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Full text of "A social history of the American family from colonial times to the present"

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A SOCIAL HISTORY 

OF 

THE AMERICAN FAMILY 

Vol. Ill 






A,SOCIAL HISTORY 

OF 

THE AMERICAN FAMILY 

FROM COLONIAL TIMES 
TO THE PRESENT 

BY 

ARTHUR W. CALHOUN, Ph.D. 



VOL. Ill 
SINCE THE CIVIL WAR 




THE ARTHUR H. CLARK COMPANY 

CLEVELAND, U.S.A. 

1919 



COPYRIGHT, 19 I 9, BY 

ARTHUR W. CALHOUN 



5 3 

v,3 



C \ 1 



CONTENTS 

Introduction 7 

I The white Family in the new South . . 11 " 

II Miscegenation 27 P 

III The Negro Family since Emancipation . . 39 

IV The new Basis of American Life ... 65 
^V The Revolution in Woman's World . . . ^-__84.^ 
"VI Woman in the modern American Family . . ^117^ 

VII The Career of the Child 131 

VIII The Passing of Patriarchism and Familism . 157 

IX The precarious Home 179 

X The Trend as to Marrlage 199 

XI Race Sterility and Race Suicide .... 225 i 

XII Divorce 255 

XIII The Attitude of the Church .... 283 

XIV The Family and the Social Revolution . . 323 

Bibliography 333 

Index 359 



INTRODUCTION 

The history of the American family during the past 
half-century possesses substantial unity, due of course to 
the fact that the period itself is marked by intrinsic 
oneness as the expression of an economic epoch -the 
transition to urban industrialism. It will be found 
that on the whole the striking phases of the present-day 
family are discernible at least in germ by the decade of 
the sixties, if not, indeed, much earlier. The develop- 
ments that have taken place in the intervening years are 
more closely correlated with the process of urbaniza- 
tion and the ascent of industrial capitalism than with 
any other force. But so homogeneous is the period as 
a whole that in the tracing of most topics of the family 
it is not very essential to place great stress on minute 
chronology, tho in the course of fifty years some phases 
of the family have experienced a degree of progress 
toward acceptable denouement while others seem more 
involved today than at an earlier date. 

If any division into sub-periods is to be made, the 
line would probably best fall within the decade of the 
eighties, for by that time the country was passing be- 
yond the direct influences of the war, modern indus- 
trialism was well under way and began to take shape in 
the trust movement, good free land finally ran out, the 
new immigration set in, electricity brought in the tele- 
phone, the incandescent lamp, and the trolley car, the 
type-writer was facilitating modern business, and in 
general, society entered definitely upon the forms that 



8 The American Family 

are familiar to us. It is significant that the develop- 
ment of interest in the serious, systematic study of the 
family, as of sociology in general, did not arise until 
about the same time as these unsettling factors of mod- 
ern society. 

Much credit for the awakening to real study of the 
family is due to the National Divorce Reform League 
which had its beginnings in the early eighties as the 
New England Divorce Reform League, an organiza- 
tion designed "to promote an improvement in public 
sentiment and legislation on the institution of the fam- 
ily, especially as afifected by existing evils relating to 
marriage and divorce." In 1885 the league was made 
national and in 1897 the word "Family" was substi- 
tuted for "Divorce," so that the organization became 
the National League for the Protection of the Family. 
Its numerous pamphlet publications are a most valu- 
able guide to significant developments of the past thir- 
ty years, legislative, scientific, and pedagogic. 

Prior to the eighties there had indeed been some at- 
tention to special topics dealing with family problems, 
such as the question of the birth-rate and the problem 
of divorce, but the family as an organic institution had 
been largely taken for granted. In a Review of Twen- 
ty-five Years, published in 1906, the corresponding 
secretary of the League for the Protection of the Fam- 
ily said of "the condition in 1881 :" 

Little was made of the relation of divorce to the family. The 
ecclesiastical and legal writing on the subject treated it by itself. 
One law-book was entitled The Law of the Domestic Rela- 
tions. But the family was hardly mentioned by most. Pro- 
phetic minds, like Bushnell and Mulford here and Maurice in 
England, had clearly pointed to the family. President Woolsey 
had given the family attention in his lectures at Yale. But 
nothing else had been done in our educational institutions. 



Introduction 



There were no lectures then on social science or sociology. 
Indeed, the word "sociology" was scarcely heard except in con- 
nection with the writings of Herbert Spencer. Maine, Mor- 
gan, and Tylor were read somewhat, but largely for their 
archaeological work. Their significance on the family as a 
modern problem was not much noticed. There was no book in 
the language with the simple title of The Family. The only 
one approaching it was on purely traditional lines. Property 
was beginning to be a problem of importance, but its relation 
to the family was hardly mentioned. 

By the later eighties there was "a growing disposi- 
tion to study the family and its related subjects in our 
universities, colleges, and other schools" and Thwing's 
Family appeared. But in 1890 in Present Phases of 
the Divorce Question the author already quoted said: 
Until within ten years, and it is still too true, there has been 
scanty recognition of the family in any of the ethical or political 
discussions of divorce, and comparatively little, except in the 
law books, of the intimate relations between the problems of 
marriage and divorce, while writers of neither class studied 
these topics as parts of the inclusive subject of the family. In- 
deed, the reader can go through the State constitutions, law 
books, and ethical discussions of the past with small risk of 
stumbling upon any direct reference to the family. Though 
the gain of recent years is marked, there is still too little appre- 
hension of the way in which problems of divorce, marriage, 
polygamy, charity, children, and those of education, economics, 
politics, and religion merge in those of the family. 

By the early years of the new century the situation 
had markedly improved. Courses of lectures or of 
study on the Family had become frequent. The higher 
educational institutions had pretty generally begun to 
do something with the family. Women's colleges had 
opened the subject to their students. Domestic econ- 
omy, which had begun to find its way into colleges in 
the seventies and eighties and into normal schools in 



lO Introduction 



the eighties and nineties, had also been introduced into 
some of the best secondary schools and was "rapidly 
growing in public favor." Periodical literature was 
giving more space to the home, and the departments 
devoted to that purpose were "of a much more scientific 
character and more valuable as a whole." 

In 1908 all seven sessions of the annual meeting of 
the American Sociological Society were devoted to 
discussion of the problem of the family. Since that 
time interest in the question has taken shape in a num- 
ber of books of positive merit, and the study of the fam- 
ily is being put gradually upon a scientific basis. The 
new evolutionary viewpoint tends to produce, as over 
against the old dogmatic ecclesiastic literalism and 
verbalism, an iconoclastic attitude with reference to 
family problems. For instance it tends to the offhand 
argument that inasmuch as the increase of divorce is a 
product of social evolution, therefore it is normal and 
to be accepted; or that inasmuch as certain functions 
of the parent have passed to the state we must begin to 
reconcile ourselves to the idea of state care of children 
to the virtual exclusion of home influence. The true 
scientific position will not be fatalist however, nor will 
it jump to conclusions. It will interpret the nature of 
things but it will do so with confidence in volitional 
control of evolution and a recognition of certain intrin- 
sic values that can not be intrinsically displaced. 



I. THE WHITE FAMILY IN THE NEW 

SOUTH 

The cataclysmic overthrow of slavery in the South 
inaugurated a social revolution which in any case 
would have been effected ultimately by the sure work-/j 
ing of economic forces. Emancipation set free the life 
of the South for modernization, and all social institu- 
tions began to register the change. The family was 
no exception; its transformation constitutes one of the 
insignia of the New South. 

Perhaps the most outstanding alteration in the fam- 
ily institutions of the Caucasian South is in respect to 
the status of woman. Before the war there was for the 
southern woman no career outside the home, no oppor- 
tunity for economic independence, for self-support. 
The great overthrow opened new scenes. Some might 
cling desperately to the old ideals as did a planter who, 
hearing that Sherman had expressed a desire to bring 
every southern woman to the wash-tub, exclaimed: 
"He shall never bring my daughters to the wash-tub," 
and in his seventieth year began to do the washing and 
continued for two years. One lady relates that the 
first meal she got after the downfall was cooked by her 
sons who had learned in the army the art of which she 
was ignorant. But the years of reconstruction contin- 
ued the burden that the war had thrown upon women 
and imposed new troubles. Repudiation of bonds and 
other obligations issued during the war reduced thou- 



12 The American Family 

sands of widows and orphans to penury. The supreme 
struggle with want and humiliation called many 
women to strenuous exertion. Federal soldiers levied 
forced contributions, thus stripping many people 
throughout the South, including widows and orphans, 
beyond the meager condition in which the war left 
them. Some sold what furniture they had left, a part 
of their sparse raiment, and in one instance "the cover- 
lid ofif the baby's bed," to satisfy the exactions of men 
clothed in brief authority.^ One soldier who returned 
armless to his Georgia home made his wife hitch him 
to a plow and together they made a crop. A northern 
missionary told a Philadelphia audience in 1867 that 
in North Carolina he had seen a white mother hitch 
herself to a plow which her boy of eleven guided while 
another child dropped seeds supplied by northern char- 
ity. In Virginia a white woman drove a plow drawn 
by her young daughters, one a nursing mother.^ "No 
body of superior women ever lived faster," says Mayo, 
"than the women of the South through the ten years 
from i860 to 1870." 

After the war girls accepted and married men with- 
out a dollar and went to live in old broken farmhouses 
or in upper stories in town and made there "homes fra- 
grant with sweetness and content." A young lady to 
whom a friend expressed sympathy on her prospective 
marriage with a young, one-armed soldier retorted: "I 
want no sympathy. I think it a great privilege and 
honor to be the wife of a man who lost his arm fighting 
for my country." Hundreds of women married such 
wrecks of men and bound up the wounds of war, "in 
the schoolroom and behind the counter, over the sew- 

1 A vary. Dixie after the War, 139. 
^ — Ibid., 163. 



The White Family in the New South 13 



ing machine and the cooking stove, in garden and field, 
everywhere showing the gems of Southern character.'"' 
Thousands of women once wealthy but left penniless 
by the war took up whatever work came to hand. 
Charleston after the war was described as a city of 
widows and children of planters keeping boarding- 
houses or pining in dire, hopeless penury; young men 
loafed in saloons and lived on their mothers.* 

During the generation following the war, thousands, 
it was said a million, of southern young men left the 
old plantation life for the new Southwest, the North- 
west, and "the cities of the border from New York to 
San Francisco." The burden of this new era was 
borne by the women of the rural districts, on whom it 
devolved to meet the "the distractions of a disordered 
domestic service," often unsupplied with the means for 
a comfortable living, and to bring order out of chaos. 
The period brought a demand for better education for 
girls, assumption of a greater female influence in the 
church, "and a final push towards the capture of a 
whole class of industries for women, hitherto unknown 
to or neglected by the sex." In many a home, mother, 
grandmother, and maiden aunt toiled to keep an elder 
daughter in school and impress her with the duty of 
joining as soon as possible in the task of helping to lift 
up the younger sisters and possibly the brothers. 

The full consequences of the shifting scenes were not 
comprehended by the actors. Many people, of course, 
deplored the disturbance of tradition. At first, school- 
teaching was the least objectionable recourse for the 
earning of money outside the home. It proved to be 
an entering wedge. Twenty-five years after the war, 

3 Underwood. Women of the Confederacy, 65. 
* Powers. Afoot and alone, 43. 



14 The American Family 

conditions were such that it could be said (tho of course 
with exaggeration) 

Thanks to the public schools, any girl, however humbly born, 
may secure an education and by the force of her intellect com- 
mand an honorable position in the best society; and if she does 
not marry it is because she has not met a man who is her equal 
in mental culture and at the same time more able to take care 
of her than she is to take care of herself.^ 

A sojourn in the South brings one in touch with 
many an illustration of the transformation in the status 
of womanhood. The girl of the New South goes ofif 
to teach in spite of the objections of father and brothers 
who feel themselves disgraced if regarded as unable 
to support their women; or she refuses to attend Har- 
vard summer school because women are not admitted to 
the regular session; or she takes up socialism and in- 
stills liberal ideas into her pupils in an aristocratic 
academy while her mother agitates for suffrage; per- 
haps she even goes to New York and becomes a familiar 
figure among the radicals. She perchance repudiates 
the orthodox spirituality of her Presbyterian parents 
and becomes an avowed freethinker; or she decides to 
study medicine and, when her folks veto, goes off to the 
university to study sociology and then shifts to the 
course of her own choice. Brilliant and refined south- 
ern women take the platform in prohibition campaigns 
or find comradeship with the socialists, and suffrage 
bills find their way into southern legislatures. There 
are still abundant illustrations of the other sort. Per- 
haps the traditions of the South have withheld from its 
women something of the assurance with which women 
of other heritage face the world. It is hard to over- 
come social standards; hence southern girls teaching in 
the North may pretend to their friends back home that 

5 TilletL "Southern Womanhood as affected by the War," ii. 



The White Family in the New South 15 

they are on a visit; but the sphere for southern women 
is inevitably expanding toward the same completeness 
as impends elsewhere. 

Seen through the eyes of the conservatives the social 
life of women in the South seems to have changed 
greatly for the worse. Less than thirty years after the 
end of the war it was alleged that "much less deference 
to womankind is entertained by the rising generation 
of young men. Ordinary attentions are withheld from 
young ladies, and escorting them spoken of as a burden 
in a manner shocking to one brought up in a former 
and more chivalrous generation." The changed na- 
ture of domestic service was declared to be "altogether 
evil."^ An editorial in the North Carolina Univer- 
sity Magazine of 1886 warns against women's clubs 
and says that they are probably responsible for the 
alarming prevalence of divorce and remarriage among 
Boston women. But in spite of conventional traditions 
as to woman's place, the woman of the New South is 
becoming "Woman" rather than "Lady" and is wel- 
coming all the means to a stimulating life, while the 
old degrading pseudo-chivalry is giving way for a 
better relation, with the possibility of equality in com- 
radeship. 

The aroma of the old sentimentalism, however, still 
lingers. For instance Mr. Hobson tells how a staunch 
opponent was led to swing his whole clan in an election 
by reason of Mrs. Hobson's ingratiating plea and smile. 
Said the old patriarch: "Mrs. Hobson, I voted for 
your husband -and more than that I made my forty- 
two sons and grandsons vote for him, but it was not for 
the captain; we did it for your sake." Such an atti- 
tude toward woman and toward social affairs is a coun- 

* Tillett. "Southern Womanhood as affected by the War," ii. 



1 6 The American Family 

terpart to such legislation as enabled Benjamin Till- 
man Jr., to deed his two small children to Senator and 
Mrs. Tillman in order to get them away from his wife, 
their mother, with whom he had quarreled. The sen- 
ator's part in this affair seems to have been above re- 
proach but he must have had a sorry sense of perspec- 
tive when he attacked suffrage as degrading to woman. 

It is of interest to observe in passing that the Ku Klux 
Klan had opportunity to exercise disciplinary functions 
on other than negroes. One man who was in the habit 
of beating his wife unmercifully and failed to furnish 
support for his family found his house surrounded one 
night by a ghostly crowd who informed him that after 
a certain period they would return for business, unless 
he went to work and treated his family better. Thence- 
forth there was not a more industrious man in the 
region. 

The general transformation of the South has pro- 
foundly altered the home. At the close of the war the 
survivors of the Confederacy were perhaps "the poorest 
civilized people on the face of the earth." Gradual 
improvement in the means of living carried with it a 
corresponding advancement in the life of the home. 
Less than a quarter century after Appomattox a south- 
ern gentleman wrote: 

Compare the old and the new houses. Those built recently 
are better in every way than those built before the war. I do 
not speak of an occasional mansion that in the old times lifted 
itself proudly among a score of cabins, but of the thousands of 
decent farmhouses and comely cottages that have been built in 
the last ten years. I know scores whose new barns are better 
than their old residences. Our people have better furniture. 
Better taste asserts itself: the new houses are painted; they 
have not only glass but blinds. There is more comfort inside. 
There are luxuries where once there were not conveniences. 



The White Family in the New South 17 

Carpets are getting to be common among the middle classes. 
There are parlor organs, pianos, and pictures where we never 
saw them before. And so on, to the end of a long chapter.'^ 

The drift toward city life, however, has had a dis- 
tinct influence on the southern home. After the war, 
young ladies and young men felt the urban attraction 
and often the old folks were left to struggle "with the 
embarrassments of the time, and their sons far away 
from them in cities." The young bachelors that es- 
sayed plantation life had a hard time and fewer wo- 
men wanted to live on plantations, bereft as they were 
of the old time help and exposed perhaps to a new 
danger. The change that has taken place from home 
life in isolation, or in the small village where birth, 
marriage, and death were the three supreme experi- 
ences, drawing together the whole village in loving 
ministry®- the change from such simplicity to urban 
gregariousness means a revolution in the tendency of 
southern family life. The trend is toward the weak- 
ening of the home, the substitution of other interests, 
the shrinkage of parenthood, the growth of divorce. 

The relative slowness of the South, however, to re- 
spond to the new influences is seen in the fact that the 
proportion of early marriages among native whites of 
native parentage is much larger in the South than in 
the North or the West. In any picture of the New 
South account must still be had of the poor whites of 
the back country, living in rude hovels with large fam- 
ilies and using the simple facilities of primitive life. 
Regard must be given to the crude villages and their 
primitive life. 

In the social life of the primitive mountaineers, old 
simple usages have strong tenure. An English lady 

7 Barnes. Studies in American History^ 381-382. 

8 Compare Hammond, "Young Women of Tippah." 



1 8 The American Family 

remarked in a book of 1883 upon women's doing the 
outdoor work while the men smoke. A later writer 
declares that nowhere else in the world has the Anglo- 
Saxon race produced such unattractive dismal looking 
females. When a youth marries his barefoot bride, 
there is music and dancing and some one to perform the 
ceremony even if the itinerant preacher can not be 
found in time. A new cabin rises in a remote hollow, 
a patch of timber is belted and killed, and a careless 
corn crop struggles with bushes, crows, and squirrels. 
Many homes have but one window. Dishes are scarce 
and children eat from their parents' plates or all gather 
round a single bowl. Immorality exists, though the 
intimate family life in the better cabins is quite de- 
corous. 

The women of the Kentucky mountains are rooted 
to their homes, perhaps never having been to the post- 
ofiice four miles away or to see the old folks a few 
hours' walk across the mountains. Lack of good 
roads has hindered freedom of intercourse. Moun- 
tain women marry early, many at fourteen or fifteen 
and nearly all before they are twenty. Many are pret- 
ty in youth but premature marriage, frequent child- 
bearing, ignorance or neglect of hygiene, and overwork 
soon age them, so that when past thirty a mountain 
woman is likely to be bent and faded. Seven to ten 
children make a normal family; fifteen is no uncommon 
number; but infant mortality is high. Whole districts 
are interrelated and knowledge of the ill effects of close 
inbreeding is of small avail. 

In the mountains man is lord, tho he deigns to con- 
sult his wife -about family matters and may tolerate a 
certain amount of shrewishness. He seldom meddles 
in the house. As for outdoor work, the woman does 



The White Family in the New South 19 

her share, dragging in with the help of the children 
dead timber from the hillsides and taking a turn in the 
fields as well. At table the wife stands and serves, or 
if seated passes the dishes first to the men. Woman is 
to the mountaineer hardly more than a higher grade / 
domestic animal and she would scarcely respect her 
husband if he did not put upon her the menial tasks. 
Women do not visit or go anywhere without asking 
leave. Divorces are rather rare "not by grace of any 
uncommon regard for the seventh commandment, but 
rather from a more tolerant attitude of mind." 

Most mountaineers are indulgent parents; boys grow 
up with slight restraint beyond their own sense of duty; 
little children consume what they please, often with 
fatal consequences. Domestic affection, tho seldom 
uttered, is deep and strong. Kinship reaches to re- 
mote degrees of consanguinity. Family loyalty com- 
mands supreme devotion, even to the point of perjury 
in court or the shedding of blood. ^ 

The problem of *'our contemporary ancestors" of the 
highlands bids fair to be solved by the building of roads 
through their fastnesses and by the introduction of fac- 
tories which will draw them forth and expose them to 
education and development. The new industrialism 
has already fundamentally affected many mountain 
families. For the time being, however, this very in- 
dustrial revolution may aggravate evil conditions, as 
occurred for instance in a certain archaic, straggling 
town on the edge of the southern mountains a few years 
since when a great corporation located a plant there. 
The community already had a vile slum life to which 
the well-to-do citizens manifested a laissez-faire atti- 
tude tho the community had cultivated a shining repu- 

9 Kephart. Our Southern Highlanders, passim. 



20 The American Family 

tation for extraordinary religious rectitude and piety. 
The deep seated depravity of the community was ag- 
gravated by the inflow of labor, which had to be accom- 
modated in the most outrageous conditions of housing. 
Shortly after the industrial revolution a young man 
long resident in the town and qualified by character and 
insight to set forth conditions, reported in substance as 
follows : 

The place is rotten. Houses of prostitution are all over it. 
Immoral women come in numbers to religious meetings at a 
mission and get their men right there. In one part of the 
town two prominent women have kept houses for a long time - 
vile places. In these resorts so many of the men of the town 
used to be that their women got sticks and stones and smashed 
up things about two years ago. During a military encampment 
last summer one woman entertained as many as thirty soldiers 
in a day. In the course of the season a crowd of soldiers gave 
these women a thrashing. Yet such women powder up and 
drive around with rather prominent men of the town. If the 
livery horses could talk, they would have a great tale to tell. 
One professing Christian who goes habitually with whores has 
been found out by his wife, who says that when she herself 
catches him she will blow out her own brains. Immoral girls 
parade Main Street and good girls waiting at the post office 
and the like are in such close proximity (tho not talking to 
them) that strangers to town class all together. Dozens of 
girls are being led into vile lives because there is no one to say 
anything or tell them the right. A boy of sixteen expressed 
the opinion that when a girl consented to intercourse the act 
was adultery for her but not for him (tho his mother had told 
him otherwise). This youth could not become a Christian if 
he had to give up fornication; he was in jail once and thought 
he would die because he could not get to women. In the 
houses of the slum district one finds women going round semi- 
naked. I went into one house and saw a fellow leave off in- 
tercourse with a pretty girl. One can see them hugging and 
kissing in public. Things are so bad over by "the works" - 



The White Family in the New South 21 

only half a dozen Christians there - that one of the Christians 
says: "I'm going to start something even if I have to indict 
my own father." (The people in that section are interrelated.) 
The owner of a big business concern is living in adultery with 
another man's wife. Her son is growing up - a nice, well- 
disposed boy — and is beginning to find out about his mother. 

Preachers and others are afraid of their necks, and good 
Christian people wonder at the hardness of life and their sons' 
going wrong. One pastor who came close to the subject in a 
sermon pretty nearly got into difficulty. Prominent educators 
in the place know about conditions but remain inert. It would 
hurt people's business to stir up the question. 

It is hard for the newcomer to such a community to 
tell how much of the depravity is of long standing and 
how much of it is due to the abnormal conditions con- 
sequent upon the introduction of a new economic era 
into a place unprepared for it; but conditions in the 
community just described seem to bear witness to the 
widespread degeneracy that prevails undisturbed in old 
rural villages rather than to the demoralizing effects 
of urban capitalism. It is a serious question whether 
the village and the countryside are essentially purer 
than is the city. 

The mass of the poor whites throughout the South 
are still far from the possibility of wholesome home life. 
Hookworm, malaria, tenantry, and loan-sharks consume 
their vitality; many are virtually homeless inasmuch as 
oppressive conditions of farm tenure, coupled with in- 
efficiency and lack of capital, result in yearly moves 
aad propertylessness. Housing conditions in country 
and village are desperately vile. Few southern rural 
families have real kitchen gardens, and of course or- 
chards are impossible to servile, migratory tenants. The 
rudimentary conveniences of housekeeping are want- 
ing in a large proportion of families. President Cook 



V 



J 



22 The American Family 

of the Mississippi Normal College attributes the fading 
of farmers' wives to the burden of water-carrying. 
The cooking of three meals a day on a meager allowance of 
water will necessitate ten buckets, which will make for cook- 
ing alone twelve hundred pounds of lifting per day [as the 
water has to be handled six times in the course of its use]. 
When to this is added the water necessary for bathing, scrub- 
bing and the weekly wash, it will easily bring the lift per day 
up to a ton, and the lifting of a ton a day will take the elas- 
ticity out of a woman's step, the bloom out of her cheek and the 
enjoyment from her soul. 

The canning club movement has begun to arouse the 
girls of the rural South to the possibility of providing 
a superior substitute for store goods from the North. 
A movement has also begun to introduce or revive oth- 
er household industries in the homes of the poor. In 
the mountains, native handicrafts are being restored. 
Commercialized industry, too, is finding it possible to 
use the home. The president of a Durham hosiery 
concern found that marriage was depriving him of his 
most efficient girls; so he conceived the plan of sending 
the work after them into their homes. The experiment 
was begun by the installation of several looping ma- 
chines in the homes of a number of former employees. 
The plan was a success from the start. By the begin- 
ning of 1914 forty-three "home factories" were operat- 
ing in Durham and extension to other places was in 
prospect. 

The economic advance that is visiting the South in 
the form of improved communication, the introduction 
of modern industry, and the regeneration of household 
activities under the inspiration of practical education 
point the way through the new prosperity to the re- 
demption of the southern working-class family. A 
new land system, the expansion of rural credits and sci- 



The White Family in the New South 23 

entific agriculture, a socialized policy in industry, and 
devotion to the new education that is taking so firm a 
hold on the South are indispensable requisites to the 
laying of substantial economic and social foundations 
for sound family institutions and home life among the 
common white folks of the section. 

The twin problems of education and child labor are 
still far from adequate solution. Child labor was nat- 
ural enough in the period of recovery from prostra- 
tion, and the poverty of the South even until recent 
times made it seem necessary for everybody to work. 
Factories came as a stimulating boon to the poor hill 
people, drawing them from their hopeless barren fast- j^ 

nesses into community life with some possibility of en- 
lightenment; but the system carried with it the cruel 
exploitation of childhood at the hands of those who 
were either too selfish or too short-sighted to realize 
the wastefulness of such a policy. One manufacturer 
of better insight has declared that the child is the most 
expensive employee. The spread of this vision, open- 
ing the eyes of manufacturers to the desirability of 
eliminating the younger children and securing compul- 
sory education, may be expected to assist the humani- 
tarian sentiment that is developing in behalf of the 
child. 

White children had poor chance for education after 
the war; mother or sister had to do the teaching. Many 
a beautiful and brilliant girl sacrificed her future for 
the sake of small brothers and sisters. Mrs. Sarah 
Hughes said in 1867: "The children of the dead sol- 
diers are wandering beggars. . . Except in large 
cities there are no schools or homes for the fatherless." 
By the seventies there were few or no rural districts 
without a number of half grown illiterate children. 



24 The American Family 

Aside from the pressure that drove tiny boys to the 
plow handles and little girls to irksome chores there 
were other obstacles in the way of public education. 
It took time for opposition to free public schools to 
abate. The patrician was loath to send his children, 
especially the girls, to mingle with "poor white trash." 
Moreover the roads were bad and negroes roved. 
White children in the fields wistfully watched black 
children flocking to school." Even in very recent 
years something of the same conditions prevailed in 
some places. In northern Florida, for instance, a white 
father and mother with their children might be seen 
going to the field to hoe cotton while a little farther 
along the road a half-dozen negro children were trudg- 
ing to school. In the mill districts the white children 
are in the mills and the blacks are in school." Only 
now are the people of the South adopting a broad atti- 
tude with reference to the education of children. 
There is point to W. H. Page's mention of a man who, 
declaring the charge for tuition too high, took from 
school his two children who were there at the expense 
of some one else. Next to him might be placed the 
Florida school superintendent who not many years 
since opposed compulsory education, with the quaint 
remark: "Of course I'll send my children to school, 
but I'm not going to let anybody make me do it." The 
old fashioned Southerner tends to resent community 
interference with the family. As much as can be ex- 
pected of some states in the matter of compulsory edu- 
cation is that the necessary coercion of parents will 
come by the local option route. 

In the new South, somewhat as in the old, family 

^•5 Avary. Dixie after the War, 297-301. 
^1 Crouch-Hazlett. "Statistics and Facts." 



The White Family in the New South 25 

has played an important role, A slangy girl on a Mis- 
sissippi steamer said: "We used to be well off. Moth- 
er'd ruther we'd marry poor quality folks than see us 
rich and happy if our husbands were common stock." 
W. H. Page relates that when he was a pupil at a 
famous boys' school a lad whose father had had neither 
a military nor a political career was at a disadvantage. 
A thirteen-year-old companion came to Page's room 
one day, shut the door, and fell into tears because his 
father was not a colonel. "I tried to comfort him by 
telling him that my father was not a colonel eith- 
er. . . This . . . only gave him the less re- 
spect for me." To belong to a notable family is still 
a rich asset in the South. 

It is a surprise, therefore, to learn to what a degree 
pedigree has been neglected. In the 1878 Collections 
of the Georgia Historical Society there is a rather pa- 
thetic reference to this new-world indifference: 

In this youthful country, so careless of and indifferent to the 
memories of other days, so ignorant of the value of monuments 
and the impressive lessons of antiquity, w^here no law of pri- 
mogeniture encourages in the son the conservation of the abode 
and heirlooms of his fathers, v^here new fields, cheap lands, and 
novel enterprises at remote points are luring the loves of suc- 
ceeding generations from the gardens which delighted, the 
hoary oaks which sheltered, and the fertile fields which nour- 
ished their ancestors, where paternal estates are constantly alien- 
ated at public and private sales, landed acquisitions are placed 
at the mercy of speculative strangers, and family treasures, 
established inheritances, and old homesteads are seldom pre- 
served.^^ 

In the Transactions of the South Carolina Huguenot 
Society (published in 1899) it is said that 

The average family pedigree in South Carolina, as probably in 
the other original states, is full of errors, due principally to 

12 Georgia Historical Society Collections, vol. iv, 253. 



26 The American Family 

the neglect that has prevailed in the preservation of dates in 
the family records, and in the separation of generations from 
each other, especially where the same honored Christian name 
of the one who first brought the family into prominence is fre- 
quently repeated. The result of this neglect is in many cases 
absolute confusion, and where the old Family Bibles containing 
entries of births, marriages and deaths have been lost, as has 
largely been their fate at the south, the only expedient [left is 
to examine wills and other papers in the county offices]. ^^ 

For some while after the war it was naturally not the 
thing to intermarry with northerners. A lady says, 
however, of Virginia just after the war: "There were 
some intermarriages; a Petersburg girl ran away with 
a federal officer, and the pair sought asylum at my 
father's in Richmond's northern colony." But a south- 
ern girl showing fondness for federal beaux was put- 
ting herself under the ban. If such preference was 
not treason to the Confederacy it was disloyalty to the 
boys in gray. There is some reason to suppose that the 
unlikeness between North and South has increased 
since the war, but acquaintance has improved and in- 
termarriages are now commonplace. 



13 Huguenot Society of South Carolina Transactions, no. 6, p. 3. 



11. MISCEGENATION 

The interracial sex mores so prevalent in the South 
during the regime of slavery survived to a considerable 
degree the downfall of formal chatteldom. Not only 
by reason of ingrained usage but also on account of the 
fact that the negro has largely continued to occupy a 
position of social inferiority and virtual slavery, it has 
taken time for wholesome standards to prevail. In a 
work entitled Yazoo^ Colonel A. T. Morgan, a Missis- 
sippi gentleman originally from the North, gives much 
interesting information on the period following the 
war. His experiences with miscegenation are illumi- 
nating. 

It seems to have been almost impossible for colored 
girls to stand up against the temptation encountered at 
every turn. One bright pupil was seduced by a "best 
citizen." In one instance the son of a white judge fell 
in love with a daughter of his father's former slave. 
Neither girl nor mother would receive him save as 
suitor for her hand in marriage. Dick begged his 
mother to consent to the union, after which they would 
sail to some land above the color line. When she ac- 
quiesced her husband raved so that she retracted. Then 
a conspiracy was formed to obtain the girl and appar- 
ently succeeded, for Dick consented to marry a white 
girl. "At all times liable to the grossest vulgarities 
and obscenities from white youth and men, and from 
black, too, the wonder is that many more [girls] were 
not defiled than there were." 



28 The American Family 

The colored women came out of bondage with gross- 
ly perverted standards. Females visited Morgan's 
place often, ostensibly to inquire after old acquaint- 
ances, and finally remarked that not all Yankees were 
so slow to take a hint. One woman, the wife of a 
preacher, sent her beautiful young daughter repeatedly 
day and night and finally recommended her charms to 
the northerner, with the advice that he should not con- 
sider himself too good for colored girls as the best 
gentlemen in the country never thought themselves too 
good and they had wives. Later the woman begged 
his pardon for her ignorance of northern ways. "There 
were not many like Rose's mother I was glad to find, 
but the level of morality was low." 

Next door to Morgan lived a merchant whose chil- 
dren by his wife and those by his favorite concubine 
played together like any happy family. Morgan him- 
self married a woman of negro descent. Up to that 
time the colored concubines of white men had been able 
to maintain social prestige with rank according to that 
of the white sweetheart. The concubine of a wealthy 
planter stood at the top of the colored social ladder; 
when she passed to a merchant or lawyer she slipped 
down a peg. When she became the mistress of a "po' 
clerk" she took corresponding rank, and so on till she 
became the wife of a "po' no 'count nigger." Mean- 
while her daughters imitated her, often on her very 
trail -"unless, as was often the case, the concubine had 
too much pride and self-respect to rear daughters for 
such a purpose- in which case she destroyed herself to 
prevent it, or killed them." 

Morgan sought to impress on the colored women in 
Yazoo a belief in the possibilities of the new way of 
purity and honor. His own marriage seems to have 



Miscegenation 29 



ofifered a center for the crystallization of new social 
standards among the freed people. Presently the con- 
cubine's social prestige came into jeopardy; several 
were turned out of church. Accordingly many of the 
women began to inquire whether there was any legal 
obstacle to marriage and the men were in a sad plight. 
One began the erection of an elegant residence and al- 
lowed it to be given out that the house was for his mis- 
tress. Another gave money to his woman; another 
secretly married his; another made promises suffice. 
Some surrendered all claim on their concubines. Most 
men bided their time, but were fearfully harassed. 

The whites professed to abhor amalgamation ; women 
did detest it In view of Morgan's example in marry- 
ing a "negro," the wife of a very prominent citizen 
worked herself into such a fury that she drove her hus- 
band's concubine out of the house. One man whose 
wife protested against his behavior with a colored girl, 
beat the girl, sent her away without paying her for years 
of work, and betook himself to another negro woman. 
The former concubine came to Morgan's office to com- 
plain of her treatment and was instructed to tell her 
master that if he did not pay the wages due he would be 
prosecuted for seduction. The girl never returned; 
her paramour cursed, but took her back to his shelter. 

Stephen Powers, who passed through the South 
shortly after the war, tells of applying for lodgings at 
a lordly mansion in South Carolina and being repelled 
by the mistress. At the next house he learned the cause 
of her irritation -her only daughter had just given 
birth to a negro babe. Diligent inquiry all across the 
South failed to disclose another such instance in high 
life or even in respectable life, but in the South Caro- 
lina districts where the black population was densest 



30 The American Family 

and the poor whites most degraded "these unnatural 
unions were more frequent than anywhere else." Pow- 
ers says that in every case it was a woman of the lowest 
class, generally a "sand-hiller," who, deprived of her 
supporter by the war, "took up with a likely nigger" in 
order to save her children from famine. He found six 
. such marriages in South Carolina but never more than 
one in any other state." Morgan tells of a white cou- 
ple who had a mulatto child tho no trace of negro blood 
could be found in the family tree. It was a high-toned 
family; the husband sent the boy north to be brought 
up; people called the case a freak of nature. 

The convict system since the war has promoted im- 
morality. At one time the only white woman in a cer- 
tain penitentiary had to be locked up to prevent her 
ruin. About 1890 the number of bastards born in the 
Georgia penitentiary (mostly of negresses) became a 
public scandal. The rising standard of living among 
the colored people has also played a part in temptation. 
A bright and likely girl has had small chance of a 
career save as the mistress of a white man. To main- 
tain her integrity would mean to sacrifice many desir- 
able appurtenances of an ambitious life. Sometimes, 
on the other hand, a white man has been known to take 
up with a negro woman for the sake of her property. 

W. H. Thomas, a man with some African blood who 
went South after the war to teach f reedmen, declares in 
his book on the American Negro that in some instances 
church debts have been created and schemes gotten up 
for securing money from philanthropic white people so 
that a black preacher might be able to win the favor of 
lewd white women, and that in the North colored wo- 
men have to compete with lewd white women for the 

^* Powers. Afoot and Alone, 40-41. 



Miscegenation 31 



most desirable negro men. He asserts that there is no 
school of prominence in negro training which has not 
had on its roll young women in immoral relation with 
white men, whose school expenses have in many in- 
stances been met by such men with the connivance of K 
the school authorities. He calls attention to the ''wellr 
nigh universal custom in the South, as well as in many 
sections of the North" for white men to keep negro mis- 
tresses and cites the utterances of southern grand juries 
in condemnation of the prevalent concubinage which 
keeps young men from marrying white girls. Causes 
are found in moral laxity and degenerative greed which 
are leading white men to refrain from conjugal life on 
account of the greater freedom and cheapness of mesal- 
liances. Thomas gives as the leading causes of the 
downfall of negro women, laziness, fondness for dis- 
play, lack of conception or knowledge of fundamental 
duties of womanhood, and the consciousness of white 
superiority. Many mothers, he says, bring their girls 
up in an atmosphere of laxity, often with aversion to 
their own race, and rejoice at the fruits of their daugh- 
ters' physical charms. 

Negro gatherings show a complete gamut of colors. 
Perhaps, however, the southern people are not entitled 
to sole blame. A negro woman in Florida remarked 
to a tourist: 

Rich Yankees in de winter-time; crap uh white nigger babies 
in de fall. Fus' war we all had down here, mighty big crap 
uh yaller babies come up. Arter de war 'bout Cuba, 'nother 
big crap come 'long. Nigger gal ain' gwine have black chile ef . ' 
she kin git a white one!^^ 

Mrs. Avary says that the average negress will invite 
the mere lust of a worthless white man in preference to 

^^ Avary. Dixie after the fVar, 397. 



32 The American Family 

marriage with a black; the average mulatto of either 
sex considers union with a black degrading. This 
writer says that the virtuous black woman is found most 
often in southern rural districts rather than in cities 
North or South/' 

The continuance of miscegenation has been attended 
by considerable controversy. Southerners can scarcely 
withhold themselves from satisfaction at evidence of 
sexual lapses in the North. One southern gentleman 
said, for instance, in the case of a certain northern 
divine accused of immorality: "The whole country 
is tired of free-love Beecher." An elder in an Atlanta 
church a few years since expressed to the author his 
disgust at northern anxiety over miscegenation in the 
South and told with satisfaction of a flagrant instance 
of the same sin that obtruded itself upon him during a 
visit north. In one notable southern case a man charged 
with miscegamy retorted with demand for proof, main- 
taining that he never had given the ofifence the slightest 
encouragement whereas in his county there were many 
persons of mixed blood, all of whom, so far as the ac- 
cused knew, traced their lightness to "Democratic fath- 
erhood."" In connection with a proposal in Georgia 
to send white teachers of mixed schools to the chain 
gang, a correspondent in the Advance is cited as urging 
that every colored woman giving birth to a light col- 
ored child should be constrained to disclose the father 
and that he should be hanged. A southern Methodist 
preacher is quoted in the same connection as urging 
that the parents of mulatto children be sent to the chain 
gang.^® During a southern sojourn of six years ago the 

^^Avary. Dixie after the War, 397-398. 

17 Great Ecclesiastical Trial of J. JV. Thorne, 3. 

18 "Georgia's Proposed Chain Gang for Christian Teachers," 5, lo. 



Miscegenation 33 



author observed a case of a white man's living openly in 
a good house with a colored concubine and their family 
of children, and was told that when the man began this 
irregular life he was waited upon by a number of white 
men, who protested against his conduct, whereupon the 
man replied that they need have nothing to say inas- 
much as they had their dark women secretly while he 
intended to live with his openly. 

Right-thinking southern men and women have 
strongly opposed inter-racial immorality. Very re- 
cently W. D. Weatherford said:^"^^^We of the white 
race must brand every white man who seduces a colored 
girl as a fiend of the same stripe as the negro who rapes 
a white woman. '"3 The ideal, however, is hard to at- 
tain. Some ten years since in a flourishing little 
southern city the author found that difficulty was ex- 
perienced in keeping high school boys from consorting 
with negro girls. A South Carolina man of good 
training and educational experience testifies that white 
men have told him that a negress makes a more desir- 
able mistress than a white woman by reason of the 
greater warmth of her nature. On the score that ne- 
groes have no morals, protection is denied to negro 
girls.^'* Still, immorality with colored women is far 
less prevalent than before the War.-^ In New Orleans 
after the War the peculiar prestige of quadroons and 
octoroons passed away. The educator just quoted as- 
serts that when a negro girl has been away to school 
and ^'learned something" she will not listen to the ad- 
vances of a white man. White men's union with col- 
ored women has become largely restricted to casual 

^^ "Growing social Effort in the South:" in the Survey, vol. x:cxvi, 196. 
20 Southern Sociological Congress, Battling for Social Betterment, 152. 
-1 "Growing social Effort in the South:" in the Survey, vol. xxxvi, 196. 



34 The American Family 

intercourse."^ A few years since, A. H. Stone, a Mis- 
sissippi cotton planter, was quoted as corroborating the 
opinion that amalgamation is rapidly disappearing. 

There was a vast amount [he said] up to perhaps twenty years 
ago. Since then there has been a decided change of sentiment 
on the part of southern white men. I know that not so long 
ago it was not an uncommon thing to find an overseer or super- 
intendent on a plantation who would have from one to half a 
doz^en concubines. This practice has practically been done 
away with. The planters will not permit their overseers to do 
such things, and the overseers themselves seldom offend.-^ 

In the negro race, too, there has begun a certain in- 
sistence on negro standards of beauty and racial respect, 
as opposed to pernicious admiration of the white race- 
a movement that may do much to set the negro free 
from the insidious bondage of sex transgression. Kelly 
Miller well says 

Blending of the races is less likely to take place, if the dignity, 
self-respect, and manly opportunity of the negro are encour- 
aged and respected, than if he is forever crushed beneath the 
level of his faculties for fancied dread of "social equality." The 
only way to foster race pride which in turn leads to the preser- 
vation of race type and race integrity, is to open up vista and 
scope to the black man's aspiration. . . The inexorable de- 
cree of "social equality" is every day defeating its own purpose. 
Hundreds of mixed bloods are daily crossing the color line, and 
carrying with them so much of the despised blood as an al- 
bicant skin can conceal without betrayal. . . 

Doctor Miller sees in this fact a consequence of the 
desire to escape for self and posterity "an odious and 
despised status." 

Intermarriage usually takes place among the lower stratum of 
both races. The refined and cultivated class among the col- 
ored people show as much distaste for such alliances as the 
whites themselves. . . Degradation of the negro would lead 

22 Wylly. Seed that ivas So-zvn in the Colony of Georgia, 1740-1870, 122. 

23 Patterson. Negro and his Needs, 39. 



Miscegenation 35 



soonest to the destruction of type and final blending of race 
through illicitness. Had slavery continued for another century, 
without fresh African importation, there would scarcely have 
remained an unbleached negro in America.-* 

Interracial respect and good-will furnish a barrier 
to amalgamation, or at least do not encourage it, as is 
shown by the experience of Oberlin and Berea Colleges 
where association of the races did not result in inter- 
marriage. A remarkable commentary on southern 
standards is found in the fact that recently at any rate 
some of the people of the South were expecting the 
race problem to be solved ultimately by absorption. 

A factor in the question that has not received enough 
attention is the probable influence of the new woman- 
hood of the South, white and black. One may suppose 
that with the increasing economic independence of 
white women there will come an increasing power on 
their part exerted in pressure against the vicious prac- 
tices which they had to tolerate in the old days of mis- 
called "chivalry" because they had no means of inde- 
pendent life. The independence and enlightenment 
already attained by the womanhood of the negro race 
has been a factor in the improvement of morals. Sig- 
nificant, too, is the recent assertion of W. E. B. Dubois 
that the number of "poor white prostitutes of the 
South" has doubled in twenty years. "^^ 

A more sensational phase of race relation has been 
the rape of white women by negroes. While this prac- 
tice can not be attributed solely to the evil influences of 
reconstruction days it was undoubtedly aggravated 
thereby. The negro soldier was sometimes in a posi- 
tion to bully and insult white women; moreover the 
time was rife with discussion of social equality. Ad- 

-* Miller. "Social Equality." 

25 Dubois. "Another Study in Black," 412. 



36 The American Family 

vice from the North and the attitude of northern press 
and pulpit had something to do with making the Afri- 
can feel his importance. General Halleck wrote to 
Grant in 1865 of a negro corps: "A number of cases 
of atrocious rape have already occurred. Their influ- 
ence on the colored people is reported bad. I hope 
you will remove it." Other federal officers made sim- 
ilar reports. Governor Perry of South Carolina re- 
monstrated against negro troops and told of their en- 
tering a house and, after tying the man, violating the 
ladies. General Schofield sentenced a negro rapist to 
eighteen years in the penitentiary. The absence of Ku 
Klux Klan in Virginia has been attributed in part to 
the swiftness of that sentence. One negro being lynched 
for attempted rape said: "But, fo Gawd, gent'mun, 
ef a white man f'om de Norf hadn't put't in my hade 
dat a white 'oman warn' none too good fuh — " 

Mrs. Avary says that northern indignation over 
lynching and silence as to raping was likely to mislead 
negroes. She quotes a southern girl as exclaiming: 
They do not care, the men and women of the North; if we 
are raped. They do not care that we are prisoners of fear, 
that we fear to take a ramble in the woods alone, fear to go 
about the farms on necessary duties, fear to sit in our houses 
alone ; fear, if we live in cities, to go alone on the streets at 
hours when a woman is safe anywhere in Boston or New York. 

Mrs. Avary goes on to say that from the northern atti- 
tude as represented in press and pulpit, negroes drew 
their own conclusions; violation of a white woman was 
no harm; indeed, as a leveler of social distinctions, it 
might almost pass for an act of grace; the way to be- 
come a martyr hero in the eyes of the white North was 
to assault a white woman of the South."*' 

In 1870 under negro rule in North Carolina a rapist 

26 Avary. Dixie after the War, 377-384. 



Miscegenation 27 



was tried before a negro jury, convicted on negro evi- 
dence, and hanged. The better sentiment of the negro 
race tended normally to reassert itself. ^^ But the white 
race did not wait for salvation from that quarter. A 
writer on the Ku Klux Klan^^ recalls - 

The unspeakable crimes, the shame, the anguish - that befel 
The only sister of our race, 
A thing too horrible to tell. 

When families sacrificing their land for a song would steal 

away to some distant state to spend the remainder of their 

days in obscurity, with the dark story locked in their own 

breasts. 
Men joined the Klan partly in order to save their wo- 
men from dishonor. 

When poor white girls find it necessary to work side 
by side with negro men, particularly in lonely rural 
labor, they are exposed to unusual danger. Economic 
equality of this sort brings to the negro man tempta- 
tions that would be rather unlikely to occur to him if 
his association were with white ladies of high rank. 

Of late years the crime of rape of white women prob- 
ably tends to decrease. As the better standards pre- 
viously mentioned become fixed it will doubtless prac- 
tically disappear or at all events become as rare (if it 
has not already done so) as like offences on the part of 
degraded men in other parts of the civilized world. 
Even now it is the cause of only a moderate proportion 
of the lynchings that afflict the South. Certainly the 
elimination of such lewd dives and vile saloons as fired 
the imagination of black men with pictures of Cauca- 
sian charms in the days before the Atlanta riots will do 
somewhat to speed the day of safety. 

-'' Avary. Dixie after the War, 386. 

28 Compare Jarvis, "Ku-klux Klans": in North Carolina Booklet, vol. ii, 
no. I, pp. 5, 11-13. 



38 The American Family 

After the war there occurred in some states a tem- 
porary letting down in prohibition of interracial mar- 
riage. Such was the case in Mississippi. In Mary- 
land the assembly of 1867 removed the probition on 
marriage between negro and white but failed to repeal 
the old penalty on clergymen officiating. In 1884, 
however, all marriages between whites and those of 
negro descent to the third generation inclusive were 
forbidden. The Southern States have today prohibi- 
tion varying in detail but all aimed to guard the race 
line. The necessity for such legislation calls in ques- 
tion the supposed antipathy between the races, unless 
the intention is merely to guard against the aberrancy 
of atypical individuals. The laws are certainly of 
dubious justice and clearly work hardship in certain 
cases. Thus in 1886 in Maryland a colored man and a 
white woman with several children were married, re- 
ligious influence having made the man uneasy in con- 
cubinage. The court gave them eighteen months in 
prison. A negro says: "The whites have mingled 
with us in the dark, but when we want to bring the 
clear light of day upon such things they are shocked." 
Colored leaders, even tho opposed to intermarriage, can 
well oppose the prohibitory laws as furnishing a cloak 
for the immorality of white men, who are free to seduce 
colored girls without running the risk of forced mar- 
riage. 

Some states outside the South have attempted to 
check miscegenation by statute. In general, where in- 
termarriage of the races is still permitted very little 
occurs. Such marriages as do take place are largely 
of persons so low as not to represent either race. 



III. THE NEGRO FAMILY SINCE 
EMANCIPATION =^^^ 

Emancipation left for the South a serious problem 
as to the marital status of the freed people. It be- 
came necessary to determine and recognize their unions 
and for this purpose many Southern States enacted 
special statutes. The Missouri law of 1865 required 
legal marriage of slave couples. Many negroes took 
advantage of the interpretation of the statute to move 
and take a new wife.'*' For some time after the war, 
the word "white" remained in the Maryland bastardy 
law, which allowed any white woman to disclose the 
father of her illegitimate child so that he might be 
required to provide for its support. The code of 1888 
left out the word "white." The bearing of such changes 
can be seen in a case in which a colored man in jail for 
inability to pay the sum necessary for support of his 
child married the woman, thus legitimizing the child, 
and was set free with admonition to care for his family 
and "behave himself."'^ 

The proposal to put the blacks of the South on the 
same level as whites in respect to legal marriage aroused 
some opposition. A Mississippi physician exclaimed: 

Why, sir, that so-called constitution elevates every nigger 
wench to the equality of mah own daughters. The monstrous 
thing! . . . The world-wide fame of the fair ladies of the 

29 Dubois. Negro American Family. This contains "a select bibliogra- 
phy of the Negro American Familj'." 

2° Trexler. Slavery in Missouri, 89. 

31 Brackett. Progress of the Colored People of Maryland since the War, 
78, 80. 



40 The American Family 

South faw beauty, faw refinement, and faw chastity has been 
ouah proudest boast. This vile thing you call a constitution 
robs us of that too. . . The negro women have always stood 
between ouah daughters and the superabundant sexual energy 
of ouah hot-blooded youth. And by God, sir, youah so-called 
constitution tears down the restrictions that the fo'sight of 
ouah statesmen faw mo' than a century has placed upon the 
negro race in ouah country. If it is fo'ced on the people of 
the state, all the damned negro wenches in the country will 
believe they're just as good as the finest lady . . . and 
ouah young men'll be driven back upon the white ladies, and 
we'll have prostitution like you all have it in the North. 
The end of it all will sho'ly be the degradation of ouah own 
ladies to the level of ouah wenches - the brutes. 

A score of neighbors heard the utterance but not a 
voice was raised in disapproval.^' 

The mores of slavery persisted to a considerable de- 
gree in the family usages of the freedmen. Frances 
Leigh who spent ten years on a Georgia plantation 
after the war wrote of 1870 that there were many mar- 
riages that winter, "and wishing to encourage the girls 
to become moral and chaste, we made the ceremony" 
as imposing as possible. Not wishing to lose her par- 
son or have the people go off the place to be married, 
she sent him to Savannah for ministerial licensure so 
that he could meet the legal requirements and perform 
marriages. He was found too ignorant; so all her 
weddings were spoiled. She found too that the ne- 
groes had their own ideas of morality, to which they 
adhered strictly; they did not think it wrong for a girl 
to have a child before marriage but were very severe 
upon anything like wifely infidelity. It was important 
to raise the tone among girls but they did not need much 
encouragement to early marriage and women remar- 
ried as often as they were left widows. Once a man's 

32 Morgan. Yazoo, 205-212. 



Negro Family since Emancipation 41 

second engagement was announced on the day of his 
first wife's funeral. The funeral service generally oc- 
curred about three weeks after burial. 

The development of new standards had to move in 
the face of the old arrogance of the whites. Morgan 
says that when "scores of Yazoo freedmen" began to 
demand for their wives the same courteous treatment 
as decency exacted for white ladies at the hands of the 
public, the merchant, or callers at the house, their ef- 
forts met with contempt and often evoked greater li- 
cense from those white men that had acted on the priv- 
ileges of the old rule -to enter a negro's house without 
knocking, stand or sit with hat on, and make evil ad- 
vances to the women. The old rule allowed a white 
man to pinch or embrace a colored woman in the store, 
or openly to invite immorality, or to stare at or insult 
her on the street. Morgan says that the great mass of 
the colored men came to regard him as a Moses be- 
cause they were permitted to call their firesides their 
own. 

By 1892 Mayo found steady improvement in manners 
and morals "even among the average class of the col- 
ored folk." An increasing number of families were 
living "in respectability, morality, even with many of 
the refinements and most of the decencies of a Christian 
home." He regarded the training of colored girls by 
devoted teachers as their bulwark. 

I am convinced [he says] from the most careful observation 
that the percentage of sexual failure among these young women 
graduates, after fair trial in these schools, is not greater than 
in modern "polite society," and far less than among the women 
of several of our immigrant peoples. 

Economic conditions have influenced negro sex 
morals in a variety of ways not peculiar to that race. 
General exploitation of the poor and helpless by the 



i^ 



42 The American Family 

propertied class lays the basis for protean depravity 
whether the victims be negro or white. Low wages 
and a rising standard of living postpones marriage and 
thus makes for immorality, especially in view of the 
recentness of the negro's civilization. Poverty entails 
bad housing and vicious environment that contribute to 
moral delinquency. Negro women are, under exist- 
ing conditions of economic demand, drawn toward the 
city while men are kept in the country; thus a danger- 
ous disproportion of the sexes arises. In 1900, in fif- 
teen cities containing each over twenty thousand ne- 
groes, females were in excess in all save Chicago. The 
aggregate negro population of these cities showed one 
hundred eighteen females to each hundred males. ^^ In 
1910 every one of these fifteen cities save St. Louis and 
Chicago showed a considerable female excess. Negro 
girls engaged in domestic service sufifer from the same 
lack of attention and care on the part of employers as is 
X the lot of domestics of other race. Major Moton says 
that this neglect "has had more to do with the moral 
degradation of negro women than any other single 
phase of Southern life.""* The general suppression of 
the weaker race, the restriction of educational oppor- 
tunity, and the common absence of the spirit of fair- 
ness toward the helot tribe prevent the development of 
such self-respecting and enlightened standards of be- 
havior as become a free people. 

As a result of such conditions as the foregoing, prim- 
itive traits and the heritage of slavery are slow to be 
eliminated. Many negroes are still uncontrolled by 
any serious sense of social responsibility. They give 
way spontaneously to impulses that civilization seeks to 

^3 Dubois. Negro American Family, 36. 

3* Southern Sociological Congress. Battling for Social Betterment, 167. 



Negro Family since Emancipation 43 

keep under control. Kelsey in his Negro Farmer 
quotes a colored man as saying: "Niggers is queer 
folks, boss. 'Pears to me they don' know what they 
gwine do. Ef I go out and live in a man's house like 
as not I run away wid dat man's wife." In all attempts 
to appraise the ethical level of the race, comparison 
should of course be made, not with the generality of 
the white race with its longer heritage of freedom and 
opportunity, but with those portions of it that stand on 
the same economic plane as does the mass of the col- 
ored people. 

At the opening of the twentieth century, the point 
where the Negro American was furthest behind mod- 
ern civilization was in his sexual mores.^^" Immodesty, 
unbridled sexuality, obscenity, social indifference to 
purity were prevalent characteristics. Children of ten y^ 
to twelve knew a hundred vile songs; they were sung in 
many homes without thought of impropriety. Mas- 
turbation was common among the children of both 
sexes and intercourse was begun shortly after or even 
before puberty. Open cohabitation of the unmarried 
was very common. Odum quotes a colored girl as 
saying: "A colored girl that keeps herself pure ain't 
liked socially. We just think she has had no chance." 
Women were actuated to marriage by desire for free- 
dom from parental control and from labor and to in- 
dulge in unbridled sexual freedom. Women got stand- 
ards of decorum from their ideas as to decollete white 
women, from questionable novels, and from salacious 
theatricals. 

Many matings involved no marriage ceremony and 
paid little regard to legal requirements; divorces were 
equally informal. Kelsey tells of a wife's leaving her 

35 Dubois. Negro American Family, 37. 



44 The American Family 

husband on account of trouble over a preacher's visits. 
The husband ''hired a wife" without thinking of moral 
n1 wrong. The real wife did not lose caste, the preacher 

stood as well with his flock, and the ''new wife" was 
well received. He tells also of a woman who, dissatis- 
fied with shoes the planter furnished, left her husband 
for another man. Thomas professes to have known 
negro men to lead wives, mothers, sisters, and daugh- 
ters to the sensuous embraces of white men. He al- 
leges that it is not uncommon for men to have children 
by their step-daughters with the consent of the girl's 
mother. He declares that "a negro manhood with 
decent respect for chaste womanhood does not exist" 
and that "illegitimate motherhood is rather a recom- 
mendation in the eyes of a prospective husband." Ne- 
gro attendants in hotels aped the lewdness of prominent 
white men who resorted thither with disreputable wo- 
men. Negro men and women of good repute in north- 
ern churches made periodic visits south to procure 
handsome negro girls for vile purposes. 

Ministerial morality was in many instances low.^^ 
Thomas says that negro preachers knowingly take im- 
moral women to wife and many owe promotion to their 
wives' prostitution to the men higher up. According 
to him, "A large majority of our negro ministry is con- 
spicuous for its licentious indulgence with female mem- 
bers of negro churches." 

Venereal disease has become very common in the 
South; women bring the maladies from city to coun- 
try. Odum quotes a physician with years of extensive 
practice among negroes of smaller communities and on 
plantations to the effect that venereal diseases and 
gynecological affections are very common; he sees few 

3* Compare Dubois, Negro Church, 64, 90, 155-158. 



Negro Family since Emancipation 45 

women perfectly free of them. Another physician who 
had specialized on negro practice declared that the 
leading preachers were frequently treated by him for 
syphilis and gonorrhea. Thomas found wifeless ma- 
ternity decreasing but said that ante-nuptial infanticide 
was increasing at an alarming rate. A prominent 
white physician in a leading southern city admitted 
having effected over two hundred abortions on young 
negro women at the instance of their white lovers. 
Thomas declares that this medical experience can be 
duplicated in every southern city and in not a few 
northern ones. Odum quotes the opinion of a physi- 
cian with experience in small places and on plantations 
that abortions are common and becoming more so. 

The foregoing picture of negro attainments in the 
realm of personal purity and family morals" would 
be hopeless indeed if it were truly representative of the 
race. It no doubt is applicable in general to a consid- 
erable segment of the negro population even at the 
present day, but one fails to discern in the indictment 
anything peculiar to the negro as a race and it is per- 
fectly certain that another considerable segment of the 
colored population is already at the opposite pole in 
respect to decency and cleanness and that the race taken 
as a whole has made notable gains since emancipation 
and is still improving. Strangely enough, Thomas 
finds among negroes a superstitious reverence for cere- 
monial marriage as effecting a mystic union, so that 
they tend to accuse of bigamy a person who remarries 
after severance from an impure partner. 

In respect to the care and development of children 
and youth conditions are far from desperate. Many 

3'^ Thomas. American Negro, 177-198; Kelsey. Negro farmer, 65; Odum. 
Social and mental Traits of the Negro, 163-175. 



46 The Americati Family 

parents manifest a commendable desire to protect their 
children from defilement. A colored minister of Rich- 
mond writes : 

I recall ten cases coming under my personal observation where 
mothers, living in vice, have put their children in boarding 
schools, Catholic homes, and in good families, when they could 
succeed in doing so, and these girls in most cases have been 
reared without having visited their mothers' homes since baby- 
hood. In fact, it is the rule rather than the exception that 
mothers, leading lives of shame, do all in their power to pre- 
vent their children leading the same lives. 

The white president of a North Carolina seminary 
says: 

One of the most touching things to come under my notice has 
been the many mothers who come to beg us to take their girls, 
saying, I know I am not what I ought to be, but I don't want 
her to be like me. We could fill Scotia over and over again 
every year with girls whose parents want them in a safe place, 
so that they may grow into good women. 

Councill, a negro writer of intelligence, says: 

I have taught thousands of young women, and I have come in 
contact with thousands of mothers who are laboring under great 
disadvantages and sinful environments, standing alone, holding 
their daughters up, and the daughters holding themselves up to 
the highest standard of virtue. 

B. F. Riley, D.D., a southern man, said in 1910: 

There is the utmost endeavor on the part of thousands of 
Negro mothers and wives to rectify conditions and to fortify 
the young womanhood of the race against the dangers of pre- 
vailing vice.^* 

Miss Lucy C. Laney, principal of Haines Institute, 
Augusta, Georgia, writes: 

Nothing cheers our hearts more than to see the large number of 
fathers who come and enter their children in school, make con- 
stant inquiry as to their progress, and who, accompanied by 
their wives and children, attend the public exercises of the 

38 Riley. White Man's Burden, 141. In chap. 10: "Negro Womanhood." 



Negro Family since Emancipation /\rj 

school. This interest is real; they want to know the moral 
status of their children, they labor for and desire the best for 
their children. 

A number of persons engaged in the education of 
negroes testify to remarkable freedom of their insti- 
tutions from difficulty with sexuality. Doctor Frissell 
of Hampton asserts '^that it would be hard to find in 
any white institution in the North the freedom from 
low talk and impure life as is to be found at Hampton." 
Sound education has been a notable aid to negro girls. 
The president of the State Normal School at Peters- 
burg, Virginia, wrote: "We have graduated one hun- 
dred and six girls from our Seminary and following 
the lives of these graduates with careful and constant 
interest, we have known of only one who has gone 
astray." Miss Harriet E. Giles, the white president 
of Spelman Seminary of Atlanta, expressed the opin- 
ion that "of the girls who have been trained in Chris- 
tian schools at least ninety-five per cent live moral 
lives. By this, I mean those who have remained in 
the schools for several years." 

The frequent assertion that colored women possess 
no virtue is untrue of a large and increasing proportion 
of the race. Murphy, a southern white man, has ex- 
pressed the belief that the genuine moral gains of the 
negro woman are considerable and honorable. ^^ Dr. 
Meserve, a white man, president of Shaw University, 
has indicated his belief that "there are in every com- 
munity large numbers of colored women that are as 
chaste and pure as can be found in communities made 
up of other races." The Reverend Doctor Payne, the 
white president of Mary Holmes Seminary, West 
Point, Mississippi, has been "personally acquainted 
with many colored women who were morally as pure 

39 Compare Murphy. Basis of Ascendancy, 6i. 



48 The American Family 

as any white women" he had ever known. W. D. 
Weatherford adds to the weight of convincing evidence 
the assertion that "there are thousands of modest and 
self-respecting negro girls." *° Councill, who profess- 
es to have been for years in a position to know of the 
virtue of young girls of his race, affirms that a vast ma- 
jority of those that have come under his observation 
are modest and chaste. 

Masculine morality, as in other races, is inferior to 
that of women, yet enlightenment and opportunity 
works beneficently even here. Miss Ellen Murray of 
St. Helena Island, South Carolina, a woman of long 
experience in work among the negroes there, said a 
number of years ago that "the more educated and in- 
telligent the men grow, the more moral they become." 
The Reverend F. G. Woodworth, a white man, presi- 
dent of Tougaloo University, said that "there is an in- 
creasing number of men who have a high regard for 
chaste womanhood, who are earnest in the desire to 
protect women from impurity of every kind." Coun- 
cill says that three-fourths of the negro men seeking 
wives aim to get chaste women and that every colored 
girl in the South knows this fact. 

Wylly is inclined to think that the larger part of 
colored women acknowledging the ties of marriage 
feel bound to fidelity, tho before marriage and "when 
the quickly uttered Ve will part' has been said" they 
hold themselves free. The marital relation is certain- 
ly held sacred by a goodly number of negro men and 
women. Mrs. Orra Langhorne, a southern white wo- 
man, has said: "There is a respectable class, and this 
class is increasing, where married parents live virtuous 
lives, guard the sanctity of their homes, and strive to 

40 "Growing social Effort in the South": in the Survey, vol. xxxvi, 196. 



Negro Family since Emancipation 49 

bring up their children in the path of virtue." Miss 
Sarah Collins of Baltimore has known "of homes 
among both the cultivated and ignorant whose sanctity 
is unbroken and whose atmosphere is as pure as true 
manhood, faithful womanhood, and innocent, happy 
childhood can make it." Miss Laney was interested 
"to find what a large number of Negroes are true, and 
have been true, to their marriage vows." It was "not 
an unusual thing to find those who have lived faith- 
fully together for fifty, sixty and sixty-five years." 
Mrs. Sylvanie Williams of New Orleans has said: 

As to illegitimate motherhood of Negro women, I will state 
that when I first began teaching among the freedmen, I was /^ 

much surprised to find that in a family of several children each 
had a different name. I have watched that phase of the situa- 
tion . . . and have been pleased to see how they have im- 
proved, until today I find, in my school, families of six or 
more children having the same father, and the celebration of 
crystal and even silver weddings is quite common. 

The fact that the negro is still notably behind the . 

best standards of sex life does not necessarily meanl_ .v^/' 
that he is inherently more vicious than his neighbors; ^^ 
it does mean that he is more primitive and less fortu- 
nate. The gains that have been made have come in the 
face of poverty, ignorance, and oppression and are 
consequently the more notable. One is especially im- 
pressed by such an utterance as that of the Reverend 
Owen Waller of Washington : 

I was bred in England, during my most impressionable years, 
among the sturdy, moral, upper middle class, and now after 
ten years' work among the colored people, I can truly say that, 
class for class, circumstances compared, except for differences of 
complexion, one would not realize the change, certainly not in 
conduct and miorals.'*^ 

*^ On the foregoing points see Dubois, Negro Church, 176-185; Councill, 
American Negro; Martin, Our Negro Population, 124. 



50 The Ainerican Family 

The Atlanta University study of the Negro American 
Family regards as "the greatest and most patent fact" 
of family mores since emancipation "the emergence 
from the mass, of successive classes with higher and 
higher sexual morals." There is wide-spread sexual 
irregularity. 

But this irregularity belongs to the undifferentiated mass: 
some of them decent people, but behind civilization by training 
and instinct. Above these and out of these are continually ris- 
ing . . . classes who must not be confounded with them. 
Of the raising of the sex mores of the Negro by these classes the 
fact is clear and unequivocal : they have raised them and are 
raising them. There is more female purity, more male conti- 
nence, and a healthier home life today than ever before among 
Negroes in America. The testimony supporting this is over- 
whelming. . . [But while] the tendencies are hopeful, still 
the truth remains: sexual immorality is probably the greatest 
single plague spot among Negro Americans, and its greatest 
cause is slavery and the present utter disregard of a black 
woman's virtue and self-respect, both in law court and custom 
in the South.*^ 

An important factor in the problem of the negro 
family is the fact that the master race is not overly 
concerned over the moral well-being of the weaker 
people. There is opposition to the increase of farm 
ownership by the negroes; for though the home may 
thus be improved, the labor supply from which profit 
may be extracted is reduced. W. D. Weatherford tells 
of a "bright, splendid negro girl" who went to school 
and learned how to keep house, how to make a home, 
and then married and established her own home. The 
white woman in whose kitchen the girl had worked 
before she went to school objected vigorously to the 
girl's making a home and living in it. "But," said 
Doctor Weatherford, "her husband is a good work- 

42 Dubois. Negro American Family, 38-42. 



Negro Family since Emancipation c^i 

man, he makes a good living, why should this girl not 
have the right to make a home? She is a human being, 
she can make her contribution to her own people by 
making a true Christian home." The lady, however, 
still held that the only contribution the girl could real- 
ly make to humanity was as cook in some white wo- 
man's kitchen.*^ 

The general problem of sex and family morality 
needs to be studied also in the light of the housing and 
environmental conditions for which the white race is 
largely responsible. 

The negro home in the rural South is "for the most 
part either the actual slave home or its lineal descend- 
ant." After emancipation, the roving propensities of 
the negroes were to some degree counteracted by offer- 
ing better wages and better houses. "Frame cabins 
and board floors came gradually to replace the worst 
of the slave quarters." This change was gradual and 
was presently checked by Debt Slavery which could 
keep the tenant by legal process, thus making it un- 
necessary to hold out special attractions. "In the 
course of decades, however, a change was noticeable." 
The dirt floor is practically gone, many of the log 
cabins have been replaced by frame buildings, and 
glass windows have come in to some extent. The de- 
velopment of peasant proprietorship after the war was 
a factor making for better housing. The black land- 
owner built a cabin with a few improvements. "He 
put a porch on the front, perhaps, cut one or two win- 
dows, and at last added a lean-to on the back for a 
kitchen. He beautified the yard and his wife made 
some tasty arrangements indoors. If he went further 
than this in the number of rooms or the furniture, the 

*^ Southern Sociological Congress. Call of the Neiv South, 223. 



52 The American Family 

chances are that he got his new ideas from his friends 
who had moved to town," where some negroes built 
two to four room houses. Still a large per cent of the 
rural families even yet live in one room. Very recent- 
ly the writer heard a Mississippi gentleman express the 
opinion that one hundred fifty dollars was sufficient 
money to put into the building of a tenant house. 

The negro country home still suffers from poor light, 
owing to the general absence of glass windows; bad 
air, worse in frame houses than in the old huts with 
chinks between the logs, and leading to pulmonary 
disease; lack of elementary sanitary appliances; inade- 
quate protection against the weather; overcrowding, 
which in the matter of sleeping space, is worse in the 
Black Belt than in the tenement districts of large cities; 
unwholesome food and water; lack of privacy; lack^of, 
beauty. Conditions vary for better or for worse ac- 
cording to section. "On the whole, however, the one 
and two-room cabins still prevail and the consequences 
are bad health, bad morals, and dissatisfaction with 
country life." 

A promising movement in behalf of better rural 
homes has begun in some places in connection with the 
schools. One interesting development is work during 
the summer by industrial teacher and demonstration 
agent with clubs of girls in raising gardens and canning 
vegetables and fruit. They visit the girls in their 
homes and give lessons in cooking and sewing. A state 
supervisor reports a summer visit to one county during 
which he revisited some of the homes that he saw the 
year before when the work was started. Most of the 
homes were on small plots of from five to twenty-five 
acres and vv^ere neither painted nor whitewashed. The 



Negro Family since Emancipation 53 

first year many of the gardens grew up in weeds or 
were destroyed by chickens or cows. All were much 
better cultivated the second year and the inspector saw 
not one that had been neglected. "Over seventeen hun- 
dred jars of vegetables were put up, about six times as 
many as were put up in the whole season the first year." 
In another county where the teacher had been working 
for two years, practically every home visited was neat- 
ly whitewashed and everything about the homes seemed 
in good repair. This condition was largely the result 
of the work of the industrial teacher. Back yards and 
porches were clean; the gardens were mostly well kept. 
"The teacher's services were very much in demand by 
the older people who wanted to learn better ways of 
canning." In one home the teacher had introduced all 
the sanitary measures necessary to protect the family 
from tuberculosis of which the father had died. Clear- 
ly the girls and some of the mothers get from this 
agency a kind of education that is having a distinct 
effect on the homes. The beneficent results will in 
time disarm the prejudices of those parents who object 
to their children doing anything in school save book 
work. 

Some of the teachers during the summer do much of 
their work with the women. The Women's Home Im- 
provement Club of one county reported as follows the 
good results that had come from the movement: 

More berries, vegetables, and fruits have been canned and 
more dried than ever before in this communitj^ A new in- 
spiration has gone out from one housekeeper to another, and 
one seems to be vieing with the other as to who will have the 
greatest number to report. Now that the canning season is 
fairly over, we are turning our attention to handicrafts, . 
We find a great deal of pleasure in our work and feel it a 



54 The American Family 

blessing to have one in our midst who is capable of instructing 
us in so many ways.'^* 

When the country negro migrates to the village he 
has a chance to rise or to fall. "The successful ones 
give the first evidence of awakening in improved hous- 
ing-more rooms, larger windows, neater furniture, 
the differentiation of sleeping-room, kitchen, and par- 
lor, and general improvement in tidiness and taste. 
The worst immigrants sink into village slums, where 
vice by concentration and example assumes dangerous 
forms." The village has more vice than does the 
country; on the other hand it has more civilization. 
In some towns the majority of negroes are home own- 
ers. 

"The nucleus of negro population in southern cities 
is the alley." Residences in back yards with entrance 
through neighboring alleys and minor streets are scarce- 
ly more desirable than the alley homes. Thus the term 
"alley residence" may be used for the "average rented 
quarters of poor negroes" in southern cities. In these 
cramped quarters the people live in miserable hovels 
with vile surroundings, a prey to disease, vice, and all 
manner of evils. Boarders and lodgers often share 
two rooms with a family of four. In hundreds of 
negro homes, elemental facilities for housekeeping are 
wanting. The alley or yard is full of garbage, ashes, 
stagnant water, and decaying carcasses. In the yards 
are water closet, wood-house, pig and poultry pens, 
garbage cans, and water supply. One privy often serves 
a tenement of thirty families or all the houses on an 
alley block. Negroes live in such places, not because 
of racial unfitness, but because no more "is expected of 

** Southern Sociological Congress. South Mobilizing for Social Service, 
420-427. 



Negro Family since Emancipation 55 

him or made possible for him. He has been taught 
that his wage earnings make no better home possible, 
and that his value as a citizen requires nothing higher 
of him."*^ Many negroes that have to live in the alley 
make pathetic attempts to better conditions by moving 
from house to house, from alley to alley. But they are 
helpless.**^ It is well known that negro houses bring 
highest returns to the landlord and the occupants must 
suffer. Southern real estate dealers say that negro 
shacks and cabins often yield from fifteen to twenty 
per cent on their cash value. *^ But the modern sani- 
tary facilities can not be had and when the negro at- 
tempts to move to localities where they are provided 
prejudiced opposition encounters him. It is frequent- 
ly impossible to purchase lots or houses in desirable 
localities.*^ 

The city of Washington has been a grave historic 
offender in respect to alley housing. The Civil War 
brought a large influx of negroes, who had to put up 
with whatever shelter they could find. Often rough 
leaky shacks were occupied for years by growing fam- 
ilies at exorbitant rentals. Ten years after the war, 
according to the report of a health officer 

Leaky roofs, broken and filthy ceilings, dilapidated floors, over- 
crowded, below grade, having stagnant water underneath, no 
drainage, no pure water supply, no fire protection, having filthy 
yards, dilapidated, filthy privy and leaky privy box, in bad san- 
itary condition generally, and unfit for human habitation, de- 
scribed, w^ith few exceptions, the condition of these hovels where 
the poorest class of our population stay out their miserable 

45 Xrawick. "Lack of proper Home Life among Negroes," 111-116. 

^'^ — Ibid., 118-119. 

*'' Southern Sociological Congress. South Mobilizing for Social Service, 
405, 415. 

*^ Southern Sociological Congress. Battling for Social Betterment, 126; 
South MoboUzing for Social Service, 408. 



56 The American Family 

existence, and for which the)' pay rents varying from $2.50 to 
$10.00 per month. 

Miss De Graffenried's report published in 1896 ex- 
poses the huddling and indecency of Washington alley 
life.^'^ The story might be continued to the present. 

The promiscuous huddling enforced upon the ne- 
groes by inadequate housing both in country and city 
is responsible for much of the oft cited immorality, 
though often in crowded quarters there is peculiar in- 
genuity in guarding the children. What wonder if 
indiscriminate cohabitation of members of a family is 
somewhat common I^*^ 

The Atlanta University study which furnishes so 
much valuable information on the subject under con- 
sideration, expresses the opinion that it is in general 
in the city that the negro home has come to its best. 
Many homes equal the best American homes in clean- 
liness, purity, and beauty. ''This class is small and 
grades quickly down to homes which may be criticized; 
and still, as representing the best, there is good argu- 
ment for calling these at least as characteristic of the 
race as the alley hovels." Negroes that have won a 
home admitting of some standards of culture largely 
lose their migratory habits. The best negro settle- 
ments, however, are subject to the intrusion of the worst 
sort of whites, for the vice district of a city is likely to 
be in the negro quarter. Respectable negroes often 
find it impossible to protect themselves against evil 
resorts.''^ 

The evil environmental conditions of the negro home 
make especially difficult the normal rearing of chil- 

*^ Dubois. Negro American Family, 62-64. 

^0 Odum. Social and Mental Traits of the Negro, 164. 

•'"'1 Southern Sociological Congress. Battling for Social Betterment, 119, 
127; Dubois, Negro American Family furnishes much of the foregoing in- 
formation. 



Negro Family since Emancipation 57 

dren. At the Southern Sociological Congress of 1913 
it was reported that "according to Hofifman, over fifty 
per cent of the negro children born in Richmond, Va., 
die before they are one year old. This is due prima- 
rily to sexual immorality, enfeebled constitutions of 
parents, and infant starvation."'" It was brought out 
also that 

In Washington City the death-rate of negro infants from all 
diseases is from two and a half to nearly four times that of 
white infants ; while the death-rate of negro infants from tuber- 
culosis is nearly four and a half times the death-rate of white 
infants from this disease. This disproportionate death-rate 
among negroes is not entirely explainable in terms of race 
alone.^^ 

Maternal absence, ignorance, or toil occasion high rates 
for still-births and infant mortality. Untrained doc- 
tors and midwives do much harm. Many women in 
smaller places and on plantations do not have physi- 
cians at confinement. 

Southern cities do not provide playgrounds for negro 
children. 

Most of the parks are not open to them, most of the ball fields 
are closed against them, most of the vacant lots are forbidden 
ground to groups of negro children, and even the negro school 
grounds are so restricted in most cases that cooperative games 
are next to impossible. . . Rev. John Little has opened two 
little play spots - not playgrounds ; they aren't that big - in 
Louisville, and the negro children are so thick there that every 
hour these places are open you cannot get a picture of the 
grounds because of the children.'"'* 

If children of the negro section congregate to play, 
they have their sport over garbage piles, around sur- 
face closets, in abandoned outhouses, among rank weeds, 

52 Southern Sociological Congress. South Mobilizing for Social Service, 
364-365. 

53 — Ibid., 389-390. 
^* — Ibid., 357-358. 



58 The American Family 

in the slime of an open sewer, and over offal that the 
rain has not removed. Negro children of this station 
can not really play. Boys fight, play craps, or "in the 
corner of an abandoned building they pass on the sug- 
gestions which their indecent surroundings have 
brought to their mind." Girls have no room at home 
for games, parties, or make-believe housekeeping. Such 
toys as they perchance have are rescued from garbage 
heaps. 

It is scarcely possible to imagine anything more pathetic than 
the complete absence of play in the lives of negro children who 
inhabit city alleys. For them there are no visits to parks, no 
story hour, theaters, museums, or libraries; no eager, bound- 
ing, self-directing sport ; no sharing in the physical hilarity that 
makes American youth the wonder and delight of the nation.^^ 

In the overcrowded home there is little room for the 
child. Children are perhaps crowded away from the 
table and eat at irregular hours anything they can find 
in the house or outside. Children often have to wait 
for breakfast till the mother brings something from the 
table of the whites -not infrequently late in the morn- 
ing. Likewise with other meals. Children "are 
crowded out of the beds, and in order to accommodate 
strangers they sleep often on the floor without mattress- 
es, covering, or change of clothing."^*' Training is 
likely to be lax; children if not in school can run wild 
while their parents are at work. Some have engaged 
in objectionable work such as picking rags and junk, 
with risk of infection. At certain seasons country 
children may have to assist at picking cotton or other 
farm work. 

Emancipation from slavery tended to break up fam- 
ilies. Sometimes the young and strong deserted the 

55 Trawick. "Lack of proper Home Life among Negroes," 113-114. 

56 — I bid., 113. 



Negro Family since Emancipation 59 

aged, the feeble, and the children, leaving them to shift 
for themselves or to remain on the hands of master or 
mistress. Thousands, however, attended to duty. Some 
negroes still live in families to which their ancestors 
belonged. 

Freedom had also some disturbing influence on fam- 
ily discipline. Frances Leigh found that the old rule 
of vvifely sujtupission still held good, and she once found 
a woman sitting on the church steps in great distress 
because she had been turned out of church for refus- 
ing to obey her husband in a small matter. "So I had 
to intercede for her, and on making a public apology 
before the whole congregation she was readmitted." 
Morgan found a somewhat different aspect of affairs. 
He says that Grant and Colfax badges caused almost 
innumerable domestic troubles; for if a freedman 
lacked the courage to wear his at home on. the planta- 
tion in the presence of "ole massa and missus" or of 
the overseer, his wife would often wear it. If the hus- 
band refused to surrender it she would walk to town, 
sometimes twenty or thirty miles, and return flaunting 
her emblem of freedom. Latterly the Woman's Club 
movement has spread among the negroes, resulting in 
the formation of a National Association of Colored 
Women's Clubs." 

Some of the older and more intelligent negroes re- 
strained their children from over hasty innovations, but 
there was a great anarchy in consequence of emancipa- 
tion. Old massa and missus were no longer in control ; 
parents spent their energy "going to town" by day and 
"going to meeting" by night. When parental control 
was undertaken much of it was childish or brutal. A 
provoked mother would fall furiously upon her child 

57 Dubois. Efforts for Social Betterment among Negro Americans, 47-64. 



6o The American Family 

"beating it as a former master would never have suf- 
fered her to abuse his property." White intervention 
would bring more blows as an assertion of the mother's 
f reedom.^^ In later years old negroes trained in bond- 
age found cause to lament the waywardness of their 
children. Many of the younger generation proved 
trifling, dishonest, and inefl^cient, and averse to domes- 
tic service. Fondness for education has been a saving 
grace. Charleston after the war was reported to be a 
city "of idle ragged negroes, who, with no visible means 
of support nevertheless sent an astonishing multitude of 
children to school." ^^ Parental ambition was often 
misguided. In the period after the war, parents suf- 
fered and sacrificed in order to keep their children 
from work.*"' The problem of what to plan for the 
future of the child is still a perplexing one. Mrs. Flor- 
ence Kelley says: 

It is perhaps in some respects harder for intelligent negro par- 
ents to face the future animated by hope for their children in 
the North, than it is in the South. For bitter is the disillu- 
sionment of the colored mother who has slaved at the washtub 
a dozen years to give her boys and girls the advantages of the 
schools, only to find that those schools have led the children into 
a blind alley in relation to occupation, fitting them only for 
work to which colored boys and girls are not admitted. °^ 

The negro family of today finds special obstacles to 
cohesion. In so far as mothers work in field or domes- 
tic service, family life is interrupted. It is often late 
in the evening before they finally return from work and 
then they wish to go out. The entire family is rarely 
together during waking hours. Says Odum : "The 

58 Underwood. IVomen of the Confederacy, 309; Avary. Dixie after the 
War, 194-195. 

5^ Compare Powers, Afoot and Alone, 42-43. 

^0 Commons. Trade Unionism and Labor Problems, 357. 

^1 Southern Sociological Congress. Battling for Social Betterment, 135. 



Negro Family since Emancipation 6i 

associations and good cheer which might come from 
the home and meals taken together are almost wholly 
wanting." Trawickadds: 

There is no counsel between parents and children, no reading 
around a table, no asking and answering questions, no story- 
telling or games, no singing, no cultivation of habits or man- 
ners, no pra5ers with the familj', and no giving of thanks at 
meals. 

Many husbands are brutal to their wives, and parents 
are rough with their children. Odum found that fam- 
ily relations are not pleasant. After the children have 
grown up ''the family is not united in purpose, spirit, 
or in physical presence." There is much to substan- 
tiate the common assertion, says Odum, "that the mem- 
bers of negro families are more separated now than in 
the time of slavery." In many instances parents old 
and almost helpless have been deserted by their chil- 
dren. Parents lose track of their children and children 
wander away and lose track of their parents. "The 
one desire of the younger negroes," Odum says, "ap- 
pears to be freedom from work and parental control." 
Hart found that in the lower South the old were in 
some cases well looked after by kindred. Desertion 
by fathers he regarded as serious, but concluded that 
children were seldom left without caretakers. The 
habit of adoption is widespread and negroes have be- 
gun to support day nurseries. 

Southern negroes show a higher rate of widowhood 
among both sexes than do the native whites of native 
parentage in that section of the country. Odum 
(whose study was based on fifty towns in the lower 
South) found a considerable number of negro women 
living alone, "occupying ten to fifteen per cent of the 
total number of cottages; many others live in small 



62 The American Family 

cottages with their children, there being some ten per 
cent of the total number of families with a woman at 
the head." 

The census of 1910 showed the negroes of the United 
States somewhat more given to marriage than native 
whites of native parentage, and noted moreover that 
the negroes generally marry earlier than whites of 
native parentage. Odum says that the negro's question 
before marrying is not whether he can support a fam- 
ily, but whether he has anything to go in the house. A 
study of negro college graduates indicates that the bulk 
of college men apparently m.arry between the ages of 
twenty-five and thirty-five, or nearly ten years later 
than their parents.*"^ 

As the negro becomes pervaded with the influences 
of modern civilization, his birth-rate grows less. Odum 
found a large proportion of parents without legitimate 
children, "in general from fifteen to twenty per cent of 
the families." The typical family he found to consist 
of three to six members; many had seven to twelve, the 
relatively few ran above eight or nine. In a number 
of instances a family of ten to fourteen was found oc- 
cupying two or three rooms. "Such a family may in- 
clude the daughter who has been deserted by her hus- 
band or has deserted him, or an unmarried daughter 
with one or two children. . . The average family 
among the negroes is not so large as in former years." 
Sometimes married sons or daughters continue to live 
at home. 

In the nature of things it is probably easier for the 
negro woman in the city to secure suitable employment 
than it is for the man, particularly if his work encoun- 
ters white competition.*"^ This circumstance may partly 

^2 Dubois. College bred Negro, 59. 

^^ Dubois. Social and physical Condition of Negroes in Cities, 7. 



? 

Negro Family since Emancipation 63 ^'^ ' 

account for the fact that many women support the fam- 
ily ''while their dissolute husbands roam about in wan- 
ton idleness." The white family with a negro cook 
is likely to be mulcted for the support of her house- 
hold. Men of special charm by reason of light color 
are specially fitted to become parasites in such fashion. 
On the other hand, many women refuse to work and 
neglect the home. The husband must cater to the wife 
or she threatens infidelity. The negro woman is pro- 
verbial for her skill in getting the dollar from the 
man.'' 

Interesting light on the possibilities of negro home 
and family life is given in Ovington's study of the ne- 
gro in New York. She has seen thousands of negro 
homes and testifies that no matter how dingy the tene- 
ment or how long the hours of labor, the parents try to 
have a real home. 

Given the same income . . . the colored do not allow 
their surroundings to become so cheerless or so filthy as the 
white, and . . . when there is an opportunity for the 
mother to spend some time in the house, the rooms take on an 
air of pleasant refinement. . . Meals are not eaten out of 
the paper bag common on New York's East Side, but there is 
something of formality about the dinner, and good table man- 
ners are taught the children. 

The children are happy in the home and show gentle 
affection for the mother. The father is often seen 
wheeling the baby or playing with the older children. 
In the homes you find some coarseness, but little bru- 
tality; rarely does a parent strike a child. Colored 
women work from the age of fifteen on through mar- 
ried life. They are disposed to spare their children 
hardship; grandmother, in turn, is treated in the chil- 
dren's household with respect and consideration; she is 

•5* Odum. Social and mental Traits of the Negro, 156-157. 



64 The American Family 

useful as nurse. There are in New York one hundred 
twenty-three '^^ negro women to one hundred men. Sur- 
plus women "play havoc" sometimes with their neigh- 
bors' sons or husbands, and support idle, able-bodied 
men. Miscegenation is not uncommon tho intermar- 
riage with whites is negligible.""^ 

Dubois' study of the Philadelphia Negro is not en- 
couraging. True family life was unknown to the ma- 
jority. Women outnumbered the men: cases of tem- 
porary cohabitation, support of men by women, and 
wife desertion were common. Less than a sixteenth 
owned their own homes - in the "City of Homes !" The 
moral evolution of sex and family relationships among 
the negroes as among all peoples waits on the attain- 
ment of economic leeway. 



*5 In 1910, one hundred eighteen. 

^•■' Ovington. Half a Man, chapters 3, 6. 



IV. THE NEW BASIS OF AMERICAN LIFE 

The most fundamental fact of social change since 
the Civil War is economic. In the half century since 
Appomattox urban industry and enlarging capitalism 
have been growing more and more dominant in Amer- 
ican life. The positive influence of these factors to- 
gether with the complementary transformation of rural 
conditions accounts for most of the distinctive features 
of family evolution during the period. Such being the 
case, our first step toward a basal understanding of this 
critical era in the history of the family is to get a grasp 
of the economic fundamentals. 

The great growth of urban centers in the United 
States has been primarily a result of industrial expan- 
sion since 1820. Its rate was at the maximum about 
the middle of the nineteenth century but its mass is of 
growing significance. From 1800 to 1840 the urban 
percentage increased slightly more than it did from 
i860 to 1900 (places of eight thousand and over) ; but 
it is only since i860 that the percentage has become 
great enough to be especially worthy of attention and 
to forebode the dominance of American life by over- 
whelming city influence. Moreover the revolutionary 
development of agriculture since the War has itself 
furthered the process of urbanization by making the 
farmer dependent on the manufacturer, so that a large 
share of the work of plowing, seeding, cultivating, har- 
vesting, and threshing is now in reality done in city 
factories -where the machinery is invented and pro- 



66 The American Family 

duced. The fabrication of the raw materials into goods 
for consumption has likewise largely left the farm. 
Between 1850 and 1900 the number of farm workers 
only doubled while the quantity and value of farm 
produce increased twenty-fold. The very improve- 
iment, too, of rural life by modern facilities signifies 
simply the introduction of city ways. 

Rapid rise in city population was well under way in 
the years after the Civil War. The movement away 
/ from the farms was notable after the panic of 1873. 
^ The disappearance of free land in the eighties con- 
cluded the story of the rural nation. On the eve of the 
/ war sixteen per cent of our population lived in places 
of eight thousand or over; in 1910, nearly forty per 
cent, or, if we count all places of twenty-five hundred 
inhabitants and up, forty-six per cent. The new im- 
migration has enormously accentuated the congestion. 
The lower East Side of New York is perhaps the most 
densely populated spot on the globe. Certain eastern 
states, such as Rhode Island and Massachusetts, are 
almost cities so far as their population is concerned. 

Traditionally the country is the ideal home environ- 
ment as contrasted with the ugliness and vice of cities. 
It was natural therefore that after the war (as indeed 
before it) students of social problems should air the 
"problem of the city." Conditions in the homes of the 
proletariat were disclosed that warranted amazement, 
disgust, and anger on the part of the citizen. Conser- 
vatives attributed insurgency of labor to the activities 
of demagog politicians but the real observer was forced 
to see that social ethics and the morale of the family 
are not abstract considerations to be created by palaver 
or settled by parlor philosophers, but concrete realities 
inseparable from the economic pressure of life. 



The New Basis of American Life 67 

Industry in the factory towns of the United States 
came to a family basis -employing not individuals but 
families. Thus, while nominally keeping the family 
intact, it abolished the substance -the home. In 1868 
the Massachusetts Senate published a statement from 
the superintendent of schools in Fall River to the effect 
that 

The operatives are for the most part families, and do the work 
in the mills by the piece, taking in their children to assist. . 
The families are large . . . and the mill owners are not 
willing to fill up their houses with families averaging perhaps 
ten members and get no more than two of all the number in 
the mill. The families are also, in most instances, so poor that 
the town would have to aid them, if the children were taken 
from their work. 

By 1875 it was clearly affirmed that "men with growing 
families" is the standard demand in many Bay State 
centers. 

At that time an official study of three hundred ninety- 
seven families of Massachusetts workingmen "with 
comparatively few exceptions having children depend- 
ent upon them" indicated that less than thirty-six per 
cent of the heads of families could by their individual 
earnings supply their families' needs; the rest relied 
on the assistance of wives and children. "Of the skilled 
workmen, fifty-six per cent get along 'alone;' of the un- 
skilled, but nine per cent; of the salaried overseers, 
seventy-five per cent." 

The report draws from "careful inspection of the 
facts . . . some unavoidable conclusions:" 

First. That in the majority of cases workingmen in this 
Commonwealth do not support their families by their individual 
earnings alone. 

Second. That the amount of earnings contributed by wives, 
generally speaking, is so small, that they would save more by 
staying at home, than they gain by outside labor. 



68 The American Family 

Third. That fathers rely, or are forced to depend, upon 
their children for from one-quarter to one-third of the entire 
family earnings. 

Fourth. That children under fifteen years of age supply, 
by their labor, from one-eighth to one-sixth of the total family 
earnings. 

Fifth. That more than one-half of the families save money, 
less than one-tenth are in debt, and the remainder make both 
ends meet. 

Sixth. That without children's assistance, other things re- 
maining equal, the majority of families would be in poverty or 
debt. 

Seventh. That savings, by families and fathers alone, are 
made in every branch of occupation investigated ; but that in 
only a few cases is there evidence of the possibility of acquiring 
a competence, and in those cases it would be the result of as- 
sisted or family labor. 

Furthermore: 

That, from our investigations, we find no evidence or indica- 
tion that workingmen spend large sums of mgney extravagant- 
ly, or for bad habits. '^'^ 

This report is representative of conditions widely 
prevalent and persistent under the present system of 
industry. Women continued to enter the field of in- 
dustrial competition largely by reason of the low wages 
of men in many lines. The Avelings, who were in this 
country in the mid eighties, "everywhere . . . 
found women forced to work for wages because the 
husband's were insufficient for even bare subsistence." 
They found that at Fall River, "parents are obliged 
to . . . send children to the mills to earn sufficient 
for the maintenance of their family." At New York 
in the mid eighties "without the wages earned by chil- 
dren, parents would be unable to support their fam- 
ilies." In New Jersey, the Avelings found, the men's 

•'^ Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor. Sixth Annual Report, 
part iv. 



The New Basis of American Life 69 

"remuneration because of female and child competi- 
tion has been reduced to such an extent that only with 
the aid received from other members of the family are 
they able to keep the wolf from the door." In Kansas, 
"Children, as a rule, are taken from school when they 
are of an age to perform any kind of manual labor- 
say twelve to fourteen years." ^^ In 1894 John Swinton 
said: 

A father . . . finds ... he cannot earn enough 
for the maintenance of his household ; he asks his 
daughter, or, in many a case his wife, to help him to eke out a 
living. . . I know that the pay in the cheap clothing trades, 
at which between thirty and forty thousand people are em- 
ployed in New York City alone, has become so pitiful that 
the work of both the husband and the wife, both the boy and 
the girl of the family, for the livelong day, is needed for the 
payment of rent and the purchase of food that is often unfit 
for consumption. 

Recent studies of wages and living leave the student 
convinced that a large proportion of the workingmen 
of the United States are still incapable of entirely sup- 
porting their families. 

It is a notable fact that the development of family 
industry whether in factory or sweat-shop has never 
availed to lift the laboring class above the poverty line. 
When a community sinks so low as to put its mothers 
and babes to work, the new combined wage tends to 
equal the father's former wage. This tendency has 
been known for at least a generation. There is often 
danger, moreover, that the women and children will 
supersede the men as bread-winners. A writer of 1880 
says that in many instances workingmen's wives had for 
several years supported their families almost entirely. 
While there was no work for the men, the women did 

^8 Avellng. fVorking-class Movement in America, second edition, 98-101. 



>^ 



70 The American Family 

washing, sewing, and general housework. Some wo- 
men were doing the washing for half-a-dozen families 
each week. Families often lived upon what the wife 
and mother got for several days' work each week. 
Sometimes the men assisted in the housework and even 
in the washing that was taken in, ''but I have seen few 
workingmen who seemed able or inclined to render 
much assistance in women's work, although idle for 
months together."*''' The Avelings quote a Lawrence 
weaver to the effect that: 

One of the evils existing in this city is the gradual extinction 
of the male operative. . . Within a radius of \.\\o squares 
in which I am living, I know of a score of young men who 
are supported by their sisters and their mothers, because there 
is no work in the mills for them. 

In some places the tendency to the substitution of wo- 
men for men on account of their greater cheapness re- 
sulted in the development of "she towns" -places in 
which the mill hands were women, the housekeepers 
men. 

Such a state of afifairs is demoralizing to the laborer's 
self-respect. In probably thousands of cases in the 
great centers of industry a workingman soldiers on the 
job of supporting his family, contents himself with less 
than he could earn, and accepts the assistance of wife 
and children. Mrs. Florence Kelley wrote in 1909: 
"There is a recent great increase in the cases in which 
mothers of little children have gone out to work be- 
cause the husband was unemployed." Sometimes the 
wife has displaced her husband at a machine, working 
of course for a lower wage. Some fathers have stayed 
at home and looked after the children while their wives 
worked at their machines for a third less pay. On the 

*<> Certain dangerous Tendencies in American Life, and other Papers^ 
106-107. 



The New Basis of American Life 71 

other hand, even when the man is at work and doing 
his best, many wives have to develop high efficiency in 
making ends meet on microscopic pay. 

Modern business congestion has entailed the bee-hive 
tenement. The New York Graphic of March 13, 1874, 
contained an editorial upon the "Homes of the Poor," 
from which the following extract is taken : 

Some of the facts brought to light by visitors among our poor 
people are heart-harrowing enough. . . In some instances 
the visitors have been so affected by the odors and infections 
of the stived tenements, where scores of human beings are 
huddled together, as to be incapacitated for further work. 
[In Massachusetts the commissioners of the Bureau of Statis- 
tics of Labor have found a large proportion of the dwellings 
of the poor] dingy, unventilated, unwholesome, and thoroly 
demoralizing in every respect. . . Here is one of their in- 
stances: "In a single building, in the town of W., thirt>'-two 
feet long, twenty feet wide, three stories high, with attics, 
there habitually exist thirty-nine people of all ages. For their 
use there is one pump and one privy, within twenty feet of each 
other, with the several sink-spouts discharging upon the ground 
near by. The windows are without weights, and the upper 
sashes are immovable. No other provision is made for fresh 
air. Scores of similar overcrowded and uncleanly tenements 
exist and could be cited." 

In 1877 a writer on social pathology says of New 
York City that the majority of tenement houses are old 
buildings erected for other purposes, partitioned off 
"so as to give each family a living room ten by twelve 
feet, a bedroom six by four feet, while no regard is 
paid to ventilation or domestic conveniences." Into 
each apartment a family of from three to five persons 
was crowded. The degree of overcrowding in the 
tenements of New York City then exceeded that of any 
other large city of the civilized world. In numerous 
instances damp, dark, filthy cellars had been rented at 
from twenty-five to seventy-five dollars per month. 



The American Family 



The Massachusetts State Board of Health affirmed that 
the homes of the laboring classes in Boston were over- 
crowded and unwholesome, abodes of misery, injurious 
to health, morals, and political purity of the commun- 
ity. Seven people in four rooms! thirty-one people in 
fourteen rooms! Comfortable Bostonians were sur- 
prised to hear of conditions. "But the worst of all is 
that it is not only New York, Boston, Baltimore, Cin- 
cinnati, St. Louis, Louisville, New Orleans, in short, 
the very large cities, it is fully as bad in the smaller 
manufacturing towns everywhere."'" 

A writer of 1879 says (seemingly of Cincinnati) : 

Within a stone's throw of the most aristocratic portions of 
this city , . , there is another civilization, or rather ab- 
sence of it, where thousands of human beings are crowded like 
cattle in the pens, and lose all the sympathies of humanity in a 
greedy struggle for their common pittance of air, and light 
and water. "^ 

It is scarcely necessary to follow to the present day 
the scenario of tenement horrors, which even yet show 
small sign of abatement in form, and in volume are 
multiplied. New York has a vile slum city of over a 
million souls, and while all along, a certain proportion 
of the working class in all parts of the country has had 
the possibility of some comfort and decency of housing, 
the conditions of wholesome family life in this respect 
are still wanting for a shameful proportion of the pop- 
ulation in city and in village. The system is inevitably 
destructive of all the finer elements in life above the 
level of blindly instinctive sympathies and sacrifices. 
A workingman's wife says: "The reason we don't love 
each other as we should is because we don't have room; 
we crowd each other." Individuality and privacy, es- 

""^ Royce. Deterioration and Race Education, vol. i, 369-382. 
^^ Rhodes. Creed and Greed, 121-123. 



The New Basis of American Life 73 

sential to the highest type of life and love, are impos- 
sible under the conditions of slum life maintained by 
the profit system. Home is incompatible with hud- 
dling. 

Infant mortality is one product of impoverishment 
and tenement life. Some of the factors involved, aside 
from the general defects of neighborhood and domestic 
sanitation, are premarital exhaustion of the mother, in- 
adequate care during pregnancy and at confinement, 
impoverished food, defective milk supply, lack of 
breast-milk owing to the absence of the mother at work. 
It was estimated in 1867 that "in some of the crowded 
tenement neighborhoods eighty per cent of the mor- 
tality occurred among the infant population." In Bos- 
ton of that period, "seventy-five deaths among the chil- 
dren of the poor happening just from cholera infantum 
alone in twenty-four hours! And almost all under one 
year of age, and coming out of all proportion from the 
tenements of the poor. . . In 1865, a thousand chil- 
dren died in less than a hundred days from an epi- 
demic."" Royce wrote in 1877: 

Motherhood . . . brings to a poor mother, who has to go 
out to work, despair, and often leads to infanticide, abandon- 
ment, dosing the children with narcotic cordials, leaving them 
to the charge of incompetent children, who themselves badly 
want watching, or to the cruelty of strangers, if not to shutting 
them up between cheerless walls, and converting them through 
this isolation . . . into semi-idiots. '^^ 

A writer in the Christian Union in 1892 said that in 
two New York alleys the death-rate of children under 
five years had reached seventy-three per cent.^* It is 
no far cry to the recent investigations of the federal 
Children's Bureau at Johnstown, which shows the close 

^2 Royce. Deterioration and Race Education, vol. i, 379-382. 
'^^ — Ibid., vol. ii, 165. 
^* Strong. Neisj Era, 192. 



74 The American Family 

connection between infant mortality and the conditions 
incident upon poverty and community negligence." 

It is perfectly natural, that in the congestion of slum 
life, children should be sexually precocious and per- 
verted. The huddling of all ages and both sexes, in- 
cluding boarders, leads to self-abandon and the depths 
of vice. Nor is there much hope for the morality of 
children kept on the streets till midnight by the stifling 
heat of the cramped rooms in summer. Of course there 
are compensations, such as the development of "little 
fathers" and "little mothers" whose childish experience 
as nurse to smaller brothers and sisters stands them in 
good stead in later life. 

When a great, strong young man picks up a baby with the ease 
of a woman, is interested in its ills of the moment, one is grate- 
ful for the hours that as a child, he spent as nurse; sees the 
beauty of strength and tenderness, and the humanizing effect of 
the maternal in the character of a boy whose character must 
be molded by the environment of a tenement-house region.''^ 

The sweating system is perhaps the worst aggrava- 
tion of the ills of tenement life. The Report of a Com- 
mittee of the House of Representatives, On Manufac- 
tures in the Sweating System, vividly pictures condi- 
tions in the early nineties. According to the testimony 
of Mrs. T. J. Morgan, in Chicago people were living, 
working, sleeping in the same room. The men got 
from six to ten dollars a week; the women averaged 
from three and a half to four dollars. "In some places 
they do not allow children any dinner hour at all, and 
in several places I found they did not even allow them 
to eat between working hours -only morning and even- 

''' Duke. Infant Mortality, Results of a Field Study in Johnstoivn, Pa. 
Compare Children's Bureau, U. S. Dept. of Labor. Infant Mortality -Mont- 
clair. N. J. 

^o Belts. Leaven in a Great City, 213-214. 



The New Basis of American Life 75 



ing." The compulsory school law was worthless. The 

report goes on to say that: 

The tenement house worker is almost invariably a foreigner, 
generally of a short stay in this country, frequently defective 
in habits or physique or in mental capacity, or a woman whom 
the death or worthlessness of her husband leaves to support a 
family, which prevents her leaving her home. Here the labor 
is practically all foreign born. The women are more numer- 
ous than the men, and the children are as numerous as either. 
The work is carried on in the one, two, or three rooms occu- 
pied by the family, which probably has, as subtenants or board- 
ers, an equal number of outsiders. No pretence is made of 
separating the work from the household affairs, if such a term 
can be used to describe the existence of these people. The 
hours observed are simply those which endurance or necessity 
prescribe. Children are worked to death by the side of their 
parents, who are dying from overwork or disease. 

In New York in 191 1 there were thirteen thousand ten- 
ement houses licensed for home work, where every 
member of the family could be used without regard to 
age or factory law; and a license is necessary only for 
certain articles. 

The phenomena characterized above are, on the one 
hand, incidents of landlordism, and on the other, of 
capitalist exploitation. The New York Times showed 
in 191 2 that in one month five thousand two hundred 
seventy families of that city were evicted for non-pay- 
ment of rent. As a result of high rents the poor are 
forced into the worst sections in increasing numbers. 

"The people can neither be moral nor healthy until 
they have decent homes;" but it would seem that our 
current capitalism is willing to try the experiment of a 
civilization without homes. It is not merely that hu- 
man beings burrow Ih cellars and swarm in attics like 
vermin and that rows of characterless houses and hid- 
eous premises not owned by their denizens inhibit the 



^6 The American Family 

impulse to make a home, but children are denied de- 
velopmental activity in the household and are away at 
school or on the street and prematurely earn their own 
way (and independence). Women are rendered unfit 
for motherhood and in any case are often away at work. 

The whole family life is disorganized. At times the house is 
locked, the family on the streets, because the mother is fetch- 
ing supplies to and from the factory. . . There has never 
before been an organization of industry which called women 
out at night to work to support their little children."'^ 

Day-nurseries can not replace motherhood. Moreover 
thousands of fathers, working ten or twelve hours a day, 
rarely see their children except in bed or on Sundays 
and holidays. Parents and children no longer have 
work, amusements, or interests in common. "There 
are no family traditions and sanctions." 

Part of the difficulty is of course due to artificial 
standards of consumption. A girl earning twenty dol- 
lars a week is not satisfied to stay at home unless her 
husband earns more than that. "The nerves of women 
from thirty to thirty-two years old go to pieces in a 
mill, so that there are plenty of women whom she can 
hire to take care of her children while she is at the 
mill." In any case she very likely knows little or noth- 
ing of motherhood and its duties.'** Tn the city a child 
is an impediment. Even if parents were all entirely 
sensible and willing to practice the utmost self-denial, 
the margin that could be won is not great. A writer 
of 1910 tells us that in certain city sections "the total 
available space per child is only four by five feet, and 
this is shared by him with the automobile, trucks, 
wagons, push carts, and adult foot passengers." 

The tenement house man seems indeed to have lost 



''"' Kelley. "Invasion of Family Life by Industry," 95. 
^'^ Dodge. "Day Nurseries," 508. 



The New Basis of American Life 77 

the fruits of civilization and to have reverted to the 
level of primitive man with his "lack of capital, migra- 
tory habits, high birth- and child-mortality rates, ma- 
ternal ignorance, uncontrolled parental affection and 
sense of proprietorship, sex-taboos, lack of 'self-deter- 
mination' in matrimonial choice, matrimonial insta- 
bility, mutterfolge (in its literal sense), animistic habits 
of thought." '' 

What is society doing to eliminate this atavistic de- 
gression? Says Dr. W. D. P. Bliss: 

If the wives of the unsuccessful grow discouraged and become 
slack before the everlasting problem of how the family can 
live, cook, eat, sleep, marry, and take in boarders, all in two 
rooms, let the agents, or better still, the wives and aesthetic 
daughters of the successful go down and investigate and see if 
the family be worthy; and if they are worthy, let them give - 
not money (let them never give money to the poor), but let 
them pour forth good advice, how to economize, how to save, 
how to make bone soup, how to make something out of nothing, 
how to save, save, save, till at last worn out by saving, they can 
go to a better world in a pine coffin. . .^° 

Meanwhile the exploitation of the poor as wage-earn- 
ers and as consumers goes on apace and the saloon 
together with other forces of debauchery is fostered by 
the indifference if not the connivance of the upper 
classes. 

Especially in a town dominated by one industry is 
the type of family largely determined by the nature of 
that industry,^^ whether it be an industry that keeps 
the whole family away from home during daylight 
hours; or an industry that emplo3^s the parents only, 
leaving the children to run the streets; or one that has 
work only for the father but employs him for such 

^9 Parsons, in Preface to Herzfeld, Family Monographs. 

80 Bliss. "Social Faith of the Holy Catholic Church," 9. 

81 Byington. "Family in a typical Mill Town." 



yS The American Family 

long hours that he is a stranger to his children, or for 
such poor wages that the family has to eke out an ex- 
istence by taking in so many boarders that home is im- 
possible, or under such toxic conditions that he begets 
enfeebled offspring. 

The flux of modern industry has long made perma- 
nency of residence problematical and poverty has im- 
peded home ownership. Of the three hundred ninety 
seven w^orking-class families used in 1875 by the Mas- 
sachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor as representa- 
tive of the state only four owned the houses in which 
they lived. Day in his Life and Society in America 
after mentioning 

The continual introduction of machinerj^ the extensive employ- 
ment of women, and the constant stream of immigration 
[which] render competition excessive, and the difficulty of ob- 
taining work considerable, even at the best of times [goes on 
to say:] The migratory character of the working men of New 
York and other northern . . . cities is painfully apparent. 
Such of them as realize a little money remove to the West, 
and set up for themselves. . . But the large majority lead 
quite a vagabond life, roaming from town to town in quest 
of work; and in this miserable way pass their lives, entirely 
removed from . . . home comforts and associations. 

The existence in many places of a floating population 
created by the unsteadiness of work in various lines of 
manufacture constituted a special moral problem. 

In case of the receivership of Siegel's bank a few 
years since, a curious fact appeared. When the re- 
ceiver was ready to make payments fully half of the 
fifteen thousand depositors could not be found; they 
had moved from flat to flat, from city to city, till their 
addresses were lost. The majority of American homes 
are rented. In some cities the percentage is very 
high. In New York City it is around ninety per 



The New Basis of American Life 79 

cent; in Manhattan borough, close to one hundred. 
In big cities one moving day a year is not enough; 
so we have two -one in spring and one in fall. 
Friends of labor counsel against stinting the family 
in order to accumulate property and against home 
ownership as a serious handicap to the freedom of 
movement that constitutes labor's precarious weapon 
of competition. If the worker does slave and save in 
order to buy a square box of a home very likely it is 
falling to bits before he gets it paid for. Of course 
the migratory habit develops an accession of instabil- 
ity and restlessness. 

In the West, lumbering and the various forms of 
specialized agriculture have called into existence a 
large class of migratory laborers, ''men who work in 
the hayfields, the wheatfields, and the orchards of sev- 
eral states, traveling about according to the season." 
These migratory laborers are generally homeless. A 
man with family can not move about readily and such 
men as follow the life for any considerable time tend 
to lose connection with their old homes; they have 
small prospect of new home connections. The ab- 
sence of social ties leads to deterioration, sometimes to 
insanity.^" 

The conditions of capitalism have been no less de- 
moralizing to the rich than to the poor. A dozen years 
after the war, for instance, Henry Edger remarked 
that "the existence of prostitution among us is certainly 
not unconnected with the existence among us also of 
an idle and wealthy class, a class of men without any 
recognized social function." Certain of the specific 
effects of class wealth upon the family will appear in 
other connections. One notable product is a growing 

*2 Adams. "Public Range Lands," 335-340. 



y 



80 The American Family 

migratory class of idle rich who "have so many houses 
that they have no home." Others substitute hotel and 
club for domestic life. 

Thus the effects of capitalist industrialism and mod- 
ern economic stress develop a far reaching pathology 
of their own with a profound influence on the family. 
It is hard to tell whether the effects are worse in city 
or in country. The ease with which a city man may 
lead a double life joins with the exigencies of under- 
paid girlhood to undermine the family by the support 
of concubinage and prostitution; venereal disease is 
rampant where people mass; boys and young men 
thrown together in industry are swept into contagion; 
innocent wives are infected and rendered sterile or in- 
capable of producing healthy offspring. Young men 
find ample comforts for bachelor life; they feel that 
they can not afiford to marry, or if they do marry rebel 
at the burden of a family. For it is to be noted that 
under modern city conditions, with high standard of 
living, enforced to a certain extent by tenement house 
laws, supplies all to be purchased, a prolonged school 
period, coupled with prohibition of child labor, and 
greater expense for medical attention, a family is a 
heavy liability. Income, too, is uncertain. Hence the 
race suicide and family desertion so impressive in re- 
cent times. The city worker is exposed also to the 
hazards of occupational disease and accidents that dis- 
able the worker and disintegrate the family. Com- 
munistic urban habits in work and in dissipation con- 
tribute to the swamping of the narrower and simpler 
family life.^^ 

In so far as the country, however, has not been 
touched with the same development as the city (as for 

*•' Compare Henderson, "Are modern Industry and City Life unfavorable 
to the Family?" 



The New Basis of American Life 8i 

instance by the infection of smaller communities by the 
defunct prostitutes from urban centers) its experience 
has been largely complementary to that of the popula- 
tion center. Hand in hand with the demoralization of 
the urban home has gone a certain rural decadence. 
As early as 1893 Josiah Strong directed attention to the 
decline of rural population as a cause of degeneracy. 

When population decreases and roads deteriorate there is in- 
creasing isolation, with which comes a tendency toward 
degeneration and demoralization. [Witness] the mountain 
whites. . . The writer knows of a town in one of the older 
New England States where such conditions [of isolation] have 
obtained for several generations and have produced precisely 
the same results - the same large families of twelve or fifteen 
members, the same illiteracy, the same ignorance of the Chris- 
tian religion, the same vices, the same "marriage" and "divorce" 
without reference to the laws of God or man, which char- 
acterize the mountain whites of the South. ^* 

New England deterioration has persisted. Towns- 
people have intermarried till there are perhaps only 
about five patronymics in some towns. "The idiot off- 
spring . . . make their sadly regular appearance." 

The number of illegitimate children [says a writer on the ^ 

New England village] is so large that a definite amount has 
been fixed by common consent as the proper one to be paid 
by the putative father to the parents of the unmarried mother - 
not infrequently men and women take wives and husbands 
without the formality of a divorce or a marriage - whole fam- 
ilies are sunk in a slough of vice and poverty, from which oc- 
casionally some enterprising son or daughter will emerge, per- 
haps only to fall back in a moment of temptation or despair. 

Mrs. Busbey says that the effects of meager living, 
hard work, and suppressed emotion are visible espe- 
cially in the women, who lack charm and vivacity.*^ 

84 Strong. Neiv Era, 165-166, 173-174. 

*5 On this paragraph see Busbey, Home Life in America, 309, 316-317; 
also Review of same in Living Age, vol. cclxvii, 761. Compare Hartt, "New 
England Hill Town." 



82 The American Family 

In the more prosperous farming regions the new in- 
dustrialism has immensely enriched the family life, 
especially of the land-owning class. In many cases 
well-to-do farmers have been enabled to move to a 
village or town and enjoy all the conveniences of a 
city home while a tenant family does the work. Very 
many farm houses have been equipped with all city 
conveniences. The telephone, automobile, and rural 
mail service have removed the old isolation and made 
the farm family a member of a much larger commu- 
nity than in the old days. The injection of city civiliza- 
tion operates to reduce the birth-rate in the rural dis- 
tricts, so that it becomes necessary to consolidate rural 
schools and to transport the children, especially in 
view of the increasing reluctance of farm folk to 
walk long distances and the growing demand for grad- 
ing in school and for the installation of high school 
courses. The old interesting rural social life can 
scarcely be sustained for want of young folks. The 
rural child has held continually before him in con- 
versation, papers, and books the attractions of city life, 
so that the family tends to disperse in all directions, 
especially if the father can not materially help the 
boys to secure a piece of the extremely high priced 
farm land in his own neighborhood. Amusements be- 
come more sophisticated and less spontaneous: the 
moving picture house in the nearest town takes the 
place of the crude jollities that formerly brought the 
homes of the neighborhood together. In general the 
family becomes less self-dependent. Churning is tak- 
en away by the creamery; meat is bought already 
cured; soap comes from the grocery, cloth and cloth- 
ing from the dry goods establishment; in some cases 
wash-day is taken over by a town laundry. The farm- 



The New Basis of American Life 83 

hand often is not a neighbor's son but an alien or tramp. 
Agriculture tends, as soil fertility requires replace- 
ment, to become a manufacturing industry. The rural 
family attains complete urbanization. 

The suburbs -by-product of modern industrialism- 
present problems of their own. Mrs. Samuel McCune 
Lindsay wrote in 1909 as follows on the suburban 
child: He is the child of a highly selected class- peo- 
ple that love simplicity, reality, domestic life. Usual- 
ly they are educated above the average of their circle; 
they are likely to be skilled, prosperous, successful. 
They are ambitious, industrious, domestic -very gen- 
erally young married people with families of growing 
children. They are progressive. The child is apt to 
be energetic and impetuous. The environment is rela- 
tively costly. But the suburban child is almost a fath- 
erless child. He is not under right conditions of con- 
trol. Nowhere does the American child, as a class, 
seem under full control, but the suburban situation is 
unique. The town is devoid of men, of policemen. 
Masses of children are abroad. There is little concep- 
tion of the rights of others. Public sentiment is far 
too largely dominated by children below sixteen. ^*^ 

Thus the new industrialism, whether through the 
factors of congested urbanism, the influences in rural 
decay or urbanization, or the growth of transit facili- 
ties that create the suburban home has had a profound 
influence on the institutions of family life. It will be 
our task in the following chapters to trace the influ- 
ence of economic fundamentals through the more im- 
portant problems of the American family since the 
Civil War. 



86 Lindsay. "Suburban Child." 



V. THE REVOLUTION IN WOMAN'S 
WORLD 

In the previous volume we traced the beginnings 
of the economic and social emancipation of woman 
as it unfolded before and during the Civil War, but 
public sentiment went slowly in the matter of woman's 
progress until the provisional completion of western 
settlement and of the initiation of the new industrial- 
ism. The occupation of the newer West contributed 
to prestige of woman and the expansion of urban busi- 
ness offered to her a career and a release from many 
of the old limitations. Accordingly during the last 
decade of the nineteenth century, or thereabout, the pub- 
lic mind warmed rapidly to woman's advance. Then, 
due perhaps to the scenic attractions of world imperial- 
ism and the excitement of spectacular expansion, there 
was a brief lull in the welcome to feminism, but only 
a lull; for one of the most outstanding features of the 
process of adjustment to a new world economics and a 
new social ethics has been the persistent metamorpho- 
sis of woman's world. 

Distressing conditions mark the period following 
the Civil War. Return of men to the ranks of indus- 
try and migration from the stricken South complicated 
the situation of the working woman in the North. It 
was urged that woman should enter the trades and pro- 
fessions monopolized by men, as if this venture would 
relieve the existing misery. Writers such as Gail 
Hamilton urged the higher education of women, their 



86 The American Family 

right to be educated the same as man; "to enter the 
same pursuits, receive the same wages, occupy the same 
posts and professions, wield the same influence, and, in 
a word, be independent of man as a means of support." 
Already it was observed that the opening of careers 
to women safeguards against distress in case of hus- 
band's death, gives a security to marriage, and obviates 
domestic parasitism. 

Proposals to annex a new sphere for womanhood met 
severe condemnation. The fact that woman had al- 
ways been engaged in some kind of industry was over- 
looked. "The New Departure" was deplored as cal- 
culated, by thwarting her natural use as child-bearer, 
child-trainer, and house-mother, to rob her of her wo- 
manliness. She was implored to stop and consider 
what would become of the home if "woman was to take 
her place beside man in every field of coarse rough 
toil." The fatuity of these arguments was that while 
woman was depicted as the tender, clinging vine or as 
the presiding genius of the home, the census of i860 
showed one million women working by the side of men 
in various domains of "coarse, rough toil" and the 
Civil War had notably accelerated the entrance of wo- 
man into industry. The drawing-room writers forgot 
the great world of women without homes. The con- 
dition of seventy-five thousand working women in New 
York City just after the war was indescribable. They 
lived in "nasty tenement houses, in cellars unfit for 
human habitation, in pools of foulness, where every 
impurity is matured and every vice flourishes." ^^ 

Woman was probably crowded into industry faster 
than fundamental needs warranted. Had it not been 

^^ Compare Meyer, IVoman's IVork in America, chap, xi, especially 285- 
288. 



The Revolution in Woman's World 87 

a question of capitalist profit, much of the work might 
still have been done by men. The new invasion con- 
stituted a palpable menace to the army of labor and to 
the standard of living. In an address of the National 
Labor Congress to the working men of the United 
States in 1867, A. C. Cameron pointed out that the 
laboring class ''have objected and naturally, too, to the 
introduction of female labor when used as a means to 
depreciate the value of their own," but that where 
women are qualified for the work they are entitled to 
be treated as the equals of men and to receive the same 
compensation. The address urged working men to 
protest against unfair discrimination and to lend their 
powerful influence to the effecting of a reform.*^ 

Up to this time the admission of women to labor 
organizations was unknown and such innovation w^as 
not welcomed by all apostles of the rights of man. Re- 
actionaries opposed for a long time after the National 
Labor Union adopted in 1868 the following resolu- 
tion : '^ 

Resolved, that we pledge our individual and undivided support 
to the sewing-women and daughters of toil in this land, and 
would solicit their hearty cooperation, knowing, as we do, that 
no class of industry is so much in need of having their condi- 
tion ameliorated, as the factory operatives, sewing-women, etc., 
of this country. 

A new chivalry grew up in response to the new con- 
ditions. Recognition of the fact that women were 
more oppressed than men and that the condition of the 
masses could not be permanently bettered unless the 
lot of working women was improved led the Knights 
of Labor to try to help women to secure better wages 
and conditions. This effort was manifested in very 

^^Documentary History of American Industrial Society, vol. ix, 156-157. 
83 Powderly. Thirty Years of Labor, 81, 90. 



88 The American Family 

many ways. When girls struck against indecent treat- 
ment in factories they found in the Knights ardent 
champions, and large contributions came to the women 
from them and from other organized working men. 
Ely cites as typical the case of an American who, hav- 
ing abused his wife, was expelled from the order. 
Word was sent to Canada, whither he had gone, to 
have no dealings with the unworthy scoundrel. The 
working men of Baltimore also started a cooperative 
shirt factory in order to help the poor sewing women.'"' 
The reasons that have led women away from the 
home and into outside industry are manifold. Daugh- 
ters have desired to help father and mother, to keep 
brothers and sisters in school, to live better, to lay by 
something for the rainy day or for their marriage fund. 
Wives have entered industry in order to support in- 
valid or worthless husbands or to aid in bringing up a 
large family; widows in order to support themselves. 
The danger has been that the girl or woman would re- 
gard her income as a perquisite or as a supplement to 
the family budget and thus would not expect to be en- 
tirely self-supporting. Thus Henry Edger in the Rad- 
ical Review of 1877 declared 

It is the competition of woman in part provided for by their 
families, and especially of women having all their necessities 
provided for, and who work only for an extra ribbon for their 
bonnets, that brings down often so nearly to nothing the wages 
of others doomed to choose between labor, prostitution, and 
death from starvation. 

Helen Campbell in her Women Wage Earners pointed 
out that in Massachusetts many of the girls lived at 
home, paid little or no board, and so were able to take 
a lower wage than the self-supporting worker. Hun- 
dreds that wanted pin money worked at a price impos- 

90 Ely. Labor Movement in America, 82-83. 



The Revolution in Woman's World 89 

sible for the self-supporting worker, "many married 
women coming under this head; and bitter complaint 
is made on this point." On the other hand, an inves- 
tigation of several years before in twenty-two Amer- 
ican cities showed over half the single women not only 
supporting themselves but helping to support the home. 
Many helped in the housekeeping. 

The defensive interests of labor have suffered at the 
hands of the working girl inasmuch as she does not 
count herself a permanent industrial worker and con- 
sequently has not been sufficiently amenable to trades 
union discipline. The women that enter industry in 
order "to be more independent than at home, to ex- 
ercise their coquetry and amuse themselves, to make 
pin money for luxuries" are especially unqualified to 
bear the brunt of the labor struggle. 

There is still a certain reluctance to give work to 
married women and in some places it is still not quite 
the thing for a wife to work for pay outside the home. 
She may dabble in charity or missions but is restrained 
from remunerative labor. Perhaps it is well that there 
should be a certain resistance to the trend toward fe- 
male industrialism. To prefer public industry to do- 
mestic parasitism and subordination is well, but in so 
far as the movement away from the home has been 
abnormally accelerated by false standards of domestic 
and social life, apprehension is in order. 

There is, of course, a clear connection between con- 
ditions of female employment and the status of morals. 
After the first precautions with native New England 
girls were past, factory life began to present untoward 
aspects that tended to ruin. Burn's opinion, formed 
in the early sixties, was that it was quite common for 
girls tired of country life to go to town, find work. 



90 The American Family 

live at first in a boarding house "and end their careers 
in the streets." He said: 

. If the morals of a young woman are not destroyed by the as- 

/^fjTp^^ sociates in the workshop, she stands an excellent chance of be- 
ing stripped of them in the house she has made her temporary 
home. The great majority of females in the warehouses have 
little or no certainty of permanent employment, and even with 
steady employment their wages would leave them but little af- 
ter paying their board and washing. Both from personal obser- 
vation, and from what I have been able to learn, I find that very 
few of these girls make fortunate marriages. I do not see how 
it could be otherwise; they are neither fitted for wives by a due 
regard for the feelings and wishes of their husbands, nor a 
knowledge of even the simplest rudiments of housekeeping. One 
of the worst traits in the character of this class of females is 
that they will not be instructed by their husbands, and as one 
proof of their obstinacy, one of their common remarks when 
speaking of husbands is that they "would like to see a man 
who would boss them." ^^ 

The crowding together of numbers of young people of 
both sexes in factories was a source of obvious dangers. 
In 1875 Ames in Sex in Industry warned of disregard 
paid the decencies of life in the location and condition 
of toilets, the laxity with which clothing is worn and 
positions are assumed in the process of manufacture, 
and the constant association of both sexes. Conditions, 
moreover, were unfavorable to the higher development 
that would have increased control. Mrs. Robinson 
spoke to about two hundred Lowell mill girls in 1881 
and urged reading and study. They said: "We will 
try, but we work so hard, we tend so much machinery, 
and we are so tired." 

The influence of poverty upon female morals is speci- 
fic. The Avelings record the utterance of a Philadel- 

81 Burn. Three Years among the Working Classes in the United States 
during the War, 84-85. 



The Revolution in Woman's World 91 

phia employer of labor quoted in the Record of that 
city, who, on complaint of a girl that she could not live 
on her wages, advised her to get a gentleman friend to 
help her. The Chicago Vice Commission Report of 
191 1 calls 

Particular attention to the fact that the present economic and 
insanitary conditions under which the girls employed in fac- 
tories and department stores live and work has an effect on the 
nervous forces of the girl in such a way as to render her much 
more susceptible to prostitution. . . [Moreover] there 
are many men who own large establishments, who pay wages 
which simply drive women into prostitution. Some of the 
girls who are most tempted, and enter lives of prostitution, 
work in big department stores, surrounded by luxuries, which 
all of them crave, and sell large quantities of those luxuries 
for a wage compensation of about seven or eight dollars a week, 
and even less. 

In face of such temptation, the girl encounters the pro- 
curess, the "cadet," and the man directly over her. The 
Chicago report alleges that "married men are among 
the worst offenders against sales girls, and use all sorts 
of methods to induce them to accept invitations to dine, 
or go to the theater." 

Later chapters elaborate on the influence exercised 
upon marriage and fecundity by woman's access to in- 
dustry. Suffice it here to say that factory and shop 
conditions threaten to eliminate the truly feminine 
girl (as they have largely eliminated the truly manly 
man save where organization of labor has interposed 
some bulwark) and to produce a heavy, rough, coarse 
type comparable to the peasant women of Europe. Im- 
migrant standards tend to undermine woman's vantage 
ground. It would seem that woman's normal call is 
into the world of business and professions rather than 
into the realm of industry and indeed the actual ten- 



92 The American Family 

dency of American women of late has been into the 
office rather than into the mill. Professional and bus- 
iness life, too, has pronounced efifects on the family in- 
stitutions, some of which will be considered later. 

Correlate with the opening of industrial careers for 
women went the opening of opportunities for higher 
education. Advanced education for women is prac- 
tically a development of the post-bellum period. Vas- 
sar was founded in 1865. In 1870 the University of 
Michigan was opened to women. Even at Oberlin, 
however, as late as 1870 it was considered improper for 
a woman to address a mixed audience.^' In 1867 at a 
medical meeting a man said: "A young lady that 
studies anatomy unsexes herself." ^^ The extension to 
women of opportunities for genuine culture has been 
coeval with the entry of industrialism, political democ- 
racy, family dissolution, and social unrest. Some of 
the interrelations have already been suggested. It re- 
mains to show what connection, if any, subsists between 
female higher education and the decadence of the fam- 
ily. 

The reader scarcely needs to be reminded of the 
countless alarmist articles and arguments put forth by 
those that see in the higher education of women a su- 
preme menace to the future of the race. It has been 
maintained that the fruits of our educational system 
(which instead of providing women with a sound edu- 
cation for maternity and domesticity has offered them 
a training patterned on that of men) are physical, men- 
tal, and moral unfitness for wifehood and motherhood. 
Advocates of this view have asserted that the effect of 
the higher education is to beget a distaste for the nor- 

82 Reed. "Female Delicacy in the Sixties," 862. 

93 Bowditch. Life and Correspondence of Henry Ingersoll Boiudilch, 214. 



The Revolution in Woman's World 93 

mal career of woman; to raise an incoherent rebellion 
against wifehood and motherhood; to develop such 
high notions and exacting demands that marriage with 
a young, healthy man of moderate means is distasteful, 
so that such men are driven to debauchery or to mar- 
riage with women of lower rank; to substitute w^orldly 
pleasure or an independent career as makeshifts for the 
realities of life. It is further alleged that the effect 
of sustained brain activity is to drain away energy that 
should go to maternity; that college education usually 
ruins a girl's body or her instincts; that many women 
are unsexed in the process; that college women desir- 
ing children are often incapable of safe and sound 
motherhood. 

It is affirmed that physical unfitness among women of 
the cultivated classes menaces extinction to those 
groups; that race suicide is most common among the 
highly educated classes; that the more scholastic the 
education of women, the fewer are the children, the 
more formidable and dangerous the parturition, and 
the less the ability to nurse the babes. The suggestion 
is made, also, that coeducation breaks down the normal 
stimulus exercised by the opposite sex; that the girl's 
absence from home at a period when she needs a moth- 
er's influence and a share in household duties is not 
favorable to domesticity, particularly as she is likely 
to be bored by her home on her return to it; that segre- 
gated life during college years unfits her to understand 
children; that the inordinate pursuit of pleasure during 
the ten years between school and marriage (years when 
Alumna is presumably waiting for a lucky catch) works 
against later domestic happiness; and further that she 
seldom marries a man of her own intellectual attain- 
ments, and hence is perhaps subject to boredom and 



94 The American Family 

ennui. Statistical evidence and multiple experience is 
put forward in support of the general unfitness of edu- 
cated women to mother the race.^* 

Such sensational indictments as those indicated need 
not be elaborated in detail as they have sufficient stick- 
ing power of their own. It is more important to pre- 
sent fully what seems to be the more convincing case 
in behalf of the merits of college training for women. 
First of all, it is to be emphatically denied that college 
education is a dysgenesic influence. 

College women are decidedly not averse to marriage 
They have a keen interest in engagements, weddings, 
and homemaking. If only half of the college women 
marry it is because they have come from a social class 
in which only half the women marry. The classes in 
which practically all women marry are the poor and 
the rich, the latter securing husbands by virtue of their 
pecuniary endowment if for no other reason. The 
upper middle class tends to female celibacy on eco- 
nomic grounds; college education did not create the 
tendency nor does it seem to heighten it. In fact col- 
lege women are perhaps slightly more prone to marry 
than are others of their social class. 

But they are more likely to marry wisely. Their 
training has given them a more judicial attitude, a more 
exacting taste, more appreciation of what is really 
good, and a reduced sensibility to artificial glamor. 
Education tends to develop common-sense and banish 
unreasonable expectations and vulgar extravagance, 

°* Compare e.g. Allen, "Plain Words on the Woman Question;" Mearkle, 
"Education and Marriage;" Hall, "Question of Coeducation," and Youth, 
chap, xi; Wells, "Some questions concerning the Higher Education of Wo- 
men;" Low, America at Home, 76; "Alumna's Children;" Thwing, History 
of Higher Education in America, 352; Smith, A. L., "Higher Education of 
Women and Race Suicide;" Valentine, "American College Woman in the 
Home;" Armstrong, "Mission of Educated Women." 



The Revolution in Woman's World 95 

thus bringing the woman within reach of the right sort 
of man even tho he be relatively poor. There are 
indications, however, that college women marry better 
educated men than do their non-college sisters, and men 
with higher earning power. They need not take hus- 
bands for the sake of a home or because there is nothing 
else to do; hence they are in a position of vantage in the 
matter of negotiation. College training gives a woman 
seriousness, a sense of values, self-control, balance, 
breadth, and a philosophy of life. Her sense of ma- 
ternal and connubial responsibility is quickened and 
strengthened and her reverence for the true meaning 
of the relationship is exalted. College women make 
cheery, efficient homes. They are apt to seek remedies 
for petty domestic annoyances rather than pine under 
them. The house over which the educated woman pre- 
sides is more likely to be operated in accordance with 
system, economy, and hygiene. She is freer from blind 
tradition, from "instinctive" cookery and "intuitive" 
child-care. Standing on a higher level in relation to 
her husband she enters into an equality of comradeship 
that could not have been imagined in the old days and 
her marriage is less likely to prove unhappy than if 
she had failed of the higher culture: there is a very 
small percentage of divorce among college women. 
The college-bred wife and mother is in a position, too, 
to envisage home in its social relationships and is likely 
to be interested in public sanitation, education, and all 
other social questions that bear upon the well-being 
of the home. 

Far from sapping vitality, college on the whole im- 
proves the physical condition of the girls that resort 
thither. They are a little stronger from their college 
training. In 1865 the Vassar prospectus stressed phy- 



96 The American Family 

sical education as fundamental in view of the fact that 
American female education had not paid sufficient re- 
gard to the claims of the body and had produced slen- 
derness and weakness in the educated class. Phy- 
sical training and outdoor sports have been a god- 
send to women. Most girls know nothing of the 
proper care of their bodies until they enter upon phy- 
sical culture in college or boarding-school. The girl 
that works for the team and goes through training has 
a new experience that makes for finer character, firmer 
muscles, better circulation, more even temper, and 
steadier nerves. Her situation is immensely better 
than that of her frivolous cousin who gravitates from 
social trivialities, by way of ennui, to the sanitarium. 
Thus college women have at least as good a chance to 
have a sufficient number of healthy children as have 
the non-college set in the same social group. It may 
be that this conclusion is coming to require qualification 
in view of the spread of college education among the 
more substantial classes of society, but even there the 
college woman has doubtless an even, if not a superior, 
chance at what all women crave. 

College trained women have added to the maternal 
instinct a studied reverence for motherhood. They 
have a better basis for developing a sounder interest in 
childhood and a better understanding of its needs. They 
know more about the functions of their own bodies and 
esteem more highly the mysteries of life.^^ 

^5 Compare e.g. "Birth-rate again"; Bolce, "Does the College rob the 
Cradle?;" Thwing, History of Higher Education in America, 351; Arm- 
strong, "Mission of Educated Women;" Sewall, Domestic and Social Effects 
of the Higher Education of Women; Hill, "Economic Value of the Home," 
410; "Birth-rate in New England"; Laurvik, "American Girl Out of Doors;" 
Valentine, "American College Woman in the Home;" Andrews, "Grant 
Allen on the Woman Question;" Barnes, "Science of Home Management;" 
Hoffer, "Young Women's Ideas of Marriage;" Chrisman, "Education for 
the Home." 



The Revolution in Woman s World 97 

Of course the foregoing generalizations apply with 
full force only to such institutions as give a thoroughly 
modern course under normal conditions; but on the 
whole it does not seem that the disparagers of higher 
education for women have made good their point save 
in so far as the higher education has been ill-adjusted 
or extreme. Dr. David Starr Jordan writes: 

There is not the slightest evidence that highly educated women 
are necessarily rendered sterile or celibate by their education. 
The best wives in the world belong to this class. They bring 
their husbands not only love and sympathy but the highest form 
of personal and professional helpfulness. . . The woman 
who finishes creditably the undergraduate course in a well reg- 
ulated American college, coeducational or otherwise, has ac- 
complished no tour de force and has performed no dangerous 
feat of mental gymnastics. . . The college girl, normal 
when her course of study began, is not on her graduation 
asthenic, anemic, neurotic, or indifferent to matters of love and 
maternity. . . To postpone marriage until the age of twen- 
ty-two, twenty-five, or even thirty is not fatal to love or ma- 
ternity, or wisdom or anything else that is good. [Genuine 
education helps a woman to rear the children she bears; nu- 
merous offspring are not important.] We need not fear that 
college education on a large scale means progressive race ster- 
ility. 

/ Jordan holds, moreover, that coeducation leads to mar- 
riage, whose best basis is common interest and intellec- 
tual friendship."" 

It is evident, of course, that we are in a period of 
transition and subject to the limitations of such a period. 
Many unsettled problems persist to vex our generaliza- 
tions. For instance it is clear that pending the solution 
of the problem of household economy and social care 
of children, women of original genius and intellectual 
ambition must in general choose between a career of 

9* Jordan. "Question of Coeducation :" in Munsey's Magazine, vol. xxxiv, 
683-688. 



98 The American Family 

scholarly achievement and the attainment of wifehood 
and motherhood, inasmuch as their tastes are not likely 
to run in the direction of captains of industry who could 
subsidize their leisure. Much marital friction has no 
doubt been due to the attempt of girls too highly in- 
tellectualized and devoid of training in home econom- 
ics to preserve their mentality in the midst of the grow- 
ing demands of modern housekeeping. The college 
woman with high standards perhaps marries a profes- 
sional man in hope of intellectual comradeship and 
finds herself on a small income, thrust into an economic 
struggle for which she has had no adequate training. 
The allotment of time and energy for housework has 
to be worked out (if at all) with tremendous nervous 
strain. "She becomes the educated American drudge." 
This class, which in Mrs. Busbey's estimate includes 
"about two-thirds of the college w^omen of the United 
States" constitutes "a curious companion piece to the 
'toy, and beautiful tyrant; man her willing slave,' as 
the American woman is conceived abroad." Too 
many women have felt called upon to let intellect lapse 
when they entered upon the responsibilities of house- 
work. 

It can not be denied that higher education does tend 
to make a woman independent of marriage and put her 
in a position to weigh the advantage of trading "an 
eighty dollar position for a sixty dollar man." It in- 
creases her ability to do useful work -work more at- 
tractive than domestic drudgery -and thus to become 
self-supporting. It gives her warm and vital interests 
to supplement or replace the domestic career that was 
so long her only recourse. She can even find work 
that will enable her to vent her mother-love on chil- 
dren that very much need such devotion. Economic 



The Revolution in Woman's World 99 

equality renders woman impatient of the double stand- 
ard of sex morals and its correlate contamination. On 
the other hand, by opening a career to women who are 
not fitted and do not care for marriage, the new equip- 
ment leaves the matrimonial field freer for the well- 
adapted domestic type. 

It is of interest to observe the tenacity of the conser- 
vative argument against higher education for women. 
The old talk was that education would restrict mar- 
riage and motherhood, but later "because a few highly 
educated women have abandoned their specialties for 
their families, they are used as illustrations of the fu- 
tility of opening graduate schools to women." ^^ 

In the early days a desire for higher education was 
a confession of relative poverty, and indeed of "strong- 
mindedness" and lack of "femininity." It was not the 
thing in well-to-do familes who conservatively cher- 
ished the traditional attitude toward women. They 
did not see that, "other things being equal, the liberally 
educated woman should be a more companionable wife, 
a more inspiring and helpful mother, and a more com- 
petent housekeeper than the non-educated or the nar- 
rowly educated woman." Some may still feel that the 
very approach to equality tends to weaken the family: 
each sex loses its conception of certain superiorities in 
the other; attraction consequently wanes; women be- 
come ambitious and men lose chivalry; "you spoil the 
men for husbands as soon as you have thoroughly con- 
verted them to the idea of sex equality." It is prob- 
able, indeed, that the main stronghold of the old order 
now lies in the conservatism of women rather than in 
the tenacity of men. A father or brother can bridge 
the chasm of a girl's iconoclasm more easily than can a 

9'^ Hill. "Economic Value of the Home," 410. 



lOO The American Family 

mother schooled in the customary mold of girlhood. 
An increasing number of husbands are similarly tract- 
able. 

It must not be forgotten that many of the facilities 
early opened to women were in coeducational institu- 
tions, where in some cases the girls lived in town, found 
their own accommodations, managed their own affairs, 
and lived as independently as the boys.®^ This sort of 
institution and life might be supposed to present special 
dangers. It was supposed by some in early days that 
coeducation would result in class-room romances but 
this fear proved exaggerated. As for the experience 
in independent living, it could not but be stimulating 
to a girl and conducive to those managerial qualities 
that are required in the head of a domestic establish- 
ment. 

About forty-three years ago women were admitted 
to Cornell after much balancing of argument. The 
students were averse to the innovation but a donor had 
ofifered a building and endowment. Later the univer- 
sity published a circular In Answer to Inquiries about 
the Facilities for the Education of Ladies at the Cor- 
nell University. It held that "the difference between 
a college where ladies are not admitted and one to 
which they are admitted is the difference simply be- 
tween the smoking car and the one back of it." As for 
danger of female "strong-mindedness," coeducation in 
V universities makes the young men more manly and the 
young women more womanly. 

It is simply a matter of course that the desire to please, which 
is natural among women, should lead them, when educated in 
the same universities with young men, to develop those quali- 
ties which appear well in the eyes of those about them, and 

^^ Brackett. Women and the Higher Education, 112-113. 



The Revolution in Woman's World loi 

this result is seen in every college and university where coedu- 
cation has been adopted. 

It was hoped that women educated with men would 
care less for fashions set by disreputable women "in 
the most debauched capital in the world." Coeduca- 
tion was relied upon to prevent the girls from making 
young men work too hard for female adornment, thus 
"thwarting their best aspirations and sacrificing their 
noblest ambitions." Moreover it was to cure women 
of their special faults of superstition and narrowness. 
Inquirers as to danger of attachments springing up 
among students were informed that 

There is no difficulty arising from this source. Young women 
who are earnest enough to sacrifice ease and pleasure during 
what are considered the four most pleasant years of life are not 
easily led away from their purpose or thrown ofif their plans 
by the presence of young gentlemen. 

Assurance was given that few marriages resulted from 
university acquaintance and "such as do occur turn out 
most happily" -tho how this could have been known 
at so early a date is somewhat of a question. 

The president of a western university is cited to the 
effect that "there have been no scandals. At least no 
more than may exist between the members of a school 
limited to one sex and the outside world." The circu- 
lar mentions as a special safeguard to lady students 

The fact that this is not a place to which flippant, careless girls 
would choose to come. Only those young ladies who are sev- 
enteen years of age and have passed an entrance examina- 
tion . . . are admitted. This ensures the presence only 
of ladies really in earnest and devoted to study. 

The "co-eds" were of all sorts, from the little group 
of clever and cultivated girls to the young woman from 
"back of Oshkosh" who had never seen a bathtub. 
Mostly the girls worked hard but there is some signifi- 



I02 The American Family 



cance in the device of the profit-seeking steward who, 
over men's protests, alternated the sexes at table be- 
cause "they eat so much less this way.""'' 

Certainly coeducation has offered unusually favor- 
able opportunities for the mutual acquaintance of young 
men and women and "many happy homes have been 
founded in the belief that long and quiet acquaintance 
in intellectual work, and intimate interests of the same 
deeper sort, form as solid a basis for a successful mar- 
riage as ball room intercourse or a summer at Bar Har- 
bor." A college man that has known college women 
is not, as a rule, drawn to those of lower ideals and in- 
ferior training. A college woman does not drift into 
the arms of an inferior man. 

Nor is coeducation without its specific benefits to 
young men. It must have been especially wholesome 
in the early days when more was said than now about 
masculine superiority. Young men came to see that 
woman, far from being inferior, was, in some respects, 
their superior. This lesson fitted in well with the con- 
ditions of the times. It would engender a more whole- 
some relation between the sexes than had previously 
subsisted. Moreover coeducation toned up masculine 
conduct. A prominent literary man ventured the re- 
mark some years ago, that "young men were called 
gentlemen first at Antioch." Thus as regards a better 
basis for family relations, coeducation seems to stand 
approved. 

The basic changes in the field of industry and educa- 
tion that have occurred since the Civil War have re- 
made womanhood. In 1865 Ruskin's Sesame and Lil- 
ies was published and was widely read in America. It 
fitted the trend of afifairs and did much to combat the 

99 "When the old Order CJreets the new:" in Scrihner's, vol. lix, 382-384. 



The Revolution in Woman's World 103 



notion that it was ladylike to be ignorant and useless. 
The masculine admiration of long skirts and slim 
waists seems also to have begun to decline. Husbands 
began to complain of their wives' sickliness and to pro- 
test against the results of tight lacing."" Perhaps un- 
wittingly they were loosing the fetters of subjection. 

Perhaps as a reflection of educational development 
have come certain marked changes in the realm of lit- 
erature. O. B. Bunce in the Critic of 1889 directs at- 
tention to a 

Noteworthy change in the spirit of our literature [viz.] the 
almost entire disappearance of the distinctively woman's 
novel. . . The domestic semi-pious character of these books, 
which to men seemed trivial and empty, were the intense de- 
light of the feminine mind thirty or forty years ago. Nothing 
of this kind has come from the press within recent years. 
Women still constitute the majority of novel readers but this 
special catering to their domestic tastes has ceased. . . And 
then look at the remarkable change of base on the part of the 
magazine conductors. Forty years ago the leading magazine 
was Godey's Lady's Book. This periodical was filled with 
fashion pictures, and stories supposed to be adapted by virtue 
of their domestic imbecility to the taste of the women of the 
period. The Ladies' National Magazine was similar in char- 
acter. . . When Harper s Monthly came upon the field, 
it addressed itself to all classes of readers, but in its short stories 
it had an eye to the supposed taste of women readers, and it 
was thought necessary to further gratify this class by a fashion 
department at the end. Today our magazines if anything 
make their selections more noticeably for men than for women. 
The Century has made war papers its principal feature. Rus- 
sian travel takes a large place; and all other papers are ad- 
dressed to cultivated tastes without regard to sex. The same 
is true of Scribner's. . . The short stories in these maga- 
zines are no doubt more generally read by women than by 
men, but they are not selected with this fact in view, but sole- 
ly as to certain literary qualities that know no sex. In Har- 

100 Reed. "Female Delicacy in the Sixties," 863. 



I04 The American Family 

pers there still lingers, perhaps, a little of the old tradition in 
its short stories, in which a domestic flavor is preferred. 

Even in distinctly woman's periodicals of today (such 
as the PVomans Home Companion^ which dates from 
1873, and the Ladies' Hoine Journal, from 1883) there 
is a marked catering to male readers. The train mag- 
azine vendor finds a good sale for the Ladies' Home 
Journal to the male passengers. Men of all sorts like 
and read it, especially men isolated from "home 
folks." ^'^^ Obviously identity of education tends to 
make the matured tastes of men and women approach 
each other. 

The opening of industry and education to woman 
constitutes a phase, partly cause, partly result, of the 
larger "Woman Movement" whose beginnings we re- 
corded in the period before the war. The pioneer 
phenomena fundamental to that movement persisted in 
the West during the post-bellum generation and indeed 
down to the present to some degree. 

During the war period the governor of Washington 
sent two representatives to Boston to arrange with Gov- 
ernor Andrew for the export of six hundred women 
and girls to the territory for domestic work. A steam- 
er chartered by the territory was to convey them to big 
pay and certainty of husbands. "Men would do any- 
thing to get them. They were objects of a sort of 
crude, fierce worship. They profited by it of course 
and sold the conquest high.""' The eastern women 
that came to the West were likely to surpass the pioneer 
males in breeding and training; they symbolized order, 
morality, cleanliness, and other virtues. 

Everywhere west of the Mississippi there was, in the 

^0^ Compare the Ladies' Home Journal, November, 1913, i. 

102 De Hauranne. Hutt Mois en Amerique, vol. i, 432, footnote i. 



The Revolution in Woman's World 105 

post-bellum years, a brisk demand for women. Dixon 
pointed out in his New America that in California 
there were three men to every woman, in Washington 
four, in Nevada eight, in Colorado twenty. Europe 
was "sending in hosts of bachelors to fight for the few 
women, who would otherwise be insufficient for the 
native men. . . One man in every twenty males 
born in the United States can never expect to have a 
wife of his own." This preponderance of demand, he 
said, affected the female mind with a variety of 
plagues -from missions to free love theories. ^°^ Col- 
onel McClure, who made in 1867 a tour through the 
Rockies, wrote 

One hundred ordinarily good female servants could now find 
permanent employment in pleasant homes in Denver, at an 
average of twelve dollars per week and boarding; and three 
months wages would pay their fare from the East to this city. 
Besides the high wages they can get they are in equal demand 
in the matrimonial market. The adult unmarried population 
of the territory is probably ten males to one female; and here, 
as elsewhere, people continue to be given in marriage. The 
importation of several hundred virtuous, industrious, single 
females into Colorado would be a great benefaction both to 
the females themselves and to the people of the territory.^"* 

In Dixon's White Conquest^ in connection with a 
tabulation of disparity in numbers of the sexes in the 
far West, comes the declaration that 

Under social arrangements so abnormal, a white woman is 
treated everywhere on the Pacific slopes, not as man's equal 
and companion . . . but as a strange and costly crea- 
ture . . . freed from the restraints and penalties of or- 
dinary law. As with the trappers and traders of Monterey, 
so with the miners and settlers around San Francisco. There 

103 Compare Dixon, Neiv America, third edition (Phila., 1869), 263-268, 
274. 

104 McClure. Three Thousand Miles through the Rocky Mountains, 105- 
106. 



V 



io6 The American Family 

is a brisk demand for wives; a call beyond the markets to sup- 
ply. A glut of men is everj^vhere felt, and the domestic rela- 
tion is everyw'here disturbed. Marriage is a career; marriage, 
divorce, remarriage, times without end, and changes without 
shame. . . "Guess my husband's got to look after me, and 
make himself agreeable to me, if he can," says a pretty young 
woman, in a tone of banter, but a tone that carries much 
meaning; "if he don't, there's plenty will." . . Divorce is 
cheap and easily obtained. . . The application mostly comes 
from the woman's side, and any allegation is enough to satisfy 
her judge. A husband going into court is generally regarded 
as a fool. [Thus disproportion of sexes stimulates men to il- 
licit advances and makes woman insurgent.] 

It contributed also to debauchery of Indian women and 
to "the irruption of an Asiatic horde of female 
slaves." ''' 

It is easy to see that woman's status would be very 
different in the East and West tho the latter could not 
but evangelize the former by osmosis. The West 
created the recurrent hero of American story and play, 
the rough, uncouth, wild desperado who soars to the 
heights of honor in matters touching a woman. Even 
to the end of the nineteenth century, California was 
"essentially a man's state," yet it is precisely in such 
commonwealths that woman rises to sovereignty. To- 
day woman is not exactly rare in America but the 
tradition endures and the deep-rooted effects of her 
scarcity value are ineradicable. The opening of indus- 
trial opportunity in the East afforded a similar lever- 
age in that section. 

The fact, also, that the dearth of men owing to deaths 
in the war left many women husbandless, while west- 
ward migration following the war carried many men, 
as of old, to settlements where early marriage was im- 
possible, so that thousands of women were excluded 

^°^ Dixon. White Conquest, vol. i, 165-167; vol. ii, 301-308. 



The Revolution in Woman s World 107 

from wifehood and motherhood, interacted with the 
opening of industry and higher education to women 
so as to create in women a feeling of independence and 
self-reliance very favorable to the propaganda of the 
"Women's Rights" advocates, whose evangelism before 
the war had had relatively slight results. The legis- 
lation of the ante-bellum generation had, indeed, 
thrown the laws of marriage into inconsistency. It 
remained for the new generation to undertake the lib- 
eralization of their entirety and also to procure an ap- 
proach to political and social freedom of a larger sort. 
At the end of the war, the virtual chatteldom of 
woman in the eyes of the law was still a vexation to 
forward-looking people. In 1868 the Nation notes 
that the women's rights advocates charge decrease in 
marriage to the inequitable constitution of the marriage 
relation and to the wife's treatment by the husband as 
pet or as unpaid servant. It was alleged that as women 
became more self-assertive men waxed wary of matri- 
mony. Man, it was said, could not be expected to tie 
himself up for life unless he could have supreme au- 
thority.^"*' Some of the suffrage leaders avowed that 
marriage had not even the sanctions that belonged to an 
ordinary partnership; that every woman had a right to 
select the father of her child; that true marriage was a 
matter of the inner life beyond the cognizance of 
church or state; and that permanence of the tie was not 
essential. As early as 1870, Mrs. Cady Stanton de- 
clared for unlimited freedom of divorce. One writer 
suggested "that marriage might, with great advantage, 
be contracted for limited periods, say two or three 
years, leaving the renewal to depend on the pleasure of 
the parties.""' 

^°^ Compare the Nation, vol. vi, 190-191. 

107 "Pgud in the Woman's Rights Camp:" in the Nation, vol. xi, 346-347. 



io8 The American Family 

Some identified the woman's movement with the 
spirit of revolt against the home. Suffrage was as- 
sailed as subversive of the family and of society. Not 
all advanced women were as liberal as Mrs. Stanton. 
The Woman's Journal denounced her and showed that 
"free divorce means free love, and free love means 
'free lust'.""^ 

Woman's legal status had not yet altered in keeping 
with her changed economic and social position. True, 
a woman had some recourse at law against her hus- 
band's extravagance and non-support, and divorce was 
easier than in England. But the common law still 
retained the old cruel notion of the wife's absorption in 
the husband, an injustice not entirely eliminated today 
even by the liberalizing trend of the intervening years. 

In 1879 an Ohio judge rendered the following de- 
cision: 

Our courts adjudicate primarily upon property interests. A 
husband has a pecuniary, a property interest in his wife. The 
law protects this right of property. A father can recover dam- 
ages against a man who seduces his daughter, but a mother 
cannot. . . Why? . . . She has not property' in her, is 
not entitled to her wages; neither is a mother bound to sup- 
port her children. The father is the head of the family, not 
the mother. He, by virtue of his headship, is legally entitled 
to the services of his family. The husband is head of the wife; 
not the wife of the husband. . . Can a husband sue his 
wife if she refuses to support him out of her property, to give 
him her earnings, or keep her marriage contract? Not at all. 
Can a father sue his minor child that refuses him obedience 
and service? Not at all. And why. . .? For the same 
reason that he can not sue his flocks or his herds, his oxen and 
and his cattle they are his. His to command. . . He can 
sue any one who takes them away, keeps or harbors them ; 
any one who injures them ; because they are his own. But 
the wife does not own her husband ; the child does not own the 

108 "Feud in the Woman's Rights Camp," in the Nation, vol. xi, 346-347. 



The Revolution in Woman's World 109 

father, and therefore I hold that the child can not sue for an 
injury to the father, nor the wife for an injury to the husband. 
There is in her no property' right upon which to found the ac- 
tion. . . The wife looks to the husband. She relies upon 
his pledge and his promise, which the law will enforce, and she 
looks to that alone. The law does not permit her to go forth 
to smite the seducer of her husband, nor the man or woman 
who entices him away.^"" 

During the Beecher trial the Honorable William M. 
Evarts defined woman's legal position as one of subor- 
dination, declaring "that notwithstanding changing 
customs and the amenities of modern life, women were 
not free, but were held in the hollow of man's hand, to 
be crushed at his will." In confirmation he referred 
to a decision of the New York Court of Appeals and 
he gave his own sanction to the principle."" In 1891, 
B. O. Flower pointed out that "with laws as they are 
today in many states, wives are made the unwilling 
mothers of thousands of children who are conceived in 
bitterness of soul, born into an atmosphere of hate, 
reared in homes where all that fosters and enriches the 
soul life is absent."'" 

Matilda Gage wrote in 1893 to the effect that a great 
many men, if their wives protested because they drank, 
gambled, and spent their nights away, said: "You have 
a good home and enough to eat and wear; what more 
do you want?" She asserted 

Instances of wife sale are not uncommon in the United States, 
and although the price is usually higher than that given for Eng- 
lish wives, reaching from three hundred to four thousand dollars 
still as low a sum as five cents has been recorded. A prosperous 
resident of Black Hills, Dakota, is said to have begun his bus- 
iness start in life through sale of his wife. 

109 Gage. Woman, Church, and State, 322-324. 

110 _ 7/,/^.^ 394. 

"1 Flower. "Hon. Carroll D. Wright on Divorce," 144. 



no The American Family 

She illustrates her indictment by citation of an item 
from the Leavenworth, Kansas, Standard of 1886: 

A woman who ran away from her husband at Lawrence some 
time ago, was found at Fort Leavenworth yesterday by a Law- 
rence detective and taken back to her home. The officer re- 
ceived a reward of fifty dollars for her capture.' ^^ 

Even in the year 1892 

We find the largest proportion of the United States still giving 
to the husband custody of the wife's person ; the exclusive con- 
trol of the children of the marriage; of the wife's personal and 
real estate; the absolute right to her labor and all products 
of her industry. In no state does the law recognize the legal 
existence of the wife, unless she relinquishes her own name 
upon marriage, taking that of her husband, thus sinking her 
identity in his. . . That woman is an individual with the 
right to her own separate existence, has not yet permeated the 
thought of church, state, or society.^^^ 

It was not till 1882 that the New York Court of Ap- 
peals decided married women to be the rightful own- 
ers of articles of personal adornment and convenience 
coming from their husbands. The same year the Su- 
preme Court of the state decided that a wife may sue 
her husband for damages for assault and battery. In 
1 89 1 in Indiana it was decided that a wife may sue for 
alienation of her husband's affections. Kansas early 
recognized the right of a married mother to her own 
child, ''that provision having been incorporated in its 
constitution at early date as an enticement for bring- 
ing women emigrants into that state." ''* Until the dec- 
ade preceding 1898 the common law period of ten or 
twelve years was the basis of "age of consent" legisla- 
tion in most states."^ 



^12 Gage. Woman, Church, and State, 327, 342, 391. 

11" — Ibid., 329. 

11* — Ibid., 324, 327, 391. 

115 Hecker, Short History of fFoinen's Rights, 168. 



The Revolution in Woman s World in 

At the beginning of the new century wives might own 
and control their separate property in three-fourths of 
the states; in every state a married woman might dis- 
pose by will of her separate property; in about two- 
thirds of the states she possessed her earnings; in the 
great majority she might make contracts and bring suit. 
In many states the law provided that if the wife en- 
gaged in business by herself or went outside the home 
to work, her earnings were her own, but all the fruits 
of her labor within the household still belonged to the 
husband. Fathers and mothers had equal guardian- 
ship of children in nine states and in the District of 
Columbia."^ 

At least as late as 191 2 in as liberal a state as Ohio, 
wife-desertion was not a crime; the father inherited 
property of deceased children -the mother, only if the 
father were dead; the wife had no share in the chil- 
dren's earnings if the husband was alive; she was not 
co-guardian of the children and the husband controlled 
choice of church, school, clothing, medicine, and 
work."^ Not long since in, California, a married 
woman who for years had supported herself and an idle 
husband w^as denied by the courts the right to hold and 
manage her holdings since these were community prop- 
erty and thus under control of her husband."* Mrs. 
Parsons in 1913 reminded her readers that 

In most of the United States a married woman is not permitted 
to enter into a business partnership exclusive of her husband's 
interests, and in general the courts do not favor a woman ac- 
quiring earnings for her separate use without her husband's con- 
sent. . . In our common law a mother is not entitled, like a 

1^^ Stanton and others. History of Jl'oman Suffrage, vol. iv, 455-458. 
117 "Laws that Concern W^omen:" in Wisconsin State Journal, Aug. lo, 
1912. 

^^® Goodsell. Family as a Social and Educational Institution, 434. 



1 12 The American Family 

father, to the services and earnings of minors, and in some 
states a father can still will away the guardianship of his child 
from its mother. In all the states a father has the paramount 
right of custody. ^^^ 

A woman loses her citizenship by marriage with an 
alien. 

Some of the legal rights that have been won for 
women have admitted of abuse. Thus in 1867 Dr. 
Jeffries complained that "in some of the eastern states, 
greater privileges in regard to holding property are 
granted the married woman, to enable the husband to 
set aside in her name what really belongs to his credi- 
tors"^"" -a misdeed not unknown in later times. Such 
fraud will of course become impossible when people 
get used to the entire separation of the individual prop- 
erty of husband and wife. The incidental abuses of 
the transition should not retard the liberalization of 
law. 

In the matter of "age of consent," woman in industry, 
and in other spheres there is even today room for vast 
improvement in legislation.^^^ But 

Woman's body is increasingly looked upon as her personal prop- 
erty. With the raising of the age of consent, with increasing 
severity in laws punishing rape, with the abrogation of judicial 
order for the restitution of marital rights, it is now pretty gen- 
erally recognized that a woman should have the right to con- 
trol her own person. ^^^ 

Among the lower classes, old usages are slower to 
break than in the more intellectualized circles. Betts 
refers, for instance, to the fact of sisters working in 
order to support brothers in idleness and declares it 
to be "a common thing to find mothers who insist on 

119 Parsons. Old Fashioned JVoman, 211-212. 

120 Preface to Carlier, Marriage in the United States. 

121 See Hecker, Short History of IVoman's Rights, passim. 

122 Barnes. "Economic Independence of Women," 262. 



The Revolution in Woman's World 113 

controlling the wages of daughters who make no exac- 
tion in regard to the wages of sons. The effect is to 
lessen the self-respect of the girls and the sense of per- 
sonal responsibility of the boys." There is a psychologi- 
cal principle that tends to make the man that is under 
tyranny in industry and society vent his self-assertive- 
ness upon those that are perhaps weaker than himself - 
his wife and children. As labor makes headway to- 
ward emancipation, this tendency may be expected to 
diminish. Already in enlightened labor circles wo- 
man suffrage is welcomed and the Socialist movement, 
of course, lays great stress on suffrage and on entire 
social equality of the sexes. 

It is scarcely necessary to detail here the progress of 
suffrage -the feminine revolution against man-made 
laws. In general the movement has proceeded from 
two sources: the liberalism of the far West, and the ad- 
mission that women are entitled to a voice in the edu- 
cation of their children or in the taxation of their prop- 
erty. The school issue is well illustrated by a "current 
note" in the American Historical Record of 1874 to 
the effect that women have been chosen on school com- 
mittees in Boston but the board, in defiance of a deci- 
sion of the state Supreme Court refuses to admit them. 
The following comment is appended to the item: 

It seems to be the most stupid of all stupid things, to exclude 
women from participation in the legislation and labors for the 
education of the young. They are natural educators. That is 
truly a part of their "sphere," about which so much has been 
said, for they understand, better than men, what is most needed 
in an educational system. 

In 1879 Massachusetts women were given school suf- 
frage. Women have served on school committees in 
that state since 1874. 

Some are always inclined to burlesque a new move- 



1 14 The American Family 

ment. Thus an English traveller who was in America 
in 1875 wrote: 

Laramie has the good or bad fortune to be the first place where 
a female jury was ever empanelled. . . While the jurywomen 
were considering their verdict . . . the husbands of those 
in the jury-box who had "responsibilities" at home, besought the 
future citizen of this great country to be calm, not to swallow 
his fist . . . using the following words of a then pop- 
ular song: 

Nice little baby, don't get in a fury, 
'Cause mamma's gone to sit on the jury.^^^ 

Still another expression of woman's emergence is seen 
in the Woman's Club movement (e.g. the founding of 
the New England Woman's Club and the New York 
Sorosis in 1868). The earliest form of the woman's 
club was the study club and was a rather exclusive afifair. 

It was unusual to find in those earlier clubs women who did 
not meet often at other social gatherings, or at church, or at 
each others' homes. . . The first programs savored strong- 
ly of the artistic and literary themes and but little of the scien- 
tific and philanthropic. 

The two clubs mentioned above, while not exactly the 
first in existence, are entitled to be called the pioneers. 
The orgin of the Sorosis was in the discourteous treat- 
ment shown to women by the Press Club of New York 
on the occasion of the Dickens dinner. Mrs. J. C. 
Croly conceived the idea of a club of women ''that 
should . . . represent as far as possible the active 
interests of women, and create a bond of fellowship 
between them which many women, as well as men, 
thought at that time it would be impossible to estab- 
lish." In 1910 delegates to the General Federation of 
Women's Clubs represented a membership "direct, in- 
direct, and allied" of nearly one million women. The 

123 Minturn. Travels West, 99-100. 



The Revolution in Woman's World 115 

election of Mrs. Decker to the presidency in 1904 
marked "the entrance of this great body of workers into 
the field of social service. . . From that time forth 
the exclusive, literary club must yield to the inclusive 
far-reaching club, the keynote of whose existence should 
be service to the world." ^^* 

The Grange was another factor in the elevation of 
woman. She was an essential factor in its social ar- 
rangements and it offered to her an opportunity for 
broader service and the development of social graces. 
Buck in the Granger Movement noted: "That the ex- 
ample and teaching of the Grange was an influence in 
causing many farmers to look upon their wives more as 
companions and less as household drudges is also quite 
possible." ^^^ 

Feminism as an issue of the generation may be con- 
cisely illustrated by two sharply opposing viewpoints of 
prominent women. Gertrude Atherton writing in 191 1 
on American Husbands says: 

There is no doubt in my mind that Nature created woman 
primarily and only to reproduce the race, and to take care of 
the big child she annexed, and the little children that generally 
(in the good old times) arrived by express. 

At the National Unitarian Conference of 1895, Mrs. 
Anna Garlin Spencer championed pointedly the broad- 
er view. She declared that the heart of the movement 
toward equality of rights and opportunities for both 
sexes 

Is the freeing of the mothers of the race from conditions which 
destroy the home and thus blight the life of childhood - condi- 
tions of cruelty, neglect, and outrage upon personal dignity 
through enforced bondage to unholy passions. These condi- 
tions arise from false ideals of womanliness, which, by induc- 

i24\Yood. "Woman's Club Movement." 
125 Buck. Granger Movement, 279-281. 



1 1 6 The American Family 

ing woman's subordination and dependence, inevitably tend to 
vulgarize marriage into a commercial bargain, and thus make 
short and easy the step to illegal sex relations. The pit of 
woman's supremest degradation is dug by white hands of those 
who themselves escaping the worst effect of these false ideals, 
yet support their decaying strength, and crucify the prophecy 
of a higher domestic order "not knowing what they do." It is 
the pit of woman's degradation from which emanate the worst 
evils that helpless childhood suffers, and that society vainly 
seeks to cure. . . [The problems of caring for dependent 
children and wayward youth are] (together with the effectual 
treatment of divorce and prostitution) vitally and indissolubly 
linked with that greatest institutional reform of the century 
just closing -the liberation from bondage of the moral and 
intellectual initiative of women. 



VI. WOMAN IN THE MODERN AMERICAN 

FAMILY 

The great movements sketched in the preceding chap- 
ter have their importance for our purpose in their effect 
on the family and the home. Something of the real 
standing and function of woman in modern American 
family life has appeared in connection with the various 
movements of her release, but more remains to be said 
concerning her peculiar characteristics and activities. 

The problem of finding a husband was as dominant, 
almost, after the war as before. Burn, a war-time so- 
journer, said: 

It is quite a common thing for unmarried females to have re- 
course to very dangerous expedients in order to procure and re- 
tain the affections of young men. A great variety of charms 
are used, and the "fellov^^s" without being aware of the fact, 
are continually under the influence of opposing love spells. 
Administering a certain drug to young men, although decidedly 
dangerous to life, is by no means an uncommon occurrence 
among the husband-hunting virgins of the United States. I 
have heard of more than one young man who has had his 
moral perception blistered out of him.^-® 

This writer's contract was primarily with the working- 
class. De Hauranne, however, who spent eight months 
in America during 1 864-1865, said: 

The men are pressed with the pursuit of fortune . . . the 
women with the pursuit of a husband — serious affair in a coun- 
try where they sovereignly dispose of themselves. This is the 
constant occupation and the final goal of their young years. 

126 Burn. Three Years among the Working Classes in the United States 
during the War, loo. 



1 1 8 The American Family 

Dr. Horace Bushnell recognized the difficulty of wo- 
man's position to the extent of suggesting that she should 
have more freedom to make advances and that a sort of 
matrimonial exchange might be formed, apparently in 
connection with the church.'" Kenney in 1893 thought 
he saw a tendency "toward a still greater influence of 
women, even perhaps permitting to them an initiative 
in marriage." Of course the American girl of the last 
generation has been largely free from that morbid ne- 
cessity for marriage so striking in foreign lands. 

The general attitude of respect toward women noted 
by foreign observers before the war has endured and 
deepened in the decades since and has allotted to women 
a larger freedom and personality than was hers m the 
older civilization. » The foreigner sees in America a 
woman's world where the female personality is magni- 
fied irrespective of marriage; wher£_wQrrLan plays a 
greater role than in any of the older nations; where in- 
itiative, boldness, and independent thinking on the part 
of woman is coming to please her men-folks and to gain 
for her influence and standing. American respect and 
deference to woman seems to some almost worship. We 
can say confidently of the American woman of the later 
nineteenth and the twentieth century that by virtue of 
increasing intellectual superiority and by reason of en- 
hanced efficiency she is coming into her own. Emanci- 
pation makes woman more sensible, more considerate, 
more womanly; it heightens the intrinsic contrast be- 
tween the sexes, and makes woman a more valuable 
counsellor. 

The conservatism of statute was scarcely typical of 
woman's actual status in the generations since the war. 

127 ''Doctor Bushnell on Women's Rights:" in the Nation, vol. viii, 496- 
497- 



Woman in the Modern American Family 119 

Day wrote in 1880: "Married ladies have equal or 
even greater license than the unmarried. They do as 
they like, and go where they like, having no fear of 
their husbands before their eyes." Dugard wrote in 
the early nineties: 

When married, woman loses none of her independence, for the 
American is persuaded that one of the surest foundations of 
domestic happiness and of an affectionate cooperation is mutual 
respect for personality, and the absence, or at least the con- 
stant repression of every wish to invade or to penetrate the in- 
timacy of the self. . . She keeps her friends, her personal 
life. Legally she is free ; released from all the incapacities with 
which the married woman is ordinarily burdened. . . Af- 
ter, as before, marriage, she remains, like the man, an inde- 
pendent being. [Some girls abuse their independence by flirt- 
ing.] After marriage, some of them keep their need of the 
w^orld and its excitements, an egoistic individuality, a life sep- 
arate from that of their husbands. [Careers of all sorts are 
open to women — the outcome of a struggle in which the eastern 
men, especially, held to European opinions as to trades for 
women.] 

According to a writer in the Paris Gaulois in 1912 the 
American man rules in the business world, but his wife 
rules everywhere else. 

American society is absolutely divided into two distinct portions. 
On one side stand the men, eager democrats, genial merchants, 
who spend their time in making money. On the other side 
are the women, not democratic, but petted children of aristoc- 
racy, who amuse themselves in spending the fortunes of the 
men.^^* 

The American home and American Society tend to 
be feminocentric. In 1894 Price Collier remarked that 
in England 

The establishment is carried on with a prime view to the com- 
fort of the man. In America ... of the woman. An 

^28 "As Paris Sees the American Woman:" in the Literary Digest, vol. 
xlv, 216. 



I20 The American Family 

Englishman is more at home in his own house than is an Amer- 
ican. He leaves it later in the morning, returns to it earlier 
in the evening, and gives more of himself to it than does the 
American. An Englishman is continually going home; an 
American is continually going to business. [In England the 
husband is supposed to advertise the family prosperit\\] 

The American husband pushes the baby-carriage and 
builds the kitchen fire, perhaps, and in the less well- 
to-do families the pay envelope goes to the wife. The 
man does not want special dishes served up at table for 
his sole enjoyment. He is a means, not an end, as will 
become apparent with the study of the passing of the 
patriarchate. While not cowed, he serves according 
to his conception of relative strength. 

The revolution in woman's world has not, however, 
eliminated pernicious parasitism. Henry Morford in 
1868 declared that too many American women have 
been becoming 

More and more for years, costly dolls . , . inefficient 
because avowedly irresponsible helpmates, claimants of more 
devotion and protection than have ever previously been be- 
stowed upon the wives, sisters, and sweethearts of any na- 
tion. [At the same time they have been laying increasing 
claim to the qualities usually supposed to be found chiefly in 
men. While the uncertainty remains as to which sphere the 
women intend to elect it is perhaps natural that] the chivalric 
should be temporarily replaced by the calculating and defcn- 
sive.^^^ 

Sir L. H. Griffin in 1884 was of the opinion that "men, 
unambitious in their social aspirations, would prefer a 
wife from a New England farmhouse to a New York 
beauty who had been ostentatiously protected through 
a whole season by a Fifth Avenue exquisite." 

Many parasitic wives still ruin men by their sense- 
less demands. Reared without sense of values, enter- 



129 Morford. "Womanhood and Chivalry in America." 



Woman in the Modern American Family 121 

ing upon marriage in the butterfly spirit, humored by 
their husbands and allowed to remain ignorant of men's 
burdens, they pursue reckless expenditure, with divorce 
perhaps as the goal, or smiting catastrophe that sweeps 
away overdone luxury. Or it may be that the inces- 
sant pressure of anxiety about money makes the wife 
grow weary and fancy herself disillusioned, while the 
husband becomes irritable, morose, and hard to live 
with. The conventional proprieties lead many men to 
forego leisure and self-development in order to min- 
ister to the relative idleness of healthy women. While 
some men make confidantes of their wives, many hus- 
bands would resent a wife's interest in their urgent 
afifairs. Men like to have it known that they can sup- 
port a wife; hence they incline to object to her having 
remunerative work outside the home, so that she has no 
recourse but to take up distasteful housework ("which 
always, with or without fitness, a man will permit a 
woman to do!") or to spend her time in idleness, be- 
coming perhaps a card fiend, or a culture fiend, or a 
social service dilettante, while her husband turns into 
a mere uncompanionable drudge. H. T. Peck com- 
plained that the ordinary woman "from her cradle to 
her grave, is always half-protected even against herself. 
In her father's house and in her husband's home, she is 
shielded on every side from temptation and even from 
the knowledge of it." Very recently a woman who 
complained that her Ladies' Home Journal came mu- 
tilated found that her husband was cutting out things 
he did not wish her to see. 

On the other hand the whole mechanism of the aver- 
age home is entirely inadequate and antiquated and 
imposes on the housekeeping wife a hopeless strain. 
In America, marriage can not enlarge a woman's free- 



122 The American Family 

dom; in practice it ordinarily burdens her with house- 
keeping and exposes her to the risk of deterioration. 
Rivington and Harris's Reminiscences in America in 
i86q are to the effect that when a girl marries she 
"retires very much from general society." De Haur- 
anne who was in America in the mid sixties remarked 
that you met only gay maidens; "the rest of the female 
world seems prematurely buried in the tomb of do- 
mestic life." So it has continued to be. "We charge 
her battery with every stimulating influence during 
youth and then expect her to discharge the swelling 
current in the same peaceful circuit which contented 
her great-grandmother." A family will pinch and 
save for the daughter's good time. "After marriage, 
the difficulty of maintaining a high standard of life 
without adequate servants will weigh upon her as long 
as she lives." The ultra-idealism of college days is 
not always the most comfortable preparation for the 
humdrum of a poor man's home. The college woman 
may be able to do all of her housework, including the 
laundry, and also help her children in their music or 
in their Latin and Greek, but the pressure is unreason- 
able, especially if she has had experience of earning 
her own way and now finds that she is not even cus- 
todian of the family purse but receives nothing but her 
keep. 

Working men's wives have also been under extreme 
pressure. A writer of 1880 extols their economy and 
emphasizes their usual willingness to accept any kind 
of work, however disagreeable or poorly paid. 

The men often yield completely to discouragement, and be- 
come listless and stupid, and are sour and cross at home, un- 
til .. . they take to the road and become tramps. 
In the cities and larger towns some worlcingmen's wives take 
to drink . . . when their conditions and prospects have 



Woman in the Modern American Family 123 



become desperate, but among working women who do not drink, 
I have never yet seen one relinquish efFort and yield to de- 
spair.^^° 

Even today the wives of poverty could give many a les- 
son in economy and character to women of the upper 
world that aspire to elevate them. 

In respect to domesticity American women have not 
presented uniformity of type. One writer of 1870, for 
instance, said that "the young ladies of the upper and 
middle classes are usually trained to domestic duties, 
so that they are well prepared to perform them, when 
they enter on domestic and married life. If a servant 
is required, the young married lady knows right well 
how to direct her." Another writer of the same period 
said that with a large proportion of city girls, the idea 
of marriage was a matter of mere romance. "At home 
the gay plumage is laid aside and it is much if she does 
not greet her husband in soiled and disordered ap- 
parel." 

American women as a class are not the best managers 
and more of them neglect home for a "mission" than 
in other lands. The American wife is not always 
equal to the economic situation that confronts. She 
was perhaps spared by her mother and spent her time 
at school and in pleasure without learning the rudi- 
ments of housekeeping. Madame Bentzon's Condition 
of Woman in the United States gives interesting im- 
pressions on this general question. She did not find in 
American women "that cunningly disguised industry" 
by means of which the Parisian woman is able to 
make a good showing at moderate cost. The Ameri- 
can woman is reluctant, also, Bentzon thought, to 
stoop to menial duties. Tho she be operative or arti- 

^^^ Certain dangerous Tendencies in American Life, and other Papers, 
106-108. 



1 24 The American Family 

zan she will deny that it is her mission to become 
a husband's servant-maid; she thinks it quite as much 
the man's place to mind the baby or go to market as it 
is hers. American women once glorified in domes- 
ticity, said this observer, but with riches came wants 
and leisure; there had to be "help" -at first equals, 
treated as members of the family. Then the wave of 
Irish migration wrought a change. The help of for- 
mer days are in business or trade or profession and 
women who once would have been confined to the 
household can have a career. But bad as servants 
are it is very hard to find or keep them; there is 
no bond in either direction. Bentzon concluded that 
the problem of domestic life in America could be 
solved only by abundance of money. 

Mrs. Busbey remarks that the ideal of love in a cot- 
tage is translated into actuality in a small, dark flat 
with a kitchenette, which ofifers small incentive to do- 
mestic zeal. The wife scurries through her work, puts 
her babe into a carriage, and makes for the shops to 
spend what her husband gives her. She does not keep 
accounts; often she can't sew. Doctor Nystrom in his 
Economics of Retailing says that 

A generation ago women's time was so completely taken up with 
the household industries in the home, many of which are now 
performed in factories, that they had very little time to spend 
in shopping. Then men did practically all of the buying for 
their families. Now this practice is quite reversed. . . It 
has been estimated by a number of people that, at the present 
time, at least seventy-five per cent, possibly more, of the goods 
used in the home are purchased by women. . . Women are 
harder to sell to than men because as a rule they have, or think 
they have, more time to shop than men do. 

Mrs. Rogers in Why American Marriages Fail re- 
marks that American women, poorly-ofif, waste their 



Woman in the Modern American Family 125 

time shopping; the longer time they take, the less they 
buy; the like of it is unknown in other countries. 

The preservation of mental and spiritual equality 
between husband and wife presents a frequent problem. 
Marriage is seldom a comradeship of equal minds; 
woman mothers, man pets. Not rarely the wife of a 
man's youth is left behind in ignorance and crudeness 
while her husband soars to heights of financial and 
social success. A woman that has to be "on the job" 
sixteen hours a day at promiscuous industry is too tired 
to be interested in men's affairs or to be herself interest- 
ing; she experiences mental deterioration; often she 
proves unable to compete with the leisure parasitic 
class that specializes on pleasing men. But in respect 
to intellectual and social finish it is perhaps oftener the 
man who lags for lack of time to polish himself. Wo- 
man is the cultivated sex; for her the writer writes; 
for her the arts are carried on. As the man grows 
older he concentrates on business or politics while his 
wife is growing intellectually; "the wife reads books 
while the husband reads newspapers." Miinsterberg 
goes so far as to say 

In the average American home the woman makes the profound- 
er intellectual impression on every visitor, and the number of 
women is continual!}^ growing who instinctively feel that there 
is no advantage in marrying a man who is intellectually an in- 
ferior; they would rather remain single than contract a mar- 
riage in which they have to be the intellectual head. 

But tho woman still has a desire to be able to look up 
to her husband and "likes color and authority in man" 
she aspires increasingly to recognition for her own in- 
telligence and energy and increasingly her husband re- 
joices in her brilliance and intellectual ambition. The 
pursuit of the higher interests enables the w^ife to re- 



126 The American Family 

tain youthfulness of spirit and freshness of charm till 
late in life. The wife's social standing, gifts, and func- 
tions still constitute a man's asset or liability as the 
case may be, md unfortunately, in loyalty to her hus- 
band's business interests she has to exert her blandish- 
ments upon men and women personally objectionable. 
The precise effect of the recognition of sex equality 
is hard to define in a manner acceptable to all. De 
Hauranne said in the sixties that "American independ- 
ence develops in the women many useful faculties, but 
it injures their prestige a little." Bourget was im- 
pressed with the "general want of association in family 
life," and a sort of "soul celibacy, if we may use the 
term, which the American woman keeps all through 
her married life." Hagar has declared that the idea 
V of sex equality 

Has tended very much to weaken the family. It has impaired 
the ideal of superiorities in the opposite sex that has mutually 
attracted each. . . It has tended to create in women ambi- 
tions and modes of life and thought hostile to a contented and 
successful wifehood, and to destroy in men chivalry, benev- 
olence and kindness towards women. . . You spoil the men 
for husbands, as soon as you have thoroughly converted them 
to the idea of sex equality. 

But after all, the old chivalry was in essence but con- 
temptuous condescension to an inferior being devoid 
of indepeadent personality, whereas the very independ- 
ence and equality of the mated pair makes possible in- 
telligent and intrinsic comradeship. When the typi- 
cal home comes to be built by two persons whose edu- 
cation has been side by side, whose industrial careers 
are side by side, and whose outlook on life is marked by 
kindred and parallel interests, as is certain to be increas- 
ingly the case under modern conditions of life, the no- 



Woman in the Modern American Family 127 

tion of impassable gulfs in qualifications and abilities as 
between the sexes in the world of mind and of work will 
be forgotten. Given an occupational interest of her 
own and freed from the old personal dependency wo- 
man will escape the old petty tendency to view with 
eyes of jealousy the most indifferent acts of the men 
to whom they have given themselves. 

It may be that the better basis of sex relationship 
that is developing in America is due in part to a reduc- 
tion of sexuality. Bourget in the early nineties believed 
that American young men were of diminished passion- 
ateness: the strain of developmental activities had 
checked the sensuous life, and woman's charms had 
fallen to second place. Thus there was not the sensuous 
jealousy of the Orient, nor the correlate tyranny of man. 

It seems as if the type of manhood, while taking on a finer 
nervous organization, had lost something of its primitive weight, 
and, on the other hand, that the type of womanhood, vigorous, 
energetic, and impulsive, had taken on a more resolute charm, 
firmer, less voluptuous, and delicately masculine. 

Mrs. Busbey in 1910 declared that the American wo- 
man 

Marries for love . . . and yet the overwhelming romantic 
love is not the common currency of America, as is popularly 
supposed. The American woman, I think, could be more cor- 
rectly stated as marrying the man she likes, and, in case of op- 
position, being surprisingly obstinate in her likes. . . Some 
cause, possibly climate, has certainly reduced the intensity of 
sex-emotion though this suggestion is of course incapable of 
proof. 

The matter-of-factness of American sex and family 
relations has long been noted. Audouard, writing of 
1 869- 1 870, observed that 

The young American girl is not romantic or sentimental ; she 
is matter-of-fact; she knows that the goal of life is marriage, 



1 28 The American Family 

family. She seeks her husband with much sense ; she studies 
his character and morals ; she does not expect to find in him a 
demi-god, a perfect being, a gallant knight or a slave always 
submissive and loving. No, English literature is too sensible, 
too practical to let the young girl create for herself a chimerical 
ideal; she expects to find in him a friend, a tender and de- 
voted companion, but a human being with faults and vices. . . 
She is satisfied by the calm tenderness that her husband shows 
her. . . If a disappointment in love comes to darken her 
life, she seeks in intellectual work a remedy for this evil. 
If her husband has business reverses, not making enough money 
to support the home, she sets resolutely to work without in the 
least reproaching him. 

Again Audouard said: 

In the New World, the woman is truly the companion, the 
associate of the man. He has confidence in her intelligence, 
consults her, and initiates her into his affairs. Since he knows 
that death may surprise him, he wants her to be able worth- 
ily to take his place. 

Elsewhere she remarked that Americans 

Will tell you that their women are excellent wives, very good 
housekeepers, and, with a bit of malice, they will call your 
attention to the fact that young American women are sufficient- 
ly sought in marriage by Europeans, and especially by the 
French, while it is very rare for an American to marry a 
V French woman. 

Believers in the theory of "the man-made world" 
welcome the rise of common-sense attitudes and rela- 
tionships between the sexes and believe that under nor- 
mal conditions exaggeration of sex-qualities will dis- 
appear, that woman will be physically fit for life out- 
side the home and intellectually competent for public 
functioning, all without damage to the higher values 
of the marriage relation. A generation ago the con- 
servative was prophesying that business and profes- 
sional life would make women masculine. Some years 



Woman in the Modern American Family 129 

later when this prediction failed he used the continuing 
femininity of women as argument against the granting 
of opportunity. The new woman with strong indi- 
viduality is caught in an unwelcome dilemma: she has 
to choose between celibacy with its frustration of nor- 
mal desires and matrimony with the probability of 
submergence. Man is likely to see in this conflict evi- 
dence that she should not have been given a look into 
the larger world. Thus race habit couples with dis- 
crimination in the industrial and business world to 
throw woman back upon the old one-sided career. 
Some look on the whole woman's movement as patho- 
logical, a matter of economic pressure, and feel that 
woman does not really want independence. Some wo- 
men, on the other hand, feel that with things as they 
are marriage is slavery and are driven toward sex war. 
At least they feel that the time has come to inject into 
legislation the feminine point of view, especially with 
reference to matters touching the family and the home. 
But all in all there is little doubt that American 
marriage is happier than any other in the world. Price 
Collier in 1894, after speaking of the feminocentric 
character of the American home, said : 

The proportion of English women who make men comfortable 
is very large; but, be it said, the proportion of American wo- 
men who make men comfortable and also proud and happy is 
probably greater. 

If the wife does not want her husband around the 
house by day, she does in general make a fond mother 
and a devoted wife, willing to renounce as far as neces- 
sary the world of girlish freedom. An increase of in- 
tellectual understanding of the functions of wifehood 
and maternity is putting sporadic emotional reactions 
more in the background and is elevating woman's func- 



130 The American Family 

tion in a manner that can not but have the happiest 
effects on her relation to husband and child. With the 
arrival of reciprocal enlightened loyalty comes a surer 
guarantee of general happiness than could be afforded 
by the old halo of blind romance or blind submission 
on the part of the wife or by the utmost of kindness 
and condescension on the part of the sovereign male. 



VII. THE CAREER OF THE CHILD 

The confusion of American civilization occasioned 
by the dynamics of industrialism and the advance of 
the age of surplus is reflected in a striking manner in 
the status of the child. In some instances he is un- 
welcome, neglected, turned over to menials, or left to 
his own devices. In many other cases he has been 
receiving unwonted attention, made the object of scien- 
tific study, and reared according to the most enlight- 
ened standards. On the whole it can not be doubted 
that America has entered upon "the century of the 
child." The ante-bellum period witnessed on the one 
hand the emancipation of the young from old con- 
straints and on the other the beginnings of the enslave- 
ment of youth in the new industrial development. The 
intervening period has to a large degree negotiated the 
completion of both processes and has begun the new^ 
emancipation from industrial bondage. As befits a civ- 
ilization with a broadening future, the child is becom- 
ing the center of life. 

The basic economic factors of the new America ac- 
count in the main for the distinctive elements in the 
career of the American child. The access of the young 
to careers beyond immediate parental supervision has 
been a pronounced factor in the release of youth. Burn 
in the sixties speaks of youngsters going off to board as 
soon as they were able to work for their living and a 
writer in the Nation of 1868 stresses the extent to which 
social capillarity in America draws apart father and son 
who come to live in dififerent worlds, and mobility puts 



132 The American Family 

vast distances between them/'' The flux of expansive 
industry has continued to be pronounced in its effect on 
the control of the young. In Europe, the boy is as a 
rule brought up to follow his father's occupation; he 
does not try to rise above his class. With us, children 
are taught to aim higher than their father's career and 
are scarcely likely to think him a great man. Even 
unlettered foreign parents feel impelled to give their 
children an education that will fit them for a higher 
calling; thus they undermine their own prestige. The 
fact that the American child is not forced into a call- 
ing of his parents' choosing tends, of course, to prevent 
positive estrangement but it facilitates divergence of 
interests. Moreover the economic independence so 
frequently attained by young people, even by children, 
sets them free in many cases from responsibility to par- 
ents. By giving up a portion of their wages they pur- 
chase immunity from control. Emancipation of girls 
in this way removes too largely the parental guard- 
ianship which is needed as protection against the snares 
of the vice system. 

The strain of the strenuous life imposed by the waste- 
fulness of the present economic system has left many 
parents slight time and energy for strictness with chil- 
dren and the artificial social "duties" imposed on the 
more leisurely by the fever of economic aristocracy 
conspire to the same end, so that children come to be 
left largely to their own devices or handed over to the 
care of incompetent menials. Neither course conduces 
to balanced control. To a very considerable extent, 
early childhood suffers neglect at the hands of parents 
by reason of the fact that men arc too busy and women 
too busy or too indifferent to be parents. Mothers 

^^^ Nation, vol. vi, 128. 



The Career of the Child 133 

consume in meaningless social routine time that be- 
longs to their children; they trust the child's brain to 
the day-school and his soul to the Sunday school, both 
of which agencies are inefficient through lack of home 
cooperation. Mothers of means sometimes seem to 
hold that the infant requires nothing but the physical 
attentions of a nurse, trusty or otherwise; they are ig- 
norant of the psychic hungerings for genuine mother- 
ing. Parents carelessly give children into the hands 
of nurse-maids and the precious first seven years are 
suffered to be distorted and spoiled. A father does not 
always recognize his child's nurse on the street. A boy 
who was expelled from a select American school said: 
"Why my father never spoke to me except to tell me to 
go upstairs;" and his mother shopped all day.^^^ 
A generation ago. Doctor Sozinskey wrote: 

A large proportion of mothers regard their children during 
their most plastic years simply as pets. . . Not a few moth- 
ers regard their children, if not as necessary evils, at least as 
subordinate to the claims of fashion or society. . . The lack 
of personal devotion to the welfare of their children on the part 
of mothers is a fertile source of the lamentable absence of filial 
affections and attachment which prevails. 

He denounced as a "great and frequent dereliction" the 
failure of mothers to give their children the natural 
nourishment and declared that artificial feeding is a 
crime against infants, "sapping and destroying tens 
of thousands of lives annually in our land."^^^ 

An article in the American Journal of Social Science 
in 1892 stated: 

The children of the poor, in spite of many drawbacks, fare 
better in some respects than those of the well-to-do. They 
often respond better to treatment when they are sick. They 
are at least not deprived of that contact with their fellows and 

13- Compare Van Vorst, "People to whom we confide our Children." 
133 Sozinskey. "Aspects of Maternity." 



134 ^^'^ American Family 

struggle for existence which is absolutely essential to health: 
whereas the children of the so-called higher classes are too of- 
ten educated in sensitiveness and false and hurtful views of 
life, not always by precept or example but by force of circum- 
stances.^^* 

A Striking testimony to the failure of parenthood 
among many of the prosperous occurs in an advertise- 
ment in a current magazine. A prominent schoolman 
seeks to make capital of the fact that 

Conditions of modern life have created a large class of society 
whose social or industrial circumstances are such that children 
cannot well be educated from or in the home. In many cases 
the social duties of the mother and the business cares of the 
father leave no time for that home life and parental care so 
necessary to the regular and natural development of child life. 
In many other cases the surroundings of the home are such that 
parents feel constrained to send the child away for his educa- 
tion. Crowded apartment houses, lack of play room, want of 
neighborhood life, street companionship of uncertain or evil 
character, the overcrowding of the public schools - these and 
other reasons are literally forcing thousands of our city pop- 
ulation to seek boarding schools for their children. ^^^ 

The misfortunes of neglected children of the well- 
to-do whose mothers not only refuse to be submerged in 
them but even fail of necessary duty are well exhibit- 
ed in an investigation made by an experienced teacher, 
a college woman, who sought in the regular way posi- 
tions as nursery governess. ^^'' She found the position 
looked down on by stenographers and inadequately es- 
teemed by mothers. Several of the women interviewed 
thought their children so charming that to care for 
them was the greatest privilege. 

I cannot help wondering [writes the investigator] why such 
mothers do not care for their offspring themselves. 

'^* Taylor. "American Childhood from a Medical Standpoint," 54-55. 
535 Shetland. "Demand for the Private School." 

136 Bensley, "Experiences of a Nursery Governess:" a series in Every- 
body's, vols, xii and xiii. 



The Career of the Child 135 

None of them asked for my references, nor indeed did any 
one make of me any more important demand than Mrs. Bar- 
cus's [that I should be willing to wear the uniform]. They 
were more or less blindly affectionate mothers with no intelli- 
gent appreciation of their responsibility, devoted enough to 
their children to rave over them but too weak-willed and 
shallow really to train them. 

One mother left to the governess all correcting of the 
children's table manners. Bad manners were over- 
looked if shoes were well-blacked. The talk at meals 
was of no benefit to the children. The mother was 
ignorant and indifferent as to their studies. The only 
instructions she ever gave with regard to the children 
was how to put up curls in rags. ''As far as money 
went she was most generous, for she wanted to be able 
to neglect her children with a clear conscience." She 
never relied on her authority; she urged the children 
to learn only in order to please the nurse. At break- 
fast and supper the father was buried in his paper and 
the mother seldom appeared. The children "were as 
fond of their parents as they were permitted to be" but 
were hardly acquainted with them. They knew noth- 
ing of courtesy; "they were more ignorant and back- 
ward than the children of the slums, and the training 
of their whole lives must be undone before they could 
even be started in the right direction." The chauffeur 
got one hundred dollars a month; the governess, eight 
dollars a week and board. 

The second place was a beautiful country estate 
where the children were well-reared and happy but 
were insulated from the world. There were almost no 
neighbors and the library contained not a volume of 
fiction or verse. In the next position the governess 
fared as a menial. The father was a profane autocrat 
without personal regard for his wife and children. 
The wife was broken in spirit and "almost continually 



136 The American Family 

under the influence of terror or of drugs." At the 
next place the father was indifferent to his family and 
to public morality. The mother was an utterly useless 
parasite. 

The conclusion of this intimate study is that the rich 
fail to profit by their opportunity to select the asso- 
ciates and instructors of their children. Sometimes 
these are worse taught and worse companioned than 
the children of the slums, who go to school instead 
of consorting with a mediocre governess and with ser- 
V vants who are morally, intellectually, and socially in- 
ferior to mechanics and factory hands. The trouble 
is that a large proportion of the children in well-to-do 
homes are not wanted. "The neglected children of the 
rich are given all that money can buy; but this is the 
same sort of treatment, differing only in degree, that 
their carriage horses receive." Children's individual- 
ity is often ignored. In some homes where they are 
wanted and loved, love is so unwisely indulgent as to 
prove the children's undoing. 

But while among the rich the child is likely to be 
treated as a pet animal, dismissed to the nursery when 
mutual entertainment sags, among the poor he has com- 
monly been treated as an economic asset. The prob- 
lem of protecting the child against unfeeling practices 
of his own parents is but part of a larger problem -the 
capitalist system in whose midst the home suffocates. 
Much of the bitterness of family life among the poor 
is due to deprivation. The mother goes out washing 
till within two or three weeks of the birth of her 
babies, perhaps; and her children, if they survive, are 
neglected; while the husband blames her for her dis- 
content or abuses her for having babies, whereas those 
that profit by cheap labor are prepared to resist to the 



The Career of the Child 137 

last ditch the proposal to remove the ban from birth 
control information and to allow the question to work 
out on its own merits. 

Under such circumstances parents are tempted to 
hand over the child to industry under the tyranny of 
capitalism. The report of a committee to the Massa- 
chusetts legislature in 1866 states that factory repre- 
sentatives made systematic canvasses for small children. 
"Small help is scarce; a great deal of machinery has 
been stopped for want of small help, so that the over- 
seers have been going around to draw the small chil- 
dren from schools into the mills." A witness said: 
"They'll take them at any age they can get them, if 
they are old enough to stand." This unscrupulous en- 
croachment played into the hands of parents that chose 
to be parasites on their children as well as tempted 
hard pressed parents of better disposition. The 1874 
report of the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of La- 
bor expressed its convictions thus: 

From what we have been able to learn, the law in relation to 
the employment of children neither is, nor can be, enforced. 
Should the managers of mills cooperate heartily with the offi- 
cers of the cities and towns, or of the state, the law could not 
well be enforced. The testimony of the school boards in some 
of the manufacturing places is, that often as much difficulty 
arises from parents as from mill-owners and managers. 

The interest of parents, and, alas, too frequently the neces- 
sity of the case, compels the father or mother, or both, to reg- 
ister a falsehood, in order to keep the wolf from the door; but 
so long as children of tender age, more fit for the hospital than 
the mill, are allowed to have a place in our factories, their 
employment will be tolerated, and the cheapness of their labor 
materially affects the wages of older persons. 

It is safe ... to say that, at least twenty-five thousand 
children between the ages of five and fifteen do not receive the 
slightest education either in our public or private schools. 



138 The American Family 

From all we can learn, a very large proportion of this num- 
ber would come under the provisions of the sole factory-law 
of the Commonwealth, if the law was broad enough and pro- 
vided sufficient means for enforcing it. 

The deputy state constable of Massachusetts reported 
in 1875 that there were then in the commonwealth up- 
wards of sixty thousand children of school age grow- 
ing up in ignorance, in open violation of the letter and 
spirit of law. These children grew up thus, largely 
because of the low wage scale which impelled fathers 
to send the children into the mills. Girls grew up 
ignorant of housekeeping by reason of their mothers' 
factory employment. 

They grow up slatternly and so find it difficult to obtain situ- 
ations. They grow up open at various points to moral tempta- 
tions which would not assail them if a higher spirit of self- 
respect had been fostered by giving the head of the family power 
to maintain his household. ^^^ 

In the Sixth Annual Report of the Massachusetts 
Bureau of Statistics of Labor (1875) it is reported that 

The instances of parents possessed of sufficient means to raise 
their families above want, to give them comfortable homes, 
pleasant surroundings and a good education, who yet house 
them in dirt and squalor, clothe them in rags, and drive them 
daily to the factory to add still more to the savings-bank de- 
posit, are not few. 

In one of the cities where a half-time school exists, in which 
the children are nearly all of one nationality, it was the testi- 
mony of the mill agent that the fathers, as soon as they had 
children whose united earnings would support the family, were 
wont to give over all personal effort, and spend their time in 
idly smoking their pipes in the sun, in summer, and about the 
kitchen or saloon stove, in winter. This was claimed to be 
true of the majority of fathers of children of this nationality 
in this mill. Among them a rapidly growing family is not 

^3^ Cook. Labor, 207-208. 



The Career of the Child 139 

reckoned as a burden, but is looked upon as the happy har- 
binger of days of restful ease and fumous comfort. 

Child labor in the United States increased greatly 
in the generation following 1870/"* Sometimes family 
extravagance and mismanagement can be given as 
the cause of child labor; or again, foolish thrift or 
pure greed. But often children desire to work on 
their own account in order to have pocket money or to 
escape from school. Sometimes idleness or dissipation 
on the father's part has been responsible. But making 
allowance for all such factors, the pressure of a waste- 
ful and unfair economic system on the standard of liv- 
ing must be kept continually in view. The father finds 
wages too low and puts the children to work. Perhaps 
he becomes accustomed to living on such earnings and 
those of his wife until the prop breaks and the family 
pitches into pauperism, the children becoming subjects 
for charity or reform schools. The adoption of birth 
control by the upper ranks of labor reflects the general 
pressure. By tolerating the premature employment of 
children the nation reverses the process of evolution, 
by shortening infancy, and thereby undermines civili- 
zation. 

A special family problem is presented by the skilled 
working class. Fathers can keep their children in 
school, at least till they finish the grades, but can 
scarcely dress them as they desire. The girls go to 
work in quest of finery; false standards develop that 
hinder marriage or spoil it and make life a hopeless 
grind. Betts says that the skilled workingman's fam- 
ily and that of the small-salaried men present the most 
difficult problems in the use of money and of time. 

^38 Abbott. "Earl}' History of Child Labor in America," 36. 



140 The American Family 

"Their daughters are often far more helpless than the 
daughters of men of wealth." During school days 
they are ordinarily left free from housework and do 
not learn to sew. Then their^vork leaves little chance 
of learning the household arts. 

While one set of social factors, however, has contrib- 
uted to the neglect or exploitation of the child, other 
influences have been operating to put child care on a 
social and scientific basis. A nation with the large 
economic leeway possessed by America is in a good 
position to release the child from unwholesome bur- 
dens and to bestow costly care, and although we have 
been niggardly in this regard much has nevertheless 
been accomplished to put to rights the career of the 
child. 

Child-welfare work has of late reached high devel- 
opment both by private and by governmental action 
(which last will be suggested more fully later in a 
discussion of social parenthood). A regular chair on 
children's diseases was established in i860 in the New 
York Medical College but lasted only a few years. The 
second was at Harvard in 1898. There were few chil- 
dren's hospitals or wards until a few years ago, even in 
the largest cities. Within the past fifty years society 
has taken up a definite policy concerning children's 
rights. The first child protective movement began in 
New York in 1874. At that time it was said that at 
least ten thousand young boys roamed the streets of 
New York by day and took refuge at night in any place 
that seemed to offer safe retreat, while their older and 
more vicious confederates planned predation."''^ Moth- 
ers sent girls of eight or ten years to sell flowers and 

^^^ On the foregoing points see Payne, Child in Human Progress^ pp. iv, 
6, ", 335-336. 



The Career of the Child 141 

papers at night, and the little ones wandered at will 
into hotels, saloons, and immoral resorts at midnight 
and after. Baby farming, carried on by miserable wo- 
men that did not shrink from murder, was regarded as 
a legitimate business.'*" Even as late as 1913, indeed, 
it was found through investigation by the School of 
Social Economy that in St. Louis of seven hundred fifty 
illegitimate babies born annually one-third disap- 
peared. Babies were sold at from two to twenty-five 
dollars and no record of the whereabouts of the ma- 
jority was kept.'" 

Certainly in an advanced society children need more 
care than among primitive peoples and anything that 
deprives them of this care is retrogressive. But more 
has been written about the child in the last fifty years 
than in all the world before, and particularly in Amer- 
ica the cult of the child has done much to offset dan- 
gerous tendencies. Child study '*^ is in a sense an 
American development. The first important study of 
childhood made in this country was in 1879, based upon 
thousands of physical measurements of Boston school- 
children. Previous to that time "practically no scien- 
tific observations of child life had been undertaken in 
America." Now, in consequence of the new knowl- 
edge, the child can no longer be looked upon as a "lit- 
tle man" or a "little woman" to be handled in adult 
fashion. Parents have acquired deeper reverence and 
greater love for children. Child-study tends, more- 
over, to make teachers more marriageable. A closer 
bond of union has grown between home and school. 

140 White. "Epoch of the Child," 214-217. 

1*1 Milwaukee Leader news item dated St. Louis, Mo., Sept. 27 [1913]. 

1*- Compare Wiltse. "Preliminary Sketch of History of Child Study in 
America;" and "Preliminary Sketch of History of Child Study for Year end- 
ing Sept., 1896." 



142 The American Family 

Parents and teachers have shown remarkable willing- 
ness to apply ^he practical results of child-study and 
to remedy def«.cts detected thereby. The American, as 
befits the citizen of a new land with open future, re- 
tains the ability to look from the child's point of view, 
partly because conditions have kept the adult a child. 
This ability is reflected in the excellence of juvenile 
literature. 

Well-meaning family papers of the sixties published 
"too numerous immoral tales in which are portrayed 
models of superhumanly excellent youthful charac- 
ter." ^^^ This type was continued for a time in such 
publications as the Alger books and in Sunday school 
libraries. But at least twenty years ago Alger's works 
began to be removed from the better public libraries, 
tho they are still obtainable in cheap editions. Mod- 
ern Sunday school papers such as Foricard are whole- 
some in tone and the public libraries essay to guide 
children's tastes into wholesome channels. American 
juvenile literature, says Von Skal, 

Does not try to Impress morals as does the German literature 
which makes it so hard for the German-American to get his 
children to read it. Even the nickel novels that are read se- 
cretly and now and then cause a few boys to go to "the wild 
west" to fight Indians or become robbers are at bottom harm- 
less for healthy children. An obscene book hardly ever gets 
into the hands of an American child, and there are no horror 
novels to make the child hysterical. 

American children are in large proportion of fine 
quality. The American environment adds height, 
weight, and chest girth to the progeny of European 
stock.'" Mrs. Busbey felt that "the troops of Ameri- 
can boys and girls on their way to school every morn- 

'•*•"■ "Family Paper:" in the Nation, vol. v, 318. 
1** Busbey. Home Life in America, 15. 



The Career of the Child 143 

ing are rather noticeable for good physique, and give 
no evidence of being overindulged." P'ainness in chil- 
dren's clothing is conformity to an undeistanding of the 
species, a happy difference from the days when fur- 
belows adorned the "emotional luxury." Mrs. Busbey 
says moreover: "If there is anything that convinces 
me that we in America talk a great deal too much about 
our degenerate rich, it is the splendid physical condi- 
tion and the alert mentality of . . . children from 
the homes of great wealth." 

There has doubtless been much shallowness in the 
cult of child-study and its applications, and real knowl- 
edge is too slightly diffused. Seven or eight years ago 
President Hall wrote: 

While we are lavishing immense sums and great energ}^ upon 
the upbringing of our children, there is good reason to believe 
that no nation in the world's history has ever so far lost touch 
with the real, intimate nature and needs of childhood. ^^^ 

Some further light is thrown by Mrs. Busbey's words: 

The majority of American women nurse their babies, or make 
every effort to do so, only adopting artificial feeding or a wet 
nurse as a last resort. But as the mother is generally nervous, 
and her strength drained in many other avenues of household 
and social duties, the child can not flourish. It means a vast 
expenditure of vitality with the reward of a fretful, exacting 
American baby, that grows into childhood simply because 
"God is goo(J and the race is strong." , . The American 
baby, subject to the passionate instincts of alternating love, 
tears, pride, and frantic despair, which sway the emotional 
mother in its care, is not to be envied. . . It is a curious 
fact that the American mother gives, in the love for her baby, 
full sway to the emotion and demonstration of affection she 
withholds from her husband. . . There are a growing num- 
ber of households where the baby is put into a nursery with a 
good nurse, fed punctually at stated periods, cries little, and 
sleeps well. . . But the average American baby is cared 

1*2 Hall. "What is to Become of Your Baby," 665. 



144 ^^^ American Family 

for in abject worship by its mother and the household is turned 
topsy-turvy for the benefit of this smallest member. 

The American child has, indeed, achieved a remark- 
able importance and a remarkable freedom. Material 
illustrative of the increasing enfranchisement of the 
young is largely in the same vein as that cited for the 
period before the Civil War. 

A writer on the "New England Home" remarked in 
the Monthly Religious Magazine in 1861 : 

In the genuine New England home of today, still that good old- 
fashioned thing called obedience lingers. In too many homes, 
judging by what we see and hear, it is deemed intrusive and 
turned out. Parents have ceased to command where children 
have ceased to obey. Aspiring boys and girls put down fathers 
and mothers, and set aside the will of middle life as old and 
slow. I have heard boys in short life ridicule their mothers, 
snub their fathers, and behind their backs say everything of 
them but what was decent and filial. I have known pert misses, 
scarcely in their teens, override authority and entreaty, and 
boast among their associates of the manner in which they got 
round their mothers. One may gather from his own observa- 
tion and experience the most atrocious instances of disrespect 
and misrule, such as would disgrace an age of barbarism. And 
unfortunately we have come to consider all this as inevitable, 
and are lamenting as incurable that which is the work of our 
own hands. The trouble grows out of the fact that we have 
not insisted on obedience. Desirous of avoiding the harshness 
of our early experience, we have insensibly run into a more 
pernicious extreme, relaxing all family discipline, and becom- 
ing a mere "mush of concession," as Emerson says, to our 
children. If we give a command, they feel pretty sure it will 
not be insisted on ; if we make a threat, they feel confident it 
will not be executed ; if we establish a law, in a little while 
they know we shall grow tired oi enforcing it. And so we 
have virtually put home into the hands of our children, as old 
Helios put the horses of the sun into the hands of Phaeton, 
and they seem driving us to much the same disaster. But 
there are homes where obedience is still believed in and enforced 



The Career of the Child 145 

and they are not the most wretched, but the brightest and the 
gladdest, the true types of the New England home. 

General democratic traditions in America are favor- 
able to the freedom of the child. Burn says incisively: 
" 'Honor thy father and thy mother,' is a maxim which 
is little attended to in this land of liberty, and the in- 
junction of 'call no man master' is fulfilled to the letter 
through the whole round of society." Gaillardet in 
1883 declared that "the family, which is a monarchy 
in the old world, has become, like everything else, a 
republic in the new. The father is not a king; he is 
simply a president." Muirhead, who visited America 
in the early nineties, found the doctrine of the equality 
of man rampant among children and that "even the 
public authorities seem to recognize the inherent right 
of the American child to have his own way." Von 
Skal in his work of 1907 says that it does not occur to 
the American that the child as such is entitled to less 
regard than are other persons. 

It is natural that in a dynamic nation, where experi- 
ence counts for so little as compared with invention, an- 
cestors and the aged should be little worshiped and 
venerable institutions should receive scant respect. 
Burn said that in America, young people soon learn 
to throw ofif the restraints of an uncomfortable religion. 
He had "witnessed numerous instances where both 
young men and girls lost no opportunity in proving 
how infinitely superior they were to their vulgar old 
fathers and mothers." A progressing system of educa- 
tion operates of course to widen the gap of knowledge. 
Burn found that a little learning gave "upstart conse- 
quence" to the offspring of humble parentage. Rose 
said that many persons that professed no religion would 
send their children to Catholic schools "as beino: the 



K 



146 ' The American Family 

only institutions where duty to parents is inculcated." 
Von Skal in 1907 said that the leading thought in 
American education is to develop self-reliance, inde- 
pendence, and self-respect. At all events the rapid 
change of school methods and material puts the parent 
at a disadvantage in attempting to keep up with the 
child. 

The stimulating life of the new world has tended to 
a striking precocity in child life. Burn declared that 
children are generally premature adults. De Haur- 
anne who spent eight months in America in 1864- 1865 
spoke of the precocity of both sexes: the men, for the 
most part, "live in business from their infancy," rarely 
receiving a college education; the women *'left to their 
own devices from infancy" early begin the all-absorb- 
ing search for a husband. Bates' Year in the Great 
Republic (published in 1887) finds in "the system of 
easy social intercourse" a menace to the child. "The 
tendency is to sap all the sweet and unreasoning im- 
pulses of childhood, and to give us instead spoilt, 
capricious, precocious little old men and women." 
Muirhead observed that the small American interrupts 
conversation, has a voice in every matter, eats and 
drinks what he pleases. Anna Rogers wrote a few 
years since of 

An elaborately dressed American baby of six, entirely unat- 
tended, walking into a huge hotel dining-room, where her 
parents had lived for years, and ordering "devilled crabs and 
pink ice cream" for her dinner, which the poor little creature 
actually ate amid the smiling glances of the guests and wait- 
ers ... by no means an isolated circumstance. 

The nursery is not an American institution. Even 
when such a place is provided and carefully equipped 
it lacks the weight of tradition and its social function 
is not well understood. For a long time American life 



The Career of the Child 147 

was too crude to allow of the segregation of childhood. 
Even today, the cost of living makes it impossible for 
most families to set apart a room which children can 
call their own. They therefore tear all over the house. 
The American child lives, thus, in an adults' world. 
Many city children lack sufficient juvenile contacts; 
they have few or no brothers and sisters, neighborliness 
is of dubious safety. Unless the child is allowed to 
roam the streets, he may see more of nurse, parents, 
and a few other adults than of all the rest of the world. 
Thus the child is denied the sort of mental stimulus 
normal to his age and perhaps even passes through 
childhood without being a child. 

The enfranchisement of infancy has not been a vio- 
lent conquest. Burn attributed the usage of youngsters 
going oflf to board in great measure to the folly of 
parents who want to see their children precocious and 
smart like other people's. De Hauranne remarked of 
the same period that American children are not bur- 
dened with futile moral lessons, they are not flogged, 
they are not kept tied hand and foot, but are ear- 
ly allowed to grapple with things. Kleiber, an 
"apostolic missionary" said in his Amerika that 
children are generally brought up without religion, 
that parents generally do not make their children go 
to school, that the parent treats his children rather in- 
differently and is not vexed if they do not obey his com- 
mands. Von Skal in Das amerikanische Volk says that 
the American requires of the child obedience but no 
subjection; parents do not take it amiss if a child re- 
peats a refused request and will perhaps grant it later 
not only because circumstances may have changed but 
because persistence and determination are considered 
worthy of reward; the child must be fitted for the 



148 The American Family 

struggle for existence; he is left to practical experi- 
ence to tone him down. 

As befits a growing civilization, parents are prone to 
sacrifice, to subordinate themselves to their children; 
and children accept rather unthinkingly the sacrifices 
offered. To clothe the child in remodeled clothing of 
the parent was emblematic of the old order. Today 
the child receives the newest and the best that the par- 
ent can afford. The best American homes have come 
to center in the child. Suggestive are Muirhead's im- 
pressions of the early nineties that 

Nowhere is the child so constantly in evidence [as in Amer- 
ica]. Nowhere are his wishes so carefully consulted; nowhere 
y is he allowed to make his mark so strongly on society in gen- 

eral. . . Even the father is expected to spend hours in pa- 
tient consultation over [the infant's] food, his dress, his teeth- 
ing-rings and his outgoing. 

Very noteworthy has been the freedom accorded to 
girls. De Hauranne said of the mid-sixties that girls 
of twelve went and came freely, often alone, and that 
girls were not kept in ignorance of the things they must 
really learn. Sir George Campbell in a work of the 
later seventies says: "The American girls are . . . 
more independent than our girls are. They think it a 
reproach if they cannot be trusted to go with a young 
man either to church or a theatre." Gaillardet's 
L'Aristocratie en Amerique tells of father and mother's 
learning of daughter's marriage only by a letter from 
her and remarks that absence of dowry curtails parents' 
hold on daughters. Bourget, who was in America in 
the early nineties, says that the "apotheosis of woman, 
which is the most characteristic feature of 'society' in 
America is . . . especially the apotheosis of the 
young girl." The unmarried American girl has in- 
deed all the freedom that in Europe does not come till 



The Career of the Child 149 

marriage. Everything tends to give her her own as- 
pirations and independent plans. Unintentionally her 
manners to her elders often show indifference bordering 
on rudeness. 

The child of the immigrant experiences special 
temptation to waywardness. Burn referred at the 
time of the war to the insubordination of such chil- 
dren. Offspring of Irish parents often became 
"ashamed of their humble but honest fathers and moth- 
ers." The flood of the new immigration of the last 
thirty years has accentuated the problem of juvenile 
emancipation. Children of immigrants lose respect 
for parents and the home becomes practically non- 
existent. In many instances the parents of tenement- 
house families -themselves industrious peasant labor- 
ers-have been disgraced by idle and vicious grown 
sons and daughters. While the immigrants themselves 
are likely to be more law-abiding than native Ameri- 
cans, their offspring catch the new-world habit and 
outdo the natives. Children grow up and refuse to 
attend their parents' church -Welsh, German, or 
French; Protestant or Catholic. American traditions 
will not long suffer such tutelage as prevails among 
some of the foreign stock, as for instance among the 
Hull House neighbors, where many of the Latin race 
have employed careful chaperonage over marriage- 
able daughters and provided husbands at an early age. 
"My father will get a husband for me this winter. I 
saw two already but my father says they haven't saved 
enough money to marry me." The father does not al- 
low her to go out after dark unaccompanied by him- 
self. Miss Addams, in the Spirit of Youth said that 
one often hears such comment as: "Francesca can't 
even come to the Sodality meeting this winter. She 



150 The American Family 

lives only across from the church but her mother won't 
let her come because her father is out West working 
on a railroad." This system seemed to work well only 
when carried through to early nuptials; American 
ways, moreover, are certain to disintegrate it; it often 
breaks down. Of course American youth are out- 
spoken in condemnation of such extreme control. 
American girls develop deep sympathy for Hebrew 
girls whose marriage is regulated or coerced by their 
parents. 

The preeminence accorded the child in America has 
excited a plethora of comment, compounded of appre- 
ciation and of alarm. Burn was of the opinion that 
demoralization comes from young folks' boarding, for 
while "no doubt, many of the boarding-house keepers 
are people of unimpeachable character ... in 
consequence of the notions of personal liberty and self- 
sufRciency entertained by young people of both sexes 
it is next to impossible to exercise anything like a salu- 
tary control over their conduct." He heard the mem- 
bers of a family tell their parents that they recognized 
no obligation for their birth or rearing. "Though this 
heartless doctrine may not always find expression in 
words, I believe it is but too frequently acted upon by 
young America." De Hauranne said : "Nowhere are 
the children so free, so bold, such enfants terribles^ as 
in America." Other works of the sixties speak of lack 
of respect for age. One says: "Children have too 
much of their own way and are educated to think too 
highly of themselves." To the foreigner, the Ameri- 
can child has seemed wild, unruly, and disrespectful, 
the product of overindulgence. Teachers have attri- 
buted to parental ignorance and carelessness much of 
the slovenliness, stupidity, and misbehavior exhibited 
by their pupils. 



The Career of the Child i^i 

At the National Unitarian Conference of 1895 Mrs. 
Anna G. Spencer pointed out that 

One-fourth of all dependent children - those who . . . 
must be fathered and mothered by society at large - are such 
because of the parents' fault. . . And wayward children, 
when sentenced to reform schools under the age of twelve 
years, are very many of them the victims solely of the same 
parental incompetency. This fact leads to the dismal and puz- 
zling maze of domestic wrongs, the frequent divorces and more 
frequent temporary separations of parents which throw the 
children out upon the world. These evils, and the blacker 
problems revealed by the inner history of prostitution among 
young girls, take us into the very heart of the world move- 
ment toward equality of rights and opportunities for both 
sexes. 

In 1914 George J. Kneeland stated that he had a list 
of three hundred girls of wealthy families who secretly 
practiced immorality. One woman's club would not 
listen to his presentation of conditions. These girls, 
he said, were not weak-minded or subnormal; most of 
them went wrong out of a spirit of rebellion against the 
dullness and strictness of home life. They generally 
turned to strangers, often travelling salesmen, for fear 
their secret would become known. They were often 
prominent in Sabbath school; but in the close personal 
contact of the modern dances they lost all control of 
themselves. In one Massachusetts town an inspector 
found a number of fifteen and sixteen year old girls 
apparently respectable, leading careers of vice.'*" 

In the report of the corresponding secretary of the 
National Divorce Reform League for 1896 occurred 
this suggestion: 

We shall begin to see very likely, that the self-assertion of our 
American youth, growing out of an intense egoism, with its 
lack of reverence, docility, and ready acceptance of the duties 
and obligations of the school, has much to do with making the 
146 Wisconsin State Journal, June 17, 1914, p. 1. 



152 The American Family 

age later at which the American boy is ready for college in this 
country as compared with the youth of Germany. 

If this retardation signified merely a fuller and richer 
period of youth we might consider it as in line with the 
trend of evolution, but there is danger, also, of preco- 
city that amounts to senility. Thus a leading educator 
tells of a boy, the son of society parents, who early 
became utterly blase by reason of excessive attendance 
on social functions. Twenty years ago Katherine 
Beebe complained that wherever she went, whether to 
call, to chat with a friend, to take luncheon or dinner, 
or to talk about the child with his mother, the children 
were always on hand; either there was no place away 
from parlor, sitting-room, or dining-room where they 
could be made comfortable or the mother had not the 
temerity to send them thither. American mothers have 
been declared "too nervous to make the best companions 
for their children." Of course the grown-up world of 
thought is not suitable as exclusive dietary for the child ; 
to retain him constantly in it is to shorten infancy and 
interfere with normal evolution. It may be that the 
forwardness, precocity, and pertness of American 
children can be traced largely to this source. One ad- 
vantage of kindergarten life is that in contrast with the 
home the whole program is arranged for a child's 
world. 

One reason why Americans are not strenuous in dis- 
cipline is that coercion is supposed to break the will 
and hinder self-expression. In many homes, there- 
fore, the child becomes arbitrary dictator. American 
fathers are charged with being "strangely weak and in- 
vertebrate" in relation to their children. A foreigner 
who was entertained in the home of a university profes- 
sor has told "not without a little awe, but with much 



The Career of the Child 153 

anxiety for the next generation of America, of the pre- 
mature emotions and the dictatorship of the little men 
and women (he insists there are no children in Ameri- 
ca)." Spoiling results from the "peace at any price" 
policy. "Perhaps the independence of girlhood makes 
for a certain hardness instead of strength of character," 
thinks Mrs. Busbey. 

The undue exaltation of infancy operates to disturb 
the normal equilibrium of home and the true balance 
of interests. The love-madness of the mother often 
sacrifices husband and father to the cult of the child. 
He is violently hushed at the door, his rights are ig- 
nored, he is neglected hour after hour. The emotion- 
alism thus displayed is strongly suggestive of the traits 
of primitive people. Perhaps even more harmful, 
however, is the doting exuberance of affection lavished 
by grandparents. 

Many marked advantages have, however, proceeded 
from the American way with children. De Hauranne 
said that experience of freedom matured the Americans 
and developed "in them practical reason at an age 
when, with us, it is still slumbering under the dreams 
and illusions of adolescence." Holyoake's Among the 
Americans referred to the reputed wilfulness of Amer- 
ican children and added: 

It did not appear to be so in any of the families which I had op- 
portunities of observing; on the contrary, there were manifest 
affectionate and intelligent obedience. At the same time it was 
apparent that young people were more self-acting than they are 
in England, where we have a somewhat unwise domestic pa- 
ternalism. 

This writer recognized advantage in the American 
habit of training children to self-dependence. Von 
Skal concedes that the American child is keen at find- 
ing weak places in the fence around him. He adds: 



154 The American Family 

"It is natural that in a people born of force and in 
whom the traces of readiness for deeds of violence are 
still ever visible, youth also should not be choice or 
careful in the means of carrying out its will." The 
American child certainly does develop an independence 
well adapted to the fierce struggle of individualism - 
an alertness and resourcefulness that makes the children 
of other nations seem dull. How different is our view- 
point from that of some others appears in a naive re- 
mark by a British reviewer: 'We did not know that 
the children of the professional class in America, play 
in the streets. . . No more harm apparently comes 
of the common games than of common teaching. It 
gives the children independence." 

A large proportion of American children in fortu- 
nate circumstances are healthy, well-behaved, and fond 
of their homes. They are not likely to be bundled off 
to boarding-school. Parents worthy of respect have 
it- intelligent and not blind as of old. The child is 
mature in his points of view by reason of his contact 
with adult circles. Parents are at heart devoted. In 
families of sufficient means to employ nurses, the moth- 
er often takes charge of the children. Boys regard 
girls as comrades and escape in large measure that con- 
tempt for girls and that cruel passion so characteristic 
of certain lands. 

There are undeniable advantages in the American 
usage of admitting the children to the entire daily life 
of the household. The association helps to retain in 
American adults that freshness and spirit of youth so 
essential to a progressive people. Moreover the child 
grows up in a sense of complete identification with the 
social group. At a political gathering in a western 
suffrage state, for instance, a small boy insisted in join- 



The Career of the Child 155 

ing in the discussion on the score that his mother had 
a vote, as also his sister, who could influence her hus- 
band. It seems, however, that there is today a ten- 
dency to segregate somewhat the child's realm in the 
household from that of the adults. Instead of waiting 
for "second table," the little ones perhaps do not greet 
dinner guests at all but have had their meal and been 
put to bed. 

The freedom of the modern child and the progress- 
ive quality of part of his education makes him more 
capable of being a real companion to his parents than 
are children in less progressive communities. Inti- 
macy of children with parents enriches the home life of 
the middle-class. Where mutual confidence is fostered 
the father can become the boy's comrade and friend and 
the mother, likewise, the daughter's; a strong attach- 
ment develops also between mother and sons, father 
and daughters. A. Maurice Low says that daughters 
are much more with their mothers and become their 
companions earlier than in Europe. "At an age when 
the French girl, for example, is still demurely attend- 
ing her convent, or the English girl is in the hands of 
her governess, her more emancipated sister across the 
Atlantic is calling with her mother ... or assist- 
ing her in the drawing room on her reception days." 
It is to be feared, however, that in most cases the nor- 
mal comradeship breaks down when most needed, 
namely in the crisis of pubescence and adolescence. 
Most American mothers fail to measure up to the re- 
sponsibility of holding their boys as they approach 
manhood, and most of them fail to guide their daugh- 
ters. The men come as far short of proper sympathy 
and understanding of the needs of youth. 

One of the requisites to a proper development of the 



y 



156 The American Family 

child within the family has failed of sufficient atten- 
tion, namely the actual enfranchisement of every mem- 
ber of the family. It is not sufficient that personal free- 
dom be allowed. The work of the household requires 
to be divided among the members and family projects 
need to be discussed in open council where even the 
smallest child may have voice and influence. The 
young may thus serve an apprenticeship to the coming 
social democracy. 



VIII. THE PASSING OF PATRIARCH ISM 
AND FAMILISM 

Correlate with the democratic consequences of 
pioneer economics as registered in the waning of au- 
tocracy in church and state and the rise of a pervasive 
social insurgency in the ante-bellum period, a decline 
in paternal supremacy and a tendency to emancipate 
the family occurred. This waning of domestic mon- 
archy continues and grows under the influences of the 
solvent economic forces of industrialism as mediated 
in a variety of ways. The general democratization of 
society has continued. Woman has gained economic 
opportunity outside of marriage and has attained to a 
growing enlightenment and prestige by means of for- 
mal education, w^orking experience, and the develop- 
ment of household economics into a technical pursuit 
in which it is more and more difficult for man to dic- 
tate. Men are increasingly absent from home, whether 
as commercial travellers, trainmen, commuters, or mere 
laborers and business men at work some distance from 
the place of abode. The pressure of business and labor 
gives man small chance to keep up with the new thought 
outside his own vocation -thought with which woman 
is becoming more and more familiar. Moreover so- 
ciety is passing into the regime of surplus which brings 
with it the lengthening of infancy and the elevation of u 
childhood; increased attention to the technique of child 
care and education has brought such rapidity of change 
in educational methods that the father can not compre- 



158 The American Family 

hend what his children are learning, much less help 
them with their work; a career opens to youth apart 
from paternal supervision and aid; consequently pa- 
ternal prestige, and with it paternal power, wanes. 
Division of labor and the cessation of the household 
economic unit has brought socialization; society lays 
claim to the child and refuses to recognize the parent's 
property right; parental protection of the young be- 
comes less and less necessary and less and less possible 
as social parenthood gradually absorbs the old domestic 
jurisdiction. The family experiences individuation, 
ceases to be a forced grouping, and develops toward 
ethical unity and spontaneous democracy. Only in 
out-of-the-way places can the archaic patriarchism 
maintain itself. 

Under the new order, the home comes to be run for 
the women and children rather than for the man; hus- 
band and father is more rarely abusive; he adopts what 
an English writer resents as the "tame cat" attitude and 
becomes an earning mechanism whereby the other 
members of the family attain to vacations, dress, and 
"society." American men "will work longer and 
harder for happiness of wife or child" than will any 
other men. Rivington and Harris said of America in 
1869: "The husbands are content to slave in business 
in order that their wives and families may live in af- 
fluence." Bourget, writing of the America of 1893, 
found behind the insanely expensive Beauty "in the 
most senselessly luxurious circle in the two hemi- 
spheres ... a father who most likely is never 
seen, who divides his life between his office, his club, 
and sanctums, in certain cities the bar of the best hotel." 
Into his fondness for his daughter "enters less of af- 
fection than of pride." 



The Passing of Patriarchism and Familism 159 

The American husband is usually generous and re- 
luctant to deny his wife anything he can give her. He 
wants her to be able to show off even tho he kills him- 
self with the strain of providing means for swell so- 
ciety functions. "Occasionally, as the afternoon grows 
late," wrote Margaret Sangster, "a guest who is inti- 
mate in the family may shake hands with a gentleman 
who is quietly keeping out of sight in a corner of the 
drawing-room. He it is who pays," perhaps losing by 
the extravagance the financial support of men who are 
tiding him over. 

To some extent such phenomena may be ascribed to 
the desire of men to use their women as vehicles of con- 
spicuous consumption -a gorgeous form of advertis- 
ing- but to a large extent the female becomes really 
central and final rather than instrumental. Enjoyment 
is no longer the prerogative of the patriarch. 

It has long been observed that in working-class cir- 
cles the wife enjoys large independence and control. 
De Rousiers said previous to 1892 that the laborer 
"does not play the part of patriarch when he comes 
home to his own fireside. He may not lose the right to 
smoke his pipe when he crosses the threshold, but he 
is always in some measure his wife's guest. . . Each 
has a sphere of interest where he is master or she is 
mistress." Betts declared in The Leaven in a Great 
City that 

The majority of working men's wives are financially in a far 
more independent position than the wives even of capitalists 
where the wives are without an independent income. . . 
Children will be overdressed, while the father will not even be 
comfortable. . . There are men who say frankly that they 
would waste the money if it were in their care ; that their wives 
secure far better results than they could. . . Men who are 
niggardly and hand out small sums daily, and never recognize 



i6o The American Family 

that the wife has a right to anything beyond food and shel- 
ter .. . are despised. 

Sometimes, says Betts, the observer wonders "at the 
infinite patience of many men;" their wives drift, for 
many girls are not trained for wifehood. She remarks 
further that "the small-shopkeepers, to all intents and 
purposes, treat their wives as partners." 

Along with the decay of family monarchy appear 
certain associated tendencies. The female revolt 
weakens the husband's sense of accountability for his 
wife's conduct. The father comes to feel the family as 
a responsibility rather than as an asset; for restriction 
on child labor and compulsory education deprive him 
of the earning power of younger children and the law 
imposes new burdens, so that while loss of control 
weakens his sense of obligation and the power of self- 
interest, the imposition of new requirements increases 
his restiveness and we have part of the explanation of 
the phenomenon of family desertion whereby the father 
leaves to society full responsibility for the family over 
which he no longer possesses sovereignty. Abandon- 
ment of pregnant wives has been especially common. 
Lilian Brandt in her 1905 study of family desertion 
said: 

The study of these five hundred and seventy-four records re- 
sults in the conviction that while here and there the respon- 
sibility for desertion may rest with industrial conditions, with 
ill-considered marriages in early 30uth or between men and wo- 
men of irreconcilable differences of temperament, and, some- 
what more frequently, with the impossible temper and cooking 
of the wife, still the most constant element in the situation is the 
irresponsible, ease-loving man who acts on the theory that when 
hard times of any sort come he is justified in making arrange- 
ments for his own comfort which do not include his wife and 
children. 



The Passing of Patriarchism and Familism i6i 

In the American Journal of Social Science for 1892, 
H. L. Taylor, M.D., refers to the fact that the time of 
the city man with his family is usually very limited, 
and he is not always in a mood in the evening to exert 
the best influence; often he prefers the club, the lodge, 
or the street corner. Thus children lose certain ele- 
ments of character. American fathers did not ordinar- 
ily come to Doctor Taylor's office with their ailing 
children. "Germans are more apt to come than Amer- 
icans and Hebrews most of all." 

There is a tendency to hold the mother responsible 
for the spiritual tone of the household. C. J^,__Selden 
said in 1895 that 

The transference of paternal responsibility to institutions, and 
more especially to the mother, shows that there is a wide- 
spread conviction on the part of fathers, that, however it may 
be with other people's children, his own, at least, live by bread 
alone. [Even in the sphere of amusements, the father often 
finds his own pleasure and sets an example that tends to dis- 
solve the family.] 

The mother can care for small children, but at puberty 
the boy needs a man, and the adolescent girl, even,^'^.^^; 
would profit by the comradeship of her father- an as- 
sociation for which there is not much leisure under the 
pressure of modern industry and business. Even if the 
father does take hold of his pubescent boy the fact that 
the roots of intimacy were not laid in childhood bars 
complete understanding. 

Another phase of the waning of patriarchal suprem- 
acy is seen in the fact that woman and society begin to 
insist on a stricter standard of male morals; the deposed 
sovereign must answer to the court of his erstwhile vas- 
sals; and so strong is the new emphasis that a learned 
professor has felt called upon to warn women not to 



/H 



1 62 The American Family 

be too insistent on masculine virginity lest they fail of 
securing a husband."' It seems probable that in the 
restrictions put upon male license by the passing of 
patriarchism consists much of the advance made in 
purity of morals. The patriarch could do as he saw 
fit; the man of today can not, for woman is no longer 
tied to him; she can declare her independence. Au- 
douard's observations made shortly after the war led to 
the conclusion that ''a man that, in the role of lover, 
would commit adultery with a woman would receive 
the fitting title of a bad man. Young girls would re- 
fuse his suit, home doors would be closed to him." If 
as Audouard says, "The American is too practical and 
logical to have a double morality. Desiring people to 
respect the purity of his wife, he does not seduce his 
neighbor's wife" -is not much of the new cautiousness 
the fruit of the new status of woman? Lutaud in Aux 
Etats Unis is certainly overdrawing the sketch in say- 
ing: "There is present among the men a reserve, a 
timidity, a respect for woman that almost always puts 
an obstacle in the way of accomplishing the physiologi- 
cal act that constitutes the offence." The fact is that 
even yet, women acquiesce largely in the morality of 
their old status and that as in the sixties "the fast men 
are rather popular than otherwise.""^ It is true, how- 
ever, that the recklessness of the masterful male is sub- 
ject to increasing restraints. As Miinsterberg has said, 
"The life of young men [is distinctly purer than in 
Europe] ; a genuine respect for womanhood, without 
regard to social class, lends purity to the life of the 
men." 

American history consummates the disappearance of 



147 "Xo Urge the Good to Marry:" in the Literary Digest, vol. xlviii, 693. 
^*8 "Social Evil and Its Remedy:" in the Nation, vol. iv, 220. 



The Passing of Patriarchism and Familism 163 

the wider familism and the substitution of the parental- 
ism of society. About the only survival of the old kin 
control is the custom of remote collateral inheritance. 
Under the universal scramble for life every individual 
now runs a course of his own. The family council as 
an agency of sovereignty is no more and even the or- 
dinary intimacies of family cohesion have been sensibly 
lessened. 

One of the agencies responsible for the reduction of 
the family has been the dispersion of population. T. 
L. Nichols, M.D., in his Forty Years of American Life 
said: 

In the Northern States . . . more than In the South, the 
ties of family are so often broken that they are loosely held. 
New England, for a hundred years, has been the hive that 
poured its swarms of emigrants over the new regions of the 
West. Families are scattered far and wide. 

De Hauranne in his Huit Mois en Amerique (in 1864- 

1865) said 

There are few families in New York that do not have some one 
of their members, I do not say travelling in some distant part 
of the world, but transplanted to live in the antipodes and 
become almost foreign to his country. These trials are accept- 
ed with incredible steadiness and coolness. . . You know 
the story of that American father whose son, arriving from 
Australia, knocks unexpectedly at his door. He receives him 
politely, inquires about his health, oiifers him a seat, and finally 
asks him to stay for dinner. The American family is like a 
covey of birds: the young escape as soon as they have wings to 
fly, and claws for defence. They forget the maternal nest, and 
often the parents themselves no longer recognize them. They 
have had the trouble of protecting them in their first feeble- 
ness but, this task accomplished, their rights and their duties 
end together. It is the law of nature in all its crudity: the 
family associations lasts only so long as it is indispensable to 
its members. . . The family lasts while the same hearth 



164 The American Family 

holds it together ; but it relaxes as soon as it scatters, for there 
is no point in maintaining the bond of inheritance and common 
interests. 

Charles Eliot Norton in an article of 1889 on the 
Lack of Old Homes in America mentioned among 
other factors unfavorable to the existence of hereditary 
homes the rapid settlement of the continent and the 
astonishing growth of cities. 

Attachment to the native soil, affection for the home of one's 
youth, the claims of kindred, the bonds of social dut\', have 
not proved strong enough to resist the allurements of hope . . . 
and the love of adventure. [The hereditary home is becom- 
ing scarcer and loss accrues from the lack of sentimental bonds 
and of stability.] 

A. Maurice Low says that to the majority of Ameri- 
cans: 

No sacred associations cling to the roof-tree, for to the Ameri- 
can home is wherever he makes it. . . Freedom of inter- 
course leads to the daughters marrying and going to the homes 
of their husbands, five hundred miles, a thousand miles or more 
away; and the wide scattering of members of a family is re- 
garded as a matter of course. 

Another factor in the lessening of family cohesion 
has been the business spirit and the business develop- 
ment of the American people. The pioneers could 
scarcely be sentimental, and in a sense most Americans 
are still pioneers. A writer in the Nation of 1869 com- 
menting on the disappearance of the old-fashioned fam- 
ily observes that modern father and son are not necessary 
to each other and it is absurd to suppose that "the family 
tie of mother and daughter can be as strong when one 
is a telegraph operator and the other a treasury clerk 
as [it was] in the good old times." The flux of capi- 
talist property, moreover, is not favorable to family 
sentiment. Its abolition of primogeniture has figured 



The Passing of Patriarchism and Familism 165 

in the separation of the family; but even where primo- 
geniture has lingered, it is scarcely consistent with 
American economic opportunity that younger brothers 
should remain as dependents on the elder. De Hau- 
ranne, who was in America in the mid-sixties, said : 

You know that in America freedom of testator is unlimited. 
The only restriction imposed by law is in favor, not of chil- 
dren but of wives. . . [A man] can disinherit his chil- 
dren . , . and often he leaves them only a smaller part 
of his property. Oftener he benefits one at the expense of the 
rest. For example he leaves the bulk of his fortune, maybe 
to the oldest, or to any one of his sons, and you know that in 
Massachusetts landed property is rarely divided : the oldest 
takes the land, and the younger enter commerce, industry, bus- 
iness, or go west to make a patrimony for themselves. 

Norton in the 1889 article already cited indicates as 
factors prejudicial to the existence of hereditary abodes 
the practices as to distribution of property that have 
grown out of the spirit of equality, and the rise in stan- 
dard of living by reason of the enormous development 
of natural resources and consequent diffusion of wealth. 
Where matters have gone thus, a phase of family strength 
disappears. 

Hagar in his American Family expresses the opinion 
that "for over two hundred years of the colonies and 
the early republic no essential weakening, impairment, 
and degeneracy of the family appear." This period 
of relative stability is obviously the period reaching up 
to the beginnings of modern industrialism with its con- 
sequent cityward drift. How largely the phenomena 
of laxity are the product of economic evolution has, in 
various connections, been made sufficiently apparent. 
A little thought will show that causes cited as distinct 
are often derivatives of this. There can be little doubt 
that in the last sixty years the social preeminence of the 



1 66 The American Family 

family has been notably reduced. It is safe to accept 
Thwing's assertion that the position of the family in the 
United States "is lower than it has been in two hundred 
and fifty years" — if by "lower" we refer not to moral 
and spiritual status but to authoritative and exclusive 
function. 

The coolness of American family sentiment has been 
an object of comment since, as before, the Civil War. 
Doctor Nichols at the time of the war expressed the 
opinion that America is strangely destitute of family 
affection and Von Glosz said that there is not much 
family life in America. Burn said: "The home feel- 
ings which conduce to the happiness of private fam- 
ilies . . . are . . by no means common in 
America." Again he says: "Men in America are units 
rather than members of local families." And again: 

It is a common practice with parents who look upon their 
children as an incumbrance to advertise them in their infancy 
for adoption; these affectionate fathers and mothers either dis- 
pose of their little ones for a consideration, or, in their gener- 
osity, give them away under the condition, in either case, 
that they "never see their darlings any more!" 

A writer in the Nation in 1869 notes the disappear- 
ance of the old fashioned family with "the father at the 
head of the board with his wife and twelve stalwart sons 
about him, and with the aged grandsire and grandame 
in the corner." The sons are gone to the ends of the 
earth or have their own quarters and live their own 
lives. The grandparents keep a home of their own but 
do not care to spend the final years in the old homestead. 
Up-to-date parents do not wish to keep their sons in tu- 
telage. In early adolescence the family ties begin to les- 
sen. Where the father has the sense to set the boy free, 
"ten to one but he will think his father a very good 



The Passing of Patriarchism and Familism 167 

fellow . . . and mention him to his wife as a 
splendid man;" otherwise the father "straightway finds 
himself called 'governor' and is fortunate if he does not 
discover some fine morning that his son is clandes- 
tinely married to one or other of his female acquaint- 
ances whom common philanthropy will not permit a 
father-in-law to allow to starve.""" Ratzel in his 
Vereinigten Staaten said that in the North American 
family one finds much more independence of the in- 
dividual members, of spouses as well as of children. 
He attributes the fact partly to the traits of character 
of the women and the precocity of the children and 
partly to the deeply rooted concept of personal freedom 
and responsibility, which assigns to each age its own 
circle of rights. 

Cowley in Our Divorce Courts deprecated the pass- 
ing of the sense of the moral dignity of the family. 

With the abolition of the monarchy (the slow growth of a 
thousand years) and the rejection of the hereditary aristocracy, 
at the Revolution, the pride of family naturally declined; but it 
it to be hoped , . . that a just appreciation of the advan- 
tages of having a long h'ne of honorable ancestors has not yet 
ceased to exist. Men who have no reverence for their ances- 
tors seldom deserve to be remembered by their posterity. 

Gaillardet in L'Aristocratie en Amerique thought that 

The American has no right to be proud of his home save in 
point of material equipment. . . The children are gener- 
ally raised in a fashion more rational than with us, for physical 
and intellectual development. But once past infancy they are 
pushed out of their nest like birds. . . The father thinks 
he has fulfilled his mission and the bojs scatter everywhere. 
The author of their being is no longer for them a father; he is 
a governor, and that is what they generally call him. Like- 
wise the father does not call the boy "my son," he addresses 

149 "Decay of the Family Aflfections:" in the Nation, vol. viii, 291-292. 



1 68 The American Family 

him like a stranger. I remember being dumblounded at seeing 
the reception given b)' his family to a young man returning af- 
ter a long absence. His mother and he embraced, but his fath- 
er only shook hands, and said: "How do you do sir?" 

Boiirget in the early nineties speaking of hotel life 
says : 

One must have sojourned in one of these hotels and dined with 
these people to be able to realize how entirely the members of 
these families live side by side rather than with one another. 
They eat, indeed, at the same table, but not one ever waits for 
another. . . The young girl has this principle (every one for 
himself and by himself) written on her innermost heart. 
The American family appears to be more than anything else an 
association, a sort of social camp, the ties of which are more or 
less strong according to individual sympathies, such as might 
exist between people not of the same blood. I am certain . . . 
that the friendship of brother and brother, or sister and sister, 
is entirely elective. So it is with the relations between father 
and son, mother and daughter. 

In De Rousier's American Life the "American of An- 
glo-Saxon origin" is characterized as free from "that 
large family feeling which characterizes certain Eu- 
ropean peoples; he is not bound to folks of his own 
blood by any special connections." "Neither sister nor 
brother nor cousins are other than neighbors for him." 
Kenney says that "the child, separated so much from 
family influences, hopes, and interests as our modern 
system demands, loses the family feeling of the old 
style." Bentzon's book of 1895 comments on the in- 
difiference with which "many people of ample means 
let their town or country house to strangers, during an 
absence of greater or less duration. . . We can't 
make them understand our dislike for this sort of 
thing." Gohier says that the family bond is looser in 
America than in France. "With us one lives more for 



The Passing of Patriarchism and Familism 169 

the other; in America each lives more for j^//," Felix 
Adler declared a dozen years ago that 

The family, which exists from generation to generation, is in our 
eyes no more imposing. 1 doubt whether among the children 
of today there are very many who have any real conception of 
their grandfathers and grandmothers. 

The subsidence of the family as the arbiter of life is 
the culmination of the movement of political democracy 
which made the individual the social unit. Passing 
into the sphere of the family this process did away with 
the collectivity of blood relations of several generations 
under a ruling head and resulted in the establishment 
of entirely independent families built around the per- 
sonal independence of the young husband and his rela- 
tion to his wife. Mrs. Spencer in her Forum article 
on "Problems of Marriage and Divorce" brings to at- 
tention the fact that ours is the first civilization "that 
has tried in any large way the experiment of placing 
the entire burden of securing the success of marriage ^ 
and the family life upon the characters and capacities 
of two persons." This feature of American life is es- 
pecially striking to continental Europeans. De Rou- 
siers notes the fact that most American girls get no 
dowry, that they "fish for husbands," and that the young 
man has no dowry "and no certainty of any patrimony. 
American marriage is a union of two people and not an 
alliance between two families. The parents do not 
support the young household in any way, and do not 
interfere in the choice of either party." Gohier, too, 
observes that in America one marries only the girl, not 
the whole family as in France. 

The persistence or recrudescence of forms of aris- 
tocracy has served to some extent to keep alive or revive 
in America attachment to familv and tradition. Cer- 



170 The American Family 

tain families, particularly in New England and the 
South, enjoy distinct local eminence; and wealth else- 
where has already created dynasties. The tree of the 
Connecticut Whitney family is traced in three thick 
volumes and there is another thick work embodying 
the genealogies of families of royal extraction. Miins- 
terberg is authority for the fact that at the beginning 
of the twentieth century, among the seven trustees of 
Harvard there was not one "whose family has not been 
of service to the State of Massachusetts for seven gen- 
erations." To some extent, also, the essence of entail 
has been revived by the creation of trusts which in some 
states may run for "a life or lives in being and twenty- 
one years thereafter" thus preventing the distribution 
of an estate for nearly a century and allowing the heirs 
no power over the principal."" 

There are not wanting even yet cases of exaggerated 
familism, of the magnifying of family interests at the 
expense of the individual and of society. In some 
homes, too, life is virtually on the level of communism, 
with hardly any recognition of private property. Arch- 
ways take the place of doors; there is no place of pri- 
vacy. Children burst into their mother's room and 
use their parents' things at pleasure. Moreover many 
beautiful instances of family integrity persist. Older 
brothers and sisters voluntarily help the younger. 
Children delay marriage in order to help the family. 
The father provides a vacation in the country while 
he works. Von Skal says that American family life is 
founded on the principle that each knows his own value 
and wants to be treated accordingly. "Compulsion 
won't work, but mutual love and respect unite with 
recognition of existing obligations, honest endeavor to 

i^^Busbey. Home Life in America, 396. 



The Passing of Patriarchism and Familism 171 



fulfill them, and the subordination of the individual 
will to the best interest of the whole, which is freely 
given, and leaves no sore behind." 

Among the poor, in particular, is observed wonder- 
ful and potent family afifection: women and men giving 
all their lives to their families, manifesting beautiful 
devotion to the education and future of the child. 
Working girls give up their wages year after year for 
the good of their families; their sacrifice is a matter of ^ 
course, irrespective of the habits of those that control 
the expenditure. Sisters work to support brothers in 
idleness. On the other hand, flashy girls who have 
spent their money on themselves are, after marriage, 
cared for by their mothers, who will do the washing 
and other menial tasks as a matter of course. In some 
homes there is a family bank account on which the 
children that contribute have no claim; much of the 
inability of new home-makers to exercise prudence in 
the use of money is due to inexperience in the handling 
of it. Spinster sisters, who have refrained from mar- 
riage in order to support the aged parents, help married 
brothers and sisters and prove wiser guides to their 
nephews and nieces than are the children's parents. 
Some of the better tenement homes, tho very humble, 
are the rallying place for children and grandchildren.^"^ 

Reversion toward or retention of the older familism, 
however, serves but to accentuate the contrary trend. 
The new view is that the higher and more obligatory 
relation is to society rather than to the family; the fam- 
ily goes back to the age of savagery while the state be- 
longs to the age of civilization. The modern individ- 
ual is a world citizen, served by the world, and home 
interests can no longer be supreme. Children need not 

^^1 Betts. Leaven in a Great City, chapters 8 and 9. 



4 



1/2 The American Fa m ily 

grumble if much of their father's estate goes to social 
purposes. The transition must be accepted, in spite 
of the fact that loss is entailed along the way -that in- 
dividualism runs wild for a while ere new restraints 
develop. The fact that energy which formerly con- 
centrated on the home is being turned in other direc- 
tions, largely toward self-gratification, means a groping 
for a new equilibrium. What seems to be mere love 
of change and impatience of control, "the easy move- 
ment of population which makes 'home' often but an 
attachment to the moving van; the flexible yet compli- 
cated social arrangements which make it easy to shirk 
individual responsibility, the economic pressure, in- 
tensified by the desire, so painfully common, to live more 
luxuriously than one can afford . . . the rule of 
personal desire and individual idiosyncracy" ^"'-all 
these phenomena are preliminary to a recentering of 
society; they are the clearing of the ground for a broad- 
er socialization. 

Meanwhile they present problems that occasion ex- 
V cessive alarm. Young men fall into crime for want 
of family ties or by reason of bad homes. Men desert 
their wives. Since the bonds of tradition are thrown 
off, the family has no safeguard save the character of 
the parents. Parents are shy about speaking to their 
children concerning religion. The interests of the in- 
dividuals are divergent and detached from the home. 
There is perhaps a diminished willingness to sacrifice 
for the welfare of other members of the family and a 
growing need to stress family affection as if it were 
abnormal. Society casts off certain old traditions and 
manifests a disposition to excuse illegitimates from the 

^■''2 Spencer. "Problems of Marriage and Divorce": in the Forum, vol. 
xlviii, 188-190. 



The Passing of Patriarchism and Familism 173 

stigma of parental sin and to devise ways of protecting 
the families of criminals from the consequences of their 
punishment. 

In spite, however, of disorganizing tendencies to- 
wards free individualism, the reduction of family 
functions has not been solely anarchistic but has been 
due in large measure to the transfer of prerogatives to 
more inclusive social institutions. Dike in his Perils 
to the Family observed that a feature of modern civili- 
zation is "its steady increase in the surrender of power 
and offices from the family to the other institutions of 
society." In 1910 he said: 

Since the Civil War there has been a strong tendencj' towards 
combination in the larger social groups at the expense of the 
smaller. Communal group action has taken the place of ac- 
tion in domestic groups. The Home has been turning over its 
former work to the shop, the school, and the Church. At 
least the development of the resources of the Home has not 
gone on with the corresponding care that has been given to the 
development of communal forms of activity.^^^ 

He was, of course, alarmed at the "tendency to reduce 
the family to a minimum of force in the life of society" 
and feared that 

If the family does not have its full share in care and use 
if interest in other institutions turn activities away from it; if 
its great essential functions - those which it cannot surrender, 
even in the highest stage of civiliz.ation - fall into neglect or 
he wrongly exercised, there is danger both for the family and 
all the other institutions with it. 

It is but natural, however, that with the interdepend- 
ence of modern life an increased share of social control 
should pass to the more inclusive institutions of society. 
Modern social ideals guarantee to the child certain 
essential rights as an individual. Under the old clan- 

153 National League for Protection of the Family. Annual Report for 
igog, p. 12. 



U 



174 T^^ American Family 

family the parentalism of the kinship group obscured 
the unfitness of individual parents and safeguarded to 
some extent the claims of the rising generation. The 
patriarchal regime often subjected children to extreme 
oppression but the matter was within the family and 
did not disturb the economic balance of society. But 
as soon as the new family consisting of only the parents 
and the children stood forth society saw how many 
were unfit for parenthood and began to realize the need 
of community care.'''* 

Less than forty-five years ago a city missionary heard 
of fearful beatings of a girl in New York City. The 
police professed inability to interfere unless a witness 
could swear that the child's life was endangered. A 
city magistrate proved by a law book that he was pow- 
erless. Charitable societies could not act. At every 
turn the missionary learned that "it was a serious mat- 
ter to interfere between parents and child." Finally 
the child was rescued by the Society for Prevention of 
Cruelty to Animals. Such conditions led to the forma- 
tion of the Children's Protective Society.^" 

As familism of the wider sort, and even immediate, 
weakens, society has to assume a larger parenthood. 
The school begins to assume responsibility for the func- 
tions thrust upon it; the Sunday school undertakes a 
more scientific religious pedagogy. The juvenile court 
is developed as a protection to the young and parents 
are called to account for disregard of juvenile delin- 
quency. Education is made compulsory, and the au- 
thorities commence to introduce school lunches, free 
books, medical inspection, and playground facilities. 
The kindergarten grows downward toward the cradle 

^54 Spencer. "Social Responsibility toward Child-life," io8, 112. 
155 White. "Epoch of the Child," 2x4-217. 



The Passing of Palriarchism and Familism 175 



and there arises talk of neighborhood nurseries. Baby- 
feeding stations with educational classes are estab- 
lished in behalf of the children of the poor. Provision 
is made for the removal of children from unfit parents 
and child labor laws essay to protect the child from the 
capitalist, the parent, or himself. Social centers re- 
place the old time home chimney. 

Moreover the state essays to guard more strictly the 
entrance to marriage by passing medical examination 
laws and by requiring residence and notice as prelim- 
inaries. Mothers' pensions are inaugurated and the 
general endowment of motherhood begins to receive 
serious consideration. The Chicago Court of Domes- 
tic Relations, established in 191 1, is a striking illustra- 
tion of the performance by society of functions that of 
old fell to the council of the kin. Its work is the re- 
verse of that performed by the divorce court. It com- 
pels deserters to support their families and sees to it 
that deserving and unfortunate women and children are 
placed under protection that will help them toward 
self-maintenance. It is said that this court and an- 
other established about the same time in New York 
have satisfactorily settled large numbers of divorce 
cases. The very existence of such courts will head ofif 
trouble in many cases. 

In general, society is coming more and more to ac- 
cept as a duty the task of guaranteeing wholesome up- 
bringing of the young. As amusement and social in- 
tercourse have forsaken the poverty-stricken homes and 
betaken themselves to public places the child passes 
more and more into the custody of community experts 
who are qualified to perform the complexer functions 
of parenthood which the revolution in industrial and 
social life has made imperative and which the parents 



I 



176 The American Family 

have neither time nor knowledge to perform. Some 
students maintain that the home is hopelessly inefficient 
as an economic instrument. Mrs. Gilman has even 
ventured the assertion that social parentage is now more 
important to the child than is the personal. 

The agencies of social parenthood are capable of be- 
ing used either for the development of family respon- 
sibility or for its subversion. Education has largely 
ignored the fundamental human relationships. The 
expansion of the school tends to weaken the family. 
Charity may readily act as an instrument of demorali- 
zation. In his report for 1893 the corresponding sec- 
retary of the National Divorce Reform League said: 

I know of a society which has placed thousands of children in 
families all over the prairies, whose secretary admits that it has 
done nothing whatever to better the condition of the homes 
whence the children are taken, though he confesses this is very 
important. . . Practically puts a premium on poverty and 
want, offering to take the helpless little ones off the hands of 
the indifferent parents as soon as their conditions may justify 
the action of an agent who may be more ambitious to place a 
child than he is to improve its natural home. An open saloon 
at convenient corners, easy administration of careless marriage 
and divorce laws, a host of unorganized and unrelated charities, 
a smooth road to the almshouse, the great west, and the adop- 
tive home, are all in their way encouragements to intemper- 
ance, to a hasty and brief domestic life, to improvidence, pov- 
erty, and parental neglect. In more subtle, and no less danger- 
ous ways, do a multitude of efforts to do the religious and 
educational work of the Home almost wholly outside its walls 
tend to demoralize the domestic spirit. 

i When charity becomes commonplace, self-depend- 

ence wanes. In many cases parents have applied to the 
authorities to have their children placed in institu- 
tions. Sometimes the parent makes no effort to keep in 
touch with the child or with the institution. Parents 
charge their children with being beyond control in 



The Passing of Patriarchism and Familism 177 

order to relieve a step-father of a burden. The char- 
ity system at its worst is an enemy of the home. It 
destroys the privacy and proprietorship that character- 
ize the self-respecting family. "To make an 'efficient' 
showing it drives women to prostitution whom it could 
have saved by decent treatment; tears children from 
their parents and severs husband from wife in their last 
days." One unfortunate woman explained what fol- 
lowed her application for aid : 

From then on we had no repose. They helped us with a few 
dollars, but every other day some one else inquired about us - 
at the neighbours' - at the grocer - butcher. They visited us at 
all hours of the day and night. Sometimes when we had vis- 
itors the investigator would question them, until all our friends 
have left us. They followed the poor children to their work 
and went to take information from the employer. On one oc- 
casion, when the girls struck together with the other workers of 
the shop the boss cried out to my girls: "I'll show you! When 
the charity will come I'll give such information that you 
wouldn't get a cent." This was too much for the poor chil- 
dren. They came home, packed their belongings — and — [here 
the poor woman broke into hysterical weeping and cried :] My 
house is empty. Cursed be the hour when I applied to char- 
ity. I should have gone out begging in the street.^^® 

Moreover charity and state institutions such as hospi- 
tals and old-age pensions reduce the desire for children. 
The better social agencies try to keep the home up to 
its responsibilities, realizing that unless the social re- 
sources on deposit in the institution of the family un- 
fold at least as fast as the other phases of civilization 
society may suffer from disproportion and waste. The 
enlightened attitude is expressed in a report in the New 
York Senate on March 27, 1914, as follows: 

The normal development of childhood is one of the main 
functions of government. The best education requires a prop- 
ose Bercovici. Crimes of Charity: review in the Weekly People, May 26, 
1917. 



178 The American Family 

er home training, and it thereby becomes the duty of the State 
to conserve the home as its most valuable asset whenever fac- 
tors, other than the improper guardianship of the parents, 
threaten its destruction. 

For a considerable number of years there has been some 
recognition of the interdependence of home and school 
and of the fact that the totality of life is education. As- 
sociations of parents for cooperation with the school, 
the development of extension work by the school, and 
the attempts made to use the home and the home farm 
as part of the school plant for accredited school work 
are encouraging signs of progress. Philanthropy of 
the enlightened sort has for some years been seeking to 
place the homeless child in a home instead of in an 
asylum; the social settlement is designed as a demon- 
stration of home ideals; the movements for home 
economics, housing reform, and the like witness to a 
realization of the importance of the home. Howard 
has ventured the hope that in the fulness of time a 
wiser, better family will regain some of the functions 
that a defective family has had to hand over to the 
state. 



IX. THE PRECARIOUS HOME 

The fact, noted by early observers, that while the 
American home was thoroly sound at heart it exhibited 
developing signs of threatening disintegration, has con- 
tinued true in large measure thru the period since the 
War. The phenomena already outlined are evidences 
of this trend. 

Addiction to hotel and boarding-house life, which 
excited so much comment in the period before the Civil 
War, continued to attract attention for some time. Burn 
alleged in 1865 that 

Boarding-house life is one of the most marked features of the 
American social system. . . There are numbers of mar- 
ried men and their wives holding good social positions, who 
continually reside in these establishments, and, as consequence 
never know the comforts which surround a quiet and well- 
ordered domestic hearth. 

Rose in The Great Country expressed the opinion that 
"Americans do not attach the same value to home that 
we do," and gave as evidence "the fact that so many 
of them prefer living at hotels or boarding-houses, to 
having private residences." Zincke's Last Winter in 
the United States reported that "multitudes of families 
[in New York] . . . live in the hotels, and multi- 
tudes of men in business ... do the same." Riv- 
ington and Harris's Reminiscences in America in i86q 
recorded that "hotel and boarding-house life . . . 
is greatly in vogue." Falk, an Australian, in his 
Trans-Pacific Sketches remarked on the "prevalence of 
hotel and boarding-house life, and the absence of that 



i8o The American Family 

'home comfort' so dear to Englishmen." Berry in The 
Other Side observed that "in the larger American cities, 
the plan is much in favor of families residing perma- 
nently in hotels." A non-resident American wrote in a 
periodical of 1881 that many American families prefer 
promiscuous hotel living to the privacy of family life. 
Day's Life and Society in America says that "numerous 
families in New^ York live permanently as 'boarders' in 
hotels." Freeman's Impressions of the United States 
in 1 88 1 and 1882 included the observation that "many 
people in America really choose to live in hotels." Sir 
L. H. Griffin in The Great Republic said that "a great 
part of the community" has been induced "to reside in 
hotels." Hardy's Between Two Oceans^ published in 
the same year, says of the Far West that "many a young 
couple starting in life, begin their united career in a 
hotel or boarding-house." Bates in a Year in the 
Great Republic commented on "the system of Hotel 
Life." Collier in the Forum of 1894 declared that 
"the proportion of Americans vs^ho could have a modest 
home, but who prefer the flat and stale unprofitableness 
of hotels and boarding-houses is, as compared with 
English people of the same income, vastly greater." 
Lutaud's Aux Etats Unis said that American custom 
makes many rich people prefer to live at a hotel rather 
than in private apartments. Bishop Potter in 1899 
said: "The proportion of married people who, in 
cities and towns, live in hotels, is coming to be one of 
the most curious and grave phenomena of our modern 
civilization." Bourget in Outre-Mer remarked also on 
"the number of rich people who lead . . . hotel 
life. . . This singular moveable manner of life be- 
comes more pronounced as one travels westward. The 
story goes that some cities in the far West are composed 



The Precarious Home i8i 

of wooden huts, grouped around an immense hotel." 
Martha Bensley in Everybody's of 1905 said that the 
number of hotel-children "is unfortunately increasing." 
Reich in his Success among the Nations said: "We 
have often heard in America the singular remark that 
the Americans are attached to family life. The in- 
credible host of boarding-houses, with which the land 
is eaten up, would seem but a poor proof of that state- 
ment." 

The reasons assigned for this studied homelessness 
are much the same as for the ante-bellum period. What 
F. A. Walker calls "the vice of boarding" was correlat- 
ed with the great social and industrial changes follow- 
ing 1850: manufactures, commerce, city-growth, gold 
discovery, increasing distinction between extremes of 
wealth and poverty, the reign of fashion and luxury. 
The rise of house rent after the War, the difficulty of 
the servant problem, the instability of employment, all 
counted against the establishment of homes. Young 
people marrying without means fancied that it would 
pay to board. Families of moderate means were en- 
abled to make a better show on a small income, to se- 
cure better conveniences and social facilities and a bet- 
ter table. A gentleman of Newark was quoted by Burn 
as saying that "his wife had a hundred relations, 
and ... he had about the same number himself, 
who, were he in a house of his own, would eat him up 
in a month, and so he found it more economical to 
board." By boarding, ladies could save the trouble of 
housekeeping. Hotel life afforded, moreover, freedom 
of action and excitement. Freeman in Impressions of 
the United States in 1881 and 1882 could not under- 
stand why so many people chose hotel life. "But per- 
haps it is a natural development of the predominant 



\ 



1 8 2 Th e Ame rican Fa m ily 

tendency to town life. . . When a man who might 
live among his own fields chooses rather to live in a 
street, it is only going a step further to live in an hotel 
rather than in a house of his own." In general, urban 
life is unfavorable to the old-fashioned home and tends 
to substitute for it the hotel, flat, tenement, boarding- 
house, and lodging-house. 

It is unnecessary to repeat in detail the catalog of 
evils attributed to the homeless life. Indolence, in- 
trigue, gilded follies surrounding the feet of childhood, 
promiscuous associations, decay of family virtues, dis- 
ruption of family ties -all these ills are laid to the 
charge of the "boarding" system. Burn said : 

From what I have witnessed, I have no hesitation in saying 
that many of these houses are hot-beds of vice and every species 
of immorality. In fact, the immoral tendency of the system 
is freely admitted by all intelligent and well-meaning men, and 
is acknowledged to be a serious blot on the national character. 

He said further: 

An old acquaintance of mine who has been in the country about 
twelve years, has two married daughters, both of whom have 
imbibed American notions of conjugal duty and motherly af- 
fection - each has given away an infant, and each has left her 
husband. I have reason to believe that both these girls were 
ruined as wives by the habit of living in boarding-houses, when 
left there without domestic occupation, and like all idle people, 
exposed to temptations of the worst kind. 

A writer in the Nation of 1868 declares that "the mar- 
ried couple who, being pecuniarily able to avoid it, 
deliberately and permanently 'board' in order to save 
trouble or expense, may be pronounced enemies of so- 
ciety and deserve clerical reprobation in almost equal 
degree with the purchaser of Indiana divorces." Day 
in his work of 1880 charges boarding-houses with do- 
ing the w^ork of matrimonial bureaus. "Young people 



The Precarious Home 183 

of both sexes first become acquainted after a promiscu- 
ous fashion." 

It is necessary, however, to avoid exaggerating the 
prevalence of the hotel and boarding-house evil. That 
it impressed strongly so many foreigners is evidence that 
there was present a peculiar phenomenon, but the in- 
dications are that its magnitude and importance were 
somewhat exaggerated. Mr. Towle, United States 
consul at Bradford, published in 1870 in London a book 
on American Society in which he maintained that no 
people is more domestic. 

To have a home of their own is the ambition of every youthful 
couple. . . It is not at all true that people prefer hotels 
and boarding-houses. . . American boarding-houses are 
mostly asylums for bachelors and maiden ladies, for widowers / 
and widows with marriageable daughters, and for young cou- 
ples who use them as a sort of purgatory, through which to 
pass to the traditional delight of "love in a cottage." . 
At the hotel you will rarely find a well-to-do family settled 
down en permanence. To live in a hotel is hardly thought 
respectable. . . The newly-married pair are restless enough 
until a snug little habitation has been found. 

Light housekeeping in apartments, however, togeth- 
er with the practice of taking meals at restaurants has 
developed to notable proportions. Day said a gener- 
ation ago: 

A considerable proportion of the New York population take 
their meals either at restaurants or in boarding houses. This 
practice becomes a necessity with all but such prosperous citi- 
zens as can afiford to uphold private establishments of their 
own. [Here again the exaggeration is obvious] ... As 
most families residing in apartments have no facilities what- 
ever for the preparation of their daily food, resort must neces- 
sarily be had to the nearest restaurant. [This method] de- 
ranges the whole system of family life, disturbing its quiet, de- 
stroying its privacy, and in no slight measure interfering with 
its proverbial sanctity. 



A 



184 The American Family 

Bentzon in her Condition of Woman in the United 
States declares that 

The facilities offered by the boarding-houses, clubs, and res- 
taurants have utterly destroyed in many [American women] 
those qualities which we are in the habit of regarding as pre- 
eminently those of their sex. [Plans of cooperative house- 
keeping tend] to rest content with boarding-house and hotel- 
life more or less disguised. [American women take to restau- 
rant and club life.] "It's very convenient when my husband is 
away. Then I breakfast here; I make appointments with my 
friends; I find the newspapers. There are even bedrooms for 
those of us who may want to come in for a day or two from 
the country." 

Bishop Potter in 1899 wrote: 

The family circle ... in our modern life exists, so far 
as it survives at all, in the attenuated dimensions of the break- 
fast table, to which its members, if they come at all, come in 
ragged and disjointed order, the other meals being eaten down 
town, at the club, as guest at somebody else's table, at restau- 
rants, and the like. 

Simon Patten laments that "the great middle class, once 
the city's pride, are rapidly becoming a homeless class, 
living in boarding-houses or patrons of cheap restau- 
rants." Others point to the apartment hotels, the so- 
called family hotels in our cities as deadly enemies of 
domesticity. One critic calls them "big bold twen- 
tieth century boarding-houses." Mrs. Busbey says that 
fifteen thousand married people in New York live in 
such places "and a proportionate number in Chicago 
and Boston." She finds the real menace of the apart- 
ment hotel in the fact that a cheap, flimsy type is spread- 
ing in our large cities, "and that they are filled with 
young married people who seek in this ostentatious, 
showy style of living to keep up the pace of self-indul- 
gence and the so-called social position each knew before 
marriage." She stigmatizes the institution as the "con- 



The Precarious Home 185 

summate flower of domestic cooperation and irrespon- 
sibility." 

"Cooperative housekeeping" is a fascinating idea to 
many people in recent years. Sinclair's Helicon Home 
experiment of ten years ago is an instructive illustration. 
Sinclair's ideas are set forth in an article in the Times 
Magazine of January, 1907. He expressed the opinion 
that the general trouble with marriage (as expressed in 
the marital difficulties of "young radicals," at any rate) 
is the stagnancy of the home. There is the servant 
problem, and the laundry work, and the purchasing, 
"and so on without end." The man never sees his wife 
save when he is tired with business and she is bored with 
housekeeping. Everywhere in his own world the man 
is in contact with professionalism; the home is an ama- 
teur home. The servant "is generally a servant because 
she is not clever enough to be a factory girl, nor attrac- 
tive enough to be a prostitute." If children come, the 
wife has to face the duty of becoming a professional 
mother at the cost of her life dreams and community 
with her husband. If the two are not acute enough to 
ascertain the real difficulty they will blame each other 
and grow weary of each other. Home would not be 
less home if the so-called "domestic industries" were 
eliminated. The solution is a hotel or boarding-house 
owned and operated by the guests. The "help" shall 
be social equals. There will be a children's building 
ideally equipped, which to the little ones will be heav- 
en. Unfortunately Helicon Hall burned before the 
colony had had time to make a thoro experiment. 

Since that ill-fated effort other schemes have been 
agitated; for instance, the following news item of Oc- 
tober 22, 1913, from Lake Forest, Illinois: 

Three families have combined, rented one big flat, hired one 
cook and a maid apiece, instead of three and now buy their 



1 86 The American Family 

groceries together in wholesale lots. Thej- claim that all the 
rest of Lake Forest is eager to follow the same plan and com- 
munit\ kitchens are going to be all the rage in Lake Forest 
this winter. Not only is the cost of living reduced, but the 
cooking is better and the service fine.^'' 

An item from New York, April 24, 19 14, announces 
that the feminist alliance of that city is planning to 
build a modern cooperative house where the difficulties 
of housekeeping and the care and education of children 
will be entrusted to the direction of trained experts. 
"The real aim and purpose of the house is to enable 
people to have children who can not afiford it now,"^'* 
Mrs. Gilman of course advocates the whole of cooper- 
ative housekeeping, even to the extent of the ''baby 
garden" which would take care of the child for several 
hours a day in a scientific manner. She believes in 
abolishing the kitchen with its drudgery. Suggestive 
in this connection is the news item of September 11, 
1 913, telling of the New York wife and mother who 
deliberately stole for the sake of being arrested and 
jailed as a rest from years of household drudgery, de- 
claring: "I would rather spend twenty years in prison 
than twenty years as a household drudge."'"''' 

Mrs. Gilman reminds us that "persons who are hor- 
rified at the idea of cooperative housekeeping are un- 
consciously taking steps in that direction." Prepared 
breakfast foods are used; lunches are taken down town 
or at school; some families dine at a cafe, while others 
employ a servant to come in at certain hours to prepare 
and serve dinner. "When it becomes customary for 

'^^ Milwaukee Leader news item dated Lake Forest, 111., Oct. 22 [1913]'. 
"Three Families Plan to Live Cooperatively in Apartment House." 

'•'*** Milwaukee Leader news item dated New York, April 24 [1914]: 
"Women to Build Cooperative to make Work easy." 

^•'''•'Milwaukee Leader news item dated New York, Sept. 11, [1913]: 
"Starving for Human Kindness." 



The Precarious Home 187 

the servant to make the round of bakeries and deli- 
catessen shops before she comes, to bring with her near- 
ly all the dinner already prepared, we shall have 
reached the stage . . . that has been common in 
Paris for some time." 

The exigencies of modern business have operated in 
a manner distinctly unfavorable to the home. A writer 
in the Monthly Religious Magazine of i860 said: 
The weary comes home to the weary - the care-worn meet the 
care-worn. The pressure upon a multitude of business and 
professional men is really frightful ; combined with the neces- 
sity in many cases of going long distances to their places of ' 
duty, it produces little short of an absolute separation from 
their families, and may gradually establish a positive disrelish 
for domestic quiet. There are fathers in our community who 
are almost strangers to their own children - who do not know 
one half so much about them as their school-teachers. . . 
The appropriate work and play and worship of the home can 
not be so much as begun in many dwellings, and anything is 
caught at which promises to relieve parents from work which 
they can find no time to do. . . The competition of business 
and the ambitious pursuit of knowledge, and the general haste 
of the times, are restricting the sphere of the home within those 
quiet rural districts where time is not thought to be too val- 
uable for unpretending home purposes. 

A non-resident American, writing in the Contempo- 
rary Review of 1881, informed his readers that "the 
New Yorker is always in a hurry" -gets away as early 
as possible in the morning and is not seen again till 
evening. "His household afifairs are managed by his 
wife." A publication of the National Divorce Re- 
form League for 1893 pointed 

To the methods of business involving absence from home, the 
system of commercial travellers, and the operation of the in- 
dustrial system as a whole, which tends to separate the house- 
hold in both business and labor into its constituent individuals. 
These have greatly disturbed the relation of the centripetal 



1 88 The American Family 

and centrifugal forces of the home and society. [Such influ- 
ences help to] make our civilization almost the direct foe of 
the home. 

The harsher workings of the industrial system have 
all along been antagonistic to the home. The gradual 
attainment of the eight hour day and of the Saturday 
half holiday are marked improvements in this respect. 
Statistics of home ownership, however, afford a weigh- 
ty index to the waning of the old fashioned home. In 
the country, farm tenancy is greatly increasing and in 
the city very few families own their homes. This fact 
\^ is an evidence, not merely of wide-spread poverty, but 
also of the further fact that even if a man has means to 
buy a home, the uncertainty of capitalist industry ren- 
ders it inadvisable for him to tie himself to a particular 
community. 

The development of luxury, on the other hand, has 
exercised, as already suggested, an unfavorable influ- 
ence. The previously quoted writer in the Monthly 
Religious Magazine of i860 said that 

Sometimes a foolish ambition and selfish luxuriousness so far 
prevail as to prevent altogether the formation of homes, be- 
cause of the unmanageable expenditures which a life of fashion 
or of quasi-fashion imposes. . . And too often, when the 
experiment of householding is tried, the energies of the experi- 
menter are all lavished upon the external means and appli- 
ances—they "keep the house," as they say, but they can hardly 
be said to live in it - they have no time for tha\. 

The comment is of general applicability to the inter- 
vening years. 

The problem of household work has been an addi- 
tional element in the waning of the home. Hundreds 
of girls become wage-earners because of their dislike 
for housework. "Anything else is preferable." This 
attitude is due in part to lack of training but also to the 



The Precarious Home 189 

crudeness of domestic equipment and processes. Cath- 
erine Selden's pointed words on the Tyranny of the 
Kitchen, written in 1893, still hold good of very many 
homes. She said: 

We can safely assert that no other women of the same social 
grade and standard of living, as those in this country, have ever 
had so heavy a burden laid upon them as that which is due to 
the variety of their undertakings and the inadequate and in- 
competent force at their command to achieve them. 

Caroline E. MacGill declares that the modern house- 
wife does infinitely more than her foremother ''and, in 
spite of improvements and conveniences, at a much 
greater drain on her vitality." She has no one to 
"spell" her for even a day. Meals are vastly more 
elaborate; washing is more frequent and requires far 
more care and skill; houses are full of carpets, rugs, 
and trumpery, and have far more rooms. "° What 
wonder that the modern housewife chafes at domes- 
ticity! 

Moreover the servant-girl has long been evanescent. 
Industry, business, and the professions have been pro- 
gressively absorbing the native supply (for girls dis- 
like the confinement, the long hours, the social infe- 
riority of domestic service) and the immigrant influx 
oflFers a precarious substitute. Women fail in hand- 
ling the servant problem, moreover, because they still 
expect the servant to live in the group and share the 
group spirit tho she is an outsider actuated by economic 
interest. The number of American wives of the "better 
class" that have to get along without servants is note- 
worthy. Housekeeping comes to be done in part by 
machinery and the rest constitutes drudgery that must 
be done in a menial way pending the invention of a 

160 MacGill. "Myth of the Colonial Housewife." 



190 The American Family 

machine. To work in shop or office is more stimulat- 
ing than ironing, washing, cooking, cleaning, or mind- 
ing the baby. 

Sara L. Arnold in a 1907 article on the Education of 
Girls stresses the lack of domestic science. She says 

Many marriages are delayed . . . the thought of indi- 
vidual homes is abandoned . . . many homes are given up 
after a brief experiment because the home makers have not 
studied their art, and have not learned how expenditure can 
be adjusted to income, how non-essentials can be made sub- 
ordinate to the essential and how the complex life of the fam- 
ily may be so administered that each member may get the best 
out of every day. 

Perhaps the advance of training in home economics 
will do something to save the home. For instance 
there was incorporated in New York in 1906 the As- 
sociation of Practical Housekeeping Centers with three 
established centers in Manhattan and one in Brooklyn. 
This organization began to teach by precept and exam- 
ple something of the art of living to all that came. A 
cross between a social settlement and a school, it tried 
to show women how to keep house and care for chil- 
dren. Social Settlements, too, have existed long enough 
for the children who came first to become fathers and 
mothers, and the results of the settlement work are 
apparent in the improved standard of the homes. Kin- 
dergarten and school mothers' clubs negotiate also a 
better home spirit and integrate the child's experience. 

Part of the alleged deterioration of the home has 
been attributed to the supposed decline in the domestic- 
ity of women. In an article of 1880 on the Transition- 
al American Woman Kate G. Wells declared 

Men naturally care less for the home when the wife does not 

first render service unto it. . . Women do not care for their 



The Precarious Home 191 

home as they did ; it is no longer the focus of all their en- 
deavors; nor is the mother the involuntary nucleus of the adult 
children. . . Professional women have found that however 
dear the home is, they can exist without it. . . Many men 
refrain from marriage, fearing that the home ofifered by them 
will not be the chief delight of the wife, who will be capable 
of finding pleasure and occupation in other avenues of interest. 

Not that woman was necessarily to blame for the change 
of attitude. An article by Dr. H. L. Taylor published 
in 1892 calls attention to the prevalence of hired serv- 
ice, 

The wholesale introduction of flats, which are, as a rule, 
cramped and poorly lighted, and to say the least, ill adapted for 
the rearing of children. Rooms in suites have made it possible 
to dispense with the kitchen and its autocrat, and the disinte- 
gration of the home is complete in boarding-house and hotels. 

There has not been, indeed, any sweeping failure of 
due domesticity on the part of women. Consul Towle's 
book of 1870 declared that 

American girls are taught to perform household duties in their 
early teens. In some of the larger cities . . . the bachelors 
may complain that the young ladies are too exclusively orna- 
mental [and that] there are no more extravagant folk living 
than the fashionable ladies of New York. But they are striking 
exceptions to the mass of American girls. . . The most 
aristocratic ladies ... do not think it beneath them to be 
good housekeepers. . . The young wife is, therefore, already 
a domestic artist. 

De Rousiers' American Life, written before 1892, as- 
serts that "girls who wish to get married carefully show 
off their domestic capabilities." Miinsterberg, while 
saying that the American girl is not fond of domestic 
cares, grants that the American woman takes home du- 
ties seriously and has things well in hand. 

The development of public attractions has been a 
more important factor in reducing the charm of home. 



192 The American Family 

In the Monthly Religious Magazine of 1861 occurs 
the following lament: 

Is it not a fact that the evening at home is the rare thing in 
some men's lives? There was something more than satire in 
that anecdote of the man who complained that, now he was 
married, he had nowhere to spend his evenings. . . [A 
man] goes to the street, the club, the secret meeting, oblivious 
of the obligation he voluntarily assumed when he became a 
husband and a parent - a man whose care for home is, that it 
have food, fuel, and shelter, and his demand of it, that it do 
not trouble him. Is there not many such a husband, and many 
such a home? 

Day in Life and Society in America observed 

The felicity of domestic life, as we in England understand it, 
is almost unknown [in New York City]. The nominal heads 
of families, when their day's work is done, betake themselves 
to their comfortable clubs. . . Materfamilias receives her 
special visitors at home. . . [Watering-places have a harm- 
ful influence upon young America. At such places young peo- 
ple find sweethearts and marry.] The misery entailed by ill- 
assorted and imprudent alliances can scarcely be imagined. 
Dr. Talmadge , . . asserts that watering places are re- 
sf>onsible for more of the domestic infelicities of America than 
all other things put together. Giddy wives, also, are afforded 
facile opportunities for questionable flirtation, which occasion- 
ally leads to grave scandal and open rupture. 

A segment was obviously taken from the home when 
the New Yorker's family went to the country or a 
watering-place in May to stay till October. 

Gaillardet said in his work of 1883 that after dinner 
the husband generally goes to spend the evening at some 
club. A publication of the National Divorce Reform 
League for 1893 indicates that besides the disintegrat- 
ing tendencies of business and industry 

The solidarity of domestic interests is weakened by other com- 
petitions. There are the fascinations of "shopping," the waste 
of time over mere social "fads," and the increasing resort on 



The Precarious Home 193 

the part of women to clubs and social frivolities among them- 
selves, for which the neglect and absence of men are in great 
degree responsible; and even the noble desire for honest intel- 
lectual improvement and for charitable work have made inroads 
upon the home. 

Doctor Dike in his report of 1898 said 

The Family probably suffers more from its improper use than 
from any, if not all, the evils that assail its structure. The 
substitution of the club, the saloon, the shop, the society, the 
school, and even the church for the Home, and the consequent 
neglect of the Home, create the greatest and most subtle dan- 
ger to the Home. If the Home is not encouraged to do its own 
work it will lose its ability to work and fall an easy prey to the 
specious plea for other agencies to take its place. 

Henry F. Cope asserts that after three lectures on "A 
Man's Relations to his Woman Friends," "The Ethics 
of Courtship," and "The Ethics of Marriage" "many 
men stated that neither church, nor school, nor univer- 
sity had even formally attempted to direct their think- 
ing or to aid them in their many questions on these 
themes."'" 

Public facilities for sexual satisfaction dilute the 
home life of many men. Matilda Gage quoted Doctor 
Talmage as saying that 

The houses of iniquity ... are supported by the heads 
of families - fathers and husbands . . . and while many 
of them keep their families on niggardly portions . . . have 
their thousands for the diamonds and the wardrobe and the v 
equipage of iniquity. . . Without the support of the heads 
of families, in one month the most of the haunts of sin in New 
York, Philadelphia, and Boston, would crumble in ruin. 

Gage was "not surprised that women are found who 
prefer the freedom and private respect accorded to a 
mistress, rather than the restrictions and tyranny of the 
marital household." It is evident, on the other hand, 

1^^ Cope. Home as the School for Social Living, 8. 



194 T^h^ American Family 

that unsatisfactory marital relations and the waning 
attractiveness of wives past middle age induces men to 
irregular courses. 

In the case of a very large number of men and of 
some women the attraction of the lodge sets up a rival 
to the home. Many secret orders have been founded 
since the Civil War. Albert C. Stevens in The Cyclo- 
pedia of Fraternities says that in America "there are 
more secret societies and a larger aggregate member- 
ship among such organizations than in all other civil- 
ized countries." He asserts that more than six million 
Americans are members of three hundred such organ- 
izations, which confer degrees on two hundred thousand 
novitiates annually. Lodge rites create a segregation 
between men and their wives and lodge sessions reduce 
the evenings at home, a serious matter in the case of 
such men as belong to half a dozen different orders. 

Mrs. Oilman thinks that 

The best proof of man's dissatisfaction with the home is found 
in his universal absence from it. . . Men work outside, 
play outside, and cannot rest more than so long at a time. 
The man maintains a home, as part of his life area, but does 
not himself find room in it. This is legitimate enough. It 
should be equally true of the woman. No human life of our 
period can find full exercise in a home.^*'^ 

In her opinion the home is disfigured by its mainte- 
nance of out-of-date industries, which encroach upon 
the education of the child. She feels that the home im- 
presses the child only as a place for eating, cleaning 
and making clothes. 

The revolt of personality operates to disturb the 
serenity of the old-style home. In 1880 Kate G. Wells 
declared afifection for the home to be on the wane "as 



^^"^ Gilman. Home, 283. 



The Precarious Home 195 

the need of individuality within it becomes more defin- 
ite." The modern person can not conform to old re- 
strictions. One obvious reason for the disposition to 
discard home loyalties is the exceeding conservatism 
of so hoary an institution and the tediousness of the 
task of thoroly renovating and modernizing its spirit 
and atmosphere. The home is always bound to the 
past because of the presence of the aged, who in most 
cases (tho in diminishing proportion) remain anchored 
to the past, set hard by their own sharp struggles of 
earlier years which left no leisure for the preservation 
of the open mind. If our educational system can de- 
velop the proper bent, and our industrial system can 
be induced to allow sufficient leisure, so that people ^ 
shall come to old age with the freshness and open-mind- 
edness of youth, a positive advantage will have been 
gained toward the salvage of the home. 

Bourget in his Outre-Mer declared that "home life 
is less known in the United States than in any other 
country. A thousand signs indicate this sort of dis- 
integration of the domestic hearth." But rumination 
on the crisis of domesticity as it has developed during 
two generations is somewhat reassuring. All along, 
the average American home has been relatively free 
from marital infidelity and in general has been better 
than that of any other land. Beautiful home comrade- 
ships exist. The spectacular aberrancies have not been 
typical and are not becoming so. 

Kleiber, the "apostolic missionary" in his work pub- 
lished in Germany in 1877 said that the American 
found his greatest satisfaction in his business and in his 
family circle. Carnegie in his Triumphant Democ- 
racy quoted as a true description of the condition of the 



196 The American Family 

masses of the American people who live in the villages 
and small towns Fiske's American Political Ideals. 
Writing of New England, Fiske had said: 

As a rule, the head of each family owns the house in which 
he lives and the ground on which it is built. . . Each larger 
proprietor attends in person to the cultivation of his own land, 
assisted perhaps by his sons. . . In the interior of the house 
there is usually no- domestic service that is not performed by 
the mother [and] . . . the daughters. 

Von Skal in Das amerikanische Folk said that the in- 
ner life of the American family is closed to the stranger 
and especially the foreigner. He contradicts the as- 
sertion that the American does not bother about his 
family and spends his evenings at the club. "The 
number of men that belong to a club is really ridicu- 
lously small. The greatest part of the American's free 
time belongs to his family." He adds that the man's 
time is more taken up in business than in other lands. 
Mrs. Busbey ventures "to say that in no country does 
the cozy home life of the bourgeoisie -the scramble 
intimate of children, and family pets, and elders-so 
thoroughly permeate its middle and upper classes as in 
the United States." It is well known that the interest 
in home ownership is very strong in many Americans 
and that families skimp and starve in order to buy a 
house. In fact, one of the strongest American traits 
has been a high development of domestic qualities and 
Ni an intense home life which has even retarded civic 
ideals. Dr. L. D. Rowe has noted that "administra- 
tive efficiency has only been attained in those depart- 
ments-such as the police and fire service -which di- 
rectly affect the safety and integrity of the home." 
The fact that social interests have been so largely satis- 
fied in the home and in a small circle of homes has kept 
back the development of community interests. 



The Precarious Home 197 

Whether or not the precarious home can permanent- 
ly retain or regain the old solidarity is problematical. 
Where there are sufficient ties of common interest and 
spirit the answer is easy. For instance, in an article of 
1892 already quoted Dr. H. L. Taylor "cannot refrain" 
from expressing his "admiration of the domestic life of 
the better class of Jews in New York, which so far as I 
have observed it, is in many respects more nearly what ^ 
it should be than that of any class in our community."' 
But time tends to dissever even the Jewish people. In 
general, blood does not make affinity and kinship does 
not assure friendship. The future of the home is de- 
pendent on the development of common interests along 
the new social lines. 

Perhaps there is room for thought in the following 
extract from Life : 

The school as a civic center having become overcrowded, it 
occurred to some bright mind to advocate the use of the home 
as a civic center. The home is vacant so large a part of the 
day that it would seem that the highest efficiency would put 
it to some use other than as a possible place to sleep in after 
\ midnight. This was immediately done, and the home began 

to come back. Thereupon the leading sociological writer wrote 
an article in which he proved again to the satisfaction of all that 
everything has a use. 

The fact is, however, that in spite of all the appear- 
ances of excessive individualism or excessive collectiv- 
ism the last generation has witnessed positive progress 
in the direction of a better understanding and better use 
V of the home. It is now felt that institutional herding 
of children is vicious. The new insight into scientific 
principles of industry will contribute still further to 
the benefit of the home. Business will act on the ideas 
expressed by Doctor Dike a number of years ago: 

^ The industrial world should see that its fundamental needs of 
industry, efficiency, fidelity to tasks, and loyalty to all demands 



198 The American Family 

of the situation require qualifications of mind and character 
that depend very largely on the home behind the workman, 
and behind the employer of labor. The capitalists of the coun- 
try are not awake as they should be to the money cost of di- 
vorce, sexual vice and immoralitj' and to the limitations a weak 
home imposes on society. The prison, the almshouse, the sa- 
loon and the brothel are probably, each and all of them, due 
more to some defect in home life than to any other single cause. 
Some would put the case even stronger. 



X. THE TREND AS TO MARRIAGE 

The American people as a whole has retained to the 
present a remarkable proneness to marriage. This fact 
is indicated both by census returns as to conjugal con- 
dition and by special investigation of the marriage rate. 
The census of 1890 was the first to compile information 
as to marital status of the population. The census of 
1 910 shows that in the population fifteen years old and 
upwards 

There has been for both sexes a gradual advance since 1890 in 
the percentage of married persons and in the percentage of mar- 
ried, widowed, or divorced persons combined. The latter per- 
centage rose, in the case of males, from fifty-eight and one-tenth 
in 1890 to fifty-nine and four-tenths in 1900 and sixty and eight 
tenths in 1910, while the corresponding percentages for females 
were sixty-eight and one-tenth, sixty-eight and six tenths, and 
seventy respectively. These increasing percentages are only in 
part, if at all, attributable to changes in the race, nativity, and 
parentage composition of the population, or to changes in age 
distribution. 

Statistics of marriages were first given for the whole 
country in the census report of 1909 on Marriage and 
Divorce (very few states outside New England sup- 
plying more than mere numbers). The upshot of the 
report is that, as compared with numerous foreign 
countries, the population of the United States during 
the period 1886 to 1905 was distinctly prone to mar- 
riage. (Some allowance should be made for growth 
in completeness of reporting and in divorce and re- 
marriage.) 



200 The American Family 

To a considerable extent, also, the pristine usage of 
early marriage has continued. In the period follow- 
ing the war a number of foreign observers received 
such an impression. Von Glosz in Das Leben in den 
Vereinigtcn Staaten (published in 1864) says that 
"husbands of twenty-one, wives of sixteen, are not rare 
all over the union. One frequently reads of younger 
ones. About twenty-three and seventeen is the modal 
marriage." He thinks the young couples are too young 
to get along. De Hauranne in Huit Mois en Ameri- 
que (published in 1866) remarked that before men are 
twenty years of age, while "with us they would be 
looking for their course, tormenting the restive muse, 
or even floating in vague dreams, they are thinking of 
establishing themselves, taking a wife, founding on 
their own account a banking or mercantile house, and 
of quitting the temporary hospitality of the paternal 
roof." Rivington and Harris in their Reminiscences 
of America in i86q record the fact that "young ladies 
'come out' at the age of seventeen, and marry earlier 
than in European countries." In 1871 Audouard 
wrote: "The bachelor is an exception and very much 
disapproved. At eighteen, twenty, or later, the Yan- 
kee marries." Sir George Campbell in his White and 
Black says: "My decided impression is that the Amer- 
icans marry earlier and trust to their wits to support 
a family more than we do." In Bates's Year in the 
Great Republic is recorded the impression that "most 
women are married in America." Countess von Kroc- 
kow said that "boys" and "young fellows" marry in 
America, whereas in Europe it is "men" who marry. 
"Social Europe explains enviously that American 
girls have so much spirit and beauty because their par- 
ents wedded young." 



The Trend as to Marriage 201 

For most of the period covered by the foregoing 
opinions, opinion only is available for the whole coun- 
try. The figures afforded, however, by the censuses 
of 1890, 1900, and 1 9 10 show that in the age groups 
from fifteen to nineteen and from twenty to twenty-four 
the percentage of single men and women progressively 
decreased while the percentage married, widowed, or 
divorced progressively increased. For the principal 
population classes (native white of native parents, na- 
tive white of foreign or mixed parentage, foreign-born 
white, and negro) 

The percentage of married, widowed, or divorced persons in the 
age groups fifteen to nineteen years and twenty to twenty-four 
years was higher, both for males and for females, in 1910 than 
in 1900 or 1890, except that the percentage for native white 
males of foreign or mixed parentage fifteen to nineteen years 
of age was the same in 1910 as in 1900. This would indi- 
cate that in all classes of the population a larger proportion are 
marrying in the earlier ages than was the case [at the time of 
the two earlier censuses.] 

From the time of the Civil War, however (as indeed 
before it), the reader will encounter repeated expres- 
sions of the opinion that marriage is declining. Burn 
refers to the narrowing of women's matrimonial 
chances. In the Nation of 1868 is discussed the ques- 
tion, "Why is Single Life Becoming more General?" 
L. P. Brockett refers in 1869 to "the yearly increasing 
class of the unmarried." Catherine Beecher in 1870 
said that "the more our nation has advanced in wealth 
and civilization, the more have the labors and the du- 
ties of the family state been shunned." Herbert Sant- 
ley in Lippincott's of 1871 elaborates on causes of de- 
crease of marriage. A Forum article of 1888 offers 
the general statement that marriage decreases with the 
age and growth of a community and declares that "even 



^ 



202 The American Family 

here, notably in the great cities of the East, it is slowly 
but steadily decreasing." About the same time Dike 
expressed the opinion that in older communities the 
marriage rate is probably steadily declining. Kenney 
touched in 1893 on the "growing lateness of marriage 
and the increasing proportion of those who never mar- 
ry." Crum in his Massachusetts study of 1896 indi- 
cates a slowly declining marriage rate. Kuczynski's 
study of Massachusetts from 1885 to 1897 shows that 
during the period the marriage rate and the proportion 
of married women were decreasing among the natives. 
The Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics reported that in 
1 85 1 twenty-three persons per thousand married; in 
1901 the number was only seventeen. 

In so far as there has been a shrinking from marriage 
it may largely be correlated with the peculiar condi- 
tions of city industrialism or with the massing of the 
sexes in different regions. Thus the supplementary 
analysis of the 1900 census points out that of persons 
aged fifteen years and upwards the proportion of single 
is greater and the proportion of married is less in large 
cities than it is in the rest of the country. 

The general conclusion seems warranted . . . that in all 
parts of the United States married life in the country districts 
begins earlier, perhaps lasts longer before being broken by sep- 
aration, divorce, or death, and if thus broken, is more likely to 
be succeeded by a new union than in large cities. Family life 
is thus the more general and dominant form of social organ- 
ization in the country than in the city. 

The same work indicates, as might be expected, that 
for all persons at least fifteen years of age the percent- 
age single is somewhat greater in the North than in 
the South. From fifteen years upward 

At every age period the proportion of married in the South 
Atlantic States is greater than it is in the North Atlantic, 



The Trend as to Marriage 203 

and . . . the difference between the two sections is most 
marked during the years of early life, when the majority 
of children are born. In the North Central division, up to 
thirty-four years of age, the proportion married is less than it 
is in the South Central, and up to thirty years of age the dif- 
ference is very marked. . . The proportion of young wives 
in the North is much less and in the South much greater than 
the average for the United States. 

It is pointed out, also, ''that the proportion of the 
sexes among adults is a factor influencing the propor- 
tion married, and where the sexes are very unequal in 
number . . . it is a controlling factor." Thus the 
ten states whose adult population contained the highest 
percentage of males ranked in almost the same order in 
respect to proportion of adult males who were single. 
In this connection the census of 1910 shows that of the 
population fifteen years of age and over 

The percentage of females who were or had been married was 
lower in New England than in other geographic divisions, while 
the proportion of males who were or had been married was 
lower in the Pacific and Mountain divisions than in the other 
divisions. It should be borne in mind in this connection that 
the number of males to one hundred females is much higher in 
the Pacific and Mountain divisions than in any other, whereas 
New England is the only division in which the females out- 
number the males. 

In correspondence with certain of the preceding con- 
siderations, the 1909 Marriage and Divorce report in- 
dicates that at the meeting of the centuries the average 
annual number of marriages as compared with adult 
unmarried population was highest in the South and 
lowest in the North Atlantic and Western sections, 
while the North Central region had a rate about the 
same as that for the continental United States as a 
whole. 

An important factor in producing the foregoing 



204 The American Family 

phenomena is the fever of ambition and luxury devel- 
oped in urban life. Burn in his work of 1865 said: 

The inordinate love of finery which has prevailed of late years 
on both sides of the Atlantic has for some time been produc- 
ing its natural consequences, that of narrowing woman's matri- 
monial chances. Men of prudent habits and limited means 
have a wholesome fear of selfish wives with expensive inflated 
dresses. 

In the Nation of March 5, 1868, occurred complaint 
that the New England young ladies 

Are so extravagant in dress that they are unwilling to do their 
own housework and sewing, and what is more — don't know 
how, if they were willing; that they want to commence house- 
keeping where their fathers and mothers left off instead of 
where they began ; that they will not marry any man unless he 
is rich. 

But the question was also raised: 

Does he give her a chance to show whether she will marry a 
poor man and commence housekeeping humbly; is he willing to 
marry a poor girl who will not better either his purse or his 
social position ; how is it if he can't afford a wife, that he can 
afiFord cigars and velvet coats, champagne suppers and summer 
tours. . . ? ^^^ 

L. P. Brockett writing in 1869 on Woman said that 
many men did not seek to marry -young women were 
so extravagant; a large proportion of city young women 
wanted ease, luxury, and a social position superior to 
that of their rivals. 

Catherine E. Beecher in Woman's Profession said 
that "many virtuous young men are withheld" from the 
family state by "the incompetence and the extravagant 
habits and tastes of those they would otherwise seek for 
wives" and that "another large class shun the toil, self- 
denial, and trials of married life, and prefer their ease 

163 <'\yhy is single Life Becoming more General": in the Nation, vol. vi, 
190-191. 



The Trend as to Marriage 205 

and the many other enjoyments wealth will secure." A 
writer of the next year suggests that the opening sphere 
for woman's talents is rendering marriage less popular 
with women; they are reluctant to marry a poor man; 
education inclines toward celibacy rather than mar- 
riage with poverty; other causes of decrease of mar- 
riage are distorted views of life, extravagance, defec- 
tive training of women, and moral cowardice. The 
ideal is "success." Luxury and corruption intrude. 
Women are ignorant of motherhood.^*'* 

Kenney pointed out in 1893 that the standard of life 
made it difficult to maintain a family. Bourget's im- 
pressions of the same year are to the efifec/^at marriage 
brings a girl responsibilities, reduced" opportunity 
for amusement, and no accession of freedom; "there- 
fore, more often than not, she will marry late"."^ Lu- 
taud in Aux Etafs Unis said that girls hardly married 
before twenty- five. The girl stays at home till she 
finds a husband capable of supplying her needs. "Be- 
sides life passes so quickly and so agreeably amid the 
pleasures of the world when one has neither the cares 
of a house nor the burdens of maternity." Bentzon 
severely blamed "the systematic scorn of marriage 
which comes to many young Americans who are am- 
bitious to be somebody, to do something." 

The effect of city life in obstructing marriage is more 
marked in the case of women than in that of men. This 
discrepancy is attributable partly to the fact that fe- 
males form a larger proportion of the population in 
urban than in rural communities. Female labor, how- 
ever, for which there are wider facilities in the city, 
operates in several ways as a bar to marriage. 

A somewhat intensive study of the effects upon mar- 
is* Santley. "Marriage," 397-402. 



2o6 The American Family 

riage from woman's access to industry results in the 
following conclusions: i. Woman's access to indus- 
try lowers the wage scale and makes it harder for men 
to assume the burdens of matrimony. 2. Industrial 
opportunity makes women independent of the neces- 
sity of marriage. 3. Employment in specialized in- 
dustry tends to create distaste for housekeeping and so 
may be a factor in checking marriage. 4. The ex- 
perience of wage-earning may raise a girl's standard 
of living so that she will hesitate to marry an ordinary 
man, 5. Experience in the world brings her in touch 
with the vice and disease prevalent among men and 
may cause fear of marriage. 6. Delay of marriage 
may lead to an irregular sex life, which is very likely 
to prevent marriage altogether. 7. Women are 
crowding particularly into professional and other high 
positions where ambition makes the current against 
matrimony strongest. 

There are, however, some things to be said on the 
other side. Most of the evils suggested are incidental 
and some of them, perhaps, imaginary. The average 
girl goes to work only as a temporary makeshift. Com- 
paratively few young women lose their desire for a 
husband by having a taste of the joys of the industrial 
world. /Moreover while industrial opportunity makes 
the girl mdependent of marriage it also remains as a 
resource on which she can fall back if the marriage 
proves unsuccessful or if her husband dies.") It is not 
as if when she married she left all hope behind. Again, 
a girl may, by wage-earning, raise her standards of life 
so that she will not marry a man that might have been 
quite satisfactory under other circumstances. But she 
may by that very rise reach the society of men of higher 
standing and thus secure a better marriage, economical- 



The Trend as to Marriage 207 

ly speaking, than she could otherwise have done. As 
for the argument that industry unsettles the moral 
standards and often leads to vice, we can find on the 
other side the argument that industry disciplines the 
moral nature. It is not well to overemphasize the 
tendency to voluntary prostitution; or to underestimate 
the strength of woman's virtue even in unusual and 
trying circumstances. In some quarters one even finds 
evidence that seems to show that woman's access to in- 
dustry encourages marriage. When a girl's earnings 
added to those of a boy seem sufficient for housekeep- 
ing, marriage may occur earlier than if the girl were 
of no economic value outside the home. A writer in 
the Forum suggests that since women have gained in- 
dependent livelihoods, men marry rashly. Their 
consciences, presumably, will allow them to desert 
their wives if they know the women can support them- 
selves and children. Again it may be said that young 
men are coming to prefer a girl that has shown her 
independent ability. I think, however, we can not con- 
sider the taste by any means settled in that respect. At 
ail events women married more freely, according to 
the census of 19 10, than according to the two preced- 
ing 

While the arguments on both sides present a rather 
confusing array, still I think we can safely conclude 
that woman's access to industry does to some extent 
interfere with marriage, especially tending to delay it. 
This is due however, not to the increased opportunities 
of woman, but to the disturbing effect that her advent 
has on the industrial system, and particularly on wages, 
together with other defects of our present system of in- 
dustry. It is safe to say that if society wishes it can 
find a way to obviate these difficulties, and even allow 



< 



2o8 The American Family 

woman greater opportunities than at present, without 
injuring marriage and the home. 

Education has been held responsible for indisposi- 
tion to marry, but indications are that as in the case of 
college women so with college men the charge is un- 
founded/*^^ The uncertainty of economic footing, how- 
ever, has led many men to refrain from marriage. In 
1913 the Equitable Life Assurance Society published a 
bulletin calling attention to the presence of eight mil- 
lion unmarried men twenty years old and over and nine 
million unmarried women over fifteen years of age. 
Over seven million of the men were between twenty 
and forty-four. 

It is safe to say that five million of these single men are cap- 
able of assuming the responsibilities of married life. The ma- 
jority of these men have a wholesome respect and reverence 
for the married state, and many of them w^ill enter it, but there 
is an enormous number of men who lack the moral fiber and 
courage to marry and take a man's part in human affairs. 
[Thus young men practice selfishness, extravagance, and vice 
while young women toil in industry and business.] 

Some light is thrown by the fact that immediately after 
Ford introduced his new wage scheme a considerable 
proportion of the employees affected married without 
delay. It is not merely absolute poverty, however, 
that is responsible for celibacy. The standard of liv- 
ing has been rising ; the wife's services in the home have 
been shrinking in economic value; childhood involves 
greater expense in prolonged school attendance and 
medical care; restriction on the employment of women 
and children complicates the problem. In the father's 
day a family was an asset; now it is a liability. Hagar 

^"'^ Compare Engelman, "Education not the Cause of Race Decline," 173- 
174. 



The Trend as to Marriage 209 

believes that if far greater obligations are imposed on 
man in marriage, "he will eschew marriage, or if al- 
ready in its bonds, he will do his best to escape them." 
There is, of course, a definite correlation between mar- 
riage and prosperity. The 1909 report on marriage 
and divorce says that the deficiency of marriage in 
hard times "suggests a loss to the community not or- 
dinarily thought of in considering the periods of finan- 
cial depression." 

Something of the attitude of business and society in 
this matter of marriage may be gathered from the re- 
fusal in certain places to employ married women in the 
schools and from such a notice as that posted by a Chi- 
cago bank: 

Employees . . . receiving a salary of less than one thou- 
sand dollars a year must not marry without first consulting the y^ 
bank officials and obtaining their approval. . . It is non- 
sense for a man to attempt to care for a wife and family with 
an annual income of one thousand dollars. We would feel our- 
selves partly responsible for any misery which might follow if 
we approved. ^^® 

The depressing effect of economic stringency upon 
marriage is, of course, largely a matter of social class, 
afifecting chiefly such as aspire to improve, or at least 
hold, the standard of living. Kuczynski's study of 
Massachusetts from 1885 to 1897 shows that the mar- 
riage rate among the natives is much smaller than 
among the foreign born for all ages up to forty-five; 
the proportion of persons married among the natives 
is much smaller than among the foreign born, and the 
difference is particularly great at the most fruitful 
periods of life. During the period, while the mar- 
riage-rate and the proportion of married women were 

^^^ Arena (1905), vol. xxxiv, 589. 



2IO The American Family 

decreasing among the natives, they were increasing 
among the foreigners.'"' The United States census of 
1 910 indicates a higher percentage of single men and 
single women (fifteen years old and over) among na- 
tive whites than among foreign-born whites or among 
negroes. Native whites of foreign or mixed parentage 
show an extremely high percentage, largely because 
they marry late- phenomena explicable by the fact that 
they are subject to the extreme effects of the novelty of 
opportunity. 

One element, partly cause and partly effect of the 
disturbance of the matrimonial habit, has been the de- 
velopment of prostitution. A Nation article of 1867 
on the Social Evil and its Remedy cites an official's 
estimate that there are over two thousand five hundred 
public prostitutes in New York City but another au- 
thority "more familiar it may be presumed with the 
facts, because personally concerned with the interests 
of the traffic" estimated the number of inmates of ''par- 
lor houses" and "bar houses" alone at four thousand 
six hundred; the "street-walkers" were set down at 
six thousand, and the total of criminal women at not 
less than twelve thousand. The writer of the article 
favored registration. Another article in the same 
periodical the same year regrets that Christian women 
wear suggestive clothes on the street and says that ex- 
travagance and love of display hinder early marriage, 
hence men seek illicit gratification. Catherine Beech- 
er in her Woman's Profession called attention to a class 
of men withheld from the family state by "guilty 
courses that destroy the hope of family love and pu- 
rity." A Forum article of 1888 says that in a big city 
"men's matrimonial discouragements and bachelor 

^"^ Bushee. "Declininc; Birth-rate and its Causes," 355-356. 



The Trend as to Marriage 21 1 

compensations are many ;" they can have more pleasures 
outside marriage; they are almost chartered libertines, 
so lax is sentiment. Kenney in his work of 1893 says 
that "society tolerates sexual promiscuity on the part 
of the male in this country as it has not done be- 
fore. . . The moral tone of both England and 
America in regard to the chastity of men and women 
is lower than it was from thirty to fifty years ago." He 
says that 

A few years past a Hebrew prostitute was a curiosity, in 
America at least; now such misguided and irretrievably ruined 
Jewesses are to be found in every large city. The Jewish 
young men are said upon good authority to be often more 
wanton and lustful than their other fellow sinners of different 
race. 

Edwin O. Buxton declared in the same year that the 
social evil was flourishing in all our great cities un- 
molested and that thousands of young men and women 
were borne to untimely graves by this evil. More- 
over, though it was said that brothels are necessary for 
the protection of virtue, "the weekly record of assaults 
upon defenseless women and little girls causes a blush 
of shame to mantle the face of every true citizen." 
Crum in his study of the Massachusetts birth-rate from 
1850 to 1890 said that illegitimacy had gradually in- 
creased (tho perhaps part of the seeming growth was 
due to closer registration) and suggested that the 
phenomenon might be connected with the slowly de- 
clining marriage-rate. It requires no elaboration of 
recent conditions to indicate that the furtherance of 
early marriage and the elimination of prostitution a?re 
matters that belong together. 

The facilities that the city affords for comfortable., 
celibacy of both sexes encourages abstinence frorti mar- 



> ■» 



212 The American Family 

riage. The richness of interest present in modern life 
delays or prevents marriage; the cultivated classes ex- 
hibit a bent toward celibacy, a tendency not confined to 
college graduates. Both sexes, moreover, are less in- 
clined to regard marriage as a duty than of old. This 
change of sentiment is natural enough in view of the 
lessened need of population and the reduction of the 
death-rate. It is of importance to remember neverthe- 
less the indications that married men live longer by 
reason of their more regular lives and that women, 
even, seem to gain longevity by marriage. Professor 
Willcox's studies (covering New York State with the 
exception of New York City and Buffalo) show that for 
every ten-year age group from thirty up the death-rate 
of unmarried women is notably greater than of mar- 
ried. Furthermore, society has not yet provided com- 
fortable old age for persons incapable of self-support 
and without children. Betts says: "The saddest fig- 
ure in tenement house life is the unmarried woman who 
can no longer work and is dependent." 

As suggested in the foregoing pages, economic mar- 
riage has been something of a factor in the formation 
of the American family since the War, as indeed before 
it. The trend, however, has been conflicting. Von 
Glosz declared in 1864 that money directs the choice 
in the majority of marriages. De Hauranne, however, 
at the same time said that girls must be attractive for 
No one marries them save from inclination. . . The suitor 
does not ask about the dowry, and he is not supposed to in- 
form himself about the inheritance. The father, if he is rich, 
sometimes makes his daughter a present that is worth a for- 
tune; but he is under no obligation so to do, and between him 
and his son-in-law it is not a question. . . The man does 
not marry until he has acquired a fortune sufficient for the 
support of a family. The woman counts, waits patiently, or 
profits by a better chance. It is she that calculates and rea- 



The Trend as to Marriage 213 

sons, . . A European title, tho old and ruined, still has a 
chance to find a wife in America. 

Another writer of about the same period asserted that 
parents do not try to impose upon their daughter an old 
millionaire. 

Economic marriages are unknown in America. These men, 
so greedy for gold, nevertheless marry according to their heart; 
they marry the woman and not the fortune; generally the girls ^ 
receive no dowry, , . If two young people are in love, 
and neither has any fortune, that does not keep them from 
marrying. The young woman looks for work, the young man 
likewise; and the new establishment will go very well, for 
happiness will be complete. 

L. P. Brockett, however, in 1869 refers to the young 
girl's becoming a fortune hunter. 

Kleiber stated in his work of 1877 that ''the Yankee 
as a rule gives his children no dowry, and if he is ap- 
proached in that regard asks whether the man wants to 
marry his daughter or his property." Day's work of 
1880 informs us that 

American damsels . . . will not marry you, save upon the 
cold, careful consideration of how you stand with your bank- 
er. . . The New York belle . . . naturally looks for- 
ward to the acquisition of a husband. . . She courts calmly 
and coldly. . . She takes quite a business view of the mari- 
tal relationship. 

Bourget's impressions of the early nineties were to 
the effect that a girl "only half counts on the generosity 
of her father, who is not obliged to dower her;" but at 
the same time Kenney thought he detected a tendency 
toward the European dot system. Matilda Gage wrote 
i/i 1893: ''Money still leads parents to prefer one 
suitor above another, even in the United States." Von 
Unruh in his work of 1904 said : 

The Americans are not accustomed to give their daughters 
either furnishings or dowry. Whoever wants to marry must 



214 The American Family 

be in a position to offer his wife house and support. . . 
The daughter never becomes merchandise, and her own deci- 
sion is always the chief consideration. 

The upshot of the matter would seem to be that while 
/ the normal American tendency has been to subordinate 
economic considerations to personal attraction in selec- 
tion of husband or wife, the rise of artificial standards 
has tended to restore the measures of the older civiliza- 
tion. Immigration, also, introduces European ways. 
Among the foreign population in the large cities "no 
dowry no husband" is a strenuous fiat. Nearly every 
East Side girl tries to save money for a dowry, even 
working overtime in order to swell the amount. In 
most cases the youth does not begin courting till he has 
satisfied himself as to the amount of the girl's savings. 
When, after marriage, this money is spent, or if it turns 
out to be less than expected, a life of quarrels perhaps 
follows, or the man deserts the wife.^*^^ 

Considerable discontent with the institution of mar- 
riage as it now exists has been present since before the 
Civil War. Dr. T. L. Nichols in his Forty Years of 
American Life (published in London in 1864) told of 
the prevalence of ''free love" doctrine in the North. 

The only ground of interference was the right of society to 
protect itself from burdens that might be thrown upon it. 
What should be done was simply to abolish all laws upon the 
subject, and pass one, if found necessary, to define and pro- 
tect the rights of children. 

Henry James wrote to the Nation in 1870: 

There is on every hand a widespread criticism of marriage as 
at present administered since very many persons regard it as 
far too loosely administered, and very many others as far too 
strictly administered. 

188 Busbey. Home Life in America, 90. 



The Trend as to Marriage 215 

He himself was quoted as saying that society interested 
itself only in what it got from marriage, caring only 
for the objective ends and indifferent as to the spirit. 
Any lout could vent his egotism by marrying. Being 
told by society that his wife was his property, what 
wonder if he exacted the extreme penalty for unfaith- 
fulness! Mr. James would cease to enforce marriage 
in any merely civic interest. The Nation replies that 
most of the peculiar views about marriage have been 
reached by ignoring the sex passion and partly by over- 
looking the production of children as proper object or 
ordinary result of marriage. If marriage is merely an 
agreement of two friends of opposite sex to live togeth- 
er and share expenses by reason of sentimental attach- 
ment, society has no right to try to make the friendship 
perpetual. But the first object of marriage is still to 
regulate the sex passion and inconstancy is the mark of 
the beast. Moreover marriage must be made perma- 
nent for the sake of the children and of the wife who 
wears herself out; the tendency among the poor to wife 
and family desertion is more mischievous than the ten- 
dency to patriarchal despostism. 

Mr. James declared that his whole object was to 
show that marriage had become 

The hotbed of fraud, adultery, and cruelty , . . and the 
parent consequently of our existing lasciviousness and prostitu- 
tion, only by being so persistently administered not primarily 
in the interest of its own purity, but in that of our established 
civic order. 

Mr. James took the position that the utilitarian view 
of the institution was played out and that it was neces- 
sary either to 

Come to regard marriage as a finality - i.e. as existing solely 
in its own right -or else expect the hideous carnival of crime 



2i6 The American Family 

in which, so far as sexual relations are concerned, we are now 
festering, to prolong itself eternally.^®^ 

Henry Edger a few years later declared that mar- 
riage becomes for many only a legalized prostitution."'' 
In 1895 ^- O- Flower wrote incisively on Prostitution 
within the Marriage Bond, pointing out that girls have 
it bred into them that their sexuality is a means of live- 
lihood, husbands make excessive use of "marital 
rights," and the laws do not recognize the right of the 
wife to her body. His indictment largely holds even 
to the present day. Many still see in marriage as a 
property institution a form of legalized prostitution, a 
bargain "between lust and avarice" in which the chil- 
dren are mere accidents. The case for free love has 
not yet been closed. 

Considerations such as the foregoing have tended to 
lighten the esteem of marriage. Burn in his work of 
1865 considered the matrimonial tie in America to be 
comparatively loose. Many wives in the lower strata 
had made up their minds to do as they please. 

But here again a distinction must be drawn between the natives 
and the immigrants. I have reason to believe that the real 
American women make by far the best wives and mothers. 
[Incompatibility leads many young couples to split.] Then 
halves of disappointed beings are to be met in every direction, 
and if one of these ladies should have the misfortune to be- 
come a mother, ten to one but she will relieve herself of the 
responsibility by transferring the child to a stranger for adop- 
tion. [As American women's charms fade early, fast ladies 
try to make the most of life while it lasts.] I have known sev- 
eral second-hand wives who were sailing under the black flag 
of widowhood, and fishing for other experimental partners. 
The peculiar notions of personal independence, indulged in by 
the women's rights ladies in America, has been the means of 

169 See "Henry James on Marriage": in the Nation, vol. x, 366-368. 
1''° Edger. "Prostitution and the International Woman's League," 405. 



The Trend as to Marriage 217 

placing a great portion of the fabric of female society in a 
false position. 

De Hauranne at the same time spoke of the "remark- 
able facilities" that "legal chaos gives for bigamy, and 
the great number of double, triple and quadruple mar- 
riages discovered each year by female jealousy." Rose 
said that in America "there is a very light impression 
as to the obligation of the marriage tie." A Nation 
article of 1869 expresses the opinion that now that mar- 
riage yearly becomes more like an ordinary civil con- 
tract voidable on consent of the parties, "children who 
should accustom themselves to jeer at the 'sacredness' 
of the relation ought not to be dealt with too severe- 
ly." "' 

Sir L. H. Griffin in his work of 1884 attributes to 
immigration and the rapid development of the coun- 
try a solvent effect upon social institutions, including 
marriage. Dike, treating of Perils of the Family ex- 
pressed the belief that 

There is ... an undoubted increase in cities, and prob- 
ably elsewhere, of those who deliberately forsake marriage for 
illicit relations. . . There is . . . reason to think that 
heedless marriages, a decrease in the whole number of mar- 
riages and of children, with an increase in illegitimate births, 
and a great increase in the various offences against chastity, 
have accompanied the increase of divorces. 

In his 1887 report as corresponding secretary of the 
National Divorce Reform League he calls attention to 
The uncertain marital relations of some immigrants from 
countries where illicit unions take the place of lawful marriage 
to a serious extent, and where illegitimate births for the whole 
country are from eight and ten to almost fifteen per cent of 
the whole number of births . . . and where in certain 
localities and among certain classes, especially servants, who are 
171 "Decay of the Family Affections": in the Nation, vol. viii, 291-292. 



2i8 The American Family 

a large part of the emigrants, unchastity must exist among a 
very large proportion. [The report goes on to speak of an- 
other evil], one among our own people, both of foreign and 
so-called native stock. The instances of persons moving from 
place to place who are ostensibly married but who are really 
living in violation of legal marriage, are somewhat numerous - 
far more so than those of us who have never looked into the 
subject think. There are three classes of these: operatives 
mostly of foreign birth in some large manufacturing towns ; a 
few persons in isolated country districts where public opinion 
is not strong; and persons of some means who desert their 
legal wives or husbands and enter into illicit relations in 
places where their true history is unknown. There is strong 
reason to think evils of this sort affect far larger numbers 
than those due to conflicting divorce and marriage laws. 

Doctor Dike's 1898 report said 

Complaint is not infrequently made that our great cities and 
manufacturing centers are constantly receiving from England 
and elsewhere immigrants who come to us and contract mar- 
riages with innocent women and young girls, having deserted 
a wife and children in the old country for this very pur- 
pose. . . Bigamy is probably more easily practised, per- 
haps more frequently, than in any other civilized country. 

Howard has expressed the opinion that our Gretna 
Greens are more dangerous than our divorce colonies 
and declared the need of a trained civil officer for the 
special business of celebrating marriage. On the 
whole, however, American marriage has been on a 
higher plane than European, It has been freer from 
the mercenary interest and hence has left more room 
for the strictly human element- the mutual satisfac- 
tion of the parties. The demand for sound character 
has been stronger, too, than some would have us believe. 

Something of the vivacity of American marriage 
negotiations may be gathered from the comments of 
various writers. Burn found in the advertisement col- 
umns "young gentlemen of attractive persons, agree- 



The Trend as to Marriage 219 

able manners, amiable dispositions, and independent 
means, inviting young ladies to hymeneal partner- 
ships." The ladies seemed to him "generally pretty 
'smart'" but many were victimized out of their money 
by such rogues. De Hauranne thought that the search 
for a husband required "more futile frippery and show 
than of culture and earnest worth." The extravagant 
apparel of the "wise little fools" recalled that of the 
"gay women" of France. Girls fished "not for the 
mere pleasure but for the benefit;" they ignored un- 
likely and difficult catches. Engagements lasted one, 
two, three years, were broken and resumed. Maidens 
"do not hesitate to abandon one bird in the hand for 
two in the bush." Another writer of about the same 
period says that a young man may call on a girl without 
having been presented to her parents; parents leave 
their daughter free to choose. Kleiber says in his work 
of 1877 that children often marry without the parents' 
knowledge. 

Bates's Year in the Great Republic says that for an 
American woman to be unmarried is exceptional "but 
rather distinguished than otherwise, certainly not a plea 
for pity as with us." She says that the larger freedom 
of intercourse between the sexes and the comparative 
obsence of ill-natured "outside comment" simplifies af- 
fairs and gives men and women a better chance to know 
something of each other before marriage. The ad- 
vantages of marriage are not conceived to belong ex- 
clusively to women, hence men take more pains to 
be agreeable; "it is a question of supply and demand." 
Mothers can afford to be generous toward other wom- 
en's daughters where men are so numerous. 

De Rousiers' work on American Life (translated in 
1892) considers American marriage as a more serious 



220 The American Family 

affair than marriage in France. Prudent persons take 
great precautions; breach of promise suits hedge the 
way. Bourget's impressions formed in 1893 record 
the apotheosis of the young girl and her frequent friv- 
olity. Girls have been engaged to men whom they had 
no intention of marrying; they liked them as lovers. 
When the maiden finally is ready for marriage she 
wants a husband that will replace her parents' indul- 
gence and providence. Dugard at the same time be- 
lieved that the young American girl will rarely consent 
to marry a man that does not inspire real affection test- 
ed by prolonged intimacy and that there would seem 
to be more chance of happiness than in the European 
marriages where the husband is after the dowry and 
the girl is after freedom and only half attaches herself 
to her husband whom chance and speculation have 
given her but keeps for her children the best of her 
love. 

Von Skal in his work of 1907 speaks of the extreme 
freedom of young people in the choice of partners. 
Engagements and weddings take place without parents' 
previous knowledge. This custom, he says, is not due 
to lack of fondness and confidence but the American 
claims the right to manage his own affairs and allows 
others the same privilege. There is calculation pre- 
liminary to marriage, especially on the part of the 
woman; but ill-considered marriages occur. 

The details of marriage law may be studied in How- 
ard's treatise. It is clear that there is need of better 
advised legislation for the closer guarding of the en- 
trance to marriage. More care is required in the au- 
thorization of celebrants. It is not so long since cer- 
tain clergymen made the performance of marriage a 
trade. The corresponding secretary of the National 



The Trend as to Marriage 221 

Divorce Reform League referred in 1886 to the report, 
"apparently well-founded" that "some clergymen . . . 
have their runners at the ferries distributing bills and 
diagrams of the streets leading to their houses and 
hunting for couples with the diligence of the bunco- 
steerer." It is to be feared that such men have not 
been entirely eliminated, tho their end is in sight. The 
performance of marriage by unfit civil officers, how- 
ever, is still a reprehensible feature of American prac- 
tice. 

It is only within the past generation that positive prog- 
ress of a constructive sort has been made in the law 
regulating the performance of marriage. Up till thir- 
ty years ago the principal change of a half century in 
family law had been in the matter of property rights. 
The legal protection of property was superior to that 
of the family. In many states marriage was legal with- 
out writing, witness, or official. Many states had no 
decent system of records. Even where licenses were 
required they were often a mere formality. Doctor 
Dike declared in 1887 that "if the condition of public 
law be an indication of social conditions . . . I do 
not believe there is any considerable civilized people 
in the world that is taking so great risks with the fam- 
ily as we are in these United States." At that time in 
most states a man could carry off a girl by night and if 
they agreed to be husband and wife they became so by 
law. In 1877 the Supreme Court of the United States 
had decreed that unless a statute expressly invalidated 
marriages not celebrated in accordance with it, the 
common law privilege continued. Frank G. Cook in 
the Atlantic of 1888 said: 

What wonder . . . that the disregard of the legislative 
recommendation and advice is constantly increasing, and the 



222 The American Family 

evil of clandestine marriage and secret unions by destroying 
the integrity of the family is sapping the foundation of society! 
Can the court deny an easy termination to the relation to 
which they permit so easy an entrance? 

Since that time, however, there has been much im- 
provement in marriage law. 

Certain legislation is cited in the 1889 report of the 
United States Commissioner of Labor as designed to 
encourage marriage. The laws of Georgia and Penn- 
sylvania announced this purpose. In California con- 
ditions and contracts in restraint of marriage of adults 
were void; likewise in Dakota. In thirteen states mar- 
riage of parents legitimized children and in twenty- 
four states such marriage together with acknowledg- 
ment by father produced legitimacy. In sixteen states 
penalty or prosecution for seduction was suspended by 
marriage. 

The last generation has witnessed the outlawry of 
Mormon polygamy. Serious opposition to the prac- 
tice began in the early eighties with the passing of 
special laws; thousands of Mormons were impris6ned 
and millions of dollars were collected as fines. The 
Mormons used every legal means in their defence but 
lost in the Supreme Court and finally surrendered. In 
1890 President Woodruff published an ordinance for- 
bidding further polygamous marriage. 

The civil law conception of the marriage relation is 
still mechanical and unworthy. 

If a man promises to marry a woman and the woman promises 
to marry the man, a civil contract has been entered into, and 
so long as they are both competent to contract and there has 
been no fraud, it does not make a particle of difference what 
their motive was - money, marbles, or jackstraws — a valid con- 
tract has been entered into, a contract which, if either party 
back out, can be cashed in before a judge and jury. We talk 



The Trend as to Marriage 223 

of the "sacredness of marriage," of "marriage sanctified by 
love," but in the making of the marriage contract love is not 
an essential. There need be no higher motive than that which 
enters into a horse deal. This is the cold, bleak policy of the 
law of the state of New York, established by a leading decision. 

So writes attorney Martin Littleton in a recent issue of 
the New York Times. He completes his indictment of 
the existing situation by saying: 

The church and the state, society and the community, should 
sternly set themselves against such bargaining in the name of 
such a sacred institution. If people come into court and show 
no more than that their designs to get money have been dis- 
appointed and their desires to capture fortunes from old age, 
mental incapacity, or other unnatural alliance, have failed, the 
law should leave them in the midst of their disappointment 
and consign them to the ignominy of their failure.^'^^ 

Equally unworthy is the snobbish conception of the 
proprieties of marriage which pseudo-aristocracy 
would foist upon us. Matilda Gage in her work of 
1893 illustrated aptly this phase of degeneracy: 

It is but a few years since a cavalry officer in Washington was 
courtmartialed, found guilty, and sentenced to dismissal from 
the army on charge of conduct unbecoming an officer and a 
gentleman, because of his legally marrying a woman with 
whom he had been living unmarried. . . While living in 
illicit relation with the woman, he was regarded as an officer 
and a gentleman. 

In connection with the study of the divorce situation 
it will be necessary to consider further what adjust- 
ments are necessary in the law of marriage. Clearly 
while present standards endure there is point to the 
Socialist reflection that "given a system that sustains 
millionaires and winsome women tired of the drudgery 
of life, and a church willing to sanctify ... an 
unnatural contract . . . it is rather hypocritical to 

^^2 Jf^eekly People (New York), July 7, 1917, p. 2. 



224 The American Family 

accuse Socialists of wishing to break down the marriage 
ties. . ."^^^ The fact is that our marriage institu- 
tions are largely a composite of Hebraism, Roman law, 
and Teutonic standards incorporated by the medieval 
church into its control of marriage. 

Today these varied reminiscences of our past mixed inheritance 
give us disagreements even in the fundamentals of ethical ideals 
in marriage; and often the friction that we develop in discus- 
sion dates back to our composite union of national ideals in 
the melting pot of early Christianity.^"* 



'^''^ Weekly People (New York), July 7, 1917, p. 2. 

17* Spencer. "Problems of Marriage and Divorce": in the Forum, vol. 
xlviii, 190-192. 



XL RACE STERILITY AND RACE SUICIDE 

For the period since the Civil War, material on the 
voluntary and involuntary phases of infecundity is ex- 
tremely abundant. All along, the reduction in natural 
increase of population has excited comment and alarm. 

Bonett, w^ho was in America in 1864, said that "if the 
population of the United States were left to the natural 
increase of the pure American blood, the census would 
never justify the confident expectations of the people 
as to their marvellous numerical growth." Burn 
thought the conclusion seemed inevitable "that Amer- 
ica, if left to sustain her own population without im- 
migrants, would prove, in less than a hundred years, 
how unfit she is to obey one of the first laws of nature." 
Just at the close of the war. Dr. Nathan Allen before 
the Social Science Association at Boston "declared the 
decline of productiveness amongst native New Eng- 
landers to be an undoubted fact [and] showed that the 
average size of families had decreased generation after 
generation ever since the settlement of the country." 
Dixon in his White Conquest asserted that the birth- 
rate in America is declining from year to year and in 
every state. The rate was lower in 1820 than in 1800, 
still lower in 1840, lower yet in i860. In spite of the 
higher rate of immigrants the average rate is lower 
than that of any European country, "not excepting the 
birth-rate of France in the worst days of Louis Napo- 
leon." In UAristocratie en Amerique^ Gaillardet said 
that "the original population, especially in the Eastern 



226 The American Family 

States, tends to disappear, and the place it leaves vacant 
is taken by the newcomers from Europe, or by their 
immediate descendants." In Griffin's Great Republic 
the Reverend S. W. Dike is quoted on "the diminishing 
size of the New England family of so-called native 
stock." He says that "the reported number of children 
of school age in Vermont and New Hampshire is 
scarcely three-fourths as large as it was thirty years 
ago." 

In his Perils to the Family Dike expresses serious 
concern at declining fecundity especially in the "so- 
called native stock." He says that in Massachusetts, 
foreign mothers average fifty per cent more children 
than native mothers; that allowing even for greater 
death-rate the foreign parent is ahead in adding to 
population; that notwithstanding the presence of the 
foreign elements the birth-rate in some of the older 
states is lower than in most European countries and is 
steadily falling. He points out that Massachusetts has 
a lower rate than any European country save France; 
France is alarmed, Massachusetts is indifferent, for she 
can recruit her population from Ireland and Canada. 
Other states, thought Doctor Dike, are doubtless as 
badly ofif. 

During the decade 1880- 1890 immigration totalled 
five and a quarter million; yet population increased 
more slowly than in any preceding period unless pos- 
sibly that of the Civil War. William Potts in the Na- 
tion of 1891 says that "in the majority of families which 
have experienced several generations of comparative 
ease and culture, the numbers become stationary, then 
decline, and finally the families themselves, so far as 
public knowledge goes, become extinct." The vital 
statistics of Michigan for 1894 take up in a scientific 



Race Sterility and Race Suicide 227 

way the subject of stationary population. Dr. C. L. 
Wilbur showed that there had been a great decline in 
the number of children per mother (from three and six- 
tenths to three in twenty years, as noted by quinquennia, 
for the native mother, and from five and eight-tenths 
to five and one-tenth for the foreign mother). Wilbur 
concludes that it is hard to tell whether the native pop- 
ulation has ceased to increase, is actually decreasing, 
or is increasing at a very low rate. Crum's study of the 
Birth-rate in Massachusetts, l8^0-Q0^ indicates a 
birth-rate of ninety per thousand women between fif- 
teen and fifty at the end of the period instead of one 
hundred at the beginning. In the early years of the 
new century, New England was compared with France 
as having "a native population that is actually decreas- 
ing, destined, if present conditions continue, to be ex- 
terminated." 

A Popular Science article of 1905 on the "Proportion 
of Children in the United States" shows that the pro- 
portion of children to women of child-bearing age has 
decreased steadily since i860. In i860 the number of 
children under five years per thousand women between 
fifteen and forty-nine was six hundred thirty-four, in 
1900, four hundred seventy-four (in case of native 
women, four hundred sixty-two; foreign, seven hundred 
ten). A 1909 article by F. L. Hoffman cites an orig- 
inal investigation into the fact of American ancestry, 
"according to which the average number of children 
has diminished from nearly seven during the first half 
of the eighteenth century, to nearly five during the first 
half of the nineteenth century, and to less than three 
during the last half of the nineteenth century." A 
census taken some years since of twenty-two apartment 
houses containing four hundred eighty-five families 



228 The American Family 

showed fifty-four children. Professor Willcox on one 
occasion warned the country that if existing tendencies 
continued there would be no birth-rate in the United 
States in the year 2000. 

A glance back over the nineteenth century gives an 
indication of the extent of shrinkage in the American 
family. In 1790, five persons was the modal family; 
in 1900, three persons. Within the area of 1790 there 
were in 1900 twice as many families as in 1790 consist- 
ing of two persons, and barely half as many of seven 
and up; New England showing the greatest decline. 
In 1790 families with less than five members were 
about one-third of the total number; in 1900, more than 
half. The old South of 1790, with almost no foreign 
immigration, maintained a rate of increase at least ap- 
proximating that reached by other sections through 
native and foreign stock combined. The decline in the 
proportion of children between i860 and 1900 was 
markedly less in the South than in the North and West, 
but in the later decades the West followed New Eng- 
land in having a progressively smaller proportion of 
children. 

The fact of the matter is that infecundity occasioned 
in some manner by the high voltage of modern civiliza- 
tion has kept persistently in the wake of the American 
pioneer. Doctor Ross has tersely summarized the 
trend by pointing out that the census of 1830 showed 
that the proportion of children under five years in the 
states west of the Alleghanies was a third to a half 
greater than in the seaboard region, the proportion of 
children to women of child-bearing age, from fifty to a 
hundred per cent greater. In 1840, children were for- 
ty per cent more numerous "among the Yankees of the 
Western Reserve than among their kinsmen in Connec- 



Race Sterility and Race Suicide 229 

ticut." The next half century marred the fecundity of 
the Ohio valley, but "their sons and daughters who had 
pushed on into Kansas, Nebraska, and Minnesota 
showed families a fifth larger. In 1900 the people of 
the agricultural frontier-Texas, Oklahoma, and the 
Dakotas-had a proportion of children larger by twen- 
ty-eight per cent than that of the population between 
Pittsburgh and Omaha."'" 

The census of 1910 shows that the number of persons 
in a household has decreased from five and one-tenth 
in 1870 to four and five-tenths in 1910-each interven- 
ing census indicating a continual decline. (The fig- 
ures for free population in 1850 and i860 were respec- 
tively five and six-tenths and five and three-tenths.) 
Some of these "family" groups consisted of a single per- 
son living alone; others were hotels or institutions. But 
the number of "economic families" is not large enough 
materially to afifect the average size of all families. The 
census says: 

It is a fair assumption that the changes in the average size of 
families from census to census as well as the difference in this 
respect between the geographic divisions and states are due al- 
most entirely to differences in the size of private families, and 
more particularly to the number of children in the natural 
families. 

It is understood that not all the members of the "nat- 
ural" family may be members of the same census fam- 
ily or household, while the census "private" family may 
include servants. 

When attempting to appraise the status of the Amer- 
ican birth-rate it is of course necessary to remember the 
defective condition of our statistics. The gravity of 
the situation with respect to lowered birth-rate is ex- 
aggerated by faulty reporting. Thus the Chicago 

^^^Ross. "Origins of the American People," 716-718. 



230 The American Family 

school census for 1904 showed 146,417 children of three 
years and under altho the total number of births report- 
ed for a comparative three years preceding the census 
was 84,422/'** 

In general, explanations of the decline in American 
fecundity fall into two classes. Part of the falling oft 
in rate of increase has been attributed to physical de- 
generation -the fraitty of woman, intellectualism, and 
the spread of venereal disease; part to voluntary meas- 
ures for restriction of the size of family. 

Burn was impressed by the poor physique of Ameri- 
can women -a phenomenon considerably elaborated in 
the preceding volume. He says that many American 
women are "as flat across the chest as deal boards." 
Many lose their teeth at an early age and "their hair, 
too, seems subject to a similar destroying agency. . . 
Generally speaking, American women are all 'scrags' 
before the term of middle life." Rose at about the 
same time remarked the short duration of woman's 
beauty. Just at the close of the war. Dr. Nathan Allen 
ascribed the falling ofif of productiveness among native 
New Englanders "partly to the bad health of the wo- 
men." Dixon in his White Conquest cited Catherine 
Beecher as "unable to recall ten married ladies in this 
century and country who are perfectly sound, healthy, 
and vigorous. Returns show only one woman in ten 
physically fit for wifehood and motherhood." Cowley 
in Our Divorce Courts quoted the British and Foreign 
Medico-Chirurgical Review for 1875 as asserting that 
the past century witnessed a decided change in the fe- 
male constitution in New England: there was formerly 
more muscle, larger frame, greater fulness of form, 

i''^ Bodine. "Is there Danger of Race Extinction?" 



Race Sterility and Race Suicide 231 

less predominance of brain, and less nervous strain. 
Such considerations suggested that elucidation of the 
problem of threatened racial extinction "must be sought 
for in the constitution, the habits, the education, or the 
lack of physical education of the infertile classes" -no 
adequate explanation being offered by any special law 
of infecundity, or by abortion. Cowley quoted Haw- 
thorne's Scarlet Letter to the efifect that since colonial 
times "every successive mother has transmitted to her 
child a fainter bloom, a more delicate and briefer beau- 
ty, and a slighter physical frame, if not a character of 
less force and solidity than her own." He cited Dr. 
Nathan Allen of Lowell to the effect that urbanization 
is unfavorable to physical stamina. Moreover girls 
were kept hard at school work from six to sixteen with 
little exercise. Female diseases had increased won- 
derfully within twenty or thirty years; they had fre- 
quently been produced, certainly aggravated, by ex- 
pedients used against propagation. 

Ratzel in 1880 said that in the United States "early 
fading of woman is much more frequent than with us." 
Sir L. H. Griffin in his Great Republic quoted Dr. S. 
Weir Mitchell as declaring that the American woman 
is physically unfit for woman's duties. He cited also 
Doctor Allen of Rhode Island as saying that the strict- 
ly native New England women have undergone sur- 
prising physical deterioration. "A majority of them 
have a predominance of nerve tissue, with weak mus- 
cles and digestive organs." The New York Sun was 
cited to the effect that the New Englanders who have 
remained at home have small families; "the women are 
not symmetrically developed, and their nervous organ- 
ization is likely to be morbid." Kenney in his Con- 



232 The American Family 

quest of Death (1893) refers to a medical examination 
of ten Aryan-American women and ten American ne- 
gresses which showed that four-fifths of the former had 
some abnormality of the reproductive organs while the 
negresses were all normal. Fie charges New Eng- 
land with imposing too intense pressure on the nervous 
system of girls at the expense of the body. In the 
Annals for 1894- 1895 J- L. Brownell cites Edson as 
believing that the principal factor in the decrease of 
the birth-rate is the physical and nervous deterioration 
of women, owing largely to the severe strain of modern 
life and education. 

Part of the foregoing expression of opinion as to 
woman's frailty is obviously in the direction of Her- 
bert Spencer's antithesis between individuation and 
genesis. Other citations can be given to show the 
prevalence of opinion that intellectualism and nerve 
strain has been a pronounced factor in the decline of 
fecundity. 

Doctor Allen in his Social Science address just at 
\ the close of the war gives "over-development of the 
brain and over devotion to intellectual pursuits" as one 
of the causes of falling birth-rate. Cowley in Our Di- 
vorce Courts cited the Reverend Henry N. Hudson as 
saying that "by the general course and ordering of our 
American life . . . our habits of fast living are 
vv^orking and developing the nervous system all out of 
proportion with the muscular and nutritive. . . We 
are tugging and straining, and using all possible means 
to turn ourselves all into mind." The result was said 
to be organic disablement of the reproductive function 
and matters were alleged to have grown alarmingly 
worse within twenty or thirty years. In the early nine- 
ties J. L. Brownell expressed the conclusion that there 



Race Sterility and Race Suicide 233 



must be other causes of birth decline besides voluntary 
prevention, inasmuch as white and colored birth-rates 
vary together. He thought 

Mr. Spencer's generalization that the birth-rate diminishes as 
the rate of individual evolution increases is confirmed by a com- 
parison of the birth-rates with the death-rates from nervous 
diseases and also with the density of population, the values of 
agricultural and manufactured products, and the mortgage in- 
debtedness. 

In Massachusetts the city birth-rate since 1870 had been 
higher than in the rest of the state but Brownell ex- 
plained this seeming anomaly by the large proportion 
of city population that was between fourteen and forty- 
nine and by the large element of Irish and French Ca- 
nadian population. 

Thorndike is recorded in the Independent of 1903 
as concluding on the basis of statistical study of college 
alumni of three institutions of different types (Middle- 
bury, New York University, and Wesleyan) that nat- 
ural rather than voluntary sterility was the dominant 
factor. Cattell asserted in 1909 that "where there is 
no child or but one, until recently at least, physiological 
infertility may be assumed. . . Among women of 
the American upper classes there are probably about 
as many miscarriages as births; and probably less than 
one-fourth of all mothers can nurse adequately their 
infants. The small family is often due to voluntary 
restriction in deference to the health of the wife." 

Growing knowledge of venereal diseases and their 
consequences suggests another phase of degeneracy that 
has been assigned as a main cause of infecundity. This 
subject has received marked attention within the last 
dozen years. In the 1906 Annual Report of the Na- 
tional League for the Protection of the Family Doctor 



234 ^^^*^ American Family 

Dike says that the subject of low birth-rate and ster- 
ility 

Is now- taking on a new aspect, to which the attention of those 
outside the medical profession should be called. 

Since the discovery of the germ of what was formerly con- 
sidered the milder and less harmful of the two chief sexual 
diseases, and more especially since the numerous ramifications 
and effects of this milder form, hitherto little suspected to 
exist, have been found and studied, there has been a strong 
tendency towards agreement among medical authorities that 
this disease is the real cause of a large part of the decline in 
the birth-rate everywhere. While the difficulty of getting ac- 
curate statistics on the subject is fully recognized by the author- 
ities upon it, they seem to agree that nearly or quite one half 
of the cases of sterility among the married are due to the milder 
of the two diseases, and some would put it much higher. The 
more recent investigations also go to show, so the medical au- 
thorities say, that a large number of what they call "one-child 
marriages" must be accounted for by the effects of this milder 
of the two diseases. It may be that these figures are based 
too much on European conditions and those of our great cities. 
But after all needed allowance for these defects, there still 
remains a grave state of things. . . 

The recent publication of Dr. Prince A. Morrow's scien- 
tific book on Social Diseases and Marriage, the taking up of 
the subject last summer by the American Medical Association, 
the formation of the Society for Sanitary and Moral Prophy- 
laxis in New York . . . and of the Pennsylvania Society 
for the Prevention of Social Disease . . . and the action 
of the last Convention of the Protestant Episcopal Diocese of 
Massachusetts in appointing a special committee to investigate 
and report on the subject are hopeful signs. . . 

Still another phase of possible race exhaustion lies 
in the fact that so many artificial appliances and meth- 
ods have been developed for use in parturition and the 
care of infancy. "When children who can not be born 
naturally or cannot be nursed survive, we may be pro- 
ducing a sterile race." Furthermore, President Hall 



Race Sterility and Race Suicide 235 

in the Cosmopolitan of 1 909-1910, attributing the de- 
cline in native fecundity to some sort of degeneracy, 
"for the most part . . . not race suicide but racial 
death," says that "it does not seem to be entirely certain 
that the human race can permanently survive and flour- 
ish in this country." 

Of the foregoing involuntary factors in infecundity, 
the most important is undoubtedly venereal disease. 
Woman's frailty, so far at least as the cultivated classes 
are concerned, passed its climax at least by the later 
sixties. A symposium in the North American Review 
of 1882 on the "Health of American Women" gives 
the opinion of Mrs. Stanton that variable climate, ex- 
citement of a young civilization, improper dress, diet, 
and habits, have been detrimental to the health of 
American women. She mentions the fact that girls 
are not allowed vigorous exercise and that debut comes 
too early, "often at the age of sixteen entering upon a 
round of social gayeties." Dr. Dio Lewis remarks also 
on women's viciously tight lacing and declares corsets 
and heavy skirts to be a prolific cause of "female weak- 
nesses." She says that a girl that has indulged in tight 
lacing should not marry; her husband will secretly re- 
gret his marriage. Dr. James R. Chadwick, however, 
failed to see that 

Our women are, as a whole, less healthy or robust than those 
of other countries. And I have seen so vast an improvement in 
their physical and mental vigor during the few years over 
which my personal observation extends, that I feel encour- 
aged to predict for them in the near future as great preemin- 
ence in physical and mental strength as is now universally ac- 
corded them for physical beauty. 

Of recent years there seems to have been a positive im- 
provement in habits of dress that have to do directly 



236 The American Fatnily 

with generation/" That education of women is not re- 
sponsible for physical incapacity for motherhood was 
indicated in a previous chapter. More importance is 
to be attached to unhygienic employments of women - 
a matter that will be more fully discussed at a later 
point- and it should be remembered that this menace 
has been of larger proportions during the post-bellum 
period than before. Whatever influence individuation, 
intellectualism, and the nervous strain of modern life 
may have had on physiological fecundity is indeter- 
minate. So also for the effects of artificial child care 
and the uncertain adjustment of European man to 
American climate. The consequences of venereal ail- 
ments, however, are certain and in large degree meas- 
urable. It is a question, nevertheless, whether the most 
significant cause of the declining birth-rate is not to 
be sought in another direction-whether it has not been 
mainly voluntary, at first largely by means of abortion, 
but with advancing knowledge, through the prevention 
of conception. Something of the prevalence of these 
practices and of their causes may be gathered from the 
following citations. 

Just at the close of the war. Dr. Nathan Allen men- 
tioned "the growth and prevalence of the practice of 
abortion" as partly responsible for "decline of produc- 
tiveness among native New Englanders." He further 
lamented the lack of training for motherhood and called 
attention to the fact that "in literature and in society a 
large family is ceasing to be treated as a cause of con- 
gratulation and getting to be looked on as an indication 
of recklessness or barbarism." The cultivated will 
breed sparingly and lose their stock in the multitude. 

The matter of infanticide and abortion received con- 

''^^ Compare Hill, "Economic Value of the Home," 410. 



Race Sterility and Race Suicide 237 

siderable attention at this period. T. L. Nichols, 
M.D., in his Forty Years of American Life said: "In- 
fanticide is less common in America than in England. 
Procuring abortions by the use of drugs, or by mechan- 
ical means, is probably more frequent in America." 
Burn says that in America unborn children are too fre- 
quently destroyed by their inhuman mothers and that 
the practice of abortion is not confined to any one social 
level : "The wife of the mechanic, and the fashionable 
partner of the independent gentleman have recourse to 
the same means of relieving themselves of a duty against 
which their selfishness revolts." He said that the ad- 
vertising columns of the New York Herald contained 
the notices of doctors who lived by the practice of abor- 
tion. Burn thought he had reason to believe that such 
service was more frequently in demand by married 
ladies who cared more for midnight revel than for the 
nursery, "than among the frail daughters of Eve, who 
use them to hide their shame." Several such prac- 
titioners had just paid the penalty of fatal operations. 
Scores of advertising ladies, also, "followed in the 
wake" of the unscrupulous physicians. The Grand 
Jury of the city and state of New York reported in 1864 

The increase in the commission of this kind of offences and in 
the number of disreputable so-called "physicians," who read- 
ily afford their criminal aid to parties desirous of either con- 
cealing their shame or of relieving themselves from the trou- 
ble and expense of rearing their natural offspring, gives ample 
warning to our legislators that some new measures should be 
taken to mete out to this class of offenders such punishment 
as will repress this growing evil. 

Rose said that abortion was regarded without horror by 
a large number "and this by no riieans the poorer class." 
Attempts to punish a female abortionist had failed, it 
was said, not so much for lack of evidence as because 



238 The American Family 

she was in a position to embarrass high society folk. 
"The wives of many Americans," said Rose, "will not 
be burdened with the cares of a nursery and consequent- 
ly take any means available to rid themselves of duties 
so ungraceful and distasteful." 

The New York Medical Journal of September, 1866, 
contains a review of Doctor Storer's book on abortion, 
etc. The review speaks of the well known evil of 
forced abortions "independently of the moral obliquity 
of the act," but adds that women are as a rule ignorant 
of evil effects. "Any moral considerations of this ques- 
tion have little or no weight with those determined to 
prevent any further increase of their families -for it is 
among the married that the practice obtains to the larg- 
est degree." The Boston Commonwealth^ commenting 
on the book, said: "The extent to which the crime to 
which it relates is practised, even by women holding 
respectable positions in society, is fearfully great." The 
Springfield Republican said that the book "cannot be 
too universally read," as "criminal abortion . . . 
has become so alarmingly common." 

The Reverend John Todd published in 1867 a work 
entitled Serpents in the Dove's Nest in which he said 
that the procurement of abortions is fearfully common 
and that seventy-five per cent of the cases are caused 
and effected by females. He refers to the low birth- 
rate of the native population and then to the advertise- 
ments "of almost every paper, city and village" offering 
abortive medicines, to the notorious abortive establish- 
ments which numbered over four hundred in New York 
alone, to the confessions made to physicians by hundreds 
of women injured in the process, to "the almost con- 
stant and unblushing applications made to the profes- 
sion from 'women, in all classes of society, married and 



Race Sterility and Race Suicide 239 

unmarried, rich and poor, otherwise good, bad, or in- 
different'." Friends "bestow pity, instead of congrat- 
ulations" when a child is born. An Irish woman re- 
marked: "We like large families of children, but 
American women kill theirs before they are born." It 
was alleged that in many circles women boasted of the 
number of times they and their friends had procured 
abortions. Sometimes shattered health, remorse, or 
madness were the fearful results of the crime. Phy- 
sicians are quoted to the effect that of those in like cir- 
cumstances who apply for abortion, "married women 
vastly predominate." 

Mr. Todd refers also to the use of what seem to be 
contraconceptives. "It has become the fashion for par- 
ents to be leading round a solitary, lonely child, or pos- 
sibly two, it being well understood, talked about, and 
boasted of, that they are to have no more!" Married 
people that would not patronize an abortionist venture 
to use purchased devices to prevent an increase of fam- 
ily. It was told that in a large, populous district of a 
western city not one living Anglo-American child had 
been born in three years. Even negro and Indian wo- 
men were alleged to be following the practice of family 
limitation. The author of the treatise in question placed 
the major blame on women. 

There is scarcely a young lady in New England — and prob- 
ably it is so through the land - whose marriage can be an- 
nounced in the paper, without her being insulted within a 
week by receiving through the mail a printed circular, offering 
information and instrumentalities, and all needed facilites, by 
which the laws of heaven in regard to the increase of the 
human family may be thwarted. 

Dixon's New America (the author being an English- 
man, editor of the Athenaum) says that there seems to 
be a movement for childlessness amono: American wo- 



240 The American Family 

men. He is told that children make the mother ugly 
and come between her and her husband. Many serious 
men fear the extinction of the stock. The evil is es- 
pecially marked in New England, Pennsylvania, and 
New York; in the West, women pride themselves on 
their brood. The fact that many city ladies do not care 
to have their houses full of children is not a mere matter 
of inference. 

Allusions to the nursery, such as in England and Germany 
would be taken by a young wife as compliments, are here re- 
ceived with a smile, accompanied by a shrug of undoubted 
meaning. You must not wish an American lady, in whose 
good graces you desire to stand, many happy returns of a chris- 
tening day; she might resent the wish . . . indeed I have 
known a young and pretty woman rise from a table and leave 
the room, on hearing such a favor expressed towards her by 
an English guest. 

Massachusetts women have made themselves compan- 
ions of their husbands-brilliant, subtle, substantial 
companions; but a majority of the rising generation of 
Boston is of German or of Irish birth. 

Zincke's Last Winter in the United States asserts "af- 
ter enquiry made everywhere on the spot" that the evil 
is participated in to a large extent by the husbands and 
is coextensive with the Union. "It is just as strongly 
felt at Denver . . . as at New York, and results 
in almost as much evil at New Orleans as at Chicago." 
He attributes the practice to the fact that in America 
the expenses and annoyances of housekeeping are very 
great; young couples that are not rich generally escape 
them by living in hotels. To a couple barely able to 
find means to live thus, the cost of every additional child 
is serious. Childlessness allows comfort, society, amuse- 
ment; husband and wife agree to have but one child or 
none. Another reason which often has much weight 



Race Sterility and Race Suicide 241 

with husbands is the short duration of female beauty; 
the young wife does not care to dilapidate herself pre- 
maturely and "I met with husbands who . . . did 
not wish to have their wives, during the whole period 
of their good looks, in the nursery." When husband 
and wife grow older, however, there is no tie between 
them ; this is one of the causes of the numerous divorces. 
Many families run out in the third generation. 

An Australian visitor, Falk, wrote in 1877 that in- 
fanticide accounts for the rapid diminution of the de- 
scendants of the original Puritan settlers. On a wagon 
trip through New England in that year Kenney made a 
point of calling on a physician or druggist in every vil- 
lage visited. The result of his inquiries was unanimous 
testimony that American men and women of the old 
stock had ceased to care for large families and fre- 
quently took means to prevent them. Acts to prevent 
conception and to cause abortion were reported to be 
general in every village visited. The impression con- 
firmed in many instances by statistics was "that a large 
majority of the rural communities in New England had 
a birth-rate too low to replace the losses in the native 
stock by death." 

That the shortcoming of "the States" excited com- 
ment in Canada is evidenced in the 1877 address of the 
president of the Canadian Medical Association, who 
after quoting the words of Doctor Allen as to the causes 
of infecundity, viz., the high standard of living, artifi- 
cial wants, irksomeness of household duties and the care 
of children, so that "in married life a series of name- 
less acts take place," went on to say: 

In those few, grave, weighty, momentous sentences, gentle- 
men, is a picture of some of the chief causes of that alarming 
decline of the birth-rate, and with it, and as a consequence of it, 
a gradual and pernicious change in the female organization. 



242 The American Family 

This, in thoughtful minds, has created alarm, lest the induced 
organization become permanent in type. 

The inference drawn from a number of considera- 
tions presented by Cowley is that physical deterioration 
of women, perversion of woman's natural instincts, and 
the lure of artificial attractions produce sterility and de- 
generacy. Cowley noted "amongst other elements, 
whether causes, effects, or evidence of degeneracy" ex- 
cessive passion for wealth, leading to overwork in the 
pursuit; undue hurry and excitement in all the affairs 
of life; intemperance in food and drink; enormous use 
of quack medicine; "the general indifference to human 
life; the increased use of spirits, tobacco, and opium; 
the increase of lunacy; the decrease of children; the 
decrease of the marriage-rate and the increase of the 
divorce-rate." Stirpiculture was neglected. 

In 1880 Day said that the aversion to children man- 
ifested by married women seemed to him the worst 
drawback to the well-being, not only of New England, 
but of other parts of the republic. He found it diffi- 
cult to account for the fact that tho New England girls 
married they rarely became mothers. Was it a matter 
of selfish shrinking from burden, restraint, anxiety, ex- 
pense? Women did regard offspring as inimical to 
good appearance. One author was quoted to the effect 
that "Herod's massacre of the innocents was as nothing 
compared with that of millions and millions by ante- 
natal murders." 

In Potter's American Monthly of 1881 Thomas S. 
Sozinskey, M.D. says: "There would seem to be an 
increasing propensity to fight against the maternal in- 
stinct. Some wives are bold enough to declare that 
they do not want any children; and a few even dare to 
proclaim openly that they will forego propagation if 



Race Sterility and Race Suicide 243 

possible." He says that deliberate efforts are being 
made to divert the tastes of women from motherhood. 
Girls are led to believe that distinction for achievement 
outside woman's traditional sphere is most desirable. 
No systematic preparation is made for the duties of 
maternity. 

Gaillardet, author of L'Aristocratie en Amerique, 
found "a monstrous industry announced and practised 
in New York with a publicity of which I have never 
seen an example in any city of Europe." Mme. Res- 
tell, registered midwife, advertised in the papers her 
work as abortionist, dilating on the inconvenience of 
families too numerous for the health of mothers or well- 
being of parents. This lady had secured a numerous 
clientele among the wealthy and had a magnificent 
mansion and splendid equipages. 

A writer on the "Alleged Decay of the Family" said 
in the Methodist Review of 1887 that abortion menaces 
the life of the nation; it has reduced the descendants of 
the Puritans in some localities to an insignificant minor- 
ity; the committee of a western State Board of Health 
avows that the number of women in the United States 
who die from its immediate effects is not less than six 
thousand per year. 

Gynecologists affirm that it is not maternity which sends to 
them the largest number of patients, but the needless refusal of 
its responsibilities. . . In communities where known licen- 
tiousness does not exclude men from respectable . . . cir- 
cles, and where some profess to look upon adultery and espe- 
cially of married women, as a venial offence, criminal abortion 
and the social evil assume their most flagitious and revolting 
forms. . . In Ohio careful medical investigation has led 
to the conclusion that prenatal infanticide annually robs the 
family of one-third its legitimate increment ... a par- 
tial loss of capacity for maternity has, it is said already befallen 



244 ^^^^ American Family 

American women and the voluntary refusal of its responsibil- 
ities is the lament of the physician and the moralist. 

Doctor Dike in Perils to the Family expressed seri- 
ous concern at declining fecundity especially in the so- 
called native stock. The low birth-rate, he says, is not 
to any great degree due to loss of reproductive power; 
such loss bulks larger as effect than as cause of declin- 
ing birth-rate. In three or four sections large enough 
to be symptomatic the physicians think that legitimate 
children would be fifty per cent more numerous but 
for criminal deeds. The evil affects intelligent and 
even Christian people and has spread in rural commun- 
ities. "Many of the families which are best fitted so 
far as pecuniary means and social opportunity are con- 
cerned, are deliberately choosing to be unfruitful." 

Walker, as is well known, attributed the fall in na- 
tive fecundity to the pressure of immigrant competition. 
This factor must have had some connection with the 
native birth-rate, perhaps more as a result than as a 
cause of the gap, but surely to some degree as a cause. 
Certainly the new code of infertility went along with a 
feeling of greater responsibility for the children propa- 
gated. A Nation article of 1867 remarks that New 
England parents of the previous century "experienced 
but little of the trembling solicitude with which parents 
now see their sons and daughters . . . stand on the 
threshold of life and bid a last farewell to childhood." 

It would be tedious and indeed impossible to detail 
the comments on infecundity that have been printed 
within the last quarter century. All that can be done 
is to suggest striking features of the discussion. Ken- 
ney's Conquest of Death contains matter of special in- 
terest. 

Houses or rooms to let to families — without children — and 

families — without children — advertising the advantage when 



Race Sterility and Race Suicide 245 

seeking houses or apartments, advertisements of sure cures for 
suppressed menstruation "from whatever cause," appear every 
day in city newspapers. 

He quotes "a physician of fair practice in a popular 
summer resort" to the effect that "in the treatment of 
women for the sequelae of recent abortions, these cases 
bear the ratio to conceptions going to term of six to 
seven." Married men shirk the responsibilities im- 
posed by the "high and grand creative work" of mar- 
riage, but the wife "evidently is an unusually important 
cause of man's failure to reproduce." He cites a phy- 
sician with large general practice as saying that in his 
experience (of but eighteen years) he has noticed both 
diminished desire for children among American women 
and also a marked decline in their child-bearing capac- 
ity. Kenney correlates the prevalence of abortion, in- 
fanticide, masturbation, contraconception with the 
strength of the woman's rights movement. "These er- 
rors are not so much due to women's rights perhaps as 
are women's rights due to a diseased condition, the com- 
mon parent of both these tendencies to sterility." He 
charges New England with cultivating ambitions in- 
consistent with maternity; thus the sexual instincts are 
jefifaced and motherhood is belittled. Thus both innate 
and voluntary sterility grow out of the educational sys- 
tem. 

J. S. Billings in 1893"^ attributed the decline of fe- 
cundity principally to voluntary and deliberate avoid- 
ance or prevention on the part of a steadily growing 
number of married people. This phenomenon he as- 
cribed to the following causes: first, the diffusion of / 
information on anatomy, physiology, and hygiene dur- 
ing the preceding generation; second, growth of the 
opinion that abstention from parenthood is not only not 

1^^ Billings. "Diminishing Birth-rate in the United States." 



246 The American Family 

in itself sinful but may be under certain circumstances 
commendable; third, rise in the standard of living. 
Bourget said that in America maternity is almost hu- 
miliating or vulgar. 

The twentieth century has witnessed a voluminous 
discussion of "race suicide," the upshot of which seems 
to be that celibacy, late marriage, and prevention of 
conception or of birth account for the reduced rate of 
increase of population. The condition is most extreme 
among native Americans of the upper classes and is 
occasioned by the relatively free capillarity of society 
which encourages the struggle for ease, luxury, and 
social dissipation. The contagion is downward. De- 
sire to prevent conception is general among the people 
of the aspiring middle class; it has reached skilled 
workers and well-to-do farmers; and is now appealing 
to the masses. Emily Balch quotes one of her foreign 
friends as saying: "Our women despise the American 
women because they have such small families;" but 
foreign immigrants, after being some time in the coun- 
try, seem to acquire the American infecundity. Fish- 
berg said in 1906 that among the immigrant Jewish 
population of New York City, fertility is markedly de- 
creasing. "Those who have been a longer time in the 
United States are always inquiring about the best means 
of limiting the size of the family, while the native Jews 
are hardly to be distinguished in this respect from the 
average American city population." 

Mrs. Busbey declared in 1910 that the American 
young woman "enters marriage with the feeling that 
maternity must be avoided as hysterically, in fact, as it 
was debarred from her mother's confidence before." 
I. M. Rubinow declared about ten years ago that a new 



Race Sterility and Race Suicide 247 

mental disease had arisen -the fear of conception, 
"which makes a mental wreck of many a normal and 
healthy woman." The individualistic spirit of avoid- 
ance is well reflected in an article by "Paterfamilias" 
in the North American Review of 1903. He denies 
that the old-fashioned family meant happiness to the 
father and asserts that it often reduced women almost 
to the level of slaves, destroying their youth and beauty 
and perhaps their health. The children were not al- 
ways wanted when they came. This writer held "that 
marriage is mainly for the highest good of the two in- 
dividuals concerned, and that rearing of children is only 
incidental." 

A writer in the Delineator asserts "the superior, or 
at least the more persistent, happiness of couples with- 
out children." They can be in all to each other and 
escape the fag of toil and housekeeping. The man is 
able to give his wife a more satisfying companionship 
"and looks forward to the day when he can retire on a 
decent fortune and jaunt about the world with her." 
In the heyday of the Teddy Bear, its vogue was regard- 
ed as symbolic of the substitution of sterile interests for 
the cult of motherhood -an ominous corroboration of 
the trend of the generation. Rossiter in the Atlantic 
of 191 1 sees the significance of the coming of infertility 
in the fact that it is world-wide. "A practise which is 
almost as common among the negroes of the Mississippi 
'black belt' as in Paris or New York cannot be sum- 
marily dismissed as a crime or as a sign of degeneracy." 
The birth-rate of the country as a whole is of course 
still high enough for reasonable purposes. 

Professor Charles F. Emerick in a 191 1 article, "Is 
the Diminishing Birth-rate Volitional?" considers the 



f^ 



4 



248 The American Family 

biological view that the stress of modern life deprives 
the reproductive organs of the essential energy, and the 
medical view that 

Modern transportation and the growing density of population, 
together with the increase of wealth and leisure 
spread the taint of sexual disorders. . . Some authorities 
hold venereal diseases responsible for fully twenty-five per 
cent "of the inability to procreate in man" and for more than 
fifty per cent "of enforced sterility in woman, to say nothing 
of the one-child sterility where the conceptional capacity is ab- 
solutely extinguished with the birth of the first child." 

Emerick sees little evidence "that incapacity due to 
sexual disease has become more common," nor is it 
clear "that venereal diseases are most common in that 
portion of the population where the birth-rate is low- 
est." He raises the question, also, as to whether the 
suddenness of birth-rate decline does not argue against 
constitutional incapacity. "Apparently the ability of 
the reproductive organs to take care of themselves in 
any competitive contest with other demands upon the 
human system is to be presumed." If the fault is with 
the involuntary nervous system, why does the phenom- 
enon appear in rural quietude and among day laborers? 
"Our conclusion ... is that the diminishing 
birth-rate is primarily volitional, and that the various 
factors which make for involuntary sterility are of 
minor importance." "Incapacity is to some extent a 
by-product of certain kinds of 'preventives' that steril- 
ize the reproductive organs. This explains why some 
newly wedded couples who make it a point to avoid 
children subsequently find that they can not have them." 
There is at least a plausible connection between the 
fall of the birth-rate and the rise of woman labor in 
public industry. The Avelings, for instance, quote a 
commissioner as saying that "sewing machine girls are 



Race Sterility and Race Suicide 249 

subject to diseases of the womb and when married most- 
ly have miscarriages." The Avelings themselves de- 
clared 

We have never in the English Manchester seen women so worn 
out and degraded, such famine in their cheeks, such need and 
oppression, starving in their eyes, as in the women we saw 
trudging to their work in the New Hampshire Manchester. 
What must the children born of such women be? 

Helen Campbell in her Women Wage Earners said: 
It is one of the worst evils in shop life, not only for Massachu- 
setts, but for the entire United States that in all large stores, 
where fixed rules must necessarily be adopted, girls are forced 
to ask men for permission to go to closets, and often must run 
the gauntlet of men and boys. All physicians who treat this 
class testify to the fact that many become seriously diseased 
as the result of unwillingness to subject themselves to this 
ordeal. 

Mr. J. C. Cooper in Handwriting on the Wall quoted 
a writer in Woman's Physical Development as saying 
that 

The aversion of woman to child bearing is one of the bitter 
evils of the day - and its effect on the coming race will be of 
serious moment. . . It is very true that the economic condi- 
tions which make the environment of many women are respon- 
sible for the dread of bringing children into the world, both 
directly and indirectly. Directly, by reason of the fact that the 
mother must go into the factory and shop to supplement the fast 
decreasing wage of the father. In the great mill districts of 
New England, mothers work at their looms during the whole 
period of pregnancy, in many instances up to the very day of 
confinement. Not much wonder that these women dread the 
coming of children. 

A woman wrote typically in the 1907 Independent: 
She wanted a child. She believed maternal instincts 
of the majority of American women to be strong. She 
knew many single women in business who would like 
to have a child of their own. But she and her husband 



250 The American Family 

never dared to have a child. This woman had to work 
in order to meet the expenses of the family consisting 
of herself, husband, and a relative. To have a child 
would mean a cut in the mother's earnings and the pos- 
sibility of being incapacitated for work thereafter. A 
child needs so much, and it would be impossible to 
educate it properly. The house in which they lived 
had fifteen families, totalling fourteen children, six of 
whom were in one family, four in another; ten families 
were childless. The woman writing would rather com- 
mit suicide than beget children without hope, ''destined 
from birth for wage slavery and exploitation or 
worse. . . Are the bodies of women to be regarded 
merely as baby machines, to supply the losses which 
civilization creates by its awful mismanagement? . . . 
The master class can't force me to furnish food for its 
factories.'"'' 

Probably if this woman had no access to industry 
she would raise children like the foreigners. The ex- 
pansion of woman's horizon has broadened and length- 
ened her views, and she puts life on a new level. Yet 
the cause of absence of children is of course not woman's 
industrial opportunity but the heavy grind of capital- 
ism keeping the family on the border line of want. 
There is, however, a direct influence exerted on the 
birth-rate by woman's industrial employment: 

I. Access to industry means emancipation from 
economic dependence on man; woman gains prestige; 
she is no longer constrained to yield herself unreserved- 
ly. Her rights will be more considered and her wishes 
in the matter of bearing children count for more. The 
cost of maternity to her will be more regarded. 

179 w^oman's Reason for not Raising a Family": in the Independent, vol. 
Ixii, 780-784. 



Race Sterility and Race Suicide 251 

2. In case of married women who remain at work, 
children are an embarrassment and interfere with a 
career, hence the tendency is to avoid maternity. There 
is perhaps a tendency for other women to admire the 
success of these ladies and imitate their system. To a 
degree child-bearing becomes a reproach when there is 
opportunity for a brilliant career outside the home. 
Mrs. Commander finds however that it is among the 
well-to-do women, with the most liberty and leisure, 
that child-bearing is most generally avoided; labor- 
ing and professional women are more willing to have 
children. 

3. Certain employments have a most injurious ef- 
fect on the health of women. Take the instance of a 
woman working at a foot-power machine fastening 
handles on screw-drivers and giving seven hundred 
fifty kicks an hour to the treadle. Or again a woman 
working at a flax frame, in her bare feet, temperature 
as high as eighty -drenched with water from the flax. 
At night she changes to her street clothes that have been 
hanging on the walls in the dampness. No dressing 
room is provided, so she makes the change in the pres- 
ence of the men. The great complaint of working 
women is about the necessity of standing. Continuous 
standing produces grave effects on the generative or- 
gans of women, entailing suffering and permanent in- 
jury. It may result in sterility. The nerve strain from 
speeding-up results in nervous debility. Sedentary oc- 
cupations cause obstruction of abdominal and pelvic 
organs. Among married workers miscarriages and 
still-births are common.^®" 

4. Birth-rates depend on the age at which women 
marry. If a girl marries at twenty-seven she is not 

180 Jacobi. "Physical Cost of Women's Work." 



2i;2 The American Family 

likely to have more than two or three children and con- 
ception is not so certain at a late age. Nearly or quite 
one-half of the working-women are single during sev- 
eral of the years in which women of former genera- 
tions were rearing children. 

We may say that these tendencies to a lower birth- 
rate are either beneficial or else preventable without 
removing women from industry. We need not be sur- 
prised if the first use of a new freedom occasions ex- 
treme revolt that makes child-bearing a reproach. As 
to the actual sterility produced in certain industries, 
the dangers are in most cases the fruit of bad conditions 
and not a necessary result of work. It will be perfectly 
possible to safeguard woman in most industries that she 
is likely to enter in large numbers. We must not for- 
get, too, that the wretchedness of the home is as serious 
a factor perhaps as the dangers of the factory. Even 
the model housewife in the old-style home with all the 
heavy work is not much better off than the factory girl. 

The reduction of birth-rate already prevalent in the 
upper circles of society is certain to stretch down into 
the lower levels, indeed it is already doing so, though 
not rapidly enough. The poor generally have far too 
many children. Where six or seven are living, there 
have often been three or four deaths. Miscarriages are 
commonplace. Usually mothers would be satisfied 
with two or three children. It is doubtful whether the 
average working-class family can afford as many as 
that in consistency with the mother's health and the 
struggle for existence. Care during pregnancy and 
confinement costs too much; hence disaster to health is 
common. 

The high rate of child mortality, occasioned prin- 
cipally by evil environmental conditions over which 



Race Sterility and Race Suicide 253 

the individual has no control, is an important factor in 
the problem of racial survival. The excess of deaths 
(largely preventable) during the first year of life over 
deaths from all causes at any other equal period of life 
shows that the reduction in child mortality has not kept 
pace with the growth of scientific knowledge. One 
crucial factor in infant mortality is the lack of breast 
feeding. / President Hall wrote some seven or eight 
years ago that "in nearly every land where statistics 
are kept, the mortality during the first year of infants 
that are deprived of the mother's milk, is at least four 
times as great as among those that have it." '"*' Some 
years since a New York physician said: "No matter 
how dark the tenement, how foulsome the street, how 
unsanitary the home, or how sickening the conditions 
in which the child is raised, an infant, fed at the breast 
of a healthy woman, runs little risk of death." ^^^ 

Part of the correlation between absence of breast- 
feeding and infant mortality may be due to general de- 
bility of the stock, producing in the mother inability to 
suckle the child and in the infant a puny constitution. 
President Hall has said that inability to suckle the 
child is the beginning of sterility.'^^ But many mothers 
could nurse their baby if they received an extra quart 
of milk a day or an extra cup of cocoa at each meal.^^* 
In many cases extreme poverty keeps the mother away 
at work and renders the natural feeding impossible. 
Many mothers, however, that could nurse their chil- 
dren have refused to do so, either because of the trouble 
involved or because of supposed eflfects on their beauty, 
probably not knowing that they are inviting premature 

181 Hall. "What is to Become of Your Baby?" 663. 

182 Phillips. "Mother and Baby," 624. 

183 Hall. "What is to Become of Your Baby?" 663. 

184 Phillips. "Mother and Baby," 628. 



254 The American Family 

senility/*'^ Conditions in this respect seem to be better 
today, whether only as a fad or as the lasting result of 
enlightenment remains to be seen. 

The perspective of this chapter, indicating as it does 
the early rise of alarm over "racial decay," should 
somewhat moderate extreme fears rising out of the 
fresh publicity of recent years. Our generation is, at 
any rate, not the originator of the fault; nor has birth 
reduction had, up to the present, any overwhelmingly 
disastrous efifects. It is only in the setting of interna- 
tional rivalry that it need occasion any great perturba- 
tion. If it is true, as Rossiter alleges, that "the large 
family has been and is one of the principal sources of 
the finer elements of American character, the United 
States is what it is today because of large families" - 
we shall find in larger social groups a substitute. It is 
encouraging to know that the dissemination of knowl- 
edge concerning reproduction is building up in an in- 
creasing number of young people an appreciation of 
the deeper responsibilities of marriage and parenthood. 
We can accept with entire assent the words written sev- 
eral years since by President Hall: 

I think the country is justified in believing that even if the 
tide of fecund immigrants should be cut ofif, the men and women 
now alive upon our soil are likely to be succeeded by generations 
which will be better than they.^^^ 



1^'' Jacobi. "Physical Cost of Women's Work," 843. 
186 Hall. "What is to Become of Your Baby?" 668. 



XII. DIVORCE ^^^ 

De Tocqueville said that there was "no country in 
the world where the tie of marriage is so much respect- 
ed as in America, or where conjugal happiness is more 
highly or worthily appreciated." In 1867, Doctor 
Jeffries in his preface to the translation of Carlier's 
Marriage in the United States says that "at present, this 
seems hardly true, even of New England" and remarks 
that "the last six or seven years have not much remedied 
the defects and omissions in the laws on marriage and 
divorce. In some of the western states, the laws of di- 
vorce render marriage temporary concubinage." Rose 
about the same time declared that in America too great 
freedom results in "hasty, ill-assorted marriages, for 
which the divorce court gives a remedy." He says that 
home ties do not bind Americans very strongly; there is 
too much self-assertion, and easy divorce "is a funda- 
mental blow to the family system. . . There is a 
very light impression as to the obligation of the mar- 
riage tie." 

As has been already observed, the rising tide of di- 
vorce was early a subject of much discussion. In 1868 
a writer on the Future of the Family said: 

The sense of the sacredness of the marriage tie is unquestion- 
ably declining. The number of men and women who have 
separated from their wives and husbands is increasing and the 
discredit of such separations is diminishing; and we are assured 
there is now to be found in some of the western states a large 
and increasing class of children . . . who, without having 

1**^ Consult Lichtenberger, Divorce. 



256 The American Family 

been formally and clandestinely abandoned by their parents, are 
nevertheless in a state of doubt as to who are their mothers. 

A few months later the Nation informs us that "mob- 
ilization of the family"-ease of separation-is de- 
manded. 

Loomis in the New Englander of 1868 declares that 
By the operation of our divorce laws, bigamy and polygamy 
have been erected into an institution which retains all their 
vicious attractiveness, and without some of the restraints which 
in Oriental communities mitigate the practical operation of the 
system. We require in our civilized polygamy only that the 
many wives be held in succession, and not altogether, and we re- 
lieve our polygamists of the necessity of supporting more than 
one wife at a time. 

At that time many people said that the increase in 
divorce was due to the Civil War, and that after a 
while there would be no marked increase.'®* Such, 
however, proved a false assumption save in so far as 
the war was responsible for premature development of 
social conditions consequent principally on urban in- 
dustrialism. 

Cowley in Our Divorce Courts (1879) said that the 
frequent failure of the courts to allow adequate ali- 
mony to the divorced wife for the support of herself 
and children in their accustomed style made divorce to 
be sought for sometimes as a measure of economy. Nor 
was alimony always enforced after it had been decreed. 
"Many a river and mill pond in New England has re- 
ceived the drowning body of some distracted wife, thus 
thrown out in helplessness to die." Many such had 
hanged themselves. Some sank into vice and crime. 

Manigault in the United States Unmasked (pub- 
lished in London in the same year) indicated an opin- 

188 National League for Protection of the Family. Annual Report for 
1908, 7-8. 



Divorce 257 

ion that the Americans had gone back on the true prin- 
ciples of marriage which they inherited; divorce, he 
thought, was very loose; people were divorced without 
their knowledge. 

In 1883 a Committee of the General Conference of 
Maine reporting on the divorce evil called attention to 
certain factors as follows: i. The ease with which a 
place of abode is changed and the growing habit of 
travel weakens the power of home life and relaxes 
many healthful moral restraints. 2. The increase of 
luxury and aversion to economy, drudgery, and house- 
work. When young men are unwilling to bestow any 
effort in making their home attractive and young 
women prefer the cotton-mill and shoe-factory to their 
kitchens and drawing rooms the results cannot be good. 
3. The multiplication of bad literature and the false 
views of marriage and practical life which are widely 
inculcated by this means. A marriage contracted for 
romantic motives and in defiance of sound common 
sense will not be likely to prove a happy one. 4. Am- 
bition for notoriety and a dazzling career. 5. Multi- 
plication of organizations on a different foundation 
than that of the family. 

There are organizations in our country, numbered by the hun- 
dred thousands, into which the family life cannot enter, in which 
the members stand as simple individuals, and are treated as if 
there were no such thing as family obligations . . . with 
little or no recognition of the family and the home, taking people 
away from home, and giving them associations and interests 
separate from those of their families. 

6. Absence of children in marriage; most marriages 
that end in divorce are childless. 

In the same year Dr. Morgan Dix, rector of Trinity, 
said that divorce and other evils portended the destruc- 
tion of home and social order. "Communism, which 



258 The American Family 

aims at the subversion of all existing institutions, is 
logically correct in proclaiming the design of abolish- 
ing marriage, and making all children the property of 
the state, to be reared at the public expense." In the 
Popular Science Monthly for the same year a writer 
remarks that "there is no contract of the value of twenty 
dollars, subject to the verdict of a jury or the decision 
of a court, that is so easily avoided and so shamefully 
dissolved as the contract of marriage." Charles Dick- 
ens' magazine, All the Year Round, in the same year 
quotes an American lady lecturer as saying: 

A man who has been married, divorced, and remarried, will, 
in travelling from Maine to Florida, find himself sometimes a 
bachelor, sometimes married to his first wife, sometimes mar- 
ried to his second wife, sometimes a divorced man, and some- 
times a bigamist, according to the statutes of the States through 
which he is travelling. 

This exaggerated reductio ad absurdum is not alto- 
gether antiquarian today. 

At the time when the Divorce Reform League was 
organized in 1881, statistical information on divorce 
was almost lacking. 

Most of the United States and Europe were still a blank on 
the subject. Crude notions prevailed. Southerners denied that 
divorce prevailed to any extent in their part of the country. 
Intemperance was thought by many to lie at the bottom of the 
evil. The feeling was general that nine-tenths of the divorces 
were obtained through migration to a foreign State for the 
purpose.^^^ 

A comprehensive national investigation was necessary 
and was authorized in 1887, the result being Carroll D. 
Wright's monumental work of 1889, 

By 1886 the League had "become the means of inter- 
communication for those interested in the welfare of 

1**^ Dike. Review of Tiventy-five Years, 5. 



Divorce 259 

the family." A statistical survey of forty-four Ver- 
mont towns had been made which threw 

Strong light on the condition of the home in the back neigh- 
borhoods of country towns and the need of putting the Family 
at its appropriate work as the most feasible means of Christian 
work in them. . . It is in the rural counties of a state 
that we find the highest divorce rate in the great majority of 
instances and it is from these that a large part of the growth 
of cities eventually comes.^®" 

In the report of 1887 reference is made to an inquiry 
by the New York Sun into the evasions and abuses of 
the divorce law in New York City. 

The fullest details are given to show that fraud, perjury, and 
forgery are constantly practised and the Sun declares there 
are no less than fifteen establishments in the city turning out 
hundreds of bogus divorces every year. . . I have not seen 
the correctness of the exposure questioned. Some things which 
the experts of the Bureau of Labor have already discovered in 
Utah parallel the story. 

The secretary, Doctor Dike, wrote in the same year in 
his Perils to the Family : 

The conflicting marriage and divorce laws of the country have 
less to do with the increase of divorce than most people think, 
but they are a great evil in their opportunities for fraud, and 
in the uncertainty they give to the legal status of the married 
or divorced, as they pass from state to state, and of their chil- 
dren. And not the least of the evils is their efifect on the 
popular ideas of what marriage and the family are. 

He said 

Facts [of divorce] amount to a practical confession that five, 
ten, twelve, and even fourteen per cent of the families in cer- 
tain large communities are beyond the reach of all Christian or 
philanthropic or civil means of relief. . . We must add a 
fourth to represent those whose petitions for divorce are denied. 

He adds that considerable numbers of people ''discard 
the legal steps out of one marriage into another, and 

190 National Divorce Reform League, Rept. of 1886, 4, 6. 



260 The American Family 

that illicit unions as substitutes for marriage are of 
dangerous frequency. The practice is not unknown in 
country towns." Statistics fail as to families that are 
formally continued, but in which loveless relations 
have "made many unions a living death." Dike said 
further that the number of those who deliberately for- 
sook marriage for illicit relations showed an increase in 
cities and probably elsewhere. 

There is reason to think that heedless marriages, a decrease in 
the whole number of marriages and of children, with an in- 
crease in illegitimate births, and a great increase in the various 
offences against chastity, have accompanied the increase of 
divorces. 

Gladstone wrote in the Nineteenth Century of 1889: 
It is in America that, from whatever cause, this [marriage] 
controversy has reached a stage of development more advanced 
than elsewhere. Moreover the present social life of America 
offers at all points a profoundly important field of observation, 
towards which European eyes have hardly yet begun to be 
turned. . . Many a reader on this side of the water will be 
startled when he learns that in the old state of Connecticut one 
marriage is dissolved in every ten, and in the new state of 
California one in every seven. He may learn with equal sur- 
prise that in South Carolina there is ... no legal divorce 
whatever. . . I understand that the experience of America 
as well as of this country tends to show that divorce is largely 
associated with that portion of communities which is lacking in 
solid and stable conditions of life generally. America may 
suffer specially from the shiftings of relative position and cir- 
cumstance, incidental to a forward movement in things mate- 
rial of an unexampled rapidity ... it seems indisputable 
that America is the arena on which many of the problems con- 
nected with the marital state are in course of being rapidly, 
painfully, and perilously tried out. 

Doctor Mulford was quoted about the same time as de- 
claring that "the Family is the most important question 
that has come before the American people since the 
War." 



Divorce 261 

Wright's Report of 1889 indicates that: i. The 
number of divorces in the United States during twenty 
years as reported from ninety-five per cent of all the 
counties, including ninety-eight per cent of the entire 
population was 328,716. They increased with great 
uniformity from 9,937 in 1867 to 25,535 ^"^ 1886, or one 
hundred fifty-seven per cent against an increase in pop- 
ulation of about sixty per cent. 2. The percentage of 
success in application seemed to be increasing. 3. In- 
temperance figured in twenty per cent of about thirty 
thousand cases selected for examination. 4. The dura- 
tion of marriage before divorce averaged nine and sev- 
enteen hundredths years for the period and seemed to be 
steadily increasing. Not less than 25,371 couples ob- 
tained divorces in this period after living together more 
than twenty-one years and the average duration of mar- 
riages of this class was twenty-six and ninety-five hun- 
dredths years. 5. Out of the 328,716 divorces, 57,524 
were granted to parties known to be without children; 
129,382 or thirty-nine and four-tenths per cent were 
known to have children. 6. Out of the total number, 
the place of marriage was in 31,389 instances unknown; 
7,739 couples had been married in a foreign country; 
of the remainder, eighty and one-tenth per cent were 
married in the state where they were divorced, leaving 
nineteen and nine-tenths per cent as migrants. The 
movement of native population from the state of birth 
was in 1870, twenty-three and two-tenths and in 1880, 
twenty-two and one-tenth per cent; so that even if al- 
lowance were made for the fact that the average di- 
vorced person had a much shorter time between mar- 
riage and divorce in which to move to another state 
than the average person had had in the duration of his 
life, migration for purpose of divorce, and hence need 
of uniform law, was not the issue. 



262 The American Family 

The ^'Marriage and Divorce Report of 1909" in- 
corporates most of the material of the report of 1889, 
making practically a report of forty years, 1867 to 1906 
inclusive. The report showed that the increase in di- 
vorce had continued to be very great and widely dif- 
fused. Between 1867 and 1906, the divorce- rate for 
the United States as a whole per hundred thousand of 
estimated population showed in general a steady rise. 
Every section showed a marked increase. 

Taking the divorce movement by decades the Bulle- 
tin says: 

An increase of thirty per cent in the population between the 
years 1870 and 1880 was accompanied with an increase of 
seventy-nine per cent in the number of divorces granted. In 
the next decade, 1880 to 1890, the population increased twen- 
ty-five per cent and the divorces seventy per cent, and in the 
following decade, 1 890 to 1900, an increase of twenty-one per 
cent in population was accompanied with an increase of sixty- 
six per cent in the number of divorces. 

' In 1867 there were twenty-seven divorces in the United 
States per hundred thousand of estimated population; 
in 1906 the figure was eighty-six. The population in 
1905 was estimated as little more than double that of 
1870 but divorces were six times as numerous. 

Broadly speaking, said the report, the divorce-rate 
increased as one went westward. The assumption that 
social differences between old and new regions would 
lessen so as to eliminate dififerences in divorce-rates 
seemed questionable, for the divorce-rate of the north- 
eastern section increased more slowly than formerly 
while that of the western and newer sections increased 
more rapidly. The rate of increase had been retarded 
or stopped in a few of the states where most attention 
had been given to efforts at reform in legislation and 
public sentiment. Between 1867 and 1906 the divorce- 



Divorce 263 

rate per hundred thousand of estimated population had 
by far its greatest growth in the South, especially in the 
south central division. Increasing resort of the negro 
population to court procedure may account for part of 
the rise, but there are no conclusive statistics as to the 
comparative prevalence of divorce among the two 
races. It is not strange, however, that developments in 
the new South should cause it to catch up with other 
sections. 

In 1905 the United States had about one divorce to 

every twelve marriages, but Colorado, Texas, Arkansas, 
and Indiana all had one divorce to every six marriages; 
Montana, one to five; Washington, one to four. In /" 
1903 in San Francisco the ratio was one to three. Esti- 
mates applied to marriages celebrated in 1887 indicate 

that somewhere between^ineia. twelve-arid one tn six-^^^ 

teen would probably end in divorce. Other calcula- 
tions suggest that probably twelve is nearer right. 

The Report points out as factors affecting the situa- 
tion in different parts of the country, race, nationality, 
immigration, religion, especially the Roman Catholic, 
variations in law, court procedure, interstate movement 
of population, industrial, and other considerations. 
Such comparison as the investigation afforded between 
conditions in the large cities and in more sparsely pop- 
ulated sections went to show that the divorce-rate had 
increased faster in the cities than outside them, but on 
the whole, though in some states the differences between 
urban and rural communities were marked, the rates 
differed comparatively little. 

The average duration of marriage before divorce was 
nine and seventeen-hundredths years for the period 
1867-1886 and nine and nine-tenths years for the follow- 
ing twenty-year period. The percentage that had been 



264 The American Family 

married twenty-one years or more was for the respec- 
tive periods, seven and eight-tenths and ten and one- 
tenth. In four-fifths of the total cases the length of 
time between separation and divorce was ascertained. 
Of these, nearly one-half had been separated more than 
three years before they obtained a divorce. Of all ap- 
plications for divorce, seventy-one and seven-tenths per 
cent were granted, eighteen and nine-tenths per cent 
were denied or discontinued, and nine and four-tenths 
per cent were pending. In the second twenty-year 
period only fifteen and four-tenths per cent of cases 
were contested. At the time of the report the practice 
of contesting divorce suits by the state was increasing. 
In many cases the personal contest was hardly more 
than a formality. Interstate migration for purposes of 
divorce seemed to be slight, though immigration from 
Canada for that purpose was apparently considerable; 
for while only eleven and four-tenths per cent of our 
foreign-born population was from Canada, thirty-six 
and nine-tenths per cent of the divorced couples of the 
last twenty years married in other countries were mar- 
ried in Canada. 

It would seem that in general, restrictive measures 
of all kinds affect the statistics for from two to five 
years, and then the people find new ways of getting 
divorce. The study of the statistics following restric- 
tions put on remarriage indicates that divorces often 
decrease thereafter comparatively little or only for a 
few years, to rise again to nearly the old rates. Figures 
for 1887 to 1901 may be interpreted to indicate a slight- 
ly growing disposition of the courts to grant applica- 
tions for divorce. 

To the quota of divorces must of course be added a 



Divorce 265 

considerable number of separations that do not pass 
through the tribunals of divorce. Elwood says: 

Among the very poor it is found that tlie number of illegal 
desertions and separations in the United States is about four 
times the number of legal divorces. Desertion, in other words, 
is the divorce of the poor. Making allowance for this fact, it 
would seem conservative to add to the statistics of divorce in 
this country about twenty per cent for desertions and separa- 
tions which are not legalized by our courts. ^^^ 

All along, some have recognized in the divorce phe- 
nomenon certain beneficent facts. Audouard, writing 
of America in 1869- 1870, attributed the extreme rarity 
of adultery in America, in the first place to the institu- 
tion of divorce. "Up to that point they mutually re- 
spect the sworn faith. Cases of divorce are, moreover, 
less numerous in America than cases of separation in 
France." Men and women show good sense and tol- 
erance. Cowley's conclusion of 1879 in Our Divorce 
Courts is very suggestive: 

The laws which permitted marriages to be dissolved for causes 
which demonstrated that they had failed to secure the objects 
for which they were formed, did not create those causes: they 
merely enacted that when such causes existed certain conse- 
quences should follow, and certain relief be afforded to the 
aggrieved party. And the long maintenance of these laws in 
such circumstances as those in New England, may well be re- 
garded as showing that, on the whole, they were wise and 
good. 

Gaillardet a little later notes the numerousness of di- 
vorces in the United States, but sees in it a compensa- 
tion for the rarity of illegitimate establishments. 

The drift of legislation for the past twenty-five or 
thirty years has been almost wholly in the direction of 
greater restriction. The fact that restrictive legislation 

^31 Ellwood. "Divorce Problem," 230. 



266 The American Family 

does not, as a rule, reduce the rate very largely, and that 
the same is true of the increasing uniformity of law, 
points to some deep-lying cause of the wave of divorce. 
In general, the increase of divorce corresponds to the 
basic transformation imposed upon society by the mod- 
ern industrial system. The causes of the present di- 
vorce situation may be summarized as follows: 

The basal explanation is the flux of modern civiliza- 
tion, due largely to the torrent of mechanical invention. 
Inasmuch as this stream of social innovation proceeds 
obviously from the city it seems natural to attribute 
divorce in great measure to urban conditions and be- 
liefs. Fishberg wrote in 1906 that ''in western Europe 
and America where the Jews are completely under 
the influence of modern city life, divorces are frequent 
and are growing in frequency." In Europe, divorce 
seems to be peculiarly an urban phenomenon and the 
United States census report of 1909 comes to the con- 
clusion for this country that "as a broad general state- 
ment ... it may be safely said that the divorce- 
rate in cities of at least one hundred thousand inhab- 
itants is greater than it is in smaller cities and country 
districts." In the old rural society, custom reigned. 
It was custom to live with one wife; it was custom for 
the wife to be submissive and for the husband's author- 
ity to overrule incompatibility. Moreover when peo- 
ple usually spent their entire lives at the place of their 
birth, the sentiment of their neighbors acted with tell- 
ing force. A man that formally broke up his family 
or a woman that formally deserted her husband had to 
take into account the antagonism of the neighborhood 
and the bitterness of its frown. City life is a great sol- 
vent of custom ; neighbors do not know each other or, if 
they do, they are tolerant, or the problem may be solved 



Divorce 267 

by moving. Hence one is free to follow fancy in mat- 
ters of divorce. Moreover in the city the general ten- 
sion growing out of the rush of things and the crum- 
bling of the edge of existence is greater than in Ar- 
cadian retreats. During the generation after the war, 
the generation of urbanization, old scruples had dimin- 
ishing weight. Between the war and the opening of 
the new century there developed a marked willingness 
to plead what were once considered slight grounds for 
divorce."^ 

In this country, however, the solvent influences of 
dynamic civilization are far from being confined to the 
cities. The new ways pervade speedily and thoroughly 
large areas of the rural population, so that the usages 
of these country dwellers become, as it were, urbanized. 
The report of 1909 shows counties of comparatively 
small population and containing no large town or city 
but with divorce rates higher (sometimes far higher) 
than the average for the state or for counties designated 
as "city counties" (that is, counties considerably more 
than half of whose people lived in a large city). On 
the other hand, many counties with cities of from forty 
to fifty thousand population had divorce-rates below 
that of their state."' 

Family breaks are probably due more to monetary 
difficulties than to almost any other cause. The rising 
standard of living presses on the income of the family, 
which is often insufficient to supply the demands of a 
wife devoid of all conceptions of family responsibility 
or of scientific administration. Perhaps the most im- 
portant ground for divorce is desertion. Now while 
this ofifense may often be contrived as a cover for the 

^92 Compare Dike, Summary of the Chief Points of the U. S. Marriage 
and Divorce Report of iqoq, 13-14. 

^33 Compare Lichtenberger, Divorce, 80-82. 



; 



I 



268 The American Family 

hidden cause, the prevalence of desertion by the hus- 
band among the poorer classes has for some time been 
serious. The report of the corresponding secretary of 
the Divorce Reform League for 1898 says: 

Several years ago we called attention to the abuses by the lower 
classes of the laws permitting divorce for desertion or neglect 
to support one's family. The number of instances of this kind, 
especially if we include those cases of desertion where marriage 
to other parties has taken place without divorce at all . . . 
must be enormously large, and become a serious menace to 
society. Some of these cases are reached by . . . laws 
making the failure to support one's family, when able to do so, 
a crime. But in many instances the deserting husband flees to 
another state and puts himself beyond the reach of the law. 

By such means, husbands are able to escape from the 
accruing economic pressure and to throw the burden of 
their family upon the community. 

Miss Caroline Grimsby of the Chicago Court of Do- 
mestic Relations reaches the conclusion that most homes 
are broken up because of financial difficulties, a con- 
clusion strengthened by the opinions of Judge Hen- 
nings of St. Louis. Miss Grimsby was quoted in 1913 
as saying: 

Most of the quarrels in married life start over money - the 
lack of money. It's the industrial system that's to blame at 
bottom, rather than the husband or the wife. The husband 
works for a small wage. When he comes home tired at night 
he hasn't the home he wants, because his wife hasn't the money 
to make it comfortable. The wife is unattractive. She has no 
money to buy pretty clothes and no time to make the best of 
herself. She is irritable from constant struggling to make ends 
meet. He is tired out from hard work. The triangle is as 
common in the domestic relations court as in the problem play. 
Men whose wives work too hard to find time to keep them- 
selves interesting to their husbands are attracted elsewhere.^^* 

19* Milwaukee Leader news item dated Chicago, Oct. lo [1913] : "Says 
most Homes are Broken up by Wrangles over Money." 



Divorce 269 

In the same year Judge Hennings is quoted as declar- 
ing that divorce seems to be one luxury that the poor 
indulge in more than the rich. The judge attributed 
this fact chiefly to the reason that the husband, on small 
salary, finds the task of supporting a family a bigger 
one than he anticipated. 

As his expenses Increase he becomes irritable, and consequently 
there are quarrels between husband and wife over household 
expenses, and matters of less trivial nature. Very often a sep- 
aration results, and if the wife brings suit for divorce the 
husband, in many cases, lets her get a decree by default, glad 
to be rid of his marital responsibilities.^'*^ 

At the other end of society modern industrialism has 
developed a pathological parasitism of the female 
which makes her little more than a vendor of sex- 
services or a vehicle of advertisement. She sells her- 
self to the highest bidder and passes into a life-long 
prostitution accredited with respectability. Under 
such conditions the probability of happiness is slight 
and a "divorce scandal in high life" is more intrinsical- 
ly normal in many cases than was the forging of the 
bond that made it necessary. 

The modern social system has removed the economic 
tie of the family by scattering its members to divergent 
and scattered interests. Women are more capable of 
self-support and men are therefore under less con- 
straint, and by reason of the increased cost of life less 
willing, to support a woman they no longer love. Eco- 
nomic stress has heightened individualism and keyed 
up the nervous system, thus unsettling the equilibrium 
of the home. Higher age of marriage means the mat- 
ing of persons whose habits are relatively fixed. "The 
democratic spirit of self determination" seeks to loosen 

195 Milwaukee Leader news item dated St. Louis, July i [1913]: "Pov- 
erty Blamed as Divorce Cause by St. Louis Judge." 



270 The American Family 

bonds that no longer command the assent of the will. 
Men and women live increasingly for pleasure; the age 
of surplus has eliminated asceticism; people believe in 
the pursuit of happiness and take little stock in renunci- 
ation. 

The shifting of social levels factors in alienation. 
When prosperity and affluence have brought new pos- 
sibilities, the husband or the wife may cling to the old 
ways to the disgust of the other partner. The prestige 
of the fashionable set and the increasing numbers of 
divorced persons tend to wipe out prejudice against the 
practice. Simplification of legal process has thrown it 
open to the masses. Moreover ethical standards in 
America are continually in flux owing to the rapidity 
of basic economic changes and the infiltration of new 
peoples. Mechanistic foundations of progress have 
abolished or at least weakened the religious bond of 
marriage and of duty. A large element is developing 
in our population, largely the descendants of foreign 
parents, who recognize no religious sanction whatever. 
Many of the immigrants of course are Roman Cath- 
olics and come from countries where the divorce habit 
is weaker, hence the divorce-rate is much higher among 
native whites than among the foreign born.^^^ 

The fact that American marriage has been less en- 
tangled than European in property relations has facil- 
itated divorce. Parents not having given a girl a dow- 
ry can receive her back into the home without robbing 
the other children. Moreover the fact that marriage 
is an individual afifair rather than the union of fam- 
ilies is an important simplification of the situation when 
divorce is under consideration. The very fact that 
marriage can be entered on youthful infatuation with- 

19^ Ellwood. "Sociology and modern social Problems," 119. 



Divorce 271 

out much counsel from older heads may be responsible 
for breaks. Idle wives, too, become discontented and 
go astray. 

The divorce movement is largely a part of feminism. 
Women rather than men have been the serious sufferers 
from marital evils and their revolt is marked. For the 
forty-year period covered by authentic information, 
two-thirds of all divorces were granted on demand of 
the wife. The new ideals of woman are in conflict 
with the old despotism of the husband. A consider- 
able factor in woman's protest must be the new knowl- 
edge about venereal disease, so that divorce is sought as 
an escape from the pollution of marriage intercourse. 
No one can doubt that in so far as recourse to divorce 
is due to unwillingness to sustain marital relations with 
unfit men it is a movement for the good of the family. 
The fact of woman's access to industry must be a prime 
factor in opening to her the possibility of separation 
from husband. In the western states, where women 
are scarce, wives have of course another reason for will- 
ingness to seek divorce, viz. the fair chance of remar- 
riage. It is noteworthy, also, that the West, always 
regardful of women, has been liberal in its divorce pol- 
icy. Of significance also is the fact that in both twenty- 
year periods for which statistics are at hand, the per- 
centage of divorces granted to the wife was lowest in 
the South. 

It seems scarcely probable that increase of divorce is 
due to growth of sex vice. It is probable that on the 
whole sexual morality in America has improved and is 
improving, though of course one can not be very confi- 
dent as to such change and the last generation has 
doubtless witnessed depravation in some quarters. Cer- 
tainly American divorce does not indicate extraordi- 



272 The American Family 

nary lack of marital fidelity; married life is certainly 
purer than in Europe. Wives are not courted as they 
have been in France; even in the poorer classes, wifely 
fidelity is highly prized. To a considerable extent, 
divorce is in the interest of the deeper sanctity of life 
which demands the cessation of relationships that have 
ceased to be ties of the spirit. Divorce for the sake of 
immediate remarriage is less frequent than many sup- 
pose. 

Apparently the divorce-rate is much higher among 
childless couples than among those with children. The 
parental instinct is still a strong tie to bind husband and 
wife together. It is hardly safe to assume, however, 
that the childlessness was the cause of the divorce; it 
may be merely symptomatic of fundamental alienation 
that removed all desire to have children. 

As yet we have supplied no new elements of family 
integrity to take the place of the passing economic and 
religious ties. Wide spread of liberal ideas about life 
in general is normal to a period of general change dur- 
ing which old standards snap before the new have 
grown strong. While marriage is in the state of flux 
it is not strange that it should be looked upon more and 
more as an experiment that can not fairly be allowed to 
settle the life destiny of two more or less irresponsible 
persons. 

Though in 1885 this country had more divorces than 
all the rest of "the Christian civilized world" taken to- 
gether and in 1905 the discrepancy was considerably 
greater, it must not be supposed that the increase of 
divorce is solely an American phenomenon. The 1889 
report indicated that nearly the same rate of increase 
was present in Europe as a whole, and in Canada, as in 
the United States. The report of 1909 showed that 



Divorce 273 

there was, with few exceptions, an increase throughout 
the civilized world far greater than the increase in 
population. The problem is simply more accentuated 
in the United States than in most other countries. 

In our treatment of marriage and divorce the issue is 
between the '^revocable contract" theory and the "social 
institution" theory. As Bourget remarked in the early 
nineties: '^In certain western codes the rupture of the 
marriage tie is not much more complicated than the 
purchase of a piece of ground." Today divorce laws 
vary from that of South Carolina, where divorce is ab- 
solutely prohibited by the constitution and that of New 
York where only one cause -adultery -is recognized, 
to some extremely liberal western codes where divorce 
may be had for any one of a host of causes. The law of 
Washington a few years ago allowed the court to grant 
divorce "for any cause deemed by it sufficient, and when 
it shall be satisfied that the parties can no longer live 
together." The extreme laxity of procedure in Amer- 
ican courts has been severely criticized. The United 
States numbers its divorce courts by the thousand while 
England has had but one, and France and Germany a 
very few each. But very few divorces are granted on 
trivial grounds. From 1867 ^o 1886 over ninety-seven 
per cent of all divorces were granted for these six 
causes: adultery, desertion, cruelty, imprisonment for 
crime, habitual drunkenness, neglect on the part of the 
husband to provide for his family. Over sixty per 
cent were granted for adultery or desertion. From 
1867 to 1906 over ninety-four per cent were granted for 
the six principal causes and over fifty-five per cent for 
adultery and desertion, while in other cases adultery 
and desertion combined with other causes, making a 
total of over sixty-two per cent. 



274 ^^^ American Family 

The procedure essential to the reestablishment of 
family stability does not, as frequently supposed, consist 
primarily in the augmentation of the stringency of civil 
or ecclesiastical repression. South Carolina, for in- 
stance, prohibits divorce yet 

South Carolina has found it necessary to regulate by law the 
proportion of his property which a married man may give to 
the woman with whom he has been living in violation of the 
law. As late as 1899, the courts were called upon to apply 
this law in order to protect the rights of the wedded wife and 
her children, in a case in which it appeared that both the hus- 
band and the wife had been living in adultery since the sepa- 
ration. ^^'^ 

The reintegration of the family (if such a thing be 
possible) involves a line of procedure that has scarcely 
begun to be contemplated, viz. a fundamental social 
reconstruction. Our economic system requires read- 
justment so as to remove the abnormal pressure on the 
working-class family, the abnormal strain on the mid- 
dle-class family, and the fatty degeneration of the 
upper-class family. Clearly, before full responsibility 
for lapses from loyalty can be placed on the individuals 
directly concerned, economic exploitation must be en- 
tirely abolished. 

Next to the policy of social reconstruction, the broad- 
est measure of progress will be the development and 
propagation of a new conception of marriage to cor- 
respond to the new social order. There was a time 
when marriage meant the absorption of the woman's 
personality in that of the man. Today we are approx- 
imating a condition in which many husbands and wives 
scarcely touch each other let alone merge, but rather 
strain apart as far as the bonds of matrimony will al- 
low. Municipal Judge Gemmill of Chicago in the 

^^'' Judge Stevens, cited in Lichtenberger, Divorce, 145. 



Divorce 275 

Illinois Law Review in 1914, says: "Just in propor- 
tion as women have emerged from servility to equality 
with men, and as the home has become elevated and be- 
come the center of the state, have the grounds for di- 
vorce been liberalized and the number of divorces in- i^ 
creased." He sees in the prevalence of divorce a sign 
of progress and of the elevation of women and the 
home. "The states that have the lowest percentage of 
illiteracy and are the most progressive in their law- 
making show the largest percentage of divorces." 

The marriage of the future will be recognized to be 
a psychic union of man and woman on a basis of abso- 
lute equality and rights in every respect. This will 
make possible a comradeship that could not exist be- 
tween superior and inferior. When the right of one 
member to be a despot ceases to be recognized in any 
degree, a start will have been made at establishing the 
family on a sane basis. This is a matter for education 
of public opinion as well as legal action. Society must 
pursue a definite policy of education for marriage. 
This should include the instruction of the youth of both 
sexes in the nature of the sex-life, the meaning and pur- j 
pose of marriage, and the reciprocal duties of the sexes. 
The aim should be to cultivate in each sex its essential 
qualities and to lead both to insist on a single standard 
of morality in the sex life. Girls should be trained in 
the principles and practice of household administra- 
tion and both sexes should be brought to see that wo- 
man's function therein is one of economic productivity. 
Society should restrict marriage to the fit and safeguard 
all in the industrial world so that each fit person can 
afiford to marry. As success of marriage is said to bear 
a direct relation to length of acquaintance before mar- 
riage it seems advisable to require the filing of a dec- 



276 The American Family 

laration of intention a considerable time in advance of 
the issuance of a license. Ministers should be re- 
strained from marrying persons with whom they are 
not acquainted, save on the sponsorship of responsible 
individuals. No form of marriage should be recog- 
nized that does not conform to the above requirements. 
Some indication of the significance of the foregoing 
considerations may be found in the country's experi- 
ence with "Gretna Greens." New Jersey was at one 
time notorious for its Camden marriages. Many from 
Philadelphia and vicinity went to that city to be mar- 
ried without license. For two years Camden County 
averaged 4,785 marriages, six or seven times its normal 
quota. In the next two years, after a license law had 
been enacted, marriages in that county averaged only 
1,083. ^^ 1899 Wisconsin introduced a marriage li- 
cense law requiring license to be issued at least five 
days before marriage. Milwaukee marriages fell off 
nearly forty per cent and those for the state, about fif- 
teen per cent, while marriages in Michigan increased 
almost as much as the loss in Wisconsin less the increase 
in Chicago. For some years prior to 1908 Rhode 
Island had served many of the people of Massachusetts. 
In 1906, five hundred twenty-three couples from the 
latter state took out licenses in Providence alone.'^* 

The significance of migratory marriages is suggested 
by a news item of a few years ago : 

The Reverend D. E. Long, pastor of the Presbyterian church 
of Menominee, has announced his resignation. Several hun- 
dred Wisconsin couples will take more or less interest in the 
announcement because the Reverend Mr. Long might well be 
known as the "marrying parson." Owing to the fact that no 
wait is necessary under Michigan laws after a marriage license 

19" National League for Protection of the Family. Report for igo8, 12- 
13 ; for 1907, lo-n. 



Divorce 277 

is issued, hundreds of eloping couples, and couples wanting se- 
crecy, have visited Menominee in the past five or six years to 
have the knot tied. Outside of those who patronize the justices 
of the peace, the Reverend Mr. Long is believed to have had the 
largest number of ceremonies. At one time Justice Vandenberg 
of Menominee gave trading stamps with all marriage certifi- 
cates. 

If national uniformity in respect to any item of fam- 
ily law is desirable, surely a uniform marriage law 
would be one of the first desiderata. 

On November i, 191 1, after three years of work, 
preceded by two or three of tentative study by com- 
missions appointed by the governors of the states, a 
proposed uniform marriage law was submitted to the 
public, having been worked out with great care after 
criticisms and suggestions by jurists and others from 
every part of the United States. It was confined to the 
regulation of marriage and marriage licenses and did 
not profess to be so nearly ideal as were the codes of 
some European countries but it did ofifer an ap^proach 
toward the ideal along the line of the trend of Ameri- 
can law on the subject. A brief summary of some chief 
points is as follows: 

Insistence on a license in all cases, but with proper 
qualifications, as in case of marriages innocently con- 
tracted without license. All so-called common-law 
marriages were to be made void. License could issue 
only in prescribed jurisdiction where one of the parties 
resided. Except in certain cases of emergency, appli- 
cation for license must be made five days in advance of 
its issue. Facts as to nationality, color, and occupation 
must be given. The certificate of the dissolution, by 
death or divorce, of a former marriage must accom- 
pany the application. The persons must be properly 
identified and law as to marriageable age strictly ob- 



278 The American Family 

served. Notice of the application must be posted in 
the license office and provision was made for objections 
to the marriage. Issue of license would not remove legal 
disabilities. A certificate of marriage in prescribed 
form should be issued in duplicate and one copy be re- 
turned for filing, the license itself being recorded. The 
license docket should be open for inspection or copy- 
ing. Provision was made for the legitimation of ille- 
gitimate children in certain cases. 

In the matter of divorce legislation and procedure 
the proper guiding principle is found in the fact that 
marriage is neither a private contract nor a spiritual 
sacrament but a social institution, an agency to be util- 
ized for the general good. Procedure in divorce cases 
should be studied and deliberate, giving time for 
friends and possibly authorities to exhaust the possibil- 
ities of reconciliation. Laws as to residence, notifica- 
tion of respondent, and proof of charges should be 
strict. The case should not be allowed to degenerate 
into a criminal prosecution. Trial should be before a 
special court composed of experts, preferably both men 
and women. 

At the time when the Divorce Reform League was 
organized. 

Nearly everybody, except President Woolsey, was looking to 
an amendment of the Constitution of the United States as the 
only way to uniform divorce laws. Nobody then thought of 
a uniform marriage law. The common opinion then was that 
nine-tenths of all the divorces in the country were due to migra- 
tion for the purpose. ^^'^ 

But statistics show that uniformity of divorce statute is 
not the issue. The propaganda for national uniformity 
is very well, but it is incidental rather than fundamen- 
tal in importance and care must be taken that it shall 

^99 Dike. Revieiu of Tiaenty-five Years, 11. 



Divorce 279 

not take place along lines of universal laxity or of re- 
action toward antiquated standards. In every case the 
situation must be judged as a whole in view of the in- 
terests of all concerned. Special strictness should be 
observed in the case of applicants with children. In 
many instances reconciliation should be attempted by 
proper officials. In certain cases also, society should 
require a separation irrespective of the initiative of the 
parties. Whether aside from such cases where society 
in the interest of the race must require separation, it 
will be advisable to multiply causes for dissolving the 
marriage relation, is doubtful. In his History of Mat- 
rimonial Institutions, published in 1904, Howard writes: 

Decided progress has been made during the last twenty years. 
Within this period the foundation of what may sometime be- 
come a common and effective divorce code for the whole Union 
has slowly been laid. Little by little . . . more stringent 
provisions for notice have been made, longer terms for previous 
residence for the plaintiff required, and more satisfactory condi- 
tions of remarriage after the decree prescribed; while some of 
the "omnibus" clauses in the list of statutory causes have been 
repealed. Much of the best of this work has been accomplished, 
it is but just to record, through the activity of the National 
Divorce Reform League and its successor, the National League 
for the Protection of the Family. 

The tendency in this country seems now to be in the 
direction of tightening the laws of marriage and di- 
vorce and much is to be said in favor of increasing the 
restriction. There is not much ground for supposing 
that people marry with the definite thought of divorce 
in reserve; yet the idea is continually being instilled 
into the subconscious and is likely to result in greater 
carelessness in entering matrimony. Moreover a good 
law may discourage hasty and ill-considered resort to 
the divorce courts, which evidently sometimes proves a 
mistake, judging by the cases of remarriage of divorced 



J 



280 The American Family 

persons to each other. Judge W. J. Turner of Mil- 
waukee declared in 1913 that "fully fifty per cent of the 
divorces in Milwaukee county are due to the meddling 
of neighbors or other outsiders and not to any real de- 
sire of those seeking divorce to separate." He advised 
that all divorce actions should be brought by the state 
and only after a county attorney appointed for the pur- 
pose had decided that there was no other solution of the 
problem.=^°° 

Too great strictness leads to disregard of law and 
illicit union, as seen in England. Moreover it prob- 
ably makes little difference whether the causes allowed 
are many or few, for people determined to separate can 
produce the necessary cause. More hinges on the ad- 
ministration of the law. It will be necessary to con- 
duct lengthy experiments with various sorts of law be- 
fore final certainty as to the ideal procedure can be 
reached. 

Divorce without opportunity to remarry is subject to 
grave danger. Remarriage of divorced persons may 
be preferable to concubinage. 

We may say with reasonable assurance that the di- 
vorce policy in this country will move in the following 
lines: i. Greater uniformity among the states. 2. A 
tightening of the system so as to leave less to the discre- 
tion of incompetent judges, to slow the process of di- 
vorce, and to diminish the number of causes for which 
divorce may be granted. 3. Grant of privilege to re- 
marry to the innocent party; and perhaps, in certain 
cases, a penalty upon the guilty. 4. Suppression of 
newspaper purveying of divorce scandals. 5. Greater 
safeguards about the entrance of matrimony so that all 

200 Milwaukee Leader news item dated Madison, Wis., Dec. 30 [1913]: 
"Meddlers Cause half of Divorce, asserts Turner." 



Divorce 281 

that can be ascertained unfit will be excluded. 6. The 
development of a new conception of marriage and the 
family suited to changed industrial and social condi- 
tions. This together with a reconstruction of society 
on a democratic basis will work toward a solution of 
the divorce problem. Meanwhile more careful study 
of facts is in order. In 1877 only four states gave 
statistics on divorce; at the end of 1905 the number was 
only ten. 

The spread of the "scientific management" move- 
ment for economic efficiency should have a large bear- 
ing on the problem of divorce. Employers are coming 
to recognize the importance of family troubles as an 
element in inefficiency. The influence of divorce upon 
productivity of adults and the development of children 
and thus upon the interests of property must be very 
considerable. In general the burden and expense of 
divorce and of its consequences is a noteworthy reduc- 
tion of social efficiency that should direct the attention 
of administrators to the economics of the problem. 



XIII. THE ATTITUDE OF THE CHURCH =^^^ 

As guardians of morals the clergy and the church 
have from the beginning figured in the question of the 
American family. They have not always kept their 
bearings in this regard and in many cases even now 
doubtless have very inadequate perspective in viewing 
the problem. Their influence has, nevertheless, been 
conspicuous if not as effective as they desired. The 
radicalism of the Puritans in respect to secularization 
was only a temporary disturbance of the ecclesiastical 
participation in the marriage ceremony and from the 
early days the churches have felt it within their prov- 
ince to exert influence over marriage and the family, 
whether by the promulgation of theories of the marital 
relation, by encouraging marriage within the fold, by 
the establishment of rules for the ceremony, by the reg- 
ulation, of family life, by the fixing of permissible 
grounds of divorce, by prescribing regulations as to the 
remarriage of divorced persons, by the exercise of dis- 
cipline upon those guilty of irregularities in the sex- 
life, or recently by sociological studies in the broader 
aspects of family and society. Not only has the church 
aspired to influence directly the families under her con- 
trol but measures have also been taken to secure from 
the civil power what seemed in churchly eyes better 
regulations or provisions touching marriage, divorce, 
and the family. Thus the clergy and the church have 
been a definite factor in the history of the American 

201 Compare Lichtenberger, Divorce, chap. 8. 



284 The American Family 

family. In a Popular Science Monthly article of 1909 
Cattell said: 

In its methods and results, the school contrasts unfavorably 
with the church, especially with the unreformed churches and 
the Hebrew synagog. The sacraments of the church — baptism, 
confirmation, marriage, burial - are closely interwoven with 
family life; its services, ceremonies, fasts, and fetes are shared 
together by parents and children. In spite of inconsistencies 
in creed and practice, the religious institutions both of the 
West and East tend by their observances, and by their non- 
rational sanctions strongly to support the family. 

As regards the theory of marriage and the family 
there has been among the more prominent denomina- 
tions an underlying agreement. The church has re- 
garded marriage as a divine institution surrounded by 
religious sanctions and with a spiritual content and 
ideal. The family has been looked upon as the unit of 
society, the spring of church and state, the center and 
nucleus of the forces of righteousness. The Rock River 
Methodist Episcopal conference of 191 2 is reported to 
have declared that "the safeguarding of the home is the 
chief business of the state." Naturally, also, in view 
of scriptural sources, the patriarchal theory has been 
tacitly or explicitly accepted, by the stricter denomina- 
tions at least, until recent times. The general unity of 
thought among religious denominations as to the nature 
of marriage and the family will be disclosed by a com- 
parison of their respective views. It may be observed 
also that churches have maintained the sense of family 
integrity beyond death by mass, cemeteries, etc. 

The Catholic Church, while holding celibacy to be a 
more honorable estate than matrimony, has nevertheless 
elevated marriage to the dignity of a sacrament and 
raised the family to the plane of the supernatural. 
"The family is holy inasmuch as it is to cooperate with 



The Attitude of the Church 285 

God by procreating children who are destined to be the 
adopted children of God, and by instructing them for 
his kingdom." A primary requisite is mutual disin- 
terested love. The end and ideal of the Christian fam- 
ily are supernatural. The end is the salvation of par- 
ents and children; the ideal is the union between Christ 
and the church. The husband or wife that shirks, from 
any but spiritual motives, the primary end of family- 
procreation -lowers the relations to an unnatural and 
unChristian level. The welfare of the individual is 
the end of the family. Only in the family can the in- 
dividual be properly reared for the larger life of a man 
and a citizen. The Christian family implies a definite 
equality of husband and wife, though "the woman was 
made for the man; not the man for the woman." The 
wife is neither slave nor property but consort and com- 
panion. As the provider and the superior in physical 
strength and in the qualities appropriate to the exercise 
of authority, man is naturally head of the family. The 
wife is to obey her husband in the Lord but she is mor- 
ally independent, accountable for her own deeds. The 
care and management of the details of the household 
belong to the wife because she is better fitted for these 
than is her husband. 

Through the sacrament of matrimony husband and wife obtain 
an increase of sanctifying grace, and a claim upon those actual 
graces which are necessary to the proper fulfillment of all the 
duties of family life, and all the relations between husband and 
wife, parents and children, are supernaturalized and sancti- 
fied.202 

Doctor Dix of the Trinity Episcopal Church in the 
Calling of a Christian Woman defines "the teachings 
of our Mother the Church of God, on the subject of 

202 Compare Ryan, "Family": in Catholic Encyclopedia', "Woman Ques- 
tion": in Catholic World, vol. ix, 147. 



286 The American Family 

Holy Matrimony." After speaking of marriage as a 
divine institution which indissolubly merges man and 
woman, he says: ''The union of the husband and wife 
is effected ... by Divine power. It is 'a great 
mystery,' a great sacrament." The wife is to the hus- 
band as the Church is to Christ. "Marriage is honor- 
able, holy, blessed of God, the joy of angels, the bond of 
peace and of all virtues." 

Making allowance for the manifest idealization in 
this Catholic theory of the family, one finds it not 
greatly diflferent from the Protestant theory. The lat- 
ter has in it less of mysticism and denies that marriage 
is a "sacrament" but it is not evident whether in this 
denial the reformed churches are really doing much 
more than quibbling about words and names. Even 
Presbyterians can call marriage "an holy estate" and 
pronounce "the family life in a deep sense a sacra- 
ment." ^°^ Likewise in the Lutheran Church Review 
of 1909 occurred the statement that "marriage itself, 
like the state, like the family, and like man, is not 
chiefly a physical condition, but is a spiritual institu- 
tion, ordained and appointed by God, founded on 
spiritual principles and for the maintenance and regu- 
lation of which there are certain unchangeable spiritual 
laws." The aim of procreation is declared to be the 
building up of a race with not merely perfect physique 
and mentality but also perfect spirituality. The family 
is "the great and fundamental institution in social life." 
Its stability and purity are the foundation of the moral 
and spiritual order of mankind. In it one may find the 
paradox of self-surrender and self-realization. ^°* 

20? Compare Presbyterian General Assembly, Special Committee on Chris- 
tian Life and Work. "Report" in the Minutes of the Assembly of 1910, 283. 
20* Schmauk. Editorial in Lutheran Church Revieiv, vol. xxviii, 660 ff. 



The Attitude of the Church 287 

Similarly in the journal of the Methodist Episcopal 
General Conference for 1884 is found this utterance: 

The sacredness and security of the family institution is at 
once the product and the support of the church on earth; and 
the sanctity and permanence of the marriage relation is the cor- 
nerstone of the Christian family and home. . . By . . . 
incorporating into the Christian faith the terms and duties of 
the marriage relation, the Son of God invested matrimony 
with a divine dignity. . . To lesson the sacredness of mar- 
riage ... is to profane the names our Savior delights to 
wear. , . Marriage was "instituted of God" and is a holy 
estate. 

A writer in the Methodist Review of 1887, likewise de- 
claring the family a divine institution, adds that its 
foundation is in the law of nature; it is the molecular 
unity of society. While the physical basis of marriage 
is the sex instinct, its spiritual ground is the exclusive 
preference of husband and wife for each other. 

On the whole, we may say that if the Reformation 
did tend to the extreme of defining marriage as a pure- 
ly civil contract the reformed churches have pretty 
thoroughly recovered the ecclesiastical conception of 
matrimony as a divine ordinance, with spiritual laws, 
and ideals. In its theory of marriage and the family 
as a social function, however, the church has been, 
somewhat conservatively, in touch with the thought of 
the times. 

The church has seen fit to guard in various particu- 
lars the door to matrimony. In the Presbyterian 
church the recurrent question of "forbidden degrees" 
was revived after the war. In 1879 the question was 
specifically brought up concerning the old prohibition 
of marriage with a wife's sister. This was laid on the 
table. Finally in 1886 an overture was sent down 
which resulted in the elimination from the Confession 



288 The American Family 

of the clause: "The man may not marry any of his 
wife's kindred nearer in blood than he may of his own, 
nor the woman of her husband's kindred nearer in 
blood than of her own." Only eleven presbyteries out 
of two hundred and two sent in a negative vote. 

The Assembly of 1885 took occasion to condemn 
loose views and practices in marriage and called on 
leaders to warn the young. Ministers were urged to 
great caution in marrying persons and the legislatures 
were called on to pass careful laws against hasty and 
improper marriages. In the session of 1905 the com- 
mittee on the marriage question declared that "every 
minister should know, before he performs a marriage 
ceremony, that the relation proposed has the sanction 
of his church and the sanction of the Word of God." 

A Lutheran editor a few years ago expressed a strong 
opinion that the marriage ceremony must be made once 
more preeminently a religious transaction. He thinks 
that the church has failed to distinguish between mar- 
riage as a Christian institution and marriage as a mere 
social institution and that much harm has resulted. He 
thinks that people should be married by the minister 
because he is the pastor and not because he is a dele- 
gated functionary of the state. 

It is a question to our mind whether a Lutheran pastor ought 
to solemnize marriages simply because he is authorized to do 
so by the laws of the state, and outside of the ranks of those 
who recognize and acknowledge his pastoral authority. . . 
A revival of the practice requiring the publication of the banns 
might be regarded as a return to medievalism; but it would 
have a most salutary efifect.^°^ 

Of late the Roman Catholic Church has put in force 
a drastic regulation of the marriage ceremony. This law 
was proclaimed in 1907. It provided that all over the 

205 Schmauk. Editorial in Lutheran Church Re<vie^, vol. xxviii, 664-667. 



The Attitude of the Church 289 

world after the following Easter only those marriages 
may be considered valid and canonical that are con- 
tracted in a writing signed by both the parties, and by 
either the parish priest or the ordinary or at least by 
two witnesses if a priest can not be found. The cele- 
brant must ascertain that one of the parties has lived 
for at least a month in the place where the marriage is 
to be performed or else procure the consent of the 
priest or ordinary of the parish of one of them. Where 
danger of death is imminent and the conditions can not 
be met and it is desired to provide for the relief of con- 
science or the legitimation of offspring the marriage 
may occur before any priest and two witnesses, or if 
the required functionaries can not be procured for the 
space of a month the marriage may be made by a form- 
al declaration by the spouses in the presence of two 
non-clerical witnesses. The provisions are binding on 
Catholics who marry non-Catholics even after dispen- 
sation for such marriage is obtained, unless the Holy 
See decrees otherwise.^"*' 

This assumption of authority over mixed marriages 
is a bone of contention. The Episcopal diocese of Pitts- 
burg on May 23, 1912 passed this resolution: 

Whereas an attempt is now being made by the Church of 
Rome to enforce in the United States the ne temere decree of 
the pope, whereby mixed marriages, performed by secular offi- 
cials or non-Roman ministers are to be declared null and void 
in sight of the Roman church . . . therefore be it re- 
solved, that we enter our indignant protest against this attack 
of a foreign ecclesiastical power upon the sanctity of mar- 
riages performed outside of its own communion, and in con- 
travention also of the laws of the United States.^"^ 

A movement got under way some years since (Dean 

206 "Change in Catholic Law of Marriage": in Harper's Weekly, vol. li, 
1407. 

^o'^ Christian Nation, May 29, 1912, p. 12. 



290 The American Family 

Sumner at its head) to refuse to marry any that can not 
bring a physician's certificate of physical fitness. Two 
hundred ministers of the federated churches in Chi- 
cago approved it. The Federal Council of Churches 
of Chicago adopted the following resolution: 

We recognize the urgent need of a more careful inquiry on the 
part of ministers into the previous relations and the present 
estate, both physical and domestic, of those who apply for the 
solemnization of marriage. We are aware that a minister's 
attitude toward these questions must in most cases be a matter 
of personal conscience or of denominational regulation, and 
that it is impossible for a body of this character to legislate for 
its individual members. Yet we insist upon the fact that the 
attitude of the ministry to the question of divorce, and also to 
that of the physical and moral right of the contracting parties 
to enter upon the duties of this solemn bond and covenant, will 
go far toward the establishment of a standard of conduct on 
the part of the community. We urge, therefore, that all min- 
isters within this fellowship study with renewed earnestness the 
problem of their responsibility for the physical fitness, moral 
standing, and future happiness of those who request their serv- 
ice in the ordinance of marriage. 

The committee on moral issues at the one hundred 
tenth annual meeting of the Massachusetts Congrega- 
tional Conference brought in a report favoring the pol- 
icy of requiring a physician's certificate. The Rock 
River Methodist Conference of 191 2 advocated phys- 
ical examination of parties about to enter the marriage 
state. In the same year the Lutheran Synodical Con- 
ference, New Jersey Branch went on record against 
the issuance of marriage licenses save to those with 
physician's certificate of fitness and at the Kansas Con- 
gregational Conference a hundred ministers voted 
unanimously in favor of refusing marriage save on a 
physician's certificate. Such actions are symptomatic of 
the trend among a considerable element of the clergy. 



The Attitude of the Church 291 

The Reverend Henry M. Sanders of New York, who 
doubted ''whether the Church can wisely do more than 
exert its influence in that direction by means of educa- 
tion," thought that as marriage is a civil contract, "the 
State can better exercise this supervision, under the di- 
rection of the medical profession, than the Church." 
But the Reverend William H. Foulkes of New York 
was not sure of the benefit of this legislation. He said: 
My own regretful conclusion is that such a law as this, strik- 
ing at the very passionate root of self-interest, would be most 
craftily and incessantly violated, in view of the common dis- 
respect for law and order. Besides all this, we can not afford 
to give any false sense of security to the young women of our 
land. Motherhood has enough of tragedy without finally be- 
ing immolated upon the altar of venereal disease and its fiery 
sacrifice, when such a catastrophe apparently had been made im- 
possible by law. . . 

Enlightenment of mind, quickening of conscience, and, best 
of all, the creation of a clean heart, are the only things that will 
bring freedom to those who are smitten and stricken by the foul 
scourge of the black plague. ^°^ 

In 1913 the ministerial union of Pittsburg endorsed a 
bill requiring possession of a doctor's certificate before 
a marriage license would be granted. 

The recent tendency on the part of the churches to 
put restrictions on the entrance to matrimony is due to 
the rise of the divorce question and the resultant inves- 
tigations of marriage. The churches have all along 
had their doctrines of divorce but these have, with 
the urgency of the divorce problem, assumed new im- 
portance although the churches have changed very 
little in their fundamental position. We may sum- 
marize briefly. The Roman Church holds marriage to 
be absolutely indissoluble. Her doctrine of "impedi- 

208 See: "Church's Stand for Purity:" in Literary Digest, June 29, 1912, 
1349-1350. 



292 The American Family 

ments" however has furnished a convenient substitute 
in the annulment of "illicit" marriages. The Protes- 
tant Episcopal Church considers marriage indissoluble 
save by adultery. The Methodist Episcopal Church in 
1884 adopted a similar ruling. The discipline of the 
Presbyterian Church specifies adultery and wilful de- 
sertion as legitimate grounds for divorce. Attempts 
have been made to strike out the second ground but 
without result. The Lutheran Church has been slight- 
ly more liberal, assigning the same two causes but dis- 
posed to interpret malicious desertion so as to include 
habitual cruelty. Some theologians broadened out the 
principles so as to include, e.g. impotence, conspiracy 
against life, habitual drunkenness. The Congregation- 
al Church has no central authority, but the National 
Council in 1880 "deplored the dissolution of the bonds 
of marriage, except for the one cause mentioned by our 
Savior." A report accepted by the convention of 1898 
pins the church to Christ's teaching in Matthew^ xix. 
A supplementary report by Dr. S. W. Dike, which was 
likewise accepted, took a broad view asserting that one 
should be "cautious of any deliverance of the church 
which does not make full use of the resources of mod- 
ern scholarship." The report in 1907 of the Commit- 
tee on the Family said: 

We find no historical ground for the contention that easy di- 
vorce has increased social purity or happiness, but that restless- 
ness, sexual laxity, temptation to other attachments, corruption 
of home atmosphere, and selfishness instead of public well-be- 
ing cause or accompany this social peril. . . The rising call 
of "Back to Christ" is imperative. 

In the same report we are informed that "Felix Ad- 
ler, ethical culturist, within a year has published views, 
not from exegesis, but from moral considerations, more 
radically conservative than any Protestant writer in 



The Attitude of the Church 293 

twenty-five years has drawn even from Scripture." 
Adler's view was in fact an argument against all di- 
vorce, tho he conceded the privilege of separation/"^ 

It is indeed remarkable what slight concessions (in 
theory) the leading denominations have made to the 
demand for easy divorce. It remains to be seen how 
they view the divorce situation and how they apply 
their theories of divorce. It will appear that while the 
Protestant churches have shown much concern over the 
increase of divorce, their efforts to cope with the evil 
have consisted largely of official warnings and of ex- 
hortation to the clergy to preach against it and to re- 
fuse to celebrate marriage in certain cases. Pious hom- 
ilies tucked away in the minutes of official bodies are 
of dubious value. It should be recognized however 
that some of the liberal Christians have made some 
room for sociology and have escaped from the bondage 
of old-fashioned Biblical exegesis. 

For the Roman Church Doctor Ryan speaks in the 
Catholic Encyclopedia. He says: "Experience seems 
to show that there can be no permanent middle ground 
between the materialistic ideal of divorce, so easy that 
the marital union will be terminated at the will of the 
parties, and the Catholic ideal of marriage absolutely 
indissoluble." He thinks that "the frequent appeal to 
the divorce courts by American women ... is 
undoubtedly due more to emotion, imaginary hopes, 
and a hasty use of newly acquired freedom than to calm 
and adequate study of the experience of other divorced 
women." The indissolubility of marriage under the 
Roman Catholic Church, together with its monogamic 
character, "promotes in the highest degree the welfare 
of parents and children, and stimulates in the whole 

209 Adler. Marriage and Divorce, 43-59. 



294 The American Family 

community the practice of those qualities of self-re- 
straint and altruism which are essential to social well 
being, physical, mental and moral.""" 

In the 1889 Report of the Commissioner of Labor 
the grounds on which the Roman Catholic Church will 
allow a severance of marriage are given as follows: 

A valid Christian marriage, not consummated, may be dis- 
solved by the spiritual death of one of the parties, who takes the 
vows of a religious order; or by a dispensation from the pope. 

A marriage between unbelievers becomes dissolved if one of 
the parties becomes a Christian and makes a valid Christian 
marriage, provided the unconverted unbelieving spouse will not 
continue the marriage relation or not without reviling the 
creator. 

Perpetual separation in case of valid consummated Chris- 
tian marriage is permitted on grounds of adultery by either, 
wilful desertion, entrance of one with permission of the other 
into a religious order. 

Temporary separation on ground of apostacy from Chris- 
tianity, seduction to vice or felony, cruelty or assault endanger- 
ing life or health, long standing grievance or mortification, in- 
fectious disease of long standing, wilful desertion, violation of 
duty endangering the civil or property rights of the other. 

Cardinal Gibbons in the North American Review 
for 1889 after mentioning the fact that the church 
justifies separation from bed and board by reason of 
mutual consent, adultery, and grave peril of soul or 
body, goes on to say: 

It may be said that there are persons so unhappily mated and 
so constituted that for them no relief can come save from di- 
vorce a vinculo, with permission to remarry. I shall not linger 
here to point out to such the need of seeking from a higher 
than earthly power the grace to suffer and be strong. 

It has been alleged, and not without plausibility, that 
the Roman Church has on the whole accomplished far 

210 Ryan. "Family," "Marriage:" in Catholic Encyclopedia. 



The Attitude of the Church 295 

more for the integrity of the family than has the Prot- 
estant but it is indeed open to question whether she does 
more by her staunch doctrine and idealistic theory in 
behalf of family integrity than she has done by her 
"celibacy" and casuistry and arrogance to undermine 
the family. 

The Protestant Episcopal Church adopted in 1868 
a divorce canon as follows: 

No minister of this church shall solemnize matrimony in any 
case where there is a divorced wife or husband of either party 
still living; but this Canon shall not be held to apply to the 
innocent party to a divorce obtained for the cause of adultery, 
or to parties once divorced seeking to be united again. 

Nine years later the convention inserted after the first 
part of the canon the proviso : "if such husband or wife 
has been put away for any cause arising after mar- 
riage" and also required the clergy to make "due in- 
quiry." Ministers were also directed to secure the 
judgment of the bishop before administering baptism, 
confirmation, or communion to persons in whose case 
there was doubt as to whether marriage had been in 
conformity to scripture and church discipline; provid- 
ed, that the sacraments should not be denied to penitents 
in imminent danger of death. At the convention of 
1904 both Houses agreed upon a revision of the canon 
on Marriage and Divorce. The new law requires min- 
isters to secure the observance of state law governing 
the civil contract of marriage, to require the presence of 
two witnesses, to keep a proper register, to make due 
inquiry as to whether one seeking marriage "has been 
or is the husband or wife of any person then living, 
from whom he or she has been divorced for any cause 
arising after marriage" and if so to refuse marriage 
save in case of the innocent party to a divorce for adul- 



296 The American Family 

tery, in which case a year must have elapsed since the 
granting of the divorce, and 

Satisfactory evidence touching the facts in the case, including 
a copy of the Court's Decree and Record, if practicable, with 
proof that the defendant was personally served or appeared in 
the action, be laid before the Ecclesiastical Authority, and 
such Ecclesiastical Authority, having taken legal advice there- 
on [must] have declared in writing that in his judgment the 
case of the applicant conforms to the requirements of this canon. 

It is further provided that any minister may decline to 
solemnize any marriage. The rule as to baptism, con- 
firmation, and communion is retained with the proviso 
that "these ordinances" shall not be withheld from pen- 
itents in imminent danger of death. 

Bishop Doane takes more radical ground than that 
taken by his church. He believes that no divorced per- 
son ought to be married again. He would consider it 
a profanation of the ceremony to marry any such. "It 
is clearly the Lord's command." 

In view of church and priestly stringency it is easy 
to understand Bishop Potter's assertion of 1889 that 
"among members of the Protestant Episcopal Church 
divorce is excessively rare." 

At the General Council of the Evangelical Lutheran 
Church in 1899, the president deplored the frivolity 
with which marriage, divorce, and remarriage are 
treated, as for example newspaper jokes in reference to 
marriages between men and their mothers-in-law or 
step-mothers; also the contradictory laws of various 
states. He advised a petition to Congress in behalf of 
uniform marriage and divorce laws for the whole coun- 
try. Among the theses proposed for consideration 
there is a statement that gets to the heart of the matter: 

Divorce cannot annul or dissolve the contract or separate the 
parties. In its legitimate use, its office is only to declare form- 



The Attitude of the Church 297 

ally that one party to the contract has already broken it, in 
violation of Divine Law, and that the other party is, therefore, 
free from all obligations assumed on entering the holy estate. 

Also: To the innocent party belongs the right of re- 
marriage as if the former covenant had never been 
made. In the president's report of 1905 occurred this 
statement: 

In any consideration of the light and trivial sundering of the 
marriage bonds we should not lose sight of the fact that many 
American marriages are not joined together of God, and are 
not entered into in the fear and love of God. The church 
should emphasize the importance of this early aspect of the 
subject. 

The same year a final deliverance was published, 
growing out of the theses of 1899. It contained the 
following utterances: 

We deem it the solemn duty of all pastors to instruct their 
congregations concerning the permanency of the marriage rela- 
tion, and to warn against its violation or disparagement, as a 
crime against God that cannot be mitigated or apologized for by 
any of the defects of the civil laws or any lowering of the 
standard ... on the part of the community. . , We 
regard every pastor who performs the marriage ceremony as 
testifying, by that very act, that, so far as he has had oppor- 
tunity of discovering, after earnest endeavor to ascertain the 
facts, said marriage is regular and in accordance with God's 
word; and . . . it is our conviction, further, that in in- 
voking God's blessing upon the union he becomes participant in 
the guilt if he be without reasonable assurance that both parties 
to the contract comply with the divine requirements. . . 
We teach that the licenses, issued by the state, and compliance 
with every civil requirement, while indispensable, cannot of 
themselves be a guide to the conscience of either pastors or 
individual Christians. . . With reference to . . . the 
marriage of divorced persons, the General Council recommends 
to its District Synods to insist on the following uniform prac- 
tice of all pastors, to wit: that pastors decline to marry any 
person who has a husband or wife living, unless such person 



298 The American Family 

shall have been divorced by due process of law from such hus- 
band or w'ife for the cause of adultery or wilful desertion; and 
in that case that pastors consent to marry only the innocent 
party . . . and then not until the expiration of a year af- 
ter the divorce shall have been granted. 

Similar action regarding marriage of divorced per- 
sons (with a more liberal interpretation of the grounds, 
so as to include ''such extreme cruelty as may be includ- 
ed under the same principle") was taken by another 
Lutheran body (the General Synod) in 1907. A Luth- 
eran editor discussing the question wrote in the Luth- 
eran Church Review of 1909: 

The modern difficulty is not with the institution of mar- 
riage itself, but with the low ideals, the gross views, and the 
selfish natures of those who wish to bring to the institution 
less than its highest requirement. 

He points out the forgotten fact that there is a "solemn 
obligation to God" and "to the state inherent in the 
act of forming a family" and deprecates the notion that 
"each individual is to be allowed to regard his latest 
inner sentiment as the dictate of righteousness to be 
carried into effect." "Those who have neither religious 
beliefs, nor faith in contracts still use" the religious 
ceremony or the civil form, "and sometimes both, 
in making a marriage ceremony which is nothing but 
a mockery." Pastors must instruct thoroly and draw 
the line sharply "between marriages which are regard- 
ed merely as a matter of personal sentiment without any 
religious background, and marriages which realize and 
intend to fulfil the social, spiritual, and religious re- 
sponsibilities which are involved in the very nature of 
the institution itself."'" 

The Presbyterian General Assembly of 1869 ex- 
pressed pain at the increasing prevalence of unscrip- 

211 Schmauk. Editorial in Lutheran Church Revieiu, vol. xxviii, 662-667. 



The Attitude of the Church 299 

tural views of marriage, consequent divorces on trivial 
grounds, and the alarming prevalence of infanticide 
and abortion. Attention was called to the growing de- 
votion to fashion and luxury and pleasure as a cause of 
the evils. Ministers were urged to instruct the people 
as to the scriptural doctrine of marriage and warned 
"against joining in wedlock any who may have been 
divorced upon other than scriptural grounds. We also 
enjoin upon church sessions the exercise of due disci- 
pline in the case of those members who may be guilty 
of violating the law of Christ in this particular." 
Those guilty of abortion are warned "that, except they 
repent, they cannot inherit eternal life." 

All who seek to avoid the responsibilities and cares connected 
with the bringing up of children not only deprive themselves 
of one of the greatest blessings of life, and fly in the face of 
God's decrees, but do violence to their own natures, and will 
be found out of their sins even in this world. 

The Assembly of 1883 reiterated the lament at dese- 
cration of marriage by unscriptural divorce laws and 
urged "all proper measures to correct this wide-spread 
evil." In 1885 loose views and practices on marriage 
were again condemned and leaders urged to warn the 
young. Ministers were urged to great caution in mar- 
rying persons; and hasty and improper marriages were 
indicated as a great occasion of divorce. Again and 
again the question comes up for action. In 1903 the 
committee reported that 

The state is imperiled, the family is threatened, and the church, 
the guardian of both, too frequently puts its seal and sanction 
upon unrighteous relationships, does not refuse its sacraments 
to those who lightly regard the sacred bonds of marriage, and 
for reasons not recognized in God's word, separate themselves 
and seek new alliances. . . The conviction is deepening that 
something should be done to save society and the state from the 



300 The American Family 

terrible consequences of lax legislation, which disregards the law 
of God and the protest of the Church. 

This Assembly enjoined 

All ministers under its care and authority to refuse to perform 
the marriage ceremony in the cases of divorced persons except 
as such persons have been divorced upon ground and for cause 
recognized as Scriptural in the Standards of the Presbyterian 
church in the United States of America. 

In 1904 it was asserted that 

Civil authority is not sufficient sanction for ministers and mem- 
bers of the church of Christ. Unless the discipline of the 
church can prevent its ministers from putting the seal of the 
church upon unholy alliances, and can prevent its members 
from making such unholy alliances, it will be useless to expect 
the State to regard our protests or to listen to our appeals for 
reform. 

(This idea is reiterated later over and over again.) At 
the same time ministers were advised to respect the 
regulations of other churches represented in the Inter- 
church Conference and not to marry people who are 
thus violating the law of their own church, unless for 
special good reason it seems right to marry them. 
In 1905, 

The stated clerk was instructed to call the special attention 
of presbyteries to the action of the General Assembly regarding 
the marriage of divorced persons, and to request the presby- 
teries to exercise such needful oversight and discipline as may 
be required. . . We have not been without example of con- 
tinued laxity, but we have had no signs of "needful oversight 
and discipline." 

In 1908 the committee suggests that "surely the Protes- 
tant church should not show a laxity that would sug- 
gest that those held as culprits in the Roman Catholic 
Church might find refuge within her communion." 

It would rather seem that the day of "discipline" in 
the Protestant churches is past; yet we find other de- 



The Attitude of the Church 301 

nominations making attempts similar to those already 
cited. Thus the Methodist Episcopal General Con- 
ference of 1884 declared 

The ease, frequency, and readiness with which divorces are pro- 
cured is appalling. . . Boys and girls are not likely to look 
with abhorrence upon an act if they see their fathers and moth- 
ers freely associating with those who practice it. The young 
wife will hardly regard her marriage vows as sacred, if she 
sees the pastor before whom they were pronounced uniting at 
the same altar an immorally divorced woman to another hus- 
band. . . All citizens and all churches should be invoked 
to aid in rescuing marriage and the family institution from 
degradation and destruction. [Ministers should be scrupulous 
in official conduct, and by due exhortation strive to call people 
back to a proper appreciation of the marriage relation and its 
obligations. It was ordered] that no divorce shall be recog- 
nized as lawful by the church except for adultery. And no 
minister shall solemnize marriage in any case where there is a 
divorced wife or husband living; but the rule shall not apply 
to the innocent party in a divorce for the cause of adultery, 
nor to divorced parties seeking to be reunited in marriage. 

The question has received further attention since. 

The National Congregational Council previous to 
1883 had taken action on the divorce question. Atten- 
tion was directed to it once more in that year. In more 
recent years committees have brought in thoughtful re- 
ports. The Reverend Daniel Merriman made the re- 
port of the Committee on Marriage and Divorce in 
1892. This study seeks sociological setting for the 
problems of the family. It says 

The family, if not based upon, is yet intimately connected 
with present forms of private rent and property ; and when pri- 
vate ownership ceases and the individual is wholly lost in the 
state, it is difficult to see what possible security there is for the 
permanence of the conjugal relation or what space is left for the 
home. . . Entirely apart from socialist theories, the truth is 
that the present facts respecting the acquisition and disposition 



302 The American Family 

of property, a slowly rising material standard of living, and the 
increasing inter-sexual competition for place due to the great en- 
largement of the field of activities for women, in some serious 
ways are exercising a hostile pressure upon the family both from 
below and from above. From below, on the part of the poor, by 
putting the expense of maintaining the true home often beyond 
the reach of the wage-earner ; inclining if not compelling him, on 
account of the organization of labor, to the congested districts, 
and the lodging or tenement house; and setting him, his wife 
and children if he have them, in separate factories or shops to 
win their bread, thus deterring from marriage, weakening all 
family ties and opening easy temptation to that which is illicit 
and irregular. From above, on the part of the rich, by increas- 
ing the extravagance, complication and difficulty of domestic 
life, making the rich bachelor more content with his club and 
outside connection, the rich and unscrupulous husband able to 
sustain two or more families, none of which are genuine, and 
disinclining the married women of wealth and fashion to chil- 
dren or their care. 

Much of the very mechanism of our modern life, in its as- 
pects of proF>erty, is thus destructive of the family; the facilities 
and necessities of business movements; the clerk or laborer 
living in the distant suburb and working in the city, and so 
never seeing his children except on Sundays and holidays; the 
commercial traveller marrying and after a few weeks leaving 
his young wife to the temptations of a boarding-house while 
he runs off for months on the road to be both tempted and a 
tempter in other boarding-houses; the opportunities for that 
which at least tends towards licentiousness afforded by the em- 
ployment of multitudes of young women, far from their parents, 
in great commercial or manufacturing houses, often at well 
nigh starvation wages, the rapid increase of apartment house 
and hotel life - these are some of the aspects of the present 
social order inimical to the promotion and integrity of the fam- 
ily, which are largely the outcome of economic forces - the re- 
sult of deep movements respecting property. . . Many of 
the dangers referred to are incidental to the rapid growth of 
this century in improved commercial and social life. 

[Attention is given also to drink, crimes against chastity, 
the seduction of base literature and art], hasty, ill-assorted and 



The Attitude of the Church 303 

bad marriages, which ignorance, fashion, greed, or lust promote; 
and on the other hand an indisposition to marriage or a dis- 
position to postpone it beyond the most sentimental period of 
life; [polygamy, prostitution, abortion; perversion of physiologi- 
cal knowledge of sex relation; growth of facile and shameless 
divorce. Mention is made of the] growth, during recent 
years, of social organizations, open and secret, secular and sa- 
cred within and without the church, and which while by no 
means always evil in themselves, or directly intended to weak- 
en the family and undermine the home, are in fact often the 
most powerful and dangerous enemies of both, because they 
tend to take the place of both, while incapable of performing 
the functions of either. [The church adopts the spirit of or- 
ganization. Children are taken out of home influence into 
that of untrained youth. Parents cease to exercise their respon- 
sibility. Home atrophies.] 

The report notes the development within the preced- 
ing fifteen years of earnest interest in family problems. 
It recommends the securing and enforcement of good 
marriage laws, the discouragement of bad marriages 
and the encouragement of good, efforts to check divorce 
by proper measures, instruction of youth in the mean- 
ing and sacredness and joy of marriage, training to per- 
sonal purity, support to authorities in punishment of 
crimes against chastity, suppression of panders to li- 
centiousness, the magnifying of family and home. It 
recognizes the need of scientific guidance, and of so- 
ciological study in seminaries, and declares that the 
pulpit and the religious press should give more space 
to the problem; prayer-meetings and Sabbath schools 
should study it. 

The committee of 1895 ^^^^s attention to "intrinsic 
evils endangering the institution of the family," such 
as, wide-spread ignorance of the function of the fam- 
ily ; extensive carnality ; increase of intemperance ; hasty 
marriage; refusal to assume maternity; illicit gratifica- 



304 The American Family 

tion; abortion; vicious sentiment concerning the nature 
and dissolution of marriage; divorce sought "upon 
grounds utterly at variance with the idea that marriage 
is a sacred covenant entered into according to God's 
holy ordinance;" resorts away from the home; hotel, 
apartment, and boarding-house life; the system of com- 
mercial travelling; temptation, from ambition, to re- 
strict number of children ; selfish refusal to marry; girls 
in industry acquiring a distaste for domesticity; wives 
and mothers at work; socialistic theories; inadequate 
laws; insistence on "personal rights." 

In 1898 Dr. S. W. Dike called the attention of the 
council (in a committee report which was accepted) to 
the fact of ministerial laxity. He said: 

Many complaints come to my knowledge that ministers in oth- 
er communions find their own rules evaded by the readiness 
with which pastors in Congregational and other churches grant 
these applications. May it not be well for our own ministers 
to make it their general rule to refuse to celebrate the marriage 
of such? Not, it may be, on the ground of any inherent im- 
propriety in the marriage itself, but as a proper respect for the 
rules of another communion. 

In 1904 Professor Graham Taylor made an address 
showing in broad lines the sociological aspects of the 
problem of the family. The Council decided to ap- 
point a 

Standing committee on the relation of the church to the present 
problems of family life; said committee to be charged with the 
studious inquiry into the material, industrial, educational, and 
legal conditions upon which the fulfillment of the function of 
the family depends, and the recommendation of such attitude 
and action of the churches thereto as their own interests and 
those of the family alike require. 

The declaration of 1907 refuses to "be satisfied mere- 
ly with civil law as feasible or final in church action." 
The committee recommended: (i) That ministers 



The Attitude of the Church 305 

observe comity in not helping members of other church- 
es to violate the regulations of their own churches. 
(2) That they should refuse to marry divorced per- 
sons except the innocent party in a case on scriptural 
grounds, and then not till one year had elapsed from the 
granting of the divorce. The following was voted by 
the Council : 

We express our detestation of frivolous divorce, and we urge 
our ministers to make strict inquiry in the case of strangers, or 
of divorced persons applying to them for marriage, to discover 
whether, under the laws of morality and charity, they are 
worthy of entering again into that relation from which they 
may once have been severed. 

Thus while the central council has no authority over 
the local churches it has used its advisory office point- 
edly. 

In the minutes of the 1891 National Conference of 
Unitarian and other Christian churches occurred the 
following (in the Address of the Council) : 

No remedy for present difficulties is to be sought by an 
effort to ignore the necessity of divorce, but rather . 
we are to improve our present conditions by making marriage 
more sacred, and in the utmost care and seriousness in the ar- 
rangements of the several states for granting divorces. 

At this conference Carroll D. Wright presented a pa- 
per on marriage and divorce which was ordered printed 
and sent to each of the churches with the hope that its 
recommendations would be embodied in legislation, 
and also in the conduct of life. Dr. Wright argued 
that if marriage results in happiness (using the word in 
no selfish personal sense) the divine end is gained. 
Otherwise that end is sadly missed and divorce "more 
perfectly secures the divine end than a continuance of 
the compact, which may be, under some conditions, the 
burden to one of the parties of the unholiest prostitu- 



3o6 The American Family 

tion. . ." Yet "the security of society depends upon 
the continued sacredness of the civil contract." Most 
people agree that marriage should be dissolved for the 
scriptural cause. Why should it? Because adultery 
perverts the institution, wrecks happiness, and outrages 
the sentiment of society. If this is the ground of the 
validity of the scriptural cause, "then whatever cause 
eventuates in the same results must be logically as ade- 
quate." It is possible properly to restrict divorce. 
Marriage should be made more difficult. It should be 
considered an offence for an officer or minister to unite 
reckless persons. We need the enlightenment that 
comes from the highest ethical culture, more perfect in- 
dependence of woman, and an appropriate chivalry. 
Divorce is not a menace to the purity and sacredness 
of the family. "I believe," said Doctor Wright, "the 
result will be an enhanced purity, a sublimer sacred- 
ness." 

Notwithstanding, however, the more liberal socio- 
logical outlook of the Unitarians we find the Unitarian 
church among the fifteen or sixteen leading denomina- 
tions included in the Interchurch Conference on Mar- 
riage and Divorce. This conference grew out of a 
movement started in 1901 by the Protestant Episcopal 
Church. It was a move to secure concerted opinion 
and action relative to divorce and remarriage and to 
affect public opinion so that uniform legislation might 
be enacted that would conserve the family institution 
and the sanctity of marriage. The Interchurch Con- 
ference issued soon after its organization an Address 
and Appeal containing these utterances: 

We plead for the cultivation of the grace of purity, for the 
careful guarding of children within the atmosphere of 
home . . . and for the realization of the dignity of our 
physical nature lifted to such high honor by the incarnation. 



The Attitude of the Church 307 

We plead for a recognition of the sanctity of marriage. We 
are facing a condition in our country today which threatens 
danger to the most sacred things. . . Behind the monster 
of polygamy, behind the specter of the lax divorce court, with 
its collusions, its corruptions, and its contagion, stands the sad 
fact of the low ideal of marriage. . . Marriage is a holy 
thing . . , the institution of God himself. . . Refor- 
mation must begin here. [All] must be trained to look with 
reverent eyes upon the holiness of the estate ; upon its mysteri- 
ousness as something higher and deeper and larger than can be 
measured or reached by the low ideas of convenience, of world- 
ly advantage, of the gratification of passion, or by the light and 
easy estimate of the consent of the passing personal fancy and 
the mutual recognition of the civil contract. [The hope lies 
in] inculcating such an intense conviction of what marriage is, 
and of what marriage means, that it will cease to be entered 
into "unadvisedly or lightly," that the festivity which accom- 
panies it shall be sobered and consecrated by the conscious pres- 
ence of him "who adorned and beautified the marriage at 
Cana . . ." that neither man nor woman shall dare to en- 
ter the precincts of betrothal without the tested certainty of 
love; without the full recognition of the mutual duty of ser- 
vice, forbearance, and faithfulness which it involves. 

The Interchurch Conference early adopted this res- 
olution: 

It is the judgment of this Conference, and hereby it is recom- 
mended to the ecclesiastical bodies represented . . . that 
ministers should refuse to marry divorced persons except the 
innocent party in a case where the divorce has been granted on 
Scriptural grounds, nor then until assured that a period of one 
year has elapsed from the date of the decision allowing the 
divorce. 

and further: 

Resolved, That in recognition of the comity which should 
exist between Christian churches, it is desirable, and would tend 
to the increase of the spirit of Christian unity, for each church 
represented in the Conference to advise and, if ecclesiastical au- 
thority will allow, to enjoin its ministers to refuse to unite in 
marriage any person or persons whose marriage, such ministers 



3o8 The American Family 

have good reason to believe, is forbidden by the laws of the 
church in which either party seeking to be married holds mem- 
bership. 

It was reported to the Presbyterian General Assem- 
bly of 1905 that 

Regarding the relations of the Church to the State . . . 
the Inter-church Conference has made decided advancement. 
It assumes no authority but does claim the right for its mem- 
bers, as citizens, to protest against legislation, or lack of legis- 
lation, that defiles citizenship, and that destroys the very foun- 
dations of society and righteous government. 

An appeal to President Roosevelt was followed early 
in 1905 by a presidential message to Congress and a law 
was passed to get data on the question of divorce. As 
regards the relation of the states to the subject of di- 
vorce the conference accepted the guidance of the 
American Bar Association. It would seem that if the 
liberal delegates had injected a modicum of sociology 
the work of the conference would have been more ade- 
quate. 

By 1906 

Inspired doubtless by the action and appeals of this Interchurch 
Conference, emphasized by the action of ecclesiastical courts, 
ministers are organizing in cities and states, and binding them- 
selves to carefulness in the performance of the marriage cere- 
mony. . . The representatives of various churches met re- 
cently in the city of Portland, Maine, and adopted rules for the 
guidance of ministers throughout the state. The marriage of 
persons unknown to the oflficiating minister was condemned. 
Great caution was advised when divorced persons asked for 
remarriage, and ministers were urged to refuse to marry persons 
divorced unless they presented satisfactory evidence that divorce 
had been granted on Scriptural grounds. ^^- 

It is said also that the public opinion in South Dakota 
which put an end to the scandalous divorce law of that 

212 Presbyterian General Assembly. Minutes of IQ06, 226-227. 



The Attitude of the Church 309 

state was created by the state federation of churches. 
In 1908 the Conference utterance is strong: 

The time seems ripe right now to make a more radical and 
rousing effort, recognizing what is true, that the relation of the 
church to marriage is neither to effect it nor to legalize it, 
but only to sanction it in the name of Jesus Christ. The 
Conference believes that the Christian Church ought not to 
content itself with merely exercising or withholding discipline 
after the marriage has been entered into; not merely to say that 
in one case, or in two cases, can the persons remarried be ad- 
mitted to the Sacraments. The man and the woman marry 
each other ; the minister or other person authorized' by the law 
acknowledges and legalizes the marriage in the name of the 
state. The question for the church is, shall it give or withhold 
its sanction? We would be far stronger if we took our stand 
here on the threshold and declined to solemnize any marriage 
but that which carries with it the fundamental and essential 
thought of the one man and the one woman till death them 
does part. 

The year 191 1 saw the circulation of 

AN APPEAL TO THE CHURCHES OF THE 
UNITED STATES IN BEHALF OF THE FAMILY 

By the Committee on "Family Life," of the Federal Council 
of the Churches of Christ in America 

Dear Brethren : We rest our appeal to you on the prop- 
osition that the Family and its development into the Home lie 
at the foundation of human welfare. Religion, education, in- 
dustry and political order must look to the Family for their 
material. Still more. For, as the great constructive and de- 
structive forces in the field of biology have their final expres- 
sion in the work of the cell, so it is in human society. The 
Home is the place where all that builds up or pulls down in the 
social order does its final work. Religion, science and general 
experience teach this. 

Two present tendencies have given shape to this appeal. 
One is the encouraging fact that there is an increasing convic- 
tion of the importance of these truths, together with much 



3IO The American Family 



effort to protect and develop family life. The other is the 
prevalence of great domestic evils. Our institutions of learn- 
ing in their courses of study and our philanthropic societies in 
their practical work are giving increased attention to the fam- 
ly. Many are coming to see in the home the very crux of the 
social problem. The report of the census office on marriage 
and divorce, the disclosures of the Chicago Vice Commission 
and the complaints of experts in public education and religious 
training set forth the grounds for the latter statement. 

We, therefore, think it time for the churches to come to the 
front and do their full duty to the Family. We now, however, 
point to only three or four things that seem in most immediate 
need of attention and action. 

1. A Uniform Marriage Law has lately been prepared to 
follow the Uniform Divorce Law now in process of enactment 
by the states. We recommend these measures, though they 
may not be wholly ideal, to your attention. The clergy have 
widely called for some such provisions to meet the evils of dis- 
cordant legislation, especially as a protection against migratory 
marriage and divorce. 

But we especially urge the need of a similar comity between 
the churches themselves so that persons who cannot be married 
by their own ministers will not resort to those of other churches 
for the object. Do not consistency, the responsibilities for so- 
cial leadership and the obligations of Christian fraternity de- 
mand this course from all our churches? Shall we not in this 
way observe that comity between churches that we are demand- 
ing of the states? 

2. We also urge at this time great care in the marriage of 
persons unknown to the officiating clerg3^man and of those who 
are morally or physically unfit for married life. 

3. The terrible evils of sexual vice are in urgent need of 
attention by the clergy, teachers and parents, in ways that are 
wise and efficient. We gratefully recognize the growing inter- 
est in this subject and urge the leaders of the church to become 
intelligent concerning it and to cooperate in all practical ways 
with the medical profession and with competent associations 
for dealing with it. 

4. Only one thing more at this time. Our churches should 
lead their people to see that the Family has its true place in the 
activities of religion, education, industry and public order. As 



The Attitude of the Church 311 

implied in what we said at the outset, the vigor and safety of 
all other institutions depend on the extent to which they 
strengthen the life of the family. Every tendency in any of 
these that weakens the home should be resisted. Every plan 
for their own welfare should include a knowledge of its effect 
on the home. Because of its importance and because of its rela- 
tive neglect, the home should receive more direct and p>ositive 
attention. 

The churches are still weak on economic and general 
social perspective; they have often regarded the letter 
rather than the spirit; and they put undue stress on per- 
sonal ethics as if preachments could create morality 
superior to the fundamental economic base. An in- 
teresting criticism of the attitude of the church occurs 
as follows in the Nation of December 3, 1868: 

The effect of the divorce laws, as they exist in various 
Northern States, on morals and manners and on the family, 
has, during the last month or two, furnished matter for a good 
deal of discussion to various religious bodies, and if we may 
judge from the articles in religious periodicals, is constantly 
occupying a large share of the attention of clergymen and re- 
formers. It seems to be supposed that religious denominations 
may diminish the frequency of divorce by providing penalties 
in church discipline for light, thoughtless, or licentious resort 
to it, or by forbidding clergj'men to remarry persons who may 
have been divorced under certain designated conditions. . . 
Catholic philosophers . . . stoutly maintain that by de- 
claring the marriage bond indissoluble you can keep vice down 
to a minimum, and perhaps even prevent children being born 
out of wedlock, just as if marriage were not a conventional ar- 
rangement for the preservation of the family, but a real means 
of perpetuating the species. 

A liberal minister, the Reverend Roland D. Sawyer 
wrote in 1908 on the "Failure of Religion in the Treat- 
ment of Marriage:" 

We believe that the question of marriage and divorce as at 
present agitated by the churches has but little bearing on the 
real question, and we do not believe Christian ministers are 



312 The American Family 

called upon to demand of contracting parties anything further 
than that they observe the essentials of decency and obey the 
laws of the state. . . Religion can set forth the ideal, can 
try to lead and assist men and women to attain to that dignity 
of life which will practice . . . control and discipline. 
But we believe thoughtful people will not regard her efforts 
seriously unless she works for such a social order as will make 
marriage possible. 

As to procreation, the Catholic Church has been more 
successful in its promotion than have the Protestant 
sects, perhaps because more in earnest. It need not be 
said that churches stand against the practice of abortion 
and the conservatives oppose birth control. Dr. Mor- 
gan T. Dix, rector of Trinity Church, in the Calling of 
a Christian Woman referred to an evil 

By which women degrade themselves, refuse their natural mis- 
sion, and earn the just indignation and wrath of earth and 
heaven. I refer to the willful intention and resolve to defeat 
the first of those purposes for which Holy Marriage was insti- 
tuted. It comes looming up in the view of this century as a 
great, a growing, an almost national crime. . . Arts, base 
and black, arts which under the old law were punished by 
death, are used to carry out these impious and absurd re- 
solves. . . A marriage, contracted with that latent or ex- 
pressed purpose and intention, is a contradiction in terms, a 
misnomer, a fraud on society and on the church. 

Many Protestants of today will agree with the Catholic 
in denouncing as "unnatural and unChristian . . . 
the absence of offspring," especially when this "has 
been effected by any of the artificial and immoral de- 
vices so much in vogue at present." 

The Catholic Church is jealous of state intervention 
in respect to the care of children. 

The family can not rightly discharge its functions unless the 
parents have full control over the rearing and education of the 
children, subject only to such state supervision as is needed to 
prevent grave neglect of their welfare. . . Generally speak- 



The Attitude of the Church 313 

ing, and with due allowance for particular conditions, the state 
exceeds its authority when it provides for the material wants 
of the child, removes him from parental influence or specifies 
the school that he must attend. ^^^ 

The committee on marriage and divorce at the National 
Congregational Council of 1895 pointed out a like en- 
croachment by the church. The church looks on the 
family as an aggregation of individuals to be converted 
and used for her benefit, "rather than an institution in- 
stinct with its ovv^n specific, pulsating life, possessed of 
singular capabilities for self-construction, surcharged 
with a tremendous influence. . ." The family is 
wrongly made an adjunct to the church. The church 
is regarded as a source of religious influence for the 
family, instead of being considered a reservoir for the 
distribution of influence coming from the family. "In- 
stitutions are being made to assume the responsibilities 
and work which more properly belong to the home." 
One of the needs of the hour is preparation for, and as- 
sumption of responsibility on the part of the parent for 
the development of the family. 

In speaking of conditions in 1881 the corresponding 
secretary of the National League for the Protection 
of the Family has said: 

In the church a decline of instruction in the home had been 
going on with the rise of the Sunday School, or perhaps it had 
ceased to get much attention ; for all the century the church 
had been devising and using societies for its work more and 
more, culminating in the Young People's Society of Christian 
Endeavor. 

All these had done little directly for the home. Its gain 
from them was almost wholly incidental. If the home did not 
stand absolutely still as an institution, it certainly got too little 
direct attention. And the same tendency away from the home 
towards collective activity existed in the public school, the 

213 Ryan. "Family:" in Catholic Encyclopedia. 



314 The American Family 

factory, and in social reform. The motto "For the Home" 
was frequent, but the real effort was to reach people through 
collective associations.^^* 

As secretary for the Divorce Reform League he 
found fault, in his report for 1896, with Christianity 
for its neglect until within twenty years to take the fam- 
ily "as the chief point of view when looking at the sub- 
jects of marriage, divorce, and chastity. . . This 
change from the individual to the family is very near 
the pivot of the social problem of the times." In the 
report of 1898 he expressed the opinion that "the con- 
centration of the energies of the church in its central 
place of meeting with a multiplicity of various organ- 
izations" helps to create a menace to both church and 
society. "The disuse and the defective use of the home 
are, I think, a more serious evil than its corruption by 
vice and its dissolution by divorce." 

The Home Department of the Sunday school was 
suggested in 1885 as a means of establishing coopera- 
tion between church and home. By 1906 the number 
of such departments was estimated at about twelve 
thousand with some four hundred thirty-eight thousand 
members and Doctor Dike said:' 

The Home Department is saving the Sunday Schools of the 
country from a serious decline in membership. It is proving 
itself a most efficient aid to the churches in reaching those out- 
side its public assemblies, and steadily recruiting the member- 
ship both of the Sunday School and the Church itself. But, 
best of all, it is showing the thoughtful that the home is not 
only capable of great usefulness in Bible study and in pastoral 
work, but that it may yet be used in other ways to do work 
that is left undone or else turned over to other institutions. . . 
There is growth of the feeling that the home has a larger place 
in the work of both Church and School than it has yet been 
given. ^^^ 



21* Dike. Rev'tenjj of Tiuenty-jive Years, 4. 

215 National League for Protection of the Family. Report for igo6, 11-12. 



The Attitude of the Church 315 

In his address on the family at the St. Louis Exposition 
he declared the Home Department to be "the only in- 
vention of any importance that has been made in the last 
hundred years in the interests of the home as a religious 
force." 

The decay of family authority is a source of annoy- 
ance to the stricter churches. For instance the Meth- 
odist General Conference of 1884 remarks that "there 
is an alarming frequency in youthful crimes and insub- 
ordination to parental and civil authority," and earn- 
estly exhorts "those to whom is committed the care and 
training of our youth in the family and school, to ex- 
treme caution." 

The church of the last generation has been afflicted 
with a decay of "family religion."^'" Doctor Dix in 
the work previously cited laments the gradual death of 

Home-life, the home-influence, the home-training, the home re- 
ligion, . . The father throws off his duties on the wife, 
and goes his way . . . the children have no teaching from 
him. . . The mother must be free for her pleasures. . . 
I have seen, amid the ruin of such empty and deserted homes, 
humble and pious servants, who had the heart which the moth- 
er seemed to have lost; who actually, in God's sight, were 
more the mothers of the children than the vain forgetful crea- 
ture who bore them. 

In 1910 a special committee of the Presbyterian Gen- 
eral Assembly said: 

It is with much regret that we report . . . that the tes- 
timony is general as to the decay of family religion in some 
portions of the church, and that there is serious indifference 
also on the part of many parents as to their duties to their chil- 
dren in things religious. The fear is expressed that these con- 
ditions are symptoms of failure rightly to apprehend the prac- 
tical value to state and church, of the family and the home. 

216 Compare Presbyterian General Assembly. Minutes of l88l, 599; 
1882, 120. 



3i6 The American Family 

The church laments the passing of family worship 
and urges its reestablishment, but with small success. 
Thus before the National Unitarian Conference in 
1903 the Reverend W. C. Gannett urged that the par- 
ent holds the child in trust. He must be to the child 
the image of God; the priest, and the oracle. Family 
worship has declined. Is there nothing to take its 
place? The Committee on the family reported to the 
1907 National Council of Congregational Churches 
that 

The home is more directly under the control of a right church 
influence than is any other social group. The church, more 
than any other institution, still holds public semblance at least, 
to recognition of the family, in its family pews and in its per- 
sonal ministry. By its very organization and by its functions of 
baptism and marriage the church witnesses to the unitary place 
of the family. 

Yet even the family pew is no longer a universal "in- 
stitution," and church membership tends to exemplify 
sexual division of labor. 

In general the attitude of the conservative churches 
has been unfriendly toward the "woman's movement" 
in its relation to the home. Matilda J. Gage in her 
Woman, Church, and State has assembled an astonish- 
ing array of illustrations of the supercilious attitude of 
clergymen toward woman. Among other things she 
mentions the fact that when the use of anaesthetics in 
child-birth was introduced into the United States 
"prominent New England clergymen preached against 
their use upon the . . . ground of its being an 
impious frustration of the curse of the Almighty upon 
woman." In 1882 in fact, Mrs. Stanton said: 

So fully are the most bigoted and ignorant women convinced 
that suffering in child-birth is heaven's decree, that physicians 



The Attitude of the Church 317 

find difficulty in persuading them to mitigate their sufferings by 
taking chloroform.^" 

Doctor Craven is said to have expressed the general 
clerical view when he said in 1876: "It is positively 
base for a woman to speak in the pulpit." A few years 
later Mrs. Stanton said that "women were recently re- 
fused admission to the Medical Society of Massachu- 
setts on the ground that it was not the intention of God 
that women should practice medicine." So far did the 
superstition inculcated by ecclesiasticism reach. 

The Catholic World of 1869 in an article on "The 
Woman Question" contained a strong assertion of wo- 
man's place, in which the orthodox denominations 
would at that time probably concur, and to a great de- 
gree even to the present as is evidenced by the refusal 
of the Presbyterian General Assembly of 191 2 to admit 
women to the ministry. The article is to the efifect that 
"woman was made for the man;" woman suffrage 
would destroy the Christian family; as it is, the family 
is fast disappearing, "and when the family goes, the 
nation goes too, or ceases to be worth preserving. . ." 
A large and influential class of women disdain domes- 
ticity; separation of pecuniary interests of husband and 
wife and ease of divorce contribute to the attenuation 
of the family; when the mother holds civil office, chil- 
dren will be a nuisance; abortion will become more 
prevalent; mothers are chiefly to blame for the present 
lack of filial reverence; children lose respect for the 
mother who forgets the duty of wifely obedience. 

Doctor Dix in the book already quoted gave a gen- 
eration ago the conservative view of woman's place. 
He denounced the legislation that gave a wife separate 
position and interests, the right to hold property and 
to sue and be sued by herself. 

217 l^yyjs and others. "Health of American Women," 515, 



3i8 The American Family 

They are, only in a religious fiction, one. From this condition 
with separate interests and separate responsibilities, it is an easy 
step to personal separation. But when, if ever, woman attains 
a complete independence, she may find herself crushed under 
burdens too great for her to bear: there are signs of that al- 
ready; they multiply; one traces them in the bitter saying that 
now it is the women who have to support the men. And the 
social and moral wreck of the women will be complete, when 
the conspiracy against Holy Matrimony has come to a triumph. 
Then this will be the history: that she whom God lifted up 
from the estate of concubine and slave, and crowned with 
honor and glory as a Christian wife, will, after having turned 
from God to follow her own devices, sink back to be once more 
man's concubine and slave. 

At the Pan-Presbyterian Council in Philadelphia 
about 1880 

Some one suggested that the position of women in the church 
should be considered, that some new dignity and honor might 
be accorded her. The proposition was received with derision 
and treated with as much contempt as if it had been proposed 
to make elders and deacons of monkeys. ^^^ 

There has been, of course, some commendable liber- 
alism among the clergy with respect to woman's place, 
as for instance Doctor Bashford's discussion of the 
question "Does the Bible Allow Women to Preach?" 
He declared that 

The Christian law abolishes all special rights and honors which 
are now claimed by either of the sexes. . . The old theory 
that Paul universally forbids women to speak in the church is 
shattered forever by Paul's own words and conduct. [He 
commanded the women at Corinth to keep silent because of the 
confusion in the church and scandal to neighbors.] 

Recent years show a commendable disposition on 
the part of some ecclesiastics and ecclesiastical bodies 
to look at the problems of the family in their broad- 
est social aspects. Excellent illustrations are Carroll 

218 Mrs. E. C. Stanton: in Lewis and others, "Health of American Wo- 
men," 514. 



The Attitude of the Church 319 

D. Wright's paper before the National Unitarian 
Conference in 1891 which was ordered printed and 
sent to each of the churches as a guide to legislation and 
life, and Mrs. Anna G. Spencer's address at the 1895 
Conference. The Congregational Church, also, has 
had a broad sociological outlook on the question of the 
family. A good illustration is found in the proceed- 
ings of the Council of 1907. On this occasion it was 
suggested that churches should (i) study local indus- 
trial conditions as they affect family life; (2) inform 
membership and community of them; (3) try to alle- 
viate the situation where it bears hardest on family life- 
promote day nurseries, parents' associations, the play- 
ground movement, recreation centers, etc.; (4) initiate 
and support efforts to prevent child labor and regulate 
the work of women by the enactment and enforcement 
of just and humane laws; (5) call attention of parents 
to the need of training children in those industrial vir- 
tues which the home can supply. Ministers must be 
trained -in college and seminary- to understand the 
family in its relation to the church; other leaders, and 
parents, likewise. Ministers and churches should care- 
fully study the problem of the family. 

Family traditions are stronger among the Jews, per- 
haps, than among any Christian sects, and home life in 
orthodox Jewish families is more full of meaning. A 
young Jewess in New York who has entrance to some 
of the most exclusive social circles says that the most 
cultured homes in the city are found among the Jews 
on the East Side.^^^ The Jewish Encyclopedia says 
The observances of the faith are so entwined with the every- 
day customs of the home as to make the Jewish religion and 
the family life one, a bond in sanctity. Most of the religious 
ceremonies are to be celebrated in the bosom of the family; 

^'^^ Independent (1910), vol. Ixviii, 346. 



320 The American Family 

the observances of the dietary laws are an especially prominent 
feature in the daily routine. . . Most valuable is the cele- 
bration of the Sabbath. The Sabbath lamp, kindled on Fri- 
day evening, is a symbol of the home influence of woman as the 
inspirer of a pure family life. 

The Jewish faith and the Jewish family, however, 
are subject, as indicated elsewhere in this volume, to 
the same influences for decay that have undermined 
Christian traditions. No religion however deep rooted 
or intense can permanently prevent the remodeling of 
family institutions in the image of the new social order. 
Incidentally, an interesting illustration of the lingering 
of anomalous tradition is recorded in the 1898 report 
of the corresponding secretary of the Divorce Reform 
League to the effect that the Legal Aid Society of New 
York had discovered 

A practice, among certain Jewish rabbis in the thickly settled 
Eastern portions of the city, of granting divorces by their own 
ecclesiastical authority. This is a transfer to our country, I 
suppose, of a practice entirely legal among the Jews in Russia. 
The president of the Legal Aid Society on investigation found 
"that in hundreds and possibly thousands of instances this same 
kind of crime is being inflicted upon innocent women and help- 
less children." 

A progressive Jewish viewpoint is expressed in a 
Milwaukee lecture of November, 1913, by Rabbi Sam- 
uel Hirschberg in which he denounced certain old 
forms and phrases still found in the marriage ritual of 
many creeds. He objected to the phrase "Who giveth 
this woman away?" as a relic of primitive conditions. 
He said there was no more reason for the wife to obey 
the husband than for the husband to obey the wife, and 
raised objection to the finale, "What God hath joined 
together let no man put asunder," on the score of doubt 
as to God's part in the formation of some unions. 

Love creates marriage, gives it its only validity, and not any 
ceremony that may be gone through. And love, be it noted. 



The Attitude of the Church 321 

is divine in its origin, a quality of man as a child of God. 
Love is thus sacred and the relationship it alone can authorize 
is thus and must ever be, to be true and genuine, similarly sacred. 

The proposition that the church should negotiate 
between young men and women the wholesome social 
relationships that constitute an indispensable prelimin- 
ary to wise and happy marriage has in recent years re- 
ceived some attention. The Independent in 191 2 con- 
tained a letter on marriage which had appeared in 
Catholic journals, written by one of a club of fourteen 
Catholic girls between the ages of seventeen and twen- 
ty-eight-girls of Irish and German descent, support- 
ing themselves "from sheer necessity." She says : 

We are all willing, nay, anxious to be married, and all we 
want is a good moral fellow with a fair education and sal- 
ary. . . The Catholic Church harbors more old maids than 
any other organization we know of . . . because it sep- 
arates its boys and girls and keeps them separated from the 
kindergarten grade up. Out of a congregation of one thou- 
sand souls I am personally acquainted with three boys — the other 
girls [together] know almost a dozen, and this is a small 
town. . . Our boys never extend us invitations; they do 
not know us. We cannot invite them to our homes; we never 
meet them. . . 

Social life is the religion of the Protestant church. It is 
there the girls meet their boy friends. It is there they ar- 
range their social functions; and from my observations it is 
there they all marry. . . Eight of our club girls have beaus, 
all Protestants, and, unfortunately all staunch ones. We have 
all been pulling strings, but I know in my heart it is a case of 
lose my religion or my friend, and tv\"o of our girls have held 
this agonizing position for five 3^ears. . . 

What we need in our church to promote matrimony is a live 
wire, one who will take a lesson from the other churches and 
get busy.^^'' 

In 1912 the Institutional Church of Kansas City de- 
cided to throw open its parlors for the use of girls that 

220 "pgfuinine Difficulty:" in the Independent, vol. Ixxii, 1391. 



322 The American Family 

had no place to entertain their young men friends, the 
church to provide chaperonage. In 1914 Bishop 
M'Cormick of the Episcopal Church was quoted as 
saying that 

To follow the Bible is also to seek to promote marriage among 
the truly marriageable. . . An inviting field for genuine 
philanthropy, especially for churches, social settlements, and 
the like, is to be found in affording opportunities for young men 
and young women to meet under conditions which make pure 
love and reasonable courtship possible. 

It seems probable that through such activity on the 
part of churches together with social center facilities 
developed by community spirit something may be done 
to improve present trying conditions. 

The vice disclosures of a few years ago aroused 
church workers and the religious press to the need for 
action. The Federal Council of Churches of Chicago 
decided on definite steps against "the social evil." The 
resolutions adopted urged upon parents, Sunday school 
teachers, and ministers, the duty of instructing upon 
sexual matters and the shame of city life those for whom 
they were responsible. State and city authorities were 
asked to investigate and report upon the consequences 
of prostitution and the city administration was criti- 
cized for failure strictly to enforce existing law. It 
was recommended that a special study be made 

Of the work which the churches can undertake in the specific 
field of social purity, and the best methods by which the Church 
and church people may ofifer assistance in preventing the spread 
of the social evil, protecting the young and inexperienced, and 
redeeming the victims of sexual vice. 

It is unfortunate, however, that in general, upon this as 
on other matters the church lacks disposition to attack 
fundamentals. 



XIV. THE FAMILY AND THE SOCIAL 
REVOLUTION 

It has been made apparent in the course of these 
volumes that the family is in no sense an independent 
institution capable of being fashioned, sustained, or 
modified at will to suit the fancy. It is part and parcel 
of an organic civilization and must undergo such evolu- 
tion as will keep it in correspondence with co-existing 
social institutions whose form and texture seems to de- 
pend primarily on the evolution of economic technique. 
Such being the case it is manifest that no mere preach- 
ment or emotional agitation can determine the future 
forms of the family. This being true, no one should be 
unduly alarmed at revolutionary utterances with refer- 
ence to the family any more than he should put confi- 
dence in sentimental campaigns for rehabilitation or 
conservation of old values. 

It is a fact, nevertheless, that we are in the midst of 
the social revolution, which is destined to change in- 
trinsically the whole fibre of society and that some of 
those that have been most vigorous in heralding this 
revolution have given out subversive opinions as to mar- 
riage and the family, opinions that deserve some notice, 
if only by reason of the alarm they excite. Ely in his 
Recent American Socialism was impressed by the way in 
which the journals of the anarchistic internationalists 

Sneer incessantly at the "sacredness of the family" and dwell 
with pleasure on every vile scandal which is noticed by the 
"capitalistic press." Especial attention is given to divorces to 
show that the family institution is already undermined, and 



324 The American Family 

they are thoroughgoing skeptics regarding the morality of the 
relations between the sexes in bourgeois society. 

The Vorbote for May 12, 1883, said: 

In capitalistic society, marriage has long become a pure finan- 
cial operation, and the possessing classes long ago established 
community of wives, and, indeed, the nastiest which is conceiv- 
able. . . They take a special pleasure in seducing one an- 
other's waves. . . [According to this writer] a marriage is 
only so long moral as it rests upon the free inclination of man 
and wife. 

Truth of January 26, 1884 (a San Francisco interna- 
tionalist organ) contained the following burlesque on 
marriage under the competitive system: 

wilt thou take this form so spare, 
This powdered face and frizzled hair - 

To be thy wedded wife ; 
And keep her free from labor vile, 
Lest she her dainty fingers soil - 
And dress her up in gayest style. 

As long as thou hast life? 

1 will. 

And wilt thou take these stocks and bonds. 
This brown stone front, these diamonds. 

To be thy husband dear? 
And wilt thou in this carriage ride. 
And o'er his lordly home preside. 
And be divorced while yet a bride, 

Or ere a single year? 

I will. 

Then I pronounce you man and wife; 
And with what I've together joined, 
The next best man may run away 
Whenever he a chance can find. 

Another version of this diatribe appeared in 1914 in the 
(Socialist) Milwaukee Leader. 



The Family and the Social Revolution 325 

Ely in the work mentioned above denounces Most's 
Freiheit as habitually attaining 

The superlative of coarseness and vileness in its attacks on the 
famil\^ It objects to the family on principle because it is the 
state in miniature, because it existed before the state, and fur- 
nished a model for it with all its evils and perversities. Freiheit 
advocates a new genealogy, traced from mothers, whose names, 
and not that of the fathers, descend to the children, since it 
is never certain who the father is. State up-bringing of chil- 
dren is likewise favored in the Freiheit, in order that the old 
family may completely abandon the field to free love. 

Undoubtedly there is an antagonism between com- 
munism or collectivism and the present form of family 
institution. Property makes for individualism or fam- 
ilism, and sex and family furnish an incentive to the 
accumulation of property. Inheritance clinches the 
tie. It would seem, therefore, that anarchism or so- 
cialism, if they eliminated private property in capital 
goods, would undermine the foundations of the family. 
It must be remembered, however, that since industry 
has become impersonally corporate instead of a family 
affair the family has already been profoundly affected. 
Individuals, not families, are the units. It will be re- 
membered, too, that for most people the home in any 
ideal sense no longer exists, if it ever did exist. Nor 
can any moral plea be made in behalf of home and 
family if they are incapable of standing on their own 
feet when the present sordid props are struck away. 
The essential Socialist teaching as to marriage is sim- 
ply that it "is the outward and visible sign of an in- 
ward and spiritual fact." Properly comprehended, 
the doctrine of free-love, even, is not in the least im- 
moral in essential intent. It simply means that mar- 
riage and the family will have to stand or fall on their 



326 The American Family 

own merits in each particular case without being arti- 
ficially propped by property interests and legal sanc- 
tions. The doctrine, however, is a part of anarchism 
rather than of Socialism and so is probably of rather 
remote importance for the present. It will however 
bear very favorable comparison with the present carica- 
ture of family and home provided by modern capital- 
ism. The regeneration of the family waits upon the 
coming of a new commonwealth, for a candid study of 
the facts of present-day civilization impresses us with 
the fact that while nihilistic theories as to family rela- 
tions abound, their real basis is in the pathology of 
capitalism. The real menace to family and home is 
not the doctrine of affinity proclaimed by sentimen- 
talists nor yet the doctrine of free love but rather the 
relentless workings of the profit system. 

Indications are that society is working toward So- 
cialism, not as a final goal but as the next stage in social 
evolution. Such a fundamental economic change will 
influence profoundly the marriage relation and the 
forms of the family. An appreciation of the meaning 
and spirit of Socialism involves at least these concep- 
tions touching the family: absolute sex equality so far 
as social regulations can go; scientific pedagogy of sex 
relations; a thoroughgoing eugenics enforced at the 
outset by legislation and by public opinion; full eco- 
nomic opportunity for all young people, so that mar- 
riage shall not be influenced by mercenary considera- 
tions; extreme emphasis on the social importance and 
significance of the marital relation as the key to race 
improvement and race perpetuation; economic oppor- 
tunity such as shall enable all fit persons to become par- 
ents at the most appropriate age; the elimination of 
prostitution by removing its cause -poverty; elimina- 



The Family and the Social Revolution 327 

tion of venereal disease in this way and by medical 
measures; provision of ideal conditions for pregnant 
women and nursing mothers, with adequate scientific 
attention and assistance in the birth and care of chil- 
dren; volitional limitation of the size of family, not by 
economic expediency but by consideration for the rights 
of women as persons who are entitled to individuality 
and freedom to live; equality of opportunity for every 
child born in so far as social control, and subsidy where 
necessary, can secure such equality; hygienic, aesthe- 
tic, and stimulating surroundings in home, school, and 
social center, all directed to the continual education of 
young and old; social mediation in case of serious fam- 
ily dissension; divorce in such cases as society judges 
best in view of the interests of the parents, children, 
and community; home ownership for all that care to 
attach themselves to a spot with some degree of per- 
manency, such home to be transmissible to children if 
so desired; the evolution of a spiritualized family based 
not on economic necessity but on aesthetic, idealistic, 
spiritual values and loyalties. 

Several specific questions remain to be answered in 
the light of this forecast. Perhaps the first is as to the 
future of permanent monogamy. 

Some students of family institutions see in durable 
monogamy the culmination of social evolution in re- 
spect to the marriage relation. To their minds, society 
is like a variable approaching a limit and in this par- 
ticular the permanent mutual fidelity of one husband 
and one wife constitutes the limit toward which mar- 
riage approaches. It would be allowed, presumably, 
that for an indefinite period there will be marriages 
that fall short of the ideal and that perhaps always there 
will be a few such tho in diminishing number. Ul- 



328 The American Family 

timately, however, the ideal type would become prac- 
tically universal. 

Now in view of the fact that with invention and the 
development of new industrial and business technique, 
social institutions are forced through a process of con- 
tinual change, and in view of the further fact that there 
seems no reason to suppose that science and invention 
will ever reach their limit so that technical progress 
would cease, it is hard to imagine a time when family 
institutions will become set and cease to evolve. Ulti- 
mately the cooling of the earth and its progressive arid- 
ification may set in operation a process of involution 
and extinction, but even so, the new exigencies would 
involve new technique and new institutions and pre- 
sumably the forms of marriage would change to suit. 

There is probably no single type of human prefer- 
ence in respect to monogamy or polygamy; that is, if 
nature were allowed to take its own course some per- 
sons would very likely be monogamic and others poly- 
gamic. Moreover it is probable that many of either 
class could be carried over to the other if environing 
influences were adapted to the change. Only extreme 
pressure of some sort, however, could reduce all to a 
single type unless we allow for a sufficiently long period 
of cumulative selection to effect the extinction of one 
or the other extreme strain. Will a free, democratic 
society care to exercise such rigorous social control as 
to produce the externals of conformity to any particular 
marriage type? The issue is at least questionable. It 
may be that with the elimination of venereal disease 
and clearly dysgenesic strains of heredity, with the dis- 
appearance of women's dependence on the economic 
productivity or the property ownership of her husband, 
with the elimination of all serious questions of gen- 



The Family and the Social Revolution 329 

ealogy by means of the diminished importance of inher- 
itance of property, with community supervision of 
child-welfare increasing, and with the development of 
a high type of community enjoyment both in work and 
play, but outside the individual home -it may be that 
society will not find it important to censor the marital 
relations of individuals and that there will ultimately 
be as many types of sex commerce as there are of indi- 
vidual taste. 

It may be, on the contrary, that the increased voice 
of woman in social control may result in increased cen- 
sorship of those matters in which the majority of the 
female sex is constitutionally specialized and that the 
probable female preference for monogamy may become 
more and more the established rule. It may turn out, 
too, as seems rather probable, that the extent to which 
the state can rear children with success is sharply lim- 
ited and that the individual home must be maintained, 
at least during their early years. In that case, unless 
we are to assume homes with only a woman at the head, 
woman's tastes might be reinforced by social pressure 
in the interest of the race. In general, about all that 
can be said now is that there is likelihood of progress- 
ive change in the type of marital relation but whether 
this change will preclude or secure the dominance of 
stable monogamy or will result in endless fluctuations 
of this phase of family institution can scarcely be fore- 
told. 

The future of prostitution is clearer. It is certain 
practically to disappear. This prediction does not mean 
that irregular sex relations will necessarily disappear 
but that the mercantile element will be eliminated. 
With the coming of universal economic opportunity, 
women will not be led into vice for want of normal 



330 The American Family 

stimulation in life; no woman will be forced to sell her- 
self and no normal woman will voluntarily do so, un- 
less in certain cases of overtowering ambition in which 
a woman may see the chance for a career as the mis- 
tress of some eminent personage. On the other hand 
the facilitation of marriage will take away from young 
men the pressure that has driven in the direction of 
prostitution. Whether any considerable development 
of "free love" promiscuity may be expected to take the 
place of monetary prostitution is a part of the preced- 
ing question as to the future of monogamy and can not 
be answered with any greater certainty. 

The status of woman is sure to undergo further alter- 
ation. Woman's cultural education will be in the same 
subjects as man's tho she may get out of the courses 
something different from what man gets. Physical 
convenience will be the only factor to exclude her from 
any employment. She will probably be out of the 
home as much as man and in it as much as man, with 
the single exception of the period of childbirth and the 
care of the very young child. Both will be able, if they 
choose, to be in the home together far more than at 
present. But woman's work will not be housework any 
more than man's will be. She will be a full-fledged 
human being enjoying identical social rights, powers, 
and privileges. Freed thus from masculine dominance 
she will become more truly feminine and a better col- 
league of her husband, a more constructive member of 
society. 

In the new social order extreme emphasis is sure to 
be placed upon eugenic procreation and scientific care 
of children; but will these advances come to be en- 
trusted in large measure to individual enlightenment 
and family providence or will the functions of parent- 



The Family and the Social Revolution 331 

hood be absorbed by the state? It seems clear that at 
least in its early stages, socialism will mean an increased 
amount of social control. Socialists seek, indeed, to 
inaugurate an administration of things that will make 
unnecessary the government of people] in this respect 
their goal is that of the anarchist. But for a consider- 
able period it will be necessary to reckon with traits 
and habits handed on by the old regime and we may ex- 
pect that at first there will be an increase of legislation 
designed to check the mating of the unfit and the pro- 
creation of undesirable citizens. In all probability the 
enlightened public mind will also bring the persuasion 
and pressure of public opinion into play in behalf of 
positively eugenic matings. It may be assumed that 
even before the advent of socialism, the periods of preg- 
nancy and suckling will be adequately guarded. We 
may expect in the socialist commonwealth a system of 
public educational agencies that will begin with the 
nursery and follow the individual through life. The 
advantages of the old-fashioned family of ten or fifteen 
children will be supplied by neighborhood nursery, 
kindergarten, play-ground, by whose means the cooper- 
ative group spirit will receive development. The 
home, however, will be sufficiently spacious and suffi- 
ciently attractive to appeal to the individual's desire for 
personalty and privacy, so that there is no reason to sup- 
pose that it will be unduly overshadowed by commun- 
ity agencies. Familism will be reintegrated not as a 
property institution but as an expression of esteem for 
notable lines of heredity. 

Those persons that experience alarm at the thought 
of intrinsic changes in family institutions should re- 
member that in the light of social evolution, nothing 
is right or valuable in itself; nothing possesses intrin- 



332 The American Family 

sic validity. The only standard of legitimate appro- 
bation is the standard formed by considerations of what 
is socially fit at the time in question. If there are in 
normal human nature certain intrinsic and fundamental 
characters that hold good in all ages and under all so- 
cial systems it may be expected that on the whole the 
march of progress will result in the better expression 
of these qualities in social institutions. If phases of 
present matrimonial and family institutions really cor- 
respond to such basic traits, they will be found fit and 
will be preserved, irrespective of the changes that ensue 
in the general evolution of society. If, however, as- 
pects of the family now esteemed precious owe their 
worth simply to the peculiar conditions of the present 
capitalism, future generations will assuredly cease to 
esteem these features of family usage and will supersede 
them with better. The enlightened and honest moral- 
ist has nothing to fear from social revolution; he has 
everything to fear from social stagnation. 

The American family in its distinctive features has 
been, as we saw, a product of the ascendancy of the 
bourgeois class, the dominance of a virgin continent, 
and the industrial revolution. The frontier is gone, 
the industrial revolution is still at work, now undermin- 
ing the present social order, and the end of class domi- 
nation is in sight. A new family is inevitable, a family 
based on the conservation and scientific administration 
of limited natural resources, on the social ownership 
of the instrumentalities of economic production and the 
universal enjoyment of the fruits, and on a social de- 
mocracy devoid of artificial stratification based on eco- 
nomic exploitation. Such is the promise of American 
life, of the world life. 



v>. 



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350 The American Family 

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INDEX 



Abbott, Edith: cited, II, 172 note, 

175 note, III, 139 note 
Abdy, Edward S: cited, II, 66, 158, 

246 note, 275, 290 note, 300 note, 

306 note, 307 note, 326, 333, 341 

note, 348 note 
Abortion, I, 27, 135, II, 209-211, III, 

45, 231, 236-246, 299, 303, 304, 312, 

317 

Adams, Charles Francis: on sex mor- 
als, I, 130, 134, 135 

Adams, John: on family problems, I, 
86, 115-116, II, 115; marriage of, 
I, 78-79; letters to wife, I, 115-116; 
and wife, I, 92-93 ; Familiar Let- 
ters of John Adams and his Wife, 
cited, II, 115 note 

Adams, Mrs. John: I, 84-86, 115-116, 
130, 208, II, 54, 114 

Adams, John Quincy: I, 115, 116, II, 
71 

Addams, Jane: cited, III, 149-150 

Adoption: I, 335, II, 23, 144, III, 61, 
166, 176, 216 

Adultery: I, 14, 27, 47, 81, 102, 130- 
141, 145-148, 155, 181, 182, i86, 195, 
197, 204, 209, 214, 215, 303, 313- 
317, 321, II, 46, 48, 151-152, 204- 
208, III, 162, 243, 265, 273, 274, 292, 
294, 295, 298, 301, 306; see also 
Fornication, Infidelity, Immorality, 
Incontinence, Sex, Vice, Licentious- 
ness, Lust, etc. 

Advertisement: I, loi, 102, 208, 214, 
230; of abortion, III, 237, 238, 245; 
of childlessness, III, 244-245 ; of 
children's books, I, iii ; of husband 
and wife, I, 143, 305, 306; as to 
marriage, I, 58, 265, III, 218-219; 



of slaves, I, 81, 211, 212, 327-328; 
for women, II, 38; woman as. III, 
269 

African: mores, II, 292; slaves, I, 
80, 323 

Age: of consent, III, no, 112; dis- 
tribution, III, 233; limits, I, 172, 
194; old, I, 68-69, 112, 142, 150, 
173, 176, 193, 200, 201, 204-206, 
2IO, 213, 226, 244, 254-255, 299. 
315, II, 66, 67, 173, 222, III, 17, 
58-59, 61, 145, 150, 195, 212, 270- 
271, 327; see also Senility; for 
parenthood. III, 251-252, 326; of 
taxable persons, I, 232; see also 
Marriage age. Surplus 

Agriculture: I, 124, 190, 203, 226, 230, 

231, 235, 236, II, 196, III, 22-23, 
65. 83, 233; see also Farm, Fields, 
Land, Soil, etc. 

Alabama: II, 34, 44, 126, 158, 268- 

269, 352 
Albany, N. Y: I, 154, 163, 165, 167, 

170, 171, 175-176, 182, 196 
Alcott, Louisa: II, 76, 118, 147 
Alimony: I, 179, 300-306, III, 256; 

see also Support 
Allen, Dr. Nathan: on abortion. III, 

236; on infecundity. III, 225, 230, 

232, 241; on urbanization. III, 231 
Almshouses: I, 171, III, 176, 198; 

children in, I, 126, 171, 172 
American Annals of Education and 

Instruction: cited II, 62 note 
American and Foreign Anti-slavery 

Societ>': II, 254 note, 290 note, 328 

note 
American Anti-Slavery Society: cited, 

II, 246 note, 256 note, 263 note, 



360 



The American Family 



290 note, 307 note, 308 note, 328 
note; splits on woman question, II, 

"7 

American Bar Association: on di- 
vorce, III, 308 

American Board of Foreign Mis- 
sions: on polygamy, II, 156 

American Medical Association: ve- 
nereal disease, III, 234 

American Journal of Social Science: 
cited, III, 133, 161 

American Slavery as it Is: cited, II, 
155 note, 246 note, 256 note, 263 
note, 307 note, 328 note 

American Sociological Society: on 
family, III, 10 

Amusement: I, 85, no, 112, 114, 117- 
ii8, 136, 175-176, 275, 281, 293, 
296, II, 56, 202, 289, 317, 340, III, 
57-58, 82, 134, 161, 174, 175, 187, 
I94> 205, 240, 319, 329, 331; danc- 
ing, I, 84, 117, 143, 246, 296, III, 
151; entertainment, I, 124, 129, 
143, 162, 176, 179, 194, 243, 244, 
261, 262, 280, 319; free entertain- 
ment, I, 243; games, I, 114, 118, 
204; see also Recreation, Sport, 
Games, Young 

Anarchism: and famil}'. III, 323-326; 
and Socialism, III, 331 

Ancestral interests: I, 39, 79, 191, 
236, II, 52, 54, 137, 334-335. 374- 
375. ni, 145 

Ante-nuptial: see Contract; debts, I, 
335; fornication, I, 132-133, 154, 
II, 43-44 

Anthony, Susan B: II, 75, 95 note, 
98 note, 116-117, 125, 143, 187 

Apartment life: III, 124, 134, 183, 
184, 191, 227-228, 302, 304 

Apprenticeship: I, 31, 36, 72, 73, 
150, 172, 193, 209, 226, 230, 231, 
260, 295, 296, 306-308, II, 17, 181- 
182, 191 ; see also Binding, etc. 

Aristocracy: I, 10, 331; basis of, I, 
122, 202, 232-235, 329, II, 27, 136; 
in colonies, 201 ; and education, I, 
290-291, 295, III, 24; and ethics, 
I. 37, 80, 127, 329, II, 30, 299-300, 



370; and family, I, 78, 123, 329, 
III, 167, 169-170; influences 
against, II, 27, 332-333; life of, 
I, 242-243 ; and marriage, I, 78- 
79, i6o-i6i, 226, 263, II, 27-30, 
220-221, 348, III, 223; in nine- 
teenth century, II, 202; in North, 
I, 122; privileges of, II, 367, 371; 
see under South ; and woman, I, 
280, 282, II, 220, 227, 323, III, 119; 
see also Caste, etc. 

Arkansas: III, 263 

Army morals: I, 130, 166, III, 223; 
see also Soldiers, War 

Arnold, Sarah L: cited. III, 190 

Arrests: I, 142, 182, 195, 276, 300, 

317. 335 

Arthur's Home Magazine: cited, II, 
223 note, 361 note 

Arts: committee of, I, 201; of dress, 
I, 246; household, I, 202; training 
in, I, 201 

Assemblies: acts of, I, 62, 197, 201, 
211, 232, 261, 265, 271, 273, 277, 
282, 289, 295, 308, 309; see also 
Legislatures 

Assessment: I, 78, 241-242 

Assimilation: social, I, 226; of Eu- 
ropeans to servile status, I, 325 

Association: Baptist, I, 276; of bach- 
elors, I, 165; of housekeeping cen- 
ters, III, 190; with Indian girls, 
I, 325 ; Kehukee, I, 272 

Asylums: I, 171, 173, 310-311; III, 
178 

Athenaum: referred to. III, 239 

Atlanta (Ga.) : riots. III, 37; Univer- 
sity Publications, III, 50, 56; see 
also Dubois, fV.E.B. 

Attorney: power of, I, 169; prosecu- 
tion by, I, 316; general, I, 275 

Autocracy: paternal, III, 135; wan- 
ing of. III, 157; see also Patriar- 
ch ism 

Avary, Mrs. — : cited, in notes on 
pages II, 326, 374, III, 12, 24, 31, 
32, 36, 37, 60 

Avelings, — : cited. III, 68-70, 90- 
91, 248-249 



Ind 



ex 



361 



Babies: at church, I, 107; desire for, 
I, 227; negro, disposal of, I, 81 

Baby: farming, III, 141; feeding, 
III, 175; gardens, III, 186; maid 
for, I, 149-150; minds overstimlat- 
ed, I, no; see also Children, In- 
fants, Young 

Bachelors: I, 68, 165, 246, 331, II, 
203, 208, 259, 299, III, 105; atti- 
tude to, I, 67-68, 138, 246, II, 12, 
202, III, 200; life of, I, 206, 252, 
304, II, 12, 15, 332, III, 17, 80, 
183, 2IO-2II, 302; and marriage, 
I, 68, 138, 252, 333, II, 202, 203; 
morals, I, 154, II, 208; quarters, 
I, 43 ; and women, I, 258, III, 191 ; 
see also Unmarried, Spinsters 

Bacon, Sir Francis: cited, I, 218; Na- 
thaniel's treatment of women, I, 
273 

Baltimore (Md.) : I, 278, III, 72, 88; 
county, I, 250, 304; Lord, I, 247, 
250, 277, 324 

Banishment: I, 146-147, 157, 179, 186, 
278, 286 ; see also Expulsion 

Bankruptcy: I, 49, 236 

Banns: I, 59, 60, 65, 155-161, 185, 
207, 260, 262, 266, 335; desira- 
bility of, III, 288; disuse of, I, 62, 
157, 160-161, 196, 263, 269, II, 37, 
39; plebeian, I, i6o-i6i, 263, 265; 
procedure after, I, 154 

Baptism: I, 27, 107, 133, 145, 192, 
196, 242, 267, 289-290, 327, III, 
284, 295, 296, 316; records, I, 158, 
192, 203, 264, 267-268, 335 

Baptiste, Jean: I, 334 

Baptists: I, 197, 272, 276, II, 57, 
257-258 ; see also Williams, Roger 

Bastardy: I, 81-82, 134, 139, 140, 

149, 154, 197, 210, 211, 313-323. n, 

271, III, 39; see also Fornication, 

Illegitimacy, etc. 
Bateman, Elizabeth: I, 276 
Bateman, Mary: I, 300 
Bates, E. Katharine: cited, III, 146, 

180, 200, 219 
Beaujour, Felix de: cited, II, 19-20, 

55. 57 



Bebel, August: cited, I, 13, 14, 22, 25 

Bed: I, 38, 96, 129, 181, 188, 243, 
275, 283, 286; marriage, I, 64, 146, 
156, 209, 250, 322; men admitted 
to women's, I, 131; rooms, I, 242- 
243; -side, I, 163; -time, I, 115, 
257; wife kicked out of, I, 144 

Beecher: case. III, 32, 109 

Beecher, Catharine: cited, II, 81-82, 
83, 124, 197, 213; III, 201, 204, 
210, 230 

Beecher, Lyman: cited, II, 57, 142 

Begging: I, 307, 308 

Bentzon, — : cited. III, 123-124, 168, 
184, 205 

Bequest: I, 49, 96-97, 123, 234, 235, 
239-241, 255, 277, 326; see also 
Testators, etc. 

Berkeley, Gov. — : I, 243, 273-274 

Betrothal: I, 35-36, 47-48, 6i, 154, 
163-165, 189, 258, 264-265, 267, II, 
14, 31, 142, 214, III, 219, 220, 307; 
as quasi-marriage, I, 24-25, 132; 
see also Self-Betrothal 

Betts, L. W: cited. III, 74 note, 112- 
113, 139, 171 note, 212 

Bible: I, 40, 64-65, 74, 76, 99, 106, 
no, 113, 121, 168, 170, 195, 203, 
280, 290, 295, II, 63, 156, 331-332, 
350, III, 314, 318, 322; see also 
Scripture 

Bigamy: I, 26, 141, 146, 157, 158, 
i6o-i6i, 182, 197, 316, 321, II, 33, 
38, III, 217, 218, 256, 302; treat- 
ment of, I, 26, 93-94, 209, 268, 
II, 33. 46 

Bigotry: church, I, 259-260; Philis- 
tine, I, 39 

Biology: I, 169, III, 245, 248, 309 

Binding of children: apprentices, 
etc., I, 77, 125, 126, 150, 171-173, 
203, 295, 306-309, 311, 319; see al- 
so Indenture, Bond; to good be- 
havior, 322 

Birth: I, 171, 247, 293, 317; appre- 
ciation of, I, 36, 170, 171, 203; 
-control, III, 136-137, 139, 231, 233, 
236-248, 285, 304, 312, 327; see 
also Conception, Infecundity; -day. 



362 



The American Family 



I, 176; illegitimate, etc., I, 132, 136, 
138, 140, 204, 304, 314, 318, 319, III, 
217; -place, III, 266; pride of, I, 
244; privilege by, I, I2i; -rate, I, 
87-89, 286, 287, 288, II, 16, 20, 209- 
210, 363, 364, III, 8, 62, 77, 80, 82, 
96, 211 ; chap. XI; -records, I, 105, 
106, 158, 170, 214, 261, 267-268, 
288, III, 230; on Sabbath, 145; 
secret, I, 322 ; still and premature, 

II, 210, 212, III, 57, 251; of white 
child in Virginia, I, 286; see also 
Fecundity, Bastardy, Illegitimacy, 
Primogeniture 

Bjorkman and Porritt: Woman Suf- 
frage, cited, I, loi note, II, 115 
note 

Black belt: race suicide in. III, 247 

Blanchard-Rice debate on slavery: 
cited, II, 256 note 

Blood: I, 153, i66, 189, 299, 326; 
blue, I, 219-220; ties, I, 207, III, 
i68, 197; see also Lineage, Kin- 
ship, etc. 

Bloomer, Amelia: II, 122; bloomer 
costume, II, 122 

Boarding: I, 80, 194, 196, 243-244, 
297. 309. II, 17s, 177, 183, 184, 211, 
238-241, III, 13, 54, 74-78, 90, 131, 

147, 150, 179-185, 191, 302, 304; 
-schools, 191, II, 344, III, 96, 134, 

154 

Bodichon, Barbara L. S: cited, II, 
112, 187, 204 note, 226, 238 note, 
240 

Bond: I, 140, 142, 149, 255-256, 260, 
263, 275, 300, 305, 318; see also 
Bound, Binding, Indenture, Ap- 
prenticeship, Servitude, etc. 

Books: I, 106, 110, 113, 193, 280, 
282, 293, II, 62; children's, I, iii- 
112, III, 142; etiquette, I, 112; 
record, I, loi, 246, 264; religious, 
I, 262, 293, II, 88; women and, I, 
188, 297, II, 87, 88 

Boston: I, 52, 130, 131, 140, 142, 145, 

148, 160, III, 225 ; amusements, 52, 
118; apartment hotels, III, 184; 
children, I, 70, 81, no, 119, 125, 



126, II, 56, III, 73, 141 ; concu- 
binage, I, 140; divorce. III, 15; 
domesticity, II, 135; foreign stock, 
III, 240; land allotments, I, 87; 
marriage, I, 61, 62, III, 15; men, 
I, 70, 88, 92, 126, 246; negroes, 

I, 65, 81, 150; prostitution, III, 
193; publications cited: 87; Com- 
montvealth, III, 238; Evening 
Post, I, 58 ; Quarterly Revieiv, II, 
189; Traveller, II, 124 note; re- 
forming synod at, I, 76, 134; 
schools, I, no, II, 60, III, 141; 
slums, III, 72; spinsterhood, I, 69; 
women, I, 70, 86, 96, loi, 138, II, 
98, III, 113 

Bound: children, I, 125, 187, 201, 
226, 307-309, II, 190; labor, II, 
173; see also Bond 

Bounties: for population, I, 223 

Bourgeois: family, I, 16, 19, 27, 37, 
82, III, 196, 324; of France, I, 
336; influence, I, 37, 46, 183, III, 
332; Virginia, I, 219, 273; wo- 
men, I, 18 ; see also Capitalism 

Bourget, — : cited. III, 126, 127, 148, 
158, 168, i8o-i8i, 195, 205, 213, 
220, 246, 273 

Bowditch, Henry I: Life and Corre- 
spondence, cited, III, 92 note 

Boy, Boys: I, 103, 107, 125, 171, 335, 

II, 296, III, 142, 167; adolescent, 

III, 155; amusements of, I, 118, 
175, 176; behavior of, I, 115-118, 
291, II, 64, 66, 76, 158, 221, 290, 
294-205, III, 20, 33, 58, 140; bound, 
I, 125, 187, 307, 308, 309; cloth- 
ing of, I, 106, 327; education of, 
I, 48, 103, no, 175, 280, 290, 291, 
309, 311, II, 86, 135, 203, 338, III, 
133, I5I-IS2; and fathers, I, in, 
n6, II, 364-365. Ill, 132, 15s, i6i; 
freedom of, II, 76 ; and girls, I, 
48, 176, 298, II, 81, 82, 86, III, 
33, 112-113, 154, 301, 321; kid- 
napped, I, 220, 285 ; and mother, 
I, 115, 297; precocity of, I, no, 
in, II, 364; reading of, I, 115, 
116, III, 142; work of, I, 83, 123, 



Index 



363 



125-127, 305, III, 74; see also 
Children, Girls, Young, Youth, 
Independence, Emancipation 

Brent vs. Brent: I, 276; an Indian 
woman, I, 324 

Brent, Margaret: I, 277 

Brickell, Dr. — : cited, I, 245, 280, 

281, 287, 294, 298, 320, 321, 324- 
325, 326 

Bridal: adornment, I, 64; chamber, 
I, 64; couple at church, I, 65, 162, 
207; party, I, 162, 261-262; ser- 
mon, I, 64-65; tour, I, 162; see 
also fVedding, Marriage 

Bride: abduction of, I, 52; choice 
of priest and text by, I, 64, 266 ; 
introduction of, II, 282; marital 
status of, I, 70; marriage of, I, 
64, 162, 164, 167, 207; parents of, 
I, 162; Sabbath appearance of, I, 
64-65 ; "Bride for the Devil," I, 
181 

Bristol (Eng.) : I, 141, 226 

Brockett, L. P: cited. III, 201, 204, 
213; and Vaughan, cited, II, 358- 

359 

Brooklyn (N. Y.) : court records, I, 
169; Star, cited, II, 60; house- 
keeping center, III, 190 

Brothels: II, 204 ff, III, 198, 211; 
see also Prostitution 

Brownism: I, 44, 62, 135, 137 

Bruce, P. A: cited, I, 219 note, 234 
note, 248 note, 279 note, 317 

Buckingham, J. S: cited, II, 21, 76, 
160, 217, 314, 348, 349 

Building: I, 191, 236, 240, 243, 281, 

282, 310, 318, 334; laws, I, 75; 
lots, I, 68 

Bunce, O. B: cited. III, 103-104 
Bundling: I, 44, 129-132, 155, II, 151 
Bunn, Alfred: cited, II, 25, 67, 238 

note 
Burial: I, 48, 79, 89, 172, 190, 204, 

241, 286, 288, 304, 322, III, 284; 

record, I, 170, 261, 264, 267-268, 

288 
Burn, J. D: cited, II, 23, 362-363; 

III, 89-90, 117, 131, 145, 146, 147, 



149, 150, 166, 179, 181, 182, 201, 

216, 218-219, 225, 230, 237 
Busbey, Mrs. — : cited, I, 8t, 98, 124, 

127, 142-144, 153, 170 note, 184, 

196, 214 note, 246 
Buxton, E. O: cited, III, 211 

California: divorce rate, III, 260; 
homestead exemption, II, 144; 
man's state, III, 105, 106; mar- 
riage law. III, 222; rush to, II, 47, 
163; speculation, II, 165; wives' 
property rights in, II, 126-127, III, 
hi; see also San Francisco 

Calvin: I, 47, 60, 82, 120; Calvin- 
ism, I, 40-41, 46-47, 183, II, 80; 
Calvinists, I, 60, 81, 185, II, 57 

Canada: immigration from, I, 332, 
III, 226, 264 

Canadian: divorce. III, 264, 272; 
French birth-rate. III, 233; Medi- 
cal Association, III, 241 ; view of 
race-suicide, III, 241-242 

Capital crimes: I, 120-121, 136, 197, 
210-21 1, 314, 322; see also Death 
penalty 

Capital: demand for, I, 39, 56; cap- 
italism, I, II, II, 134, III, 65; and 
exploitation, I, 73, II, 168, III, 75; 
and family, I, 46, 329, II, 135-136, 
III, 75, 80, 86-87, 136-139, 159, 
164, 175, 188, 250, 324-326, 332; 
and morals, II, 159, III, 79; press 
of. III, 323 ; and religion, I, 202, 
259, II, 137, 156; and slavery, II, 
192, 352; see also Bourgeois 

Careers: choice of, I, 114; dearth 
of, I, 221; training for, I, 124; 
for women, I, 276-283, II, 16, III, 

97-99. "9, 124, 251 
Carey, Matthew: II, 104, 172, 177 
Carlier, A: cited, II, 30, 39, 40, 46, 

47, 49 note, 211 note, 220, 223, III, 

112 note, 255 
Carnegie, A: cited, III, 195-196 
Carolina: I, 158, 251, 276; baptism, 

I, 267; children, I, 287-288, 309; 

fecundity, I, 286-288 ; feudalism, 

I, 236; land, I, 237; marriage, I, 



364 



The American Family 



266-268; Memoirs, I, 321; morals, 
Ii 3i9» 320, 325; settlement, I, 
222-224, 251, 287, 311; visit to, I, 
278-279, 326; wages, I, 224; see 
also North Carolina, South Caro- 
lina 

Carter, Colonel Thos: diary of, I, 
291, 308 

Caste: I, 232-233, 295; freedom from, 

II, 141, 145, 149-150, 152; see 
also Class, Aristocracy 

Castle: architecture, I, 31; house as, 

I, 75 
Castration: I, 328 

Catechism: I, 47, 76, no, 195, II, 63 
Catechizing: I, 72, 74, 150, 289 
Catholic, Catholics: birth-control, 

III, 312; celibacy, I, 166, II, 156; 
Encyclopedia, cited. III, 285 note, 
293, 294 note, 313 note; and fam- 
ily, I, 26, II, 257, III, 284-286; 312- 
313; and marriage, I, 189, 259, 
335, II, 316, III, 288-289, 3". 
321; and morals, I, 38, 39; and 
procreation. III, 312; and Protes- 
tants, I, 26, II, 211, III, 321; 
schools, III, 145-146 ; sex segre- 
gation, III, 321 ; World, cited. III, 
285 note, 317; see also Roman 

Celibacy: I, 13, 246-247, 320, III, 
20I ff, 246; Catholic, I, 166, II, 156, 
III, 284; disadvantage of, I, 247, 

II, 11; and education, III, 93, 94, 
205, 212; facilities for, III, 211; 
vs. family, I, 22, III, 295 ; grounds 
of. III, 94, 129; law against, I, 
247 ; and Protestants, I, 22, 205 ; 
and vice, II, 208 ; of women, II, 
108, 127 

Censorship: I, 72-75, 80, 99-100, 136, 
142, 143, 175-176, 197, 198, 205, 
chap, xviii, III, 329 

Census: I, 189-190, III, 199, 201, 202- 
203, 210, 229-230, 266, 310 

Century: of the child, I, 106; Maga- 
zine, characterized, III, 103 

Chaperonage: I, 51, 163, II, 375, III, 
149-150, 322 

Charity: I, 77, 124-126, 154, 172, 174, 



224, 297, 300-301, 305, 309, 310, 

II, 60, 178, 333, 340-342, 371-372, 

III, 9, 89, 139, 176, 177, 193; see 
also Alms-house, Philanthropy 

Charleston (S. C.) : I, 223, 225, 236, 
239, 244, 252-253, 255, 287-288, 293, 
300, II, 14, 267, 323, 346, III, 60 

Charlotte (N. C.) : I, 294 

Charm, economic: I, 248; female, I, 
89, 136, 248, 257, 258, 280, 282, 
III, 127, 216; in Southern life, I, 
282 

Charter: of Gravesend, I, 156; of 
patroons, I, 174; Penn's, I, 202 

Chastellux, — : cited, I, 139, 145, 296, 
328, II, 150, 201 

Chastisement: I, 121, 213; see also 
Corporal Punishment 

Chastity: I, 47, 129, 247, III, 314; 
influences, favoring, II, 111-112, 
149-150, 152; lowering of, II, 157; 
male, I, 14-15, 39; moral tone as 
to. III, 211 ; among negroes, II, 
251-252, 256-258, 291, III, 40, 44, 
48; offences against, I, 137, III, 
217, 260, 302, 303; of women, I, 
14, 39. 90, 137, 217, II, 88, 251- 
252, 258, 291, 300, 304, 317, 327, 
328, 355, III, 40, 48; see also Pur- 
ity, Fidelity, Sex, Morals, Immoral- 
ity, Prostitution, Virtue, Vice, etc. 

Cheese-making: I, 68, 169, 200 

Chester (Pa.): I, 201; county, I, 
210, 211 

Chicago: II, 164, III, 74-75, 91, 175, 
184, 209, 229-230, 240, 268, 274-276, 
290-291, 310, 322 

Child, Children: chapters on, I, VI, 
XVII, II, in. III, VII; amusements, 
I, 175, 176, II, 289, 340, III, 57-58; 
baptism, I, 27, 145, 158, 192, 196, 
327; birth, I, 40, 87-91, 98, 132, 
138, 145, 158, 171, 203, 217, 247, 
287, 317, II, 16, 93, 157, 260, III, 
73, 86, 234, 239, 249-252, 316, 327, 
330; begetting of, I, 247, 313, 315; 
behavior, I, 50, 73, III, 154; bind- 
ing of, I, 77, 98, 150, 171-173, 203, 
230-231, 307, II, 134, 271, 344-345; 



Index 



365 



see Books; care, I, 81, 90, 188, 
207-208, 302, 310, 326, 327, II, 225, 
227, 272, 276, 338, 344-346, in, 61, 
95, 133. 136, 157, 161, 171, 17s, 
176, 185, i86, 190, 197, 208, 236, 
241, 250, 299, 327, 330; in city, II, 
222, III, 74, 76; cost of, II, 162, 
163, III, 76, 143, i66, 186, 208, 240, 
241, 244, 247, 249-251 ; see Cloth- 
ing; custody of, I, 77, 255, 308-309, 
II, 95, H9, 122, 128, 129, III, 16, 
no. III, 158; dangers, I, 73, 335, 
II, 52, 221-222, III, 74, H5-116; 
diseases, I, 105, II, 51, III, 140; 
and divorce. III, 256, 260, 279, 281, 
293, 320, 327; duty of, I, 37, 73; 
earnings of, I, 224, II, 174, 175, 
178, 181, III, 68, 111-112; and 
economics, II, 221, III, 76, 86, 250; 
see also Child-labor; and educa- 
tion, I, 72-73, 76, 174, 177, 193-195. 
201, 205, 206, 208, 241, 278, 280, 
292, 293, 309, II, 17, 82, 107, 181- 
182, 237, 238, 338, 344, 345, 348, 
352-353, III, 23-24, 82, 93, 122, 152, 
158, 187, 190; see also Education, 
Schools, etc.; and family, II, 132- 
133, III, 9, 151, 168, 170-171; on 
farm, II, 163; fashion and, II, 157; 
and father, I, 47, 49, 69, 72, 102, 
144, 148, 179, 181, 187, 191, II, 92, 
95, III, 76-78, 107-113, 120, 124, 
132, 153, 158-161, 187, 302, 315; 
food, I, 181, III, 253; under free 
love, II, 45 ; in French colony, I, 
336; and grandparents, I, 191, III, 
169; growth of, I, 163, 235; hap- 
piness of, I, 113, III, 63; health 
of, I, 106-107, 170, II, 184, III, 80, 
133-134, 154; and home, I, 124, 
203, 204, 216, 236, II, 241, 332, III, 
76, 158, 163-164, 167, 171, 178, 181, 
182, 185, 191, 194, 196, 227-228, 
303, 329; Huguenot, I, 21, 153, 223; 
see Illegitimacy ; of incest, I, 99, 
264, 304, 321 ; independence of, II, 
65, 134, III, 76, 167; see also 
Emancipation, Freedom; Indian, 
I, 66, 149, 150, 307, 324-325, 334; 



kidnapped, I, 285, II, 96; labor, 

I, 50, 78, 98, 123-127, 150, 172, 

174, 201, 208, 224, 311, II, 21, 23, 
163, 172-181, 197, 254-255, 348, 357, 
III, 12, 23-24, 58, 67-69, 74-75, 80, 

175, 208, 302, 319; and law, I, 307, 

II, 344-345, III, 259; life in Eng- 
land, I, 36; love to, I, 167, 193, 

204, 244, 336; and marriage, I, 
34, 41, 45, 54-56, 67, 79, 156, 185, 
190, 192, 235, 245, 247, 269, 271, 
II, 28, 37, III, 62, 169, 170, 217, 
219; as master, I, 174; of mis- 
cegenation, I, 166, II, 298, 301- 
303, 309-310; misconduct, I, 36, 
150, 175, 187, 193-194, 269, 307, 
310, II, 188, 236, III, 60; see also 
Disobedience; mortality, see Death 
of children; and mother, I, 66, 71, 
81, 91, 96, 102-103, 139, 144, 148, 
154, 170, 175, i8i, 204, 221, 240, 
278, 281, 283, 299, 313, 325, II, 19, 
86, 107, 122, 128-129, 133, 142, 186, 
238, III, 76, 98, 108, no, 111, 122, 
129-130, 134-136, 152, 161, 207, 220, 
240, 242, 243, 249, 252, 253 ; mur- 
der, I, 144, 322, 323 ; see also Infan- 
ticide; see Negro children; New 
York, I, 170-176, II, 232, III, 63 ; 
number of, I, 15, 20, 40, 85, 87-90, 
98, 170, 192, 203, 224, 247, 249, II, 
18, 20, 93, 107, 142, III, 81, 115, 
217, 226-229, 239, 241, 242, 244, 
252, 304, 331; as nurses, III, 73, 
74; opportunity for, II, 17, 132- 
133, III, 327; see Parents, Filial; 
pathology, II, 337-338; of pioneers, 
II, 12, 15, 16, 107, 162; of poly- 
gamy, I, 42; poverty and, I, 31, 
77, 172, 220, 224, 232, 300, 306, 307, 

II, 232, 342, 350-351, III, 74, 77, 
175, 252; precocity, III, 167; and 
property, I, 49, 87, 95, 176, 177, 

205, 224, 234, 235, 236, 239, 244, 
248, 269, 309, 310, II, 134, 145, 

III, 165, 171-172, 327; Puritanism 
and, I, 40, 41, 124; Quaker, I, 82, 
269 ; rearing of, I, 29-30, 98, 140, 
211, 252, 287, 294, 326, II, 236, III, 



366 



The American Family 



167; and religion, I, 40, 74, 76, 94, 
107-110, 112, 142, 191, 195, 308- 
309, II, 137, III, 147, 284-285, 315; 
rights of, I, 49, 239, III, 173 ff, 
214; runaway, I, 226; see School', 
and service, I, 172, 203-204, 205, 
226, 231, 286, 300-301, 317; and 
settlement, I, 51, 171, 172, 190, 216, 
221, 225, 235, 286, 306-307, 311, 
312; and slavery, I, 81, 82, 173, 
211-214, 301, 325, 326-328, II, 36- 
37, 251, 260, 267-269, 272, 276, 279- 
290, 301, 328, 352-353; see also 
Slave; Socialism and. III, 327, 
330; and society, I, 73, 74, 171, 
193-194, 299, II, 49, 182, III, 10, 
73-74, 97. 154-155, 158, 173 ff, 257- 
258, 274, 312-313, 325, 329; in 
South, II, 77, 331, 337-338, 344- 
346, 350, III, 19, 23-24; spoiling 
of, I, 72-73, II, 203 ; child-study, 
etc., I, 105, III, 93, 96, 131, 141- 
143 ; suburban. III, 83 ; support, I, 
78, 138-139, 147, 148, 181, 196, 216, 
302-303; 311, 314, 319, 324, II, 22, 
III, io8, 207, 327; Swedish, I, 203; 
training, I, i6, 18, 23, 29-30, 73, 
76, 90, 124, 175, 203, 207, II, 86, 
236-237, III, 58-60, 86, 285, 319; 
treatment of, I, 32, 36, 40-41, 45, 
47, 96, 153, 175, 176, i8r, 183, 226, 
253, 307, 309, 310, 321, 323, II, 33, 
136, 179, 190-191, 225, 237, 289, 
337, in, 23, 63, 73, 157, 160, 171, 
174, 175, 218, 253, 306; unwanted, 
etc., I, 172, III, 109, 177, 239, 240, 
242, 245, 247, 251, 302, 312; value 
of, I, 36, 40, 51, 87, 170, 203, 208, 
221-223, 244, 252, 285, II, 12, 15- 
17, 22-23, 143, III, 177, 249; Vir- 
ginia, I, 88; welfare. III, 293, 329; 
of widows, I, 140, 253, 255, 301 ; 
and women. III, 68-70, 86, 116, 
242, 249-252, 317, 330; see also 
Filial, Minors, Boys, Girls, Young, 
Baby Infant, Freedom, etc. 
Childlessness: I, 49, 239, 240, 287, 
335, III, 212, 240-242, 244-245, 247, 
250, 257, 261, 272, 312 



Cholera infantum: III, 73 

Christ: Church, I, 213; churches of, 
III, 309; enemies of, I, 323; func- 
tions of, I, 43, 53, 54, 107-108, 
205 ; on marriage and divorce, III, 
287, 292, 299, 307, 309; and his 
people, I, 46-47, III, 285, 286 

Christian, Christians: I, 87, 173, 287, 
325, III, 310, 320; Endeavor, III, 
313; family, I, 74, 206, 332, III, 
285, 287, 317, 319; instruction, I, 
189, 206-207; and law, III, 297, 
300; love, I, 137; and marriage, 
I, 48, 60, 324, III, 287, 288, 294, 
311-312; Nation, cited. III, 289 
note; religion, I, 290, 326, III, 81, 
224, 307-308, 314; Sabbath, I, 148; 
Union, cited, III, 73 ; womanhood, 
I, 252, III, 312, 318; work. III, 259 

Church, the: Chapter on. III, xiii; 
assessment, I, 241-242 ; attitude to, 
I, 63, 67, 242, 297; autocracy. III, 
157; banns, I, 158, 159, 161; bigo- 
try, I, 259-260; Brethren, I, 206; 
bridal couple at, I, 64-65, 162, 207; 
building, I, 107, 191, 206; and 
children, I, 107, 109, 117, III, 149; 
clerk, I, 267; confession, I, 134, 
13s, 318; congregation, I, 65, 99, 
132, 135, 137, 190, 192, 227, 252, 
318, III, 297; see Discipline; and 
divorce, I, 46, 183, III, 8 ; door, I, 
261 ; duties, I, 241 ; education, I, 
174, 193. II, 137, 339-340, 344; of 
England, I, 64, 115, 141, 159, 174, 
183, 259, 269, 289; Episcopal, in 
Maryland, I, 260; established, I, 

259, 260, 297; and family and 
home, I, 75, 78, 94, 192, 197, 206, 
296, II, 100, 137-138, 331, III, 10, 
^73, 193, 274; government, I, 6i; 
grounds, I, 190, 241 ; Huguenot, 
I, 297; jurisdiction, I, 266; and 
marriage, I, 24, 48, 56, 60-61, 64, 
141, 159, 189, 191, 205, 213, 259- 

260, 264, 269, 272, 334, III, 107, 
118, 223, 224; members, I, 56, 78- 
79, 94, 190, 205-206, 272; and 
morals, I, 14, 130-134, 197, 316, 



Ind 



ex 



367 



317, 319, II, 98, 255-258, III, 29; 

and negro, I, 195, 213, III, 29, 30; 
at New Castle, I, 194; non-con- 
formist, I, 259; paternalism, I, 
205-206; records, I, 68-69, 17O1 
193, 197, 204, 213, 287, 334, III, 
59; reformed, I, 63; responsibil- 
ity to, I, 137, 142; rights, I, 191; 
wardens, I, 224, 264, 299, 307, 314- 
319; and woman, I, 168, II, 99, 
125, 344, III, 13 ; see also Congre- 
gation, Synods, Session, Names of 
denominations, etc. 

Cincinnati (Ohio): slums. III, 72; 
see also Ladies' Repository 

City, cities: administration. III, 322; 
amusement, I, 175 ; attraction, I, 
32, II, 222, 226, 374, III, 13, 17, 42, 
259; of Charlotte, I, 294; and 
child, III, 76, 134, 147, 233, 240; 
and country. III, 21, 65-66, 8i, 82, 
202, 205, 259 ; and divorce, I, 263, 
266-267; and education, I, 84, II, 
344; extravagance, II, 232, III, 
204; and family and home, II, 209, 
238, 332, III, 56, 79, 80, 161, 164, 
165, 181-182, 188, 202, 218; growth, 

II, 191, 209, III, 65-66, 164, i8i; 
housing, II, 191, 350, III, 71-74, 
182, 184; and immigrants, II, 163, 

III, 214; and Jews, III, 211, 266; 
life, I, 236, 258, II, 163, 2n, 221, 
III, 78, 79, 147, 181-182, 205, 256, 
266, 322; of London, I, 307; lux- 
ury, I, 207, III, 204; and mar- 
riage, III, 202-205, 210-211, 217; 
and morals, II, 206-207, 210, 221, 
298, III, 21, 32, 42, 54-58, 62, 66, 
80, 81, 211, 245, 260, 266, 322; 
population, II, 225, 238, III, 205, 
233; problem. III, 66; Southern, 
I, 236, 252, II, 298, 344; and ve- 
neareal disease. III, 44, 234; and 
woman, I, 32, II, 329, III, 32, 42, 
i^i, 205, 240; see also Urban 

Civic: control, I, 299; ideals, III, 196; 

responsibility, II, 134; service, I, 

280; see also Social 
Civil: authority, I, 48, 55, 61, 63, 64, 



78, 138-139, 149, 181, 199, III, 222- 
223, 274, 283, 297, 300, 304, 315; 
conduct, I, 288; contract, marriage 
as, I, 61, 185, 260, 262, III, 287, 
291, 307; divorce, I, 146; mar- 
riage, I, 45, 48, 61, 63, 148, 155, 
189, 259, 260, II, 35, 37, 38, 50, 
III, 295, 298; obligations, I, 60; 
office, woman in. III, 317; pen- 
alties, I, 135-136; separation, I, 
324; War (American), I, 7, 10, 
II, 169, chap, XIV, III, 31, 85, 86, 
106, 256 (English), 36, 43 

Clan: I, 80, 191, 242, II, X36-137, 
145, III, 15, 169, 173-174 

Clandestine marriage: I, 62, 156, 159- 
161, 186, 188, 211, 245, 260, 261, 
263, II, 39, 313 

Class: cleavage, I, 19, 78, 82, 124, 
172, 265, 313, 317, 329, II, 149- 
150, 152, 295, 346, 348, 351, III, 
132, 162, 209; conflict, I, 183, II, 
137. 351-354. 371; dominance, I, 
81, III, 332; ethics, I, 81, 82; feel- 
ing, I, 295; lower, I, 129, 130, 131, 
174, 211, 219, 317, III, 112-H3, 
252; middle, I, 10, 11, 31, 32, 37, 
41, 78-79, 82, 202, 219, 273, II, 317, 
343- 344. HI, 155, 184, 196, 246, 
274; professional, III, 92, 154, 187, 
191, 251; upper, I, 130, 280, III, 
196, 233, 246, 252, 274; social, I, 
81, 174, 219, 329; see Wealth, III, 
79-80; see also Aristocracy, Rank, 
fVork, Poor, Poverty, Caste 

Clergy: benefit of, I, 197, 322; and 
family. III, chap, xiii; and fees, 

I, 259; and morals. III, 283; and 
slavery, II, 255, 257; see also Min- 
isters, Priest, Rabbi, Rector 

Climate: I, 105, 153, 183, 231, 236, 
242, 247, 273 ; and children, II, 
51; and marriage, I, 249; and pop- 
ulation, II, 17, 18, III, 236; and 
sexuality, II, 150, III, 127; and 
slavery, I, 82; and women's health, 

II, 235 

Clothing: I, ii8, 178, 215, 225, 226, 
230, 241-243, 249, 292, 302, 307, 



368 



The American Family 



311, 328, II, 122-123, 211, 229, 

234, III, 138, 139, 158, 204; of 
children, I, 106, 117, 120, 125, 175, 
253, 287, 301, 305, 326-327, III, 143, 
148, 159; as dower, I, 333; of 
family, I, 168, 281, 305; making, 
I, 126, 229, III, 194; of negroes, 

I, 326, 327, II, 247, 258 ; scarcity 
of, I, 125; of servants, I, 120, 305; 
of women, see IVomen, dress of 

Clubs: girls'. III, 52, 321; vs. home, 
III, 80, 184, 192, 193; life, I, 244; 
men's, II, 204, 222-223, III, 158, 
161, 192, 196, 302; women's, III, 
15, 59, 184, 193 

Coeducation; I, 293, II, 74, 109, 113, 
114, 343, III, 93, 97, 100-102 

Cohabitation: I, 62, 81-82, 99-100, 
131. 134, 142, 154, 158, 211, 213, 
300, 303, 316, 317, 318, 320, 324, 

II, 34, 39, III, 41, 43-44, 64; see 
also Intercourse, Concubinage, 
Mistress 

Collateral: inheritance, III, 1613; 
marriage, I, 268 

Collectivism: II, i6S, III, 197, 313- 
314, 325; see also Communism, So- 
cialism 

College: I, 110, 124, 265, 291, II, 90, 
246, 339. 343. 344. HI, 9, 62, 92- 
102, 122, 146, 208, 212, 233, 319; 
see also Alumna 

Collier, Price: cited, III, 119, 129, 180 

Colonial: conditions in national pe- 
riod, II, 13 ; family characterized, 
I, 10; traditions, II, 11 

Colonists: coureurs de bois as, I, 331; 
and daughters* inheritance, I, 237; 
families of older, I, 218; as home- 
builders, I, 51; and marriage, I, 
249; prostitutes as wives for, I, 333 

Colonization: I, 51, 171, 332; see also 
Settlement 

Colony: and bastardy, I, 314; from 
Ireland, I, 287; of Labadists, I, 
269; marriage out of, I, 261, 264; 
need of mothers, I, 333; promotion, 
I, 218; and undesirables, I, 239; 
conducted by woman, I, 277 



Color line: II, 302-303; see also 
Negro, Race 

Colorado: divorce, III, 263; male ex- 
cess, III, 105; marriage. III, 105 

Columbia River: II, 15 

Commerce: I, 101, 119, 122, 164, 166, 
183, 190, 194, 217, 218, 229, 334, 

II, 29, 366, III, i8i, 302; commer- 
cial traveling, III, 157, 187, 302, 304 

Commissioners: I, 71, 146, 172, 182, 
277, III, 222, 294 

Common: Boston, I, 52; law mar- 
riage, I, 61-63, 65, 155, 158, 200, 

III, 277; meals, I, 231; people, I, 
80, 131, 161, 265, 282; play on, I, 
118; prayer, I, 262; property, I, 
167-168, 335; schools, I, 174; sense, 
III, 257; working, I, 227 

Commons, J. R: cited, II, 22, III, 60 
note 

Commonwealth: benefit to, I, 72, 73, 
125; English, I, 262; and family, 
I. 72, 75, III, 326; government of, 
I, 76; Socialist, III, 331 

Communal: action. III, 173; pleas- 
ures, I, 38-40; tendency, I, 205; 
see also Public, Group, Social 

Communion: I, 89, 133, 138, III, 295, 
296 

Communism: I, 45, 78, 205, 218, II, 
182, 305, III, 80, 170, 257-258; see 
also Collectivism 

Community: and child, I, 138, II, 49, 
III, 329; and divorce. III, 327; en- 
joyment, I, 38, III, 329; and family, 
I, 38, 47, 71-75. 142-143, 306, III, 
268; farm as, I, 235; and home, 
III, 196, 301, 331; kitchen. III, 186; 
leadership. III, 290; and marriage, 
I, 55, III, 223, 297; Scotch-Irish, 
I, 207 ; with sex segregation, I, 
202; spirit, III, 322; see also So- 
ciety 

Competition: II, 137, III, 302 

Conception: fear of, III, 246-247; 
prevention of, I, 135, III, 236, 239, 
241, 245, 246; see also Birth Con- 
trol, Fecundity ; on Sabbath, I, 
145 ; uncertainty of. III, 252 



Index 



369 



Concubinage: I, 24, 140, i66, 211, 
304, 316, 320, 334, II, 49, 125, 204, 
205, 208-209, 286, 297-300, 309, 310, 
III, 27-34, 38, 80, 223, 255, 265, 
274, 280, 318, 330; see also Mis- 
tress, Cohabitation 

Confederacy: Southern, II, 366-375 

Confinement: women in, I, 204, III, 
252; see also Pregnancy 

Congestion: I, 242-243, III, 71-74, 
134, 302 

Congregational church: I, 185, III, 
290, 292, 301-305, 316, 319 

Conjugal: affection, I, 43, 89-92; du- 
ties, II, 46; happiness, III, 130; 
loyalty, II, 152, III, 130; mutual- 
ity, III, 130; purity, II, 149, 152; 
statistics. III, 199, 201 ; see also 
Husband, JVife, Spouse, Marital 

Connecticut: bundling, I, 129-130; 
and children, I, 54-55, 117, i2o, 
121, 126, 170, II, 18, III, 228-229; 
colonists, I, 122; courtship, I, 52; 
divorce, I, 148, III, 260; educa- 
tion, I, 84, II, 60; and family, I, 
71, 72, 74; governor, I, 84, 88; 
and hospitality, I, 74-75 ; and in- 
cest, I, 100; and intestacy, I, 122; 
land values, I, 95; and marriage, 
I, 54-55, 63, 66, 147, 157; Robin 
in, I, 129, 145; seduction, I, 138, 
139; slavery, I, 82; valley, II, 151; 
Whitneys, III, 170; and women, 

I, 84, 95, 143, 147, II, 126 
Conspicuous consumption: I, 20, 31, 

II, 231-234, 333, 338, 363, III, lOI, 
120, 159, 184, 193, 210, 219 

Contemporary Revieiv: cited. III, 187 

Contract, ante-nuptial; I, 168, 264- 

265, III, 222-223 ; as to boarding, 

I, 243-244; of husband and wife, 

I, 96; marriage, I, 44, 148, 158, 
174, 185, 255, 256, 258, 260, 262, 

II, 37, 38, 50, 120, 125, III, 258, 
273, 278, 287, 291, 295-297, 307; 
as to property, I, 143 ; sacredness 
of, III, 298, 306; service, I, 163- 
164, 240, 317; with Ursulines, I, 
333; with wife, I, 144 



Convents: I, 16, 18, 22, 24, 34, III, 

155 

Conversion: of children, I, 40, 108- 
109; of Indians, I, 215; to Labad- 
ists, I, 270 

Convict: I, 113, 251, 285, 292, III, 30 

Cooperation: group spirit, III, 331; 
housekeeping. III, 184-187; fac- 
tory, III, 88 

Coquetry: I, 258, 280, III, 89; see 
also Flirtation 

Corinth (Greece): III, 318 

Cornell University: coeducation at, 
III, 100-102 

Corporal punishment: I, 86, 93, loo, 
112-114, 118, 119, 125, 136, 138, 
142, 144, 147-151, 157, 186, 194, 

203, 209, 2IO, 265, 291, 300, 314, 
317, 318, 322, 334 

Correction: house of, I, 120, 151, 333; 
of pupils, I, 293 

Corruption: I, 160, 209, 234, 296, 
320, 328, III, 205; see also Dissi- 
pation, etc. 

Cosmopolitan: Pennsylvania, I, 199; 
magazine, cited, III, 235 

Costs: I, 136, 157, 161, i86, 189, 204, 
230, 236, 256, 287, 289-290, 300, 
308, 312, 314, 318, 319, III, 190; 
see also Living 

Cottage: love in. III, 124, 183 

Councill, W. H: cited. III, 46, 48, 
49 note 

Country: children in, I, 98, III, 135; 
and city, III, 21, 202, 205 ; educa- 
tion, I, 208, 294; family life. III, 
202; gentleman, I, 221; girls, I, 
98, 131, 249; as home, III, 66; law- 
yers, I, 134; marriage in. III, 202; 
negroes and, I, 80, III, 52, 54; 
mother-, I, 298 ; tenancy. III, 188 ; 
vacation in. III, 192; venereal in- 
fection, III, 44; violation of mar- 
riage in, III, 218; see also City, 
Rural 

County, Counties: attorney. III, 280; 
banns in, I, 260; clergy lacking 
in, I, 159; court, I, 210, 260, 275, 
302, 304, 318, 319, 324, 328; names 



370 



The American Family 



of various, I, 244, 245, 256, 294, 
304, 319; offices, I, 233; slave reg- 
ister, I, 211 
Courts: acquittal, I, 139; appeal to, 
I, 138; on alimony, I, 302-303, III, 
256; and assault, I, 93; bias, I, 
180-181; and castration, I, 328; and 
children, I, 120, 172, 295, 309; cir- 
cuit, I, 92 ; clerk, I, 266 ; county, 
see County above ; decree reversed, 
I, 303 ; and divorce, I, 147, 148, 
i8i, 301, II, 44, III, 263, 264, 273, 
278; of Domestic Relations, III, 
175, 268; indictment, I, 275; and 
family, I, 71, 74, 77, 141, 142, 167, 
178-179, i8i, 186-187, 301, 302; 
General, see General Court; court- 
house, I, 263; on intestacy, I, 122; 
juvenile, III, 174; life, I, 39; and 
marriage, I, 6i, 62, 67, 71, 146, 
156, 165, 262, 264, 304, 313, 324, 
III, 223 ; and miscegenation, I, 
2io; and property, I, 234, III, 108, 
274; prosecutions, I, 319, 321; pro- 
vincial, I, 302-303; records, I, 136, 
169, 210, 264; and seduction, I, 196, 
210; ruling, I, 261; of Sessions, I, 
154; settlement, avoidance of, I, 180; 
and sex offences, I, 136, 139, 147, 
149, 182, 304, 318, 319; and sland- 
er, I, 170; and slavery, I, 81-82, 
212, 326, II, 268; see Supreme 
Court; testimony, I, 314; and 
wives, I, 93, 142, 180, 299, 302-303, 
III, 317; and women, I, 55, loi, 
138, 319 

Courtships: I, 29, 35, chap, in, 78- 
79, 83, 129, 130, 131, 138, 206, 218, 
chap. XIV, 264, II, 13, 30, 71, 72, 
75, 122, 311-315, 334, III, 193, 214, 
322; see also Suitors 

Cowley, C: cited, III, 167, 230, 231, 
232, 242, 256, 265 

Credit: I, 95, 120, 234, 239, 300 

Crime: I, 67, iii, 113, 135, 148, 154, 
162, 182, 197, 210-211, 220, 251, 
275, 322, 328, III, 172, 173, 202, 
256, 273, 278, 312, 315; Robbery, 
I, 309-3IO! see also under various 
heads 



Criminal: abortion, I, 135; code, I, 
328 ; prosecution. III, 278 ; violence, 
I, 148 

Crouch-Hazlett, Ida: cited. III, 24 
note 

Cruelty: I, 95, 121, 143-144, 146, 178, 
179, 195, 208, 302, II, 46, 127, III, 
273, 292, 294, 298 

Culpepper Co. (Va.) : I, 256 

Custis, Frances: I, 304-305 

Custom: of bundling, I, 129-131; of 
burial, I, 241; of charity, I, 173; 
and city life, III, 266 ; continental, 
I, 153; of country, I, 309; Dutch, 
I, 158; as to education, I, 193, 194; 
of England, I, 262 ; fusion of, I, 
190; of Gavelkind, I, 122; Indian, 
I, 325; as to marriage, I, 138, 154- 
162, 166, 207, 245, 262, 266, III, 
266; renounced, I, 335; of rest, I, 
115; rural, III, 266; as to ser- 
vants, I, 240; of Saturday holiday, 
I, 126; under slavery, I, 326-327; 
for son to work, I, 288; of Spain, 
I. 335! of unreasonable hours, I, 
114; as to woman's place, I, 188 

Dakota: III, 222, 229 

Daughter, Daughters: beaten, I, 142; 
behavior of, I, 36-37; clothing of, 
I, 281; courtship of, I, 54, 253, 254; 
of Col. Dangerfield, I, 292; di- 
vorce for, I, 147 ; dower of, I, 
235, 244, 253, 254; of Gov. Dud- 
ley, I, 85 ; education of, I, 42, 203, 
290-291, 304; of Thos. Evens, I, 
292; and father, I, 178-179, 182, 
253, 254, II, 245, III, 155, 158, 212; 
of freeholders, I, 238; gifts to, I, 
244, 245, III, 212; harboring of, 
I, 75, 180; of Harvard president, I, 
110; as heirs, I, 95, 97, 121, 123, 
176, 225-226, 235, 237, 239-240; 
incest with, I, 182; of Indians, I, 
166; of landlord, I, 246; -in-law, 
I, 123, 269; marriage of, I, 34, 41, 
54, 79, 123, 124, 155, 156, 160, 187, 
250, 251, 266, 270, 285, 298, 324, 
331, III, 148, 164, 183, 214; of Mil- 
ton, I, 42; of minister, I, 78-79, 



Index 



371 



180; and mother, I, 42, 97, 109, 131, 

II, 160, 237, III, 112-113, 155, 164; 
of negroes, II, 269; and parents, 
I, io8, 156, 173, 204, 2IO, III, 148; 
passage for, I, 252; seduced, I, 139; 
sinful, I, 154; and sons, I, 123, 176, 
225, 234, 239, II, 98; value of, I, 
203, 250, III, 108; virtuous, I, 88, 
282; of Roger Williams, I, 150; of 
Winthrop, I, 150; work of, I, 98, 

203, 231, III, 196; of yeomen, I, 
217; see also Girls 

Day, S. P: cited. III, 78, 119, 180, 
182-183, 192, 213, 242 

Death, attitude toward, I, 79, 91-92, 
108 ; without benefit of clergy, I, 
197; of children, I, 40, 88-91, 98, 
105-107, 113, 114, 190, 204, 240, 
285, 290, 322, 326, II, 19, 277, III, 
18, 57. 73-74. 77. i33, 226, 252-253; 
and concubinage, I, 166; of daugh- 
ter, I, 59 ; foetal and general, II, 
210-211; of guests, I, 243; and 
marriage, I, 154, 160, III, 289; of 
men, 126, 163, 235, 236, 250, 277, 
278, II, 330; of mother-in-law, I, 
116; of parents, I, 108, 155, 191, 

204, 244, 297, 308, 310, 326; pau- 
per, I, 172; penalty, I, 47, 120- 
121, 144, 155, 187, 210-211, 219, 
303, 322; see also Galloivs; pre- 
mature, I, 247, 279, 312; and prop- 
erty, I, 49, 95-97, 223, 234, 238, 
243-244, 250, 276, 335; rate, I, 220, 
287, 288, II, 16, 19-20, 277, III, 
212, 226, 233, 241, 253 ; record, I, 
68-69, 105, 196, 267, 335; relatives', 
I, 79, loi, 240; sacraments before, 

III, 295, 296; self-defense from, I, 
121; of spouse, I, 49, 52, 69-70, 
78, 90-92, 96, 98, 155, 158, i66, 
169, 197, 206, 208-209, 238, 247, 
320, 335; of tenants, I, 239; of 
transients, I, 288 ; on voyage, I, 

204, 2IO, 240, 285; of women, I, 
40, 192, 204, 217, 279, 317, III, 212, 
243 ; see also Capital 

Debt: I, 48, 57-58, 120, 127, 172, 177, 

205, 236, 271, 305, 312 335, II, 143, 
III, SI, 68 



Degeneration: I, 38, 173, 235, 334- 
335, II, 25, III, 77, 81, 230-236, 
242, 253 

De Hauranne, — : cited, III, 104 note, 
117, 122, 126, 147, 148, 150, 153, 
163-164, 165, 200, 212-213, 217, 219 

Delaware: education, II, 59-61; fam- 
ily, I, 188-198; marriage, II, 31; 
river, I, 172, 186, 203 

Democracy: and childhood, II, 53, 
64, 67, III, 145 ; and divorce, II, 
44, 45, III, 281; and economics, I, 
202, II, 27, 53, 103 ; and educa- 
tion, II, 74, 182, III, 92; and fam- 
ily, n, 53-54, 67, 69, 77, 134, 148, 
334, III, 155-158, 169, 332; fron- 
tier, II, 27, 37, 53; and individ- 
ualism, II, 37, 132; and inherit- 
ance, II, 135, 145; and insubor- 
dination, II, 64; make-believe, I, 
242; male, II, 71; and marriage, 
II, 29-30, III, 269-270; of men, II, 
220, III, 119; and patriarchism, 
II, 53 ; and personality, II, 53 ; and 
sectarianism, II, 137; and servant 
problem, II, 147; and sex morals, 
II, 30, 149; social. III, 156, 157, 
332; and social control, III, 328; 
sources of, II, 80; and woman, II, 
70-71, 109, III, 92 

Democratic Revieiv: cited, II, 204 note 

Denver (Col.) : race-suicide. III, 240; 
servant-problem, III, 105 

Dependents: I, 191, 220, 239, 309, 
311; see also Charity 

Deportation: of relatives, I, 220, 227; 
of women, I, 86, 217 

De Rousiers, — : cited. III, 159, 168, 
169, 191, 219-220 

Descendants: I. 140, 170, 192, 220, 
233, 235, 236, 241, 335; see also 
Posterity 

Desertion: I, 71, 138, 142, 146, 150, 
158, 180, 182, 195, 226, 268, 270, 
299, 320, 334, II, 46, 47, 138, III, 
80, 160, 175, 207, 265, 267-268, 273, 
292, 294, 298; from army, II, 370; 
see under Husband, JVife, Family 

Despotism, male: I, 83, III, 271, 275 

Detention, House of: I, 334 



372 



The American Family 



De Tocqueville, — : cited, II, 29-30, 
53-54, 74, IIO-H2, 144, 145, III, 

25s 

Dickens, Charles: II, 184, 286, III, 
114, 258 

Dike, S. W: cited, III, 8-9, 173, 193, 
197-198, 202, 217-218, 221, 226, 
234, 244, 258 note, 259, 260, 267 
note, 278 note, 292, 304, 313-315 

Discipline: church, I, 132-134, 137, 
197, 199, 200, 205, III, 59, 283, 
295, 299, 300, 309, 311; family, I, 
71, 73, 112, 113, 114, 117, 175, 187, 
199, 203, 296, II, 69, III, 59-60, 144, 
152-153; school, I, 293 

Disease: I, 236, 287; housing and, 

II, 178, III, 52, 54; industrial, II, 
178, 183-184, III, 80, 251; and 
marriage, II, 184, III, 294; mental, 

III, 246-247 ; see also under Chil- 
dren, IV omen, Insanity, Sickness, 
Health, etc. 

Disinheritance: I, 29, 49, 123, 269, 

11, 134 
Disobedience: I, 47, 119, 120, 121, 

132, 193-194, 269 
Dissipation: I, 39, 73, 173, 251, 320, 

II, 127, 203, 221, 338, 339, III, 80, 
139, 232; see also Corruption, Pro- 
fligacy 

Divorce: I, 14, 26, 27, 44, 46, 81, 
146-149, 177-183, 186, 195, 204-210, 
301, 303, 304, 321, II, 32-34, 38, 
43-50, no, 112, 119, 151, 219, 330, 

III, 8-10, 15, 17, 19, 43, 81, 95, 
106-108, ii6, 121, 151, 175, 176, 
182, 198-203, 209, 217, 218, 223, 
241, 242, chap, xil, 283, 290-314, 
317, 320, 323, 327; see under Lanv, 
Migration 

Dix, Dr. — : cited, III, 257, 285-286, 

312, 315, 317-318 
Dixon, Wm. H: cited, II, 213 note, 

364 note. III, 105-106, 225, 230,. 

239-240 
Documentary History of American 

Industrial Society: cited, II, 177 

note, 179 note, 244 note, 307 note, 

347 note. III, 87 note 



Documents relating to Colonial His- 
tory of Ne%v York: cited, I, 160 
note, i6i note 
Doddridge, D. J: cited, II, 15-16, 149 
Domestic, affections: II, 70; capac- 
ity, I, 191; cares, I, 33-34, 188, 202, 
230, 331, III, 191; comfort, I, 38, 

II, 140; and communal action. III, 
1738; drudgery, III, 98; economy, 
I, 215, II, 143, III, 9-10; equip- 
ment, III, 189; evils. III, 310; 
extravagance, III, 302 ; happiness, 
I, 93, 145, 244, II, 238, III, 119; 
industry, I, 126, 229, III, 185; in- 
terests, III, 192-193; irresponsi- 
bility, III, 184-185 ; jurisdiction, I, 
168, 289, 305, III, 157, 158; life, 

I, 31, 32, 145, 153, 167, 244, 273, 
275, 279, 299, II, 74, 208, III, 80, 
83, 89, 122, 124, 176, 192, 302; 
problems, I, loo; qualities. III, 
196; quiet. III, 187; relations, II, 
68, III, 175, 268; scandals, II, 151; 
science, II, 233, 236, III, 189, 190; 
service, I, 98-99, loi, 150, 318, II, 
188, III, 50-51, 104, 190; spirit, 

III, 176; ties, I, 97, II, 239-240; 
training, I, 187, 281, 297, II, 318- 
319, III, 191; troubles, I, 177-182, 

II, 124-125, 128, III, 59, 151; type, 

III, 99; tyranny, I, 42; unhappi- 
ness, II, 24, III, 192; see also 
Domesticity, Household, Home, 
etc. 

Dover Gazette: cited, II, 198 
Dower, Dowry: I, 49, 59, 95, 96, 177, 

235, 237, 244, 251, 253, 269, 276, 

333, II, 28, 29, III, 148, 169, 212- 

214, 220, 270 
Drink: I, 162, 197, 200, 209, 253, 305, 

III, 242, 302; see also Saloon, 

Liquor, Drunkenness 
Drudgery: I, 86, II, 227-229, 237, III, 

98, 115, 121, 186, 189, 223, 257 
Drug: dealers, I, 101, III, 241; habit, 

III, 136 
Drunkenness: I, 164, 181, 208, 320, 

II, 46, 122, III, 273, 292; see also 

Intemperance, Drink 



Index 



373 



Dubois, W. E. B: cited, II, 308 note, 
III, 35, 64, and in notes on pages 

39, 42. 43, 44, 49, 50, 56, 59, 62 

Dugard, M: cited, II, 90 note. III, 
119, 220 

Dutch: I, 30, 39, 46-50, 60, 95, 122, 
141, chaps. VIII, IX, 190-193, 266, 
II, 151; see also Holland, Nether- 
lands 

Dwight, Timothy: I, no, cited, II, 
35, 209 note, 236 

Dwight's American Magazine: cited, 
II, 222 note 

Earle, Alice M: cited, in notes on 
pages I, 17, 57, 59, 60, 81, 94, in, 
137, 143, 150, 162, 163, 164, 167, 
169, 171, 172, 217, 248, 279, II, 
151 note 

East: education in, II, 59; Jersey, I, 
185-187; luxury and poverty in, II, 
232; marriage in, III, 202; popu- 
lation in, III, 225-226; riches of, 

I, 91; Side, III, 214, 319, 320; 
and West, II, 11, 27, 103-104, 109, 
161, 167-170, III, 106; and wo- 
men, III, 106, 119 

Economic: aristocracy. III, 132; as- 
pects, I, 187, 205, 313; bases of 
institutions, I, 38, 39, 46, 122, 191, 
233, 234, 236, II, 27, 149, 153-155, 
197, III, 16-17, 22-23, 30, 64, 65, 
83, 94, 138, 311, 332; causes, I, 
143, II, 50, 52, 53, 132-135, III, 88, 
90-91, 98, 121, 129, 268-269; change, 

II, 36, III, 21, 65 ff; conditions, I, 
129, 203, 329, II, 12, 16, 17, 18, 
23, 27, 109, III, 187-188, 249; de- 
pendence, I, 121, 323-324; develop- 
ment, I, 30, 97, 231, 237-239, 298, 
329; equality, III, 37, 86, 87, 98- 
99; exploitation, I, 329, III, 274, 
332; factors, I, 10, 13, 30, 46, 139, 
140, 165, 255, 325, II, 103, 129, 
32?, Ill, 41-42, 66, 157, 161, 163- 
165, 204, 218, 327, 329; families, 

III, 229 ; importance of divorce, 
III, 281; independence, II, 82, 199, 
226, 241, 361, III, 11, 35, 86, 98, 



122, 127, 131, 132, 206, 250, 328; 
inefficiency, III, 176; influence, I, 
38-39, 119, n, 302-303, III, 165, 301- 
302, 326; interest, I, 66, 81, 82, 143, 
215, 216, 233, 273, 326, 327, 329, 
III, 189, 270, 317; see also Prop- 
erty; interpretation, I, 11, 14, 17, 
19, 20, 21, 26-27, 28, 37-39, 63, 64, 
122, 129, 130, 132, 134-135, 183, 
259, 329, n, 9, 50, 51, 80, 137, III, 
43, 131, 323, 326; leeway, III, 140; 
man, I, 30; marriage, see Mar- 
riage and Economics; motive, I, 
51, 80, 216; opportunity, II, 11-12, 
14, 80-82, 97, 122, 199, 326, 354, 
360-362, III, 157, 207, 208, 271, 
326, 329-330; perspective, III, 311; 
problems, I, 123-124, III, 123 ; pro- 
duction, III, 275, 332; progress, I, 
38-39, 329, III, 22; safeguard. III, 
275; solution, III, 124; superiority, 
I, 223, 329; surplus, II, 221; sys- 
tem, I, 63, III, 132, 139, 274; 
stress, II, 170, III, 80, 128, 139, 
172, 209, 267-269; tie, III, 269, 
272 ; uncertainty, III, 208 ; units, 
III, 158, 325; value, I, 123-127, 
III, 136-139, 208; see also Busi- 
ness, Capital, Material 

Economics: and ethics, I, 76, 329, III, 
270; and family, II, 211, III, 9; 
home-. III, 190; new. III, 85; pio- 
neer, III, 157 

Economy: I, 129, III, 181, 256, 257 

Edenton (N. C.) : I, 245 

Edger, Henry: cited, III, 79, 88, 216 

Education: I, 16-23, 32, 41, 42, 48, 
60, 72-74, 83-86, 91, 106-116, 121, 
124-127, 140, 153, 167, i68, 169, 
172-174, 177, 187-195, 201, 203, 
205-208, 213, 231, 241, 253, 263, 
278, 280, ^281, 288-290, 305, 306, 
308, 309, 310, 317, 321, 325, 327, 
333, n, 17, 58-64, 73-77, 82, 85-91, 
107, 108, 113, 114, ii8, 13s, 175, 
179-183, 203, 204, 214, 218, 224, 
226, 238, 291, 312, 315, 319, 322, 
326, 327, 329, 333, 336-348. 353- 
355, 361, III, 9. 13-14, 19, 22-24, 



374 



The American Family 



32, 33» 35. 4''. 46-48, 58, 60, 62, 83, 
85-86, 88, 92-104, 107, 113, 120, 
122, 132-136, 145-146, 151-152, 155, 
157, 160, 171, 174, 176-178, 186, 
190, 194, 195, 205, 208, 231, 232, 
236, 245, 250, 275, 285, 291, 304, 
309, 310, 312, 313, 319, 321, 326, 
327, 330, 331; compulsory, I, 116, 
201, III, 75; high school, III, 82; 
normal school. III, 9 ; see also Girl, 
Boy, Child, Alumna, College, 
Teachers, Negro, Sex, Training, 
Schools, Coeducation, etc. 

Edwards, Jonathan and family: I, 
108-110, 114-116, 130 

Electricity: III, 7 

Elizabeth, Queen: I, 32, 34, 35. 38, 
306-307 

Elliott, C. W: cited, I, 102, 134 note 

Elliott, Chas: cited, II, 245-246, 290 
note, 304, 307 note 

Ellwood, C. A: cited, III, 265, 270 
note 

Elopement: I, 60, 96, 147, is7, 164, 
195, 263, 269, 303, 321, II, 30, 48, 
219, 334, III, 221, 277 

Ely, R. T: cited, II, 167, III, 88, 323, 

325 

Emancipation: of negroes, I, 173, 
214, II, 263, 266-270, 301-302, 353, 
366, 374-375, III, II, 39, 51, 58-60; 
of woman, III, 118; of young, II, 
74, 76, III, 131; see also Frecd-)m, 
Independence, etc. 

Emerick, C. F: cited. III, 247-248 

Emerson, Ralph W: cited, II, 67, III, 
144; letters to, II, 76 

Emigration: I, 163, 216-217 

Employment: I, 68, 80, 125, 172, 229, 
296, 311, 331, III, 78, 90, 181, 281 

Engagement: see Betrothal 

Engelmann, G. J: cited, II, 209 note, 
III, 208 note 

England: advancement of, I, 153; 
and America contrasted, I, 282; 
attraction to, I, 216, 297; banish- 
ment to, I, 146-147; children in, 
I, 40, 67, 73, 306-307, III, 153; 
church of, see church; class con- 



flict in, I, 183; communication 
with, I, 71, 142, 215, 216, 229, 266, 
268 ; custom of, I, 262 ; divorce in, 

II, 45, III, 108, 273 ; earnings in, 
I, 224; education in, I, 290, 291; 
entail in, I, 234; family in, I, 29- 
47, 49, 105; girls in, I, 30-31, 298; 
and Holland, I, 156; housing in, 
I, 31, 32, 242; kidnapping in, I, 
217, 285; law in, I, 31; life in, I, 
31, 51, 221, 224; Locke's Thoughts 
in, I, 106; love in, I, 250; mar- 
riage in, I, 29, 70, 255, 264, II, 38; 
migration from, I, 141, 218, 253, 
268, III, 218; morals in, I, 135, 

III, 211, 237, 280; as motherland, 
I, 218; power of, I, 336; servants 
in, I, 150, 249; Spanish represen- 
tative in, I, 215, 216; spouses left 
in, I, 141, 147, 160, 292, 316, 321, 
324; women in, I, 15-17, 30, 87, 
102, 230, 238 

English: children, I, 88, 153, 296; 
church, see Church of England; 
colonization, I, 47, 51, 154, 158, 
159, i68, 170, 173, 174, 175, 193, 
214, 219, 223, 230, 233, 297, 336; 
and divorce, I, 148, 183; and ed- 
ucation, I, 174, 208, 241, 290, 291, 
III, 155; entail, I, 235; families, 

I, 40, 240-241, 250; feudalism, I, 
234; home, I, 75, 216, 242, III, 
119-120, 180, 192; ideas, I, 233, 

II, 67, III, 158, 240; institutions, 
I, 336; intermarriage, I, 190, 219, 
223; kidnapping, I, 220; language, 
I, 72, 139, 193, 194, 297; law, I, 
99, 146, 322 ; liberty, I, 75 ; liter- 
ature, III, 128; -man, I, 125, 157, 
246; marriage, I, 61, 155, 159, 213, 
218, 335; Merchant in Confeder- 
acy, cited, II, 368 note; morals, 

III, 49; name, I, 149; people, I, 
242; primogeniture, I, 123, 226, 
234, 235; Puritanism, I, 39, 40, 
136; status of sexes, I, 167; trav- 
eler, I, 52; women, I, 30-31, 39, 
49, 134, 250, 273, 281, II, 148, III, 
17-18, 129 



Index 



375 



Entail: I, 233-235, 238-240, II, 135- 

136, 334. Ill, 170 
Entertainment: see Amusement 
Environment: I, 135, 297, III, 252- 

253 

Episcopal church: I, 159, 196, 259, 
260, 289, 291, 315-316, II, 137, III, 
234, 285-286, 289, 292, 295-296, 306, 
322; see also Church of England 

Equitable Life bulletin: III, 208 

Estates: I, 95-96, 121-123, 169, 177, 
191, 201-202, 223, 229, 233, 234, 
237, 240-248, 255, 276-278, 295, 299, 
305, 308-310, 327, II, 333, 374- 
375 ; see also Property, Realty 

Ethics: I, 44, 82, 127, 329, III, 85, 
224, 270, 292-293, 306, 311, 331- 
332; see also Morals 

Eugenics: I, 219-221, II, 155, 364, 
III, 242, 326, 328, 330-331 

Europe: and America, I, chaps, i 
and II, 120, II, 9, 20, 57, 131, 132, 
223, 225, 239, III, 128, 260; birth 
rate in, II, 16, 20, III, 225, 226; 
children in, I, 40, 107, 294, II, 57 ; 
class lines, III, 132; diseases, I, 
287; divorce. III, 258, 260, 272; 
dot, III, 213; education in, II, 
338; family in. III, 168-169; ''id- 
napping in, I, 285; law in, I, 44; 
marriage in, I, 56, II, 12, 13, 15, 
III, 148-149, 200, 214, 218, 220, 
270, 272, 277; morals in, I, 145, 

II, 190, 223, III, 162; Puritan 
cleavage of, I, 39; redemptioners' 
contracts in, I, 240; and servitude, 
I, 325 ; spouses left in, I, 71 ; stock, 
I, 287, 324-325, 332, III, 142; strug- 
gle for existence in, I, 31 ; titles, 

III, 213; venereal disease, III, 234; 
and women, I, 306, II, 79, 140, 
229, III, 91, 119, 155 

Evolution: I, 134, III, 10, 139, 323, 

327, 328 ; see also Social Evolution 
Excommunication: I, 197, 199, 200, 

271 
Exploitation: I, 46, 127, 205, 222-223, 

329, II, 167, 354, III, 41-42, 75, 77, 

250, 332 



Extravagance: I, 10, 118, 120, 236, 

312, II, 203, 204, 234-236, III, 139, 

159, 188, 191, 204-205, 208, 210, 
219, 302 

Factory: I, 126, 127, II, 148, chap. 
IX, III, 19, 20, 22-23, 88-91, 124, 
136, 137, 138, 185, 250, 252, 313- 
314 

Fall River: III, 67 

Family: and aristocracy, etc., I, 78, 
140, 186, 20I-202, 218, 220-221, 
232-234, 244, 253, 263, 274, 286, 

329, n, 49, 59, 136, 367, III, 167, 

169-170; burdens, I, 77, 168, 180, 
190-191, 224, 225, 230, 231, 247, 
281, 299-301, 30s, 306, 311-312, II, 
22, 85, 93, 175, 209, 222, 234-235, 
III, 67-70, 79, 80, 88, 158, 160, 
200, 205, 208, 209, 212, 250, 268, 
369; and children, I, 98, 106, 123, 
187, 252, 254, 289, 311, II, 68, III, 
315; desertion, III, 80, 160, 175, 
215, 218, 268; see also under De- 
sertion, Wife; and democracy, etc., 

II, 53-54, 69, 77, 100, 198, 362, III, 
145, 155-158, 275; see Discipline; 
divorce and. III, 255, 258-259, 268, 
271, 273, 306, 311; and economics, 
I, 26-27, 32, 38, 39, 67, 70, 78, 143, 
171, 174, 191, 219, 222, 223, 227, 
231, 234, 236, 237, 238, 244, 312, 
329, II, 28, 50, 52, 82, 165, 174- 
177, 183, 197, 202, 235, 236, 241- 
242, III, 9, 64, 66-69, 75-80, 121- 
123, 136, 139-140, 164-165,, 181, 
193, 196, 201, 229, 250, 267-269, 
301-302; and education, training, 
etc., I, 50, 84, 106-117, 194, 199, 
291, 294, 296, II, 69, III, 102, 144, 
176, 285; evolution, I, 24, 44, 235, 
336, II, 28, 49, 53, 65, 169, 197, 
198, 223, 234, 235, 242, 254, 362, 

III, 11, 65, 76, 80, 81, 135-136, 
156, 158, 161, 163-187, 192, 193, 
221, 222, 243, 256, 259, 269, 272, 
274, 281, 299, 301, 303-304, 310, 
315, 317, 320, chap. XIV ; feeling, 
loyalty, etc., I, 29, 79, 99, 102, 115- 



Zl^ 



The American Family 



ii6, 139, 204, 207, 221, 225, 232, 
235. 239, 241, 242, 244, II, II, 77, 
105-106, 222, 338, 362, III, 163- 
168, 171, 172, 285; history, 9, 223; 
and individual, I, 23, II, 28, III, 
158, 163, 166, 168, 171, 269, 285, 

286, 298, 313, 314; irregularities, 
I, 299; Jewish, III, 319-321; law, 
I, 49, 185, III, 129, 221, 277; life, 
I, 37-41, 43, 52, 80, 83, 87-89, 98, 
102, 105, 113-116, 149-151, 153, 163, 
165, 174, 176, 183, 190-191, 202, 
203, 206, 213, 232, 236, 242, 257, 
296, 297, 335, II, 15, 63-64, 67, 68, 
77, 105-106, chap. VI, 197, 240, III, 
126, 127, 142, 166, 170, 171, 190, 
195, 196, 229, 313; and marriage, 
I, 29, 166, 189, 195, 198, 199. 207, 
221, 223, 244, 257, 291, II, 103, 
III, 169, 270, 295, 311; medieval, 
I, 336; and migration, I, 141, 202, 
218-225, 312, 331, 332, 335, III, 
37; morals, I, 26-27, 145, 195-197, 
213, 329, II, 223, III, 64, 66, 166, 

287, 320; Mormon, II, 155-156; 
negro blood in, II, 302, 306 ; see 
also Negro; and parents, I, 73, 
190, 218, II, 121, 177, 236, III, 108, 
113, 158, 160, 161, 172, 285, 312, 
313; problems, I, 9, lo-ii, 11, 242, 
III, 259, 260, 303 ; protection of, 
I) 39> 192, 278, 306, II, 49, III, 8, 
309; and religion, I, 22, 24, 34, 38, 
43-47, 72, 76, 79, 83, "5, "8, 170, 
173, 191, 203, 205, 289, 296, II, 63, 
66, 68, 282, III, 259; responsibil- 
ity, I, 68, 117, 124, 125, 210, 240, 
241, 267, III, 169, 176, 298; rural, 
III, 82-83 ; 3nd servitude, I, 80- 
82, 172, 173, 204, 210, 212-214, 
229-230, 285-286, 326-328, II, 281, 
283-284, 328, 365-366, 374-375; see 
also Slavery and family ; size, I, 
40, 87-89, 98, 123-124, 170, 172, 
192, 200, 203, 240, 242, 245, 286- 

288, 307, II, 15-23, 107, 143, 177, 
180, III, 81, 147, 225-233, 236, 239, 
241, 243, 246, 247, 250, 252, 254, 
285 ; and society, I, 51, 52, 72-75, 



142-143, 227, 300-301, II, 53, 359, 
III, 160, 171, 172, 173, 177, 257, 
266, 268, 275, 284, 286, 287, 301- 
304, 309, 310, 311, 314-319; study 
of. III, 8-10, 303, 309, 315, 319; 
trouble, I, 91, 114, 116, 118-119, 
142-145, 149, 156, 167, 177-183, 
186-187, 197, 306, II, 42-43, 366, 
III, 121, 268, 269, 281; value of, 

I, 67, 70, 87, 98, 199, 311, II, 22, 
209, III, 127-128, 208; and war, 

II, 358-360, 365-373; and women, 

I, 84, 93, 98, 168, 200-201, 2l8, 
252, 280, 281, II, 107, 125, 359, 

III, 92, 90, 108, 126, 267, 317; see 
also under South 

Familism: I, 18-19, 78-79, 191, chap. 
XIII, II, 23, 135, 141, 144, 146, 329- 
336, III, chap. VIII, 325, 331 

Farm: I, 78-79, 82, loi, 115, 123- 
124, 126, 143, 154, 157, 177, 187, 
190, 202, 203, 216, 221, 235, 236, 

243, 333, II, 21, 162, 168, 175, 196, 
357, III, 22, 50, 58, 65-66, 82, 115, 
188, 196, 246; see also Plantation, 
Planting, Ploiving, etc. 

Father: and children, I, 49, 55, 59, 
69, 76, 79, 102, 106, 108-116, 123, 
139, 140, 142, 144, 148, 149, 155, 

157, 162, 163, 178-182, 187, 191, 
197, 202, 203, 212, 221, 233, 235, 

244, 245, 250, 253, 254, 256, 278, 
289-293, 297, 307, 312-31S, 318, 322- 
323, 328, II, 52, 94, 132, 133, 143, 
237, 364-365, III, 61, 63, 76-78, 99, 
108-109, 111-112, 131-136, 139, 148, 
152, 153, 155, 157-161, 164, 166- 
167, 187, 212, 222, 325; and fam- 
ily, I, 47, 115-116, 163, 190, 218, 

II, 63, 92, III, 108, 135, 136, 138, 

158, 160, 161, 170, 192, 247, 315; 
of Patrick Henry, I, 248 ; laziness 
of, I, 307, III, 138-139; "little," 

III, 74; and mother, I, ii6. III, 
107; and prostitution, III, 193; see 
also Paternal 

Father-in-law: I, 59, 180, 309, III, 

167, 212 
Fecundity: I, 15, 20, 40, 55, 87-90, 



Index 



Zll 



98, 105, 106, 123-124, 162, 170, 
192, 203, 285-288, 326, II, 11-25, 
107, 149, 154-156, 169, 209-212, 244- 
248, 259-263, 278, 294, 350, III, 17, 

18, 91, 136, chap. XI ; see also 
Birth-control, Birth-rate, Concep- 
tion, Infecundity 

Female, Feminine: see Woman 

Feminism: I, ii, 18, 205, III, 14, 186, 
271 ; see also Woman 

Feudalism: I, 14, 15, 46, 121-122, 
183, 234-236, 242, 273, 275, 279, II, 
105-106 

Fickleness: I, 57, 167, III, 219 

Fiction : see Novels 

Fields: I, 78, 126, 229, 231, 282, 283; 
St. Martin in, I, 249 

Filial relations: I, 47, 174, 239, II, 
70, 72, 131, 134, 143, III, 133, 135, 
317; see also Child 

Fines: I, 55, 62, 65, 71, 73, 74, 75, 
81, 86-87, 93) 118, 120, 136, 138, 
140, 141, 142, 147, 154, 156, 160, 

175. 176, 185, 189, 201, 211, 232, 
235, 260, 263, 264-265, 267, 268, 
271, 289, 310, 314, 317, 318, 322- 
323 

Finns: in Delaware, I, 195 

Fire: I, 97, 112, 129, 171, 176, 242, 

256; gun, I, 273, 310; protection, 

I. 75. ^69, III, 196 
Fisher, Rev. Moses: I, 89, 124 
Fisher, S. G: cited, I, 85, 129 note, 

165, i66 note, 170 note, 205 note, 

244 note, 279 note 
Flirtation: II, 71, 140, 313, III, 192; 

see also Coquetry 
Florida: I, 230-231, 246, II, 334 
Food: I, 106, 107, 127, 143, 151, 172, 

176, i8i, 201, 215, 224, 230, 231, 
239, 248, 253, 27s, 283, 305, 311- 
312, 325, II, 211, 233, III, 69, 73, 
133, 143, 146, 148, 186, 235, 242, 
253, 320; see also Feed 

Fordj Ebenezer: II, 137 

Ford, Henry: III, 208 

Foreigners: I, 31, 58, 175, 188, 219, 
223, 297, II, 24, 38, 72, 1 18-120, 
i45"iS3. ^81, 183, 211, 220, III, 



83, 112, 196, 200, 209-210, 214, 
217, 218, 246, 250, 270; see also 
Immigration 

Forfeiture: I, 113, 176-177, 247, 263 

Forgery: I, 157 

Fornication: I, 56, 62, 81, 132-133, 

136, 137, 139, 154, 197, 199. 313- 
315, 317, II, 73, 204, 290, III, 43; 
see also Bastardy, Adultery, etc. 

Forrest, J. D: cited, I, 21 

Forrest, W. S: cited, 274 note, 279 
note, II, 193, 267 

Fortune: I, 214, 234, 246, 253, 254, 
255, 281-282, 309, II, 235; -hunt- 
ers, 58-59, 325, II, 29, 127, 214- 
215, 220, III, 213, 223 

Forum: cited. III, 201, 207, 210, 224 
note 

Foulkes, Rev. W. H: cited. III, 291 

France: I, 153, 223, 246, chap, xx, 
III, 168-169, 219-220, 227, 265, 272, 
273 ; see also French 

Franklin, Benj : I, 58, 208, 211, II, 12, 
i6, 17, 181-182 

Franklin, James: cited, I, 281, II, 31 

Fraud: I, i6o-x6i, 217, 225, 234, 237, 
241, III, 259 

Frederica (Ga.) : I, 225, 301, 310 

Frederick (Md.): I, 261 

Freedom: I, 220, 239, III, 167; of 
child, I, 66, 175, 176, 214, 226, 307, 
II, 53-55, 57. 64, 70, 72, 73, 76, 
306, III, 144-150, 153; of divorce, 
I, 183, III, 267; and marriage, I, 
56, 68, 83, 96, 162, 258, II, 30-32, 
37"39. 71. III. 255; and property, 
I, 240, 309; purchase of, I, 213; 
between sexes, I, 258, II, 151; of 
woman, I, 48, 83, III, 252, 293, 
327; see also Emancipation, Inde- 
pendence, Liberty, Boys, Girls, 
Children, etc. 

Freeholders: I, 225, 238, 240, 266- 
267, 295, 311-312 

French: I, 51, 130, 139, 145, 150, 222, 
223, 244, 246, 328, chap. XX, II, 
30, 58. 71. 336, III, 128, 155, 219, 
225, 226, 233 

Friends: see Quakers 



378 



The American Family 



Friendship: I, 43. 53. S6, 84, 85, 98, 
115, 120, 129, 145, 162, 171, 178, 
209, 240, 244, 254, 255, 258, 263, 
285, 305, 312, 324, 325, III, 168, 
197, 278 

Frontier: I, 207, 227, 283, 312, 336, 
II, 9, II, 13, 15, 27, 28, 34, 35, 37. 
50-52, 103, 106, 169, III, 332; see 
also Pioneer, West 

Frugality: I, 39, 51-52, 203, 231, 280; 
see also Saving 

Fuller, Margaret: cited, II, 61, 85, 
92 

Funerals: I, iii, 242, 248, 308, III, 

41 

Gage, Matilda J: cited, III, 109- 
iio, 193, 213, 223, 316, and in notes 
I, 24, 26, 84, 138, II, 89, 91, 125, 

157 
Gaillardet, F: cited, III, 145, 148, 

167-168, 192, 225-226, 243, 265 
Gannett, Rev. W, C: cited, III, 316 
Gardening, Gardens: I, 168, 2CX), 

206, 215, 230, 241, 280, 311, III, 

21, 52-53 

Genealogy: I, 233, 288, III, 25-26, 
170, 325. 328-329 

General Assembly: I, 201, 271, 314; 
see also Legislature, Presbyterian ; 
Court, I, 71, 77, 93, 95, 121, 125, 
142, 147, 148, 267, 276, 304, 320, 
326 

Georgia: I, 202, 224-226, 232, 237- 
239, 249, 252, 257, 259, 276, 288, 
300-301, 306, 310-312, 321-323, II, 
19, 21, 44, 177, 268, 286, 336, 341, 
343, 348, III, 30, 32, 222; Analy- 
tical Repository, cited, II, 57 note; 
Historical Society Collections, cit- 
ed, III, 25; Proposed Chain-gang 
for Teachers, cited. III, 32 note; 
see also Savannah, etc. 

German: American, II, 14, III, 142; 
language, I, 294; literature. III, 
142; Puritanism, I, 39; views, II, 
65, III, 240 

Germans: I, 163, 166, 177, 199, 202 ff, 
208, 223-226, 230, 236, 241, 252, 



261, 283, 293, 296, 335, II, 151, 
164, 209, III, i6i, 240, 321 

Germantown: I, 203, 214 

Germany: I, 19, 24, 202, II, 209, III^ 
273 

Giddings, F. H : cited, I, 140 note^ 
155 note, 209 note, 319 note 

Girls: behavior and traits of, I, 117,. 
119, 134, 246, 256, 297-298, 331^ 
334, II, 65, 71, 72, 74, 218, 224^ 
237-238, 312, III, 91, 113, 127,, 

140, 149, 168, 171, 204, 220, 243; 
bound, I, 187, 201, 226, 309; and 
boys and men, I, 17, 48, 51, 52^ 
83, 115, 164, 176, 186, 209, 258, 
274-275, 298, II, 71, 72, 75, 81, 82^ 
86, 150, 226, III, 33, 112-113, 148,. 
154, 301, 321; care and treatment 
of, I, 16, 21, 30-31, 35, III, 117, 
X19, 125, 164, 171, 196, 217, 220,. 
249-251, 334, 335, II, 72-74, 291- 
292, 311-313, III, 33, 38, 122, 140- 

141, 148-150, 211, 220, 221; charms 
of, I, 246, 248, 258, II, 224, 311- 
312; clubs, III, 52; and domestic: 
affairs, I, 103, 215, 331, II, 196, 
224, III, 123, 138, 140, 188, 189, 
191, 204, 275; dower of, I, 253, 
269, 333. 335. Ill, 169, 213, 214, 
270; dress, etc., I, 168, II, 189,, 
226, 231, III, 139, 171, 235; eco- 
nomic value of. III, 207 ; edu- 
cation of, I, 41, 83-84, 140, 169, 
280, 297-298, 333, 334, II, 74, 90,, 
114, 118, 135, 213, 214, 218, 224, 
226, 237, 296-297, 339, 344, III, 13- 
^4' 95"96, 98, 100, 120, 148, 190, 
191, 231; family, and home, III,, 
23, 151, 171; fickleness, I, 57,. 
Ill, 219; flirtation, II, 71, III, 119; 
freedom and independence, I, 52,, 
55. 57. 187, 258, II, 31, 39. 70-77. 

148, 190, III, 100, 129, 132, 148- 

149. 153. 214, 219; in French col- 
ony, I, chap. XX ; health, II, 73, 
213, III, 95-96, 231, 232, 235; and. 
marriage, I, 34, 41, 53-59. 67, 68,. 
70, 79, 115, 138, 155, 156, 163-165,.. 
171, 195, 200, 202, 206, 207, 216— 



Index 



379 



217, 244, 247, 248, 251, 253, 254- 

258, 263, chap. XX, II, 13-15, 28, 
29, 72, 74-75, 118, 199, 212, 214, 
215, 218, 219, 224, 226, 310, III, 
22, 31, 117, n8, 123, 127-128, 149, 
150, 160, 169, 171, 191, 200, 205- 
207, 212-214, 216, 218-220, 301, 321- 
322; and morals, I, 129-13 1, 140, 
164, 166, 196, 321, 325, 331, II, 
188-190, 287, 291-292, 305-306, 354- 
355, III, 20, 27, 30, 33, 38, 91, 
no, 112, 132, 138, 151, 162; and 
motherhood, I, 140, 322, II, 24, III, 
246; negro, 327, II, 178, 291-292, 
III, 27, 30, 33, 38, 58; as nurses, 
III, 74; and parents, I, 119, III, 
28, 155, 161, 171, 200; pleasures, I, 
176, III, 123, 235; precocity, I, 
110, 245, III, 155; reading, II, 73, 
329; and Slavery, II, 246, 287, 
301, 305-306, 310; and social mat- 
ters, II, 56, 220, III, 204, 235; 
Southern, I, 281, II, 13-14, 76-77, 
231. 304. 311-319. 329, 337. 339, 
344, 351, 354-355, HI, 13-14, title 
of, I, 70; working, I, 43, 125, 126, 
149-150, 311, 325, II, 175, 178-179, 
183-190, 199, 352, III, 22, 80, 88- 
91, 140, 206, 248-249, 304, 321 ; 
see also Boys, Daughters, Negro, 
Wench, Women 
God: I, 42, 44, 45, 47, 53-58, 63, 64, 
66, 68, 72, 74, 84, 87, 90-92, 94, 
99, 100, 105, 108-110, 112, 114, 
117, 119, 141, 142, 144, 147, 173, 
185, 202, 203, 213, 239, 251, 252, 
270, 272, 275, 283, 296, 303, 313, 
323, 326, III, chap. XIII ; see also 
Theology 
Godey's Lad/s Book: III, 103 
Gorling, — : cited, II, 38-39, 98, 247 
Governess: II, 339, III, 134-136, 155 
Government: I, 76, 157, 171, 189, 
193, 194, 201, 261, 264, 289, 301, 
333, II, 11, 68, 187, III, 140, 177, 
308, 331; of family, etc., I, 72-74, 
76, 114, 119, 260, 296 
Governors: I, 57, 68-70, 77, 84, 85, 
86, 88, loo-ioi, III, 119, 120, 133, 



134, 150, 154-155, 157-162, 170, 
173, 177. 182, 185, 186, 201, 222, 
237, 243, 248, 250, 254-255, 257, 

260, 262-264, 266, 267, 273-274, 278, 
282, 287, 299, 309, 313, 315, 316, 

317, 324, 331. 332, 335 
Grand: council, I, 300; inquisitor, I, 
335; jury, I, 74, 209, 319-321; life, 

I, 233, 242, 243; -parents, I, 118, 
119, 191, 204, 220, 281, 283, 310, 

II, 13, III, 63-64, 153, 166, 169 
Grant, Mrs. — : I, 165, 167, 168, 

176; of Newport, I, loi 
Grants: I, 219, 225-226, 231, 233, 

234, 238, 240, 286, 300, 301 
Grattan, H. P: cited, II, 85 
Grattan, T. C: cited, II, 56, 72, i6o, 

238 note 
Graves, Mrs. — : cited, II, 89-90, 99- 

101, 147, 223 note, 225, 227, 230, 

233 note, 237 
Great Britain: divorce in, II, 45; see 

also England, etc. 
Greeley, Horace: cited, II, 48-49, 

191, 192, 236 
Greensboro (N. C.) : II, 313 
Gretna Greens: II, 313, III, 218, 276- 

277 
Griffin, Sir L. H: cited. III, 120, 

180, 217, 226, 231 
Grimke sisters: II, 99, 300 note, 325, 

328 
Groiving Social Effort in South: cit- 
ed, III, 33 note, 48 note 
Grund, F. J: cited, II, 225, 235, 237, 

238 note 
Guardianship: I, 55, 56, 59, 77, 88. 

III, 156, 172, 186, 244, 256, 260, 

261, 269, 293, 308-310, III, 112 
Gynecologists: III, 243 

Hair: I, 106-107; -dresser, I, 246; 

-pulling, I, 143, 169 
Hale and Merritt: cited, II, in notes 

on pages 33, 108, 153, 202, 232, 

331, 343, 369 
Hall, Capt. — : cited, II, 346 
Hall, G. S: cited, I, 98 note. III, 94 

note, 143, 234-235, 253, 254 



38o 



The American Family 



Hall, Moses: I, 270 

Hall, Willard: I, cited, II, 59 

Hamilton, Alex: II, 145, 172 

Hamilton, Gail: cited, III, 85-86 

Hampton Institute: III, 47 

Handicrafts: I, 127, 280, 292, 295, 
308, III, 22, 53 

Happiness: I, 59, 87, 91, 97, 102, 108, 
HI, 113, 145, 167, 203, 208, 217, 
242, 244, 254, 282, 287, III, 269, 
290, 292, 305, 306 ; see also Pleas- 
ure and under Marriage 

Hardship: I, 69, 161, 207-208, 225, 
226, 272, 277-279, 283, 294, 311- 
312, 327 

Hardy, I. D: cited. III, 180 

Harper, Chancellor — : cited, II, 288, 
317 

Harper, Ida H: cited, II, 88 note, 95 
note, 96 note, 108 note, 129 note, 
360 note 

Harper's: Monthly, III, 103-104; 
NeiM Monthly Magazine, cited, II, 
125 ; Weekly, cited, III, 289 note 

Harvard: I, no, 140, II, 90, III, 140, 
170 

Hawthorne, Julian: cited, I, 82, loi, 
102, 134, III, 23X 

Health: I, 202, 204-205, 232, 236, 
287, 288, 301, 311, III, 294; Board, 
III, 243 ; see also Disease, Insan- 
ity, Invalidism, Sanitary, Chil- 
dren's Diseases and Health, Wo- 
men's, etc. 

Hebraism: I, 105, III, 224 

Hebrews: I, 127, 156, III, 150, 161, 
284 

Hecke, J. V: cited, II, 65 note, 330 

Hecker, E. A: cited, II, 89 note. III, 
no note, 112 note 

Helper, H. R: cited, II, 267, 286, 352- 
354 

Henderson, Chas. R: cited, III, 80 
note 

Henrico Co. (Va.) : I, 233 

Henry, VIII: I, 31 

Henry, Patrick: I, 248, 286 

Hereditary: I, 91, 220-221, 233, III, 
328, 331; see also Inheritance 



Higginson, Rev. T. W: cited, II, 124 
Highland Co. (Va.) : I, 294 
Highlander villages: I, 223-224 
Hildreth, Richard: cited, II, 260, 263 

note 
Hill, Caroline M: cited. III, 96 note, 

99 note 
Hill, G: cited, I, 31 note, 37 note 
Hillis, Annie P: cited, II, 362 note 
Hire: I, 150, 163, 171, 194, 221, 222, 

246, 269, 271, 291, 300 
Holcomb, T: cited, I, 196 note 
Holland: I, 47-50, 153, 155, 156, 164, 
169, 174, 175, 183, 190, 193, 196; 
see also Dutch, Netherlands 
Holmes, Deborah: I, 68 
Holmes, Isaac: cited, II, 37 note, 151, 

238 note 
Holt, Dorothy: I, 303 
Holt, Robert: I, 303 
Home: I, chap, xiii, II, chap, vi, III, 
chap. IX; aged in, I, 204; ances- 
tral, I, 79, 244, III, 164; attach- 
ment to, etc., I, 39, 51, 52, 67, 168, 

202, 204, 216-217, 218, 242, 294, 
III, 314; of bachelors, I, 165, 252; 
and children, I, 50, 98, 103, 112, 
115, 118, 123, 124, 126, 172, 195, 

203, 216, 236, 244, 263, 331, 335, 

II, 339, III, 134, 144-145. 148, 151. 
152, 153, 158, 167, 171, 200, 270, 
302, 306, 313, 319, 329; and 
church, I, 191, III, 314-316; city, 

III, 17, 56, 63-64, 81; and divorce, 
III, 257, 275, 292; and economic 
conditions, I, 97, 127, 229, 231, 
235, 243, 329, n, 165, 167, 171, 
192, 197, 20I, 368, III, 12, 16-17, 
22-23, 67, 71, 75-77, 78, 79, 98, 
121, 122, 128, 134-136, 165, 171, 
175, 176, 252, 257, 268-269, 302, 
313-314, 325, 326, 327; and edu- 
cation, I, 50, 103, ii2-u6, 124, 
195, 203, 297, II, 339, III, 133, 
141, 152, 176-178, 310, 313-315; of 
immigrants. III, 149 ; law and, 
III, 129; life, I, 23, 31-32, 38, 40, 
52-53, 82, 97, 99, 102, 103, io6, 
112-116, 124, 144-145, 153, 200, 



Index 



381 



202, 203, 204, 221, 227, 242, 243, 

244, 246, 262, 274, 335, II, 265, 271, 
273-274, 330-331. 357, III, 72-73, 
75, 109, 122, 144-145, 151. 154, 15s. 
175, 178, 213, 252, 315, 319-320; 
literature on. III, 10; man and, 

I, 52, 167, 178, i8o, III, 104, 119- 
120, 129, 157, 159, 161, 257, 330; 
marriage at, I, 162, 207; negro, 

II, 265, 271, 273-274, III, 41, 48- 
64; and parents, I, 163, III, 315; 
protection, etc., I, 206, II, 166, 
169, III, 311; recedence, etc., of, 
I| 31. 323, II, 69, 100, 202, 222, 
223, 238-239, 372, 373, III, 10, 78, 
89, 108, 123, 157. 161, 164, 167, 

168, 172, 173, 175, 176, 178, chap. 
«, 255, 257, 303, 3H, 313, 314, 
315, 325; and religion, I, 41, 206, 
II, 100, III, 176, 195, 287, 309, 
314-315; rural, I, 79, III, 50-54, 
66, 259; socialism and, III, 327, 
331; and society, I, 38, 40, 74, 97, 

169, 199, 215, 2i6, 317, II, 140, 
222, 225, 331, 358-359, 362, 369- 
370, III, 134, 171, 172, 173, 175, 
177-178, 257, 275, 284, 301, 303, 
304, 309-315, 329; southern, II, 
330-331. 339, HI, n, 12 16-23; 
woman and, I, 38, 42, 75, 103, 124, 
136, i68, 169, 186, 207, 216, 273, 
280, 283, 299, 302, 303, II, 87, III, 
86, 88, 89, 95, 108, III, 115-116, 
119-120, 123, 128, 129, 161, 207, 
208, 251, 324, 329, 330; see also 
Domestic, Household, Residence 

Homesteads: I, 221, 235, 236, II, 144, 
161, 167, 168, 352, III, 25 

Hookworm: II, 349, III, 21 

Horse: I, 112, 127, 145, 201, 249, 
251, 256-257, 279, 290, 334 

Hospital: I, 297, 334, II, 373, III, 140 

Hospitality: I, 74-76, 124, 129, 200, 
242-244, II, 333, 336 

Hotel: I, 200, 243, 246, II, 95-96, 
238-241, 336, III, 44, 80, 146, 158, 
168, 179-185, 191, 229, 240, 302., 
304; see also House, Public, etc. 

Hours: of labor, II, 178-188, 192. 



197, 273, 274, III, 76, 188; late, I, 
114-115, II, 212; of rest, I, 115; 
school, I, 116, 292; vacant, I, 311 
House (Housing) : I, 32, 38, 75, 80, 
93. 95, 96, 97, 129, 132, 143, 165, 

170, 171, 194, 206, 212, 215, 222, 
227, 235, 238, 240, 242, 243, 251, 
253, 281, 286, 310, 328, 333, 334, 
II, 162, 191, 193-195, 211, 233, 
247, 272-273, 318, 346-350, III, 16- 
22, 42, 51-56, 67, 71-76. 86, 134, 
138, 178, 181, 189, 244-245; ad- 
ministration of, I, 42, 76; birth 
and death in, I, 267, 314; children 
in, I, 203, 287, 294; as church, I, 
206; of correction, I, 77; 120, 151, 
209, 333; education, I, 193; enter- 
tainment, I, 145, 162, 244; father, 
I, 80, 115-116; furnishings, III, 
16-17, 189; of government, I, 282, 
295, 301, 303, 318, 321, ni, 74; 
public, I, 119; searching of, I, 75; 
servants, I, 149-151, 173, 210, 305; 
weddings in, I, 242; women and, 
I, 43, 98, 143, 144, 181, 192, 195, 
273, 302, 319 

Household: I, 41, 76, 78, 80, 83, 158, 

171, 232, 252, III, 154-156, 187, 229; 
arts, I, 202, III, 140, 157; goods, 
I, 97, 207-208 ; man in, I, 69, 232, 
246; problems, I, 99, 231, III, 97, 
269; women in, I, 32, 42, 85, 86, 
98-99, 168, 279-281, II, 189, III, 
124, 140, 187, 267; and work, I, 
»5, 97-99, n, 107, 171, 359, III, 
22, 76, 124, 156, 158, 186, 187, 188; 
see also Domestic, Home 

Householding: I, 67, 68, 77, 217, 247 
Housekeeping: I, 52, 86, 91, 168, 
200, 203, 215, 250, 280, 305, II, 52, 
56, 148, 225, 239, 329, III, 21-22, 
70, 86, 89, 90, 95, 98, 99, loo, 121- 
123, 125, 128, 138, 143, 181-191, 
196, 204-207, 240, 241, 247, 252, 
275, 285 
Housewifery: I, 33-34, 42, 103, 143, 
163-164, 168, 201, 221, 230, 276, 
277, 280, 281, 333, II, 108, III, 189, 
252 



382 



The American Family 



Housework: I, 168, 230, II, 112-113, 

239, III, 70, 98, 121, 140, 188, 204, 

257, 330 
Housing: see House 
Houstoun, Mrs. — : cited, II, 215, 

230-231, 322 
Howard, G. E: cited, I, 66 note, 138 

note, 146 note, 181 note, 209 note, 

270 note, II, 35, 44, 49, III, 178, 

218, 220, 279 
Hudson, Edw: I, 303 
Hudson, Rev. H. N: cited, III, 232 
Hudson River: I, 183, 186 
Huguenots: I, 21, 46, 51, 61, 153, 

223-224, 244, 281, 297, 336 
Hull House: III, 149 
Human nature: I, io8, H2, 116, 117, 

146, 244, III, 332 
Hundley, D. R: cited, II, 46 note, 

19s- 343-344. 350 

Hunt, Elizabeth: 59 

Hunt, G: cited, II, 13 note, 86-87, 88 
note 

Hunt, Goodman: I, 74 

Hunt, Peter: I, 59 

Hunter, Major Jonathan: cited, II, 20 

Husband: authority of, I, 83, 180, 
305, II, 92-97, 100, in, 119, 
23s, III, III, 266, 285; behavior 
of, I, 32, 143-144, 178-180, 182, 
195, 258, 276, 277, 280, 321, II, 88, 
92, 95, 138, 150, 151, 223, III, 109, 
160, 192, 193, 302; burial place 
for, I, 190; Catholic theory of, 
III, 285; and children, I, 177, III, 
in; Christ as, I, 205; at club, 
III, 192; desertion by, I, 142, 147- 
148, 226, 299, 304, 320, III, 62, 64, 
160, 172, 207, 214, 2i8, 268; de- 
sertion of, I, 71, 144, 148, 180, 
195-196, 226, 320, II, 33, 43, III, 
43-44,-62, 182, 218, 266; discipline 
upon, I, 136, 143, 179, 182, 239, 
299, 300, III, 16; drudgery of, II, 
112-113, III, 121; and economics, 
I. 49. 59. 95. 96, 180, 204, 238, 
247-249, 299, II, 127, 138, 230- 

231, 236, III, 63, 108, 120, 121, 

128, 185, 214, 268, 269, 273; quest 
and procural of, I, 41, 58, 149, 



154, 163, 204, 208, 217, 249, 250- 

251. 274, 332, 334, II, 70, 74, 218, 
III, 104, 117-118, 128, 146, 149, 

162, 169, 191, 213, 216, 219; and 
race-suicide. III, 240-241, 245; 
requisites of, III, 220; and sex 
equality. III, 99, 126; and society 
functions, III, 159; and wife, I, 
14, 23, 26, 30, 32, 33, 37, 41-49, 
51, 62, 63, 66, 69-72, 77, 78, 80, 
83, 86-98, loi, 102, 115-116, 132- 
133. 137. 138, 141-148, 154, 155, 

163, 164, 167-170, 176-182, 186- 
187, 190, 195-197, 200-201, 204- 
206, 208-209, 213, 214, 216-222, 

225, 226, 237, 238, 240, 247, 248, 

252, 254, 255, 270-271, 273-278, 
280, 281, 283, 286, 288, 296, 299, 
300, 302-306, 312, 316, 317, 319- 
322, 325-328, 332-336, II, 12, 15, 
46, 49, 84, 88, 91-97, no, 112-113, 
118-129, 133-140, 215-216, 222-223, 

226, 228, 236, 269, 274, 302, 317, 
322-324, 328, 370-371, III, 16-20, 
59, 61, 63, 88-90, 95, 100, 103, 106- 
113, 115, 119-121, 125, 126, 128- 
130. 135. 136, 143. 153, 158-160, 
162, 167, 169, 177, 182, 185, 193, 
194, 204, 206, 207, 215, 216, 217, 
220, 235, 240, 241, 247, 255, 256, 
259-260, 264-266, 268-272, 274, 275, 
285-287, 293, 317-318, 320, 321, 
327, 328, 330; see also Wife, 
Spouses, Conjugal, Married, Mari- 
tal 

Hutchinson, Anne: I, 84-85, no, II, 

114 
Hygiene: III, 18, 245, 327 

Ideals: I, 86, 102, 205, 244, 286-287, 
III, 224, 312, 327 

Idiots: I, 93, III, 81 

Idleness: I, 58, 77, 124-127, 151, 201, 
238, 306, 307, 310, II, 212, 241, 
333, III, 79, 80 

Ignorance: I, 334, III, 103, 303 

Illegitimacy: I, 20, 27, 133, 134, 137- 
140, 154, 166, 204, 210, 259, 264, 
303, 307. 313, 314. 318, 320, 322- 
323, II, 104, 152, 204, 354, III, 28, 



Index 



383 



30, 39, 40, 49, 62, 81, 141, 172-173. 
211, 217, 222, 237, 260, 278, 289, 

311; see also Bastardy, Birth, 
Childern, etc. 

Illinois: country, I, 332; Lanv Re- 
vieiv, cited, III, 275 ; women 
teachers, II, 361 

Illiteracy: I, 42, 277, 294, II, 59, 61, 
176, 342. 348, 350, III, 23, 81, 275 

Immigration: I, 11, 71, 87-88, 140- 
141, 192, 202, 204-205, chap. XII, 
229, 249-251, 253, 268, 296, 297, 
315, II, 15, 22, 23, 34, 42-43, 67, 
147, 163, 181, 209, 346, 364, III, 7, 
41, 66, 75, 78, 91, 105, 106, 124, 
132, 149, 189, 214, 216-218, 225- 
228, 244, 246, 254, 263, 264, 270; 
see also Foreigners, Aliens 

Immorality: I, 39, 130-136, 149, 195, 

314, 317. 334> II, 30, 46, 73, 138, 
159, i6o, 189, 221, 255-256, 354- 
355. 362-363, III, 18-21, 30, 31, 
32, 43-45, 50, 64, 93, 106, 141, 

162, 193-195, 206, 2IO, 211, 294; 

see also Corruption, Rake, Sex, 

Morals, Vice, Adultery, Slavery, etc. 

Impediments: I, 256, 260, 263, III, 

291-292 
Impotence: I, 25, II, 46, III, 292 
Incest: I, 27, 99-100, 182, 264, 304, 

315, 321, III, 44, 56 
Incontinence: I, 132-138, 317; see al- 
so Fornication, Adultery, etc. 

Indenture: I, 80, 125, 172, 187, 220, 
226, 229-231, 292, 307, 317; see 
also Binding, Bond, etc. 

Independence: of Americans, III, 
220; of estates, etc., I, 229, 235, 
236; of family members, III, 167; 
of Puritans, I, 40; of son, I, 239; 
of United States, I, 235, 242, II, 
u ; see also under fVoman, move- 
ment, Status; Girls; Children; 
Young, Freedom; Freedom; Eman- 
cipation, etc. 

Independent: cited, III, 233, 249, 319 
note, 321 

Indiana: II, 34, 46-49, III, no, 263 

Indians: I, 65, 66, 100, 149-150, 164, 
166, 169, 215, 266-268, 283, 295, 



304-305, 307, 321, 323-325. 33I1 

332, 334. II. 15. 16, 33, 103-104, 

III, 106, 142, 239 

Indies, Company of: I, 333 

Individualism: I, 24, 27, 43-46, 241, 

II, 27, 28, 37, 45, 50, 53, 132, 137, 

339, 359, III, 154, 168, 169, 172, 

173, 197, 247, 269-270, 298, 304, 325 

Individuality: I, 77-78, 97, III, 72- 

73. 194-195. 301, 327 
Individuation: III, 158, 163, 166, 169, 

187, 232, 233, 269 
Industrial: affairs, I, 201, 311, 329, 

II, 207, III, 53, 65, 86, 91, 102, 

106, 131, 134, i6o, 175-176, 181, 
187, 188, 206, 263, 268, 281, 304, 
319, 328; Congress, II, 166; evolu- 
tion, II, 35; order, new, II, chap. 
IX; revolution, II, 10, 191, III, 332 

Industrialism: I, 10, 11, II, 9, 241- 
242, 366, III, 7, 19, 22, 80, 82, 83, 

85, 89, 92, 131, 157, 165, 202, 256, 
266, 269 

Industry: I, 91, 97, 115, 116, 124- 
127, 202, 203, 221, 229-231, 252, 
277, 280, 281, 298, 312, II, 351- 
353. 368, III, 13, 67-71, 76-78, 80, 

86, 88-91, 104, 107, 122, 129, 132, 
137-139. 161, 165, 173, 188-198, 205- 
208, 248-252, 257, 271, 302, 304, 
309, 310, 319, 325 

Infancy: I, in, 127, 280, II, 54, 55, 
57, 62, 63, III, 139, 146, 147, 152, 
153, 157, 234 

Infant: I, 149, III, 143; baptism, I, 

107, 192, 327; care and treatment, 
I, 41, 69, 107, 108, no, 190, 293, 
296, 310, III, 141, 143-144, 148, 
163, 166, 175, 182, 233; damna- 
tion, I, 40, 107-108, 132, II, 57; 
see Death, of children. Baby, 
Child, School, etc. 

Infanticide: I, 27, 322-323, II, 211, 

III, 73, 236-237, 241, 245, 299 
Infecundity: I, 208, 326, II, 211, 261, 

III, chap. XI, 312; see also Birth, 
Conception 
Infidelity: I, 325; marital, I, 145, II, 
33, 88, 151, III, 63, 215, 271-272; 
see also Adultery 



384 



The American Family 



Inheritance: I, 14, 17, 26-27, 29, 39- 
40, 46, 49, 60, 95-97, 105, 113, 121- 
123, 135, 168, 176-177, 191, 202, 
203, 215, 222, 224, 225, 233, 235, 
237-241, 255, 263, 268, 285, 298, 
310, II, 36, 37, 49, 97-98, 136, 137, 
145, III, 163-165, 169, 170, 212, 
325, 327-329 

Insanity: I, 84, 93, 144, 190, II, 46, 
106, 140, III, 79, 242 ; see also Dis- 
ease, Mental 

Institutions: I, 173, 241, 336, III, 
161, 176, 177, 197, 229, 284, 311, 
313, 314, 321-322, 332 

Intellect: of children, III, 167; and 
fecundity. III, 230, 232-233, 236; 
narrowness of, I, 39; and woman, 

I, 84, 169, 188, 202, 277, 336, III, 

98. 23s 
Intemperance: III, 176, 242, 258, 261, 

303 ; see also Drunkenness 
Intercourse: freedom of, III, 164; 

sexual, I, 146, 210-211, 323; see 

also Sex, Cohabitation, Miscegen- 
ation, etc. 
Intermarriage: I, 79, 165, 166, 186, 

189-190, 198, 215, 218, 223, 226, 

227, 232, 270, II, 336 
Intestacy: I, 95-97, 121-122, 235, 240, 

277, II, 119 
Invention: I, 38, 201, III, 145, 266, 

328 
Ireland: I, 285, 287, II, 209, III, 226 
Irish: I, 223, II, 163, 197, III, 124, 

149. 233. 239, 240, 321 
Irving, W: cited, I, 168-171, 176, 

II, 16 
Italy: I, 36, 38 

Itinerant Observations in America: 
cited, I, 280 note, 298, 311, 326, 328 

Jamestown (Va.) : I, 264, 278 
Janson, C. W: cited, II, 64 note, 211 

note, 290 note, 307 note 
Jay, John: II, 145, 173 
Jealousy: I, 145-146, 258, II, 31, 309- 

310, 360, III, 127, 217 
Jefferson, Thomas: I, 233, 248, II, 

136, 246, 285, 299-3(X), 333 



Jesuits: I, 332 

Jews: I, 100, II, 157, III, 197, 211, 

246, 266, 319-321 
Johnson, Francis: I, 44 
Johnson, J. A: I, 244 
Johnson, Wm: I, 166 
Johnstown (Pa.) : III, 73-74 
Joint: stock, I, 125; wills, I, 168, 176 
Jurisdiction: I, 156, 173, 181, 266, 

301, 303, 307 
Jury: I, 179, 274, 322, III, 114; see 

also Grand Jury 
Jus prima noctis: I, 15 
Justices: I, 117, 155, 158, 159, 161, 

^77> 185-187, 194, 199-200, 232, 

245, 257, 263, 299, 302, 307, 311, 

II, 35, 37-39, III, 277 
Juvenile: amusements, I, 296; court, 

III, 174; delinquency, III, 174; 
literature, II, 58, 59, III, 142 

Kansas: III, 110, 229, 290 
Kansas City: III, 321 
Kehukee Association: I, 272 
Kelley, Mrs. Florence: cited. III, 60, 

70, 76 note 
Kemble, Fanny: cited, II, 224, 259, 

264, 277, 278, 282, 285, 290 note, 

300-301 
Kenney, — : cited, III, 118, 168, 202, 

205, 211, 213, 231-232, 241, 244- 

245 
Kent (Eng.) : I, 122 
Kentucky: II, 12-14, ^7> 18, 20, 21, 

4<5, 59, 253, 256, 331, 332, 334, 

335, 337, 372 
Kidnapping: I, 217, 220, 249, 250, 

285, II, 92 
Kindergarten: II, 60, III, 152, 174, 

190, 321, 331 
Kinship: I, 45, 49, 79, 80, 98, 99, 

100, 150, 207, 232, 240, 247, 260, 

263, 268-269, 308, 317, II, 54, 136- 

137, 144, 335, III, 19, 61, 163, 164, 

168, 175, 197; see also Blood, 

Relatives, etc. 
Kitchen: I, 41, 107, 188, 243, 280, 

III, 186, 191 
Knights of Labor: III, 87-88 



Index 



385 



Knitting: I, 125, 176, 200, 225, 311 
Ku Klux Klan: III, 16, 36, 37 

Labadists: I, 269-270 

Labor: I, 78, 98, 172, 220, 224, 230, 
279, 281-283, 296, 308; Bureau, III, 
259; Commissioner, III, 222, 294; 
cost of, I, 98, II, 178, 180, III, 
136; see also Wages; division of, 
III, 158; and education, II, 60, 
182, III, 157; efficiency, II, 192; 
forced, I, 120, 151, 209, 299, 300; 
hiring of, I, 67; movement, II, 137, 
181-185, III, 66, 87-89, 302; -sav- 
ing, I, 86; slave, I, 290; supply, 
II, 12, 17, 173, 192; treatment of, 
II, chap. IX, 225 ; see also Laborers, 
Child, Work, etc. 

Laborers: I, 190, 220, 243, II, 177, 
178, III, 157, 159, 218, 248; chil- 
dren of, II, 52, 254; Union of, 
II, 166; see also Labor 

Lactation: III, 143, 253-254, 327; see 
also Nursing 

Ladies: I, 39, 41, 43, 52, 101-102, 
119, 167, 168, 208, 231, 253, 255, 
258, 274-275, 278, 280-281, 297- 
298, II, 201, 203, 236, 248, III, 
102-103, 19I) 216, 219, 237, 240, 
258; see also Women; South, Wo- 
men; periodicals, II, 113, 213 

Lady's Book: II, 24, 89, 329, III, 
103 

Ladies' Home Journal: III, 104, 121 

Lady's Journal: II, 80-81 

Ladies' Magazine (Boston) : cited, 

II, 113 note, 116, 117, 142, 185, 
235 (Savannah), 203, 222 note, 
232 note, 235, 326 

Ladies' National Magazine: II, 89, 

III, 103 

Ladies' Repository: II, 66, 84, 89, 

223, 22s, 235-236 
Ladies' Wreath: cited, II, 62 note, 

118 
Lake Forest (111.): Ill, 185-186 
Lambert, John: cited, II, 28, 290 

note, 292 



Lancaster Co. (Pa.) : I, 208 
Land: I, 68, 78, 83, 87, 93, 95, 96, 
122, 133, 143, 171, 183, 186, 191, 
202, 205, 208, 215, 219-241, 244- 
247, 253, 254, 273, 276, 278, 286, 
287, 310-311, 333, II, 12, 14, 15, 
17, 21, 161, 164-167, 234, 334, 335, 
347-349, ni, 7, 22, 51, 55, 66, 75, 
82, 165 ; see also Soil, Farm, etc. 
Laney, Lucy C: III, 46-47, 49 
Language: I, 174, 294, 296, 297, 325, 
328; see also under names of na- 
tionalities, etc. 
La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Due de: 

cited, II, 115 
Lasciviousness: I, 133, 219, 320, III, 

215 

Latin: I, no; race, III, 149; School, 

I, no 
Laundry: III, 122, 185; see Washing 
Law: I, 73, 77, 78, 117, 125, 153, 
154, 189, 210-211, 219, 233, 256, 
260, 263, 266, 289, 300, 320, III, 
160, 280, 291, 296-300, 304, 306, 
308, 310, 322; on amusements, I, 
u8, 175; of baptism, I, 289; blue, 
I, 241; building, I, 75; on burial, 

I, 322; on celibacy, I, 68, 165, 247; 
and child, I, 77, 106, 119-126, 155, 
289, 295, 306-309, II, 57-58, III, 
319; and church, etc., I, 121, 159, 
189, 259, III, 286, 289, 297, 300, 
304, 319; Connecticut, I, 120; and 
divorce, I, 146, 182, 186, 209, 301, 

II, 44-50, III, 218, 255-268, 278- 
280, 296, 299, 311; Duke's, I, 158, 
193-194; Dutch, I, 95, 122, 177; 
and education, I, jS, 201 ; of Eliza- 
beth, I, 306-307; English, I, 99, 
146, 264; of entail, I, 234; on en- 
tertainment, I, 243 ; and family, I, 
77, 78, 178 ff, II, 36, III, 326, 331; 
on fees, I, 267; of forfeiture, I, 
201; of Guilderland, I, 155; and 
husband, I, 77, 93, 144, 146; of in- 
heritance, I, 49, 121-122, 177, 235, 
239-240, 308 ; instruction in, I, 72, 
193, 278; and marriage, see Mar- 



386 



The American Family 



riage, law; Maryland, I, 260-261; 
Massachusetts, I, 65, 67, 274.; of 
military service, I, 232; of Neth- 
erlands, I, 155; of New England, 
I, 174; New Jersey, I, 185-186; 
and patriarch, I, 93 ; Pennsylvania, 
I, 201, 209, 214; Plymouth, I, 49; 
of population, I, 165 ; and prop- 
erty, I, I2I-I22 ; on public duties, 
I, 241 ; on registration, I, 261, 267- 
268; and separation, I, 71, 141, 
136, 303; on shooting, I, 310; 
sumptuary, I, 78, 120; and sex 
morals, I, 65, 100, 136, 138, 139, 
149, 197, 210-211, 313-319, 328, III, 
274; vagrancy, I, 300; and vene- 
real disease. III, 291; veto, I, 
183; Virginia, I, 241, 262-264, 289; 
of wages, I, 77; witchcraft, I, 86, 
274; and woman; see JVoman, 
movement, status ; Husband and 
Wife 

Lawyers: I, 40, loi, 134, 138 

Leavenworth Standard: cited. III, 
no 

Legal: Aid Society, III, 320; chaos, 
III, 217; progress, II, 129; regu- 
lations, I, 54-55, 65, 72-77, 146, 
147, 154-159. 164, 178, 183, 260- 
262, 318, 326, II, 44, III, 259, 270, 
278, 304, 325-326; views, III, 8, 
222-223; status of woman; see 
Woman; see also Laiv, etc. 

Legislature: I, 126, 183, 186, 202, 209, 
234, 301, II, 47, 49; see also As- 
semblies, General Assembly, etc. 

Legitimacy, I, 14, 27, 45, 55, 81-82, 
135, 268, II, 36-37, 251, III, 39, 
222, 278, 289 

Leisure: I, 129, II, 150, 225, III, 195, 
248, 251, 268 

Letters: (of alphabet), I, 100, 292, 
293; (missives), 53, 86, 105, no, 
115-116, 160, 164, 187-188, 199, 
2i6, 217, 232, 237, 238, 250, 252- 
254, 277, 279, 283, 288, 289, 292, 
293. 308, 311, 312, 316, 320, 321, 
324, 328, 332, II, 76, 132, 329, 343; 
vs. spirit, III, 311 



Letters from South and IV est: cited, 
II, 299, 319, 337 

Letters from Virginia: cited, I, 215 
note, II, 2i6, 313, 339 note 

Lewdness: I, 45, 92, 141, 209, 319, 
320; see also Vileness, Obscenity 

Lewis, David: 210 

Lewis, Dio, cited. III, 235; Dio, etc., 
cited. III, 317 note, 318 note 

Lewis, Richard: I, 197 

Lexington Luminary: cited, II, 256- 
257 

Liberalism: I, 49, 146, 148-149, 176, 
180, 181, 183, 185, 198, 201, 216, 
276, II, 53, 94, 169, III, 272, 275, 
293, 318 

Liberty: I, 44, 52, 75, 94-95, 171, 
258 ; see also Freedom, Indepen- 
dence 

Licenses: I, 68, 171, 277; see also 
under Marriage 

Licentiousness: I, 25, 38, 39, 175, 317, 
II. 32-33, 150, 205, 246, 256, 296, 
304-305, 323, 363, 370, III, 243, 
302, 303, 311 ; see also Incontinence, 
Adultery, Sensuality, Sexuality, Im- 
morality, Fornication, Lust, etc. 

Lichtenberger, J. P: cited, III, 255, 
267 note, 274 note, 283 note 

Life: cited, III, 197 

Lineage: I, 79, 219-221, 226, 233, 250, 
335, II, 136; see also Blood 

Linen: I, 164, 225, 243, 282, 322 

Lippincotfs: cited, III, 201 

Liquor: I, loi, 107, 134, 162, 209, 
243, 275, II, 193-194, 221; see also 
Drunkenness, etc. 

Lisbon: earthquake, I, 140 

Literary Digest: cited. III, 162 note, 
291 note 

Literary Focus: cited, II, 224 

Literary Magazine: cited, II, 32 

Literary Magazine and American 
Register: cited, II, 134 

Literary and Scientific Repository: 
cited, II, 222 note 

Literature: bad, III, 257, 302; for 
children, I, in, II, 58, 59, 63, III, 
142; European, II, 223; vs. fam- 



Index 



387 



ily, III, 236; and girls, II, 213, 
329; for women, II, 85-86, III, 
103-104; see also Reading 

Living: cost of, I, 31, 191, 224, 230, 
287, II, 14-15, 203, 209, 233-234, 
363, III, 268-269, 302; provision 
for, I, 103, 177, 201; -room, I, 52; 
standard of, I, 11, 38, II, 171, 209, 
233-234, 239, 304-305, III, 30, 80, 
87, 124, 139, 165, 172, 186, 205- 
209, 241, 246, 267, 302 

Livingston family: I, 163, II, 146 

Locke, — : Carolina Memoirs, I, 321; 
pedagogy, I, 293; regimen, I, 107; 
Thoughts on Education, I, 106 

Lodge: III, 161, 194 

Lodging: I, 119, 253, 333, III, 182, 
302 

London: I, 32, 41-42, 102, 220, 230, 
266, 285, 307; company, I, 151, 
285 ; Magazine, I, 279, 294, 298 

Long Island: I, 162 

Long, Rev. J. D: cited, II, z-jz-z-jz, 
290 note, 294, 295-296, 304, 315 
note, 324, 327 

Louisiana: I, 331-336, II, 49, 261, 268, 
296 ff, 302, 340-341 ; see also AVw 
Orleans 

Louisville: Examiner, cited, II, 217- 
218; playgrounds, III, 57; slums, 
III, 72 

Love: I, 52, 55, 69, 137, 163, 165, 
235, 245, 248, 250, 254-255, 257- 
258, 261, 277, II, 217, 314, III, 128, 
213, 285, 320-322; and adultery, I, 
137, III, 162; charms. III, 117; 
for father, I, 42, 114; of God, I, 
213; of home, I, 202, 204; letters, 
I, 89, 292; making, I, 51, 141, 256- 
257, II, 150; and marriage, I, 29, 
41, 42, 43, 55, 66, 69, 70, 80, 83, 
89-91, 96, 143, 157, i6o, 167, 181, 
187, 199, 277, 305, II, 122, 134, 
214-215, III, 124, 127, 223, 260, 
270-271, 307, 320-321 ; medieval, 
I, 14; and money, I, 82; parental, 
I, 102-103, III, 113, 115, 204, 244, 
336; romantic, I, 22, II, 32, III, 
127; verses, I, 257 



Low, A. M: cited, I, 129 note, III, 
94 note, 155, 164 

Lowell: II, 184, 189, III, 90; Man- 
ufacturing Co., II, 183; Offering, 

II, 189, 199 

Lower Norfolk Co: I, 255 

Loyalty: clan, I, 191; family, I, 207, 
225, III, 327 

Lust: I, 47, 56, 80, 196, III, 108, 211, 
216, 303; see also Sensuality, Li- 
centiousness 

Lutheran: I, 157-158, 196, III, 286, 
288, 290, 292, 296-298 ; Church Re- 
vieiv, cited. III, 286, 288 note, 298 

Luxury: I, 10, 19-20, 38, 86, 207, 231, 
233, 246, 263, II, 9, 25, 121, 150, 
159, 192, 197, chap. X, III, 89, 91, 
121, 158, 181, 188, 204-205, 246, 
257, 269, 299 

Lyell, Chas: cited, II, 260, 272, 290 
note, 307-308 

McCoRMAC, E. I: cited, I, 325 note 
Machinery: III, 78, 137, 189-190 
Mackenzie, E: cited, I, 206 note, II,, 

24, 65 note 
McMaster, J. B: cited, II, 58, 80 note, 
123 note, 168 note, 178, i8o note, 
232, 233 note 
Madison, Jas: I. 248, II, 20 
Maids: I, 43, 150, 151, 163-164, 171, 
196, 231, 245, 250-251, 314; old, I, 
98, 100, 245 ; see also Spinster 
Maine: I, 144, 151, 202, III, 308; 

General Conference, III, 257 
Male: immigrant, I, 315; line, I, 
121, 122, 225-226, 235, 238, 239, 
240; and marriage, I, 67, 246, III, 
199, 201, 203 ; morals, I, 39-40, 47, 
314, 323, III, 161-162, 211; num- 
bers, I, 248, II, 364; servants and 
slaves, I, 80, 81, 126, 328; type, 

III, 127; and woman, I, 80, 83, 

86, 101, 105, 205, 323, II, 83, 85, 

87, "5. 135. 175, 373, III, 14, 102, 
103, 113, 130, 162, 330 

Man: character of, I, 81, 132 ff, 140, 
141, 180, 196, 210, 211, 216, 307, 
325, II, 149, 220, 313, III, 13, 104, 



388 



The American Family 



119, 161-162, 193-194, 206, 208, 211 ; 
and children, I, 162, 234, 253, 256, 
289, 325, III, 124, 132; death of, 
I, 1 16, 236, 247; and divorce, I, 
209, 303 ; and family and home, I, 
38, 52, 67, 71, 77, 102, 191, 192, 
202, 216, 218, 221, 227, 299, II, 63, 
133-135, 204, 215, 222, III, 70, 119- 

120, 157, 158, 161, 171, 190, 192, 
193, 194, 196, 330; and industry, 

I, 187, 203, 224, 231, 283, 326; and 
marriage, I, 56, 66-68, 141, 142, 
158, 163, 164, 168, 178, 189, 205, 
207, 218, 238, 245-246, 250, 251, 
252, 257, 258, 260, 265, 267, 270, 
271, 303, 304, 316, 324-325. 334, 

II, 45, 169, 203, III, 107, 191, 200, 
204-205, 207, 208, 209, 212, 213, 
219; men's meeting, I, 268, 270, 
271 ; men's morals, III, 193, 210, 
243 ; see Negro ; number of men, 
I, 34, 252, II, 13-14, 357, III, 13, 
106, 219; and parasitism, I, 58; 
and property, I, 221, 240; punish- 
ment of, I, 132 ff, 136, 139, 142, 186, 
318; and religion. III, 321; as ser- 
vant, I, 204, 251, 325; and settle- 
ment, I, 105, 215, 216, 240; single, 
I, 225, 313; see also Bachelors; 
men's wages. III, 249; and wife, 
see under Husband', and woman, I, 
42, 51, 62, 78, 83-85, 105, 129, 130, 
136, 138, 142, 149, 154, 167, 186, 
195. 205, 206, 209, 210, 250, 264, 
273, 274-275, 278, 282, 283, 317, 
319, 332, 336, II, 82, 88, 91, 100- 
loi, 112, 115, 120, 150, 184, 223, 
224, 229-230, 360, 361, III, 17-18, 
69-70, 98-107, 113, 117, 119, 120, 

121, 124-129, 148, 157-159, 162, 193, 
206, 207, 219, 220, 243, 275, 285, 
317, 318 

Man: cited, II, 60, 66, 74, 186-187, 
198, 221, 222 note, 323 note 

Manhood: I, 111, III, 91, 127 

Manors.: I, 40, 191, 235, 242, 247, 
279, 286 

Manufacturing: I, 97, 124-127, 225, 
229, II, 172-174, 196, 342, 360, III, 



83, 181, 218, 233; see also Factory, 
Industry 

Marital relations: I, 29, 80, 82, 155, 
163, 187, 299-306, II, 33, 143, III, 
48-49, 98, 112, 185, 193-195, 214- 
217, 269, 271-272, 283; see also 
Conjugal, Spouse, Marriage, etc. 

Market, Marketing: I, 81, 138, 147, 
204-205, 209, 229, 249, 298, II, no, 
III, 124 

Marriage: chapters on, I, iii, vili, 
XIV, XV, II, I, III, x; abroad, I, 

24, 47-48, 202, II, 38, III, 118, 148- 
149;! age, I, 63, 156, 163, 189, 208, 
III, 251-252, 277-278; see also 
Marriage, delay, early; Albany, I, 
168; and amusement, I, 168, III, 
192; annulment, I, 99-100, III, 292; 
see Aristocracy; attitude to, I, 20- 

25, 42, 44, 52, 137, 199. 250, 333, 
334. II, 31, 39, 40, 47, 48, 219, 264, 
270, III, 45, 99, 107, 120-121, 139, 
254-260, 273, 274, 281, 296-299, 304- 
307, 323-325; see Bachelors; Bed, 
marriage; to Canadians, I, 331; 
careless, etc., I, 324, II, 38, 65, III, 
260, 288, 306; celebration, I, 25, 
44-45, 156-158, 167, 189, 213, 242, 
256, chap. XV, II, 34, 35, 38, 39, 
123, III, 283, 288, 297, 298, 307, 
309, 320; Certificate, I, 45, 158, 

185, 260, 262, 267-271, III, 277- 
278 ; and children, I, 176, 177, III, 
141, 234, 247, 257, 311, 312; of 
children, I, 34, 41, 45, 67, 235; 
civil, I, 25, 45, 48, 148, 185, 199, 
II, 35, 37, 38, 50, III, 287, 288, 
291, 307; clandestine, etc., I, 59, 

186, 189, 211, 263, 271, 321, II, 
204, III, 167, 277; Colorado, III, 
105 ; common-law, I, 25, 44-45, 
200, III, 277 ; communism vs.. Ill, 
257-258 ; as concubinage, I, 24, II, 
125, III, 255; see under Contract; 
crossing of strains, II, 27; delay, 
decline, interference with, etc., I, 
13, 14, 69, 81, 156, 178, 268, 270, 
277, 333, II, 33, 125, 127, 202, 203, 
208, 363, 367, III, 14, 31, 42, 62, 



Index 



389 



80, 94. 97. 107, 170, 171, 190, 191, 
242, 246, 252, 269, 301, 303, 318; 

see also regulation, below ; Dela- 
ware, I, 188-190, 198; democracy 
and, III, 328; dissolution, etc.; see 
Divorce \ Dutch, I, 167; early, I, 
19, 34. 40, 41, 47. 55, 57, 67, 68, 
89, 163, 167, 187, 244, 245, 247, 
334. 11, 24, 74, 77, 86, 149, 150, 
174, 208, 212, 235, 239, 258, 315- 
316, III, 17, 18, 40, 62, 160; ease 
of, II, 37, 202; eccentric, II, 39- 
40, 316; and economics, I, 13, 14, 
19, 22, 29, 34, 35, 41, 43, 46, 49, 
56-59, 70, 82, 165, 167, 202, 217, 
235, 238, 244, 247, 248, 250, 253- 
255, 265, 324, 325, II, 27, 28, 29, 
30, 65, 121, 127, 134, 149, 199, 203- 
204, 213-221, 226, 23s, III, 42, 80, 
86, 88, 94, 98, 116, 149, 157, 181, 
204, 212-223, 270, 275, 302, 303, 
307, 324, 326, 328; education and, 

I, 206-208, II, 69, 86, 135, 203, III, 
14, 62, 92-102, 275, 303 ; experi- 
ment, II, 259, III, 107, 272; and 
family, I, 45, III, 9, 160, 164, 170; 
see also under Family; fees, I, 159, 
259-261, 267; fit or unfit, I, 268, 
333. II, 134, 184, III, 99, 160, 223, 
25s, 275, 290-291, 302-303, 310, 
327, 331; flux, III, 272; see For- 
bidden Degrees; forced, I, 139, 
316; forms, I, 185, II, 39-40, III, 
276; freedom and, I, 83, 171, 197, 
295. II. 31. 32, 35. 37-39, 65, 71, 
74. 149, III, 77. 121-122, 148-149, 
169; and free-love, II, 45, III, 325- 
326; future of, III, 327-329; girls 
and, I, 19, 30, 34, 43, 98, 123, 124, 
138, 155, 164, 171, 217, 238, 331, 

II, 199, 238, III, 22, 88, 90, 118, 
127, 191, 321 ; and happiness, I, 
42-43, 167, II, 28, 31, 32, 134, 140, 

III, 129, 192, 255, 257, 270, 294, 
305, 321 ; hasty, I, 69-70, 269, II, 
37, III, 255, 302-303 ; Huguenot, 
I, 223 ; and ideal, I, 205, III, 327- 
328 ; industry and, II, 174, 199, 
III, 90, 91 ; irregular, I, 45, 61- 



63, 156-158, 160, 188-189, 196, 197, 
198, 260, 263, 267, 269, 271, 272, 
334, II, 34, III. 81, 292; law, I, 
42, 81, 99, 141, 183, 185-186, 189, 
198, 208-209, 212, 318, II, 34, 35, 
37-40, 65, 123, 124, III, 38-40, 107, 
108, 176, 218, 220-224, 255, 259, 
276-279, 288, 291, 295-297, 303, 309, 
310, 312, 325-326, 331, also gen- 
eral chapter references above ; le- 
gitimation by. III, 39, 289; li- 
cense, I, 60, 158-163, 185, 189, 257, 
260-266, 269, II, 36, 37, III, 275- 
278, 290-291; see under Love; 
magistrate and, I, 44, 48, 55, 60, 
61, 63, 64, 158-161, 164, 188-189, 
199-200, 269, 320, II, 39, III, 277; 
migration and, I, 218, III, io6- 
107, 276-277, 310; see also Gretna 
Green; mixed, I, 199-200, 206, 211, 
215, 219, 269-271, 323-325, 332, 
334, II, 303, III, 27-35, 38, 64, 112, 
128, 289; see also Miscegenation; 
monogamy and polygamy, I, 42, 
141, 146-147, III, 309, 327; and 
morals, I, 35-36, 47, 56, 83, 129, 
132-133, 138, 139, 140, 141, 154, 

156, 168, 182, 196, 197, 213, 317, 
332, II, 35, 149. 150, 204, 205, 
223, III, 193, 260, 271-272, 306, 
324; nature of, II, 50, 93, 112, 
123, III, 45, 97, 107, 169, 270, 274, 
275, 287, 298, 309, 311, 325; ne- 
cessity of, I, 15, 34, 53, 69, 149, II, 
81, 82, 121, 316, III, 118; negro, 

I, 80-82, 211, 212-213, 325-327, II, 
36-37, 248, 256, 259, 264, 270, 293, 
297, III, 27-35, 38-40, 43, 45, 62, 
64; see also Slave Marriage; New 
Hampshire, I, 60; New Jersey, I, 
185-186; notices, I, 52, 155, 156, 

157, 188, 255, 261-263, 265, 268, 
270, 271, III, 275-276, 278; parents 
and, I, 30, 35, 45, 123, 200, 202, 

II, 31, 32, 39, III, 148, 150, 171; 
permanence of, I, 46, II, 45, 50, 

III, 107, 266, 286, 291-293, 297, 
309, 311, 320; see Polygamy; por- 
tion, 254; see also Doiver; pre- 



390 



The American Family 



liminaries, I, 35-36, 55, 131, 132, 
156, 165, i88, 335, II, 30, 31. Ill, 
275; problems, III, 193, 260; prom- 
ise, I, 20, 56, 138, 140, 164-165, 
196, 2IO, 256, 270, 313, II, 216, III, 
220; promotion of, I, 14, 68, 216, 
218, 333, III, 222, 321, 322; pro- 
posal, I, 78, 163, 205, 268; as 
prostitution, II, 215, III, 269, 305- 
306; purpose of, III, 247, 312; 
rate, I, 249, III, 242 ; registra- 
tion, I, 45, 59, 185, 261-268, 335, 
III, 295; regulation, etc., I, 14-15, 
25, 142, 154, 160, 186, 189, 195, 
199, 205, 206, 212, chap. XV, 317, 
n, 30, 37- 39-42, 374, III, 175, 275- 
276, 278, 280-281, 283, 287-288, 290, 
291, 293, 303, 306, 312, 329; re- 
ligion and, I, 22-25, 44-47. 61, 79, 
100, 141, 155, 158-160, 185, 186, 
189, 190, 191, 199, 200, 205, 206, 
268-271, 323, 324, 335, II, 35, 39- 
42, 46, 153, 332, III, 29, 270, 277, 
chap. XIII ; repeated, I, 158, 169, 
170, 320, 321 ; see also Remarriage, 
etc.; romantic, III, 123, 257; run- 
away, II, 313; sacred, I, 46-47, 
136, 148, 205, 207, 315, II, 223, 
III, 284-287, 297, 304-307, 312, 318, 
321; servants', I, 187, 210, 212, 
271-272, 285, 286; as slavery, III, 
129; and society, I, 100, II, 37, 203, 
335, III, 192, 278, 287, 291, 301, 
312, 321, 326, 327, 329; Socialism 
and, III, 325, 326, 330; in South, 
I, chaps. XIV, XV, II, 34, 77, 218, 
311-317, III, 12, 17, 18, 81; of 
strangers. III, 276, 308, 310; suc- 
cessful, I, 41, III, 169, 275 ; tie, 
182, III, 269-270, 274; trouble 
with, I, 269, II, 33, 34, III, 185; 
usages, I, 51; values, III, 128; and 
venereal disease. III, 271 ; war and, 
II' 367, 373-374, III, 106-107; Wis- 
consin, II, 36; woman and, I, 15, 
34, 37, 40, 44» 54. 56, 65-69, 83, 
138, 141, 165, 189, 211, 218, 237, 
247-251, 256, 258, 260, 261, 264, 
265, 270, 272, 277, 304, 321, 324- 



326, 332, 333, II, II, 12, 38, 74, 81- 
83, 86, 104, 112, 116-125, 133-134, 
174, 187, 199, 202, 212, 226, 305, 
316, III, 14, 92-99, 106, 107, 117- 
122, 125-129, 146, 157, 199-208, 
212, 218-220, 235, 251-252, 271, 274, 
318. 320, 329; see also Banns, Wed- 
ding, Matrimony, Mate, Mock, 
Wedlock, Remarriage 

Married persons: I, 68, 71, 80, 85, 
132, 136, 140, 141, 145-146, 149, 
154, 160-163, 168, 192, 218, 204- 
205, 242, 252-254, 258, 267, 274- 
275. 287, 331, III, 62, 91, 199, 201, 
209-210, 212, 230, 234, 238-239, 251, 
259, 274; see also Husband, Wife, 
Spouses, etc. 

Marryat, — : cited, II, 38, 45, 152, 
160, 214, 246, 290 note, 300 note 

Martineau, Miss — : cited, II, 24, 45, 
55, 112, 126, 152, 176, 182, 188, 
208, 238 note, 251, 278, 281, 285, 
286, 290 note, 297, 301, 323-324, 
326, 328 

Martyn, — : on Ebenezer, I, 310; on 
Georgia settlement, I, 224; on 
land-holding, I, 240 

Martyn, Mrs. S. T: cited, II, n8 

Maryland: I, 196, 221, 229, 230, 232, 
235, 240, 241, 244-261, 268-269, 271, 
276-282, 286-298, 302-304, 308-309, 
313-316, 322, 326, 327, II, 59, 176, 
249. 265, 330-334. 339. 340. 344- 
345, 348, III, 38, 39; Society for 
History of Germans in, cited, I, 261 

Massachusetts: I, 51, 57, 63-69, 72, 
77, 80-83, 86, 88, 89, 93, 95, loo, 
102, 105-106, 119-121, 124-126, 129- 
136, 141, 146, 149, 159, 170, 241, 
251, 274, 291, II, 18, 45, 61, 125- 
126, 129, 144, 180, 181, 196, 211, 
III, 66-68, 72, 88-89, 113. 137-139 
151, 165, 202, 209-211, 226, 227, 
233, 234, 240, 249, 276, 290, 317; 
Bureau of Statistics, cited, III, 68 
note, 71, 78, 137-139, 202; Histor- 
ical Society Proceedings, cited, I, 
129 note, 134 note, II, 174 note; 
see also Bay Colony 



Index 



391 



Master: I, 41, 55, 65-66, 72-73, 77, 
81-82, 119, 120, 124, 125, 171-174, 
176, 185, 187, 193-195, 203-204, 210- 
214, 219, 221, 223, 226, 230-232, 
261, 266, 267, 271-272, 285, 286, 
289-291, 295, 296, 307, 310, 313- 
318, 327, 328, III, 59; -class, I, 
81; -race, I, 80; see also Oivner, 
Slave 
Masturbation: II, 157, III, 43, 245 
Match-makers: I, 54. 56, 57, 205 
Mate, Mating: I, 315, 334, II, 12, 56 
Maternal: control, I, 30, II, 74; feel- 
ing, I, 175, 336, II, 133. 264-265, 
III, 135, 154, 182; instinct, III, 
96, 249; responsibility, II, 62, 73, 
III, 57, 95, 134-136, 216 
Maternity: I, 98, 286, III, 45, 205, 
chap. XI, 303, 312; see also Moth- 
erhood 
Mather, — : blood, I, 79 
Mather, Cotton: I, 53, 54, 61, 76, 79, 
88, 106, 108, 112-114, 144; dynas- 
ty, I. 79 
Mather, Increase: I, 79 
Mather, Katy: I, 108 
Mather, Nathaniel: I, 109-110 
Mather, Richard: I, 79 
Matriarchate: I, 103 
Matrimonial bureau: III, 118, 182-183 
Matrimony: I, 185, 204, 207, 260, 

II, 12, 74, ii8, 215, III, 99, 129, 
204, 206, 284; see also Marriage 

Meals: I, 82, 112-113, 118, 119, 
168-169, 203, 231, 244, 274, 311, 

III, t35, 183-184, 186, 189, 194; 
see also Table 

Mechanic's Advocate, II, 120 
Mechanics: superiority. III, 136; 

wives. III, 237 
Mecklenburg Co. (N. C.) : I, 294 
Medical: affairs, II, 90, III, 80, 174, 
234, 243, 248, 310, 327; Associa- 
tion, III, 234, 241 ; Journal, III, 
238; Society of Mass., Ill, 317 
Medicine: I, 106, 107, II, 2n, III, 

242 
Medieval conditions: I, chap, i, 38, 
39, 235, 236, 336, III, 288 



Memphis (Tenn.) : II, 103 
Menominee (Mich.): Ill, 276-277 
Mental: attainments of woman, I, 

84, 281, III, 235; disease. III, 246- 

247 ; see also Insanity, Madness, 

Intellect 
Mercenary, marriage: see Marriage 

and economics; spirit. III, 139 
Merchants: I, 70, 80, loi, 120, 169, 

230, 244, 334 
Mersenjer, Abigail: I, 182 
Mesalliances: I, 253, II, 30 
Methodist: church, II, 40, 231-232, 

257, III, 284, 287, 290, 292, 301, 

315; Reineiv, cited. III, 243, 287 
Metronomy: III, 325 
Michigan: II, 151, III, 226-227, 276- 

277; University, III, 92 
Middle: Ages, I, 38, 39; colonies, I, 

chaps, vili-xi; life, I, 247; states, 

II, 128-129 

Midwife: I, 107, 171, 301, II, 261, 
263, III, 57, 243; free, I, 171 

Migration: I, 50, 51, 71-72, 141, 175, 
190, 191, chap. XII, 240, 251, 300, 
312, 317, II, 17, 21, III, 77-80, 263; 
for divorce, II, 47, 48, III, 258, 
261, 264, 278, 310; see under Mar- 
riage 

Milburn, J : cited, II, 223-224, 238 note 

Miller, Joan: I, 144 

Miller, Kelly: cited. III, 34-35 

Miller, Phyllemon, I, 295 

Milwaukee: III, 276, 280, 320; Cham- 
ber of Commerce, II, 358; county, 

III, 280; Leader, cited, III, 141 
note, i86 note, 268 note, 269 note, 
280 note, 324 

Ministers: I, 40, 42, 44, 45, 53, 54, 
60-64, 70, 74, 76, 78-79, 89, 100, 
102, 107, no, 112, 117, 118, 123- 
124, 130-131, 141, 142. 145, 155, 
156-159, 166, 174. 178, i8o, 185, 
188, 191, 193, 196, 206-207, 211, 
224, 231, 252, 257, 260, 261, 262- 
266, 269, 271, 276, 283, 289-291, 
293, 297, 303, 309, 316, 320, 321, 
327, II, 34, 35, 37-39, 46, 99-100, 
121, 300, III, 21, 44, 45, 220-221, 



392 



The American Family 



276, 288-322; of government, I, 
322; see also Clergy, Preaching, 
Pastors 

Minnesota: III, 229 

Miscarriage: I, 287, II, 210, 277, III, 
233, 248-249, 251, 252 

Miscegenation: I, 65, 66, 80, 8x, 149, 
166, 210-211, 215, 323-326, 334, II, 
30, 46, 50, 103-104, 157, 208, 245- 
246, 250-251, 282, 290-310, III, 
chap. II, 44, 45, 64; bibliography, 

II, 290 note, 307 note, 136; see 
also Mixture; Negro, race prob- 
lems ; Negro, women. Race ; Mar- 
riage, mixed 

Missions: I, 159, 166, 189, 194, 196, 
279, 283, 290, III, 89, 105 

Mississippi: II, 44, 126, 273-274, 335- 
336, 351, III, 38, 247; river, I, 227, 
chap. XX 

Missouri: III, 39 

Mistress: I, 43, 70, 90, 151, 164, 171, 
172, 203-204, 207, 212, 221, 223, 
267, 271, 315, II, 278; concubine, 
148, 166, 211, 324-325, II, 204 flf, 

III, 31, 33, 193, 223; see also Con- 
cubinage 

Monarchy: I, 183, III, 160, 167; see 

also Autocracy, King, etc. 
Money: I, 43, 57, 81-84, 165, 181, 

192, 196, 216-217, 254, 300, 301, 

304, 315, 321, III, 209, 267-269, 317 
Monogamy: I, 14, 37, 46, II, 45, 50, 

III, 293-294, 309, 327-329 
Monopoly: I, 159, 167, 171, 233, 237, 

240; see also Engrossment 
Montana: III, 263 
Monthly Mirror: cited, II, 73 
Monthly Religious Magazine: cited, 

III, 144, 187, 188, 192 
Moore, Bernard: I, 254 
Moore, Elizabeth: I, 253-254 
Moore, G. H: cited, I, 81 note, 82 

note; Voyage to Georgia, cited, I, 

238 
Morals: I, 38-40, 44, 48, 59, 61, 66, 

74, 76, 78, 82, 102-103, 115-116, 

chap. VII, 195-197, 201, 205, 210, 

275, 280, chap. XIX, 334, II, 24, 30, 



56, 94, III, 122, 140, chap. VII, 189, 
190, 207, 243, 258, 303-305, 325, 
354-355, III, 18, 19, 27, 41-51, 75, 
78, 89-91, 99, loi, 136, 138, 142, 
147, 161, 162, 206, 207, 211, 218, 
238, 244, 257, 271, 275, 283, 285, 
290-293, 310, 311, 318, 324-326, 332; 
see also Chastity, Ethics, Immor- 
ality, Sex Morals, Vice, Prostitu- 
tion, Marriage, Morals, etc. 
Moravians: I, 205-209, 226, 258, 287 
Morgan, A. T: ci^d, II, 308 note, 

III, 27-30, 40 notm 41, 59 
Morgan, Mrs. T.'J: cited. III, 74-75; 

writings of. III, 9 
Mormons: II, 50, 153-157, 305, III, 

222 
Mortgages: I, 96, 143, 203, III, 233 
Morton, Rev. Chas: I, 63; Netv Eng- 
land Canaan, cited, I, 149 
Morton, O. F: cited, I, 227 note 
Mother: I, 35, 41, 42, 49, 66, 69, 76, 
81, 84, 85, 90, 91, 97, 98, 101-103, 
108, 109, 115, ii6, 123, 129, 131, 
136, 139, 144. 148, 154. iS5i 163, 
164, 170, 171, 177, 181, 192, 193, 
204, 212, 214, 217, 240, 253, 278, 
280-283, 287, 296-304, 308, 310, 313- 
315, 318, 322, 325, 326, 333, 334, 
II, 25, 51, 52, 56, 62, 66, 94, 107, 
160, 186, 189, 225, 237, 238, 275- 
276, 286, 318, 338, 348, III, 23, 28, 
46, 60, 70, 73, ^6, "j-j, 98-100, 108, 
110-113, 122, 129-144, 152, 153, 155, 
i6i, 164, 171, 175, 182, 185, 186, 
190, 191, 196, 207, 216, 219, 233, 
237, 240, 243, 246, 249, 252, 253, 
304, 315, 317, 325; church, I, 242; 
country, I, 218, 298, 331; Goose, 
I, 112; "little," III, 74; tongue, see 
Language 
Motherhood: I, 81, 87-89, 210, 252, 
334, II, 14, 108, 259, 274, III, 73, 
76, 92-99, 109, 129, 175, 185, 205, 
230, 236, 243, 245, 247, 291, 327; 
see also Maternity, Fecundity, Con- 
ception, Pregnancy, Birth, Bas- 
tardy, Child, Infant, Infanticide, 
Miscarriage 



Index 



393 



Mother-in-law: I, ii6 

Moton, Major — : cited, III, 42 

Mountaineers: II, 21, 59, III, 17-19, 

22, 81 
Moving: I, 191, 196, III, 55, 78-79, 

172, 218, 257, 266-267; see also 

Removal 
Moving pictures: III, 82 
Muirhead, J. F: cited, III, 145, 146, 

148 
Mulattoes: I, 65, 149, 166, 210, 211, 

267, 268, II, 246, 260, 291-292, III, 

30, 32 
Murder: I, 17, 197, 201, 253, 257, 

303, 322, 323 
Music: I, 40, 84, loi 243, 298 
Mutuality: I, 96, i68, 199, 254, 305, 

III, 119, 130, 294 

Nation: I, 259, 323, III, 317; Na- 
tion, cited, III, 107, 132 note, 142 
note, 162 note, i66, 167 note, 182, 
20I, 204, 210, 214, 215, 216 note, 
217, 226, 244, 256, 311 
National Advocate: cited, II, 203 
National Association of Colored Wo- 
men's Clubs: III, 59 
National Divorce Reform League: 
III, 151, 176, 187, 192-193, 217, 
220-221, 258-259, 268, 279, 314, 320 
National Gazette: cited, II, 6t 
National ideals: III, 224 
National Labor Congress: III, 87 
National Labor Union: III, 87 
National League for Protection of 
Family: III, 173 note, 233, 256, 
276, 279, 313, 314 note 
National life: III, 243 
National Trades Union Convention: 

II, 183 

National Unitarian Conference: III, 

"5 

Nationality: I, 153, 189 ff, 190, 259, 

III, 263 

Natives: I, 149-150, III, 209-210, 216, 
225-227, 230, 231, 236, 238, 241, 
244, 246, 270 
Natural resources: III, 332 
Nature: I, 246, 249-250, III, 287 



Nebraska: III, 229 
Negro: aesthetic standards, III, 34; 
baptism, I, 327; breeding, I, 328, 

II, 243-246; children, I, 81, 173, 
174, 195, 211-214, 267, 268, 295, 

326, 327, II, 68, 254, 265, 267, 271, 
344-345. Ill, 24, 43, 45-49, 56-63, 
233; in city, III, 42, 54-58, 62-64; 
clothing, I, 326, II, 258; in Con- 
federacy, II, 369; divorce, I, 8i, 

III, 43, 48, 263 ; and economics, 
II, 248, 293, III, 41-43, 50-51, 54- 

55, 62, 64; education, I, 291, 295, 

II, 344-345, III, 24, 31, 33, 35, 41, 
46-49, 58, 60; emancipated, I, 173, 

III, chap. II, III; family and home, 
I, 80-82, 232, II, 195, chap. XI, 
292, 297, 365-366, 375, III, chap. Ill, 
233, 239, 247; girls, II, 291; 294, 
III, 28, 31, 33, 40, 41-48, 52, 58; 
free, I, 65, 150, 291, II, 263, 265, 
271, 291, III, chaps. II, III; man, I, 
65, 210, 211, 325, 326, 328, II, 259, 
271, 292, 297, 306-307, III, 39, 48, 
62, 64; and marriage, I, 65-66, 
211, 325-327, II, 248, 259, 264, 270, 
III, 38-40, 43, 45, 64, 210; morals, 

I, 210-211, 328, II, 158-159, 208, 
chaps. XI, XII, III, chap. Ii, 40-50, 

56, 58, 60, 64; in North, I, 65, 82, 
150," 166, 210-214, II, 190-195; 
primitive traits. III, 24, 42-43, 51; 
race problems, I, 149, 174, 210-211, 
231, 300, 325-326, 328, II, 208, chap. 
XII, III, chap. II, 40-44, 50-51, 54- 
56, 59, 62, 64; see Sale; soldiers, 

II, 365-366; treatment of, I, 173, 
176, 232, 327, II, 254, 265, 269, 
271, 272, 297, 344-345, 365-366; 
use of, I, 150, 173, 237, 311; wo- 
men, I, 65, 211-213, 300, II, 103, 
195, 208, 244., 245, 247, 267, 269, 
285, 291-294, 297, 309-310, III, 28- 
35, 40-50, 59-64, 232; see also Mis- 
cegenation, Slaves, Color, Race 

Neighborhood: I, 52, 265, 273, 294, 

327, III, 82, 134, 175, 266, 331 
Neighbors: I, 98, 109, 137, 168-169, 

179, 194, 195, 197, 200-201, 221, 



394 



The American Family 



227, 235, 238, 257, 283, III, 13s. 
147, 266, 280 

Neilson, Peter: cited, II, 60, 305, 306 
note, 307 note, 328 note 

Nervous: deterioration, III, 232; dis- 
ease, III, 233; energy, I, 286; 
strain. III, 232, 236, 242, 251, 269; 
system, III, 127, 230-232 

Netherlands: I, 47-50, 155; see also 
Holland, Dutch 

Nevada: III, 105 

New Castle (Del.) : I, 191, 194, 196 

New England: I, chaps, iii-vii, 153- 
158, 161, 162, 165, 170, 174-175, 
181, 183, 185, 191, 192, 219, 229, 
255, 264, 267, 273, 282, 285, 291, 
299, 306, II, 20, 35, 44, 48, 58, 60, 
107, 129, 133, 151, 160, 169-170, 
196, 197, 199, 202, 255, 329, 349, 
III, 81, 89, 120, 144, 145, 163, 170, 
199, 203, 204, 225-232, 236, 239- 
245, 249, 255, 265, 316 

New England Courant: cited, I, 58 

New England Divorce Reform 
League: III, 8 

New England Primer: I, 76 

New England Protective Union: II, 
i66 

New England Quarterly Magazine: 
cited, II, 73, 86 

Nev: England Tale: II, 139 

New England Woman's Club: III, 

"4 
Ne'w England's First Fruits: I, 125 
Neia Englander: cited, III, 256 
New Hampshire: I, 51, 59-60, 69-70, 

123, 136, 144, 246, III, 226 
New Jersey: I, 185-188, 198, II, 79- 

80, 126, III, 276, 290; see also 

Jersey, East and West Jersey 
Newman, F. W: cited, II, 244 note, 

246 
New Netherlands: I, chaps, viii, ix 
New Orleans (La.) : I, 331, 335, 336, 

II, 204-209, 217, 239, 291, 297, 298, 

316, 322, 330, 332, 337, 340, 346, 

372, III, 72, 240 
New World: I, 37, 52, 55, 69, 72, 87- 

88, 105, 174, 175, 334, H, 9, 32, 35, 



51, 71, 80, 103, 114, 149, 241-242, 
III, 145, 146, 332 
New York: I, 52, 61, 148, chaps, vill, 
IX, 185, 208, 255, II, 48, 58, 60, 64, 
79, 126-129, 137, 139-140, 182, 187- 
188, 191, 193-195, 208-211, 221, 222, 
232, 233, III, 14, 63, 66, 71-75, 78- 
79, 86, 120, 140-141, 163, 174, 179, 
180, 183-187, 190-193, 197, 210, 212, 
213, 223, 234, 237, 238, 240, 243, 
246, 247, 253, 259, 273, 291, 319; 
Assembly, II, 126 
New York Cabinet: cited, II, 203 
New York Court of Appeals: III, 

109, 110 
New York Domestic Relations Court: 

III, 175 
New York Express: cited, II, 193-195 
New York Gazette and Postboy: I, 

161 
New York Graphic: cited, III, 71 
New York Herald: III, 237 
New York Legal Aid Society: III, 

320 
New York Literary Gazette: II, 235 
New York Medical College: III, 140 
New York Medical Journal: cited, 

III, 238 
New York National Advocate: cited, 

II, 222 note, 234 
New York Press Club: III, 114 
New York Senate: III, 177-178 
New York Sorosis: III, 114 
New York Sun: cited, II, 186, III, 

231, 259 
New York Supreme Court: III, 110 
New York Times: cited, III, 75, 223 
New York Tribune: II, 48, 124 note, 

i8i 
New York University: III, 233 
News: -boys, II, 55; -papers, I, loi, 
187-188, 306, III, 280, 296; see al- 
so Press, Papers 
Nichols, T. L: cited. III, 163, 166, 

214. 237 
Nihilistic theories: III, 326 
Niles" Register: cited, II, 176, 182, 

307 note, 348 
Nineteenth Century: cited. III, 260 



Index 



395 



Nobility: I, 14, 15, 78-79, 122, 219, 
275, 279, 286, 331, II, 220 

Noel, B. W: cited, II, 244 note, 290 
note, 300, 308 note 

North: I, 47, chaps, iii-xi, 331, III, 
214, 311; and South, I, 10, 276- 
279, 282, 291, 310, II, 9, 10, 49, 
50, 77, 157, 159, 160, 168-169, 190- 
195, 204, 207, 217-218, 243, 254, 
298, 303-305, 313, 315. 329. 336, 
338, 339, 342, 347-3+8, 352-353, 
374, III, 17, 22, 26, 30-32, 35-36, 
40, 60, 85, 163, 202-203, 228 

North American Revieiu: cited, III, 

235, 247, 294 

North Atlantic States: III, 202-203; 

see also Neio England 
North Carolina: I, 222-223, 226, 232, 

236, 241, 245, 254-255, 259, 266- 
267, 271-272, 275, 276, 280-283, 286- 
287, 289, 293-301, 309-310, 315, 
319-328, II, 13, 22, 126, 249, 271, 
291, 301, 340, 349-354, 372, III, 12, 
36-37 

North Carolina University Magazine: 
cited, II, 218, 324-325, III, 15 

North Carolina University: publica- 
tions, cited, II, 352 note 

North Central States: II, 203 

Northwest: migration to. III, 13; 
Territory, II, 57-58 

Norton, C. E: cited. III, 164, 165 

Novels: II, 32, 73, 88, 89, 142, III, 
43, 103, 142 

Nurse: I, 34, 200, II, 211, 282, 285- 
287, 369, III, 63-64, 73, 74, 133 

Nursery: I, 41, III, 61, 76, 134-136, 
143, 146-147, 175, 237, 238, 319, 
331 

Nursing: I, 170, 213, III, 143, 327; 
see also Suckling 

Obedience: filial, I, 41, 56, 73, 112, 
114, 156, 174, 239, II, 64, III, 144- 
145, 147, 153; wifely, I, 41, 55, 
256, II, 119, 120, III, 285, 317, 320 

Oberlin College: II, 113, 114, III, 35, 
92 

Obscenity: I, 209, 323, III, 27, 142; 



see also Sex, Vice, Leiudness, etc. 
Odum, H. W: cited, III, 43-45, 56 

note, 60-63 
Ohio: II, 45, 47, 126, 129, III, 108, 

III, 243; valley, III, 229 
Oklahoma: III, 229 
Old country: I, 149, 268, 306, 317 
Old Dominion: I, 273 
Oldmixon, J: cited, I, 287-288 
Oldmixon, J. W: cited, II, 53, 68, 

239 note 
Olmsted, Frederic L: cited, II, 140, 

204 note, 233, 245, 245 note, 256 

note, 264, 272, 279, 282, 287, 290 

note, 296, 301, 304-305, 306 note, 

308 note, 333-334, 349-350, 352, 

354-355, 358-359 
Omaha: III, 229 
Opium: II, 46, III, 242 
Opportunity: I, 174, 221, 222, 224, 

230, 236, 245, 250-251, 285, 315, 

II, 52, III, 210 
Oregon: II, 15 

Orientalism: I, 257, II, 219, 227-230, 
240-241, 324, III, 127, 256 

Orphans: I, 56-57, 70, 77, 91, 95-97, 
108, in, 144, 171-173, 232, 253, 
295, 307-312, 335, II, 23, 144, 185, 
190, 245, 285, 327, 337-338, 345- 

346, 353-354, III, 11-12, 23 

Outbreeding: II, 141-142, 199, 336; 

see also Mixture, etc. 
Overseers: I, 126, 193-194, 224, 237, 

248, 261, 266, 278, 300-301, 327 
Owen, Robert: II, 45, 116, 213 
Owen, Robert Dale: II, 48, 123 

Pacific: slopes, III, 105-106; states, 

III, 203 

Page, T. N: cited, II, 284, 311, 313, 

316, 337, 341 note 
Page, W. H: cited, III, 24, 25 
Panic: of 1873, III, 66 
Papers: I, 143, 161, 265, 277; see also 

Newspapers 
Parasitism: I, 58, 306, II, 197, 224, 

225, 227-230, 241, 318, 323-324, III, 

63, 86, 89, 98, 103, 120-121, 125, 

136-139, 269, 324 



39^ 



The American Family 



Parenthood: social, II, 68, III, lo, 

140, 151, 162-163, 173-178, 313, 
330-331 

Parents: 21, 29, 35-37, 41, 45, 47, 5°, 
54-60, 69, 72, 73, 77-81, 83, 88, 91, 
97, 106-126, 132, 155, 156, 162-164, 
167, 172-180, 185-205, 208, 210, 213, 
219, 226, 235, 239, 244, 254, 257, 
260-263, 269-271, 285, 289-299, 301, 
307-310, II, 24, 28, 29, 31, 38, 39, 
51-60, 64-73, 76, 100, ii8, 131-134, 

141, 179, 186, 213-214, 237-240, 259, 
264-265, 267-269, 301-302, 331, 337, 
345, III, 17, 19, 24, 46-49, 53, 57- 
63, 76, 77, 88, 111, 131-155, 158, 
160, 164, 166 169-178, 187, 200, 
203, 213, 215, 216, 219, 220, 222, 
243-247, 251-256, 270, 272, 284, 285, 
293, 299, 303, 310, 312-316, 319, 
322, 326, 327; see also Father, 
Mother, etc. 

Paris: I, 246, 333, III, 123, 187, 247 
Paris Gaulois: cited, III, 119 
Parishes: I, 154, 158, 189, 224, 231, 
246, 261, 262, 264, 267, 289, 298, 

299, 304, 307, 314-319 
Parker, Theodore: II, 75 
Parsons, E. C: cited, II, 90 note, III, 

111-112 

Passion: I, 41, 47, III, 127, 154, 307; 

see also Sex 
Pastor: I, 79, 149, 159, 162, 189-193, 

203, III, 288, 297-298, 301, 314; 

see also Parsonage, Minister 
Paternal relation: I, 40, 47, 80, 93, 

113, 114, 119-121, 174-175, 236, 239, 

313, 334, II, 39, 54, 142, 265, III, 

145, 153, 158, i6o, 161; see also 

Father, Paternalism, Patriarchism 
Paternalism: I, 178, 333, II, 271-272, 

341 
Pathology: I, 132 ff, chap, xviii. III, 

129, 245, 326 
Patriarchism: I, 76, 80, 83, 147, 171, 

232, 234, 296, II, 21, 43, 53, 58, 68- 

69, 82, 156, 198, 281, III, chap. 

Vlii, 215, 284 
Pauperism: I, 172, 211, II, 59, 232, 

III, 139; see also Poverty 



Payment: I, 190, 235, 243, 251, 254, 
256, 260, 269, 271, 300, 301, 304, 

309, 310, 314, 318; see also Wages, 
etc. 

Peasants: I, 32, 37, III, 91 

Pedagogy: 292, III, 174 

Pedigree: see Genealogy 

Penalties: I, 121, 135-136, 147, 159, 
180, 185-187, 197, 201, 209-211, 260- 
262, 264, 267, 271, 276, 314, 316, 
319, 322, 325, II, 57-58; see also 
Punishment, Fine, etc. 

Penitence: I, 132, 322, III, 295, 296; 
see also Confession 

Penitentiary: III, 30 

Penn Charter School: I, 208 

Penn family: I, 201-202 

Penn, Wm: I, 194, 199, 201, 203, 212 

Pennsylvania: I, chap, xi, 287, II, 31, 
58, 59, 61, 126, 151, 202, III, 222, 
240 

Pennsylvania Packet: cited, II, 80 

Pennsylvania Society for Prevention 
of Social Disease: III, 234 

Pensions: III, 175, 177 

Periodicals: III, 10; see also Maga- 
zines, and under Ladies 

Personalty: I, 95, 121, III, 331 

Petition: I, 111, 147, 148, 159, 180, 
182, 211, 225, 248, 275, 300, 302, 
303, 309, 311-312, 318, 322-323 

Petticoat: I, 170, 287 

Petticoat Rebellion: I, 331 

Philadelphia: I, 200-201, 204, 207- 
213, II, 60, 84, 125, 202, 209, III, 
64, 90-91, 193, 276, 318 

Philadelphia Record: cited, III, 90- 

91 
Philanthropy: I, 173, III, 77, 178, 

310, 322; see also Charity 
Philip, of Hesse: I, 26 
Philip, the Third: I, 214, 216 
Phillips, Rev. S: I, 66 
Phillips, Wendell: II, 96, 121 
Phillips, Wilbur C: cited, III, 253 

note 
Physical conditions: I, 134, II, 213, 
III, 96, 167, 230-236, 242, 286, 287, 
290-291, 306, 310, 330 



Index 



397 



Physicians: I, 40, 97, II, 51, III, 57, 
237-245, 249, 253, 289-291, 316-317 

Physiology; III, 245, 303 

Pickett, A. J: cited, II, 34 note, 290 
note 

Pierce, C. H: cited, I, 166 note 

Pierce, Ephraim: I, 143 

Pietersen, Evert: I, 192 

Piety: I, 53, 55, 76, 89, 90, 113, 114, 
144, 150, 192, 207, III, 19-20 

Pilgrims: I, 44-50, 60, 67, 83, 112, 

175 

Pillory: I, 136, 144, 250 

Pioneer: I, 102, 236, II, 9-13, 162, 
III, 164; children, I, 52, II, 22, 51- 
52, 107; death, I, 241, II, 16; de- 
mocracy, II, 53, 351; education, I, 
74, 116, 294, II, 51, 107; economics, 
II, 50, 52, 161-162, III, 157; fe- 
cundity, I, 87-88, 170, 203, 287, II, 

II, 15-18, 21, 107, III, 228; hard- 
ships, I, 83, 207-208, 279, 335, II, 
16, 107, 161-162; family and home, 
I, 227, 296, II, II, 105, 141; isola- 
tion, II, 105-106; marriage, I, 52, 
202, 245, 331, II, II, 14, 30, 33-35 ; 
morals, I, 204, II, 151 ; traits, II, 
27, 151, III, 164; women, I, 202, 
277, II, 16, 105-109, 162, III, 104- 
107 ; see also IVilderness, Settle- 
ment, etc. 

Pittsburg (Pa.) : III, 229, 289, 291 
Plantations: I, 187, 218, 220, 222, 229, 
231, 232, 235, 241-244, 248, 251, 267, 
275, 278, 279, 286, 305, 311, 312, 
319, 327, II, 168, 276, 317-321, 330- 
331, III, 13, 17, 34, 40 
Planter: I, 219, 232, 236, 241, 243, 
250, 252, 273, 279, 280, 282, 290- 
292, 312, 321, 323, 325, 326, II, 332, 

III, 13; Planter, the, cited, II, 195 
Planting: I, 168, 281, 299, 311 
Play: see Amusements, Games, Toys, 

Sport 
Pleasure: I, 38-40, 85, 168, 202, 246, 

332-333, III, 270, 299, 315; see also 

Happiness, and under Girls 
Plymouth: I, 45, 49. 61-63, 68-69, 

73-74. 77. 89, 93, 95, 96, 102, 121, 



122, 124, 133-134, 136, 138, 144, 

147-149 
Poetry: I, 85, 86, 89, 107, no, 131, 

143, 248, 257, II, 57 
Police: I, 175, III, 196 
Politics: I, 183, 233, II, 100, 145, 326, 

334. Ill, 9, 125, 309 
Polygamy: I, 37, 42, 44, 314, 315, 

320, 327, II, 47, 153-157, ni, 9, 

222, 256, 303, 307, 328 
Popular Science Monthly: cited. III, 

227, 258, 284 
Population: I, 183, 185, chap, xii, 238, 

286, 331-335; classes. III, 199, 201; 

decline. III, 81, 225-226; density, 

I, 236, 294, II, 209, III, 233, 248; 
growth, I, 170, 192, 286-287, 334, II, 
16, 17, 20, 174, 209, 211, 260-261, 
363, III, chap. XI, 261, 262, 272- 
273; movement, II, 27, 136-137, 
III, 78, 163, 172, 261, 263; need 
of, I, 55, 87, 149, 164, 165, 170, 
217, 223, 227, 247, 250, 252, 335, 

II, 12, 16, 47, 51, III, 212; traits 
of, I, 51, 153, 170, 198, 202, 219-224 

Portsmouth (N. H.) : I, 123 
Portsmouth (R. I.) : I, 147 
Posterity: I, 170, 312, 323, II, 52; see 

also Descendants 
Posthumous children: I, 177 
Potter, Bishop: cited, III, 180, 184, 

296 
Potter, George: I, 96 
Potter, John: I, 97 
Potter, Rachel: I, 96 
Potter's American Monthly: cited, 

III, 242 

Poverty: I, 31, 38, 46, 70, 78, 93, 124- 
127, 130, 134-135, 159, 163, 171, 
174, 200-203, 219-221, 224, 225, 232, 
238, 240, 260, 275, 282-283, 294- 
296, 301, 302, 306-312, 323, 328, 
329, 332, II, 59-61, 134, 159, 161- 
162, 170-174, 177-180, 188-192, 195, 
232, 324, 341-355, III, 11-13. 16- 
23, 37, 42, 49, 67-79, 81, 90-91, 99, 
122-123, I33"i39, 171. 175, 176, 181, 
188, 205, 208, 215, 238-239, 250, 
252, 253, 265, 268, 269, 272, 302, 



398 



The American Family 



326; see also Pauperism, Charity, 

etc. 
Precocity: I, 40, 41, 107-111, 245, 247, 

293, II, 55, 56, 77, HI, 74, 146- 

147, 152, 153, 167, 200 
Pregnancy: I, 36, 212, 214, 313, 315, 

317, 320-322, 326, 327, II, 159-160, 

244, 259-263, 275-277, III, 73, 136, 

160, 249, 252, 327, 331; see also 

Confinement 
Pre-marital: see Ante-nuptial 
Presbyterian Church: I, 185, 194-195, 

227, 287, 296, II, 40-46, 253, III, 

276-277, 286-288, 292, 298-300, 308, 

315-318 
Presbyterian Magazine: cited, II, 69, 

97 
Press: III, 303, 322, 323; see also 

Papers 
Prices: I, 127, II, 171; see also Liv- 
ing 
Pride: I, 78, 109, ii2, 233, 244, 253, 

281, 296 
Priest: I, 45, 60, 166, 188-189, 195, 

200, 206, 266, 269-271, 335, III, 289, 

296, 316 
Primogeniture: I, 18-19, 27, 121-123, 

176, 186, 201, 226, 233-239, II, 23, 

I35"i36, 332-333, III, 25, 164-165 
Prison: I, 86, 127, 138, 182, 186, 209, 

220, 263, 322, 334, II, 46, 143-144, 

III, 198, 273 
Privacy: I, 31-32, 145, 164, 168, 169, 

199, 261, 282, 315, 322, III, 72-73, 

170, 177, 183, 331 
Privileges: I, 81, 121-122, 176, 177, 

204, 222, 227, 233, 235, 237-238, 

256, 274 
Procreation: I, 327, III, 284-286, 312, 

331; see also Propagation 
Professions: II, 241, III, 85, 91-92, 

124, 128-129, 189, 206 
Profit: I, 169, 205, 305, 314, 336, III, 

86-87; -system. III, 72-73, 326 
Profligacy: I, 320, II, 64, 287, 294- 

295 ; see also Dissipation, Vice, Im- 
morality, Leivdness, Vileness 
Progress: II, 112, III, 7, 275, 320-321 
Prohibitions: I, 261, 267, 271, 296, 

307, 324, III, 14 



Proletarian: II, 229, 233, III, 66, 72 
Promiscuity: I, 135, II, 157, 208, 247- 

248, 260, III, 330 
Propagation: I, 285, 287, III, 311 
Property: I, 10, 45, 49, 56-60, 62, 67, 
93, 95-97. 105, 121-123, 143, 147, 
148, 168, 176-177, 181, 182, 195, 
210-212, 221-224, 232-241, 249, 254, 
255, 263, 276, 278, 296, 298, 299, 
335, II, 27, 97-98, 112, 117, 126- 
129, 136, 138, 192, 276-277, III, 9, 
79, 108, 110-113, 164, 165, 215, 216, 
221, 270, 274, 281, 285, 301-302, 
317, 324-327, 331; see also Estates, 
Realty, Inheritance, Wealth, etc. 
Prostitution: I, 13-14, 27, 135, 141, 
211, 332, 333. II, 48, 121, 147, 154, 
188, 204-208, 221, 232, 296-299, 338, 
III, 20, 35, 40, 44, 46, 79-81, 88- 
91, 106, n6, 151, 177, 185, 193, 

207, 2IO, 211, 215, 216, 243, 269, 

303, 305-306, 322, 326, 329-330; see 
also Brothel, Chastity, Vice, Har- 
lot, Whoredom, etc. 

Protestantism: I, 22, 25-27, 38, 39, 
44-46, 159, 183, 306, II, 32, 211, 
316, III, 286-287, 292 ff, 300, 312, 
321 ; see also Reformation, and 
names of churches 

Providence: divine, I, 105, 144, 147, 
203, 239, 283 

Providence (R. I.) : I, 94, 145, II, 
175, III, 276; Early Records, cited, 
I, 138 note, 143 note 

Provisions: I, 224, 239, 301, II, 14- 
15; see also Living, Food 

Puberty: I, 288, III, 155, 161 

Public, affairs and interests: I, 65, 
77. 92, 93, 99, 125, 132, 134, 151, 
172, 181, 188, 192, 194, 206, 209, 
216, 233, 241-242, 249, 260, 276, 
278, 282, 301, 321, 322, 334; II, 37, 
39, III, 292 ; Ledger and Daily 
Transcript, cited, II, 84; opinion, 
I, 97, 143, 144, II, 30, 88, 149, III, 
218, 262, 275, 308-309, 326, 331; 
resorts, I, 119, 207, III, 191-193; 
see School; treasury, I, 329; vir- 
tue! I, 145; worship, I, 142; see 
also Social 



Index 



399 



Publicity: I, 59, 65, 131-140, 154-161, 
185, 196, 225, 257, 260, 262-264, 
268, 269, 306, 335, II, 37, 39; see 
also Proclamation, Marriage notice, 
Public 

Punishment: I, 77, 93, 113, 119-121, 
132-146, 151, 154-156, 179, 2IO, 211, 
263-265, 273, 306, 307, 313-318, 322, 
334, II, 63-64; see also Capital, 
Corporal, Chastisement, Penalties, 
etc. 

Purchase: of persons, I, 194, 210, 
213, 249, 251, 278, 279, 285, 301, 
324; of things, I, 221-222, 230, 238, 
243, 266; see also Sale 

Puritanism: I, 37-47, 51-52, 56, 60, 
64, 67, 78, 81, 83, 84, 86, 89, 91, 

92, I02, 107, 111-119, 121, 124-127, 
134, 136, 146, 150, 153-154, 170, 175, 

185, 199, 200, 20I, 207, 209, 241, 
242, 257, 299, 336, II, 50, 58, 64, 
138, III, 241, 243, 283 

Purity: I, 129, 145, 165-166, 204, 217, 
258, 275, 296, III, 292, 303, 306, 
322 ; see also Chastity, Virtue, etc. 

Quadroons: I, 336, II, 291, 296-298 
Quakers: I, 45, 61, 78, 82, 86, i6o, 
185-189, 199-202, 205, 209, 212-214, 
253, 268-271, 295-296, 309, 327, II, 
137 
Quincy, Josiah: I, 107, II, 174 

Race: I, 154, 1896?; decay, 190, III, 
234, 235, 240, 254, 328 ; interests, 

I, 154, 165-166, 323, 327, II, 132, 
III, 34-35, 252-254, 263, 279, 326, 
329; question, I, 82, III, 31, 38; 
mingling, I, 165, 166, 189-190, 223, 

II, 178-179, III, 34; see also Mis- 
cegenation; -suicide, I, 170, III, 80, 

93, 241, chap. XI; see also Abor- 
tion, Conception, Birth-control, Col- 
or, Negro, etc. 

Radical Review: cited. III, 88 note 
Radicalism: I, 60, 62, 183, 299, 306, 

II, 27, III, 283 
Ramsay, David: cited, II, 18-19. 76, 

319, 321 
Randolph: family, I, 233 



Randolph, Cjov. — : II, 244-245 
Rank: I, 219, 241, 250, 265, 291, 295, 

313, 331. 335, II, 220-221; see also 

Class, Aristocracy, etc. 
Rape: I, 197, 211, 256, 314, 328, II, 

48, III, 291-294, 306-307, III, 33- 

37, 112 
Ravenel, Mrs. St. J. (Harriott H.) : 

cited, I, 255 note, II, 318-319 
Reading: I, 72, 76, 84, no, in, 115, 

116, 168, 173, 174, 193-195, 201, 

253, 281, 290, 292-295, 308, 327, 

II, 63, 73, 88, 135, 343, III, 103- 
104, 142 ; see also Literature, Book, 
Papers, etc. 

Realty: I, 95-96, 121, 122, 143, 234; 

see also Land 
Reconstruction: II, 169, III, 11-13, 

35-37 

Records: I, 125,132-133,136,151,169, 
170, 185, 190 note, 192, 193, 197, 
199, 203. 204, 2IO, 213, 256, 261, 
264, 267-271, 289, 301-303, 307, 309, 
315, 321-322, 324, 334; see also 
Register 

Recreation: I, 230, II, 135, III, 319; 
see also Amusement 

Redemptioners: I, 187, 229-230, 240, 
249, 250 

Reed, Amy L: cited, II, 213 note, 
359 note, III, 92 note, 103 note 

Reformation: I, 19-27, 36, 43-46, 63, 
138, III, 287; see also Protestant- 
ism 

Reformers: I, 25, 38, 44, 130-131, III, 
311 

Refugees: I, 150, 219, 223, 297, 335 

Register: I, 170, 211, 260, 264, 267, 
287, 288, 309 ; see also Records and 
under Baptism, Birth, Burial, Mar- 
riage, etc. 

Religion: I, 41, 51, 61, 63-64, 72-76, 
91, 94-95, 107-115, 133, 137, 140, 
153, 155. 158, 173, 186, 187, 193, 
227, 252, 259, 280, 289, 290, 293, 
296, 306, 309, 321, 332, II, II, 40-42, 
57, 63, 64, 66, 70, 88, 98-99, 137, 
152, 153, 255, 269, 270, 331-332, 

III, 9, 81, 145, 147, 172, 174, 176, 
263, 270, 272, chap, xiii; sacred 



400 



The American Family 



things, I, 136, 164, 188, 205, 207, 
315, III, 25s, 307; see also Church, 
Theology, Worship, names of sects, 
Clergy, etc. 
Remarriage: I, 40, 45, 52, 54, 59, 69- 
70, 78, 79, 88, 90, 96, 97, 142, 163, 
169, 170, 176-177, 208-209, 238, 239, 
245, 247-249, 253, 255, 310, II, 14, 
17, 258, 327, 330, III, 40-41; di- 
vorce, etc., and, I, 26, 146-148, 181, 

182, X95-196, 303, II, 46-48, III, 
15, 106, 199, 258, 264, 268, 271, 
272, 277, 279-280, 283, 294-301, 306, 

307, 309, 3" 
Removal: I, 287, 307, 308, 311, 312, 

317; see also Moving 
Renaissance: I, 18, 37-38, 43-44 
Rent: I, 171, III, 55, 56, 71, 75, 78- 

79. 181 
Reproduction: III, 232, 248, 251, 254; 

see also Generation 
Residence: I, 50, 156, 265, 290, 299, 

300, 323, III, 78, 188, 266, 279, 289; 

see also Moving 
Restaurant: III, 183, 184, 186 
Revolution: I, 51, 93, 107, no-iii, 

119, 130, 145-146, 161, i66, 174, 

183, 201, 205, 234, 244, 246, 248, 
252-253, 255, 265, 272, 275, 278, 281, 
282, 293, 301, 303, 323, II, 332, 334, 
III, chap. XIV 

Rhode Island: I, 51, 62, 71, 94-96, 
110, ii6, 123, 132, 133, 136, 139, 
143, 146-148, 306, II, 18, 44-45, 
174-176, III, 66, 231, 276 

Rhodes, D. W: cited, III, 72 note 

Rhodes, J. F: cited, II, 159 note, 362 
note, 

Richmond (Va.) : I, 306, II, 329, 332, 
341, 368, III, 57 

Richmond Enquirer: cited, II, 269, 
306 

Rights: I, 44, 172, 176, 191, 239, 249, 
255, 261, 276, 314, 326; see also 
under Children; Woman, move- 
ment, status, etc. 

Rivalry: I, 52, 257, 326, II, 250-252, 
292 

Roads: I, 229, III, 18, 19, 24, 81 



Robin, Abbe: I, 129, 145, 246; negro 

rapist, I, 328 
Rock River conference: III, 284, 290 
Rocky Mts: III, 105; states, III, 203 
Roman: Catholic Church, I, 166, 264, 

III, 263, 270, 288-295, 300; see also 

Catholic; law. III, 224 
Roosevelt, Theodore: II, 33 note, III, 

308 
Rose, Ernestine: II, 117 
Rose, Geo: cited. III, 145-146, 179, 

217, 230, 255 
Runaway: I, 125, 2n, 226, 249, 250, 

261, 286, 306, 327-328, 331, II, 31, 

313 
Rural: I, 39, 166, 241, II, ii, 29, 58, 

152, 159, 163, 196, 209, 229, 305, 

331, 338 343. 366, III, 13, 21-23, 

32, 37, 51-54, 65, 66, 80-83, 89-90, 

187, 205, 241, 248, 259, 260, 263, 

266, 267; see also Country, Urban 
Rush, B: cited, I, 203, II, 58, 86 
Russia: III, 320 
Ryan, Father: cited, III, 285 note, 

293-294, 313 note 

Sabbath: I, 60, 64-65, 73, 75, 92, 99, 
107, no, 117, 126, 145, 148, 162, 
175, 195, 207, III, 303, 320 

Sacrament: I, 60, 148, 185, III, 278, 
284-286, 295, 296, 299, 309 

Saint: I, 100, in 

St. Anne's parish: I, 246 

St. John's: American Letters, cited, 

II, 28; parish, I, 304; river, I, 230 
St. Louis: III, 72, 141; Exposition, 

III, 315; Republican, cited, II, 248 
St. Marie's: I, 249 

St. Martin: I, 249 

St. Mary's: I, 248 

St. Mery: cited, II, 71 

St. Thomas: I, 246 

St. Victor: cited, II, 37-38, 131, 132 

note, 208, 220 
Salary: I, 123-124, 162, 246, 248-249, 

301, III, 321 ; see also Wages 
Sale: I, 96, 143, 237, 255, 275, 299, 

327; of persons, I, 65, 80-82, 87, 

149, 204, 205, 211-214, 220, 240, 



Index 



401 



249, 250, 285-286, 314, 315, 321-322, 

327, 328 ; see also Purchase, Slave- 
trade, etc. 

Saloon: I, 243, 288, 296, III, 37, 77, 
138, 141, 176, 193, 198 

San Francisco (Cal.) : III, 105, 263; 
Truth, cited, III, 324 

Sanitary, Commission: II, 358, 362; 
conditions, II, 183, 184, 193, III, 
52-58, 71-74, 91, 251, 253; see also 
Coijj Bay, Health, etc. 

Savannah (Ga.) : I, 225, 226, 230, 
237, 249, 288, 300, 301, 310, 321- 
322, II, 76, 345-346 

Saving: I, 58, 221, 243, 251, III, 68, 
77, 79, 88, 138, 196, 214; see also 
Parsimony 

Scandal: I, 62, 63, 117-118, 130-131, 
140, 155, 169, 175, 187, 197, 201, 
209, 211, 258, 302, 306, 316, 319, 
326-327, III, 192, 269, 280, 318, 323 

Schmauk, T. E: cited, III, 286 note, 
288 note, 298 note 

Schoepf, J. D: cited, II, 13, 138, 149, 
202, 203 note, 261, 263 note, 290 
note, 311, 330, 338 

School: I, 41, 48, 52, 76, 83-85, 110, 
114, 116, 117, 119, 126, 154, 172- 
175, 191, 193-195, 201, 208, 241, 
290-296, 304, 311, II, 52, 58-62, 66, 
82, 135, 137, 179-180, 182, 324, 339- 
341. 344, 352-353, ni, 9, 10, 14, 24, 
32, 52-54, 57, 76, 80, 82, 99, 111, 
113, 123, 133-141, 146, 147, 151-152, 
154, 173-178. 186, 187, 190, 193, 197, 
208, 209, 229-231, 284, 310, 313- 
315, 327; see also Education 

Schouler, Jas: cited, II, 139 note, 201, 
202 note, 211 

Science: I, 105, 201, II, 113, III, 10, 
140-142, 197, 253, 281, 303, 309, 
326-332 

Scotch: I, 185, 223, 296; -Irish, I, 46, 
51, 199, 207, 209, 223, 287, 294, 296, 
II, 16, 108, 331 

Scribner's Magazine: I, 84 note, III, 
103 

Scripture: I, 45, 60, 75-76, 83, 110, 
146, 147, 185. 209, 270, II, 46, 85, 



97, 125, 138, 157, III, 284, 288, 292- 
293, 295, 297-300, 305-308; see also 
Bible 
Seduction: I, 17, 20, 27, 136-139, 196, 
210, 315, 320-321, 332, II, 111, 138, 
147, 149, 152, 223, 224, 291, 292, 
305-306, III, 27, 29, 33, 38, 91, 108, 
162, 222, 324; see also Betrayal 
Seignobos, C: cited, I, 21 note 
Selden, C. P: cited. III, 161 
Selden, Catherine, cited, III, 189 
Self-assertion: I, 328, III, 255; -be- 
trothal, I, 61 ; -consciousness, I, 
131; -control, I, 47, 145-146, III, 
293-294; -defense, I, 121; -indul- 
gence, II, chap. X, III, 184, 204- 
205; -ishness, I, i88, III, 292, 298, 
304; -marriage, I, 61, 62, 196; 
-realization. III, 286; -reliance, I, 
100-101; -respect, III, 138; -sale, 
I. 250; -support, I, 49, 229, 307- 
308, III, 269, 321 ; -surrender. III, 
286; -will, I, 114 
Seneca Falls convention: II, 119 
Sensuality: I, 39, 130 ff, 135, 154, II, 
246-247, 257, III, 303 ; see also 
Lust 
Separations: I, 62, 96, 100, 141, 143, 
146, 177-183, 186-187, 214, 264, 276, 
301-304, 318, 324, II, 44, 88, III, 
202, 255, 256, 264-265, 269, 274, 
279, 293, 294; see also Divorce, 
and Slave Family 
Servants: I, 29, 34, 36-37, 54, 63, 72- 
77, 80, 83, 90, 94, 98-99, 101, 119, 
120, 124, 125, 149-151, 163, 168, 
172-176, 185, 193-195, 203-204, 210- 
212, 217, 219-222, 225, 226, 229, 
231, 232, 239, 240, 249-253, 271- 
272, 286, 288, 290-292, 294, 300- 
301, 305, 310-320, 324, 325, 336, 
II> 35-36, 86. 104-105, 108, 118, 
147-148, 225, 233, 239, 308, 320- 
321, 328, 359, 375, III, 13, 15, 17, 
42, 50-51, 105, 107, 123, 124, 131, 
132, 136, 181, 185, 186, 189, 217, 
229, 315; see also Service 
Service: I, 68, 114, 125, 163-164, 171- 
173, 203, 210, 232, 241, 251, 278, 



402 



The American Family 



280, 297, 301, 308, 310, 314, 315, 

3171 325, ni, 191, 307; see also 
Servitude 

Servitude: I, 82, 172, 173, 187, 205, 
210-212, 214, 222, 226, 229-232, 240, 
249-250, 271-272, 281-286, 291, 292, 
294, 295, 309, chap. XIX, II, 147; 
see also Servants, Slavery, Binding, 
Bond, Indenture, etc. 

Settlement: I, 134-135, 151, 155, 163, 
171, 190-191, 193, 202, 206, 208, 
chap. XII, 233, 235-238, 241, 243, 
279, 285, 287-289, 293, 294, 296, 
311-312, 319, 321, 335; see also 
Colonies, Colonization, (Vest; mar- 
riage, 253-255 

Sewalls, the: I, 54, 55, 57, 59, 64, 79- 
81, 83, 100, 106, 108, 116, 118, 150 

Sewing, I, 85, 200, 230, 281, 295, II, 
190, III, 52, 87, 88, 140, 204, 248- 
249 

Sex: distribution, II, 24, 363-364, III, 
42, 64, 105, 106, 202, 203, 205 ; edu- 
cation, III, 254, 275, 303, 322, 326; 
equality, I, 83, 96, 102, 146, 165, 
167, 177, 201, 323, II, 79, 83, 87, 
97-100, 109-113, 116, 120-122, 262, 
325, 361-362, III, IS, 93-95, 99-102, 
106, 113, 115-116, 126-127, 151. 275, 
285, 318, 326, 330; see also Coedu- 
cation; morals, I, 20, 27, 39, 40, 
45, 65, 102, chap. VII, 145, 154-155. 
196-197, 217, 275, 313, 317, II, 30, 
42-44, 73, 138, chap. VII, 204, 207, 
324, III, 40, 43-45, 49, so, 57, 64, 
98-99, 106, 193, 198, 206, 211, 215- 
216, 271-272, 275, 283, 292, 310, 
322, 324, 329; see also Adultery, 
Chastity, Promiscuity, JVhoredom, 
etc.; relations, I, 13, 20, 52-53, 85, 
117, 132 ff, 149, chap. VIII, 167, 202, 
206, 225, 258, 311, 325, II, 56, 72, 
98, 112, 151, 155, 185, 202, 248, 251, 
314, 325, III, 90, 100-102, 116, 118, 
127-129, 193, 219, 251, 269, 275, 
316, 321, 322, 325, 329, 330; taboo, 
II, 159-160, III, 77; see also Pru- 
dery; sexuality, I, 22, 133, 154, 
chap. XIX, II, 246-247, 257, III, 40, 



47. 74. 127. 128, 215, 216, 245, 287; 

see also Licentiousness, Passion, 

etc. 
Sherman, Gen. W. T: II, 372 
Ship: I, 120, 130, 169, 204, 216, 224- 

225, 229, 241, 251, 266, 285, 300- 

311; captains, I, 244; clerk, I, 222; 

masters, I, 82, 120; owners, I, 169 
Shrieve, Thos. and Goodwife: I, 149 
Sickness: I, loi, 116, 150, 193, 200, 

204, 205, 212, 213, 221, 249, 289- 

290, 300, 310, 327, II, 132, III, 133; 

see also Disease, etc. 
Sidgwick, C: cited, II, 204 note, 226 
Sidons, C: cited, II, 29, 31, 209 note, 

220 
Sin: I, 39, 42, 73, 74, 76, 92, 99, 107- 

112, 117, 120, 127, chap. VII, 154- 

156, 196-197, 201, 204, 211, 217, 

264, 293, 304, chap. XIX, III, 299; 

unpardonable, I, 138, 293 
Singleton, E: cited, I, 172; Letters, 

cited, II, 20-21, 217 
Sisters: I, 34, 98-101, 109, 166, 252, 

304, III, 23, 170, 171; see also 

Brothers and Sisters; Ursuline, I, 

333-334 

Slander: I, 142, 170, 273 

Slavery: I, 10, 66, 78, 80-82, 203, 
210-214, 219, 222, 229, 237, 278, 
282, 290, 301, 323, 325-329, II, 281; 
behavior of slaves, II, 263, 273, 
281-283, 289, 315, 374; and capital- 
ism, II, 177, 178, 190, 192, 352; 
and childhood, I, 81-82, 173, 211- 
214, 325, 334. 336, II, 36, 244, 251, 
264-265, 272-290, 295; and disease, 
II, 261, 288; effects of, II, 178, 
202, 347-349, 352-354. III. 42; and 
family, I, 66, 80-82, 212-214, 229- 
230, 285, 326-328, II, 49, 247-255, 
263-275, 283, 286, 328, III, 6i ; 
fugitive slaves, I, 211, 214, II, 266; 
slave-holders, I, 328, II, 217-218, 
248, 301, 328, 347, 353-354. 367; 
see also Master; slave increase, I, 
267, II, 259-263, 277, 278; insur- 
rection, II, 267, 282; and marriage, 
I, 48, 65, 66, 81-82, 211, II, 29, 36- 



Index 



403 



37, 215, 247-252, 255-258, 263-264, 

267, 293, 315, 335; and morals, I, 
65, 82, 149, 326, 334, II, 149, 159, 
246-258, 267, 285-296, 3CX), 305-306, 
355, III, 35, 40, 50; slave nurses, 
etc., II, 246, 264, 282-286, 289, 313, 
315; opposition and decline, II, 9, 

10, 36, 98, 243, 267, 336, 352, III, 
11; see also Emancipation; power, 

11, 49, 243, 285-286, 335, 346; and 
parenthood, I, 259-265, 277-279 ; 
and pregnancy, II, 244, 261-263, 
277; slave quarters, II, 247, 272- 
274, 287; slave-raising, I, 8i, 2ii- 
213, 327, 328, II, 244-245, 276-277; 
trade, I, 278, II, 245, 259, 261, 267- 

268, 347 ; treatment of slaves, I, 

82, 211, 268, II, 264, 271-274, 281- 
284, 289, 292, 319-321, 347; of 
whites, I, 82, 204-205, 210, 220, 
229-231, 285, 325, II, 349; see also 
Servitude; and womanhood, I, 81- 

83, 102, 250, 310, 334, II, 96, 122, 
244-247, 251-252, 261-262, 274, 
291 ff, 310, 321, 322, 327, 328, 363, 
III, 106, 285, 318; see also Negro 

Slums: I, 220, II, 193-195, III, 19-20, 
54, 71-75. 135-136 

Small-pox: I, 109, 288 

Social: centers. III, 175, 197, 322, 
327; conditions, I, 188, III, 134, 
172, 175-176; contacts, I, 40, 176, 
227, 248, 258, 265, III, 133-134. 
146, 173, 175, 254, 321-322, 331; 
control, I, 135, 143, 145, 186, chap. 
XVIII, II, 32, 37, III, 173 ff, 214, 
266, 326-331; democracy. III, 156, 
332; see also Socialism; disease, 
III, 234; duties, III, 132-134, 143; 
equality. III, 34-36, 185; evil, III, 
162 note, 322; evolution. III, i8r, 
256, 266, 270, 281, 302, 326-328, 
331-332; factors. III, 140-142, 177, 
197, 262, 301-303, 311, 318-319, 327; 
fads, III, 192; functions, I, 38, 52, 
136, 176, 280-281, II, 141, 222, III, 
152, 193, 235, 237, 246; hysteria, 
I, 135; influence. III. 310, 316; in- 
stitutions, I, 43, 336, III, 173, 217, 



273, 278, 323, 332; interests, I, 64, 
72, 142, 143, 162, 164, 253, 285, 
III, 172, 196, 281, 287, 293-294, 
298, 310, 326; life, I, 38, 64, 83, 
102, II, 332, III, 89, 260, 286, 321 ; 
order, I, 259, III, 274, 312, 320, 
332; ownership. III, 332; parent- 
hood, I, 300-301, III, 97, 151, 158, 
162-163, 173-178; position, I, 79, 
139. 140, 174, 223, 233, 253, 265, 
331, II, 27, 29-30, 220-221, 233, 
234. 332, 361, III, 131-132, 184, 
204, 206, 246, 319, 332; problem, 
III, 310, 314; purity. III, 322; re- 
construction, III, 274, 281; refine- 
ment, I, 312; reform, III, 314; rev- 
oluton. III, chap, xiv; science. III, 
8, 9, 232; Association, III, 225; 
see also Sociology; service. III, 
115, 121; settlements, III, 190, 322; 
stagnation, III, 332; standards, I, 
45 ; structures, I, 236, III, 303 ; 
system, I, 233; ties, I, 100, III, 79; 
unit, I, 44; unrest, III, 92, 157; 
virtues, I, 282; see also Communal, 
Civic 

Socialism: I, 11, II, 46, III, 14, 113, 
223-224, 301, 304, 324-332; see al- 
so Collectivism, Communism 

Socialization: III, 23, 158, 172 

Society, Societies: I, 76, 82, 133, 140, 
155. 163, 191, 209, 244, 245, 258, 
280, 297, 319, 335, II, 56, 74, 222- 
223, III, 41, 96, 108, 119, 157-162, 
170-172, 193, 198, 214, 215, 222, 
223, 237-238, 240, 257-258, 268, 279, 
284, 287, 299-300, 306, 308, 309, 
312-314, 326, 327, 330; S.P.C.A., 
III, 174; fo Sanitary and Moral 
Prophylaxis, III, 234; see also 
Community 

Sociological Society: American, III, 
10 

Sociology: III, 8-10, 197, 283, 293, 
301-304, 306, 308, 319; see also So- 
cial Science 

Soil: I, 153, 183, 229, 233, 242, II, 
333, 334, 349, 35i. HI, 83; see also 
Land 



404 



The American Family 



Sojourning: I, 221, 251 

Soldiers: I, 92, 130, 166, 169, 238, 252, 
273, 301, 325, 332-334, II. 358. 363- 
373, III, 12, 20, 35-36, 85; see also 
Military, Army, IVar 

Sons: I, 19, 49, 79. 80, 97, loi, iii, 
113, 120-124, 140, 150, 155, 164, 
173, 176, 187, 202, 203, 219, 221, 
225, 226, 231, 233-239, 244, 246, 
250, 253-254, 281, 288-293, 296, 300, 
303, 312, 320, 331, 334, 11, 15, 16, 98, 
132, 133, 143. 237, 319. III. "2- 
113, 131-132, 155, 164-167, 196, 200, 
212; -in-law, I, 75, 123, 178-179, 

23s 
Sotiveed Factor: cited, I, 250, 282 
Soul: I, 109, 114, 125, 13s, 150, 172, 

205, III, 294 
South: I, chaps, xii-xx, II, chaps, 
xi-xiii, III, chaps, i-iii; aristocracy 
in, I, 37, 219-221, II, 311, 339, 348, 
367-371, III, 25, 170; boarding in, 
II, 239; children in, II, 18, 49, 76- 
77, 337-338, 344-346, 352-353, III. 
228; cities in, II, 298, 318; see also 
names of cities; class lines in, II, 
346, 351-354, 371; conservatism, I, 
181, II, 49, 76, 336-337, 343; di- 
vorce, I, i8i, II, 49, III, 27, 258, 
263 ; economic interests, II, 10, 49, 
172-178, 216-217, 323-425, 326, 328, 
333. 338, 352, 354, 368; education, 
I, 290-295, II, 76-77, 312, 315, 319, 
322, 329, 336-345, 352-353, III, 12- 
15, 22-24, 45-47, 52-54, 60; family, 
I, chaps. XII, XIII, XVIII, II, 9, 49, 
chaps. XI, XIII, 366-375, III, chaps. 
I, III, 163, 170; free thought, II, 
338-339, III, 14; pioneer condi- 
tions, I, 279 ff, II, 9, 107; see 
Girls; home, I, chap, xiii, II, 330- 
331, 336, 349, III, 16 ff; individ- 
ualism, II, 339; literature, II, 317; 
marriage, I, chaps, xiv, xv, II, 216- 
217, 311-313, 316, 327, 336, III, 17, 
26, 38, 202, 203 ; middle-class, I, 
37, II, 317; and migration, II, 336, 
346, 374, III, 13, 85, 228; modern- 
ization of, III, II ; mountain whites, 



HI, 81; morals, I, chap, xix, II, 
157-160, 208, 217, 285, 287, 295, 

298, 303-306, 327, 328, 339, III, 31, 
32, 35, 40; see also Miscegena- 
tion, etc.; population increase. III, 
228 ; poverty and prosperity', II, 190, 
324, 344-355; race, I, 82, II, chap. 
XII, III, chap. II, 39 ff; see also 
Miscegenation, Rape, etc.; servant 
problem, II, 320-321, 375; venereal 
disease, II, 21, 157, 247-248, 288, 
III, 44-45; and West, II, 161, 168- 
169, 243, III, 17; women, I, chap. 
XVI, II„ 103, 107-108, 215, 248, 298- 

299, 303, 305-307. 310, 316-331, 343, 

344, 350, 353. 355. 368-372, HI, 11- 
19, 27, 30, 33, 35-40, 203; youth, 

II. 76. 317, 333, 336-337. 374, III, 
13; see also North and' South, 
names of states. Slave, Negro, Con- 
federacy 

South Atlantic States: III, 202-203 
South Carolina: I, 222-223, 236, 255, 
257, 259, 267-268, 276, 278, 281-282, 
287-288, 290, 291, 300, 306, II, 18, 
19, 22, 49, 76, 173, 218, 268, 283, 
286, 314, 327, 330, 333-334, 340, 342, 

345. 349, 354, 372, III, 29-30, 260, 
273, 274 

South Carolina Gazette: cited, I, 249 

South Carolina Huguenot Society 

Transactions: cited, I, 223 note, 

III, 25-26 

South Central States: III, 203 
South Dakota: III, 308-309 
Southern Banner: II, 351-352 
Southern Cultivator: cited, II, 287- 

288 
Southern Literary Messenger: II, 329 
Southern Sociological Congress: III, 

57. and cited in notes on pages 33, 

42, 51, 54. 55. 56, 57, 60 
Southgate, E: cited: II, 134 
South River: I, 192, 195, 196 
Southwest: II, 261, III, 13 
Spain: I, 237, 335; see also Spanish 
Spanish: I, 50, 215, 335, II, 35 
Speculation: I, 236, 237, II, 161, 164- 

166, 235 



Index 



405 



Spencer, Anna G: cited, III, 115-116, 
151, 169, 172 note, 174. note, 224 
note, 319 
Spencer, Herbert: III, 9, 232, 233 
Spinsters: I, 25, 34, 43, 58, 67-69, 98, 

100, 187, 203, 245, 250, 274, II, 12, 

14, 28, 81, 104, ii6, 127, 147, 154, 
199, 203-204, 212, 316, III, 89, 171, 
183, 212, 219, 249; see also Maids, 
old; Unmarried; Women, single 

Sports: I, 45, 175-176, II, 12, 77, III, 
96 ; see also Games, Play 

Spouses: I, 71, 141, 143, 158, 219, 
227, 268, 270, 335; see also Con- 
jugal, Couples 

Springfield (Mass.) Republican: cit- 
ed, II, 362, III, 238 

Springfield (Ohio) : II, 14 

Stanton, E. C: I, loi, II, 82, 93 note, 
114, 115 note, 123 note, 128, III, 
107, 108, in note, 235, 316-318 

Starvation: I, 127, 220 

State: I, 60, 64, 97, 174, 201, 214, 
259, 296, III, 10, 107, 157, 171, 
175-178, 223, 258, 264, 275, 280, 
284, 286, 288, 291, 295, 298, 298- 
301, 308-315, 322, 325, 329-331 

Statistics: III, 226-230, 258, 278, 
281 

Stealing: I, 168, 220, 251, 307 

Step: -daughters, I, 256, 269; -fath- 
ers, I, 310, III, 177; -mothers, I, 
97, 144, II, 327 

Sterility: see Infecundity 

Stirling, Jas: cited, II, 234, 239-240, 

349 
Strangers: I, 74, 137, 190, 239, 243, 

261, 298, III, 276, 305, 308, 310 
Strikes: II, 116, 197, III, 88 
Study: I, 114, 119, 126, 278, 280; see 

also Education, School, names of 

subjects, etc. 
Suckling: II, 51, 285, 338, III, 73, 

i33> 233, 253-254, 331; see also 

Lactation 
Suffrage: I, 188, II, 54, 79; see also 

Woman, suffrage 
Suicide: I, 201, 285, III, 256 
Suitors: I, 54, 55, 58, 79, 123, 131, 



164, 256, 257, 334, II, 31-32, III, 
212, 213; see also Courtship 

Support: I, 177, i8o, 181, 190, 191, 
217. 225, 252-254, 276, 290, 294, 
297, 299-314, 318, 321; see also 
Alimony, Non-support 

Supreme Court: II, 35, 146, 165, III, 
221, 222; Nistory of, see Myers 

Surplus: age of. III, 131, 157, 270 

Survey: cited, II, 359 note 

Sweating: II, 197, III, 74-75 

Swedes: I, 188-193, 203 

Swiss: I, 223 

Sylvia the Fair: I, 58 

Sylvius, Aeneas: I, 19 

Synagog: III, 284 

Synods: I, 76, 134, II, 253, 256, 286 

Syphilis: II, 21 

Table: I, n2, 113, 118, 181, 242, 

246, 311; see also Meals 
Taboo: see Sex-taboo 
Taborites: I, 205 
Talbot Co. (Md.): I, 250; Quakers, 

I, 269 

Tasistro, L. F: cited, II, 77 
Taverns: I, 169, 243, 296; see also 

Hotel 
Taxation: I, 45, 67-68, loi, in, 232, 

246, 247, 265, 282, 333, II, 122, 202, 

III, 113 
Tazewell Co. (Va.) : I, 294 
Teachers: I, 72, 84, loi, 116, 119, 

154, 169, 175, 193-195, 208, 246, 

261, 265, 287, 291-294, 297, 311, 

II, 58-61, 121, 339, 368, III, 12- 
15, 32, 141, 142, 150, 310, 322; 
see also Teaching 

Teaching: I, 278, 292, 293, 295, 331, 
333, II, 84, 121; see also School 

Tenancy: I, 217, 239, 243, III, 21, 
51, 52 

Tenements: I, 32, 234, II, 191, 195, 

III, 71-77, 80, 86, 171, 182, 212, 
253, 302; see also Slum 

Tennessee: II, 18, 21, 33, 59, 107, 

108, 127, 217, 231, 232, 326, 330, 

331, 360, 374; see also names of 
cities 



4o6 



The American Family 



Testators: I, 290, 326, III, 165, 172; 

see also Bequest, Will, etc. 
Teutonic standards: I, 16-17, III, 224 
Texas: II, 127, 144, III, 229, 263 
Theology: I, 107-110, u6, 133, II, 

57, III, 292; see also God 
Thomas, Gabriel: cited, I, 87-88 
Thomas, W. H: cited. III, 30-31, 45 
Thorndike, E. L: cited, II, 209 note, 

III, 233 
Thrift: I, 86, 169, 286, III, 139; see 

also Frugality 
Thwaites, R. G: cited, I, 236 
Thwing, C. F: III, 9, 94 note, 96 

note, 166 
Tillett, W. F: cited, II, 323 note, 

III, 14 note, 15 note 
Tobacco: I, 217, 229, 250, 260-261, 

266, 271, 278, 289, 302, 303, 309, 

314, 318, 322, II, 107-108, 333, III, 

242 
Token for Children: I, iii 
Tolerance: I, 146, 153, 165, 199, 259, 

III, 266 
Tower, P: cited, II, 177, 179 note, 

204-208, 263 note, 290 note, 308 

note, 342 note, 349 note 
Trade: I, 119, 169, 213, 249, 325; 

see also Slave, trade ; Board of, I, 

316; Lords of, I, 170, 237 
Trades: I. 174, 187, 201, 203, 234, 

295, 296, 306, 308, 309, III, 85, 

119, 125; Unions, II, 196, III, 89; 

Trades Union, cited, II, 186 
Tradition : I, 123, 174, 281, II, 54, 317 
Traill and Mann: cited, I, 21 note, 

31 note, 42 note 
Training: see Education 
Tramps: III, 83, 122 
Transportation: I, 125, 207-208, 216- 

217, 230, 240, 250, 306-307, 333, 

III, 248 
Travel: I, 52, 129, 139, 148, 149, 154, 

163, 243, 246, 258, 265, 27s, 278- 

280, 291-292, 294, 298, 325, 327, 

328, 336, III, 157, 187, 257; see 

also r ames of travellers 
Trinity Church: I, 161, III, 257, 285, 

312 



Trouble: I, 133, 196, 204-205, 212, 
264, 293; family, I, ii8, 142, 143, 
167, 177-182, 186-187, 195, 2996?; 
see also Quarrel 

True Narration of Georgia: I, 225, 
239 

Trusts: I, 238, 301, 310, III, 7 

Trustees: I, 225, 226, 230, 238-240, 
252, 278, 293, 299, 301, 3H-312 

Truth: cited, III, 324 

Tyranny: I, 42, 63, 85, 95 

Ulster Scots: I, 207; see also 
Scotch Irish 

Unchastity: I, 133, 138-140, 154, II, 
157-159. 292-294, 354-355. Ill, 217- 
218; see also Adultery 

Uncircumcised : I, 323 

Uncle: I, 99, 304, 321 

Underwood, J. L: cited, II, 321, 368 
note, 370 note, 371 note, 372 note, 
374 note. III, 13 note, 60 note 

Unemployment: I, 31, II, 177, 186, 
195, III, 69-70 

Uniform legislation: III, 261, 266, 
277-280, 296, 306, 310 

Unions: I, 272, 325, 326, 329, 334; 
see also Marriage 

Unitarians: II, 257, III, 151, 305, 
306, 316, 319 

Universities: I, 18, 291, II, 343, III, 
9, 193 ; see also names 

Unlawful: I, 131, 134, 157-158, 196, 
271, 272, 317, 319 

Unmarried: I, 67-68, 74, 77, 191, 
204, 206, 241-242, 246, 252, 277, 
III, 229; see also Bachelor; Men, 
single; Women, unmarried; Spin- 
ster 

Urban: I, 10, 11, II, 9, 11, 159, 163, 
169, 191, 196, 209, 241-242, 363, 
366, III, 7, 17, 32, chap. IV, 65-66, 
80-83, 231, 256; see also Rural, 
City 

UrsuHnes: I, 333, 335 

Utah: III, 259; see also Mormons 

Utica Evening Telegraph: cited, II, 

125 

Utilitarianism: I, 112, II, 54 



Index 



407 



Vacations: III, 158, 170, 192 
Vagabondage: I, 31, 299, 307-308 
Vagrancy: I, 300, 307-308, 316 
Valentine, A. F: cited, III, 94 note, 

96 note 
Valleys: I, 207; see also Virginia, 

Valley of 
Van Rensselaer, Mrs. J. K: cited, I, 

48 note, 164 note 
Van Rensselaer, Mrs. S: cited, I, in 

notes on pages 163, 166, 167, 168 
Vassar: II, 90, III, 92, 95-96 
Venereal disease: II, 21, 157, 211, 

247-248, 288, 363, III, 44-45, 80, 

206, 230, 233-236, 248, 271, 291, 

326-329 
Venetian noble: I, 36; see also Venice 
Vermont: III, 226, 259 
Vestry: I, 246, 304, 307, 316, 321 
Veto: I, 183 
Vice: I, 130, 135, 196, 296, chap, xix, 

332, 334, II, 151, 190, 204, 208, 

III, 46, 56, 66, 74, 81, 86, 91, 132, 

151, 182, 206-208, 256, 271, 310, 

311, 314, 322, 329; see also Sex 
morals, Immorality, etc. 

Vidua, Count Carlo: cited, II, 131 

Vileness: I, 196, 273-274, 305, 316, 
320; see also Leivdness 

Violence: I, 144, 148, 273; see also 
Striking, etc. 

Viragoes: I, 306, II, 328 

Virginia: I, 215-221, 253, 273; aris- 
tocracy, I, 233; baptism, I, 289; 
blue laws, I, 241 ; bourgeois, I, 
273; bureaucracy, I, 233; capital, 
I, 264; children, I, 88, 241, 288, 
295, 307, 323, II, 337; church, I, 
227, 259, 270-271, II, 339-340; clan- 
nishness, I, 232, II, 335; cloth, I, 
305; Company, I, 216, 218, 306; 
courtship, I, 256-257; ducking 
stool, I, 273 ; Eastern Shore, I, 243, 
261 ; education, I, 241, 290-294, II, 
339-342, 345, III, 47; estate, I, 
308; family, I, 232-233, 241, 244, 
276, 291, 296, 299, 301, 303-306, 

312, II, 20, 283, 330, 333-334; fe- 
cundity, I, 286, II, 20; feudalism. 



I, 234-236, II, 136, 332, 334; flirta- 
tion, II, 13; free labor, II, 296; 
Gazette, I, 257, 265, 327-328 ; girls, 
I, 250-251, II, 337; home, I, 216, 
218, 274, 324; horse-stealing, I, 
251-252; hospitality, I, 243; houses, 
I, 242; illiberal spirit, I, 234; land, 
I, 227, 234, II, 162, 333; letters, 
I, 253 ; Magazine of History and 
Biography, cited, I, 271 note; mar- 
riage, I, 245-266, 271, II, 13, 313, 

316, 330, III, 26; men, 247, 275; 
military service, I, 232; morals, I, 
314-319, 323-324; patriarchal, I, 
234; plantation, I, 229, 242-243, 
327, II, 296; poverty, I, 328, II, 
283 ; public duties, I, 241 ; saloons, 
I, 243, 296; servants, I, 231, 271, 
282, 317; settlement, I, 227, 233, 
251, 273, 285; slavery, I, 326, II, 
244-245, 267, 271, 282, 283 ; sol- 
diers in, II, 373; State Normal, 
III, 47; Supreme Court, II, 268; 
University of, II, 343 ; Valley of, 
I, 283, 285-286, 296, II, 282; visit 
to, I, 246, 278-279, 307, 326, 327; 
wages, I, 243 ; witch case, I, 275 ; 
women, I, 230, 247-249, 256, 258, 
274-275, 278-283, 297-298, 328, II, 
231, 318, 323, 330, III, 12; youth, 
I, 285, 307-308, II, 76, 311 

Virtue: I, 9X, 146, 201, 277, 280, 282, 

317, 322, 332, II, 292-294, III, 46, 
211; see also Purity, Chastity, 
Morals, etc. 

Vocational training: I, 72, 175, 193, 
20I, 203 ; see also Trades, Appren- 
ticeship 

Voice of Industry: cited, II, 180 

Von Glosz, Albert: cited. III, i66, 
200, 212 

Von Skal, Geo: cited. III, 142, 145- 
148, 153, 170-171, 196, 220 

Vorbote: cited. III, 324 

Wages: I, 72, 77, 80, 98-99, loi, 127, 
221, 224, 243, 292, 297, 308, II, 14, 
120-121, 171, 173-187, 192, 197, III, 
42, 51, 68-69, 71, 74, 77, 78, 80, 



4o8 



The American Family 



86-88, 91, 105, 135, 137-139, 171. 

188, 206-209, 249, 250, 268, 269, 

302 ; see also Salary 
Walker, F. A: cited, II, 25, 36+ note, 

366 note. III, 181, 244 
•4 War: I, 15, 61, 116, 117, 130, 161, 

246, 323, II, 321-322, chap. XIV, 

III, 7, 31, 85, 106; see also Army, 

Soldiers, Civil War 
Wardens: see under Church 
Warfield, E. D: cited, I, 102-103, 

153, II, 362 note 
Warner, C. D: cited, II, 330 note 
Washing: I, 78, 200, 230, 253, III, 

82, 189; see also Laundry 
Washington: army officer in, III, 223 
Washington, Booker: cited, II, 251, 273 
Washington, Bushrod: II, 268 
Washington: city, II, 326, 362, III, 

55-57 
Washington family: I, 291 
Washington, Geo: I, 229, 248, 254, 

II, 172 

Washington: state and territory. III, 

104, 105, 263, 273 
Waste: I, 39, 49, 181, 236, 237, 266, 

III, 139 

Wealth: I, 56-59, 64, 70, 78, 91, 132, 
135, 140, 150, 154, 168, 169, 174, 
187, 200-202, 217, 219, 221, 222, 
231, 233, 235-237, 240, 242, 244, 
249. 255, 273, 283, 291, 335, 336, 
II, 52, 66, 201, 209, 213, 217, 225, 
233, 293, 338, III, 79-80, 117, 119, 
124, 132-136, 143, 151, 165, 170, 
i8r, 201, 204, 212, 213, 238-239, 
242-244, 247, 248, 251, 270, 302; 
see also Property 

Weatherford, W. D: cited, III, 33, 
48, 50-51 

Weaving: I, 125, 188, 229, 280, 281 

Wedding: I, 64, 83, 162, 164, 178, 
207, 209, 213, 242, 253, 264-266, 
II, 14, 15, 32, 34, 36, 39, 175, 201, 
249, 257, 316, 373, III, i8, 40, 220; 
see also Marriage, Ring 

Weeden: cited, I, 133 

Weekly People: cited. III, 177 note, 
223 note, 224 note 



Wells, D. C: cited, III, 94 note 

Wells, Kate G: cited, II, 262 note, 
III, 190-191, 194-195 

Welsh Tract Baptist Meeting: I, 197 

Wenches: I, 212, 230, 251, 320, 327; 
see also Girl 

Wertenbaker, T. J: cited, I, 219 note, 
220 note, 235 note, 243 note, 274 
note, 275 

Wesleyan: College, II, 343; Univer- 
sity, III, 233 

West: I, 60, 102, 130, 207, 227, 236, 
241, 312, chap. XX, II, 13, 27, 29, 
103-106, 109, chap. VIII, 243, 374, 
III, 17, 78, 79, 85, 105-107, 113, 
142, 163, 165, 176, 180-181, 203 
228, 239, 240, 255-256, 262, 271, 
273; western, Europe, III, 266; Re- 
serve, III, 228 

West India: I, 170, 173, 251 

West Jersey: I, 186 

West Point: II, 60-61 

White: I, 65, 66, 81, 149, 176, 209- 
211, 225, 232, 251, 278, 282, 283, 286, 
291, 305, 323-329, II, 245, 281, 294, 
309-310, chap. XIII, III, chap, i, 29- 
31, 34, 38, 41, 62, 64, 233; see also 
Race, Miscegenation, Slavery of 
ivhites, etc. 

White, F. M: cited. III, 141 note, 
174 note 

White, Susanna: I, 69 

White, Thomas: I, 277 

Whoredom: I, 133, 138, 149, 314, 
316, 321; see also Prostitution 

Widow: I, 45, 49, 52, 58, 69-70, 75, 
77-79, 95-100, 140, 158, 160, 165, 
169, 173, 176-177, 204, 206, 208- 
209, 235, 237-239, 247-249, 253, 255, 
263, 276, 301, 304, 309, 310, 312, 

321, II, 14, 17, 23, 28, 97, 109, 119, 
125, 175, 185, 186, 190, 191, 199, 

322, 329-330, 353-354, III, "-13, 
61, 86, 88, 183, 206, 216 

Widowers: I, 54, 69-70, 78, 156, 163, 
249, II, 14, 169, III, 61, 183 

Wife: I, 85, 101, 250, 277; abroad, 
I, 141, 147, 149, 160, 292, 316, 321, 
324; character of, I, 39, 44, 75, 8i, 



Index 



409 



93, 95) 100, 129, 134, 136, 137, 145- 
151, 161, 164, 180, 181, 19s, 197, 

217, 273, 283, 303, 304, 317, 319- 
321, 332, 333, n, 138, 150, 151, 152, 
201, 202, 207, 313, 330, 362, III, 
29, 40, 44, 48, 63, 119, 122, 162, 
192, 215, 237 ff, 243, 27a, 302, 324; 
and children, I, 66, 96, 98, 145, 
154, 179, 248, II, 52, 93, 95, III, 
III, 136, 185, 220, 237, 238, 240, 
241, 302, 315; death of, I, 57-58, 
78, 79, 96, 98, 166, 206, 283; de- 
mand for, I, 38, 68, 71, 149, 195, 
216, 227, 250-252, 331-334, 11, 105, 
III, 105-106; desertion, I, 142, 147- 
148, 157, 226, 299, 320, II, 302, III, 
39, 64, III, 160, 172, 207, 214, 215, 

218, 268; see also Desertion, Wife 
abroad; desertion by, I, 71, 96, 144, 
147, 148, 180, 195, 226, 303, 306, 
II, 34, 95, 138, 229, III, 43-44, 62, 
no, 182, 218, 266; and divorce, I, 
147, 148, 182, 209, 219, II, 46, 47, 
95, no, III, 256, 269, 271; see also 
Divorce; ducking of, I, 273; and 
economics, I, 30, 46, 49, 57-59, 62, 
72, 78, 93, 95-98, 122, 144, 147, 148, 
169, 176, 177, 179, 221, 222, 224, 
231, 240, 242, 251, 25s, 276, 277, 
299, 300, 302, 303, 306, II, 52, 81, 
85, 91-95, "7, "9, 126-129, 138, 
175, 189, 201, 202, 225, 229, 235, 
236, 358, III, 63, 67-71, 77, 88, 89, 
109-112, 120-124, 126, 128, 159-160, 
165, 204, 206-209, 213-214, 268, 269, 
271, 304-317; education, etc., I, 84, 
II, 82, 86, 113, 228, III, 92-94, 97, 
99; functions and qualities of, I, 
19, 32-34, 38, 58-59, 90-91, 98, 103, 
143, 168, 169, 178, 196, 200-202, 
207, 216, 250 282, 283, 324-325, 
334, II, 25, 71, 73, 84, 87, 93, no, 
133, 140, 142, 143, 230, 231, 317- 
318, III, 76, 90, 98, 115, 119, 121- 
125, 129, 159, 160, 185-187, 190- 
191, 230, 267, 268; health of, II, 
162, III, 80, 103, 136, 233; and 
husband, see Husband and Wife ; 
relatives of, I, 98-100, 113, 178- 



180, 191, 304, III, 171, 287-288; 
remarriage of, I, 96, 147, 148, 163, 
176-177, 182; securing of, I, 52, 
54, 81, 90, 163, 199, 202, 204, 205, 
207, 217, 218, 249, 251, 324, 327, 
II, 70, 80, III, 120, 216; and 
sterility. III, 80, 240, 241, 245 ; 
young, I, 63, 245, II, 239, III, 203; 
see also Married persons, Conju- 
gal, etc. 

Wilderness: I, 69-70, 72, 219, 227, 
229, 236, 292, 294, 312, 331, 336; 
see also Frontier 

Will: I, 95, 96, III, 123, 163, 168, 
176-177, 213, 239, 240, 248, 266, 
276-278, 290-291, 309, 324, 326; 
see also Bequest 

William and Mary: I, 256, 291, II, 

339 
Williamsburg (Va.) : I, 264, 291 
Wilmington (Del.) : I, 189, 192 
Wilmington (N. C.) : I, 275 
Winthrops, the: I, 43, 56-57, 59, 61, 
71-72, 84, 94, loo-ioi. III, 141, 150 
Winthrop's Journal: I, 69 
Wisconsin: II, 35-36, III, 276-277; 
State Journal, cited. III, 151 note 
Witchcraft: I, 15, 86, in, 113, 274, 

275 
Wollstonecraft, Mary: II, 115-116 
Woman: see under Aristocracy, 
character of, I, 33, 39, 42, 49, 62, 
63, 84, 92, 97, 102, 129-149, 153, 
154, 168-170, 187-188, 190, 196, 202, 
209-211, 246, 250, 251, 258, 277- 
279, 298, 302, 303, 306, 311, 313- 
325, 332-336, II, 73, 74, 84, 87-91, 
94, 97, 98, 103-111, 121, 149-152, 
170, 175, 190, 201, 203, 215-220, 
223, 225-229, 235, 240, 286, 291, 
294, 297, 300, 303-310, 324, 326, 368- 
373, III, 12, 20, 29-31, 35, 48, 64, 
81, 86, 89, 90, 96-101, 104, 106, 
115-129, 141, 161-162, 167, 177, 182, 
184, 190, 191, 206, 207, 211, 217, 
223, 231, 237, 238, 243, 269, 316-317, 
329-330; see also under Charm and 
Chastity; clubs, II, 362, III, 15, 59, 
114-115, 151, 184, 192-193; as com- 



4IO 



The American Family 



panion, etc., I, 86, II, no, III, ii8, 
128, 192, 193, 219, 240, 330; dress 
of, I, 30, 31, 168, 231, 246, 275, 
282, 287, 327, II, 201, 212, 229, 
232-234, 247, 359, 361-3631 III, 103, 
193, 204, 210, 219, 235, 251, 268, 
298, 324; and economics, I, 33, 39, 
62, 68, 78, 80, 81, 86, 95-96, 98, 
125, 165, 168, 169, 202, 224, 225, 
229-231, 236, 238, 246, 250, 255, 
279, 299, 306, 318, 319, 326, II, 

II, 72, 80-82, 85, 87, 97, 103-110, 
114, n6, 117, 120-122, 127, 150, 
171-188, 195-203, 212, 215-218, 224- 
236, 241, 290-291, 310, 327, 350, 
353. 354. 357. 359-362, 368, 369, 
371, III, 11-14, 18-19, 62-64, 67-70, 
74. 75. 76, 78. 81, 85-92, 97-99. 
loi, 102, 104, 106-108, 112, 113, 119- 

121, 124, 125, 128-129, 136, 157, 
159, 164, 175, 205-208, 212, 223, 
236, 248-252, 269, 271, 275, 302, 
318, 319, 324, 330; education, etc., 

I, 17-19, 32, 41, 42, 83-86, 154, 169, 
188, 277, 297, 331, II, 72, 82-91, 

III, 113, 114, 121, 182, 218-219, 225, 
229, 326, 343-344. 360, 361, 368, 
III, 9, 12, 85-86, 92-104, 107, 113, 
114, 120, 122, 125, 129, 157, 190, 
205, 208, 236, 330; see also Alum- 
na, College, etc.; and family, I, 67, 
71, 80, chap. V, 141, II, 107, 359, 
360, III, 62, 88, 92, 99, chap. VI, 
164, 171, 247, 320; health and 
beauty, I, 48, 90, 98, 137, 247, 279, 
306, II, 24-25, 73, 82, iio-iii, 117, 

122, 183, 211-213, 241, 248, 327- 
328, 359, III, 44-45, 76, 95-97. 103. 
216, 230-236, 239, 241-243, 247-252; 
see also Beauty; and home, I, 75, 
124, 168-169, 187-188, 202, 247, 279, 

II, 87, 89-90, 97, 224-230, 233, 239, 

III, 17, 53, 61, 86, 93, 95, 97-98, 
108, 119, 122-124, 158. 181, 189- 
191, 194, 207-208, 275, 324, 329, 
330; and man, see Man and ivo- 
man; and marriage, see Marriage, 
woman and; and motherhood, see 
Motherhood, etc.; movement, I, 45, 



62, 178, 182, 201, II, 70-71, 79, 90, 
91, 95, 98-129, 134. 140, 149. 187- 
188, 224-230, 358-362, 368-369, 375, 
III, 11-16, chap. V, 118, 119, 124, 
126, 127, 129, 157, 160, 162, 189, 
190, 194, 216, 239-245, 250-252, 
271, 275, 278, 293, 316, 318, 327- 
330; see also Freedom; reading of, 
I, 168, II, 62, 73, 83-89, 343, III, 
103-104; Woman's Home Compan- 
ion, III, 104; Woman's Journal, 
cited, III, 108; Woman's Physical 
Development, cited. III, 249 ; status 
and treatment, I, 13-17, 21-24, 30- 
34. 41-42. 47-49. 95-96, loi note, 
chap. V, 105, 126, 138, 144, 167, 
176, 183, 186-192, 205-211, 221, 225, 
248-251, 255, 268, 270, chap. XVI, 
300, 306, 311, 315, 317, 322-325, 
328, 332, 335, II, 16, chaps. IV, V, 
144, 203, 211, 219, 228-230, 241, 
298-299, 306-307, 316-329, 344, 357- 
363, 368, 369, 372; III, 11-19, 30, 
33-37, 41, 44, 59, 60, 64, chaps. V, 

VI, 148, 158, 159, 162, 175, 189, 2X1, 
216-217, 219, 249, 271, 285, 306, 

312, 316-320, 329-330, Woman 
Question, III, 317; suffrage, I, loi, 
188, 276-277, II, 79, 100, 112, 115, 
122, 125, 185, III, 14, 16, 107, 108, 
113, 114, 154-155, 317; supply and 
demand, I, 44, 189, 190, 215, 216, 
218, 220, 249-252, 264, 311, 315, 
333. 334. II. 38, 103-104, 154, 169, 
III, 104-106, no, 219, 271; un- 
married, I, 68, 98, 99, 133, 154, 
204, 206, 245, 247, 250-252, II, 103- 
104, 175, III, 202, 208, 219, 238- 
239; see also South, women; A'^^- 
gro, women; Ladies; Husband and 
ivife; Slavery and ivomanhood; 
Feminism; Wife; Clothing; etc. 
Work: Working-class, etc., I, 98, 119, 
126-127, 168, 201, 203, 213, 216, 
221, 224, 227, 229, 230, 231, 232, 
236, 250, 280-283, 287-289, 310, 311, 
326, 328-329, 333, II, 120, 184-185, 
199, 201-202, 351-352, III, 22, 68, 
78, 86-90, 122-124, 139-140, 159- 



Ind 



ex 



411 



i6o, 171, 197-198, 206, 246, 251- 

253, 268, 274, 329, 330; see also 

Labor; Girls, working 
World: I, 45, 92, loi, 114, 124, 205, 

242, 269, 276, 296, 321, III, 171, 

328, 332 
Worship: I, 68, 74-76, 117, 142, 148, 

158, 206, III, 187, 316; see also 

Prayer, etc. 
Wright, Carroll D: III, 258, 261, 

305-306, 318-319 
Wright, Frances: cited, II, 45 note 
Wyoming: III, 114 

Yale: I, 90, III, 8 

Yankees: I, 130 

York: I, 319; County (Va.), I, 234 

York, Duke of: I, 193 

Young: amusement and associations 
of, I, 52, 117-118, 175-176, 189, II, 
311, 317, III, 183, 192, 219, 322; 
character and conduct of, I, 77, 
102, 108-111, 117, 119, 129-134, 137- 
140, 150, 156, 175, 199, 203, 209, 
297-298, 326, II, 67, 221, 223-224, 
III, 17, 20-21, 145, 150, 162, 208, 
211, 315, 330; death of, I, 40, 41; 
development of, II, 24, III, 45 ff, 
153 ; and economics, I, 50, 121-122, 
125, 221, 234-236, 239, 308, III, 131, 
132, 171, 200, 204, 214, 257, 326; 
freedom, etc., of, I, 35, 78, 114- 



115, 118-119, 17s, II, 52-57, 76, 
III, 116, 131, 144-154, 19s, 315; 
and home. III, 131, 147, 150, i8i, 
183, 184, 240, 257, 303; and mar- 
riage, etc., I, 47-48, 67, 132, 138, 
156, 157, i6i, 163, 188, 189, 195, 
199-200, 202, 206-208, 222, 245, 251- 
258, 26s, 268, 270, 331, II, 71, 213, 
III, 117, 181, 185, 2i6, 220, 254, 
270-271, 275, 288, 299, 303, 321- 
322; see also Marriage, early; ne- 
groes, I, 328, III, 45 ff, 58-59; and 
old, I, 176, II, 66, III, 58-59, 131, 
145, 150, 154, 158, 165; People's 
Society of Christian Endeavor, III, 
313; scarcity of, III, 82; servants, 

I, 80, 150; in South, II, 76, 311, 
317, 336-337. III. 13, 20-21; treat- 
ment, etc., of, I, 52, 72-73, 77, 114, 
115, 172, 173, 175-176, 186, 193, 

199, 201, 221, 226, 235, 239, 240, 
28s, 289-291, 293, 29s, 311, 326, 

II, 76, 223, 336-337, HI, 132, 150, 

155. 156, 158, 165, 174, 175, 315, 

322; women, I, 98, 115, 137, 145, 
161, 164, 176, 186-188, 206, 208, 
217, 247-248, 250, 252, 253, 258, 
274-275, 331, HI, 126, 191, 204, 
246, 247, 257, 291, 302, 321-322; see 
also Adolescence, Boys, Girls, 
Children, Freedom, etc. 
Young, A: cited, I, 42 note 



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