ••■ 
1759. ■•■ 




1763. •• 
1765. •• 


1775- •• 




















96* 128 


* Approximate number. 

Were They Ever Published? 




.^ 1) 


1 , 



u . 










U< CO 

.■2 ■" 


a'- M 

S "3. 


















































• • • 

































Total. . . 









2 1 








The Pennsylvania-German Society. 











= 53 










— u >, 
" d b 














I I36S 

- o ^ 
Cu >> S 


.Q o 


►J 1 -^ 


• •«& 

0) i- rt S 






















22 2,407 




Were They Ever Published? 































3 >? 





Pi 5 








W to 


.5 o 






•-1 3 




















Total. 2,407 594 

•Approximate number. 


The Pennsylvania-German Society. 



o o 

•— CQ J 




u u 
cj o 


<u ^ ^ 


2 e 

•a M • 



=? C 4) 

P3 ■S 

Total number of papers up to 1780 


1782. . 
1786. . 
1791- • 
1793- • 
1794. ■ 
1795- • 
1797- • 
1799- • 
1800. . 














































Total. 3.750 






36 14.4836,559 

The following copies of Saur's Geistliches Magazten have been dis- 
covered. This magazine was published at irregular intervals between 
1764 and 1774, none of the issues having the date of publication. 

In Penna. Hist. Society 50 

In the Phila. Library Co 37 

In possession of Wm. J. Campbell 48* 

In State Library at Harrisburg 64 

In library of M. G. Brumbaugh 50* 

Total 249 

Total of the other papers 6559 

Grand total of copies, 1732-1800 6808 

Were They Ever Published? 211 

Table II. 

The following pages show the number of issues located 
and examined and the approximate number that were pub- 

Names of Newspapers. 

Philadelphische Zeitung (1732) , 

Saur's Germantown Paper (1739-77) 

Die Lancastersche Zeitung (1752-53) 

Philadelphische Zeitung (1755-57) 

Miller's Staatsbote (1762-79) 

Ein Geistliches Magazien (1764-74) 

Der Pennsylvanische Staats Courier (1777-78) 

Das Pennsylvanische Zeitung (1778) , 

Die Pennsylvanische Gazette (1779) 

Philadelphisches Staatsregister (1779-81) 

Philadelphische Correspondenz (i 781-1800). . 

Germantauner Zeitung (1785-1800) 

Lancaster Zeitung, etc. (1787-1800) 

Readinger Zeitung (i 789-1 800) 

Der General Post Bothe (1790) 

Die Chesnuthiller Wochenschrift (1790-1794). 

Eastoner Bothe (1793-1800) 

Baltimore Bote (i 795-1800) 

Westliche Correspondenz (1795-1800) 

York Gazette (1796-1800) 

Reading Adler (1796-1800) 

Pennsylvanische Correspondenz (1797-1800). 

Philadelphisches Magazin (1798) 

Harrisburg Zeitung (i 799-1 800) 

Lancaster Correspondent (i 799-1 800) 

No. of 
























No. of 























No. of 
















Total number . 




♦Approximate number. 


In this bibliography there are mentioned only very few 
of the works on the various phases of the social conditions 
of the eighteenth century Pennsylvania Germans. For 
more nearly complete bibliographies the reader is referred 
to Kuhn's " German and Swiss Settlements in Pennsylva- 
nia " and Faust's "The German Element in the United 
States." Under the heading, "General Works," are 
found publications containing material on the general sub- 
ject, while under the chapters are listed those of special 
bearing on the subjects discussed in the various chapters. 

General Works, 

Americana Germanica. A quarterly devoted to the comparative study of 
the literary, linguistic and other cultural relations of Germany and 
America. 1897-1902. 4 vols. (Continued as German American 
Annals, q. v.) 

Beidelman, William. The Story of the Pennsylvania Germans; embrac- 
ing an account of their origin, their history and their dialect. Easton, 
Pa., 1898. (Contains many inaccuracies.) 

Berks County Historical Society, Proceedings of the. 

Carter, W. C. and Glossbrenner, A. J. History of York County from its 
Erection to the present time. York, Pa., 1834. (Very accurate.) 

Claire, I. S. A Brief History of Lancaster County. Lancaster, 1892. 

Deutsche Pionier, Der. A monthly magazine published by Der deutsche 


Bibliography. 213 

Pionier-Verein von Cincinnati. i8 vols. 1869-1887. From 1885 to 
1887 it was issued as a quarterly. 

Deutsch-Amerikanische Geschichtsbldtter. Published by the German Ameri- 
can Historical Society of Illinois. 1901-1917. 17 vols. 

Deutsch-Amerikanisches Magazin. Edited by H. A. Rattermann. Volume 
I, 1886. 

Egle, William H. History of the Counties of Dauphin and Lebanon in the 
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 1883. 

Eickhoff, Anton. In der neuen Heimath. New York. 1884. 

Ellis (Franklin) and Evans (Samuel). History of Lancaster County, 
Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 1883. 

Faust, A. B. The German Element in the United States. 2 vols. Houghton, 
MifBin and Company, 1909, 

German American Annals. Continuation of Americana Germanica. Pub- 
lished by the German American Historical Society, Philadelphia. 
1903-1918. 16 vols. 

Hazard, Samuel. The Register of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia. 1828- 

Henry, M. S. History of Northampton County. Unpublished Ms. in 
possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. 

Kelker, Luther R. History of Dauphin County. 3 vols. New York and 
Chicago, 1907. 

Kuhns, Oscar. The German and Swiss Settlements of Colonial Penn- 
sylvania. A Study of the So-called Pennsylvania Dutch. Henry Holt 
and Company, 1901. 

Lancaster County Historical Society, Proceedings of the. (From 1896 to 
the present time.) 

Loher, Franz. Geschichte und Zustande der Deutschen in Amerika. 
Zweite Ausgabe, Gottingen, 1855. 

McMaster, J. B. A History of the People of the United States, From the 
Revolution to the Civil War. 8 vols. The first two volumes contain 
reliable information about the eighteenth century Pennsylvania Ger- 

Mombert, J. I. An Authentic History of Lancaster County in the State 
of Pennsylvania. Lancaster, 1869. 

Montgomery, M. L. Historical and Biographical Annals of Berks County, 
Pennsylvania. 2 vols. Chicago, 1909. (Many inaccuracies.) 

History of Berks County, Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 1886. 

' School History of Berks County in Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 1889. 

Pennsylvania Archives. Philadelphia and Harrisburg. 1852-1902. (Four 

Pennsylvania German, The. A Popular Magazine of Biography, History, 
Genealogy, Folklore, Literature, etc. 1901-1911. 12 vols. 

214 ^^^^ Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Pennsylvania German Society, Proceedings of. 1891 to the present 

time. (27 vols.) 
Pennsyhania Magazine of History and Biography, The. Published by the 

Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 1877-1918. 42 vols. 
Prowell, G. R. History of York County, Pennsylvania. 2 vols. Chicago, 

Rush, Benjamin. An account of the manners of the German inhabitants of 

Pennsylvania, written in 1789. Notes added by I. Daniel Rupp. 

Philadelphia, 1875. 
Scharf, J. T. History of Western Maryland. 2 vols. 
Schem, A. J. Deutsch-Amerikanisches Konversations-Lexicon. 11 vols. 

New York, 1869-1874. 
Seidensticker, Oswald. Bilder aus der Deutsch-pennsylvanischen Ge- 

schichte. E. Steiger and Co., 1886. 
Tenner, A. Der Heutige Standpunkt der Kultur in den Vereinigten 

Staaten. New York, 1886. 

Chapter I. 

American Antiquarian Society, Proceedings of. Worcester, Mass., 1812- 

American Newspaper Directory, 1776. New York; George P. Rowell and 

Co., 1876. 
Bausman, Lottie M. A Bibliography of Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. 

1745-1912. Publication of the Pennsylvania Federation of Historical 

Cassel, A. H. A History of Sower's Newspaper. (MS. in the possession 

of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.) 
Dapp, C. F. Johann Heinrich Miller. {German-American Annals. 

Vol. 14, p. 118 ff.) 
Dlffenderffer, F. R. Early German Printers of Lancaster County and the 

Issues of their Presses. (In Vol. VIII of the Proceedings and Reports 

of the Lancaster County Historical Society.) 

Oldest Daily Newspaper in Lancaster. (In Proceedings of Lancaster 

County Historical Society, 1896.) 

Newspapers of Lancaster Count>'. (In Vol. VI of Proceedings of 

Lancaster County Historical Society.) 

An Early Newspaper. (In Vol. XI of the Proceedings of Lancaster 

County Historical Society.) 

Hildeburn, C. R. A Century of Printing. The Issues of the Press of 
Pennsylvania. 1685-1784. 2 vols. Philadelphia, 1885. 

Ingram, J. V. Check List of American Eighteenth Century Newspapers in 
the Library of Congress. Washington, 1912. 

Bibliography. 215 

Keyscr, N. H. and others. History of Old Germantown. Philadelphia, 
1907. (P. 427 S. " Sower's Newspapers.") 

McCulIoch, William. Additional Memoranda for the History of Printing 
by Isaiah Thomas, Communicated by William McCulloch, 1814. (Un- 
published MS. in the American Antiquarian Society-, Worcester, Mass.) 

Miller, Daniel. Early German American Newspapers. Lancaster, 191 1. 
(Reprinted from Vol. XIX of the Publications of the Pennsylvania 
German Society.) 

The German Newspapers of Berks County. (In the Transactions of 

the Historical Society of Berks County, Vol. Ill, p. 4 ff.) 

North, S. N. D. History and Present Condition of the Newspapers and 
Periodical Press of the United States. (Part of Vol. VIII of the Cen- 
sus of 1880.) 

Schlozer, A. L. Briefwechsel, meist statistischen Inhalts, gesammlet und 
zum Versuch herausgegeben. Gottingen, 1775-1781. 10 vols. (Con- 
tains a reprint of the Saur Torj' paper of 1778.) 

Seidensticker, Oswald. Die deutsch-amerikanische Zeitungspresse wahrend 
des vorigen Jahrhunderts. (In the Deutsch-Amerikanisches Magazin.) 

The First Century- of German Printing in America (1728-1830). 

Philadelphia, 1893. 

Smith, H. W. Life and Correspondence of the Reverend William Smith, 
D.D. Philadelphia, 1879. (Contains much interesting information 
about the older Saur.) 

Thomas, Isaiah. The History of Printing in America. 2 vols. SecoDd 
edition. 1874. 

Chapter II. 

Brumbaugh, M. G. A Histon,- of the German Baptist Brethren in Europe 

and America. Mount Morris, Illinois, 1899. 
Chronicon Ephratense. A History of the Community of Seventh day 

Baptists at Ephrata, Lancaster, Co., Pa. Translated by J. Max Hark, 

D.D., Lancaster, Pa. 1889. 
Dubbs, J. H. A History of the Reformed Church, German in the United 

States. New York, 1895. 
Hallesche Nachrichten von den Vereinigten Deutschen Evangelisch-Luth- 

erischen Gemeinen in Nord Amerika, absonderlich in Pennsylvania. 

(Reprinted, Vol. I, Allentown, 1886; Vol. II, Philadelphia, 1895.) 
Hamilton, J. T. A History- of the Moravian Church in the United States. 

New York, 1895. 
Harbaugh, Henr\-. The Life of Rev. Michael Schlatter. Philadelphia, 

Hinke, W. J. Life and Letters of the Reverend John Philip Boehm, 

Philadelphia, 1916. 

2i6 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Jacobs, H. E. A Short History of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in the 
United States. New York, 1893. 

Levering, J. M. History of Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, 1741-1892. Beth- 
lehem, 1903. 

Mann, W. J. Life and Times of Henry Melchior Muhlenberg. 2 ed. 
Philadelphia, 1888. 

Reichel, L. T. The Early History of the Church of the United Brethren 
(Unitas Fratrum) commonly called Moravians, in North America. 
Nazareth, Pa. 1888. 

Sachse, J. F. The German Sectarians of Pennsylvania. 1708-1800. 2 
vols. Philadelphia, 1899-1900. 

Chapter IH. 

(Same bibliography as Chapter H.) 

Seidensticker, Oswald, Geschichte der Deutschen Gesellschaft von Penn- 
sylvanien, 1764-1876. (Republished, Philadelphia, 1917, with a second 
part by Max Henrici, the history of the society from 1876 to 1917.) 

Chapter IV. 

(Many articles in the various magazines and publications mentioned undei 
"General Works.") 

Brumbaugh, M. G. Life and Works of Christopher Dock. Philadelphia, 

Dubbs, J. H. History of Franklin and Marshall College. Lancaster, 1903. 
Viereck, Louis. German Instruction in American Schools. Report of 

Commissioner of Education, 1901, vol. I, pp. 531-708. 
Weber, S. E. The Charity School Movement in Colonial Pennsylvania. 

(Doctor's Dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1905.) 

Chapter V. 

Haldeman, S. S. Pennsylvania Dutch: A Dialect of South German with 

an Infusion of English. Philadelphia, 1872. 
Learned, M. D. The Pennsylvania German Dialect. Baltimore, 1889. 

Chapter VL 

Mittelberger, Gottlieb. Reise nach Pennsylvanien im Jahr 1750, und 
Riickreise nach Teutschland im Jahr 1754. Frankfurt und Leipzig, 
1756. (Translated by C. T. Eben and published in Philadelphia, 



Schopf, Johann David. Reise durch einige der mittlern und siidlichen 
vereinigten nordamerikanischen Staaten unternommen in den Jahren 
1783 und 1784. Eriangen, 1788. (Translated and edited by Alfred I. 
Morrison. Published by William J. Campbell, Philadelphia, 1911.) 
(These two works give a particularly unfavorable account of the Ger- 
mans. For a brighter picture, see Rush's " An account of the manners of 
the German inhabitants of Pennsylvania," mentioned under " General 

Chapters VII and VIII. 

(Almost all of the publications enumerated under " General Works " 
contain something concerning the vocations and the political ideals of the 
Pennsylvania Germans.) 

Davis, W. W. H. The Fries Rebellion, 1798-99; an armed resistance to 
the House tax law passed by Congress, July 9, 1798, in Bucks and 
Northampton Counties, Pennsylvania. Doylestown, Pa., 1899. 


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